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4 O
NEGRO-SLAVERY, NO EVIL;
THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH.
THE EFFECTS OF NEGRO-SLAVERY, AS EXHIBITED IN THE CENSUS, BY A
COMPARISON OF THE CONDITION OF THE SLAVEHOLDING AND NON-
SLAVEHOLDING STATES.
Considered in
A REPORT
MADE TO
THE PLATTE COUNTY SELF-DEFENSIVE ASSOCIATION,
•I
BY A COMMITTEE,
THROUGH
'' "• / B. F. STRINGFELLOW, Chairman.
PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE ASSOCIATION.
ST. LOUIS,
Printed by M. Niedner & Co., Corner of Third and Pine Streets.
1854.
Is obedience to a resolution adopted by the Platte County Self-
Defensive Association, we proceed to lay before the public the im-
mediate causes which led to the formation of the Association ; to ex-
plain its purposes, and to suggest the means, which seem to us proper
to be adopted by the citizens of the slaveholdiug Slates, to dofrat the
designs of the abolitionists.
In adopting this resolution, the Association was not influenced by
any desire to defend itself at home, against Ihe absurd and false re-
ports of its action and purposes, which have been so widely circulated
by abolitionists and freesoilers ; for at home no defence is necessary ,
the members of the Association are too well known, to need defence
against any charges which abolitionists might bring against them. We
do but justice to the Association, when we say, that it is composed of
men, who for integrity, moral worth, orderly conduct, intelligence and
patriotism will favourably compare with the members of ary associa-
tion, of any kind, in any country. Of those who originally composed
the Association, there were a few unworthy exceptions. Such must
be the case of all associations ; the more is it inevitable, where, as in
ours. ;ill were invited to join. Tlie wonder is, there were so few,
as in tliis instance, the hope, thus to ward ofl" susjjicion, was to the
unworthy the strongest inducement to join.
The purpose of the Association in adopting this resolution, was to
expose I'uUy the dangers to which slave-propertj'- in Missouri, and
especially on the borders of Kansas, is subjected; to arouse the atten-
tion of all good citizens, not of slaveholding States alone, but of the
whole Union, to the results which must follow, if the abolitionists
succeed in their purposes; and, if possible, to suggest means by which
those results may be prevented.
It is knovv'n, that on the passage of the bills for the organization of
Kansas and Nebraska, the leading abolitionisis of the Eastern ci<ics
organized associations under the name of "Emigration Aid Societies,"
the avowed purpose of which is to throw into Kansas a liorde who
shall not only exclude slaveholders from that Territory, but in the end
abolish slavery in Missouri.
Were these miscalled "emigrants" poor and iionest farmers, socking
a home and the a Unnfages of a new country for themselves and fam-
ilies, we might applaud the charity of those who originated the scheme:
were these associations fair means of deciding the contest between
the friends and opponents or negro-slavery, we might admire the en-
ergy of ilir abolitionists: but when we find these miscalled emigrants
really negro-tliicves, their purpose not to procure a home in Kunsos,
but to drive slav(>lioMers therefrom; thnt they are urt freemen, but
paupers, who have sold themselves to Ely Thayer &, Co., to do their
masters' bidding; who hesitate not to proclaim that they are expert in
stealing slaves ; that they intend to follow their calling, self-defence n
requires that means equally active, Cijually efficient, should be adopted
by those who are threatened.
Situated on the border of Kansas, we were the first to receive the
attack. Those among us, who had hitherto been restrained by fear,
emboldened by the prospect of such efficient aid, begun openly to
avow their senthnents ; the timid, became freesoilers; tlie bold, aboli-
tionists. The emissaries of the "Emigration Aid Societies" were ar-
riving; they were boasting that "they would shortly be the strongest;
and then they would drive slavehokters from Kansas !" They declared
that '■'■ihcy had run off slaves, xcoxdd run ojj' 7nore, and would, finally,
drive slaveholders from Missouri /"
In our streets, one of the least prudent proclaimed, that lie would
^'■willinghj help to burn ihe d — d slaveholding town.'^
It seemed as if Weston were about to become the head-quarters of
their operations. It w;is feared, and subsequent events have vindi-
cated, that our fear was not without foundation^ that among our traders
and merchants there where those who at heart were aguinst us; others
who loved money so much more than their country, they would, for
the gain from the abolition trade, encourage them to come among us.
There were among us, too, a large number of free negroes, most of
them, as usual, of bad character ; their houses, the nat»iral places of
resort for abolitionists, at which to meet, and tamper with slaves, cor-
rupt them, entice them to run away, and furnish them facilities for
escape.
About this time, a large number of slaves made their escape: three,
from the neighborhood of Weston, were taken in Iowa, and free pa-
pers, with l"ull instructions as to their route, were found upon them.
Abolitionists were not content to confine their efforts to the expul-
sion of slaveholders from Kansas, but were evidently already at work
in "abolishing slavery" in Missouri. The law, seldom sufficient to
punish, was wholly inefficient to prevent their crimes. It was evi-
dent, that the active, individual efforts of all good citizens would be
needed to aid the law in the protection of our rights, in the p eserva-
tion of our property.
The security ol" our skive-properly was not alone involved; our very
lives were endangered. The negro-thief, the abolitionists, who induces
a slave to run away, is a criminal of a far more dnngerous character
than the liouse-breaker, or the highway robber, — his crime cf a far
higher grade than that of the incendiary — it ranks, at least, with that
of the midnight assassin. To induce a slave to escape, involves not
merely to the master the loss of that slave, of that amount of property;
but it brinfjs in its train far more serious consequences. Ofher
sWcs are lliereby induced to make like attempts ; a hatred for their
masters, vvhom they begin to regard as their oppressors, is thus be-
gotten; and this, too, often is followed by arson and murder.
To guard as far as possible against such fearful evils, was the im-
mediate cause of our organization.
Not only was the immediate pressing necessity such as to compel
our organization, but the future consequences which must follow the
success of the schemes of the abolitionists, are such as to awaken the
fears, and to call for the ac'.ive and continued efforts of all good citizens.
Even in the future, we are more immediately interested tlian those
who are more removed from the field of their operations. Already
the efiect of the coming of such a band of abolitionists to our border,
has been not only to reduce the value of our slaves, but of our land.
Slaveliolders fear to come among us ; good men who are opposed to
slavery, will not come; and should Kansas be made a harbour I'cr ne-
gro-thieves, ours, now the most prosperous portion of our Slate, will
in a short time become a desert waste. We must at once sell our
slaves, abandon the culture of hemp, our gieat staple; sufter our fields
to lie idle, until slaveholders driven from our State, Missouri shall fall
into the hands of freesoilers, and a new people be brought to take our
places.
Not less is the interest which other slaveholding States have in the
end, though seemingly it be less in the beginning of this struggle. Tiie
abolitionists are fully awake to the true nature, the future consequenc-
es of this struggle. They proclaim the purpose of their efforts to be,
to surround Missouri with non-slaveholding States; force lier to abol-
ish slavery; then wheel her into their ranks for an attack upon the
States south of her.
Missouri vanquished, Arkansas and Texas are looked upon as easy
victims. Slavery then restricted to a small space, they rejoice in the
contemplation of an early exhibition of another Haytian liberation.
Let not our friends in the other slaveholding States fold their arms,
and by their supineness suffer us to fall victims to abolition energy. If
G
they do, the day will come, and that not far dislant, when they, too,
will have a battle to figiit at home, at their very doors.
The plan of our Association is not aggressive, but as our name im-
parts, truly self-del'eiisivc. We are pledged diligently to invesligale
and promptly bring to punishment every viohilion of the laws which
have been enacted for the protection of our slave-properly.
We iiave determined to adopt all proper means to rid ourselves of
the free negroes, who are unfit and have no right by law to remain
among us : and to prevent all sucli as are not members of some whiic
family, and subject to their control, from residing in our county.
We have also pledged ourselves to expel from our county all who
shall be found ])roclaiming principles which tend tu induce our slaves
to escape, to lead them to insurrection and rebellion.
Thougli we fully recognise the duty of all good citizens to obey tlic
law, to rely upon the law; where there is no law, the ligh.t of self-de-
fence requires that we should resort to the strong liand for self-pro-
tection. We have no law by which the expression of aboliiion senti-
ments is inade a penal offence, and yet it is a crime of the highest
grade. It is not within even the much abused liberty of speech ; bui
in a slaveholding community, the expression of sueli sen'iments is a
positive act, more criminal, more dangerous, than kindling the torch
of the incendiary, mixing the poison of the assassin. The necessity
for a law punishing such a crime, hns not, un'il now, been felt in
Missouri. Until such a law is enacted, self-protection demands tiial
we should guard against such crimes.
Such are the means we propose to adopt for the immediate protec-
tion of our property. We have thus fully slated them, not to excuse
our action, but to awaken our friends in other portions of our slave-
holding territory, to the dangers which v.-ill ere long surround them,
if we are overcome : to arouse them to the necessity of coming to our
aid, and thus keep the enemy from their borders.
Tliere is another measure which we have proposed, \vhich may be
deemed local and personal, and which has been grossly misrepresent-
ed bv the abolitionists and their sympathisers. We have been charged
with pledging ourselves to assist in the expulsion of all settlers who
go to Kansas from the non-slaveholding Stales. Tiiis, like most other
abolition statements, is purelj' false.' On the contrary, the only pledge
we have given touching (ho expulsion of any person from Kansas, is
one whieh we expect ere long to be called on to redeem by tf.e good
men who have gone to K;insas from the non-slaveholding Slates. That
pledge is, that we will, when called on by the citizens of Kansas, aid
them in expelling those who are exported to that Territory by the
Abolition Aid Societies. With these, the honest men, who go to
Kansas from the non-slaveholding Slates, are not to be confounded.
The latter go with the spirit of freemen to secure a home lor their
chiklren, they go respecting the rights of others ; the former go, the
slaves of Thayer & Co. and his associates, to do their masters' bid-
ding, to drive others from the Territory, to steal negroes from Mis-
souri.
For the one class, however, much we may regret that they should
differ with us in opinion, even though that difference may in the end
result in our ruin, we teel respect, such as one freeman should feel
for another. To them we shall appeal, as to good men, equally inter-
ested in the prosperity and happiness of our common country; to them
we shall present such arguments, as should influence true hearted pat-
riots.
But to that other class, hired slaves of corrupt masters, who are
sent for the purpose of driving our brothers from Kansas, of stealing
our property, driving us from our homes, we ofter no argument, but
that of the strong hand. We have not, it is true, done that, which
natural right would have justified us in doing. There is no law to
bind them •to keep the peace — there can be none, until it is enacted by
the Legislature of that Territory; they are to us as would be a band of
Blackfect or Camanches, who should encamp upon our borders, for
the avowed purpose of stealing our cattle and horses, of plundering
our farms and villages. We would be justified in marching to their
camp, and driving them back to their dens, without waiting for their
attack. We are not bound to wait, until they have "stolen our ne-
groes," "burned our slaveholding towns." But we have been so "law
abiding und orderly," that we have not done this : we have simply
said, "we will when called upon," go to the aid of our friends, and
assist in expelling those who proclaim their purpose to be the expul-
sion of our friends. Robbers and murderers have no right to call on
the law for protection.
