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July 19-AUGU3T 7,^1920, 









This Baemoranduin oonsiBts of direct traoBlatioi^fi from the official 
newspapers of Soviet Bussia concerning' the Congress of the Com- 
munist International, which was held inPetrograd and Moscow from 
July 19 to August 7, 1920. 

An earlier memorandum, prepared in the Russian Division 
of the Department of State, showed the close interrelationship 
between the Bolshevist Party, the Kussian Soviets, and this Com- 
munist International. The material submitted herewith emphasizes 
the fact that these organizations are, in reality, but three phases of 
the same moyement. Attention is called to the prominent part played 
in this Congress, which the speakers often Boastfully refer to as 
" the General Staff of the World Revolution," by the acknowledged 
administrative heads of the Russian Soviets. In their role as lea<&rs 
of the Soviets they attempt to establish " normal " relations with gov- 
ernments, while in their role as Communist Revolutionists, and as 
general managers of the " General Staff of World Revolution," they 
conspire to wreck the same. 

The memorandum is divided into two distinct sections: 

(1) "A Bolshevist Report on the 2d Congress of the Communist 
International," and 

(2) "The Bolshevist Interpretation of the 2d Congress of the 
Communist International." 

The first section is a full translation of the reports of the proceed- 
ings of this Congress, which were published in tne Pravda of Petro- 
grad. The Petrograd Pravda has been chosen as the basis of the first 
section because the Department has received an almost complete file 
for the period of the Congress. In the few cases where numbers of 
the Pravda are lacking, the fact is clearly indicated and translations 
for those days are made from the Izvestia of Moscow. 

Also, in several instances the Moscow Izvestia printed longer sum- 
maries of speeches than the Petrograd Pravda had room for. In 
such cases the additional material is presented in footnotes. 

Comparison with other newspapers of the same dates indicates that 
the summary reports of the proceedings of the Congress here pre- 
sented were distributed by the Official News Agency, Rosta, a central 
Soviet monopoly, and that they were printed in practically the same 
form in all of the larger newspapers of Soviet Russia. 

The first section is, therefore, a translation, as complete as possible, 
of the report of this Congress, which the Soviet ofiicials gave to their 
own people. It is not submitted as a truthful account of the events 
at this gathering, but as Bolshevist testimony. It is very noticeable, 
for instance, how in this summary of an International Congress, the 
last word in all disputes is given to Russians, particular^ Lenin. 



Much of it is very dry reading, but it is given in full as the Bolsheviks 
presented it to their own readers. 

The second section is a selection from an embarrassingly large 
number of signed articles and editorial comments in the Soviet news- 
paper giving the Bolshevist interpretation of the meaning and re- 
sults of this Congress. The translations have been chosen ^cause of 
the prominence of the writers, the special interest of the subject to 
American readers, or the influence of the periodical in which they 

...The newspapers -from which translations have been made are': 
"T, (J) The,.Moscow Izvestia, official organ of the AE-Russian Central 
Executive. Committee of Soviets; 

' "(2) The Moscow Pravda, official organ of the Central Committee 
pf the Bussian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) ; 
," ■ (3^ The Petrograd Izvestia, ofBcial organ of the Petrograd Soviet ; 

(4) The Petrograd Pravda, official organ of the Petrograd Com- 
mittee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) ; 

(5) Economic Life, official organ ot the Supreme Council of Na- 
tional Economy and of the People's Commissariats of Finance, Sup- 
plies, and Fore^ Trade ; 

(6) and (7) The Village Commune and The Krasnaya Gazeta, of- 
Bcial publications of the Petrograd Soviet in popular language for the 
peasants and city workmen; and, finally, 

,{8) The Communist International, a special newspaper of a single 
issue, July 19, 1920, the day of the opening of the Congress in Petro- 
grad. It was prepared by the editorial staffs of the official Petrograd 

An effort has been made to present such selections as will indicate 
the significance attached to this Congress by the BolsKeviks them- 

The theses " on the Role of the Communist Party," which were 
adopted by the Congress, were published in a supplement to the Mos- 
cow I'ravda, and a full translation is given herewith. None of the 
many other theses adopted by the Congress — somewhat like the 
" planks '' of an American political " platform " — has been printed 
in any of the newspapers which have thus far reached the Department. 
This apparently strange omission is probably due to the extreme 
shorta^ of newsprint paper. The ordinary Soviet newspaper is a 
single sheet six to e^ht columns of reading matter on each side. 

According to the Bolshevist report of the Congress, there were five 
delegates who claimed to represent the American working class and 
who were accepted without serious question in this capacity. They 
seem, indeed, to have been given somewhat more prominence in the 
press and the proceedings of the Congress than was the case with 
delegates of some other countries, or than their influence in America 
would warrant. Some of their articles and the report of two of their 
speeches in the Congress are given in order to show the impression of 
American conditions which they attempted to convey to the Russians 
and which the Soviet officials endorsed by circulating in their news 
agency and official publications. The contributions of the "Ameri- 
can " delegates will be illuminating to American readers. There is 
every indication that the speeches of the delegates from other coun- 
tries would seem to the people they claimed to represent just as far 
removed from the familiar facts of life. 


Mr. Chieherin, who has charge of the foreign relations of the 
Soviets, in a recent circular wireless note to his representatives 
abroad, dated Moscow, September 10, 1920, in commenting on the 
Department's note of August 10 to the Italian Ambassador made the 
statement that the policy of this Government toward the Soviets is 
based on misinformation and that this Government had made n. 
" false and malicious " attack on the present rulers of Russia, These 
translations have been prepared in order that the American public 
may know wliat the Bolsheviks think of themselves. Any condem- 
nation contained in this memorandum is out of their own mouths. 

Distortion of fact for propaganda purposes is apparent in both 
sections of this memorandum. The Congress was not such an idyllic 
feast of unity and harmony as these Bolshevist reports indicate. 
There was bitter and violent difference of opinion and considerable 
heated protest a^inst the "steam roller" methods which "the or- 
ganization " applied to " the opposition." Some among the foreign 
delegates especially were indignant to discover that they had been 
invit*d to Moscow not to confer but to submit. 

The attitude of this Communist Congress toward democracy is 
ei;pecially interesting. Beginning witii Lenin's first speech, running 
through the following debates and much of the newspaper comment, 
is an obvious fear of democracy. Slnlightened liberalism is the one 
obstacle which these Communists see to the success of their project. 
They are more vindictive in tlieir references to progressive democracy 
than they are in their denunciations of "Tsarism." They are not 
afraid of the reaction. They recognize very clearly that their real 
enemy, against which they must marshal their most formidable 
attack, is that spirit of democracy to which this Nation is dedicated. 

It is hoped that the publication of this memorandum will do much 
to clarify public opimon in regard to the problems which face this 
democracy in its relations with Bolslievism,. 

Division op Russian Affairs, 
Department of State, 

October 25, IdW. 



Greetings from AU-HusBlan Central Executive Oommittee of Soviets: 

Speech of Kalinin 

Report on Intemattonal situation; Lenin 

~ ~ Serratl, Sttiner, MarWWevaky, 

CompoaitlMi of Russian delegation 

Moscow opening of Congress : Zinoviev's report on rOle and structure of a 

Communist Party 

Agenda of Oongrese 

Debate on report on rOle and structure of a Communist Part?: Lenin, 


Organisation of committees 

Farther debate on rOle of a Commnnlst Party: Zinoviev 

Vote on, and adoption of theses 

^Report on natlmial and colonial questions: Lenin 

Party composition of Congress 

ySebate on report on national and colonial questions, in sections of Con- 
Comrade Roy on situation In Indla_. 

Bebfltes on colonial and national policy 

Conditions of admission to III International : Report by Zlnorler and 

debates by Radek, Cachin, and others 

Banquet In honor of Congress 

Debate on admission to III IntematlonBl : RakOTSky, Serratl— 

ijenin on German Independents (followed by Levi) 

Mllkich on Yugo-Slav Communists 

Fui'ther debate on admission to III International: Bombacci, Pollano, 
Mayer, Wynkoop, Lozovsky, Crlgplen, Dlttmann, Rakovaky, Serratl. 

Ember-Droz, Dauemig, Stecker, and concluding speech by Zlaovlev ^ 

Soviet Hungary, In memory of ^ 

Further debate on German Independents : Dlttmann, Crisplen, Wynkoop, 

Radek M 

Report on parllamraitartsm ; Bukharin ^5 

Debate on Bukharln's report : Bordlga, Oonsler, SbabUn, Murphy *° 

Lenin's speech on parllamentarlBK '" 

Report on trade-unions; Radek^. 
Fralna and Tanner on Radek's report.. 

Balabanova, on Augnstlna Ausln 

Report on land question : Mayer 

Land question, debate on: Grazladel, Serratl, Sokolnikov, Lefdvre; and 

adoption of theses. 




CrtsdeDtiala of American delegates 

Organization of Soviets : Zlnoviev's report 

Committee on trade-unions and factory committees, work of: Radek's 

Debate on report of committee on trade-unions and ^ctory committees: 

Reed, Gallagher, Zlnoviev; and adoption of report 

British Labor Party, debate on : Sylvia Panlcburst, MacLean, Gallagher, 

Activities of Executive Committee of Communist International... 
Appenbix 1. Message of Congress to workmen of Petrograd 

2. Message of Congress to the Red Army 

3. " To proletarians (men and women) of all countries "_, 

Otficiai:. Oaix ro% the Gonobebs. 

A Piattobm-Resoldtiom. 

2. Resolution of 2nd Congress, adopted unanimously, on the RAle of the 
Communist Party in the Proletarian Revolution (Moscow Pravda, 
July 30. 1920) 

Relations Bbtivei 

S. Theses of Russian Communist Partv on 2nd Congress of Communist 
International (Izveatia, July 16, 1920) 

4. Slogans of Russian Communist Party, for 2nd Congress (Petrograd 

Pravda, July 17, 1920) 

5. Conference of Peasants of Northern Region on Communist Interna- 

tional (Krasnaya Gazeta, Joly 22, 1020) 

6, R^ort on Congress, to Petrograd Soviet, by Zinovlev and Buhharin 

(Petrograd Pravda, Aug. 13, 1920) 

7, " III InternaUonal Schools " (Petrograd Pravda, Aug. 10, 1920) 


The Intern ATioH At, AcrivrnEs or Soviet iNSTirunoNa 

9. Appeal to Transport Workers of the Whole World (Ig»eBtia, July 20, 

10. Appeal of International Soviet of Trade and Industrial TTnloiui, 
Petrograd Pravda, Aug. 5, 1920)- 


Aktigleb by Ritsbi&n Bolbhevibt Leadebs. 

12. "The Genernl Stsff of World Revolutiou," liy U KBmenev (Village 

Commune, July 18, l!»2ft) 111 

13. "Greetings of the Red Anny Cavalry of Budeiiy" (Village Com- 

tnune, Jtily 18. 1920) .. , 112 

14. "2nd World Cougresa of Communist iDternatlonal," liy G. Zlno- 

vlev (Petrogmd Fravda, July 18, 1920) 113 

15. "The in International"; editorial tn offlclal oi^n of Supreme 

Soviet of National Economy, etc. (Economic Life, July 21, 1920)__ 115 

16. " The Vanguord of the loternatlonal Proletariat," by N. Bukharln 

(Moscow Pravdn, Aug, 3, 1920) 118 

37. "Results of the Internutioniil C;onBre.*»," liv Yn. Steklov (Izvestln, 

Aug. 8 and 11, 1920) 120 


The Communist I^tbknationai. on Webtern Eubope and the East. 

18. Headlines In Russian, German, Italian, French, and English (Com- 

muQliit International and Petrograd Pravda, July 19 and 18, 1920). 124 

19. Placard In Russian, German, French, and English (Peti-ograd, July 

19, 1920) 124 

20. Message from Petrograd Soviet to Italian Workmen and Soldiers 

(PetrofjTad Pravda, June 10, 1920) 126 

21. Letter from Executive Committee of the Communist Internatltmal to 

all organizations of the Indepen^nt Socialist Party of Germany 
(Izvestla, Jtine 20. 1920) 127 

22. Message from Congress to French Socialists (Izveatia. July 31, 1920). 129 

23. Statement by Cachln and Froasard (French Socialists) (Petrograd 
PraTda, Aug. 3. 1020)_. 

" The Revolutionary East, etc.," by Pak Dinshun (Petrograd Pravda, 
July 27, 1920) 

"Greeting from Korean National Committee In Petn^rad " (Petro- 
grad Pravda, July 25, 1920).. 

The Communist Intebnational and Ameiiica, 

28. "The American Communist Party," by Alexander Stoklltsky (Iz- 
veatia. July 4, 1820) 141 

20. "America at the Turning Point," by J. Jurgis (Petrograd Pravda, 

July 18, 1920) 143 

30. "Hypocrisy or Inadvertence," by A. Stoklltsky (Izvestia, July 18, 

1920) 145 

31. "The 2nd Congress," by Reed, BUan, and Jurgis, in English (Kras- 

naya Oazeta, July 19, 1620) 147 

32. " Long Live the Solid Battle Front," by A. Stoklltsky (Moscow 

Pravda, July 20, 1920) 148 

33. "The Communist International and the Period of Proletarian Die- , T^ 

tatorship," by L. Fralna (Moscow Pravda, July 23, 1920) V'*^) 

34. John Reed, speech on Negro question at Congress of Communist Inter- -'--^ 

national (Moscow Pravda, Aug. 8, 1920) l^^i) 

35. Louts Fraina, speech on foreign workmen In America, at Congress of /'■'^ 

Commanlst International (Moscow Pravda, Aug. 8, 1920) C^'^J 

Appendis I. "What Should Be the Immediate and Universal Step In 
Preparation for the Dictatorship of the Proletariat?" by 

N, Lenin (Communist International, July 19, 1920) 157 

II, "The Communist International, Past and Future (What It 
Has Been, and May Become)," by G. ZInovlev (Commun- 
ist International, July 19, 1920) __- ,161 



Section I 



THE 2nd congress 


July 19-AuouaT 7, 1920 

(Tranalated in full fiom the official Bolshevist newspaper 
Petrograd Prayda, supplemented by the Moscow Izvestu) 




[Petrograd Pnivda. July 21, 1920.1 


By 12 o'clock the hall and balconies were filled to overflowing. 

The membeiH of the Executive Committee of the III International 
a.ppear, with the president of the latter, Comrade Zinoviev, at their 
head. At the same time Comrades Lenin, Kalinin, Hadek, Bukharin, 
and others mount the stage. The leaders of the proletariat are wel- 
comed with thunderous applause. The members of the Congress take 
their seats. 

The members of the Congress are in the front rows. On each 
member's desk is a previously prepared full set of the " Communist 
International " in artistic binding, and also a portfolio containing a 
collection of photographs illustrating various aspects of the Russian 
revolution and of the constructive work of Soviet Russia, and also a 
pad of paper, a notebook, etc. 

.At 1.05 p. m. Comrade Zinoviev, in the name of the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International, declares the sitting of the 
Congress opened. 

In Memory of Fallen Fighters. 

•' The first' word," said Comrade Zinoviev, " must be conseerated 
to the memory of our friends and leaders who have perished for the of the Communist International. There is no country where 
Die blood of workmen-Communists has not been shed. One has only 
to recall our Hungarian comrades. Comrades Samueli, Levin, and 
many others. In Finland, Esthonia, Hungary, and elsewhere, hun- 
dreds and thousands of the best sons of the working class have 

" In opening the Congress we do honor to the memory of the com- 
rades who have fallen." 

On Comrade Zinoviev's proposal all present stand; the orchestra 
|)layK the funeral march. 

Greetings to Comrade Monat, Loriot, and Others. 

" At this historic moment we may recall also those comrades who 
iire sitting behind iron gratings, who are languishing in prisons, 
thrown there by the enemies of the proletariat. Our French friends. 
Comrades Loriot, Monat. and others, have been imprisoned. 



" We send greetings to the many f-ghters in the workriien's revolu ■ 
Hon who are languishing in prisons,"' 

Struggle Between II and III Internadonnl. 

"The Communist Int€niational was founded 15 months ago, and 
from its very first steps it naturally had to cross swords with the II 
International, entering into direct conflict with the latter. Both our 
friends and our enemies in all Europe and America must face this 
fact, and also recognize that our struggle has been crownetl with 
success, and that as a result of this duel the II International has been 
knocked in the head by the 111 Oommunii>t International. 

" The struggle between us and the II International is the real strug- 
gle of classes. In the ranks of the II International there were many 
of our class-brothers, who had been deceived by the false ideology of 
the yellow Socialists who had followed the same road with the 

The Triumph of the III IntcrnationaL 

" We triumphed because the bourgeoisie proved powerless to liqui- 
date the heritage of the war ; because the bourgeoisie as a whole is not 
able to do anything to reconstruct the economic life of Europe. The 
II International linked its fate with the bourgeoisie at the very first 
shot that proclaimed the beginning of the imperialistic war. The 
later attempts to reestablish the II International naturally met with 
no success. Its principal leaders strove to enter into alliance with 
the I<eague of Nations. 

" They put Wilson on the same slate with Jaur&, that martyr of 
the labor movement. 

The Bourgeoisie is Destined to Perfeli. 

"Therefore all the blows showered now on the bourgeoisie, fall 
like a heavy hammer on the II International. Every organization 
that has associated itself with the bourgeois class, whose end is pre- 
destined, by that very fact condemns itself also to ruin. 

"The working class is coming into power, and the bourgeoisie in 
its despair seizes on the half-dead 11 International, and stranglea 
it in its dying grasp. There is no doubt that both are approaching 
definite ruin, because in the historic sense years are reckoned by days. 
Their collapse wUl make it possible for an international union of 
worlanen to create a new world, founded on Communism. The idea 
of democracy has faded away before our very eyes. 

"When the American bourgeoisie before the eyes of the whole 
world suspended constitutional guarantees, when this much-praised 
democracy violated all the principles established by it^by this it 
itself determined its place. Un this question there should not be two 
opinions. In noting the victory over the II International it is neces- 
sary to emphasize this much-debated point, and finish once for all 
with democratic tendencies. 

' NoTK.— All Italics are in the orlsinnl report. 



The Tasks of the Congress. 

" The Congress has been convened to decide certain questions which 
lire the subject of dispute in the mnks of the Communist movement. 
We have brought to the Congress parties which have not yet mani- 
fested their purely communistiQ character, which have not yet fully 
defined their tactics. Individual groups of the working class in cer- 
tain countries are still at the crossroads. We have brought here all 
the mass workmen's organizations that wish honestly to combat 

"In the period of the collapse of the II .International all parties 
have abandoned it one after another. Now thCT are trying to enter 
the III International, Such are the Grennan Independent and the 
French Socialist Party, groups adhering to these, and also certain 

There Will Be No Place for Traitors in the III Intemstional, 

"At the Congress no dishonest thinking will be permitted, and 
there can be no concession to the II International, We shall tell 
the German and French workmen that they must start to cleanse 
their ranks so that they may come into the International union of 
workmen. Just as in individual countries we must have parties 
molded from iron and steel, which carry the working masses with 
them, so we must do the same on the international scale. There must 
be created a pliable and mobile organization, which can render 
powerful assistance at the necessary moment wherever such will he 

Whr the I International Did Not Succeed. 

" If the struggle of the I International, which was built by the 
hands of Marx and Engels. was not crowned with success, it was 
because at that time there was no union of workmen on a world 
scale. To be victorious over the bourgeoisie it is essential to realize 
this fundamental task. 

Fiftieth AnniTersary trf the First Large Woriinicn's Uprising, 

" As we begin the work of the Congress we should remember that 
in a few months we shall have the fiftieth anniversary of the first 
great uprising of workmen who pointed out the road for us. We 
should remeniber the Paris Commune, which wrote the first page of 
the history of the international workmen's movement. 

"We express our fervent desire that by the date of this great 
anniversary France already will have a French Soviet Republic. 

The Triumph of the International Pro'etariat is N«ar, 

" A short time will pass, and the proletariat of all countries, in 
a single outburst, with a clearly defined aim and as a single entity, 
will march forward to victory, under the leadership of the Com- 
munist International. 

" Long live the working class of the whole world ! 

" Long live the Communist International ! " 



All the members of the Congress and all those present at the sitting 
b^ their stormy and long applause showed their complete solidarity 
with the wishes expressed by Comrade Zinoviev. 

Comrade Zinoviev's speech was translated into German by Com- 
rade Badek. Comrade Balabanova translated the speech into French 
and Itahan. 


Then take place the elections of members of the Praesidium of 
the Congress. In the n^nie of the executive committee, Comrade 
Bukharin proposes the following names: 

Comrades : Levi (Germany), Rosmer (France), Seratti (Italy), 
Lenin and Zinoviev (Russia). 

This proposal is unanimously adopted. 

Comrade Zinoviev then reports that many organizations have de- 
sired to present greetings to the Congress. Because of lack of time 
it is necessary, however, to limit the granting of the floor for the 
presenting of greetings to only one representative of the Russian 
Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, on whose territory the Congress 
has convened. 

The floor is given to the president of the All-Russian Central Ex- 
ecutive Committee of Soviets, Comrade Kalinin, whom the Congress 
welcomes with a boisterous ovation. 


Greeting to the Congress from Russian Workmen and Peasants. 

"In the name of the workmen and peasants of Soviet Russia," 
begins Comrade Kalinin, "I greet the 2nd World Congress of the 
III Communist International. 

" Our Communist Party," continues Comrade Kalinin, " in its past 
activity was not spoiled oy parliamentary stri^gle. It was forced 
to carry on its struggles against Tsarism and Kerensky under difii- 
cult conditions, but the party never lost hope that Tsarism and 
oppression would be overtnrown. 

The Struggle for the Welfare of Toilers. 

" During the last three years we have had to make enormous 
sacrifices and show colossal energy in the struggle for the welfare 
of the toilers. 

" We have had to suffer all the burdens of civil war, of hunger, of 
blockade, etc. In this difficult and constant struggle, Soviet Russia 
tempered herself. This struggle made it possible for us to create 
our glorious, invincible Red Army, which at the present moment is 
showing miracles of bravery on the fields of battle against white 

"At the present moment it is absolutely clear to Russian workmen 
and peasants that we are not fighting solely the Russian bourgeoisie 
and Tsarist landlords; that it is not only against such that our 
struggle is directed. The workmen and peasants now know that the 
worm bourgeoisie stands behind the Russian bourgeoisie, sending 


against us now this enemy, now the other. That is why Russian 
workmen at the present moment look to the West, knowing that the 
world proletariat is on their side." 

Comrade £alinin concludes his speech by- expressing the hope that 
the Congress which is about to open will serve as the beginning of a 
direct conflict of the peoples of the East and West for the liberation 
of the world proletariat, and once again greets the Congress in the 
name of the AU-Kussian Centra] Executive Committee of Soviets. 


After the speech of Comrade Kalinin, the Congress passes to the 
order of tiie day. 

Comrade Lenin makes a report on the international situation; he 
is received with loud applause, which becomes an enthusiastic ovation. 

" In my report I shall dwell somewhat in detail on the interna- 
tional situation. 

Main Features of Imperiatism. 

" The basis of the entire international situation as we find it to-day 
is the economic situation of imperialism. During the entire twentieth 
century this new, higher, and last stage of development of capitalism 
became fully defined. Of course you all know that the most charac- 
teristic traits of imperialism afe found in the fact that capital at- 
tained enormous proportions. Monopoly replaced free competition. 
Capitalists of gigantic size in insignificant numbers were able to con- 
centrate in their hands sometimes whole branches of industry. They 
set about to establish unions, syndicates, artels, and trusts of an in- 
ternational character, seizing financially and on the basis of property 
rights, and in part also with respect to production, entire branches of 
industry, not only in individual countries but with respect to the 
entire world. 

" On this foundation they developed an unprecedented and un- 
heard-of rule of an insignificant number of banlis, the rule of an in- 
significant number of financial kings, of financial magnates, who in 
fact converted even the freest republican countries into financial 
monarchies, as has been admitted by the writer Le8sis(?), who is not 
at all a revolutionist. 

Division of Coloaiea. 

" This rule by an insignificant handful of capitalists reached its 
complete development when all lands were finally divided up, not only 
in the sense of seizure by the largest capitalists of the main sources 
of raw material and production^ut also in the sense of a final pre- 
liminary division of colonies. Thirty years ago the population in 
these colonies did not exceed a quarter of a billion, and they were 
subjected to six large powers. On the eve of 1914 the population in 
the colonies was about 600,000,000, and if we add such countries as 
Persia, Turkey, and China, which were in fact in a semicolonial con- 
dition, then we have a population of 1,000,000,000, which was op- 
pressed by the richest, most civilized and freest countries by means 
15060—20 2 

t Do,l,.cdbyGoOglc 


of colonial dependence. And yon all know that colonial dependence 
means unheard-of economic and financial oppression, means a whole 
series of wars, which the ' pacifist ' Kuropean petty bourgeoisie does 
not even consider wars because frequently these wars are merelj 
clashes in which European armies, armed with the best equipment, 
beat up the unarmed and unprotected inhabitants of colonial countries 

ImperialiBtic War of 1914. 

"As a result of this dividing up of the entire earth, and of this 
rule of capitalistic mohopoly, of this rule of an insignificant nmnbei 
of the largest banks — not more than four to five banks dominate th€ 
entire life even in the most rich^ enlightened, and free country — as a 
result of this rule the imperialistic war developed inevitably. Th< 
purpose of the war of 1914 was to redistribute the world; that is, de- 
termine which one of this small group of States, England or Oer- 
manyj would receive the possibility and right to rob, oppress and 
exploit the entire world. 

" You know how the war decided this question in favor of th< 
English group, and as a result of the war we have an inuneasurablj 
increased sharpening of all antagonisms. 

Results of the War. 

" The war immediately threw about a quarter of a bilUon of tht 
population of the earth into a situation which was practically that 
of colonies — Russia, with its population of 130,000,000; Austria, 
Hungary, Bulgaria, and Germany, with populations totaling 
120,000,000. The war, which led to the complete defeat of these coun- 
tries through the Versailles Treaty, imposed on them such conditions 
that these civilized peoples have become dependent, like the colonials, 
and, like the latter, ruined, starving, and without rights. For manj 
generations they are doomed t« this condition by the treaty, a condi- 
tion in which formerly no civilized people ever had to live. 

" You know that the Versailles Treaty forced Germany, and a 
whole series of (conquered States, into conditions of absolute im- 
possibility of economic existence, into conditions of complete absence 
of rights, of utter humiliation. How large a number of nation^ 
profited by this? In order tr) answer this question we must remem. 
ber that the population of America, which profited most of all from 
the war, being converted into a rich country from a country that had 
a mass of debts, does not exceed 100,000,000 ; the population of Japan 
which profited much by remaining outside the actual conflict, seizing 
the Asiatic continent, is 50,000,000 1 the population of England, whicl 
profited very much in the colonial sense, is 50,000,000, making i 
total of 200,000^000. Let us add a few neutral States with small 
populations, which became particularly rich during the war, and w( 
nave a quarter of a billion. Thus you have a picture of the dividing 
up of the entire earth as the result of the imperialistic war. A bil- 
lion and a quarter of population of oppressed colonial countries 
which are partitioned afive like Turkey, China, and Persia^ and no< 
more than a quarter of a billion of population, in countries whicl 
have maintained their position in part in southern and centr^ Amer 

Do,l,.cdbyGoOglc 1 


ica and in part of Europe, but which have fallen into economic de- 
pendence on America. 

" I draw you this picture in detail because all the fundamental con- 
tradictions of imperialism and capitalism which lead to revolution, 
yes, and all the fundamental contradictions in the workmen's move- 
ment which have led to the bitter fight against the II International 
and have ended in our victory (about which our president, Comrade 
Zinoviev, told yon) — all this is closely bound up with this dividing 
up of the earth, whicli is illustrated by these figures only in its 
tundamental outlines. 

" Comrades, it is natural that on the basis of such a dividing up 
of the earth the exploitation of financial capital, of capitalistic 
monopoly, should develop. Not only the colonial and defeated couur 
tries are falling into a position of dependence, but within each vic- 
torious country' nil these capitalistic contradictions also have de- 

Increase of Debts. 

" I shall show you this fact in brief outline by certain examples. 
Take, for example, the debts. You all know how debt obligations 
have increased. During the period 1914^1920 the debts of the most 
important Eurojieau states increased no less than seven times In 
this connection a paper by an English diplomat, Keynes, entitled 
' The Economic Consequences of the Peace,' is most valuable. 

" Keynes, on instructions of his (Jovernment, took part in the 
negotiations at Versailles, studied and observed the peace conference 
from a purely bourgeois point of view ; and having studied it in 
detail, participated as an economist in all its sessions. He came to 
a conclusion which is more forceful, clear, and constructive than any 
conclusion a Communist-Kevolutionary might have reached. For 
an acknowledged bourgeois, a pitiless opponent of Bolshevism, makes 
these conclusions, and Bolshevism presents itself to him, an English 
bourgeois, in its most ridiculous and monstrous forms. Keynes came 
to the conclusion that Europe, by the Versailles peace, will bring the 
entire world to bankruptcy, and he resigned, hurling his book as his 
farewell to his (Jovemment and saying, ' You are doing a senseless 

"He brings out the following figures (I translate them into gold 
rubles, reckoning a pound sterling at 10 rubles) : The United States 
has assets of twelve billion rubles. Other countries are now its 
debtors, while before the war the United States owed England. 
Comrade Levy in his report at the last Congress in Germany, April 
14, 1920, justly said, ' There remain in the entire world only two 
countries which stand out as independent— England and America. 
Of these two powers only America is absolutely independent finan- 
cially. All other powers are in its debt.' 

England's Debt, 

" England's assets are seventeen billions and her liabilities eight ; 
that is, she-has become 50 per cent, debtor, in part, to America, 
Further, England's assets include six billion of the debt which Kus- 
sia owes her, Russia's debt for the Russian war contracts filled by 



England. Quite recently, when Comrade Krassin was talking with 
I-iloyd-George about the commercial treaty. Comrade Krassin de- 
clared to the leaders of the English (iovernment: 'If you expect to 
receive anything on this debt, then you are very much mistaken. 
[Applause.] 0£ course it is not that the Riissian revolutionary (5ov 
ernment, because o£ its revolutionary character, does not wish to 
l)ay this debt. No Government would be able to pay it, because thesi 
debts represent the usurers' percentage on the debt which had ac 
cumulated earlier, which England has received back from us alreadv 
tenfold. And this same bourgeois, Keynes, who does not at al 
sympathize with the revolutionary movement, and is in fact its en- 
emy, says: 'You can not reckon in these debts, because you will 
never collect them.' 

Fnmce's Indebtedness. 

" France's assets are three and one-half billions, while her liabili- 
ties are ten and a half ^ that is three times more. And this is the 
country of which one used to say that it was the usurer of the entiw 
world, the financial monarch. This is the country which has lived 
as a progressive civilized country because its savings (colonial thefts. 
called savings), made it possible for her to lend billions to other 
countries, and particularly to Kussia. In spite of this fact, Franc* 
is now in the position of a debtor. 

All Debts Must Be Annn'led. 

" A German historian says that the debts of England and France 
(victorious countries) amount to 50 to 55 per cent of the entire na- 
tional wealth; that of Italy, 60 to 70 per cent; that of Kussia, 9( 
per cent. 

"But, as you know, these debts do not worry us, because we (ev„ 
before the book of Keynes appeared) followe<l his very good advice 
Anmd all debts. [Applause.] 

Wages and Prices. 

" From these brief figures you see that the economic war has createt 
an impossible situation for the victorious countries, and that in 
temalij there has OTown up an enormous disproportion between 
wages and prices. Even in the most progressive countries prices 
have increased far beyond wages. The Supreme Economic Council 
which represents an institution defending the bourgeois order of th( 
whole world against growing revolution, on March 8 of this ycai 
adopted a resolution which describes certain fundamental traits o| 
the economic situation, and concludes with an appeal for order, in. 
dustry, and economy (on the condition, of course, that the workmea 
should live as before in slavery to capital). This supreme organ of 
our opponent — the Entente — pointed out that the general increase ii 
prices during the period of the war amounted to 120 per cent, whili 
wages increased 100 per cent. In France the increase in prices wa! 
300 per cent, and in wages 200 per cent. And thus it is in all coun- 
tries. (I take only the victorious countries.) 

"And when they tell us that Bolshevism is disorder, a scarecrow, 
we can only smile, for from the statistical data of the Supremg 


Council we see why the workmen can not live according to the old 
standards. Because even if all Bolsheviks should disappear entirely, 
even in America — recently America sent us 500 Communists [ap- 
plause]^ — even if America should send not 500 but 5,000 Commu- 
nists—there would still remain the disproportion between prices and 
wages, a disproportion which America can not solve because private 
property is sacred (although in Russia we have forgotten all about 
this), while against this new power of capital, against these tens of 
billions collected by the war, you can accomplish nothing.' No 
strikes, no parliamentary struggle, no elections, no reforms can ac- 
complish anj^hing here, because they have this sacred private prop- 
erty. Through private property such debts have accumulated as 
will subject the entire world to complete slavery. 

" While need increases among workmen even in the most progres- 
sive countries, proBts also have oegun to increase in an unprecedented 
and unheard-of manner. Comrade Laninsky, in a pamphlet pre- 
pared for publication entitled ' The World and the English Bour- 
geoisie,' points out that in England the profits on exported coal have 
been twice what was expected in official circles. In Lancaster the 
stocks of weaving industries have increased 400 per cent ; the incomes 
of banks have increased 40 to 50 per cent. We know that bankers 
are able to conceal the best, the lions's share, of these incomes, so that 
it does not appear in the accounts as income, but is hidden under the 
form of various remunerations and such. 

" Bourgeois statistics prove conclusively that the wealth of insignifi- 
cant groups has increased enormously, that luxury has developed, 
while need has increased, and all this in the most progressive coun- 
tries. In particular one should note the change in the value of 

Depreciation of Money. 

" Money has depreciated everywhere, as a result of the enormous 
issues of paper money. However, the Supreme Economic Council 
at its session of March 8 of this year point«d out that in England the 
depreciation was about one-third, in France and Italy about two- 
thirds, in Germany, nine-tenths and even 96 per cent. This fact 
shows us how the machinery of the world's capitalistic economic 
system is breaking down completely, how it will be impossible to con- 
tinue all the trade relations on which are based the securing of raw 
material and the marketing of products, simply because of the change 
in the value of money in one of the richest countries. And this very 
i-ich country will not be able to trade — it will not be able to sell its 
products and buy raw materials. On the one hand, America has be- 
come so rich that it can buy everything, but there is nothing for it to 
I'liy and it has no way of selling. 


" This same Keynes depicts for us these Versailles negotiations 
where the shopkeepers Clemenceau and Lloyd-George showed Wil- 

' Note. — The construction of tlie sentence ofteii is very awkward lietiiiisi> nf 
tbe careless preparation of tbese reports; the translation lias tied to follnw the 



son up as a fool and put through a policy of most open robbery. 
Keynes describes how wUson appeared at the meetings of these peo- 
ple like Clemenceau and Lloyd-George, who understood somethini; 
about the busine^ in hand, and began to present to them the 14 points 
and phrases about peace and justice. He describes how Wilson was 
completely befuddled, how Wilson came to the conference thinking 
that he would fool all of them, that he would realize a social peace, 
and in the end he left the conference a worn-out man understanding 
nothing and did everything just as his opponents wished. 

" And there were some Socialists, both in Germany and in France, 
who wished to join the III Communist International, who shared 
this Wilsonism, these illusions on the possibility of peace on the basis 
of capitalistic relations! There were even some scientific books writ- 
ten about the principles of Wilson's policies, I trust that the writers 
of these books will perceive, from the book of the bourgeois, Keynes. 
that these principles amount to a complete absence of understanding 
of politics. 

War Frenzy PaaaeB. 

" The war brought with it an unprecedented sharpening of all con- 
tradictions, and an increase of poverty and need throughout the whole 
world. This is the source of that deep revolutionary movement 
which is growing throughout the world and is spreading farther. 
During the war all the writers of all bourgeois countries lost theii 
heads in glorifying war. Only now, when the war is over and 
German imperialism has been unmasked, the Versailles peace, which 
was to represent the victory of the bourgeoisie, has revealed itself as 
the defeat of the very aims of the war. The resignation of Keynes 
from the Government of which he was a delegate to the Versailles 
conference shows how hundreds of thousands of bourgeois intellec- 
tuals (there are hundreds of thousands of literate and educated ]>eo- 
ple in the West) — how they all were obliged to follow the road taken 
by Keynes, an economist, a bourgeois, who resigned and flung in the 
face of his own Government the book that unmasked it. He merely 
showed in a demonstrative manner what is taking place with hun- 
dreds of thousands of conscious people, when they see that every- 
thing for which they fought was sheer deception, and that as a result 
only an insignificant number has become rich, while the rest hav« 
been ruined, and that as a result there has come an order of things 
which they will not be able to preserve. 

" Keynes himself says that the English, in order to save themselve! 
and English economic existence, require that free international trad( 
relations be reestablished between Germany and Russia. But how 
are they able to bring this about? 

" Keynes advises first of all to annul all debts. Tliis book, and tin 
citations from this book appearing in newspapers, are read not onlj 
by people who have definitely exhausted their brains, but also by livi 
workmen and peasants. The latter will read what this bourgeois 
economist savs. namely, that there is no way out except the annuTiing 
of debts, and therefore— but cursed be the "Bolsheviks, usurpers, wlw 
have annulled debts! It seems to "me that such an agitator for Bol- 
shevism as this bourgeois pacifist should have a telegram of greetin| 
from this Congress of the International. [Applause.] 



" Comrades, Keybes aaya : ' If the situation h&s become absolutely 
impossible it means that the victors themselves have become the 
wea po ns of complete disintegration.' 

" We see the growth of the unconquerable revolution. Masses of 
oppressed, exploited and robbed see clearly that the truth, from which 
the bourgeoisie must perish, has been deceitfully concealed from 

LMgne of Nations. 

" Having revealed this truth, we now realize the significance of 
this dependence of a billion and a quarter people, who have been 
placed in impossible conditions of existence. The peace of the 
League of Nations is presented to them, according to which the 
League Of Nations is proclaimed as the beginning of a new period in 
the history of mankind, wliich will put an end to war as soon as this 
treaty becomes operative. 

" Until it becomes operative they have continued to deceive the 
workmen and peasants by saying ; ' Wait Just a little ; everything can 
not be done at once ; but when peace is concluded, then you will see 
how it will be,' And everyone waited, and when the peace was pub- 
lished, then the most bitter opponents of Bolshevism were obliged to 
renounce it. When they began to apply the peace and start the ma- 
chine in motion, then it immediately became clear that the ifaachine 
had fallen to pieces. 

Wars of Entente Againat Riusia. 

" We see this in the case of the wars against Russia, because these 
wars were against weak, ruined, oppressed Russia, backward Russia, 
carried on by the league of rich nations, whose Beet alone rules over 
us. But we proved victorious 1 Why? Not because we became 
stronger in the military sense — that of course is absurd — but because 
there was no shade oi unity among them, because one power acted 
despite another. France wished a strong Russia, while England 
wisned Russia divided up. England tried to seize the Baku oil, but 
you know how that ended. 

" England strove to establish relations with the border States of 
Russia. Six months ago the English minister, Churchill, counted 
up a dozen States at war with Russia, which were to capture Petro- 
grad and Moscow by December, 1919. We know what these States 
were worth, but throughout the world they were considered real 
States. England based her policy on this fact. England and America 
gave them hundreds of millions, which went to the bottom of the sea. 

League of Nations — The Best Agitator. 

"This is the situation that has now developed in the League of 
Niitions: Every day of the existence of this treaty is the best kind 
of agitation imaginable. We, revolutionaries, would have been worse 
agitators because it is supposed to be our habit to prophesy trouble. 

"On every question the powers of the Entente held tne knife at 
each other's uiroats. Conflicts developed between England and 
France over Syria, Mesopotamia, and tne division of China. The 
most solid conservative press of one country is filled with attacks 



and unprecedented bitter statements against its own colleagues of 
another country because the latter are carrying away part of the 
booty. Complete disintegration above, complete disintegration in 
that small handful of the richest countries, first of all, because it is 
impossible for a billion and a quarter people to live under the system 
which advanced civilized capital wishes to establish ; and, in the 
second place, because a mere handful of the richest powers (Eng- 
land, America, and perhaps Japan, which because of geographic 
conditions can rob the eastern Asiatic countries, but which has no 
independent strength, either financial or military, without the sup- 
port of other countries) can not harmonize their economic relations 
and can not direct their policy along the line indicated by the League 
of Nations. 

Thence the World Crisis. 

" These economic factors represent the main reason why the Com- 
munist International has attained such brilliant success, why ruined 
Soviet Russia receives the thousands of streams of the revolutionary 
movement. The powerful States which aroused a dozen and a half 
States against us have finally reached the point where they send 
against us one State at a time, in order to furnish, through the Bed 
Army soldiers, lessons in good behavior to each bourgeois robber in 
turn. [Applause.] 

Is There an Issue Except Revolution T 

" Comrades, when we take up the question of the revolutionaiy 
press, of why unrest has been created throughout the entire world 
(as the English bourgeois economist expresses himself), we meet 
first of all the mistakes and opportunism of some of those who wish 
to enter the III International and the opportunism of those outright 
deceivers of the proletariat, namely, the people who put the question 
of revolution in a dishonest light. They put the question tnus: Is 
this revolution an absolutely inevitable crisis, and can one prove 
that there is no way out except through revolution? Some who 
sincerely sympathize with the revolution and are absolutely loyal 
revolutionists (considering themselves foremost revolutionists) trv 
frantically to prove that there is no way out. I think that the ques- 
tion put in that way is fimdamentally incorrect. 

There Is No Absolutely Issueless Situation. 

"A revolutionary crisis is at hand. Can we place hope in the 
strength and organization of a revolutionary class, a class of op- 
pressed, to overthrow this disintegrating society of exploiters? That 
IS how the question should he put. You can not show the absolute 
inability to find a way out of the crisis. To try to ^ow this last is 
mere pedantism and playing with words. 

" It is sufficient and necessary to prove and convert into action that 
which is lacking in Europe and in the entire world. The exploited 
masses lack the revolutionary consciousness of the organization and 
preparedness of their vanguard, namely, that very thing for the sake 
of which we have come tiogether at this 2nd Congress of the Com- 
munist International. 



"What we shall attain with decisive success {of this there can 
be no doubt) is the preparation of revolutionary forces, in order 
to take advantage of the revolutionary crisis which indisputably 
is at hand, which grows throughout the entire world and which lacks 
only decisiveness, consciousness, and organization. Communists 
parties in each country, in touch with all the exploited masses — this 
is what is lachinrj. [Continued.] ' 

Is NoncUss GoTemment PosaibleT 

" The representative of the British Independent Labor Party, 
MacDonald, admits that the revolutionaiy movement is growing, 
tliat the workmen are for the Soviet r^gmie, that they have seen 
that they have, in fact, a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. He de- 
clares : A dictatorship is a bad thing, but if you must have a class 
government, then it is better that it should be a bolshevist rather 
than a bourgeois government. But he sets about to try to inspire 
peo|>le with the hope that some kind of a nonclass government is 
possible. But we know this latter. We saw an afiiost nonclass 
government of Kereflsky, Chernov, and Tseretelli. The Germans 
see an absolutely nonclass government of Scheidemann and Noske, 
and of their followers. iSmgary and Finland had the same ex- 

" But we are not dealing with theory, for we know from practice 
what kind of facts are these which maKe workmen laugh when they 
hear this talk. MacDonald says: 'At the present moment there is 
revolutionary movement everywhere, and the workmen are on the 
side of Soviet Russia and of dictatorship. Because of the war every- 
thing has been shaken and disturbed, but all of this will settle down 
and all this will pass.' Thus writes the representative of a party 
which wishes to join the III International. Of course you have 
liere an out-and-out bourgeois pacifist, who reckons that any crisis 
will pass and be settled. This man, it is true, does not call himself 
a Marxist; he is only a representative of the Independent Labor 
Party. .... 

" But it is not a question of whether this crisis will progress far. 
On this point one can debate without end. The point is that people 
who are duty-bound to assist the revolutionary movement are getting 
out of it by phrases: 'All this will pass; all this will settle itself.' 
Such people are not Socialists and are not leaders of the workmen : 
and what is more, they can 7wt be members of the III International. 

Opportunism of Social- Democracy. 

" This opportunism can be noted not only among the parties that 
have remained in the II International but even among those who have 
expressed the wish to Join us — for example, the French Socialist 
Par^ and the German Independent Party. 

" Kecently a Socialist from this same camp published another book 
destroying the Bolsheviks, A great many books in all the European 
languages now appear which devour Bolshevism whole. But tlie 

p Mpcecli is tnken fniiii Ilu' IVtroffriirt rriiviln of 



more there are of such books, the more rapidly does sympathy for 
Bolshevism increase. I have in, mind the book of Otto Baoer, en- 
titled ' Bolshevism and Social-Democracy,' Here it is shown clearly 
]ust what Menshevism represents. It would be hard on any of us, 
on the basis of Id years' experience and pleasant recollections, to be 
forced to sit down and describe just what Menshevism is. This 
learned Marxist has fortunately saved us this none too cheerful task. 
All the fairy tales of the Mensheviks with respect to us have been 
repeated here with exact citations from our decrees (Otto Bauer 
knows Bussian) and with ftlenshevist deductions stuck in at every 
point: 'It is evident that they were victorious over Kolehak and 
Uenikin, but now without question in their struggle against the 
peasantry their cause must meet definite defeat.' 

" I think that our comrade Communists should make the book of 
Otto Bauer a textbook for Communists. Take any page of this 
book and show, on the basis of this page, just what Menshevism is, 
which leads to Scheidemanism. if you are able to show this it means 
that you have passed the examination and can enter the Communist 
I'arty. If you fail to show this it means that you understand noth- 
in" about Menshevism and can not enter the Communist Party. 
[Applause and laughter.] 

Perveraion of Harxiam, 

"Otto Bauer let slip one phrase which should be made historic. 
A monument should be erected to him in bis lifetime, with this 
sentence, found in this book, engraved on it. This sentence reads: 
' If at present in the countries of western Europe democracy applies 
violence, then this will be violence with r^pect to the social factor 
of force.' What does this mean^ Democracy guarantees to all the 
social factor of force. This means force, organization, action, and 
consciousness. It can be put into motion at elections. But if you, 
workmen or laborers, commit violence against capitalism perhaps 
you think that this is revolutionary violence against the exploiter, 
against the property owner? No ; you are wrong. This represents 
violence against the social factor oi force, I hope that Bauer has 
ruined himself by this phrase, just as did Scheidemann, Noske, and 
the Hungarian and Finnish Social Democrats. We shall engrave 
these words on the monument to Otto Bauer, and to all those Social- 
ist-Chauvinists ' of the II International, for they will serve as a 
model from whicli future generations will learn how the most scien- 
tific Marxist theory can be perverted, and converted into a shameful, 
slavish, and disgraceful cause, namely, that o£ defending exploitei*s 
and oppressers ; and how, by means of such equivocations and word- 
plays, a revolution can be condemned as violence. 

" If farm laborers and workmen overthrow by violence landowners 
and capitalists, then will this violence against private property be 
violence against the social factor of force? Comrades, perhaps this 

■^NoTE, — The Bolsheviks use the espresslons " Soclal-ChauvlnlBt," or " Socla'.- 
Chauvinlsm," ns a plHy on the words " Soefal-DeiuocTaf " or " aiwial-Democ- 
racy." SImiljirl.v. they refer to " Social -Trui tors," " Soclal-l'fltrlots," etc. So 
the first term of these compound expressions has been translated by the wonl 
" Socialist." 



example is rather frivolous, but it shows what methods must now 
be seized on by the best representatives of the II International in 
order to combRt revolution and the state of mind of revolutionary 

The Deception of MensheTiBin Ib Universal. 

■' Of course we, Russian Bolsheviks, find nothing new here. But 
the Austrian and Hungarian Communists will have to combat these . 
opportunistic commonplaces of Otto Bauer, and will have to work 
hard, because they do not have 15 years of experience of struggle 
against Menshevism. But on the other hand, from this study of 
sophisms, equivocations, and deceptions, they will gain enlightment. 
In our own history we know these deceptions, and in communicating 
them now to our foreign comrades, we call the latter's attention to the 
fact that Eussian Menshevism, by the will of the fates, has become 
that doctrine, that deception, which in all countries, in slightly differ- 
ent forms, in some with Marxist words and in others without, has 
beenput forward as a defense against Bolshevism, 

" We welcome this because we see and know that all disputes be- 
tween Menshevism and Bolshevism have always brought about a 
fully conscious, steadfast, throught-out and experienced victory for 
the Bolshevist tendency in each country. 

Are Workmen's Leiden Bought UpT 

" Perhaps you raise the question — how does this tendency become 
clear? Why, in view of such reasons, is this Men^evist movement 
much stronger in England and America than with us? It is because 
there we have countries which have created and are creating a culture 
at the expense of a billion of oppressed people. That is why they 
have concealed the fact that it is not a play of free economic forces, 
not a social factor of capitalism, but a colonial profit at the expense 
of a billion population of dependent countries which give the capital- 
ists, as representatives of countries owning colonies, a surplus profit. 

" Before the war it was reckoned that the three richest countries — 
l<^ngland, Fiance, and Germany — had yearly from 8 to 10 billion 
francs income from the foreign exports of capital abroad, not count- 
ing all other income. It is clear that frow, this amount a gift of a 
half hUUon could he tossed to labor leaders, to the labor aristocrat, 
in the form of various bribes. 

"This is done in a million different ways — raising standards of 
living in the most important centers, establishing educational institu- 
tions, giving jobs to the leaders of cooperatives and trade-unions. 
Tliis is done differently in different countries, but it is done every- 

"These billions of surplus profits represent the economic founda- 
tion that supports opportunism in the labor movement. That is why 
this bond is stronger in America and England; and therefore the 
stubbornness of the opportunistic aristocracy of workmen is greater, 
which opposes the Communist movement. That is why we should 
be ready to face the fact that the liberation of the working class from 
this illness is more difficult there than with us. 



OpportuiiiBin is the Enemy. 

"I shall not dwell on tlie question of how concretely we ^lotiUT 
bring this about. This point is covered in the theses that have been 
published. I shall indicate simply the basic economic forms of fbis 
phenomenon. We should not be frightened because the disease dra^B 
on much longer than optimists could hope. But the very economic 
situation of the bourgeoisie makes this condition unstable. Our imiin 
. enemi/ is the opportunism in the upper ranks of th-e labor ■movement. 
This is not a Socialist or proletarian, but a bourgeois mnvemeiit. 
That these leaders of the labor movement are defending the bour- 
geoisie better than the bourgeoisie itself, and that without their 
assistance the bourgeoisie could not maintain itself — is shown not 
only by the regime of Kerensky, but also by the present democratic 
republic in (iermany, and by the attitude of Albert Thomas and 
Henderson toward their bourgeois tiovemments. Here I'n imr ii'^tin 
enemy; we ttmst triumph over this enemy, a»d leave this i'ong.eHtt 
vMh an UTianimous ana frm decision to carry this strugt/lf throvtjh 
to the end in all countiies. This is our mat?*, task. 

The Illness of "LeftlAn." 

"In comparison with this task, the correcting uj) of the mistakes 
of a certain ' left ' tendency in Communism is a much easier one. 
In many countries we note antiparliamentarism, which, however, ap- 
pears not s' much among those who have come out from the petty 
bourgeo'sie, as it is supported by forward-looking detachments of 
the proletariat, and by hatred for tlie old parliamentarism, lawful and 
c[iiite correct hatred for the conduct of parliamentary opportunists 
in England, France, Geimany, and Italy, such as we have witnesseil 
in these countries for decades. 

" It is necessary to explain the essence of the matter, give directing- 
interpretations, acquaint the comrades more intimately and directly 
with the Russian experience, and with the significance of political 
parties. This task will in the maiir represent our work. 

