Skip to main content

Full text of "Negro year book : an annual encyclopedia of the Negro 1931-1932"

See other formats




An Annual 




Director Department of Records and Research 
Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute 






Composed and Printed by the 
Tuskegee Institute Press 
Tuskegee Institute, Ala. 


The Negro Year Book for 1931-32 is the Eighth Edition. This 
Edition, when compared with former editions, shows a distinct change 
both in content and arrangement of matter. All information on a 
particular subject is assembled in one section. Practically all of the 
materials are new. It is a handbook which gives in a concise but 
thorough-going form the information desired. It provides a compre- 
hensive and impartial view of the events affecting the Negro and the 
progress he is making throughout the world. 

The Negro Year Book continues to be the standard work of 
reference on all matters relating to the Negro. It is the most ex- 
tensively used compendium of information on the Negro. Its circu- 
lation extends to every part of the United States, to Canada, the West 
Indies, Central America, South America, Asia, and Africa. 

This Edition, as was true of the previous one, is in a form 
suitable to the needs of both the general reader and the student. 
The book is also especially adapted for use in schools and other 
places where historical and sociological courses on the Negro are 

Price per copy, postpaid, $2.00. 

The Negro Year Book Company. 
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 





Broader Fields of Labor. Negro Citizens Contribute Support to Col- 
lege for Whites. The Commission on Interracial Cooperation. Prize 
Contests in Colleges and High Schools. Interracial Student Groups. 
Presbyterian Students Issue Statement. Student Interracial Con- 
ferences in the South. College Professors Organize. Interracial Dis- 
cussion Groups in Northern Universities. Peace Caravans. Interra- 
cial Peace Committee. Church and Race Relations. National Inter- 
racial Conference. Second National Interracial Conference. Inter- 
racial Project Women Presbyterian Church South. Work of Women 
Methodist Church South. (The Commission on Social Service, National 
Council Congregational Churches. The Catholic Church and Race 
Relations. 'Race Relations Committee Society of Friends. The In- 
quiry Method. 



Emancipation Proclamations. 


What is the New Negro. Burlesquing the Negro in Films and over 
the Radio. Suggestions to White Speakers Addressing Audiences of 
Colored People. Use of Obnoxious Terms. What Term Should be 
Used to Designate the Group of African Descent. What Is a Negro. 
Capitalizing the "N" in Negro. Why Should the Negro Want a 
Capital Letter. Rules of Some Newspapers Relative to the Word 
Negro. Further Discussion Concerning Periodicals and the Capitaliz- 
ing of the Word Negro. Some Examples of Newspapers, Magazines 
and Publishers Capitalizing the Word Negro. International Associa- 
tions. Summary of Nineteen Years Civil Rights Struggle for Ameri- 
can Negroes. Resolutions 1930 Meeting N. A. A. C. P. Durham 
Fact-Finding Conference. What The Negro Thinks. 


Business and Discriminations. Athletics and Discriminations. Edu- 
cation and Discriminations. Injunction Suits Filed. County Boards 
of Education Must Support Negro Schools. Legislative Enactments 
in Arizona and New Mexico. Virginia Assembly Separation Bill. 
Right of Negroes to Joint Use with Whites of Library. State Aid 
to Negro Students for Special Reason. Chinese Pupils in Schools of 
California and Mississippi. Persons of Dark Blood May Not Attend 
Schools for Whites. Unwelcome in White Schools Refuse to Attend 
Negro Schools. Laws for the Separation of the Races in Public 
Schools. Color Prevents Award to Adjudged Venus of City. Negroes 
Establish Right to Play in Public Golf Tournament. Shriners From 
Arabia Denied Lodging Because of Color. Negro Shriners Given 
Right to Use Same Emblems, Regalia, Etc., as White Shriners. Sun- 
Tan Vogue Becomes Embarrassing. Strikes, Discharges, Because 
Discrimination Against Negro Restaurant Patrons. Court Rules 
Restaurant Keeper Not Bound by Same Requirements as Owners of 
Inns. A Negro Barber Shop Ordinance. South Carolina Bill to 
Regulate Barber Shops. Kansas and Virginia Legislatures Attempt to 
Pass Bill Regulating Barber Shops. New Orleans Negroes Register as 
Democrats in Order to be Employed on Public Works. Discriminations 
Against Negro Patients in Hospitals. Why Negro Denominations 
Failed to Attend International Council of Religious Education. Na- 





tives of India not Eligible for American Citizenship. A Man Without 
a Country. Japanese Born in Africa Probably Eligible to American 
Citizenship. Repeal of Maryland Jim Crow Car Law Requested. 
Organizations of Negroes Request Better Railroad Accommodations. 
Arrests for Violation Jim Crow Car Laws. Suits by Individuals for 
Discrimination on Railroads and Street Cars. Discriminations Against 
Negroes on Bus Lines. South Carolina Highway Department Rules 
with Reference to Negro Patrons on Busses. North Carolina Legisla- 
ture Extends Separate Accommodations Law to Bus Lines. Laws 
for Separation of Races in Public Conveyances. 


Jury Service and Negroes in Mississippi, Texas and North Carolina. 
Oklahoma Court Grants New Trial Because Negroes Excluded from 
Jury Service. Negroes Serve as Jurors. 


Right to a Home in Theory and in Practice. Court Rules Negroes 
May Buy Property But Not Occupy It. District of Columbia Court 
of Appeals Upholds Residential Segregation. While Suit Pends Com- 
plexion of Block Changes. In Spite of Clauses Negroes Continue to 
Acquire Property in Restricted Areas. Efforts to Prevent Negroes 
Establishing Sub-division of Their Own. Atlanta,. Georgia and Lake 
Worth, Florida Pass Segregation Ordinances. Chicago Property 
Owners' Pact. Indianapolis Segregation Ordinance Declared Un- 
constitutional. United States Supreme Court Holds Louisiana Segre- 
gation Law Invalid. A Man's Home is His Castle. Group Cove- 
nants Extended Beyond Distinction on Basis of Color.-=-Texas and 
Virginia Segregation Ordinances Declared Invalid. West Virginia 
Supreme Court Rules Against Restrictive Deed Clauses Based on 
Color. Richmond Segregation Ordinance Based on Racial Integrity 
Declared Invalid. 


Intermarriage Laws Fail to Pass in Eleven States and the District of 
Columbia. Legislation Advocated Prevent White Men Disregarding 
Rules of Virtue. Some Views Respecting Interracial Marriages. 
Is There Pollution in Mingling the Blood of Races. Only Non-white 
Groups Labor under Legal and Civil Disability. Georgia Amends Its 
Racial Integrity Law. No Appropriation Made to Enforce Georgia 
Racial Integrity Law. Virginia in 1924 Passes a Racial Integrity 
Law. Indians Chief Sufferers Virginia Law. Attempt to Set up 
Specific Standards for Determining Race. Is There Such a Thing as 
Racial Integrity. Definition of a Colored Person. Census Bureau 
Racial Classification vs. Virginia Definition. Lineal Descendant 
(Negro) and Texas Inheritance Law. The Definition of a Negro Ac- 
cording to the Statutes of Various States. 


Negro Policemen. Political Appointments. Negroes in the Diplo- 
matic and Consular Service. Negro Members of Congress. Members 
of State Legislatures. Members of City Councils. Women in Politics. 
Resolutions Expressing Dissatisfaction with Republican Party. Na- 
tional Negro Voters League. Promises to Negro in Republican Plat- 
forms 1884-1928. Individuals and Newspapers Bolt the Republican 
Party. Efforts to Make the Negro a Political Issue. Southern White 
Men and Women Protest Injection of Race Question into Presidential 
Campaign. An Appeal to America Against Making the Negro a 
Political Issue. Negro Not Mentioned in President's Inaugural 
Address. The Negro and the Republican Party in the South. 
Names of Negro Delegates and Alternates to the 1928 Republican 




National Convention. Further Efforts to Build up Republican Party 
in South. Views of White Press on a Two Party System in South. 
The Negro Press on President's Plan for Building up Republican 
Party in South. Success of Party Should Rest on Good Government 
Rather Than on Patronage. Negroes Win Right to Vote and Register 
in Oklahoma. The Negro and the Texas Democratic Primary. Texas 
Primary Law Declared Unconstitutional. Negroes Petition Texas- 
State Democratic Executive Committee as Entitled to Vote in Pri- 
mary. Negroes Win Right to Participate in Virginia Democratic 
Primary. The Negro and the Democratic Primary in Arkansas and 
Florida. Why the Negro Would Divide His Vote. Negroes Register 
and Vote as Democrats in North Carolina. Results of Swapping Edu- 
cation for Non-Participation in Politics. Presidents and the Official 
Entertainment of Negroes. Emergence of the Negro "Bloc." Legis- 
lation Affecting the Civil and Political Rights of Negroes. Southern 
Spates Whose Laws Restrict the Suffrage. Vote in Each State Hav- 
ing Disfranchisement Law in Presidential Election: Immediately Be- 
fore the Passing of the Law, Immediately After, in Second Election 
After Passing of Law in 1920, 1924 and 1928. Disfranchisement Has 
Kept Democratic Party in South in Political Ditch. 

X. PROGRESS IN 64 YEARS, 1866-1930 118 

Property Owning. 


Success of Individual Negro Farmers. Agricultural Extension Work. 
Federal Farm Board Not the Same as Federal Farm Loan Board. 
Suggestive Plan for Organizing Negro Farmers into Cooperative 
Marketing Units. Farm Tenure. Length of Stay of Tenants on 
Farms. The Size of Farms. Farm Population. 


Program National Negro Business League. Survey Negro Business 
Enterprises. C. M. A. Stores. Some Individual Successes in Busi- 
ness. Life Insurance as an Investment. Negro Insurance Companies. 
Negro Banks. 


Migration Movement a Good Thing for the Negro and for the South. 
Prosecutions for Peonage. Florida Labor Laws and Their Opera- 
tion. The Negro in Industry. Negro Women in Industry. Mexican 
Labor Competes with Negro Labor. Some Replacements Negro Labor 
by White Labor. The "Black Shirts." The Negro in Domestic Ser- 
vice. School to Train for Better Domestic Service. Efforts to In- 
crease Economic Opportunities of Negroes. Union Labor, Negro and 
White, Cooperates. Negro Railway Employees Win Fight for Fairer 
Consideration. State Federation of Labor Adopts Resolution in In- 
terest of Negro Labor. Communist Party Propaganda for Organizing 
Negro Workers. Resolutions American Negro Labor Congress. The 
Public Should Not Be Alarmed by Communist Propaganda. Com- 
munist International Resolution on Negro Question in United States. 
Communist Party Makes Estimate of Its Activities Among Ne- 
groes. Communist Program for Organizing Work Among Negroes. 
The Issue of Communism and the Issue of Race. The American 
Federation of Labor and the Negro. Congressional Investigation of 
Communist Activities. Types of Union Relations. 


Inventions, 1925-1930. Important Inventions by Negroes in Slavery 
Days. Negroes Make Important Inventions, 1865-1925. 






Pugilism. Baseball. Football. Track and Field. Track and Field 
Records Held by Negroes. 


Scholastic Achievements. Negroes Who Have Made Phi Beta Kappa. 
Negroes Elected to Other Honorary Societies. Negroes Who Have 
Received the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Negroes in the En- 
gineering Field. Poetry Contest Prizes. Opportunity Contest Awards. 
Crisis Contest Awards. Spingarn Achievement Awards. William 
E. Harmon Awards for Distinguished Achievement Among Negroes. 
Negroes Listed in Who's Who in America. Negroes Listed in 
Who's Who in American Medicine. Negroes Listed in American Men 
of Science. 


Education Before the Civil War. Education During Civil War and 
Reconstruction Period. State Associations of Teachers. National 
Association of Teachers in Colored Schools. Association Colleges 
Southern States Rating Negro High Schools and Colleges. United 
States Bureau of Education Surveys Negro Colleges. An Educational 
Awakening in the South. Colleges Merge. Bequests by Whites for 
Negro Education. Bequests by Negroes for Negro Education. Public 
Schools. Supervisors, National and State, Negro Schools. Illiteracy. 
Secondary and Higher Education. Boards White Denominations 
Carrying Educational and Religious Work Among Negroes in the 
United States. Educational Funds. Libraries for Negroes. Educa- 
tional Institutions. Public High Schools for Negroes. 


The Church in Action. First Churches Organized. Date of Organi- 
zation of Colored Denominations. Statistics Negro Churches with 
Separate Figures for Urban and Rural Churches. 'Negro Churches 
of White Denominations. Independent Negro Denominations. Im- 
portant Conclusions About American Churches. Negro Priests in the 
Catholic Church. Religious Sisterhoods and Brotherhoods. Catholic 
Negro Work. St. Joseph's Society of the Sacred Heart. The Society 
of the Divine Word.'- Congregation of the Sisters of the Blessed 
Sacrament for Indians and Colored People. Young Men's Christian 
Association Work Among Negroes. Boy Scouts of America. Young 
Women's Christian Association Among Colored Girls and Women. 
National Woman's Christian Temperance Union Work Among Col- 
ored People. Work of the American Baptist Publication Society 
Among Negroes. The Salvation Army and the Negro. The American 
Bible Society Work Among Negroes. The Work of the Ameri- 
can Sunday School Union Among Negroes. Work of the Board of 
National Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. Among 


Crime Rates. Juvenile Delinquents. Per Cent Commitments for 
Rape of Total Commitments for All Offenses. Marked Increase in 
Number of Whites Committed to Prisons in the South. Facts Rela- 
tive to Crimes of Whites and Negroes in South Carolina as Shown in 
the 1929 Annual Report of the Attorney General for the State. 
Police Brutality. Some Examples of Extreme Sentences Imposed on 
Negroes. Whites Sometimes Punished in South for Crimes Against 
Negroes. Placing Crimes of Whites on Negroes. 





Lynchings Before the Civil War. Lynchings Whites and Negroes. 
Lynchings by States. Instances of Preventions of Lynchings. Four- 
fifths of Lynchings for Crimes Other than Rape. Causes of Lynch- 
ings Classified. Lynching Legislation. Presidents Coolidge and 
Hoover Speak Against the Lynching Evil. Southern Governors De- 
nounce Lynchings. Statements Southern White Women on Lynchings. 
Twenty-one Prominent Southern Women Protest Lynchings. 


Mortality Negroes Prior to Civil War. Present Trends in Negro 
Death Rates. Death Rates Negroes and Some Foreign Countries. 
Some Death Rates Decline, Others Increase. Life Span Negroes In- 
creases Seven Years. Birth Statistics. 


Where Slaves Came From in Africa. The Negro's Part in the Dis- 
covery of America. Slavery in the United States. The Free Negro. 
Slave Insurrections. Abolition Agitation. The Underground Rail- 
road. Negroes Connected with Abolition and Underground Railroad. 
Negro Anti-Slavery Newspapers. Slavery and Religious Denomina- 


In the Revolutionary War. In the War of 1812. In the Civil War. 
Negro Soldiers in the Confederate Army. Negro Soldiers in the 
Regular Army. Negro Soldiers in the Spanish American War. 
American Negroes in the World War. Negroes at West Point. Ne- 
groes at Annapolis. Negro Officers in the Regular Army. 


Free and Slave Negro Population, 1790-1860. Black and Mulatto 
Population, 1850-1920. Negro Population in the North and in the 
South. Migration of the Native Negro Population. Center of the 
Negro Population: 1790, 1880, 1920. Movement to Cities.-^States, 
Counties, and Cities Having the Largest Number and Percentage of 
Negroes. Classification of Counties by Negro Population: 1910 and 
1930. Counties Having Half or More of their Population Negroes. 
Occupations of Negroes. Negroes in Industries. Negro Immigration 
and Emigration. 





The Problem of Races in South America. The Color Problem in the 
West Indies. Economic Factors Tend to Make Race Problem Acute. 



United States Occupation and Withdrawal from Santo Domingo. 


L'Ouverture, Dessalines, Christophe. United States Occupation of 
Haiti. President's Commission for Study Conditions in Haiti. The 
Commission on Education in Haiti. 





Population of the Earth by Races. Distribution and Number of Black 
People. Proportion of Black Population to White in Western 




















































Broader Fields of Labor 

Dr. U. D. Mooney, for 16 years 
pastor of the Napoleon Avenue Pres- 
byterian Church of New Orleans, 
tendered his resignation in 1929 to 
his congregation in order to direct 
the Christian Social and Community 
Center to be established in behalf of 
the Negro people of New Orleans. 

Dr. Mooney is one of the most 
prominent clergymen in Southern 
Presbyterianism, holding numerous 
official positions connected with his 
denominational work. In addition to 
that he has been honored by high re- 
sponsibilities in other inter-denomi- 
national activities and still other 
projects of social welfare work hav- 
ing no sectarian affiliations. 

For years this Presbyterian leader 
has felt the need of such an institu- 
tion for the Negroes of New Orleans 
and has availed himself of every op- 
portunity to interest his fellow 
church members in undertaking the 
project. This definite acceptance of 
such an undertaking by the Louisi- 
ana Presbyterians, and Dr. Mooney's 
decision to take the directorship of 
the social welfare center is another 
clear-cut example of the application 
of Christianity to broader fields of 

The Bar Association of Lexington, 
Kentucky, met on April 7, 1930, and 
adopted resolutions honoring the i 
memory of J. Alexander Chiles, a 
Negro member, who had recently 
died in Richmond, Virginia. Only 
white members were present . at the 
meeting. The resolutions set forth 
that "The association has sustained 
the loss 'of a member all honored 
and the state a good citizen.' " The 
tribute to the dead colored lawyer 
from his white citizens seems to have 
been thoroughly merited and was a 
higher one than many a white lawyer 
has received at the hands of his sur- 
viving brethren at his death. 

Chiles was a native of Richmond, 
Virginia, but was admitted to the 
Kentucky bar after graduating from 
the University of Michigan. About 
25 years ago he fought the "Jim 

Crow" law through the Supreme 
Court of the United States, after 
having been arrested for attempting 
to ride in the white section of a rail- 
way train. 

Negro Citizens Contribute Support 
to College for Whites 

The Andrew Junior College 
(white) at Cuthbert, Georgia, made 
an effort, in 1928, to raise money lo- 
cally for the school's needs. The 
following is an interesting comment 
by The Leader, a local paper on the 
results of the effort: 

"One of the heartening features of 
the Andrew College campaign was 
the general good-will prevailing over 
the county in regard to the move- 
ment and the cooperation given it. 
A graceful act worthy of special 
mention, showing the good feeling 
existing between the races here, was 
a donation of $300, voluntarily con- 
tributed by seven Negro citizens of 
Cuthbert. And they propose to in- 
crease this sum to $500. Cuthbert 
has a number of colored citizens who 
are a valuable asset to good citizen- 
ship and community prosperity." 

An interesting recent development 
in southern cities is the growth of 
cooperation between white and 
colored business organizations; for 
example, mutually helpful relations 
between the Chamber of Commerce 
and the Negro Business League are 
reported from Columbia, South Caro- 
lina, Mobile, New Orleans, Memphis 
and other cities. The two groups 
work together in behalf of municipal 
improvements, business development, 

The Commission on Interracial 

The Commission on Interracial Co- 
operation which was organized in 
1918, at Atlanta, Georgia, is com- 
posed of nearly a hundred men and 
women, white and colored, in posi- 
tions of leadership throughout the 
South. Affiliated with the Cornmis- 
sion there are in the South thirteen 
state and several hundred local com- 
mittees similarly constituted. Each of 
these groups is entirely autonomous, 



but close relations are maintained be- 
tween them and the Commission 
through the latter's field staff, who 
set up committees and assist them to 
find and deal with their respective 
problems. The Commission also co- 
operates in an advisory way with 
four state and many local committees 
outside the South. 

The headquarters of the Commis- 
sion are 409 Palmer Building, Atlan- 
ta, Georgia. The officers are: W. 
C. Jackson, chairman; M. Ashby 
Jones, honorary chairman; R. H. 
King, chairman, executive committee; 
Will W. Alexander, director; R. B. 
Eleazer, educational director; Mrs. 
Jessie Daniel Ames, director of wo- 
man's work; T. J. Woofter, Jr., re- 
search adviser. 

Plans and Objectives At the end 
of its first ten year's of work the 
Commission, after carefully survey- 
ing the situation, expressed itself as 
gratified with the results but as 
fearing that vastly more needs to be 
done and that its work should be 
continued along the lines heretofore 
pursued, embracing both the allevia- 
tion of conditions and the effort to 
create more wholesome attitudes. It 
was felt that certain new emphases 
and approaches were demanded, 
among them being: (1) the effort to 
do something effective in the "Rural 
Black Belt," where deplorable condi- 
tions prevail educationally, economi- 
cally, and in the administration of 
justice as it affects Negroes; (2) the 
effort to reach the "mass mind of 
the multitudes still bound by tradi- 
tional misunderstanding, prejudice, 
and fear, the soil in which injustice 
and neglect inevitably spring up and 
flourish; (3) an effort to introduce 
into the public schools and teacher- 
training institutions as part of the 
official curriculum some systematic 
instruction looking to the creation of 
objective and fair-minded interracial 
attitudes; (4) a study of the economic 
status of Negroes and the trends now 
prevailing, in the hope of finding 
some means of safe-guarding the 
economic future of the Negro race; 
(5) a scientific study of segregation 
on a wide scale, as the basis for an 
intelligent policy regarding it; (6) a 
search for some means by which in- 
telligence and character may be ac- 
corded legal participation in the 
rights ,and duties of citizenship, ir- 

respective of race, without sacrificing 
either the integrity of the ballot or 
the sacredness of human liberty. 

In order to carry out this program 
over a period of ten years, the Com- 
mission has inaugurated a campaign 
for a stabilization fund of $1,360,000. 
Prize Contests in Colleges and 
High Schools 

To create an interest in the im- 
provement of race relations in the 
schools of the country and to spread 
accurate knowledge concerning the 
Negro, the Commission on Interracial 
Cooperation, in 1926, instituted a 
series of prize contests in colleges 
and high schools. The subject for 
the college essay was, "Justice in 
Race Relations." The prizes were 
$100, $65 and $35. The subject in 
the high schools for 1926-27 
"Negro Progress Since, the Civil 
War." The subject for high schools 
for each year, 1927 to 1930, has been 
"America's Tenth Man." 

Auiards to Colleges In 1926, the 
first prize was .awarded to Miss Elsie 
B. Stewart, Berea College, Berea, 
Kentucky, subject: "Negro Educa- 
tion"; second prize, A. L. Stevenson, 
Duke University, subject: "Health 
and Sanitation"; third prize, Bruce 
O. Powers, Southern Methodist Uni- 
versity, Dallas, Texas, subject: "Pro- 
tection of Life and Property." There 
were more than 50 contestants from 
33 colleges and 15 states represented 
in the competition. 

In 1927, first prize, Ivin L. Roberts, 
Duke University, subject: "Legal 
Justice for the Negro"; second prize, 
Katherine Wolff, North Carolina Col- 
lege for Women, subject: "The Negro 
Voter"; third prize, Margaret Duck- 
ett, Winthrop College, South Caro- 
lina, subject: "Race Differences in 
Education." Fifty-three papers rep- 
resenting 37 colleges and treating 
many phases of the subject were 
submitted in the competition. 

In 1928, first prize, Selese Hunter, 
Baylor University, Waco, Texas, sub- 
ject: "A Survey of Interracial Condi- 
tions in Waco"; second prize, Martha 
H. Hall, North Carolina College for 
Women, subject: "A Study of Negro 
Criminality"; third prize, Miss Bland 
Morrow, Maryville College, Tennes- 
see, subject: "The Negro and Educa- 
tion." It was reported that there 
were more than 80 entrants repre- 
senting 50 colleges. 


In 1929, first prize, Miss Evelyn 
Poindexter V a n n, Sam Houston 
State Teachers' College, Texas, sub- 
ject: "Justice in Race Relations"; 
second prize, Neal Hughley, More- 
house College, Atlanta, Georgia; 
third prize, Holland King, Henderson 
Brown College, Arkansas. 

Aivards to High Schools In 1926- 
27 the award in the contest on 
"Negro Progress Since the Civil 
War" was: First prize, George 
M. Clark, Cleburne (Texas) High 
School; second prize, Robert A. 
Armstead, Cleburne (Texas) High 
School and Ruth E. Reid, Cool 
Springs High School, Forest City, 
North Carolina. 

"America's Tenth Man" Contests 
In 1927, first prize, Freeman Led- 
better, High School Department, A. 
and T. College, Greensboro, North 
Carolina; second prize, Ernest Pas- 
chal, Cleburne (Texas) High School; 
third prize, Peggie Williams, Crys- 
tal Springs (Mississippi) High 

In 1928, first prize, Ernestine 
Banks, Langston High School, Hot 
Springs, Arkansas; second prize, 
Wallace C. Wardner, Hobart (Okla- 
homa) Senior High School; third 
prize, Claude H. Hills, Kirksville 
(Missouri) Senior High School. 
Papers were submitted from 150 
high schools in 32 states. 

The 1929 contest was participated 
in by students in 160 high schools 
scattered over 35 states and some 
500 selected papers were submitted 
to the Commission. Ruth Lucile 
Munson of the Bridgeport (Pennsyl- 
vania) High School was winner of 
the 1929-30 individual prize of $100. 
Two school prizes of $100 each were 
awarded: one to> the R. J. Reynolds 
High School, Winston-Salem, North 
Carolina, and the other to the Kirks- 
ville (Missouri) High School. The 
judges were unable to decide between 
the projects submitted by these two 
schools and so conferred two prizes 
instead of one. 40,000 copies of a 
5,000 word "Tenth Man" pamphlet 
were sent out to teachers and pupils. 
Altogether, 2,000 principals and 
teachers were approached, several 
hundred schools enlisted and thou- 
sands of papers were written on 
"America's Tenth Man." In a single 
school promoting the project 600 
pupils took part and in many schools, 

according to the Commission's re- 
port, 100 or more took part. 

Interracial Student Groups 

An interesting feature of the In- 
terracial Movement in the South has 
been the organization of interracial 
student groups in a number of col- 
lege centers, by which white and 
colored students are brought to- 
gether, for the exchange of views 
and the promotion of understanding. 
The results have been gratifying. 
Misapprehensions have been cleared 
up, knowledge has taken the place 
of rumor and preconception, and 
confidence and good-will have sup- 
planted suspicion and prejudice. The 
movement had its genesis in the Stu- 
dents Volunteer Convention in In- 
dianapolis in 1923 and again at the 
National Students Conference at 
Milwaukee in 1926, where, among 
the resolutions offered was one on 
attitudes toward other races. There 
was practical unanimity on the pro- 
position: "I am willing to give to the 
members of every race the same op- 
portunities for cultural and intellec- 
tual advancement that I claim for 
myself." 681 students declared their 
purpose "to deny no one in any race 
on any campus any privilege that I 
claim for myself." Only eleven stu- 
dents stood up to be counted for the 
proposition, "Regarding some races 
inferior to my own I believe in keep- 
ing them in their places." 

Presbyterian Students Issue 

The National Association of Pres- 
byterian Students with nearly 150 
delegates present, representing from 
forty to fifty Presbyterian colleges 
and state universities where there 
are organizations of Presbyterian 
students, at its convention at Ann 
Arbor, Michigan, in 1925, issued the 
following statement: 

"We recognize that Christ's atti- 
tude tow,ard his fellowmen drew no 
line of race or color, and that we as 
Christians have not followed his 
teachings to the full extent of our 
knowledge. Therefore, if we are to 
be honest to ourselves and to our 
recognized Master, we must strive 
toward the attainment of Christ's 
standard of racial equality, and in 
so doing will: 

"First, overcome prejudice through 
individual effort toward an under- 
standing of the habits, customs, and 


thinking of the members of each 
racial group. 

"Second, by breaking down the 
prejudices which our social environ- 
ment and traditions have given us, 
through a conscious realization of 
the contribution each race has to 
make toward a more perfect civiliza- 

"We further recommend that on 
all campuses having a racial prob- 
lem, there be organized an interracial 
commission to study and alleviate 
the conditions arising from the local 

Student Interracial Conferences 
In the South 

The students who have promoted 
the experiment of interracial confer- 
ences in the South have done so 
realizing the danger and difficulties 
involved. They have done so with 
the conviction that the problem of 
the relationship among the races of 
the world is increasingly becoming a 
crucial one, and that the only con- 
structive way of approach to adjust- 
ing racial relationships is through 
the process of sympathetic and 
friendly understanding. 

They further realize that since 
college students are to be in a large 
measure the leaders of a rising gen- 
eration it is absolutely necessary 
that those potential leaders of both 
the white and Negro races in the 
South should begin while in the pro- 
cess of training to understand the 
viewpoint, attitudes and problems of 
each other. 

College Professors Organize 

In February 1927, thirty college 
professors, representing twenty of 
the principal universities and col- 
leges of Texas spent a day making 
plans to forward the study of race 
relations in the colleges of the state. 
A number of those present had been 
conducting such courses and practi- 
cally everyone reported that they 
were among the most popular, well 
attended and effective courses that 
are given. Others who are not giv- 
ing specific courses in race relations 
reported that they are dealing with 
the subject constantly in their other 
classes, particularly in connection 
with the study of sociology. One of 
the former group, who is teaching a 
college race relations class of forty, 
is giving also an extension course 
on the same subject to a hundred 

public school teachers in the City of 
Houston. A number of teachers of 
sociology in Negro colleges were 
present and emphasized the need 
that similar classes be conducted for 
colored students. Race prejudice, 
they asserted, is not all on one side, 
and colored students also need to be 
guarded .against it by a study of the 

Interracial Discussion Groups in 
Northern Universities 

In a number of Northern univer- 
sities interracial discussion groups 
have been organized as at Ohio 
State University, the University of 
Michigan and the University of Chi- 
cago. "The aim of the Negro Cau- 
casian Club of the University of 
Michigan is to make a careful study 
of the problems arising in relations 
between the races, to take such ac- 
tion as will encourage a spirit of 
sympathy and friendship, and to 
work for the eventual elimination of 
any discrimination against Negroes 
which may exist." 

An unusual number of colleges 
have invited Negroes to discuss the 
American race question before the 
students and to hold forums on the 
subject. The invitations generally 
have been issued or influenced by the 
student organizations. Some of these 
colleges had never before had a 
colored speaker, like the University 
of Maryland; others were tradit ; on- 
ally opposed to interracial liberality, 
like Washington University in St. 
Louis. The liberal-minded students 
of George Washington University, 
Washington, D. C., sent an invitation 
to a colored speaker. 

Peace Caravans 

During the summer of 1927, 1928 
and 1929, the American Friends Ser- 
vice Committee sent cut Peace Cara- 
vans to carry the news of peace prog- 
ress and possibilities throughout 
the United States. Each Peace Cara- 
van consisted of a team of college 
students, two men or three women, 
and a second-hand Ford. The stu- 
dents, carefully selected from the 
many applicants, and carefully 
trained for the work, spend their 
summer vacations preaching peace 
wherever they find an audience to 
churches and Sunday schools, Kiwa- 
nis and Rotary Clubs, boys' and 
girls' camps, Granges, summer 
schools, etc. This past summer there 


were twelve teams, nearly all the 
Quaker colleges being represented, 
and two or three others. There was 
one Negro team, consisting of Rich- 
ard Hill, a student at Harvard Theo- 
logical Seminary, who served also in 
the summer of 1928; and Ivan Par- 
boosingh, the son of a Hindu priest, 
who passed as a Negro for the sum- 
mer. These two carried the peace 
message to the colored people in the 
South, in Georgia, Tennessee, Ala- 
bama and West Virginia. 

Interracial Peace Committee 

The American Interracial Peace 
Committee, established in 1926, with 
headquarters in Philadelphia, is fos- 
tered by the American Friends' Ser- 
vice Committee, that organization 
which served the cause of humanity 
in the devastated, war-ravaged coun- 
tries of Europe for seven years. In 
that time it distributed $25,200,000. 
Nine hundred Quakers served in its 
ranks in the war-stricken areas, with- 
out pay, directing some 50,000 or 
60,000 European helpers. And here in 
West Virginia during the strike of 
1922, the Service Committee helped 
communities stricken with starvation 
after sixteen months of idleness. In 
the month of July alone over 750 
children were fed and clothed. It 
is the Peace Section of this Commit- 
tee which has set in motion the 
American Interracial Peace Commit- 
tee in order to present to the nation 
and to the world those talents and 
accomplishments of Negroes that 
may serve the cause of peace. It 
will seek for them the open door of 
fraternal cooperation with all those 
agencies, industrial, social, religious 
and political, devoted to the cause of 
peace. The committee will also 
teach the fundamental equality of all 

Church and Race Relations 

The Federal Council of Churches of 
Christ in America has appointed a 
Commission on- "The Church and 
Race Relations." The purposes of 
this commission are: 

1. To assert the sufficiency of Christianity 
as the solution of race relations in America 
and the duty of the churches and all their 
organizations to give the most careful atten- 
tion to this question. 

2. To provide a central clearing house and 
meeting place for the churches and for all 
Christian agencies dealing with the relations 
of the white and Negro races, and to encourage 
and support their activities along this line. 

3. To promote mutual confidence and ac- 

quaintance, both nationally and locally, be- 
tween the white and Negro churches, especial- 
ly by state and local conferences, between 
white and Negro ministers, Christian educa- 
tors and other leaders, for the consideration 
of their common problems. 

4. To array the sentiment of the Christian 
churches against mob violence and to enlist 
their thorough going support in a special pro- 
gram of education on the subject for a period 
of at least five years. 

5. To secure and distribute accurate knowl- 
edge of the facts regarding racial relations 
and racial attitudes in general, and regarding 
particular situations that may be under dis- 
cussion from time to time. 

6. To develop a public conscience which will 
secure in the Negro equitable provision for 
education, health, housing, recreation and all 
other aspects of community welfare. 

7. To encourage efforts for the welfare of 
Negro workers and the improvement of rela- 
tions between employers, Negro workers and 
white workers. 

8. To make more widely known in the 
churches the work and principles of the Com- 
mission on Interracial Cooperation, and es- 
pecially to support its efforts to establish local 
Interracial Committees. 

9. To secure the presentation of the prob- 
lem of race relations and of the Christian 
solution by white and Negro speakers at as 
many church gatherings as possible through- 
out the country. 

Each year the "Commission on the 
Church and Race Relations" provides 
a Race Relations Sunday at which 
time a program to promote better 
race relations is carried out. 

National Interracial Conference 

Two hundred and five white and 
colored representatives of local and 
national organizations actively at 
work to improve interracial relations, 
from seventeen Northern and South- 
ern states, attended the National In- 
terracial Conference held in Cincin- 
nati, Ohio, March 25-27, under the 
auspices of the Commission on Race 
Relations of the Federal Council of 
Churches and the Commission on 
Interracial Cooperation. 

A committee submitted the follow- 
ing report: 

This committee believes: 

1. That the causes of racial antagonism 
arise fundamentally from social conditions; 
and that as such they are remediable through 
social changes. 

2. That the major factor to be utilized in 
bringing about social changes in this, as in 
any other realm of life, is education. 

3. That the educational institutions of this 
country, from kindergarten up, therefore, 
constitute the strategic centers of approach 
in developing constructive interracial attitudes. 

The committee therefore recommends: 

I. To all persons who have any part in 

directing the educational policies of this 


That everywhere Negroes be provided with 

educational facilities and opportunities equal 



to those extended to white students; and that 
where separate schools now exist, equal stand- 
ards of education be adhered to in all respects. 

II. To leaders of the colored people: 

That every encouragement be given and 
legitimate means be employed to induce the 
Negro people everywhere to avail themselves 
of the maximum educational opportunity, to 
the end that the difference in cultural level 
between the two races be reduced as rapidly 
as possible. 

The committee further expresses its convic- 
tion that a part of the interracial prejudice 
manifested is due to the failure of the two 
groups to have an adequate understanding of 
each other. It therefore recommends: 

III. To educational authorities and to stu- 
dent bodies, both of public schools and of 
institutions of higher learning throughout 
the country: 

That opportunity for sympathetic interracial 
contact and first hand knowledge of each other 
be made possible and encouraged in every 
reasonable way. 

It suggests specifically: 

1. The presentation of material and courses 
which will give a fair interpretation of each 
race to the other; in particular that meri- 
torious material of Negro origin be as free- 
ly used as any other. 

2. That competent representatives of the 
two races be interchanged. 

3. That Negro students in mixed schools 
be admitted to representation in the general 
student activities as rapidly as favorable stu- 
dent opinion can be developed. 

4. That the method of interracial conference, 
which this and many other conferences have 
shown to be psychologically sound as a means 
to better understanding, be used as fully as 
possible by the student bodies of the country. 

Second National Interracial 

A second National Interracial Con- 
ference was held at Washington in 
December, 1928. Sponsoring this 
conference were the following or- 

American Friends Service Committee, Inter- 
racial Section; 

American Social Hygiene Association; 

Commission on Interracial Cooperation; 

Council of Women for Home Missions; 

Federal Council of Churches, Commission on 
the Church and Race Relations; 

Fellowship of Reconciliation; 

Home Missions Council; 

The Inquiry; 

National Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People; 

National Board, Young Women's Christian 

National Council, Young Men's Christian 

National Urban League; 

National Federation of Settlements; 

Phelps-Stokes Fund; 

Protestant Episcopal Church, Department of 
Christian Social Service. 

Major Questions Discussed In 
preparation for the Conference a 
committee on research was appointed 
in order to get information that 
would form the basis for the discus- 
sions to be carried on at the 

Conference. On the basis of this re- 
search three major questions were 

1. "In the light of social research what do 
we know about Negro life and race relations 
as affecting both the white and colored races 
in the United States?" 

2. "What significance has this knowledge 
for the programs of social organizations whose 
purpose it is to improve these conditions?'' 

3. "What gaps in knowledge are revealed 
calling for further study by universities and 
research organizations?" 

These questions were considered 
under the following heads: 

(1) Health; (2) education; (3) 
agriculture; (4) recreation; (5) law 
observance and administration; (6) 
housing; (7) citizenship; (8) race 

The information secured through 
the research which preceded the 
Conference and from the papers and 
discussions at the Conference were 
edited and put into book form by the 
research secretary of the Confer- 
ence, Charles S. Johnson, and pub- 
lished in 1930 by the Henry Holt 
Company, New York City, under the 
title, "The Negro in American Civili- 

"Two' hundred women delegates, 
white and Negro alike, from the 
Protestant churches of New . York 
City .met on October 31, 1928, to 
discuss interracial problems and to 
take steps for the formation of a 
permanent body of church women 
which would attempt to bring the 
two peoples into more charitable un- 
derstanding of one another." 

There is to be a women's perma- 
nent interracial committee, which 
will function under the auspices of 
the Federal Council of Churches. 

This new body, on which both the 
white and Negro races will be rep- 
resented, will be specially concerned 
at first with the question of economic 
opportunities for Negro women and 
girls in New York. 

Interracial Project Women 
Presbyterian Church South 

The Presbyterian Church, South, 
supports the Stillman Institute at 
Tuscaloosa, Alabama, which has 
taken on added importance in recent 
years. The school ranks as a junior 

There was erected, in 1928, a 
Nurses Training School building at 
Stillman at a cost of about $30,000. 
This building is for the training of 
nurses in the first year of the nurse's 

course. It is also- used for instruc- 
tion in hygiene, and serves as a hos- 
pital for the Negro sick of Tusca- 
loosa, affording the only operating 
rooms open in that city to Negro 

The support of the above institu- 
tion, and the support of its Negro 
churches and Negro missions, consti- 
tute the contributions of the Presby- 
terian Church, South, as a whole to 
Negro advancement. The women of 
the church, however, have an inter- 
racial project in which they are very 
deeply interested, and which they 
feel is greatly worthwhile. There 
are thirteen conferences for Negro 
women which are held in thirteen 
states each year. 

The first conference for Negro wo- 
men ever held by white women in 
the South met at Tuscaloosa in the 
summer of 1917. This conference 
was truly an experiment in inter- 
racial cooperation, and no one 
dreamed how important it would be- 

In the twelve years that have 
elapsed, thirteen southern states 
have established these conferences 
for Negro women, and each year ap- 
proximately 500 or 600 Negro women 
meet for a week at these conferences, 
living in the school building in which 
the conferences are held, and train- 
ing classes are conducted in the 
various subjects presented to the 
conference, such as community bet- 
terment, sewing schools, Bible 
schools, Sunday school methods, 
missionary schools, health problems, 
practical nursing in the home, etc. 
The faculty is made up of the best 
teachers, both white and colored and 
in each case the state contributes 
largely to the program through their 
educational and health departments. 

The auxiliary of the Presbyterian 
Church underwrites the expenses of 
these conferences, although in most 
cases they are practically self-sup- 

Work of Women Methodist 

Church South 

The Woman's Missionary Council 
of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
South, is a pioneer in the fields of 
race relations. The Council, for 1929, 
appropriated $29,325 for work among 
Negroes. The Council supports com- 
munity centers for Negroes in Nash- 
ville and Chattanooga, Tennessee; 

Augusta, Georgia; Birmingham, Ala- 
bama; and Winston-Salem, North 

Objectives of the Council with re- 
spect to race relations were reported 
to be as follows: 

1. A better knowledge on the part of the 
white women of the achievements and possi- 
bilities of the Negro. 

2. A knowledge of conditions hindering the 
progress and happiness of the Negro, gained 
by first-hand contacts with the Negro home, 
school and church. 

3. The development of a definite conviction 
of responsibility for conditions of injustice 
surrounding the Negro, and "a definite pro- 
gram for the discharge of our obligation." 

Interracial Conference of Church 
Women The Interracial Conference 
of Church Women, initiated by the 
women members of the Commission 
on the Church and Race Relations of 
the Federal Council of Churches in 
cooperation with the Council of Wo- 
men for Home Missions and the Na- 
tional Board of the Young Women's 
Christian Association, and held at 
Eagles Mere, Pennsylvania, Septem- 
ber 21-22, 1926, brought together 
eighteen Negro women and thirty- 
two white women from fifteen differ- 
ent states North, South, and West. 
They represented Protestant church 
women's organizations with dele- 
gates from the National Council of 
Jewish Women, National League of 
Women Voters, and the National As- 
sociation of Colored Women's Clubs. 
Altogether a constituency of consid- 
erably more than 2,000,000 women 
was thus represented. The conference 
marked a new stage of progress in 
grappling with interracial problems 
by religious forces. The program in- 
cluded such topics as experience in 
interracial work among women, condi- 
tions of white and colored women in 
employment, concrete methods of 
work in race relations, problems of 
housing, segregation in cities, and 
the question as to what church wom- 
en can do to create wholesome racial 

At a unique closing session a white 
woman told what in her experience 
she found Negro women could con- 
tribute to better race relations, and 
a Negro woman outlined what she 
thought white women could contrib- 

Continuation Committee Findings 
A continuation committee of the 
Interracial Conference of Church 
Women was appointed to study the 



various recommendations made and 
to publish them as "findings" to go to 
church women throughout the coun- 
try as a working program. These 
findings said: 

Realizing that interracial action must be 
preceded by interracial thinking, we find that 
the women of our churches need to learn to 
work with rather than for the Negro. We 
believe that existing church organizations 
constitute the best channel for creating this 

Forced housing segregation is unspiritual 
and undemocratic. Church women should 
take a definite stand against such segregation 
in their community. 

Interracial committees of church women 
can do a great service for their communities 

^Becoming informed of the facts concerning 
Negro children in the community. 

Keeping in touch with the juvenile courts, 
and insisting that Negro children receive the 
same thoughtful attention and care that is 
given to children of other races. 

Securing provision for recreational oppor- 
tunities for ' Negro children, through the 
Scouts, Camp Fires, Girl Reserves and Hi Y's. 
Insisting on the appointment of Negro 
probation officers. 

__ Kncouraging deputations of white and 
Negro women to sit through trials of boys 
and girls in the interest of justice and for 
the consideration of all factors involved. 

Urging constant observation of jail con- 
ditions, especially for young people and wo- 
men. That there may be proper separation 
of young offenders and old criminals; that 
occupation may be provided; that suitable 
places shall be secured for them on their re- 

Seeing that proper counsel is secured for 
Negro cases. 

Recognizing the power of the press that 
church women suggest that use be made, as 
far as possible, of the power of the press to 
influence and create wholesome and just im- 
pressions to bring about better understanding 
between the races. 

That church women seek to secure the un- 
limited power of metropolitan papers, and 
that through church columns topics on race 
meetings and work which the race commit- 
tees are doing in each community shall be 
fully recorded. 

Definite effort be made by church women 
to secure in the press an emphasis on con- 
structive news items and articles in regard 
to the Negro, rather than on crimes and 
other derogatory items. 

Special suggestions about the education of 
young people and interracial matters are 

A second meeting of this confer- 
ence was held at Eagles Mere, in 1928, 
and a third meeting at Oberlin, Ohio, 
in 1930. 

The Churches and Race Relations 
The 140th General Assembly of the 
Presbyterian Church voted an ex- 
pression of good-will toward Negro 
delegates and recorded its sympathy 
"with racial and political minorities , 

whose political and religious rights 
were denied." 

The Episcopal address at the Gen- 
eral Conference of the M. E. Church 
held at Kansas City, Missouri, in 
1928, set forth that: 

World-wide Methodism owes to the world 
its uttermost strength in hastening the day 
of good-will. Our relation to those of other 
lands has been embarrassed by such legisla- 
tion as that of the 'Japanese Exclusion Act,' 
the effect of which has been felt not in one 
country alone, but in every land where the 
conditions seem to suggest the clash of color. 
The developments affect not only the Ameri- 
can workers, but the nationals associated with 
them. There is scarcely a little congregation 
in all the countries washed by the seven seas 
which does not present new aspects of diffi- 
culty in the missionary adventure which must 
and will continue unless the mistakes of 
needless and offensive discrimination are cor- 
rected. If we are to meet the native of an- 
other land with any hope of leading him to 
Christ, we must not only dismiss forever all 
that is suggestive of the superiority complex, 
but we must make it unmistakably plain t<> 
him that we have done so. 

We can hardly overstress the influence of 
our treatment of those who come from other 
lands upon the peoples from whom they come. 
Sensitive often, as we should certainly be, any 
lack of consideration which meets those of 
other lands at the doorway of this country, 
or after they have entered in, any other vio- 
lation of the neighbor code is magnified in 
the telling; and conversely, any indication of 
real kindness will have its sequel in the open- 
ing of the heart doors on the other side of 
the sea. 

As illustrating the possibility of construc- 
tive efforts in the correction of race prejudice 
we would call attention to the remarkable 
work done by the Commission on Interracial 
Cooperation in a field of unusually delicate 
relationships and perplexing problems. It is 
one of the movements which has called con- 
stantly for self-restraint and that faith which 
inspires broadminded endeavor. We would 
formally acknowledge our obligation to those 
who have given themselves to the promotion 
of this work, and we should not only en- 
courage the commission to continue effort in 
its particular field but also should accept its 
accomplishments as suggestive of what may 
be done and ought to be done in bringing 
other racial groups together. The General 
Conference has it in its power, by the promo- 
tion of such agencies, to strengthen in a 
significant measure the bonds of interracial 

In response to a call from the Col- 
ored Methodist Episcopal Church for 
closer interchurch cooperation in 
training leadership, the 1930 General 
Conference of the Methodist Epis- 
copal Church South, authorized the 
appointment of a commission to meet 
with a like commission from the 
Colored Methodist Episcopal Church 
for the purpose of studying the chal- 
lenges to further interracial and in- 
terchurch cooperation with a view 
to the general enhancement, and pro- 


motion of the educational, mission- 
ary, social and industrial interests 
of the Negro race. 

The Nashville Christian Advocate, 
organ of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church South, said editorially. "This 
action opens the way for the South- 
ern Methodist Church to render a 
valuable service to the colored peo- 
ple who have long looked to the 
Church for guidance and help, and 
have maintained steadfast devotion. 
The need of better trained teachers 
and workers in the Sunday schools 
has been giving the leaders- of the 
Colored Methodist Church grave con- 
cern. The work of this commission 
is to plan a way for carrying for- 
ward an efficient program of teach- 
er-training, with the coperation of 
the white Church. There are agen- 
cies which can contribute to this 
work; among these are the colleges 
and other schools of the Colored 
Church. Paine College School of Re- 
ligious Education can give splendid 
assistance as can also several other 

'"Negro education has within re- 
cent years shown marked improve- 
ment ; schools have been merged and 
strengthened; some have been closed; 
all are seeking means to give better 
service to their people. This commis- 
sion will examine the character and 
work of the schools of the Colored 
Church recommending such changes, 
mergers and other modifications as 
may be necessary to enable them to 
carry on a program of education of 
the very highest grade and efficien- 
cy. Another problem of this denomi- 
nation is the adequate training of 
the ministry. The uneducated minis- 
ter can no longer serve the colored 
people acceptably. 

"The agencies now in use must be 
made better; others must be provid- 
ed so that a well-equipped and effi- 
cient ministry may be trained. This 
is fundamental, since no race can 
progress morally without canajble 
men in the ministry. As part of this 
training, pastors' schools have been 
provided for some years past. The 
Commission will study how these 
may be made more helpful ajntd 
whether cooperation with other de- 
nominations will not strengthen the 
work. These . schools have done a 
far-reaching work for the women of 
the Colored Church by providing 

courses of study in home making 
and child welfare and in church 
work for women. The women who 
take these courses are selected for 
their interest in the work. During 
the sessions assistance is given usu- 
ally by a missionary society leader of 
the white church. This establishes 
contacts between the best people of 
both races in the community, making 
for friendly relations between the 
races. This work must be conserved 
and enlarged in whatever plans the 
joint commission may devise. 