In connection with these immediate and local features of the con-
test, it is proper we should say a word of the character of the Terri-
tory, and its adaptedness to a slaveholding populalion. Politicians
may prate, and letter-writers may scribble, about the homes for the
poor, to be found in Kansas, but it is not the less true, that it is the
least desirable country to the poor man ever opened for settlement.
The absence of timber, there not being enough for fuel and fencing,
much less a foot for cultivation, renders it utterly unfit ibr him who
has to rely on his own unaided arm. Dwellings must be of brick, of
stone, or if of timber, framed at a heavy expense; fencing of plank, or
hauled a great distance.
In the timber, the poor man with his own strong hand can build his
cabin ; with his axe can fell his trees, and with his one horse plough,
can put his little field in cuhivation. There is no such land in Kan-
8
sas ! It will require money to build his house ; to break prairie, six
yoke of cattle arc necessary; fencing will be too cosily for small fields.
To the man of capital, to him who can command labour alone, is Kan-
sas desirable. To such, it is easiest and cheapest to m;ike a farm in
the prairie. The soil is adapted to the culture of hemp, the raising of
stock. Its climate peculiarly healthy to the negro. Nature intended
it for a slaveholding State ; necessity will force it to be such, unless
our friends foolishly abandon it to those who cannot occupy it.
Our friends can thus see that to them the land is worth a struggle.
Were there no other interest at slake, they will be paid for doing their
duty.
We have now shown the immediate evils to which we are exposedj
the means by which we propose as far as practicable to meet those
evils : we have shown, that we are now in th;it condition to which, if
the abolitionists succeed, other slaveholding Slates will ere long be
driven. We propose now 1o consider that which lies at the founda-
tion of all these troubles — opposition to negro slavery.
To slaveholders, we will first address ourselves.
With all due deference to the wisdom of the great and good men
who have so long governed the councils of llie slaveholding States,
though it may seem presumptuous, we yet feel that we are justified
in saying, that experience has shown the error of their course. In
decrying discussion, in seeming to admit negro-slavery an evil to be
borne, not an institution to be defended, we have not only strengthen-
ed the arm of our enemies, but tied the hands of our friends. By such
seeming admissions, we have deprived ourselves of the sympathies of
too many good men. Our silence has b.en construed in'o a confession
that the institution could not be defended. We should have learned
long ere this, that the more we protest against agitation, the more
abolitionists agitate ; we should remember, that victory is rarely won
by retreat ; that courage wins half the battles. We have been so
much accustomed to hear slavery denounced as an evil, that we have
ourselves, with the evidence of its elllcts before our eyes, feared to
look and examine them. With this daily cry resounding in their ears,
with all the monstrous exaggeraticms of the poet's fancy, the knave's
cunning, to mislead them still further, it is not strange that good men
who could not see and judge for themselves, should have been taught
to look with horror upon the master, with pity upon the slave. With
so many to denounce, so tew to defend, it is not strange, tiiat even
those who were willing to sustain our strict legal rights, the honest
good men of the north, should yet feel reluctant to do any act by which
so great an evil should be extended. It has been well said, tliat in
our country truth loses nothing by discussion. We, who have lived
in slaveholding States, have had an opportunity to see and to feel the
effects of negro-slavery, have felt that it was no evil Unlil now, ive
te : no' i,nple stHk.ng rule, the correctness "f "inch a, won
admi' by which to test its effects. We now have the test, ami it .
ourdity to apply il. It is due to ourselves, it is due to our fnends
nhtnor-sav'elldin. States, that we should have ,nore than bare
1 rtirror proof. If it be true that negro-slavcry .s, as represent d
by abolitionists, not only a eri-no, but a polit.cal - ■- "^
•^ , 1 * ^f tUt. TYinstpr as well fis the slave, leiaraina;
flpp-radne- the character oi me master as weii .
t .dv ,^e,nent of our country in prosperily and happiness, we shou d
"as men teach ourselves to look the evil in the face-wc should
set about ridding ourselves of such a curse. • , . if it be
If however it be found that negro-slavery is no enme . lE it be
fou d n^ther'L political nor a .oral evil, but that '^ eleva^s the ^w^^
acter of the master, promotes his happiness, contributes to the ad
:rc:' nt of the eou'nt'ry in wealth and prosperify, ^^'^-^'^
condition tor .he slave race, all good men, all rea phdanth.op.sts a^
practical statesmen, all true patriots, will say, let us preserve such
an institution, let us extend its blessings.
Letusnot'be understood as suggesfing that the number of slavs
should be increased by violence, by opening again our ports to the
mpltuionof those wLm the now abolitionists would t.> oaptur
in the wilds of -llViea. Though it has been w.sely sugges d, >f th s
"ere done, abolitionis.s would give us no furfher troubles, they won d
as Td heir fathers, become slave-catehers, and thus be.ng able o
make a profit of sla ery, would cease to hate slave-owners , would
Wet th ir mock love of the negro in their real love ef money; thougl
tTay Lily be shown tlrat slavery has done more to cv.hze and
iTs fan-L me African, than all the schemes of all lire p.ous mission^
a -yet our sympathies for the African are not such as for h.s good
" nduce us to bring among us a horde of savages. Our ph. .n hropy
do s no. extend so far as to beco.ne .he civilizers of savages, by bnng-
t them into our families. We are now reaping the benefit o our
taSrers' good works; we have the civilized CUr.sUan man, n, place ef
the rude, vicious, and degraded heathen.
We p opose to consider slavery as it exists ur our eou,..ry ■ to test
its effects on .he white race a.rd on the negro i to try .t not by bold
assertn, but by facts and figures, about which there can be no d,s-
^ W'e assert that negro-slavery, as it exists in the United Slates,^ is
neUher a .noral nor a poli.ieal evil, but on the contrary, .s a bless.ng
to the white race and to the negro.
T is broad proposition will doub.less cause the abolmon.st to sneer
Jt will strike as bold, the good men of the nor.h who have been .
1„„1 deceived; it may even seem hard of proof to those m the slave-
10
lioldiiifj States wlio have feared lo investigate the subject; but we have
the evidence at liaud. A good lesson has been tauglit us, and we liave
prollted by it. So long and so oft had it been proclaimed from the pul-
pit, that slavery was a violation of God's law, men begun to doubt
whether a slaveholder could be a christian. Men ol' the world, too
little versed in the teachings of the Bible, feared to investigate the
question. Our Divines, misled by their text-books, took for granted
the dogmas of their Doctors. Yet so soon as one man dared approach
the Holy Book, dared to "search the scriptures," it was found, that
instead of being a violation of God's holy law, slavery was actually
established by that law ! ! Tlie truth was proclaimed; discussion fol-
lowed; the result was, that investigation fixed beyond controversy the
fact, thai by the first law given to man by his Maker, the law pro-
claimed from Sinai, slavoy was established"! Moses, the divine law-
giver, was a slaveholder ! Slavery was recognised and regulated by
our Saviour ! A "fugitive slave," instead ot' being aided in his escape,
was returned to his master by Paul, the great Apostle, to the Gen-
tiles !
So triumphantly and conclusively was the consistency of slavery
with the Christian religion established, that abolitionists were driven
to infidelity, lo blasphemy: they trampled under foot the Bible, spurn-
ed the God and' Saviour of slave-holders !
With such a lesson, it is strange our politicians have had less bold-
ness than our parsons, have not dared to discuss the political, social
and moral efiects of negro-slavery. The victory was as certain and
complete in the one case as in the other.
Though we be.but priva'e citizens of a border county, with neiiher
the leisure nor the means, had we the ability fully to present all the
evidence which can be brought to sustain our position, so abundant is the
evidence, so accessible the proof, we feel no hesitancy in saying, we
will f^rlii^h so much that none but tb.ose who are willlully blind, shall
fail to see the truth of our assertion.
Slavery is no evil lo the negro. If we look at the condition of the
negro in Africa, the land of his nativity, we find the most pitiable
victim of a cruel master, the most wretched slave in America, when
contrasted with a prince of his tribe in the deserts of Africa, is as a
man contrasted with a beast ! The migth.iest of the negro race, in his
native land, not only sacrifices his human victims to his Gods ot stone,
but is so loathsome in his fdth and nakedness, that Giddings, or Ger-
rit Smith, would fly from his presence. Mrs. Stowe eould not in fancy
picture him a kinsman of poor Topsy ; Fred Douglass would disown
him as a country-man. It is not for us to (piestion God's purposes,
but it is certain that irom our first knowledge of the negro race, tliose
only have> been rescued from the lowest stage of heathen barbarity,
11
who luive been made slaves to the white man — those only have learned
io know the God ofthe Chrislian, who have been instructed by their
masters. Ages have rolled on, and still the labour ofthe pious mis-
sionary has been in vain; the African in his native land is still an
idolater! Even now the only hope ol: his elevation in tli.e scale of hu-
manity, is by means of the liberated slave.
So far, then, as the condition of the slave can be contrasted with
that of his tribe in Africa, to the negro slavery is no evil.
But we go further and say that, wherever the negro has been the
slave of tlve white man, his condition has been better, not only than
that of his race in the deserts of Africa, but better than when freed
from the control of the white man, in whatever land the comparison
be made Whether we look to his condition in St. Domingo, the slave
of the light-hearted Frenchmi^n; m Jamaica, of the energetic English-
man; in the United States, of the indolent Creole of the South, or of
the enterprising^ Kentuckian, as a slave, the negro has ever been bet-
ter and happier than w"hen free.
In St. Domingo and Jamaica^ Avhich once contained a population
prosperous and wealtliy, the masters kind and indulgent, the slaves
joyous and happy, witli their light labors yielding abundant harvests,
robbed of the care, protection and forethought of tlie white man, Ave
see them fast sinking to the starving miserable condition of wretched
savages.
In our own country, with the advantage of the white man's example
before them, with all the watchful care of their friends, the abolition-
ists, to aid them, the condilion ofthe free negro is far worse than that
of the slave. Politically their condition is worse than thai of the
slave, for as to all the honors and ofHces of government, the privileges
of a citizen, freedom is to the free negro worse than an empty name.
Subject to the burdens, they are even by the abolitionists depri\cd of
the beneiits of government. They who so love the slave, that thev will
steal him from the care and protection of his master, will exclude the
unhappy free negro from a home in their State. Unlike the slave,
they have none to protect them. To the slave, the master is the 2;-ov-
ernment, a ruler with limited powers, whose interest is identical W"ith
his subject. To the master alone does the slave owe allegiance, from
him he receives protection. To the free negro, the government is
that of a stranger — he is as an alien, with all the burdens, with none
of the privileges of a citizen. Until the free negro is made politically
that which nature has not made him, the equal of the white man, his
political privileges are in fact the worst species of oppression.