" I believe that here the struggle against these mistakes in the 
proletarian movement, against the diseases of proletarian growth, 
will be a thousand times easier than the struggle against the bour- 
geoisie, which, under the form of opportunists and reformists, enter 
the parties of the II International and direct its work, not to the 
benefit of the proletariat, but to the benefit of the bourgeoisie. 

Is This a World ConeressT 

" I shall speak of one aspect of the question. Our comrade presi- 
dent says that our Congress desei'ves the nam^ of world wide. 
I believe he is right, because we have at the Congress representatives 
of the revolutionary movement of the colonial countries, which have 
been the last to come into the movement. 

" It is only a feeble beginning, but it is important that the begin- 
ning has been made. It is important that tliere has come about a 
revolutionary union of the progressive countries with the countries 
where there is practically no revoltionary proletariat, with the 
revolutionary masses of the oppressed in all colonies and in all 

Do,i,.cdbyGooglc ; 


oriental States. And it depends on us to see to it that this union 
is strengthened, for it is clear to everyone that capitalism must fall. 

" Only when the revolutionary pressure of workmen, which is 
conquering the opposition of the ooureeois culture of the small 
group of aristocratic leaders of the labor movement, shall have 
joined with the revolutionary pressure of those hundreds of thou- 
sands of men who till now have stood outside history and have been 
regarded as the object of imperialistic enterprises — only then shall 
we have the world revolutionary movement. No serious statesman, 
writer, or worker of the old Social-Democracy took into account the 
fact that the revolutionary movement amone these hundreds of 
thousands would amount to anything. But it nEis an enormous sig- 
nificance. The imperialistic war helped us, because it dragged these 
colonial countries from isolation, it took from them soldiers to par- 
ticipate in the imperialistic slaughter, and through the English 
bourgeoisie inspired them with the idea that the task of the Indian 
proletarian or peasant is to defend the interests of the English 
bourgeoisie. The war inspired the black colonial peoples with the 
idea that it is their task to defend colonial France, and it taught 
them to know how to use firearms. This is exceedingly uaeful 
knowledge arid for it we eorwey to the "bourgeoisie our deepest grati- 
tude in the name of the workmen and peasants, and particularly in 
the Tiame of the Red Army. 

" The war brought all peoples into world history, but one of the 
main tasks is to think out how to lay the first stone of propaganda 
and of organization of the Soviet movement in a noncapitahst coun- 
try where Soviets are, however, possible. Only these will be Soviets 
not of workmen, but Soviets of Peasants' Deputies and of toilers in 

Eveiyvhere th« Flag of Sofiets. 

" On this road we shall inevitably make many mistakes and meet 
many difficulties, but all the fundamental problems and tasks will be 
presented at this Congress, Here we shall lay the foundation, so 
that the revolution which till now has grown unconsciously and in 
an unorganized and elemental manner, should proceed in an organ- 
ized manner and with concentration. 

"After a little more than a year we now come out victorious with 
respect to the II International. Soviet ideas are spreading, and not 
only amongworkmen ; they have become understandable to all and 
everyone. The workmen in all countries laugh at those wise ones — 
among whom are many real Socialists and adherents of the III 
Inter national^ who think very wisely about the Soviet system, about 
Soviet ideas, as the English guild Socialists express themselves, and 
by their discussions of the Soviet ^stem and the Soviet idea try 
to throw dust in the eyes of the workmen. The workmen note this 
on the side, and without saying very much about the Soviet idea 
and system, take the weapons which the Soviets have furnished them. 

"At the present moment the flag of Soviets is begining to he raised 
throughmit the Orient, in Asia. The idea that the toilers, tiie ex- 
ploited, should run the State against nontoilers, the exploiters, is 
such a simple idea that it can be understood not only by a progressive 
proletarian, but, after our experience and the two years and a half 



of the esistence of the Soviet Sepublic and after the Congress of 
the III IntematioDal, this idea has become inuaediately accessible 
to hundreds of millions of oppressed and exploited in the colonies. 
Having entered into conflict with the whole world, if we have been 
forced frequently to retreat and conclude temporary compromises, 
it is because we know that we are somewhat weaker than intemational 
imperialism. But we know that we are defending the interests of 
70 per cent of the population of the entire earth. 

" On our road are many difficulties, but they are passing with each 
day and with each hour. 

International Proletarian Soviet Republic. 

" Therefore, at the 2nd Congress we can say with pride: If the 1st 
Congress was only a congress of public propaganda, when we merely 
threw out general ideas and made appeals to struggle, and simply 
asked the workmen of the whole world to see where are to be found 
the people who are able to march for the Soviet authority and for 
the dictatorship of the proletariat — now, after one short year we 
have gone far forward. 

" Now, we have everywhere advance detachments, and everywhere 
we have proletarian armies, although poorly organized and requir- 
ing reorganization. We are able to organize these into a single 
detachment, in a single force. // you will help ua to _accom,pli8h this, 
then no mental exereiges or guesses with respect to what can not be 
known and what no one can hn/yw, wiU prevent U8 from accomplish- 
ing OUT task, and this task will be thai of leading on, to the victor^ 
of the world revolution and to the estabtishmeni of an international 
proletarian Soviet Republic.^' [Stormy applause.] 


After an, intermission the representatives of foreimi Socialist 
parties who are participating in the Congress of the XII' Interna- 
tional are given the floor. The first speaker is the representative of 
France, comrade Eosmer. 


Comrade Rosmer, in the name of French workmen and peasants, 
expresses thanks for the reception, which deeply touched all. "A 
happy thought came to you when to-day you brought all delegates 
to Smolny, to make them see through what sufferings and heroism 
the Russian proletariat has passed, to attain the victory which we 
are to-day celebrating." 

He says that the words of Comrade Kalinin, that it is time for the 
international proletariat to show clearly its solidarity with the Rus- 
sian proletariat, have fixed themselves firmly in the minds of all 
present. The French working class had, however, already realized 
that perhaps it had not shown sufficient energy in coming to the as- 
sistance of the Russian people, simply because confused by the libelous 
propaganda, it did not know sufficiently well the latter's condition, 
and was not as yet sufficiently strong to carry out its own will. 

" But now, having been here, the French delegates will be able to 
acquaint French workmen and peasants with what is going on in 



Russia. They intend and promise, to strive with increased energy, 
to the end that French workmen and peasants may understand that 
here people are fighting and dying for the common cause of the 
entire proletariat ; fliey promise to increase their efforts to the end that 
all French proletarians and workmen shall enter actively into the 
ranks of the great international proletarian army. They promise to 
call attention to the great services of the proletariat of Red Petro- 
grad, which has manifested particular heroism, self-sacrifice and 
steadfastness, taking the lead among hero proletarians. He proposes 
the following resolution (printed below).' 


In the name of the communistic, internationalist Italian Socialist 
Party, which is adhering to the Communist Intemationalj Comrade 
SeiTati greets the brilliant Ked Army, the defender of Soviet Russia, 
and the defender of the great ideals or the world proletariat. 

He says that when the world war broke out, m Italy the traitors 
of the working class wished to convince the latter that it was nec^- 
sary to go over to the side of the bourgeoisie ; they spread the idea that 
once the proletariat gets hold of iron, once it gets hold of rifles, then 
it will be able to win its bread, and secure its liberty. " But from 
the very first day, the Italian party cut loose from the Socialist- 
Traitors," says Comrade Serrati. 

" They said it was not a question of having iron and rifles in hand, 
and of fighting on the side of the bourgeoisie, but a question of fight- 
ing on the sine of the working class against the bourgeoisie, with 
rifles or without, always and everywhere. 

"And now the glorious Ked Army has shown by experience that 
iron and rifles are a revolutionary weapon only when the working 
class as an army can control this weapon; this means only for the 
conquest of the great ideals of the proletariat against the interests 
and intrigues of the bourgeoisie of the whole world. 

" This Drilliant army, which wins victory after victory, in the 
Bouth against Wrangel, in the west against the Poles, this Red Army 
at the present moment is a unit. With it, directly or indirectly, are 
also the English workmen in Southhaven, the Italian sailors in An- 
cona, and the German sailors at Kiel, wherever the proletariat is 
preventing the sending of munitions to the Polish front. 

"May the day be near when the Red Proletarian Army will con- 
sist not only of Russian proletarians but will consist of proletarians 
of the whole world. That will be a great hour, when the proletarians 
of all countries and the brilliant Red Army soldiers will be able 
finally to free them^lves from their dependence with respect to war — 
military service — and will be able not only with cannon but by 
peaceful means to lead the whole world to a So-viet form of govern- 
ment and finally free the whole world from all that now represents 
oppression of the working class." Comrade Serrati proposes the fol- 
lowing greeting to the Red Army and to the Red Fleet of the whole 
Soviet Federated Socialist Republic in the name of all parties repre- 
sented at the Communist International.' 




The representative of the Communist Party of Austria, Comrade 
Steiner, in a brilliant speech dwells on the international position of 
Soviet Kussia, and calls on the workmen of all countries to render 
immediate assistance to the heroic country, which was the first to 
rise in rebellion against the power of capital. 

" Workmen of Austria, Germany. England,. France, Italy, and 
other countries, who till now have supported a white-guardist ad- 
venture on the territory of Russia and of its small neig^hbors, should 
immediately cease work in all organizations which are working for 
the support of the Russian, and therefore of the international, coun- 
ter-revrfution. Not a single shell should be permitted to reach the 
camps of the whites, and not a single cannon should be molded for 
the whites; not a single coat should oe sent to the soldiers of counter- 

Speaking of the wishes of the proletariat of Hungary, after the 
international bourgeoisie had overthrown the Soviet authority in 
that country and had organized a systematic white terror, Comrade 
Steiner did not see any way out of the situation that has been created, 
except a complete and definite destruction of the world bourgeoisie. 

" The criminal bourgeois gang in its desire to wreak vengeance on 
the proletariat and stifle forever the workmen's movement in Hun- 
gary, does not hesitate at any crime. For this band there do not 
exist either Mensheviks, Communists, or nonpartisans ; all workmen, 
without exception, are subject to the same persecution and to the 
same harrassment. From the point of view of the present masters of 
Hungary, whoever has callouses on his hands is the most bitter 
enemy of the bourgeoisie." 

Comrade Steiner concludes his speech with the words: "Soviet 
Hungary is no more. Long live Soviet Hungary." 


The floor is then given to the representative of Polish Communists, 
Comrade Markhlevsky, who reports that the delegates from the 
Polish proletariat were already on the road, had already started for 
the Congress when news from Warsaw forced them to return, be- 
cause the hour had struck for the direct conflict of the Polish prole- 
tariat for its rights, fStormy applause.] 

Comrade Markhlevsky then discusses the situation in Poland, 
Polish revolutionary workmen were among the shock troops of the 
Russian revolution of 1905-6. But the Polish proletariat was not 
able to take advantage of the results of the work it did. During the 
war of 1914 Poland was subjected to destruction, and the Polish 
proletariat was ruined and weakened. Polish Communists opposed 
this destruction with all their strength, by uniting proletarian forces, 
and their efforts led to the beginning of the awakening of Polish 
peasants and workmen. 

"Now our Red Army is rapidly moving forward, and the proleta- 
rian revolution in Poland will go very rapidly. But you must re- 
member that bourgeois Poland has as its neighbor bourgeois Ron- 
mania, which would gladly render it assistance. It is the task of the 
Russian proletariat to assist the Polish workmen and peasants in 
their struggle against the bourgeoisie, and to bring the war to a con- 


elusion as quickly as possible, by a, complete destruction of the Polish 
nobles. Polish Communists swear that they will not retreat a step 
from their aims, and they beg for assistance in this decisive struggle." 
In answer to this appeal of Comrade Markhlevsky the Congress 
sends a message to the proletarians of all countries and particularly 
to the Polish proletariat, calling on them to fight for the liberation 
of Poland.^ 


The leader of the German Spartacides, the Communist Comrade 
Levi, outlined the treacherous role played by the Socialist compro- 
misers, the followers of Scheidemann, in suppressing the Communist 
movement and uprisings in Germany. The entire Congress, and all 
delegates present at this sitting, once more paid their respects to the 
leaders of the Communist movement, Karl Liebknecht and Hosa 

" The Communist cause," says Comrade Levi, " since their tragic 
death grows and becomes stronger daily and hourly throughout all 
Germany. At the present moment the country is making an inven- 
tory of its Communist forces, which have established deep root in the 
proletariat, which latter is gradually freeing itself from the hypnosis 
of compromise parties. It is being pushed in this direction by the 
cruel actualities of present day Germany." 

The speech of Comrade Levi does not leave any doubt that Ger- 
many will be one of the first to enter on the road of social revolution. 


[Petrograd Pravda, July 2*, 1920,] 

Composition of Russian DelegatioiL 

(1) Lenin, (2) Trotsky, (3) Bukharin, (4) Zinoviev, (5) Kalinin, 
(6) Krestinsky, (7) Dzerzhinsky, (8) Kadek, (9) Kykov, (10) Sere- 
bnakov, (11) Preobrashensky, (12) Tomsky, (13) Andreev, (14) 
Rudzutak, (15) Eakovsky, ( 16) Artem, (17) Manuilsky, (18) Felix 
Kon, (19) Shumsky, (20) Posner, (21) Yaroslavsky, (22) Sokolni- 
kov, (23) Ossinskv, (24) Lunacharskv, (25) Pokrovsky, (26) Eiaza- 
nov, (27) Pavlo^h (Volonter), (28) Sakharov, (29) Joffe, (30) 
Krupskaya, (31) Zorin, (32) Vatin (Bvstriansky), (33) Smidovich, 
(34) Alekseev. (351 Firstov, (36) Chernov M., (37) Lozovsky, (38) 
Shliapnikov, (39) rsiperovich, (40) KoUontai, (41) Inesa Armand, 
(42) Maiorova, (43) Sadavskava, (44) Yanson, (45) Voronova, ^46) 
Ibragimov, (47) Said Galiev, f48i Sultan-Gal iev, (49) Idrisov, (501 
Akhundov, (51 J Enukidze, ^52j Ramonov, (53) Kodzaev, (54) 
Aliev, (55) Baitursunov, (56) Pestkovsky, (S7) KrasnoshcheKov, 
(58) Rivkin, (59) Taetlinj (60) Dunaevsky, (61) Ignat, (62) Rafes, 
(63) Mereshin, (64) Oliminsky. 



"Note. — See Appendix 3, for full translation of this message. 

15060—29 3 




[B; telepboDe from Moscow, } 

Yesterday, July 23, in the Kremlin, in the Andrew Hall, of the 
Large Palace, in a very solemn setting was opened the session of 
the 2nd Congress of the III International. 

Comrade Lenin opens the sitting. After the adoption of the by- 
laws as read by Comrade Serrati. Comrade Zinoviev is given the 
floor to report on the role of the Communist parties in the prole- 
tarian revolution. 

"As this 2nd Congress meets," says Comrade Zinoviev, " the in- 
ternational organization of the proletariat has entered on a new 
phase; namely, one of organized constructive effort. In almost all 
comitries we nave at the present moment Communist parties. 

" The 2nd Congress takes an absolutely clear and deBnite position 
on this question of the role of the Communist Party, striving for 
the conquest of power by the working class." 

In defining the role of the Conmiunist Party, the speaker points 
out that it represents the most conscious, advanced, and revolutionary 
section of the working class, carrying along with it the entire re- 
maining mass of the proletariat and semiproletariat. 

Then Comrade Zinoviev dwells in detail on the objections, on the 
one hand of the American industrialists (I. W. W.), and the Eng- 
glish shop-stewards, and on the other hand of the " Left " Com- 
munist Labor Party in Germany. 

" Statements to the effect that during the war only the Socialist 
Party went bankrupt, are incorrect, because this rebuke can be di- 
rected also against trade-unions. It occurs to no one to deny the role 
of trade-unions in the process of social revolutions." 

The speaker further points out in great detail the role played 
by the Communist Party in the Russian Revolution. In his opinion, 
a Communist party should be organized on the basis of strict cen- 
tralization, and should establish in its ranks military discipline : " It 
should subject to its influences all spheres of activity of the working 
class. Those comrades are wrong who try to separate professional 
and cultural work from the political. The Communist Party directs 
both trade-unions and Soviets in equal measure." I 

In conclusion, Comrade Zinoviev invites the delegates to make 
efforts everywhere to organize a Communist party, and to establish 
a close connection with the broadest working masses. 

Zinoviev's speech is loudly applauded. I 

In the debates on his report participate the delegates of America, : 
England, Spain, and other countries and on behalf of Russia, Lenin, 
and Trotsky. 


[Petrograd Pravda, July 20, 1820.) 

The following agenda of the Congress are adopted: (1) Role 
and structure of a Communist Party before and after the taking over 
ot power by the proletariat ; (2) trade-unions and factory-miUs com- 
mittee; (3) questions of parliamentarism; (4) national and colonial 


questions; (5) the agrarian question; (6) attitude toward the latest 
tendencies of the " center," and the conditions of admission to the 
III International; (7) by-laws and constitution of the Communist 
International; (8) problems of organization (legal and illegal or- 
ganizations, women's organizations, etc.). 


In the debates on the report of Comrade Zinoviev on the role and 
structure of a Communist Party before and after the taking over of 
power by the proletariat, Comrades Lenin and Trotsky speak for the 
Kussian delegation. 


Comrade Lenin in the main answers Comrades MacLean and Ram- 
say. He admits that in capitalistic countries the Communist Party 
can not be a majority in the proletariat. 

" It is in fact the conscious, energetic minority, and a Communist 
minority should not helplessly drag along behind a backward ma- 
jority of the proletariat. It must lead the latter, organize it, and 
direct it toward Communist ideals." 

In exactly the same way Lenin protests against the supposition 
that the peculiar situation of the English labor movement requires 
that the decision as to the line of conduct of the British Socialist 
Party should be left to the latter's free judgment, Lenin does not 
understand why in such a case this Congress and this International 

by the activity of the II International. The 2nd Congress of the 
III International will, of course, act differently and wiU discuss in 
detail in the proper committee all the conditions of the English labor 
movement and the tasks resultin'^ therefrom, 

" The experience of the Russian, Hungarian, and other Communist 
Parties has confirmed with sufficient clearness and force that the 
policy and tactics of national parties must be in close harmony with 
the international conditions of the proletarian struggle and with all 
the tasks of the latter." 


Comrade Trotsky believes that Comrade Lenin is not altogether 
right when he expresses the opinion that after three-fourths of a 
century since the beginning of the Communist International, at the 
2nd Congress of the III International, one should not speak of the 
need or the uselessness of the Communist Party for the proletariat^ 
inasmuch as this question has already been decided by the majority. 

" Had this question been raised by Scheidemann, Renaudel, or 
Albert Thomas, then, of course, it would not have been necessary to 
talk with them; one could simply have torn off their masks just as 
they frequently tear off workmen's heads. But this question has been 



raised by Monat and Kosmer, who started the struggle against the 
war when the tierman imperialists were ahnost at the walls of Paris. 

" These questions have been put to me by Comrade Pestaua and by 
French, Spanish, and American workmen, who quite naturally and 
legitimately hate the political party of traitors and deceivers of the 
proletariat, who sincerely and deeply hate the bourgeoisie and are 
actively fighting against them. 'I'o these one shoiud answer this 
question, and one should discuss this matter with them. 

" Let us go ahead somewhat and ask Comrade Pestana what he 
will do when he returns to Spain. He will, of course, answer that 
he will explain to the Spanish workmen all our principles and 
ideas, and on the basis of the latter will organize the struggle of 
the workmen against the bourgeoisie. 

"To translate this into political language it means that he will 
there organize a political party, and that this party will be a Com- 
munist Party. 

"Comrades Rosmer and Monat will do the same thing, just as 
they have in the past, organizing the working class on the basis of a 
whole series of political resolutions and statements." 

"All the Russian delegates," says Comrade Trotsky, " when they 
return from the Congress will have to face a whole series of ques- 
tions ; for example, the proposal of the Polish Government to con- 
clude peace. Where shall we decide this question? In the trade- 
unions? Of course, not there. It is true, we have a Soviet of People's 
Commissaries, but the Soviet of People s Commissaries also requires 
political control and definite political direction. We shall give it 
this political direction on the basis of the work of the party and the 
political control can be carried out only by the Communist Party." ' 

' The following extract is taken from the full text of the speecb by Zinoviev on 
this occasion as given ia a special supplement o£ the Moscow Pravda, August 3. 

"Sometimes you hear certain comrades say: 'Oh, yes, perhaps now. In fact, 
we still need a party so long as we continue to live under a bourgeois order, 
BO long as we have not seized the power in our own hands. But Just as soon us 
we secure a victory, the paity will no longer be necessary.' I talked with good 
German workmen, Communists, on this point and heard tliese words from 
them, and I allow myself to refer in this instance to the experience of the 
Kussian party. It was precisely after the seizure of power by the party, and 
the formation of our govemment, that the rOle of the party not only did not 
decrease, but Increased and grew daily. Never was the importance of the party 
In Russia so great as it is at the present moment, after our victory. In all 
important questions and decisions the effective control of the party is abso- 
lutely necessary. 

" It ia true that sometimes people like Kautsky say : ' You have in Russia a 
dictatorship not of the working class, but a dictatorship of a party.' They 
think that this Is a reproach for us. Not at all. We have a dictatorship of the 
working class, and consequently also a dictatorship of the Communist Party, 
The dictatorship of the Corainunist Party is simply a function, a sign of the 
expression of the dictatorship of the working class. Just what Is oar party? 
One should not confuse It with other parties that are composed of lawyers. Into 
rour party enter 600,000—700,000 of the best workmen; that Is the advanced 
detachment of the proletariat. And It is clear that the business of the working 
class is being conducted by Its best representatives. Thus there is establlshetl 
elntultaneoTisly a dictatorship of both proletariat and Communist Party. The 
right of control over various organizations belongs to the party. That Is as It 
should be in time of proletarian revolution. After the victory tht> rrtle of 
the party does not decrease, but on the contrary, Increases." 




IBy lel^bone from Moscow.] 

Organization of Committees. 

The second business sitting of the Congress of the Communist 
International begins with the adoption of the proposal of the pre- 
siding body to form five committees to discuss the most important 
points of tne program of the work of the Congress. 

One representative from each national delegation is_ to enter the 
committees, and the Communist Labor Party of America will enter 
conjointly with the American Communist Party. 

The announcement of this last fact is loudly applauded by the Con- 

§ress. The composition of the credentials committee is announced : 
ukharin, Radek, Kudniansky, Serrati, Bombacci, and Rosmer, 

Zinoviev's Report. 

Then Comrade Zinoviev is given the floor and reports on the work 
of the committee to discuss the role of a Communist Party in a 
proletarian revolution, Representatives of eight countries partici- 
pate in this committee : England, Hungary, Germany, Holland, Italy, 
Russia, the United States of America, and France. 

Among these were also revolutionary Syndicalists and representa- 
tives of the English organization, I. W. W. Nevertheless, the 
theses were adopted by the committee unanimously. Having an- 
nounced this last fact in the midst of loud applause, Comrade Zino- 
^nev proceeds to outline the substance of the debates in the com- 
mittee, giving an analysis of the objections to the principles of cen- 
tralism which were made in the committee and in open sitting: 

"Where there is, as for example in France, such a weak bond 
between separate organizations and the revolutionary proletariat — 
for in France one speaks of the Party of Lyons, of the Party of 
the Seine and Loire, and of the Paris Party — the Communist Party 
must be united and must be centralized, both on an international 
scale and with respect to its national subdivisions, which are, in sub- 
stance, for example, the national parties of Russia, America, etc. 

" The need of a strong world unity of the proletariat is too evident 
to allow discussion of any kind of autonomy. 

"Autonomy should mean, first of all, that the workmen of all coun- 
tries remember constantly that the enemy for each one of them 
is at home, and that this enemy is the bourgeoisie and the White 

"As for the revolutionary Syndicalists, as well as the representa- 
tives of shop-stewards, we shall not follow the example of the II 
International, which always harrassed and persecuted all workmen 
who were not in agreement with its ideas. 

"We shall work in conjunction with all honest and honestly mis- 
guided workmen, and together with them we shall learn and make 
mistakes, because fundamentally, in our class aims and ideals, we 
represent with them a single proletarian revolutionary whole." 

The theses are adopted unanimously.^ 



[Petrograd Pravda, July 2S, 1020.] 

LeDin'B Report on National and Colonial Qnestions. 

On July 26 the Congress listened to Comrade Lenin, who made a 
report upon the results of the work of the committee of the Congress 
on national and colonial questions. 

" The fundamental characteristics of imperialism," says Comrade 
Lyenin, " is the dividing up of the world into a small handful of op- 
pressors and an overwhelming majority of oppressed. 

" At the present moment 70 per cent of the entire population of 
the globe— that is, more than one and three-fourths billion people — 
are under the yoke of imperialist powers. This yoke expresses itself 
in the most varied forms of exploitation of man by man. This ques- 
tion acquires great importance, and as a result of its complicated and 
varied character in different countries it is one of particular diffi- 

" The Soviet idea is spreading everywhere, even in the most back- 
ward countries. As a result the question has come up, and was dis- 
cussed in the committee, whether the Communist International should 
support the bourgeois-democratic movements in backward countries, 
should support the bourgeois-democratic parties of oppressed na- 

*/" We came to the conclusion that the bourgeois-democratic parties 
of oppressed nationalities are of various kinds. Some of them have 
adopted reformist tactics, and are adapting themselves to the politi- 
cal regime existing in a given country, harmonizing their activities 
with the interests of the ruling countries. Of course we shall not 
give any support to such parties. Here we have the essential differ- 
ence between Communists and reformists, because the latter sup- 
port bourgeois-democratic movements in politics. However, reform- 
ists, in fact, always come out against revolutionary movements in 
colonies and semicolonial States. On the other hand. Communists 
should support the national-revolutionary movements, but only when 
these movements are in fact revolutionary. 

" The peasantry is usually the support of such national-revolu- 
tionary movements. In such countries, the Communist Party is not 
able to attain success unless it supports the peasants. Here we come 
to the question as to what should be the work of a Communist Party 
in precapitalist countries (for example, our Turkestan), where one 
must note a practically complete absence of industrial proletariat. 

" However, a Communist Party even in the precapitalist countries 
has a wide field for activity, inasmuch as you have in these backward 
countries also exploitation of the population by trading capital, and a 
semifeudal relationship in agriculture. 

"The struggle of agricultural toilers against landlord exploita- 
tion is the basis upon which you can build an organization of toilers, 
even in backward countries, 

" In such countries it is quite possible to establish a Soviet author- 
ity. The experiences of Eussia and of various Mussulman repub- 
lics — for example, Turkestan — show that the Soviet movement can 
be successful not only in proletarian countries, but even in those coun- 


tries where precapitalist relations exist. In these countries you ex- 
perience great difficulty in organizing Soviets, but without question 
it is possible to arouse an independent revolutionary consciousness 
and moveraent even in these countries. The "Soviet idea is very 
simple, and can be understood not only by the proletariat, but also by 
the Droader nonproletarian masses. 

" Here we come to another very important point, which has aroused 
rather lively debates in the committee. Can countries with precapi- 
talist relations in production pass to Communism without going 
through the period of capitalism?" 

On this point Comrade Lenin notes that if the victorious proletariat, 
having State authority in its hands in the most developed industrial 
countries, will come to the assistance of the Orient with all its organi- 
zation and State means, then the backward countries will be able to 
attain Communism without passing through the capitalist stage of 

" One must abandon scientific prejudices that each country must 
absolutely pass through capitalist exploitation ; the power of Soviets, 
when there is a powerful industrial proletariat uprising on a world 
scale, can be es^blished in those countries in which flie capitalist 
development has not attained any serious proportions," t^ 

Very lively debates in the committee accompanied the question 
of the attitude of the workmen who live in the metropolis toward the 
revolutionary movement in colonies. Comrade Lenin on this point 
indicates that the refusal of the workmen of capitalist countries to 
support the revolutionary movement in colonies is treason with 
respect to the revolution, and is Jingoism which is the worst form 
of chauvinism. " In this kind of Socialist-Patriotism lies the greatest 
danger for the revolution. Against this danger you must fight ener- 
getically, and not with words, out by acts. Not only must you speak 
of reTolution in the colonies, as did the II International, but you 
must assist by action every colonial revolutionary movement." 


Moscow, July27 (Rosta), — The credentials committee has given 
the right of a decisive voice (vote) to 6 delegates from England, 
who Mlong to the British Socialist Party; Germany has 5 votes for 
the representatives of the Communist Party in Germany; of the 
5 delegates from France, 2 belong to the Communist Party and 3 
to the committee on the III International; Austria is represented 
by 4 delegates of the Austrian Communist Party; Spain is repre- 
sented by Comrade Pestana, a member of the National Confedera- 
tion of Labor of Spain; Hungary, 2 representatives of the Com- 
munist Party; Bulgaria, 3 Bulgarian Communists; Jugo-Slavia, 1; 
Italy, 3 Italian Socialists; Mexico, 2 Communists; Switzerland, 3 
Communists and 2 Left Social-Democrats. 

As representatives of Turkey there arrived 2 delegates of the 
Bureau of Communist Organizations and 1 delegate from the Com- 
■miinist group of Constantinople. The following countries also gave 
Communists: Poland, 1; Eastern Galicia, 2; Lithuania and White 
Russia, 2 ; Georgia, 5 ; liitvia, 3 ; Belgium, 1 ; Korea, 1 ; Finland, 5 , 
Holland, 2; Armenia, 2; Azerbaidjan, 1; Russia, 63. America is 



represented by three members of the Communist Labor Party and 
by 2 delegates from the Communist Party of the United States. 

The following countries gave a mixed Communist-Socialist rep- 
resentation: Dutch "India, 2; Norway, 8; Denmark, 2; Esthonia, 2, 
Czecho-Slovakia save 2 fjeft Social -Democrats. 

Unions of the Youth and the International of Young People wen, 
represented by 12: Germany gave 1; Russia, 4; Norway, 2; Italy, 
France, Switzerland, and Gfeorgia sent 1 delegate each; the Inter- 
national of Young People, 2. 

At the Congress there are 42 delegates with a consultative voice; 

4 of these were delegated by the executive committee of the Com- 
munist International (Communists), 2 by Ireland { Communists) » 

5 by Italy (Communists), 2 by Latvia (Communiste), 1 by Bok- 
hara (Communist), 2 by Czecho-Slovakia (Communists). 

A mixed Communist-Socialist group of delegates, with the right 
of consultative voice, was given as follows: fialy 6; Germany 2: 
Serbia 2; Esthonia 1; Austria 1; Finland 3; France 3; America and 
Mexico, 1 each: India and Australia, 2 each. The National League 
of Workmen's Youth of England gave 1 delegate with consultative 
voice, the Central Bureau of Chinese Workmen of Bosnia gave 2, and 
the Communist Bund gave 2. 


[Petrograd Pravda. Inly SB, 19S0.1 
National and Colonial Questions. 

Onthefirst day theworkof the Sections is on national and colonial 
questions. These questions have now become practical questions of 
me revolutionary struggle. This is clear from the fact that so many 
colonial countries are represented at the Congress, such as India, 
Korea, China, Persia, and so forth. The II International, even in 
its best years, could not boast of such an international membership 
as we find here at the 2nd Congress of the III International. The 
toiling masses, many millions, of the Orient have developed closer 
relations. It is natural that their i-evolutionary representatives should 
be at a World Communist Congress. 

European and American capitalism pitilessly repressed and op- 
pressed the colonies, took away all the vital strength of oppressed 
nations, and doomea them to stagnation and ruin. Now new times 
have come even for the most backward and oppressed. An enormous 
quantity of inflammable material has accumulated everywhere. 

Dutch India {Comrade Maring). — A Spciaiist propaganda has been 
conducted there for about five years, '^" Imported capitalism did 
not permit the development of a local, native bourgeoisie : but there 
has Deen an adequate number of large-power robbers. Capitalistic 
development went forward, as did also the process of depriving the 
local population of land and of ruining the small artisans-i/In Dutch 
India (Java) there are thirty millions of Mussulmans. Of this num- 
ber twenty-four millions are peasants. The proletarians number 
three millions. In 1912 occurred the first great mass movement, which 
brought into the foreground workmen and peasants. It took place 
under the slogan of the struggle of Islam against foreign capitalism. 



A new revolutionary movement already has a history of three years. 
The most revolutionary elements are the railroad workers. Ten 
thousand of the forty thousand are already organized. At Java there 
worked both reformists and a revolutionary Socialist Party, the latter 
having now changed its name to Communist. The reformists have 
only a hundred members, all of them European (colonizers). In the 
ranks of the revolutionary Socialist Party are 1,500 Javese and 100 

Persia (Comrade Sultan-Zade) . — The importation of cheap manu- 
factured goods from abroad contributed particularly to the ruination 
of the peasant masses and the small artisans. The peasant masses are 
cruelly exploited by the Shah's clique, and by the feudals who own 
estates equal in size to Belgium and Holland. There is no unity in 
the ruling classes. This leads to constant political strife in their 
midst. ^'The agrarian aristocracy constantly looks toward " impe- 
rialist protectors," A section of the merchant groups thinks mainly 
of the markets of the rich metropolis, while another section sees no 
other way out except to remain in dependence, i/ 

A schism took place among the propertied classes in 1912, during 
the Russian attack on Persia. It continued even during the period 
of the English occupation. In view of the weakness of the ruling 
classes of the native society, and of the acuteness of the agrarian rela- 
tions, the revolution in the Orient is inevitably taking on enormous 
social proportions. 

The institutions of revolutionary self-administration, the" Anju- 
mani, which were in existence in the time of the first revolution, have 
spread rapidly throughout the whole country. 

India. {Comrade Boy).-— In India there are 37,000,000 landless 
peasants. Land ownership is highly centralized; 600 to 700 princes 
own almost the entire territory. About 5,000,000 proletarians work 
in enterprises which number 500 workmen each. The N'ationalist 
movement rests for the most part on the middle classes (in south of 
India). A strike revolutionary movement of proletarian masses is 
blazing for itself its own road. ^ 

China {Comrade Lau). — China was refused everything at the peace 
conference, ^-^t the present moment the Nationalist- revolutionary 
movement is having much success. The student youth are at ite 
bead. They organize strikes, and have close contact with workmen, 
who (iften strike on their appeals. Sometimes even the small traders 
also strike. The day of the Japanese ultimatum to China, May 4, 
1915, has been proclaimed a day of national shame. Industrial 
Shanghai is the leader of the revolutionary movement, and carries 
on a struggle against the Southern and Northern Governments. Sun- 
Yat-Sen, who was formerly in the Southern Government, left and 
took with him only generals^aclventurers. ^ 

A Socialist printed organ is published in Shanghai ; there also a 
Left Party is active, and calls itself a Marxist Party; it stands for 
alliance with Soviet Russia against Japan, and for assistance to 
Korea, All Provinces are in the hands of governors-general; the 
finances are also in their hands. Therefore the Central (lovernment 
is conducting systematically a selling out of China to foreign robbers. 
Shantung and much more was ceded to Japan. The overwhelming 
majority of the population are agricultural. Themajority of thepoor 



of the cities are small urticans. The Chinese Krmy numbers aboi 
2,000,000, but these are hired soldiers who serve those who pay i 
money. In China there are no large estates {Cliina is one big kitch 

farden). There is great shortage of land.. And therefore Sun-Y| 
en himself energetically supports the policy of colonizing the bord 
Provinces. The rural popiilation is very mueh stirred up over li 
high tases. An industrial proletariat is just beginning to grow g 
It represents an extreme reyelutionary element. 

Korea {Comrade Pak). — To 1914 the nobility and the prospero 
elements were the only standard bearers of the national movema 
A mass revolutionary movement has begun to develop only in the tl 
year ant! a half. Japan keeps Korea in colonial slavery, and theJ 
fore trade capital only is to be found there. In the north of Kon 
there is small land tenure./ But to the south there are exclusivel 
part-day laborers and tenants, who have to give up 70 per cent ■ 
their crop. At first some hope was put in the League of Nation 
However, Lreft Socialists immediately raised the question squarely- 
Moscow or Paris. Taking advantage of the support of the High! 
America has tended to speculate on revolution in Korea. Bi 
Socialists have definitely luimasked this deception. 

Comrade Frid ' dwells particularly on the condition of the negio 
in America. In this famous " democracy " there are three categori 
of oppressed people : First, the immigiant workman ; second, t 
colonial and half- dependent peoples — Filipinos, Indians, and sud 
and third, negroes. The negroes number about ten millions. Tli 
are concentrated in the large industrial centers. They are a\r! 
lutely without rights, and, in spite of the Constitution, have not ti 
suffrage. Inequality as to rights with respect to everything. 
South Carolina, for example, while $35 a year is spent in sraiog 
for each white child, only $1 is spent for a black one. Instances 
mob violence and lynching are particularly frequent. Till receni 
many trade-unions did not take in negroes. At one time there w 
among the negroes a movement to retuin to Africa, but this mm 
ment was not successful. The negroes feel a close tie with Amerii 
On the labor market they compete with the whites. The retnt 
from Europe of 4,000,000 American soldiers led to a whole serir;^ I 
street conflicts over jobs in the factories. But the negroes have \* 
come quite different since the war. They are easily inflameil 1 
revolutionary propaganda and many call themselves Boishe\i;i 
The organization of the Industrial Workers of the World has alreii 
begun to work among them. 

The Situation in India — Report of Comrade Roy. 

[Petroerad rravda. July 20, 1920.) 

Among the reports submitted to the committee on national 1! 
colonial questions, the report of Comrade Roy on the situation! 
India deserves special attention: 

'Note.- — Tile reports are transmit led to Moscow liy telephone. In auotliiT ' 
stance tlie names uf foreign delegates have clearl.v been confuned In l!-ii 
mission. Therefore, In all probability tite speaker here is John Reed, n^ 
spoke at the Congress on several occtieions. A long speecb bj lilni on the ne^' ' 
from t.hf> Moscow Pravdu of August 8 Is printed In Station II herein. 

Do,i,,-c,ib,-Googlc , 


"The nationalist movement in India began to take more or less 
>ncrete form in the eighties of the last century, and found its ex- 
ression in a national congress. 

"This movement has embraced in its development large circles of 
le student youth and of the middle classes, but the appeal of the 
rationalists for a struggle for the independence of India found no 
jsponse in the masses of the population. 

" The popular masses of India are not reached by the nationalist 
pirit; they are interested exclusively in questions of a social-eco- 
oniic character. The conditions of life of the population of India 
re extremely hard. 

*' Since English capitalism became established in India 80 per cent 
f the population of the country, who live by the tilling of the soil, 
ave lost their propertv and become agricultural laborers. These 
lillions of people literally go a-begging. Although they till the soil, 
liey go hungry, because all they produce by their labor is exported- 
'hese tens of millions of people take absolutely no interest in the 
ourgeois capitalistic watchwords ; the only slogan that will interest 
hepi is: 'The land to the land-tiller.' 

I In- comparison with the rural proletariat the industrial prole- 
irittt is numerically very small. There are about five million work- 
icn in India. Among these workmen the trade-union movement is 
preading rapidly. During the last years the strike movement has 
eon spreading intensely in the working class of India. The first 
aiportant strike occurred in 1906. It took in the railroad workers 
hi] assumed the form of a "enuine uprising. 

" There are elements in India to form a strong Communist Party. 
tilt the revolutionary movement in India, in so far as it concerns 
ht> broad popular masses, has nothing in common with the national- 
it liberation movement,"\_/ 

■^)n the basis of this analysis Comrade Eoy arrives at the con- 
lusion that it is necessary to eliminate from point 11 of the theses 

II the national problem the paragraph according to which Com- 
munist parties must assist any bourgeois-democratic liberation move- 
lent in eastern countries. The Communist International should as- 
ist exclusively the institution and development of the Communist 
lovement in India, and the Communist Party of India must devote 
tself exclusively to tlie organization of the broad popular masses 
or the struggle for the class interests of the latter. ,_„^ 
•-Comrade TRoy defends the opinion that the revolutionary move- 
leiit in Europe is absolutely dependent on the course of the revolu- 
ion in the East. AVithout the triumph of the revolution in the 
^astern countries, the Communist movement in the West may be 
irouEfht to naught. World capitalism is drawing its main resources 
iid incomes from the colonies, and principally from Asia. The 
iluriipean capitalists may in emergency give to the workmen the 
ntire surplus value in order to attract tnem to their side and to 
Icslroy revolutionary tendencies. The capitalists themselves would 
ontinue, with the aid of the proletariat, to exploit Asia. Such a way 
'lit would be most comfortanle for the capitalists. Therefore it is 
lecessary to direct all efforts toward the development and rise of the 
evolutionary movement in the East and to accept as a fundamental 
hesis that the destiny of World Communism depends on the triumph 
it Communism in the East- y' 

^ r„.,„n,G00glc 


Comrade Welch, of the British Communist Party, answered Coa 
rade Roy. Comrade Welch argued that we are duty bound to a 
every movement against imperialism. The national liberation mon 
ment in India might not enjoy, for the time being, the sj^npsthif 
of the large popular masses ; but this does not mean that it will no 
gain them in the very near future. The English Government vrii 
find it very easy to handle the purely Communistic propaganda 
the colonies and to suppress the Commimist movement there, 
will find it much harder to defeat the national liberation movemai 
in a colony. 

Comracfe Lenin also disputed the viewpoint of Comrade ^y- 1' 
Eussia we supported the liberal-liberation movement when 'it wj 
taking a stand against Tsarism. The Hindu Communists ar^ dul; 
bound to support the bourgeois-liberation movement without, hoi 
ever, merging with it. Comrade Roy goes too far in declaring that til 
destiny of the AVest will depend exclusively upon the ^j^ree of (lev(i 
opment and the strength of the revolutionary movement in Eastd 
countries. Notwithstanding the fact that there are five millions^ 
proletarians and thirty-seven millions of landless peasants in Imlii 
the Hindu Communists did not succeed until the present time i; 
establishing a Communist party in their country, and because of th 
single fact the views of Comrade Roy are tt> a large extent not wi 
grounded, ^y^ 

The account of yesterday's sitting of the Congress can not he jivt 
lished in this issue lyecatise of the damage to the 
Moscow- " ■ 


[Petragrad Pravdu. 3u]y 30. 1920.] 

The debates on the question of colonial and national policy we 


In the name of the Persian Communist party spoke Comro' 
Sultan-Zade, who called attention to tlie fact that the experiences < 
the Russian proletariat in Kirgizia, Turkestan, and other regiu: 
quite undeveloped in a capitalistic sense, have proven that the Sudd 
authority can be organized even in the absence of a developed inilit- 
trial proletariat. This can be said even more definitely with re.5j)f' 
to Persia, Egypt, and India, and with respect to those colonies w'nv 
all the aspects of social differentiation and all political teudt-nii 
are represented. 

"-Comrade Sultan-Zade emphasizes the fact that tlie social revolulii 
in India and Persia has a broad and solid base in the proletariat, an 
in the semiproletariat organized there by English trade capital bj 
destroying the native carpet and textile industries. 

'Note. — Tlie repoi't la published in i 
form, and is therefore supplemented b 
tlie Izvestla of July 29. 

b,. Google 


" Tiie countries of the Orient are passing through a period of mass 
aiiperization, associated with the period of the first accumulation 
E capital. Yearly over ten million persons are transferred from 

siatic colonies, while the peasantry carries on its shoulders the 
urden of landlords, clergy, capitalists, bureaucrats, and brigands in 

jVnswering Comrade Koy the delegate from India, Comrade Sul- 
m-Zade says that the social revolution will not come from the Orient 
nd will not free Europe; but, on the other hand, the Communist 
ttternational must come to the assistance of the toiling masses of 
le Orient in order to facilitate for them the propess of social revo- 
ition.* w^ 

The Situatim in China. 

Comrade Lau gives an outline of the situation in China. The Ver- 
lillea Conference not only gave nothing to China but sanctioned the 
:izure by Japan of three Chinese Provinces. The Chinese masses 
aswered by boycotting Japanese goods and by increasing the strug- 
e against the Northern Government. 

Socialist parties in China are winning more and more influence, 
nd publish in Shanghai a weekly which is widely distributed in 
hina. This party supports an alliance with the Russian Soviet 
epublic and appeals for a struggle against the Chinese and the 
orld bourgeoisie. The industries of China are at a standstill, 
he proletariat is in a most deplorable condition, and in the villages 
le land is being seized by the rich. The system of administration in 
hina is a dictatorship of a military bureaucracy, with complete 
laos and arbitrary methods in administration and finance. 


The delegate of the Korean Communist Party, Comrade Pak, 
Iso points out that the victory of social revolution is impossible so 

' ■' In addition even the ruling ciasses In oriental conntrles are not unanimous, 
ace some are associated wltti the world markets and capital while others are 
pocliited with tlie national niai'kets and capitnl. All these circumstances 
eatly facilitate the development of social revolution In the Orient and Persia, 
di're already in 1905 the Soviet of Peasant Deputies — Anjumani — was or- 
nized."— (Moscow Izvestia, July 29, 1920.) 

' Further, he points out that the experience of the National-Democratic move- 
ent in the Orient confirms the policy of assisting preferably the toiling masses 
irough the intermediary of a Communist Party, rather than by supporting 
definite and unsuitable political organizations of a petty bourgeois character. 
Comrade Grazladel speaks on the rOie of the Soviet Russian Repablic (or the 
;velopment of social revolution, and expresses the opinion that Its struggle 
iialnst world capital at the present moment should be considered synonymous 
Ith the struggle of the III International, jast as the defeat of the Paris Com- 
une at its time represented the (iHfeat of the I International. As for the small 
itions, in his opinion they aid not carry on an Imperialistic policy during the 
ar. since they were powerless. After the war they can not carry on an im- 
iriaiistlc policy because they are themselves the object of the imperialistic 
aneuvers of the larger pirates. This last fact represents the full measure of 
lelr raie in the history of the social struggle on a world scale. (Moscow 
vestia, July 29.) 



long as the western bourgeoisie can draw on its resources in its col" 
nies in the Orient for its struggle against the proletariat.^,/' 


1/ Comrade Ismail-Haki speaks in the name of the Turkish toiliu; 
masses. He introduces an amendment to the resolution of Comraii 
Lenin on Pan-Islamism and Pan-Turkism. ^ ^^ 

Protest Against Anti-Semitic Baiting. 
' Then speak Comrades Fiiunkina, Merezhin, and Kon. In tb 
name of tie Jewish proletariat they propose to the Congress to issn 
a strong protest agamst the anti-fcemitic persecutions and pogroc 
which are being organized everywhere wherever the bourgeoisie ru 
or even where there are petty bourgeois, compromise Socialist got 
ernments. They base their protest on many facts from the practit 
of the Governments of Pilsudski and Petlura, and also from the prai 
tices of the organizing by the English occupationary authorities « 
pogroms in Palestine. 

Before the vote on the theses on the question of colonial and iii 
tional policy Comrade Serrati announces that he believes that socii 
revolution can and should be realized without the support of s 
called national democratic parties. He therefore abstains from vix 
ing. The resolution is adopted unanimously, with three abstainiL 
from voting, 

SITTING OF JULY 29, 1920. 

[Petrograd Praydo, July 80. 1020.] 


Comrade Zinoviev proposes a number of changes in the theses con 
ceming conditions of admission to the III Communist Internationi 
He speaks of the serious peril menacing the III Internal ionjil 
the world revolution. 

' He then dcwrihes the stiiigglfi of the Korenn revolutionists against .laj 
which has beeti going on now for 17 months. The Japanese increased tase 
300-350 per cent, tbns arousing even ttie middle classes of the country a^atu^ 
them. They did not permit the construction of factories anil uillts iu Kun 
The Korean toiling masses understand that the struggle can not give tint 
freedom if It is conducted solely on nationalist grounds. Fighting for tlii' ov. 
throw of the Japanese yoke the Koretin masses at the same time s^f'iVR to ittv 
ate themselves from their own native landlords. Former political partie.e, il 
so-called united nationnl hloc nnd the union of terrorists hope for the lihei-iilLi 
of the Korean people under the Wilson formula. They, however, have t^' 
lost all Influence and at the present moment It Is the Korean Communist I'nr 
-that exercises influence over the masses of the Korean tollers. (Mnw' 
Izvestla, July 29, 1920.) 
^ ' In his opinion Pan-Ialnmism is the historic attempt of the Turldsh suiW 
to unite around the Turitish peoples alt other peoples euslaveil ijy them thr-mii 
foree of arms. Since the Turhish revolution tlits political tMidency has hv 
replaced by a Pan-Tnrlsism, that Is an attempt to unite all the Turkish peo]4' 
on the basis of a common oilgin and common language. .\t the pre.sent nionin 
Pan-Turkism is Just such a reactionary movement as was Paii-IsiamiMni in :' 
time. The Turkish toiling maHses and' the toiling masses of all other Turk!' 
peoples,- lino w that only n social revolution and the Oommunlst Inteniiitii>' 
can free them from the national yoke, as well as from all other foriiis of ^n 
(■xploitiitlon. (Moscow Izvestin, July 29, 1920.) 



" After the first congress of tlie III International," sars Comracle 
linoviev, " they hooted at us and said tha,t the whole HI Interna- 
ional could be seated around one table. The old parties remaining 
mder the flag of the II International did not at all express the desire 
o forsake it. Since then many changes have taken place. Now, 
inder the pressure of the broad masses of workers, the old inveterate 
■epresentatives of the ideology of the II International are breaking 
iway and knocking at the door of the III Communist International." 

Comrade Zinovtev emphasizes the fact that the III Communist 
ntemational is not a society of propaganda : " The III Communist 
nternational is an international militant organization similar to the 
, International, which did not leave a single great economic strike 
fithout active support. What, however, do these people imagine 
heir future relations to the Communist International will be, and 
lieir role in the world revolution? " Comrade Zinoviev cites an 
rticle by Grimm showing the necessity for the Independent Party 
o leave the II International and participate in the III Communist 
ntemational, which should organize an international information 
lureau and parliamentary work through the introduction of various 
Irafts of laws. 

"The Italian opportunist Modigliani admits that he is for ad- 
aission to the III International, since that entails the obligation 
iierely to send a postal card to Moscow once in two weeks." 

Comrade Zinoviev further ouotes another Italian opportunist who 
ipenly and cynically admits tnat he remains in the party because it 
5 the means of accomplishing definite purposes, " We are standing 
lefore the evident danger," savs Comrade Zinoviev, " of filling up the 
'ommunist International with elements of this sort." 

Comrade Zinoviev further gives a detailed analysis of the political 
tructure of the Italian and German Independent Parties and of the 
jwedish, Norwegian, Danish, and Jugo-Slav " Left " Socialist par- 
ies, and says that all these parties should in the most categorical 
lanner put a stop to all the Socialist-Pacifist, bourgeois tendencies 
hat are building their nests in these parties. 

He speaks of the III Communist International being the Interna- 
ional of the East, which opposes the International of the West. 
Cvents have shown, however, that there is neither an International 
f the East nor an International of the West, but upon the one hand 

Communist International, and on the other hand a bourgeois Inter- 
lational which is trying to disorganize and demoralize the labor 
evolution with the aid of Socialist-Pacifist ideas. 

The Commutiist International Will Not Be One-Sided. 

Comrade Zinoviev reports that the central committee of the Rus- . 
ian Communist Party, analyzing the question of Socialist-Pacifists, 
lad reached the decision that if the dilemma should arise as to a 
■hoice between a Communist International containing Socialist- 
*acifist elements and solely a Russian Communist Party — at least 
ormally we would prefer the latter : "At the present time the 
locialist-Pacifists represent the most dangerous tendency in the 
Socialist parties." 

Comrade Zinoviev expresses himself in the most categorical manner 
gainst proportional representation : " Proportional representation is 


a very worthless mixture of pink lemonade, deadly poison and i 
neutral ingredient of some kind. We do not assemble for compli 
ments on an international scale, for the singing of the ' Interna- 
tional,' and other nonsense characteristic of the II International 
The Communist International is a militant apparatus for throwing 
off the capitalistic yoke. Honeyed loyalty to Kautsky under sud 
conditions is treachery to the working class." 