"The great migrations of recent 
years to industrial areas and centers 
of population have taxed the re- 
sources of all churches to follow up 
their people and furnish them with 
a satisfactory ministry. It has been 
particularly taxing to the Colored 
Methodist churches. Their losses 
have been heavy. It is hoped that 
this joint Commission will find a way 
to use the contributions of the South- 
ern Methodist people so as to enable 
the Colored Methodist Church more 
effectually to shepherd its moving 
people and care for the neglected 

"The two races living in the South 
will succeed or fail together. One 
cannot rise without the other. The 
interests and the aims of both are 
the same. There must be better un- 
derstanding, and more sympathetic 
appreciation of the burdens each has 
to carry. Then our efforts for better 
things economically and morally will 
yield the largest fruitage." 
The Commission on Social Service, 
National Council Congrega- 
tional Churches 

The Commission on Social Service 
of the National Council of the Con- 
gregational Churches of the United 
States, in its statement of social 
ideals among other things said: 
Into racial relations means: 

1. The practice of the American principle 
of the same protection and rights for all 
races who share our common life. 

2. The elimination of racial discrimination, 
and substitution of full brotherly treatment 
for all races in America. 

3. The fullest cooperation between the 
churches of various races, even though of dif- 
ferent denominations. 

4. Educational and social equipment for the 
special needs of immigrants, with government 
information bureaus. 

Into international relations means: 

i. The removal of every unjust barrier ot 
trade, color, creed, and race, and the prac- 
tice of equal justice for all nations. 



The Catholic Church and Race 

^ The sixty-ninth convention of the 
'Catholic Central Verein passed the 
following resolution: 

The spirit of the Constitution of our coun- 
try makes for that true tolerance among our 
citizens which Christian justice and charity 
enjoin on all men. Human pride, augmented 
by other passions leads to a disregard of the 
rights of others and the obligations of 
brotherly love. Differences of race, color, 
language, wealth and social standing are 
stressed leading to mutual dislike, distrust, 
social unrest and even enmity and hideou 

Since the citizenry of our country is made 
up of men of various races and nations, it 
especially behooves us to guard against the 
temptation of fostering racial strife, while we 
should do what lies in our power to promote 
peace and good-will among all men, always 
ready to actively assist in the solution of our 
racial problems. 

Mindful of the fact that one of the first 
and foremost saints of the New World, St. 
Peter Clevar, devoted his life to the Negroes, 
and that even ahead of such glorious martyrs 
as Isaac Jogues, an American Negro was 
beautified by the Church, the Blessed Martin 
de Porres, let us in a special manner devote 
our attention to relieving the conditions of 
the members of the Negro race, subjected to 
so many injustices, not merely denied rights 
guaranteed them by the Constitution but 
made to suffer slights and indignities which 
deeply offend them. They, too, are our 
neighbors, both under the law of Christ and 
that of our country. 

We, therefore, wish to impress on our mem- 
bers the obligation to labor for amicable race 
relations and to grant their assistance to all 
efforts to bring them about. 

Pope Pius, on March 5, 1926, urged 
the equality of white and Negro 
missionaries in an encyclical letter 
distributed to bishops throughout the 

The Pope urged that missions be 
supported and that no efforts be 
spared in encouraging youths to de- 
vote themselves to missionary work. 
He directed that the colored clergy 
be considered as equal to the white 
clergy and that they be entrusted 
with the same powers, offices and 

Race Relations Committee Society 
of Friends 

The Religious Society of Friends 
of Philadelphia and vicinity has a 
race relations committee. Its stated 
object is: To study the problem of 
creating a spirit of mutual under- 
standing and helpfulness between 
the white and colored races. The 
following report of this committee 
was submitted at the 1930 yearly 
meeting of the society: 

"At the end of this year's work, 
your committee wishes to express its 
appreciation of the opportunity you 
have given it of seeing a little fur- 
ther into the difficulties, discourage- 
ments, and hopeful aspects of the 
important matter of race relation- 

"That it is a world-wide question 
of the gravest implications stimu- 
lates us in our small corner. We can- 
not report an enthusiastic committee 
aware of its growing opportunities 
for service. 

"The South has been considered by 
many Friends as perhaps the chief 
field for work on behalf of the Ne- 
gro. This, however, was before the 
great migration northward particu- 
larly of the last ten or fifteen years. 
Now Philadelphia has the second ' 
largest colored population of any 
city in the United States. There are 
still large groups of Negroes inade- 
quately prepared for the demands of 
modern life, but now there have 
emerged many educated Negroes 
with their abilities not yet fully 
recognized or given sufficient oppor- 
tunity for use. In an attempt to 
meet these two needs more intelli- 
gently, Committees of Arch Street 
and Race Street Yearly Meetings are 
directing their united efforts. 

"Four Pertinent Questions The 
first activity of the fall was a 
course of four late afternoon con- 
ferences, planned primarily to help 
Friends clarify their thinking upon 
this question. To be sure, few Friends 
came but many others, mostly teach- 
ers and social workers the atten- 
dance ranged from seventy to ninety 
availed themselves of the opportu- 
nity to hear Ira Reid of the National 
Urban League, Bruno Lasker of the 
Inquiry, and Joseph B. Matthews, 
executive secretary of the Fellowship 
of Reconciliation, give their answers 
to the four very pertinent questions: 
'What shall I do as a neighbor?' 
'What shall I do as an employ- 

'What shall I do as a parent?' 
'What shall I do as a world citi- 

"Study Courses Last year Race 
Street Friends under the leadership 
of our field secretary, Helen R. Bryan 
and a small sub-committee of teach- 
ers of both races, began work of a 
rather intensive sort in the public 



schools. This has been carried steadi- 
ly forward these past months. A 
growing body of teachers is realizing 
its responsibility for seeing that 
prejudice is not permitted to mar 
the colored child's chance at an edu- 
cation nor the white child's attitude 
of mind. To this end another study 
course was conducted during Third 
Month, especially for teachers. This 
was led by four men of outstanding 
ability in their fields: 

Goodwin B. Watson, of Teach- 
ers College, Columbia Univer- 

Hornell Hart, of Bryn Mawr 

Melville J. Herskovits, of North- 
western University; and 

Howard Hale Long, of the Pub- 
lic School System of Washing- 
ton, D. C. 

"It is highly encouraging and sig- 
nificant of the confidence which our 
work in the schools has inspired, 
that this series of lectures was given 
the approval of Dr. Oliver P. Corn- 
man, one of the city's associate su- 
perintendents of education. Before 
it was decided upon, fifteen school 
principals were consulted as to the 
wisdom of the venture and all advised 
that it be undertaken. It should be 
mentioned that an admission fee suf- 
ficient to cover expenses did not act 
as a deterrent to the attendance at 
either this course or the earlier one. 
Upon one occasion over a hundred 
persons were present. 

"Demand for Speakers for School 
Audiences On the evening of Third 
Month 18th, Dr. Melville J. Hersko- 
vits spoke to two hundred and fifty 
interested persons at an interracial 
dinner, held in the Christian Associa- 
tion building of the University of 
Pennsylvania, on the subject of, "The 
Future of the Negro in the New 
World." Melville Herskovits is an 
anthropologist of note and his ap- 
proach to the subject was a genuinely 
scientific one. 

"It is a pleasure to record a visit of 
Jessie Fauset Harris, an honor stu- 
dent of Cornell University and of the 
Sorbonne, now a teacher of French i 
in the Brooklyn High School, and 
author of two novels on Negro life. 
She spent ten days during Third 
Month in Philadelphia, speaking to 
assemblies in several of our public 
schools and to our own Westtown, 

Moorestown Friends, Friends' Se- 
lect and Germantown Friends. Thus 
to large numbers of white pupils 
was given the chance to see and hear 
a colored woman of culture and dis- 
tinction; to the colored pupils them- 
selves there must have come a 
growth of racial self-respect and 

"Our office notes a steady demand 
for speakers, principally for school 
audiences and, to a lesser extent, for 
women's clubs and church organiza- 
tions. These engagements are gen- 
erally filled by a group of competent 
young colored men and women in 
the city who freely contribute their 
time and talents to our joint cause. 

"Race Relations Sunday On Sec- 
ond Month 9th, the first-day nearest 
to Lincoln's birthday, and for 
that reason set aside by the Fed- 
eral Council of Churches as "Race 
Relations Sunday, these speakers at- 
tended twenty-two of our first-day 
schools and took part in the exercises. 
In most cases they were present at 
meeting also, and appreciation of 
their presences was expressed by 
many. That the anniversary might 
be more widely observed throughout 
the city, our secretary, Helen R. Bry- 
an, called upon a number of the 
leading ministers and reminded them 
of the day's new significance, with 
the result that thirty-eight of them, 
representing seven denominations 
used the subject as a basis for their 
sermons. In one of our outlying 
communities a committee member 
made the same request to her local 
ministers, and there was a gratifying 

"Racial Discrimination During the 
winter a small group of interested 
business men met together upon oc- 
casion to discuss the possibilities of 
widening the scope of Negro labor. 
They have conferred with experts in 
the field and have drawn helpfully 
upon the resources of the Armstrong 
Association. Our committee appreci- 
ates the difficulty which these men 
on the committee face in trying to 
make new opportunities for Negroes 
in positions in their establishments 
that have heretofore been held exclu- 
sively by whites. We commend them 
for their breadth of vision and for 
this beginning at a further applica- 
tion of Christian principles to the 
conduct of their businesses. And yet 



in spite of the more just and appre- 
ciative attitude which many people 
are showing towards Negroes, we are 
told by some of the leading colored 
people in the city that racial dis- 
crimination is increasing. In hous- 
ing and in recreation, in places of 
amusement and especially in restau- 
rants, lines of distinction are being 
drawn contrary to equality of citi- 
zenship, humanity or Christian 
brotherhood. We counsel patience. 
We tell our friends of the other race 
that only through the slow, but, we 
hope, sure process of' education, can 
a happier day come. But meanwhile 
we feel a deep sense of shame that 
such conditions should prevail. 

"Several of the great educational 
foundations, the Rosenwald and the 
Laura Spelman Funds among others, 
are spending their mental and finan- 
cial resources in an attempt towards 
a solution of this question of race. 
They can do much. But a body 
bearing the name of Friends knows 
that mass effort is not enough. John 
Woolman taught us that. There 
must be a changed attitude in each 
individual mind and heart. When 
that time comes we will not regard 
the Negro with ill-disguised con- 
tempt or complacent pity, but as 
another free human soul, animated 
by the same desire for a full and un- 
hampered life. Only then can there 
come any real solution of this prob- 
lem, so baffling to us today." 
The Inquiry Method 

The Inquiry, an organization of 
New York City which began in 1926 
to publish "The Inquiry Occasional 
Papers" is seeking a revolutionary 
end by evolutionary means. It is at- 
tempting a titanic task with no im- 
plements save a school of thought. 
Most reform organizations focus on 
ends. The Inquiry focuses on means. 

The Inquiry's publications and 
projects are implements and experi- 
ments to enable groups representing 
diverse interests to deal cooperative- 
ly with conflicts of mind-set and de- 
sire. It is seeking to separate the 
creative from the destructive ele- 
ments in conflict. 

The Inquiry method is illustrated 
by the following: 

Superior People A Discussion Out- 
line in Four Parts "What are the 
earmarks of 'superior' persons ? 

Name someone, American or foreign living 
or dead, whom you regard as in some 
way superior to the average. 

List the characteristics in which, you think, 
they are (or may have been thought to 
be) superior to other men around them. 

"What are the earmarks of "su- 
perior" races ? 

Do all the members of a race or nationality 

share its characteristic traits? 
Do the same considerations by which you 

have selected superior men also apply to 

superior peoples or races? 

"How do you judge peoples or 
races ? 

Does the judgment passed upon a people 
depend upon the qualities of those who 
are the judges and their major concerns? 
For example, would all the peoples in the 
world agree in a judgment of the Japa- 
nese as regards their relative standing 
among other nations in regard to those 
qualities that make up superiority? Or 
in a judgment of the Jews? Of the 
British ? Of Americans" 

"What should be the relation be- 
tween "superior" and "inferior" 
races or peoples ? 

Let us see whether your judgment as re- 
gards their respective superiority or in- 
feriority enters into what you would 
consider proper native-white-American at- 
titudes toward each of the following 

Filipinos Japanese 

Englishmen Armenians 

Mexicans Russians 

American Negroes Portuguese 

Germans Jews 

Are you treating all these peoples alike? As 
absolute equals? Should you so treat them? 
What are the main differences in what, you 
feel, is a "right" native-white-American atti- 
tude to, say, Englishmen and Mexicans? Ger- 
mans and Negroes? 

In what respect does a conviction of your 
superiority as a people over some other people 
give you special rights? In what respect does 
it give you special obligations? 

Must you assume that these special rights 
or obligations are permanent, or do circum- 
stances change in such a way as to change 
your relations to other people? 

Is pride of race something you should try 
to get rid of? 

Does it help you in any way to make 
greater strides in personal or racial self-im- 

What are some of the special dangers of 
race pride? 

Does the teaching of Jesus provide you 
with any sure guidance on this crucial ques- 
tion of international and interracial morality? 



The National Association of 
Colored Women, in 1928, celebrated 
its thirty-second birthday anniver- 
sary at its biennial meeting. Among 
the accomplishments reported were 
the establishment of a national head- 
quarters in Washington, D. C., at a 
cost of $25,000. 

Mrs. Sallie W. Stewart, president, 
of the National Association of 
Colored Women, was elected fourth 
vice-president of the National Coun- 
cil of Women at the biennial meet- 
ing, held November 4-9, 1929, in 
New York City. The National Coun- 
cil of Women is composed of thirty 
national organizations of women of 
the United States and has connec- 
tions with the International Council 
of Women of the World. 

The National Association of 
Colored Women has held membership 
in the National Council of Women 
for thirty years. 

Program of the Association The 
following is a statement of the 
program outlined for the National 
Association of Colored Women by its 
Interracial Department for the "Pro- 
motion of Good-will, Better and More 
Sympathetic Understanding among 
All Races of Men": 

1. By Education 

a. Through contact of the best element 
in different races in interracial con- 
ferences and other contacts. 

b. Through effective means of dissemina- 
tion of the best literature on life and 
achievement of the Negro and of other 
colored races. 

(1) In white schools and libraries. 

(2) In effort to have Negro life and 
.achievements the subject for study 

and discussion in white clubs, 
churches and in other groups of 
women and young people of the 
white race. 

(3) In effort to have Negro clubs, 
church societies, etc., read and 
study what the fair-minded, jus- 
tice-loving white people (however 
few) say and write about Negroes. 
c. Through the promotion of public exhi- 
bitions of the achievements of Ne- 
groes in literature, art and music, 
where such exhibitions will attract 
white people, and through thorough 
preparation of the colored races and 
of the white race for service. 

2. By General Cooperation Wher- 
ever Circumstances Demand. 

a. Through improved living conditions 
better housing, desirable location of 
homes, sanitary environment, paved 
and lighted streets, etc. 

b. Through higher wages and better pro- 
tection for women in industry. 

c. More and better schools and recrea- 
tional facilities. 

d. Through equal accommodation in 

e. Through a working program for jus- 
tice in the courts. 

f. Through persistent efforts for con- 
structive provision by the states for 
the underprivileged boy and girl who 
are taken into the courts. 

g. Through legislation against lynching, 
h. Through effort for peace among the 


i. Through proper means for right use 
of leisure time of Negro boys and 
girls in domestic service and for 
wholesome amusement. 

3. Conclusion of the Whole Matter 

In the undertaking of this delicate and 
significant work let us as Negro wo- 
men remember that no principle is to be 
sacrificed, no compromise of dignity 
and Christian womanhood. 

Let us keep in mind, too, that only the 
leaders who are well prepared, mentally 
and spiritvally, can take the initiative 
in this important work and promote it. 

If interracial cooperation is to be worked 
out ever, it must be done only through 
the practice of the Gospel of Jesus 

On these principles the women of the 
National Association of Colored Wo- 
men are standing steady and going for- 
ward for peace, good-will and helpful- 
ness among all people. 


The date most generally observed 
by Negroes of the United States as 
Emancipation Day is January 1, the 
date in 1863 of the issuance of the 
Emancipation Proclamation. Sep- 
tember 22, the date in 1862, of the 
issuance of the preliminary proclama- 
tion of emancipation is, next to Jan- 
uary 1, the day most generally cele- 
brated. In various sections of the 
country, however, other Emancipa- 
tion days are celebrated by Negroes. 
The dates of these celebrations ap- 
pear to have a connection with the 
date that slavery happened to be de- 
clared abolished in that particular 
state or community. The Negroes 
of Texas celebrate June 19, the date 
in 1865 when General Robert S. 
Granger, who had command of the 
military district cf Texas, issued a 
proclamation notifying the Negroes 
that they were free. Seme emanci- 
pation celebrations may have refer- 
ence to the adoption of the Thirteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution, par- 
'ticularly the ratification of this 
Amendment by an individual state. 
In some states the governors issued 
proclamations declaring slavery abol- 
ished. The observance in Illinois 
and some other Middle Western 
States of August 2, 3, or 4 may have 
to do with the abolishing of slavery 
in that state on August 2, 1824. 
Some of the dates on which Emanci- 
pation celebrations were observed in 
1929 and 1930 are: January 1, May 
22, May 29, May 30, June 19, August 
4, August 8, September 12, Septem- 
ber 22, and October 15. 

Emancipation Proclamations 


I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States of America, and Commander-in-Chief 
of the army and navy thereof, do hereby pro- 
claim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, 
the war will be prosecuted for the object of 
practically restoring the constitutional relation 
between the United States and each of the 
states and the people thereof in which states 
that relation is or may be suspended or dis- 

That it is my purpose, upon the next meet- 
ing of Congress, to again recommend the adop- 
tion of a practical measure tendering pecuni- 
ary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of 
all slave states, so called, the people whereof 
may not then be in rebellion against the United 
States, and which states may then have volun- 

tarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily 
adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of 
slavery within their respective limits; and that 
the effort to colonize persons of African de- 
scent, with their consent, upon this continent 
or elsewhere, with the previously obtained 
consent of the governments existing there, will 
be. continued. 

That on the first day of January, in the 
year of our Lord, one thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves 
within any state or designated part of a state 
the people whereof shall then be in rebellion 
against the United States, shall be then, thence- 
forward, and forever free; and the Executive 
Government of the United States, including the 
military and naval authority thereof, will rec- 
ognize and maintain the freedom of such per- 
sons, and will do no act or acts to repress 
such persons, or any of them, in any efforts 
they may make for their actual freedom. 

That the Executive will, on the first day of 
January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate 
the states and parts of states, if any, in which 
the people thereof respectively shall then be 
in rebellion against the United States; and 
the fact that any state or the people thereof 
shall on that day be in good faith represented 
in the Congress of the United States, by mem- 
bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a 
majority of the qualified voters of such state 
shall have participated, shall, in the absence of 
strong countervailing testimony, be deemed 
conclusive evidence that such state, and the 
people thereof, are not then in rebellion against 
the United States. 

That attention is hereby called to an act of 
Congress entitled, "An Act to Make an Addi- 
tional Article of War," approved March i3, 
1862, and which act is in the words and figures 

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the United States of Ameri- 
ca in Congress assembled, That hereafter the 
following shall be promulgated as an addition- 
al article of war for the government of the 
army of the United States, and shall be obeyed 
and observed as such : 

"Section I. All officers or persons in_ the mili- 
tary or naval service of the United States are 
prohibited from employing any of the forces 
under their respective commands for the pur- 
pose of returning fugitives from service or 
labor who may have escaped from any per- 
sons to whom such service or labor is claimed 
to be due; and any officer who shall be found 
guilty, by a court-martial of violating this arti- 
cle shall be dismissed from the service. 

"Section 2. And be it further enacted, That 
this act shall take effect from and after its 

Also, to the ninth and tenth sections of an 
act entitled "An Act to Suppress Insurrec- 
tion, to Punish Treason and Rebellion, to 
Seize and Confiscate Property of Rebels, and 
for other Purposes," approved July 16, 1862, 
and which sections are in the words and 
figures following: 

"Section 9. And be it further enacted, That 
all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be 
engaged in rebellion against the Government 
of the United States or who shall in any 
way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping 
from such persons and taking refuge within 



the lines of the army; and all slaves captured 
from such persons, or deserted by them and 
coming under the control of the Government 
of the United States; and all slaves of such 
persons found on (or) being within any place 
occupied by rebel forces and afterward occu- 
pied by forces of the United States, shall be 
deemed captives of war, and shall be forever 
free of their servitude, and not again held as 

"Section 10. And be it further enacted, That 
no slave escaping into any state, territory, or 
the District of Columbia, from any other state, 
shall be delivered up or in any way impeded 
or hindered of his liberty except for crime 
or some offense against the laws, unless the 
person claiming said fugitive shall first make 
oath that the person to whom the labor or 
service of such fugitive is alleged to be due 
is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms 
against the United States in the present re- 
bellion, nor in any way given aid and com- 
fort thereto; and no person engaged in the 
military or naval service of the United States 
shall, under any pretense whatever, assume to 
decide on the validity of the claim of any 
person to the service or labor of any other 
person, or surrender up any such person to 
the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from 
the service." 

And I do hereby enjoin upon and order 
all persons engaged in the military and naval 
service of the United States, to observe, obey, 
and enforce, within their respective spheres 
of service, the act and sections above recited. 

And the Executive will, in due time recom- 
mend that all citizens of the United States 
who shall have remained loyal thereto through- 
out rebellion, shall (upon the restoration of the 
constitutional relation between the United 
States and their respective states and people, 
if that relation shall have been suspended or 
disturbed) be compensated for all losses by 
acts of the United States, including the loss 
of slaves. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my 
hand and caused the seal of the United States 
to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this twen- 
ty-second day of September, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty-two, and of the Independence of the 
United States the eighty-seventh. 


By the President: 

William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

Whereas, on the zznd day of September, in 
the year of pur Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty-two, a proclamation was is- 
sued by the President of the United States, 
containing, among other things, the following, 
to wit: 

"That on the first day of January, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves 
within any state or designated part of a 
state the people whereof shall then be in 
rebellion against the United States, shall be 
then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the 
Executive Government of the United States, 
including the military and naval authority 
thereof, will recognize and maintain the free- 
dom of such persons, and will do no act or 
acts to repress such persons, or any of them, 
in any efforts they may make for their actual 

"That the Executive will, on the first day of 
January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate 
the states and parts of states, if any, in which 

the people thereof respectively shall then be 
in rebellion against the United States; and 
the fact that any state, or the people thereof, 
shall on that day be in good faith represented 
in the Congress of the United States, by mem- 
bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a 
majority of the qualified voters of such state 
shall have participated, shall, in the absence 
of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed 
conclusive evidence that such state, and the 
people thereof, are not then in rebellion against 
the United States." 

Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
President of the United States, by virtue of 
the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief 
of the Army and Navy of the United States 
in time of actual armed rebellion against the 
authority and government of the United 
States, and as a fit and necessary war meas- 
ure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this 
first day of January, in the year of our Lord 
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, 
and in accordance with my purpose so to do, 
publicly proclaimed for the full period of one 
hundred days from the day first above men- 
tioned, order and designate, as the states and 
parts of states wherein the people thereof 
respectively are this day in rebellion against 
the United States, the following, to wit: 

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the 
parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jeffer- 
son, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascen- 
sion, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, 
St. Marie, St. Martin, and Orleans, including 
the City of New Orleans), Mississippi, Ala- 
bama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North 
Carolina, and Virginia (except the forty-eight 
counties designated as West Virginia and also 
the counties of Berkely, Accomac, North 
Hampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne 
and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk 
and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts 
are, for the present, left precisely f> if this 
proclamation were not issued. 

And by virtue of the power, and for the 
purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that 
all persons held as slaves within said desig- 
nated states and parts of states are, and 
henceforward shall be, free; and that the 
Executive Government of the United States, 
including the military and naval authorities 
thereof, will recognize and maintain the free- 
dom of said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so 
declared to be free, to abstain from all vio- 
lence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I 
recommend to them that, in all cases when 
allowed, they labor faithfully' for reasonable 

And I further declare and make known 
that such persons, of suitable condition, will 
be received into the armed service of the 
United States, to garrison forts, positions, sta- 
tions, and other places, and to man vessels 
of all sorts in said service. 

And upon this act, sincerely believed to 
be an act of justice, warranted by the Con- 
stitution upon military necessity, 1 invoke the 
considerate judgment of mankind, and the 
gracious favor of Almighty God. 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto 
set my name and caused the seal of the United 
States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this first 
day of January, in the year of our Lord 
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, 
and of the independence of the United States 
the eighty-seventh. 

By the President: 
William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 


"The time has come," says The 
Negro World (New York), "for the 
Negro to forget and cast behind him 
his hero worship and adoration of 
other races, and to start out immedi- 
ately to create and emulate heroes 
of his own. 

"We must canonize our own saints 
create our own martyrs, and elevate 
to positions of fame and honor black 
men and women who have made their 
distinct contributions to our racial 

"Unless the Negro with courageous 
insistence holds up to the idealiza- 
tion of the young the best attain- 
ments of the race, his soul will be- 
come self stultified by alien idealism," 
declares The Houston (Texas) In- 
former. "Everything that he holds 
in art, science, literature and practi- 
cal life is under the similitude of a 
white exterior. When he goes to 
the movies he finds every noble vir- 
tue portrayed under a white skin. 
If the Negro enters, it must needs 
be as a clown or as a flunky. The 
white artist can make no other use 
of Negro personnel. 

"There is not to be found a Negro 
lady or gentleman in American lit- 
erature with big qualities sustained 
to the end. The moving picture con- 
cessions of an interracial prize fight 
has no commercial value unless the 
white antagonist wins. It is deemed 
unethical to portray to the public the 
Negro triumphant over a white man. 

"The soul thrives by what it feeds 
on. If the Negro is perpetually fed 
on white superiority, he will come to 
look upon whiteness as the symbol of 
superiority and blackness as the 
badge of reproach. A race that de- 
spises itself will be despised by 
everyone else." 

"It is very gratifying to colored 
people to see a renaissance of interest 
in the aspiration and activities of 
the Negro," wrote W. H. Ferris, 
author of "The African Abroad." 
"But there is also a tendency to a 
cultural segregation of the Negro. 
Colored writers are discouraged from 
writing on philosophy, sociology, sci- 
ence, literature, art and music per 

se and are advised to write purely 
on Negro themes. 

"What some people look upon with 
concern is the tendency to overem- 
phasize and accentuate the shady 
side of Negro life and thought. 

"When it comes to artistically por- 
traying the Negro in literature, art, 
and the drama, the colored man, who 
is cultured, refined and civilized is 
passed by and the Negro who is 
superstitious, illiterate, grotesque, or 
immoral is cast upon the screen and 
is called art, high art, glorious art, 
radiant art, sun-kissed art, etc. When 
the Negro becomes grotesque or ludi- 
crous, then he becomes a colorful per- 
sonality for the artist, dramatist or 

"I am not saying that there is a 
conscious purpose or design to belit- 
tle, but the constant presentation of 
the Negro in novels, short stories, 
plays and movies as a savage, a bar- 
barian, a grotesque ignoramus, an 
unmoral illiterate or educated sport 
will undoubtedly have the effect of 
lowering the black man's status in 
the eyes of the civilized world and 
connote his inferiority or his differ- 
ence from the rest of mankind. Just 
as the character of 'Uncle Tom' in 
Harriet Beecher Stowe's famous 
novel aroused sympathy for the slave, 
so the present method of portraying 
the Negro on the stage, in the novel 
and short story will have effects, 
and those effects will not be benefi- 

"Waves of popular opinion sweep 
over the land. In the sixties, seven- 
ties, eighties and early nineties, a 
wave of sympathy for the Negro 
swept over the land. In the .late 
nineties and the first decade of the 
twentieth century, a wave of indif- 
ference to the Negro swept over the 
land. In the second decade and the 
first half of the third decade of the 
twentieth century, a segregation 
wave swept over the land. In the 
third decade, another wave started, 
which rose to the present. That 
wave manifests great interest in 
what the Negro thinks, says and 
writes, as a Negro, but little interest 


in what he thinks, says, and writes 
as a human being. 

"There seems to be a cultural as 
well as residential segregation of 
the Negro. He must think of Negro, 
but not human problems. 

"The Twentieth Century Caucasian 
seems interested in everything about 
the Negro except in recognizing him 
as a man and a human being in the 
same sense that other men are. This 
is due not so much to prejudice as 
to a failure to recognize that the 
colored man's reflex psychological 
reactions are the same as ether men." 
What Is the New Negro 

The Amsterdam News (New York 
City) answers the question, "What 
Is the New Negro?" "To our way 
of thinking the New Negro, if there 
is such, is dependent upon himself for 
his food and thinking a Negro who 
has the ideal of a spiritually and 
economically independent group 
working in harmony with and being 
a part of the larger American group. 
The New Negro is possessed of a 
new spirit. First, he believes in self- 
support. He supports his family; 
and helps to build a foundation for 
racial self-support. To do this, he 
believes it is not only necessary to 
talk 'race pride' but to act it. Hence 
he buys from a Negro grocer wher- 
ever he can; he gees to a Negro 
church; he has insurance in a Negro 
insurance company; he puts his 
money in a Negro bank; he acts race 

"Second, the New Negro is a pio- 
neer for his people. The New Negro 
launches out into business. (He may 
fail and the 'old' Negro may laugh 
at him). The New Negro encourages 
the pioneer in other lines. He is 
willing to 'take a chance' to build for 
the future. 

"Third, the New Negro thinks 
straight. Because he is born of the 
new spirit of freedom, he is deter- 
mined to have freedom in all its 
phases. He is willing to bear all its 
responsibilities. He wants all of its 
privileges. He refuses to believe he 
is different from or inferior to any 
other of God's children. But he is 
not raising too big a row about it. 

"The New Negro believes in God. 
He may be gradually changing his 
theology. It is perhaps wise that he 
should. But he believes in God. A 
hundred years ago a New Negro 

walked out of St- George's Church, 
.Philadelphia, and preferred to wor- 
ship in an old blacksmith shop which 
was bought by black people than in 
a fine house for which he did not 
pay. He believes that self-support 
is of God. 

"The New Negro has a new spirit, 
not necessarily a diploma, a white 
collar, a salary from charity organi- 
zations he believes in God and him- 
self and his future and is hard at 

Burlesquing the Negro in Films and 
Over the Radio 

"Irish-Americans, it is said, have 
a quarrel with the film makers and 
exhibitors of moving pictures. The 
sensibilities of the race have been 
outraged and their finer feelings 
trampled upon by the showing of 
such films as 'The Callahans and the 
Murphys' and 'The Garden of Allah' 
and other pictures ridiculing their 
racial idiosyncrasies or slurring their 
religion. Their resentment was at 
first shown by vocal demonstrations 
of disapproval, raising disturbances 
in picture houses and disfiguring the 
pictures by squirting a black liquid 
fluid on them. Then came a petition 
to the Federal Trade Commission and 
an effort to restrain the distribution 
of the obnoxious films. In New York 
City an ordinance was presented to 
the board of aldermen to prevent the 
exhibition not only of immoral and 
indecent films, but also of those that 
'tend to ridicule or disparage or hold 
up to obloquy or contempt any race, 
creed or nationality, or are calculated 
to arouse racial, national or religious 
prejudice.' " 

No race in this country has suf- 
fered greater ridicule and disparage- 
ment than the Negro, none has been 
held up to greater obloquy and con- 
tempt, on the stage, in the films and 
in the daily press. And yet the sta- 
tus of the Negro has been steadily 
gaining in public esteem and his do- 
ings and his s'ayings have been taken 
more seriously than ever before. 

Miss Nannie H. Borroughs, princi- 
pal of the National Training School 
at Washington, D. C., in a discussion 
on broadcasting the Negro, said: 
"The radio announcer for the Nation- 
al Broadcasting Company who said 
'no matter what the Negro is he is 
still a Negro' is as dangerous a per- 
son as 1 a Communist or a Red. 



"In fact, he is more dangerous be- 
cause he is given an opportunity to 
broadcast subtle, but fallacious, pro- 
pa,ganda that breeds contempt for the 
Negro and promotes misunderstand- 
ing and social injustice. 

"The radio should not be prosti- 
tuted to the teaching of r,ace infer- 
iority or spreading mischievous pro- 
paganda that will generate contempt 
or antagonism between the races. 
The Negro is permitted to sing 
spirituals or do burlesque stuff over 
the radio, but not to speak over a 
nation-wide network. He is never 
given a nation-wide chance to talk to 
the people of this country. What is 
the fear? Why the boycott? 

"Referring to the Negro as 'nig- 
ger,' 'darkey' and presenting only the 
ignorant, shouting, fighting, rowdy 
element in speech is just another 
way &f teaching inferiority or con- 
tempt for the Negro. The radio 
people who are enjoying the gener- 
ous patronage of the Negro should 
observe the ordinary rules of busi- 
ness ethics. One of those rules is 
'Never insult your customers.' The 
radio people, through Amos and An- 
dy, burlesque Negro business over 
the radio. The little skit is delight- 
fully dene, but Amos and Andy 
represent the ignorant Negro who 
tries to do the right thing for which 
he is in no way prepared. The Na- 
tional Negro Business League is 
composed of successful business men 
who are a credit to America but 
when they met in Indianapolis Amos 
and Andy had the air and repre- 
sentative Negro business men had a 
town hall. Had an Indian chief 
called business men from the Indian 
tribes and held a great meeting in 
Indianapolis, his message would have 
been broadcast. Only the Amos and 
Andy kind of Negro got a hearing 
that week. 

"The Negro church and the Negro 
preacher are presented in burlesque 
over the air. The radio, nationally, 
makes it a rule to advertise only the 
ignorance and foibles of the race. 
The radio is God's greatest gift to 
the people of the twentieth century, 
and it should be used to broadcast 
the best in all races and thereby be- 
come the mightiest instrument for 
stimulating respect and strengthen- 
ing the bonds of brotherhood." 

H. L. Mencken, editor of The 
American Mercury, observes: "It 
seems to me that yi objecting to such 
things as the stories of Mr. Cohen 
the Negro shows a dreadful lack of 
humor. They are really very amus- 
ing. Are they exaggerations ? Of 
course, they are. Nevertheless, they 
always keep some sort of contact 
with the truth. 

"It is argued that a white, looking 
at Negroes, must alw,ays see them 
as Negroes see themselves. Then 
what is argued is nonsense. If he 
departs too far from plausibility and 
probability his own people will cease 
to read him. They dislike palpable 
falsifications. Everyone does, but 
they enjoy caricatures, recognizing 
them as such. 

"The remedy of the Negro is not 
to bellow for justice that is, not to 
try to apply scientific criteria to 
works of art. His remedy is to make 
works of art that pay off the white 
man in his own coin. 

"The white man, it seems to me, 
is extremely ridiculous. He looks 
ridiculous even to me, a white man 
myself. To a Negro he must be a 
hilarious spectacle, indeed. Why isn't 
that spectacle better described? Let 
the Negro sculptors spit on their 
hands! What ,a chance!" 

Suggestions to White Speakers 

Addressing Audiences of 

Colored People 

Under the above title, Fritz Cans- 
ler, executive secretary, Glenarm Y. 
M. C. A., Denver, Colorado, offers the 
following advice to white speakers 
addressing audiences of colored peo- 

1. Under no circumstances ever employ 
such terms as 'nigger,' 'darky,' 'coon,' 'picka- 
ninny' referring to colored children, or 'ne- 
gress' meaning colored women. Nothing 
arouses a stronger feeling of resentment in 
the hearts of colored people than to hear 
expressions of this sort from one of another 

2. If you want to elicit inward (or even 
audible) groans from your audience begin 
by telling them about 'my old black mammy' 
who may perhaps, have nursed or 'raised' you. 
S'ories of this nature have been used in the 
past so frequently and with such evident in- 
sincerity by speakers openly and actively hos- 
tile toward the present generation of 'black 
mammy's' grand-children, that colored people 
seem instinctively and universally to refuse 
full faith and credit to one attempting such 
an approach. 

3. 'Darky stories,' featuring legendary 
racial weaknesses perpetuated by joke-makers 
and comic section artists, indicating propensi- 
ties for chicken stealing, chicken eating, 



watermelons, crapshooting, razor 'toting' and 
the like, fail utterly if used to embellish ad- 
dresses to audiences of colored folk. Don't 
try to be funny at the expense of your audi- 
ence. It can't be done. 

4. 'Social equality' is a vague, indefinite, 
meaningless phrase. If you mean indiscrimi- 
nate co-mingling of the races, inter-marriage, 
or whatnot, say so. Unless you have made 
some new discovery concerning matters gen- 
erally regarded as 'settled,' the ice is rather 
thin for skating, but at least your audience 
will know where you stand and what you are 
talking about. 

5. That this or that social or economic 
nostrum is particularly 'good' and adapted 
for 'your people' will usually be regarded by 
your audience as a fallacious hypothesis, and 
the advancement of any of the stereotyped, 
archaic and time worn theories of 'racial up- 
lift' will doubtless leave your audience cold 
and unresponsive. 

6. In public address or private conversa- 
tion, colored men resent being referred to as 

Use of Obnoxious Terms 

"Golden Brown," is a toilet prepa- 
ration produced by a colored woman 
of Memphis. She advertised exten- 
sively and caused it to be among the 
best sellers. The success of the 
business attracted white investors, 
who, it is reported, are now in con- 
trol. The new management contin- 
ued its extensive advertising, but 
unfortunately went a step too far. 
In attempting to induce an increased 
number of druggists to handle the 
preparation, they slurringly referred 
to the patrons as "darkies," and not 
only in one instance, but several. 
Letters were sent to colored drug- 
gists who immediately resented them 
and refused to handle the stuff. Pa- 
trons showed their indignation by 
refusing to purchase the commodity. 
One druggist in Chicago who had a 
large supply in stock became indig- 
nant, piled the products in an alley 
and burned them. The newspapers 
also joined in the protest and this 
affair became nationally known. 

The word "negress" is obnoxious 
more than that it is insulting to 
colored people. There is really no 
etymological, ethnological or any 
other reason for its usage. In the 
brute world we speak of lion and 
lioness, tiger and tigress, etc., but 
assuredly colored women are not of 
the brute world. 

J. B. McDaniel, a well known white 
columnist, took exception to objec- 
tions by Negroes of the use of the 
word "darky" when the context vin- 
dicates the writer of ;any intention to 

offend. He suggested the Negroes 
make a list of terms that offend their 
tender susceptibilities. The discus- 
sion was raised by an article in a 
Pacific coast publication which re- 
ferred to Farina of "Our Gang" as 
"one of the cutest, brightest darkies 
at six years which mankind knows 

Concerted effort on the part of a 
committee of colored citizens of Chi- 
cago, Illinois, has resulted in "mat- 
ter prejudiced to the Negro or any 
group of citizens being stricken from 
public school texts." 

As the result of a public request 
made upon Mayor Edward Quinn of 
Cambridge, Massachusetts, school 
books carrying history reading exer- 
cises with frequent use of the word 
"nigger" and gross plantation dia- 
lect, were formally removed from the 
schools by the Cambridge School 

Washington, D. C., school officials 
have withdrawn Poem Book, Number 
7, from the school system there. The 
book contained a poem with the word 
"nigger" in it six times. The book 
was used in the fourth grades of 
the District schools and was compiled 
by Huber, Bruner, and Curry. They 
were notified that the book would not 
be used until the poem was elimi- 

What Term Should Be Used To 

Designate the Group of 

African Descent 

The discussion concerning what 
term should be used to appropriately 
designate the group of African de- 
scent in the United States continues: 

"It is a peculiar situation that ob- 
tains in choosing a proper and ac- 
ceptable term for our race," says The 
Chicago Whip. "Nothing seems to 
suit us all and the nomenclature that 
has been adopted by some of our 
editors seems to offend and irritate 
the great body of our people. There 
are many who abhor the word 'Ne- 
gro,' regardless of the capitalization 
of the 'N.' Others scoff the term 
'race' man. One editor wrote last 
week that he did not like the expres- 
sion 'black' applied to our race. 
Others refuse to adopt the term 
'colored' claiming that it is too in- 
clusive and is not strictly descriptive. 
All of the scientists agree that there 



is a black race and it is accepted the 
world over that we Americans of Af- 
rican lineage are members of the 
black race. It seems that we ought 
to learn to love our race. The Indian 
loves the red race and spurns the 
pale face. The Mongolian loves the 
yellow race and his gods and idols 
are sometimes characterized with 
yellow features. The white race is 
proud of the word 'white' but we of 
the black race seems to see no virtue 
in the term 'black.' It appears to 
us that we are inclined to accept the 
glorification of the white man and 
his psychology too freely. There are 
one hundred and fifty million mem- 
bers of the black race on this earth. 
We ought to be proud of the term 
'black.' We are members of the 
black race and all of the other names 
mean little descriptively, historically 
or genetically." 

The New York News is of the 
opinion that: "The National Associa- 
tion for the Advancement of Colored 
People and the Urban League, Tus- 
kegee and Hampton, their principles 
and propaganda, are doing a distinct 
and dangerous disservice to the 
colored citizens of America by their 
effort to popularize the use of the 
word 'Negro.' In season and out of 
season, morning, noon, and night, 
they harangue with the propaganda 
of 'Negro' this and 'Negro' that and 
'Negro,' 'Negro,' 'Negro.' 

"Our quarrel with all of these 
great agencies for the solution of 
the problems of colored citizens in 
America is that they are using a 
word without thought of its future 
damning consequences or its present 
demoralizing influences upon the 
public sentiment of this country. A 
case in point, the Harlem Public Li- 
brary sends out the following press 
release in part: 

" 'Here are some of our latest addi- 
tions to the department: Woodson, 
C. G., 'Negro Orators and Their 
Orations'; Garnett, David, 'The 
Sailor's Return,' the story of the 
sudden appearance in an English 
village of a mariner, and his wife, a 
Negress from Africa; J. W. Johnson, 
'American Negro Spirituals'; D. 
Heyward, 'Porgy,' a tale of Charles- 
ton, South Carolina; Sherwood An- 
derson, 'Dark Laughter,' a contrast 
between Negroes and the white wo- 

men who furnish Negro women with 
hours of amusement; Alain Locke, 
'The New Negro.' " 

What Is A Negro 

The Messenger, New York City, 
contributes this interpretation : 

"Just what is a Negro? Where 
and how did the term originate ? Is 
it a term of honor or reproach ? 
These are some of the phases it is 
necessary to discuss. 

"The modern use of the term 'Ne- 
gro' dates back to 1442, when Anton 
Gonslaves, lieutenant of Prince Hen- 
ry the navigator, on a trip to the 
coast of Guinea brought back six 
captive natives from that region to 
Spain, a step which resulted in the 
African slave trade. 

"These natives were black in color, 
or 'negro', in the Spanish or Portu- 
guese language. Los negros (the 
blacks); los blancos (the whites). 
From Spain these Negros were taken 
to Cuba as slaves, and later to En- 
glish-speaking America, where the 
word 'Negro' was used later to re- 
place 'blackamoor' and 'Ethiopian', 
the former English words for black 

"The whole history of the word 
'Negro' except in the last sixty- 
one years is then associated with 
slavery. In other words, with things, 
with chattels, having no rights that 
'the white man was bound to respect.' 

"Later, the word with a capital 
'N' was to find its way into scienti- 
fic language, and acquire, perhaps, a 
slight measure of dignity. Johann 
Blumenbach (1752-1840), first of the 
great anthropologists and perhaps, 
even at this late day, the greatest of 
them all, in founding the study of 
Man as a science, divided the human 
race into five varieties, one of which 
he called 'Negro.' 

"As the term 'Negro' stands today 
it is fully as undefinable as electrici- 
ty. A white-skinned person who is 
legally a white man in North Caro- 
lina can be legally a Negro in the 
adjoining state of Virginia; one le- 
gally white in Virginia will be classed 
as black in Oklahoma; the same per- 
son legally white in Oregon will be 
legally black in North Carolina; the 
whole definition for America being as 
uncertain and crochety as an old 
maid. Each state acts according to 
its prejudices, or clearer yet, the ex- 
ploitable possibilities of the Negro. 



"Many contend that the term 'Ne- 
gro' is one of opprobrium. There can 
be no doubt that it is. It was founded 
on slavery and forced degradation." 

Opportunity magazine continued 
the discussion by observing that: 

"There is much sensitiveness to 
the word, 'nigger/ as a term of con- 
tempt, a sensitiveness varying in in- 
tensity according to geography and 
according to degrees of sophistica- 
tion. What is evident now in much 
of the objection is disturbingly evi- 
dent in the objection to the use of 
the word 'Negro' itself. There is a 
society in Philadelphia whose pur- 
pose is to outlaw 'Negro' as a device 
for humiliating the race. Mr. Ed- 
ward H. Morris, a distinguished Chi- 
cago Negro attorney and member of 
the Commission on Race Relations 
appointed by Governor Lowden to 
study the race riot, refused to place 
his signature to the report because 
'Negro' was used instead of 'colored.' 
The Chicago Defender has coined 
the word 'race-man' to escape it. 
There are those who insist on 
'colored,' 'Afro-Americans,' 'Ethio- 
pians,' 'Lybians,' with the same fire 
that members of this race immedi- 
ately after Emancipation insisted on 
the pedantic and impracticable 'gen- 
tleman of color.' " 

Capitalizing the "N" In Negro 

Whether or not the "N" in Negro 
should be capitalized is another popu- 
lar question. The following is from 
The Amsterdam News, New York 

"It was a custom growing out of 
American slavery to write the word 
'Negro' with a small 'n' (negro). 
That custom had at least a semblance 
of reason in slavery days, but even 
that semblance has passed, as we 
shall explain. 

"In some of the very old English 
books, and books beyond the influ- 
ence of the customs of slavery, the 
word 'Negro' was capitalized ages 

"Of course, the word was original- 
ly a common adjective in Spanish, 
derived from the word 'niger,' Latin 
adjective meaning black. But the 
word is in its present use a noun, 
designating a particular race or 
group. When a noun denotes the 
name of a particular person, group 
cr institution it is a proper noun, and 
should be capitalized. To say that 

the word 'Negro' should not be capi- 
talized simply because it is derived 
from a common adjective which was 
used as a substantive to denote at 
first 'black people,' is as erroneous 
as to say that when a man's name 
is Baker, Shoemaker, or Smith, the 
name should be written in lower 
case letters (baker, shoemaker or 
smith), simply because those words 
in fact were derived from the com- 
mon nouns, and denoted in their be- 
ginning the trade or vocation of 
people. Any common noun becomes 
a proper noun when used to denote 
a particular person or thing, or a 
particular group of persons or 
things, 'Sinus' and 'Dog Star.' 

"When an American newspaper 
puts it this way in a news column: 
'The inhabitants of this town are 
5,000 Caucasians, 33 Mongolians, 3 
Indians and 652 negroes,' if the 
word 'Negro' is a common noun it 
is by no means coordinate with 
'Caucasian, Mongolian and Indian.' 

"But, it might be said, we would 
also write 'white people and Mongo- 
lians' and not capitalize 'white.' 
Yes, and that is because 'white' is 
not exactly coordinate with 'Mongo- 
lian.' 'White' is simply a descrip- 
tive adjective, not a racial name but 
an inaccurate racial description. 
There may be some brown 'white' 
people and there are certainly white 
'Mongolians.' And in the accepted 
meaning of 'Negro' in America, 
there are certainly black, brown and 
white 'Negroes.' The term 'Negro' 
is no longer 'Negro,' meaning black, 
but is now a proper noun designating 
a group of people, a race. We do 
not, of course, capitalize 'whites' and 
neither do we capitalize 'blacks,' nor 
should we capitalize 'colored.' These 
descriptive adjectives, more or less 
ineptly applied, of course, but, while 
'white' is coordinate with 'black or 
colored, or brown or yellow,' still 
'white' is not coordinate with Negro. 
The word 'Caucasian' is coordinate 
with the word 'Negro' or the word 

"We sometimes use other words 
more narrowly designatory of race: 
'Celtic,' 'Gallic,' 'Slav' and we capi- 
talize these words, as we should. 

"The word 'Negro' was capitalized 
before slavery, but it looked incon- 
sistent for a slave-owner to adver- 
tise for sale: '6 plows, 3 mules, 2 



cows, 6 bales of cotton and 10 Ne- 
groes,' capitalizing only the last. It 
looked bad to capitalize the name of 
a mere chattel. That was the origi- 
nal motive, almost instinctively ex- 
pressed, behind the custom that made 
out 'Negro' to be a common noun. I 
have no doubt that if Chinese or 
Arabs had been slaves in America 
and had been offered for sale among 
cattle ,and sheep and garden produce 
these words would have been written 
'Chinese' and 'arabs.' To capitalize 
them in that association would have 
offended the sense. 

"But today the word 'Negro' is not 
only the designation of a race and a 
great particular group, but if used 
as an adjective substantive, it is not 
even correctly descriptive of that 
group, as most of them in America 
at least are not black by any means. 
In the United States at least the 
word is a capital designation. 

"The word 'Negro,' while originat- 
ing as the Spanish or Portuguese 
word for black, is now the formal 
name for a race or group of people 
just like Indian or Jewish or Bantu 
o r Anglo-Saxon. Frequently i n 
newspaper parlance the word has 
been used in contradistinction to 
white, both being printed with a 
small letter. It is obvious, however, 
that 'black,' not 'Negro,' is the oppo- 
site of 'white.' Closely related to this 
matter is that of the use of courtesy 
titles 'Miss' and 'Mrs.,' which even 
today some church-going people re- 
fuse to give to Negro women. Such 
people seem to forget that the title 
'Mrs.' is not simply a matter of 
Christianity but one of law and civi- 
lized society. We are happy to ob- 
serve that at a recent meeting of 
the North Carolina Commission on 
Interracial Cooperation in Greens- 
boro, the chairman of the church wo- 
men's section refused to give to re- 
porters the first names of the Negro 
women attending on the ground that 
the proper titles would be omitted in 
print, and later said that unless these 
women could have the titles she her- 
self would prefer not to have one." 

Why Should the Negro Want a 
Capital Letter 

The Raleigh (North Carolina) 
Times gives its opinion of capitaliz- 
ing "Negro" in an editorial: 

"Antonia M. Roper, a student at 
St. Augustine's College, sends us a 

communication which is like an old 
friend from repetition. He wants to 
know why we do not mark our copy 
upper case when we refer to 'negro.' 
This is something that never seems 
to get under the skin or into the 
brain-cap of 'negro' students. Our 
correspondent says: 

" 'After reading your article, 'Dis- 
cuss Negro in Polities' in this eve- 
ning's issue of your paper, I am 
prompted to write this long-delayed 
letter to you, in which I desire to ask 
you a few questions regarding the 
spelling of the word 'Negro.' They 
are as follows: 

" 'Why is it that in your paper the 
word is almost always spelled, not 
with a capital 'N' as it should be, 
considering that it is always a pro- 
per noun or proper adjective? Would 
you treat such words as 'Indian,' 'Chi- 
nese' or 'French' in like manner? Do 
you think it just to the many Negro 
subscribers and carriers of your pa- 
per to spell the word in that manner ? 
Do you not think such printing of 
the word is a breach of etiquette? 
Do you not think that it is contrary 
to true democracy? If so, why con- 
tinue such practice?' 