We will then contrast the social, moral and physical condition of
the slave and negro.
On this the census is sufficient to leave no doubt.
12
Loss of speech, of liearing, of sight, as carlainly indicate physical,
{IS idiocy and insanity do mental suffering. ]^y the extent to whicli
the negro, slave and free, is subject to tliese afflictions, we are enabled
to determine his condition. Blindness, insanity and idiocy especially
result from destitution and distress. By tlie census of 1850, we find
that the negro race is much more subject to these afflictions than the
white, the ratio being
Of Deaf and Dumb, 1 to 2151 White. 1 to 3005 Free Negro.
" Blind • 1 to 2445 " 1 to 870 '* "
" Insane and Idiots 1 to 1374 " 1 to 980 '* "
"We thus see that to blindness, insanity and idiocy, the negro, when
free, is far more subject than the white. Such being the natural lia-
bility of the negro to these afflictions, we yet find that as a slave the
negro is almost exempt from them all — not only is he far less afflicted
than the free negro, but even less than his master.
We give from the census the ratio of each, and ask thinking men to
reflect on the exhibit.
Deaf ami Dumb. Blind. Insane and Idiots.
White 1 to 2151 1 1o 2445 1 to 1374
Free Negro 1 to 3005 1 to 870 1 to 980
Slave 1 to 6552 1 to 2645 1 to 3080
But one explanation can be made of this extraordinary development.
It is one which must present itself to every unprejudiced mind, which
at once occurs to all who are familiar with the real condition of the
negro slave. It is found in the watchful care of the master, the sim-
ple genuine happiness of the slave.
This exhibit sufficiently refutes the foolish falsehoods of abolition-
ists, which represent the master as a monster, the slave a victim of
cruelly. Were there neither facts nor figures, the least thought would
suffice 1o convince any man not blinded by fanaticism, that the condi-
tion of the slave must be the reverse of that which abolitionists would
paint. Were there no other inducement, selfishness would compel
the master to be kind to his slave ; it is to his interest to watch and
tend him with care ; to nurse him in sickness, to guard him against
disease, to protect him from injury. As mere property, its value is
too great to be destroyed by cruelty, sacrificed by neglect. Torture
is too expensive a luxury to be indulged in but by a fiend. No man
in his senses would treat a valuable horse with cruelty. The Berk-
shire pig, the Durham bull, the blood horse, are all fed, tended with
care; much more is the slave, whose value is far greater. Tlie abol-
itionist alone can afl'ord to indulge in the pleasure of poisoning his
servant for drinking his wine. The death of the hireling is at most a
slight inconvenience to his employer; the death of a slave is his mas-'
ter's loss.
13
We have considered slaves as mere properly, to show how absurd
are the ravings of fanatics, the idle dreams ot poets and novelists,
which represent slaveholders as not only monsters, but idiots, revel-
ing in the destruction oC their property. But when it is remembered
that the affection wliicli naturally springs up between the master and
slave, is little less than that of parent and child, it is easy to explain
the seemingly strange results shown by the census. The care of the
master, made watchful by afTection and interest, guards them, and pre-
serves them from that physical suffering which would produce loss of
the senses; while their real wants all supplied, with the simplicity of
the child, taking no thought for the morrow, with no care to disturb
them, there is nothing to derange their intellect. Kindly treated,
carefully tended, they grow healthy and happy ; unlike the miserable
free negro, they are neither insane nor idiots.
But we have further evidence of the better condition of the slave.
Althougli the census does not give us the statistics, we need them not
to show the vast number of paupers to be found among the free ne-
groes. The instances are rare in which they are able to live without
labor, without toiling for their daily bread. In sickness, in old age,
there is none to care for, to provide for them. We find in the census
that of the free negroes there are 24,160 over the age of sixty. Who
shall provide for these decrepit men, these helpless women ? Left to
the cold charity of strangers, they linger out a miserable existence.
Not such is the condition of the slave: of them we find also 114,752
over the age of sixty ; yet are they for their faithful services kindly
treated by their masters, petted and beloved in their old age by the
very children of their owners.
The vast numbers of slaves who attain to extraordinary old age,
greatly exceeding in proportion the white race in the non-slaveholding
States, is of itself a powerful argument to show how happy has been
their condition. The non-slaveholding States, with a populatioh of
13,000,000, have but 5641 whites over the age of ninety; while of the
slaves, with a population of only 3,200,412, there are 4109 over that
age.
Of the moral condition of the slave, as contrasted with that of the
free negro, the census also gives us no information. But so full are
the annals of crime, of evidence on (his head, we would waste time in
making the contrast. Of the slave we fearlessly assert that as to all
the higher grades of crime, he will contrast favorably even with the
white man. But "children of a larger growth," kindly, allectionate in
their dispositions, their wants all simple, amply supplied, they have
neither the temptation nor the inclination to commit crime. They may
be led astray, they are easily ruled, they may commit a petty trespass}
14
but let alone, with none to corrupt thera, they pass tlirougli life happy,
contented and innocent.
On the other luind, the unhappy free negro, thouglitless and im-
provident, driven from tlie society of the good and the virtuous, an
outcast among the vicious, is regarded as a nuisance even by ihe abol-
itionist ! He is not a mere nuisance, but the criminal statistics of the
North sliow, that crime of the highest grades. olTences which iire pun-
ished by confinement in the penitentiaries, prevail among the free ne-
groes to an unheard of extent. In Massachusetts, composing less than
one-hundredth part of the population, they lurnish one-tenth of the con-
victs. In other States, the proportion is even greater. In the South,
on the other hand, offenses of tliis character tire even more rare th.an
among the whiles.
Negro slavery is no evil to the white race.
The most interesting aspect in which negro slavery presents itself,
is in its eil'ects upon the while j^opulation in the slaveholding States,
We have been so long accustomed to listen to the bold statements of
abolitionists, to suflTer their broad charges, to go uncontradicted, tliat
we have been ahnost led to give them credit : ihey have not forgotten
that "a lie well stuck to is as good as the truth;" and we have too
long neglected to expose them.
We were in common wilh others, who had the opportunity even
slightly to contrast the condition of the slaveholding and non-slave-
holdiiig States, convinced that the condition of the former was better;
but that they were so far in advance in all the essentials of happiness
and prosperity, even we were not prepared to realize. To Ellwood
Fisher, of Cincinnati, we are pleased to acknowledge our obligation
for an able exposition of the relative condition of the two portions of
our country : and we take special pleasure in now being able by un-
questioned evidence to verify the correctness of his statements. He
had not the olHcial statements, now for the first time given in an au-
thentic shape; his statistics were denied; and so strangely were they
at variance with the general impressions of the people, that men of
the north were reluctant to give them credit.
We have now the statistics furnished in the census : they are in
reach of all; their truth can not be disputed, and we are now enabled
to determine beyond controversy' the effects of negro-slavery. The
men of the north are peculiarly a "calculating" people, accustomed to
deal with facts and figures ; and a large majority of them we believe
disposed lo be just, to listen to fair argument, to yield to the force of
truth : to them we submit with confidence the startling evidcTice fur-
nished by the census.
Although it be true that we can not by figures with mathematical
precision determine the religious, social or moral condition of a peo-
15
pie ; yet there are facts and figures which so greatly elucidate their
condition, we can have little difficulty in our conclusion.
It does not, for example, necessarily follow, that those who build
churches, should be peculiarly pious ; the old adage "the nearer the
church, the further from God," is not without foundation? ^ Vanity,
pride of purse, petty ambition, may and do induce many to c'ontribute
to the erection of a church, as they would to the erection of a court-
house, or a theater, from mere ostentation, the hope to have their
names emblazoned as public benefactors, or from a more excusable
though mere interested desire to ornament their town or city.
When, however, churches are erected not for mere ornament, but
for the accommodation of those who desire to meet together and wor-
ship God, when the purpose is to afTord to the greater number facil-
ities for worship, the fair presumption is in favor of the purity of that
people's religion: they will reasonably be esteemed more truly religi-
ous than those whose piety is manifested in display, in idle ornament.
Abolitionists have so long represented the people of the non-slave-
holding States, and especially the people of new England, as a devout,
God-fearing, saint- like people, free from all "pride, vain, glory and
hypocrisy ;" they have been held up as such models of humble piety,
virtue and sobriety, that their land has been known as "the land of
steady habits." So strict are they in the outward observances of God's
law, that from the puff of the steam-car, to the kissing one's wife on
the Sabbath, has been made a penal offense. On the contrary, the
slaveholder is held up as God-forsaken, God-despising heathen, as one
regardless of all law, human and divine, as vicious, reckless, lavish of
his wealth only to gratify his pride. The humble piety, the strict
morality claimed for the people of New England is attributed to their
having freed themselves from the curse of negro-slavery; to the blight-
ing effects of which charity charges the alleged moral degradation of
the slaveholder.
In answer to these proud boastings, these sweeping denunciations,
the men of the South have been silent, content to be judged by their
works. Modesty is no longer a virtue ; the evidence is made public,
and we now propose to show that slaveholders are more truly religi-
ous than the sons of the Puritans.
For this purpose we will take Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont.
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, the Slaves composing
New England, and will contrast them with Maryland, Virginia, North
Carolina^ South Carolina, and Georgia, the old slaveholding States,
which are still slaveholding States. We give the abolitionists every
advantage: we take their models of religion and piely ; we take the
very homes of the good old Puritan fathers; and we will compare them
16
with those who are denounced as "fire-eaters," "cut-throats," -'traf-
fickers in human flesh."
The free population oP the New England Slates and these five South-
ern States is so Tiearly equal, tliey may be rated as equal.
We give from the census of 1850 the number of churches, the value
of chufch property, and the number of worshippers who can be ac-
commodated in the churches, in each of these portions of our country.
Me., N, H., Vt., > Free Pop. No, of Church. V;due. Accom.
Mass., R. I., Conn!. ^ 2,728,016 4,607 $19,362,634 1,893,450
Md , Va., N. Ca., ? 2,730,214 8,081 11,149,118 2.896,472
o. La., Georgia. ) '
2,198 3,474 $8,113,516 1,003,022
These five Southern States, with a free population of only 2,198
greater than the six New England States, have nearly double the
number of churches, capable of accommodating a million more wor-
shippers, at but little over half the cost ! *
We have here these facts conclusively established, that slaveholders
are more disposed to build churches ; that their object is not display,
but to accommodate those who wish to worship God: while the de-
generate son of the simple-hearted, humble-minded Puritan, the phar-
isaicai aboliiionist, who "thanks God he is not as other men are,"
seeks to glorify himself rather than his God by the erection of 'costly
temples from which the humble Christian is excluded.
But these southern States have even yet a brighter picture to pre-
sent. The "poor slave," who is represented by the abolitionist as
vlrlually deprived of Christian teaching, is in these Southern States
furnished with more room for his feet in God's house, than the pious
white man can find in the temples of New England !
Me., Vt., N. H., ) Free Pop. No. of Churches. Ratio.