Comrade Zinoviev again insists on the necessity of centralizatioe 
and iron discipline, and expresses the hope that with the aid of tbf 
warlike qualities of the III International the latter will accompli^ 
what is written on its flag — the liberation of labor. 

Comrade Radek Appears. 

Debate follows the report of Comrade Zinoviev. 

Comrade Eadek appears. He recalls the first days of the Germa: 
revolution, when Soviet Russia offered her aid to theGerman Go^ 
ernment, with which Haase was then connected. 

" Of course, the scale upon which the proposed aid was to be give 
was not important, but it was extraordinarily notable and char 
acteristic that the Socialist government, with the participation o: 
the Independent Socialist Haase, refused that aid under the pretei 
that similar aid was promised to Germany by the bourgeois govern 
ment of the United States of North America. This at once reveals 
the orientation which in reality was perfectly natural to the Socialis 
compromisers of Germany. The circumstance also seemed perfects 
natural that the Congress of the II International busied itself witi 
revising the Treaty of Versailles. 

" Therefore we say to the working class : Be cautious, and be al 
the more cautious for the reason that through simply ignoring tie 
revolution the so-called Independent Socialists often pass withou' 
much ado to treachery. In September, 1919, when Denikin ant 
Yudenich were bending their steps toward Moscow and Petrograd- 
when the very existence of the Soviet Kepublic was in danger — Hi! 
ferding said that the Soviet Republic would go to the bottom in tw 
or three weeks and that there was no need to bind up one's fah 
with Moscow. 

" Hilferding and Haase do not believe in the revolution ; the 
betray the revolution even when they formally join it." 

Comrade Cachin Appears. 

Comrade Cachin then takes the floor and, in his own name an; 
that of Eosmer, reads a declaration of complete solidarity with Con; 
rade Zinoviev, as well as with the propositions advanced by hino. 

Comrade Cachin in the course oi his speech further points out ' 
large number of problems arising from these propositions and these 
for the French Socialist Party and promises that on his return !■ 
France he will achieve complete unity on all these theses in t\f 
French Socialist Party. He also expresses the hope that the Frenci 
Socialist Party will just as unanimously join them, and that Com 
rade Longuet will be among the sincere adherents to the new decisioi 




Comrades Leffevre, Graziadei, Guilbeau, Herzog, Godenberg, and 
others participate in further debate. 

All of them warn against too confiding an attitude toward the ad- 
mission of individual, so-called Independent Socialist parties into 
the Communistic family of the III International. They recall the 
new display of Socialist traitors and Socialist chameleons, and draw 
a parallel between Cachin and Turati, and extend that parallel also 
to other personages in Independent Socialist parties, demonstrating 
that all tnese are traitors to and betrayers of the revolution. 

"Their ideological character will not by any means be changed by 
their admission or nonadmission to the Communist International. 
This will be pasting the red label of the III Communist Interna- 
tional on the yellow content of the compromise parties. We accept 
these gentlemen only because the laborin*; masses still go with them 
and follow them: liut the laboring masses should not make war 
with such means; they must be taught, they must be organized, and 
having been organized must be torn away from the treacherous and 
counter-revolutionary parties and organizations. 

"Their inclusion, then, in the membership of the III Interna- 
tional, through the instrmnentality of the compromise parties, con- 
stitutes the gravest menace to the Social revolution." 

A resolution is passed by the Congress on the report of Comrade 


Yesterday, in the Column Hall of the House of Unions, was held 
a concert-banquet in honor to the Congress of the III International, 
organized by the Moscow Soviet, the Moscow Provincial Soviet of 
Trade Unions, and the Moscow Committee of the Russian Commu- 
nist Party. 

The best artistic talent of Moscow took part in the concert. Shalia- 
pin, Geltser, Balashova, and others performed. The official part of 
the program concluded with a rendering of " Dubinushka," by 
Shaliapin. The concert lasted until 3 a. m. 

[Petn^rad Frardo, July 31, 1B20.1 


The evening sitting of July 29 begins with the appearance upon the 
floor of Dittmann and Crispien, representatives of the Party of In- 
dependents of Germany, who in their speeches note the evolution of 
their party, which now numbers within its ranks some millions of 
workers of the most revolutionary portion of the German proletariat. 

" It may be," they say, " tliat our party committed many crimes in 
the past, but it is now straightening out its political lines. A num- 
ber of the largest demonstrations recently tooK place in Berlin, under 

15060—20 4 



the banner of the Independent Party, and with the slogan ; * Ilandi 
off Soviet Russia,'" The refusal of the Congress to include th» 
Party of the Independents in the III Intfirnational ," says Comrad* 
Dittmann, " may have serious consequences for the German revolu- 
tion. The German proletariat can not remain without an inte^ 
national policy and international ties, and perhaps it will be coi* 
pelled to create its own international organization. 

In response to these representations, Comrade Lozovsky and t 
number of other orators warn the Congress against including thi 
Party of Independents of Germany in the III International, for es 
perience has shown that in the fateful moment of the revolution, tin 
German Mensheviks, as well as those of Russia, may find themselv« 
on the other side of the barricade and betray the German revolution.' 

'The Blitscow Izve^tin of .Tul.v 31, 1820, giva« thu following longer report oi. 
thl8 Sitting: 

The evening sitting begins with a statement by Comrade Mlllsich, who snj> 
that the ana^sis of the progrnm and tactics of the party of Yugo-Slavia, niaili 
by Comrade Zinovlev Is correct in so far as it refers to the past : "At thf 
present moment our party Is a purely Communistic one. and has nothiag in 
common with opportunism. We still have certain individuals who act llkt 
reformists and opportunists. But the party as a whole Is struggling energeti 
cally against these elements, which are to be found in every Communist Parir/ 
and even in the party of Bolsheviks." Comrade Mllkich brings forward man; 
facts of a documentary character, which prove the genuinely Communistic lint 
taken by the Tugo-Slavian Party. 

He says that the party in both Its legal and illegal activity alms to realli' 
the Soviet authority, appeals to the masses and organizes Soviets, and that man; 
of the responsible workers of this party, including one member of the centra; 
committee, have been turned over to military courts as a result of their activity 

Comrade Bombacci believes that no dispute can arise on the essence of tli 
question that has been raised at the Congress. To admit non-Communia 
parties into the Comnmnlst International would be the same as to admit t\: 
entire II International Into the III International. The position of the II Inter 
national, and of its separate oi^anizatlons, is absolutely clear, so far as It ha- 
manifested itself during the 30 years of its existence. Making specific refer 
ence to the Italian Socialist Party. Oomi'ade Bombacci aflirins that 70 per ten: 
of its leaders are reformists. Therefore, on prinicple, there shouli) not 1" 
even discussion of admitting to the III International the German Independeo' 
Party or the French Socialist Party, If, however, as a matter of tactics, 1" 
seems necessary to do so, then the only way out of the situation is to Instltu'' 
the strictest reregistrntlon of all members of the parties admitted, like tb 
constant rere^stration which has become part of the system of the Russia; 
Communist Party. In general, it is necessary to resort to this method >•'. 
including In the communist family alien elements only where there is an ei 
treme emergency, and always on the condition of rereglsttatlon. 

Comrades Poliano, Mayer, and Wynkoop also express themselves most i-ai" 
goricaily against admitting lo tlie III InternationiU the Independent Party n 

Comrade Lozovsky also speaks against admitting into the III International al 
political organizations which do not state formally, why, with whom, and « 
what platform they wish to unite. Comrade Lozovsky recalls the rOle of Uk 
Kussian Meiishevllts at the beginning of the October (1917) revolution, wh- 
proposed to disarm the workmen and to admit the Cossaclts into Petrogra- 
on the verbal guarantee that no mass killing of workmen would be allowi^ 
"The elements of the Centre," says Comrade Lozovsky. "may very well per 
form a similar service for the III International In all those countries where tli' 
revolution Is at the stage where we were in October, 1917." 

The floor Is then given to the delegates of the German Independent Parlj 
Comrades CrLipien and Dittmann. 

Comrade Crlsplen notes with satisfaction that the members of the III Intei 
national are evldetitly well informed as to what is going on In Germany. Bi 
speaks of that very difficult task which presented itself to the German Soclallsii 
when war was declared. The conditions of military dictatorship, the enormou' 


SITTING OF JULY 30, 1920. 


The sitting of July 30 be^ns with Comrade Rakovsky on the floor, 
who dwells in detail on the expulsion of the Russian Embassy from 

apparatus (oue million members of the legal party and two and one-half 
mlUfon members of trade-unions) — this was the enormous njaaa, among which 
the handful of Socialist leaders had to try, with the greatest .difficulty, to fli 
tlielr line Of policy. From the beginning of the war this line could be made 
clear only In a very restricted Illegal literature. 

In the latter pait of his speech Orispien trlea to give an analysis of the 
charges directed against the German Independent Party by Icdlvldnals taking 
part in these debatcB. He says that the party has of course made many mis- 
tflkes, but that Its leaders arc acting not under the pressure of the masses, but 
in accordance with their own convictions. The luasses elect these leaders be- 
cause they trust them, because they know them, and tnow them not only by 
their words but also by tlielr deeds. 

The composition of the Independent Pnrty la proletarinn and not petty 
bourgeois aa is that of the followers of Scheidemann. " We ourselves under- 
stood," says Comrade Grispien, " that a schism was necessary, that among us 
there were elements which should not be with us; but a sclUsm is a bitter 
necessity, and we must take this necessary step only with the greatest caution. 
It Is necesaary to remember that the revolutionary elements of Germany are 
now still scattered in four parties : Independents, Sparticldes, the Communist 
Ijibor Party, and one party with anarchist tendencies." 

In conclusion, Comrade Crispien expresses confidence that the Congress will 
lake the point of view of reuniting sincerely revolutionary elements, as other- 
wise the revolution In Germany will find itself face to face with new and very 
aerlons obstacles. " However, whatever your decision," concludes Comrade 
Crispleu, " we shall leave this Congress with a feeling of ^ncere conviction that 
we are comrades no matter how we look on each other Of eourae, the millions 
of workmen who are members of the German Independent Partv can not be de- 
prived of the light to particlpiitp in international activity and to have inter- 
national connectlona If the Congress does not admit us to the III Interna- 
tional, then we shall he obliged to create our own international oiganlzatlon. 

Comrade Dittmann then speaks, explaining in detail the rille of the German 
Party of Independents In those oreanizations which were established as links 
liptweeu the Kusslan Soviet Republic and the Republic of Germany from the 
veiv first (la J of the revolution 

He says that Hoase, In his conversation with Comrade Radek about the two 
trains with grain, which the lattfsr proposed to send in the name of the Russian 
Soviet Republic, immediately declared that he saw that this proposal was first 
t)f nil a symbol of the international solidarity of the proletariat From this 
point of view the farther line of conduct of Haase Is In part to be explained, 
wiien 111? refused to take the grain from the starving Russian workmen, being 
nl>le to do this on the account of the capitalistic United States of America. 

The expulsion of Comrade Jolte was decreed before the Ind<?pendents became 
members of the Government (German) ; they Immediately demanded his re- 
turn, but were not successful. 

The arrest of Comrade Kadek took place mainly because of the threats of 
the Right Socialist section of the govemmejit which acted on the basis of the 
posslliillty of a breaking off of the armistice with the English and French, 
wlioae intei-ests were affected by the activity of Comrade Badek. 

As for the conduct of the independent Party In the recent period, it Is suflielent 
to note those great demonstrations which took place in Berlin under the slogan 
" Hands off Soviet Russia." 

Comrade Dittmann Insists that tlie Indtjiendents have always felt their duty 
of solidarity with the Russian proletariat and with the Russian revolution. In- 
dividual statements of individual members of the party perhaps compromised 
tlic latter, but Ihey were not able to alter Its attitude and Hie general political 
line, or even becloud these. At the present moment, with the straggle against 
the bourgeoisie and the Right Socialists becoming very acute. It Is necessary that 
the proletariat should close up its ranks on an international scale, . , 



Berlin, and the refusal to permit a Bussian mission in Austria. He 
shows that these facts, like other facts indicatinfr the hostile attitude 
of the bourgeois government of Germany toward the Soviet Repub- 
lic, were quite natural and inevitable. " Xor are we surprised nl 
the circumstances that Comrades Dittmann and Crispien, represen- 
tatives of the German Party of Independents, do not understand, 
and did not understand earlier, that the collaboration of classes cn« 
not produce any other results. They do not understand that up tn 
the present they have lieen essentially servitors of the Right Win;; 
Socialists and of the Entente, and that gives rise to the fear that 
they will remain the same henceforth." 

Comrade Rakovsky lays upon the party of Independents the re- 

Stonsibility for the defeat of the proletarian social revolution in 
ermany, a defeat which was the result of compromise tactics. 

Comrade Rakovsky uses even sharper language in referring to tin- 
r^resentatives of the French Socialist Party, He not*s a number 
of reservations and omissions in the declaration of the French .S<h 
cialist Party, reservations which leave open a wide field for all sorti 
of changes of political lines, and even for treason and treachery. 

Comrade RaJe.ovsky proposes to augTtient the controlling power oi 
the Central Commuimt International and give it the right of hrotii 
and effective direction over the activities of individual organisaiion.\ 

Thereupon Comrade Serrati takes the floor, who says that thf 
Italian Socialist Party strives for the accomplishment of a worLI 
revolution. " We are procuring," says Comrade Serrati, " the over 
throw of the bourgeoisie, who are responsible for the war. We will 
procure this with the aid of the proletariat, and with the aid of those 
resources which the proletariat has at its command. All those wlin 
are capable of carrying on revolutionary struggles for our comnmn 
aims should be admitted to the Communist International. Who, 
then, is capable of carrying on this struggle? " Analyzing the polil 
ieal situation of indiviiiual countries Comrade Serrati does not finl 
ground for revolution in France, and adds that for this very reason 
the French Socialist Party should not be admitted to the Intei-na 
tional. "We observe just opposite conditions in Germany," sa_v 
Comrade Serrati, " where the revolution is already an actual ftiii. 
The Party of Independents in Germany therefore should be includi-i 
in the membership of the III International." 

" So far as Italy is concerned, she is experiencing distressing eco 
nomic difficulties and a decline of the powers of the State. Discoir 
tent is growing every day among the workers and peasantry. A rev 
olution in Italy is inevitable and we shall accomplish it. So far a- 
the opportunist elements of our party are conrerned. of course, tlieri 
can be no dispute about that on principle. The only question is a.- 
to when we must get rid of them. And in this sense we would a,*!, 
to be allowed to take advantage of the most favorable moment wi 
may find to do this with the maximum utility for the cause of thr 

Comrade Serrati dwells in detail on the activities of certain Italian 
opportunists and shows that they are after all of much benefit to tlir 
party and to the revolution. " If they should attempt to do us nm 
harm," concludes Comrade Serrati, "then we will kiiow how to di 
our duty to the Italian and world revolutions." 




The floor is taken by Comrade Lenin, who goes into a detailed 
analysiB of the speech of the Independent Crispien, Comrade Lenin 
says that the speech of Crispien is a valuable document, setting 
forth as it does the position of the right wing of the Independents in 
(lermany. He also remarks that the view of Crispien on the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat identifies him in the closest manner with 
Kautsky. Similarly it is not accidental that Crispien maintains 
complete silence about the strugcle of tendencies both in the Con- 
gress and the Party of Independents, In his capacity as one who 
showed up the opportunism of the Independent Party in a clear 
iifrht, Comrade Lenin notes their break, that came too late, with the 
Sch e i dem a nn ists. 

Comrade Lenin then gives an analysis of the views of the Inde- 
pendent Party, or rather of their Right Wing, upon terror and 
violence. Comrade Lenin asks what the course of the Independent 
I'arty in Germany would be toward the mnrders of Rosa Luxem- 
burg and Karl Liebknecht, after the establishment of the dictatorship 
of^tlie proletariat; and toward the reactionary officers, speculators, 
marauders, Krupp, Stumm. Toward certain elements of the counter- 
revolution, any other policy, a policy not connected with violence 
and terror is completely unthinkable. No dictatorship of the pro- 
letarhit is to he thought of without terror artd vioUnce against the 
hitter foes of the proletariat and the lfiborin</ masses. 

" You sav," continues Comrade Lenin, " that Kautsky no longer 
has any influence in your party. But do you know that you your- 
self are a living example of the fact that through vou, through your 
mind and feelings, and your ideology, he is exerting his pernicious 
bourgeois influence on the masses in the Independent Party of Ger- 
many? ^Ve can not work with Il'autski/ in the same /nteniaiioval. 

" We are also unwilling in according admission to the Inter- 
national to be guided by an analysis of the political situation in a 
country, as suggested by Comrade Serrati. We existed even in the 
most counter-revolutionary situation in Russia — in old Russia the 
Bolsheviks struggled for the revolution. And, on the other hand, 
there were Martov and Chernov who at the height of the revolu- 
tionary conjuncture, were complete counterparts, with respect to 
their social significance, of the Italian Socialists Turati, Trampol- 
line, and other oppoitunists. Whatever the situation may be, we 
must carry on the necessary fight against the opportunists, and in 
^■iew of the revolutionary situation, a still more bitter light than at 
a moment of the decline in the revoiiitionarj' struggle." 

Following Comrade Lenin the Spartacide" Comrade Levi speaks 
and sharply objects to the admission of the German Independent 
Party to membership in the Communist International. Comrade 
I^evi offers much documentary data, in his opinion convicting the 
Independent Party of systematic deviation from true revolutionary 
lines and of inclination to Wilsonism and to compromise.' 

'A somewhat lonr^r neeinint cif this sitfinfj, givlnf; speeclies from other for- 
flgin'rs and u Biieech by Zliiovlev, U found In the Izvestia of AuBiist 1, lfi20. 
fi-oin which the following pstractK nre taken: 

Eniber-Droz supports the saiue thoiight in relation to the Swiss Party, which 
(Joes not even recognize the dk-tntorahip of the proletariat. CtHK^Ic 


[PeCrosrad PraTds, Auguat 3, 19S0.I 


The session opens under the presidency of Comrade Zinoviev. 
Before the opening Comrade Zinoviev calls the attention of the 
delegates to the fact that August the 2d is the anniversary of the 
downfall of Soviet power in Hungary, a year since the event that 
brought about the death of Comrade Samueli and thousands of other 
comrades — revolutionary workmen and peasants. He proposes to 
honor the memory of the fallen by rising, and expresses confidence 
that the Hungarian Republic will soon come to life again, to the 
horror of the Hungarian and the world bourgeoisie. 

Comrade Daueniig describes the evolution of the political frame of mind of 
the laboring masses, entering and now to be found In the Socialist Party <)f 
Independents, aod speaks of tliose dtfScuIties which confront the leaders of the 
party in the process of guiding the revolutioDary line of the party. 

Comrade Stecker states that In the Congress and in private convei'sation n'iih 
him, various comrades expressed the wish that the Independent Socialist Paity 
of Germany should be differentiated definitely, and bring about a sclilsiii 
Comrade Stecker admits that there exist in the ranks of the party of Inde- 
pendents certain tendencies and views upon the dictatorship of the proletarioi. 
upon the Constituent Assembly and upon the Soviet system, but that the uiitlrt- 
conjuncture of the political life of Germnnj' nnd the natural development of 
Ideas within the party of Independents at the present moment do not yet dlctiitc 
a schism: "We have an army a million strong of revolutionary peasants, hut 
we also have counter-revolution ai-y peasants. In counterdistinctlon to our Rus- 
sian comrades we have an army a million strong i)£ piiiletarian Intelllgentshi — 
technicians, commercial employees, etc. — who will class-consciously defend the 
dictatorship of the proletariat and facilitate its realization.- So far as terror 
and the use of violence are concerned, there is no difference of opinion among 
ns on that question. I myself said at Leipzig that under certain cnndttious 
revolutionary terrorism is a necessity. When the German revolution begins to 
feel the knife at Its throat, as was felt by our Russian comrades, that necessity 
will be a real one. The difference between the evolution of the Russian Com- 
munist Party and that of the Party of Independents Is explained by the fact 
that we had no sort of connections with Ruasta. Not only we, but all other 
Communist parties represented here, were not interested in the question of 
terror and threw no light on It in their program," In conclusion, Comrade 
Stecker expresses confidence that other representatives of the Independents will 
also remain revolutionists and, in Germany, will go hand In hand witli the 
Communist Party, 

In the closing speech Comrade Zinoviev summarized the debate which took 
place on his report. He again emphasizes the dangers which threaten the III 
International, through association with parties retaining opportunistic Hues of 
action, such as the French Socialist Party and the German Independents. Ai 
the same time he strongly Insists on the necessity of pur^ng those jwrtles of 
the reformist elements which have already joined the III International, suc6 
as the Italian, Danish, and the Norwegian. He finds that the orators replyins 
to him not only did not refute his assertions, but, on the contrary, only cor- 
roborated thorn. But at the same time, Comrade Zinoviev, with no little flrmnegs, 
replies to those comrades of the " Left " who categorically rejected all thouglii 
of admitting Intermediary parties under any sort of conditions whatsoever. He 
calls such a point of view " futurism," using an expression uttered by Comrade 
Guilbeau, and calls it, bpsidea, a very sujierficial and frlvolou.s one. It Id 
very Important for the International not to thrust aside those masses who 
come in the wake of intermediary parties, but on the contrary to attract theni 
to Its ranks. 

In conclusion. Comrade Zinoviev proposes to refer the question to the coni- 
jnlttee for the final working out of resolutions. 

The Congress so orders. 



Comrade Zinoviev concludes his speech with the exclamation: 
" Soviet Hungary is dead — long live Soviet Hungary! " 


Comrade Sittmaim (Grermany) is given the floor and he reads a 
written statement of Comrade Crispien (Germany), who was taken 
ill, wherein the latter protests against certain speakers who put him 
in the category of Socialist-Pacihsts, lie states that in the course of 
Si6 years of revolutionary activity he has always professed and 
preached the idea of class struggle, and only through such struggle 
will the destruction of capitalistic exploitation be accomplished. 

Comrade Wynkoop proposes to consider the question whether or 
not the Congress has instructed the Executive Committee to con- 
tinue negotiations with the Independents. 

Comrade liadek objects, as he considers that the question has 
already been decided m the positive, by the vote on the resolution 
on the report covering this point. 

The motion of Comrade Wynkoop is rejected. 

The floor is given to Comrade Bukharin to report on the question 
of parliamentarism. 


Comrade Bukharin begins his report by stating that he will give 
the general content of the resolutions adopted by the Committee on 
the question of parliamentarism. On the concrete amendments to 
the theses proposed by the executive committee of the III Interna- 
tional, a fiirther report will be made by Comrade Wolfstein (Ger- 
many), and Comrade Bordiga (Italy) will make a supplementary 

Comrade Bukharin first draws a parallel between the role of par- 
liamentarism before the World War and the evolution of this role 
during the war : " The period of peace in the development of imperial- 
ism is characterized first of all by a community of interests of the 
imperialistic bourgeoisie and the proletariat in the metropolis (in 
any case of a certain portion of trie more skilled elements of this 
proletariat). It is this community of interests that Kautsky denies 
so stubbornly in his writings. This community of interests is re- 
flected in the fact that the trade-unions of the yellow Social Democ- 
racy and other organizations of the proletariat have, so to speak, 
become a bourgeois apparatus of State power. Parliamentary rep- 
resentation also has been one of the forms under which an organiza- 
' tion of the proletariat became, in fact, an apparatus of capitalist 

" During the war, however, the elements of the proletariat that 
had penetrated into the bourgeoisie came more and more to lose 
their influence on those organizations of the proletariat which were 
becoming the weapons of class struggle, and the means of destroying 
the apparatus of class oppression, the means of overthrowing the 
bourgeois state in the struggle for a new order. That is why parlia- 
mentarism at the present moment has retained for us its significance. 
For us it does not represent what it does for the reformists, namely, 



a method of solving certain concrete demands; for us it is merely 
the arena for our conflicts with the bourgeoisie, and a means of agi- 
tation and propaganda among toilers, a means for organizing the 
wide popular masses around our flag. 

MemberBhip of Parlianientary Fraetione of the Proletariat. 

" If one analyzes from this point of view the membership of the 
most important parliamentary fractiom; of the proletariat, one finds 
the membership of such absolutely unsatisfactory. 

" The Socialist Independent Party in Germany counts 82 deputies, 
of whom only 20 are Communists, 20 absolutely definite reformists, 
while 40 will be the ' marsh.' 

"The best Socialist Party that belongs to the Communist Inter- 
national is the Italian Socialist Party, What do we find here? It 
appears that in this party 30 per cent are adherents of Turati, i. e., 
Rights and definite reformists and opportunists, 55 per cent form 
the group of Serrati, and only 15 per cent of its parliamentary delp- 
gation will be the Left Revolutionary Wing of the group of 

"The French parliamentary fraction consists of 68 deputies, of 
whom 40 are definitely opportunists, 26 delegates from the group of 
the Center, and only 2 revolutionary Socialists. 

" The Norwegian party has in its parliament 19 deputies, of whom 
11 are Rights, 6 belong to the group of the Center, and only 2 are 

" Thus the working class is represented in parliaments by oppor- 
tunists and reformists, and at best by the Center — that isj the Cfenter 
of a Socialist Party which is analogous in its composition to the 
German Independent Party. 

"And what does this party of Independents really represent!" 

Characterization «f the Independent e. 

Comrade Bukharin recalls a conversation with Haase, who, of 
course, considered himself a revolutionary and proudly referred to 
his speeches as confirming his opinion of himself. He indicated to 
Bukharin a speech of his in which he pointed out that the sending of 
troops to Finland was a violation of popular interests. As though 
the sending of troops to France, or to Russia, or to any other country 
is not the violation of popular interests. 

Bukharin takes several other facts from the speeches of Haase. 
and says that it is really laughable that Haase and other members 
of the party of Independents continued to consider themselves revo- 
lutionaries when in the very speeches which they believed to be most 
revolutionary they appeared opportunistic in relation to the entire 
group S)i the Independents. 

He gives also several citations from a speech of Oscar Cohn, who 
speaks of the " danger of exaggerating one's strength," and of other 
things, but does not say a word about Moscow. And Kautsky refers 
to Moscow only when he finds it necessary to condemn " terror and 

" The Independents wish to decide questions of actual life by par- 
liamentary methods. They introduce projects of law and amendments 


to such, as though this can give any result within the framework of 
the rule of capitalistic society. 

" Comrade Dittmann says that they were not able to carry out the 
resolutions of the Ijeipzig party congress on adherence to the III In- 
teinational; because they were ' busy with the elections to parliament,' 
Is it surprising that they do not understand the enormous signifi- 
cance for revolution of the decision of the Leipzig party congress! 
Can one be surprised that the Independents do not make the decision 
of thiscongress on adherence to the III International the fundamental 
watchword of their election campai^? They do not understand the 
significance of present parliamentarism for revolution. They do not 
understand that a parliament is only a tribune, merely a weapon of 
revolutionary struggle, simply the organization of the broad toiling 
masses for the inevitable armed struggle between exploiters and the 

Antiparliamentarisni «f American 1. W. W. 

"This is the character of parliamentary opportunism. We find 
much, more sympathetic the antiparliamentarism of the American 
Industrialists (I. W. W.), who instinctively feel a distrust of, and a 
proper hatred for, opportunistic parliamentarism. But when, like 
Comrade Hortwig, they try to build a theoretic foundation for their 
negative attitude toward all parliamentarism, it has a quite different 
significance, and we should condemn absolutely such an attitude. The 
American Industrialists (I, W, \V.) simply do not Understand politi- 
cal struggle and with naive frankness believe that the general strike, 
for example, is a question of industrial struggle, and not of political 
struggle. And, on the other hand, they think that yellow parlia- 
mentarism is properly understood political struggle. When they 
oppose the general strike to yellow parliamentarism they quite 
properly give preference to the first method of struggle. This is 
coarse empiricism on the part of American workmen who know very 
well the character of the parliamentarism of yellow Socialists, 
and of the Gompers' band. But when Comrade Hortwig develops 
the theory that not only cooperation but even contact with the 
bourgeoisie is sinful, then his assertions do not deserve attention." 

In answering Comrade Hortwig, Bukharin calls the attention of 
the Congress to the fact that sometimes Soviets of Workmen's Depu- 
ties, consisting exclusively of workmen, nevertheless take a line that is 
purely reformist : " But even in the most reactionary institutions, in 
the most active capitalistic institutions of exploitation, we must have 
our own men, or if one can so express oneself, our spies. 

"Activity in parliaments for the revolutionist contains the maxi- 
mum of danger. I believe that many are opponents of revolutionary 
parliamentarism simply because they are afraid to hold these most 
dangerous revolutionary positions. Russian Bolsheviks worked in 
the Imperial Duma under the Tsar's regime, and in the Constituent 
Assembly. They did not fear contact with the bourgeoisie because 
the^ went into these institutions not for reform work, but for revo- 
lutionary struggle. 

"And all three parliaments (Bussian) in which we took part per- 
formed a great service for the resolution. 



Reyolutionary Parliamentarism. 

" You have not yet experienced parliamentarism. When you will 
have worked as we have, when you will organize parliamentarj 
scandals, when in the parliament you will begin violating parlia- 
mentary rules of procedure, when they begin arresting you and 
turning you over to be tried by courts, and when you will use the 
parliamentarj rules of procedure, not for agitation and propaganda. 
but to organize the workmen for the purpose of ' direct action ' and 
other forms of revolutionary struggle — then you will understand 
just what revolutionary parliamentarism is. 

" In western Europe, not to speak longer of Russia, the revolu- 
tionary expediency of all these methods of class struggle has been 
clearly established by the activity of Comrade Liebknecht. If a 
party is genuinely proletarian and genuinely Communistic, then 
it has no reason to rear contact with the bourgeoisie, because such 
contact is for it simply a new conflict and a new phase of the class 
struggle." X 


[Fetrograd FrBTda, Aag. 4, IB20.] 


The Italian delegate Comrade Bordiga expresses the thought that I 
the experience of the Russian revolution and of the Russian Com- 1 
munist' Party could not alwaj's be applied in practice in Western 
European revolutions. Parliamentarism in the West at the present 
time IS a mask which hides from the proletariat the apparatus of its 
oppression. Democratic representation in parliament should there- 1 
fore be abolished. This is absolutely necessary in order to give the 
class struggle the requisite distinctness. 

The representative of English labor. Comrade Consler, then come? 
forward and emphasizes the fact that the Communist Party in Eng- 
land is still in the primary stage of its development, and discourses 
on parliamentarism disturb its revolutionary work. 

In the name of the Bulgarian Communist Party, Comrade Shablic 
conies forward and shows that the experience of parliamentarj 
activities in the Bulgarian Communist Party indicates that revolu- 
tionary activity in parliament is possible and expedient. 

The floor is then taken by a second English representative of labor. 
Comrade Murphy, who in the most decisive and determined manner 
defends the theses of Bukharin. 

" Hostility toward reformatory parliamentarism," he says, " 
not serve as a reason on principle for objecting to revolutionary 
Communistic parliamentarism." 

The floor is then given to Comrade Lenin. 


Comrade Lenin, replying to Comrade Bordiga, shows that tba 
reactionary role of parliament by no means obviates the necessity of 
carrying on revolutionary work in that parliament: "During the 


Kerensky period the revolutionary significance of the Soviets was 
not worth a broken penny, but no one for a moment doubts the 
necessity of the work of the Soviets. Parliaments, like Soviets, are 
not casual institutions, artificially created. They reflect the real 
relations of life. Every parliamentary crisis is essentially a reflec- 
tion of crises that are real, nascent, or already accomplished in actual 
social life." 

" You speak of the necessity of abolishing, and not utilizing, par- 
liament. The Russian Communist Party can refer to the work which 
it did. We dispersed our Constituent Assembly; we already had no 
parliament, but we did this after the conquest of authority, after the 
victory over the bourgeoisie, and after the peasants and backward 
workmen, who were formerly represented in parliament and believed 
in it, had come over to our side because of our agitation from within 
and because we destroyed that belief. You speak of the working 
class being organized into syndicates, and say that these syndicates 
should be the arena of agitation and propaganda. But where will 
you organize and agitate among the peasants, clerks, and retrograde 
workmen who do not join syndicates? It must be frankly admitted 
that in this sense a parliament can not be replaced, and that not 
only syndicates but even Soviets can not take the place of parlia- 
ments at a certain stage of development of the revolution. 

" Comrade Siikhi says that parliament will cost us very dearly. 
It may be that you are too weak. Perhaps you fear that you will not 
have sufficient means or people ; that the chosen delegates will not be 
submissive to you; that you will not gather a sufficient number of 
these electors together, etc. But if you are so weak, how then can 
you speak of a dictatorship of the proletariat, of a victory over the 
liourgeoisie, of the organization of production, and of the other 
probfems of any Communist party, which problems depend for their 
realization first of all on discipline, power, and means? The con- 
sciousness of weakness or the fact of this weakness is a poor argu- 
ment in the working out of guiding principles. You must work. 
You must work for the increase of your powers, for the organization 
of wide masses of toilers, and for their unification by means of iron 
discipline in organization." 

The concluding words were spoken by Comrade Bukharin, who 
defended the theses presented by him. 

Thereupon the sitting is closed. 



Comrade Radek takes the floor with a report on the question of 
trade-unions. He dwells on the relations which shonld be established 
lietween the Communist International and trade-unions. Comrade 
Radek says that these relations are predicated upon the position of 
such unions as mass organizations of the working class. It is neces- 
sary, therefore, to give a calm, businesslike analysis of the possibili- 



ties which are open to the trade-union movement and to the evolu- 
tion that is before it. 

Comrade Radek protests against the idea that trade-unions are 
diseased tumors resulting from abnormal social conditions. He finds 
that a negative attitude toward the growth of the trade-union move- 
ment is prompted by that bitterness which was called forth by the 
activities of the trade-union bureaucracy. But by its very nature the 
growth of the trade-union movement is the growth of the organiza- 
tion of the laboring class, which by established usage forms ita 
battalions into columns within the confines of its trade-union organ- 

Comrade Kadek further analyzes the situation of workmen in the 
United States and remarks that 80 per cent of them are outside of 
trade-unions. The conclusion was drawn that it was necessary firrf 
of all to organize the entire laboring class as far as possible and 
therefore to form new trade-unions, which would be summoned tu 
activity and to an organized class struggle of the less qualified work- 
ers, those whom the aristocratic trade-unions do not honor by ad- 
mission to membership in their organization, 

(The proceedings were interrupted by Comrade Zinoviev, who 
announced the arrival of a representative of the Soviet Republic of 
Khiva. This representative closed his address to the congress with 
the following : " Long live the world-union of toilers ! Long live the 
world-proletariat! Long live the leader of the world-proletariat. 
Comrade Lenin!") 

Following the appearance of the representative of the Soviet Re- 
public of Khiva the debates on the report of Radek are continued. 
As associated in preparing the report <m trade unions, Comrade 
"Fraina ' takes the floor. He considers it necessary to add to the 
report of Comrade Badek by pointing out the "fact that the new 
organization of the working class, the necessity of which was set 
forth by Comrade Radek, is already in existence in such movements 
p,nd organizations as the " I. W. W.," " Shop -Stewards," and indus- 
trial workers of the world. All these organizations are revolution- 
Try and capable of militant activity. 

- Comrade Tanner next takes the floor and begins his speech with 
a full recognition of the soundness of the theses proposed by the com- 
mittee. There can and shall be no difference of opinion on this ques- 
tion. He then takes up the question of the meaning of the word 
" shop-steward," in the new trade-union constructive effort. The 
" shop-steward " will undoubtedly have to plaj" a big role not only id 
the struggle for the overthrow of the capitalistic regime but also in 
the organization of a world democracy upon new Communistic 

Thereupon the morning sitting closes. 




[Petrograd Pravda. Aug, S. 1D20.J 


At the night sitting debates are continued on the report of Com- 
rade Kadek relating to the role of the trade-unions in the Commun- 
ist movement. 

Comrade Walter takes the floor and calls attention to the fact that 
before the beginning of the World War every attempt to revolu- 
tionize the trade-unions was considered Utopian: "At present the 
political situation of the whole world has changed so consider- 
ably that we can undertake, it seems, the most intricate problems. 
The state of mind of the masses is excellent. And all that is neces- 
sary is to remove from the trade-union movement those elements 
which are leading the movement along the opportunistic and even 
counter-revolutionary path. It is necessary above ail, to remove 
the bureaucracy of the trade-unions and to replace the former lead- 
ers with new ones who will be able to lead the trade-union movement 
in a genuinely revolutionary direction." 

Comrade Bilan points out the difference between the trade-union 
movement of America and that of Europe, inferring that the tactics 
of the Communist Party within the trade-union movement in America 
and in Europe must be different. 

Comrade Bombacci states that the theses propounded by the reso- 
lution have really one fundamental idea, as expressed in the tendency 
of replacing the political parties of the proletariat by trade-union 
organizations. Bombacci finds this tendency inacceptable, and ex- 
presses the opinion that a revolutionary role is unnatural to the 
trade -union organizations. 

l"he next speaker is Comrade Lozovsky, who devotes his speech 
mainly to the defense of the trade-unions against accusations regard- 
ing their negative political activity. Comrade Lozovsky does not 
agree with the opinion of Bombacci that the trade-union movement 
always will be outside the Communist and revolutionary influences: 
"' If we sliall hold to the opinion that the trade-unions are bound to be 
either reactionary or opportunistic, then who will conduct the revolu- 
tion ? For revolution is possible only when it has behind it the large 
popular masses and mainly the working class. If this is not so, 
then the Communist movement will produce no results. To take this 
attitude toward the working masses, and particularly to those or- 
ganized in trade-unions, is impossible." " Similarly, states Com- 
rade Lozovsky, " it would be inacceptable to consider the proposition 
of postponing the acquisition of influence in the trade-union organiza- 
tions until a happy future. This happy future — that is, the realization 
of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the organization of national 
economy upon Communist foundations — will be impossible if we shall 
not find support for our struggle in the organized working classes." 

A resolution is introduced m the name of the bureau to conclude the 
discussion. As the reason for this resolution it is stated that the 
question of trade-unions and factory committees has been discussed 



three times in detail by the executive committee, that six debatf^^ 
of a special committee were devoted to this question, and at a plenan 
sitting one official speaker, two additional speakers, and several othp'r 
orators already expressed their opinions. 

The resolution of the bureau is adopted by an overwheimiDt 

The theses of the committee on the question of the trade-unions am! 
factory committees were adopted unanimously. ; 


■ The session opens under the presidency of Comrade Zinoviev, 

Comrade Balabanova takes the floor and informs the Congress of 
the tragic death of Comrade Augustina Ausin, Comrade Bala- 
banova speaks of the 20 years of selt-denyine revolutionary strugcl'^ 
of the dead comrade, adding that although Comrade Ausin died be 
cause of an unfortunate aerial accident, nevertheless the bitteriies 
and hardship resulting from this loss can not be mitigated. Com- 
rade Balabanova expresses sentiments of ardent sympathy for the 
Norwegian comrades. 

Comrade Zinoviev proposes in the name of the bureau to tele 
graph to the Norwegian comrades expressions of sympathy. The 
proposition is accepted. 

After this Comrade Mayer speaks as the reporter on the land 
question, and says that the moment has arrived when in relation ti' 
tne land question, not theoretical discussions must be conducted, bin 
on the contrary it is necessary to begin with the working out ot a 
program of practical measures. Such practical measures are the 
theses of Comrade Lenin. 

Comrade Mayer dwells on the subject of the development of the 
land movement in different countries. Analyzing the social situa- 
tion and the social antagonism of the semiproletariat and the peas- 
antry, he states that they (in any case a large majority) could in- 
brought over to the side of the revolution : " We must therefore or- 
ganize them on the basis of materia] interests, and of the satisfaction 
of their needs." Comrade M^er draws a picture of the economi. 
collapse that began after the World War, and points out the change 
brought about by the war in the condition of small-propertieJ 

" It will be necessary to unite social elements of this kind into 
Soviets and associations, as well as on a political basis. 

" A more difficult problem appears to be that of the middle peasant. 
The middle peasant represents quite an important group of the pop 
ulation. which must be at least neutralized during the process of the 
struggle for the revolution, if it can not be brought over to the revo- j 
lution. The experience of Soviet Russia and the Russian revolution 
proved that this is possible. Therefore, it will be necessary to builJ 
up a program of wide and practical aid to the village. It is a.]"' 
necessary to organize Soviets in the village, which would isolate the 
poor from the middle peasantry, and also from the numerous counter- 
revolutionary elements — the village rich peasants. The rich peas- 



antry must he destroyed and completely strangled, and only by such 
means as adopted by the Russian revolution." 

In concluding Comrade Mayer speaks of the strike movement in 
the villaee and of means for regulating it. He also speaks of sep- 
arate additions and changes which were embodied in the theses during 
the process of their consideration in the committee. 

After the report of Comrade Mayer debates take place. Comrade 
Graziadei expresses his satisfaction with the approach to the ques- 
tion on the peasantry reflected in the theses of Lenin. Comrade 
Shablin reports on the work which was conducted in the village by 
the Bulganan Communist Party. 

Comracle Serrati states that he will refrain from voting because 
he considers incorrect the position recommended in the theses with 
reference to the small -propertied peasantry. He declares that in 
Italy, and very likely in other countries, this peasantry not only sus- 
tained no losses from the war but, on the contrary it positively became 
rich during this period. He explains this misapprehension by the 
circumstance that the Congress represents mainly the industrial work- 
ers, who are very little acquainted with the situation in the village : 
" The small-propertied peasantry is in a state of constant struggle 
with the farm hands because of the contradiction of their interests. 
If we seek the sympathies of this peasantry we shall lose all influence 
over the agricultural proletariat.' 

Comrade Sokolnikov contests the opinion of Serrati and believes 
that there should exist most serious doubts on the question of the well- 
being of the peasants. The peasantry perhaps has in its possession 
sufEcient amounts of paper money, perhaps even gold, but it does not 
have the most necessary farm implements, and besides, it is like the 
rest of the population, perhaps to a greater degree even, in extreme 
dependence on speculators, bankers, and exporters of the capitalistic 
'ountries. The process of the proletarization and the pauperization 
among the small-propertied peasants is developing in a very large 
extent, and therefore the tactics with respect to the small-propertied 
peasantry, as proposed in the theses of Comrade Lenin, is founded 
upon sound principles. Further, in reply to Comrade Graziadei, 
Comrade Sokolnikov states that our relation to the peasantry is 
based upon the deeply scientific Marxian analysis of its social situa- 
tion and its social role. Concluding his speech. Comrade Sokolnikov 
says that the tactics and program of the Russian Communist Party 
are established upon a genuine Marxian point of view. 

Comrade Lefevre also does not agree with Comrade Serrati, and 
says that the gulf between the interests of the small- propertied peas- 
antry and the agricultural proletariat does not appear to him to be 
real. On the basis of his own experience he is fully able to confirm 
the opposite, and particularly that in France there exists a complete 
and close solidarity between the farm proletariat and the peasantry. 
He says, further, that the proposition of Comrade Graziadei regard- 
ing an allowance to be given to the incapacitated landowners, con- 
sisting of a special pension, is absolutely inacceptable, inasmuch as no 
question was raised in reference to such pensions for the remaining 
elements of the population. 

The theses are then put to a vote, and adopted unanimously. 




[PetroBrad Pravda, Aug. S, 1920. J 


The evening sitting was devoted to the discussion of que^ioDS of 
organization. On the question of the constitution and by-laws <>i 
the III International, the Bulgarian delefjixte Kabakchiev speaks 
Comrade KabaKchiev considers the fundamental principle of thv 
whole organization of the III International to be the solidarity of 
the world proletariat on the basis of an armed struggle against the 
bourgeoisie, of the overthrow of the capitalist order and of the ' 
organization of a Communist economic order, 

"The III International is not sntislied with a verbal declaration 
of this or that political party, of its solidarity with the principles 
that have just ueen set forth, and with the verbal agreement t" 
pursue the aims indicated by the III International. The executive 
committee of the Communist International will see to it that the 
entire practice of the parties that enter the International, as well as , 
their tactics, should coincide fully with the principles of the Inter- 
national, and with the interests of the development of the world 

" Further^ it is not the cooperation from the viewpoint of ideologj 
in the activi^ of parties entering the International that is of definite 
importance for the world proletariat ; it is the coordination of those 
methods through which the tasks are to be realized. Specifically, 
an absolutely necessary condition for the activity of any party of 
the III International is the maintenance by it of the strictest iron 
discipline within its ranks, and the preserving of the highest quality 
in its membership. Only under such circumstances can the condi- 
tions be guaranteed that will make historically inevitable the victory 
of the proletariat on a world scale, and also reduce to a minimum the 
loss es it will suffer during the conflicts with its class enemies." 
"^^'omrade K-abakchiev takes up the objections which may be maiie 
to his report, tie considers particularly important the objection thai 
may be made with reference to the establishment of the principle of 
" armed struggle."' He considers it absolutely necessary to emphasize 
that the world proletariat can attain a victory over the world bour- 
geoisie only if It will take up arms: "Only by an uprising, by the 
creating of a class army, and by decisive, irreconcilable armed 
struggle can power be wrested from the hands of the exploiters, and 
y^e yoke of the capitalist order thrown off." 

" From this point of view it is absolutely necessary to follow uj) 
the defeated bourgeoisie, disorganize and demoralize it, suppress its 
resistance, etc." 

Comrades Bilan, Wynkoop, Levi, Reed, and Fraina speak in oppo- 
^tion to this view and introduce a whole series of amendments to 
i,_the proposed theses. 

Comrade Zinoviev opposes the amendments introduced and de- 
fends the principle of organizing a trade-union section to be at- 
tached to the III International. The purpose of this section is Ui 
carry out the task which is the basis of the III International, in- 
herited by the latter from the fundamental principles of the I Inter- 



national. This task consists in getting possession of the entire world 
proletariat, and not simply of its political parties. With respect to 
the trade-union movement, this work should be carried out by a spe- 
cial organ attached to the Communist International. Such an organ 
is the projected trade-union section. ^s. 

On the question of the executive committee of the III IntemationalA 
Comrade Zinoviev says that this committee should not be looked upon [ 
as a luxury, to support which eachparty has to assign one of its best 
workers; it is a prime necessity. For the world revolution one must I 
have a powerful, authoritative, and well-informed representation of I 
the world revolutionary proletariat. Comrade Zinoviev proposes 
that there should be delegated to the executive committee or the III I ' 
International primarily the general secretaries of the parties, because \ 
the Communist International is not a society of propaganda, but is^ 
the general staff of the revolutionary proletariat.' 

Comrade Zinoviev reports that during the last month in the United 
States of America about 5,000 Communists have been arrested. Such 
facts are now general, representing attacks by the bourgeoisie on the 
local organizations of the proletariat. It is also known clearly that 
the bourgeoisie at any moment and in several countries may destroy 
the legal parties of the proletariat, and annul completely the prin- 
ciple of freedom. In view of this fact, and so that the proletariat 
should not remain absolutely helpless and disorganized in the face of 
the destruction of its legal organization, it is absolutely necessary to 
organize parallel illegal Communist institutions of proletarian 

The theses on the constitution and by-laws are submitted to a vote 
and adopted unanimously. In view of the fact that there is not a 
single protest or single adverse vote to these theses. Comrade Zino- 
viev proposes that they do not go into a committee but be considered 
as adopted by the plenary session. This proposal is put to a vote 
and adopted. 


IPetrograd PrnvdR, Aug, 7, 1920.) 


The evening sitting of August 5 starts with a communication from 
Comrade Radek, that the credentials committee has received a de- 

' Extract from fuller Text of Zinoviev's Speech at Evening Sitting of August 
4 (Izvestia, Aug. 6, 1920) : Then Comrade Zinoviev taltes up the objections 
lalBed on the question of tlie site of tlie esecutive committee of tlie III Inter- 
national. . He answers Comrade Wynkoop, who for some reason or other 
imagined that the executive committee of the III International would be an 
extension of the central conimittt* of the Russinn (.'onimuiiiBt Party. "Accord- 
ing to tlie proposed project of ci>nBtltution the esecutive committee of the III 
Intei'mitional will he compose^] of 15 [>ersons, of whom 5 are from the Communist 
Party of tluit country which will l>e tlie residence of the executive committee. 
Will this be Russia? This question Is not being decided at thia meeting, and on 
this questiou we slinll express ourselves when it Is brought up for discussion. 
But in any event it is already clear from these figures that the esecutive com- 
mittee will not be the enlarged central committee of any country, but a repre- 
sentation of the Communist Parties of all countries of the world, inasmuch as 
the remaining 10 members are taken from the delegates of the most Important 
Communist organizations of ail countries, one from each." 

15000—20 5 



mand that the credentials of Comrades Trein ^ and Sokritsky be with- 
drawn. The demand states that Trein and Sokritsky have not sub- 
mitted to the decision of the two delegations from the United States 
of the Communist Party of North £neriea and of the Communist 
Labor Party. This decision called for the formation of a single dele- 
gation, which would enter the Congress as a single group. 

Comrade Flin says that the union of these revolutionary parties 
has taken place also m the United States, and that a single Comnmnist 
Labor Party has been formed. Thus Comrades Trein and Sokritsk)' 
have violated the decisions not only of the two delegations, but of 
both parties. 

Comrade Radek states that the credentials committee has not been 
given the journal of the formal decision to unite, and does not know, 
therefore, the platform on which the union took place, the union 
with which Comrades Trein and Sokritsky are not in agreement. In 
view of this fact the credentials committee, noting the fact of inade- 
quate material on this question, does not find it possible to propose 
to the Congress to deprive Comrades Trein and Sokritsky of iJieir 
credentials. The proposal of tbe credentials committee is voted on I 
and confirmed. I 

Organization of Soviets. 

Comrade Zinoviev is given the floor, to report on the organization 
of Soviets. 

The fundamental principles of the Communist Party on the ques- 
tion of Soviets raised no doubts or disagreements in our midst. From 
private conversations with comrades, and from the exchange of opin- 
ions in the committee. Comrade Zinoviev has come to the conclusion 
that all are unanimous in recognizing the need of Soviets. Further 
the Soviet idea has become so popular among the working masses 
and among toilers, that Comrade Zinoviev considers it superfluous to 
spend any time on this matter. The question simply is, when and 
wby should Soviets be organized ? 

In analyzing the attitude toward the Soviet idea. Comrade Zinoviev 
notes that in Italy for example Soviets have already been organized. 
but that there the attitude toward them is not exactly what it shouh) 
be. Comrade Zinoviev warns against a trifling attitude toward the 
Soviet idea. He says that this idea must be popularized always ami 
everywhere, but that until all the premises for the organization of 
Soviets are realized, until the masses see clearly the need of Soviet.-^ 
and are organized to support them, and until the broad masses of 

toilers understand clearly the aim and significance of the Soviets 

until then the Soviet idea should not be compromised. 

"However, it does not follow that we should wait until the learned ' 
ones have worked out an ideal system of Soviet power. The Russian 
Communist Party in opposition to the German, strove to realize ' 
Soviets before the exact and scientific syst«m for the Soviet authorit\* 

■ Note.— The Petrograd reports were received by telephone, aa iDdicated on 
several occasions. The names here may have been misunderstood In transmts- 
Bion. Therefore, " Trein " probably Is " Fralna," " Sokritsky," " StokUtsky " 
and "Flln" "Bllan." ■" 



had Iwen worked out, but nevertheless it must be noted that we have 
had the Soviets, that they represent a kind of system, while our Ger- 
man comrades to date have only a system. 

" It is not of course a question of the best system for Soviet authoi- 
ity, but a question of strict ogsen'ance of the main principles, and 
of organization. From this point of view it is very important that 
.Soviets should strive fmm the very first days of their existence to be 
oi'franizations of a trovemmental diameter. It is on this point that we 
differ radically fi-om Mensheviks. and the Independents headed by 
Ivautsky. These i-onstantly insist that Soviets sliould be a class orean- 
izatioii, and that they should not assume governmental functions. 