"Well, we will tell him in a few 
words to the effect that when it is 
necessary to say that a man or boy 
has stolen an automobile or done 
other depredation, or has won a 
scholarship to go abroad with the 
Boy Scouts, we designate him, if 
necessary, as 'white,' but do not wor- 
ry the printer with capitalization. 

"As for 'Greek,' 'French,' 'English,' 
Scotch' and the rest of it, these things 
relate to nationalities something the 
negro never had until Abraham Lin- 
coln gave him the accolade. As to 
Americans of the white race, there 
never was such a mongrel breed. We 
derive from English, Scotch, Irish, 
Swiss, French in this quarter. In the 
North every section of Europe is 
represented. They are white men 
or so designated. Why should a ne- 
gro want a capital letter?" 
Rules of Some Newspapers Relative 
to the Word Negro 

Hereafter, according to rules com- 
piled by white papers of Toledo, 
Ohio, the word "Negro" is to be be- 
gun with a capital letter, and only 
where absolutely necessary for iden- 
tification, is the word to be used 
at all. The following rules adopted 



by The Toledo Blade show the nature 
of the stand which the dailies have 

1. The Blade does not want to play up to 
the fact that any person figuring in the news 
is colored, nor does it want to suppress the 
racial adjective in every case. The fact of 
color should not he stressed in the news but 
mentioned casually, if at all. 

2. The color is never to be used in a head- 

3. The term "colored" is to be used when- 
ever possible in place of "Negro." "Negress" 
must never be used. "Black" is prohibited. 

4. Whenever "Negro" is used it must be 
capitalized. The word is seldom necessary, 
however, except where it is a part of the 
name of an organization, such as "Negro 
Business Men's Club," or something of the 

The New York Board of Education, 
Dr. Frank P. Graves, commissioner, 
has issued formal orders that here- 
after a capital "N" must be used in 
spelling the word "Negro." 

In consonance with these orders Dr. 
C. Edward Jones, superintendent of 
schools, Albany, has sent a circular 
letter to principals of all the schools, 
directing this to be done, citing Web- 
ster's International Dictionary as 

In 1926, this editorial appeared in 
The Columbus (Georgia) Enquirer- 

"The capital, or what the old time 
printers call 'upper case' 'N' is not 
used by many in writing the word 
'Negro,' but it should be used by all. 
The word 'Negro' is as much a 
proper noun as the word 'Indian,' or 
'Mongolian,' or 'Malay' or 'Caucas- 
ian,' or 'American,' or 'European,' or 
any other used to designate race or 

"It is uncertain why the word 'Ne- 
gro' should ever have been written 
in any other way than beginning 
with a capital letter. It may be due 
to the fact that the word 'nigger' has 
been misused for it. But even if 
'nigger' be used to designate the 
black man, there is as much reason 
why it should be capitalized as any 
other word used as ,a substitute. 
When, as is the case in parts of the 
country, the word 'Greaser' is used, 
meaning a Mexican, or 'Gringo,' 
meaning an American, the words are 

An editorial in "The Advertiser" 
(Montgomery, Alabama) April 3, 
1929, said: 

"'The Listener' in The Boston 
Transcript cites as remarkable the 
practice of the Virginia Quarterly 

Review in spelling 'Negro' with a 
capital 'N,' and the similar practice 
of Miss Ellen Glasgow, the novelist, 
of Richmond. 

"There is, of course, no necessary 
relation between one's disposition 
toward the Negro and whether one 
writes the word 'Negro' with a small 
letter or with a capital. 

"The state spells it 'Negro' for 
precisely the same reason that it 
capitalizes Caucasian, Malayan, Mon- 
golian, Tartar, Eskimo, and so on. 

"It is remarkable what store the 
Negroes, particularly the leaders of 
the race, set by the capitalization of 
the initial letter. They are constant- 
ly campaigning to bring about the 
general use of the capital 'N' and 
regard it as a matter of great im- 
portance. Some of their newspapers 
are particularly active in the endeav- 
or to promote the general use of 
the capital letter, and we know of at 
least one of their publications which 
celebrates editorially every time an 
additional white newspaper adopts 
this policy, especially if it be a 
southern paper. It is regarded as a 
signal victory whenever a newspaper 
adopts the capital 'N.' 

"The attitude of the Negroes is, of 
course, readily understood. To them 
it is a mark of recognition, a sort 
of symbol of dignity. 

"As a matter of fact, it is doubt- 
ful, from the standpoint of strict 
orthography, if it is proper to capi- 
talize the word in general usage. 
Etymologically, the word does not 
properly take a capital. Its deriva- 
tion is from the Latin 'niger,' which 
means black. Accordingly, in general 
usage, it is no more proper to capi- 
talize 'Negro' than it is to capitalize 
black man, or white man. 

There is a usage, however, in which 
it is customary and proper to capi- 
talize 'Negro.' That is, when the 
word is used in an ethnological sense. 
In encyclopedias and dictionaries the 
word is generally capitalized when 
it is used in this sense, and uncapi- 
talized in ordinary usage. 

"It does not follow that because 
the terms 'Caucasian, 'Mongolian,' 
'Eskimo,' etc., take capitals the word 
'Negro' should be capitalized. The 
corresponding term for 'Negro' is 
'Ethiopian,' which is, of course, to be 
capitalized. For an analogous case, 
take the word 'Indian.' We capitalize 



'Indian,' but we do not generally 
capitalize the term redskin. Like- 
wise, strictly speaking, it is proper 
to capitalize 'Ethiopian' and leave 
'Negro' uncapitalized. The term 'red- 
skin' corresponds to the word 'Negro' 
in denoting the color of the skin. 

"But even so, this distinction is 
rather thin, and there should be no 
objection anywhere to capitalizing 
'Negro' in general usage, especially 
if it pleases the 'Negroes' to have it 
capitalized. For its part, The Adver- 
tiser is agreeable to it, and (barring 
typographical errors) follows this 
policy in its editorial columns. Many 
newspapers throughout the country, 
including a number in the South, 
have adopted this practice." 
Further Discussion Concerning Peri- 
odicals and the Capitalizing of 
the Word Negro 

W. E. B. DuBois, editor of The 
Crisis, said in the March, 1930, issue 
of that magazine: 

"I have for some time been mean- 
ing to publish a list of those Ameri- 
can publishers and periodicals which 
capitalize the word 'Negro.' The fol- 
lowing list is admittedly incomplete, 
but it is worth scanning: 

The Atlantic Monthly 

The Century Magazine 

The American Mercury 

The New Republic 

The Nation 

The Virginia Quarterly 

The New York World 

The Herald-Tribune 

The Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences 

The United States Census 

The Macmillan Company 

Doubleday, Doran & Company 

Duffield & Company 

Harcourt, Brace & Company 

Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. 

"There are doubtless other names 
that ought to be included here which 
I do not now recall. Will my friends 
remind me? Meantime let us not 
forget that the following institutions 
persist in what must now be regarded 
as a deliberate insult to twelve mil- 
lion Americans: 

The New York Times 
The New York Sun 

The Dictionary of American Biography 
The Encyclopedia Britannica 
The United States Government Printing 

In The New York Times of March 
7, 1930, appeared the following edi- 
torial : 

"The tendency in typography is 
generally toward a lessened use of 
capital letters. Yet reverence for 
things held sacred by many, a regard 

for the fundamental law of the land, 
respect for the offices of men in high 
authority, and certain popular and 
social traditions have resisted this 
tendency. Races have their capita- 
lized distinction, as have nationali- 
ties, sects and cults, tribes and clans. 
It, therefore, seems reasonable that a 
people who had once a proud desig- 
nation, such as 'Ethiopians,' reaching 
back into the dawn cf history having 
come up out of the slavery to which 
men of English speech subjected 
them, should now have such recog- 
nition as the lifting of the name 
from the lower case into the upper 
can give them. Major Robert R. 
Moton of Tuskegee, the foremost 
representative of the race in Ameri- 
ca, has written to The Times that 
his people universally wish to see the 
word 'Negro' capitalized. It is a 
little thing mechanically to grant, 
but it is not a small thing in its im- 
plications. Every use of the capital 
'N' becomes a tribute to millions 
who have risen from a low estate 
into the brotherhood of the races. 

"The New York Times now joins 
many of the leading southern news- 
papers as well as most of the north- 
ern in according this recognition. In 
our 'style book' 'Negro' is now added 
to the list of words to be capitalized. 
It is not merely a typographical 
change; it is an act in recognition of 
racial self-respect for those who 
have been for generations in 'the 
lower case.' " 

The Macon (Georgia) Telegraph, 
in an editorial of March 13, 1930, 

"The National Association for the 
Advancement of Colored People an- 
nounced this wee k not without 
pride, it is to be imagined the 
names of a number of newspapers 
and magazines, a number of them 
from the South, that have adopted 
the use of the capital 'N' in the word 
Negro. The announcement was oc- 
casioned by The New York Times' 
editorial statement that henceforth 
it would use the capitalization. 

"Commenting on the Associa- 
tion's statement, The New York 
World says that 'Most of us will 
think it is right in attaching im- 
portance to the fact that a long list 
of periodicals have heeded its argu- 
ments and decided to print the word 
Negro with a capital.' The World 



says that publication of the word 
with small letters, when the names 
of all other races are used in our 
language with capitals, indicated 
that it was not entirely accidental, 
but came from 'the conviction of the 
white man in our early days that 
the Negro was in some way inferior 
to other races.' That the practice 
was retained 'long after constitution- 
al amendments and other pronuncia- 
mentos had . put a theoretical end to 
the notion of inferiority smacked of 
hypocrisy,' The World contends, and 
abandonment of the small letter, in 
its belief, shows that the hypocrisy 
was largely unconscious. 

"The Telegraph used the small let- 
ter for a great many years, but for 
several years now it has been using 
the capital letter, because there is 
no good argument against its use. 
The word 'Negro' is the name of a 
race and as such, it is incorrect to 
do .anything except capitalize it, in 
our language. In other languages, 
the word is used with lower case. 
We are surprised, however, that the 
Association for Advancement of 
Colored People should put any great 
store by the achievement of inducing 
newspapers and magazines to use 
the capital 'N.' After all that is on- 
ly a superficial point of pride, which, 
even after it has been attained, does 
not benefit the Negro race one iota. 
If the white people of the South 
should suddenly grant to all Negro 
men the title 'Mister,' it might salve 
the pride but it would not alter the 
circumstances of the race. And the 
Association ought to be much more 
interested in altering the circum- 
stances than in spreading salve." 
Some Examples of Newspapers, 

Magazines and Publishers Capi- 
talizing the Word Negro 

Northern Press 

Evening Gazette, Haverhill. 
Courier-Citizen, Lowell. 
Sentinel, Fitchburg. 
Record, Boston. 
Transcript, Boston. 
Standard, New Bedford. 
Times, New Bedford. 
Union. Springfield. 
Gazette, Northampton. 

News, Newport. 

Herald, Manchester. 
Republican, Waterbury. 

Press, Atlantic City. 

Journal News, Ithaca. 
Knickerbocker Press, Albany. 
Daily Worker, New York City. 
Evening Post, New York City. 
Daily News, New York City. 
Herald-Tribune, New York City. 
Sun, New York City. 
Times, New York City. 
World, New York City. 
Eagle, Brooklyn. 
Evening Recorder, Amsterdam. 
Times, Chester. 
News, West Chester. 
Public-Ledger, Philadelphia. 
Tribune, Altoona. 


Plain Dealer, Cleveland. 
Press, Cleveland. 
News, Hamilton. 
Blade, Toledo. 


News- Sentinel, Fort Wayne. 
Democrat, Goshen. 

Herald, Grand Rapids. 
Telegram, Adrian. 

Daily Northwestern, Oshkosh. 


Daily News, Chicago. 
Tribune, Chicago. 
Register, Springfield. 
Telegraph, Alton. 

Herald, Duluth. 
Pioneer Press and Dispatch, St. Paul. 

Star, Kansas City. 
Post-Dispatch, St. Louis. 

Southern Press 


Morning Sun, Baltimore. 
Evening Sun, Baltimore. 
Times, Cumberland. 

Mail, Charleston. 
Herald Dispatch, Huntington. 

Times, Roanoke. 
News Leader, Richmond. 
Times-Dispatch, Richmond. 
Ledger Dispatch, Norfolk. 
Virginian-Pilot, Norfolk. 
Progress Index, Petersburg. 
Herald, Suffolk. 
News, Suffolk. 

Courier, Asheboro. 
Herald, Durham. 
News and Observer, Raleigh. 
Times, Raleigh. 
News Dispatch, Wilmington. 
News, Albemarle. 
News, Greensboro. 
Tribune, Concord. 

Record, Columbia. 
State, Columbia. 

Herald, Albany. 
Advertiser, Forsyth. 
Chronicle, Augusta. 
Banner-Herald, Athens. 
North Georgia Citizen, Dalton. 
Times, Valdosta. 
Enquirer-Sun, Columbus. 
Telegraph, Macon. 




News, Birmingham. 
Eagle, Dothan. 
Journal, Luverne. 
Advertiser, Montgomery. 

Herald, Gulfport. 


Times, Louisville. 
Courier Journal, Louisville. 
Banner, Nashville. 
Journal, Knoxville. 
Democrat, Columbia. 


American Anthropologist. 
American Journal of Sociology. 
American Mercury. 
Atlantic Monthly. 

Century Magazine. 
Journal Social Forces. 

New Republic. 
Sunday School Times. 
Virginia Quarterly. 
World's Work. 
Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. 


Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. 

Boni and Liveright. 

Doubled ay, Doran & Co. 

Duke University Press. 

Duffield & Co. 

Harcourt, Brace & Co. 

Houghton Mifflin Co. 

Little, Brown & Co. 

Longmans, Green & Co. 

Macmillan Co. 

Simon and Schuster. 

University of Chicago Press. 

University of North Carolina Press. 

Vanguard Press. 

United States Census. 

International Associations 

The Universal Negro Improvement 
Association of the World and Mar- 
cus Garvey The Universal Negro 
Improvement Association of the 
World with Marcus Garvey as Presi- 
dent-General, continues in spite of 
the fact that the head of the move- 
ment was tried and convicted on the 
charge of using the United States 
mail for fraudulent purposes in col- 
lecting money for the "Black Star" 
Steamship Line. In February, 1925, 
he was committed to the Federal 
Prison at Atlanta, Georgia, to serve 
a sentence of five years. During his 
imprisonment for more than two 
years, he continued to issue, through 
The Negro World, the organ of the 
Association, his weekly letter to the 
members of the Association and to 
the world at large. These weekly 
announcements were characterized by 
their optimism with respect to the 
ultimate triumph of the principles 
for which the Association stands and 
for the absence of any bitterness. 

In November, 1927, Marcus Garvey 
was paroled and deported from the 

United States to his native country, 
Jamaica, British West Indies. He 
later went to Europe and in Septem- 
ber, 1928, presented a thirty page 
petition to the League of Nations 
for the handing over to the Univer- 
sal Negro Improvement Association 
of the World the mandates that 
were given by the Le,ague to the 
Union of South Africa; namely, Ger- 
man East Africa and German South 
West Africa. The petition to the 
League states: 

"If the League will pass over to 
our control, ,as a race, the develop- 
ment of the two late German colo- 
nies, we shall be able within twenty 
years to prove to the world and to 
the League our ability to govern our- 
selves." The petition also attacked 
the French, Spanish, Belgian, Portu- 
guese and Italian rule in Africa. 

In October, 1928, Marcus Garvey 
landed in Canada, where he was al- 
lowed to remain, under bond, until 
November 7 of that year. 

He was returned to Jamaica, where 
in 1929, the Supreme Court of the 
island fined him $500 and sent him 
to jail for three months for refusing 
to turn over the Universal Negro 
Improvement Association of the 
World's records and books for inspec- 
tion. While in prison he became a 
candidate and was elected to the 
Kingston Council and St. Andrew 
Corporation. He was a candidate of 
the People's Political Party and was 
elected by a large majority over his 
opponent. The key note of his cam- 
paign was that his supporters were 
out to place a man in the council 
that represented a constituency that 
had never been represented. 

Because Mr. Garvey was absent 
from three meetings of the King- 
ston city council, being unavoidably 
detained, his seat in the council was 
declared vacant. He again became 
,a candidate and was re-elected. 

Immediately after taking his seat 
in the city council of Jamaica, Mr. 
Garvey announced his candidacy for 
election to the legislature on a plat- 
form of twenty-six planks, including 
a Jamaica university; a polytechnic 
institute; a government high school; 
a public library in the capital town 
of each parish; a national opera 
house with an academy of music and 
art; a court stenographer to take 
notes of ,all proceedings in higher 



courts; a legal aid department to j 
help the poor who are unable to hire 
lawyers; a change of the Kingston 
race course into a public park; com- 
pulsory working men's insurance 
and an eight hour day. He also set 
about to elect eleven other members 
of his race to the legislature of the 
Island. He and two of his People's 
party candidates were defeated. 

Objectives of the International Con- 
vention Negro Peoples of the World 
The sixth annual International 
Convention of the Negro Peoples of 
the World, under the auspices of the 
Universal Negro Improvement Asso- 
ciation of the World, was held at 
Kingston, Jamaica, B. W. I., from 
August 1st to 31st, 1929, and an- 
nounced the following as its objec- 
tives : 

1. The political and social freedom of the 
entire Negro race. 

2. The presentation of proper evidence be- 
fore the League of Nations for an adjustment 
of the International Race Problem. 

3. The creating of a thorough educational 
system for the higher education of the Ne- 
groes of America, the West Indies and Africa, 
resulting in the founding of three Negro uni- 
versities of a purely technical character one 
in America, one in the West Indies and one 
in Africa. 

4. The creating of general economic oppor- 
tunities in agriculture, industry and commerce 
for the Negro peoples of the world, whereby 
a brisk and proper trade relationship may de- 
velop between the Negroes of America, Africa, 
the West Indies and South and Central Ameri- 
ca to insure a stable economic status. 

5. The acquiring and controlling of agricul- 
tural lands for the scientific development of 
agriculture and also the establishment of fac- 
tories and industrial institutions in various 
Negro communities to guarantee permanent 
employment to the Negroes of America, Afri- 
ca, the West Indies, and South and Central 
America, Europe and Canada. 

6. The launching of a new line of steam- 
shipsThe Black Star Line to facilitate Ne- 
gro trade and commerce throughout the world. 

7-_ To establish in London, Washington, 
Paris, Berlin, Rome, Brussels, Geneva, Tokio, 
China, India, West Africa, South Africa, em- 
bassies to represent the interest of the entire 
Negro race and to watch and protect their 

8. The establishing of a daily paper in 
several large cities of the world to shape sen- 
timents in favor of the entire Negro race, 
namely, in London, Paris, Berlin, Capetown, 
New York, Washington, Gold Coast, West 
Africa, and the several important islands of 
the West Indies. 

9. The practical effort of uniting every unit 
of the Negro race throughout the world into 
one organized body. 

TO. The formulating of plans to unify the 
religious beliefs and practices of the entire 
Negro race. 

11. The establishing of a universal social 
code for the Negro race. 

12. To make practical and execute each and ! 
everyone of the above objects within ten j 

years as a solution of the Negro problem, and 
as a means of saving the Negro race from 
further exploitation and possible extermination 
in the world. 

1 3. To budget for the expenditure of a 
fund of six hundred million dollars in ten 
years to execute the above program as shall 
be determined by the convention. 

14. To elect the international officials of the 
Universal Negro Improvement Association 
and African Communities' League of the 

15. To elect twelve delegates from the con- 
vention to attend the tenth session of the 
League of Nations at Geneva, Switzerland. 

1 6. To take up all such matters as affect 
the interest of the Negro race. 

17. To discuss and amend the constitution 
of the Universal Negro Improvement Associa- 
tion and African Communities' League. 

The Pan-African Congress This 
is an effort to assemble in delibera- 
tion representatives of the different 
groups of people of Negro descent in 
a world congress. The first Pan-Afri- 
can Congress met in Paris in Febru- 
ary 19-21, 1919. Its objectives were 
stated to be that, "wherever persons 
of African descent are civilized and 
able to meet the tests of surround- 
ing culture they shall be accorded 
the same rights as their fellow citi- 
zens; they shall not be denied on ac- 
count of race or color a voice in their 
own government; justice before the 
courts and economic and social equali- 
ty according to ability and desert." 
For the natives of Africa, it advo- 
cated participation in their govern- 
ment as fast as their development 
permits in conformity with the prin- 
ciple that the government . exists for 
the natives and not the natives for 
the government." 

The methods sanctioned by the 
congress for the realization of its 
ideals were solely moral suasion and 
the arousing of international public 
opinion. Its recommendation to the 
Peace Conference read: 

"Whenever it is proved that Afri- 
can natives are not receiving just 
treatment at the hands of any state 
or that any state deliberately ex- 
cludes its civilized citizens or sub- 
jects of Negro descent from its body 
politic and cultural, it shall be the 
duty of the League of Nations to 
bring the matter to the attention of 
the civilized world." 

The second Pan-African Congress 
met in London, Brussels and Paris 
in August 28-31 and September 2-6, 
1921. It set aside a section in the 
International Bureau of Labor to 
deal with the conditions ,and needs 



of native labor, especially in Africa. 
The labor problems of the world, it 
asserted, could never be solved so 
long as colored labor "is enslaved 
and neglected," and it urged a thor- 
ough investigation. 

The third Pan-African Congress 
met in London and Lisbon in Novem- 
ber, 1923, and took up the needs of 
the race as a whole. It urged the 
League of Nations to "appoint direct 
diplomatic representatives in the 
mandated territories with duties to 
investigate and report conditions," 
and to appoint representatives of the 
Negro race on the mandates com- 
mission and in the International 
Labor Bureau. The Executive Com- 
mittee, as well, formulated at that 
time the following needs of its 

1. A voice in their own government. 

2. The right of access to the land and its 

3. Trial by juries of peers under estab- 
lished forms of law. 

4. Free elementary education for all; broad 
training in modern industrial technique, and 
higher training of selected talent. 

5. For the development of Africa for the 
benefit of Africans, and not merely for the 
profit of Europeans. 

6. The abolition of the slave trade and of 
the liquor traffic. 

7. World disarmament and the abolition of 
war; but failing this, and as long as white 
folk bear arms against black folk, the right 
of blacks to bear arms in their own defense. 

8. The organization of commerce and in- 
dustry so as to make the main objects of capi- 
tal and labor the welfare of the many, rather 
than the enriching of the few. 

The fourth Pan-African Congress 
met in New York City in 1927. Its 
manifesto states what the Congress 
considered the main demands of Ne- 
groes throughout the world: 

1. A voice in their own government. 

2. Native rights to the land and its natu- 
ral resources. 

3. Modern education for all children. 

4. The development of Africa for the Afri- 
cans and not merely for the profit of Euro- 

5. The re-organization of commerce and 
industry so as to make the jnain object of 
capital and labor the welfare of the many 
rather than the enriching of the few. 

6. The treatment of civilized men as civi- 
lized men despite differences of birth, race 
or color. 

Summary of Nineteen Years Civil 

Rights Struggle for American 


Under the above caption the Na- 
tional Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People issued the 
following in 1929: 

"The National Association for the 
Advancement of Colored People has 
carried the cause of the American 
Negro before the main courts of the 
United States; the law courts from 
lowest to highest and the court of 
public opinion. 

"On the first and only organized, 
persistent fight against the Shame of 
America, the crime of lynching, the 
Association has spent $62,860.55. 

"On legal cases alone, which in- 
clude five decisive victories before 
the United States Supreme Court, 
the Association has spent in the years 
from 1910 to September 30, 1928, 
the sum of $80,080.21, this total ex- 
penditure on all its legal work being 
far less than is often spent on a 
single important legal contest. This 
legal work of the Association is di- 
rected to the affirmation of funda- 
mental civil rights affecting not 
alone Negroes but every citizen of 
the country. The Negro represents 
the shock troops in this long strug- 
gle for democracy. 

"Legal and civil rights work is 
but one phase of the manifold activi- 
ties of the N. A. A. C. P. Its im- 
portance warrants the detailed sum- 
mary given here of outstanding cases 
only, together with statements of 
the cost of getting results. The 
sums listed apply to expenditures by 
the national office. In many cases, 
the branches have raised and dis- 
bursed substantial sums in addition, 
as well as often themselves carrying 
legal fights to a conclusion. 

Pink Franklin, death sentence commuted to 
life imprisonment by Governor of South 
Carolina after intervention by N. A. A. C. P. 
Cost, $410.25. 

Thomas Williams, cleared in murder charge 
after habeas corpus instituted by N. A. A. C. 
P. in New Jersey. Judge congratulated As- 
sociation for acquainting the ignorant and help- 
less with their legal rights. $266.10. 

ITenry Graham, cleared of murder charge 
in New Jersey. Death sentences of two 
Delaware boys commuted to life imprisonment. 

Mr. Bolin, colored organist, obtained sea- 
son ticket and $3oo damages after exclusion 
from Palisades Amusement Park, New York. 

Grandfather Clause, disfranchising south- 
ern Negroes declared unconstitutional by 
United States Supreme Court. Cost of print- 
ing Moorfield Storey's brief, $180. 

Coatesville, Pennsylvania, lynching investi- 
gation, including retention of William J. 
Burns, eventuated in recommendation from 


Pennsylvania governor that city charter be 
revoked. $2,642.32. 


Discriminatory legislation checked in Con- 
gress, including anti-intermarriage, segregation 
and jim-crow bills in District of Columbia 
and bill making Negroes ineligible for army 
and navy service. 


Lynching investigations: Cherokee County, 
Georgia; Waco, Texas; Gainesville, Florida; 
Abbeville, South Carolina. 

Louisville residential segregation ordinance 
held unconstitutional by United States Su- 
preme Court. $1,342.02. 

East St. Louis riots investigated, facts pub- 
lished, relief measures organized, legal defense 
of Negroes formulated. $2,347.25. 

Lynching investigations: Memphis and Dy- 
ersburg, Tennessee. 

24th Infantry: Investigation begun of 
Houston, Texas, riot, clemency asked for 
colored soldiers sentenced to death, legal de- 
fense supplied, and campaign carried on lead- 
ing to commutation of sentences of last of 
imprisoned men in 1928. 

Extradition of John Johnson from Boston 
to Virginia successfully opposed on ground 
fair trial would not be given. $3oo. 

Lynching investigations: Fayetteville, 
Brookes and Lowndcs counties and Black- 
shear, Georgia; Estill Springs, Tennessee. 

New York State Civil Rights Law prepared 
by N. A. A. C. P. legal committee became 
law, April i3. 


Race riots in Washington, Chicago, ($3,45o) 
and Phillips County, Arkansas, investigated, 
facts broadcast and legal defense organized. 

Lynching- investigations: Vicksburg and 
Sbubuta, Mississippi; trials of acquitted lynch- 
ers, Tuscumbia, Alabama. 

First National Conference on Lynching 
held in New York, speakers in Carnegie Hall 
included Charles Evans Hughes, Dr. Anna 
Howard Shaw, General John H. Sherburne. 

Sergeant Edgar C. Caldwell, condemned to 
death in Alabama, case carried to United 
States Supreme Court, $965.85. 

Tulsa, Oklahoma riot investigated and facts 
published. $3,646.54 raised and expended for 


Arkansas peonage riot victims defended be- 
fore Supreme Court of the L'nited States and 
Arkansas, twelve freed from death sentences, 
sixty-seven from life and long term imprison- 
ment. Principle established that trial in court 
dominated by mob is not due process of 
law. $14,942.27. 


School segregation cases in Indiana, Kan- 
sas, Ohio and New Mexico. 

Dr. O. IT. Sweet, family and seven friends 
acquitted in two trials of murder charges 
rising out of m'ob segregation attack on his 
home. $37,849. 

Anti-intermarriage bills successfully opposed 
in Iowa, Michigan and Ohio. 

School segregation defeated in Toms River, 
New Jersey. $5oo. 

Freedom of press upheld in defense of two 
colored editors of Louisville, Kentucky, 
Messrs. Warley and Cole. $5oo. 

Texas White Primary Law barring Negroes 
from Democratic primaries held unconstitu- 
tional by United States Supreme Court. 

Samuel A. Browne, Staten Island postman 
defended, in maintaining home against mob 
violence and threats. $379.25. 

Segregated schools fought in Gary, Indiana, 
($800); Atlantic City, New Jersey, ($211.50) 
and Douglas, Arizona, ($3oo). 

Two investigations of peonage conditions 
brought to light by Mississippi River floods. 

Coffeyville, Kansas riot, investigated and 
Negroes in subsequent court action cleared of 
rape charge which originated trouble. $3so. 

Murder conviction of Jim Davis, South 
Carolina, reversed. Man had defended his 
two daughters from white man. $55o. 

Anti-intermarriage laws successfully opposed 
in Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, Michi- 
gan, New Jersey and Rhode Island. 

Residential segregation by property owners' 
covenant fought in two Washington, D. C. 
cases. $3,329.69. 

Negro representation on juries in South, 
question raised in case of Abe Washington, 
Florida. $268.02. 

White primary exclusion of Negroes by 
parities from ballot fought in Texas, Vir- 
ginia and Florida. $500 each. 

Extradition opposed of Edward Glass from 
California to Oklahoma and after extradition, 
legal defense aided. $250. 

Continued imprisonment of Ben Bass after 
thirteen years in jail on white woman's per- 
jured testimony fought in South Carolina. 
$3oo to date. 

Extradition opposed of Samuel Kennedy 
from Illinois to Georgia. $100. 

Jim Crow of interstate passengers contested 
by Mrs. Blanche Brookins who recovered 
$2,75o in settlement by Atlantic Coast Line. 
$100. (Mrs. Brookins refunded $100). 

Miscarriage of justice alleged and fought 
in case of Thomas Nelson, convicted of mur- 
der in Virginia. $100. 

Resolutions 1930 Meeting 
N. A. A. C. P. 

"No element of the American popu- 
lation has felt the present economic 
depression as keenly as the Ameri- 
can Negro, and this fact illustrates 
perhaps better than anything else 
the nature of our problem. The 
grand-children of the slaves have 
achieved physical freedom, legal sta- 
tus, and political power in the North, 
but their economic bondage still fet- 
ters them. They form in the mass 
a great reservoir of unskilled and 
semi-skilled labor, paid on the lowest 
scale of current wages, hired last in 
times of prosperity and fired first in 
days of depression. 

"The attitude of the trade unions 



continues to be such that it is diffi- 
cult for Negroes to acquire skill or 
raise their standards of living and 
public opinion still regards the place 
of the Negro as' properly near the 
line of sheer physical existence. This 
situation indicates the most impor- 
tant field for unceasing agitation for 
more thoughtful education. We com- 
mend the efforts in Chicago, New 
York, and elsewhere to use the eco- 
nomic power of Negro consumers in 
order to open opportunity for wider 
employment. This movement de- 
serves the cooperation of everyone. 

"There is every indication that the 
time for a renewed and serious battle 
for the civil rights of the Negro is 
at hand. It seems certain that the 
N. A. A. C. P. can launch during the 
next year in the courts of the nation 
a widespread battle against disfran- 
chisement laws and customs in the 
eight southern states where disfran- 
chisement laws were passed between 
1890 and 1910. It has been en- 
couraged by the 'white primary' 
cases to hope for wide success. It 
purposes to make a frontal attack 
upon the wretchedly unjust discrimi- 
nation of 'Jim Crow' car laws in the 
fourteen southern states which have 
such laws and in the United States 
courts where the matter of interstate 
travel has not yet been brought to 
satisfactory decision. We plan in- 
vestigating discrimination on bus 
lines. We propose also, in the near 
future, to find out how far it is pos- 
sible under the law to interfere with 
the constitution of normal and de- 
cent family life, and to put a pre- 
mium on bastardy and prostitution 
by anti-intermarriage laws. We shall 
also work for representation of Ne- 
groes on juries. And above all, we 
are going to attack the discrimina- 
tion in school funds customary in 
nearly all the southern states, which 
gives to the already underprivileged 
Negro child less than half the chance 
of learning to read and write and 
acquiring the elements of education 
that is given to the none too fortu- 
nate white child. 

"Our triumph in the defeat of 
Judge Parker, whom President 
Hoover appointed to the Supreme 
Court was due not only to the sound 
logic of our contention that a Su- 
preme Court justice must support 
the Fifteenth Amendment, but even 
more to the weight of our growing 

political power. Unless, therefore, 
that political power is used independ- 
ently and honestly for the support 
of candidates who stand -for democ- 
racy and against caste and color 
prejudice, as well as for the larger 
matters of liberal reform in this 
country, we cannot hope for further 
triumphs of this sort. The Parker 
victory is a demand for courageous 
action under the party organization 
and for independent voting on the 
part of the Negro regardless of form- 
er party affiliations. For this purpose 
we urge our members and our friends 
to register and vote and particularly 
to collect and send to us all available 
information concerning the disfran- 
chisement of Negroes in the southern 

"The recrudescence of lynching in 
its most horrible form shows the 
wisdom of our contention that 
nothing less than federal legislation 
against this kind of barbarism will 
ever suffice to crush it. There have 
been in the ten years, ending Decem- 
ber 31, 1929, 330 mob murders of un- 
tried persons accused of crime in the 
United States. During six months 
of the present year there have al- 
ready been twelve lynchings, includ- 
ing the horrible burning at Sherman. 
Texas, where men and women and 
children danced around the blazing- 
jail singing, 'Happy Days Have 
Come Again.' How long is this coun- 
try going to stand as the only civi- 
lized nation where such atrocities 
are permitted? The mayor of one 
Oklahoma town has shown how easy 
it is to check or frustrate the mob. 
We commend his effort and the ef- 
forts of other southern liberals. 

"We can easily understand the op- 
position of southern senators to any 
real investigation into crime in the 
United States, and this leads us to 
reiterate our plea to the Hoover Law 
Enforcement Commission that they 
investigate all crime and allow this 
association to lay before them facts 
in our possession. We ask, too, that 
the Senate committee on campaign 
expenditures include in their investi- 
gation not simply expenditures and 
methods in the North but methods 
and disfranchisement in the South. 

"We still insist that in compulsory 
segregation by race lies the active 
germ of all prejudice, race hatred 
and war. There is no earthly objec- 
tion to persons associating them- 



selves as they wish for social and 
cultural objects; but forced segrega- 
tion against the will of the individu- 
als and for the purpose of human 
degradation, is a shameless thing, 
whether it occurs as a matter of 
residence, education or social inter- 
course. Clear thinking on this point, 
both among Negroes and whites, is 
the beginning of world peace. 

"We are glad to find ourselves at 
the time of this conference facing the 
prospect of a free and reborn Haiti. 
The unjustifiable grip of brute power 
which America has had on the throat 
of a sister republic has been eased 
at least far enough to allow the Hai- 
tians a president of their own choice. 
We trust that the complete restora- 
tion of autonomy to this republic will 
follow the program outlined by 
President Hoover's Commission.. 

"We greet Gandhi and free India; 
we hail the struggle of China against 
enemies within and without. We 
send sympathy to Egypt. We hold 
out hands of fellowship to the black 
fold of East, South and West Africa. 
We hail the economic independence 
of the dark people of the West In- 
dies and Central and South America. 

"On the whole, as we look back 
over the year, despite its poverty 
and suffering, its lynching and con- 
tinued race hate, we find abundant 
reason for encouragement; we have 
political power and we can use it. We 
have one member of Congress and 
after reapportionment we are going 
to have more members. We are se- 
curing wider recognition in music, 
drama, art, and literature. The area 
of human and social contact between 
the races in the United States is 
broadening, and the question of our 
civil rights and economic survival 
is a matter of increasing concern to 
the nation. Therein lies abundant 

Durham Fact-Finding Conference 

The report of the committee on 
findings of the third Fact-Finding 
Conference held at Durham (North 
Carolina) in April, 1930, presented 
the following: 

The conference finds: 

"That the essential objectives to be attained 
in Negro life pivot around basic economic 

"That normal conditions in health, educa- 
tion, employment, government, and wealth 
come by reason of the pursuit of accepted 
practices in business, thrift, politics, training 
and labor; 

"That peculiar conditions govern and con- 

trol relations of Negroes, due to the system 
under which this race is forced to live and 
work, but that the assumption that losses sus- 
tained in occupations have come about solely 
because of such a discriminatory system is 
without foundation in fact; and 

"That many organized forces are laboring 
effectively in the interest of Negroes which 
should give them hope and courage in their 
struggle to achieve. 

"From the papers and discussions of the 
conference we present the following facts and 
recommendations : 

"There are great possibilities for Negroes 
in the field of business, but the same regu- 
lations and principles apply to all business 
without regard to race. The Department of 
Commerce, through its business specialists, 
renders most valuable service in this connec- 
tion. Business men are urged to consult this 
department on their business problems. It is 
found in seventeen southern cities that 
the Negroes' expenditures are three hundred 
and thirty millions of dollars per year. Eco- 
nomic sagacity on the part of the Negro will 
increase his purchasing power tremendously. 
The C. M. A. organization is a practical ex- 
pression in this direction. 

"Negro workers are employed in the more 
or less undesirable occupations without regard 
to capacity for better things. They are 
thought too unreliable and careless, with the 
result that they have lost much ground. In 
the unemployment crisis they have been 
forced out of traditional and customary oc- 
cupations. Trade union organizations affili- 
ated with the American Federation of Labor 
and other labor unions, together with the 
formation of cooperatives, credit unions, and 
the support of labor legislation, the promo- 
tion of vocational guidance and training, con- 
stitute the basic program for the protection 
and advancement of the Negro worker. 

"The third annual Fact-Finding Confer- 
ence endorses the formation of the Federation 
of Negro fraternals and urges the executives 
and members of Negro fraternals to support 
the federation idea in order that the usefulness 
of the fraternal order may be preserved. 

"Consumers cooperation, being fundamen- 
tally sound, offers possibilities for the eco- 
nomic improvement of the Negro. The Ne- 
gro colleges through their business and eco- 
nomics departments are urged to give study 
to consumers cooperation and to perfect 
practical education projects of same. 

"The Negro bank is the reservoir of the 
community and instead of being promoted 
by Negro business is promoting Negro busi- 
ness. As a source of support to the business 
tinits of the community and as an aid in fi- 
nancing the trained young man and woman 
in the profession, the Negro bank is indis- 
pensable. It is supplying definite economic 
aid to these lines of endeavor in proportion 
to the demonstrated character and ability of its 

"Banking has no color and its creed is 
identical in the application of its principles 
to all people and races. The Negro bank is 
subject to the same laws, principles, and 
methods as any bank of any other race. 

"The Assistant Secretary of the United 
States Department of Labor indicated the 
great business and economic progress in the 
country. The facts relating to the wages, 
hours, and working conditions of the Negro 



workers suggest the necessity for a construc- 
tive program by the United States Depart- 
ment of Labor to advance this general eco- 
nomic welfare. Negroes are urged to avail 
themselves of the facilities of the Depart- 
ment of Labor. 

"Negro education can contribute to the eco- 
nomic improvement of the Negro by basing 
trade courses and business courses on the 
demands of industry, business, and industrial 
trends. It is urged that vocational guidance 
be or furnish the scientific basis for the fore- 
going program. 

"It is recommended that there be a coordina- 
tion and correlation of Negro business, church 
and press, through education with the student 
and the worker to the end of providing em- 
ployment opportunities to trained Negro 

"There must be a revision of educational 
ideals so as to emphasize more persistently 
the education of the Negro masses for eco- 
nomic efficiency. The economic competition 
of the present machine age makes it most 
imperative that special measures be taken to 
fit Negroes for the exactions of a technical 
industrial order. Moreover it appears that 
there is bound to be keener competition and 
that it is highly advisable for Negroes to 
give serious consideration to the opportuni- 
ties afforded in agriculture. Survival of the 
race forbids our passing up too lightly the 
hold which the Negroes have on the farm. 
The matter of filling well the humbler places 
is just as indispensable to our survival and 
cultural achievement as aspiring to the more 
pretentious positions. The fact remains that 
the masses of Negroes must sustain the 
classes and these masses must live by filling 
and finding well the ordinary places of live- 
lihood; vocational training should be placed 
within the reach of the masses. This phase 
of education must be attended to at once. 

"It is recommended that there be a com- 
pilation of facts lying in the fields of exist- 
ing organizations such as the National As- 
sociation for the Advancement of Colored 
People, the Urban League and the National 
Negro Business League and referred to such 
organizations to be used in their respective 

"That industrial conferences be held in the 
South and other sections of the country 
where the need of same is felt." 

What the Negro Thinks 

The racial consciousness of the 
Negro from the standpoint of dis- 
criminations is most effectively set 
forth in the volume "What The Ne- 
gro Thinks," by Robert R. Moton. 

The book indicates in particular 
the things in which the Negro is 
discriminated against, and aims to 
tell those of other races who are in- 
terested in the subject something of 
how it feels to be constantly sub- 
jected to such discriminations, and 
to reveal the thoughts of the Negro 
inspired by those feelings whenever 
he has occasion to reflect on his ex- 

The book is written in the belief 
that the vast majority of those peo- 
ple in America who are not dis- 
criminated against in this way are 
really ignorant both of the nature 
and the extent of the discrimination 
practiced against Negroes in some 
degree in all sections of our coun- 
try, and that many of them have 
been misled by the Negro's silence 
on this subject to believe that he is 
not only complaisant but contented 
and even happy under existing con- 

It is written also in the hope that 
with such enlightenment as this 
volume may bring, an increasing 
number will be moved to investigate, 
at first hand, ' the conditions to 
which attention is here directed and 
lend themselves to the effort that is 
being made today, not only by Ne- 
groes but by some of the finest and 
noblest spirits of other races in our 
land, to give to the Negro that 
equality of opportunity which is the 
pride of America. 

These discriminations are dis- 
cussed under the following eleven 
heads : 

"I Know the Negro;" "Knowing the White 
Man;" "The Advancing Negro;" "Solving 
the Negro Problem Without the Negro;" 
"The Negro and the Law: Common Car- 
riers;" "The Negro and the Law: Schools 
Housing;" "The Negro and the Government: 
The Ballot The Courts;" "The Negro and 
the Government: Public Offices Public Poli- 
cy;" "The Negro and Public Sentiment;" 
"The Negro's Reaction;" "The Outlook." 


Business and Discriminations 

The bookkeeper of a certain well 
known establishment of Knoxville, 
Tennessee, feeling the loss of Negro 
patronage was led to inquire the rea- 
son. The fact was disclosed that every 
statement sent out by this concern 
was. addressed so as to indicate the 
racial affiliation of the addressee by 
adding the abbreviation "Col." to the 
name of the person. The "East 
Tennessee News" comments: "How 
many of the Italian or Hungarian or 
Jewish patrons of such concerns re- 
ceive their statements with the word 
'Italian' or 'Hungarian' or 'Jew' fol- 
lowing the names. 

"From our observation of the tac- 
tics of the successful business men, 
both 'white and colored, we have 
concluded that their success is based 
on their ability to exhibit courtesy 
and consideration for the rights and 
feelings of those whose patronage 
they wished and the concerns who 
fail to exhibit such will eventually 
find that they will strike the rocks 
of business failure." 

"When you are born," says The 
Chicago Whip, "if you have a small 
percentage of African blood in your 
veins upon your birth certificate is 
recorded that information, when you 
die, in the bureau of vital statistics 
and upon your death certificates is 
again recorded your identity with 
the colored race. In fact, in America 
when the entire gamut from the 
cradle to the grave is run the badge 
of color is peculiarly conspicuous. 
The extent to which the colored 
people are catalogued and classified 
because of their color alone is amaz- 
ing. No other people in this coun- 
try who have become naturalized 
and have taken out their citizenship 
papers are labelled and stamped as 
are the colored people. From this 
task of cataloguing people because of 
their color alone there would seem 
to be some deep, underlying motive, 
beyond the desire to have definite 
information of population, births and 

"What is the deep, underlying mo- 
tive of finding out who is white and 
who is colored? We can understand 
why there could be a reasonable de- 
sire for the government to know how 
many colored people there are in the 
country, we can understand why 
birth ,and mortality can have a logi- 
cal interest, but there are countless 
other instances where we can see no 
logical reason why there should be a 
constant cataloguing of color. Why 
.should banks and financial institu- 
tions be interested in writing a 'C' 
behind the name of every colored 
depositor. We have no application 
of the custom of credit houses mak- 
ing such designations when they are 
amply satisfied with the qualifica- 
tions of the customer to pay. We 
entertain no sound arguments to of- 
fer for the labelling of the profes- 
sional men by way of color. In most 
of the instances where there is a 
requirement for the color to be desig- 
nated it is our belief that no tenable, 
honorable reasons can be given, and 
even if there are good reasons the 
methods adopted are crude, coarse 
and undiplomatic. 

"It is reported that Negro busi- 
nesses are discriminated against, as 
for example, it is said that in New 
York City, they are considered a bad 
risk for burglar insurance, so also 
are private homes and apartments 
and personal clothes and jewelry. It 
was reported that in Chicago, 133 
leading bond and mortgage concerns 
would not . accept mortgages signed 
by Negroes nor would they entertain 
applications from districts inhabited, 
to any extent, by Negroes." 

Athletics and Discriminations 

The Chambersburg (Pennsylvania) 
High School was dropped from the 
Cumberland Valley Athletic Associa- 
tion in 1927 because the Pennsylvania 
school refused to sign a resolution to 
bar Negro players from league 
games. High schools' of Martins- 
burg, West Virginia; Winchester, 
Virginia; Hagerstown, Maryland; 
and Waynesboro, Pennsylvania, were 
members of the league. 



The athletic authorities of Colgate 
University were charged with hav- 
ing signed an agreement to play 
Vanderbilt University in Nashville 
with the expressed understanding 
that Colgate would respect "south- 
ern tradition" by keeping Ray 
Vaughn, a Negro player, out of the 
game. Vanderbilt won the game. 

As a result the student body at 
Colgate and many friends criticised 
the athletic authorities' treatment of 
the colored star, at the same time 
urging that Vaughn retaliate by re- 
fusing to continue to play with the 

To keep David Myers, Negro quar- 
terback of New York University, out 
of the line-up for the New York Uni- 
versity-Georgia game in 1929 it was 
reported that the New York Univer- 
sity coach drew up what was a sort 
of "gentlemen's agreement" with 
the University of Georgia. Just when 
the protests against the surrender to 
southern prejudice was reaching a 
threatening volume, a medical exami- 
nation showed that Myers was phy- 
sically unfit for the game. Two weeks 
after the Georgia game, Myers ap- 
peared in the line-up against Rut- 
gers. The New York Daily News 
made this comment on his playing 
in that game: 

"David Myers, who couldn't play 
against Georgia and Missouri, seems 
to be all the better for his rest, en- 
forced by illness and a gentlemen's 
agreement. His line plunging gained 
many yards and his 50-yard spurt 
for a touchdown was one of the 
bright spots of the game." 

Education and Discriminations 

Johns Hopkins University in 1925 
was invited to conduct extension 
courses for the Wilmington (Dela- 
ware) public school teachers. 

The superintendent of schools of 
Wilmington was notified that it was 
against the Johns Hopkins policy to 
admit Negroes in its courses. At a 
meeting of principals of Wilmington 
schools it was moved that inasmuch 
as the colored part of the teaching 
force was excluded from the course 
offered by Johns Hopkins that it be 
rejected without further considera- 
tion. . The motion was carried unani- 
mously by the vote of the 24 white 
and six colored principals. 

In 1927, the Superior Court of 
Boston, Massachusetts, awarded Mrs. 

Julia M. Stratton $200 in a $5,000 
suit against the Posse Normal School 
of Gymnastics. In 1921, Mrs. Strat- 
ton was refused admittance into the 
school because of her color. 

National officers of Pi Lambda 
Theta, a professional pedagogical 
society, demanded in 1929, that its 
Syracuse University chapter expel 
Edythe Dorsey, a young colored wo- 
man of high scholarship attainment, 
or suffer the penalty of suspensian. 
Mary Hinckey, white, a senior and 
the president of the local chapter 
answered, for the chapter that the 
organization could take what steps 
it desired, but that they would not 
disband the Syracuse group nor un- 
der any circumstances agree to the 
expulsion of Miss Dorsey. 

In February of 1927, twenty-three 
Negro families of Toms River, New 
Jersey, refused to send their children 
to a separate classroom provided for 
them by the public school authori- 
ties in a poorly heated, one-room 
church in the Berkley Township. 
The board of education retaliated by 
bringing the parents into the court 
on the charge of violating the com- 
pulsory education law. Judge New- 
man, of the Ocean City Court, found 
them not guilty. In June 1927, Dr. 
John Logan, state commissioner of 
education, ruled in ordering rein- 
statement of the Negro children in 
the school at Toms River, that clas- 
sification of pupils by groups must 
be on other grounds than religion, 
nationality or color. 

A writ was won from the Supreme 
Court of New Jersey in 1928 direct- 
ing officers of the Pennsylvania Ave- 
nue School in Atlantic City to admit 
Negro children, or show cause. 

School authorities had attempted 
to make colored children attend the 
segregated Indiana Avenue School, 
where they arrived exhausted and 
often late because of the great dis- 
tances they had to go. 

In 1925, the Ohio Supreme Court 
refused to review a suit that was 
brought by William Phillips, Negro, 
against the board of education of 
the Woodlawn rural school district of 
Hamilton County to compel the board 
of education to discontinue special 
classes for Negro children, on the 
ground that the method of segrega- 
tion constituted discrimination. 

The original suit was brought be- 
fore Judge Robert LeBlond, who held 
that there was no discrimination, 
provided that the same subjects were 
taught and teachers of the same 
ability employed. 

Phillips carried the case to the 
Court of Appeals. The Court of Ap- 
peals refused to review the case and 
it was carried to the Supreme Court 
which also refused to review it. 

This action of the Supreme Court 
has the effect of approving the lower 
court's decision. 