Mass., R. I., Conn. \ 2,728,016 4,607 1 to 592
Md., Va., N. Ca., Free 2,730,214 8,081 1 to 336
S. Ca., Ga., Total 3,448,426 " 1 to 426
In New England there is one church to every 592 ot its inhabitants,
while in these Southern States there js one to every 336 of its free ,
to every 426 of its whole population !
These Soutliern Slates contain a population, including slaves, of
720,410 more than New England: yet in New England there aie 200,-
000 more who cannot find a seat in the house of God ! These South-
ern cluirches can not only accommodate every man that could be
crowded into the temples of New England, but would then give room
to more than a million of '^.iaves !
In New England .^^34,566, nearly one third of its population, is ex-
cluded from a seitt in their churches ! while in these anathematised
17
Southern States there is not only room for all its free population, a
seat for every man, woman and child that is free, but there is even
then room for 166,258 slaves.
These facts are startling ; when we look further at the origin of
their respective populations, at other circumstances which attend them,
they are almost incomprehensible. When we remember that the pop-
ulation of New England is so much more dense than in these South-
ern States : it being in the former 43 to tlie square mile, in the latter
but 13: that in New England the price of labor, the cost of materials,
is so much less ; tliat the people of New England live so much more
generally in towns and villages; that in these Southern States they are
on large farms, scattered far apart, rarely even in villages : that thus
the inducements and facilities for the erection of churches are somuch
greater in New England, we are the more forcibly impressed with the
char;;Gler of these exhibits
When we further remember that New England is the land to which
the Puritans fled when proseculed for their religion; the land in which
they found a home, wheie they could worship God in their simple
form, fervently wiihout ostentation ; that these Southern States were
first settled by adventurers in search of fortune, by Chevaliers of
Charles, who in sheer hatred of the pious zealots who had vanquish-
ed I hem, affected a looseness of morals, a contempt of religion, which
made them a mock and a by-word of reproach to the Puritans; we are
the more at a loss to comprehend such a revolu'ion.
It is even stranger still ; for it reverses all experience, all history,
whi. h teaches us that men of a northern latitude are more religiously
inclined than those of a southern clime.
There is yet another fact shown by the census, which will strike
many as worthy of reflection. Of the small number of churches in
New England 202 are Unitarian, 2S5 Universalist; while of the large
number in these Southern States there are but 1 Unitarian, 7 Uni-
versalist !
VVliile we do not intend by this to imply that the members of these
churches are not good men, we purpose thus to call aiiention to the
fact that opinions usually deemed by the Christian world heterodox,
or infidel, lind no place among blavehok^ers : they "run not alter
strange Gods," invent no new religions, but are content with old-
fashioned humble Christianity.
Out of the census, we can point to Mormon'&m with its polygamy;
Millerism, Spiritualism, as taking their birth, flourishing alone where
abolitionists are found. The Stowes, and Beechcrs, with the Fanny
Wrights, and Abby Folsoms, are to l>e found alone in that land which
produced Joe Smith, Miller, the Misses Fox.
2
What is it which has thus reversed the condition of these people,
set at naught all our experience; lias converted the indolent thoupht-
less Sonthorncr into the humble orthodox Christian; wliile the men of
the north, the world over noted Tor religious enthusiasts, the sons of
the Puritans, have fallen from their simple stern devotion, become
setters up of strange doctrines ? We may ere we conclude be able to
suggest an explanation — in the meantime we ask the good men of the
north to think on this matter for tliemselves.
We turn now from the religious to the social condition of the people
of the slaveliolding and non-slaveholding Slates. We will take them
as they are, not as they are represented ; we will test bold assertions
by stern facts. We again ttike the six New England States and the
five old slave States : we shall contrast their condition, because again
we design to give 1o the abolitionists every advantage. When we
assert, that these sluveholding Slates are far in advance of New Eng-
land in all the elements of real prosperity, that the people are richer,
healthier, happier ; that their natural increase of population is far
greater; we know that we shall be met with a sneer at our presump-
tion : we are aware, that again we undertake to show the laws of na-
ture reversed, to overthrow all the teachii gs of history, of experience
in other countries ; and yet tlie task is easy: the facts and figures are
before us, the calculation is simple.
We appeal again to the census of 1850. We find in the census the
first great test of the superior condi ion of our own over other coun-
tries, is in the larger proportion of our dwellings, to our families. It
needs no argument to show that country the happiest which has mosl
homes for its people. Not only is their jihysieal condition, their mere
comfort promoted, but there is nothing which more certainly conduces
to health and good morals. The watchful care of the home circle, the
cheerful happy fireside, preserve not alone the body from disease, but
the mind, the heart from corruption and vice. We turn then to the
census, and compare the homes and families of New England with the
homes and families of these old slave States.
Me., N. H., Vt., > Families. Dwellings.
Mass., R. 1., Conn., \ 51cS,532 447,'i89
Md., Va., N. Ca., ) 506,068 496,369
S. Ca., Ueorgia, ^
With equal population, New England has 11,.C61 more families,
these Southern States 48,580 more dwellings ! New England has 70.-
743 families without a home! In New England, the land whose
'"homes" the abolitionists delight to praise, one in every seven of the
families is homeless ! while in these Southern Slates but one family of
fifty-two is without a home. Taking the average of the number com-
19
posing a family, and New England has 373,700 of its population
thrown upon the world, who have no place for a home !
Could we trace in the census the full consequences of this vast dif-
ference in the condition of the people, it would present a picture far
from flattering to the abolition moralist. There is no father in New
England who would not place his family in the humblest cabin, his
own home, there to learn the lessons of virtue, rather than for the
luxury, expose them to the corrupting influence of the public house :
there is no mother who would not toil with aching bones to guard her
daughter with the shield of the domestic hearth. At home the virtues
flourish ; abroad vice plants its seeds, takes root and thrives. If ex-
amples were needed, we could point to our cities, where in the crowd-
ed dens of poverty such appalling scenes of vice and debauchery are
exhibited; and to the country, where the hearth of the cabin is the bed
of man's integrity, of woman's purity.
We have no wish to point out and gloat o^ er the evils which must
attend such a destitution of dwellings in any portion of our country —
we are content to show how much superior is the condition of the
slaveholding States,
But there are consequences exhibited in the census, which we can
in some degree trace to this cause.
It is claimed that New England has far outstripped the slavehold-
ing States in the growth of its population.
This should not seem strange, nor need we look to the "curse of
negro-slavery" for its explanation. Since the barbarians of the north
overrun the Roman empire, the northern countries have been deemed
the bee-hives of population, from which to send forth its swarms to
the more southern climes. Such has been the case in Europe and
Asia: the hardy, healthy, vigorous north men have ever furnished sup-
plies of their sons to the enervating regions uf the south. Such should
naturally be, and such is claimed to be the case in our country. Let
us not take assertions, but again apply the test of truth — let us ap-
peal again to the census. We take again New England and the same
five old slaveholding States.
Me., N. H., Vt., ) Population. Families. Annual Births.
Mass., R. I., Conn, j 2,728,118 518,532 61,148
S^ Ca^Ga^' ^''*' \ 2,730,314 506,968 77,683
With equal population, with 11,564 more families, New England
has 16,535 less annual births : the natural increase by birth being 27
per cent, greater in the Southern States than in New England ! Esti-
mating the number ©f families, the proper mode of estimating natural
increase, and these Southern States increase by birth more than 29
per cent, faster than New Englaiid. Here again we find the laws of
20
nature vanquished;^ (he rule reversed: the North, instead of supply-
ino- population to the South, is far behind in natural increase.
Of the five Soulhern Slates, which we have selected for our com-
parison, two of them, South Carolina and Georgia, are deemed so fatal
in their climate, a northern Life Insurance Company would forfeit its
policies for a visit to their territories; and yet we find them more pro-
lific than the nurseries of the North ! We must look beyond the cli-
mate for the cause. We find one in tlie greater niunber of dwellings,
the consequent increase of comfort to their occupants in t!ie slavehold-
ix\tf States. But this alone is not sufficient to produce so extraordinary
a difference : other causes, equally eificiLnt, mucli conduce to this re-
sult; and those causes may, without difiiculfy, be traced by their eflects.
The natural increase of population indicates both the physical and
moral condition of a people. To "increase and multiply," a people
must be healthy and happy, virtuous and vigorous : they must labor,
not toil ; their diet be nutritious, their habits regular. Luxury and
indolence as naturally beget efteminacy, as do destitution and oppres-
sion produce imbecility.
A people, virtuous, with comfortable homes, ample provision, with-
out excessive toil, will even overcome the obstacles of climate, and
increase more rapidly than those who in the mcst favorable climate,
without a home, toil for a scant subsistence, become vicious from des-
titution ; and those who from excessive wealth, with no stimulus to
healthful exercise, become idle and effeminate. Virtuous women :uid
vigorous men, are the materials with which to produce rapid popula-
tion. We trace the cause by its efiects.
When it is thus found that the people of the Soutiicrn States, with
all ihe obstacles of climate to overcon^e, have reversed the laws of
nature, have increased by natural increase more rapidly than the peo-
ple of New England, with all the advantages of climate in their favor,
we are driven to the conclusion, that the physical and moral condition
of the Ibriner must be far better than that of the latter.
But we have other evidence on tliis question, no less startling, not
less conclusive.
Altliou<i-h as we have said, two of these Southern States are so un-
healthy, a northern Life Insurance Company would forfeit a policy
for a visit (o their limits, not only sufil-r under the usual fatality of a
hot climate, but are liable to deadly diseases peculiar to their locality;
yet we find that the number of deatiis is far less than in the bracing
climate, the pure air, the hill country of New England.
Me N H Vt., I Population. Deaths. Ratio.
Mass., R. I., Conn., $2,728,118 42,368 1 to 64
Md., Va., N. Ca., > 2,730,316 32,216 1 to 85
S. Ca. Ga., )
21
In New England, there are 10,152 more deaths annually than in
these fatal Southern States. In the former, the deaths are in the pro-
portion of 1 to 64 ; in the latter of 1 to 85, or nearly 33 per cent, in
favor of the slaveholding States.
Here again we find nature conquered. The physical and moral
condition of the people of the South is so much better, that climate
and disease are overcome, death vanquished, and his victims far less
than in New England, with i^s pure air and learned physicians.
We thus find that these slaveholding States which abolitionists would
represent as becoming depopulated, actually increase 62 per cent, per
annum faster than New England, not taking into account the artificial
increase by importation : the excess of soulhern births being 29 per
cent., of northern deaths 33 per cent. We have not taken into con-
sideration the increase in the population of New England by immigra-
tion, because we can only look at natural increase, to ascertain the
physical and moral condition of a people. When we come to consider
the poliiical condition of the respective portions of our country, we
propose to notice the efiect of an increase of population by immigra-
tion, and it will be found that it is by no' means so clear that the north
has cause to congratulate itself on its advantage in this particular.
But while we thus exhibit the condition of the white race, the mas-
ter in the slaveholding States, we may be told by the abolitionist, that
we dare not look at the condition of the "poor slave ;" that the mas-
ter's ease is their oppression ; that the master escapes by casting his
ills on the shoulders of the slave.