Comrade Zino^'iev insists most <lefinitely that Hoi'iets represent 
the realization of the dictatorship of the proletai-iat, and that the 
\-ictorious proletariat must of course first of all strive to retain in its 
hands the apparatus of governniental compulsion and unity. Soviets 
must be organized exchisively for the puri>ose of <»pposin}r a govern- 
mental apparatus of power of the proletariat that is striving for dic- 
tatorship, to the povei'umental power of the bourgeoisie. Soviets 
shouhl function exchisively in this field, the field of constant and 
concentrated -struggle against the Ivourgeois States and for govern- 
mental power. 

" From the aliove it may be (xmcluded that So\'ietH shoid<l hot be 
demanded of anyone, and tliat they can be organized only when all 
the premises for the organization of Soviets are at hand. It goes 
without saying that then Soviets will occupy themselves with the work 
wbifii history has assigned to them as their particular task." 

When Comrade Zinoviev concludes his report it appears that none 
of the delegates wish to oppose him in this question. His theses are 
put to a vote without debate and are adopted unanimously. Xone 
abstain from voting.' 

Tisde-Unions and Factory CommitteeB. 

The floor is given to Comrade Kadek to report on the work of the 
committee appointed to discuss the theses on trade-unions and 
factory committees. Comrade Badek outlined the differences of 

' Tlie Moscow Izvestia of August 7, 1920, gives the foUowliiK additional lleui 
relating to thla snnie slttiug; "After the speech ot Comrade Zinoviev, and the 
statement made by Comrade Fi-alna, the theses are put to a vote, and are adopted 
by a majority, against a minority of 8." 

" Then Comrade Zinoviev reads the amendment proposed by Comrade Dadeb 
on the need of supporting in every possible way the Red International of 
Trade-Onions that was organized in June. Inasmuch as some comrades oppose 
this, consldei-ing that the organization of this International Is artiflclal, 
Comrade Zinoviev explains that the Red International contains all the Russian 
tracie-iniions, with alx)ut .5.000,000 meniberK, tlie Italian (about 2,000.000), 
French, German, and Bulgarian, and certain others, malting a total of about 
ten millions. Thus this Is not a mere handful and an artificial formation. 
It is the one weapon of the world revolutionary movement against the yellow 
International, becoune the principal enemy of the revolutionary proletariat 
Is not Brussels but Amsterdam — that Is the yellow International of trade- 
union oi^anizatlonK. By iivertlirowin;; Amsterdam we shall deal the most 
terrible blow to the capltatlstio order, hut this blow can be dealt only by the 
Red International of trade-uniona By nn overwhelming majority the amend- 
ment proposed hy Comrade Radek is adopted by the Congress." 



opinion between the majority of the committee and the American 
comrades, and quotes from some official organ of the United Com- 
munist Party of America on the question of the attitude of the parU 
conference toward the Federation of Labor. "Thus," says Comrade 
Badek, " the differences of opinion are not accidental but are the 
reflection of the view of the party they represent, which party defi- 
nitely stands for the policy of leaving the Federation of Labor and 
organizing new councils. We, theretore, should not only establbh 
the definite position of the Communist International with respect 
to trade-unions, but also we should emphasize a specific supple- 
mentary amendment, that the revolutionary proletariat considers thfl 
position o£ our American comrades absolutely incorreet. 

" The position of Comrade Bombacci is even more incorrect. He 
is personally an active worker in the trade-union movement anil, 
nevertheless, does not believe at all in the possibility of the revolu- 
tionary work of trade-unions, and even proposes not to form new 
trade-unions. We should declare once for all that we are always with 
the working masses, and we should end once for all a tendency toward 
sectarianism, toward the organization of sects." I 

With respect to industrial councils Comrade Radek believes it 
is necessary to follow different tactics : " We should break away 
separate groups of workmen who are represented in the trade-unions | 
from Legien, from Socialists-Traitors, without opposing in itself 
the form of trade-unions, striving to make more frequent their mili- 
tant action and protests against trade-union bureaucracy, striving , 
to increase in them the revolutionary spirit." Radek then draws a I 
parallel between the views of trade-unions and of the Communist 
Party on the possibility of realizing Socialism : " If we take the 
posit;ion of the trade-unionists and propose that Socialism shouM 
be realized by a free agreement among trade-unions, then we shall 
be in a position where individual trade-unions, more numerous anil 
better organized or simply performing functions more impoi-tant 
for society, will inevitably secure a privileged position. To prevent 
this possibility there should be recourse to the assistance of an or 
ganization which in its functions will correspond primarily to our 
Russian Supreme Soviet of National Economy." 

In concluding his report Comrade Radek makes a strong plea to 
the Congress for unanimity. 

Then speak Comrades Reed and Gallagher, who repeat the argu- 
ments which we already know from former sittings, in favor of n 
schism in the trade-unions. On other points the same American 
comrades who spoke in the committee again speak. 

Comrade Zinoviev answers them, saying that the road indicatoil 
by the former speakers might lead to the collapse of the Inter- 
national and of the Communist movement, and not to the collapse 
of the compromise Socialists : " Only by creating small groups in the 
trade-unions of all countries shall we be able to overthrow the Am- 
sterdam yellow union of trade-unions and deal a mortal blow to the 
capitalist order. But only the Red International of trade-unions, 
organized in Moscow in JuV) is able to deal this blow." 

The report of Comrade Radek is accepted by the Congress by an 
overwhelming majority. 




r r^iort gLven in tile IzvesUa 


Comrade Rosmer s^aks as repoi-ter on the (iiiestion of the tiiyks of 
the Communist International, and relates in detail the course of the 
work in the committee. He states that the question of the fusion 
of the British Socialist Party with the Independent Labor Party was 
decided favorably by a majority of 4 to 1. An amendement was in- 
troduced to the theses on the admission of new parties to the Com- 
munist International to the effect that before the date of the present 
Congress two-thirds of each such party should have been Communists. 

An amendment was also introduced to Article 5 ; the Content of this 
amendment is that Commtmist Parties are warned against artificially 
forcing the revolution when there are not at hand objective premises 
of revolution. In this event it is necessary to prepare the proletariat 
by means of the system of a series of revolutiona^ acts, which create, 
as a general result, a revolutionary juncture. The question of the 
Italian Socialist Party was decided in the sense that the latter is to 
call a Congress, and at this Congress, discuss all the decisions of the 
III International. If individual members of the party do not ac- 
cept these theses, by this very fact they are automatically excluded 
from the party. 

Then Sylvia Pankhurst is given the floor in the order of speakers 
signed. She draws a parallel between England and other countries, 
and notes the fact that in England it is also very difficult to draw a 
line of demarkation between the ideology of various social and poli- 
tical groupings. Frequently it happens that for this same reason 
it is difficult to determine the political physiognomy even of a par- 
ticular individual. Thus, for example, many consider Williams prac- 
tically a Communist and in any event a champion of the Soviet 
authority; but in actual fact we have recently learned that he is 
giving assistance to the sending of military equipment to Poland. 

Then Comrade Sylvia Pankhurst dwells on the relations which 
have developed within the Labor Party. The political acts of in- 
dividual representatives of the Labor Party are controlled by its 
central body in the strictest manner. If we enter the Labor Party 
we shall therefore come under a political control which is most un- 
desirable for us, a control further complicated by the old democratic 
and parliamentary traditions of this party. In deciding the prob- 
lems of the English revolution Russian experience can not be taken 
as the point of departure, because the conditions are quite different. 
If the Communist International shall decide the question in the posi- 
tive, then the British Socialist Party will of course enter the Labor 
Party. But the Congress should know that by such a decision it will 
be turning over the fate of the revolution in England into the hapds 
of the Labor Party. 

Comrade MacLean gives many facts which refute the point of 
view of Sylvia Pankhurst. He considers that the Labor Party is 
simply the political expression of the state of mind of the English 
worKmen organized in trade-unions, and that work must be continued 



within the Independent Labor I*arty. In his opinion it ia fullv 
possible to accomplish this work, inasmuch as the rights of political 
agitation and of freedom of speecJi do not to date come under any 
limitations within the Labor Party. 

Comrade Gallagher savs that this question has been disci]f<se<l in 
England for 20 years- It is proposed here tliat is is necessai">' ('■ 
enter the Independent Labor Party in order to,maintain contact with 
the working masses : " But in Scotland, for example, we work under 
most difficult conditions outside the Labor Party, and yet inucb 
has been done for the revolntion." Comrade Gallatrher recalls tlu' 
former trips of Lloyd Georire with his clique, police, and his Socialist 
patriotic agitation, etc. : " Xevertheless the workmen of Glasgow re- 
mained loyal to proletarian ideology and proletarian interests." Com- 
rade Gallagher asks that the English Communists should not be 
hurried or foixed to enter the Labor Party. All their activity to <late 
arouses in tliem aversion to such a step. He asks that this fact be 
taken into cai"eful consideration. 

Then Comrade Lenin speaks. He says that the fact that this ques- 
tion has been discussed for '20 years in labor circles of Englan<l, 
shows its im|)ortance and vital character. Despite the opinion of 
Comrade Maclean the Labor Party does not express the political 
state of mind of the working class of England as organized in trade- 
unions; it expresses the views and state of mind ol its leaders, who i 
are the most bourgeois, reactionarv handmaid of British imperialism. I 
It is necessary that the party should effectively rejpi-esent the ide<>log>' \ 
and interests of the proletariat. Of course, the British Labor Parly j 
contains elements that are not of a sufficient high quality in the Com- 
munistic sense, but although Comrade Gallagher is right in this 
respect, he nevertheless does not notice or, more correctly, does not I 
call attention to the fact that in the party, and outside it, then? is 
a considerable number of workmen-revolutionists, who. till now, con- ' 
stantly struggled against the opportunism, and Social ist-ti-eacberoiis i 
tactics of the handmaids of the oourgeoisie. Furthermore, these trai- 
tors are at the head of the Labor Party, which presents an unprece- 
dented situation, for the latter expresses the political will of 4,000,00(1 
worltmen organized in its ranks. 

" You say that you may be excluded from the party if you con- 
duct yourselves like Communists; but I think on the other hand that 
if you conduct yourselves like Communists, then you will be able to 
exclude them from the party. The British bourgeoisie is a most intel- 
ligent one, and instead of organizing, as you wish to do, small par- 
ties that have no influence or significance, it is seizing authority over 
4,000,000 politically organized workmen, putting at their head its own 
commissioned agents. In your press and agitation, at your meetings 
and gatherings, you should definitely set forth the physiognomy 
of Henderson and other Socialist traitors. In the conditions which 
ai-e put down in black and white in our theses, you see that it is 
precisely for this pui-pose, and only in the event of the possibiHly 
of realizing this purpose, that you are entering the Independent LaboV 
Party. It is impossible also to work outside of parties. If Comrade 
(Jailagher and others would work in an organized manner, would 
enter a Communist Party, then it is scarcely possible that we would 
have such a situation as we note in Ireland, where 200,000 English 
workmen and peasants, armed and equipped as soldiers, carry out a 



most criminal national oppression and the violence of capitalists, 
■with respect to the Irish people. You are constantly speaking of the 
differences between the conditions in England and those in other 
countries. In so far as you enter the Communist International, you 
most remember that you must be guided not only by the experience 
of England but also by general revolutionary experience." 

After the speech of Comrade Lenin the theses are put to a vote. 
Comrade Zinoviev proposed to vote first, and separately, on the 
thesis relating to the entrance of the British Socialist Party into the 
Independent Xabor Party of England. This thesis is adopted by a 
majority of 48 to 24 with two abstaining. Then the theses are 
adopted in their entirety by a majority of 63 to 2, with one abstain- 
ing. The sitting is concluded by the singing of the International and 
the Carmanola, accompanied by thundering applause; for a long 
time resounded the shouts : " Long live proletarian Russia," " Long 
live the leader of the world proletariat. Comrade Lenin," " Long live 
the world revolution." 


[FetTOgrad Ftarda, Aug. 8, I920.I 

Yesterday in the opera house was held the solemn concluding sit- 
ting of the 2nd Congress of the III Conjmunist International. The 
opera house was full to overflowing. On the stage sat the delegates 
of the 2nd Congress and members of the All-Russian Central Execu- 
tive Committee and of the Moscow Soviet. The orchestra and bal- 
conies were crowded with representatives of the Moscow workmen. 

Comrade Kalinin opens the sitting. He points out that in this 
2nd Congress we see how a certain portion of the revolutionary task, 
a certain burden, is being transferred from the shoulders of the 
Russian proletariat to those of the international toiling classes. 

Then speaks the representative of English workmen, Comrade 
Gallagher, who declares that at the present moment, just as the 
delegates of the 2nd Congress are about to disperse, he has received 
word that tJie English (rovemment is preparir^ a new attach on 
Soviet Russia. On returning to England, says Comrade Gallagher, 
he and his comrades will think only of one thing — how to make the 
working class of England understand and how to persuade it to 
adhere to the Russian proletariat for common struggle to victory 
over world imperialism. 

The representative of the Finnish workmen, Comrade Maner, 
says that if the Finnish bourgeoisie dares to carry out the orders or 
the Entente and attack Petrograd, then it will receive a blow in the 
hack from the revolutionary proletariat of Finland. The representa- 
tive of the German proletariat, who next speaks, Comrade Levi, is 
greeted by a loud ovation from the entire gathering. Comrade Levi 
says that at this decisive moment, when the Entente tries to send ita 
troops across Germany into White Poland, the German proletariat 
knows that the time has arrived to come forward in defense of the 
world revolution. " When the Bed Army approacheg the frontier of 
Germany," concludes Comrade Levi, "t# wUl hear from the other 



side of the frontier a shout of welcome from the German proletariat: 
' Long live Soviet Russia/ ' " 

Comrade Radek speaks in the name of the Polish workmen. He 
expresses the deep conviction that the Polish proletariat, which haa 
always marched m the first ranks of the Russian revolution, will 
show in deeds how it will handle its own bourgeoisie and the officers 
of the Entente, The Russian Red Army will meet iron detachnients , 
of Polish workmen, who, together with the former, will march to 
the final triumph over imperialism. 

Comrade Trotsky makes a long and brilliant speech. He says that 
the 2nd Congress of the Communist International met one and one- 
half years after the 1st Congress. These 18 months were rich in 
[)rofound historic content. " Now we have come out on the road that 
eads to world communism. We must look back, in order to deter- 
mine the road traveled, and without taking our eyes off our enemy 
note the landmarks, and without losing time go forward." Com- 
rade Trotsky then gives a brilliant characterization of the collapse 
of bourgeois Europe and of the I^eague of Nations. " Between Eng- 
land and America, he says, " an unprecedented duel is being fought 
for the rule of the seas. France is bankrupt and begs for economic ' 
gifts from England. Europe, ruined and exhausted by the war, has 
become even more poverty-stricken and desperate during the last 18 
months. They tell us, from all the parliamentary tribunes, of the 
economic reconstruction of Europe. But is it possible to recoThstruct 
Europe without Russian rmo piaterials and Russian grain? Is it 
possible to reestablish Europe without German technical equipjiient [ 
and the German working classes? No; it is impossible. And so the 
representatives of the workmen of these countries on returning home 
will say : ' On the basis of what we have seen we can testi^ before \ 
the world proletariat that if the imperialists leave Soviet Russia in ' 
peace, if the workmen will give technical assistance even in small 
proportions, then in three years^ or at the maximum of five years, 
Soviet Russia wiU give to the European working class five times 
more bread and raw materials than gave the old Tsarist-bourgeois I 
Russia.^ " 

Comrade Zinoviev makes a concluding speech and summarizes the 
work of the 2nd Congress of the III International, pointing out the 
increasing strength and influence of the Communist International i 
among workmen throughout the world. ' 

The Congress is closed with the powerful singing of the Inter- 
national. The Italian delegates, supported by all present, sing Ital- 
ian revolutionary songs. The concluding solemn sitting of the 2nd 
Congress left a deep impression on the foreign delegates and the 
Moscow workmen. 


[Pelrograd Pravda, Aug. 10, 1920.] 

Comrade Zinoviev, president of the III International, makes a 
beautiful and brilliant speech ; he was greeted by long and fervent 
applause : 

" During the entire time that this Congress has been in session we , 
have seen the actual fraternal alliance of the whole world proletariat. ' 



Only a few months ago the idea of convening in Moscow a World 
Congress seemed to many audacious,buttheyeamingof the workmen 
of the whole world to join us was more powerful than all difficulties 
and obstacles which the world bourgeoisie put in the way of our 

" With complete satisfaction we can say that the Congress has been 
an entire success. After the World War and the collapse of the II 
International the workmen were waiting to be united, and this pas- 
sionate desire for unification was the driving force of the workmen's- 
International and of world history, despite the fact that the block- 
ade of Russia has not been raised and tliat in many countTies our 
parties exist illegally. We have at the Congress representatives 
not only of European and American countries but also of the Orient 
and of colonies. We are convinced that the movement in the Orient 
will grow and will merge with the Communist movement of the 

fjroletariat. At the Congress were represented many nhases of the 
abor movement. Since the collapse of the II International the pro- 
letariat in many countries is still at the crossroads. The Congress 
has united all that is alive and healthy in the labor movements. We 
welcomed organizations that had not yet fully assumed a definite 
form. We have in our ranks the pick of the syndicalists and an- 
archists, representatives of English factory committees, of the Ameri- 
can 'Industrial Workers of the World,' etc. Many of these or- 
ganizations do not yet share fully our program, but we considered it 
necessary to open the doors of the III International to all revolu- 
tionary detachments of the world proletariat that are ready to go 
with us, with arms in the hands, to carry on a common struggle. 
"At our Congress were also represented groups of penitent ' com- 

i>romisers.' They came humbly before the judgment seat of the 
JI International and petitioned for amnesty. The sense of their 
speeches was: 'I am guilty, but I deserve indulgence.' 

" Our Coi^ress put forth 21 conditions for admission to the 
Communist Intemational, so that not a single opportunist should 
be able to slip in. Only a year ago many feared lest we remain a 
small group ; now another danger threatens us — the III International 
has become the fasliion and many, fearing to fall behind the majority, 
strive to come to us. 

" The resolution on colonial and national questions was adopted 
unanimously, and this represents a moral victory for us. The 
III International continues the glorious traditions of the I Inter- 
national, uniting in its ranks the toilers not only of ' white,' but 
also of ' black ' and ' vellow ' color. At the congress was organized 
the Intemational of Trade Unions, and thus was destroyed the last 
bulwark of the bourgeoisie — the yellow Amsterdam International. 
We had to have many debates and discussions with our English 
and American comrades, On the basis of the experience of the 
Eussian revolution we told them that they must go to the masses 
instead of withdrawing from mass organization. We said that in 
each country there must be only one Communist Party. Whoever 
knows what authority the III International enjoys among the revo- 
lutionary proletariat, will understand that this wish of the Congress 
will be realized." 

Comrade Zinoviev further draws a comparison between the 
bourgeois Intemational and the proletarian Intemational, and says 


that while in the former a constant conflict is going on, in ^vhicb 
the brigands of world imperialism are knifing each other, in the III 
International despite all the differences in social conditions under 
which the prolatariat and bourgeoisie live and in spite of the 
varied character of tlie political structure of countries represented 
at the Congress, the III International demonstrated complete 
solidarity on all questions. 

" The Soviet idea has won the entire working class so completely 
that the resolution on Soviets did not call forfti any discussions ^ 
the Congress, and was adopted unanimously. We outlined our path 
for long months of struggle, we strengthened our international 
alliance by adopting by-laws and constitution which .will create * 
strongj disciplined, and militant International. The whole course 
of civil war has forced us, with inexorable logic to create a party 
with iron discipline. This experience was used bv the Congress to 
create a similar international fighting apparatus." 

In conclusion, comrade Zinoviev states that many comrades on 
their return from the Congress will have to face trying difficulties: 
" But tJiey can be sure that we at any moment will render them all 
the assistance that is at our disposal." 

[Petpograd Pi-avda, Aug. 11. 1920,] 

On August 7 took place the first sitting of the new executive com- 
mittee elected by the 2nd World Congress of the Communist Inter- 

The membership of the committee is the following : 






All parties and groups, including shop 
stewards, except group ol Pankhws. 

Norway, Sweden, Denmark; later de- 
cided to give Sweden a Bpecial vote 



According to the decision of the Congress, the Russian Communist 
Party delegated five delegates : Zinoviev, Bukharin, Kadek, Tomsky. 
and Kobetsky, and proxies; Lenin, Trotsky, Berzin, Stalin, Pav- 
lovich, Chicherin. 



At the sitting are present also several comrades with consultative 
voices repi-esenting various parties and groups. 

Comrade Zinoviev is elected again unanimously as the president 
■of the new executive committee of the Communist International. 
The directing body (praesidium) of the executive committee of the 
Communist International is elected, composed of: Zinoviev, Buk- 
harin, Mayer, Eudniansl^, and Kobetsky. In view of the departure 
of Radek for the front, Kobetsky is elected secretary. 

In connection with the departure of the delegates to the Interna- 
tional Congress of Metal Workers there is a discussion of the ques- 
tion of the directives to be given by the Communist International 
to these delegates. 

A discussion developed on the principles of the question of the 
task of the Communist International in the field of trade-unions. 
The executive committee gives the delegates the following directives: 
On a national scale the schism in right opportunist trade-unions 
is allowed only as an exception, because here it is a question of a 
mass organization which must be won from within. On the inter- 
national scale, on the other hand, one must work for a schism, be- 
cause the yellow Amsterdam organization, working for union, is 
the main support of the bourgeoisie, and the leaders of the Amster- 
dam international union are inveterate manipulators who, having 
gotten control of the unions, skillfully exploit the trade-union move- 
ment. At the International Congress of Metal Workers it is in- 
dispensable at any cost to separate at least a portion of the unions 
from yellow Amsterdam. 


[Petrogi'.id rrflTilR. Sept. 15, 1920.J 

The new executive conmiittee of the Communist International, 
t)rganized on August 7, devoted the first month of its activity to two 
tasks—the cleansing of the Communist movement of various coun- 
tries of reformist and opportunist elements, and the uniting of all 
sincerely revolutionary forces of the world proletariat. 

The German Independents, 

The sitting of August 8 was devoted to the discussion of questions 
relating to the Independent Social-Democratic Party of Germany, 
a delegation of which was invited to the sitting. 

Comrade Zinoviev put three questions to the Independents: (1) Co 
they find that any of the questions which interest the Independent 
Social-Democratic Party of Germany were not adequately elucidated 
by the 2nd Congress; (2) do they consider as acceptable the condi- 
tions of admission to the Communist International, which were pre- 
pared and established by the Congress; (3) what is their attitude 
toward the demands made by the Congress, that they exclude from 
the party the right Socialist elements ? 

On the first question the delegation, which was composed 06 four 
members, had only one opinion, which'was that all the questions of 




intei-est to the delegates were adequately elucidated by the Congress. 
On the other two questions opinions differed. Comrades Dauemig 
and Stoecker declared tlieir complete agreement with the resolutions 
adopted by the 2nd Congress, and added that they would make every 
effort to secure, at the next party conference, the adherence of their 
party to the III International, which has been strengthened, thanks 
to the 2nd Congress, On the other hand, Comrades Crispien and 
Dittmann (representatives of the right wing of the party) declared 
that in theoretical questions of principle they are not in disagreement 
on important points with the ( ommunist International, and pointed 
out that difficulties had arisen only in connection with the concrete 
formulating of the theses, particuiarly in that section of the latter 
which refers to armed uprisings, illegal struggle, centralism, and the 
attitude toward Socialist-traitors like Kautsky and Hilferding. 

Crispien and Dittmann nlso pointed out that an intransigent atti- 
tude in these questions might cause a schism in the Independent 
Social-Democriitic Party of Oermany. Comrades Zinoviey and Kndek 
answered them. Comrade Zinoyiev pointed out, for example, that 
there are situations where a schism is the most sacred duty of a 
revolutionist, and that the Independent Social-Democratic Party 
must either cleanse itself or split up. It was in this spirit that the 
decision was adopted on the preparation of a message to the Inde- 
pendent Social- Democratic Party of Oermany, 

The British Movement. 

The sitting of August 10 was devoted to the British movement. 
In his introductory speech Comrade Zinoviev pointed out that in 
England there are the British Communist Party, the Communist 
Party grouped around the newspaper " Workers' Preadnaught," the 
Scottish group, the group of Wales and Ireland, factory committees. 
and such, and that the union of these groups represents a difficult 
task, because, as was revealed at the Congress, there are disajj^ee- 
ments among them, as. for example, on the question of the attitude 
toward the Labor Pai'ty. " But these are purely tactical ques- 
tions," saj-s Comrade Zitioviev, " and much more important questions 
unite us, namely, the recognition of the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat, of the Soviet system, of the need of illegal work, etc." 

In {'onclusion, after an exchange of opinion, the following decision 
was unanimously adopted (the English workmen, who voted sepa- 
rately, all voted for the resolution) : 

'"the Executive Committee resolves: In England there must be 
created a single Communist party on the basis of the deci-sions of 
the 2nd World Congress of the Communist International. In order 
to solve this task there must he convened during the next four months 
a general congress of Communist groups and organizations of all 
England and Ireland. Tlie following munt take part in this Con- 
gi'ess: (1) The United Communist Party, (2) the Communist Party. 
(3) Shop-Stewards (delegates from factories and mills). (4) tlie 

Scottish Communist Party. (5) the Group of ' ' ' ~ 

munists (on federative principles), (7) the 

and 0) the Left AVing of the Inde|5endent Labor Party. A general 
Committee of Action is to he formed to convene this Congress and to 

ories and mills). (4) the 
. of Wales, (6) Irish Coni- 
he Socialist Labor Partv. 

Labor Party. A g 

vene this Congress i 



prepare for its unity in matter of ideas ; one representative from each 
group will compose this committee, under the presidency of a repre- 
sentative of the Executive Committee," 

Supplementing this resolution the Executive Committee on August 
20 further resolved : With respect to the Shop-Steward movement, the 
Executive Committee recommends to the Committee of Action to 
organize the representation of such at the Congress on a proportional 
basis, according to the number of organized members; further, it 
is desirable that among such delegates there should be not only lead- 
era of the movement who belong to parties, but also genuine repre- 
sentatives of the views and wishes of the labor masses- 

The Cleansing of the lUltan Party. 

At the sitting of August 11 the Executive Committee discussed 
the cleansing of the Italian Party of opportunists and Socialist- 
Traitors, like Turati, Modigliani, Daragona, and others. Italian 
comrades, including Comrade Serrati, without objecting on principle, 
hesitated only on the question of carrying out this decision. The 
Executive Committee adopted an appeal to Italian workmen on this 

The sitting of August 25 was also devoted to the Italian movement. 
There was present a delegate from the Italian Union of Syndicalists, 
Comrade Borgi, wlio arrived in Moscow after the Congress. Because 
of this last fact the Executive Committee adopted unanimously the 
following resolution : " On the basis of the decision of the 2nd Con- 
gress on the question of the attitude toward the revolutionary sec- 
tion of Syndicalists, Anarchists, Shop-Steward adherents, and In- 
dustrial Workers of the World, and in view of the declaration of 
the representative of the ' Italian Syndicalist Union ' Comrade Borgi 
that he accepts the decisions of the 2nd Congress, the Executive 
Committee resolves: (1) to admit the 'Italian Syndicalist Union' 
into the III International; (2) to instruct the 'Small Bureau' to 
explain in a special letter to the ' Italian Syndicalist Union,' to all 
its members, the obligations which result from adherence to the III 
International; and (3) to instruct the 'Small Bureau' to adopt all 
necessary measures for the purpose of uniting as quickly as possible 
allgenuinely Communist forces in Italy." 

I^rther, on the proposal of Comrade Keed, it was resolved to 
demand of the Italian Confederation of Labor that it convene a con- 
gi-ess immediately following the congress of the party. 

The American Communist Movement. 

With reference to the American Communist movement, the Execu- 
tive Committee took a whole series of decisions, which demand of 
American and English comrades that they adopt a policy of com- 
pact and united organization. The following resolution was, there- 
fore, adopted: Both Communist parties — the United Communist 
Party and the Communist Party — are instructed to unite in a single 
party on the basis of the decision of the 2nd World Congress of the 
CTommunist International. This unification must be definitely com- 
pleted within two months, that is by October 10, 1920. Those that 



do not submit to this decision will be excluded from the III Com- 
mimist International. 

The Cestnl Organ. 

A series of decisions was adopted on the question of the central 
organ, according to which the journal " Communist International " 
will be so adapted as to satisfy the needs of the Communist move- 
ment in all countries. On the proposal of Comrade Zinoviev, thft 
various shades of the Communist movement will be given the pos- 
sibility of discussing disputed questions in the pages of this journal. 



[Pettograd PravSa, July 21, 1S20.] 

"Brothers, the 2nd World Congress of the Communist International, iu 
opening Its session in Red Petrograd. sends Us warm greetings to you, Petro- 
P'ad workmen and worltwomen, Red Army soldiers, sailors, and all toUera. 

" We, the delegateg of labor otgamiaations of the whole woria, considered it 
our duty to open the. firxl niiiing of the Congiexa in your i'etrograd, m order 
thus to pay the tribute of rcsjicct and affection to the proletariat 0/ Bed Petro- 
grad, tchich wag the first to rise up against the bourgeoisie, and toith heroic 
concentration of strength and will-poioer overturned the authority of capital 
in one of the most important forts of the bourgeois world. 

"The proletarians of all countries know how much you proletarians 01 
Petrograd have suffered during the last three years, how you have famished, 
how many of your best sons have perished at the front defending the great 
cause of Communism. The workmen of the whole world love you, particularly 
because you did not hesitate for a minute at the time of the great crisis that 
threatened Petrogrnd and riie entire Soviet Ilepubllc, but defended the blood- 
soalted Bed Flag with the courage of lions, with tireless daring, and with the 
steadfastnees of the Petrograd proletariat 

"The Communist International saps to you: The Petrograd Commune car- 
ries on in a worthy manner the cause of the Paris Commune, avoiding the 
tceaknesses and wrfatofces of the latter and leading the proletarian battalions to 

" The Communist International is convinced that the workmen of Red Petro- 
grad will continue to represent the best detachment of the world army of labor, ■ 

" Long live the g:orious Petrograd proletariat ! 

" Long live the Communist International ! " 


[Petrocrad Prsyaa, Julj 21, 1020.] 

Brothers, tlie 2nU World Congress of the Communist interuation sends hearty 
fraternal greetings to the entire Red Army, to the entire Bed Fleet, and to each 
Ttpd division, from the smallest to the largest. 

To you, Red Army soldiers and Red sailors, to all of you and to each of you. 
and particularly to the comrades at the front : 

The toilers of the entire world Kith baled breath fondly follow your struggle 
against capitatists and landlords, Tsarist g&ierala, and imperialists. The 
Korkmen of the whole world share your defeats and celebrate your iHctoriea. 
The toiling population of the Khole world enthusiastically notes with -what great 
effort you have striven to overcome Kolchak, Denikin, Yudenich, and, Miller, 
breakinff Up the intrigues of French and English capitalists. 

The 2nd World Congress of the III International heartily greets you, and the 
Red Army which at the present moment fights on the western and southwestern 
fronts against the white Polish noblea, whom the bourgeoisie of the Entente has 
sent In order to suppress the Buaslan Soviet Republic of workmen and peasants. 

Brothers, Red Army Soldiers! Know that your war against the Polish nobles 
is the most just tear that history has ever knoim. You are fighting not only for 
the interests of Soviet Russia, but for the interests of all toiling humanity, for 
the Communist International. The tolling masses can not destroy the yoke of 
the rich, and wage slavery, except by war with arms Id hand. 




You were the flrat to turn j-our arms aguinst the oppressors. You were ttit 
first to create a strong and powerful workmen 's-pensauts' Red Armf. You wen 
the first to point out the road to the oppressed and exploited of the whole world. 

Because of ttds the proletarians of all countries bless you. The Comiuunial 
International knows that your victories over the enemies of workmen aud peas 
ants have been bought at the price of innumerable sacrifices and deprivations. 

We know that you will not allow yourselves to Iw defeated. We know lion 
many of the best sons of the Bed Army have given their lives for our cause. 
Your heroism will never be forgotten in history. Know, comrades, that thf 
Ited Army is now one of the principal forces of world history ! 

Know that you are no longer alone. The toilers ot the whole world are on 
jour side. The time is near when there will be created the Inteniationul Ite*! 

Long live the great, Invincible Red Armyl 

Long live the army of the Communist International ! 

[Petrograd Pravda, Jul; 21, 1920.] 

The 2nd World Congress of the Communist International » 
moment when White-Guordiat Poland, the stronghold of tUe capitalist worM 
reaction, is falling before the powerful blows of the Red Army of Russian work- 
men and peasants. What all revolutionary workmen and workwomen of tbt 
whole world fervently desire has now been accomplished. 

Russian workmen and peasants have gone agalnat the Impudent Polish Whilf- 
Guards Just as they rose to suppress the Russian counter-revolution and lli>- 
troops of Kolchak, Denikin, and Yudenlch. The Polish capitalists and landlorrl.-. 
liave rejected the honorable peace proposals of Soviet Russia, In the hope of 
receiving assistance from world capital and In the bellet that Soviet Russia tol 
exhausted all her strength In the struggle against counter-revolution. Tlivj 
threw their troops into Soviet Russia and are now on the eve of a great railitarj 
defeat. i 

Their troops have fallen back frora the Ukraine and White Russia, and 11j> ■ 
troops of Soviet Rnssia are pursuing them. The brigands ot world capital, tlu 
Polish landlords and capitalists, now wail that Poland Is In great danger. 
, They are appealing to the goverumeuts of capitalist countries with reque«i- 
for immediate assistance, so that Euroiwan culture should not be destroyed li 
the barbarians of the Russian revolution. And we see how the English Govern 
ment, which armed the Poles for their criminal attack on Soviet Russia, whic'i 
together with its allies refused to leave Poland when Soviet Russia proposeit ■■■ 
April 3 to begin n^otlatlons In London— we see how that same capitali? 
England Impudently tlireatens a new general attack by all the allies in i«<. 
Soviet Russia does not conclude an armistice with the Poles, who have ndvan.-" 
Into Russia. ' 

The directors of world capital, who are playing with the destinies of peoi-Wj 
as though they were cats, now come forward as the defenders of the ln<le|H'i<>- 
ence of Poland. The French Government, which in 1917 was ready to abaiiil.«[ 
Poland to the Tsarist government of Russia if the latter would recognize Mie 
French pretensions with respect to the left bank of the Rhine, the English Gi'f 
emment which frequently during the war declared confidentially through iti 
agents to the German Government that it woulil turn over Poland to the Centn* 
Powers if German Imperialism would evacuate Belgium, where it would bf u 
danger to England — all these traders In human flesh now shout that SipviiiJ 
Russia threatens the independence of Poland, and under this slogan ari' .H 
tempting to prepare the public opinion of the whole world for a new attai'k m 
Russian workmen and peasants. 

Workmen and workwomen of ail countries! There Is no need for u ,..,,,. 

to you that Soviet Russia does not entertain the slightest plan of conquest wii 
respect to the Polish people. Soviet Russia worked for the independeniv < 
Poland at Brest-Litovsk in the face of the ejcecutlonera of the Polish people, i 
Hoffman and Beseler. Soviet Rusrfa was ready to conclude pejice even v 
Polish capitalists, and In order to attain peace not only recognised the ii. . 
pendence of Poland but ceded to Poland extensive border regions. Son' 
Russia is closely bound to the Polish working masses by decades of comml 



Mruggle. For Soviet Russia self-tletermination of the Polish people Is a sacred 
trncl inviolate right, ant! If not n single soldier defended Poland, tbe Polish land 
wouiU nevertheless remain the property of the PoiUb people, and the Pollab 
Iieople itself would determine freely Its own fate. 

But so long as there rules In Poland a band of capitalist adventurers and 
landlords who have drawn tlie country Into a criminal military adventure ; so 
long as the cnpltalfsts of the Entente supply Poland with arms, Soviet Russia 
Is In a state of defensive war. Should Soviet Russia to-day give the Polish 
^\'hite-Guai-dlsts a respite and allow them to reestablish tlielr shattered troops 
and Bgaiu arm them with the assistance of the Entente, to-raorrow Soviet Russia 
would be obliged once more to tear hundreds of thousands of her best sons from 
the plow and workmen's henrti and send them to the front for a new defensive 

Workmen and workwomen ! If the capitalist filth of the whole world cries 
out about the attack on the Independence of Poland, in order to prepare a new 
attack agaiuHt KubsIh, yon should know the following and it alone: Tour em- 
ployers tremble, fearing that one of the pillars of their rule, of their world 
system of i-eactlon, esploltiitioii, and oppression is falling; they fear that if 
white-guardlst Poland falls before the blo1^'s iif tbe Red Army, and the Polish 
workmen take over power into their own hands, that then it will be easier for 
the German, Austrian, Italian, anil French workmen to free themselves from 
ihelr esploltfrs, and that the workmen of England and America also will 
ftillow them. If the capltflllsf flith walls that danger threatens the independ- 
ence »t Poland, It Is hecttuse tliey fear that your slavery, your involuntary 
servitude, workmen and workwomen, may be r^iaccd by liberation from the 
chains of capitalist slavery. Therefore, it Is the duty of the proletarians of all 
countries by every means to prevent the Goveramenta of England, France, 
America, and Italy from rendering any aid whatsoever to the Polish Whlte- 
Qiiarda. Proletarians of the countries of the Entente 1 Tour governments will 
continue to try to deceive you; they will Insist, as heretofore, that they are 
not rendering support to Poland. It Is your duty to stand guard at all ports 
)ind all fi-ontiers, and see to It that not a single train or ship with food sup- 
plies or ai'ma shmild leave for Poland. Take up your positions as guards! Do 
not iiHow yonrHelves to lie deceived by false indication.^ ns to the places from 
which t mi I spirts ai-e liclng sent: sueh trauKports, ,vou Itnow, con be sent to 
I'olatid by roundahiiut routes. And when gnvernments and private capital do 
not give way to your protests, orzunlse strikes, act by force, and under no 
i-ondltlons lielp the Poliwh linidloitls and capitalists to mui'der your Russian 

I'l-oletarlaiiR of cjemiany '. Wbeii white-guard 1st Poland falls, then tbe capi- 
Tiillsts of the conritries of the Entente will be willing to conclude peace with 
nei-nian generals and with German capitalists; they will help tbe latter to 
ecpilp large iimiieN of idred triiops, and these troops will suppress tbe German 
proletariat In order to convert Germany Into a base of operations against Soviet 
Ituiisin. The capitalists of the countries of the Entente will not hesitate to 
4.iinvei't Germany Into a honp of nilns. to become the advance post for tJie 
Hti'iiggle against Soviet RtiHSia and Soviet Poland. German workmen and 
workwomen '. The hour has come when you can accomplish what you promised 
thousands of times during great manifestations, namely, to come over to the 
side of your RuiiKian hriitlieii*. and together with them fight for your freedom. 
r>ri not allon- on German soil ony attempts to render assistance to whlte-giiardist 
I'oliind. and do not alhiw any new recruitment of hiral soldler.i. Wiitcli care- 
fully all the irains going eiistwrird, and keep a strict watch over what tnkea 
place in Dan!:Ig, doing everything that is required by the circumstances. Not 
a single freight car and not a single sliip should go from Germany to Poland. 

Proletarians of all other countries : Itemember that the enemy now Is whlte- 
■.'uardiat Poland. The task of the present hour Is to crush this enemy. Pro- 
letarians of all countries; Iteiueuitier that y<m raiist not give In to the deceltfol 
speeches of treacherous or hesitating leaders of the workmen and to false 
promises of Bovernment. Now you must act, and you must gather all forces 
In order to blockade Poland. Vou must concentrate all forces In order to show 
in fact the solldnHty of the world pniletartat with Soviet Russia. 

Workmen imd workwomen ! Your solidarity with Soviet Russia at the same 
time is solidarity with the Polish proletarians. The Polish proletariat, under 
the direction of the Communist Party, Is stru^ling steadfastly against the war 
with Soviet Russia. The Polish prisons are filled with our Polish brothers, th" 

IKWO— 20 6 



Communists of Polaiiii. Tlic rtefisits of the Pfillsh Wlilte-Guanllsts jirouse tbo 
greatest enthusiasm In the hearts of Polish workmen. A wave of strikes is 
rislDg in Poland. Polish worbmen are striving to take advantage of the defeats 
of their exploiters. In order to deal the last blow to their weakened class eaem; 
and In order to unite with Russian workmen in a common struggle for freedom. 

The blockade of Poland will represent direct aid to the struggle for libera- 
tion of the Polish workmen; it is the road that will free Poland from the 
chains Imposed on It by the victorious capitalists of London and Paris, the road 
to an independent republic of Polish lyorkmen and peasants. 

The 2nd World Congress of the Communist Intematiosal sends you this 
appeal: Come out onto the streets and show your governments that you will 
not allow any aaalstanoe to whlte-giiurdlst Poland or any interveutlon iigiiiiist 
Soviet RtiBHla. Stop all work and movement If you see that the capitalist 
clique of all countries despite your protest Is preparing a new attack on Soviet 
Russia. Do not let a single train or boat pass through to Poland. Show that 
the solidarity of the proletariat exists in actual fact and not simply In words. 

Long live Soviet Russia ! Long live the Red Army of Russian workmen and 
peasants ! Down with whlte-guardist Poland ! Down with Intervention ! Lons 
live Soviet Poland.! 





THE 2nd congress 




July 19-August 7, 1920 




1. The Can for the 2nd World Congress of the Communist Inter- 

[iKYPBda, June S, 1920,1 

To^ll Communist parties and groups, all trade-unions, all organi- 
zations of Communist women, all unions of the Communist youtii, 
all workmen's organizations based on the principles of Communian, 
to all sincere and honest toilers : 

Comrades: The executive committee of the Communist Interna- 
tional has voted to convoke the 2nd Congress of the Communist Inter- 
nationa] in Moscow on July 15, 1920, and has worked out the follow- 
ing draft of a program for the 2nd Congress: 

1 Report of tlie eTeciitivf coininittee of tlie fominnnlst International 

2 Reports of the leprcien tat lies of dlfCprent countries {The reports must 
be urltten ) 

3 The present intertiatloniil Kitiiatlun ainl the tiisk of the ('ommuDlet In- 

4 Tlie question of parliamentarism 

•i The tr.ide-u Dions and the factorj committees 

e The rftle and structure of the t'ominimisi I'arti ivefore and after the eon- 
quest of power by the proletariat 

7 Tbe question of nationalities and colonies 

8 The agrarian question 

9 The attitude toward the new tenilentlea in the Center, which accept the 
C'onjmunlst platform onli In words, the eunihrions of ndmlsr-lon to the III 

10 Tlie bylaws and constitution of the Communist International 

11 Organization prohlemo tlegal and llle^l organ l7^t ions, women's or- 

12. Moienient among tlie youth. 

13. Elections. 

14. General questions. 

All Communist parties and groups and trade-unions, which have 
officially joined the Communist International, and which have been 
recognized by its executive committee are invited to participate with 
the right to vote, at the Congress. Those groups and organizations 
that are based on the same principles as the Communist Interna- 
tional, but stand in opposition to the official, affiliated Communist 
parties, are also invited to the Congress, which will then decide what 
voice these groups should have; there are also invited to the Con- 
gress the groups of revolutionary syndicalists, the unions of indus- 
trial workmen of the world, and other organizations, with which the 
executive committee of the Communist International plans to es- 



tablish closer relations ; the unions of youth must be represented not 
only by the central committee of the Youths' International, but also 
by the Communist organizations of every country. 

In connection with the Congress, it is intended to convoke an in- 
ternational conference of the Communist Union of Youth ; sboulil 
it prove at all possible to organize the first international conference 
of the Ked Trade-Unions in connection with the Congress, then al! 
parties and organizations are invited to send as many delegates as 
possible to tlie Congress. The question of the munber of votes en- 
joyed by delegates to the Congress will, of course, be decided quite 
independently of the number of delegates. The executive committee 
of the Communist International urgently insists that all Communist 
parties that send delegates to the Congress, should appoint one of tlie 
delegates as a permanent representative of the respective party on 
the executive committee of the Communist International, so as t« 
enable tliis comrade to remain for a prolonged period in fiussia. 
You will see from the program that the Congress will examine the 
most important problems which confront workmen Communists of 
the whole world. The rapid development of the ideas of Commun- 
ism all over the world forces us to hasten the calling of the Congress, 
which will have to give a definite and clear answer to the prole- 
tarians of all countries on those questions which have arisen and de- 
mand immediate attention. 

The first Congress of the Communist International raised the flap 
of Communism. To-day millions and millions of conscious workmen 
all over the world are united under this flag. The work now .is no 
longer one of propaganda of the ideas of Communism. Now is tin- | 
time for the " organization " of the Communist proletariat and for the i 
direct struggle for the Communist revolution. The II International 
collapsed like a house of cards. All attempts on the part of certain 
Socialistic diplomats to create some new International of mongrel 
breed, a union between the II and III International, are ridieulou-! 
and do not meet with any support on the part of the workmen. 

Cut off from each other by military censorships, states of siege, and 
the campaign of libels of the yellow Social-Democrats and the bour- 
geois press, the workmen of all countries stretch out to each other 
a brotherly hand. Existing little more than a year, the Communis! 
International has gained a decisive moral victory among the lalior 
masses of the entire world. Millions and millions of workmen &rt 
longing to join us and the sincere international comradeship of the i 
woncmen called the III International. j 

Let these workmen, therefore, force their parties and organizations 
to make their choice once for all; let them put an end to that un- 
worthy game played by some of their old diplomatic " leaders," who 
try tokeep their parties from joining the Communist International. 
T*et the members of the trade-unions in particular, that ofiicially lie- 
long to the white-guardist International organized in Amsterdam hv 
agents of capital, by Legien, Albert Thomas, and others, see to it 
that their labor organizations break with the traitors to the cause 
of the workingmen and send their delegates to join the Communist 
International; let the 2nd Congress of the Communist International 
become in reality a world Congress of the working class; at the bjiiup 
time let this Congress be a gathering of all adherents and real sui>- 



port«rs of a genuine Communist program and of revolutionary Com- 
munist tactics; let every labor organization and group discuss the 
program proposed by the executive committee ol the Communist 
International. Let the workmen bring up their resolutions and 
views on the various questions; let the Communist press devote itself 
entirely for the next few weeks to the discussion of the most im- 
portant problems; let the preliminary work be intense. Only in this 
way can our Congress summarize the experiences of the conscious 
proletarians of the whole world and express the real will of the 
workmen Communists of all countries. 

The executive committee of the Commimist International sends its 
frateriHiI greetings to the conscious proletarians of the whole world, 
and calls on them to join the brotherly ranks. Long live the Inter- 
national Communist comradeship of workmen! Long live the III 
International ! 

With Communist greetings, 


The Prenident of the Executive Committee 

of the Oiymmuniat International. 
K. Radek, 
/Secretary of the Executive Committee 

of the CoTnmunist International. 
Jdne 2, 1920. 



2. " Resolution on the Role of the Communist Party in the Prole- 
tarian Revolution." ' ' 

[Adopted by tlio Congress nUBiilmimBly. (Moaeow Pravda, Jnlj 30, ifl20.)] 

The world proletariat is on the eve of decisive battles. We are 
living through an epoch of direct civil wars. But the decisive hour 
is near. In almost all the countries where there is a considerable 

' NOTK.^ — -The "theses" or platform-plan be on tlie questions dlseusgecl at the 
Congress were prepared by the Executive Ooiunilttee of the Coniiininist lutei'- 
iiatlonnl. A copy of these theses, pulilislied in pamphlet form in French, is in 
the flies of tlie Departiiieut, 

. lu view of the reduced size of the Bolshevist newspaper— one sheet of two 
printed page«, or 12 colunini— tiiese long theeeM ns udopteil by the Congress 
can not be published in an ordinary issue. A special supplement of the Moscow 
Pmvda has published to date of the last issue received only the theses or 
resolutions given hei-t*. The iither theses, or platfonn-planltB, were on the fol- 
lowing subjects: 

(1) The Syndicalist Movement, Factory Committees, and the III Interna- 

(2) The Agrarian QiifStion, 

(3) First sketch of the Tlieses cm National and Colonial Questions (N. Lenin). 

(4) The Communist Party and Parliamentarism. 

(5) Supplement to Theses on Ptirtlamentftrisra. 

<a) When and under what conditions can Soviets of Workmen's Deputies 
be created? (O. Ztnoviev.) 

(71 C'onditions of Admission of Fiirties to the (^omnnmist International. 
(8) The Main Tasks of the 2nd Congress of the III International. 



labor movement the working class will have before it ui the im- 
mediate future a series of fierce armed encounters. 

Now more than ever does the working class need a solidified 
organization. The working class must prepare ceaselessly for the , 
coming decisive struggle without losing a single hour of the precious 
time that remains. 

If at the time of the Paris Commune {18?1) the working class ' 
had had a united, even if a small, Communist Party, the first heroic 
uprising of the French proletariat would have been much more 
powerful and tliousands of mistakes and weaknesses would have 
been avoided. 

The struggle which is before the proletariat now that historic- 
conditions have changed will have a much greater influence on 
the historic fates of the working class than in 1871. In view of all 
this the 2nd World Congress of the Communist International calls 
upon the revolutionary workmen of the whole world to turn their 
attention upon the following: 

1. The Communist Party is a part of the working class, precisely 
its most advanced, most conscious, and therefore most revolutionary i 
part. The Communist Party springs into being through a natural 
selection of the best, the most conscious^ the most self-sacrificiDg. 

I and far-seeing workmen. The Communist Party has no interest.^ 
different from the interests of the working class. The Communist 
Party differs from the whole mass of the working class in that it [ 
contemplates the historic path of the working class in its entirety. , 
and strives at every turn of that path to defend the interests, not 
of the separate gi-oups, not of various trades andprofessions, but the 
interests of the working class as a whole. The Communist Party is 
that lever of political organization by means of which the most 
advanced part of the working class directs the mass of the proletariat 
and semi proletariat along the right road. 
" 2. As long as the governmental authority has not been conquered j 
by the proletariat, as long as the proletariat has not established its 
rule once for all and has not guaranteed the working class from the 
possibility of a bourgeois restoration, so long will the Communist 
Party by right have in its organized ranks only the minority of tht 
workmen. Up to the time of the seizure of governmental authority 
and during the period of transition the Communist Party may, iu 
■favorabTe circumstances, exercise undivided ideological and politi- 
cal influence upon all the proletarian and semiproletarian strati) 
of a population, but it can not bring them together in its ranks iii j 
an organized manner. Only after the proletarian dictatorship wili i 
have deprived the bourgeois of such powerful weapons of effective 
influence as the press, the school, the parliament, the church, tiie 
l-admiiiiatralivej£paratus, etc., only after the final defeatlrf^ the j 
bourgeois socialoraer will have become evident for everybody, only | 
then will all or practically all the workmen begin to enter the 
xanks of the Communist Party. ' 

3. The idea of a ^rty should be strictly differentiated from thv I 
idea of the class. The membei-s of the "Christian" and liberal 
professional labor unions in Germany, Great Britain, and other coun- i 
tries undoubtedly constitute a part of the working class. The more | 
or less considerable circles in the working class which still follow , 
Scheidemann, Gompers and Company, undoubtedly constitute a part ' 



of the working class. In the presence of definite historic factors there 
are possible in the working class very numerous reactionary strata. 
The problem of Commimism does not consist in adapting itself to 
these retrograde parts of the working class, but in raising the whole 
working class to the level of its communistic vanguard. The mingling 
of these two conceptions, the idea of the party and the idea of the 
class, may lead to the greatest of mistakes and confusions. For ex-l 
ample, it is clear that in spite of the tendencies or the prejudices of j 
a part of the working masses during the imperialistic war, a Labor ] 
Party should without fail have come out against these tendencies I 
or prejudices and in defense of the historic interests of the prole- I 
tariat, which demanded on the part of a proletarian party a declara- 
tion of a war against war. 