Injunction Suits Filed 

Earl Reese, a citizen of Dayton, 
Ohio, filed suit April 30, 1925, in the 
Court of Appeals of Ohio to compel 
the board of education of Dayton 
to admit his two children to the same 
classroom with white pupils, alleg- 
ing that his and other colored chil- 
dren were discriminated against and 
segregated into a Jim crow annex. 
The Court of Appeals ruled that 
while the board had the right to use 
discretion in the assignment of pu- 
pils, it could not resort to strict seg- 
regation. The board then carried 
the case to the State Supreme Court 
where the decision of the lower 
court was affirmed. 

In September 1927, 1,400 white 
students of the Emerson High School, 
Gary, Indiana, refused to attend 
classes because 24 Negro children 
had been assigned to the school be- 
cause of the great distance they 
would otherwise have to travel each 
day in going to and from school. 
The majority of the members of the 
Gary City council yielded to the de- 
mands of the striking high school 
students, by passing a resolution 
providing for the erection of a tem- 
porary school building for Negro 
students. On the petition of a group 
of representative Negro citizens, 
a temporary injunction against the 
City of Gary restraining it from 
erecting a $15,000 school exclusively 
for colored students was granted. 

Common Pleas Judge A. J. Pear- 
sen issued a writ of mandamus in 
1925 ordering the Shaker Heights 
Village board of education to accept 
the 20 colored pupils from Beach- 
wood Village, who, at the beginning 
of the school year, were barred from 
attending- the schools of Shaker 
Heights Village, a suburb of Cleve- 

land. White school children from 
Beach wood were not barred. 

Beachwocd has no schools of its 
own. Its contract with Shaker 
Heights provided that it must pay 
$3 a week tuition for elementary 
school children and $4 a week for 
high school children. 

The case was finally carried to the 
Supreme Court cf Ohio which dis- 
missed the case of the board of edu- 
cation of Shaker Heights asking that 
Negro children of Beachwood be 
barred from the schools of that dis- 

County Boards of Education Must 
Support Negro Schools 

County boards of education of 
Kentucky must support Negro 
schools, the Court of Appeals held 
in 1926 in declining to dissolve an 
injunction that released the Flem- 
ingsburg graded school district from 
supporting a Negro school. 

The injunction suit was brought by 
Negro citizens of Fleming County to 
obtain interpretation of a 1926 act 
that had been construed as forcing 
graded school districts to maintain 
the schools. The decision affects ap- 
proximately 200 school districts, in- 
cluding seventy-two county seats. 

The 200 school districts affected, 
support white schools. Property 
owners in these districts pay no 
county school tax. The schools for 
Negroes inside these white school 
districts have been classed as county 
schools ,and the county supported 
them. The act of the 1926 general 
assembly, introduced by Dr. Shaler 
"Rerry, Fort Thomas, and known as 
House Bill 460, was backed by school 
authorities, who wanted the law 
changed so graded school districts 
would support their own schools for 

McHenry Rhoads, superintendent 
of public instruction, interpreted the 
law to mean that each graded school 
district must support its own schools. 
The Fleming County board of edu- 
cation, acting on his advice, declined 
to take a census for Negro schools 
or to appoint teachers for them. The 
board of trustees of the Flemings- 
burs: graded common school district 
cited an opinion of the attorney gen- 
eral and refused to take over main- 
tenance of a school for Negroes. 

The citizens charged that the act 
was vague, indefinite, contradictory 



and mixed and that they were unable 
to tell its purpose or effect on exist- 
ing laws. They pointed out that re- 
fusal of either of the two boards to 
act was threatening to deprive Negro 
children of their school. 

Circuit Judge C. D. Newell held 
that the 1926 act was unconstitution- 
al, and issued an injuction compelling 
the county board to maintain the 
school. The county board asked the 
dissolution of the injuction in taking 
the case to the appellate body, con- 
tending that the 1926 act made the 
graded school districts responsible. 

The Court of Appeals did not go 
into the constitutionality of the 1926 
act, merely holding that the inter- | 
pretation that graded school dis- 
tricts were responsible for mainte- 
nance of schools was unwarranted. 

In Flemingsburg, approximately 
140 Negroes attended the graded 
school. The Flemingsburg disti'ict had 
an 80-cent school tax, producing a per 
capita average of $57 a year for 
white school students. Fleming 
County had a 40-cent tax, producing 
approximately $14 per capita for 
pupils. It developed that the coun- 
ty had been spending $2,500 a year 
out of its own funds for maintenance 
of the school for Negroes in Flem- 

Legislative Enactments in 
Arizona and New Mexico 

Charging violation of the constitu- 
tion of the State of New Mexico, the 
colored people of Dona Ana County, 
New Mexico, in January, 1925, filed a 
petition in the district court naming 
the members of the Las Cruces Union 
High School, the board of the county 
commissioners and Superintendent 
Lena B. Sexton, as defendants. 

By being segregated, the Negro 
children were refused the advantages 
offered the white children of the 
various districts and were not receiv- 
ing equal advantages in education; 
all of which was claimed as a direct 
violation of the provisions of the 
state constitution. 

The legislature of New Mexico in 
March, 1925, passed a school segrega- 
tion measure requiring that pupils of 
African descent and pupils of Cau- 
casian descent be taught in separate 
rooms, providing the accommodations 
for each are the same. The Negro 
population of the state fought hard 
to defeat the measure. 

The legislature of Arizona in 1927 
passed a school segregation bill', call- 
ing for separate schools for whites 
and Negroes in the state. The law 
provides for separate facilities for 
the public instruction of whites and 
Negroes in any community in the 
state where the Negro pupils num- 
ber 25 or more. 

In an appeal from the action of 
the Douglass School Board of Ari- 
zona in refusing a Negro boy admis- 
sion to the city's high school, the 
State Supreme Court upheld the 
board's power of race segregation, 
this not to be considered racial dis- 
crimination, but protection against 
dissatisfaction, discord and turmoil. 
School accommodations for the lad 
and two others were said to have 
been provided separately. 

Virginia Assembly Separation Bill 

The Massenburg separation bill 
passed by the general assembly of 
Virginia, went into effect June 10, 
1926. This bill was specially aimed 
against Hampton Institute, because 
of the established custom of seating 
all persons attending entertainments 
given there without discrimination 
because of color. 

Be it enacted by the General Assembly of 
Virginia that it shall be the duty of any per- 
son, persons, firm, institution, or corporation, 
operating, maintaining, keeping, conducting, 
sponsoring, or permitting any public hall, 
theatre, opera house, motion picture show, or 
any place of public entertainment or public 
assemblage which is attended by both white 
and colored persons, to separate the white 
race and the colored race and to set apart 
and designate in each such public hall, 
theatre, opera house, motion picture show, 
or place of public entertainment, or public 
assemblage, certain seats therein to be occu- 
pied by white persons, and a portion thereof, 
or certain seats therein, to be occupied by 
colored persons; and any such person, per- 
sons, firm, institution, or corporation that 
shall fail, refuse, or neglect to comply with 
the provisions of this section shall be guilty 
of a misdemeanor and upon conviction thereof 
shall be fined not less than $100 and not 
more than $500 for each offense. 

All persons who fail while in any public 
hall, theatre, opera house, motion picture 
show, or any place of public entertainment 
or public assemblage to take and occupy the 
seats or other space assigned to them in pur- 
suance of the | rovisions of this act by the 
manager, usher, or other person in charge of 
such public hall, theatre, opera house, mo- 
tion picture show, or any place of public en- 
tertainment or public assemblage, or whose 
duty is to take up tickets or collect the ad- 
mission from the guests therein, or who shall 
fail to obey the request of such manager, 
usher, or other persons, as aforesaid, to 
change their seats from time to time as oc- 
casion requires in order that this act may be 



complied with, shall b.e deemed guilty of a 
misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof 
shall be fined not less than $10 nor more than 
$25 for each offense. Further such person 
may be ejected from such public hall, theatre, 
opera house, motion picture show, or any 
place of public entertainment or public as- 
semblage, or by any police officer or any 
other conservator of the peace; and if such 
person ejected shall have paid admission into 
said public hall, theatre, opera house, motion 
picture show, or other place of public enter- 
tainment or public assemblage, he shall not 
be entitled to a return of any part of the 

Right of Negroes to Joint Use with 
Whites of Library 

Holding that school boards have 
authority to provide separate libra- 
ries for members of the white and 
Negro races, Judge A. P. Hudson, in 
Kanawha County, West Virginia cir- 
cuit court, April 12, 1928, dismissed 
an alternative writ of mandamus 
through which it was sought to re- 
quire the Charleston board of edu- 
cation to permit Negroes to use the 
main public library. An appeal was 
taken from the decision. Immediate- 
ly the plaintiffs, through the attor- 
neys, filed a petition for a writ of 
error and supersedeas to the Supreme 
Court of Appeals of West Virginia, 
which was granted. The court in its 
opinion handed down in December 
1928, sustained every point raised by 
the plaintiffs and held the libra- 
ry was not a part of the school sys- 
tem and that the board of education 
may not exclude persons therefrom 
on account of their color, race or 
previous condition of servitude. In 
this connection the court said: 

The Circuit Court in its ruling adopted 
the contention of the respondents that the 
Charleston Public Library established and 
maintained in the Capitol Annex Building is 
a part of the public school system of the 
Charleston Independent School district, and 
as such may be limited in its use to 'white 
school children and white citizens.' In view 
of Section 62, Chapter 45, of the Code, pro- 
viding for the establishment and maintenance 
of school libraries by the boards of education 
of every district and independent district, it 
cannot be said that the legislature intended 
to establish a school library in the passage 
of the several special acts providing for the 
establishment and maintenance of a public li- 
brary. The mere designation of a board of 
education as the agency to establish, main- 
tain and control a public library does not 
convert it into a school library or make it a 
part of the public school system. As an il- 
lustration, a ministerial act does not become 
a judicial act when performed by a judicial 

The right of Negroes to joint use 
with white citizens of the Charleston 
public library was reaffirmed by the 

State Supreme Court January 1, 
1929, in denying a petition of the 
Charleston Independent School Dis- 
trict for a re-hearing of the case. 

State Aid to Negro Students for 
Special Reason 

The West Virginia legislature set 
a precedent for all states which main- 
tain separate schools, by passing a 
law in 1927 granting state aid to 
students who, because of the color 
line, must go outside of the state to 
pursue courses of study which the 
state provides for white students at 
the West Virginia University. 

Under the provisions of this law, 
residents of the state who have com- 
pleted a four-year high school course 
in the state, or, in lieu thereof, have 
resided in the state for five years 
and who have pursued two years of 
college work in one of the state 
schools, will have their tuition and 
fees paid in universities outside of 
the state in sums equal to the differ- 
ence in the amounts paid by state 
students and those from other states 
who attend the West Virginia Uni- 

The advisory council to the state 
board of education, composed of the 
state supervisor of Negro schools 
and two members, which assists in 
formulating policies governing all 
Negro educational institutions in the 
state, acting jointly with the state 
board of education, is empowered to 
prescribe rules and regulations for 
the administration of the law and 
to pass upon the qualifications of 
students applying for state aid. 
Chinese Pupils in Schools of 
California and Mississippi 

It was reported that all but twelve 
of the students of the John Sweet 
School in East Oakland, California, 
who began a strike in the fall of 
1926 against the admission of Chi- 
nese students to the school had re- 
turned to their classes two weeks 
later. The superintendent of the 
board of education refused to meet 
the demand of the segregationalists 
and threatened to prosecute the 
parents who unlawfully kept their 
children out of school. 

Friction, disorder and general un- 
happiness would be occasioned if ef- 
forts were made to associate the 
Caucasian race together with the 
"colored races" in the public schools 
of Mississippi, the Supreme Court of 



that state declared in 1927, in deny- 
ing native born Chinese the right of 
entrance to the white public schools 
of the state. 

Chinese, the Supreme Court held, 
belong to the "colored race" and for 
that reason should enroll in the Ne- 
gro schools of the state. 

The decision was made in the case 
of W. F. Bond, state superintendent 
of education, versus Joe Tij Fung, 
an adult, and Joe Tin Lun, minor, 
which reversed the mandamus of the 
circuit court of Coahoma County re- 
quiring the state superintendent and 
teachers of the Dublin consolidated 
public school to admit Lun. 

Attorneys for Lun argued that the 
disbarment of Lun from the white 
schools of Mississippi was in viola- 
tion of the articles of the Burlingame 
treaty of 1868, between the United 
States and China. This treaty gives 
any Chinese child of educable age, 
sojourning in the United States, the 
right to attend any of the public 
schools therein that are in any way 
supported by the United States gov- 
ernment. The court held that exclud- 
ing of the Chinese from the white 
schools did not break the treaty as 
the Negro schools were as much 
American schools as were the white 

"Section 207 of the constitution of 
1890 provides there shall be separate 
schools for the white and colored 
races," the Supreme Court opinion 
reads: "The term 'white race' is used 
in that section of the constitution as 
limited to the Caucasian race, and 
the term 'colored race' is used in 
centra-distinction to 'white race' and 
involves all other races. Under our 
school laws," the court further 
opinioned, "provision was made for 
every child by division of schools, 
one for each race, thus keeping the 
races separate. 

"This section of the constitution," 
the opinion continued, "is an aid, and 
for the protection of the colored 
races. The friction, disorder and 
general unhappiness occasioned by 
an effort to associate the Caucasian 
race together with the other, colored 
race, is too apparent to need illustra- 
tion or repetition here. 

"Under the constitution of the 
United States and the State of Mis- 
sissippi the Negro is an American 
citizen and the law accords him that 

right." "Then," .the opinion further 
reads, "how can an alien Chinaman 
complain when he is assigned to a 
school provided under our law for 
the colored races. We thus permit 
him to share with our own American 
citizens our benefits and privileges 
and enjoy all of the benefits and 
privileges accorded to one of our own 

The United States Supreme Court 
in November, 1927, affirmed the de- 
cision of the Mississippi Supreme 

Persons of Dark Blood May Not 
Attend Schools for Whites 

The children of Anderson Cove, 
descendants of "Greasy Bill" Ander- 
son and Jane Russell through whose 
veins dark blood flowed, must attend 
a school separate and distinct from 
that of other children of the Paint 
Fork region, the board of education 
of Buncombe County, North Caro- 
lina has ruled. 

A small building, owned by Tom 
Jenkins, in the Anderson Cove re- 
gion, has been rented for the next 
term of school and will be used as a 
schoolhouse for the Anderson Cove 

The action of the school board re- 
vives the old and bitter argument 
between residents of the Paint Fork 
section of Buncombe County over 
the status of the descendants of the 
old Anderson mesalliance. 

Years ago, five generatio-ns in fact, 
"Greasy Bill" Anderson married 
Jane Russell, the daughter of Sallie 
Russell, a white woman, and a man 
named Baughton, who was only half 
white. A son of this union, Lonzo 
Anderson, married a mountain girl 
of pure lineage. It is the children 
of the daughter of Lonzo Anderson, 
Belle Anderson Hicks, whose atten- 
dance at the Paint Fork school is dis- 
turbing residents of the district, it 
w,as said. These two children, Paul 
and Lilly Hicks, are white in the 
eyes of the law, which says that 
persons separated from dark paren- 
tage by four generations are con- 
sidered white and may marry with 
whites legally. 

The children, however, were barred 
from the school on the grounds of 
the school law, which says no person 
of dark blood may attend a school 
for white children. Action of the 
school board, it was said, was forced 
by the attitude of residents of the 



Paint Fork region, who declared they 
would not send their children to 
school if the Anderson clan descen- 
dants were allowed to attend. The 
Hicks children attended school last 
term under the constitutional main- 
tenance that they are white. 
Unwelcome in White Schools Refuse 
to Attend Negro Schools 

Unwelcome in the white schools 
and unwilling to enter Negro schools, 
a group of "Cajuns," an historic, 
people, immortalized in Longfellow's 
"Evangeline" have threatened legal 
action against Washington County, 
Alabama, school authorities. The 
"Cajuns" are a colony of people who 
claim to be of French descent and 
came to the Alabama and Louisiana 
coast generations ago from Arcadia. 
Through intermarriage, theirs is a 
strange admixture of French, Span- 
ish and Indian blood, but they are 
quick to resent any implication that 
they are related to Negroes. 

A report of a survey of Washing- 
ton County by the state board of 
education contains the following 
analysis of the situation in the 

"The South has long suffered by 
the expense and disadvantage of a 
dual system of schools. Through a 
historical circumstance, Washington 
County finds it necessary to maintain 
in some degree a triple system of 
schools. This system may be and 
doubtless is expedient, but without 
standing in law. 

"Removal of a child not admitted- 
ly white to a colored school or of a 
child not admittedly colored to a 
white school, would seem to be a 
matter for scientific investigation 
and for adjustment by court order. 
It does not appear by what authori- 
ty a superintendent of education can 
pass judgment where race is in 
question." Montgomery (Alabama) 
Advertiser, November 9, 1929. 

Laws for the Separation of the 
Races in Public Schools 

Public Schools In Alabama, Ar- 
kans^as, Delaware, South Carolina, 
Florma, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisi- 
ana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, 
North Carolina, Oklahoma, South 
Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia 
and West Virginia, the law requires 
the separation of the races in public 
schools. In Arizona, Indiana, Kan- 
sas, and Wyoming, discretionary 

power is given the school boards to 
establish separate schools. 

Florida, Kentucky, Oklahoma, and 
Tennessee are the only states which 
expressly prohibit the teaching of 
white and colored persons in the same 
private school. The laws of the other 
southern states say that schools 
which admit both races shall not re- 
ceive public funds. 

Florida is the only state which 
prohibits white persons teaching in 
Negro schools and Negroes teaching 
in white schools. This act was passed 
in 1913. 

It has never been enforced. 

Anthony Burrell, member of a 
small community near Des Moines, 
Iowa, tried to persuade the school 
board of his district to employ a 
colored school teacher as one of the 
six teachers in the district. When it 
refused, Mr. Burrell and his daugh- 
ter ran for the board, were elected 
and being a majority on the board 
hired one colored and five white 
teachers. When the . colored teacher 
arrived she went to board at the 
home of Anthony Burrell. About 
eleven-thirty of the first night of 
her stay, Burrell's front yard was 
brightly illuminated with a fiery 

Color Prevents Award to Adjudged 
Venus of City 

To be adjudged the "Venus" of the 
city, and then to have that honor de- 
nied her when she asserted that she 
was colored, was the novel experi- 
ence of pretty Mrs. Jeannette Jacobs 
of Greensburg, Pennsylvania. 

Mrs. Jacobs entered in the Ameri- 
can Venus contest, staged by the 
Grand theatre, a local amusement 
center. She was one of scores of 

Measurements were taken by two 
of the leading society matrons 
(white) of the city and the tape told 
a story which gave Mrs. Jacobs the 
first prize. She was to have received 
a bronze statue of Venus, but when 
her identity became known she was 
politely but firmly turned down. 

The management at the National 
theatre, white playhouse, of Wash- 
ington, D. C., refused to allow the 
cast and managers of the Omega 
Players to see a performance of the 
all-Negro play "Porgy." Reservations 
had been made by Clinton Burke and 
Collins George of the Players. When 
the entire cast went to attend the 



showing of the Broadway success, 
they were denied admittance. 

Upon reporting the difficulty to 
the manager of the theatre, the 
Omega Players were told that "three 
seats had been sold in the row re- 
served by them." This, the manager 
explained, further broke the seating 
arrangement reserved for the cast. 
After further questioning, which 
seemed to embarrass the theatre 
manager, it was explained finally 
"that the National theatre does not 
want Negroes in its audience." 
An attack upon the Civil Rights 
law of the State of Michigan, in the 
form of an opinion by Judge Verdier 
that a theatre is not a public enter- 
prise, "but is private property, with 
the right to conduct its business 
privately the same as any other 
private citizen transacts his own af- 
fairs," was made in 1926. 

The opinion suggests that, since a 
theatre is not a "public enterprise," 
but private property, "it is a very 
serious question" whether the Civil 
Rights Act does not contravene the 
provisions of the United States Con- 

Dr. Leon Headen of Chicago, Illi- 
nois, received $1,200 as the result 
of a compromise with the manage- 
ment of the Tivoli theatre of the 
same city in the damage suit won 
against the theatre. Charles Smith, 
doorkeeper at the Lyceum theatre, 
St. Paul, Minnesota, was fined $300 
as the result of charges of discrimi- 
nation by Mrs. Margaret Martin. 

A verdict of $200 was awarded in 
favor of Thomas A. James, who 
brought suit against the Oratani 
theatre in Hackensack, New Jersey, 
because he was told that all the "re- 
served" seats were occupied when he 
attempted to buy a ticket. 

Judge Francis Borelli of the Har- 
rison St. Court, Chicago, Illinois, 
fined Frank Duncan, doorman for 
Frank Levin's 10-cent movie theatre, 
for refusing Mrs. Blanche Page ad- 
mittance to the theatre because she 
refused to sit down front. The de- 
cision in this case made clear the 
point that it is not only a violation 
of the law of Illinois to discriminate 
against anyone in attendance at a 
theatre by refusing admission, but 
it is equally unlawful when one is 
directed to occupy a seat against his 
will when such a seat is not reserved 
and is not of the same class and 

price as the one so directed to 

Galveston, Texas Negroes voiced 
a protest to the board of city com- 
missioners against signs in parks 
reading, "For White Persons Only." 
Negroes Establish Right to Play in 
Public Golf Tournament 

A public golf tournament, held on 
city-owned golf links at Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania, sought to exclude two 
Negro contestants, Robert Ball, of 
Chicago, Illinois, and Elmer Stout, of 
Newark, New Jersey, who estab- 
lished in court their right to play 
and then withdrew from the tourna- 

Brought before Judge Raymond 
MacNeille to answer charges of the 
two Negro golfers that they had 
been illegally barred from the public 
links tournament at Cobbs Creek, 
the golf officials were put in the po- 
sition of having the tournament 
saved by the sportsmanship of the 
Negro golfers. 

After witnesses had testified for 
four hours, the court gave both sides 
five minutes to reach an agreement. 
Failing to do so, he said, would re- 
sult in an injunction being granted, 
and it would terminate the tourna- 

When the impasse was reached, it 
was the Negroes who saved the tour- 
nament by a gracious act of sports- 
manship. The two golfers agreed 
that if they were reinstated and 
cleared of all charges they would 
withdraw as contestants. 

Judge MacNeille in his opinion 
ruled that the golfers were cleared 
of all charges of professionalism, re- 
stored to their proper amateur sta- 
tus and, furthermore, reinstated in- 
to the tournament. 

Colored people will not be per- 
mitted to use the state camp sites 
located along the National Pike be- 
tween Baltimore and the Pennsyl- 
vania line provided by the Maryland 
State Board Commission according 
to director of public works, John N. 

Director Mackall stated that, 
"These places have about the same 
status as hotels and you know 
colored people cannot use hotels in 
the state." 

When told that the number of 
tourists was increasing and needed 
camping sites, Mr. Mackall stated 
that if the need arrives, some sites 


would be provided, but for the pres- 
ent they must get along as they did 
before the state provided sites. 

The directory of state camps 
showed the existence of ten places 
provided by the state, some of them 
in cooperation with other civic or- 

In a suit brought in mandamus 
proceedings against the Los Angeles, 
California city park board by At- 
torneys Hugh E. McBeth and E. C. 
Jennings on behalf of their client, 
Ethel Prioleau, before Presiding 
Judge Elliot Craig of the Superior 
Court, Monday, August 5, 1929, 
Judge Craig rendered the following 
decision: "That the constitution for- 
bids discrimination against any per- 
son because of racial differences," 
and added further, "that the city 
park board should admit Miss Prio- 
leau to the privileges of Exposition 
Park or come into court and show 
cause why this young lady should be 
barred from the privileges of the 
black citizens of this community." 
Shriners From Arabia Denied 
Lodging Because of Color 

In Arabia, Sheik David Lazarus 
and Sheik Elder J. Temberfeld, of 
Cairo, own herds of camels. Their 
lands stretch acres upon acres away 
across Sahara's dunes. Their word 
is law out there. A goodly part of 
the spices passing through the sun- 
ny streets of Cairo belongs to them. 
Their myrrh, frankincense and silks 
are transported in bales to their 
Arabian tents upon endless caravans 
of camels. 

Yet in Atlanta neither Sheik Laz- 
arus nor Sheik Temberfeld could put 
up for one night's lodging at ,a single 
Atlanta hotel on which they called. 

In vain the men from Arabia ar- 
gued, "Back in Arabia," said Laza- 
rus, "we do not turn away a man 
because of his color. Back in Arabia 
a man is a man, whatever his skin!" 

"You keep me out because of my 
color?" remonstrated Sheik Tember- 
feld. "I cannot help my color. I am 
a gentleman, I speak five different 

Yet not one of these five languages 
was understood by the hotel clerks 
when it came to arranging for a 
night's lodging here. 

Both are members of King Solo- 
mon's lodge, No. 1, F. and A. M., the 
oldest lodge of Free Masonry in the 

world. Both are members of the 
Ancient and Arabic Order of the 
Mystic Shrine. Temberfeld has been 
a member of King Solomon's lodge 
for 20 years; Lazarus for 15 years. 
Neither of these Nazarenes has ever 
shaved or had his hair cut. They 
like Atlanta, they said Thursday 
night, although they do not under- 
stand southern customs fully. 

When the two seeking lodging for 
the night finally came to the office 
of The Constitution, Councilman 
Harry Roberts, of The Constitution's 
composing room, extended sympathy 
to the strangers. He invited them 
to his home. He gave them a place 
to sleep for the night. 

Atlanta (Georgia) Constitution, 
June 11, 1926. 

Negro Shriners Given Right to Use 

Same Emblems, Regalia, Etc., 

as White Shriners 

On June 3, 1929, the United States 
Supreme Court handed down a de- 
cision in which the right of Negroes 
of the "Ancient Egyptian Arabic 
Order of the Nobles of the Mystic 
Shrine" to use the similar name and 
titles, emblems and regalia of the 
white Shriners was upheld. The suit 
was begun in 1918 in Texas by white 
Shriners of Houston against the lo- 
cal temple of the Negro order. The 
case was carried through the courts 
of Texas. After eleven years of liti- 
gation the United States Supreme 
Court decision was handed down as 
follows : 

This case presents a controversy between 
two fraternal orders called Nobles of the 
Mystic Shrine, one having white and the 
other Negro members. A short reference to 
the origin and history of these orders will 
conduce to an accurate appreciation of the 

From early times there have been two dis- 
tinct masonic fraternities in the United States, 
one confined to white men and the other to 
Negroes. Each has had its local lodges, 
grand lodges and supreme lodge, and also 
several component bodies, including Knights 
Templar and Scottish Rite consistories. Both 
have existed in the same territory and have 
had similar names, rituals and emblems, and 
yet have been independent and without any 
interrelation. The white fraternity's exis- 
tence in this country reaches back to early 
colonial times. The Negro fraternity was or- 
ganized in Boston in 1784 and afterwards 
was extended to other sections. 

The orders called Nobles of the Mystic 
Shrine are relatively modern, originated in 
the United States and are outgrowths of the 
masonic fraternities just described. They 
were founded by masons ar.d lhe ; r member- 
ship is restricted to masons white in or.e 
case and Negro in the other who have be- 
come Knights Templars or have received the 



32nd degree in a Scottish Rite cousistory. 
The white masons were the first to establish 
an order of Nobles of the Mystic Shrine. 
They organized one in New York in 1 
for fraternal and charitable purposes. The 
order grew rapidly and soon came to have 
local lodges called temples, in most of 
states, and also to have a national governing 
body called its Imperial Council. The Ne- 
gro masons imitatively organized a like order 
for like purposes in Chicago in 1893. It also 
grew, although not so rapidly as the white 
order, and came to have many local temples 
in other sections of the country and to have 
a national governing body called its Imperial 
Council. The constitution, emblems and re- 
galia of the Negro order, as also the titles 
given to the officers of its temple and council, 
were all adopted in imitation of those of the 
white order. Another feature imitatively 
copied was a purely fanciful claim, once put 
forth by the white order and afterwards dis- 
credited, to the effect that that order was an 
authorized extension of an ancient and illus- 
trious order established centuries ago in 
Mohammedan countries. 

Each of the orders, after becoming well 
organized, made it a practice to hold periodic 
national meetings attended with public parades 
and other features tending to bring attention 
to the order and to advance its extension. 
And, aside from such activities, each publicly 
engaged in commendable charitable work. 
The white order, by reason of its greater 
membership and the larger resources of its 
members, was able to carry that work further 
than the Negro order could, but the contri- 
butions and efforts of the latter in that field 
were both helpful and substantial. 

The white order always has been a volun- 
tary unincorporated association. In 1895, the 
New York legislature passed a special act 
purporting to incorporate it, but the proffered 
incorporation was rejected. In 1893, the 
Negro order was incorporated under the laws 
of Illinois, but that incorporation was aban- 
doned; and in 1901 the order was incorpo- 
rated as a fraternal and charitable association 
under the Act of Congress of May 5, 1870, 
providing for the creation of corporations in 
the District of Columbia. 

The name adopted by the white order is, 
"Ancient Arabic Order of the Nobles of the 
Mystic Shrine for North America," and that 
adopted by the Negro order, and under which 
it was incorporated is, "Ancient Egyptian 
Arabic Order of the Nobles of the Mystic 
Shrine of North and South America and its 

Prior to 1918 both orders established local 
temples in the State of Texas in some in- 
stances in the same cities. Among the temples 
of the white order were one in Dallas estab- 
lished in 1887, one in El Paso established in 
1907 and one in Houston established in 1915. 
Among these of the Negro order were one in 
Dallas established in 1894, one in El Paso 
established in 1902 and one in Houston es- 
tablished in 1917. 

The present suit was begun in 1918 in a 
state court of Texas. Originally it was 
brought by members of the local temple of 
the white order in Houston against members 
of the local temple of the Negro order in 
that city to enjoin the latter from using any 
imitation of the name, constitution, titles, 
emblems and regalia of the former. But 
through the voluntary intervention of other 
parties and a voluntary enlargement of the 
original pleadings all with the court's leave 
the suit was broadened into one between 

the two national orders wherein the white 
order sought an injunction against the Negro 
order restraining and preventing the latter, 
its lodges, officers and members, "throughout 
the State of Texas and the entire United 
States," from further using the name under 
which it was acting, from designating its 
local lodges as "temples," from designating 
its members as "Nobles" or "Shriners," from 
giving the officers of its lodges and council 
the titles of like officers in the white order, 
from using a constitution, emblems and re- 
galia like those of the white order and from 
organizing or instituting lodges in imitation 
of those of that order. 

The answer of the Negro order may be 
summarized as denying that the white order 
had acquired any exclusive or superior right 
to use the name, constitution, designations, 
titles, emblems and regalia before mentioned 
or any of them; denying that the Negro or- 
der's use of such name, constitution, desig- 
nations, titles, emblems and regalia was with 
any wrongful or fraudulent purpose, or was 
other than the exercise of a right belonging 
to that order as a lawfully constituted fra- 
ternal and charitable association; setting up 
the Negro order's incorporation in 1901 un- 
der the Act of Congress of May 5, 1870, and 
asserting that in virtue of that act and such 
incorporation the order became entitled, if 
not theretofore entitled, to use the name 
which it had been and was still using, to 
adopt and have a constitution, to establish 
and have local lodges, to select and use ap- 
propriate emblems and regalia, and to do 
other things properly incident to the main- 
tenance of a fraternal and charitable order; 
alleging that its acts and practices were all 
within its rights under that incorporation; 
asserting that there had been and was no 
competition between the two orders and that 
the white order drew its members wholly 
from the white masonic fraternity while the 
Negro order drew its members wholly from 
the Negro masonic fraternity; and setting up 
that the white order by reason of its laches 
and its acquiescence in the acts and practices 
of the Negro order was without right to an 
injunction or other equitable relief. 

On a trial of the issues the court made 
special findings of fact, stated its conclusions 
of law and entered a decree awarding to the 
white order all of the relief sought. The 
findings of fact included one to the effect 
that the imitative acts and practices of the 
Negro order constituted "a fraudulent de- 
ception" injurious to the white order; and 
another to the effect that the white order 
had not acquiesced in those acts and prac- 
tices and was not chargeable with laches in 
not taking earlier steps to stop them. The 
Negro order then petitioned this court for 
a review upon writ of certiorari and the peti- 
tion was granted. 

In the state appellate courts the Negro or- 
der relied on tl.e Act of Congress ot May 
5, 1870, and its incorporation thereunder, 
just as it had done in the trial court, and 
also insisted that the decree against it was 
not in accord with the decision of this Court 
in Creswill v. Knights of Pythias, 220 I 
246, where like privileges asserted under that 
Act of Congress by a fraternal and benevo- 
lent association incorporated thereunder were 

The right thus specially set up in the state 
court is a federal right. .Whether it was 
denied or not given due recognition by the 
challenged decree, as affirmed, is a question 
on which the defeated claimants are entitled 


to invoke the judgment of this Court, as is 
done in their petition for certiorari. And 
it is our province to inquire not only whether 
the right was denied in direct terms, but 
also whether it was denied in substance and 
effect by interposing a non-federal ground of 
having no fair support. 

The record and the opinions set forth there- 
in make it apparent that the existence within 
the State of Texas of local lodges of each 
of the two orders was not contrary to any 
statute of the state. The state court put its 
decision upon principals of general law which 
it deemed applicable, and not upon any local 
regulations. It did not wholly refuse to 
recognize the right set up by the Negro order 
in virtue of the incorporation under the Act 
of Congress, but did hold that the white or- 
der had acquired a superior and exclusive 
right to use the name, constitution, emblems 
and regalia in question by prior adoption 
and use; that the subsequent adoption and 
use by the Negro order was in derogation 
of that right; that the white order, in the 
absence of acquiescence or laches on its part, 
was entitled to an injunction preventing fur- 
ther use by the Negro order; and that there 
had been no such acquiescence or laches as 
would constitute a bar to that relief, inas- 
much as the Xegro order had been proceed- 
ing with a "fraudulent purpose of appropri- 
ating the benefits of the (white) order to 

Whether, the rules relating to the use of 
trade-marks and trade-names are applicable to 
controversies like this between fraternal or- 
ders has been the subject of varying deci- 
sions in other courts. Without now indicat- 
ing any opinion on that question, we shall 
indulge the assumption that the state court 
was right in holding those rules applicable 
and shall pass to another matter turning on 
the facts of this case, and which as resolved 
by the state court resulted in the denial of 
the' federal right set up by the Negro order. 
That matter is whether there was acquiescence 
or laches on the part of the white order. 
The state court held there was neither. If 
there was either the white order was with- 
out any right to object to the use which it 
was seeking to restrain and the Negro order 
was entitled to continue that use in virtue of 
its incorporation under the Act of Congress. 
An attentive examination of the record dis- 
closes not only that the finding on the ques- 
tion of laches is without fair support in the 
evidence, but that the evidence conclusively 
refutes it. 

There is no evidence of a fraudulent intent 
on the part of the Negro order, or of a pur- 
pose on its part to induce anyone, whether 
mason or non-mason, to believe that it was 
the white order, or that they were parts of 
the same fraternity. On the contrary, it is 
shown that the Negro order always held it 
self out as entirely distinct from the whit 
order and as open only to members of the 
Negro masonic fraternity. True, there wa 
much imitation, but this is shown to havi 
been in the nature of emulation rather that 
false pretense. 

The evidence discloses that the Negro or- 
der promptly entered its constitution in th 
Congressional Library under an act of Con 
gress providing for copyrights; that its mem 
bers openly wore its insignia as indicative 
of its existence and their membership; anc 
that at its yearly national meetings the mem 
bers in large numbers marched in public 
parades wearing its regalia. 

It is further shown that the Imperial Poten- 
tate of the white order in his address at their 
national meeting in 1894 called attention to 
the existence of the Negro order and to it 
use of names, titles, etc., like those of the 
white order 1 . He also named Texas as one 
of the states in which the Negro order had 
established lodges. The address was pub- 
lished and distributed among the lodges and 
members of the white order. At several sub- 
sequent meetings there was similar mention 
of the Negro order and its activities. 

Thus it is established that from the begin- 
ning the white order had knowledge of the 
existence and imitative acts and practices of 
the Negro order. In addition, the evidence 
indubitably shows that with knowledge the 
white order silently stood by for many years 
while the Negro order was continuing its 
imitative acts and practices and was estab- 
lishing new lodges, enlarging its membership, 
acquiring real property in its corporate name, 
and investing substantial sums in the copied 
paraphernalia, regalia and emblems. It also 
is shown by the uncontradicted testimony 01 
several witnesses one a life member of the 
white order that a large proportion ol the 
copied paraphernalia, regalia, emblems and 
insignia used by the Negro order, its lodges 
and members was purchased from or through 
members of the white order, and that 111 one 
instance a lodge of that order, preparatory 
to moving to new quarters, sold the para- 
phernalia, and regalia used in the old quar- 
ters to a lodge of the Negro order in the 
same city. 

The effect on the Negro order of the silence 
and apparent acquiescence of the white order is 
reflected in the fact that when this suit was 
brought the former had 76 local lodges, ap- 
proximately 9,000 members and real and per- 
sonal property valued at approximately 
$600,000 which was held and used for fra- 
ternal and charitable purposes. 

The only evidence making against that al- 
ready outlined consists of a showing that a 
suit "was instituted in Georgia in 1914 by a 
local lodge of the white order against a local 
lodge of the Negro order to restrain the 
latter frorh imitating the name, emblems, 
and regalia of the former and that a similar 
suit was begun in Arkansas a few years 
later, one resulting in a decree for the plain- 
tiffs and the other in a decree for the defen- 
dants. In instituting these suits the plain- 
tiff lodges undoubtedly manifested strong 
objections to the imitative acts of the de- 
fendant lodges. But the objections came too 
late to overcome or weaken the force of the 
conduct of the white order during the 3o 
years preceding the earlier of the two suits. 
After that period of inaction and seeming 
acquiescence it was too late to resuscitate the 
original exclusive right for which the white 
order is now contending. 

What we have said of the evidence demon- 
strates, as we think, not only that there was 
obvious and long continued laches on the 
part of the white order, but also that the 
circumstances were such that its laches barred 
it from asserting an exclusive right, or ^seek- 
ing equitable relief, as against the Negro 

As it is apparent that had this view of the 
question of laches prevailed in the state court 
the federal right set up by the Negro order 
must have been sustained, the decree must 
be reversed and the cause remanded for 
further proceedings not inconsistent with 
this opinion. 

Decree reversed. 



Sun-Tan Vogue Becomes 

It was reported in the summer of 
1929 that the new sun-tan vogue is 
becoming increasingly embarrassing 
to smart Washingtonians of the di- 
plomatic and congressional circles, 
whose social standing has been un- 
questioned for centuries. 
, It is reported that on one occasion 
recently a group of Nordics in their 
swarthy make-up were refused ser- 
vice in the dining room of one of 
the most exclusive hotels of the city. 

The party arrived late from the 
Pimlico races and were met by the 
head-waiter who failed to recognize 
them. Mistaking the smart sun- 
tanned make-up of the ladies and 
their Nordic escorts for a "mixed" 
group foisting themselves upon the 
management, he assured them that 
the dining room was "full" and that 
the score of tables which were va- 
cant at this late hour were "all re- 

The host, a congressman from the 
Canadian line, stepped forward to 
see what was the trouble. As a 
guest in the hotel for three years he 
demanded that the party be seated 
immediately only to be reminded 
apologetically of the rule of the 
management that "colored" people 
may be served in the guests' rooms 

The congressman exploded. His 
wife, a little blonde and a "D-A-R- 
ling" of no small standing, who up- 
on this occasion could hardly have 
made the grade as a "high-brown," 
went into hysterics. The curious 
manager attracted by the disturbance 
caught a sock that was intended for 
the insulting head-waiter. And that 
was that. 

Similarly theatres and shops are 
experiencing difficulty in determining 
from the make-up the exact degree 
of deference to bestow upon the once 
fair ladies. As a result many brown- 
skinned Indies whose skins have 
been sunkissed for years .are being 
overwhelmed with the courtesies 
and kindnesses of shop-women and 
keepers, while the bans seem to be 
off temporarily as far as the shows 
and restaurants are concerned. 

It is reported that one store which 
was recently reported as not seeking 
colored patronage, posted on the 
daily bulletin board a reminder to 
the effect that, "Some of our most 

valued customers are returning from 
the southland deeply tanned. Watch 
your manners." 

Strikes, Discharges, Because Dis- 
crimination Against Negro 
Restaurant Patrons 

A colored police officer went into 
a restaurant in Cleveland, Ohio for 
a cup of coffee. The manager in- 
formed him he could not be served 
because of his color. The colored 
policeman arrested the white res- 
taurant owner, and took him to the 
station. Whereupon a white police 
lieutenant turned the restaurant man 
loose and soundly berated the 
colored officer for the arrest. The 
colored policeman took the case to a 
higher authority, with the result 
that the restaurant man was held on 
a charge of violating the Ohio civil 
rights law. 

Rather than be made tools for 
carrying out a "Jim Crow" policy 
that ordered them to insult members 
of their own race, 200 waitresses, 
cooks and kitchen workers of the 
Alice Foote McDougall Coffee Shop, 
of New York City, threw down their 
jobs recently. They walked out on a 
strike that lasted more than an hour 
and cost the coffee shop owner $700. 
They tied up service in the exclusive 
establishment just off Fifth Av.enue, 
at the busiest hour of the day, and 
they came back on the job only when 
the management agreed to revoke an 
order that had been given dismissing 
a waitress who had dared to serve a 
Negro patron. 

When informed that the manage- 
ment of one of his restaurants re- 
fused to serve a hungry colored cus- 
tomer, Louis G. Baurle, proprietor of 
restaurants operated in the Reading 
Terminal at Philadelphia discharged 
the whole crew and then remained 
closed for two days until he could 
secure a crew that would carry out 
his orders. 

The identity of the colored patron 
was not made known. He is said to 
have entered the place after alight- 
ing from a train. When he seated 
himself and made ready to order 
something to eat, he was informed 
by the waiter that he could not be 
served because of his color. 

The prospective customer then ap- 
pealed to the manager and was again 
turned down. Miss Smith, Mr. 
Baurle's secretary, was the next one 
confronted by the man. Mr. Baurle 


was at home at the time. Informed 
of what had taken place over the 
phone, he sent back the order to 
"fire the whole crew and close the 
place until we can get another crew." 
Court Rules Restaurant Keeper Not 
Bound by Same Requirements 

as Owners of Inns, Etc. 
A decision that a restaurant keep- 
er is not bound by the same require- 
ments as the owner of inns, hotels 
and bearding houses, or places of en- 
tertainment or amusement, in sta- 
tutes providing that no distinction 
be made on account of race, color or 
previous condition of servitude, was 
handed down by the Supreme Court 
of Kansas in the case of the State 
against Brown, which was the prose- 
cution of a restaurant owner for re- 
fusing to serve a Negro. Justice Ma- 
son, writing the opinion said: 

A boarding house differs from a hotel or 
inn, or both, in being less public in character 
and in arranging with its guests to provide 
for them during some more or less definite 
period. The same considerations would ob- 
viously distinguish it from a restaurant or 
lunch-room, while in some cases a greater 
liberality of construction might be justified. 
The specific mention of inns, hotels and board- 
ing houses, without words extending their 
meaning in the definition of a public offense, 
too strongly suggests the exclusion of res- 
taurants to allow their inclusion by construc- 

It might be suggested (although the con- 
tention has not been made) that the infor- 
mation is good by virtue of the allegation 
that the defendant was licensed to serve the 
general public meals and lunches. The sta- 
tutes prohibit racial discrimination by the own- 
er of any place of entertainment or amuse- 
ment for which a license is required by any 
of the municipalities of this state, and a 
restaurant is in one sense a place of enter- 

We regard the context, however, as asso- 
ciating the word 'entertainment' with amuse- 
ment, so that what is meant is that the pro- 
hibition, besides covering on the one hand, 
inns, hotels, and boarding houses irrespective 
of any question of license, covers, on the 
other hand, places of diversion (such as, for 
instance, shows of any kind) for which a 
local license is exacted. Under a statute 
enacted in 1913 a state license is necessary 
for the conduct of a restaurant, but we 
think this is not the character of license indi- 
cated by the phrase, required by any of the 
municipality authorities of this state. 

A Negro Barber Shop Ordinance 

The city council of Atlanta, Geor- 
gia, on February 1, 1926, enacted the 

Whereas, the r eac , health and good order 
of the City of Atlanta can be better preserved 
by requiring colored barbers to serve colored 
people only and white barbers to serve white 
people only. 

Therefore, be it ordained by the mayor and 
General Council of the City of Atlanta as fol- 

Section i : Hereafter, barber shops shall be 
operated for the races separately, that is, 
white barbers shall serve white people only 
and colored barbers shall serve colored people 
only, where such service is rendered in bar- 
ber shops. 

Section 2: The service by barbers, referred 
to in this ordinance, is the service denned in 
Section 1764 (B), Parks Code of Georgia. 

Section 3: No license shall issue for the 
operation of a barber shop except same states 
either "For Whites" or "For Colored" as se- 
lected by license, and these words shall be 
written or printed on the license, as so se- 

Section 4: It shall be unlawful for any 
w-hite person to be served in colored bar- 
ber shops, or for colored people to be served 
in white barber shops, meaning the service 
defined in Section 2 above set out. 

Section 5: Any person or corporation, their 
agent or employees, violating any of the pro- 
visions of this ordinance shall be deemed 
guilty of an offense and on conviction thereof 
in the Recorder's Court shall be punished by 
a fine of not exceeding two-hundred dollars 
($200.00) or sentenced to work on the public 
works of the city for not exceeding thirty 
days (3o) days either or both penalties to be 
inflicted in the discretion of the recorder. 

Each service rendered shall be deemed a 
separate offense. 

Section 6: All ordinances and parts of or- 
dinances in conflict with this ordinance are 
hereby repealed. 

Section 7: This ordinance is made effective 
on and after June i, 1926. 

Three days later the city council 
voted unanimously to reconsider the 
ordinance. This action was taken at 
an adjourned session of the council 
after lengthy discussion. 

On February 16, 1927, James Mor- 
ton, of the committee on church co- 
operation and the Evangelical Minis- 
ters' Association, and a delegation 
of citizens, called on Mayor Walter 
A. Sims to ask him to veto the Negro 
barber shop ordinance passed by city 

Temporary injunction restraining 
the City of Atlanta from putting in- 
to effect the provision of the barber 
ordinance was granted by Judge E. 
D. Thomas in Fulton Superior Court. 
March 6 was set as the date for hear- 
ing on the petition brought by two 
white barbers, who were said to em- 
ploy Negro help, and 13 Negro bar- 

The petitioners set out that the 
ordinance was contrary to the Con- 
stitution of the United States and 
its fourteenth amendment because it 
deprived Negro barbers of their 
liberty and property without due 
process of law. 



As first passed, the barber ordi- 
nance prohibited any Negro barber 
from serving white patrons. A sub- 
stitute compromise measure was 
later introduced in council ,and pro- 
hibited Negro barbers from serving 
white women or children under 14 
years of age. It also provided that 
all barber shops close at seven o'clock 
each night with the exception of 
Saturday nights, when the establish- 
ments would be allowed to continue 
business until nine o'clock. Violation 
of the ordinance was made a misde- 
meanor and was punishable by a 
$200 fine. 

Injunction of the ordinance was 
instigated by the Atlanta Chamber 
of Commerce. 

The ordinance prohibiting Negro 
barbers from serving white children 
under 14 years of age was held to 
be invalid and unconstitutional Sep- 
tember 14, 1927, by the Georgia Su- 
preme Court. The section of the or- 
dinance prohibiting Negro barbers 
from waiting on white children shows 
no regard for the wishes of the 
white patrons themselves, the court 
pointed out in the decision. 

Discussing the claim that the or- 
dinance was adopted because of al- 
leged prevalence of contagious dis- 
eases among Negroes, the opinion 
declared that similar action might 
be taken against cooks, nurses and 
launderers if the charges were true. 

"The colored nurse comes in more 
dangerous contact with the child 
than the barber who cuts the hair of 
the child and what shall we say of 
the cook who handles and prepares 
the food placed on the table." 

South Carolina Bill to Regulate 
Barber Shops 

The South Carolina legislature in 
1930 considered a bill to regulate 
barbers in that state. Some one was 
reminded, said The Charlotte (North 
Carolina) Observer, of the fix Atlan- 
ta got into by inclusion of a clause 
that would prohibit Negro barbers 
from serving white customers. The 
Charleston Post is minded to protest 
against any such law for its state 
and the protest is well taken. There 
are Negro barbers in Charlotte to- 
day who ,are serving young men as 
they served the fathers of these 
young men in years gone by and 
whose custom is principally that of 
white people. The South Carolina 
Barbers Association promptly comes 

forward in defense of the Negro bar- 
bers. It had no intention of legislat- 
ing against the Negro barber and 
white custom holding along with 
others that there are numerous 
thoroughly respectable colored bar- 
bers in South Carolina who have 
built up their custom over many 
years and who keep their shops in 
sanitary condition and to adopt leg- 
islation to put them out of business 
would be obviously wrong. In South 
Carolina, in 1927, a bill was defeated 
in the state legislature prohibiting 
Negro barbers from serving white 
women and girls. 
Kansas and Virginia Legislatures 

Attempt to Pass Bill Regulating 
Barber Shops 

At the 1929 legislature of the 
State of Kansas, a bill was intro- 
duced known as the Model Barber 
Bill. This bill sponsored by the 
Master Barbers Association and Bar- 
bers Union (white), is said to have 
as its aim the elimination of the Ne- 
gro barber. 

Colored barbers of Virginia op- 
posed a barber bill, providing for a 
state board of barber examiners 
which was brought before the 1930 
general assembly of that state. J. 
C. Page, counsel for the colored bar- 
bers, said that one of the main ob- 
jections to the bill was that Negro 
barbers would find it difficult to re- 
place workers in their shops in case 
of death, and that it would be possi- 
ble for the state board gradually to 
eliminate all Negro barbers. W. C. 
Creekmore, representing the Vir- 
ginia Federation of Labor and four 
railroad brotherhoods, said these or- 
ganizations all favor the bill as a 
"health measure," especially impor- 
tant in view of the fact "that our 
wives and daughters have com- 
menced to use the shops." A spokes- 
man for the National Women's 
Trade Union League said that or- 
ganization also favored the bill. 

The Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, a 
white daily, called attention to many 
discrepancies in the bill, viz.: that 
small towns and villages where 
patrons suffer most from lack of sani- 
tation have been excepted in order 
to> get the bill through; that the 
present health regulations of the 
trade are adequate if enforced; that 
the law adds a financial burden to 
the craft; that it comes at a time 



when health hazards have been dras- 
tically reduced by the safety razor. 
"The suspicion is overpowering that 
what is sought by this measure is 
not to surround barbering with more 
perfect sanitation, but to transform 
it into a closed, monopolistic guild, 
as a prelude to higher barbering 
charges." The bill was defeated. 

The North Carolina Barber's Act, 
providing for the registration of bar- 
bers and the regulation and inspec- 
tion of barber shops was upheld by 
the State Supreme Court, May, 1930, 
in spite of opposition of colored bar- 
bers of the state who feared discrimi- 
nation in the granting of licenses. 
In response to the claim that the law 
creates special privilege by giving 
licenses to barbers, the court said 
that is an exercise of the states 
policies proven "for the protection of 
the public against incompetents and 
impostors, and is in no sense the 
creation of a monopoly or special 
New Orleans Negroes Register as 

Democrats in Order to be Em- 
ployed on Public Works 

Feeling the pinch of depressed 
labor conditions now prevailing in 
the state, white laborers are believed 
to be responsible for Councilman 
Herlong (white), Democrat, intro- 
ducing a bill in the city council of 
Jacksonville, Florida, to restrict Ne- 
gro contractors from either repairing 
or building any dwelling or edifice to 
be occupied by whites within the city 
limits. The bill also prohibited 
white contractors from doing work 
in a Negro settlement. 

Efforts by the City of New Orleans 
to enforce the law passed by the 
state legislature requiring that only 
qualified electors be employed by 
contractors engaged on public con- 
tracts have resulted in 400 new regis- 
trations during the past two weeks. 
Half of the new registrants are Ne- 
groes, most of whom registered as 
Democrats. Of the small number of 
Negroes registered in the past, vir- 
tually all listed themselves as Re- 

A letter was sent to the president 
of the Metropolitan Life Insurance 
Company, by Ernest N. Barringer, 
mortician, of New York City, on April 
15, 1930, to find out the company's 
position on the employment of Ne- 

Mr. Barringer's letter to the presi- 
dent was as follows: 

"I am taking the liberty to write 
you in regard to the employment of 
my race in your company. Close ob- 
servation during my visits to the 
home office reveals to me that all of 
the employees are white. 

"I have before me statistics show- 
ing the colored race's amount of in- 
vestments in insurance in said com- 
pany amounts to nine hundred and 
sixty million dollars. ' Every race, 
apparently, except the colored race 
is represented in the personnel of 
service of said company, from mana- 
ger to agent. In all fairness, I would 
like to find out from said company 
their stand on this important ques- 
tion and why we as a group are not 
represented in your personnel. I am 
asking for a reply please." 

In a letter dated, April 16, Leroy 
A. Lincoln, vice-president and gen- 
eral counsel of the company, stated 
the company's position on the matter 
as requested by Mr. Barringer. 

Mr. Lincoln's letter follows: 

"Replying to your letter of April 
15, I would say that, with a force 
composed of white persons, as our 
force has been, we have felt it inad- 
visable to include colored people in 
that force, not because of any preju- 
dice on the part of the company, but 
because as you very well know there 
would be very serious objections on 
the part of our white employees, 
which would result in an uncomfort- 
able situation for both white and 
colored employees, if any of the lat- 
ter were to be engaged. 

"Individually and collectively, we 
have the highest regard for the 
colored race and for the place it oc- 
cupies in the community. We have 
millions of colored policy-holders who 
have applied to us for life insurance 
which they are able to obtain from 
us and not from any other large in- 
dustrial insurance company, and to 
whom we have issued our policies, 
through the proceeds of which, at 
their death, they may be suitably 
buried and their families appropri- 
ately protected." 

His letter to the Metropolitan in 
reply to Mr. Lincoln's was as follows: 

"Your reply of the 17th received 
and carefully perused. Your refer- 
ence to not finding it .advisable to 
make a change in reference to the 



employees of said company I thin 
is very unfair to my race. 

"This ambulance business shows 
suits that would happen through th 
employment of both groups. May 
ask in what way do you know o 
what the results will be. 

"It is impossible to undo what ha 
been done, but we can look to th 
future and support cur own insur 
ance companies." 

Discriminations Against Negro 

Patients in Hospitals 
Flagrant instances of discrimina 
tion against Negro patients in hos 
pitals are responsible for grave re 

In Burlington, North Carolina, a 
barber, proprietor of a shop for white 
only, was shot through the abdomen 
by ,a burglar as he left his shop late 
at night. He was refused admission 
to the local hospital but rushed to 
Durham, forty miles away. Death 
was attributed to loss of blood anc 
shock from the long ride. 

A young woman in a motor party 
suffered a broken arm in an accident 
in Lexington, Kentucky. She had to 
wait to reach Louisville for first aid. 
A Fisk University sophomore student 
motoring from Nashville, Tennessee, 
to Tuskegee, Alabama, for a football 
game had his neck broken in an auto- 
mobile accident. White doctors tried 
to get the Decatur, Alabama hospi- 
tal to receive him in vain. The ride 
of 25 miles to Huntsville, Alabama, 
prevented any possible chance of 

Refused admission to Grady hos- 
pital, "because we have no room in 
the Negro ward," an unidentified Ne- 
gro, about 35 years old, who appar- 
ently was in a serious condition, was 
forced to remain in a police cell all 
night in Atlanta, Georgia. 

Richard Barnes, elderly Negro of 
Mendenhall, Mississippi, was severe- 
ly burned at his home when a mat- 
tress on which he was sleeping 
caught fire. At the State Charity 
Hospital, he was refused admittance 
and was required to remain on a 
stretcher in the passenger station for 
five and a half hours while railroad 
officials tried to get him into the 
hospital. Finally, arrangements were 
made to place him in a colored hos- 

The Memphis (Tennessee) Com- 
mercial-Appeal, in its issue of March 
19, 1925, makes the following com- 

plaint against discrimination against 
Negroes by owners of ambulances: 

"This ambulance business shows a 
bad condition. We did not know 
that the undertaking firms made a 
distinction as to hauling black and 
whites in their ambulances. 

"In a horrible emergency this 
should not be the rule. A sick or a 
dying Negro is just as sick as a 
white man and is dying like a white 
man. He goes to heaven or hell just 
like a white man. 

"The condition we speak of was 
not so in the old days. 

"The undertakers say that in the 
particular case the Negro was be- 
yond hope of recovery. That does 
not alter the case. 

"Tom Lee did not grab Negroes 

"Several years ago there was a 
terrible wreck at Binghamton. A 
freight train ran into a street car 
and many were killed and wounded. 
Some of the white undertakers were 
so busy grabbing the dead that they 
left the wounded. A Negro under- 
taker came along and he loaded a 
number of the white wounded into 
his ambulance and took them to the 
hospital. The white undertakers had 
already beaten it to town with their 
cargoes of dead. 

"There is money in the dead, for 
the undertaker. There is little money 
in the injured. 

"The city administration might 
look into this matter and come to an 
understanding with the undertakers. 
Then if the city cannot come to a 
definite understanding it might at- 
tach a crew of ambulances to the 
General Hospital and do the ambu- 
lancing itself. 

"One undertaker said that if it 
was known that he hauled wounded 
Negroes in his ambulance that white 
people would boycott him. We do 
not think any white man, especially 
if the blood of the old South is in 
him, would boycott any undertaker 
for hauling a Negro injured in line 
of duty in an ambulance." 
Why Negro Denominations Failed to 
Attend International Council of 

Religious Education 
In April, 1925, some 200 singers 
from the Howard Glee Club, Hamp- 
ton and Richmond Treble Clef quit 
the Ail-American Music Festival of 
the International Council of Women, 
Washington, D. C., as a protest to 


race segregation in the auditorium 
in which they met. When the singers' 
turn came, it was announced that 
there was a written agreement guar- 
anteeing no segregation at the meet- 
ing. This agreement had been 
broken and the singers would not 
perform. Following this, all colored 
persons who had been placed on one 
side of the balcony arose and left 
demanding their money back at the 
ticket office. The chairman of the 
meeting admitted the no segregation 
agreement and blame was assumed 
by the ticket seller, who said he 
usually put all colored people to- 

Representatives of the Negro de- 
nominations of America failed to at- 
tend the International Council of Re- 
ligious Education in Birmingham, 
Alabama, in April, 1926. A prelimi- 
nary meeting of Negro leaders was 
called in Nashville, Tennessee, Febru- 
ary 8, 1926, for the purpose of clear- 
ing up all misunderstanding about 
the seating of Negro delegates and 
a satisfactory conclusion was reached 
subject to the approval of the com- 
mittee of local Negro leaders at 

On February 9, 1926, the following 
resolution was passed by the city 

A Resolution to Further Regulate 
the Use of the Municipal Auditorium: 

BE IT RESOLVED by the Commission 
of the City of Birmingham, that at every 
convention, exhibition, concert, recital, the- 
atrical performance, athletic event, mass 
meeting, moving picture representation, or 
other gathering or performance, held at the 
Municipal Auditorium, at which both white 
persons and Negroes attend, a section of said 
auditorium shall be set aside and provided 
for the accommodation of persons of the 
white race attending, to which said section 
the said persons of the race shall be restricted, 
and a separate section shall be set aside 
and provided for the accommodation of per- 
sons of the Negro race attending, to which 
latter section such persons of the Negro race 
shall be' restricted, and that each and every 
right hereafter granted or given to use the 
Municipal Auditorium shall be subject to this 

It was learned that the man who 
has charge of the auditorium had 
the ordinance passed. 

On March 9, another meeting of 
the Negro denominational leaders 
was held at Nashville, and it was 
unanimously voted as the sense of 
the denominational leaders of religi- 
ous education that: 

\Ve recommend all our people to remain 
away from the Birmingham session of the 
International Council and have nothing to do 

with that particular session of the council. 
The deciding factor in coming to this con- 
clusion was the fact that we learned there 
was no city ordinance demanding segregation 
at the auditorium until after our meeting on 
February 8, and we felt a gross injustice has 
been done our entire people. 

Natives of India Not Eligible for 
American Citizenship 

Because the affiliated society, 
"Forty and Eight," draws the color 
line, the American Legion Auxiliary, 
composed of women, refused to or- 
ganize a "Forty and Eight" branch 
fun-making organization within the 
legion in their body during the 
eighth annual session of the Massa- 
chusetts organization, June, 1927. 
An amendment to smother the "For- 
ty and Eight," because of the nation- 
al constitution clause barring Ne- 
groes from membership, was defeated 
in committee at the ninth annual 
meeting of the Massachusetts Ameri- 
can Legion in September, 1927. 

The career of Bhagat Thind as an 
American was definitely closed and 
the man whose test case shut out all 
Hindus from naturalized citizenship 
was ordered in 1926 to leave the 
United States. Federal District Judge 
Wolverton signed the decree cancel- 
ling Bhagat Singh Thind's citizenship 
papers granted in the same court on 
November 18, 1920. 

On February 19, 1923, the United 
States Supreme Court decided that 
a Hindu is not a white person within 
the meaning of the statute, and, 
therefore, cannot obtain citizenship 
in this country. 

This is the ruling case in a ques- 
tion of this sort. It was brought in 
the Federal Court at Portland, Ore- 
gon, by District Attorney Hum- 
phreys shortly after Bhagat obtained 
his final papers. Natives of India 
had begun filing for citizenship all 
over the country and the Department 
of Labor was anxious for a ruling on 
the question because objections had 
been raised. 

At that time, Judge Wolverton 
over-ruled the district attorney's mo- 
tion, following decisions made pre- 
viously by the other Federal courts. 

The Attorney General appealed 
the case to the Circuit Court of Ap- 
peals at San Francisco from which 
it went to the United States Supreme 
Court. The Supreme Court upheld 
Humphrey's contention. 

Bhagat is a native of Amrit Sar, 
Punjab, India. He was 29 years of 



age when action against his citizen- 
ship began. The Hindu entered the 
country at Seattle on July 4, 1913. 
Six months' service at Camp Lewis, 
Washington, during the war are 
credited to him and he emerged 
from the service with a sergeant's 
rating. His service record was 
marked "excellent." 

A Man Without A Country 

The Manchester (England) Guar- 
dian in its issue of August 20, 1926 

"By a recent decision of the Su- 
preme Court in Washington a native 
of India is not eligible for American 
citizenship. The State Department, 
therefore, draws the conclusion that 
those American judges, who for 
many years past, have been admit- 
ting Indians (East Indians) to citi- 
zenship 'did not know the meaning 
of the United States immigration 
laws, and so these judges from all 
parts of the United States acted 'il- 
legally.' This decision of the Su- 
preme Court naturally disturbed the 
Indians in America (not, of course, 
very numerous) who had reason to 
believe in the validity of their Ameri- 
can citizenship and it brought con- 
sternation to certain American wo- 
men who are married to Indians. 
One of these tells her story in The 
New York 'Nation.' Mrs. Mary K. 
Das states that when she married 
her husband, a Hindu, he was a duly 
naturalized American citizen. He 
had lived in the United States for 
eight years and had travelled over 
the world with ,an American pass- 
port. He was informed before mar- 
riage that his wife could not be in 
danger of losing her citizenship since 
the United States would never apply 
a Supreme Court judgment retroac- 
tively. This assurance was without 
foundation. Mrs. Das now tells us 
how she stands before the American 
law as interpreted by the highest 
tribunal. She is refused a passport 
for Europe on the ground that she 
is no longer an American, having 
forfeited her birthright by marrying 
an alien who, although holding cre- 
dentials of naturalization, is now in- 
eligible for citizenship and must, by 
reason of race and color, remain so. 
Mrs. Das is further informed that 
"Hindus who are deprived of their 
American citizenship revert to their 
former British 'status.' But the 
British law declares that a subject 

who willingly renounces British na- 
tionality, by naturalization in any 
other country, cannot revert auto- 
matically to British citizenship; he 
must regain his status by due process 
of law, after having lived at least 
five years in some British territory. 
But mark the dilemma; without a 
passport, to which there is no legal 
claim, neither Mrs. Das nor her hus- 
band could reach British territory in 
order to begin to qualify for natu- 
ralization. The Indian in the case 
is disinherited of two worlds. He is 
a man without a country." 
Japanese Born in Africa Probably 
Eligible to American Citizenship 
By a statute passed in 1790 the 
right of naturalization as American 
citizens was restricted to "free white 
persons." Following the Civil War 
this was amended to read, <: and to 
aliens of African nativity and per- 
sons of African descent." The 1924 
immigration law forbids entrance to 
the United States of persons ineligi- 
ble to become citizens. Thus, the 
lists apparently are closed to all but 
persons of unquestionable white 
blood, Negroes and persons of other 
races born in Africa. 

A peculiar twist of the present 
law, according to Raymond F. Crist, 
commissioner of the Bureau of Natu- 
ralization, is that while a Japanese 
born in Europe or Canada and whose 
ancestors might have lived there for 
generations would be barred, a Japa- 
nese born in Africa probably would 
be eligible to citizenship, and hence 
able to enter the country, since a 
special exception is made for "aliens 
of African nativity." 
Repeal of Maryland Jim Crow Car 
Law Requested 

Legislation for the separation of 
the races in public conveyances was 
proposed in the period 1925-1930 as 
follows: In Indiana legislature,' on all 
railroads and street cars in the state; 
in Kentucky legislature, on street cars 
in the state and similar bill in Louis- 
ville city council; in United States 
Senate by Senator Blease of South 
Carolina for street cars in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. 

Repeal of the Jim Crow Law en- 
acted in 1904 by the legislature to 
require transportation companies to 
provide separate places for white 
and colored passengers, was recom- 
mended by the Maryland Interracial 


Commission in its report, on January 
14, 1927, to Governor Ritchie and the 
general assembly. Repeal of the 
law was asked on the ground that it 
places hardships on Negro citizens of 
Maryland, but does not affect inter- 
state travelers. The commission also 
stated that in its opinion progress 
made by the Negro race since 1904 
has removed any reason for the law 
which might have been in existence 
at the time it was enacted. Under 
the sponsorship of the commission, a 
bill was introduced in the Maryland 
legislature to abolish the state Jim 
Crow Car Law. The bill was tabled in 
committee although it was reported 
to have had the backing of some of 
the most influential public men in 
the state. 

It is reported that on a certain 
train in Texas, as usual, the conduc- 
tor was seated in the "Jim Crow" 
coach, where he had taken charge of 
"his" seat from which he usually 
bars all Negro passengers without 
regard to the crowded conditions. 
Another white man was conversing 
with him and they were remarking 
upon the fact that fewer Negroes 
were riding on trains than formerly. 
The other spoke of good roads and 
they both looked out on the highway 
which ran parallel to the tracks and 
saw several automobile loads of Ne- 
groes on their way to a convention 
to which it was expected that the 
railroad would have carried them. 
Said the conductor, "That is the way 
they are showing their dislike to the 
'Jim Crow Car Law.' " The other 
agreed with him. 

The Southern Railway between 
Goldsboro and Greensboro, North 
Carolina, in March, 1928, put into 
operation for the exclusive use of 
Negroes what is said to be. the first 
free chair cars ever offered for this 
purpose in the South. The new ser- 
vice, a belated answer to bus com- 
petition, is identical for both races, 
with a coach of the old type inserted 
between the two chair cars and di- 
vided by partition so as to absorb the 
overflow from both. 

The new chair cars, carrying only 
32 passengers as against more than 
twice that number in old double seat 
type, are of the latest construction, 
the chairs being of wicker with 
green upholstering. 

That the separate car laws are in- 
tended exclusively for the humilia- 

tion and discomfort of Negro pas- 
ERS, is illustrated by the experience 
of a Chinese lady, as reported in a 
recent issue of "The Christian Ad- 

"Your Christian country," said she, 
"is very funny. Last week I was in 
Mississippi and everyone was all up- 
set about me. 'Here,' said the con- 
ductor, 'you can't put her in the Jim 
Crow car; she is not black.' 'Well, 
she is not white,' said the Pullman 
porter. 'I don't care, I said, put me 
somewhere; I am getting very tired.' 
Such a hubbub! Such a commotion! 
I sat on my bag and waited. By and 
by they put me in the white car. She 
laughed, 'Too bad you have no yel- 
low cars. Then your race problems 
would be all solved, yes?' " 
Organizations of Negroes Request 

Better Railroad Accommodations 

The Arkansas Negro Business 
League demands better railroad ac- 
commodations in the following reso- 

"We approach this question from 
an industrial and economic point of 

"The Negro group has made tre- 
mendous progress in the recent de- 
cade. A decade ago the Negro trav- 
eling public, from a purely business 
view point, would not justify Pull- 
man car provisions, but this condi- 
tion has positively changed. 

"The failure on the part of the 
railroads and common carriers to 
provide sleeping and dining car pri- 
vileges to Negroes increases in its 
injustice when such a large per cent 
of the Negro traveling public is both 
able and willing to pay for it. 

"There can be no reasonable apolo- 
gy or excuse for the utter disregard 
of positive law in its provisions for 
Negroes in the matter of waiting 
rooms, coaches, and treatment by 
officials and employers. 

"Your committee notes with regret 
the apparent deafness to all com- 
plaints of this group on the part of 
federal and the higher officials of 
corporations that are chartered and 
commissioned to serve the public- 
under and by the laws governing- 
the several states, as well as the> 
lack of action on the part of both 
Federal and state commissions and' 
suggests that whenever Negroes: 
have passenger or freight traffic at 
their disposal that they route it over 



roads extending the best treatment 
to our people." 

The National Association of Teach- 
ers in Colored Schools adopted a 
program in 1926 looking toward im- 
proving the conditions under which 
Negroes traveled throughout the 
South. The program provided for 
an annual transportation improve- 
ment day. The first Monday in March 
of each year was designated by the 
Teachers' Association as Travelers' 
Improvement Day. On this day local 
committees in various states would 
seek conferences with railroad offi- 
cials as well as officers of the inter- 
urban and bus lines and present be- 
fore them such unsatisfactory condi- 
tions confronting the colored people 
who travel ,as occasion the greatest 
inconveniences and discomfort. 

It was also agreed that the trans- 
portation committee of the Teachers' 
Association should seek the coopera- 
tion of the transportation commit- 
tees of the National Baptist Conven- 
tion, the various branches of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, the Ne- 
gro Business League, the National 
Convention of Congregational Work 
among Colored People, the National 
Federation of Colored Women's 
Clubs, the Interracial Committee, 
and such other national and state 
organizations as may have transpor- 
tation committees. Wherever pos- 
sible, the transportation committees 
of other organizations are to be 
stimulated to take leadership and re- 
port to the Teachers' Transportation 
Committee, which will give such 
backing and cooperation as will se- 
cure the most satisfactory results. 
Arrests for Violation Jim Crow 
Car Laws 

William T. Barber, white conduc- 
tor, caused the arrest, of two young 
colored women because they "snig- 
gered" when he ordered them to 
move their seats on a W. B. and A. 
train from Annapolis. The trouble 
had started when the young women, 
while on the inter-urban street car 
between Annapolis and Baltimore, 
were asked to move from the third 
seat from the rear to accommodate 
two white girls who wanted to sit 
together. When the colored women 
entered the coach, they had taken 
the first vacant seat from the rear, 
as was the usual custom for colored 
passengers. When the white girls 
entered there were several seats in 

which only one white person was 
sitting, but none where the two white 
girls could sit together, the conduc- 
tor ordered the colored women in a 
brusk manner to get back into seats 
behind them. They refused, because 
the seats behind them had each one 
person in it. If any one was to 
double up, they said, it would be the 
last coiners. 

Employees of the Washington-Vir- 
ginian Railway Company, in charge 
of a car that was part of a train 
leaving Alexandria, Virginia, ejected 
a group of colored school girls from 
the car when they declined to vacate 
a section of seats they were occupy- 
ing in order that a number of white 
boys might be seated. The girls 
were forcibly put off at Arlington 
junction by the conductor assisted by 
the motorman who came into the car, 
controller in hand. 

Mrs. Blanche Cothran, was ar- 
rested when she refused to move her 
child whom she had seated beside 
two white children in a crowded 
street car in Memphis, Tennessee. 
She was arrested on a charge of vio- 
lating the separate car law. 

Because they refused to ride in the 
Jim Crow section of a Memphis 
street car, two colored school teach- 
ers, Alberta Winston and Callie 
Branch, were arrested on charges of 
violating the separate car law. L. 
H. Petty, secretary of the white bar- 
bers' union, brought the complaint 
against the teachers. He charged 
that they refused to go to the rear 
of the car when requested to do so. 

Contending there is no city ordi- 
nance to correspond to the separate 
car law, which is a state act, Judge 
Williams of the Knoxville, Tennes- 
see city court recently dismissed a 
colored woman, arrested on a charge 
of violating the law. Police had ar- 
rested the woman when she refused 
to move back from the section in the 
street car set aside for white pas- 
sengers, and in which she was sit- 

Three Negro women and a man 
were dragged from a Pullman car 
and lodged in jail for twenty-nine 
hours on a charge of violating the 
separate car law while riding through 
Florida. They were released when 
a fine of $1,000 was paid by their em- 
ployer, a northern man, who secured 
the Pullman car accommodation for 
his servants from Palm Beach to 



Philadelphia. The conductor on the 
train wired ahead to P'ort Pierce 
warning the sheriff that Negro pas- 
sengers were on the Pullman, result- 
ing in their arrest and fines. 

Following is a letter from Herbert 
Mathews of Lakewood, Ohio, to The 
Atlantic Monthly reporting a similar 

Hear* Atlantic Monthly, 

In Miami, Florida, the writer purchased 
seven railway tickets, also Pullman accom- 
modations, consisting of one drawing-room 
and four berths for Cleveland, Ohio. 

My party consisted of five elderly people, 
with a nurse and a family colored servant. 

The Pullman conductor collected the tickets 
as usual and a half hour later notified me 
that our "nigger" would have to ride in the 
Jim Crow car, meaning a day coach set aside 
for colored people. 1 did not comply with 
this request, but respectfully asked the colored 
servant to occupy a seat in our private draw- 
ing room, which was done, and was satisfied 
in my own mind that I was clearly within my 
legal rights in doing so. At Palm Beach a 
telegram was dispatched to the sheriff at Fort 
Pierce. At Fort Pierce the sheriff boarded 
the train, leaving a deputy outside. The sheriff 
came directly to drawing-room A., and after 
pounding on the door, which I readily opened, 
in a sonorous southern dialect demanded a 
"nigger" that was riding with white people. 
Without removing his big wool hat, he said 
that we of the North could associate with 
"niggers" but it was against the laws of the 
commonwealth of Florida to do so. 

His presence and language, struck terror 
to the hearts of the ladies, and our mother, 
who is 86 years old, was made quite ill. Not 
wanting any further disturbance, I put the 
servant in the toilet of the drawing-room. 
The sheriff was satisfied himself that the 
'nigger' had escaped, and left the car. The 
train pulled out, and we arrived at our des- 
tination without further molestation. 

For this is what hurts: 

If the carrying of a colored servant with 
you in a Pullman is illegal in Florida, why 
the silence of the railway agents when the 
ticket is purchased? And temporarily waiv- 
ing the legal phase of this unwarranted insult, 
why do the citizens of the State of Florida 
spend thousands of dollars to entice tourists 
and settlers to the state, and then sting them 
in more ways than one? 

Suits by Individuals for Discrimina- 
tion on Railroads and Street Cars 

Mrs. Blanche Brookins, who in 
July, 1927, was put in jail at Jack- 
sonville, Florida, and fined $500 be- 
cause she refused to be transferred 
to a Jim Crow car, was awarded 
$2,750 from the Atlantic Coast Line 
Railroad in 1928. 

Fifteen hundred dollars was 
awarded to Dr. C. A. and Mrs. D. A. 
Spence by the city court of Atlanta, 
Georgia, at the conclusion of their 
$30,000 suit against the Georgia 
Power Company. Dr. Spence and his 
wife were attacked by trainmen of 

a street car when they refused to 
leave the car. 

G. P. Hughes and J. E. Smith, 
president and vice-president of the 
Domestic Life Insurance Company 
of Louisville, filed suit in the circuit 
court of Kentucky against the Illi- 
nois Central Railroad Company for 
$11,000 for discrimination. 

Mr. Hughes and Mr. Smith, plan- 
ning to go 'to Paducah, Kentucky, 
November 23, 1925, on business for 
the Domestic Life Insurance Com- 
pany, bought tickets and Pullman 
berths. When they presented their 
tickets and Pullman reservations, 
the conductor told them they could 
not use them. The men were humili- 
ated as well as delayed on a business 

Suit was filed for $5,500 each; 
$4,500 for the loss of the engagement 
and the business that might have ac- 
crued there-from, and $1,000 for the 

In the suit of Henry E. Foster vs. 
the Seaboard Air Line Railway, at 
Abbeville, South Carolina, the plain- 
tiff was given a verdict for $1,900. 
The plaintiff, a white man of very 
dark complexion, claimed that he 
was forced to take a seat in the Jim 
Crow coach of the defendant com- 
pany's railroad and asked for dam- 
ages on these grounds. 

Dismissing a test case designed to 
force railroads to give Negroes 
"equal accommodations" with whites, 
the Interstate Commerce Commission 
in May 1926, urged improvements in 
travel facilities for Negroes. 

The commission found that failure 
to provide equal train and station 
accommodations on southern roads, 
and refusal of Pullman berths, as 
charged by E. Crosby, a Negro sales- 
man, were "not shown with sufficient 
definiteness to warrant the entry of 
an order." His claim for $70,000 
damages was denied for lack of 

"While the evidence in this case is 
not sufficient to warrant us in mak- 
ing definite findings of undue preju- 
dice, to complainant in particular, 
and to the Negro race in general, 
nevertheless it strongly points to 
unsatisfactory conditions in several 
instances," the commission said. 

"Coach accommodations do not 
seem to be in all cases equal in ap- 
pointment to those furnished the 
white people, and the indications are 



that some of the station facilities 
may not be all that should be pro- 
vided in order to avoid the charge 
of undue prejudice." 

An effort to collect damages from 
the Pullman company for refusal to 
sell tickets to a Negro, while at the 
same time such tickets were sold to 
white persons, failed in 1927, when 
the Interstate Commerce Commission 
held that the section of the law un- 
der which an action was brought 
could not be violated by such a re- 

The commission took the position 
that the refusal was not a discrimi- 
nation under section two of the com- 
mercial act, since it did not involve 
any situation by which one person 
obtained transportation for less than 

A complaint made by J. P. Harden, 
a Negro lawyer of Chicago, seeking 
$25,000 damages from the Pullman 
company on the ground that it re- 
fused to sell him accommodations, 
was dismissed. 

The Pullman company, at the same 
time, denied that its agents or em- 
ployees were ever authorized or in- 
structed to refuse Pullman accommo- 
dations to Negro passengers. 

Harden alleged that he attempted 
to buy a Pullman berth from Atlan- 
ta to Chicago on July 7, 1923, and 
that the ticket agent and the Pull- 
man conductor on the train both re- 
fused to make the sale. Both of 
these men testified they had fre- 
quently sold berths to Negroes and 
had no recollection of refusing to 
make such a sale at any time. 

Dr. George W. Carver, of Tuskegee 
Institute, while making a lecture 
tour of Kansas, Oklahoma and Texas 
in February, 1930, was refused Pull- 
man accommodations over the Santa 
Fe Railroad from Oklahoma City, 
Oklahoma to Dallas, Texas. This 
was after a state-room reservation 
had been made at Wichita, Kansas, 
over this line. The Missouri, Kan- 
sas and Texas Railroad offered their 
service to Dr. Carver, but an engage- 
ment at Luther, Oklahoma, made it 
impossible for him to make the Tul- 
sa, Oklahoma connections necessary 
to accept the M. K. & T. offer. As 
a result of the refusal of the Santa 
Fe Line to give Dr. Carver the ac- 
commodations sought, he was forced 
to ride to Dallas in the separate 
coach over the Santa Fe line. Fol- 

lowing his arrival in Dallas, Pullman 
accommodations were furnished him 
to Austin by the M. K. & T., and at 
the conclusion of his Texas engage- 
ments, he was provided with Pullman 
accommodations to Montgomery, Ala- 
bama over the Southern Pacific and 
L. & N. lines. 

After an extended correspondence 
with the officials of the Santa Fe 
Railroad, the president of this line, 
W. B. Storey, wrote Dr. Carver un- 
der date 9f June 20, 1930, as follows: 

Investigation has been made and it is my 
belief that this incident need not have oc- 
curred and it is my hope that we may be 
successful in our effort in good faith to pre- 
vent its repetition. The incident grew out 
of the difficulty created by the separate coach 
laws of Oklahoma and Texas in the light of 
the distinction between intra-state and inter- 
state commerce and especially the confusion 
in the construction and administration of the 
state .laws by various state, -county and mu- 
nicipal officers. At all times we have en- 
deavored to be guided by what will best and 
most certainly insure our colored passengers 
against disturbance and possible danger of 
violence or arrest and 1 believe that your 
knowledge of existing conditions which must 
be recognized, however deplorable they may 
be, will enable you to understand how great 
is the problem and how hard it is to meet 
tliis situation wisely at all times. 

Discriminations Against Negroes 
On Bus Lines 

By special arrangement with Al- 
bert A. Libby, a white reporter, The 
Chicago Defender was able to get 
proof that the various bus lines 
operating out of Chicago violated 
the civil rights bill, and -were also 
operating contrary to the rules and 
regulations of the Illinois Commerce 

"The practice of segregation is all 
but absolutely general. Take the 
Yelloway Company for instance. This, 
the largest of the 'wildcat' or inde- 
pendent organizations, will on oc- 
casion and at its own discretion, sell 
tickets to a Negro. When it does, 
it is usually to a Negro of lighter 
complexion than the average, or 
when the load is such that his pres- 
ence is thought sufficiently innocu- 

"We always make an effort," said 
Mr. Woods, at his office and depot 
8 S. Market Street, "to get our 
colored passengers in rear seats. In 
a few isolated cases they have become 
obstreperous and threatened suit, 
and we have deemed it advisable not 
to force the issue. Of late, we 
haven't been bothered much, because 
they don't seem to be coming very 



fast. I guess they know we don't 
care for their trade." 

Perhaps the largest bus company 
in the city is the Purple Swan-Grey- 
hound-Oriole combine operating the 
Union Bus Depot at 518 S. Michigan 

"We take care not to exceed a 
maximum ol four to a coach," the 
reporter learned. "They sit in the 
rear and don't get off the bus at any 
stop during the trip. If our instruc- 
tions are disregarded and one does 
get off, the driver goes on without 

It is evident that the colored pas- 
senger is imprisoned in the coach 
for 11 hours or more with no oppor- 
tunities for lunch and no lavatory 
facilities, whatever. Yet it is con- 
sidered essential that the white pas- 
sengers stop off at least three or four 
times en route for refreshment and 
comfort. jj 

Not that there are no lines anxious 
for the colored business however. On 
the contrary, there are a number, 
but so far as is known, with only 
one notable exception, they seeming- 
ly don't consider it necessary or im- 
portant to accord the people whose 
money they seek anything like equit- 
able treatment. 

Suit for $20,000 was filed against 
the Southwestern Michigan Motor 
Coach Company, operating busses 
from Detroit to Chicago, by Fred A. 
Claybourne of Chicago, charging that 
the company violated the interstate 
commerce laws in segregating him 
when he attempted to travel in one 
of its coaches from Detroit to Chi- 

The plaintiff stated that he boarded 
the coach and took a seat in the 
front. An employee of the company 
asked to see his ticket. When the 
ticket was presented it was snatched 
away and carried to the ticket office. 
He was presented with another one, 
the employee stating: "Your people 
must ride in the back seats of this 
coach." While arguing the unfair- 
ness of the seating arrangement Mr. 
Claybourne was ejected from the 
bus by a policeman on a charge of 
disorderly conduct. The ejected 
man's baggage had already been 
checked and the company refused to 
return it to him until he reached Chi- 
cago, which he claimed took several 

Pauline Stevens of Detroit, Michi- 

gan, was adjudged damages to the 
extent of $100 by Judge Jesse Drake 
of the Common Pleas Court follow- 
ing the hearing of the suit brought 
against the Greyhound Bus Lines by 
Miss Stevens. The plaintiff alleged 
in her suit of complaint that she 
boarded a Greyhound bus bound for 
Lima, Ohio, and was forced to move 
from a seat near the front to a seat 
behind the lavatory in the rear. She 
suffered cold and had her clothes 
ruined by rain which beat through 
the window near her seat. 

A driver for the Greyhound Bus 
Company, operating between Indian- 
apolis, Richmond, and Cincinnati, 
was fined $50 and costs and given a 
20 days jail sentence in the Rich- 
mond, Indiana city court for assault 
and battery on one of the Negro pas- 
sengers on his bus. 

A group of citizens, with a peti- 
tion of eighty names, appeared be- 
fore the St. Charles, Missouri city 
council and protested against the 
bus line refusing to allow colored 
passengers to ride on their busses. 
The Negroes argued that as tax 
payers ,and citizens they had a right 
to ride on the busses. It was final- 
ly agreed to remove the restriction 
placed upon the busses. 
South Carolina Highway Department 

Rules With Reference to Negro 
Patrons of Busses 

Negroes have as much right to 
ride in the busses traveling over the 
state highways under class "A" cer- 
tificates of public conveniences and 
necessity as have white people, and 
operators of busses are required to 
carry Negro patrons when they apply 
for transportation as well as white 
passengers, according to a ruling of 
the motor vehicle division of the 
South Carolina state highway de- 

The ruling was occasioned by an 
application filed with the department 
for a class "A" certificate of public 
convenience and necessity to render 
bus service for Negroes between 
Laurens and Columbia, which was 
entered with the department in Octo- 
ber, and which was disapproved No- 
vember 1 with the statement that "the 
department had no authority to is- 
sue a class 'A' certificate of public 
convenience and necessity for the 
transportation of Negroes only." 

It is emphasized, however, that 



this statement works both ways and 
that a class "A" certificate, when is- 
sued, is for the transportation of 
both white and colored passengers; 
and that the general impression that 
the cross-country busses are intended 
and available to white persons alone 
is distinctly erroneous. 

The busses, it would seem, are 
public utilities, and are intended for 
general use by both white and 
colored. When issuing a class "A" 
certificate, it is not possible by law 
for the highway department to speci- 
fy that the vehicles certified are 
designated solely for the transporta- 
tion of white people or of colored 

The department, as well as other 
interested parties, are anxious to 
have the mistaken idea that only 
whites can use the bus lines cor- 
rected, and have requested that the 
ruling of the motor vehicle division 
be made public. 

The Anderson (South Carolina) 
Independent comments as follows: 

The autocratic South Carolina Highway 
Commission has handed down a rule to the 
effect that Negroes may ride in busses in 
this state without discrimination and share 
the same transportation privileges of white 

As is well known, there is enacted into 
the statutes of this state one provision known 
as the Jim Crow law, forbidding that Ne- 
groes may occupy the same coach with white 
people, and the railroads of this state are 
required to provide separate coaches for Ne- 
groes. How this law can escape the atten- 
tion of the State Highway Commission, it is 
not stated by the 'official* who has handed down 
an opinion, which is clearly in conflict with 
the principle of Jim Crow law. 

Of course, this ruling has some legal 
significance, but it is doubtful if it will hold 
if contested before the South Carolina Su- 
preme Court. It certainly appears arbitrary 
to the statute providing separate coaches in 
the state, and as long as this law remains 
on the books the only consistent course for 
the Highway Commission would be a rule 
for separate compartments in busses. 

North Carolina Legislature Extends 

Separate Accommodations Law 

to Bus Lines 

In January, 1928, the transporta- 
tion committee of the North Caro- 
lina Commission on Interracial Co- 
operation petitioned the state corpo- 
ration commission, in ,an action 
against the '"bus operators of the 
State of North Carolina," and nam- 
ing 108 of them, asked the commis- 
sion to make rules, in accordance 
with its .authority over bus operators 
and bus stations, providing for equal 

and separate accommodations for 
Negro passengers. 

The corporation commission, on 
the ground that the legislature had 
not declared bus operators common 
carriers and that the commission was 
without power or authority to so de- 
clare them, dismissed the petition. 
Exceptions were filed by the inter- 
racial commission's committee, in 
which it was set forth that the cor- 
poration commission has the authori- 
ty sought, giving Chapter 136, Pub- 
lic Laws of 1927, and quoting from 
it. The corporation commission over- 
ruled the exceptions, and the inter- 
racial committee appealed to the 
Superior Court. The case was heard 
by Judge M. V. Barnhill, on March 
27, 1929. He held with the commit- 
tee. The corporation commission ap- 
pealed from his order. 

In the meantime the general as- 
sembly of the state, in its 1929 ses- 
sion, had amended the bus operation 
law to provide that bus operators 
who held themselves out as haulers 
of white and colored passengers 
must provide equal but separate ac- 
commodations for the two races, re- 
stricting it by a provision that 
"nothing contained in this act or the 
law amended hereby shall be con- 
strued to declare operators of busses 
or taxicabs common carriers," Judge 
Barnhill, in his order, signed after 
the act was passed, but before it be- 
came effective, held that bus opera- 
tors receiving franchise to transport 
passengers and "who enjoy the privi- 
leges and immunities of such fran- 
chises are common carriers," were 
not affected by the law. 

On February 12, 1930, the Supreme 
Court of North Carolina handed 
down a decision that bus lines, as 
common carriers, must carry Negro 
intra-state passengers whether they 
want to or not and the corporation 
commission has no power to inter- 

Petitions to the railroad commis- 
sion are being circulated among the 
Negro population of Texas asking 
that transportation companies oper- 
ating bus lines over Texas be re- 
quired to transport Negroes on all 
busses being operated. If this peti- 
tion is denied, then a hearing is asked 
in the petition. This followed the 
filing of application for a permit by 
Floyd Jackson, of Tulsa, Oklahoma, 
which would allow him to operate an 


exclusively Negro bus line from 
Beaumont to San Antonio via Hous- 
ton and Austin. It is understood 
that the Southland Red Ball Bus 
Lines are opposing granting of this 
permit to Jackson. Bus lines over 
the state do not carry Negro patrons. 

Separation of Races in Railroad 
Cars The general requirements of 
the law are that "persons of color," 
"persons of African descent," etc., 
on the one hand, and white persons 
on the other, shall occupy separate 
seats, compartments or coaches. 

Excepting Missouri all the south- 
ern states have laws separating the 
races in railroad cars. 

The dates of the enactment of 
these laws were as follows: Ten- 
nessee, 1881; Florida, 1887; Mississip- 
pi, 1888; Texas, 1889; Louisiana, 
1890; Alabama, 1891; Kentucky, 1891; 
Arkansas, 1891; Georgia, 1891; South 
Carolina, 1898; North Carolina, 1899; 
Virginia, 1900; Maryland, 1904; Ok- 
lahoma, 1907. 

Separation of Races in Street Cars 
The extent of legislation for this 
purpose is as follows: 

Georgia and Oklahoma include 
street cars in their laws for the sep- 
aration of the races on railroad 

Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, 
North Carolina, Tennessee, Texas 
and Virginia have special statutes 
applicable to street cars. Arkansas 
requires a separation in street cars 
in cities of the first class; and South 
Carolina on suburban lines. 

In Maryland, South Carolina, Ala- 
bama, Kentucky and Missouri the 
state laws do not require the races 
to be separated on street cars in 

In Alabama and South Carolina 
there are either municipal laws for 
the separation of the races on street 
cars or the street railway companies 
provide for and require separation. 

In the cities of Kentucky, Mary- 
land and Missouri the races are not 
separated on street cars. 

The origin of the expression "Jim Crow," 
appears to have arisen thus: In Charleston, 
South Carolina, in the early part of the nine- 
teenth century there was a hotel keeper who 
had two slaves, both of whom were named 
James. In order not to have both respond 
when he called, he instructed one to answer 
only to the "Jim;" as a further designation, 
the boarders because he was very black, added 
"Crow." "Jim Crow" appears to have led 
an eventful life. He was born in Richmond 
about 1800, and was sold first to Charleston, 
then to New Orleans, and later was emanci- 
pated. He lived for some time in London, 
where he acquired quite a fortune. In i83g, 
there was published in London an anti-slavery 
book of 23 1 pages entitled, "The History of 
Jim Crow." 


Jury Service and Negroes in 

Mississippi, Texas and 

North Carolina 

Judge Willey H. Potter of Jackson, 
Mississippi, overruled the motion to 
quash the indictment against S. D. 
and S. R. Redmond, who claimed that 
the Fourteenth Amendment was vio- 
lated, inasmuch as no Negroes were 
on the grand jury. 

George P. Luckett and Elmer D. 
Greaves, members of the board who 
draw the grand jury, testified that 
they would not under any circum- 
stances draw the name of a Negro to 
serve on the grand jury. E. D. Fon- 
dren, Hinds County circuit clerk, tes- 
tified that he had held the position 
for the past twenty-five years and 
had never known of a Negro doing 
jury service since the present state 
constitution was written in 1890. 

Because Negroes had been barred 
from the jury lists of Harrison 
County, Mississippi, the entire coun- 
ty list of jurors was dismissed by 
Judge Walter A. White in August 

T. N. Willoughby, attorney for the 
defense in the trial of Will Coleman, 
a Negro, for the killing of Andrew J. 
Becker, automobile dealer, argued 
that the impanelling of a jury from 
a list from which all Negroes had 
been barred was illegal and uncon- 
stitutional. Judge White agreed say- 

"A man's life is at stake and he 
is entitled to all the protection pro- 
mised by the constitution, including 
that of a fair and impartial trial." 

The trial was adjourned until such 
time as this new jury list could be 

Attempts to quash the indictment 
and special venire panel in the Elno- 
ra Carter murder case, in Judge 
Grover Adams' court, Dallas, Texas, 
on the grounds that the Negro pop- 
ulation in Dallas was continuously 
being discriminated against in jury 
service, failed when Judge Adams 
overruled motion submitted by T. K. 
Irwin and L. J. Taylor, defense at- 

"Negroes are excluded from serv- 
ing on the grand jury because of 

their race, color and previous condi- 
tion of servitude," the motion to 
quash the indictment alleged. Also 
because "Dallas County entertains 
among the white population a strong 
antipathy and prejudice against the 
Negro race, and the last grand jury 
commission, under that same influ- 
ence, discriminated against the Ne- 
groes by failing to place any on the 
grand jury." 

Grand jury commissioners are 
three men named each quarter by a 
criminal district judge to select a 
new grand jury panel. 

The attorneys asked the court to 
quash the indictment on these 
grounds. Judge Adams refused. Tes- 
timony was given by Grady Kenne- 
dy and Dave Smith, peace officers 
in Dallas County for many years, 
that so far as they knew no Negroes 
had ever been allowed to serve on the 
grand jury or as grand jury commis- 

Deputy Smith, in charge of the 
central jury room, said that Negroes 
are drawn nearly every week on the 
central jury panel. They usually 
come down and state they do not 
care to serve and they are excused, 
he explained. 

Roger Tennant, one of the grand 
jury commissioners, who selected the 
panel from which the present grand 
jury was drawn, admitted that names 
of no Negroes were considered when 
they prepared the panel. 

After hearing statements of D. C. 
Kirby, a North Carolina attorney, to 
the effect that Negroes were not 
permitted to serve on juries in that 
state, Common Pleas Court Judge 
James B. Drew of Pittsburgh, Penn- 
sylvania, ordered that Sandy Huser, 
an aged Negro, who was wanted in 
Winston-Salem, North Carolina, on 
liquor law charges be released on a 
writ of habeas corpus. 

"I am not going to send this man 
back to North Carolina where it is 
evident, if the facts as related here 
are correct, he will not be given a fair 
trial and where he was indicted by 
a grand jury on which colored people 
were not permitted to serve," said 
Judge Drew. 


Oklahoma Court Grants New Trial 

Because Negroes Excluded From 

Jury Service 

The Criminal Court of Appeals of 
Oklahoma recently ordered a new 
trial for a colored girl convicted of 
murder, because Negroes were ex- 
cluded from the panel of jurors 
drawn for the case expressly on ac- 
count of their color. The decision is 
in line with a previous ruling by the 
Supreme Court of the United States 
in Strauder vs. West Virginia, in 
which the court said that the Four- 
teenth Amendment to the Constitu- 
tion is violated when a Negro is ex- 
cluded from a jury list on account of 
his race, and a decision by the high- 
est court upholding the indictment of 
a county judge in Virginia because 
he excluded Negroes from the jury 
list prepared by him. In that case 
Justice Strong, writing the opinion 
denying a writ of habeas corpus, re- 
ferred to a state law and said: 

That statute gave him no authority, when 
selecting jurors from whom a panel might be 
drawn for a circuit court, to exclude all 
colored men merely because they were colored. 
Such an exclusion was not left within the 
limits of his discretion. It is idle, therefore, 
to say that the act of Congress is unconsti- 
tutional because it inflicts penalties upon 
state judges for their judicial action. It does 
no such thing. 

The Oklahoma Court held in the 
case of Carrick vs. State that the 
trial judge committed reversible er- 
rors in denying the motion by the 
defendants' attorney to quash the 
jury because Negroes entirely quali- 
fied to do jury duty had been ex- 
cluded by the jury commissioners be- 
cause of their color, and in the opin- 
ion written by Presiding Justice 
Doyle said: 

It is well settled that a denial to citizens 
of the African race solely on the ground of 
their race and color of the right or privilege 
accorded to white citizens of participating as 
jurors in the administration of justice is a 
discrimination contrary to the Fourteenth 
Amendment of the Constitution of the United 
States, which declares that 'No state shall 
make or enforce any law which shall abridge 
the rrivileges or immunities of citizens of the 
United States: nor shall any state deprive 
any rersons of life, liberty or property with- 
out due i rocess of law: nor deny to any per- 
son within its jurisdiction the equal protec- 
tion of the laws.'- 

The constitution of the State of Oklahoma 
declares that: 'The Constitution of the United 
States is the supreme law of the land.' 

The Supreme Court of the United States 
has repeatedly held that a person of African 
descent accused of crimes is denied the equal 
protection of the laws, contrary to the guaran- 
tee of the Fourteenth Amendment, if citizens 

of the African race are excluded from ser- 
vice tipon the grand jury returning the in- 
dictment against him or the petit jury before 
whom he is placed upon trial solely because 
of their race or color. And it makes no dif- 
ference whether such exclusion because of 
race and color is effected by a statute or by 
the arbitrary and wrongful acts of the offi- 
cers in the administration of the law. 

The fact that there were no persons of 
African descent upon the list -of jurors se- 
lected by the jury commissioners or summoned 
for the purpose of trying appellant does not 
of itself show the exclusion of such persons 
solely because of race or color. 

In Ex parte Virginia (100 U. S. 339, 25 
L. Ed., 676) the Supreme Court of the 
United States, speaking by Mr. Justice Strong, 
said that: 

'A state acts by its legislative, its execu- 
tives or its judicial authorities. It can act 
in no other way. The constitutional pro- 
vision, therefore, must mean that no agency 
of the state or of the officers or agents by 
whom its powers are exerted shall deny to 
any person within its jurisdiction the equal 
protection of the laws. Whoever, by virtue 
of public position under a state government, 
deprives another of property, life or liberty 
without due process of law, or denies or 
takes away the equal protection of the laws, 
violates the constitutional inhibition; and as 
he acts in the name and for the state, and 
is clothed with the state's power, his act is 
that of the state. This must be so or the 
constitutional prohibition has no meaning.' 

In Martin vs. Texas (200 U. S., Sig, 26 
S. Ct., 338, 50 L. Ed., 498) the Supreme 
Court of the United States, speaking by Mr. 
Justice Harlan, said: 'For it is the settled 
doctrine of this court that whenever by any 
action of a state, whether through its legis- 
lature, through its courts or through its ex- 
ecutive administrative officers, all persons of 
the African race are excluded solely because 
of their race and color from serving as grand 
jurors in the criminal prosecution of a per- 
son of the African race, the equal protection 
of the laws is denied to him, contrary to the 
Fourteenth Amendment of the Constituton of 
the United States.' 