While then we do not pretend that the condition of the slave is
equal to that of the master; for such we know is not the case, whether
the slave be the son of Africa, or of New England, his master a che-
valier, or Puritan, we will not shrink from this investigation. We
have the right to object, because the census does not give us the sta-
tistics of servants, the "help" in New England, of those who are the
heweis of wood and drawers of water, for the fortunate few wliose
wealth exempts them from toil and suffering. It is not fiur that we
should be required to contrast the condition of our slaves with that of
the masters' of New England. With such odds against us, we are
still not ashamed of the contrast.
We refer to the census.
Me., N. H., Vt. ) Free Population. Annual Births.
Mass., R. I., Conn. \ 2,728,116 61,148
Md Va^,N. Ca. ) g^^^^^^ 1,618,210 40,496
S. Ca., Ga,, )
New England, Annual Deaths. 42,368
Southern Slaves, " " 24,790
22
Ratio of Births and Deaths.
Births. Deaths.
New England, 1 to 44 1 to 64
Southern Slaves, 1 to 39 1 to 65
" Free, 1 to 35 1 to 85
We find that although the slaves are not so fortunate as their mas-
ters, they are more prolific, less liable to die, than the free men of
New England. A class composed almost exclusively of those — the
laborers — who in all estimates of life rank lowest in the scale; a race,
physically inferior to the white man, outranks the white man in the
scale of life ! What would be the result, could class be compared with
class ; those who in New England occupy the position assigned to the
slave in the South, be compared wilh the slave? Nominal freedom
would kick the beam, when weighed in the scale with nominal slave-
ry ; sad realities would be found, fearfully arrayed against sounding
names.
We have still further evidence of the better condition of the slave-
holding States. That country, which has greatest wealth, is not ne-
cessarily the happiest or most prosperojis. On the contrary, exces-
sive wealth too often brings in its train vice and degradation. Real
happiness is rather to be found where wealth is distributed ; Avhere
each is above want, all are able to live free from the harassing exac-
tions of poverty. This is it, which has ever presented the striking
contrast between town and country: which has so fully warranted men
in regarding towns as "sores on the body politic ;" has given rise to
the adage "God made the country, man made the town." In the lat-
ter, great wealth gathered in the hands of the few, the toiling millions
struggling for bread ; the one class is corrupted by luxury, tlie other
debased by destitution. In the country it is the reverse: there though
there be no excessive wealth, there is no poverty: fortune is distribut-
ed, if not with exact equality, yet in such fair proportions, that none
can oppress another, wilh neither luxury nor idleness to corrupt, nor
want nor oppression to tempt and degrade, the people are happy,
virtuous and prosperous.
While in New England, we admit there are more overgrown for-
tunes, more towns, more seeming wealth and prosperity, in tiiat dis-
tributed wealth, which marks real prosperity, in exemption from pov-
erty with its ills, we assert that the slaveholding States are far in ad-
vance. Of necessity, a slaveholding people must mainly be an agri-
cultural people. Among such, whatever wealth there be, must be
better distributed than among the inhabitants of the cities: there must
be fewer paupers. The census proves this.
We take again the New England States and the same five old slave-
holding States, and quote from the census.
23
Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, } Paupers.
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, ^ 33,431
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, ) 14 991
South Carolina, Georgia, ) '
Excess in New England 19,210
New England, with all her boasted prosperity, has nearly double —
135 per cent, more paupers than these Southern States, which aboli-
tionists would represent as impoverished by slavery. In New Eng-
land, the land of thrift, 1 in 81 is a pauper, while in these Souihern
States there is but 1 in 191.
To this, abolitionists will at once reply that these paupers in New
England are foreigners. If this be so, those foreigners did not come
from slaveholding States ! they came from States like New England,
miscalled "free," where they have been taught to look on negro-slave-
ry as a curse, blighting vvilh influence the energy of the white race.
We have, too, another answer to this excuse : to these foreigners is
New England indebted for her boasted increase of population ! With-
out their aid, she would be far behind the South even in numbers; for
we have seen how greatly the South exceeds her in natural increase.
To these foreigners she is indebted, too, for much of her boasted pros-
perity : to their strong arms is she indebted for her railroads, her ca-
nals, her highways, her public works. She has no right, then, to
cast them off when in this matter they count against her.
But this excuse will not avail, for unfortunately the census has dis-
tinguished the native from the foreign paupers : and we are thus en-
abled to compare the native-born, full-blood New Englander, with all
his "thrift, frugality and industry," with the "idle wasteful improvi-
dent" Southerner.
Ma;;.!^kS;;ie^/sl., Conn., \ Native Paupers, 18,966
Md., Va., S. Ca., N. Ca., Ga., " " 11,728
Excess of Native New England Paupers 7,238
New England has of her sons almost double the number, nearly 70
per cent, more paupers than these impoverished slaveholding States.
We have still further evidence of the superior condition of these
slaveholding States. From those afflictions which result from phys-
ical suffering, from mental agitation, the people of the slaveholding-
States are Jar more exempt than the people of New England.
Me., N. H., Vt., ) Deaf, Dumb, Blind, Insane and Idiots.
Mass., R. 1., Conn., ] 8,781
Md., Va., N. Ca., S. Ca., Ga., 7,809
Excess of New England 972
24
New Ent,'land has 12|- jer cent, more of those so terribly {ifllietct!.
But tlie diflerrnce in the number of the Insane is most striking.
New England, Insane, 3,R34
Southern States, " 2,580
Excess in New England 1,254
In the '-land of steady habits," among a people, cold, calculating in
their temper, claiming to be peculiarly sober, temperate, practical, we
find the number of the Insane nearly 50 per bent, greater than among
the excitable, ardent sons of the South.
Will the abolitionist tell us whether this sad condition be the result
of physical destitution, of the anxious struggle with poverty, or is it
the effect of a troubled conscience ? Crime and destitution are alike
fruitful causes of insanity.
We have now contrasted the condition of the New England Slates
with that of the five old slaveholding States, and ha\e found that it is
conclusively shown by the statistics given in the census, that the lat-
ter are more religious, have more homes, are surrounded with more
of those comforts which contribute to health and good morals, that
the natural increase of Iheir population is far greater, their wealth
more equally distributed, lliey are far more exempt from poverty, and
from those alTlictions which result from crime and destitution. We
now propose to contrast their aggregate wealth — and see, if even in
this, the ordinary experience of man is confirmed.
We deny that excessive wealth is a benefit to a State, or an individ-
ual. But we need not slop to point out its evils. In a Republic ex-
cessive wealth is least desirable. As between tlie individual citizens,
it creates an improper distinction, corrupl s the morals of the people,
leads them from that simplicity and purity indispensable to the exis-
tence of the government. But in a Republic, wealtli^ fairly distribut-
ed, so that each of its members, easy and independent in his properly,
shall feel himself practically equal to liis fellows, is all important.
Tliat State which exhibits a population practically equal, with such
reasonable wealth that all are free, is tlie happiest, the most likely to
preserve its liberty. Hence is an agricultural life the most suitable
to republicans. All history verifies the truth of our assertion. Com-
merce, and manufactures, though they being great gains, enrich the
few, the masses are poor; in their train follows luxury, with all its
corrupting tendcnccs. The love of money, the desire of gain crush
out the feeling of manly independence ; men become slaves to fortune,
and are then fit to be llie slaves of a despot.
We must not then take for granted, lluit the country which has the-
greatest aggregate wealth, is really most prosperous. We must
25
rather look to the source of its wealth; to tlic distribution of that
wealth.
We have shown that slave-liolding States must be mainly agricultur-
al, and iheir weaUh of necessity more equally distributed than in
those which are engaged in commerce and manufactures. The cen-
sus has confirmed our position, by the vast disproportion in the num-
ber oF paupers in the slave holding and none-slave holding States.
Even then, if it were true, that the aggregate wealth of the none-slave-
holding States is greater than that of the slaveholding, we should still
deny their greater prosperity.
But even this vain boast is not left to the abolitionist ! Not only is
wealth in the slave-holding Stales so much more equally distributed,
that paupers are almost unknown ; but llieir aggregate wealth is far
greater than that of the none-slavtholding States.
We take again for our comparison the six New Enghmd States, and
the five old Slave-States. Again we give the Abolitionist every ad-
vantage. We take tlieir mi dels of commercial : nd manufacturing
prosperity, and contrast them with those which are ever held up,
pointed at us emblems of poverty ; we compare the frugal, ingenious,
energetic, thrifty Yankee with the idle, improvident, careless and
wasteful slave-holder.
We remember that the free population is equal — and appeal again
to the census.
The assessed value or the property real and personal is in
Me , N. H., Vt., ) Value of prouerty.
Mass., R. I., Conn. ) $1,003,466,181.00
Md., Va., N. Ca., S. Ca., Ga., $1,420,989,573.00
Excess of Southern wealth, $417,523,392.00
Of this excess there is
OfLmd, $127,308,838.00
Of personal property, 290,215,054.00
The ratio of wealth to the individual is, in
New England, $367.00 per head
Southern States, $520.00 " " '
The poor worn out slave-holding States, have in fact $417,523,392,
more wealth thun New England with ;ill its bocsled prosperit}' !
This result is the more extn'ordinary because it reverses : g.iin all
our experience. Since the di.ys oF Tyre and Sidon, commerce and
manufactures have been regarded as sources of greater wealth, agri-
cuhure of ]e:.st profit. In Europe tariffs are made to protect the
farmer; commerce and manufactures are able to prolect themselves.
With us on the contrary, the farmers are not only richer than the
trader, the merchant, the manufacturer, but tariffs are enacted to pro-
tect the latter — Agriculture not only protects itself, but carries on its
26
shoulders commerce and manufactures. In despite of oppressive leg-
islation, we find these agricultural, slave-holding Stales, in -wealth,
far in advance of New England, with its unequalled commerce, its
unrivalled manufactures.
But we will be told that in this estimate we include our slaves :
that they should not be counted as property, but rated as persons, en-
titled to a share !
This objection comes with an ill grace from those whose greatest
objection to slavery is its unprofitable character : who regard slaves
as the poorest investment of capital, a spinning jenny as more pro-
fitable ; bank-bubbles, "emigration"-stock as better investments of
their money. This is the very question we are considering ; we are
testing the results of the investment, and when it is found that instead
of being unprofitable, slaves are the best possible investment, it will
not do to turn round and say they are not property.
But we will give them this double character of property to the
master, and of persons entitled to a share, and still we find the South
is far richer than New England.
Me., N. H., Vt., ) Total population. Ratio of property.
Mass., R. I., Conn., I 2,728,016 $367.00 per head.