For example, at the beginning of the imperialistic war of 1914 
the Socialist-Traitor Parties of all the countries, supporting the 
bourgeoisie of " their own " country, invariably asserted that such 
was the will of the working class. And they forgot entirely that 
even if this were so the aim of a proletarian party under such cir- 
cumstances should have been to fight against the moods and ten- 
dencies of the majority of the workmen, and to defend the historic 
interests of the proletariat in spite of everything. So, on the thresh- 
old of the twentieth century, the Russian Mensheviks of that time 
(the so-called "economists") rejected an open political struggle 
against Tsarism on the ground that, as they alleged, the working 
cMisa as a whole had not as yet matured sufficiently to understand 
political struggle. 

In the same manner in Germany the Eight Independents, whenever 
they make their halfway steps, allege tnat they represent the de- 
sires of the masses, not realizing that a party exists precisely for the 
purpose of marching in front of the mass and of showing the mass the 
road it is to follow. 

i. The Communist International is absolutely certain that the 
bankruptcy of the old Social-Democratic Parties of the II Interna- 
tional can not under any circumstances be represented as the bank- 
ruptcy of the proletarian party system in general. The epoch of 
the direct struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat brings 
forth a new party of the proletariat, the Communist Party. 

5. The Communist International rejects most decidedly the view 
that the proletariat can accomplish its revolution without having 
its own independent political party. All class struggle is a political 
struggle. The object of the struggle, which inevitably becomes trans- 
formed into a civil war, is the conquest of the political authority. 
However, the political authority can not be seized, organized, and 
directed except through this or that political party. Only when the 
proletariat has for its leadership an organized and experienced party 
with strictly defined aims and a concrete, worked-out pi-ogram of 
its immediate actions in the domains of both internal and external 
policy, only in that case will the conquest of political authority be 
not an accidental episode, but will serve as the starting point for an 
extended period of communistic construction on the part of the 

That same class struggle demands that the various forms of the 
movement of the Proletariat (the professional and trade-unions, co- 



operatives, factory committees, the cultural and educational work, 
the elections, etc.) should be unified in one center and be directed 
in common. Only a political party can be such a common unifying 
and directing center. The refusal to create it, strengthen it, and sub- 
mit to it signifies the refusal to accept the unified direction of the 
separate fighting detachments of the proletariat operating in the dif- 
erent arenas of the struggle. Finally, the class struggle of the prole- 
tariat demands concentrated agitation, which would illumine the vari- 
ous steps of the struggle from a single point of view, and would con- 
centrate the attention of the proletariat at each given moment 
on the definite problems which are common for the whole class. This 
can not be accomplished without a centralized political apparatus— 
that is, without a political party. Therefore the propaganda of the 
revolutionary Syndicalists, the followers of the Industrial Workers 
of the World, against the need of an independent labor party has 
been objectively of assistance, and is still of assistance, only to tlie 
bourgeoisie and the counter-revolutionary Social-Democrats, In 
their propaganda against a Communist Party, for which the Syndi- 
calists and the Industrialists wish to substitute only the trade and 
professional unions, or some formless " universal labor association," 
the Syndicalists and the Industrialists touch hands with the delib- 
erate opportunists; tlie Russian Mensheviks, after the defeat of the 
revolution of 1905, preached for a number of years a so-called labor 
congress which was to have taken the place of a revolutionary party 
of tne working class ; all kinds of " yellow laborites " in Great Brit- 
ain and in America, who in reality follow a deliberate bourgeois 
policy, preached to the workmen a creation of formless labor asso- 
ciations, or of indefinite exclusively parliamentarian formations, in- 
stead of a truly proletarian political party. The revolutionary Syn- 
dicalists and Industrialists desire to druggie agaiiist the dictatorship 
of the -bourgeoisie, but do not know how to do it. They fail to note 
that the working class without an independent political party is a 
body without a head. 

Revolutionary Syndicalism and Industrialism constitute in this a 
step forward in comparison with the old and stale revolutionary 
ideology of the II International, but in comparison with the revolu- 
tionary Marxism, i. e., with Communism, Syndicalism, and Indus- 
trialism constitute a step backward. The declaration of the "Left" 
Communists of Germany (made by them in the program declara- 
tion of their constituent Congress in April), in which they say that 
they create a party, " but not a party in the usual traditional mean- 
ing of that word" (Keine Partei im uberlieferten Zinne), is a capitu- 
lation, from the point of view of ideology, before those views of 
syndicalism and industrialism, which are reactionary views. 

The working class can not triumph completely over the bourgeoisie 
through the use of only the general strike and the tactics of " crosse*! 
arms." The proletariat must have resort to armed uprising. ThoKC 
who understand this must also understand that out of this mevitabty ' 
flows the necessity of an organized political party, and that the 
formless labor associations are insufficient for this purpose. 

The revolutionary Syndicalists often speak of the great signifi- 
cance of a determined revolutionary minority, hut in reality a (leter- 
mined revolutionary minority of the working class, a communistic 
minority, ready to act, having a program placing before itself as its 


object the organization of tlie masses, such a minority will be the 
Communist JE^rty, 

6. The most important object of the true Communist Party con- 
sists in being in a close contact with the widest circles of the 

In order to achieve this the Communists should work also in those 
associations which, while they have no elements of a party character, 
cover large working masses, as, for example, tlie organizations of the 
old and wounded soldiers in various countries, such committees as 
the " Hands off Russia " in Great Britain, and Association of 
Proletarian Tenants, etc. Especially important is the example of 
the Russian so-called "nonparty conferences" of workmen and 
peasants. Such conferences are culled in almost every city, in every 
labor quarter, and in every village. The widest circles of the most 
retrograde working masses take part in the elections to these con- 
ferences. These conferences discuss the most pressing questions, 
such as the questions of food supply, the housing question, the 
problems of education, the military situation, the political problems 
of the day, etc. The Communists strive in every way possible to 
make their infliience felt at these "nonparty conferences, and they 
do this very effectively, so far as tlie party is concerned. 

The Communists consider it their mo^ important task to conduct 
within these mass organizations systematic organizing and educa- 
tional work, 

7. The Communists do not in any way scorn the mass nonparty 
labor organizations, even when under certain circumstances they 
have a clearly reactionary Black-Himdred character (the yellow 
associations, the peasant unions, etc.). The Communist Party con- 
ducts its work constantly within these organizations, always trying 
to prove to the workmen that the idea of nonpartisanship as a prin- 
ciple is deliberately inculcated in the workmen by the bourgeoisie 
and its obsequious agents, in order to divert the proletarians from 
the organized struggle for Socialism. 

8. The old " classical " division of the labor movement into three 
forms {the party, the professional or trade-union, and the coopera- 
tivesj, has clearly outlived itself. The Proletarian Revolution in 
Russia has brought to the foreground the basic form of labor dic- 
tatorship, viz, the Soviet. In tlie nearest future the following di- 
vision will establish itself : First, the party ; second, the Soviets ; and 
third, the productive unions. But the work both in the Soviets and 
in the revolutionized productive unions must be invariably and 
systematically directed by the party of the proletariat, i. e., the Com- 
munist Party. The organized vanguard of the labor class, the 
Communist Party, serves equally the interests of the economical, the 
political, and the cultural struggle of the working class as a whole. 
The Communist Party must be the soul of the productive unions, of 
the Soviets of Workmen's Deputies, and of all the other forms of 
proletarian organization. 

The appearance of tlie Soviets as the chief form of the dictatorship 
of the proletariat furnished by tlie history does not in any way 
diminish the directing role of the Communist Party in the Prole- 
tarian Revolution. When the German "Left" Communists {Cf. 
the appeal of their party to the German proletariat entitled "To 
the German Proletariat, dated April 14, 1920, and signed by "The 


Communist Labor Party of Germany"), declared that "even the 
Party should adapt itself more and more to the idea of the Soviet 
and assume a proletarian character " (" Wird erfogrdert dass aucii die 
Partei si eh iinmer mehr dem Eiltegedanken anpasst und prole- 
tarischen Character annimmt" — Kommunistische Arbeiter Zeitung 
No. 64), this is a timid expression of the idea that the Communist 
Party should presumably dissolve itself into Soviets and that tlie 
Soviets presumably can take the place of the Communist Party. 

This idea is profoundly introrrect and reactionary. 

In the history of the Kussian Revolution we saw a whole epoch 
when the Soviets were against the proletarian party and supported 
the policy of the agents of the bourgeoisie. The same thing has been 
observed in ( jermany ; it is possibly also in other coimtries. 

In order that the Soviets could fulfill their historic mission it i;* 
necessary on the contrary that there should exist a Communist Party 
sufficiently strong to be able not merely to "adapt" itself to the 
Soviets, but to be in a pasition to exert <lecisively a pressure on their 
policy, to compel the Soviets themselves to give up " adaption " to 
the bourgeoisie and the White Social -Democracy and to be able 
through the instrumentality of the Communist fraction in the Soviets 
to lead the Soviets after the Communist I'arty. 

Those who suggest that the Communist Party should adapt itself 
to the Soviet, who considei' that thraugh such adaption the "prole- 
tarian character " of the party is strengthened, render a very poor 
service to the party and to the Soviets, for they do not understand 
the significance of either the i)arty or the Soviets. " The Sonet 
idea" will conquer ail the sooner, the stronger the Communist Party 
which we shall be able to create in each country will be, " The 
Soviet idea " is now recognized ostensibly by many " Independent 
Socialists" and even Socialists of the Right. But these elements 
can be prevented from corrupting the Soviet idea only if we sliaU 
have a powerful Communist Party capable of determining the policy 
of the Soviet and of leading the Soviets. 

9. The Communist Party is necessary for the working class, ami 
not only before the conquest of goiei'nmental authority, not only at 
the time of the confjuest of governmental authority, but even after 
that authority has passed into the hands of the working class. The 
history of the Russian Communist Party which has held govern- 
mental authority in the huge country for three years, shows that the 
role of the Communist I'arty after the conquest of governmental 
authority by the working class has not only not decreased but, on the 
contrary, has increased to an extraordinary extent. 

10. On the day following the seizui-e of governmental authority by 
the proletariat, its party still remains only a part of the working 
class. But it is precisely that part of the working class which hay 
organized the victory. Tlie Communist Party in the course of the two 
decades, as we have seen it in Russia, in the course of a number of 
years as we see it now in Germany, conducting its struggle not only 
against the bourgeoisie but also against those " Socialists " who really 
serve as the conductors of bourgeois influence over the proletariat, 
has drawn into its ranks the most stable, far-sighted, and advanced 
militants of the working class. Only in the presence of such a united 
organization of the best part of the working class is it possible to over- 
come all the difficulties which rise before the labor dictatorehip oa 


tlie day after its victory. The organization of a new proletarian 
Ked Army, the actual destruction of the bourgeois state apparatus and 
the creation in its place of the beginnings of a new proletarian state 
apparatus, the struggle against the guild tendencies among separate 
groups of workmen, the struggle against local and |>articiilaristic " pa- 
triotism," the blazing of new paths in the domain of newly created 
labor discipline — in all these Belds the decisive voice belongs to the 
Communist Party, whose members through their own example lead 
tl»e majority of the working classes. 

11. The aim of a political party of the proletariat disappears only 
with the complete destruction of classes. In the process of achieving 
this final victory of Communism it is possible that the specific 
grravity of the three fundamental proletarian organizations of our 
time, the party, the Soviet, and the productive unions, will undergo 
changes, and that eventually a unified type of labor organization will 
become crystalized. But the Communist Party will become dis- 
solved completely in the working class at the time when Communism 
wilt cease to be the aim of the struggle, and when the whole working 
class will liecome communistic, 

12. The 2nd Congress of the Communist International should not 
only affirm the historic mission of the Communist Party in general, 
but should indicate to the International Proletariat, at least in its 
fundamental features, precisely what kind of a Communist Party we 

13. The Communist International considers that the Communist 
Part^ should be built up on the basis of iron proletarian centralism, 
particularly in the epoch of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In 
order to be able to direct successfully the activities of the working 
class in the long and jiersistent civil war which impends, the Com- 
munist Party itself must create within its own ranks iron military 
order. The experience of the Russian Communist Party, which has 
directed the civil war of the working class for the course of three 
years, has shown that without the strictest discipline, without com- 
plete centralism, and without unbounded comradely confidence of all 
the organizations of the, party in the directing party center, the 
A-ictory of the workmen is impossible. 

14. The Commimist Party must be built on the basis of democratic 
centralitim. The main principles of democratic centralism ai-e the 
election of the upper body by the lower body ; the absolute compul- 
sory nature of the decisions of the upper body for the lower, the 
latter being subordinated to the former; and the existence of an 
authoritative party center, as the undisputed dii'ecting institution of 
the party life from one Congress to another. 

15. A whole series of communist parties in Europe and America, 
in view of conditions of siege rule adopted by the bourgeoisie against 
the Communists, are compelled to exist illegally. We must remem- 
ber that under such circumstances it is some times necessary to 
give up in part the strict application of the elective principle and to 
make it possible for the directing party institution to invite in 
members as has been done in Russia, In what amounts to a state of 
siege the Communist Party not only can not place very serious ques- 
tions before all the members of the party for a democratii! referen- 
dum (as proposed by a faction of the American Commimists* ' — '■ 



on the contrary must delegate to its directing center the right in a 
critical moment to make decisions for all the members of the party. 
- 16. To preach wide " autonomy " for separate local organizations 
of the party is equivalent at the present time to weakening the ranks 
of the Communist Party, impairing its efficiency, and i-endering 
assistance to the petty bourgeois anarchist centrifugal tendencies. 

17. In a country where the bourgeoisie, or the counter-revolution- 
ary Social-Democracy is in power, the Communist Party must learn 
to coordinate its legal work with its illegal work, and the legal work 
must always be urSer the efective control of the illegal party.' The 
parliamentary fractions of the Communists, both in the central and 
in the local governmental institutions must be entirely and abso- 
lutely subordinated to the Communist Party as a whole, irrespective 
of whether at the given moment the^arty as a whole is a legal or an 
illegal organization. All tlie deputies who in one form or another 
refuse to submit to the party must be expelled from the ranks of the 

The legal press (newspapers and publishing houses) must i)e abso- 
lutely and entirely subordinated to the party as a whole and to its 
central committee. No concessions in this regard are permissible. 

18. The basic starting point in the whole organization work of 
the Communist Party must be the creation of communistic groups. 
Everywhere, wherever there is even a small number of proletarian.-, 
or semiproletarians, in every Soviet of Workmen's Deputies, in 
every professional or trade union, in every cooperative organization, 
in every shop, in every house committee, in every governmental in- 
stitution, everywhere where there can be found at least three people 
sympathetic with Communism, it is necessary immediately to or- 
ganize a communistic group. Only the organized activity of Com- 
munists makes it possible for the vanguard of the working class to 
lead the whole class. All Communist groups, operating in nonparty 
organizations, must submit implicitly to the party organization as » 
whole, irrespective of whether the party is at the given moment legal 
or illegal. The Communist groups of all kind^ should recognize 
further subordination to each other in a strict hierarchial order, and 
as far as possible according to a most rigid system. 

19. The Communist Party should almost everywhere begin a^ 
a municipal party, as the party of the industrial workmen living 
mostly in the cities. To secure the easiest and the speediest victory 
of the working class, it is necessary that the Communist Party should 
become not only a party of the cities, but also of the villages. The 
Communist Party should conduct its propaganda and its organiza- 
tion among the agricultural laborers, the small-propertied, and the 
middle-class peasantry. The Communist Partv should make par- 
ticular effort to bring about the organization of Communist groups 
in the villages. 

The international organization of the proletariat can be strong 
only if in all the countries where Communists live and struggle there 
shall become established the view of the role of the Communist Party 
which has just been stated. The Communist International invites to 
its congresses every professional or trade union recognizing the prin- 

■ NoTK. — For Blmllar ra]i)hii!dR on the privmlnvnce ol the illegiil work in the tsctica of 
the Communlsi Part;, see the ln?t part of r.enln's Theses on the tundameutal tasks of lh» 
Snd Congrpaa In Appendix I. 



ciples of the III International and ready to break with the Yellow 
J nternational. The Communist International will organize its own 
international section of red professional or trade unions, which ac- 
cept the doctrine of Communism. The Communist International will 
not scorn work in every nonparty labor organization, if the latter 
should desire to conduct in earnest a revolutionary struggle against 
the bourgeoisie. But the Communist International in every such 
case will point the following to the proletarians of the whole world : 

1. The Communist Party is the chief and the basic instrument for 
the liberation of the working class. We must now have in every 
country not groups and movements but a Communist Party. 

2. In every country there must be only one united Communist 

3. The Communist Party must be built upon the principle of strict- 
est centralization, and during the period of the civil war must estab- 
lish within its ranks a military discipline. 

4. Wherever there are at least 10 proletarians or semiproletarians, 
the Communist Party must have its organized group. 

5. In every nonparty organization there must exist a party Com- 
munist group, which must obey implicitly the party as a whole. 

6. Defending firmly and undividedly the program and the revo- 
lutionary tactics of Communism, the Communist Party must always 
be in the closest contact with the mass labor organizations, and must 
hold itself away from sectarianism in the same measure as from lack 
of principles. 



3. Theses of Russian Commnnist Party on 2nd Congress of III 

[IZTMtia. Jul; 16, 1920.] 

(1) The year which has passed since the 1st Congress of the III 
International was characterized by the great development of the in- 
ternational labor movement in all countries and by tne inevitable de- 
velopment of national, revolutionary colonial movements. 

(2) The dying capitalist world is losing its last resort, the League 
of Nations ; the growing Commimist revolution is uniting its forces 
around the III International. 

(3) This growing unity finds expression in (a) the general wateli- 
woros of the dictatorship of the proletariat, a Soviet regime and 
mass revolutionary struggle for a Soviet regime; (61 the forma- 
tion of Communist Parties throughout the world; (c) the tran- 
sition of the masses to the Communist Platform of Struggle; (d) 
the formation of factory committees and the struggle for the partici- 
pation of workmen in administration, which can be observed in al- 
most all large capitalist countries; (e) the Kimultaneous international 
struggle of the proletariat against intervention in Russian alTairs 
and against White Terror in Hungary and Ireland ; {f) the growing- 


wave of strikes and partial uprisings; (g) lastly, the union of tbv 
proletariat round the III International ^hich is at present taking; 
place. I 

(4) This is expressed by the fact that our foreign comrades are ' 
splendidly represented at the Congress, which is attended by dele- ' 
gates from all Communist parties and groups and sections closely 
united with the Communism of England, Ireland, France, Spain. 
Italy, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Denmark, HoUandj Sweden, Sor- | 
way, Poland, Bulgaria, and the Balkans generally, Finland, etc., ol 
the United States of America, Australia, and finally of the i>eople£ 
of the East (India, Turkey, Persia, etc.). ' 

(5) The principal object of the International Communist Congress ' 
is the introduction of complete unity of tactics into the international 
movement of the proletariat and the creation of a strong, interna- 
tional headquarters for a proletarian uprising against world Im- 

(6) The following are the most important questions to be dis- i 
■cussed at the Congress : The construction of and the part to be played l 
by the Communist Party; participation in the trade-union move- 
ment, factory committees, utilization of bourgeois parliaments, the 
national and colonial question, Soviet, international proletarian dis- i 

(7) The Congress will have to struggle against members of the ! 
" Right " and " Center " parties, who wish to join the III Interna- 
tional, which is now a powerful force and has therefore become fash- 
ionable, and also against misunderstandings on the part of several 
comrades of the " Left " who are opposed to severe discipline, the 
utilization of parliaments, etc. 

(8) As the importance of the Congress to the International move- 
ment of the proletariat is enormous^ its importance, therefore, to i 
Soviet Russia is gigantic and will facilitate our struggle against the 
pirates of international Imperialism. 

(9) By being the directing organization of the International 
revolutionary proletariat and by leading it to victory, the Comniunisl 
International is thereby preparing a fraternal union of toiling pro- 
letarian Soviet republics. This union will unite industrial and agra- 
rian countries, will assist the reestablishment of national economy on 
new principles, and once and for all will lead humanity out of the 
quagmire of capitalist wars, slavery, oppression and exploitation. 

(10) The Soviet Republic of Russia should be proud of the fact th:it 
it is guarding the world revolution and that its Red Army is defeat- 
ing all enemies and thereby clearing the way for the victory of the 
world proletariat. 

The Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party {Bnl- 
■sheviks) . 

4. Slogans of Russian Communist Party for 2nd Congress of 
Communist International. , 

[Petri^rad Pravda, .Tulj 17, 1920.] ' 

(1) The III International is the alliance of the workmen of all ; 
countries to destroy the power of capital. 

The Congress of the III International is the war council of the 
proletarian army on the eve of battle. 


(2) Those who fight against white-guardists help the Red front 
and strengthen the economic situation of the Soviet republics, are 
aiding the III International in its first victories. 

(3) In union is the strength of workmen. In quarrels and strife 
is the weakness of the capitalists. Proletarians of all countries unite. 

(4) The salvation of workwomen and peasant women of all coun- 
tries, from hunger, cold, and world collapse is in the union of work- 
women and workmen under the flag of the III International. 

(5) Through the III International to the world dictatorship of 
the proletariat, and through the dictatorship of the proletariat to the 
abolition of classes and the most complete liberation of mankind. 

(6) Long live the III International, which is fighting to establish 
an International Soviet of Workmen's Deputies. 

(7) Through the III International to the dictatorship of the 
proletariat in all countries, and through the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat to the complete emancipation of women. 

Cbnteai, Committee of the 

Rdssian Ck)MMUNisT Paktt. 

(1) It is better to struggle, suffer, and triumph than to rot for 
centuries in bourgeois slavery. 

(2) Whoever is against the III International is against the triumph 
of the proletariat. 

(3) Down with the yellow band of Mensheviks and Socialist- 
Sevolutionaries, who are the enemies of the world revolutionary 
alliance of toilers. 

(4) We, Russian Communists, founded the III International. The 
bourgeoisie of the whole world lias come to hate us. Proletarians of 
all countries, unite with us ! 

(5) Disappear, bourgeois filth, the III International is coming ! 

(6) Down with the putrid corpse of the compromise II Interna- 
tional I Long live the powerful Communist III International ! 

(7) Down with the government of capitalist brigands and rascals I 
Long live the world alliance of Soviet republics ! 

(8) The bourgeosie wishes to strangle the Russian revolution 
through the hands of the Polish nobility. The III International will 
put the hangman's noose on the neck of the cursed bourgeosie. 

(9) World capital is arming the noble Pilsudski and the Baron 
Wrangel against us. We shall arm all the toilers of the whole world 
against capital. 

(10) Only the III International can pinion the arms of the bour- 
geois brigands and guarantee peace for Soviet Russia. 

Moscow Committee of the 

Russian Communist Partt, 

5. Conference of Peasants of Northern Region on Communist 

[Krasnara Oazeta, July 22. ie20.) 

After the 2nd Congress of the Communist International there was 
held a second conference of the peasants of the Provinces of Petro- 

1B060— 20 7 



grad, Novgorod, Olonets, Cherepovets, and Pskov, who had been ia- 
vited to the opening of the Congress. The peasants were very enthu- 
siastic, and one saw that the celebrations of yesterday had made a 
deep impression on them. 

In the opening speech the comrade presiding at the conference spoke 
of the significance of the enthusiasm with which tlie entire prole- 
tariat of Petrograd came out onto the streets, and also of the latter's 
strength, and of the strength of the Russian revolution. He referred 
also to the speeches of the foreign comrades, pointing out the readi- 
ness of the worltmen of all countries to enter on active campaigns 
against the bourgeoisie, urging that the Russian proletariat at this 
critical moment should go hand in hand with the working class, 
more friendly than ever. This speech was frequently interrupted by 
lively applause. 

Twenty peasants signed up to speak after the introductory speecli. 
In their speeches the peasants spoKe of their needs and deprivations, 
and of certain abuses and omi^ions of individual persons. They 
spoke, and with particular bitterness, against speculators and de- 

In speaking of their needs the peasaiits were careful to qualify, 
saying that the deprivations wliich they have had to suffer did not 
come through the evil intentions of the Soviet authority, but as a 
heritage of Tsarism, and that, despite all their needs, they are ful- 
filling and are ready to fulfill whatever is required by the workmen- 
peasants' government and by the Red Army. 

The chairman of the Russian Central Executive Committee, Com- 
rade Kalinin, in a speech lasting an hour, answered all the peasants' 
questions and was greeted with loud applause. The peasants listened 
to Comrade Kalinin with the closest attention. He spoke clearly an<I 
simply, in the language of the peasant, and touched on all the vital 
aspects of peasant life. He strengthened all his answers by examples 
from the life of the village. The peasants understood him and felt 
that he was. in fact, a representative of the toilers, who knew all (he 
details of village life. 

After long debates, the peasants adopted the following proposal : 

(1) To greet the leaders of the III Communist International. 

(2) To greet the Rod Army that is heroically defending all thp 
conquests of the revolution. 

On the III International. 

We, peasants and workmen of the Pn)vtnces of Petrograd, Pskov. 
Novgorod, Cherepovets, and Olonets, who came together for the 2nd 
Congress of the III International, have once more become convincetl 
that the salvation of the workmen and peasants lies in the interna- 
tional alliance of all toilers and in their struggle against the bour- 

On returning to our villages, we shall appeal to all peasants and 
workmen to join in the fraternal struggle and in the mtemational 
alliance, which is the III International. 

Long live the III International. 

Ivong live the workmen's and peasants' revolution. 



On struggle Againet Deserters. 

The meeting of peasants recognizes that the victory of the revolu- 
tion can be hastened only if there are no deserters from the front 
among peasants and workmen, and has therefore resolved to combat 
with all its strength the tendency; to desert. 

Besides discussions and questions, the peasants handed in many 
memoranda, to which answers will be given in the press in the near 

The Conference concluded with the singing of the " International," 
after which the peasants went to visit the former Tsarist palaces, 
and also the Fortress of Peter and Paul. The peasants said : " We 
shall see where the Tsar lived, and where he made peasants and work- 
men sit out prison terms." 

(Signed) T, Lai-eonov. 

6. The Work of the 2nd Congr^s of the III IntemationaL 

[Petrograd Pravda, Aug, 13, 1920. J 

Report to the special session of the Petro^^rad Soviet: 
At a special session of the Petrograd Soviet, held yesterday, Com- 
rades Zinovier and Bnkharin reported on the work of the 2ncl Con- 
gress of the III International, which has just closed. 

Zinoviev's Report. 

At the time when the World Congress of the III International 
held its sessions in Moscow a congress of the II Yellow International 
was in session in Geneva. It is not known to a certainty what par- 
ties were represented at that Congress in Geneva, but if we deduct 
the parties which sent their representatives to the World Congress 
in Moscow what we shall get will be a quantity veiy close to zero. 
The German Social -Democracy is represented there througJi the 
party of Noske and Scheidemann. • Hungary sent two representatives, 
one of whom was a provocatory agent under the bourgeois republic, 
while the other is now in the service of Gen. Horthy. We can see 
clearly that the Congress in Moscow represented the working class 
of the whole world, while the Congress of the Yellow International 
was a kingdom of phantoms and i-epresented the decayed Social- 

There is as yet no complete information as to the decisions of 
the Congress of the Yellow International. It is only known that 
the Congress adopted a resolution, according to which the workmen 
may, in case of extreme necessity, make use of the general strike. 
By means of this resolution the Congress attempts to lay a coat of 
gilding on the Black or the Yellow International. It offers the gen- 
eral strike as a means of last resort. But the workmen, not only of 
Russia but also of the other countries, have already gone much 
further. Armed rebellions have already flared up more than once, 
and the worlanen understand that you can not go very far using only 
the strike. The remnants of the II Yellow International strive to 
drag back the masses of the proletariat, to hamper the natural course 



of the world revolution. The III International leads the proletariat 
forward to its final liberation from capital, to the triumph of the ' 
proletarian revolution. I 

The parties which were represented at the Congress are not all 
uniform. I 

After four years of tempestuous and difficult times the working 
class of every country has undei^one great changes. The working 
class had to find itself anew. It is natural that new moods and 
tendencies must have sprung up in the working class, and they were i 
fully represented at the Congress. We had there, representatives of 
Communistic tendencies and of tendencies that have not as yet 
assumed definite form, e. g., the Syndicalists, the Industrial Workers I 
of the World, and others. They are not Communists, and sprang 'mUt 
being in the process of the World War. They are, strictly spealdng, 
a huge fist raised over the perishing social order. We differ wim 
them on many points of principle. And the question came up at 
the Congress as to whether or not we can admit them into the Com- 
munist dternattonal. In its time the II International had a negative , 
attitude to all such new formations. The III International could not i 
repeat these errors. We must understand that if these new forma- 
tions have not as yet reached the stage of maturity of the Com- 
munist International they constitute, nevertheless, a definite menace 
to imperialism and a future support of the proletariat struggling 
against it. We and they follow the same road, and we openly extend 
our hand to them, inviting them into our ranits. 

We can not shut our doors in the face of the purely proletarian 
and revolutionary elements which come to us. We must take in tow 
this formless mass and pour a definite meaning into it. After two 
weeks of work at the Congress we must recognize that we did exactly I 
right in admitting these new formations into the midst of the Euro- 
pean proletariat. In this manner we have acquired hundreds of 
thousands and perhaps millions of fresh working units. We ad- 
mitted them into the III International in order that, together 
with us, they would he able to give decisive battle to the world 

Characterizing another non-Communist group which was also 
represented at the Congress, Comrade Zinoviev explained the tactics 
which were adopted by the Congress with respect to the French 
Socialist Party. The French Socialist Party was represented at the 
Congress by Comrades Cacliin and Frossard. Of these two, tlie 
second was always opposed to war in a manner similar to that of 
Longuet, while the first came to Russia during the Kerensky regime 
in order to conduct propaganda for an offensive by the Ktissian 

Now, this representative of a party of repentant sinners sincerely 
asks for forgiveness for himself and for his party. This party, 
which was opportunistic before the war, is now ready to join the 
III International. However, the Congress has founcf jt necessary 
to fortify in every way possible the entrance to the Internationnt 
whenever the opportunistic parties are concerned, and therefon- 
worked out 21 conditions for admission into the Communist Inter- 
national. For the party of the opportunists to slip by these "21 
"obstacles" will be ]ust as easy as for a camel to squeeze through 
the hole of a needle. But, not satisfied with this, the Congress 


handed to the representatives of the French party an open letter to 
the French workmen, which they must publish in their newspapers 
and wliich must open the eyes of the French worlrers to the true 
nature of their leaders. In this manner the Congress hopes to break 
up the French Socialist Party into layers and give it an opportunity 
to cleanse its organization of the opportunists. 

A similar line of tactics was applied partially to the delegates of 
the German Independent Party. The Congress could not, of course, 
fail to take into account the fact that in the ranks of this numerically 
powerful party there are many workers who are real militants for 
the revolution, and that even now 11,000 revolutionists are languish- 
ing in the German prisons. But the Congress succeeded, neverthe- 
less, in introducing some division in the midst of the representatives 
of the German Independent Party, two of whom have joined unre- 
servedly in all the decisions of the Congress. 

But that is not the important thing. We are certain that this divi- 
sion in the form of stratification will reach the very depths of the 
(rerman Party, and that eventually there will emerge from the Inde- 
pendent Party a mass Communist Party, which will have in its ranks 
not only the Spartacists but also the revolutionary elements of the 
Independent Party. 

The workmen of France, England, and America have had a bitter 
experience with their parties, which have betrayed their interests. 
The workmen have lost faith in their parties; they have ceased to 
believe tliat their parties will not betray tliem at the critical moment, 
that their parties in the persons of their parliamentary leaders will 
continue loyal to the proletariat to the very end. 

It is necessary to combat this lack of confidence not by words but 
by deeds. It is necessary to prove that a party, as such, can be at the 
height of its calling and true to the interests of the working masses 
under any circumstances. At the Congress we pointed out the Rus- 
sian, German, and Hungarian Communist Parties. Only such 
parties can direct the work of the organization of the new life. A 
corresponding resolution was adopted unanimously. All the groups 
voted for it. This is the most powerful blow for the bourgeois 
social order and for the II International. The new grouping which 
seemed to be taking shape hazily sliould not and can not be brought 
into being. The possibility of such a grouping, which would have 
been a toy in the hands of the bourgeoisie, has now been definitely 

The Congress has also emphasized the need of a united Communist 
International organization and has worked out its statute, according 
to which the executive committee of the III International is given 
very wide powers, including that of expelling from the International 
a whole party for violation of discipline. An international general 
staff of the revolution is thus created, charged with the duty of main- 
taining international proletarian discipline, since the experience of 
the Russian revolution has shown that without firm party discipline 
Soviet Russia would not have been able to withstand the attacks of 
her numerous enemies, within and without. 

Beyond the walls of the Congress war was raging unabated. When 
we opened the Congress our Red Army was still far from Warsaw ; 
at the time when the sittings of the Congress came to an end we were 
already at the very walls of that city. 



And the future development of the world revolution wili proceed 
at the same pace as this march of our Red Army. The Kussian pro- 
letarian revolution has become the mightiest sovereign state in the 
world. Meimcing the white noble Warsaw, we by that very action 
tear into scraps the treaPy of Versailles. If the Entente is unable to 
defend its beloved first born^the white noble Poland, who is going 
to pay any attention to it? The Entente is capable only of sending 
threatening messaf^; gradually these threats become weaker and 
■weaker, changing into uncertain suggestions of threats. And at the 
same time the Ked Army moves forward and forward. It is clear 
that the bourgeoisie of the small countries ceases to believe in the | 
might of the Entente. i 

At the time when the members of the Entente mistrust each other, 
make every effort to deceive each other, and play at war, the Inter- 
national Congress forges a unified program and works out a uni- 
fied line of action. It is felt that the fraternal unity of the world 
proletariat becomes ever stronger, while the bourgeoisie rushes about 
aimlessly, losing the last links of the chain which formerly V«)und it I 

Comrade Zinoviev concludes his speech by expressing his convic- 
tion that the World Congress is the forerunner of an InternRtionai 
Soviet Bepublic. 

Bnkhsrin's Report. 

Up to now the general directing line of action of the Communist ' 
parties of western Europe has been against forcing the revolution. 
An examination of the tactics followed by these parties leads one t« i 
the conclusion that they were afraid of tlie revolution. They feared 
isolation in case of the movement of the working class in the given 
country. In Hungary the Soviet Republic fell, finding itself isolated. I 
It was impossible to retreat at the necessary moment, as the territory i 
was limited. The Italian Socialist (now Communist) Party feared 
similar isolation, facing the risk of losing imported coal. The same 
thing has been observed in the Communist parties of the other coun- 
tries of the West. The Bohemian comrades said about the same 
thing. The Austrian Communists were afraid to seize authority, 
fearing the cessation of the importation of raw materials. 

We stand on the threshold of two great epochs — the dying im- 
perialism and the resurgent proletariat. The workmen of all coun- 
tries are passing from the tactics of defense to the tactics of offense. 
In all the countries there are mines ready to explode at any moment. 
The imperialistic press of Europe is full of cowardly shouts, "The 
Bolsheviki are at Europe's gates. Everywhere we can see the grow- 
ing impotence of the bourgeoisie and the increasing strength of the 
proletariat. This will determine the general line of tactics of the 
2nd Congress. Tlie time has arrived to speed up the revolutionary 
process and similar activities of the united proletariat. We can see 
this in the boycott of White Poland and White Hungary. We shall 
do everything in our power to deepen and extend this struggle. This 
is one of the greatest problems solved by the 2nd Congress. Our Eed 
Army will march forward to new conquests, but the western prole- 
tariat will march together with it, clearing its way in the struggle 
with imperialism, 




[Petrograd PrftVda, Aug. 10, 1820.] 

7. Circular Instructions from All-Russian Central Executive Com- 
mittee of Soviets. 

To all provincial and district executive committees and to all depart- 
ments of popular education: 

The Ked Armj moves forward, invincible, freeing on its road the 
proletariat of Lithuania and White Russia from the hirelings of the 
European bourgeoisie. 

The Eed proletariat of Europe, represented by the III Communist 
International, branding with discontent and contempt the unprece- 
dented crime of the bourgeoisie, enthusiastically follows the move- 
ments of its first invincible detachment, which is bringing liberation 
to the world. 

It is a great honor to be in the Bed ranks, but the sacrifices the 
toilers of Eussia are suffering are also great. 

Therefore, let each Ked Army soldier at the front know that there 
is no reason for him to look back, as the rear is living one life with 
him, is rejoicing in his joy and suffering in his suffering. 

Everything that exists in proletarian Eussia is concentrating all 
its strength to give the largest measure of assistance to the front. 
The same task confronts the departments of popular education. 

These departments must make our Ked fighters feel that care for 
their children is being organized by the friendly efforts of the pro- 

In order to realize this task in the field of social education it is pro- 
posed immediately to organize schools and children's homes, at least 
one institution in each district. 

The newly opened institutions are to bear the name " III Inter- 
national School " or " III International Children's Home " j let the 
flag under which the red army fights always wave from these insti- 

The opening of these in^itutions should take place not later than 
September 16 of this year ; therefore if quarters are not available the 
departments should go to their respective executive committees, with 
requests that quarters occupied by other institutions should imme- 
diately be set aside for the above purpose. 

Holding the departments of popular education responsible for the 
prompt carrying out of this circular, and also for weekly telegraphic 
reports to the People's Commissariat on Education of the progress 
of work, the praesidium of the All-Kussian Central Executive Com- 
mittee proposes to all provincial and district committees to cooperate 
in every way with the departments of popular education for the car- 
rying out of the tasks assigned to the latter. 

M. Kalinin, 
President of the AU-Bussian Central Executive Committee. 
A. Ltjnacharskt, 
People's Commissariat on Education. 
A. ENUKmzE, 
Secretary of the Central Executive Committee. 




[Petrosrad "CommunUt International,''! j„iy 19^ IBM.] 
8. "The Coramnnist International and the Revolutionary Youtli." 

Sometime previous to the Zimmerwald conference a conference of 
Young People's Socialist Organizations took place. This conference 
proved that the revolutionarj^ youth was upholding the banner of 
class struggle and of international solidarity. The Young People's 
Conference in Berne, held at a time when all revolutionary slogans 
had been forgotten, at a time of general gloom, breathed into the 
hearts of many true revolutionists the faith that the international 
fraternity of toilers would be reborn. 

The support of Liebknecht by Young People's Organizations and 
of Lenin by the Swiss youth, united in the weU-known " Kegel dub," 
indicated that the youth was able to withstand the fog of chauvinism 
and of the party peace declared by Socialist factions at the begin- 
ning of the war. 

During the war the Young People's Organizations represented the 
true support of the regenerating international unity of the workmen. 
The Young People's Organizations represented the extreme Left 
Wing of the party throughout the war. And when during the war 
the revolutionary section of the " official " Labor Parties- began to 
form into Communist groups the Young People's Organizations be- 
came the nuclei of these groups. At present we have a strong Com- 
munist Party in Sweden. It is derived in the main from the Young 
People's Union, which long before the war represented the radical 
section of the Swedish Labor Party, 

At the first Congress of the Communist International there were 
no representatives of the young people, but the Congress knew that 
the revolutionary organizations of young people were its declared 
followers. And, in fact, the entire period between the 1st Congress 
and this present 2nd Congress witnessed an uninterrupted struggle 
of the Young People's Organizations for the ideals of the III Inter- 

In the month of December, 1919, a congress of the Young People's 
International took place and came out for an inseparable stand with 
the Communist International. 

At the 2nd Congress, Young People's Organizations and the execu- 
tive committee of the Young People's International will be repre- 
sented. At this Congress questions relating to the young people will 
be discussed. All tliis Indicates the inseparable unity 01 the entire 
Communist movement with the young people. 

In every country the Communist Party is supported by the organi- 
zation of young people. In Germany the youth has always been in 
the ranks of the Communist Party, During the revolutionary storm 



which passed over the heads of the Gennan workmen the youth acted 
with unrestrained courage. And when the split came in the Com- 
miuust movement in Germany the Young People's Organizations fol- 
lowed the Spartacans, seeing in them the party that would actually 
make of Germany a country of proletarian dictatorship. 

In Austria the Conununist youth were able to Unite those workmen 
who had consecrated themselves to the revolutionary struggle. The 
economic crisis in Austria that dealt such a severe blow to the work- 
ing class reacted even stronger on the youth. The Young People's 
Organizations became tempered under the influence of this crisis, and 
they are pushing the Communist Party toward the unification of all 
the revolutionary workmen of Austria, 

The French Young People's Organizations decided to join the III 
International, and a number of districts formed the bases for Com- 
munist groups. The Swiss and the Italian young people's move- 
ments are following the Communist International in its entirety. 
And especially in Switzerland the youth became the fundamental 
kernel of the Communist Partv. 

At a time when nearly all Europe had been drawn into the war 
Spain assumed the role of the " defender " of Morocco. Militarism 
has also established deep roots in that country. And the only true 
fighter against militarism and the policies of the Spanish Govern- 
ment was the organization of young people. 

In America the Young People's Organizations have joined the III 
International, At present the organization of the young people is 
taking an independent political line, but as soon as the unification 
of the Communist parties in America is an accomplished fact the 
youth will become the loyal supporter of the party. 

In the East the Communist movement seized the youth with a 
strong grip. Khiva, Bokhara, Turkestan, Korea, Far-eastern Si- 
beria, Azerbaidjan — all these countries have vigorous youthful Com- 
munist organizations of young people. 

The 2nd Congress of the Illlnternational will know how to appre- 
ciate this great force at its disposal in these revolutionary organiza- 
tions of young people. The entire working youth is following the 
Communist International, 

The working youth, together with the grown-up worlimen, are 
struggling for Communism throughout the world. 


9. "Appeal to the Transport Workers of the Whole World." 

[IireeUii, July 20, ie20: also aent out by wireless.] 

The All-Kussian Congress of Eailroad Workers, who have met in 
Ked Moscow to decide the most important questions in connection 
with the reestablishment of railroad transportation in the Russian 
Eepuhlic of workmen and peasants, appeal to you, transport workers 
of the whole world. 

Our Congress has convened at a moment of great difficulty for the 
Russian proletariat. We had just succeeded in destroying the white- 
guardist bands of the alliance of Tsarist generals Kolchak, Yudenich, 
and Denikin when new robbers and marauders attacked the Soviet 



Kepublic, the Polish capitalists on the west and Baron von Wrajigel 
on the south. 

Supported with arms, money, instructors, cannon, and food siip- 
piies by your Governments, the Polish nobles and Baron Wrangel 
are carrying out the will of the ruling class, which has set itself the 
aim of strangling Soviet Russia at any cost. But many transport 
workers' unions of the west, seeing in Soviet Russia the hearth of the 
world social revolution, and recognizing clearly that the destruction of 
Soviet Russia will lead to a greater and unprecedented enslavement 
of the proletariat in all countries, have taken firmly the stand of 
active assistance to us. This assistiince has taken the form of refusing 
to transport for their Governments the weapons, munitions, and in- 
structors destined for the Polish front. 

We welcome with particular joy these transport workers' unions, 
representing as they do the most effectively revolutionary, conscious, 
and powerful section of the world proletarian fainily. 

Now that our powerful Red Array has inflicted a mortal blow on 
the Polish white legionaries and put them to flight; now that the 
Russian proletariat faces next the question of defeating completely 
the Polish-Wrangel adventure by concentrating all its strength, you 
members of transport workers' unions who are transporting to tbe 
Polish frontier against us cannon and your white officera must 
realize that by your cooperation in the matter of transportation you 
are assisting the Polish noble to drive the bayonet into the Russian 
workman. Follow the example of opposition of the revolutionary 
transport workers' unions. • 

We greet also those transport workers' unions which firmly and 
actively adopted the policy of boycotting white Hungary, the prole- 
tariat of which, like martyrs, is shedding its blood for the cause of the 
liberation of the working class of the whole world. The boycotting of 
white Hungarv showed the strength and power of the proletariat, 
which, strengthened by its solidarity, is now strong enough to begin 
to dicliate its will to bourgeois governments. 

Having taken the course of boycott, which unites the workmen of 
various countries by an iron band for their class struggle, you mem- 
bers of transport workers' union should now pass from peaceful 
means of influencing your governments to revmutionary outbursts 
of an armed proletariat against the beurgeoisie. 

Comrades, the guaranty of victory of the working class in its 
revolutionary struggle against bourgeois governments depends on the 
degree of its solidarity and the unity or its tactics in all countries. , 
And now, at this great historic moment of the world outburst of 
social revolution, the transport unions of the whole world, represent- 
ing the most powerful weapons of the working class in its class 
struggle, must unite and form a revolutionary alliance under the 
flag of the III Communist International. The International Federa- 
tion of Transport Workers must become the revolutionary general 
staff of the last battle of the workmen against the bourgeoisie. 

Let there be a definite and complete break with peaceful means of , 
class struggle I ' 

Let all start the active struggle against their Governments ! 

Let all come under the flag of the III Communist International I | 



10. " Trade-Unions. Unite Under the Banner of the Communist 

IPetrograd PraTdH, Aag, 3, 1920.1 

Appeal to the trade-unions of all countries from the International 
Soviet of Trade and Industrial Unions: 

Comrades, the growth of the trade-union movement of all coun- 
tries^ which was caused by the unprecedented distress failing upon 
the international proletariat as the result of war, sets persistently 
before the workmen of the whole world the problem of establishing 
an international staff of trade-unions. 

The daily facts of our class struggle demonstrate that there can 
be no salvation outside an international struggle. Now as never 
before class opposes class ; all the forces of the international bour- 
^oisie, all its means and resources, have been imited in one interna- 
tional organization. The bourgeoisie has its own staff in the League 
of Nations; it concentrates in its hands the entire enormous appa- 
ratus of contemporary capitalistic States, in order that it may at 
the first sign of social danger throw there all its strength and 

But the bourgeoisie is not only strong because of its class con- 
sciousness, of its organization, and of its deep conception of the inter- 
national character of the developing struggle; it is even stronger 
because of the backwardness in class education of the broad masses, 
and mainly because it finds support in labor organizations while 
fighting the workmen. This is monstrous, yet it is a fact. 

The Treachery of the Trade-Unions. 

In factj what have the trade-unions done in large and small coun- 
tries during these years of war? How did they fulfill the great 
covenants of international class solidarity and of proletarian fra- 
ternity? The trade-unions were in a large majority solidly for the 
war policies of their Governments. They cooperated with the bour- 
geois nationalistic mob of their country; they aroused in the work- 
men the lowest chauvinistic instincts. That the war lasted so long; 
that we no longer find in our ranks millions of our brothers ; that 
Europe has been converted into an immense cemetery, and the masses 
of people have been thrown into despair — for all this the major 
share of guUt falls upon those leaders of the revolutionary movement 
who betrayed the masses and who, instead of the great slogan, " Pro- 
letarians of all countries, unite," started and supported the new 
slogan, " Proletarians of aU countries, kill and strangle one another." 

The Foolish Shepherds. 

And these are the very people who for many years have been the 
servants of their Governmente, which employed all of their energy 



in mutual exterminating of peoples. These people have set about to 
reestablish the international of trade-unions which they had demol- 
ished through their treachery. In Berne and Amsterdam there 
assembled the war-tested fighters for the int«reat8 of the bour- 
geoisie — the Legiens, Oudegasts, Jouhaux, EfGltons, Gompers, and 
others — who, after long nationalistic quarrels and mutual chau- 
vinistic accusations, established an international federation of trade- 

The International of Yellow Unions. 

What is the principle of this Federation? What is its program? 
We find our answer to these questions in the fact that the organizers 
and leaders of this federation of trade-unions in Amsterdam are at 
the same time the chief actors in the famous Labor Bureau attached 
to the pirate I-eague of Nations, which bureau was composed of the 
representatives oi organized entrepreneurs of national unions and of 
the " central " tiourceois governments. The main task of this bureau 
is, as you know, the continuation and the strengthening of class 
cooperation which is the basis of the entire war policy of imperialis- 
tic countries, for the further exploitation of workmen by int«rna- 
tional capital. Thus it becomes perfectly evident that the Amster- 
dam Federation is only a screen tor the yellow leaders of the trade- 
union movement who definitely went over to the imperialists and are 
attempting now, as they did during the war, to use the organize<l 
strength of the labor unions in the interests of capitalistic society. 
The natural result of such an unnatural combination of interests of 
the two so absolutely opposed classes is the utter futility and com- 
plete inability of both organizations. The Amsterdam Federation 
and the Paris Labor Bureau attached to the League of Nations are 
at all events responding in very small measure to the everyday inter- 
ests of the working class, because both organizations respond to the 
everyday interests of the bourgeoisie. 

A striking example of this failure niay be seen in the attitude of 
the International Confederation toward Soviet Hungary and Soviet 
Eussia. It allowed the first to be strangled without a sign of pro- 
test on its part; and if at present it has made a weak attempt by 
means of an organized boycott to bring the hangman Horthy to his 
senses, Horthy who with his policy of white terror is too uncere- 
moniously compromising the idea of class cooperation — ^the Inter- 
national Confederation did it only with the purpose of entering 
immediately the road of compromise with this very hangman. In 
its attitude toward Soviet Bussia the Amsterdam Federation is acting 
in a similar manner, and up to the present time it has not taken the 
trouble to come out definitely and decisively against intervention iii 
Russian affairs^ although it well understands that Russia's unsettled 
position is particularly important and desirable for the Entente. 

Such conduct on the part of the Amsterdam Federation is a logii'^d 
consequence and only a policy representing its national honor. A 
union composed of Socialist-Patriots and of traitors to the interests 
of the workmen of different countries can not become anything else 
but an international assembly of perfidy and treason. 



A Revolutionary Staff of Trade-UnioiiB Ib Necessary. 

The trade-union movement of the whole world can not be satis- 
fied with the mere etatement of this fact. The social struggle is be- 
coming acute. The civil war has long since crossed national fron- 
tiers. In this bitter struggle between the two hostile worlds, the two 
hostile systems, the revolutionary class unions are taking, and they 
«an not fail to take, active participation side by side with the Com- 
munist Parties of various countries. It becomes evident that the 
Amsterdam Federation of Trade-Unions, by playing a supplementary 
role to the League of Nations can not serve as the directing center for 
a revolutionary, class, trade-union movement. Such a center and 
such a staff must be created in opposition to and in spite of the Am- 
sterdam Center, and such was established July 15 in Moscow by the 
trade-unions of Kussia, Italy, Spain, Vugo-Slavia, Bulgaria, 
France, and Georgia, under the name of The International Soviet or 
Trade and Industrial Unions. 

The new general staff of the revolutionary trade-union movement, 
comprising already about 3,000,000 members, is beginning its ac- 
tivity, and appeals to the unions of the whole world to finish with 
and to break away from those who conduct the criminal policy of 
agreement with the bourgeoisie, and to unite under the banner of 
relentless class struggle for the liberation of oppressed mankind. 
Not peace, but the sword, is the International Soviet of Trade and 
Industrial Unions carrying to the bourgeoisie of all countries. 

All this defines the substan^^ o£ our activity and of our program : 
The ovBTthrow of the bourgeoisie by force, the establishment of the 
dictatorship of the proletariat, a merciless class struggle on an inter- 
national scale, a close and inseparable union with the Communist In- 

On Both Sides of the Barricade. 

Whoever thinks that the working class will be able to solve the 
social problems through negotiations and a^eements with the bour- 
geoisie; whoever thinks that the bourgeoisie will voluntarily yield to 
the proletariat all the means of production, if the proletariat can 
only gain a parliamentary majority; whoever believes that at the 
time of the great break-up of old conditions, when the destinies of 
the world are being decided, the unions can remain neutral — let all 
these gentlemen heading the trade-unions know that we consider 
thera our class enemies, and that we shall conduct a relentless war 
against them, and against the combines created by them. 

The International Soviet of Trade and Industrial Unions and the 
Amsterdam Federation of Trade-Unions are on the opposite sides of 
the barricade; on one side of the barricade there is social revolution 
and on the other side social reaction. The choice for the proletarians 
and for the honest revolutionist is not difficult to make. 