Speaking by Mr. Justice Harlan in Neal vs. 
Delaware, the Supreme Court of the United 
States said: "We repeat what was said by us 
in Virginia vs. Rives (100 U. S., 322, 25 L. 
Ed., 667), 'that while a colored citizen, par- 
ty to a trial involving his life, liberty or 
property, cannot claim as a matter of Hght 
that his race shall have a representation on 
the jury, and while a mixed jury in a par- 
ticu'ar case is not, within the meaning of the 
Constitution, always or absolutely necessary 
to the equal protection of the laws, it is a 
rie^t to which he is entitled; that in the se- 
lection of jurors to pass upon his life, liber- 
ty or property there shall be no exclusion of 
his race, and no discrimination against them 
because of their color.' " 

In Smith vs. State (4 Okl. Cr., 328, in 
p.. 960. 140 Am. St. Rep., 688) this court 
said: 'The Fourteenth Amendment to the 
Constitution of the United States does not 
require the jury commissioners or other of- 
ficers charged with the selection of juries to 
place Negroes upon the jury simply because 
thev are Negroes. 

The allegation that the jury was composed 
solely of white men does not violate the Four- 



teenth Amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, and proof of that fact would 
not support the motion. The ground upon 
which the decisions of the Supreme Court of 
the United States rest is not that Negroes 
were not selected to sit upon juries, but that 
they were excluded therefrom solely on ac- 
count of their race or color. In other words, 
there is no law to compel the jury commis- 
sioners or other officers of the court to select 
or summon Negroes as jurors. They can 
select any persons whom they regard as com- 
petent to serve as jurors without regard to 
their race or color but the law prohibits them 
from excluding Negroes solely on account of 
their race or color. 

Upon the record before us we are of opin- 
ion that the appellant was denied the equal 
protection of the laws contrary to the guaranty 
of the said Fourteenth Amendment. For the 
error indicated the judgment appealed from 
is reversed and the cause remanded to the 
trial court for further proceedings according 
to law. 

The warden of the state penitentiary will 
surrender appellant, Jewell Carrick, to the 
sheriff of Muskogee County, who will hold 
her in custody until she be discharged or her 
custody changed by due course of law. 

Negroes Serve As Jurors 

Refuting the accusation that Ne- 
groes shield and uphold one another 
in crime, Cam Carson recently ar- 
rested for illegal possession of liquor, 
was tried, convicted and sentenced 
by a jury composed entirely of Ne- 
groes at Orcville, California. 

Miss Phoebe S. Miles of Washing- 
ton, D. C., was drawn in 1928 as a 
juror in Criminal Court, part two, of 
the District Supreme Court. 

Miss Miles is the first colored wo- 
man to serve in this capacity in the 
Capitol. The act of Congress of 
February 22, 1927, permitted women 
to serve on juries in the District of 

Mrs. Mary Church Terrell was a 
member of the February, 1929, jury 
in Criminal Court, No. 1., Washing- 
ton, D. C. 

Three Negroes served on the Grand 
Jury in Washington, D. C., in 1929: 
Rufus G. Byars, R. H. Harrison and 
H. J. Callis, Jr. George E. Parson, 
in 1929, served on the jury trying 
Albert B. Fall. 

In 1927, Louis Marshall of New 
York City, noted legal counsel pre- 
pared ,a brief challenging the convic- 
tion of Abe Washington of Jackson- 
ville, Florida, on the grounds that 
citizens were barred from juries in 
Florida on account of race and color 
and that they were barred from the 
jury which heard Washington's case. 
The case was appealed to the Su- 
preme Court of the state. The brief 
quotes from affidavits, stating that 

no Negro had been summoned for 
jury duty in Duval County, Florida, 
for 15 years; the other by the depu- 
ty sheriff of the county, saying that 
he had summoned no Negro citizens 
for jury duty, although he knew 
them to be qualified for the court 

S. D. McGill, one of the attorneys 
in the case of Abe Washington, re- 
ported in the latter part of 1927 
that Negroes were being accorded 
this citizenship right. The Jackson- 
ville (Florida) Journal, is authority 
for the statement that "for the first 
time since reconstruction days a Ne- 
gro sat in the jury box in Circuit 
Court" while a jury was being se- 

"Two weeks ago," reported Mr. 
McGill, "a colored man named An- 
derson actually served on the jury 
in a first degree murder case. Many 
of the colored people here do not 
know what it is all about. The fed- 
eral questions presented in the Abe 
Washington case now pending in the 
Supreme Court of Florida have 
caused the authorities to observe the 
serious objections that may be inter- 
posed in any case similar to the 
Washington case and they have said 
that the policy of discrimination in 
the selection of jurors in this county 
will be discontinued." 

"Expert testimony to the effect 
that Mrs. Lillian A. McKie was a 
victim of 'transitory emotional in- 
sanity' when she shot and killed her 
husband in Augusta, Georgia, on 
July 2, 1926, was expected to be of- 
fered in Supreme Court as the last 
gesture in behalf of the beautiful 
young widow. 

"Two members of the jury hearing 
the case are Negroes, the first ever 
to sit on the jury hearing testimony 
against a white woman." 

Mrs. McKie was acquitted. The 
Greensboro (Georgia) Herald- Journal 
made the following comment: "We 
have no adverse criticism of the ver- 
dict. However, it is hard to under- 
stand why the jury revisers of Rich- 
mond County permit black men to 
remain in the jury box. This has been 
the practice in Richmond for possi- 
bly 50 years. We have not heard of 
any Negros being in the Grand Jury 
box. But, to be consistent, if the 
black man is to serve on the traverse 
juries why not place some of their 
names in the Grand Jury box? 



When black and whites are tied 
up for a week or more, which was 
the case in the McKie trial, it bor- 
ders upon social equality. The jury 
must certainly eat at white restau- 
rants. And, it is quite easy for ten 
white men to intimidate two black 
jurors in any kind of a trial. 

"We are not a Negro hater. On 
the reverse, we are tolerant of the 
black race as it is possible to be. But, 
we draw the line on black men serv- 
ing on juries with white men." 

John G. Clark served on the Mari- 
on County (Indiana) Grand Jury in 
1925. This is reported, to be the first 
instance of a Negro serving on jury 
duty in the history of the county. 

On the jury, in 1928, to try Gov- 
ernor Edward Jackson of Indiana, 
charged with conspiracy to bribe 
former Governor Warren T. McCray, 
was a Negro farmer, Samuel H. Col- 
bert. Mr. Colbert, a highly respected 
member of the community, was un- 
challenged and promptly took his 
place with other jurors chosen. 

An Owensboro, Kentucky judge, R. 
E. Watkins, made a campaign prom- 
ise to have colored juries try colored 
prisoners. Under Judge Watkins' 
term of office, when a Negro is ar- 
raigned in the Owensboro police 
court it will be optional with him 
whether members of his own race or 
white citizens serve on the jury try- 
ing him. 

In February 1929, Charles P. Jack- 
son was selected to serve as a juror 
in a damage suit in the St. Louis, 
Missouri courts. 

For the first time in the history 
of Brooklyn, New York, a colored 
man, John H. Dickerson, acted as 
foreman of a jury. This occurred in 
1927 in the Supreme Court in the 
trial term. 

Mrs. Hattie Anderson of Cannon- 
burg, Pennsylvania, was selected to 
serve on the February 1928 grand 
jury of that city. 

Among the members of the jury 
in 1928 before whom Fayette J. 
Tyrrell, white, was tried for murder, 
in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, was 
Frank Batch, a Negro miner. 

Reverend W. A. Webber, Tate 
Spring, Grainger County, was sworn 
in as ,a member of the trial jury in 
the federal court in Knoxville, Ten- 
nessee, in 1928. A comment said: 

"Reverend Webber is the first 
colored man drawn for jury service 
in federal court in a number of years. 
Squire Phil Eudailey of Dandridge, 
Jefferson County, was, perhaps, the 
last colored man who served on a 
federal court jury, and that occurred 
some six or eight years ago. Other 
colored men who have served on 
juries in federal court have been 
Jacob Henry, Blount County, and 
Hugh Lawson Cansler of Knox Coun- 
ty. There have probably been others." 
H. L. Jackson of Byington was 
selected as a grand juror for Knox 
County, Tennessee, for the Novem- 
ber 1929, term of criminal court. 

The Informer, Houston, Texas hails 
with delight the action of the Har- 
ris County Grand Jury commissioners 
in selecting the grand jurors for the 
next term, particularly in their se- 
lection of the colored representative 
of that investigative and inquisitor- 
ial body. 

"Heretofore the colored race has 
been represented on the grand jury 
of this county by a certain ring of 
colored men, four or five in number, 
and these few men have held this po- 
sition like they had a patent or mo- 
nopoly on it. 

"While the white personnel of the 
grand jury had changed with each 
succeeding term and rarely, if ever, 
the same men of the white race are 
continually and continuously placed 
on this body, it has been different 
as it relates to colored men, and only 
the 'favored few' have enjoyed this 
position of trust, honor and civic 

"Really, it has been a reflection up- 
on' our race that, despite the large 
number of freeholders, taxpayers 
and property owners of our race in 
this city and county, less than one- 
half dozen colored men are con- 
sidered sufficiently qualified to serve 
on the grand jury of Harris County 
from time to time." 


Right to a Home in Theory and 
in Practice 

"Has a black American citizen a 
right to a home?" asks The Pitts- 
burgh Courier. "Theoretically, we 
know, he has; actually, he has not. 
Anyone with the right to a home 
can buy any house, anywhere, any- 
time. All such a person needs is the 
money. The black American, how- 
ever, after working and saving his 
money for the purpose of buying a 
home, finds that he cannot buy any 
house ncr can he buy one anywhere. 

"For many years the black Ameri- 
can citizens have been trying to es- 
tablish their right to a home wher- 
ever they want to make it. The Su- 
preme Court of the United States 
has upheld them. White Americans 
have used every legal and illegal 
weapon to prevent them from exer- 
cising this right. They have made 
agreements, brought lawsuits, planted 
bombs, thrown bricks, organized 
mobs, started fires, sent warnings, 
threatened murder and used firearms. 
Both North and South, the deter- 
mined opposition forces have used 
every means to make the black citi- 
zen live where his white brethren 
want .him to live. In almost every 
city where there is a sizeable Negro 
community, whether North or South, 
it occupies a sharply defined area, 
outside of which a Negro can obtain 
a house only with the greatest diffi- 
culty. Every effort to leave this 
area or expand it is met with more 
or less stubborn opposition." 

The Five Points Improvement As- 
sociation of Union, New Jersey, se- 
cured signatures to a petition to be 
presented to the Township Commit- 
tee asking for the revocation of a 
building permit for a two-family 
house, already about 75 per cent com- 
plete, which Mrs. Laura B. Lewis, 
a Negro, was building on Monticello 
Avenue. About fifty masked men in 
the regalia of the Ku Klux Klan 
threw two harmless bombs near this 
house, kindled a fiery cross and drove 
off in their motor cars amid a blaze 
of red fire. 

Resident taxpayers of Ninety-first 
Street, Elmhurst Manor, Brooklyn, 

New York, united in a "whispering" 
and sign display campaign in an ef- 
fort to keep Negroes from purchas- 
ing property and residing in that 
street. At a special meeting of the 
Elmhurst Manor Community Council 
it was decided that the only way to 
prevent Negroes from residing in 
Ninety-first Street, since the council 
cannot take any official action, was 
to pledge property owners not to 
sell to Negroes and by placing signs 
in windows assuring Negroes they 
would be unwelcome. 

Joseph H. Bulen, white, backed by 
the powerful Columbus, Ohio Real 
Estate board, is reported to have 
failed in his attempt to have Mrs. 
Daisy Rice, colored, ejected from her 
home in the exclusive Bulen Main 
Street Allotment, when Judge H. R. 
Cowan dismissed the case from the 
Franklin County Common Pleas 
Court in December, 1929. The case, 
which has been pending for six years, 
grew out of a clause printed in the 
deeds to the addition which stated 
that no lots should be sold to per- 
sons with an admixture of African 
blood. Mrs. Rice purchased a lot 
there seven years ago and erected a 
brick house valued, with furnishings, 
at $25,000. All the lots in the addi- 
tion have been sold and it was said 
no complaint was made by any of 
the purchasers on the holdings of 
Mrs. Rice, but, following out a fair- 
ly well defined policy which has 
spread all over the country, action 
was brought to eject Mrs. Rice, the 
contention being made that a Negro 
could not purchase and hold the lot 
in question because of the necessary 
operation of the restriction clause. 

A mother, two sons and two neigh- 
bors, all white, were arrested, 
charged with shooting in the city 
limits and shooting with intent to 
kill in their alleged attempts to make 
a Negro family move from a residen- 
tial district regarded as a white 
neighborhood in Memphis, Tennessee. 
Shots were fired into the home of 
Emmett Chaney; a death note, signed 
K. K. K., was received by him, and 
on March 1, 1929, his home was set 
on fire. When this last occurred 



fire marshals started an investigation 
and then detectives were called in. 
The five people held are said to have 
made statements regarding their 
part in the unsuccessful attempts to 
rout the Negroes. 

J. E. Adair of Jefferson County, 
Alabama, brought suit against W. P. 
Wyatt for recovery of damages grow- 
ing out of alleged breach of contract 
or duty under contract between a 
landlord and a tenant. The landlord, 
Wyatt, pending occupancy of the 
tenant, rented another apartment in 
the same building to Negroes, and 
placed them in possession. In the 
trial court, Adair was awarded judg- 
ment in the sum of $1,115. Wyatt ap- 
pealed to the Supreme Court of Ala- 
bama, which reversed judgment of 
the Jefferson circuit court and re- 
manded the appealed case for a new 
trial. During the trial and on appeal, 
the defense pleaded the Fourteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution of 
the United States, placing its prin- 
cipal reliance on this point. In the 
opinion of Justice Virgil Boulding, 
however, it is stated that the segre- 
gation of the white race and the Ne- 
gro race is the custom of the coun- 
try; that the rental contract covered 
observance of this custom, and that 
the plaintiff had a right to recover 

In December, 1926, a bomb, or a 
charge of dynamite, which exploded 
on the front porch of the home of E. 
E. Carrington, the supreme auditor 
of the American Woodmen, a Negro 
insurance and fraternal organization, 
at Denver, Colorado, wrecked the 
porch and front windows, almost 
knocked the occupants from their 
beds and awakened residents within 
an area of one-half mile. Police 
were convinced, they said, that the 
charge was fired by neighbors who 
objected to the moving of the Car- 
rington family into the neighborhood, 
which until December had no Negro 

Court Rules Negroes May Buy 
Property But Not Occupy It 

Despite the clause in their deeds 
discriminating against colored peo- 
ple, Negroes who have purchased 
property in the Entwistle tract, For- 
tieth Street to Vernon Avenue, and 
Avralon Boulevard east to McKinley 
Avenue, Los Angeles, California, wiil 
be permitted to hold their property. 

This, because of Judge Carl I. Stuts- 
man's ruling, August 3, 1928, in the 
case of George H. Letteau and others 
against Pauline Ellis. The plaintiffs 
asked that Negroes be enjoined from 
living in the tract because a clause 
in the deeds provided that lots should 
never be sold, rented or leased to 
people of Negro descent. Judge 
Stutsman, however, held for the de- 
fendants, pointing out that Negroes 
have been living in the area since 
1909 and that therefore the clause 
has never been enforced and is natu- 
rally void. 

A protracted fight against colored 
citizens occupying residences as dwel- 
lers in the exclusive Crestmore resi- 
dential district of Los Angeles, Cali- 
fornia terminated in August, 1928, 
when the California Supreme Court 
ruled that Negroes might buy prop- 
erty in the area, but could not, how- 
ever, occupy it. The decision re- 
verses rulings made here recently by 
two judges in the Superior Court of 
Los Angeles in the case brought by 
white property owners to oust A. D. 
Kinchlow from property he was pur- 
chasing at 2245 West Thirteenth 
Street. The question involved in the 
case evoked by a pact signed by 
white dwellers in Crestmore in which 
they agreed not to sell or rent prop- 
erty in the district to Negroes, and 
one of their number broke the agree- 
ment and sold to the Kinchlows. The 
legality of the sale was challenged 
by other whites who signed the 
clause. In the Kinchlow case, it was 
the contention of Willis 0. Tyler, at- 
torney for the defendants, that the 
neighborhood pact had been invali- 
dated when one of its signers sold 
property to the Kinchlows. The low- 
er courts sustained this argument. 
The court in its decision, however, 
decided that the neighborhood agree- 
ment stands and that a Negro can 
own property but not occupy it. 

Under a ruling handed down in 
January, 1930, by Superior Judge 
Vicini, Mrs. Sally Trainor, a Negro 
preacher, is forbidden to occupy her 
property at No. 160 East 4th Street, 
Los Angeles, California or permit 
any other non-Caucasian to live there 
for ninety-nine years. The mandate 
of the court is asserted by lawyers 
to be the first of. its kind in Califor- 
nia jurisprudence. The decision came 
in an action brought by Neil D. Ross 


and thirty others, represented by 
Attorney Victor L. Bentson, against 
Mrs. Trainor for an injunction and 
mandate to compel the observance of 
race restriction in the area wherein 
the property of the defendant is lo- 
cated. Notwithstanding that Mrs. 
Trainor is the owner of the property, 
she may not occupy the same for 
residential or other purposes and she 
may not aid or abet other non-Cau- 
casians in occupying said premises. 
District of Columbia Court of 
Appeals Upholds Residential 


The Court of Appeals of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia again upheld resi- 
dential segregation in Washington 
when it handed down a decision in 
June, 1925, holding valid a covenant 
among property owners not to sell 
to Negroes. 

The decision upheld a temporary 
injunction secured in the Supreme 
Court of the District of Columbia 
by Daisy B. Wolfes, Erna M. Bibb, 
Charles J. Oren and other property 
owners in the Bloomingdale section j 
against Minnie E. Torrey and Sere- 
no S. Ivy. 

The property in question is located 
in Randolph Place, northwest. It 
was owned by Mrs. Torrey, who sold 
it to Mr. Ivy, a colored person, and 
executed a deed, which was recorded 
before the filing of the suit for an 

All the deeds to this property from 
the original owners contained the 
following restriction: 

"Subject to the covenant that said 
lots shall never be rented, leased, 
sold, transferred, or conveyed unto 
any Negro or colored person under 
a penalty of two thousand dollars, 
which shall be a lien against said 

From a decree of the Supreme 
Court of the District of Columbia 
issuing a temporary injunction, Mr. 
Torrey and Mr. Ivy appealed. 

The opinion of the court was that 
the case turns wholly upon the validi- 
ty of the covenant in the deed, and 
the right of the plaintiffs to have it 
enforced in a court of equity. It was 
apparent that each of the parties to 
this action, plaintiffs as well as the 
defendant Torrey, when they pur- 
chased their homes, subjected them- 
selves to the restrictive covenant, 
not only for their own protection, 

but upon the assurance that a simi- 
lar restriction would rest upon all 
other property embraced in the Mid- 
daugh and Shannon Development on 
Randolph Place. 

Nor is the contention of appellants that 
the covenant in question cannot be enforced 
in equity sound. Equity enforces contracts 
and covenants in regard to property entered 
into hetween prior grantors and grantees, in 
regard to the use of the property, especially 
if common property or property descending 
from a common source against subsequent 
owners affected with actual or constructive 
notices of such contracts and covenants. Tru- 
deau v. Field, 69 Vt. 446,450. This princi- 
pal was sustained by this court in the recent 
case of Corrigan, et al. v. Buckley, (the Cur- 
tis case) 229 Fed. 899. In that case it was 
ruled that the constitutional right of a Negro 
to acquire, own and occupy property does not 
imply the constitutional power to compel sale 
and conveyance to him of any particular 
l.rivate property. The citizen, whether he be 
black or white, may refuse to sell his proper- 
ty, or he may sell it under such lawful re- 
strictions upon the use of property as is availa- 
ble alike to all citizens, white or black and a 
covenant thus placing a restriction upon the 
use of property is enforceable in equity 
against a member of the excluded race 
whether the person particularly excluded be 
white or black. 

The established practice of owners 
of property in white neighborhoods 
agreeing among themselves not to 
sell or lease their property to "per- 
sons of African descent" was first 
challenged in Washington in 'a suit 
brought by Helen Curtis, colored, to 
force completion of the sale to her of 
a house owned by* Irene Hand Corri- 

The suit was begun in 'the District 
Supreme Court in 1923, after the 
owner had refused to sell and then 
had been restrained from doing so 
by an injunction issued by the court 
at the instance of John J. Buckley. 
The injunction was issued on the 
ground that the white owners of the 
property on the street had agreed 
that none should sell to a colored 
person, and which, it was said, Mrs. 
Corrigan signed. 

The covenant, the court held in a 
decision given on June 2, 1924, was 
valid and did not invade the consti- 
tutional rights of colored people, in- 
asmuch as they had the right to en- 
ter into agreements to keep white 
persons or other persons deemed un- 
desirable out of colored neighbor- 

While Suit Pends Complexion of 

Block Changes 

The fight aroused interest, which 
extended throughout the country be- 
cause of numerous segregation and 


restrictive laws passed in other com- 
munities and was carried to the 
United States Supreme Court on the 
grounds that such covenants violated 
the constitutional rights guaranteed 
colored persons under the Fifth, Thir- 
teenth, and Fourteenth Amendments 
to the Constitution. 

"On May 25, 1926, the Supreme 
Court, through Justice Sanford, 
handed down its decision which de- 
clared the court could find nothing 
in any of these Amendments to sus- 
tain the plaintiff's contention. 

"The decision leaves open to the 
complainant further proceedings in 
the lower courts to force the sale, 
provided she can find some other 
constitutional ground upon which to 

While ftie suit was pending in the 
courts, the complexion of this block 
changed. John J. Buckley, who 
brought legal action against Mrs. 
Irene Hand Corrigan to prevent her 
from selling her property to Mrs. 
Helen Curtis, sold his property. 
James Easby-Smith, the attorney 
who represent?d Mr. Buckley, also 
sold his property to Negroes. When 
the United States Supreme Court 
rendered its decision, there were but 
two or three of the original signers 
of this covenant living in this block. 
In July, 1926, Justice A. A. Keen- 
ling of the Supreme Bench of the 
District of Columbia granted a tem- 
porary injunction restraining the 
sale of property affected by a re- 
strictive covenant to colored persons. 
Frank N. and Lillian M. Sampalik, 
white, had agreed to sell property at 
139 Adams Street, Northwest, in the 
Bloomingdale section of Washington, 
to Russel K. Lyle, colored, and were 
taking preliminary steps to convey 
title to it to him when residents of 
Adams Street, Northwest, asked the 
court to prevent the sale. 

In granting the injunction, Justice 
Hoehling said that he was being 
governed by the decision of the Court 
of Appeals of the District of Colum- 
bia in the case of Torrey against 
Wolfes, decided June 1, 1925, in 
which a similar restrictive covenant 
was involved. In that case the ap- 
pellate court sustained the action of 
the trial court in granting a prelimi- 
nary injunction. An appeal was 
noted. The covenant provides that 
"said lot shall never be rented, 

leased, sold, transferred or conveyed 
to any Negro or person of Negro 
blood, under penalty of $2,000, which 
shall be lien against said property." 
This covenant is made to run with 
the land. 

Unlike the covenant in the Curtis 
case, it was not mutually signed by 
the owners of the property in this 
section. It was put in the deeds by 
Ray E. Middaugh and William E. 
Shannon who obtained title to the 
property in this section and improved 
it by the erection of a large number 
of dwellings and sold them subject 
to this restrictive agreement. 

In Spite of Clauses Negroes Con- 
tinue to Acquire Property in 
Restricted Areas 

The legal battle to prevent persons 
of the Negro race from owning and 
occupying residences in the Bloom- 
ingdale section was intensified in 
March 1927, when a suit was filed in 
the District Supreme Court to com- 
pel Henry A. Cornish and Alyce N. 
Cornish, who had purchased No. 2328 
First Street, Northwest, to vacate 
the premises and abide a restrictive 
covenant in the deed to this property. 

There were five suits pending in 
1927 in the District Supreme Court 
involving the ownership and occu- 
pancy of property in this section. 
Mrs. Julia Branch purchased No. 120 
Adams Street, Northwest, in July, 
1926 and was living there; Maggie 
Davis and Amanda Butler purchased 
No. 141 Adams Street, Northwest, 
November 2, 1926, and were occupy- 
ing the premises; Charles S. and Lil- 
lian H. Elder purchased No. 116 
Adams Street, Northwest, February 
24, 1927, and were living there; Wal- 
lace E. and Lethia M. Costner pur- 
chased No. 124, Adams Street, North- 
west, March 3, 1927, and were living 
there. The court in these cases has 
refused to issue temporary injunc- 

The validity of covenants binding 
property owners not to permit their 
property to be sold to or occupied by 
colored persons was again attacked in 
the Court of Appeals of the District 
of Columbia in January, 1929. The 
chief bases upon which this attack 
rests are that such covenants are in 
restraint of alienation and also in re- 
straint of trade and against the pub- 
lic policy of the United States. 


In its former decisions, the court 
was told, these questions were not 
presented and consequently had not 
been passed upon. 

The Court of Appeals heard argu- 
ments in two cases, which were com- 
bined. Louis Marshall, noted consti- 
titutional lawyer of New York City, 
and representing the National Asso- 
ciation for the Advancement of 
Colored People, made the argument 
for the appellees, who were seeking 
to reverse the decision of the district 
Supreme Court. 

Both cases were appealed from the 
Supreme Court of the District of 
Columbia. In one of the cases Jus- 
tice Jennings E. Bailey granted an 
injunction restraining Edward G. 
Russell and his wife, Mrs. Susie E. 
Russell, white, from selling No. 77 
Randolph Place, Northwest, to Edgar 
T. Newton, Robert H. Peterson and 
Mrs. Sarah P. Newton. A deed exe- 
cuted by the Russells to the Newtons 
and Peterson was declared a nullity. 
Mr. and Mrs. Newton and Mr. Peter- 
son, who had moved into the proper- 
ty were ordered to vacate the 

In the other case Justice Wedell P. 
Stafford declared void a deed from 
Thomas A. Grier to Henry A. and 
Alyce N. Cornish conveying No. 2328 
First Street, Northwest. He ordered 
Mr. and Mrs. Cornish to vacate the 
premises, and perpetually enjoined 
them from holding title to or posses- 
sion of the property. 

The Supreme Court of the United 
States, in June, 1929, refused to re- 
view the two cases, involving the 
constitutionality of residential segre- 
gation agreements of property own- 
ers, which had been held legal by 
the Court of Appeals of the District 
of Columbia. Petitions for review on 
writs of certiorari were denied. 

Review of the cases was sought by 
the National Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Colored People. The 
Association became interested in the 
case after the Supreme Court of the 
District of Columbia had granted in- 
junctions against the colored pur- 
chasers of the property and had de- 
clared void the deeds conveying the 
property to them. 

The property is No. 2328 First 
Street, Northwest, which was sold to 
Henry A. and Alyce N. Cornish, and 
No. 77 Randolph Street, Northwest, 

which was sold to Edgar G. and 
Susie B. Russell. The First Street 
property was subject to a restrictive 
clause which provided that it shall 
never be "used, occupied by, or sold, 
conveyed, leased, rented or given" to 
colored persons. The Randolph Street 
property was covered by an agree- 
ment of property owners in that sec- 
tion that their property shall not be 
sold to* or occupied by any colored 
person for a period of twenty-one 

The Court of Appeals upheld the 
judgment of the Supreme Court of 
the District of Columbia declaring 
the conveyance of the property to 
Mr. and Mrs. Cornish and Mr. and 
Mrs. Russell void and ordering them 
to remove themselves and their per- 
sonal property from the premises. 

A review of the decision of the 
Court of Appeals was sought on the 
ground that the covenants were un- 
constitutional. The covenants also 
were attacked on the ground that 
they were contrary to public policy 
and constituted an unlawful restraint 
of alienation and an unlawful re- 
straint of trade. 

Efforts to Prevent Negroes Estab- 
lishing Sub-Division of Their Own 

Says The Birmingham News, white, 
of January 31, 1926: 

Such outrages as this, reported from Tam- 
pa, will go very far to hasten the Negro exo- 
dus from the South to the North. 

Following protests against the establish- 
ment of a Negro sub-division at Washington 
Park, located in the northwestern section of 
Tampa, a band of approximately So white men 
set fire to the sales office on the property last 
night' and drove away four special police- 
men detailed there. 

An official statement issued at police head- 
quarters this afternoon said the men visited 
the scene late yesterday, but no report was 
made to officials until today. 

This happens in tl-e twentieth century, 
supposed to be the beginning of the foothills 
that are to lead us to the summits of civiliza- 
tion. Not content merely to segregate the 
Negroes and to keep them utterly detached 
from white social institutions, they would 
prevent them in this Florida city from es- 
tablishing subdivisions of their own. 

It seems to The News that this latest out- 
rage should have the attention of the governor 
of Florida. White troops should be entrained 
for the Florida city to see that some measure 
at least of fairness and decency should be 
accorded these people. 

An injunction granted the Wash- 
ington Park developers put an end 
to opposition of whites to the settle- 
ment of this subdivision in the north- 
western part of Florida. 



Atlanta, Georgia and Lake Worth, 
Florida, Pass Segregation Ordinances 

An ordinance establishing, designating and 
setting apart in the City of Lake Worth Dis- 
trict in said city within which only Negroes 
may reside. 

Be it ordained by the City Commission of 
the City of Lake Worth, Florida; 

That the following described district within 
the City of Lake Worth is hereby established, 
designated and set apart as the territorial 
limits and district in said city within which 
only Negroes may reside: 

Beginning at a point 1648.5 feet south of 
northwest corner, section 34, township 44, 
south, range 43 east, said point beginning 
northwest corner of Osborne Colored addi- 
tion to Lake Worth as recorded in plat book 
No. 5, page g3, in the county clerk's office, 
Palm Beach County, Florida, thence south 
along the west boundary of section 34, town- 
ship 44 south, range 43 east, to west 1-4 
corner of said section. Thence easterly along 
1-4 section line of said section, said line go- 
ing the southernmost boundary of city limits 
of City of Lake Worth, to west property line 
of Florida East Coast Railway; thence in a 
northwesterly direction along west property 
line of Florida East Coast Railway to a point 
where said property line intersects the north- 
ernmost boundary of afore-mentioned Osborne 
Colored Addition. Thence westerly along 
north boundary of Osborne Colored Addition 
to point of beginning. 

Be it further ordained, that white per- 
sons are hereby prohibited from establishing 
a place of residence within the territorial 
limits above described in the said city so set 
apart and established for the residence of 

Any person violating the provisions of this 
Ordinance shall be punished on conviction by 
a fine not exceeding five hundred ($500.00) 
dollars or imprisoned in the city jail for a 
period not to exceed thirty (3o) days or both 
such fine and imprisonment, and each (10) 
days of prohibited condition shall constitute a 
separate offense. 

A measure passed by the city 
council of Atlanta, Georgia, May 20, 
1929, is as follows: 

Be it ordained by the mayor and general 
council of the City of Atlanta, that in order 
to preserve the general welfare, peace, racial 
integrity, morals and social good order of 
the City of Atlanta, it shall be unlawful for 
any person to use as a residence any building 
on any street, between intersecting streets, 
where the majority of residents on such 
street arc occupied by those with whom said 
persons are forbidden to intermarry; provided, 
that nothing in this ordinance shall affect the 
right, existing at the time of the passage of 
this ordinance in any person, to use any such 
building as a residence. 

Any persons by themselves or their agents 
violating the provisions of this ordinance shall 
be guilty of an offense and on conviction 
thereof in the recorder's court shall be fined 
not exceeding $200 or sentenced to work on 
the public works of the city for not exceeding 
3o days, either or both penalties to be in- 
flicted in the discretion of the recorders. Each 
day's use or occupancy in violation of this 
ordinance shall be a separate offense. 

When sent to Mayor I. N. Rags- 
dale, the ordinance was vetoed. 

The city council, by a vote of 28 
to (J overrode the Mayor's veto of 
the measure. 

Proponents of the acts declared 
that expert legal opinion was to the 
effect that the measure would be 
ruled constitutional because it did 
not mention the races, but only "those 
persons who are forbidden to inter- 

They declared it should be tried 
out in the courts despite the fate 
which similar attempts have suffered 
in the past. Many efforts to enact 
a legal segregation provision have 
been made in Atlanta and other 
cities of the country, but each has 
been declared unconstitutional when 
carried to the Supreme Court. 

In the first test case of the segre- 
gation act, Will Earl, Negro, was 
fined $50 or 30 days, on August 7, 
1929. The complaint against Earl 
stated that 13 white families and 
eight Negro families lived in the 
block to which he moved, in a house 
on Newport Street, between Neal and 
Proctor. Under the council ruling, 
this would be a "white block" and 
no more Negroes could move in. 

Following the explosion of a bomb 
at the home of Herman White, 791 
Proctor Street, Atlanta, Georgia, In- 
terracial committees of prominent 
citizens have taken up with the po- 
lice department, the prosecuting at- 
torney and the Chamber of Com- 
merce the quescion of securing pro- 
tection for the Negro residents in 
that vicinity and of getting effective 
action against those who blew up 
the White home. 

The bombing occurred in a section 
which is rapidly changing from 
white to Negro 1 occupancy, and is 
thought to have been for the purpose 
of deterring Negroes from making 
further purchases in this neighbor- 

Chicago Property Owners' Pact 

The Woodlawn Property Owners' 
Association of Chicago entered into 
a pact in 1928 that 24 square blocks 
bounded by South Parkway, Cottage 
Grove Avenue, 60th and 63rd streets, 
should not be occupied by Negroes 
for the next 20 years. 

"The term Negro as used herein," said the 
pact, "shall include every person having one- 
eighth or more of Negro blood, or having any 
appreciable admixture of Negro blood, wid 



every person who is what is commonly known 
as a colored person." 

In consideration of the premises and of 
the mutual covenants hereinafter made, and 
of the sum of $5 in hand paid to each of 
the parties hereto by each of the other par- 
ties hereto, the receipt of which is hereby 
acknowledged each party as owner of the par- 
cel of land above described immediately un- 
der his name, does hereby covenant and agree 
with each and every other of the parties here- 
to, that his said parcel of land is now and 
until January i, 1948, and thereafter until 
this agreement shall be abrogated as here- 
inafter provided, shall be subject to the re- 
strictions and provisions hereinafter set forth, 
and that he will make no sale, contract of 
sale, conveyance, lease or agreement and give 
no license or permission in violation of such 
restrictions or provisions which are as follows: 

1. The restriction that no part of said 
premises shall in any manner be used or oc- 
cupied directly or indirectly by any Negro or 
Negroes, provided that this restriction shall 
not prevent the occupation, during the period 
of their employment, of janitor's or chauf- 
feur's quarters in the basement or in a barn 
or garage in the rear, or of servant's quar- 
ters by Negro janitors, chauffeurs, or house 
servants, respectively, actually employed as 
such for service in and about the premises 
by the rightful owner or occupant of said 

2. The restriction that no part of said 
premises shall be sold, given, conveyed or 
leased to any Negro or Negroes, and no per- 
mission or license, to use or occupy any part 
thereof shall be given to any Negro except 
house servants or janitors or chauffeurs em- 
ployed thereon as aforesaid. 

In 1917, whites on Grand Boule- 
vard, Chicago, contracted not to sell 
60 pieces of property between 51st 
and 60th Street to Negroes. In 1928, 
they went into court seeking to nul- 
lify this agreement so as to sell their 
property to Negroes. Most of it 
now is in the hands of colored ten- 
ants, but whites who would sell find 
the agreement has still nine years 
to run and they cannot give a clear 
title until the -court acts. 
Indianapolis Segregation Ordinance 
Declared Unconstitutional 

The following law was passed by 
the city council of Indianapolis, In- 
diana, in March, 1926: 

An ordinance relating to the establish- 
ment by white persons of a home residence 
in a Negro community and the establishment 
by Negroes of a home residence in a white 
community providing a penalty for the vio- 
lating thereof and declaring a time when the 
same shall take effect. 

Whereas, in the interest of public peace, 
good order, and the general welfare, it is 
advisable to foster the separation of white 
and Negro residential communities; THERE- 

Be it ordained by the Common Council 
of the City of Indianapolis, Indiana; 

Section I. That it shall be unlawful for 
any white person to hereafter establish a 
home-residence on any property located in a 
Negro community or portion of the munici- 

pality inhabited principally by Negroes, or for 
any Negroes to establish a home-residence on 
any property located in a white community 
or portion of the municipality inhabited 
princi :ally by white people, except on the 
written consent of a majority of the persons 
of the opposite race inhabiting such communi- 
ty or portion of the city to be affected the 
aforesaid written consent to be filed of record 
with the city clerk. 

Ignoring the warning of the At- 
torney General that he refuse to 
sign, Mayor Duvall signed the bill. 

Judge Chamberlin, of the Marion 
County Circuit Court on November 
23, 1926, held that the Indianapolis 
segregation ordinance was unconsti- 

The case which arose under the 
ordinance and caused it to be de- 
clared invalid illustrates the point at 
issue. One colored man had con- 
tracted to buy property of another, 
and refused to carry out the contract 
because he felt that the ordinance 
forbade him to use the property as 
a residence the neighborhood being 
while. That is, the man who had a 
complete title to the property, could 
under the ordinance, give only a 
qualified title, such title being all 
that the buyer could take. The owner 
could not live in it himself and could 
not sell it for residence purposes 
without the consent of neighbors. 
United States Supreme Court Holds 
Louisiana Segregation Law Invalid 

By unanimous decision rendered in 
1925 the Louisiana Supreme Court 
sustained the validity of the New 
Orleans race segregation ordinance, 
so called, and of the state law (passed 
in 1924) authorizing that municipal 
statute. The purpose of the ordi- 
nance was to protect white residen- 
tial neighborhoods against invasion 
by Negro residents and to protect 
Negro neighborhoods against similar 
invasion by white residents. 

Mrs. Anna Beck, who established 
her residence in a white neighborhood 
in violation of the segregation law, 
was fined $50 in the district court 
or serve sixty days in the parish 

Mrs. Beck, through her attorney, 
gave notice of an appeal to the court 
of appeals, and said that if that tri- 
bunal sustained the decision of the 
first court she would appeal to the 
Supreme Court of Louisiana and if 
that failed, would .go to the United 
States Supreme Court. In his argu- 
ment before the court the attorney 



held that the segregation law was a 
violation of the Constitution in that 
it deprived a person of his property. 
In 1926, Judge Hugh C. C. Cage de- 
cided that the segregation law passed 
by the Louisiana state legislature 
was legal and as result Negroes were 
restrained from residing on Palmer 
Avenue, New Orleans, although the 
property in question has been occu- 
pied by them for the past twenty 

A temporary injunction was issued 
against the City of New Orleans re- 
straining it 'from enforcing the seg- 
regation ordinances with respect to 
property occupied by Negroes at 
2328 and 2330 Palmer Avenue. The 
land and development association 
which filed the petition says that the 
property in question has been occu- 
pied by colored residents for the 
past twenty years and that the city 
through its officials threaten their 
tenants with arrest and prosecution 
if they do not move. On March 14, 
1927, the United States Supreme 
Court held that the Louisiana segre- 
gation law, under which white and 
Negro communities were established 
was held invalid. 

Benjamin Harmon of New Orleans 
carried the appeal to the Supreme 
Court on the Louisiana segregation 
law. He alleged that a New Orleans 
ordinance, based upon state law, was 
a violation of property rights with- 
out due process of law and in contra- 
vention of the Fourteenth and Fif- 
teenth Amendments to the Consti- 

As a result of the decision of the 
United States Supreme Court, the 
Louisiana State Supreme Court or- 
dered the mandate of the United 
States Supreme Court in the segre- 
gation suit of Joseph Tyler against 
Ben Harmon put into effect by the 
civil district court and a final judg- 
ment rendered in favor of Harmon. 

There were said to be 1185 or more 
segregation situations, New Orleans 
Parish, that were affected by the 

Tyler enjoined Harmon from build- 
ing an addition to his house in Au- 
dubon Street and renting it to Ne- 
groes. He maintained that the rent- 
ing cf the house to Negroes would 
be in violation of the segregation or- 
dinance on the New Orleans statute 

In March, 1928, Tyler, who ob- 
tained the injunction in 1924, was 
made defendant in a $12,407.60 
damage suit in the same court for 
obtaining the alleged illegal restrain- 
ing order. Harmon is seeking to re- 
cover $5,000 for humiliation, and 
embarrassment caused by the injunc- 
tion; $5,000 as attorney's fees, and 
the balance suffered by the issuance 
of the restraining order. It was 
said that ether suits of the same na- 
ture would be filed. 

A Man's Home Is His Castle 

In Detroit, Michigan, in the sum- 
mer of 1925, considerable agitation 
resulted from the moving of Negroes 
into white residential sections. In 
June, Dr. Alex Turner, a prominent 
Negro physician, was driven from 
his home by a mob of whites, who 
hurled bricks and stones through the 
windows of the dwelling. On July 
11, one of six Negroes shot a white 
boy twice through the thigh. The 
shooting came after a crowd had 
milled in front of the house occupied 
by John Fletcher, Negro, shouting, 
hooting and tossing missiles at the 

On September 9, 1925, Leon 
Breiner, white, was shot and killed 
and Eric Houghbert, white, was shot 
and seriously injured in a riot which 
started when the Sweet family 
(colored) moved into a part of the 
city where they were the only colored 
family. Police reserves had been 
called to the house the night before, 
when missiles were thrown through 
the windows in an effort to force the 
Negroes to vacate. Dr. O. H. Sweet 
and the other Negroes, who defended 
the Sweet home were arrested and 
held without bail for trial charged 
with first degree murder. Clarence 
Darrow and Arthur Garfield Hayes 
were engaged as defense counsel. At 
the first trial, in November, 1925, the 
jury disagreed and a new trial was 
ordered. The re-trial resulted in the 
agreement to try each of the eleven 
defendants separately. On May 13, 
1926, after four hours' deliberation 
the jury in the second trial, acquitted 
Henry Sweet of the charge of mur- 
der. All charges against Dr. Os- 
sian H. Sweet, his wife and the eight 
remaining defendants were nolle 
prossed July 22, 1927. The charges 
were homicide and conspiracy to kill 
Breiner. The case really ended with 



the acquittal of Henry Sweet and 
was won on the point that "a man's 
home is his castle." By it, the right ' 
of self-defense in his home was estab- 
lished for the Negro. 

In January, 1928, racial antago- 
nism which had been smouldering 
for a long while, took the form of 
threats and violence when the lives 
of Mr. and Mrs. Dewey Adams of 
4827 Maybury Grand Avenue, De- j 
troit, were threatened. Police sug- 
gested that the Adams move peace- 
ably. Upon their refusal a cordon 
of police was thrown about the 
home. In October, 1929, a nine-fami- 
ly apartment house at 10334 Charle- 
voix just across the street from the 
home of Dr. Ossian H. Sweet, was 
bombed. The building had been 
taken over by Negro tenants in the 
August prior to this happening, and 
no threats had been made. 
Group Covenants Extended Beyond 
Distinction on Basis of Color 

A series of bombings which had 
their origin in the invasion of an all 
white neighborhood of St. Louis by 
Negro residents in 1926 had not ended 
in 1928. The places attacked were: 
in 1926, the home of William Moore, 
4462 Cook Avenue; in January, 1928, 
44G8-70-72 Finney Avenue and 4032- 
40 Evans Avenue; in May, 1928, the 
dwellings on Evans Avenue were at- 
tacked again. Police failed to make 
arrests in any case and Negroes 
moved out of the neighborhood to 
prevent a recurrence of the bombing. 

Families living in the double flat 
at 4517-19 Cote Brillante Avenue, St. 
Louis, were ordered to vacate within 
30 days under an injunction issued 
by Circuit Judge Calhoun against the 
owner of the property, Miss Agnes 
M. Tegethoff (white), in July 1926. 

The injunction concluded one of 
the ten suits brought by white resi- 
dents of the block against owners 
who had rented their property to 
members of the race or had threat- 
ened to do so. Similar decisions are 
expected when the other cases come 
to trial. 

The suits were based on a covenant 
signed by property owners in the 
block in 1922 in which they agreed 
to rent or sell only to white persons. 
Miss Tegethoff was among the 

At a recent hearing Miss Tegethoff 
claimed that the agreement was not 

binding as to her because, she said, 
she signed only on the promise that 
the covenant would not be recorded 
until the signatures of all the resi- 
dents of the block were obtained. 

Supporting a restriction covenant 
against occupation of a residence 
district by Negroes, an alternative 
writ of mandamus was issued by the 
Missouri Supreme Court against 
Judge George E. Mix of Division No. 
2 of St. Louis Circuit Court, in Au- 
gust, 1928. The action was taken in 
a case brought by property owners 
in a St. Louis area under restriction 
by covenant of property owners 
against such ccupation. Its purpose 
was to compel enforcement of an in- 
junction issued in 1926 against the 
occupancy of property in the re- 
stricted district by Negroes. 

The covenant in the case in ques- 
tion the court held, did not invade 
the constitutional rights of colored 
persons inasmuch as they had the 
right to enter into similar agree- 
ments to keep white persons or other 
persons deemed undesirable out of 
colored neighborhoods. 

The decision, thus, extends the 
question beyond a mere distinction 
on basis of. color, and upholds the 
right of any group to convenant 
to keep out of their community 
any class of occupancy deemed 

Whether or not a Negro may pos- 
sess a home in an exclusive Negro 
district in Kansas City, Missouri, 
may be determined in the case of 
William Boone, 5th and Quindaro 
Boulevard, who is being opposed by 
Mrs. Clark, a white woman, one of 
a group that is attempting to keep 
a certain portion of Quindaro Boule- 
vard on the south side, "lily white." 
The whites sought an injunction to 
prevent Boone from taking possession 
last year. 

Boone purchased the disputed 
property in February, 1923. Previ- 
ously, a group in the district made 
an agreement that from June 1, 1927, 
no c-ne of the group would rent, lease 
or sell property to Negroes. When 
they were apprised of the fact that 
a home had been sold to Mr. Boone 
legal action was taken against D. W. 
and Ethel Vaughn, white, who sold 
the house to Boone. 

The present situation is novel in 
that the residence is in the heart of 
a thickly populated colored area, the 



Boone home being one of two the 
whites have been trying to keep 

Texas and Virginia Segregation Or- 
dinances Declared Invalid 

Policemen, with sawed off shot 
guns, patroled the 2600 block of 
Thomas Avenue, Dallas, Texas, Sep- 
tember, 1927, when white residents 
threatened violence against Negro 
tenants who had moved there. A 
circular warning the Negroes to move 
was distributed in the neighborhood. 
The Texas legislature in 1927 passed 
an act relative to white and Negro 
communities, in municipalities to 
foster a separation of white and Ne- 
gro residence communities in the in- 
terest of peace, safety, and welfare, 
fixing a penalty and declaring an 
emergency. The Supreme Coui't of 
the state in December, 1929, declared 
the act invalid. 

In October, 1926, the city council 
of Falls Church, Virginia, by a unani- 
mous vote, passed a segregation or- 
dinance which designated certain 
districts as white or colored, accord- 
ing to the complexion of a majority 
of the persons living in them. The 
action followed the filing of the brief 
by attorneys representing David 
Spencer, who owned a lot in Virginia 
Avenue between Broad Street and 
Park Avenue, and sought to build on 
it. A building permit had been de- 
nied him when it was found that he 
intended to let colored people occupy 
the house. After a brief had been 
studied by the city attorney the city 
council handed down its decision, de- 
claring that the act was unconstitu- 
tional and void. Spencer was granted 
his permit. A segregation ordinance 
was adopted by Norfolk, Virginia, in 
1925, declaring the residential segre- 
gation ordinance invalid and without 
effect. In July, 1926, Judge Spindle, 
of the Norfolk police court, ruled 
that the ordinance was invalid. 
West Virginia Supreme Court Rules 

Against Restrictive Deed Clauses 
Based on Color 

The Supreme Court of Appeals cf 
West Virginia, in a sweeping de- 
cision handed down in November, 
1929, in the Huntington Segregation 
Case brought by H. B. White against 
Lewis White and his wife of Hunt- 
ington held that: 

A restriction in a deed conveying a fee 
simple estate providing that the property em- 

braced shall not be conveyed demised, devised, 
leased or rented to any person of Ethiopian 
race or descent for a period of fifty years 
is void as incompatible with the estate 

Whether a restriction on alienation operating 
against only a person or a few persons, for 
a limited time is valid, is not the specific 
question before the court, and we do not un- 
dertake a decision thereof. But on principle 
and reason, sustained by what we deem the 
better considered cases and, we believe, by 
the weight of authority we hold that a re- 
striction on alienation to an entire race of 
people when appended to a fee simple estate 
is defined as, wholly incompatible with com- 
plete ownership. 

A fee simple is defined as "the largest pos- 
sible estate which a man can have, being an 
absolute estate. It is where lands are given 
to a man and to his heirs, absolutely, with- 
out any end or limitation put to the estate," 
Bouvier's Law Dictionary. The right to sell 
is a badge of ownership. If a person, sui 
juris, cannot sell a thing when it is free from 
debt his dominion is impaired; it is not ab- 

If large numbers of possible buyers are 
cut off by the hand of the grantor, then, to 
that extent, the grantee ceases to be in con- 
trol of his own property. A fee simple title 
to real estate no longer would import com- 
plete dominion in the owner if because of a 
restriction imposed by the grantor the mar- 
ket accorded by a whole race of the human 
family is closed. 

A distinction that would treat with more 
seriousness an absolute restriction against 
alienation for however short a period (the 
same being generally held invalid), with more 
seriousness than a restriction against aliena- 
tion to a large race of people for half a cen- 
tury seems fanciful rather than real. It docs 
not follow because of contractual restrictions 
on the use of property in a residential com- 
munity precluding a man from using a lot 
for the operation of a slaughter house, of a 
glue factory or other inhibited purpose, that 
he may 'not own the lot. Likewise, though 
there may be contractual restrictions intended 
to preserve separation of races whereby a 
member cf a designated race may not occu- 
py a designated property for residential pur- 
poses, it does not follow that he may not 
become the owner thereof. These matters 
may generally be regulated in the use, but 
not in the ownership where a fee simple es- 
tate is granted unless countenance is given 
to a Serious trespass cm basic conceptions of 
property rights. The principles determinative 
of the rights attending complete ownership 
are entirely different from those which may 
define or limit the use. We reverse the de- 
cree of the trial court and dismiss the bill. 