Southern States, 3,448,426 412.00 " "
We may be charged with selecting for our comparison the poorest
of the non-slave-holding States, and be challenged to a contrast with
New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, the giants of the non-slave-holding
States. The general impression, it is true, is, that these are the richest
and most prosperous of all our States, but this is like many other gen-
eral impressions a most egregious error. These States are not only in
their aggregate, and proportional wealth, far behind the slave-holding
States, but are far beiiind New England : the ratio in these Stales be-
ing as follow :
New York per head $231.00
Pennsylvania " " 214.00
Ohio, " " 219.00
The other non-slave-holding States are still lower in the scale.
Indiana has $1.54.00 per head
Illinois has 134.00 " "
While of the new slaveholding States
Mississippi has $702.00 per head
Louisiana has 806.00 " "
Kentnck)' with her barren mountains is fur ahead of Ohio ; and
Missouri, the poorest of the slaveholding Slates, with a mere liandful
of slaves, under all her disadvantages is richer than Illinois, the "young
giant of the West;" than Indiana, with her unrivalled soil, her favour-
able position..
27
We give the ratio of each :
Ohio, per head $219.00
Indiana, " " 154.00
Illinois, " " 134 00
Kentucky, " " 377.00
Missouri, " " 166.00
Taking the whole Union, with the exception of California, which
as yet is of no fixed character, we find that though the non-slave-hold-
ing States contain a free population more than double that of the
slave-holding States, their whole property is only 16 per cent.grreater .
While the proportionate wealth of the South is nearly twice as much
as that of the North.
We give again the exhibits of the census.
Non-slaveholding States, Free Population 13,214,380
Slaveholding States, Free, ^''^^^'S?
^ u Representative, 8,446,507
Total, 9,513,311
Property to the person :
Non-slaveholding States, To Free, $233.00
Slaveholding States, To Free, 439.00
u u Representative, 328.00
Total, 291.00
We have now contrasted the condition of the six New England
States with those of the five old slave Stales, so far as the facts ex-
hibited in the census enable us to contrast their condition, with a view
to determine their religious and moral character, their progress in
wealth and population. We have selected these States for our com-
parison, because their free population is equal, and because they fair-
ly exhibit, for they have fully tried, the effects of negro-slavery. They
are not, like the new States of the South and West, creatures of a
day; pushed forward, puffed up by accident; peopled by hazard, their
condition all unsettled. We have taken those tried by time, and the
result is, that we find all experience set at naught; the laws of nature
vanquished.
The people of the North, elsewhere noted for religious devotees,
here are found less pious than the thoughtless Southerner. The north-
ern clime, elsewhere the very hot-bed of population for the South
here tails far behind the fatal regions of the South in tiie number of
its births, greatly exceeds the South in the number of its deaihs The
men of the North, by nature more vigorous and energetic, here, though
noted for frugality and industry, with every advantage which legisla-
tion can <.lve', thus levying an enormous annual tax upon the people of
the South, are yet for behind the people of the South in the acquisition
of wealth.
28
Commerce and manvifaclures, elsewhere the sources of greatest
wealtli, liere are found less profitable than slaveholding agriculture.
To all the ills to wliich man is subject, both mental and physical,
the men of the north, with all the advantages of climate, are lar more
liable than the southern slaveholder.
In short, under all the disadvantages of climate, the cramping influ-
ence of oppressive legislation, in despite of the very laws of nature,
by the so called "curse of slavery," the people of the slaveholding
States arc more religious, healthier and happier, multiply faster, live
longer and better, and are far richer than the people of tlie North.
But there are effects procured by negro slavery, which are not ex-
hibited in the census, can not be set down in figures, of far more im-
portance than tlie acquisition of wealth, as mere increase of population.
These are, its tendency to elevate the character of tlie while race, to
give to that race a more exalted tone of moral sentiment ; and in a re-
public of vital importance is its influence in giving to the white race
a higher, holier, more stern and unyielding love of liberty ; in
making the white race emphatically a race of Sovereigns, lit members
of a free government.
In 1775, in a speech delivered in the British P;irliament, Edmund
Burke, the Philosopher and Statesman, in support of his motion for
the adoption of measures to conciliate America, referring to the influ-
ences which in the respective Colonies would induce opposition to
the Briiish government, and among others to the religious opinions of
the northern Colonies, and to the supposed attachment of the south-
ern Colonies to the church of England as likely to incline them favour-
able to the government, said :
" There is however a circumstance attending these southern colo-
nies, which fully counterbalance this difference and makes the spirit
of liberty still more high, and haughty, th;in in those to the Eistward.
It is, that in Virginia and the Carolinas, there is a vast multitude of
slaves. Where this is the case in any part of the world, those who
are free are by jar the most proud and jealous of their freedom.
Freedom to them is not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and
privilege. Not seeing there that freedom, as in countries where it
is a common blessing, and broad and general as the air, may be united
with much abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of ser-
vitude, liberty looks among them like something that is more noble
and liberal. I do not mean Sir, to commend the superior morality of
this sentiment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in it ; btit
I can not alter the nature of man. The fact is so ; and these people
of the southern colonies are much more strongly and with an higher and
more stubborn spirit attaclie:Uo liberty than those to the northward. Such
29
were all the ancient commonwealths ; such were our Gothic Ances-
tors ; such in our day were the Poles ; and such will ever be all
masters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In such a people,
the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom,
fortifies it, and renders it invincible."
History attest the truth of every word uttered by him. Not only
does the institution of slavery elevate the character of the master, and
where the master is free render his devotion to liberty a high and
holy feeling, fortify it and render it invincible, but, where, as in our
country, the slave is of a different i ace, marked and set apart by his
colour, it elevates the character not only of the miister, the actual
owner of slaves, but of all who wear the colour of the freeman. With
us, colour, not money marks the class : black is the badge of slaA'ory ;
white the colour of the ^'reeman : and the white man, however poor,
whatever be his occupation, feels himself a sovereign. Though his
estate be but an empty title, he will not disgrace his station by stooping
for moneys' sake to become the slave of another : he will treat with
others as his equals, exchange his labour for their money, not honoured
by their service, but reciprocating the favour of equal to equal. His
class respects him, wiih the jealousy of rank will stand by him, and
for the sake of their order will sustain him.
Not only does negro slavery thus elevate the character of the white
man, it ennobles woman. Relieved by the slave from the abject toil,
the servile condition to which the white woman is so often subjected
by necessity where negro slavery does not exist, and which strip her
of womans' greatest charm, modesty; which make of her the rude
drudging, despised servant of a harsh master ; the white woman be-
comes, as she is fitted to be, not the slave, but the queen of her house-
hold, fit mate for a sovereign.
Virtuous, modest, sensitive, retiring, her only ambition to merit the
love of her husband, her only pride to point to her children and say,
" these are my jewels"; wor>hipped in her spliere, her gentle sway
undisputed, the white woman in the slave-holding States needs no
con^ entions to give her, her rights. Whether she be the mistress of
a mansion, or the hnmble tenant of a cabin, to her the seat of honour
is ever accorded — at home or abroad, every son of the south deems
himself her champion.
Such is the estimate placed upon woman, such her condition in the
slave-holding States. It is no fancy sketch, but a picture for which
we are sneered at by Utilitarians, who would have us "put woman to
use." So too would the savages: with them woman is useful; she
relieves her lord of his labour, bows her head in his presents ; kneeig
to him ; waits on his pleasure ; is his slave ! Not such is the use to
which slave holders put woman. The only use to which they would
30
put her, is that for which her maker intended her, "a help meet for
her husband"; to be "with him one flesh."
Negro shivery lias a further effect on the character of the wliite
woman, which should commend the institution to all who love the
white race more than they do the negro. It is a shield to the virtue
of the white woman.
So long i\s man is lewd, woman will be his victim. Those who are
forced to occupy a menial position, have ever been, will ever be
most tempted, least protected: this is one of the evils of slavery ; it
attends all who are in that abject condition from tl>e beautiful Circas-
sian to the sable daughter of Africa. While we admit the selfishness
of the sentiment, we are free to declare, we love the white woman so
much, we would save her even at the sacrifice of the negro : would
throw around her every shield, keep her out of the way of temptation.
Such are the effects of negro slavery xipon the individual character
of the white race.
Upon the character of the while man, as a member oP the Republic
towards the preservation of the government in its purity, its very form,
its effects arc not less important.
It was truly said, by Burke, "where slavery exists, those who are
free are by I'ar the most proud and jealous of their freedom," "are
more strongly, and with an higher and more stubborn spirit attached
to liberty," "freedom is 1o them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of
rank and privilege." Tliis is the more strikingly illustrated in a Re-
public, where the slaves are of a different race, distinguished from the
freeman by their colour. In such a Republic, the white looks upon
libertv as the privilege of his colour, the government peculiarly his
own, himself its sovereign. He watches it with the jealous eye of a
monarch: "proud of his freedom," he is "jealous of his privilege ;"
with "a stubborn spirit," with the haughtiness of domination lie will
resist every attempt to rob him of his dominion. ' 'Not r( customed to
see all the exterior of servitude" attached to his colour, but taught to
look on slavery as fit only for a negro, he will not stoop to call any,
master, he can not be made a slave. Where negro slavery exists,
money is not necessary to make the freeman ; the white man takes
rank by his colour ; it is his patent of nobility, and until forfeited for
dishonour, entitles him and commands for him all the privileges of
his class.
Not so can it be, where "all the exterior of servitude" attaches to
the nominal freeman : there of necessi!y money must distinguish tlie
classes — mark the master, separate him from the servant. There
oolour gives no privilege, but the white man and the white woman
driven to "service," are excluded from the presence of their masters.
31
dare not claim to be tlieir equals. Where money gives honour, pover-
ty is looked upon as disgrace. To those who envy the negro his po-
sition, we urge no argument ; but to those who would see their race
respected, fit to be free, we confidently appeal to reflect upon the dif-
ference which is thus effected in the condition of the while race. With
all the pride and haughtiness attributed by the abolitionist to the slave-
holder, we challenge a comparison of the rank in society held by the
poor white man in the slave-holding, and non-slave-holding States.
The northern mechanic, who has once put foot within the limits of a
slave-holding Slate, has felt this vast difference, and can bear witness
to it. The humble seamstress, the despised chambermaid, whose for-
tune has led her to the home of the slave-holder, has had cause to re-
member his courtesy to woman. Slave holders are proud of their col-
our, they can not but respect it.
But the influence of negro-slavery on the future destiny of our Re-
public, is even more potent than its effects upon the character of those
who compose the government. We have said that the preservation
of our Republic in its purity, depends on the institution of slavery.
For this we shall be denounced by abolitionists, as denying the truth
of that principle which lies at the foundation of our government.
They who daily in practice deny it, give the lie to every word in
the sentiment, are ever most ready to prate about "liberty and equal-
ity;" in iheir denunciations of slave liolders, are accustomed to insist
on a literal interpretation of the declaration "that all men are created
equal." "Tliat they are endowed by their creator with certain in-
"alienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of
"happiness."
It is common with abolitionists to condense this with the declaration
that "all men are born free and equal."
Nei'her is true when taken literally. On the contrary, as has been
wittily said, the first word is a falsehood, for men are not created !