Long live the world proletarian revolution ! Long live the dicta- 
t-orship of the proletariat ! Long live The International Union of 
Trade and Industrial Unions ! Long live the III Communist Inter- 
national ! 

The iNTERNATiONAn Soviet of Trade Unions. 

Moscow, August 1, 19S0. 



1)1. " The International Bureau of the Proletkult." ^ 

[Tetrograd Pravda, Aug. IT, 1920-1 

During the 2nd Congress of J;he III International there was or- 
ganized an international temporary bureau of the Proletkult. It 
comprises 15 members, representing the following countries : Great 
Britain, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Belgium, Switzerland, 
Norway, America, and Russia. The following were elected members 
o£ the executive committee : A. Lunacharsky (chairman) ; V. Polian- 
sky (secretary) ; MacLean (Great Britain) ; Lefevre (France) : Hett- 
zoe (Germany) ; Bombacci (Italy) ; Ember-Droz (Switzerland). 

The following resolution was adopted by these representatives on 
the question of organization : 

" In accordance with a suggestion of the central committee of the 
All-Russian Proletkult, we have discussed the great problem of the 
struggle for a proletarian culture and have decided to create a tem- 
porary International Bureau of the Proletkult. The first object of 
the bureau will be the dissemination of the principles of proletarian 
culture, the creation of organizations of the Proletkult in all coun- 
tries, and the preparations for a world congress of the Proletkult." 

The International Bureau of the Proletkult has adopted an appeal 
to the workers of all countries. After pointing out the aims in the 
struggle for governmental authority, the appeal emphasizes the tre- 
mendous significance of the struggle for a proletarian culture, and 
continues : 

" The front of the proletarian cultur^should not be forgotten even 
at the moment of the highest tension in the bloody struggle for the- 
establishment of proletarian authority. Just as it is impossible to 
conduct a war outside of definite economic circumstances, so it is 
impossible to expect a complete destruction of the bourgeois world 
without developing the struggle for a proletarian culture. It is im- 
possible to destroy the class division of society without overcoming 
the individualistic culture. 

"Because of its historic development, the proletariat has been 
marching toward its final objective, world Communism, along the 

Eath of political and economic struggle. Now a new labor front is 
eing formed by virtue of the inevitability of history, the revolu- 
tionary-cultural-creative front. 

" We, the scientific Socialists, strive to lay a strong foundation for 
the spiritual development of the masses. 

" In its struggle for a new, proletarian culture the proletariat will 
naturally take possession of all the cultural achievements of the past 
and the present, but it will take a critical attitude toward all the 
fruits of the old culture. It will accept it not as an obedient pupil 
but as a builder, charged with the task of erecting a new edifice up«n 
the foundations of communistic economy and comradely relations in 
collective work and struggle. 

"Art, a proletarian poem, a novel, a song, a musical composition, 
a play, are means of agitation possessing tremendous power. Art 
organizes feeling in precisely the same manner as ideological propa- 
ganda organizes thought; and feelings determine will to act in no 
smaller degree than do ideas. 

' Note. — Abbreviation for " ProletarlaD Culture," an Institution. 


" The Bussian Proletkult, organized on the eve of the October 
revolution, has already justified its purposes. The number of work- 
men organized in the Proletkults throughout Russia and grouped 
about the All-Bussian Proletkult is no less than 100,000, and of them 
80,000 have not only joined the movement but actually take part in 
the various studios. 

"The Proletkult publishes 15 magazines in Eussia. It has pub- 
lished 10,000,000 copies of its literature, coming exclusively from the 
pens of proletarian writers, and about 3,000,W0 copies of works of 
music of different names which are the products of the creative work 
of proletarian composers. Proletarian artists and actors are also 
being brought to the front. 

" The Russian proletariat, forging during this early period, this 
early spring of its revolution, a new weapon in the struggle against 
the bourgeois world, calls upon its European comrades to enter upon 
the same road in this respect. 

" The executive committee appeals to the proletarians of all the 
countries to organize in each country a conference devoted to prole- 
tarian culture and to begin the establishment of a widely spread net- 
work of Proletkults, in order that later on a world congress of 
Proletkults can be called together." 



12. " The General Staff of World Revolution." 

By L. Kambnbv, 

The bourgeois governments of the whole world have long been ac- 
<;ustomed to frighten the imagination of their citizens with under- 
ground conspiracies of revolutionists to bring about a social revolu- 
tion. A conspiracy of the socialist proletariat against world capital- 
ism is unquestionably now at hand. But how different is this conspir- 
acy from the pictures drawn by the frightened imagination of the 
petty bourgeois citizen. 

Not in a dark cellar with artificial lighting but in the clear light 
of day with full publicity on an international tribune, in the mce 
of all mankind, the international proletariat through its best repre- 
sentatives now discusses the plan and tactics for the overthrow of the 
bourgeois governments of Europe and America, The oppressed 
masses of all countries are taking part in this conspiracy. 

Helpless against this conspiracy the governments are incapable of 
doing anything to prevent the general staff of world revolution from 
quietly discussing the plan of war. The conference is taking place 
in that fortress of the proletariat which is inaccessible to the old 
world — that is, in Soviet Russia, which has fortified the congress 
and its work against all attack by a steel circle of proletarians armed 
and hardened by three years of righting. 



By its imperialistic war and its imperialistic peace world capital 
released the civil war of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie of all 
countries throughout the world. The Communist International takes 
civil war as the point of departure for all its acts and for ail its 

In this war it wishes to triumph. 

It must triumph in this war if it does not wish to be destroyed physi- 
cally and morally. Victory in this war can mean only one thing— 
the replacing of the dictatorship of capital, which prevails throughout 
the world, by the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

To triumph one must be strong. To be strong one must be organ- 

Inasmuch as the war has been declared on an international scale, 
in order to triumph the proletarian army must be organized on in- 
ternational proportions. 

But this international organized army of the progressive proletar- 

iat of Europe and America has enormous reserves. These reserves are 
the people of the Orient, oppressed by colonial imperialistic slavery, 
who have come to understand clearly and feel deeply that they can be 
liberated from slavery only with the cooperation and under the flag 
of the III International. The III International is the general stafl 
of this world army, which has started to move and is marching to 

Yes; this is a conspiracy. But it is a conspiracy that can not be 
crushed, one in which millions participate, which is supported by 
tens of millions — a conspiracy in which the i-eason of history finifs 
embodiment and which, therefore, is destined to triumph in the end, 

L. Kamenev, 

13. Greeting from the Red Army Cavalry of Budeny. 

In the name of the Red Army Cavalry we send proletarian greet- 
ings to the 2nd Congress of the III International. 

Comrades, our army feels and recognizes itself as one of the de- 
tachments of the great army of world Communism. It is fighting 
and triumphing under the flag of the world proletarian revolution. 
The fighters in the cavalry know that by defending Russia and the 
Ukraine they are thereby defending the cause of the peoples who 
have revolted and who are revolting. 

A\e know- that by destroying the fortresses of the white Polifli 
front we are thereby dealing crushing blows to the blood-filthy alli- 
ance of capitalist's. 

The army of revolution is moving westward, 

We swear not to return the sword to the scabbard until the white 
Polish gates have been reduced to chips, until the peoples of the 
Orient and of Western Europe have received the possibility of 
freely uniting in a single fraternal alliance. We know that Soviet 
Poland, of toilers, will occupy one of the places of honor in this 

The conflict assumes a decisive character. The bourgeoisie is 
mobilizing its forces. The time has come when the working clfl-fs 



must proclaim, in the words of the platform of our International, 
"Arms against arms and force against force 1 " 

We shall be happy on the day when together with the proletarians 
of the West we shall give decisive battle to the world bourgeoisie, 
when our army will receive the order to operate from Red Paris, 
±lerlin, or London. 

From the Red front, from the line of battle fire, where soldiers, 
commanders, and commissaries shed their blood for the victory of 
the world revolution, from the Red front wliere one does not talk but 
works for the great cause of revolution, we send fraternal greetings 
to the Congress of World Communism, Under the hail of bullets 
and the thunder of cannon we are shoutine. "Long live the World 
Hepublic of Soviets. Long live the International Red Army, Long 
live the 2nd Congress of the Communist International." 


Commander of the. Cavalry Army. 


Member of the Revolutionary Military Soviet. 
Director of Political Section. 

14. " 2Rd World Congr^ of Communist IntemationaL" 

By G. ZiNOviEV. 
(FetrogrBd Pravafl, Tnly 18. 1920,1 

On July 4r-17, 1920, in Red Petrograd. opens the 2nd World Con- 
gress of the Communist International. Exactly three years after the 
memorable July days ! Who of our most daring optimists dreamed 
after the defeat in July, 1917, that in three years we would make such 
gigantic steps forward? Is this not a symbol? In that very city 
where exactly three' years ago the white-guardist bourgeoisie vith 
impunity crucified workmen to the crooning of an international band 
of imperialists — in that same glorious city which has suffered so 
many storms and trials — now gathers the world congress of prole- 
tarian Communists, which attracts and holds the attention of the 
entire world. 

The bourgeoisie grows weaker daily; the proletariat irresistibly 
rises to power. This is the formula under which the world move- 
ment of the last three years has developed. At the present moment 
all realize this; Quantity is about to Ijecome quality; the moment 
will soon come when mankind will take the long-expected jump from 
the kingdom of necessity into the kingdom of freedom. During the 
1st Constituent Congress of the Communist International, interna- 
tional Communism was simply a tendency. At the present moment, 
on the eve of the 2nd World Congress, international conununism is no 
longer simply a tendency; it is a powerful organisation. "What has 
been won and inscribed " was how Comrade Lenin formulated the 
results of the 1st Congress. The 1st Constituent Congress of the 
Communist International simply formulated and inscribed what had 
been won. 

15060—20 8 



But what, in fact, had we won by March, 1919, speaking on a 
world scale? Only the fact that the idea of Communism had beyim 
to become the " idea of the fourth estate," No more. And now ? >.ow 
the II International has been smashed to pieces. Now only one mass 
organization remains in the hands of the Socialists-Traitors, I mean 
the international organization of trade-unions. But even this inter- 
national union ha,s begun to crack. Differentiation has set in. And 
unless we shall make supernatural mistakes the time is near when 
we shall capture this last fortress of Socialist-Patriotism. 

Six months ago there began an epidemic of breaking away of old 
Socialist parties from the II International. From the yellow II 
International went out one after the other, the Independent Party of 
Germany, the French Socialist Party, the Independent Labor Party 
of England, the Socialist Party of Switzerland, the Socialist Party 
of Spam, the Socialist Party of America, and other parties. A new 
period has already begun; the old Socialist parties, which only re- 
cently adhered to the II International, under the pressure from 
working masses are declaring their desire to enter immediately the 
ranks of the III International. 

During the last days the telegraph brought news that the Men- 
shevist Social -Democratic Party or Bulgaria resolved definitely to 
enter immediately the ranks of tlie III International. This Bul- 
garian Party is a party of the most established opportunists. The 
kaders of this party have frequently sat in a bourgeois parliament 
and have helped the bourgeoisie in every possible way. But the 
workmen are pushing even this party into tne ranks of the Comniunist 

The Communist International, of course, will think ten times before 
it admits to its ranks the above-enumerated parties. In each case 
it will secure serious guarantees that adherence to the CommuniGt 
International will not be simply adherence in words. But in any 
case the fact that all the oldest Socialist parties, which only recently 
belonged to the II International, are asking to be admitted into the 
ranks of the Communist International is an indirect proof of (he 
extent to which the Communist International rules over the minds 
of the proletariat of the entire world. 

At the same time before our very eyes the Orient has waked up. 
The revolutionary events in the Orient have only just started. Tbe 
role of the Communist minority in oriental countries, however small 
this minority may be numerically, will be colossal. No one will be 
able to say where the victorious revolution will be completed the 
sooner — in the West or in the Orient. 

In truth we can now say ; The international bourgeoisie, all these 
leagues of nations, the bourgeois constituent assemblies, interna- 
tional diplomats, and stock-exchange kings now are unable to make 
a single step without first thinking whether it will not strengthen 
the Communist International. 

In an article entitled " The Prospects of World Revolution," writ- 
ten immediately after the 1st Constituent Congress of the Coniinim- 
ist International, the writer of these lines expressed the hope that 
in a year or so we ii'ould begin to forget that a struggle for the Soviet 
authority was taking place in Europe, because the struggle for 
Soviet authority would be transferred to other parts of the world. 



These last days we had occasion to read an article by a bourgeois 
(ierman professor, who <moted tliis portion in our article. with glee 
and maliciously asked : ''We]l, what about it? The year has passed, 
and the strugriile for Soviet authority in Europe has not yet been 
concluded." We can calmly note tliis joy of the respected bourgeois 
professor. "Well, what about it?", we shall say to every bour- 
gpois: " Yes, perhaps we were wrong; not one year, but two or three 
will be necessary for all Europe to become Soviet. You still have 
a short period of grace before you will be destroyed. But if you 
have now become so modest that you rejoice at these few months 
of grace, or a few years, then we, m any case, congratulate you on 
your unusual modesty." 

At the 2nd World Congress of the Communist International are 
present representatives of the workmen's organizations of practi- 
cally the whole world. This is the genuine General International 
Soviet of the leaders of the international proletariat. The 2nd World 
Cvonf^ess of the Communist International came into history on that 
very day and hour when it opened its sittings. 

Wholeheartedly and with a full realization of the great historic 
importance of the event taking place, the workmen of all Kussia, and, 
first of all, of Red Petrograd, where this world historic Congress 
opens, welcome and greet the Communist International. 


15. "The in International." 

[ESdltoriHl In Economic lite, Ihe official o! 
aiid of the CommlxBiirlatB of Finance, 

On the 19th of July the 2nd Congress of the III International be- 
gan its sessions in the capital of the proletarian revolution, Petro- 

The revolutionary class consciousness of the working masses of the 
whole world has overturned all the barriers which in the course of 
the war were erected by the imperialistic bourgeoisie and the II In- 
ternational, in order to separate from each other the different na- 
tional groups of the proletariat, and has brought to the point of 
realization the great watchword, " Proletarians of all countries 

The four years of the war and its immediate results, the industrial 
disorganization, starvation, unemployment, the impoverishment of 
the masses on the one hand, and the growth of unprecedented wealth 
and extravagance on the other, have opened the eyes of even the 
most backward elements in the proletariat, have shown to them 
plainly the necessity of united and coordinated efforts in their strug- 
gle against capital, and have brought them to the organization of a 
unified and mighty revolutionary army of labor. 

The proletarians of all countries have sent their representatives to 
the 2nd Congress, and the mighty organization of a world league of 

' Note.— A 3,000-woid article entitled '■ The Coiiiinutilst Iiiternntlonul, Past 
and Future (Wliat It Has Been, himI Rhoutd Become)," by ZInovlev, appeared In 
a spttcial newspaper iiumlier of the CoinmuDist Inteniatlouiil of July 19, an- 
nounced as a suniuiaij of an article to appear lii No. 12 of the Communist Inter- 
national, whlen Is the oHlcial organ of the III International ; It is printed In 
full In Appendix II herewith. 



the real peoples was demonstrated in Petrograd before the face of the 
whole world as a counterbalance to the pitiful creation of bourgeois 

The imperialists of the Entente, after having crushed their com- 
petitors in the world market, and realizing the economic consequences 
of the war which expressed themselves in the destruction of economic 
values worth many loillions and in the catastrophic decrease and de- 
struction of productive forces, have made efforts to find a way out 
of this economic .ruin which threatens their very existence, throng!] 
an organization of economic development on a world scale. The plan 
for the creation of a Supreme Economic Council attached to the 
League of Nations had for one of its aims the compelling of a whole 
series of independent national economic units to submit to the will 
and interests of the allied capital, through the application of eco- 
nomic terror on the i>art of tlie triumphant victors. It was intended 
to work out a unified economic plan wliich would provide for an 
exact relation between needs and production, for an economical an<I 
rational distribution of raw materials, fuel, food supply, for a pro- 
ductive utilization of means of transportation and a proper distri- 
bution of labor forces. In reality, however, the celebrated Leajjue of 
Nations has been compelled to serve merely as a screen behind which 
the enslavement of the whole world was going on, made possible aftor 
Germany was removed from the world market as the most important 

The international bourgeoisie understood very well the economic 
situation which was created in the world market as a result of the 
war, and sought desperately for a way out of the economic tight cor- 
ner which threatened its destruction. Its scientists, in their academic 
thinking, i. e., removing themselves from the very essence of capital- 
istic economy, believed in their simplicity or dishonesty that it woiilH 
be sufficient for the bourgeoisie to come to an agreement in its own 
midst, and everything else would settle down into a predetermined 
channel. Thus a plan of world economic organization, created out- 
side of national and customs boundaries, with a unified money system. 
with a unified plan of production and distribution based on th<- 
mutual aid and support of the separate members of this world asso- 
ciation, but with preservation of private property relations and base? 
of capitalism, became at the beginning of last year the center around 
which the bourgeois thought of the West revolved. The H Inter- 
national also believed in these hopes of the bourgeoisie. Its leacler^ 
in answer to Wilson's invitation went to Washington in order to 
attend the conference at which the representatives of the capitalists 
and their imperialistic fiovernments were to work out the laws fur 
the working class which were expected, in their opinion, to make tlw* 
whole proletariat happy in the conditions of capitalism. Questions 
were raised about the establishment of an obligatory eight-hour dav. 
about the establishment of norms of wages, about all sorts of s<w-inl 
legislation, etc. 

But as time went on all these illusions were quickly dispelled. The 
centrifugal force of national capitalistic interests proved to Iw 
stronger than the academic considerations of liberal and 80cial).s( 
patriotic ideologists. The economic and financial interests in' 
America quickly put an end to her participation in the celebrntci 



fjeague of \atiuns ; England, in her hunt for new prey, also forgot 
very quickly the covenant of the league and continued her beloved 
method of seizing other people's territory and guaranteeing for her- 
self her mastery of the seas. The British participation in the crea- 
tion of independent border republics on the Baltic'and Black Seas 
brought those methods to iv head insistently and decisively. 

France, fearing most of all tliat her allies may take away from her 
some of those l>enefits which she might derive from vanquishecl Grer- 
many and the rest of Central Euro]>e, entered upon the road of diplo- 
matic intrigue and plots. As a result, instead of a uolidaiy interna- 
tional organization of capital, we have constant dissension, the pitiful 
animal egoism of the capitalists of diiferent countries and, instead of 
a league of peoples, a ^hole series of divided and mutually inimical 
national- capitalistic States. Instead of a unlhed economic plan and 
a unified system of distribution we have uncontrollable speculation 
and the looting of the vanquished. Instead of the defense of work- 
men and labor we have jwlitical white terror and lockouts. And it 
must be noted that the past year and a half not only were not a period 
of reconstruction of the world economy disorganized by the war ; but 
on the contrary, thanks to the rule oi the capitalistic order and its 
specific pecularities, that tragic situation in which humanity found 
itself as a result of the imperialistic war grew still worse. Even 
now the armed encounters have not ceased in those territories which, 
by the agreement of the victors, were allotted among them. The 
rapacious economic order continues, and the desire for exploitation 
reigns supreme, while the process of ruin and disorganization grows 
rapidly in width and in depth. 

All this could not fail to be realized by the world proletariat. 
The watchword calling for a struggle for the destruction of capital 
and the creation of a truly socialistic, economic order on a world 
scale acquired in the eyes of the working masses of the whole world 
an actual meaning and real forms, as the only possible Avay out of the 
difficult economic situation that had been created for them. The ex- 
ample of Soviet Russia, a country backward economically, disor- 
ganized by war, blockade and civil war, but which was, never- 
theless, able not only to continue its existence, but also to create a 
powerful Red army, equipped with everything that was necessary, 
lip to the most modern, technical improvements, has been the best 
proof that if Soviet Russia has been able to exist at all, not a small 
part of the credit for this should be given to her economic system, 
the system of organized economy. The proletariat of western 
Euroiie has had occasion to become convinced through experience 
that the Soviet authority is directed not by the private interests of 
individual business men, but by the interests of State expediency. 
And, finally, the very fact that in Soviet Russia there has been en- 
tirely abolished all possible acquisition of the fruit of other men's 
toil, and that all exploitation, all factories and foundries, the earth 
and everything it contains, have ceased to be the instruments and the 
means of aggrandizement and enrichment, but are the possession 
of the working class which has taken governmental authority into 
its hands — all this could not fail to influence the consciousness of the 
widest masses. 

The difficult situation in which Soviet Russia finds itself has 
not been seized by the proletariat of other countries as an argument 


against the Soviet authority and its economic system, but as an argu- 
ment against all the imperialists who torture a population of many 
millions by means of a blockade and the organization of a. counter- 
revolution. Thg desire to go to Soviet Russia, which has become 
more and more manifest among the workmen of western Europe, is 
the best proof that in spite of the difficulties which attend our life, 
the workmen of western Europe see in Soviet Russia their own 
country, their socialistic motherland. To the centrifugal character 
of the national capitalistic interests, the working class has answered 
with the centripetal character of its revolutionary efforts. 

At the present time, when the questions taken up for discussion 
by the revolutionary workmen of the whole world are not those con- 
cerned with the problems of conquering even the maximimi conces- 
sions from the enemy class of capitalists, but those concerned with 
the struggle for power, there is no doubt that simultaneously^ witli 
the decision of this question there will also be settled the question of 
the international economic organization on a communistic basis of a 
unified, economic territory governed socialistically, and of the closest 
possible amity in the world proletariat for the purpose of regenerat- 
ing the productive forces. 

Through the victory of the Russian proletariat a huge territory, 
rich in raw materials, capable of producing an abundance of food 
products, fuel, different ores and precious metals, etc., has been taken 
out of the power of capital. It is natural that every detachment of 
the III International J which within the boundaries of its State life 
will take power into its hands, will place itself side by side with us 
as a new member of the socialistic society which is being born. As 
the number of such economic territories will grow, territories on 
which the European proletariat will destroy the power of capital in 
a decisive battle, the extent and the power of the future socialist 
revolution will become stronger and stronger. 

The Russian proletariat brings into the III International not onlv 
a huge, compact, and victorious Red Army, not only a State in whicli 
the rule of the workers is a reality, but also a colossal fund of eco- 
nomic values which has been taken away from capital at the cost of 
many sacrifices and much suffering, and placed at the disposal of 
the world revolution as one of its material bases, as a foundation for 
the development of the productive forces of every new workmen's 
industrial, socialist State. 

The working class of Russia, in the fearful struggle of the past 
three years, resisted its enslavement in the name of the world revolu- 
tion. It is now the turn of the world proletariat to free itself from 
the chains of capital and to create a world socialistic republic. 

(Signed) Ub. 

16. " The Vanguard of the International Proletariat." 

By N, BuKHABiN. 

[Moscow Pravda, Aug. 3, 1920.] 

The international proletarian movement is more and more rapidlv 
developinir into a movement directed by Communist Parties anil 
their unifying organization — the Communist International. Thb 


change, however, has not as yet been fully perfected. Besides, there 
are coming into the CommimiBt Party from various directions a por- 
tion of the workers who had pa-ssed through the old Social-Demo- 
cratic school (even the " Strict-trainers ") through devious ways, like 
parties of the "Center" (English and German "Independents"), 

f gradually breaking the bounds of ancient traditions. These have 
earned through the experience of mass struggles, and now find it 
necessary to have a single centralized party. 

The other portion of the proletariat, driven away by the repulsive, 
petty partisan, parliamentary, social-traitorous organizations, into 
the camp of the opponents on principle of " politics " in jjeneral and 
of political parties in particular, come to revolutionary Communism 
from the one side, and from a rejection of parties in general, to a 
recognition of the Communist Party. 

Finally, the "new," crude, formerly nonpartisan, and very often 
even unorganized masses, drawn by the course of revolutionary 
struggle into the general process, either directly or clambering along 
step oy step, gradually realize the necessity of entering the ranks of 
the Communist Party. This is quite easily understood, for the 
opportunist parties and the opponents of parties on principle as such, 
in the main proceed (consciously or unconsciously) upon one and 
the same reformist, illusion concerning the comparative ease of the 
struggle. 'I'he class-conscious opportunists stand wholly upon the 
point of view of the stability of the old relations, and of a slow, 
gradual, "prudent " policy. But — strange as this may sound — even 
flie " Left Wing " critics of parties (Syndicalist, I. W. W., and others) 
do not realize the full degree of the stubbornness, and the warlike 
characier of the revolution, which is, you know, nothing else but civil 
war. It is worth while to recall the anarcho-syndicalist theory of 
" the strike of folded arms." 

For us Bolsheviks' the highest form of struggle with capital for 
the conquest of authority is an armed uprising; many of those who 
reject parties prefer the general strike. Life completely supports 
our point of view. No sort of situation in production and no kind 
of strike of itself can decide the matter, for the opposition of the 
entire governmental apparatus of the bourgeoisie will be encoun- 
tered, and then inevitably the bayonet will become the order of the 
day. But if it is clear that revolution is civil war, that it is an armed 
struggle of the workers with the bourgeoisie, then it is also quite 
clear that the working class, like evert/ belligerent country, must have 
a closely united vanguard, with military discipline, with a military 
staff to direct the struggle, and all must be subordinate to this staff. 
And such a vanguard is the party. And whoever once for all real- 
izes all the gravity of the struggle, all its historically inevitable 
cruelty, and all its military character, at the same time once for all 
will also I'ealize the necessity of the Communist Party. 

In this connection, our International Communist Congress has 
already played a tremendous role. The Russian delegation, from thp 
very beginning, even in opposition to the opinion of German friendj 
( Spa rtac ides) , insisted upon the admission with a decisive voice, ol' 
the anarcho-syndicalists, the I, W, W., the English shop-stewards, 
etc. And what then? In the committee as well as in Congress, a 
resolution on the role of the party was adopted uTUinimously. The 



French syndicalist. Comrade Kosmer, subscribed to it. The repre- 
sentatives of the English shop-stewards committees subscribed to it. 
TTie I. W. W. subscribed to it. There was not a single protect wheij 
it was put to the vote. What does that mean? It means that tlu- 
necessity precisely of a party, precisely a centralized one and pre- 
cisely a military one, has become plainly clear to all serious adherents 
of the revolution, but not to babblers. For, we repeat, it is a oiat(«r 
of direct-armed struggle. 

We not only did not lose by admitting honest revolutionary work- 
ers to the Congress, who until now have not been Communists : on 
the contrary, we have already gained thereby. Only in this manner 
can the unity of the proletarian revolutionists actually be brought 
about. The business of the Marxists is not to stew in their own juice 
and to be joined to a group of superior comrades who know and 
understand everything. The business of the Marxists is continually 
to widen the sphere of their influence and to draw all sincere ad- 
herents of the revolution into their ranks. The Congress showed tlie 
correctness of these tactics in the clearest light. It may be counted 
upon with the fullest assurance that its result will be an enormous 
increase in the growth of tlie Communist movement, a rallying of 
the forces of tlie proletariat, its support, discipline, organization, and 
stability in the greatest of class battles, whicli shall lead to the crea- 
tion of a new humanity. 


17. " The Results of InteiTiational Congress," by Yu. Steklov. 

[Leading article, Moacow Izvesllii, Aug. S, 1920.] 

The 2nd Congress of the Communist International is ended. Xow 
one can make certain summarizing statements of its work. 

First of all, let us note the basic feature of the Congress, namely, 
the unity in the state of mind of its participants and the unanimity 
on all principal questions. Whoever recall the congresses of tlie 
IX International, with their clear division into two wings which 
differed on fundamental questions of program and tactics and fre- 
quently were definitely hostile in their attitude toward one another, 
can not fail to note the profound difference between the old and tlie 
new international organizations. We do not say that there are no 
differences of opinion in the 111 International. On the contrary, 
sometimes the divergence between the majority of the Congress and 
its " Left " wing expressed itself very sharply. But if there was here 
difference of opinion, it was not, however, divergence with respect t<i 
the fundamental aims. All who participated in the Congress were 
striving ardently to bring about the. liberation of the proletariat and 
revolutionary struggle agaaaist the bourgeoisie in aU fields and intder 
all ilags; and if they sometimes quarreled among themselves, it whs 
simply on the question of by what roads one can secure more surely 
this generally recognised aim and by what meane can it be attai^ied 
more quickly and without mistakes. 

It is necessary to note also another profound difference. The 
II International did not have any discipline, either internal or ex- 



tenial. It would adopt decisions, but it did not even wish to follow- 
up their actual execution. Knowing in advance that the resolutions 
adopted did not obligate in any way its members, the II International 
frecjuently would adopt radical decisions, which did not correspond 
to its actual state or mind and plans. Such was tile resolution 
adopted three times as proposed by the " Lefts," respecting the con- 
verting of an imperialistic war into civil war ; that is, respecting the 
using of the World War for the world social revolution. Ajid if 
those who voted for resolutions did not consider themselves obli- 
gate(f thereby, then of course those who voted against them did 
not wish to take them into account at all. 

It is not thus in the Communist International. On a whole series 
of questions (on the role of the Communist Party, on parliamen- 
tarism, on the trade-union movement, on conditions of admittance to 
the Communist International, etc.), sharp debates and quarrels took 
place at the Congress, but when it came to voting unanimity was 
reestablished. The majority of the resolutions on fundamental ques- 
fions were adopted unanimously, oi' almost unanimously. And even 
those who voted against, in a majority of instances, declared their 
suhjiiission to the decisions taken. 

But this last fact, of course, is self-understood. In contradistinc- 
tion to its predecessor, the III International is not a debating club, 
but an organization ol action. It wishes to be not the arena of aca- 
demic discussions between parties independent one of tlie other, 
whicli temporarily come together for parlor talks; it wishes to be tlie 
leHtitUised miiitmit coordinating body of the international detach- 
ments of a single Communist Party, single both in its theoretic views 
(ind in iia practical work. And this bringing together with respect 
to ideas and tactics of the proletarian vanguard, which was accom- 
plished at the 2nd Congress of the Communist International, rep- 
resents probably the most important attainment of the Congress, 
AH the rest will adapt itself. 

The Congress adopted resolutions that were of a definitely revolu- 
tionary and militant content. At the same time it was able to note 
the correct line that leads not to a rupture with the masses but to 
the closest union with them. It reaffirmed that true revolutionism 
implies the knowledge to choose the most expedient means and to use 
the elementally developing movement of the masses for the purpose 
of bringing about their actual liberation. Once more it showed that 
Communists do not represent any special i>arty that sets itself up 
I'gainst other forms of the workmen's movement, but are simply the 
liitter's advance detachment, which is striving for the, complete lib- 
eration of the jjroletariat, at each stage of the movement formulating 
and ilefending the general interests of the working class as a whole. 

If the representatives at the Congress of parties that have not jet 
l)een accepted into the III International, such as the Frencli and the 
German Independents, were obliged to declare that they will accept 
the decisions of the Congress in letter and spirit, by this declaration 
they involuntarily paid tribute to the historic truth of the program 
and tactics of the Communist International, and on their part testi- 
fied that the decisions of the Congress correspond to the state of 
mind of the working masses which are behind these parties, and will 
therefore inevitably meet with the heartiest response in these masses. 



Soldiers put on clean underwear before a battle, Fn preparing for 
the decisive storming of the citudels of bourgeois rule the proletariat 
is getting ready to cleanse its ranks. The decisions of the 2nd Con- 
gress referring to this last point, wliich are applicable not only to 
the parties that are getting ready to enter the ranks of the Com- 
munist International, but also to those that are already in its ranks, 
also undoubtedly correspond to a desire of the working masses them- 
selves, who have been taught by bitter experience and do not wisb 
any longer to be betrayed at the critical moment, 

The 2nd Congress enters the history of proletaiiun struggle at an 
important stage of the latter. The bourgeoisie of the whole world 
will raise a shout against the revolutionary decisions of the Congress. 
It will set in motion all the sabers of its policemen, all the prayers of- 
its priests, and all the wiles of the Socialist-Traitors to ward off the 
threatening danger. It will not hesitate to use coaxings and repres- 
sions to break the spirit of the growing movement and to disorganize 
its ranlis. But notliing will stop the historic current. Repressions 
will only pour oil on the fire and increase the energy of the prole- 
tarian vanguard which, supported by the decisions of the 2nd Con- 
gress, will be able soon to gather under the Sag of the Communist 
International wide working masses and lead them into the last 
decisive fight. 

More on the Results of the Congress. 

ILeadlDg article, Mobcdw laveetlB. Aug. 11, 1820.] 

A new world is awakening to life and to struggle — the world of 
the oppressed nationalities, which has lieen united by us, though not 
quite correctly, under the name of the East. For here are found not 
only the peoples of Asia, but also those of Africa and America (like 
the Mexicans, the Negro population of the United States, and others). 

Till now the white race pretended to represent all mankind, and 
without good grounds. Even in numbers the opjjressed peoples (col- 
ored races) were at least twice as strong as the wliite race. Without 
referring to the fact that the civilization of the East is older than 
ours, we must not forget that what we call the immobility of tlie 
East is in part simply the fruit of our ignorance of a life and rela- 
tions which we do not understand. The East has lived and still lives. 
It is true that its development had been held back by the violence of 
European conquerors and of the colonial policy of capital, which 
deliberately destroyed productive forces in the East, or at least re- 
tarded their natural development. But this same violence aroused 
the oppressed peoples to resistance and struggle and gave to thu 
struggling international pixiletariat a new and powerful ally. 

Because of its very character, the II International was unable 
either to arouse a revolutionary movement among the oppressed 
peoples or to take advantage of an already existing movement. While 
verbally condemning the colonial policy of the bourgeoisie, the par- 
ties that belonged to the II International supported the policy of 
their own bourgeoisie in general and, consequently, of its colonifll 


policy also. Further, amon^ the German, Belgian, and Dutch Social- 
ists there was a tendency that approved the colonial policy of capital 
where it was cleansed of its "excesses." And these gentlemen were 
so shameless as to preach these ideas even at the Congresses of the 

The platonic protests of the II International against colonial policy 
i-emained on paper. In reality the Social Democracy did nothing to 
combat this policy of exploiting and oppressing hundreds of millions 
of the colonial population. It did not combat in a revolutionary way 
the policy of its bourgeoisie at home, still less did it think of arous- 
ing the revolutionary protest of the oppressed peoples themselves or 
of active support to the sporadic revolutionary movements that broke 
out among them. Is it then surprising that the oppressed peoples 
themselves finally extended their hatred and distrust for the Euro- 

?ian and American bourgeoisie to the workmen of these countries? 
he bourgeoisie could only derive joy from this. 

The Communist International acts differently. Already the fact 
alone of the existence of Soviet Eussia, and the policy carried out by 
the latter with respect to the national questions, have aroused the 
oppressed peoples to new outbursts of struggle against world capital. , 
The 2nd Congress of the Communist International has played an 
enormous role in this liberation movement, coming so opportunely to 
the assistance of the revolutionary struggle of the European and 
American working class. The III International not only stands in 
close solidarity with the revolutionary uprisings of oppressed peoples 
against capitalistic domination, but it imposes the duty on Com- 
munist Parties of all countries, and particularly tliQse countries that 
oppress, to give active support to the revolutionary movement of colo- 
nies when it is directed against the bourgeoisie of the oppressor. 

Thus the international solidarity of the tpilers receives its complete 
realization. Till now the British workman, for example, could be- 
lieve that he was doing his international duty when he adopted a 
resolution of protest against the attack of the Entente on Soviet 
Russia or subscribed a shilling for the support of the strikers in 
some other European country. Now the Communist International 
says to him that if he wishes to free himself from the yoke of capital, 
then his straight duty as a proletarian is to give active support 
both to the proletarians of other countries and also to oppressed 
peoples, and particularly to those oppressed by his own bourgeoisie. 
The same thing applies to the French workman, the American, Bel- 
gian, Dutch, and in general to the workmen of all those countries 
that have colonies and oppress other peoples, i. e,, to the workmen 
of all the important capitalistic, or, as they call themselves, the 
*' great " countries. 

When the news of the decisions of the 2nd Congress of the 
Communist International reaches the hundreds of millions of In- 
dians, Chinese, Negroes, Malaj's, and other oppressed peoples, it will 
mean happy tidings for them, and also the call for a new and 
greater struggle against capital that exploits them. In the hope 
of active support from the international organized proUtariat, these 
peasant and workmen masses of colonies or semicolonies will dou- 
ble or increase tenfold their energies in the desperate resistance to 
the killing yoke of the bourgeoisie that exploits them. From this 



awakening of the revolutionary struggle among the oppressed peo- 
ples, the proletarian stnifrgle in the old capitalistic countries can 
only gain. It is still a question where the first decisive blows to the 
world bourgeoisie will be dealt — in the metropolis or in the colonies. 
In any case it is clear the extension of the struggle against capital 
to the entire globe of the earth, and the bringing into the orbit of 
this struggle of the many millions of the masses of the East which 
till DOW were dead wei^it on the road of history — in a word the 
giving to this struggle of the character of a movement which for 
the first time has iissumed a really world-wide scale will hasten the 
collapse, now due, of capitalism and will bring nearer the end of 
bourgeois domination. 

In the history of the world struggle against oppression, with the 
bringing in of the colossal masses of the oppressed peoples a new 

fhase begins. And one of the immortal services of the Communist 
nternational will always remain the fact that it was the first openly 
to raise the flag of this struggle, and to call to this flag all the op- 
pressed peoples and the entire organized international proletariat. 

Yu. Steklov. 



18. Headlines in English, French, German, Italian, and Russian. 

ICommuniBt IntecnatlouHl (nenspaper edition), Jul; 19, 1920, and Fetcograd Pravda. July 
18, 1920.] 

The revolution does not come of itself— one must prepare it. 

The bourgeoisie has slaughtered twenty millions of people during 
the imperialist war. The Communist International is their revenger 
and deliverer of the world. 

Kings, bankers, and presidents will tremble fi-om fear at all news 
of the new success of the Moscow International ! The proletarians of 
Europe will not delay dealing them the mortal blow. 

The red trade-unions are weapons of proletarian deliverance, the 
" yellow " ones of enslavement. 

The Old World has declared war without quarter on the revolu- 
tionary international! "You wish war — you will receive death," 
the revolutionary proletarian will say to capital. 

In all corners of our planet resounds the measured tread of woik- 
men's battalions, marching to storm the bastile of capital. 

Long live the International Red Army 1 Workmen of Italy ! Driva 
out the reformists; they are betraying you at the critical hour. 

19. Appeal in Russian, German, French, and English. 
" To all the Workers of Petrograd." 

■ I Placard distributed In Petrograd od the day of th? owDlng of the ConereiB. Jirir 
19. 1920] 

Comrades and FEi.r/)W-CiTizEN8 ! 

A great historical day ! To-day within the walls of our city the 
2nd World Congress of the Communist International will be opened. 


The best men of all the world, the best fighters of the international 
proletariat have come to us to open their Congress here, Tlie repre- 
sentatives of the workers' parties and labor unions have come to Bed 
Petrograd from the following countries: America, Australia, Aus- 
tria, AzerbRidjan, Bulgaria, China Denmark, Dutch colonies, Eng- 
land, Esthonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Gruzinia, Hol- 
land, Hungary, India, Italy, Japan, Korea, Latvia, Mexico, Norway, 
Persia, Rumania, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Yugoslavia (Serbia), 
and others. 

Mankind has lost twenty millions of people as a result of the impe- 
rialist slaughter of 1914^1918. At this moment for the first time the 
working class of the whole world has so far recovered from the 
unheard-of bloodletting that it is able to take the fate of its class into 
its own hands and raise the tjuestion how to preserve mankind from 
a repetition of similar bloody wars. 

Remember the imperialist war 1 

Remember the last war of 1914^-1918 ! 

Act so that destructive wars shall be impossible ! 

Establish the Soviet power thraugliout the whole world! 

Such will be the first words of the Congress. 

The Conmiunist International has become the international general 
staff of the fighting proletariat of the wliole world. During the thi-ee 

^ears that have elapsed since the great proletarian revolutionj Russia 
as won the hearts of the workers of the earth. All the intrigues of 
the bloody Entente, all the crafty conspiracies of the world bour- 
geoisie have been powerless against the steadfastness of the inter- 
national proletariat, wliicli is every day giving a stauncher and 
stronger support. 

A great honor has fallen to the share of Red Petrograd. The best 
leaders of humanity marching toward its liberation have come to us. 
The 2nd World Congress oi the Communist International has de- 
cided to open its sessions in our city in order to do due honor to the 
city which was the first in history to raise the banner of a proletarian 
revolt and lead Russia to a Socialist victorj-. The advanced workers 
of all countries, in the persons of their renresentatives, pay tribute 
of respect and affection to the Russian proletarians, who have sacri- 
ficed hundreds of thousands of their best sons on the battle fronts; 
who during three years have suffered the most cruel tortures of 
hunger; who have defended their city like lions each time that 
danger threatened it on the part of the White Guards, and who, in 
spite of all reverses, have managed to preserve their powerful prole- 
tarian organization and labor discipline. 

Petrograd — the great revolutionary city! 

Petrograd— the struggling proletarians of all the world are proud 
of you ! 

History has decreed that the 2nd World Congress should be opened 
in Petrograd just three years after the memorable July days. In the 
beginning of July, 1917, the Russian bourgeoisie, acting in unity 
with the Defrayers of the workers' cause, the Mensheviki and Social 
Revolutionaries, shot down the Petrograd workmen and the sailors. 
of Kronstadt in the streets with impunity. In the beginning of 
July, 1920, the working population of Petrograd, moved by a com- 
mon brotherly impulse, welded together by the bonds of brotherly 



solidarity, is meeting the representatives of the international proia- 
tariat, who have come to us to discuss the question of how to help 
the international proletariat to a complete victoi-y over the bour- 
geoisie. The beautiful fairy tale is becoming a reality, the dream 
of the boldest minds of the Petrograd workers is coming true, 

Ked Petrograd ! You should appreciate the great historical impor- 
tance of this day 1 You should remember that to-day the eyes of the 
workers of the whole world are upon you 1 You should register a 
TOW to be worthy of the great honor accorded you by the proletarians 
of all countries ! 

Bed Petrograd is meeting to-day the best representatives of the 
proletariat of the whole world. Red Petrograd joins together to-day 
in one mighty cry : 

Long live the Snd World Congress of the Gom/muniat Intemationalt 

Long live the Communist IniemaitOTial/ 

Fetsoorad Committee of the Kussian Communist Party. 
PEntooRAD Soviet of Workers and Rbd-Armt Dbpdties. 
Petrograd Soviet of Labor Unions. 

20. Message from Petrograd Soviet to Italian Workmen and 

[Petrograd Pravda, June 10, 1020.J 

(B; wirelesB, from the I'etrogiad Sovler of Workmen's and ReS Armj' Depntles.] 

Brothers of the Italian proletariat/ 

We appeal to you with feelings of the deepest emotion. In the 
person of your delegation we honor the entire Italian proletariat 
and all the glorious revolutionary soldiers of Italy, the future founda- 
tion of the Italian Red Army. 

The Petrograd Soviet of Workmen's and Red Army DeputieSj to- 
gether with all the rest of the proletarian and military organizations 
of the city and Province of Petrograd, assembled to-day in honor of 
your delegates, declare to you that the moment of our meeting with 
the representatives of the Italian laboring people is for us one of the 
greatest happiness. 

The Russian workers very well know what a difficult and thorny 
path the Italian proletariat has trod since the beginning of the im- 
perialistic war. But you did not lower your flag; you did not let 
yourselves be deceived by treacherous phrases about the " defense of 
the fatherland" in a war in which tne real business was that of 
plunder; you protested against the robber-war from the first minuter 
of its beginning. You answered all the persecutions on the part of 
the bourgeoisie with contempt for your persecutors, and by rallying 
your strength for further struggle against capital. With long years 
of tireless struggle against the bourgeoisie and their agents the op[>or- 
tunists, you hammered out for yourselves a mighty labor party which, 
we are profoundly convinced, will soon drive from its ranks all non- 
Communist elements and lead the Italian proletariat to the storming 
of the bourgeoisie. 


The Italian workers from the first minutes of the imperialistic war 
remembered the last will and testament of Karl Liehknecht : " The 
enemy is in your own country." In combating the Italian capitalists 
and their government you at the same time fulfill your international 
duty. Your party has performed immense services in the work of 
creating the Communist International. Your glorious leader in the 
person of Comrade Serrati, together with our representatives Lenin, 
Zinoviev, and Trotsky, ardently took part in the first efforts to re- 
establish the international organization of workers that had been 
broken up hy the treachery of the leaders of the II International. 

The example of the heroic struggle of the Italian workers threw its 
light upon us in the darkness of the Tsarist reaction and showed us 
the true path, after the February (March) bourgeois revolution of 

We know that your struggle is not easy. We know that upon as- 
suming authority you, Italian workers, will have to endure dire want 
and great trials. The path of the proletarian revolution is not an 
easy one, but it is the only path that leads to the emancipation of 
labor, to the liberation of all mankind, and to the creation of worthy 
conditions of living. 

The Italian workers are our best friends. The Italian proletariat 
is our nearest of kin in spirit. We not only respect and cherish the 
It^an workers — we love them. All the toilers of Petrograd, and, we 
are sure, those of all Kussia, meet your delegates as brothers, and in 
our welcome we see the assurance that the time is not far off when 
all Europe will stand as one single international Soviet Republic. 
Withrapt attention and hated breath, we will in future follow your 
heroic struggle. And we believe — we know, that in Italy decisive 
events are pushing ahead. In Italy, if not t«-day then to-morrow, 
will burst forth the all-purifying storm. 

Lfong live your victory and ours 1 

Long live Soviet Italy ! 

Long live the Red Army in Italy ! 

Long live the Italian proletariat 1 

Long live the III International I 

G. Zinoviev, 
President of the Petrograd Soviet of Workmen's 

and Red Army Deputies. 

21. Letter from the Executive Committee of the Communist In- 
ternational to An Local and District Organizations of the 
Independent Socialist Party of Germany and to All Worlt- 
men Members Thereof. 

[iBTeatla, June 20. 192D.] 

Pbar Comraoes: As you are aware, the 2nd World Congress of 
the Communist International wiU open in Moscow on July 16, 1920 
(the first meeting will take place in Petrograd) . The class-conscious 
workmen of the whole world have answered promptly our appeal 
that they send representatives to this Congress. The majority of the 
delegates from England, France, Austria, Hungary, Italy, America, 



Sweden, Bulgaria, Holland, and other countries have already ar- 
rived in Russia. Others are on their way to Moscow. Already it is 
clear that our 2nd Congress will really be a world congress of lead- 
ing workmen of the whole world. The Congress wQl summarize 
the experience of our struggle. The Congress will show you. 
, workmen of the whole world, the path of further struggle. The 
toilers of the whole world will listen to the voice of the Congress. 

Comrades ! Is it true that yoii will remain outside such a Congress '. 

We say to you frankly that the executive committee of the Com- 
munist International and the workmen Communists of all countries 
will be sorely grieved if members of the German Independent So- 
cialist Party will not be with us at our Congress. 

We are certain that you, as proletarians and members of the 
Gr. I. S. P., are, in your hearts, with us. We know that you are 
endeavoring by all possible means to join the international comrade- 
ship of workmen, the III International. And it is therefore tht 
less admissible that the " Kight " leaders of your central committee 
should destroy your and our wishes and desire. Under pressure from 
you, the pressure of workmen, the Leipzig Congress of the G. I. S. P. 
decided to break with the II International and to enter into negotia- 
tions with the III International, But the leaders of the " Right " on 
your central committee have practically canceled your decision. Tliej 
decided to call some kind of intermediary conference made up of 
the parties that left the II but have not as yet joined the III Inter- 
national. Even the moderate leaders of the French Socialist Party 
have now rejected this hopeless idea. Two delegates from this party, 
Cachin and B'rossard, have already arrived in Moscow, and we. shall 
tell them frankly on what conditions the French party may be ad- 
mitted to the III International. The French workmen are forcinfj 
even their moderate leaders to seek closer relations with the III Inter- 
national. Only your representatives are not yet hej'e in Moscow. 
We have addressed an open letter to the G. I. S. P. in which wt 
have set forth clearly and in detail the conditions on which we are 
willing to admit your party, as well as other parties which up to 
the present time have been following the " Center " movement. \ our 
central committee has not even published this letter from the esecii- 
tive committee of the Communist International, in Germany. The 
Communists alone have published it. Your central committee in a 
letter of June 6, signed by Dauemig, says that the letter has not been 
published on account of a " shortage of paper." Your Eight lead- 
ers could not have thought of a more unworthy motive. This proves 
that we were correct when we said that your admission to the III 
International was possible only by going over the heads of your 

In view of the foregoing we propose, comrades, that your twxl 
and district organisations that desire im/mediately to join tlis III /n- 
temational elect their delegates to our Congress, set for JuZy 15, anil 
send them immediately. Do not wait for some one else. Do not allow 
anyone to nullify our wish and your desire. Organize at once and 
fulfill your duty. The workmen-revolutionists, members of tlic 
G, I. S. P., must be at the World Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national. We arc waiting for you, comrades; hurry. Discuss our 



proposal at all your workmen's meetings. Publish it in your papers. 
Expose all those who thwart your will. Act ! 
With Communist greetings: 

The Executive Committeb op the 

C0MMDNI8T Intebnationaii. 


President of the Executive Committee of the 

Communist International. 
K. Radek, Secretary. 
Members of the executive committee of the Communist Inter- 
national : Seratti, Bombacci, Vachirka, Graziadei, Socialist Party of 
Italy; V. Ulianov (LeninJ, N. Bucharin, Karakhati, Balabanova, 
Klinger, Russian Communist Party; Markhlevsky (Karsky), Com- 
munist and Labor Party of Poland; Shatzkin, executive committee 
of Communist International of Yoiith; MaeLean, Tom Welch, 
British Socialist Party ; Jacques Sadoul, Delinieres, committee of the 
III International of France; Kudnians^, Kakoczy, Communist 
Party of Hungary ; Keussler, Communist Party of Germany; Beed, 
Bilan, Communis Labor Party of America; Stoklitsky, Communist 
Party of America; Shablin, Communist Party and Federation of 
Trade Unions of Bulgaria; Stuchka, Communist Party of Latvia. 
The appeal is also signed by Lozovsky, representing the all-Eussian 
Central Soviet of Trade Unions, and by J, Armand, representing 
the Communist organizations of women in Russia. 

22. Message from Congress to French Socialists. 

[liT«atia, July 31, 1920.) 

The presiding body of the 2nd Congress of the III International 
has intrusted to the delegates of the French Socialist Party, A. 
Cachin and Frossard, who came to the Congress to carry on nego- 
tiations with reference to the resolution of the last congress of the 
French Socialist Party, this resolution deciding the establishment 
simply of certain relations with the III International — a letter ad- 
dressed to "All members of the French Socialist Party and all con- 
scientious proletarians of France." 

The presiding body has pointed out the reactionary role of bour- 
geois France in the world policy, which role has imposed on French 
workmen and their parties a particularly important international 
duty, namely, that or resisting this unrestrained reaction. It notes 
that the internal situation of the French Socialist Party does not to 
any degree contribute to the successful accomplishment of the latter's 
great historic mission. The present official majority of the French 
Socialist Party, which party considers itself internationalist and 
revolutionary, is in fact carrying' on a policy of hesitation, equivoca- 
tion, and half measures. The parliamentary woi'k of the Socialist 
faction is not exposing the crimes of the French Government, is not 
carrying on a revolutionary agitation in the many million masses 
who participated in the war, and has not set itself the task of exjjos- 
ing to the toiling masses of France the criminal chaiiu-ter of the im- 

15060—20 9 



perialist war that has just come to an end. It does not call on the 
workmen to arm themselves. The Socialist press in France does not 
carry on a constant systematic propaganda or agitation in favor of 
the ideas of the proletarian revolution. Agitation in the vill^^ 
and among the soldiers bears a clearly reformist character. Ttie 
attitude of the party toward trade-unions is full of equivocatitm. 
The party press does not carry on a proper campaign against the un- 
precedented violence committed by the French bourgeoisie on the 
" Left " workmen's movement. Instead of drawing closer to tlic 
" Left " Communist wing, the party organizes a struggle against tbe 
latter. Finally, having declared to leave the II International, the 
French Socialists at the same time proclaim their solidarity with 
the Belgian " Socialists," that is, with the Socialist traitor Vander- 
velde, the leader of the II International; they declare their desire to 
enter the III International, but at the same time their official i-epre- 
sentative, Mistral, during the period of the Kapp rebellion, signs a 
declaration, together with the Bureau of the II Interaational, whicli 
appealed to the German proletariat to defend tli,e Bepublic in co- 
operation with Noske and Scheidemann, You either remain silent 
as to the existence of the III International, or you carry on against 
it a half-concealed propaganda. 