This decision has a far reaching 
effect as like restrictions are found 
practically in many towns and cities 
of any size in the state, especially 
where new additions have been laid 
out in the last ten or twelve years. 

Richmond Segregation Ordinance 

Based on Racial Integrity 

Declared Invalid 

The Richmond, Virginia Common 
Council passed the following ordi- 
nance, February 4, 1929: 



Be it ordained by the Council of the City 
of Richmond: 

1. That, in order to preserve the general wel- 
fare, peace, racial integrity, morals, and so- 
cial good order of the City of Richmond, it 
shall be hereafter unlawful for any person 
to use or continue to use as a residence any 
building on any street, between intersecting 
streets, where the majority of residences on 
such street are occupied by those with whom 
said person is forbidden to intermarry by 
section 5 of an act of the General Assembly 
of Virginia, entitled: "An act to preserve 
racial integrity" and approval March 20, 1924, 
or as the same may be hereafter amended. 

2. Any person violating the provisions of this 
ordinance shall be liable to a fine of not less 
than one hundred dollars nor more than five 
hundred dollars, recoverable before the police 
justices of the City of Richmond as the case 
may be, each day's violation to constitute a 
separate offense. 

3. That all ordinances or parts of ordinances 
in conflict with this ordinance be and the 
same are hereby repealed. 

4. This ordinance shall be in force from 
and after April i, 1929. 

The operation of the Richmond resi- 
dential segregation ordinance was 
halted in April, 1929, when J_ B. 
Deans filed a petition in the United 
States District Court to restrain the 
city from enforcing it. Mr. Deans' 
residence is a dwelling at 633 North 
27th Street, purchased March 26, 
1929, from Joshua R. Griffin. The 
City of Richmond appeared in open 
court and submitted motion to dis- 
miss complaint upon which Deans 
filed petition in the United States 
District Court at Norfolk, where 
Judge Lawrence D. Groner declared 
the ordinance unconstitutional. The 
case was then appealed by the City 
of Richmond to the Circuit Court of 

Judges John Parker and Elliot 
Northcott of the United States Cir- 
cuit Court, sitting with Judge Henry 
C. McDowell, district judge from 
Western Virginia, heard the argu- 
ment of the City of Richmond as 
presented by Lucius F. Gary, white, 
assistant city attorney and Alfred 
E. Cohen, white, counsel for J. B. 
Deans, the appellee. 

The contention of the city in ap- 
pealing the case from the United 
States District Court at Norfolk, in 
which Judge G. Lawrence Groner 

held the ordinance as unconstitution- 
al, is that "this ordinance is entirely 
new and different from all other or- 
dinances of the kind, basing its au- 
thority upon the Virginia state racial 
integrity act and not upon any dis- 
tinction on account of color. 

Basing his argument on three 
separate points of law, the attorney 
for Deans, told the court that the 
ordinance is unconstitutional and 
therefore null and void because the 
right to own and use property does 
not owe its origin to the state con- 
stitutions. This right existed be- 
fore the constitutions. In his second 
argument Cohen said: 

An enactment must be complete when it 
leaves the legislative hall, in which it is 
formed and must not delegate to one citizen 
the power to make a law for another citizen. 
This latter the segregation ordinance does as 
it employes the sole first occupant of a resi- 
dence on a vacated or virgin square, white 
or Negro ad liberatim to the detriment of 
other owners of residences or vacant lots on 
that square. 

Further: If it were once conceded that 
tl-e legislature may lawfully in the exercise 
of its police power exclude a Negro from 
residence in a city square, if already occu- 
fied in the majority by the white race, then 
it would logically follow that it could deny 
him residence in every county of the state 
under like conditions, as the latter is only a 
matter of degree in the expanse of territory, 
and thus nullify the Fourteenth Amendment 
of the Federal Constitution which made the 
Negro a citizen of the state as well as the 
United States. The Negro might thus be ex- 

The United States Circuit Court 
of Appeals affirmed the decision of 
Judge Groner. The Circuit Court of 
Appeals' decision affirming Judge 
Groner's was made on the basis of 
the segregation case Buchanan versus 
Warley, which decision was affirmed 
in a case also carried to the Supreme 
Court. The City of Richmond took 
an appeal to the United States Su- 
preme Court. This court on May 19, 
1930, affirmed the decision of the 
lower federal courts and held the 
Richmond ordinance unconstitutional. 
On May 25, 1930, the City of Rich- 
mond failed in its attempt to have 
the United States Supreme Court 
re-consider its action. The court de- 
clined to re-open the case. 


Intermarriage Laws Fail to Pass in 

Eleven States and the District 

of Columbia 

During the period 1925 to 1930, ef- 
forts to pass marriage laws forbid- 
ding Negroes to marry persons of 
other races failed in the following 
states : 

Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, 
Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jer- 
sey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Is- 
land and Wisconsin, and in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. The following 
states attempted to amend their ex- 
isting laws on intermarriage: Colora- 
do, Mississippi and Oregon. 

The following states have laws 
making intermarriage of Negroes 
and whites illegal: 

Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, California, 
Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, 
Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, 
Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, 
Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ok- 
lahoma, Oregon, South Carolina, South Dako- 
ta, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, West 
Virginia, Wyoming. 

The National Association for the 
Advancement of Colored People has 
notified its branches throughout the 
United States of a bill introduced in 
Congress by Senator Caraway of Ar- 
kansas which would prohibit the in- 
termarriage of Negroes and white 
people in the District of Columbia 
and make it unlawful for persons so 
married to return to the District of 
Columbia or for those so married and 
now residents to return to the Dis- 
trict for residence if they once leave 

The Association gave the following 
reasons for opposing all such mea- 
sures : 

r. That marriage should be entirely a mat- 
ter of individual choice between persons who 
are eligible to enter the marriage contract 
under the general laws of the land. 

2. That the Negro cannot in self-respect 
consent to have himself written down in the 
statute books as something outside and be- 
neath the human race. 

3. That every such law sweeps away from 
colored girls and women the protection, legal 
recourse and remedy, where white men are 
concerned, to which they are entitled as well 
as other girls and women. 

4. That the enactment of such laws does 
not stop intermixture but sets the stamp of 
legal approval upon concubinage, bastardy 
and the degradation of colored women, de- 
prived of the protection of matrimony. 

Legislation Advocated Prevent. White 

Men Disregarding Rules 

of Virtue 

Governor Henry L. Whitfield of 
Mississippi in a message to the Mis- 
sissippi legislature declared: 

Much of the trouble which we have in the 
State of Mississippi results from the utter dis- 
regard that a certain element of white men 
have for Negro women, and I hope that the 
legislature will enact legislation that will, as 
far as possible, prevent white men from dis- 
regarding the rules of virtue. 

I recommend that as the white race has set 
up its standards and made its determinations 
in regard to the protection of the integrity 
of the white race, that the colored race also 
be encouraged to protect its own blood and 
I further recommend that a law be enacted 
visiting severe i enalties upon any white per- 
son who indulges in any sex relations with 
a member of the colored race. We have em- 
phatically stated to the Negro race that they 
must remain on their side of the social line. 
I think we ought to state with equal emphasis 
that white men should not cross the line into 
the Negro domain. Much of the trouble 
which we have in the State of Mississippi 
between the races results from utter disregard 
trat a certain element of white men have for 
Negro women, and I hope that the legislature 
will enact legislation that will as far as pos- 
sible prevent low grade white men from dis- 
regarding the rules of virtue and violating 
the sanctity of the races. 

Some Views Respecting Interracial 

As a matter of principle, The Sa- 
vannah (Georgia) Tribune states 
that it is not favorable to interracial 
marriages, but does not object when- 
ever the interested parties have 
counted the cost and are willing to 
enter the troth for "better or worse." 
Laws preventing this are contrary 
to that divine and to that natural in- 
clination. In all of the southern 
states this law obtained, thus com- 
pelling enamoured couples to violate 
divine command and the moral sta- 
tutes enacted by these states to pro- 
tect society. This uncalled for law 
breeds miscegenation and numberless 
cases of concubinage so common in 
every state where such a law exists. 
The law is not preventing the mix- 
ture of races as aimed but simply 
fosters stigma upon the unfortunate 
off-sprin,g, many of whom have 
"passed" and are now enjoying the 
society of members of the more 
favored race. Just a few days ago 
a case of concubinage was presented 



to the local police court. A white man 
and a colored woman were arrested 
charged with living together as man 
and wife. The recorder, in keeping 
with the law, very justly assessed a 
fine against them. It developed that 
it was not the first or second offense. 
For years this couple has been liv- 
ing together. There is much attach- 
ment between them. The unjust law 
of the state has prevented them from 
acting according to divine command, 
thus compelling them to be violaters. 
The law is unwise, and sooner or 
later, when wiser heads are in con- 
trol, it and similar statutes will be 

In a bitter denunciation of race 
prejudice, Miss Charlotte Anita 
Whitney, (white), nationally known 
lecturer on women's rights, scored 
the white women of the country for 
failing to take up the battle against 
anti-mixed marriage legislation. 

"If a full grown man and woman 
wish to live together as man and 
wife," she insisted, "it is only decent 
to allow them to do it, no matter 
what their color. 

"Our laws forbidding intermarri- 
age of the races reduce the colored 
woman to the level of a dog and de- 
prive her of that respect that should 
be accorded every human being. They 
leave her without the redress of 
wrong that is given to every white 

"It is simply our own fear com- 
plex that makes us avoid this ques- 
tion of interracial marriage. The 
Constitution recognizes the citizen, 
and has nothing to do with race or 
color. It will be years before we have 
courage to declare for complete suf- 
frage, state by state. And the result 
of our timidity is the present inter- 
marriage legislation." 
Is There Pollution in Mingling the 
Blood of Races? 

An editorial in Opportunity maga- 
zine expresses its opinion of race 
mixing as follows: 

There is something preposterous about the 
continued insistence upon Negroes that they 
concede that as a purely biological fact, the 
mingling of tlieir blood with that of other 
races amounts to pollution. Granted, the ar- 
gument, always popular, and supported by an 
overmastering desire to believe it has served 
broad political ends. It has been a valuable 
adjunct to the anti-marriage laws and the 
spirit of fear behind their enactment; it has 
contributed to the self-esteem of the unpiia:- 
mented stock of this human race, and to their 
formal efforts at race purity. But there are 
two dangerous results of this blind and ar- 

rogant insistence against which a sane pro- 
test should he registered. In the first place, 
it is tending obviously toward a prostitution 
of science; and in the second place, it is 
poisoning the springs of racial accord by try- 
ing to make Negroes feel unnecessarily de- 
based and the whites impossibly inviolate. 
Obviously, race crossing cannot by a natural 
and unalterable law lead to direct opposite 
results; neither can it act one way between 
one set of races and reverse itself utterly 
when another set of races is considered. The 
mulattoes in the United States for strange 
reasons have always been considered an in- 
ferior product. The myth, has long persisted 
that they are lacking both in moral and in 
physical stamina. The descendants of mulat- 
toes, we are told, soon become infertile. There 
are realms of speculative 'proof to sustain 
this fact proofs which disdainfully or dis- 
creetly ignore the constant expansion of the 
Negro population without reference to shades 
of color. But while the mulatto follows one 
law in being a mixture of white and black, 
the race-crossings of every possible combina- 
tion which have been taking place in Europe 
for thousands of years, the Huns, from the 
border of China, who blended into the heart 
of Europe, the Celts, Romans and Anglo- 
Saxons in England, the Irish-Germans, what- 
not Americans, by the same token are either 
forgotten or regarded as representing an ac- 
tual improvement ot stock. 

Guerard in his book, "Beyond 
Hatred," states: 

There is a plaza in Paris dedicated to the 
three Alexander Dumas. The first, the son 
of a ITaytian planter and of a black woman, 
was a General at the time of the Revolution 
and the Empire. The second, unmistakably 
African, in coloring and feature was the jolly 
giant who has fascinated three generations 
with his romantic tales, who made and lost 
several fortunes, managed newspapers and 
theatres, hobnobbed with the greatest in the 
land, and preceded Henry Ford in devising 
methods of quantity production. T! e third, 
besides giving an everlasting and deplorable 
model of maudlin romanticism in 'La Dame 
aux Camelias,' besides suffering from a pain- 
ful excess of technical skin and Parisian wit, 
created the modern problem play, naved the 
way for symbolism on the stage before Ibsen 
had been heard of, and wrote homoletic para- 
doxical glittering prefaces when Bernard 
Shaw, his ungrateful son, was still in his 
cradle. Few Nordic families could offer the 
same record of physical and intellectual ener- 
gy as that "colorful" dynasty of Dumas. 

Once more, I am only pleading for careful 
study; I am not claiming in advance that the 
mulatto is a desirable product. I am only 
stating that the fine record of many people 
of mixed parentage should prevent us from 
accepting blindly any adverse verdict. On 
the whole, analogies drawn from other 
branches of biology arc favorable to rross- 
breeding, if it be followed by salecii.iu. The 
finest breeds of dogs, horses and plants are 
the result of careful crossing. This proves 
very little, I know, but it may at any rate 
act as a check on apriori conclusions. 

Only Non-White Groups Labor Un- 
der Legal and Civil Disability 
The American population is di- 
vided into several more or less dis- 
tinctified groups, based upon nation- 
ality and religion writes Professor 



Kelly Miller of Howard University. 
Native and foreign born, Jew and 
Gentile, Protestant and Catholic, in- 
dicate well-known marks of division. 
But the white groups alone have 
deep social significance. It is only 
the non-white groups that labor un- 
der legal and civil disability. There 
is no distinction or discrimination to 
be found anywhere except that based 
on race and color. 

The foreigner's disability is only temporary, 
removable upon nationalization. Anti-misce- 
genation laws, separate schools, Jim Crow 
cars, segregation and civil discrimination are 
reserved for the non-white contingency. I 
have somewhere defined a Negro as a non- 
white person of African derivation. 

The other non-white groups, such as the 
Indian, the Mexican, the Japanese, and the 
Chinese, will be generally bunched with the 
Negro in civil and legal distinction and dis- 
crimination. At present, in some localities, 
the Indian is classified as white; but this 
is merely to prevent the two groups from 
combining and thus giving the white over- 
lord too much trouble. 

The recent decision of the Supreme Court 
of the United States upholding the legality 
of separate public schools for the colored 
race and affirming the right of the State of 
Mississippi to assign a Chinese citizen to the 
Negro school is of far-reaching import. It 
implies the future grouping of all the non- 
Caucasian elements before the law and before 
public policy. The term "colored" in the 
census sense now includes all of these minor 
non-white races. But as ordinarily interpreted 
it is limited to the African contingent, better 
understood as the Negro race. 

Amalgamation of all of the diverse elements 
of our cosmopolitan population would indeed 
be the surest and most expeditious means of 
solving the race problem. If physical dis- 
similarities disanpeared, race prejudice would 
have left no visible means of support. In the 
long run it might, indeed, be wisest for the 
Anglo-Saxon to adopt this method of getting 
rid of a troublesome and complicated situation. 

Georgia Amends Its Racial | 
Integrity Law 

The legislature of Georgia in 1927 
amended its racial integrity law as 

To define who are persons of color and who 
are white persons, to prohibit and prevent 
the intermarriage of such persons, and to pro- 
vide a system of registration and marriage 
licensing as a means for accomplishing the 
principal purpose and to provide punishment 
for violations of the provisions of this Act, 
and for other purposes. 


Be it enacted by the General Assembly of 
the State of Georgia that Section 2177 of the 
Civil Code of Georgia of 1910, (Acts 1865-66, 
Page 23g) being an Act to define persons of 
. color, be and the same is hereby amended as 
follows: By striking therefrom the words 
"one-eighth" and inserting in lieu thereof the 
following words "any ascertainable trace, of 
either," and by adding and inserting after 
the word "African" and before the word 
"blood" the following words: "West Indian 
or Asiatic Indian;" and by adding and in- 

serting after the word "veins" and before 
the word "shall 1 the following words: "and 
all descendants of any person having either 
Negro or African, West Indian or Asiatic 
Indian blood in his or her veins" so that 
said section 2177 as amended shall read as 

All Negroes, Mulattoes, Mesitizos, and 
their descendants, having any ascertainable 
trace of either Negro or African, West In- 
dian or Asiatic Indian blood in their veins, 
and all descendants of any person having 
either Negro or African, West Indian or 
Asiatic Indian blood in his or her veins, shall 
be known in this state as persons of color. 


Be it further enacted, that upon the passage 
of this Act, the State Registrar 'of Vital Statis- 
tics under the supervision of the State Board 
of Health shall prepare a form for the regis- 
tration of individuals whereon shall be given 
the racial composition of such individual, as 
Caucasian, Negro, Mongolian, West Indian, 
Asiatic Indian, Malay, or any mixture thereof, 
or any other non-Caucasic strains and if 
there be any mixture, then the racial com- 
position of the parents and other ancestors 
insofar as ascertainable, so as to show in 
what generation such mixture occurred. Said 
form shall also give the date and place of 
birth of the registrant, name, race and color 
of the parents of the registrant, together with 
their place of birth if known, name of hus- 
band or wife of registrant with his or her 
place of birth, names of children of registrant 
with their ages and places of residence, place 
of residence of registrant for tht five years 
immediately preceding registration, and such 
other information as may be prescribed for 
identification by the State Registrar of Vital 


Be it further enacted, that the State Regis- 
trar of Vital Statistics shall supply to each 
local Registrar a sufficient number of such 
forms to carry out the provisions of this Act. 


Be it further enacted, that each local Regis- 
trar shall personally or by deputy, upon re- 
ceipt of said forms, cause each person in his 
district of jurisdiction to execute said form 
in duplicate, furnishing all available informa- 
tion required upon said form, the original of 
which form shall be forwarded by the local 
Registrar to the State Registrar of Vital Sta- 
tistics and a duplicate delivered to the Ordi- 
nary of the county. Said form shall be 
signed by the registrant, or in case of chil- 
dren under fourteen years of age by a parent, 
guardian, or other person standing in loco 
parentis. The execution of such registration 
certificate shall be certified to by the local 


If the local Registrar has reason to be- 
lieve that any statement made by any regis- 
trant is not true, he shall so write u;;on such 
certificate before forwarding the same to the 
State Registrar or Ordinary giving his reason 


It shall be unlawful for any person to re- 
fuse to execute said registration certificate as 
provided in this Act or to refuse to give the 
information required in the execution of the 
same, and any person who shall refuse to 
execute such certificate, or who shall refuse 
to give the information required in the execu- 
tion of the same, shall be guilty of a misde- 
meanor and shall be punished as prescribed 



in Section 1065 of the Penal Code of Geor- 
gia of 1910. Each such refusal shall consti- 
tute a separate offense. 

^jo wi lyiu. i^en_u SUI. 

tute a separate offense. 


vJ-i-fV-. A 1 WIN O 

urther enacted, that it shall be a 

room applying for marriage license shall 
11 out and execute said application in dup- 


SrXi.IU.iN 10 

Be it further enacted, that upon such ap- 
plications for marriage license being filed with 
the Ordinary by the prospective bride and 
I ros;:ective groom, the Ordinary shall forward 
the original of such application to the Sta'" 
Registrar of Vital Statistics and retain 
duplicate of such application in his files. 

C? T? /"^ T^ T /"MVT 


ments of either applicant as to race or color 
are untrue, the report of the State Registrar 
of Vital Statistics shall so state, and in such 
case it shall be illegal for the Ordinary to 
issue a marriage license to the applicants, 
until the truth of such statements of the ap- 
plicants shall have been determined in a legal 
proceeding brought against the Ordinary to 
compel the issuing of such license. If the 
report from the State Registrar of Vital 
Statistics shows that the applicants are not 
rfp;istcred and if the State Bureau of Vital 
Statistics has no information as to the race 
or color of said applicants, then the Ordinary 
shall issue the marriage license, if he has no 
evidence or knowledge that such marriage 
would be illegal. If one of the applicants is 
registered with the State Bureau of Vital 
Statistics and the other applicant is not so 
registered, if the records of the Bureau of 
Vital Statistics contain no information to 
disprove the statements of either applicant as 
to color or race, then the Ordinary shall 
issue the marriage license, if he has no evi- 
dence or knowledge that such marriage would 
be illegal. Provided that where each rarty 
is registered and such registration certificate 
is on file in the office of the Ordinary of the 
county where application for marriage license 
is made, it shall not be necessary for the Or- 
dinary to obtain any information from the 
State Bureau of Vital Statistics; and provided 
further that when any person who has pre- 
viously registered as required herein, moves 
to another county, he may file with the Or- 
dinary of the county of his new residence a 
certified copy of his registration certificate 
which shall have the same effect as if such 
registration had been made originally in said 


Be it further enacted, that where any ap- 
plication for marriage license shows that such 
applicant was not born in this state and is 
not registered with the Bureau of Vital Sta- 
tistics of this state, the Ordinary shall for- 
ward a copy of such application to the State 
Registrar of Vital Statistics of this state, and 
shall also forward a copy of the application 
to the Clerk of the Superior or Circuit Court 
as the case may be, of the county of the ap- 
plicant's birth, and another copy to the 
Bureau of Vital Statistics at the Capitol of 
the State of the applicant's birth, with the 
request that the statements therein contained 
be verified. If no answer be received from 
such Clerk or Bureau of Vital Statistics with- 
in ten days, the Ordinary shall issue the li- 
cense if he has no evidence or knowledge that 
such marriage would be illegal. If an answer 
be received within ten days, showing the 
statements of such applicant to be untrue, 
the Ordinary shall withhold the issuing of 
the license until the truth of such statements 
of the applicant shall have been determined 
in a legal proceeding brought against the Or- 
dinary to compel the issuing of such license. 
In all cases where answers are received from 
such Clerk or Bureau of Vital Statistics, a 
copy of the answer shall be forwarded to the 
State Registrar of Vital Statistics of this 


Be it further enacted, that when a marriage 
license is issued by the Ordinary, it shall be 
returned to the Ordinary by the officer or 
minister solemnizing the marriage, and for- 
warded by the Ordinary to the State Regis- 
trar of Vital Statistics, to be permanently 
retained by said registrar. 



Be it further enacted, that the term '"white ; 
person" shall include only persons of the 
white or Caucasian race who have no ascer- 
tainable trace of either Negro, African, West 
[ndian, Asiatic Indian, Mogolian, Japanese 
or Chinese blood in their veins. No person 
shall be deemed to be a white person anyone 
of whose ancestors has been duly registered 
with the State Bureau of Vital Statistics as 
a colored person or person of color. 

Be it further enacted, that from and after 
the passage of this Act it shall be unlawful 
for a white person to marry any save a 
white person. Any person, white or other- 
wise, who shall marry or go through a mar- 
riage ceremony in violation of this provision 
shall be guilty of a felony and shall be 
punished by inv risonment in the penitentiary 
for not less than one nor more than two years, 
and such marriage shall be utterly void. 

Be it further enacted, that any person who 
shall make or cause to be made a false state- 
ment as to race or color of himself or parents 
in any application for marriage license, shall 
be guilty of a felony, and shall be punished 
by imprisonment in the penitentiary for not 
less than two no more than five years. 

Be it further enacted, that any Ordinary 
who shall issue a marriage license without 
complying with each and every provision of 
this Act si- all be guilty of and punished as 
for a misdemeanor. 


Be it further enacted, that if any civil offi- 
cer, minister, or official of any church, sect 
or religion authorized to perform a marriage 
ceremony in violation of the terms of this 
Act, he shall be guilty of and punished as 
for a misdemeanor. 


Be it further enacted, that if any case of 
marriage in violation of the provisions of 
this Act is reported to the State Registrar of 
Vital Statistics, he shall investigate, such re- 
port, and shall turn over to the Attorney 
General of the state the information obtained 
through such investigation. 


Be it further enacted, that when any birth 
certificate is forwarded to the Bureau of Vital 
Statistics showing the legitimate child to 
parents one of whom is white and one of 
whom is colored, it shall be the duty of the 
State Registrar of Vital Stat'stics to report 
the same to the Attorney General of the 
state with full information concerning the 
same. Thereupon it shall be the duty of the 
Attorney General to institute criminal pro- 
ceedings against the parents of such child for 
any violation of the provisions of this Act 
which may have been comivitted. 

Be it further enacted, that it shall be the 
duty of the Attorney General of the State, 
as well as the duty of the Solicitor General 
of the Superior Court where such violation 
occurs, to prosecute each violation of any of 
the provisions of this Act when the same is 
reported to him by the State Registrar of Vital 
Statistics. If the Attorney General fail or 
refuse to prosecute any such violation so re- 
ported to him by the State Registrar of Vital 
Statistics the same shall be ground for im- 
peachment of the Attorney General, and it 
shall be the duty of the State Registrar of 
Vital Statistics to institute impeachment pro- 

ceedings against the Attorney General in such 


Be it further enacted, that this Act shall 
be effective immediately upon its passage and 
approval by the Governor of the state. 


Be it further enacted, that all laws and 
parts of laws in conflict with this Act be 
and the same are hereby repealed. 

No Appropriation Made to Enforce 
Georgia Racial Integrity Law 

The Columbus (Georgia) Enquirer- 
Sun said in its issue of September 5, 

"The Georgia legislature has en- 
acted a marriage law so extremely 
complicated that the State Health 
Department, which is to enforce it, 
had to refer it to the Attorney Gen- 
eral for an explanation, and no at- 
tempt has yet been made to put it 
into effect. It provides, among other 
things, for the registration of every 
human being in the state according 
to pedigree. 

"Now this is one of the most diffi- 
cult things in the world to do cor- 
rectly, as is well known to anyone 
who has tried to establish pedigree 
for a dog, or a bull or any other ani- 
mal. The object of the measure was 
to prevent intermarriage between 
whites and Negroes, but the trouble 
all falls upon the whites. All a Ne- 
gro has to do is to admit that he is 
a Negro and he is immediately fixed 
up. But the white must prove that 
he is white, which is a complicated 
and vexatious business. Moreover, it 
may be a dangerous business, since 
failure to furnish correct information 
is made a felony. Altogether, it is 
one of the most savage laws relating 
to marriage ever enacted." 

The Atlanta Constitution also ob- 
served that, "Enforcement of the 
racial integrity bill passed by the 
legislature at its recent session, will 
not be possible until the legislature 
meets again and provides appropria- 
tions to meet the expenses incurred 
in the enforcement of the new law, 
according to a ruling made by T. R. 
Gress, assistant attorney general. 
The ruling was made at the request 
of the State Department of Health. 

"On examination of the provisions 
of the bill which required the regis- 
tration of all people of the state for 
classification as to race and color, 
it was found that more than $300,000 
would be necessary to paying the ex- 
penses of the clerks needed to carry 



out this task. The board of health 
asked the attorney general for a rul- 
ing and this ruling will be the .guide 
of the board unless the Supreme 
Court reverses the ruling of the as- 
sistant attorney general." 

It does not appear that the appro- 
priations necessary to meet the ex- 
penses of enforcing Georgia's 1927 
racial integrity act were ever made 
and thus the white people of the 
state were saved from an embarrass- 
ing situation. 

Virginia in 1924 Passes a Racial 
Integrity Law 

The marriage of people in Virginia 
has been under the provisions of the 
law in Section 67, code of Virginia 
of 1919, for many years. This is as 
follows: "Every person having one- 
sixteenth or more of Negro blood 
shall be deemed a colored person, 
and every person not a colored per- 
son having one-fourth or more of 
Indian blood shall be deemed an In- 
dian." In 1924, the legislature passed 
an act which has since become wide- 
ly known as the Virginia Racial In- 
tegrity Law. This act provided not 
only for the registration of the peo- 
ple of Virginia by color, but made an 
entirely new definition of the colored 
race. Section 5 reads in part as fol- 
lows: "For the purposes of this act, 
the term 'white person' shall apply 
only to the person who has no trace 
whatever of any blood other than 
Caucasian; but persons who have 
one-sixteenth or less of the blood of 
the American Indian and have no 
other non-Caucasic blood shall be 
deemed to be white persons." By in- 
ference, then, any trace of Negro 
blood was sufficient to classify one 
as colored. 

Indians Chief Sufferers Virginia Law 
The law began at once to be trou- 
blesome, not to Negroes, but to per- 
sons hitherto classed as white. Over \ 
the protest of parents and counsel, 
blue-eyed children of six families of 
Richmond were excluded from the 
Robert Fulton public school, white, 
on the ground that they had a touch 
of colored blood. Dr. Flecker of the 
State Board of Vital Statistics looked 
up the family records and in case re- 
ported that the children had an an- 
cestor, a woman, reported to the bu- 
reau as "colored." A number of 
whites testifying for the children 
claimed that the ancestor alluded to 

was a full blooded Indian woman. 

Both the state educational authori- 
ties and the State Bureau of Vital 
Statistics took the position that the 
admission of Indian blood was equiva- 
lent to a confession of Negro extrac- 
tion because Virginia Indian blood 
for more than three generations had 
been more than half Negro. 

As may be seen in the above ex- 
ample, the racial integrity law in 
Virginia extended its hand beyond 
the Negro and struck the Indian. In 
fact the Indian was its chief victim. 
"Rather than be called 'Negro,' we 
would prefer to be banished to the 
wilds of the forest; there to let the 
wild fowls of the air and the wild 
animals of the field devour our bodies 
and leave our bones to bleach white 
in the sunlight of the Great Spirit," 
declared George Gustalow, chief of 
the Mattaponis tribe of Indians, when 
he was acquainted with a ruling of 
the Bureau of Vital Statistics of 
Virginia, which classified the Indians 
as Negroid. 

In 1926, Ray Winn, charged with 
violating the now race purity law 
of Virginia, made good his claim 
that he was an Indian. He had been 
indicted with his white wife, and 
records were introduced to show he 
was born of Negro parents. This 
was the first of a series of cases aris- 
ing when the children of persons 
claiming to be Indians were denied 
admission to white schools. This, 
however, did not settle the status of 
the Ray Winn family for in 1929 
Winn brought suit before Judge 
Julian Gunn in Henrico Circuit Court 
against D. W. Peters, county super- 
intendent of schools. 

Winn charged that his four chil- 
dren, all of them full blooded Pamun- 
kys, were dismissed from the Glen- 
Echo school on the ground that they 
were Negroes. 

Witnesses for the Winn family 
maintained that the Winns have al- 
ways been regarded as Indians and 
not Negroes. 

Counsel for the plaintiff showed 
that Winn had been acquitted in 1925 
of charges arising from his marriage 
with a white woman. The fact that 
he was acquitted, his lawyers main- 
tained proved his status as a white 
person in the State of Virginia. 

To oppose the evidence of the wit- 
nesses for Winn and the citation of 



the court decision, the defense coun- 
sel, the commonwealth's attorney for 
Henrico County brought in birth and 
marriage certificates to show that 
the Winn children are descended 
from Negroes. 

Cassie Jamerson, who complained 
of the decree of the Appomattox 
circuit court in granting a divorce to 
her husband, Rosser Jamerson, on 
the ground that she was a Negro, 
was refused an appeal by the Vir- 
ginia Supreme Court. Jamerson al- 
leged that he was deceived into the 
marriage by his wife leading him to 
believe that "her dark complexion 
was due to Indian blood." 

Attorneys for the women held that 
the evidence showed that she was of 
less than one-fourth Negro blood and 
declared that at the time of her 
birth, the law required at least one- 
fourth Negro blood to give a person 
the legal status of "Negro." The law 
of 1910 declaring persons of one-six- 
teenth or more Negro blood to be 
"Negroes" was a violation of the 
federal constitution, the petition 
claimed, in that it attempted to 
change a status already established 
by law. 

Attempt to Set Up Specific Standards 
for Determining Race 

The bill proposed in 1926 set up 
rigid and specific standards for de- 
termining race and provided penal- 
ties for its misrepresentation. The 
word "race," as used in this act, shall 
means a species of mankind such as: 
the European Caucasian or white, 
the Mongolian or yellow, the Negro 
or black, the North American Indian 
or red, and the Malay or brown. 

Sec. 3. A person of the white race is hereby 
defined to he a person whose blood is entirely 
white, having no known demonstrable or as- 
certainable admixture of the blood of another 
race. Every person not a white person shall 
be deemed to be a non-white person. Every 
person not a white person as hereinbefore de- 
fined, who has as much as one-fourth or 
more of North American Indian blood shall 
be deemed to be an Indian. But this section 
is subject to these qualifications: 

(A) That persons who are members of the 
Indian tribes recognized by, or already in- 
corporated under laws of this state and per- 
sons who may in the future be admitted to 
such tribes shall, with their descendants, ipso 
facto, be deemed to be Indians; 

(B) That i ersons, not members of such 
tribes or corporations, who possess one-eighth 
or less of North American Indian blood, and 
none of whose ancestors are recorded in the 
fiscal, vital statistics, court on other official 
records of Virginia or other states or tnunici- 
[alities as Negro, free Negro, Mulatto, free 
Mulatto, issue, free issue, colored, free colored, 

black, free black, mixed, mixed Indian or any 
other non-white designation, and who do not 
possess any demonstrable trace of the blood 
of any non-white race except that of the 
North American Indian shall be deemed to 
be white." 

Is There Such a Thing as Racial 

Immediately following the passage 
of the 1924 racial integrity law, the 
proponents of race purity in Virginia 
discovered that while it set up a bar- 
rier against the marriage of whites 
and persons with a single drop of 
Negro blood, did not change the legal 
definition of a colored person. This 
made it possible for children with 
less than one-sixteenth of Negro 
blood to attend schools for whites, a 
fact which the race purity advocates 
held to be a menace to the white race. 
So that at each meeting of the legis- 
lature between 1924 and 1930, pro- 
posed bills were presented to remedy 
this weakness in the 1924 act. 

Commenting on a bill proposed in 
1928 The Baltimore Sun writes: 

"The Virginia racial integrity bill 
has been defeated. This bill would 
have classified as a Negro any In- 
dian with a trace of Negro blood, no 
matter how remote. 

Such legislation is obviously based 
on fear. It is clearly based on the be- 
lief, acknowledged or not, of its 
framers that Virginians, if not re- 
strained by savage laws, will inter- 
marry with mulattoes. In other words, 
the very existence of the bill is 
proof that its framers believe there 
is no such thing as racial integrity. 

But these people have not the wit 
to see the admission destroys their 
own case. If there is no racial in- 
tegrity in fact, it certainly cannot be 
established by law. Therefore, such 
a law would necessarily be ineffec- 
tive, and its savagery would be left 
without any sort of excuse. 

In rejecting it, the legislators re- 
flected credit on the common sense 
and the humanity of the State of 

Definition of a Colored Person 

In response to an insistent de- 
mand for a more satisfactory defini- 
tion of a colored person the follow- 
ing bill was passed March 4, 1930: 

To amend and re-enact Section 67 of the 
Code of Virginia defining colored persons 
and American Indians and Tribal Indians. 
i. Be it enacted by the General Assembly 
of Virginia, that section sixty-seven of the 



Code of Virginia be amended and re-enacted 
so as to read as follows: 

Section 67. Every person in whom there is 
ascertainable any Negro blood shall be deemed 
and taken to be a colored person, and every 
person not a colored person having one-fourth 
or more of American Indian blood shall he 
deemed an American Indian; except that 
members of Indian tribes living on reserva- 
tions alloted them by the Commonwealth of 
Virginia having one-fourth or more of Indian 
blood and less than one-sixteenth of Negro 
blood shall be deemed tribal Indians so long 
as they are domiciled on said reservations 

The registrar of the bureau of 
vital statistics explains, "This defini- 
tion of a colored person already ex- 
isted for the issuing of marriage li- 
censes and for registration in the 
office of the bureau of vital statis- 
tics, but the old one-sixteenth defi- 
nition, Section 67, applied for school 
attendance and other purposes. This 
makes the new definition applicable 
for all purposes." 

Census Bureau Racial Classification 
Vs. Virginia Definition 

Virginia authorities appealed to 
officials of the United States Cen- 
sus Bureau to change their racial 
classification in order to conform to 
Virginia definition. 

Dr. W. A. Flecker, registrar of 
vital statistics of Virginia, in a let- 
ter to the Census Bureau said in 

You are doubtless aware that our Virginia 
law classifies as a Negro or colored any per- 
son with a trace of Negro blood. Therefore, 
it cannot admit Negroes as Indians because 
they have or claim to have a trace of Indian 
blood. I judge from your statement that you 
have been following the rule of the Indian 
Bureau, which considers Negroes as Indians 
if they have a trace of Indian blood. While 
this rule may work fairly well in other states, 
it certainly is a great disadvantage and a real 
hardship imposed upon our office and others 
who have the enforcement of our Racial In- 
tegrity Law. These Negroes flaunt in our 
faces the fact that they have been recognized 
in Washington as Indians. 

I would like to appeal to you especially 
that you take such steps as to prevent the 
classification of families or groups of fami- 
lies as Indians when they are rated in our 
office and in your former census records as 
mulattoes; before the War Between the States 
as 'free mulattoes' or 'free Negroes.' 

As an illustration, we have a large group 
in Amherst, Rockbridge and the adjacent 
counties, descendants of freed Negroes who 
have been locally known as 'free issue.' 
There has possibly in the remote past been a 
slight admixture of blood from one or two 
Indians, said to have stopped in that county 
and who cohabited with the freed Negroes. 
Upon the strength of this slight admixture, 
these mulattoes are now striving to secure 
rating as Indians. 

In 1900, the census found no Indians in 
Amherst County; in 1910, seven; in 1929, 
three hundred and four; although there had 
been no migration of Indians into the 

Fraternal insurance companies with 
white officers and Negro members 
have no legal status in Virginia ac- 
cording to a law passed by the gen- 
eral assembly in 1926 making it un- 
lawful for such companies or socie- 
ties to insure Negro members. 

A case testing the law was tried 
in the federal court at Richmond and 
Judge D. Lawrence Groner, presid- 
ing, ruled that the law is not in con- 
flict with the Constitution of the 
United States. 

The case in question affected an 
Alexandria company which has white 
officers, but insures colored people. 

The law in question is one of the 
many passed by the general assem- 
bly of Virginia in the interest of 
"racial integrity." 

Lineal Descendant (Negro) and 
Texas Inheritance Law 

A mandamus commanding the city 
board of health to declare John Bap- 
tist Andrew Thomas Laguaite to be 
a white man was signed in October, 
1928, in the Civil District Court of 
New Orleans by Judge Mark Boath- 
ner. Laguaite declared in his peti- 
tion that the board through error 
had called his father, J. B. Laguaite, 
"colored" when he died in Septem- 
ber, 1925. 

The term "lineal descendant," as 
used in the Texas inheritance law 
necessarily must be confined to chil- 
dren born in wedlock or thereafter 
made legitimate by a marriage be- 
tween their father and mother, and 
such marriage between whites and 
Negroes being interdicted by the 
penal laws of this state, it is impos- 
sible that a mulatto child of a white 
father should ever be termed a 
"lineal descendant" within the mean- 
ing of the law. 

A ruling to that effect was made 
by the attorney general's department 
in an opinion by Assistant Attorney 
General Ernest May, delivered to 
State Comptroller S. H. Terrell in 
answer to an inquiry by Chester H. 
Bryan, county judge of Harris Coun- 
ty. It was the first time that such 
a question was ever propounded to 
any Texas attorney general. The 
letter from Judge Bryan to the comp- 
troller and by the latter presented to 
the attorney general, read: 

There is a case in this county where the 
deceased left bequests in excess of five thou- 
sand dollars to his children, who were born 
in wedlock with a common-law wife (if such 
could be) by a Negro woman. The attorney 



has requested that I obtain a ruling as to 
whether or not the bequests to them would 
be exempt from tax up to twenty-five thou- 
sand dollars each, or whether the exemption 
would be limited to 500. Will you please ob- 
tain a ruling from the attorney general in 
this matter and advise me. 

Assistant Attorney General May 
in, his opinion assumed that the de- 
scendant referred to by Judge Bryan 
was a white man. 

In advising the comptroller that 
the inheritance tax exemption could 
not apply to mulatto children of a 
white testator, Mr. May wrote: 

The exemption of $25,000 in the inheri- 
tance tax law applies to transfers passing to 
or for the use of husband or wife, or any 
direct lineal descendant of the child or chil- 
dren, or to husband or the daughter or to a 
legally adopted child or children or to a 
husband or the daughter or wife of a son. 
You are advised that in the opinion of this 
department the above exemption could not 
apply to mulatto children of a white testator. 

Under article 483 of the penal code in- 
termarriage between white persons and Ne- 
groes is forbidden, and punishment for vio- 
lation of this provision of the code is fixed 
at a term in the penitentiary. This article 
precludes the common law marriage claimed 
in the case submitted by Judge Bryan, for 
no marriage couVd be valid under the com- 
mon law if the same has been superseded 
by statutory enactment. An agreement to 
marry followed by cohabitation, if their 
union was not forbidden by statute, but such 
agreement could no more effect a lawful 
union between a white man and a Negro wo- 
man so that their children could be said to 
have been born in wedlock than would co- 
habitation between the same parties after an 
exchange of vows through a religious or 
civil ceremony. 

In the absence of special provision to the 
contrary an illegitimate child of the descen- 
dant who was provided for by his will would 
not be entitled to the exemptions in an in- 

heritance tax statute granted to the children 
of the descendant. 

The Definition of a Negro According 
to the Statutes of Various States 

The statutes of Kentucky, Mary- 
land, Mississippi, North Carolina, 
Tennessee, and Texas, state that a 
person of color is one who is de- 
scended from a Negro to the third 
generation inclusive though one an- 
cestor in each generation may have 
been white. 

According to the law of Alabama 
one is a person of color who has had 
any Negro blood in his ancestry in 
five generations. In Michigan, Ne- 
braska, and Oregon one is not legal- 
ly a person of color who has less 
than one-fourth Negro blood. In 
Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Missouri 
and South Carolina a person of 
color is one who has as much as one- 
eighth Negro blood. The Constitu- 
tion of Oklahoma provides: 

"Whenever in this Constitution 
and laws of this state the word or 
words 'colored' or 'colored race' or 
'Negro' or 'Negro race' are used, the 
same shall be construed to mean or 
to apply to all persons of African 
descent. The term 'white' shall in- 
clude all other persons." 

In Arkansas and Virginia persons 
of color include all who have a visi- 
ble and distinct admixture of Afri- 
can blood, in Virginia every person 
in whom there is ascertainable any 
Negro blood. The other states have 
no statutes defining Negro. 


Negro Policemen 

The demand is growing, especially 
by the Negroes themselves, that in 
the districts of cities where the Ne- 
gro predominates, Negro policemen 
should be used. It is urged that 
this would be a means, not only of 
reducing crime, but likewise of pre- 
venting racial friction. The experi- 
ence in connection with the use of 
Negro policemen seems to bear out 
these claims. 

The following cities employ one or 
more Negro policemen: Boston, Cam- 
bridge, Everett, New Bedford, Mel- 
rose and Lynn, Massachusetts ; 
Bridgeport, Hartford and Waterbury, 
Connecticut; Buffalo, Utica, New 
Rochelle, New York City and Yon- 
kers, New York; Atlantic City, Cape 
May, Elizabeth, Patterson, Plainfield, 
Trenton, Hackensack, Newark and 
Jersey City, New Jersey; Philadel- 
phia, Pittsburgh, Chester, Uniontown, 
Du^uesne, Erie and Sharon,. Pennsyl- 
vania; Wilmington, Delaware; Eas- 
ton, Pocomoke City and Baltimore, 
Maryland; Washington, D. C.; 
Charleston and Wheeling, West Vir- 
ginia; Cincinnati, Cleveland, Colum- 
bus, Dayton, Steubenville, Toledo, 
Xenia and Youngstown, Ohio; De- 
troit and Grand Rapids, Michigan; 
Evansville, Indianapolis, Richmond, 
Muncie and Terre Haute, Indiana; 
Brooklyn, Chicago, Cairo, East St. 
Louis and Robbins, Illinois; Milwau- 
kee, Wisconsin; Coffeyville, Topeka, 
Kansas City and Wichita, Kansas; 
Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minneso- 
ta; Des Moines, Iowa; Omaha, Ne- 
braska; Louisville, Kentucky; Knox- 
ville and Memphis, Tennessee; Sara- 
sota and Tampa, Florida; Sedalia, 
St. Louis, Jefferson City and Kansas 
City, Missouri; Austin, Beaumont, 
Houston and Galveston, Texas; Mus- 
kogee, Oklahoma City, Tulsa and Ok- 
mulgee, Oklahoma; Denver, Colorado; 
Spokane, Seattle and Tacoma, Wash- 
ington; Los Angeles and Oakland, 

Negro policewomen are being used 
in the following cities: New York, 
Buffalo, Washington, Philadelphia, 
Atlantic City, Pittsburgh, Toledo, In- 
dianapolis, Detroit, Chicago, Des 

Moines, San Antonio, Los Angeles, 
and Petersburg, Virginia. 

The following cities have Negro 
probation officers to work in connec- 
tion with the juvenile courts: New 
York City, Chicago, Pittsburgh, De- 
troit, Toledo, Ohio; Kansas City, Mis- 
souri; Des Moines, Iowa; Louisville, 
Kentucky; Indianapolis and Gary, In- 
diana; Richmond, Virginia; Atlanta, 
Augusta, Columbus and Savannah, 
Georgia; Huntsville, Montgomery, 
Birmingham, Selma, Tuscaloosa and 
Mobile, Alabama; Los Angeles, Cali- 
fornia; and Baltimore, Maryland. 

Political Appointments 
Mrs. Fannie Barrier Williams was 
appointed a member of the public 
library board of Chicago. Other ap- 
pointments were: Mrs. Alice McNeil 
to the District of Columbia school 
board; Mrs. Emmett J. Scott, to the 
District of Columbia board of public 
welfare; Mrs. Irene C. Moats, to the 
advisory council of the West Vir- 
ginia state board of education; H. C. 
Russell of Kentucky, to be a special- 
ist in Negro education in the United 
States Bureau of Education at Wash- 
ington; Ambrose Caliver, (Civil Ser- 
vice examination), to be a specialist 
in education, United States Bureau 
of Education at Washington; Charles 
P. Howard, attorney, Des Moines, ap- 
pointed Polk County, Iowa, sanity 
commissioner; Howard E. Young, 
pharmacist to the jail board of Balti- 
more; J. Wm. Clifford, a former fed- 
eral narcotic agent, a United States 
customs inspector at New York City; 
James A. Jackson, business specialist 
Domestic Commerce Division, Depart- 
ment of Commerce at Washington. 
As a result of the resignation of 
the county treasurer to run for the 
position of state treasurer, John M. 
Wright, first deputy county trea- 
surer, was made treasurer of Shaw- 
nee County, Topeka, Kansas; Noah D. 
Thompson to be one of the fifteen 
members of the Municipal Housing 
Commission of Los Angeles; James 
Ivan Lindell to the position of chair- 
man of one of the surveying squads 
of Los Angeles; Charles Fred White 
to be a member of the Pennsylvania 



state athletic commission; E. W. B. 
Curry, Springfield, Ohio, assistant 
chief of the division of probation and 
parole of the department of public 
welfare of the State of Ohio; Walter 
P. McClane, Cambridge, Massachu- 
setts, to be a state insurance examin- 
er; Matthew W. Bullock, Boston, spec- 
cial assistant attorney general of 
Massachusetts; Thomas L. Jones, as- 
sistant district attorney, the District 
of Columbia; George B. Jones, assis- 
tant to the circuit attorney of St. 
Louis; Richard L. Baltimore, assistant 
United States district attorney, 
southern district of New York; Wash- 
ington Rhoades, assistant United 
States district attorney for the Phila- 
delphia district; Hubert T. Delaney, 
assistant United States district at- 
torney for the southern district of 
New York; Harry J. Capehart, as- 
sistant United States district attor- 
ney for the southern area of West 
Virginia; Francis F. Giles, Brooklyn, 
assistant United States district at- 
torney; George Edgar Hall, New 
York City, assistant United States 
district attorney; Julian D. Rainey 
and James G. Wolff, Boston, to be 
assistant corporation counsels; Pat- 
rick E. Prescott and George Law- 
rence, Chicago, to be assistant cor- 
poration counsels and William H. 
Temple to be assistant city attor- 
ney; Herman E. Moore, Chicago, 
one of the attorneys for the Cook 
County forest preserve in charge of 
condemnation proceedings; John W. 
Robinson, Gary, Indiana, to be assis- 
tant state's attorney; J. C. Robertson 
to be a commissioner of the Rich- 
mond, Virginia Circuit Court, first 
Negro ever named to such a position 
there, appointment made on recom- 
mendation of Negro attorneys of 
Richmond; Nathan K. McGill, Chica- 
go, special counsel for Cook County; 
Daniel M. Jackson, Chicago, member 
of Illinois commerce commission; 
James A. Cobb to be a judge of the 
municipal court of the District of 
Columbia to succeed the late Judge 
Robert H. Terrell; Dr. Chester C. 
Ames to be junior associate in the 
department of urology on the staff 
of Detroit receiving hospital; Dr. W. 
Harold Amos, Yonkers, New York, 
to the clinical staff of the bureau of 
child hygiene in the health depart- 
ment; Dr. Samuel E. Johnson to be a 
health officer and sanitary inspector 

for colored and white alike in Lex- 
ington, Kentucky; Dr. A. Porter 
Davis, to be assistant health director, 
Kansas City, Kansas; and Dr. Louis 
T. Wright, New York City, to be po- 
lice surgeon, position carries with it 
the rank of inspector in the police 

Negroes in the Diplomatic and 
Consular Service 

William J. Yerby, Consul at Opor- 
to, Portugal; James G. Carter, Con- 
sul at Calais, France; William H. 
Hunt, Consul at St. Michales, Azores; 
and Clifford R. Wharton, Consul at 
Las Palmas, Canary Islands. 

Negroes Holding Federal Offices 
James A. Cobb, judge, municipal 
court, Washington, D. C.; William C. 
Heuston, assistant solicitor for the 
Post Office department; David E. 
Henderson, assistant attorney gen- 
eral of the United States; Walter L. 
Cohen, collector of customs, New Or- 
leans; Charles W. Anderson, collec- 
tor Internal revenue, third district of 
New York City, and Jefferson S. 
Coage, recorder of deeds, District of 

Members of Congress 

Oscar DePriest, Negro, and form- 
er Chicago alderman, was elected 
Congressman from the first Illinois 
District to the Seventy-first Con- 
gress, 1929-1931. He was the first 
Negro Congressman since 1901 when 
George H. White from North Caro- 
lina retired after serving four years. 