Children are created, not men. Noi^ is there more trutli in the de-
claration, that men are created equal, as applicable to the phy&ical, or
mental condi ion of man. The helpless idiot, the cripple, the blind,
are noi equal to tlie bright, the beautiful, the strong : unequal in for-
tune is llie "beggars brat," and the petted child of a wise and wealthy
father. No two of all who are created, are equal.
Nor is it literally true, that "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi-
ness are inalienable." On the contrary life is taken, the pursuit of
happiness is regulated, liberty is restrained from the hour of birth, to
the day of death. If the abolitionist were right in their interpretaticm
of this principle, our army should be disbanded, our navy dismantled,
our prisons thrown up, our very laws blotted out ; they are all practi-
cal refutations of their construction.
32
Though of this declaration not one word is true wlien taken literal-
ly ; yet as a political principle, as applicable alone to those ^vho are
members of a government, it is the very foundation of liberty.
Eut as a political principle, applied as it must be to those alone
who compose the government, it has no relation to the question of
negro slavery.
Ours is in fact, whatever it may be attempted to make it in theory, es-
sentially a government of white men : it cim not be necessary that we
should say a word to show, that il should be so. Wisdom suggests it,
necessity compels it : the negro is a race inferior to the white ; they
can not meet as equals.
When we sny that the negro is an inferior race, we need not chum
that his race is dilFereni or tliat i(s origin is not comn^on to that of the
white. We care not to engage in a controversy of so little profit.
To gratify those who so love the negro, we may admit that they spring
from the same source, and still maintain that they are inferior to the
white. The blood horse of Arabia, the dray horse of Holland, and
the Shatland poney, are all horses, and naturalists tell us they spring
from a common stock j yet none will pretend that they are equal.
So too the fleet greyhouTul. the sagacious New-foundl;:nd, the mangy
cur, the diminutive despicable fice, are all dogs; it may be of connnon
origin, yet is the one inferior. They can neiilier be f id nor trained
into equality ! Wc may then admit that negroes are men, sprung Irom
a common origin with the while race, and still claim th;.t tl:ey are in-
ferior. Thai they are so, we can cull abolitionists to wi:ness. for how-
ever much they love the slave, they exclude a free negro from their
presence, drive him from their States.
Of the right of a people to declare, who shall compose the govern-
ment, who enjoy ils full privileges, of the propriely of exercising
this right sous to exclude many, to one who appreciates the blessings
of liberty, no proof need be gi-ven. There never was, there never
can be a free government, to the full privileges of which, all who may
happen to be wilhin its limits, are admitted. We have restricicd this
right, even in the case of the while man: and it is conceived by many
that we have even been too liberal in our permission to others of the
white race to come and after a short probation share with us our
proud privileges.
Whatever be the opinion as to the propriety of our course towards
the white race, we will not admit it debateable as to the negro. Posi-
tive legii-lation is not necessary to exclude them, so universal is the
feeling: abolitionists indeed would never entrust the government to
their hands.
If then negroes can not take port in the administration of th.e gov-
eruinenl, if they are neter to be admiUed lo a share in its privileges j
it will be asked, how are they to ulleet its duration, preserve its pur-
ity ?
Our a'lsvrer is, by couiiiuiing; to occupy that position for which their
iri'ktT inicuded t'lein : that ol slaves to the while man.
In a Republic, where all are polilically ecjual, wealth becomes the
gr^Mt object lo be altaiiicd ; for wealth alone gives distinctionj weallh
is uidispensable to th.e enjoyment ot real liberty, wealth distinguishes
thi! irceinan from ilie slave. There, money makes the real master,
pM\erty llu; real slave, A contest between wealth and poverty ncces-
,s:!riiy be;ri:is. Each s^'oks by the means wiihin its command to in-
crease i;s })owcr. Wealth by the aid of talent to increase and to se-
cure i.:s fortunes. Poverty by its political power, in numbers the
stronger, seeks lo be!ter its condition, to free itself from real slavery,
to become at least really ''I'ree and equal." Capital seeks to extort
the greatest gain for least expenditure. Labour struggling for bread,
dcminds a higher recompense for its services. The interests of tha
employer and the hireling, the capitalist and labourer, are antagonisticy
lor the gain of the one, is the loss of the other. As a country con-
tinues lo increase in population, these interests conflict the more : wealth
becomes inore absorbed in the hands of the few, the demand for labouf
less tlian the supp'y, the labourers become weakened by their very
numbers : at last the starving millions bu^come desperate.
Poli'ically the pnuper, and tlie man of wealth are equal : labour has
thus the power ol numbers ; while on the other hand wealth has the
power of money, the command ol' talent. The contest has ever proved
unequal ; the brute force of numbers may prevail for a time, it effects
a mere convulsion : Agrarian laws may be called for, a distribution of
property demanded ; in the end talent and wealth will conquer ; and
then, to protect itself, to guard against a like convulsion, strong laws
will be enacled, a government offeree be established. The scenes of
the French revolution but illustrate the issue of this contest; Anar-
chy under the cry of ''Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," rules for a day,
to be followed on the morrow by an Empire !
Here it is proper we should again refer to the boasted increase of
population in New England.
We have seen that this is not so much the result of natural increase,
as of foreign emigration ; we now propose to consider whether such
increase he evidence of prosperity.
We may, as piditical economists insist, irnst that providence in itS'
wisdom does re;^ulate th;; natural increase of population by the capa-
city of a country to sustain its populalion, and may hence properly
ra'e such increase as an evidence uf pro(-|i-^ritr. But the capacity of
3
34
a eountry may b« increased by wise, be tliniinii>hecl by iiijuilicious
legislation ; iuul lipnce mere im-rease of population is not necessarily
cvitlence of prosperity. So too, population may by ertificial means
be increased far beyond its natural increase, and may greatly exceed
in this manner tlie c;ipncity of the country to support is popukuiun :
this would be the reverse of prosperity.
There is none more ready than \vc to extend all the blessinf^s of our
free government, the almost boundless resources of our favoured land,
to the poor and the oppressed of all nations ; yet. it is possible that our
hospitality may be extended too far. The statesmen of the slavehold-
ing States have been, and are still willing, to extend the welcome hand
to all who come to us ; their generous hospitality has not been cramped
by the hard struggle for bread.
But it is not so at the North : there, the increase of population is
beginning to be felt as far from evidence of prosperity. Already the
cry for a repeal of the naturalization laws has been raised ; pnlitienl
parties, secret societies, with this for their basis, have been organized.
It is not that our foreign population wield too great an iiifluence in
our government ; it is not that our naturalized citizens iire corrupting,
or debasing public morals ; but it is that the struggle for bread is be-
coming desperate, that the contest between capital and labour is hast-
ening to a close ; this it is that leads the efforts to repeal the natur-
alization laws, to the growing opposition in the Nortli to the further
admission of emigrants ; the capitalist fears the vast addition to tlie
ranks of its enemies ; the labourers of the North feel the dread con-
ecquences of such a host of competitors.
We have seen the vast number of families in New England who
are without a dwelling ; its host of paupers, the inequality in the dis-
tribution of its property ; these, with "strikes" for higher wages, as-
iociations demanding a distribution of land, "barnburners" the desig-
nation of a p^riy, are all, but clouds which indicate the approach of
the storm, mark the progress of the contest.
Let the influx of foreign labourers continue, daily reducing the rate
of wages ; let, as is threatened, the prisons and poorhouses of Europe
be emptied on us; let thus labour be consumed by its own strength,
capital be thus still further monopolised by the few, until the thousand
famished victims of excessive population cry out for bread, rise in the
power of numbers and demand their "equal rights," their "equal
share;" what then shall save the Republic from wreck?
When that day siiall come, which may a kind Providence long defer,
if in the mean time they do not forget that we are their brothers, do
not force us to disown them for our kindred, the men of the Norih
will find th« slave holders ready with heart and with purse, with
head and witli hand, as were our fathers in days gone hj", and seem-
ingly forgotten, to save them from destruction.
Upon the South, as upon the strong arm of a brother, so long as
negro shivery exists, the North can rely ; it will furnish materials to
its workshops, a market for its manufactures ; werdtli to its capitalist,
wages to the labourer. In the South no struggle between labour and
capital can arise. Where slavery exists, capital and labour are one,
for labour is capital. There the capitalist, instead of exhausting hi»
labourer, must strengthen, protect and preserve him. for he is his
money. The interest of the labourer and the capitalist, the slave and
his master, are identical ; they cannot conflict. The prosperity of the
master is the happiness of the slave, for his condition is improved as
his master prospers ; the master prospers, as his slave is healthy,
vigorous and happy.
To negro slavery is the South indebted for its unrivalled prosperity,
its exemption from the fearful struggle of wealth and poverty ; the
happy equality in the condition of its people ; its practical enjoyment
of tlie fuU blessings of republican government.
Let abolitionists succeed, let slavery be abolished, the negroes
turned loose : the whites, driven from their homes, will seek a refuge
among the crowded population of the North ; or else the whites vic-
torous in the conflict which would follow, the miserable negroes would
fly to thci- professed friends; the northern labourer would find a ruin-
ous competitor; the northern capitalist a fearful addition to the strength
of his enemy. In either event the struggle would be hastened to an
issue. The fall of the South would bring ruin on the North ; the Re-
public would give place to Anarchy, to be followed by the rich man'*
rule, a despotism.
In the history of the world, there is no instance of a Republic,
which endured for a generation, without the institution of slavery.
We have shown the cause. It is in the contest which of necessity
arises between wealth and poverty. That cause operates to-day in
our own country with even more force than in tho earlier ages of the
world. Wc have seen that now, as heretofore, there is but one reme-
dy for this evil : it is to identify the interest of the capitalist and
labourer. And we have seen that this end can be attained but in one
v.ay : by the institution of slavery. If then we would preserve our
Ropubtift^let us protect its only safe-guard.
We lib e now presented to our friends at the North, (he facts on
which n e rely for our declaration, that negro slavery, as it exists
among us, is no nil. In the contrast which we have made of the
con'Htion of the si .veholding and non-slavcholding States, our purpose
l)a» not been to "see ino;ils in a brother's evt\" hut it has been to dis-
abuse our friends of error, to enable them to judge iis fiiirly.
To the good men oC the North we are fjralefiil for the manliness
with which Ihoy so often come forward, and in despite of the denun-
ciations of demagogues and fanatics, in despite even of their ov/n pre-
judices, sustained our rights, done justice to our institutions. We
are ready, loo, to accord to them all praise for their many excellen-
cies. We admire their efforts in tlie cause of education ; we would
not diminish their praise, nor lessen our blame, by reference to llie
greater facilities lor extending to all the benefits of education where
population is dense. "We claim not that we are perfect ; nor while we
deny that negro slavery is an evil, do we deny that it may be attended
with evil. The execution of laws, the very existence of human gov-
ernment, is attended with evil ; religion itself is attended with evil.