Passing then to the question of the attitude toward trade-uiiioa-- 
(syndicates) in France, the letter insists on the need of wresting thyw 
unions from the hands of capitalists and Socialists-Traitors, and at 
any co^. In each, union, in each subdivision of a union, a Communi'l 
group, a Co^nmunist nufleun, must hf. orgnnisvd. After takin;; 
power into their own hands, giving to conscious workmen new mean- 
of propaganda, the Russian Bolsheviks were able within u .short 
period after the revolution to win over an overwhelming majority in 
the trade-union movement. Tlie Communist revolutions throiigh<nii i 
the world should take the same path. 

Red trade-unions have begun to organize on an international scalf. 
On the initiative of the executive committee of the Communist Inter 
national, the " Left " trade-unions of Italy, Russia, and England havf 
created a triple alliance, which will call togetlier in August or Sep- 
tember an international congress of Red trade-unions, which congress 
will set set itself up in opposition to the Amsterdam Internationnl 
of Yellow unions. 

Support this beginning in France ! See to it that your syndiciiti'< 
join the International of Red unions and break once for all with \\w 
Yellow International, _ This is the task of genuine revolutionists in 

In conclusion, the letter makes certain main and fundanientnl 
points, which demand precise and clear answers. 

The French Socialist Party must: 

(1) Change radically the character of its everyday propaganda 
and agitation in the press, in the spirit indicated above. 

(2) In the question or colonies, pitilessly expose the tricks of 
French capitalists in colonies, support not in words but by acts any . 
liberating movement in the colonies, popularizing the slogan: "Ini- ! 
perinlists, get out of the colonies "; develop in tlie workmen of Francr I 
a sincerely fraternal attitude toward the toiling population of th' 
colonies, at the same time carrying on a systematic agitation union;: 
French troops against oppression of colonies. 

.Google . 


(3) Expose the falsity and hypocrisy of Socialist -Pacifism ; sys- 
tematically prove to the workmen that without a revolutionary over- 
throw of capitalism no international conrts of arbitration, no conver- 
sations about rechicing armaments, will save humanity from new 
imperialist wars. 

(4) Begin to organize the i-evolutionary ("onimunist elementH with- 
in the General Confederation of I^abor, in order to comb:it the Social- 
ist-Traitors who are the leaders of this confederation. 

(5) Bring about, not in words but by acts the strictest subordina- 
tion of the parliamentary fraction to the paity as a whole: recognize 
as the party fraction only those deputies who conscientiously carry 
out the decisions of the party and alter their entire daily parliamen- 
tary activity, in the spirit indicated above. 

(6) Breati radically with reformism, and carry out a systematic 
cleansing of its ranks of those elements which do not wish to follow 
the new revolutionary path. 

(7) Change also even its name, and come out t)efore the entire 
world as the Communist Party of France. 

(8) Recognize the need of combining legal imd illegal activity 
during the period when the bourgeoisie establishes a state of siege for 
workmen and their leaders. 

(9) The French party, like all those who wish to participate in the 
III International, must recognize with respect to itself the absolutely 
obligatory character of all decisions of the Communist International,* 

23. Statement of Cachin and Frossard (French Socialists). 

IPetrograil rravda, Aug. 3, 1920.] 

Comrades, being sent to you, together with Comrade Frossard, 
with a definite purpose and exclusively for mutual information, we 
are able to make liere^as you yourself will understand, comrades — 
only a short statement, and in our own names. 

We have read with great interest the theses presented in the name 
of the executive committee and of the committee on the conditions 
of admission to the III International. We conducted on that occa- 
sion exhaustive conversations with a large number of responsible 
comrades. We have just listened to the explanations of Comrade 
Zinoviev. We were not authorized to discuss the substance of this 
question. From everything we have heard here, from all sources, we 
-shall retain the main ideas and the ^iding principles. 

You demand that the parties desiring to join you shoidd first of 
all renounce in word and deed, in their press and propaganda, the 
reformist and opportunist ideas. You wish them to point out the 
inconsistency of those ideas and fight them in all fields, and to em- 
ploy all their efforts in explaining the necessity of revolutionary 
action in all its forms. 

We fully agree with this, and this absolute demand will have prac- 
tical results which must be followed up by the parties desiring to 
join the III Communist International. 

' Note.— In Moscow Pravdii of July 30, 1920, tlie full text of this letter is 
given (6,000 worUs) and also the signatures of Zinoviev, Lenin. Serrati, Levi, 
and Rosmej-, and date, July 29, 1920. , . , 



First of all, it will be indispensable for every party-coinrade to 
make once for all the choice between reformism and revolution. This 
is not a question of individuals, and you quite correctly emphasized 
this fact. But in the historic conditions of our times, whoever at- 
tempts to cooperate with bourgeois society at the moment of the 
decisive class struggle which is ablaze everywhere, there is no place 
for him in the ranks of a party of the workmg class. 

We are ready to demand from all our comrades that they work as 
Socialists, within the trade-unions as well as within the party. W( 
are ready to cooperate fraternally with the revolutionary fighters 
from the syndicalist organizations who acknowledge the indispensa 
bility of political struggle. 

Further, it is necessary to conduct an energetic propaganda,- now 
more than ever before, against the imperialist ideology and against 
those who support and. cooperate with it. 

For over two years our Socialist group in the Parliament has been 
voting against appropriations and agamst the entire budget. Our 
party has come out in a most determined manner against any coop- 
eration in a bourgeois ministry. Such is our position in peace time. 
And if at any time a world war should again break out, the present 
criminal imperialistic policy of the French bourgeoisie will bear tbe 
full responsibility. 

We shall refuse to participate in the war in any form whatever 
(vote appropriations or cooperate in the ministry). We shall remem- 
ber that under such circumstances, when the national interests become 
mingled with the interests of plutocracy, no obligations of the pro- 
letariat stand higher than its class duty. 

It will be necessary to reexamine the program of our party and to 
bring it into harmony with the spirit of the III International. An 
increased centralization, a rigid control of parliamentary activity, of 
party press, a stern discipline to which every member of the party 
will nave to submit — such seem to us the fundamental conditions for 
the renewal of the struggle, which conditions are arising because of 
the harsh demands of our time. You demand that we should sup- 
port without any reservations the Soviet republics in their struggle 
against the counter-revolution. With increased energy, greater thiin 
in the past, we shall point out to toilers the necessity of refusing U> 
load arms and munitions for the counter-revolutionists. Among tlie 
soldiers who shall be commissioned to fight against Soviet repubhcs 
we shall conduct with all means a propaganda against intervention. 

Comrades, this is in substance the statement wnich we are able to 
make in conformity with the narrow limits of our mission. We are 
convinced that if our friend Longuet could be present here, he woiilil 
not think otherwise, he would not arrive at a different conclusion 
after surveying the question as we have. We shall return to France, 
where we shall report your conditions ; we shall loyally present thi-ni 
to the party, as well as the literature of the III International. Simul- 
taneously we shall commence an active campaign on the question "f 
the condition of the Russian revolution. 

Within a few weeks there will assemble a Congress, and after that, 
after all the sections and the parties have been informed about tin 
situation and have discussed it seriously, Frossard and myself will 
come out for adherence to the III International. Until then it will 
be useless to make repeated promises. Breaking with the past. ^' 


tntend to pass to the active struggle, about which the III Interna- 
tional subsequently will be able to judge. 

Cachin and Frossard. 

24. The Third All-Russian Congress of Chinese Workmen. 

Ilzv^atla. June 22, 1»Z0.] 

The Third AU-Bussian Congress of Chinese workmen living in 
Russia and Turkestan was opened on the 18tb of June. About 60 
delegates assembled for the Congress, representing about 100,000 
organized Chinese workmen. Comrade Lau was elected president 
of the Congress, and Comrade Sun-Yan-Chuan, editor of the paper 
" Da-Tun-Gbao," secretary. Comrades Lenin and Sun-Yat-Sen were 
elected honorary presidents. 

Comrade Lau welcomes the Korean revolutionists who are present 
at the Congress and translated into Russian the reply of the member 
of the Korean Revolutionary (Jovernment, Comrade Han-Hen-Kuon. 

Following this, Comrade Voznesenskv, Director of the Eastern De- 
partment oi the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, made a 
speech of welcome in Chinese. 

Comrade Bukharin then spoke in the name of the III Communist 
International. His speech was translated into Chinese by Comrade 

"Till the present time," says Comrade Bukharin, " there has not 
existed a single organization which was not divided into two parts — 
a ' civilized ' portion, which could rob, murder, and oppress, for which 
it was praised everywhere, and another portion, a ' lower race,' ' cat- 
tle,' which could be robbed with impunity. It is well known that the 
European countries robbed, murdered, and oppressed the peoples of 
their colonies, and they called this.' the holy attainment of the aims of 
European civilization.' Our teacher Marx said lon^ ago : ' Together 
with the cross and the gospel, Europeans bring syphilis, alcohol, and 
gunpowder.' The whole European colonial policy is supported by 
millions of dead bodies of natives, and the wealth of many European 
countries is based entirely upon the robbing of colonial possessions. 
The 'civilized' countries attache<l themselves like leeches and drank 
the blood of millions of slaves. 

" But now the labor masses have revolted, liave establtslied their 
own organization — the III International — and are fighting not onbr 
with resolutions but with weapons in their hands — and blood. We 
call upon you to do the same. 

"But Euro]>ean capital is not the only cause of happenings in 
Asia. There also exists in Asia a capitalistic class which oppresses 
greatly their own proletarians; Japan is a living example. 

" Thus the Asiatic proletariat is under a double yoke of capitalism, 
and imdoubtedly this threatens terrible oppression to the Chinese 
people. We have therefore appealed to you to organize the Chinese 
labor forces in China itself. We shall fight capitalism in its centers — 
in Paris, London, and other places; and you will help us by over- 
throwing it in Asia. You will be able to do this if you mobilize the 
broad masses of the population and give them definite aims. 



" There can be here two watchwords : First, ' The fight ag'ainst 
Kuropean capitalism,' which is clear to everyone. The Chinese labor 
masses with difficulty earn enough to l\ve from their small plots of 
land and pay enormous rents to the estate owners. The second watch 
world therefore is, ' Tlirow out tlie estate owners." The aim, come- 
quently, is an agrarian revolution. You will be able to accomplisli 
the rising of the masses through this war cry, as tlie slogan 'Seize 
the land from the estate owners ' is clear to everyone. 

" If you mobilize your forces nothing can resist yoii. You d« not 
know yourselves what a great force you are. China is equal to one- 
third of the territory of the world, and it is clear that in order to 
jjacify even a tenth part of the Chinese proletariat no qiiantitv of 
British machine guns and French tanks would be sufficient. Ji the 
forces of the Asiatic proletarians will unite with the Eurojiean prole- 
tarians, no one can defeat us, and we sliall be able to construct a new 
life based upon equality for all races without diffeience of color of 
skin, hair, etc. This task will cost streams of blood, but we shall solve 
it and liberate all Asia and the entire world. 

" Long live the union of the proletarians of the whole world ! 
Long live the general attack on capitaHsm ! Long live the Bghtin;; 
staff of the revolution— the III International ! " 

25. " The Revolutionary East and the Immediate Problems of the 
Communist IntemationaL" 

By I'AK niNfiBVT*. 
(Petiograd I'ravda, July 27, 1920.1 

The I and II Internationals were in fact merely associations of 
the masses of Europe and America ; they devoted little attention to 
" the eastern question," and in general to " the questions of colonial 
peoples." The majority of the official leaders of the II InternationiTJ 
tried in every way to keep the " colonial questions " in the back- 
ground and to fence off the western European labor movement from 
the revolutionary struggle of the enslaved peoples of the colonies; 
they were afraid to bring up these questions squarely and openly. 

Whenever they came to the " eastern" problem " the official leaders 
of the II International trembled, not less than the bourgeois jxiliii- 
cians, who constantly and hypocritically repeated their inclinations 
toward " democracy," civilization, and culture. The complex ques- 
tions of the revolutionary struggle of enslaved colonial peoples, con- 
stituting the majority of enslaved mankind, were foreign to the 
ideologists of parliamentarism. Even at the time of organizing the 
Communist International, Asia was feebly represented, a fact which 

7uld not fail to be reflected in the work on eastern matters. 
But' the realization of the necessity of conjoint struggle of the^ 
toiling masses of the East and the West became stronger and stronger; 
Ihe great victorious October revolution in Russia first bridged over 
the chasm between the proletariat of the West and the revolutionarv 
East ; Soviet Russia became tlie connecting link between the two for- 
merly separated worlds. The necessity of conjoint proletarian 
struggle in the East and West has never before been felt so keenly ss 

Do,i,.cd by Google 


at the present moment, when the ruling classes have turned the blos- 
soming fields into a bare, wilderness and peaceful villages and cities 
into ruins; wl^en the working class liad resolved to raise the flag of 
implacable, revolutionary struggle for the power of the toiling 
masses, and for a new, free life for all mankind. 

At the present moment, when the spirit of social revolution hovers 
over all the earth and when the bourgeoisie is straining all its forces 
in order for a short time to stave off the hour of its perdition, the 
2nd World Congress of the Communist International should give 
serious attention to the East, where the fate of the world revolution 
may be decided. For whoever shall know how to go to the enslaved 
peoples of the East and make comrades of them will, in union with 
them, come victorious out of this last war of labor with capital. ' 

A favorable basis for revolution was created in Asia by the sharp 
economic crisis inevitably associated with the transition from feudal- 
ism to capitalism and the barbarous colonial policies of the great 
imperialistic powers. These policies developed clear-cut nationalist 
tendencies in the East. Admitting that the first stage of the revolu- 
tion in the East will be the victory of the liberal bourgeoisie and the 
nationalistic Intelligentsia, we should nevertheless now prepare our 
forces for the next stage, drawing from the depths of the peasant 
masses enslaved by the feudal regime organized forces for an agra- 
rian-social revolution in Asia as soon as possible. The industrial 
proletariat, if Japan is not taken into consideration, is too weak in 
Asia for us to cherish serious hopes of an early Communist revolu- 
tion ; but there is no doubt of the success of an agrarian revolution if 
we are able to grasp the immediate problems of the great bloody 
struggle, i/" 

The Russian proletariat, standing as the vanguard of the world 
social revolution, could withstand a desperate three-year onslaught 
of the bourgeoisie of the whole world, only because it knew how to 
attract the poorest and middle classes of peasantry to its side. The 
vanguard of the European and American proletariat, uniting around 
the Communist International, must fight shoulder to shoulder along 
with the many-millioned masses of the revolutionary East, if it wishes 
to gain a i^uick and complete victory over the capitalistic class. The 
impossibility of this victorv without the cooperation of " colonial " 
peoples is so clear that further proof is needless. The history of the 
II International, that perished ingloriously, showed that so long as 
the bourgeoisie of the world has a reservoir of power in colonies in 
general and in Asia in particular, it can resist the most desperate 
attacks of the insurgent proletariat. 

The Communist International, guiding the awakening East in the 
true path of revolution, will radically put an end to the opportunism 
and mdecision of the proletariat of western countries. But activities 
must be harmonized in such a manner that the European proletariat 
may hit its bourgeoisie a blow on the head at the very moment when 
the revolutionary East delivers a mortal thrust at the heart of capital, 
a'he victorious insurrection of the " colonial " people will sign the 
death warrant of all " indecision " and petty bourgeois trades- 
unionism. The rapid accomplishment of this task will hasten the day 
of triumph of the Communist International on a world-wide scale^^^ 



It is now asked what forces are propeUing the revolution in the 

East? The majority of the former nobility, liberal bourgeoisie, and 
petty bourgeois Intelligentsia, who are the intelligent strength of 
the revolution in Asia, through the experience of long years of 
struggle with their foreign enslavers, and after painful internal 
struggle of ideas, have learned that the regeneration of the East is 
impossible without the domination of the broad masses of workers^' 

The bankruptcy of the II International promoted the rapid devel- 
opment of revolutionary ideas in the East, removing every hope of 
the free existence of the native people without the triumph of the 
social revolution in Europe, Asia, and other countries. 
^Two opposingpaths are open to the nationalists of Asia : One leads 
to personal felicity, based upon the loyal sufferings and the gradual 
debasement of wide masses, while the second leads to social revolution, 
which will deprive them of material privileges to a certain extent but 
will bring freedom to the native people. \/ 

^ To our great joy, the majority of the nationalists with ideas have 
proved to be on tlie side of the revolution. \/ 

Of course, there are elements among the revolutionists themselves 
who will join us Internationalists only for the purpose of national- 
political liberation. We shall utilize their revolutionary spirit in 
/ combating world capital and for the triumph of the social revohi- 
V tion in the whole world ; but if the revolution demands it afterwards, 
J) we will know how to turn the weapons nffait^Bf thp "nHipg" f>f_yo>i- 
"X terdayjfmd-the-mrtorj undoiihte^y will be ours, as the native masses 
^of the East,"jtRr-Tibcrated from foreign political and economic bond- 
(age, will hardly be reconciled to the strong-hand tactics of new 

Such a policy — the policy of supporting the national movements 
in the colonies — is not capable of being carried out by those alleged 
Socialist governments which fear a " revolt of sentiments of patriot- 
ism " in the toiling masses, which have little class consciousness in 
those countries where the ruling classes pursue a barbarous colonial 
policy. But the Communist International has no rcMon to fear this 
" revolt," for the vanguard of the international re\'olutionary prole- 
tariat, the ranlts of which are growing every hour, fully appreciates 
its activities and completely approves its far-sighted tactics. 

So, although we are fighting together with the above-named ele- 
ments, we can not regard them as comrades with whom we might 
go to the end without danger. Without tiring for a minute, wo 
must explain to the wide masses of toilers of the East that national- 
political enfranchisement alone will not give them that for which thev 
are fighting, and that orilxj social liberation can f/ive tkem the fiifl 
guaranty of freedom. 

Ny The triumph of the first stage of the revolution in Asia will coin- 
cide with the triumph of the social revolution in the West Prole- 
tarian Europe can not be a passive spectator of the sufferings of the 
vast toiling masses of the East, groaning under the yoke of bour- 
geois democracy. The European proletariat, filled with the senti- 
ment of international solidarity, will go to their assistance, y 

Of course, we may predict beforehand that a terrible fight will 
be started in the bourgeois camp. But the western comrades, you 
may be sure, will find a cordial, fraternal reception among the pro- 
letariat and toiling peasantry of Asia, for the East was always op- 


posed to that foreign intei'vention whicli broufrht chains and slavery 
with it. The intervention of the Sociahstic proletarian West will 
be a ^eat and even necessary aid to the toiling masses of Asia in 
their struggle against all exploitation. The proletarian East is thirst- 
ing for such " intervention." 

In the Snd Congress, which mtist give the revolutionary prole- 
tariat a definite guiding plan for successfully eombating world im- 
{Krialism, of course, we will not forget the great role, of the revolu- 
tionary Kast in the international labor movement. 

And thus the toiling masses of the East, with the help of Euro- 
pean and American comrades, conquering their foreign and native 
enslavers, will transform Asia — a country of religious attainments — 
into a Communistic oasis of revolutionary attainments. 


26. Greeting to the III International from the Korean National 
Committee in Petrograd. 

[Fetrognid Pravda, latj 2S, 1620.] 

The Korean people have long suffered the heavy foreign yoke that 
was supported by imperialism. At times the bright hopes of its 
freedom seemed about to be realized ; but then foreigners came and 
brought with them the heavy yoke of imperialism. Then the best 
representatives of the Korean people elected a committee which de- 
cided to spare no effort to secure the liberation of the country. Suffer- 
ing under the ^ated yoke of Japan and of all imperialist countries, 
the Korean people, the conscious element of which we represent as a 
national committee, welcome heartily on this historic day the Con- 
gress of the III International, which is the guaranty of peaceful 
work for the welfare of the toilers of all countries and people. 

Long live the III International ! Long years to the leaders of the 
world proletarian revolution. Representatives Lenin, Trotsky, and 
Zinoviev 1 

27. " The Communist International to the Enslaved Peoples of 
Persia, Armenia, and Turkey." 

[IzrMtta, Jnlf a. 1B20.1 

The Executive Committee of the Communist International calls 
together for the 15th of August, 1920, in Baku a eongresn of the 
■workmen and peasants of Persia, Armema, and Turkey. 

What is the Communist Intemationalf It is the organization of 
the revolutionary labor masses of Russia, Poland, Germany, France, 
England, and America, awakened by the thunder of the World War 
and threatened by hunger, who have revolted in order not to work 
for the rich, but for themselves, and not to light against their own 
suffering and poverty-stricken brothers and in order to use them for 
their own defense against the exploiters. These working masses have 
understood that their strength lies in the union of force.s and in or- 
ganization, that this is the only guaranty for their success, and thus 



last year a strong organization was established — the III Interna- 
tional. The latter in spite of all persecutions by the capitalistic gov- 
ernments became within a year the soul of all the revolutionary lalior 
masses and peasants of the whole world, who strive for freedom. 

Why does this Communist International call together at this par- 
ticular time a congress of the Persian, Armenian, and Turkish work- 
man and peasants? W hat does it offer th^mf The workmen and peas- 
ants of Europe and America who are struggling a^inst capitalism, 
apply to you Ibecause you are suffering in a similar manner under the 
yoke of world capitalism, and because you, too, are forced to figkt 
the world exploiters, because your joining the workmen and peasants 
of Europe and America will accelerate the end of the world capital- 
ism and guarantee the liberation of all workmen and peasants 
throughout the world. 

I Peasants and woi-knien of Persia! The Teheran Kajar flovem- 
Iment and its servants — the provincial Khans — have plundei-ed ami 
, exploited you for centuries. Your land was seized by the lackeys of 
■ the Teheran (Jovemment ; they are exploiting this land ; they are im- 
posing taxes on you at their discretion ; and after ha^ang brought the 
country to poverty and ruin they sold it last year to the British capi- 
talists for two million pounds sterling, so tliat the latter could fonii 
in Persia an army which will still more oppress you and imjiose on 
you still heavier taxes and duties for the Khans and the Teheran 
Government. Supporting the plundering of your coimtrj', they liave 
sold to England the rich south Persian oil wells. 

Peasants of Mesopotamia! The British have declared your coun- 
try independent, but 80,000 British troops are on,your territory 
plundering and killing you and violating your wives. 

Peasants of Anatolia! The British, Italian, and French Gov- 
ernments have kept Constantinople under the fire of their guns ; they 
have imprisoned the Sultan, have forced him to agree to the division 
of real Turkish territories, and have f^iven over the Turkish finances 
to foreign financiers in order to facilitate the plundering of Turkish 
people impoverished by six years of war. They have occupied the 
coal mines of Heracles and your ports; they are sending troops to 
your country, destroying your pastures, dictating laws strange to the 
peaceful Turkish peasant, trying to make of you their beasts of 
burden to carry every weight. A part of your Beys and Effendies 
have sold themselves to the foreign capitalists; another part call 
you to arms against the foreign invasion, not allowing you, however, 
to take the power in your hands, because they want to use the pas- 
tures and lands given by the Sultan to various parasites, cultivating 
them for their own needs. And to-morrow, when the foreign capi- 
talists come to an agreement with your oppressors over easier peace 
conditions, your present leaders will tise this in order to impose on 
you new chains, as has been done by the estate owners and former 
officials in countries safely occupied by foreign troops. 

Peasants and workmen of Armenia! For many years you have been 
the victims of foreign capitalists, who talked much about the massa- 
cres of Armenians by the Kurds, who called you to fight the Sultan, 
and who used you in various other ways for the benefit of their own 
fight against the Sultan. During the war they not only promised yon 
independence, but they also induced your teachers, merchants, and 

■ Do,l,.cdbyGoOglc 


priests to demand for themselves the land which belonged to the 
Turkish peasants, in order to stir up a death struggle between the 
Turkish and Armenian peoples, from which they would derive the 
profit, because as long as this fight between y<m continites foreign 
capitalists will extract profits out of you, threatening Turkey with 
an Armenian liot and the Armenians with Kurd pogroms. 

Peasantu of 'Syria and Arabia! The British and French hsve 
promised von indepentlence. but now their troops have occupied your 
country, dictating laws. After liberation from the Turkish yoke 
you have now become the slaves of the Paris and London CJrovem- 
ments, the whole difference being that the latter will keep a stronger 
hand on you and will phmder you bett«r. 

You yourselves understand this very well. The Pei-sian peasants 
and workmen have revolted against their treacherous Teheran (iov- 
emment. The peasants of Mesopotamia are rioting against the Brit- 
ish army of occupation, and the British press reports the losses of 
the British Army in their fight with the revolutionists near Bagdad. 

Peasants of Anatolia! You are called to join the ranks of Kemal- 
Pasha, in order to fight the foreign invasion, but at the same time we 
know that you are trying to form your own national party, your own 
peasants' party, which would be able to continue the fight in case 
the Pashas should conclude peace with the Entente robbers. 

In Syria troubles do not cease, and you Armenian peasants, whom 
the Entente, in spite of all their promises, are killing by hunger in 
order the better to keei) you in their grasp — you understand more 
and more that the hopes tor salvation through the capitalists of the 
Entente are quite absurd. Even your bourgeois government of the 
Dashnakist Party, of these lacl^eys of the Entente, is forced to apply 
to the workmen^s and peasants' government of Russia' asking for 
peace and help. Now, we see that you begin to understand your own 
needs, and wc therefore turn to you as representatives of the Euro- 
pean i)roletnriat, using our great experience in order to help you in 
your struggle for lilieration. We tell you : The time when European 
and American capitalists were able to oppress you by the force of 
their arme has passed once and forever. Everywhere in Kurope and 
AToerica the workmen are revolting with arms in their hands against 
the capitalists an^ are carrying on a hloody struggle with them. 

If we to date are still unable to defeat world capitalism, neverthe- 
less the capitalists are no longer able to dispose of their peoples' 
blood according to their wish. For two and a half years the Russian 
revolution has been fighting the whole world. French, British, and 
American capitalists have tried by all means to defeat the Russian 
workman and peasant and to make them their slaves. They did not 
succeed. The Russian workmen and peasants have defended their 
poster bravely, have formed their own army, and have defeated c 

pletely all reactionary armies supported by the Entente < 

Workmen and peasants of the /year East! If you organize your- 
selves, if you form your workmen's and peasants' power, if you take 
up arms and unite with the Russian worlanen's and peasants' army, 
you will defeat the British, French, and American capitalists, you 
will liberate yourselves from your oppressors, you will secure free- 
dom, you will he able to form a free world's republic of working 
masses, and you will use the riches of your own land in yonr own 



interests and the interests of the world's proletariat, which will be 
glad to exchange your riches against their products and will be glad 
to send you their help. About all these questions we want to talk 
with you at this Con^«ss. 

The executive committee of the Communist International, repre- 
senting the British, French, Americanj (jerman, and Italian work- 
men, will come to you to Baku, to discuss together with you the 
question of how the forces of the European proletariat can be united 
with yours for the fight against the common enemy. 

Do not spare any efforts to try and arrive in Baku in great num- 
bers on the 1st of September, You formerly went through deserts 
to the holy places; jou now go over mountains, through fore^, 
deserts, and rivers in order to meet us, and to discuss how to free 
yourselves from the chains of slavery, form a brotherly union, and 
start a new free, equal, and brotherly life. 

We turn first of all to the workmen and peasants of the Near East, 
but we shall be glad to see amongst them also delegates of the en- 
slaved masses living farther from us — the representotives of India, 
as also the representatives of the Mahomedan peoples, living in free 
imion with Soviet Bussia. 

On September 2 there should peacefully assemble in Baku for 
liberation of the Near East thousands of Turkish, Armenian, and 
Persian worionen and peasants. 

Let the Congress say to your enemies in Europe, America, and in 
our country that the times of slavery have passed, that you are rising, 
and that you will win. 

Let this Congress say to the workmen of the ^whole world that you 
are defending your rights and are joining the great revolutionary 
army, which is now fighting against all injustice and robbery. 

Let your Congress give strength and hope to millions and millions 
of enslaved throughout the world; let it give them confidence in 
their own forces and hasten the day of their final victory and 

The Executive Committee of the Communist International: 

ZiNoviBv, President. 
K. Kadbk, SecretafT/. 

For the British Socialist Party : W. McLean, Tom Wrj<CH. 

For the Factory Committees of England : Jack Tubnee. G. T. 

For the French delegation to the Communist International Con- 

For the Italian delegation to the Communist International Con- 
gress : BoMBACCi, A. GitAziAnEi. 
For the Communist Party of America; L. Fraina, A. Stok- 


For the Communist Labor Party of America : A. Bilan. 

For tfie Spanish Labor Federation : Angel Pestana. 

For the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party: N. 
BuKHAniN, V. VoHovsKY, A, Balabanova, G. Klinoes. 

For the V. T. S. P. S. (AU-Russian Central Soviet of Trade 
Unions) : A. Lozovskt, 

For the Communist Party of Poland : J. Makkhlbvbkt (Kabbkt) . 



For the Communist Party of Bulgaria and the Communist Labor 
Federation : N, Shablin. 

For the Communist Party of Austria : EEcsaLER. 

For the Communist Party of Hungary : Kakoczt, Rtjdnianskt. 

For the Communist Party of Holland : D. Wtnkoop. 


28. " The American Communist Party," by Alexander Stoklitsky. 

tlzTeatla, loly 4, ISSO] 

The Communist Party of America was organized in the city of 
Chicago in the first days of September, 1919. It was formed from 
the major portion of the Left Wing of the American Socialist Party. 
There were present 125 delegates at the constituent congress of the 
Communist Party, representing more than 50,000 workmen. The 
new party adopted the tactics and principles of the Communist In- 
ternational as the basis of its program. The formation of the Com- 
munist Party was preceded by a lengthy struggle within the ranks 
of tlie old, official, single Socialist Party — the struggle between the 
Left Communist Wing and the opportunists of the Eight, which 
unavoidably had to lead to complete rupture. Indeed, in May, 1919, 
the executive committee of the Socialist Party excluded more than 
40,000 members because of their action in protest against the partici- 
pation of the party in the congress of the Yellow International at 
Berne. The members of this group, while they still remained in the 
Socialist Party, in the process of internal struggle worked out and 
formulated the fundamental positions of the militant tactics of the 
Communists under the conditions of American actualities. 

The Communist Party of America was constructed on the prin- 
ciples of democratic centralism. All the organs of the press (the 
majority of which at the present moment are published under- 
ground) are under the immediate control of the directive bodies of 
the party. All local organizational procedures are coordinated with 
the central organization. Increased and unremitting attention is 
given to the observance of party discipline. 

Notwithstanding the fact that the Communist Party has existed 
less than one year, it already occupies an important place in the 
revolutionary movement of the country. That is shown by the in- 
creased persecution by the bourgeois authorities, not only of active 
workers, but also of the rank and file of its members, an uninter- 
rupted stream of lies and insinuations on the pages of the yellow 
press, and, most important of all, the evergrowing interest and 
sympathjy of the laboring classes. 

The Communist Party during the very first days of its existence 
noted the growth of reaction and made all necessary preparations for 
illegal work. On November 7, 1919, the anniversary of the October 
revolution, the party organized more than 100 meetings in the coun- 
try under the watchwords of " Hands off Soviet Russia ! Down with 
the Hlocknde!" The meetinss were a great success. As an answer 
to them, during the night of November 8 the Government made ' 



raids throughout the (M>untry and arrested more than 2,000 active 
revolutionists, among whom the members oi the Communist Party 
were pi-edominant. At the same time the party was declared to he 
outside the law. But that did not break up our organization; we 
immediately and in good time put in motion the apparatus of under- 
ground work at the center as well as in local organizations. The 
ensuing heavy blows of reaction only hardened with still greater 
energy our workers who were continuing the work of spreading and 
deepening the ideas of Communism. 

For the purpose of augmenting the success of propaganda, the cen- 
ter of gra^dty of paity work was sb.ifted to the plants, mills, and 
mines. For that purpose, agents of agitation were appointed wher- 
ever there were members of the party. They were guides in Com- 
munist watchwords and ideas. It was these, in spite of repression, 
who distributed inmiense numbers of Communist newspapers and 
journals, as well as leaflets, issued periodically by the central com 
mittee of the paity on questions of the struggle for the cause of 

In the field of the trade-union movement, the party fought Imtli 
within the American Federation of Labor (where that was found (« 
be possible), as well as outside of it, against the reactionary ideas 
of narrow trade-unionism, for the creation of new revolutionary f onus 
of trade-unions, foi"eign to the spirit of the trade-corpoiation aris- 
tocracy, and for trade-unions carrying on the fight for the dictator 
ship of thf proletariat. For the purpose of disseminating these ideas 
the party organizes, wherever possible, mill and factory committees 
after the manner of the English " shop-stewards," uniting their a<- 
tivities into Soviets of fartory deputies according to territory as well 
as production. The same tactics were also pursued by the party in 
relation to the so-called independent trade-unions and branches of 
workers not organized into unions. In the matter of revolutionizing 
the trade-union movement those of the " Industrial Workers of the 
World " (I. W. W.) , who strive for the dictatorship of the proletariat, 
were co-workers. But we sharply differed with them in their ap- 
praisal of the role of the Communist Party and of trade-unions in 
the political struggle. 

The Communist Party of America, recognizing the fact that the 
economic struggle of the proletariat is inseparable from the political 
struggle, obligates all local organizations to take the most active part 
in economic strikes in order to make plain to the masses their political 
meaning and significance. 

The party regards the parliamentary struggle as only one of the 
means of propaganda of the ideas of Communism, as well as a trib- 
une for agitation in favor of the seizure of authonty. It is evident 
that the Communist Party, being illegal, is unable to utilize this 
instrument of agitation, which from its pomt of view is of secondan 

At the present time the party is not in a i>osition to increase its 
publishing activities to the full extent, as the expenses of support 
and for the defense of arrested comrades have exhausted its treas- 
ury ; at the same time the illegal setting up of work involves increased 

(Signed) Aijixandeb Stoklitsky. 



29. ''America at the Turning Point" 

By .1. JiBcis. 

ri'etruBrad Pravdu. Jiily IS, 1920.] 

Official America, which took part in the World War allegedly for 
" democratic ideals," during the war itself lost even those shreSs of 
" democratism " of which it had until then boasted. Official Amer- 
ica, which proclaimed the slogan, " Down with Prussian militarism 
and imperialism — America goes to save democracy," now has become 
the most autocratic oligarchy of financial capital that has ever ex- 
isted. It could not, in fact, be otherwise. The sole aim of American 
capital was to grow rich at the expense of other countries and become 
the financial ruler of the whole world. From the beginning of the 
war it was neutral, because it seemed to think it more profitable to 
serve both belligerent sides. But the absolute blockade of Germany 
instituted by England soon turned American capital into an ally of 
the Entente. In a constant stream gold poured into the pockets of 
American financiers, industrials, and traders. The financial center 
of the entire world passed from London to New York. When tlie 
submarine campaign of Germany began to interfere with trade rela- 
tions, and even threatened to secure victory, American capital imme- 
diately ceased to be neutral and entered the war in alliance with the 

The intellectual and political leaders of American capital, in the 
sweat of their brow, tried to cover this purely material deal with the 
6g leaf of " democratic ideals." They organized an eloquent propa- 
ganda among the working class of America, promising all the bless- 
ings of heaven on earth to the workmen after the victory over Ger- 

And, it is sad to relate, the overwhelming majority of American 
workmen- comrades believed all this. With the declaration of war 
there started a period of unprecedented work, day and night; there 
was a shortage of labor and they worked overtime to exhaustion. 
Unlimited piecework developed and special premiums were given for 

With the armistice (Nov. 11, 1918) all this changed immedi- 
ately. Without war orders everything quieted down and the work- 
men of America found themselves in a much worse situation than 
before the war. AH necessary products had increased in price two- 
fold or threefold during the war, and the insignificant increase in 
wages fell far behind the increased prices on objects of prime neces- 

Further, the factories producing exclusively war orders were closed 
down. Others limited production, throwing on the street tens of 
thousands of workmen. Then followed the demobilization of 
3,000,000 soldiers, and there appeared in America again an army of 
unemployed. The capitalists wished to use this army of unemployed 
for themselves and began a campaign under the device, " Reorgani- 
zation of industry on the basis that existed before the war " ; and this 
meant reduction of wages and the increase in the exploitation of 
workmen under the threat of being thrown out on the street into the 
ai-my of unemployed to freeze and starve. 



The working class of America only now has discovered that it was 
deceived. Discontent increases eveiy day. In spite of the attempts 
of the reactionary leaders of the old trade-unions to stop the move- 
ment, a whole series of grandiose strikes was brought about. The 
strike wave spread over all America and has not yet quieted down. 

To all these workmen's movements the capitalists of America an- 
swered with cruel repression. In the struggle against the agitated 
workmen the American politicians without hesitation repealed aL 
the civil rights of which the Americans had been so proud. TheR 
is no longer freedom of speech, of press, or of meeting. The capi- 
talists are wide-awake, and know that this movement, although of 
purely economic strikes, is in fact the beginning of a class war in ' 
America. They have put down the workmen by repressions and 
are organizing energetically to combat the workmen in the future. 
Various reactionary "citizens' organizations," composed of the most 
reactionary elements of capitalist society, everywhere spring up in 
America, organized against the workmen, and particularly against 
the Communists and members of the trade-union, the " Indu^triul 
Workers of the World." The demobilized soldiers (who for the 
most part did not see the battle front) , under the direction of former 
officers (sons of various bankers and rich men) , have organized them- 
selves into " the American Legion " for the purpose of protecting 
" the Constitution and free institutions of America," This last is ac- 
complished by riotous attacks on the headquarters of Communists and i 
trade-unions and the beating up of active workmen. I 

Under extremely difficult conditions the Communists in America 
have had to reorganize themselves from half-legal and open organi- I 
zations into absolutely underground organizations. Persecution and | 
houndinc on all sides! Many have been sentenced to 5, 10, and 2l> 
years oi penal servitude; particularly many former emigrant- I 
comrades of Sussian nationalities have been arrested. In a single | 
night of January 2-3, 1920, about 4,000 comrades were arrested, . 
former emigrants, who were subjected by the immigration author- j 
ities to cross-examination and deportation from America (the ma- 
jority of these have now been freed under bonds and are under | 
political surveillance, while a number are still in prison awaiting i 
"American justice"). 

In spite of these difficulties the reorganization of the Communist 
Labor Party has been successfully completed, and the work of propa- 
ganda and agitation is being successfully conducted with great zenl- 
Having recently united with the majoritv of the members of the 
Communist Party (which had broken off), the Communist Labor 
Party is the largest and strongest Communist organization in 

Through its delegates to the 2nd Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national this party sends fraternal greetings to the proletariat of 
Soviet Kussia and welcomes it and congratulates it on the hei-oie 
fighters in the ranks of the Red army. I 

America once more has shown that only through a struggle witli | 
arms in the hand will the world proletariat free itself from the yoke 
of capitalism and from all those parasites which have attached them- 
selves to the bodv of the proletariat. 

May the 2nd Congress of the HI International unite more closely 
the Communists of the whole world. May the 2n4^Congress of the 


Til International become the General Staff of the world social revo- 

Long live Soviet Kussia! 

Long live the fighters for freedom, the Bed army ! 

Long live the III Communist International ! 

Tjong live the world social revolution ! 

Delegate to the ^nd C'ovgress of the III International 

from the Commtmist Labor Party of America. 

P. S. — Being here in Petrograd now for seven days, and talking 
with workmen, several times I have had to hear : " You workmen 
in America live very well. I myself would like to go there." 

Do not go in a hurry ^ comrades. At the present moment a whole 
million of former Bussians would like to come back to Russia; of 
every 100 Bussian workmen in America, 99 wish to return to 
Russia ; but at the present moment no one is allowed to go to Soviet 
Russia. In mass meetings they adopt unanimously the resolution: 
" Give us passports and open the frontier." In private conversation 
many Bussians constantly say: "When wiU they open the frontier! 
When will it be possible to go back? " 

And they know that you froze last winter and that you went 
hungi-y many times and that in the large cities people are half 
starved; they know that the railroad breakdown prevents transpor- 
tation, that the blockade interferes, that every effort is being made 
to support the heroic red army; but, nevertheless they wish to go 
back, nevertheless they wish to get away from all those American 

I am one of them. I lived with them, I worked with them, so I 
know them. 


30. " Hypocrisy or Inadvertence," by Alexander Stoklitsky. 

[IzyeBtJa, July 18, 1920.J 

The Socialist Party of America has made application to the Com- 
munist International that the party be accepted as a member of the 
International. It is only a year since the executive committee of that 
party expelled 40,000 o* their members who had " ventured " to de- 
mand that the party break with the Yellow II International and 
join the Communist International. The leaders of the party, Hill- 
quit and Berger, who were responsible for the expulsion of the prodi- 
gal sons, were not able to hold the party in the II International. 

The party then melted away rapidly. Almost all of the revolution- 
ary elements deserted it. In 1913 its members totaled over 113,000, 
while in September, 1919 (the date of the organization of the two 
communist parties in America), its membership was not more than 
30,000. During December, 1919, this figure was reduced by a third. 
This marked decrease in membership was due to the expulsion, with 
the assistance of the police, at the extraordinary congress of the So- 
cialist Party at Chicago, oi a part of the " left " comrades who, fol- 
lowing a conference of the left wing of the party, in June of that 

15060— 2D 10 ^ , 



year, decided to remain within the party in the naive confidence that 
they would be able to obtain control of the machinenr of the party. 

But here the "leaders" (word illegible). They have found that 
if they continue their policy the party will soon consist of only the 
executive committee and these leaders, under the pressure of the oppo- 
sition, have declared officially that they are ready to break with the 
II International, As, however, the Communist International was 
not pleasing to the leaders, Messrs. Hillquit & Co, proposed that a 
new international be founded, uniting all parties that nad left the 

11 International but had not joined the Communist International. 
In this scheme the leaders were not successful. By a referendum 

the majority of the party recorded its desire to joiu the III Inter- 
national, and the executive committee could accordingly do nothing 
else than unwillingly knock at the doors of the III International. 

The last congress in New York, however, established the fact that 
the opportunistic Socialist Party of America is incurably ill. A 
new project was proposed by a Left Minority, whose leader, Louis 
En^dahl, the editor of the Chicago Socialist, has always been hesi- 
tating and indecisive. 

Engdahl, in his project, summed up the attitude of the party oo 
the question as follows : " In order to facilitate the destruction of the 
capitalistic regime, the whole power during the period of the strug- 
gle with the old regime must be concentrated in the hands of tlie 
proletariat." This created a storm, and upon the matter being put 
to a vote the watchword " dictatorship of the proletariat " was voted 
down by a majority of 113 votes to 33. Helpless, indeed, were the 
appeals of the naive Engdahl and his followers to the revolutionary 
sentiments of the members of the Congress; their references to the 
" Communist manifesto " of Marx and Engels remained unheard. 
The position of Hillquit was as follows: ''The war is over, We 
must drop all phrases and apply sound common sense to the situa- 
tion. The time for constructive work has come. We can not con- 
vince the laborers with Marxistic phrases ; these can only be used in 
classical works. These theories are wrong and are only to be used 
if you wish to destroy everything which is now in existence and to 
build everything anew," 

Still more characteristic of the party that now has the impudence 
to aspire to a place in the III International are the words of its 
second leader, the not unknown Victor Berger, 

" I do not believe in dictatorship," says this man, who also desires 
to slip into the III International, " the dictatorship of Palmer, Bur- 
leson, and Wilson are enough for me. I do not believe at all in the 
dictatorship of the mob. This dictatorship has brought me 20 years 
of penal servitude and has resulted in my removal from Congress. 
I am for democracy." (There was a misunderstanding with resped 
to Berger, Under the espionage act" this absolutely loyal citizea 
was condemned in January, 1919, to 20 years of penal servitude and 
was excluded from Congress. One did not recognize one's own 
kin ! The se cit ations have been taken from the official organ of Ow 
American SMMB Party, the New York Call, No. 133, of Miv 

12 of this year.) VSociaUit 

The overwhelming majority of the Congress enthusiastically ap- 
plaudpfl Hillquit and Berger. 

' Do,l,.cdbyGoOglc 


Why does the Americau Socialist I'arty, which has discredited 
itself before the revolutionary proletariat of the entire world, en^ 
deavor to enter the Communist International? Either it is due to 
inadvertence or else the party is endeavoring to save its lost 

Presumably the latter is true. But no matter which it is, there is 
no place in the International of revolutionary action for this petty- 
bourgeois party. 

31. "The 2nd Congress." 

By John Reed, Bh-an, and Jdrqis. 

im Bngliah, Krasaaja Gaseta, Jul; 19. 1920.) 

■Fro?] the American Communist Labor Party : 

The American workers organized in ranks of the Ameri('an Com- 
munist Labor Party send their greetings to the heroic and self- 
sacrificing proletarians of Soviet Russia. The dying and disinte- 
grating rulmg class the world over has again and again attempted 
to overwhelm you by direct and indirect attacks, by counter-revolu- 
tionary uprisings, and invasions. 

But you have triumphed over them all. The darker the night the 
brighter the stars, so in the present world of dark reaction, like a 
lighthouse to the storm-tossed mariners, the deeds of the Russian 
proletariat show the way to the oppressed of the world. 

All power to the Soviets! To Communism through the Dictator- 
ship of the Proletariat ! 

Present conditions in America prove once more that there is not 
and can not be such a thing as" democracy " in a classrruled society. 
It is and can be only one of the two : The dictatorship of the bour- 
geoisie or the dictatorship of the proletariat — the iron rule of a 
handful of multimillionaires, or the iron rule of the millions of the 
working class. 

"Free " America, the America of " democratic traditions," is no 
more. As long as the ruling class of America could exploit the 
workers by lulling them to sleep with nice phrases about "freedom," 
"democracy," and " equality," America possessed the much-boasted 
bourgeois democracy, with its freedom of speech, press, and assem- 
bly. The World War enriched the American capitalist and en- 
abled the American imperialists to get a strangle hold on the capi- 
talist world. 

The conditions of working existence did not improve in propor- 
tion to the fabulous enrichment of the capitalists. On the contrary, 
the living conditions of the workers became worse. The cost of living 
has increased by leaps and bounds, employment has become more 
and more uncertain, and the slight rise in wages does not counter- 
balance the all-around rising prices of the necessities of life. Even 
the most backward and dull-witted American rt'orker sees that some- 
thing is wrong, and dissatisfaction is universal. 

The epidemic of purely economic strikes that broke out imme- 
diately after the armistice was met with ruthless suppression by 
the Government and the hirelings of the capitalist class. As for the 

h, Google 


class-conscious workers, who challenged the right of the capitalist 
class to rule, the mouthpiece of American financial capital coined a 
phrase : "S. O. S." — ship or shoot ! Deport them, ship them to 
Europe if they are immigrants, and shoot them if they are Ameri- 
cans I No one but " 100 per cent Americans " are to be tolerated, and 
a "lOO per center" is a man who is "proud of the capitalist system of 
America." (Metropolitan Magazine.) 

AH freedom of speech, press, and assembly has been done awav 
with ; all revolutionary organizations have been driven undergroimd, 
and active revolutionary propagandists and agitators, when caught, 
are sentenced to 10, 20, and 25 years in prison. With the creatioD 
in America of a real revolutionary working-class movement, the 
so-called bourgeois democracy, with all its freedom, has disap- 
peared forever and the dictatorship of the capitalist class now rules 
supreme — a dictatorship which will defend the exploitation of tbc 
masses by a handful of parasites, with all means and at all costs. 

The class-conscious workers of America more and more turn toward 
you, fellow workers of Soviet Russia. Your example is to them h 
lesson in the i-evoliitionary struggle, for which American bourgeoii 
democracy and the working class of America are both organizing 
and preparing. The revolutionary American workers expect from the 
2nd Congi'ess of the Communist International a confirmation of 
Communist principles, clarified by the experiences of the past year. 
They expect the announcement of a coordinated clearly defined gen- 
eral policy which shall guide the actions of every party afliliated to 
the Communist International, and a clear answer to the most press- 
ing tactical questions. 

They expect that the 2nd Congrses of the Communist International 
will establish the general staff of the world revolution. 

Long live Soviet Hussia ! - — 

Long live the Dictatorship of the Proletariat! 

Long live the TIT International! 

Delegntea of the ('otnmvTust Labor Party of America. 

32. " Long Live the Solid Battle Front." 

IMoacoff Pravda. July 20, 1»20.| 

Alarming riimhlings— subterranean pumps. And suddenly an ex- 
plosion ! The sleeping forces awoke in the volcano of Russia, the 
tongues of flame mounted to the sky, the glowing lava poured over 
the face of the earth. It was not within human power to stop the 
fiery stream ; another hour and all the Old World will change into a 
burning sea! 

Even the ocean can not stay the flames of the world revolution. 
The sparks flying over to Americsi will accomplish their purpose. In- 
furiated capital in America will not stamp them out with its iron 



heel. Thousands of fearless fighters languish in prisons. But the 
heroic struggle of the Russian proletariat has fire<l the hearts of the 
workmen of America and awakened their militant spirit. The hour 
is already near when the workman of America will break his chains 
in open battle. 

It is .hardly a year since the founding of the Communist Inter- 
national. But there is now no country where its militant watchwords 
have not penetrated. There is no country in w^hich the workmen 
hare not bestirred themselves in response to the militant call. In- 
spired by a profound faith in the triumph of Commnnism, the prole- 
tarians of the whole world are forming themselves into shock troops. 
The measured tread of their close-joined ranks is already heard every- 
where. In all places and in all tongues of the world resounds the 
mighty hymn of the International. 

Who, then, commands this great army of toil — the only one on 
earth? From whence do the vanguards of the workmen await the 
orders to battle? 

The name of the supreme commander is Tht f'om-munisi Inierna- 
tional, and the headquarters of the commander is Red Moscow- 
Delegates have come to Russia from all the ends of the earth and from 
all Communist Parties. The barbed-wire blockade could not stop 
them. The Black International of the imperialistic powei-s was un- 
able to break the living bonds of the world proletariat. 

Here in Russia a review is held of the fighting forces of the Com- 
munist International. Here is being perfected the organization of 
this world-revoiutionary army of toil. 

The 2nd Congress of the Communist Inteinational will adopt one 
single line of militant tactics, point out the pathway of attack, and 
thereon will lead forward the workmen of the world. 

The 2nd Congress will unite all the militant lanks scattered over 
the world and summon them all to a revolutionary discipline that 
will be a pledge of victory. 

And now, not in words out in deeds, there must be formed a solid 
world-front of the revolutionary proletariat. And there is no power 
that can break it. 

Under its assaults world imperialism will crumble away ! 

Under its blows all the old world will fly into dust I 

Alexander SxoKLrrsKT, 
Delegate of the Communist Party of America. 

33. " The Communist International and the Period of Proletarian 

By L. Fraisa. 

The dietatoi-ship of the proletariat is the most fundamental char- \ 
acteristic form of the proletarian revolution ; therefore, the latter in i 
its development will unavoidably assume the form of the dictator- 
ship of the proletariat. 



World imperialism destroyed all illusions about freedom and de- 
mocracy. The " democratic " nature of the dictatorship of the bour- 
geoisie was displayed in full measure in many unprecedented restric- 
r tions and bloody encounters. " My " country, America, formerly the 
most progressive country in the world, has now become the most re- 
actionary; the impending American revolution will be more cruel 
V_and severe than the revolutions in Russia and Germany. 