We may tlien admit as an e\il attendant upon slavery, (for slavery
makes a people agricultural, and this pre\ents gre:it <h^nsitv of })opu-
lation,) the difficulty of extending the benefits of education to all. But
if education, or rather learning, do not ])rodnee the good fruits — virtue,
morality, religion, happiness — it is of little profit. All else must rot
he sacrificed to mere learning. Lei then our nortliern friends contrast
the condition of the slaveholding and non-slavediolding States, in all
those things which advance man's happiness, and we confidenllv rely
on their aid to crush out those wlio would deceive tlieni ; would lead
them to sever the ties which bind us together ; would seek to destroy
us, though with us must fall the republic.
We have confined our comparisons of the condition of the slaveliold-
ingand non-slaveholding States to the facts shown by tlie census, Ijc-
cause we have not the time to investigate other sfatisiics, which would
further and fully exhibit the contrast ; and for the additional cause
that other statistics might be disputed. Those given in the census
can not be questioned, are accessible to all, and are ample to sustain
our position. We had thought to give tlie statement of the number of
convicts in the penitentiaries of the dilTerent States, as well as the
number of actual members of churches, but our private engagements
forbid our devoting such time as might be necessary to obtain satisfac-
tory information on these and other subjects equally interesting. We
will simply state that, in each of these instances, the slaveholding
States are beyond all conception in advance of the non-slaveholding
Slates. The proportion of convicts to popula^i.'n is, in the non-slave-
holding States, nearly double that in the shiveliolding Slates* while in
the latter, the proportion of actual members of chureh.es to papulation
is nearly double ihat in the noji-slavcholding !
The contrasi of bastards and prostitutes is stiil mire favorable to
the South. We hope ihnt otheis who lie.ve more |;-^jd)C and better op-
]-)ort unities for obtainii:"; full information on all sucii matlcrs of inter-
est, will at once dare the abolilionists to tlie investig.ilion. We know
that the result will be fuAorablo 1o the South; will ciilighten the good
men at the North ; and v,e may Iiope it will help to rescue the counlry
from the curse of abolilinn.
But if we haAC faih-d to satisfy our norllicrn friends that ]iep;ro
slavery is no evil, we have yet a further matter to submit to their
reflection.
Admit it an evil, how is it to be mifijruied ? No immediate cure is
practicable ; temporarj' alleviation only can be given. We propose
now to alleviate it, if it be an evil ; to extend its benefits, if it be a
blessing.
To extend the limits, op'^n a widi^r field for the employment of
slaves, is, of all others, the remedy for the evil, if it be an evil ; the
must effeciuul to extend its benefits, if it be a blessing.
By this, nut one is added to the number of the slaves ; on the con-
trary, the number is thus most likely to diminish. The inducement
wdiich more than all others leads the master 1o liberate his slave, is the
affection of the master. To lhe growth of tliat affection, the good con-
duct of the slave, intimate and familiar intercourse with the master,
the sympathy of association mainly conduce. The master does not
liberate his slave from hatred, but IVom love ; from a desire tu benelil;
him ; as a reward for fidelity.
Where a master is the owner of but lew slaves, is personally asso-
ciated with each of them, it is natural that he should feel a deeper in-
terest in them, a more lively allachment for them, than where, by their
very numbers, they are excluded from his presence ; are as strangers
to him ; of necessity, too, often subjected to the control of another.
Such is the difference in the attachment of the employer to his domes-
tic "help," his housekeeper, his chambermaid, the servants of his
household, and to those of the field or the factory.
By opening a wider field for the employment of slaves, they are
divided into smaller parties ; tlic number of owners increased ; lhe
proportion of slaves diminished ; a closer intimacy necessarily arises
between them; affection springs up, and liberty becomes the reward
of fidelity.
This same cause equally contributes to the advancement of the moral
and physical condition of the slave ; tends io fit him I'or liberty. The
watchful eye of the master is brougld more closely to bear, and he is
stimulated by affection to guard and protect his slave with a kinder
care. Not crowded together, ihey are of necessity healthier ; their
numbers meet I'or social intercourse, not sucli as to corrupt by asso-
ciation, with their masters' example constantly before them, theh'
moral condition is equally improved.
All, ihcn. wlio ferl for the slave, not nint-k but real >iTuipTtliy.
should nnilc to PXtiMid the limifs \\ ilhin which thty may be employed.
We have uol appealed to ihe men oF the Norlji to recognize our
rit:^lits; we have not. as we mi>ht have, reminded them that our slaves
were purchased from them: that they are in possession oC the money
jiaid by our fatlu-rs lo theirs for these very slaves ; v.'c have not ap-
jjcaled to them to look into the future and consider the end, sliould the
ab(>litionists succeed in confuiing the slaves to a limited space — the
violent destruction of the slaves or the whites. To those who need
such appeals, an appeal would be idle.
In conclusion, we will say a word further to our southern friends.
If, in violation of all right, we are still to be held as o\itlawf<, to be
lobbed of our property, excluded from an equal sh.are of our couTitry's
blessines, but one course i> loll to us. It is to follow the example set
us by liie good old Puritan patriots — to say to them in the words of
our resolution :
"Those who ]\v.\e slaveholders, have no right to slaveholder's morev.
Our purpose is to trade with our Iriemis ; our enemies we will let
alone, so long as they let us alone.''
If no other appeal ])rove efi'eetivc, appeal to their jiockets ! Let
those at the North, who can control the abolitionists, feel that it is to
their interest to do their duty. Cease to trade with them ; to send
your children to their schools ; to spend your money at their watering
places ; to travel on their roads ; and you will not only escape the
insults and outrages daily heaped upon you, but you will find, ere
long, an abolitionist as hateful to the people of the North, as he now is
to the slaveholders of the South! Forbearance is ceasing to be a
virtue.
B. F. STRINGFELLOW,
Chairman of Committee.
IB -io.a
APPENDIX,
CONDITION OF THE NE(iRO.
• „ „ ^'\^f -"^ l'""''>- nimrt. Insane & T(lm(».
Free Ne?:ro 1 to []i_m 1 to 870 1 to 'JSO
Slaves 1 -(35.52 1 " 2G45 1 '< 3()S0
CONDlTiONlH' THE WHITES.
Maine, New Hamp., Vermont, ) „ -r. i , Free nornl-itinn
Mass, Rho.le Island, Conn, ^ew England. ^ o "''s oKi
Maryland, A'a., N. du, ) , , , f's „^ ^ '' ' '
S. Carolina, GcorgiM, \ o old slave States.
Excess of southern States only
CHURCHES, &c.
New Ensrland, 4.60. ]'J.;5G2,r)34 1 s'V.] 450
5 Southern States, 8,081 11 ,I4'J.ll8 2,MI(j 472
".,-174 8,213,510 1,0U3,022
New England has Froe Negroes, 22,9r,l Whites, 2,705 055
Southern States have "' '• 16S,410 •' 2,501^804
New England excludes from church, Whites... 811,005— Free 834 5G6
Southern churches will bold every white man, woman
and child, nnd hav<^ room for....' 334,608 slaves
Will take in all the Free Negroes and hold *.* l'6o'.25V ' " '
Will hold all who could get into the N. England churches
and then hold i 1,003,022 slaves.
New England has 1 church to 587 White,
Q M 'L . ," I '!" *^ •^92 White and Free Ne^ro,
South. States h;ivo 1 do to 317 White, ''
'* "' 1 ^0 to 330 White and Free Ncc^ro
" " 1 do to 537 total including slaves.'
FAMILIES AND DWELLINGS.
-.r T^ , , J'.iiiiilics. Dwvllini:?.
New England 518,532 447,789
Southern States, 500,008 496,'309
New England, 11,564 more families, 48,580 less dwel'
New England has 70,743 families Avithout a home '
Southern States but 10,599 '< « a '
New England has 1-8 of its families houseless.
Southern States have.. 1-50 " « «
,T T-i 1 .1 Families. Annus'
New England has 518,532
Southern States have 506.'96S
New England with 11,504 more families^ has IG'ss's i'*.
Natural increase by birth is over 27 p. -"• ^ '"
New England..
Southern Statf.
Slaves
Excess of New England, death.
Increase of population by birth
RATIO
New England „
Southern States, free popuIatioL
Slaves
40
PAUPKRS.
TmI.iI. N:iti\-o.
Now Kn-hniH :->,-l:;i : lS^)e,>\
Soutliem Starrs \-\.::i[ U..2.^
New Eii;;land nxcoss l',.'.2ll) ~i,'2',')S
i;.\t;o or rArrinc::.
I'.nlll. Xatlv".
Now Enslfinil I to 81 1 to 14:}
Sunt licrii States 1 to 171 I to 232
VALUE OF PROPERTY, REAL AN!) PERSONAL.
New Eno;liin.i $1,003,406,181
Southern States J ':^r'll^^_^l'P
Excess of propeitv in south.Tu Statics S;4 17,523,;>y2
Of this the excess oi' land is 127,308.338
'» «' pcr>on;il property 2'.)0,20;"),0o4
I'.ut tliis is I'vcii less tliaii it >licml(I lie. l.ainl in ili' hnutlicni States is ralcii at its value lor vit'''i-
^.„Hi;r^. — while in X'w I-liiL-latiil it is ai Uic llrijtioiir. v.iliio vl town lauut.
VALUE OF PROPERTY, REAL AND PERSONAL,
IN TllK SLAVE iroLDIMG AM) NON-t^LAVE llOLDIM; STATKP.
Piipiiial on.
Noil- slavehohlins States free I:;.214.3Si>
SUivohoklini!; States free _ tJ,312.J<'J'.l
R>pro>(entativo 8,440, ")U7
Total, U,513,3U
Vahic or I'rcprrty.
Non-slaveholtlins; State? i>;3. 180.083.824
tSlaveholdiiij!; States 2,775, 121,644
Non-slaveholding States cxrcss of rr^'c population 111'.) per cent.
" " " '' wealth 10 per Cent.
RATIO OF PROPERTY TO THE PERSON.
Non-slavcholdino; States free to person $233.00
Slaveholding States " '" 4;;'J.()0 /
Representative " 328.00 f
Dividing with slaves as persons " 2"J1.00
RATIO OF PROPERTY TO PERSON IN SEVERAE STATES.
Non-slavehi)l(liiii: States. :>iavcholdint; .State
asachusetts,
. .$")4S.no
Sonth Carol
na, .
. $1,001.00
0 Islan.l,
. o2i).00
Louisiana,
.
. 800.00
"ctictit,
321.00
Mississippi,'
.
702.00 \
ampshire,
. 280.00
(tcorsjia, .
. .
. 038.00
It,
228.00
Alaliaina,
.
511.00
. 166.00
Maryland,
.
. 423.00
»rk,
231.00
Virginia,
.
403.00
ania,
. 214.00
Kentucky,
.
. 377.00
210.00
North Carol
inn, .
307.00
. l.-)4.00
Tennessee,
,
. 248.00
134.00
Missouri,
.
166.00
SLAVES.
^
,
$42^.00
,
425.00
^
360 00
,
357.00
•
343.00
309.00
•
21>5.00
. 284.00
244.00
188.00
144.0(1
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