At the same time the dictatorship of the proletariat (in Kussia, 
Bavaria, and Hungary) destroyed the illusion that democracy, par- 
i-Kamentarism, compromise, and other peaceful processes promote the 
1 actualization of Socialism. Only through merciless stni^ le, and 
civil and economic wa r, as well as by the political expropria tion of 
1 capitalism, can the "workmen seize authority for themselves and for 
\^ir mankind. 

In this revolutionary struggle class must be set against class, au- 
thority against authority, and the liberating dictatorship of the 
revolutionary proletariat against the dictatorship of reactionary 

'"There are two periods in the epoch of the proletarian dictatoi- 
' ship — one, when the laboring class strives to clinch authority for 
itself, and the other period when it merely tries to take possession of 

~ The mere fact of the existence of a proletarian dictatorship has 
tremendous significance for the world proletariat, because it forces 
it to unite amicably for the support and defense of the former. But 
not less important is also the tremendous activity in the domain of 
economic regeneration jn cities as well as in the rural districts. The 
workmen employed at the bench or in the field are in the front ranks 
of opposition to world imperialism, like soldiers at the front. The 
growi ng econ. "Tiii^; ppw<tr nf Riissiji \ s a vital factor in the tactics of 
tl ( p. "ffru- Id r (^ volut i o n . _ _ _• 

The openmg up of the infinitely rich natural resources of Sussia 
will make it a country of mighty economic strength, a powerful rival 
of the imperialistic powers. This economic power of Kussia, put in 
motion, will give mighty aid to the complete crushing of imperialism 
throughout the worm. 

The activities of the proletarian dictatorship in the process of as- 
suming authority have as yet consisted only in fomenting revolution- 
ary strikes and the revolutionary ferment, and in orgamzing the de- 
fense of already existing Soviet republics. This presupposes the 
bringing of the development of energy and of the moral and physical 
forces of the proletariat to the highest degree of tension. 

Although these two periods of the proletarian revolution also differ 
in the form of their activities, they are actually one, as the one is 
dependent upon the other, and each of these periods expresses only a 
definite stage of development of world revolution. The Communist 
International has as its highest exponent of this unity the executive 
committee, which is also the general staff of the international civil 
war against capitalism, giving directions and serving as a gutdin|r 
^authority for the world revolution. 

The old Sociahst International was dismembered by the assembly 
' of national organizations for class conciliation. The Communist 
< International is the centralized, disciplined unification of revohi- 
j tionary forces for class war. The former recognizes the principle of 


" democracy " and parliamentarism, increasing the subjection of the 
laboring class. The latter recognizes the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat and the Soviet authority which guarantee the complete libera- 
tion of the laboring class. The proletarian revolution, being world- 
wide, also demands world tactics, which the III International car- 
ries out, securing the unity of the struggle on a world-wide scale, and 
discounting the various conditions and demands of world circum- 
stances. This is our answer and challenge to the black international 
of imperialism. 

Soviet Russia, as the first labor republic, inspires and gives a 
mighty impulse to the Communist International. As standardbearer 
of the world revolution, the III International serves as a plec^e of i 
the victory of Soviet Russia when it will expand into a world fedei;- I 
ated Soviet Republic. / 

L. Fraina, 
Secretary of the Cormwumht Party of America. 

34. Speech by John Reed at 2nd Congress of Communist Inter- 
national on Negro Question. 

[Moscow Priivda, Aug. S, 1920.) 

At the present time there are about 10,000,000 negroes living in the 
United States; most of them are in the Southern States, but during 
the last few years many thousands of negroes have moved North. 
As a general rule the northern negro is an industrial laborer, while in 
the South they are generally farm laborers or small farmers. The 
position of the negroes in the United States, especially in the South- 
ern States, is terrible. They are accorded no political rights what- 
ever, although the sixteenth amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States confers upon the negroes full rights of citizenship. 
Nevertheless the majority of the Southern States deprive the negroes 
of these rights and in other States where they legally have the right 
to vote they are killed if they dare to exercise this right. 

In the United States negroes are not permitted to travel in a car 
containing white people nor are they permitted to visit hotels and 
restaurants frequented by the whites nor to live in the same part of 
towns. Separate schools of an inferior character exist for negroes 
and separate churches are maintained. This separation of the negro 
from the white is called the " Jim Crow " system, and the clergy of 
southern churches teach that there is also a heaven in which the Jim 
Crow " system is in operation. In industrial undertakings negroes 
are generally used as unskilled laborers and until recently they were 
not admitted to membership in the majority of unions which com- 
prise what is known as the American Federation of Labor. The In- 
ternational of the Revolutionary Youth of course worked to organize 
the negroes. The old Socialist Party has never seriously endeavored 
to organize the negroes, and, in fact, in several States negroes were 
not admitted to the party, while in other States they formed separate 
and distinct sections. In party organizations throughout the South- 
em States the expenditure of funds for electioneering among the 
negroes is generally prohibited. 



In tlie South the negro has no legal rights and does not enjoy the 
protection of the law. The white is permitted to kill the negro with- 
out fear of punishment. A famous institution created by the whites 
in the South is what is known as " lynching." This is done as fol- 
lows : The negro is dipped in oil ana then strung up to the nearest 
telegraph or telephone pole while the whole population of the town — 
men, women, and children — run to see the show and to take home as 
souvenirs parts of the tortured negro's clothes and skin. 

1 have not suificient time to explain the status of the negro ques- 
tion in the United States from a historical standpoint. The negroes 
are the descendants of a slave population, the liberation of which was 
effected only as a military necessity at the time of the Civil War, 
when they were still entirely undeveloped from an economic and 
political standpoint. They were granted full political rights solely 
with the intentions of creating a desperate class struggle and with a 
view to hindering the development of southern capital and thus 
enable the North to obtain control of all the lesources of the country. 

Until comparatively recently the negi-oes gave no indication of any 
aggressive class tendencies. A change in this regard was first 
noticed after the Spanish-American War, during which the black 
regiments fought with great bravery and from which they returned 
with the feeling that they were human beings and the equals of the 
white soldiers. Up to that time there had been no movement or 
advance among the negiY)es, with the exception of a semiphilan- 
thropic educational institution headed by Booker T. Washington 
and supported by white capitalists. This movement resulted in the 
organization of a few schools where the negroes were taught to l>e 
good servants and laborers and to be satisfied with the lot and destiny 
of an inferior people. During the Spanish War a new feeling arose 
among the negroes, which found expression in a demand for social 
and political equality as regards the whites. The American Army 
which was sent to France during the European War included half ft 
million of negroes, and these, when serving in the same units or 
organizations with French soldiers, observed that they were being 
treated in social and other matters as full equals. The American 
General Staff then applied to the French High Command with a 
request that the negroes be excluded fi-om all places visited or fre- 
quented by white people and made a request that the negro be treated 
as an inferior being. After having served throughout the war these 
negro soldiers, many of whom received decorations for bravery from 
the French and Belgian Governments, returned to their homes and 
villages, where many were lynched solely because they dared to wear 
their uniforms and decorations in public. 

At the same time indications appeared of a strong feeling and 
movement among the negroes who had remained at home. Thou- 
sands of them moved to the Northern States, where they were em- 
ployed in war industries and where they came into touch with the 
strong labor movement. Their lot, however, was unhappy, as the 
increase of wages could not keep pace with the tremendous increase 
in the price of all articles of absolute necessity. In addition, the 
negroes were much more affected by the terrific strain of working in 
these factories at high tension than were the white laborers who 
through many years of experience had become accustomed to this ter- 
rible exploitation. 

Do,i,.cd by Google 


A little later the negroes went on a strike together with the wliite 
laborers and they soon united with the industrial proletariat, as they 
j)roved to be very susceptible to revolutionary propaganda. At this 
time the magazine — The Messenger — was founcfed, edited by a young 
negro Socialist — Handolph. lie combined socialistic propaganda 
with an appeal to the race consciousness of the negroes and urged 
them to organize for self-defense against the brutal attacks of the 
whites. But at the same time he insisted upon the closest atGliation 
with the white laborers despite the fact that these white laborers had 
sometimes participated in negro pogroms, pointing out that the con- 
flict between these two races is supported by capitalists for their own 
selfish purposes. 

The return from the front of the American Army brought 
4,000,000 of white laborers to the labor market. This resulted in a 
lack of work and an evidence of impatience on the part of the de- 
mobilized soldiers who threatened the employers to such a degree and 
extent that the employers were compelled to direct this general dis- 
satisfaction along another line, which they did by informi^ the sol- 
diers that their places had been given to negro workers. Iney thus 
provoked the white laborers into starting a massacre of the negroes. 
The first struggle took place in the National Capital at Washington, 
where petty government officials after their return from the war 
found their places occupied by negroes. The majority of these offi- 
cials were from the South, Tliey organized a night attack on the 
negroes of the city in order to intimidate them and induce them to 
vacate their positions. To the great surprise of all, however, the 
negroes appeared on the streets fully armed and they fought with 
such bravery that for each negro killed three wliites were killed. A 
few months later a similar riot broke out in Chicago which lasted for 
several days and resulted in many people being killed on both side^ 
A third massacre took place in Omaha. In these fights, for the first 
time in history, the negroes were fully armed, splendidly organized, 
and gave no evidence of any fear of the whites. The belated inter- 
ference of the Government and the admittance of negro laborers to 
the trade-unions of the American Federation of Labor resulted from 
the resistance offered by the negroes in these clashes. 

Race coniiciousness has steadily increased among the negroes, a 
certain section of whom are now carrying on a propaganda in favor 
of an armed revolt against the whites. Returned negro soldiers have 
everywhere organized unions for self-defense against lynchings car- 
i-ied on by the whites. The circulation of the Messenger has steadily 
increased until at the present time its monthly issue approximates 
150,000 copies. And along with all this, socialistic ideas are rapidly 
developing among the blacks employed in industrial establishments. 

As an oppressed and downtrodden people, the negro offers to us a 
double or twofold opportunity : First, a strong race and social move- 
ment ; second, a strong proletarian labor movement. The negro does 
not demand national independence. Every movement which has thus 
far been carried on among them with the aim of establishing a separate 
national existence — for example, the " Back to Africa " movement — 
iins met with little, if any, success. They consider themselves first 
of all Americans and feel entirely at home in the United States. 
This facilitates to a very great extent the task of Communists. 



The only proper policy for the American Communists to foUow is 
to consider the negro first of kII as a laborer. Farm laborers and 
small farmers of tne South present a problem analogous to that of 
the white rural proletariatj although the negroes are very backward. 
Among the negro industrial worfeers in the Northern States com- 
munistic propaganda can easily be spread. In both the northern 
and southern parts of the country the one aim must be to unite the 
negro and the white laborer in common labor unions ; this is the best 
and the quickest way to destroy the race prejudice and to develop 
class solidarity. 

"^ The Communists must not, however, stand aloof from the negro 
movement for social and political equality, which is developing so 
rapidly at the present time among tne negro masses. Communists 
must avail themselves of this movement in order to prove the empti- 
ness of bourgeois equality and the necessity for a social revolution not 
only to liberate all laborers from slavery but also as being the only 
' effective means of liberating the oppressed negro people. 

35. Speech by Louis Fraina at 2nd Congress of Communist Inter- 
national on Foreign Workmen in America. 

(Moscow Pravda, Aug. S, 19S0.] 

I The orator who preceded me told you about the negroes and their 
loppression in the United States. But we have two more oppressed 
[peoples — the foreignJahorer and the c olonial inhabitan t. The severe 
suppression of strikes and of the revolutionary movement in the 
United States is not a result of the war, iJut is rather mprftl y nn in - 
cr ease or development nf_f.hp frurner nttif ude toward the unor ^ ran ized 
\, Unskilled laborer. Strides of these laborers are brutally suppressed. 
'^-'Why? Because these unorganized and unskilled laborers are in a 
( great majority of cases foreigners, amounting, in fact, to about 60 per 
I cent of the industrial proletariat. The foreign laborer in the United 
V States is, in fact, in a position similar to that of the colonial. 
— After the Civil War (1861-1866) capitalism developed very rap- 
idly in the United States and the rich western districts of the coun- 
try were opened for capitalistic exploitation after the construction 
of the transcontinental railways. Capital was brought into this west- 
em district from the Eastern States and from Europe, while the im- 
migrants were human raw material and were " developed " in the 
same manner as are the people who inhabit a colonial dependency. 
The horrors under which colonial people are suffering are m no way 
worse than those with which the foreign laborer in the United States 
is familiar. For example, in 1912 a strike occurred at Ludlow, and 
the laborers were forcibly ejected from their homes by soldiers and 
were compelled to live in tents. And when the men were engaged in 
a struggle against the soldiers, which took place several miles from 
these tents, another group of soldiers surrounded the tents and set 
fire to them, as a result of which several hundreds of women and 
children were burned. Under conditions such as these the class fight 
in the United States takes, in part, the form of a race fight. And 
just as the revolt of the negroes was the beginning not of a pro- 
letarian, but of a bourgeois revolution, so the same can take place 



in the event of a revolt of foreign laborers. Our great task is to 
unite them with the American laoorers in order thus to bring about 
a single revolutionary movement. 

All of Latin Amenca must be considered as a colonj' of the United 
States, and not only actual colonies like the Philippine Islands and 
others. All of Central America is under the control of American 
armed forces. This occupation exists also in Mexico and South 
America, where it is managed or carried out by two different 
means: First, by financial and economic influence, which has in- 
creased enormously following the expropriation of all German 
establishments in these countries; second, by the employment of 
the Monroe doctrine, which was originally intended to defend 
Americans from monarchistic reaction but which later on was turned 
into a weapon for the establishment of the supremacy of American 
imperialism in Latin America. Latin America now serves as the 
colonial base for the imperialism of the United States. While eco- 
nomic conditions throu^out the entire world are rapidly growing 
worse, the imperialism of the United States is continually growing 
stronger through the exploitation of Latin America. It is necessary 
for us to fight this imperialism and to develop the revolutionary 
movement in Latin America, just as it is necessary for us to fight 
British imperialian by supporting the revolutionary movement in 
its colonies. 

Up to the present time but little attention has been paid by the 
labor movement in the United States to the labor movement in Latin 
America, and the movement from the ideological viewpoint has been 
under the influence of Spain and not of tne United States. The 
movement must be freed from this influence with its syndicalist prej- 
udices. The American Federation of Labor and the reactionary 
Socialist Party tir to institute Pan American organizations, but 
these last can not be made to serve revolutionary aims. The Com- 
munist movement in the United States in particular, and the Com- 
munist International in general, must intervene actively in the move- 
ment in Latin America. This movement and the movement in the 
United States must be regarded as a single whole. Our strategy and 
tactics must be in accordance with a plan for an American revolu- 
tion throughout all of America. The main task of the Communist 
International, the realization of which would guarantee victory of 
the world revolution, is the destruction of imperialism in the United 
States; and this destruction is only possible as the result of a gigantic 
revolutionary movement throughout all of America, each separate 
unit of which must be subordinated to the coordinated plans of the 
American revolution. I 






[Commiuiist TatematlDDBl, July 16, 1920.1 

From the theses of N. Lenin on the fundamental tasks of the 
2nd Congress of the Communist International ; 

The present moment In the development of tlie interoatlonal Communist 
inovement Is tharacterlzed by the fact that In the overwhelming majority of 
PapltallBtlc coimtrles the preparation of the proletariat for its realization of 
dictatorship has not been completed, and very often has not been even sys- 
tematically started. From this ft does not follow tliat the proletarian revo- 
lution ts Impossible in the Imm<^late future; it is quite possible, because the 
whole economic and political setting !s exceptionally rich In inflammable mate- 
rial and In reasons for an uuespected flaring up of revolution ; also there is at 
Land another condition for revolution. In addition to the preparedness of the 
proletariat, namely, the general state of crises in all dominant and bourgeois 
parties. From what has been said, however, It follows that the tasfc of the 
moment for Conimimlst parties Is not to hasten the revolution but to increase 
the preparedness of the proletariat. On the other hand, the instances noted 
above from the history of many Socialist parties forces us to insist that " rec- 
ognition " of the dictatorship of the proletariat should not be allowed to remain 
merely recognition in words. 

Therefore the main task at the present moment of the Communist parties, 
from the point of view of the International proletarian movement, is to bring 
together the scattered Communist forces, to organize in each country a united 
Communist party (or strengthen and renew the eststing party). In order to 
Increase tenfold the work of preparing the proletariat for the conquest of 
state power, and for the conquest of power precisely In the fonn of a dictator- 
ship of the proletariat. The usual Socialist work of groups and parties that 
recognize the dictatorship of the proletariat has not to date been adequately 
subjected to the radical changes and i-enovations which are necessary if such 
work is to be recognized as communistic and in conformity with the tasks 
.mposed by Imminence of the proletarian dictatorship. 

The conquest of political power by the proletariat does not bring about the 
cessation of class straggle against the boui^eoisie, but, on the contrary, makes 
Ibis slraffile especially wide, sharp, and pitiless. All groups, parties, and 
workers in tlie labor movement who have taken the point of view of reformism 
and of the "Center," in whole or iu part, and inevitably as a result of the 
extreme acuteness of the struggle, either take the side of the bourgeoisie or 
join the hesitating ones, or (what is most dangerous) become the hopeless 
friends of the victorious proletariat. Therefore preparation for the dictator- 
ship of the proletariat requires not only a sharper struggle against reformist 
tendencies but also a change In the character of this struggle. The stru^le 
can not be limited to attempts to make clear the mistaken character of these 
reformist tendencies ; the stru^le should unmask pitilessly every worker 
within the labor movement who shows these tendencies. Because otherwise 




the proletariat can not recognize In whose company It U going Into this 
decisive struggle against the bourgeoisie. This struggle is of sut^h a character 
that at any moment one may replace, and one does replace, as esperienee lias 
already shown, the weapon of criticism hy criticism as to the weapon. Any 
hesitation or weakness in unmasking those who reveal themselves as reform- 
ists or members of the " Center " will Increase directly the danger to the 
authority of the proletariat coming from the bourgeoisie, for the latter will use 
to-morrow for counter-revolution what to-day seem to the blind only " theoretical 
differences of opinion." 

For example, one can not liniit oneself fai the u£unl denial Id principle of any 
cooperation between proletariat and bourgeijifil*', of the " Idea of collaboration." 
The simple defense of " freedom " and " equality," so long as private o«TierBliip 
of the means of production continues, becomes under the conditions of dictator- 
ship of the proletariat, which can not immediately destroy private property 
entirely, actual " cooperation " with the boui'geolsle, which cooperation directly 
undermines the power of the working class. -The dictatorship of the proletariat 
means political strenRthenlng and defense, with all the apparatus of state powers, 
" nonfreedom " of the exploiter to continue Ills worlt of oppression and exploita- 
tion and " nonequallty " of the property owner (that is, the one who takes for 
himself personally certain means of production that have been created by social 
labor) with the nonpropertled, Wlmt I>efore the victory of the proletariat 
appears theoretically as merely a difference of opinion on the question of " deuioe- 
racy," after Oie proletarian vicR>ry iiecomcs inevitably a question to be decided 
by force of arms. Consequently the preliminary preparation of the masses for 
the realization of the dlctator^ip of the proletariat Is Impossible without a wide 
and radical change in the whole character of the struggle against "Centrists" 
and the " defenders of democracy." 

The dictatorship of the proletariat Is the most decisive and revolutionary 
form of the class struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. This 
struggle can succeed only when the most revolutlooary vanguard of the prole- 
tariat carries with It the overwlielmlng majority of the latter. The preparation 
of the dictatorship of the proletariat therefore demands the showing up not 
only of the bourgeois character of all reform movements and of any defense of 
democracy so long as private property In the means of production is retained; 
not only the showing up of the manifestations of such tendencies which amount 
In fact to the building up of a def«ise of the boui^eolsle within the labor rnovi^ 
ment ; It demands also Uie replacement of the old leaders by Communists In all 
forms of proletarian organizations, not only political but also Industrial, cooi>erii- 
tive, and educational. Tile longei- and more permanent the rule of bourgeois 
democracy In any given country, the more successful have been the efforts of tlie 
bourgeoisie to place In such positions tlie leaders whom It has educated ami 
brought up on Its own prejudices, or, as often happens, whom it has dlrectl)' ur 
Indirectly bribed. It is necessary to drive out from all these positions thosf 
representatives of the labor aristocracy, and also, and with even greater 
daring, those workmen that have liecome bourgeois, and replace such even by tlif 
most Inexiierlenced workmen, so long as the latter are In touch with the ei:- 
plolted masses and enjoy the latter's confidence In the struggle against exploiters. 
The dictatorship of the proletariat admits the appointment of such workmen whu 
have not had experience to the most responsible govenimental positions, fi>r 
otherwise the autiiorlty of the workmen's government would be powerless, and 
the latter would not be supported by the masses. 

The dictatorship of the proletariat is the must i-omplctc reiillKutlon of ibv 
leadership of all toilers and exploited who have been oppressed, frightened, 
scattert^, and deceived by the class of capitalists, on the jmrt of u Kingle clnus 
which has Ijeen prepared for such a leading rOit- by the whole history of capi- 
talism. Therefore the preparation of the dictatorship of the prolelnrlut must 
be begun everywhere and immediately by mean.s of the following, among other 
metliods: In all, without exception, organizations, unions, and associatioiia first 
of all of proletarians and then of nonpi'oletarlan, tolling, and exploited massos 
(political, trade-unions, military, cooperatii'P, eilucatloiial, athletic, etc.), tUiTe 
must be created small groups of Communists. These last should i>e preferably 
public, but also secret, the latter obligatory whenever one can anticipate Itn' 
closing down of the former or the arrest or eslle of their members by the hour- 
geolse. Further, these groups, closely connected up among themselves and with 
the central bodies of the party, interchanging experiences, carrying out the 
work of agitation, propaganda, and organization, applying themselves to abso- 



lutely all flelds of public life and to al)solutely all aHpe<.-ts iiud suhUivlBious of 
the tolling masa, must systemutioilly educate tbemaelves and alsD the party, the 
ijlasa, and the masses by such eomprehenalve activity. 

In this coiiDectloD It la most Important to work out in a practical manner the 
necessarily dlllerent kinds of ntetbods of such work— on the oue hand the atti- 
tude toward the '.' leaders " or " responslhle representatives," which latter have 
been frequently hopelessly demoralized by petty bourgeois and imperialistic 
prejudices. These " leaders " must be pitilessly shown up and driven out from 
the labor movement. On the other hand, with relation to the masses, which 
particularly since the imperialistic war liave been Inclined generally to listen 
to and accept the teaching of the need of the leaderablp of the proletariat as the 
only way out of their capitalist slaveryT— with respect to tlie masses one must 
learn to be particularly patient and careful, in order to be able to understand 
the peculiarities, special traits, and psychology of each gronp, profes.sion, etc., 
of this mass. 

In particular, one of the groups of Communists deserves the particular atten- 
tion and solicitude of the party, namely, the parliamentary fraction; that is, 
the ^oup of members of the party who are members of a bourgeois Institution 
(of a general national institution and also local and municipal bodies). On 
the one hand It Is this tribune that has an especially important significance in 
the eyes of the broadest groups of the backward tolling mass, which have been 
imbued with petty bourgeole prejudices. Therefore, Communists must carry on 
the work of propaganda, agitation, and organization from this particular tribune, 
explaining to the masses why the dispersal of the bourgeois parliament in Rua- 
sin by the National Congress of Soviets was legitimate (and will be legitimate 
at the proper moment in any other country). On the other hand, the entire 
bistory of bourgeois democracy has made the parliamentary tribuue. especially 
in progressive countries, the main, or one of the main centers of unprecedented 
rascalities, financial and political deceptions of the people, careerisni, hypocrisy, 
anti the oppression of the tollers. Therefore, ardent hate for parliaments on| 
the part of the best representatives of the revolutionary proletariat is absolutely 
legitimate. Therefore, on the part of Communist parties and of all parties adher- 
ing to the III International, particularly in the Instances where these parties 
have grown up not as a result of a break with the old parties and of a long amf 
stubborn struggle with the tatter, but as the result of the passing of old parties 
(frequently merely nominal) to a new portion, it is necessary to take an excep- 
tionally strict attitude toward the parliamentary fractions. They must be sub- 
jected absolutely to the control end orders of the central committee of the party ; 
they must include primarily revolutlonarj- workmen; a careful analysis must 
be made In the party press and at party congresses of the speeches of the parlia- 
mentary members from the point of view of their Communist content ; the depu- 
ties must be assigned to agitation work among the masses ; and those who show 
tendencies toward the II International must be excluded from those fractions. 

One of the main causes retarding the revolutionary labor movement in 
various capitalistic countries Is the fact that capital, thanks to colonial pos- 
sessions and to the surplus-proflts of Bnancia) capital, baa been successful in 
singling out a compai'atlvely wide and important group of a small minority of 
the workmen's aristocracy. The latter enjoys the best conditions of wages 
and has been Imbued with the spirit of caste, and with iietty bourgeois nnd 
Imperialist prejudices. This group i-epresents the real social "support" of the 
II International, and of reforniists and "Centrists." At the present moment 
this group is probably the main social support of the bourgeoisie. No prepara- 
tion, even preliminary, of the proletariat for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie 
la possible without the Immediate, systmatic, extensive, and open struggle 
against this group, which undoubtedly — as has been clearly shown already by 
experience — will furnish large elements for the bourgeois white-guard after 
the victory of the proletariat. All parties that adhere to the III International 
must at any cost carry out the slogan ; " Deeper Into the masses and n closer 
bond with the mas-ses " — understanding ns mns.'Jes any group of tollers and 
exploited, particularly the least organized and educated, and most exploited, 
and least touched by organlaation. 

The proletariat wHI become revolutionary only Insofar as It does not inclose 
Itself In the narrow framework of a guild, but comes forward in all mani- 
festations and on all occasions of public life as the leader of all tolling and 
exploited masses. The realization of the proletarian dictatorship is impossihle 
unless the proletariat Is ready for, and capable of, the greatest sactlflces In 
onler to triumph over the borgeoisie. In this connection, the experience of 


Russia has enormona ^ignlSctince, both Id principle and In practice, because 
here in ItuHsia the proletariat would not have been abie to realize its dictator- 
ship, would not have been able to win for itself general respect, and the con- 
fidence of all tuitlDg masses, had It not suffered Itself the greatest sacrfflce^ 
had It not hungered more than alt the other groups, and this during the yaj 
difficult moments of attack, war, and blockade from the world bourgeoisie. 

In principle tlie widest and most complete support of the Communist Pattj 
bj the entire forward-looking proletariat Is especially necessary with retqied 
to the wide, elemental, mass strike movement, which latter alone Is able, nndei 
the yoke of capital, genuinely to aronse, stir up. enlighten, and organlzt> the 
masses, and Inspire in them complete confldence In tlie leading rAle of tbe 
revolntlonai-y proletariat. Without such preparation no dictatorship o( the 
proletariat Ik possible. Persons capable of coming out publicly against strlkca, 
like Kautsky in Germany and Turati in Italy, can not be allowed to remain In 
the ranks of parties adhering to the III International. This, of course, Hppll<» 
even more to those trade-unionists and parliamentary leaders who freqnently 
betray the workmen by drawing the lesson of reformism and not of revolution 
from the experience of strikes (for example in England and In France In 
recent years), 

For all countries, even for those that are the most five, ■' leRul." and " peniv- 
ful " in the sense of the least shari)ening of the class struggle, the perim! Iia? 
now completdy matured, when it Is absolutely necessary for each Connuuiiist 
Party to unite systematically its legal and illegal work, its legitl aud lllegul 
organizations. Itecause in the enlightened and free countries!, niili IIip 
most "stable" bourgeois-democratic order, governments now, despite their fnL>« 
and hypocritical declarations, are systematically rosortlng to the introduction <>r 
secret lists of Communists, to constant violation of their own constltutlonK for ihe 
purpose of giving half-secret and secret support to the whlte-guardlsts anil I" 
the murdering of Communists In all countries, to the secret preparaiioii nf 
an-ests of Communlnta, to the introduction of provocatory agents among Oom- 
munlsta. etc. Only the most reactionary petty bourgeoisie, with whatever beau- 
tiful "democratic" and peaceful phrases it may cover itself, can deny this 
fact, or the conclusion that must be drawn from this fact, namely, the Inunp- 
diate formation by all legal Communist parties of liregnl organizations for 
the purpose of systematic illegal work, and for the purpose of preparing fully 
for the moment when these bourgeois persecutions will appear. Illegal work 
is particularly necessary In the army, the navy, and the police force, hecauw 
after the great impeiiidistlc war all governments in the world have come to 
fear national annles that are open to peasants and workmen and have Kct 
about secretly to apply all kinds of methods for recruiting spedally Bele<'t>''i 
detachments from the bourgeoisie, which are equipped with the latest technlCHi 

On the other liand, in all instances, without exception, it is necessary not to 
limit oneself to Illegal work, but it is necessary to carry on also legal activity, 
overcoming all difficulties, establishing legal organizations of the press onci 
li^al organizations under the most varied aspects, and, where necessary, fre- 
quently changing names. This was the method adopted by the illegal O'lii- 
munlst parties in Finland and Hungary, and particularly In Germany, rolsnil, 
etc. The "Industrial Workers of the World" in America should adopt this 
method, as should all existing legal Communist parties, wherever the prose- 
cuting attorneys are pleased to start prosecutions on tlie basis of resolutions 
of congresses of the Commimiat International, etc. 

The absolute necessity, as a matter of principle, of uniting the illegal and 
legal work Is determined not only by tlie whole comblniitlon of conditions In 
the period through which we are passing, the period of the eve of the prole- 
tarian dictatorship, but Is also determined by the need of showing to the buiir- 
geoliio thut there Is not and can not be any field or line of work which the 
Communists have not conquered. This need is determined particularly by tlit- 
fact that everywhere we find broad groups of the proletariat! and also par 
tlcularly of the tionproletarian tolling and exploited masses, wliich still tM- 
Jleve in boui-f;eoi8-demociiitic legality, whose diRlllnsionmc-nt represents for iw 
one of our most iiuitortnnt tasks. 

In particular, the position of the workmen's press in the most progresslvr 
cuiiltalist countries shown most plainly the complete falsehood of freedom iiml 
equality under iMiurgeois democi'acy, and also the need of systematically unit 
ing li^ai and Illegal activity. Both in conquered Germany and In vlcUirlnus 
.Vmerica the whole power of the State apparatus of the bourgeoisie and all Uie 


iic'tivitles of Us fluiinclal kings Jinve been set Id motion In order to deprive 
die workmen of their press; judicial pi-ooeedinga fti)d arrests (or murder Ity 
lilred murderers) of editors, exclusion froiu the mnils, deprlvinB of paper, etc. 
Fiirtlier, tlie news miiterlal needed by a dail.v paper is In Ihe hands of bour- 
geois tclegrapb agencies, and advertisements, without which u large newspaper 
L-an not pay expenses, are in the "free" control of capitalists. To summarize, 
the bourgeoisie is deprlvini; the revolutionary proletariat of Its press by deceit 
and by the pressure of capital and of the bourgeois State. 

To combat all tlilM Communist parties must create a new type ot periodic 
press for mass distribution aniooR workmen : Firstly, l^nl publications, which 
without calling themselves Communists and without siieiikiug of their member- 
ship in the party, would learn to use the smallest measure of legal exlsteuce, as 
the Bolsheviks did under the Tsar after 1905; secondly, Illegal leaflets even 
though distributed In smalt numbers and Irregularly, but reprinted tn a mass 
of printing offices by workmen (seci-etiy, but If the movement gi-ows by menus 
of revolutionary seizure of printing oftlces), which will give the proletariat free 
revolutipnary information and revolutionary watchwoi'ds. 

Unless the masses are drawn into the revolutionary stru^le for the freedom 
ot the Communist press, there can be no preparation for the dictatorship of 
the proletariat 

N. Lenis, 


By G. ZiNoviKV. 

[CommunlBt Internntloaal, pQtTOgrai, July 19, 1930.1 

Wo ai-e at the crest. The Communist International must now begin to 
work at another pace than that maintained to date. During the 15 months 
of Its existence the Communist International has grown tremendously. On the 
eve of the 1st Congress of the Communist International we had the following 
picture; On the one side was the II International, very much shaken and com- 
lirouiised, but nevertheless trying to unite. If only formally, the most important 
older parties ; on the other side, in the majority of countries, the first Insignifl- 
cant groups were juBt beginning to raise the Communist banner. It Is not 
that way now. Now vc have on the one side the III International, into whose 
ranks*almost alt the old parties are rushing, which already has In every coun- 
try a solid organised support, and on the other side a mere heap of ruins where 
tlie 11 International nsed to be. 

The Communist International till now was primarily an organ of propaganda 
and agitation. The Communist International becomes now a miHtont organiza- 
tion, which will have to assume Immediate direction of the movement in the 
various countries. In the course of the first year of its existence the Com- 
munist International was only a «/an(fnrd bearer of the International prole- 
tariat that was rising for decisive battle. The ComnmnUt International now 
becomes a practical organizer of this magnificent world struggle such as history 
has never seen. 

This last fact puts entirely ne\v obligations on the Communist International. 
So long as It Is simply a matter of expression of sympathy for us on the part 
of this or that party the Communist International can not as a rule be the loser. 
But when it becoujes a question of the desire of a party which only yesterday 
was a member of the II International to join the III International, then we 
must exercise double caution and discretion. 

The Immediate question before us Is the attitude of the Communist Interna- 
tional toward the Independent Parly of Germany, the French Socialist I'arty, the 
Socialist Party of America, the Independent Labor Party of FInglnnd. the Socialist 
Party of Switzerland, and several other groups — in a word, towanl the entire 
tendency of the " Center," which is not standing at the crossroads between the 

ISOeo— 20 11 



II and III Internatlonnls. Tbe rtinl: nnd lilu uipui1>ers of these parties — tlie 
workmen — are pnsliing tlieae orgnuizatlons Into ovr ranks, and tlie lenders of 
ttte "Centtr" now annimiice llu>lr luurc or less linal decision to Join llie III 
International as part of its orpmlzatlcii. 

It is necessary, It seems to us, tliat the above-named parties should first of ull 
explain to tlieniselvea clearly just tcliat Ike III Inlernalional is note heoomi}iii 
and u>hat ottligation* are imposed upon evcj-j/ party Ihat joint it. 

The Communist International iiiBlstentlj' assorts the necessity of a break with 
Refonnism and the ItefurmUts, even for those parties where supporters of iiur 
views are In the majority — for Instance, In Italy, Sweden, Jugo-Slavla, and otlier 
countries. This condition should he read Hrst of all by the representutl\es of 
the old parties mentione^t above, who desire to enler tbe ranks of the Coiniiiu- 
nlst International. This is our first desire. 

The Communist International, of course, does not at all Intend to fashion all 
parties on the same model. The Communist International lias shown not only 
by words but also by deeds, that It knows how to evaluate att the differences In 
the conditions under which the various parties are living and struggling. The 
Communist Intemuttiinal takes careful account of the fact that there Is' field of 
local questions, where the decision belonps to the particular party. 


The rapid revolutlonizlnR of the heads of the labor class throughout tbe 
world hud led to the creation of an HixtiitctiL-cly revolutionary, yet theoretically 
quite undefined movement, of tbe shop stewards committees in England, of tbe 
Industrial Workers of the World In a number of countries, and of the re\*o1U' 
tlonary section of Syndicalists and Anarchists. 

The Itussian Bolsheviks had to define tbeir attitude toward revolutionary 
syndicalism some 15 years ago, when the revolutionary syndicalism in France 
was enjoying its honej-moon. The Russian Bolsheviks then attempteil to sepa- 
rate the chaff from the wheat, and find the sound grain that could wltb^tHnd the 
elemental protests of the working mnHses against opportunism as expressed In 
their s.vmpathy with revolutionary syndicalism. 

It will be our duty to follow iilouft tlie snmc line now. The first constituent 
Congress of tbe Communist International noted Uils tine of policy very clearly. 
The prejudice against bringing Into our ranks tbe followers of Shop Stewunls 
Committees, the revolutionary Syndicalists, and so forth, often displayed by 
some eminent workers of tbe Communist International, must be o^'ercome at any 
price. In the alwve movement there inidoubtodly is much that is not clear 
and much that Is even quite absurd; we do not deny this, not for one minute. 
But tbe movement of the Shop Stewards Committees Is fundamentally a bealrhy 
one and a strictly proletarian one. We must leara to wait patiently foi' tbia 
movement to crystalize Into a Communist movement. We must help to uiake 
this process easier and more rapid. 

These movements are of a transitional character. They are created by a 
particular stage of evolution in those countries where the old "classical" 
irade-unlons and old State Socialist parties have been definitely comproinlsInK 
themselves, but where Communist parlies have not yet succeeded In establiabini: 
themselves or are still extremely weak. Such countries are primarily England 
ond America. Tbe Coirnnunlst International mu«t not and will not make a 
single concession In ideas to tbe prejudices of these instinctively revolutionary 
but theoretically not clarified currents. The III International candidly and Ui 
a comradely manner will extend Its hand to them. In the firm convtctlou that 
these groups will draw nearer to us with every coming day. 

What the revolutionary Syndicalists, tbe Sbop-Stewards Committees, ttw 
1. W. W., and the Commimlst Wjng of tbe Anarchists especially lack is an 
itnaeratanding of the r6le of the Communist Parly. Tbe adherents of these 
tendencies have become used to employing the mark of equality for tbe tivi> 
conceptions of " politics " and " petty politics." They are accustomed to sre 
only parties without principles led by parliamentary careerists corroded wIlli 
opportunism. In order to persuade these people and cure these organlitatlons 
of their prejudices against parties It Is neco&sary to sAotc them aetiMllli at 
work other parties, parties of a truly Communistic character, with n cleiir 
program, with revolutionary tactics and iron discipline, parties that are Bblo 
to nbsorb the best that there is In tbe working class, parties that are able t» 
lead the proletariat to the storming of tbe fortresses of capital. It la here tbul 
propaganda of action Is needed first of all. 

■ lie 

b, Google 


"foil do not believe that proIetoriRii Communist parties ore actually possible? 
You believe that any parlinnientary activity Is opportuninticf Yon tblnk that 
every party Is occupied solely wftU petty politics? But see! Here is the 
Russian CoDimunlst Party, that was capable of taking the lead of the entire 
working class of its country and to expropriate tlie bourgeoisie ! Look agaia ! 
There is the German Communist Party, that was able, in spite of obstacles, to 
unify within lis ranks the flower of the working class. Again, In Italy, Bul- 
garia, Prance, England, awA America similar parties ore bping creoteit ! 
Watch and learn and you will soon understand that by renouncing the Com- 
uinuist Party you really are forfeiting your own right hand. 

This Is what we must say to the proletarians who Join the above-named 
organizations. Then they will see that the Communist International is right. 
Then they will join us wholeheartedly and create a sound proletarian basis 
for the Communist Party In those very countries where this basis is still 


The CouiDiunlst Internntloiiai, we repeat, till now has occupied Itself lualuly 
with propngnnda. It must now pass on to the organi^lion of the direct 
struggle of the working class In vorlous countries against the bourgeoisie. 
This, In Its turn, raises a new problem for us. We must absolutely see t6 it 
that not a single mass organization of workmen remain In the bands of our 

We must not forget that even though the II International Is wrecked, an 
International movement of yellow trade-unions was started In Amsterdam, 
which the II International Is attempting to use for its support. 

For the Communist International as a whole the question can not be seriously 
even raised as to whether or not the Communists should leave the trade- 
unions — a question raised by the "Left Wing" Communists in Germany, Hol- 
land, and England. The slogan of the Communist Intemntlonal does not say 
to " leave the unions," but says to join them In those countries where we have 
not yet done so. Wherever there are workmen tliere nmst be Communists. 
We can not leave several millions of workmen exposed to the influence of the 
Socialist-Traitors while we stand to one side. The Sodalist-lTaitors, who are 
outcasts from political parties, have established themselves " for good " In 
the trade-unions. We must take this fortress; we must conduct a regular, 
systematic, and patient siege against it. We must drive out the betrayers of 
the working class from this last shelter of theirs ; we must destroy this buffer 
between ourselves and the bourgeoisie, and then we shall be face to face with 
the capitalists, who then will not And It very comfortable. 

The executive committee of the Conuuunist International more than six 
months ago raised the question of creating an international union of Red trade- 
unions to counteract the International union ol the yellow " Social-Democrats " 
and " free " unions. Tills effort, we do not desire to conceal, is making very 
alow progress. We are encountering many practical difficulties. We have to 
take into account fhnt even in such a country as Italy, where the entire working 
class Is on our side, the trade-unions that call themselves Comnuinlstlc are In 
fact in the bonds of the leaders of the Reformists. We are told that the leaders 
of the Reformists, with deliberate Intent, have refused to call a convention of 
the Italian trade-unions for more than six years now, because they know that 
the working are much more radical than the Reformist leaders. We 
also must take Into account the fact that disintegration Inside the old trade-tmlon- 
Isni In England (the breaking away of the so-called "triple alliance," etc.) is 
proceeding rather slowly, jind that the leaders of the Left group of the British 
trnde-uiilons are also often Influenced by reforralattc prejudices. We also must 
lake into account at the other extreme the fact that the leaders of the Shop 
Stewards movement and of analogous movements are frequently permeated 
with anarchistic Ideas. 

And, finally, the problem Itself of a unification of international trade-unions 
is by its very character very diffleiilt to solve. We are againH participation in 
(he central committee of the Amsterdam International Union, of the yellow 
trnde-unlons. But we are for participation of Communists and our sympa- 
thizers In the International conventions of trade-unions of ijidividval induatriea 
or professions, because tliese ititernatlonnl conventions ai-e In very close touch 
with the working masses. We are against on imin&llate wholesale schism in 
all trade-unions, and at the some time we are for a merciless struggle agalns* 
the yellow leaders of these unions. 


AH this creates grMter dlfflcultlca on the road toward the solution of tills 
problem, whlcti we linve net ourselTes, But we repeat : In order that the Cow- 
miinlRt Inter national shouid become what it muHt become, the problem of tlH> 
organization of an lulematlonui unification of re<l trude-uulona must be soIvmI 
at any cost. 


And flnatly, iti oriler tluit tile ComniunlMl Iiitcrnntionnt should become wlmr 
It must become, It Ik necessary that we have a xingte Comumnlst Party In eiK'Ii 
country. In Aiuei-lcji ive have hud till now twn Communist PartlPH, It lia* 
been the same In (ierwnuiy. In Kn^lancl we have four or five separate rmii- 
munlst Krouiis. It is the Haute in Frnnce. An end nuist be put to all thiK. 

The clearest division of principle between two Communist Parties waa noleO 
In Oermany. But here also It seems to us that the difficulties are now helilml 
US and that the lime Is near when we shall succeed in establlshlug a siiiirlr 
Communist Party in (jermuny. The central committee of the Communist J'urty 
in Germany (the Rpartacan Union) undoubtedly has made big organizational 
and political mistakes, although In principle and fundamentally It was correct In 
Its policies. The nu>st ImiMirtaiit error committed by the Spartacan Uniou wiis 
Its conduct during the Kapp daj-s. 

We are publishing in this Issue the moi-e important statements of such promi- 
nent leaders of the Communist Party of Qcrmany as Clara Zetklii, Paul I.evi. 
and Ernest Meyer. These letters attacking slian>ly the hesitating stand of tlir 
central committee of the C'imnmnlst Party In Germany during the Kapp diiy» 
create a new situation. They open up the way for the sincere revolutioaurj 
workingineii who went over Id the second, "IjCft," Communist Labor I'arty "f 
Germany (K. A. I'. D.) to reunite with the old party. In the ranks of ilif 
Oommnnist I-ahor Party of Germany are many devoted and honest proletarian* 
who were preventeil from joining our ranks by tiie opportunism and tiu'tlii*- 
nesM of the majority ()f the central committee of the Communist Party of Ger- 
many (the Sparta<'an I'nion). Tlie Ccmmmulst International will, as a mnUtt 
of principle, condeum tlie "Left" evasions of the Communist I^bor Party cf 
(ieruiany and will [loint out the errors of the central committee of the oM 
Conununist i'arty of Germany. On this basis a single Communist Party niusi 
be create<l in Germany. 

In France we must at any coat overcome the skepticism with reference to t]w 
idea itself of creiitlng a Comnumist I'arty, a skepticism which remains with 
the leaders of the revolutionary syndicalists. It appears to prevail even amon^ 
such desei-\-inK comrades as Comrade Kosmer. The tluie has arrived when In 
France there must be organlssed at any cost a single Commnnist Party. Ami 
further, it goes without saying, we nmst bt^in with the organization of -.i 
<-om|>act party of geuulue cothlnken* who will later be able to attract the eli- 
nients which at present are not yet fully comunmlstic. 

In Kngianil, onl.v i-ecentiy the group of (.^inirade Sylvia Pankhurst made h 
hurry-np attempt to create a Communist Party on llie " I^ft " principle of n^ 
nounclns all partlciiiatinn in parliaments, and of refusing to have anytUinc t" 
do with the Labor I'arty of England. The (^fumuuiiljSt International can uiid.r 
no circumstances acknowledge this attempt as the last word In Comiumu^t 
wisdom. On the contrai-y, we are using our power to imite all, without esn-i' 
tion, Comnmnist gi-oups In England. Further, this of course will be itot on il«r 
separatist platfoim of the " Leftism " but on tlie platform of general declslim' 
of the Communist International as a whole. 

The fraternal |>arty of llaiji Is on the l>est road for playins a great hl)<t<irl.iil 
rOle in the destinies of Its counti-j'. To this end it must elmmc itself of elemi-ii!' 
of reformism; It la imperative that the trmle-union 'movement of Italy shoiiH 
not he in the hands of Refonntsts but in those of f^nulne CommunistH. It i' 
therefore necessary that the lietter elements of the " Turin " section which at 
present is definitely in opposition to the majority nt the party, and also thni \\«- 
section of the "Alwtentlonallsts." which is led by Comrade Itordlga, should Htilf.- 
with the leadlnjt imtjnrity of'ltallan Cuinmunlats im the tiasis of rfecisiojifl iif (*'' 
Second Congress of the Communist Tntentatiomil. 

The Swedish (!omniunists are facing a similar task of cleansing thdr niiik' 
of treacherous and ha If -conscious Keformists. 

"The Reforuilst disease is contagious. It has also touched some of the yminaiT 
parties, aa, for instance, our party in Jupo-Slarin. It has not spare<i even Hi'' 
old desen-ing Ciminiunlst Party of Iliilfinrin, The business of CoinQuiuist!< >■' 



not to conceal from ourselves these weaknesses uf ours from a falsely under- 
stood sense of imrty iiatriotlsin. Our business is to consider tlie fucts as they 
iii'e nnd to look the (lanf;iT squui'ely In tlic fftce. 

Among the parties belonging to and desiring to Join the Coiiiinunlst luterna- 
tional — inasDiucti as they have not yet puriQed themselves of the elements of 
tlie " Center " and Reformism— a phenomenon Is often note<l, whleli miglit be 
called " game by turns." The party In one country says, " We shall not begin a 
decisive struggle for power until power in the neighboring country bus been 
conquered; we want first to be sore of our rear; let such and such start; let 
victory be assured in sucb and such country, and then we shall begin." 

It is self-understood that the Communist International has no Idea of en- 
couraging uuprepartKl uprisings and plots. It will under no ciicumstimces rush 
events, hut will know how to jicacefully and pblegmatlcally await their develop- 
ments, and call to action only when conditions have matured. At the same 
time tJie Communist International will not forget tbnt this idea of struhT'es 
" hy turn.s " was (|uite characteristic of many parties of the II Interuiitlonal. 
Tills alone is sufficient to make us regard skeptically such reasoning as that 
cited above. 

The Conlinunist International In 1!}19 was priniarily an association for l^ui- 
munist propaganda. The Communist Inteniutlonal in 1920 is becoming a mili- 
tant partnei'ship of workmen who are organizing direct pressure against the 
bulwarks of capitalism. The civil war is not calming down ; It is Hauiiug up 
with unprecedented force. The war between Soviet Itussla and Poland of the 
nobles has a great interaatlonal significance and opens up very favorable pros- 
pects for an Ititernational revolution. The events In the East have enormous 
significance, What we see to-day In the Near ond Far East represents but a 
faint beginning. Tlie first tiery tongni's of the revolutionary flume have ap- 
peared in tlie East The time Is not far oft when the entire East will become 
n rev<)lutionary flrebrand. 

In the countries where the working class was In power for only a few weeks, 
the fwnzy of the counter-revolution lias not been able to prevent the hegiimlng 
of a new proletarian vevulutlon before our veiT,- eyes. Workmen's blood hiLS 
been spilled particularly by the henchmen In Hungary. But even there — this 
is perfectly clear— the proletniian revolutlou Is raising its liead again. The 
secoTLd place for the immber of crimes conmiitted by the bourgeoisie on the 
working class unquestionably belongs to White Finland, But tliew also the 
proletarian revolution has ali-eady gotten on Its feet again. 

We had an opportunity recently to talk with two workmen who bud arrived 
dii-ectly from Helsingfors, whero for a year they had carried on an extensive 
and illegal Cotiimunlst propaganda. A little sketch of what Is going on ti)- 
duy In Finland will sliow us in a word the frame of mind of tlie Finnish 

The comrades related bow In almost all the larger cities and Industrial 
IncalHies of Finland, which were the battle fields between the Whites and the 
Reds in 1918, " Satui-<laying " of a special character is now being organized. On 
Saturday afternoons and on holidays, in the cemeteries where tlie victims of 
the White Terror are burled, there congrepnte large numbers of workmen and 
still larger numbers of women of the working class, who affectionately and 
cai-efuHy decorate the graves and adorn tbem by erecting plain and simple 
moruiineiits to the workmen who fell In the struggle against the bourgeoisie. 
The iHMiple make uji plain and naive songs and compose simple rhymes in 
nieinoiy of the fallen fighters. And as a constant refrain runs the simple 
thought : " Tou did not die In vain, we shall continue your work ; out of our 
bones there will arise ii stern avenger." 

And the Finnish bourgeoisie sees all tills and is powerless to take any steps, 
because this is a mass action and all the workmen and a large mnjortty of the 
tolling pea.sants are thinking the same way. 

Tills is a Bymbol. This throws light right away on the situation of the prole- 
tariat in cruel civil war now In progress. The proletarian i-evolution can not 
now bo desti-oyed by anyone; it can only l>e delayed and made more costly for 
the working class Itself by the traitoi-s from our own midst. 

Another fact was mentioned by this rank and file workman from^Helslngfors, 
who had come from a country where the bourgeoisie had butchered .S0,000 
pivileta rlans. He told us tiiat the Finnish workmen naturally hate the hour- 
t'eolsle, but stm more do they hate the White Finnish Social-Democrats who 
betrayed us at the time of the revolution. Our general state of mind Is the 



following: Flrsi finish with the traitors, the Yellow Soclal-Democruts ; tlie 
bourgeoisie will not escape nnd its turn will come later. 

In these few words, perhaiis In n Bomewhnt paradoxical form, we have a 
correct estlniate of the fact that throughout the whole world the bourgeoisie is 
able to exist only tliant(s to the support of the Yellow Social -Democracy. 
Never before was the reoctionnry rOle played by the adherents of the II Inter- 
national as clear as it ia at present. 

A gigantic task confronts the Communist International and all those parties 
that Itelong to it. The Comiiinnlst Interoatfonal must become the actual gen- 
eral staff of the awakenetl International proletarian army, which is growing 
stronger before our very eyes. The International Communist movement will 
gi-ow like an avnlancho of snow. The international proletarian revolution Is 
growing. The Communist Intei-natlonal must be able to understand how to 
oi^antze it and direct it. The task of the Communist InteiTiatlonal Is not onl.v 
to prepare for tlie victory and lead the working class during the period of 
conquest of power; It is also its task to direct the entire activity of the work- 
ing class after the conquest of power. 

The Communist International either will become a united, disciplined, and 
centralized international militant organization or it will not be able to fulfill 
Its great historical mission. 

This is what the Communist International must become, what It undoubtedly 
will become.