Revels, Hiram R., Mississippi, 18/0-1871; 
Bruce, Blanche K., Mississippi, 1875-1881. 

Fortieth Congress (1868-1869) Menarci, J. 
H.,* Louisiana; Forty-first Congress (1869- 
1871) Long, Jefferson, Georgia; Rainey, Jo- 
seph H., South Carolina; Forty-second Con- 
gress (1871-1873) Delarge, Robert C., South 
Carolina; Elliot, Robert B., South Carolina; 
Rainey, Joseph H., South Carolina; Turner, 
Beiij. S., Alabama; Walls, Josiah T., Flori- 
da; Forty-third Congress (1873-1875) Cain, 
Richard H., South Carolina; Lynch, John R., 
Mississippi; Rainey, Joseph H., South Caro- 
lina; Ransier, A. J., South Carolina; Rapier, 
James T., Alabama; Walls, Josiah T., Flori- 
da; Forty-fourth Congress (1875-1877) Har- 
alson, Jeremiah, Alabama; Hyman, John, 
North Carolina; Lynch, John R., Mississippi; 
Nash, Charles E., Louisiana; Rainey, Joseph 
' H., South Carolina; Smalls, Robert, South 
Carolina; Forty-fifth Congress (1877-1879) 
Cain, Richard H., South Carolina; Rainey, 
Joseph H., South Carolina; Smalls, Robert, 
South Carolina; Forty-seventh Congress 
u88i-i8S3) Lynch, John R., Mississippi; 
Smalls, Robert, South Carolina; Forty-eighth 1 
Congress (1883-1885) O'Harra, James E-, 



North Carolina; Forty-ninth Congress (1885 
1887) O'Harra, Jauies K., North Carolina 
Filty-first Congress (1889-1891) Cheatham 
H. P., North Carob'na; Ivangston, John M. 

(1893-1895) Murray, George W., South Caro- 
lina; Fifty-fourth Congress (1895-1897) 
Murray George W., South Carolina; Fifty- 
fifth Congress (1^97-1899) White, George 
/Vfl ^ Carolina; Fifty-sixth Congress 

(1899-1901) White, George H., North Caro- 

Members of State Legislatures 

During 1925-1929 the following 
Negroes were elected members of 
state legislatures: California legisla- 
ture, to Senate, F. M. Roberts, edi- 
tor, re-elected; Illinois legislature, 
to Senate, A. H. Richards, lawyer, 
re-elected; to House, G. W. Black- 
well, lawyer, W. B. Douglass, law- 
yer, re-elected; H. B. Gaines, law- 
yer, C. E. Griffin, re-elected; G. T. 
Kersey, re-elected; W. E. King, law- 
yer, re-elected; W. J. Warfield; Kan- 
sas legislature, to House, W. M. 
Blount, physician; Missouri legisla- 
ture, to House, G. M. Allen, lawyer; 
J. A. Davis, lawyer; L. A. Knox, 
lawyer; W. M. Moore, business man, 
re-elected; New Jersey legislature, 
to House, J. L. Baxter, F. S. Har- 
grave, physician; Nebraska legisla- 
ture, to House, T. L. Barnett, A. A. 
McMillan, physician; J. A. Single- 
ton, dentist; New York legislature, 
to House, L. Perkins, lawyer; F. E. 
Rivers, lawyer; Ohio legislature, to 
House, E. W. B. Curry, minister; P. 
B. Jackson, lawyer; Pennsylvania 
legislature, to House, W. H. Fuller, 
lawyer; West Virginia legislature, to 
House, H. J. Capehart, lawyer, re- 
elected; E. H. Harper, re-elected; 
T. E. Hill. 

First Negro Members of a State 
Legislature Edward G. Walker and 
Charles L. Mitchell, who were elected 
in 1866 to the Massachusetts House 
of Representatives from Boston, were 
the first Negroes in the history of 
the race to sit in the legislature of 
any state in the Union. 

Members of City Councils 
Negroes were members of city 
councils during 1925-1929 as follows: 
Wilmington, Delaware, J. O. Hop- 
kins, re-elected and W. J. Winchester; 
New Haven, Connecticut, A. Modiste 
and J. P. Peaker; Murphysboro, Illi- 
nois, Berter Bates; Chicago, Illinois, 
L. B. Anderson, re-elected and R. R. 
Jackson, re-elected; Gary, Indiana, S. 

'Served one year. 

R. Blackwell, W. E. Burrus, W. Hard- 
away and A. B. Whitlock; Nicholas- 
ville, Kentucky, J. Williams; Annapo- 
lis, Maryland, C. Bell, D. Garver, C. 
A. Oliver, C. S. Spriggs; Bowie, 
Maryland, D. L. Washington; Balti- 
more, W. T. McGuin and W. S. 
Emerson; Springfield, Massachusetts, 
A. H. Tavernier, re-elected; Buffalo, 
New York, J. R. Taylor; New York 
City, J. C. Hawkins, re-elected and 
F. R. Moore, re-elected; Campbell, 
Ohio, H. R. Parish; Cleveland, Ohio, 
R. S. Brown, L. N. Bundy, T. W. 
Fleming, C. George, E. J. Gregg and 
L. O. Payne; Urbana, Ohio, J. A. 
Brown and H. Otey, re-elected; 
Youngstown, Ohio, W. S. Vaughn, 
re-elected; Kimball, West Virginia, 
R. E. Black and J. W. Moss. In 1929, 
Arthur Johnson was re-elected mayor 
of Miles Heights, Ohio. The ma- 
jority of the voters of this town are 
white. E. W. Henry was appointed 
a police court judge in Philadelphia 
in 1925 and elected to the office for 
the full term of six years in 1927. 
James A. Cobb was appointed, in 
1926, by the President of the United 
States as a judge of the municipal 
court of the District of Columbia and 
was re-appointed in 1930. 

Women in Politics 
Negro women were active in poli- 
tics in city, state and national elec- 
tions. Mrs. Alice Lathon of Tulsa, 
Oklahoma, was a candidate for Jus- 
tice of Peace. Mrs. Mary Brown 
Martin was elected a member of the 
Cleveland, Ohio, board of education. 
Mrs. E. Howard Harper was ap- 
pointed by the Governor of West Vir- 
ginia to succeed her husband, who 
died on December 21, 1927, as a mem- 
ber of the legislature of that state. 
This was the first time a Negro wo- 
man was a member of any legisla- 
ture in this country. For the first 
time in the history of American poli- 
tics two Negro women, Mrs. Mary 
C. Booze of Mound Bayou, Mississip- 
pi, and Mrs. George S. Williams of 
Savannah, Georgia, gained the dis- 
tinction of membership on the Re- 
publican National Committee. The 
following women were alternate dele- 
gates to the 1928 National Repub- 
lican Convention: Mrs. Sarah Wat- 
son King, Atlanta, Georgia; Mrs. 
Mamie Pringle, Savannah, Georgia; 
Mrs. H. B. Cardoza, Bennings, D. C.; 
Mrs. Mary C. Booze, Mound Bayou, 
Mississippi; Mrs. Annie E. Mhoon, 


Jackson, Mississippi; Mrs. Myrtle 
Cook, Kansas City, Missouri; Mrs. 
Bessie Mention, Princeton, New Jer- 
sey and Mrs. Daisy E. Lampkin, 
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. 
Resolutions Expressing Dissatisfac- 
tion with Republican Party 
Negroes attending the National 
Republican Convention at Kansas 
City held a meeting on June 14, 1928. 
The reason for this meeting being- 
that the following resolutions, which 
were presented to the platform com- 
mittee of the Republican National 
Convention with the request that 
these resolutions or the substance 
thereof be made a part of the plat- 
form of the Republican party, were 


Whereas, the provisions of the Constitution 
of the United States, viz, the Fourteenth and 
Fifteenth Amendments, are being openly and 
flagrantly violated in this, to-wit: That the 
colored citizens of the United States are be- 
ing deprived of life, liberty, property and the 
pursuit of happiness, and 

Whereas, an anti-lynching bill has been re- 
peatedly defeated, and 

Whereas, there appears to be a disposition 
and concerted effort on the part of the lily- 
white element of the Republican party to 
eliminate the colored citizen by discrimination, 
intimidation and chicanery; and 

Whereas, there has been discrimination, on 
account of race and color in the classified 
service under the rules and regulations of 
the Civil Service Laws in respect to appoint- 
ments where positions have been won by 
competitive examination; and 

Whereas, segregation and discrimination in 
governmental departments in Washington, D. 
C., are still being practiced, now therefore, it 

Resolved, that we, the undersigned com- 
mittee, appointed at an open meeting of dele- 
gates to the Republican National Convention 
at Kansas City, Missouri, to encouch the fol- 
lowing plank in its platform: 

First, to protect the colored citizens in all 
their rights, civil and political. 

Second, for a strict enforcement of the 
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the 
Constitution, in letter and in spirit. 

Be it further resolved, that the Republi- 
can party go on record as protecting all citi- 
zens alike in the strict enforcement of the 
civil service laws of the United States. 

The committee: Ernest G. Tidrington, In- 
diana; Gep. \V. Lee, Tennessee; Orlando J. 
Smith, Minnesota; Chas. P. Howard, Iowa; 
M. Lewis, Illinois; G. A. Gilmore, Texas; 
A. J. Carey, Illinois; Oscar DePriest, Illi- 
nois; C. H. Galloway, Missouri; Mrs. Grace 
Wilson Evans, Indiana; S. D. Redmond, 
Mississippi; James M. Burr, Texas; P. H. 
Crutchfield, Louisiana; J. Finley Wilson. 
District of Columbia; Fred Dabney, Missouri 
and W. C. Hueston, Indiana. 

National Negro Voters League 

The second cause of the meeting 
was the precedent established by the 
Republican party at this convention 
in what is known as "The Texas 

case." This case presented in brief 
the question of whether party man- 
agers had the right to call conven- 
tions to select delegates to the Re- 
publican National Convention in 
state conventions as a whole, or to 
follow the previously established rule 
of selecting some by district and 
some at large. It being made clear 
that to establish the rule of selecting 
all in state conventions bars the Ne- 
groes in the southern states from 
participation in these party matters 
and certainly prevents them from 
becoming delegates to party nation- 
al conventions. 

In the establishing of this race de- 
stroying precedent, many of the Ne- 
gro delegates following factional 
leadership voted in the affirmative 
to the dismay of those who stand for 
race equality, by party and before 
the law. After due consideration, it 
was decided at the above meeting to 
form an organization to be known as 
the National Negro Voters League. 

The said League should justify its 
existence as follows: 

1. To have for its purposes the full 
enfranchisement of the American 

2. To ascertain where the Negro 
stands in the Republican party. 

3. To play with pitiless publicity 
upon those of our race who vote in 
political conventions and elsewhere 
against race interests and then seek 
prominence and priority as the price 

The meeting organized and elected 
the following temporary officers: J. 
Finley Wilson, president, Washing- 
ton, D. C; Chas. P. Howard, secre- 
tary, Des Moines, Iowa; W. C. Hues- 
ton, chairman of executive com- 
mittee, Gary Indiana. 

These officers were instructed to 
issue a call for a meeting to be held 
in the City of Chicago, Illinois, for 
permanent organization and to agree 
upon and announce ways and means 
to carry out the purpose of the 

Pursuant to this order a meeting 
of the National Negro Voter's 
League was held in the City of Chi- 
cago, Illinois, on the 24th day of 
August, 1928. 

The League chose a middle course, 
condemning neither the Republican 
nor Democratic party. In a reso- 
lution, which was adopted by the 
convention, some of the political ills 



from which the Negro suffers were 
recited, but no means of remedying 
them were offered. 

Promises to Negro in Republican 
Platforms 1884-1928 

"Since June 5, 1884, the Republi- 
can party has included in its plat- 
form planks of promise to the Ne- 

Among the things it promised him 
are: "Full civil and political rights," 
1884; right to cast a "free and un- 
restricted ballot," 1888, 1892. 

Equal justice and enforcement of 
the "Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fif- 
teenth Amendments" were promised 
in 1908. 

Lynching was condemned first in 
the Republican party platform 
of 1896 as a "barbarous practice." 
And a federal anti-lyrich law was 
promised in 1920, 1924 and 1928. 
Rights only of courts to take human 
life were asserted in 1912. 

The Republican plank of 1884 on j 
the Negro contained 57 words, and 
that of 1888, 122 words. 

From that time on these planks 
have decreased in length until 1912 
and 1916 the Negro is not mentioned 
at all and in 1928 thirty-six words. 

In 1888, John R. Lynch, a Negro, 
for six years a congressman from 
Mississippi, was temporary chairman 
of the Republican National Conven- 
tion, made the keynote speech, and 
helped make the platform. 

In 1920, 1924 and 1928 Negroes 
sought in vain to place stronger ut- 
terances in the party platform. 

Republican planks since 1884 on 
the Negro are as follows: 

Chicago, June 5, 1884, candidate for Presi- 
dency: James G. Blaine. 

We extend to the Republicans of the 
South, regardless of tbeir former party af- 
filiation, our cordial sympathy and pledge to 
them our uttermost earnest efforts to pro- 
mote the passage of such legislation as will 
secure to every citizen of whatever race, or 
color, the full and complete recognition, pos- 
session and exercise of all civil and political 

Chicago, June 21, 1888. Candidate for 
Presidency: Benjamin Harrison. 

Free Suffrage: We reaffirm our unswerv- 
ing devotion to the National Constitution and 
to the indissoluable union of the states; to 
the attorney reserved to the states under the 
Constitution, to the personal rights and liber- 
ties of citizens in all states and territories 
in the Union, especially to the supreme and 
sovereign right of lawful citizens, rich or 
poor, native or foreign born, white or black, 
to cast one free ballot in public elections and 
to have that ballot counted. We hold the 
free and honest popular ballot and the just 
aiiu equal representation of all our people 
to be the foundation of government, and de- 

mand effective legislation to secure the in- 
tegrity and purity of elections which are the 
foundation of all public authority. 

Minneapolis, Minnesota, June 9, 1892. Can- 
didate for Presidency: Benjamin Harrison. 

The ballot: We demand that every citi- 
zen of the United States be allowed to cast 
one free and unrestricted ballot in all public 
elections, and that such ballot be counted and 
returned as cast; that such laws shall be en- 
acted and enforced as will secure to every 
citizen, be he rich or poor, native or foreign 
born, white or black, this sovereign right 
guaranteed by the Constitution. 

St. Louis, June 18, 1896. Candidate for 
Presidency: William McKinley. 

Lynchings: We proclaim our unqualified 
condemnation of the uncivilized and barbarous 
practice, well known as lynching or killing 
human beings, suspected or charged with 
crime, without process of law. 

Philadelphia, June 20, 1900. Candidate 
for Presidency: William McKinley. 

Franchise in South: It was the plain 
purpose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the 
Constitution to prevent discrimination on ac- 
count of race or color in regulating the elec- 
tive franchise. Devices of state governments, 
whether by statutory or constitutional enact- 
ment, to avoid the purpose of this amend- 
ment are revolutionary and should be con- 

Chicago, June 22, 1904. Candidate for 
Presidency: Theodore Roosevelt. 

Negro disfranchisement: We favor such 
congressional action as shall determine 
whether by special discrimination the elective 
franchise in any state has been unconstitu- 
tionally limited, and if such is the case, we 
demand that representation in Congress and 
in the electoral college shall be proportionally 
reduced as directed by the Constitution of 
the United States. 

Chicago, June 18, 1908. Candidate for 
Presidency: William II. Taft. 

The Negro: The Republican Party has 
been for more than 50 years the consistent 
friend of the American Negro. It gave him 
freedom and citizenship. It wrote into the 
organic law the declarations that proclaim 
his civil and political rights, and it believes 
today that his noteworthy progress in intelli- 
gence, industry and good citizenship has 
earned the respect and encouragement of the 
nation. We demand equal justice for all men 
without regard to race or color; we declare 
once more, and without reservation, for the 
enforcement in letter and spirit of the Thir- 
teenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- 
ments to the Constitution, which were de- 
signed for the protection and advancement 
of the Negro; and we condemn all devices 
that have for their real aim his disfranchise- 
ment for reasons of color alone as unfair, 
un-American and repugnant to the supreme 
law of the land. 

Chicago, June 18, 1912. Candidate for 
Presidency: William H. Taft. 

The Republican party reaffirms its inten- 
tion to uphold at all times the authority and 
integrity of the courts, both state and feder- 
al, and it will ever insist that their powers 
to enforce their processes and to protect life, 
liberty and property shall be preserved in- 

Chicago, June 8, 1913. Candidate for 
Presidency: Charles Evans Hughes. 

No direct reference to the Negro. 

Chicago, June. 8, 1920. Candidate for 
Presidency: Warren G. Harding. 

We urge Congress to consider the most 



effective means to end lynching in this coun- 
try which continues to be a terrible blot on 
our American civilization. 

Cleveland, Ohio, June 12, 1924. Candidate 
for Presidency: Calvin Coolidge. 

The Negro: \Ve urge Congress to enact 
at the earliest possible date a Federal anti- 
lynching law, so that the full influence of 
the federal government may be wielded to 
exterminate this hideous crime. 

We believe that much of the misunder- 
standing which now exists can be eliminated 
by humane and sympathetic study of its 
causes. The President has recommended the 
creation of a commission for the investigation 
of social and economic conditions and the 
promotion of mutual understanding and con- 

Kansas City, June i3, 1928. Candidate for 
Presidency: Herbert Hoover. 

We renew our recommendation that Con- 
gress enact at the earliest possible date a 
federal anti-lynching law, so that the full 
influence of the federal government may be 
wield to exterminate tins hideous crime. 

Individuals and Newspapers Bolt 
the Republican Party 

An interesting feature of the 1924 
Presidential campaign was that sev- 
eral prominent Negroes left the Re- 
publican party and enrolled them- 
selves as Democrats or Progressives. 
A striking and important feature of 
the 1928 Presidential campaign was 
the very large number of prominent 
Negroes who left the Republican 
party and enrolled themselves as 
Democrats. The National Democrats 
and Republican Campaign Commit- 
tees had highly organized Negro di- 
visions. These committees, as in the 
campaign of 1924, sent campaign 
literature, gotten up especially for 
Negro voters. 

During the 1928 Presidential cam- 
paign Negro voting clubs, in support 
of Smith for President, were organ- 
ized in Arkansas, Georgia, Florida, 
Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, North 
Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, West 
Virginia, Texas, Virginia, Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut, New York, Ohio, 
Indiana, Illinois, Nebraska, Kansas, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Minneso- 
ta, Colorado and Arizona. 

Widespread comment was oc- 
casioned by the bolting of colored 
newspapers throughout the country 
from the G. O. P. to the Smith camp. 
Chief among the leading race publi- 
cations to support Governor Smith 
for President were: The Chicago 
Defender, Baltimore Afro-American, 
Norfolk Journal and Guide, Boston 
Guardian, Louisville News, Negro 
World, Washington Eagle, Interstate 
Tattler, New York Contender, Kan- 
sas City American, Gary Sun, Har- 
lem Star, Muskogee Herald, New 

Jersey Lance, West Indian Times, 
and Chicago World. The St. Louis 
Argus, Kansas City Call and other 
influential colored papers, while not 
editorially espousing Governor 
Smith's election said nothing in ad- 
vocacy of Mr. Hoover. 

It is the first time in history that 
the colored press has supported in 
such large numbers a Democratic as- 
pirant for the Presidency. 

A unique feature of the campaign 
was that of a white man running for 
President and a Negro candidate for 
Vice-President on the same ticket 
that of the Interracial Independent 
Political Party, organized on June 
4, 1928. 

The Presidential candidate was 
General Jacob S. Coxey, leader of 
"Coxey's Army" of 1894, composed 
of jobless men who marched to Wash- 
ington to obtain relief. Coxey, who 
was 74, operates a silica sand com- 
pany in Ohio and also has oil in- 
terests in Oklahoma. The Negro 
Vice-Presidential candidate was 
Simon P. Drew, a clergyman and 
real estate operator of Washington, 
D. C. 

Efforts to Make the Negro a 
Political Issue 

As the 1928 Presidential campaign 
progressed efforts were made to 
make the Negro a political issue. A 
news item circulated in Negro news- 
papers during the month of Septem- 
ber said: "Disclosures that the Ku 
Klux Klan lily-white Republicans 
and bolting southern Democrats are 
using the Negro in their propaganda 
to discredit Alfred E. Smith have 
aroused widespread resentment 
among colored Americans irrespec- 
tive of party affiliation. Conclusive 
proof that a plot exists to jointly 
vilify the Governor and Negroes is 
apparent on every hand." 

A pamphlet was circulated which 
said that a Negro occupied a posi- 
tion as Civil Service Commissioner 
under Tammany Hall, and that if 
Smith was elected the Negro would 
be* made a member of Governor 
Smith's cabinet. 

The Mobile (Alabama) Register, 
in its issue of October 14, asked: 

"Who made the Negro race one of 
the outstanding issues of this na- 
tional campaign? Not the people of 
the South nor can all the blame be 
put upon either of the major politi- 
cal parties. Both parties are mak- 



ing an energetic bid for the Negro 
vote in certain states where these 
voters are sufficiently numerous to 
turn the scales in close contests. 

'The truth of the matter is that 
more Negroes will vote the Demo- 
cratic ticket this year than ever be- 
fore in the history of the country. 
Why has the Negro vote assumed 
such importance in the national cam- 
paign this year? No matter how it 
happened, or who is to blame for it, 
it is unfortunate that the Negro 
should have become an issue in this 
national campaign. Obviously, the 
prime reason for the appearance of 
the Negro as an issue in the cam- 
paign is in the fact that the Demo- 
cratic party, for the first time in its 
history, is making an appeal for the 
Negro vote in such states as New 
York, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Mary- 
land and a few other states where 
the vote may be of importance in the 
event of a close vote between the 
two major parties in November." 

"The New Orleans Item regretted 
that such extraneous stuff as this 
has been forced into a campaign in 
which neither the platforms nor the 
personal statements of the candidates 
give them any proper place." Speak- 
ing of all unnamed southern Demo- 
crats who "would have all Demo- 
cratic speakers warn deserters that 
if they made common cause with the 
Republicans they would bring the 
Negro back into power in Virginia," 
The Richmond News-Leader said: 

"Against the injustice and the un- 
wisdom of such a course, The News- 
Leader wishes here and now to en- 
ter its protest. Why should the 
South go backward politically? Why 
should it be the slave of unfounded 
fears? The Negro has not involved 
himself in this campaign. He did 
not make the Volstead Law. He 
nominated neither Hoover nor Smith. 
He is Protestant, but he is not anti- 
Catholic and, manifestly, he is not 
an ally of the Klan. Prejudice against 
Smith cannot be combatted with 
prejudice against the Negro." . 
Southern White Men and Women 
Protest Injection of Race Question 
into Presidential Campaign 

In October, 1928, forty-six south- 
ern men and women issued the fol- 
lowing protest: 

The undersigned citizens of the South, 
some of them supporters of the one Presi- 
dential candidate and some of the other, de- 
sire unitedly to voice this public protest 

against the injection of the race question into 
the present political campaign. 

Had either political group alone been re- 
sponsible for raising this subject we would 
hesitate to make this statement, lest it be 
thought partisan. But it is being raised by 
partisans of both sides who, for the purpose 
of driving voters into their respective camps, 
are, in our judgment, reopening the healing 
wounds of bitterness and hate. 

We believe these appeals are both irrelevant 
and dangerous. It is our hope that no one 
will be deterred by them from calmly con- 
sidering the real issues and voting his honest 
convictions; and certainly that no one will 
allow them to inflame his mind with antago- 
nism toward our Negro neighbors, who too 
long have been pawns in the game of poli- 
tics. Any attempt to influence men and wo- 
men with an issue so untimely is unworthy 
of the white man and unjust to all. If taken 
seriously, it is the sowing of dragon's teeth 
of which future generations must reap the 

Happily, we believe it will not be taken 
seriously. We believe our citizenship is too 
intelligent and too fairminded thus to sacri- 
fice the cause of interracial peace and pro- 
gress. We, therefore, call upon the leadership 
of the South the pulpit, the press, the plat- 
form and upon every right-thinking man and 
woman among us to disclaim, discourage and 
discontinue such appeals to prejudice and 
fear, to the end that the gains of recent years 
in interracial good-will and understanding 
may not be sacrificed to the passing interest 
of a political campaign. 

Signers by states: 

Dr. Dunbar H. Ogden, Mobile 

E. G. Rickarby, Mobile 

Dr. H. M. Edmonds, Birmingham 

Mrs. J. H. McCoy, Athens. 

Robert C. Alston, Atlanta 

Robert L- Foreman, Atlanta 

Dr. Plato T. Durham, Atlanta 

E. Marvin Underwood, Atlanta 

Louis D. Newton, Atlanta 

Bishop P. F. Reese, Savannah 

Bishop W. B. Beauchamp, Atlanta. 

Judge Robert Bingham, Louisville 

Mrs. Atwood Martin, Louisville 

Col. P. H. Caliahan, Louisville 

Mrs. Helm Bruce, Louisville. 

Dr. D. M. Key, Jackson 

Bishop T. D. Bratton, Jackson. 
North Carolina: 

Dr. Howard W. Odum, Chapel Hill 

Mrs. T. W. Bickett, Raleigh 

Dr. W. P. Few, Durham 

Dr. W. C. Jackson, Greensboro 

E. P. Wharton, Greensboro 

Col. Henry N F - ies, Winston- Salem 

Dr. W. L. Pou-t, Wake Forest 

J. B. Ivey, Charlotte 

Gilbert T. Stephenson, Raleigh 

J. G. Hanes, Winston-Salem 
South Carolina: 

Walter B. Wilbur, Charleston 

Dr. W. J. McGlothlin, Greenville 

Dr. E. O. Watson, Columbia 

Bishop K. G. Finlay, Columbia 

Dr. H. N. Snyder, Spartanburg 

W. C. Coker, Hartsville. 

Dr. J. H. Kirkland, Nashville 

Dr. James 1. Vance, Nashville 

Dr. John L. Hill, Nashville 

Dr. J. D. Blanton, Nashville 


George F. Milton, Chattanooga 

Dr. C. B. Wilmer, Sewanee. 

George B. Dealey, Dallas 

A. S. Cleveland, Houston 

Dr. George W. Truett, Dallas 

Dr. E. A. Alderman, Charlottesville 

Dr. R. E. Blackwell, Ashland 

Dr. James H. Dillard, Charlottesville 

John Stewart Bryan, Richmond. 

An Appeal to America Against Mak- 
ing the Negro a Political Issue 

On October 25, 1928, thirty-four 
leading Negroes of the country, 
Democrats and Republicans, issued 
"An Appeal to America" against the 
injection of race prejudice into the 
Presidential campaign as follows: 

The persons whose names are signed be- 
neath are alike in the fact that we all have 
Negro slaves among our ancestors. In other 
respects, we differ widely; in descent, in 
dwelling place, in age and occupation, and, 
to some extent, in our apnroach to what is 
known as the Negro problem. 

More especially we differ in political thought 
and allegiance; some of us are Republicans 
by inheritance and long custom; others are 
Democrats, by affiliation and party member- 
shin; others are Socialists. 

But all of us are at this moment united in 
the solemn conviction that in the Presidential 
camraign of 1928, more than in previous 
campaigns since the Civil War, the American 
Negro is bein? treated "in a manner which is 
unfair and discouraging. 

We accuse the political leaders of this 
campaign of permitting without protest, pub- 
lic and repeated assertions on the platform, 
in the press, and by word of mouth, that 
color and race constitute in themselves an 
imputation of guilt and crime. 

It has been said, North and South, East 
and West, and by partisans of the leading 

1. That Negro voters should not be ap- 
pealed to, or their support welcome by the 
advocates of just causes. 

2. That colored persons should not hold 
public office, no matter what their charac- 
ter may be, nor how well they do their 
work, nor how competently they satisfy 
their constituents. 

3. That the contact of white people and 
black people in government, in business, 
in dai|y life and in common effort and co- 
operation, calls for explanation and apology. 

4. That the honesty and integrity of par- 
ty organization depend on the complete re- 
moval of all Negroes from voice and 

5. That the appointment of a public 
official is an act which concerns only white 
citizens, and that colored citizens should 
have neither voice nor consideration in 
such appointments. 

These assertions, which sound bald and al- 
most unbelievable when stated without em- 
bellishment, have appeared as full-paged ad- 
vertisements in the public press, as the sub- 
ject of leading editorials, and as displayed 
news stories; they have been repeated on the 
public platform in open debate and over the 
radio by both Republican and Democratic 
speakers, and they have been received by the 
nation and by the adherents of these and 
other parties in almost complete silence. A 
few persons have depreciated this gratuitous 

lugging in of the race problem, but for the 
most part, this astonishing campaign of pub- 
lic insult toward one-tenth of the nation has 
evoked no word of protest from the leading 
party candidates or from their official spokes- 
men; and from few religious ministers, Pro- 
testant or Catholic, or Jewish, and from al- 
most no leading social reformer. 

Much has been said and rightly of the dan- 
ger in a republic like ours of making sincere 
religious belief a matter of political contro- 
versy and of diverting public attention from 
great questions of public policy to petty mat- 
ters of private life. But, citizens of America, 
bad as religious hatred and evil personal gos- 
sip are, they have not the seeds of evil and 
disaster that lie in continued, unlimited and 
restrained appeal to race prejudice. The em- 
phasis of racial contempt and hatred which 
is being made in this campaign is an appeal 
to the lowest and most primitive of human 
motives, and as long as this appeal can suc- 
cessfully be made, there is for this land no 
real peace, no sincere religion, no national 
unity, no social progress, even in matters far 
removed from racial controversy. 

Do not misunderstand us; we are not ask- 
ing equality where there is no equality. We 
are not demanding or even discussing purely 
social intermingling. We have not the 
slightest desire for intermarriage between the 
races. We frankly recognize that the after- 
math of slavery must involve long yeats of 
poverty, crime and contempt; for all of this 
that the past has brought and the present 
gives we have paid in good temper, quiet 
work and unfaltering faith. But we do 
solemnly affirm that in a civilized land and 
in a Christian culture and among increasing- 
ly intelligent people, somewhere and some- 
time, limits must be put to race disparage- 
ment and separation and to campaigns of 
racial calumny which seek to set twelve mil- 
lion human beings outside the pale of ordinary 

\Ve believe that this nation and every part 
of it must come to admit that the gradual 
disappearance of inequalities between racial 
groups and the gradual 'softening of preju- 
dice and hatred, is a sign of advance and 
not of retrogression and should be hailed as 
such by all decent folk and we think it mon- 
strous to wage a political campaign in which 
the fading and softening of racial animosity 
and the increase of cooperation can be held 
up to the nation as a fault and not as a vir- 
tue. We do not believe that the majority of the 
white people whether North or South believe 
in the necessity or the truth of the assertions 
current in this campaign; but we are aston- 
ished to see the number of persons who are 
whipped to silence in the presence of such 
obvious and ancient political trickery. 

You cannot set the requirements of political 
honesty and intelligence too high to gain our 
consent. We have absolutely no quarrel with 
standards of ability and character which will 
bring to public office in America the very 
highest type of public servant. We are more 
troubled over political dishonesty among 
black folk than you are among white. We 
are not seeking political domination. But, 
on the other hand, it is too late for us to 
submit to political slavery and we most earn- 
estly protest against the unchallenged assump- 
tion that every American Negro is dishonest 
and incompetent and that color itself is a 

It is not so much the virulance of the at- 
tack in this case. It is its subtle and com- 
placent character and the assenting silence 
in which it is received. Gravely and openly 



these assertions are made and few care, few I 
protest, few answer. Has not the time come I 
when as a nation, North and South, black ' 
and white, we can stop this tragic fooling 
and demand not to he sure, everything thai 
all Negroes might wish nor all that some 
white people might prefer, but a certain bal- 
ance of decency and logic in the discussior 
of race? Can we not as a nation assert that 
the Constitution is the law of the land ami 
that the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, Fifteenth 
and Nineteenth Amendments as well as the 
Eighteenth are still valid; that it is no crime 
for a colored man to vote if he meets the 
legal requirements; that it is not a crime to 
appoint a colored man to office unless he is 
incompetent; and if he is incompetent, the 
crime lies in his incompetency and not in his 
color; that -in this modern world of necessari- 
ly increasing human contact it is inevitable 
that persons of different races work together 
in private and public service; that this con- 
tact is not wrong unless the persons are un- 
able to do their work properly or unless their 
helpful cooperation is proven impossible? 

We are asking, therefore, in this appeal, for 
a public repudiation of this campaign of racia! 
hatred. Silence and whispering in this case 
are worse than in matters of personal charac- 
ter and religion. Will white America make 
no protest? Will the candidates continue to 
remain silent? Will the church say nothing? 
Is there any truth, any issue in this campaign, ' 
either religious tolerance, liquor, water power, 
tariff or farm relief, that touches in weight 
the transcendent and fundamental question ol 
the open, loyal and unchallenged recognition 
of the essential humanity of twelve million 
Americans who happen to be dark-skinned? 
R. R. Moton, principal, Tuskegee Insti- 
tute, Tuskegee, Alabama. 
W. E. B. DuBois, editor, Crisis Maga- 
zine, New York. 
John Hope, president, Morehouse College, 

Atlanta, Georgia. 
Mordecai W. Johnson, president, Howard 

University, Washington, D. C. 
Harry E. Davis, civil service commis- 
sioner, City of Cleveland, Ohio. 
George C. Clement, bishop, A. M. E. 

Zion Church, Louisville, Kentucky. 
Sallie W. Stewart, president, National 
Association of Colored Women, Evans- 
ton, Indiana. 

C. C. Spaulding, president, North Caro- 
lina Mutual Insurance Company, 
Durham, North Carolina. 
James Weldon Johnson, secretary, The 
National Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People, New York. 
Fred R. Moore, alderman, City of New 
York, editor, The New York Age, New 
Eugene K. Jones, secretary, the National 

Urban League, New York. 
W. T. B. Williams, field agent, Jeanes and 
Slater Funds, Tuskegee Institute, Tus- 
kegee, Alabama. 

Walter White, assistant secretary, The 
National Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People, New York. 
C. A. Barnett, director, Associated Ne- 
gro Press, Chicago, Illinois. 
R. Nathaniel Dett, head, department of 
music, Hampton Institute, Hampton, 

Ferdinand Q. Morton, municipal civil 
service commissioner, New York City. 
Mary McLeod Bethune, president, Be- 
thune-Cookman College, Daytona, Flori- 
William II. Lewis, former assistant at- 

torney general of the United States, 
attorney-at-law, Boston, Massachusetts. 
George W. Harris, former alderman, City 
of New York, editor, The New York 
News, New York. 

E. P. Roberts, physician, New York City. 
George E. Haynes, secretary, Federal 

Council of Churches of Christ in 
America, New York. 

Monroe N. Work, director of Records and 
Research, Tuskegee Institute, Tuskegee, 

John R. Hawkins, financial secretary, 
African Methodist Episcopal Church, 
chairman, Colored Republican Voters 
Division, Washington, D. C. 

Reverdy C. Ransom, bishop, African M. 
E. Church, Nashville, Tennessee. 

Archibald J. Carey, bishop, African M. 
E. Church, Chicago, Illinois. 

Channing H. Tobias, secretary, Interna- 
tional Committee. Y. M. C. A., New 

Albert B. George, judge, municipal court, 
Chicago, Illinois. 

S. W. Green, supreme chancellor, Knights 
of Pythias, New Orleans, Louisiana. 

Robert E. Jones, bishop, Methodist Epis- 
copal Church, New Orleans, Louisiana. 

Carl Murphy, editor, The Afro- American, 
Baltimore, Maryland. 

F. B. Ransom, manager, Walker Manu- 
facturing Company, Indianapolis, In- 

Elizabeth Ross Haynes, member, Nation- 
al Board, Y. W. C. A., New York. 

Robert W. Bagnall, field agent, National 
Association for. the Advancement of 
Colored People, New York. 

L. K. Williams, president, National, Bap- 
tist Convention, Chicago, Illinois. 

Negro Not Mentioned in President's 
Inaugural Address 

President Hoover was criticised be- 
cause in his inaugural address he 
failed to mention the Negro. It was 
pointed out that: ''Briefly the Presi- 
dent touched upon the whole cata- 
logue of governmental ideals, issues 
and problems, save the one which 
through the very force of circum- 
stances is of especial interest to 
twelve million American citizens. He 
found it neither necessary nor ex- 
pedient, as have his party's prede- 
cessors, to make special reference to 
the Negro. 

"It is no desire of the Negro to be 
considered a subject apart from this 
body politic. Rather it is his strivings 
that his hopes, interests and aspira- 
tions be fused with those of the na- 
tional citizenship. But born of a 
peculiarly American psychology are 
barriers that do actually set him 
apart in the attainment of the bless- 
ings of life, the pursuit of happiness 
and the rights and responsibilities of 
citizenship. Until these barriers are 
lowered it comes as a disappoint- 
ment to the race group for a Presi- 
dent of this great nation, either by 



word or act, to feign their non-exis- 
tence. Every hope of the race, ma- 
terial and spiritual, is inextricably 
inter-woven into its hope of equal 
citizenship, and nothing in the realm 
of government transcends that ques- 
tion in importance to us." 

It was pointed out by the Negro 
newspapers that President Coolidge 
had failed to fulfill the expectations 
of Negroes. When he succeeded the 
late President Harding, it was be- 
lieved because he was a New Eng- 
lander that he would give full recog- 
nition to the civil and political rights 
of colored Americans. His five years 
and seven months in the White House 
dispelled this belief. 

When he came into the Presiden- 
cy, colored Republicans were smart- 
ing under the treatment that had 
been accorded them by President 
Harding. There had been a partial 
removal of the proscriptions, dis- 
crimination and segregation that had 
been put into effect during the Wil- 
son regime. Glowing campaign 
promises of 1920 had not been kept. 
There had been only three appoint- 
ments of colored Republicans to stat- 
utory positions, the Rev. Solomon 
Porter Hood as minister to Liberia; 
Charles W. Anderson as collector of 
internal revenue in New York, and 
Arthur G. Froe as recorder of deeds 
of the District of Columbia. 

Negroes revived their hopes when 
Mr. Coolidge took the oath of office. 
They recalled that he had declared 
for a more general recognition of 
their constitutional rights, relief for 
them from all imposition, and the 
granting of equal opportunities to 

Aside from the fact that he was 
President of the United States, the 
inaugural address of President Hoo- 
ver was of little interest to us. 

We have used every possible 
stretch of our imagination trying to 
construe some word or phrase of his 
address to mean that the new Presi- 
dent thought of our group, as we 
are affected by certain conditions in 
America today. And, of course, not 
finding such words or other expres- 
sions as we had expected, we very 
naturally feel disappointed. 

It was significantly noticed that 
Mr. Hoover put much time and em- 
phasis on the Eighteenth Amend- 
ment to the Constitution, committing 
himself to its enforcement, but it 

was also noticeable that he did not 
say a word about the enforcement of 
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- 
ments to the United States Consti- 

We don't know whether the Presi- 
dent was "dodging the issue" or not, 
but we do know, at some time, some 
President of these United States is 
going to face the issue like a man. 
Of course, it will take a man of 
courage and a man probably the 
size of Lincoln to do it, but it must 
be done. The denial of one-tenth of 
the citizens of their common rights 
under the . Constitution cannot for- 
ever be ignored by the law enforce- 
ment machinery from the President 
down to the petty officers, and kiss- 
ing the Bible is a colossal joke un- 
less one believes in God and as such 
believes in right and is willing to 
stand or fall by that belief. 
The Negro and the Republican Party 
in the South 

Those in charge of the policies of 
the Republican party have for a 
number of years been making efforts 
to build up the party in the South, 
independent of the control of the Ne- 
gro. One phase of this policy was 
to cut down the number of delegates 
from the South to the national con- 
ventions of the party. This was first 
put into practice with respect to dele- 
gates to the 1916 1 convention. The 
result was that the number of Ne- 
gro delegates from the South was 
cut from 62 in 1912 to 32 in 1916. 
On June 8, 1921, the Republican Na- 
tional Committee adopted a resolu- 
tion to further reduce the number of 
delegates from the South to the Na- 
tional Convention. Under this ruling 
delegates to the 1924 Convention 
were to be selected on the following 
basis : 

"1. One district delegate from 
each Congressional district main- 
taining therein a Republican district 
organization and casting 2,500 votes 
or more for any Republican elector 
in the last preceding Presidential 
election, or for the Republican nomi- 
nee for Congress in the last preced- 
ing Congressional election. 

"2. One additional district dele- 
gate for each Congressional district 
casting 10,000 votes or more for any 
Republican elector in the last pre- 
ceding Presidential election, or for 
the Republican nominee for Congress 
in the last preceding Congressional 



election, or having elected a Repub- 
lican representative in Congress at 
the last preceding Congressional elec- 

At the meeting of the Republican 
National Committee on December 12, 
1923, the mandate of the 1920 Na- 
tional Convention, fixing the appor- 
tionment of delegates from the South 
on the basis of one delegate for each 
2,500 Republican voters, was re- 
versed, and the old apportionment 
of one delegate for each Congression- 
al district was restored; that is, the 
basis of apportioning delegates for 
the 1924 and 1928 National Republi- 
can Convention was practically the 
same as that for 1920. 

The number of Negro delegates, 
27, reached low water mark at the 
1920 Convention. Augmented by Ne- 
gro delegates from a few northern 
states, the number of Negro delegates 
increased to 39 in the 1924 Conven- 
tion and 49 in the 1928 Convention. 
There were also 55 Negro alternate 
delegates to this latter Convention 
making their total representation, 
104 in the 1928 National Republican 

Names of Negro Delegates and Al- 
ternates to the 1928 Republican 
National Convention 

ARIZONA Alternate at-large: John D. Wash- 
ington, Phoenix. 

ARKANSAS Delegates: sth district, S. A. 
Jones, Little Rock.. Alternates: sth dis- 
trict, A. C. -Logan, Little Rock; 6th dis- 
trict, H. H. Phipps, Hot Springs. 

COLORADO Alternate at-large: Joseph D. 
D. Rivers, Denver. 

FLORIDA Alternate at-large: John R. Scott, 

GEORGIA Delegates at-large: Benjamin Jef- 
ferson Davis, Atlanta; Joseph H. Watson, 
Albany; ist district, * William James, 
Statesboro; * B. W. S. Daniels, Savannah; 
2nd district, B. F. Gofer, Albany; 3rd dis- 
trict, F,. S. Richardson, Marshallville; 4th 
district, E. J. Turner, Columbus; 6th dis- 
trict, * Sol C. Clemens, Macon, and * J. J. 
Wright, Forsyth; 8th district, W. H. Har- 
ris, Athens; loth district, R. C. Williams, 
Augusta; nth district, E. W. Brinkins, 
Woodbine; izth district, H. A. Hunt, Fort 
Valley. Alternates at-large: William P. 
Harris, Athens; Airs. Sarah Watson King, 
Atlanta; ist district, Mrs. Mamie M. 
Pringle, Savannah- 2nd district, Lem Webb, 
Arlington; 3rd district, J. A. Lee, Cuthbert; 
4th district, R. H. Cobb, Columbus; sth 
district, A. T. Walden, Atlanta; 6th dis- 
trict, G. W. Drake, Thomaston; ;th dis- 
trict, * Frank P. Rogers, Jr., Marietta; Sth 
district, P. J. Blackwell, Elberton; loth dis- 
trict, George W. Bentley, Lincoln ton; I2th 
district, L. L. Ellison, McRae. 

ILLINOIS Delegates: ist district, Oscar 
DePriest, Chicago, and Daniel M. Jackson, 
Chicago. Alternates: ist district, Robert 
R. Jackson, Chicago, and Roscoe C. Sim- 
mons, Chicago. 

INDIAN AAlternate at-large: Ernest Tid- 

rington, Evansville. 
KANSAS Alternate at-large: T. W. Bell, 


KENTUCKY Delegates at-large: W. T. Mer- 
chant, Louisville; ist district, S. H. George, 
Paducah. Alternate at-large: G. W. Broadus r 

LOUISIANA Delegates at-large: J. A. Bing- 
aman, New Orleans; ist district, Walter 
L. Cohen, New Orleans; 2nd district, 
C. C. Wilson, New Orleans; 6th district, 
J. H. Lowery, Donaldsonville. Alternate 
at-large: Andrew Turner, New Orleans; 
2nd district, E. S. Swann, New Orleans. 
MARYLAND Delegates: 4th district, John 
L. Berry, Baltimore; sth district, Jeremiah 
Hawkins, Brentwood. Alternates: 4th dis- 
trict, Marse S. Galloway, Baltimore; Sth 
district, Mrs. II. B. Cardoza, Bennings, D. C. 
MASSACHUSETTS Alternate: nth district, 

Walter Foster, Boston. 

MISSISSIPPI Delegates at-large: *P. W. 
Howard, Jackson; * S. D. Redmond, Jack- 
son; * W. L. Mhoon, Jackson; and district, 
G. S. Goodman, Holly Springs; 3rd dis- 
trict, E. P. Booze, Mound Bayou; 4th dis- 
trict, * W. W. Phillips, Kosciusko; and I). 
M. P. Hazley, Kosciusko; sth district, * C. 
T. Butler, Meridian; 6th district, Thomas 
I. Keys, Ocean Springs; Sth district, * A. 
M. Redmond, Jackson, and * E. L. Patton, 
Jackson. Alternates at-large: *Mrs. M. 
C. Booze, Mound Bayou; * A. J. Brown, 
Vicksburg; * Mrs. Annie E. Mhoon, Jack- 
son; * E. W. Barnes, Canton; ist district, 
L. G. Sims, Aberdeen; 3rd district, J. H. 
Miller, Mound Bayou; 4th district, C. H. 
Wheeler, Okolona; Sth district, A. C. Drum- 
mond, Newton; 6th district, C. J. Burns, 
Laurel; Sth district, J. W. Hair, Jackson. 
M I SSOURI Delegates at-large : W a 1 t h a 1 ! 
Moore, St. Louis; i2th district, C. E. Clark, 
St. Louis. Alternates at-large: Mrs. Myrtle 
Cook, Kansas City; Sth district, C. G. 
Williams, Jefferson City. 

NEW JERSEY Delegate at-large: Walter G. 
Alexander, Orange. Alternate at-large: 
Bessie B. Mention, Princeton. 
NEW YORK Delegate: 2ist district, RicVarl 

M. Bolden, New York City. 
OHIO Delegates at-large: E. W. B. Curry, 
Springfield; 2 ist district, Leroy N. Bundy. 
Cleveland. Alternate at-large: Leroy H. 
Godman, Columbus. 

PENNSYLVANIA Alternates at-large: Mrs. 
Daisy E. Lampkin, Pittsburgh; ist district, 
William Almond, Philadelphia. 
SOUTH CAROLINA Delegates at-large: 
Wesley S. Dixon, Barnwell; John H. Good- 
win, Columbia; and district, John M. Jones, 
Saluda; Sth district, John D. Dye, Lancas- 
ter; 6th district, William Howard, Darling- 
ton. Alternates at-large: L. C. Waller 
Greenwood; Benjamin Madden, Laurens; 
Edwin J. Sawyer, Bennettsville; ist dis- 
trict, T. H. Pinckney, St. George; 2nd 
district, William A. Jackson, Aiken ; 4th 
district, B. T. Smith, Spartanburg; Sth dis- 
trict, E. W. Boulware, Winnsboro; 6th dis- 
trict, J. R. Levy, Florence; 7th district, 
C. G. Garrett, Columbia. 
TENNESSEE Delegate: loth district, R. R. 

Church, Memphis. 

WEST VIRGINIA Alternates at-large: S. 
R. Anderson, Bluefield; J. C. Gilmer, 
Charleston; sth district, J. E. Brown, Key- 

* */2 vote each. 



share, that the building up of such 
organization must in every concep- 
tion of our foundations of local self- 
government evolve from those states 

"Republican leadership in the bor- 
der states and in Virginia and North 
Carolina has long since built up 

1912, 1916, 1920, 1924, 1928 

1912 1916 1920 1924 1928 

STATES Delegates Delegates Delegates Delegates Alternates Delegates Alternates 

large: John R. Hawkins, Washington. Al- 
ternate at-large; William H. Jernagin, Wash- 

For list of Negro delegates to 1924 Con- 
yention, see 1925-26 Negro Year Book pp. 248; 
for 1920 Convention, see 1921-22 Negro Year 
Book pp. 1 83; and for 1912 and 1916 Conven- 
tions, see 1918-19 Negro Year Book, pp. 208-10. 





























1 1 


i3 i 
















































New Jersey 







New York 












South Carolina 



















West Virginia 




o 3 

District of Columbia 





i i 

Total 65 3s 2 

Further Efforts to Build Up 
Republican Party in South 

To further the efforts to build up 
the Republican party in the South 
President Hoover, on March 26, 1929, 
issued the following statement: 

"It has been the aspiration of 
Republican Presidents over many 
years to build up sound Republican 
organizations in the southern states 
of such character as would commend 
itself to the citizens of those states. 

"This aspiration has arisen put of 
no narrow sense of partisanship but 
from the conviction shared in equal- 
ly by the leaders of all parties that 
the basis of sound government must 
rest upon strong two-party represen- 
tation and organization; that the 
voice of all states in the councils of 
the government can be assured by 
no other means; that the welfare of 
the nation at large requires the 
breaking down of sectionalism in 
politics; that the public service can 
be assured only by responsible or- 

"Furthermore it has been the be- 
lief of these leaders, whose views I 

vigorous party organization which 
assures Republican representation in 
the Congress from those states. 

"In other states including Ala- 
bama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, 
and Florida, the Republican leader- 
ship has in recent times shown in- 
creasing strength and is now render- 
ing able and conscientious service in 
maintaining wholesome organization 
under whose advice the appointments 
to public office have steadily im- 
proved and commended themselves 
to the citizens of those states with 
increased confidence in the party. 

"I heartily approve and welcome 
the movement of the leaders of 
Texas, Alabama, Florida and other 
states to broaden the basis of party 
organization by the establishment of 
advisory committees of the highest 
type of citizenship to deal with ad- 
ministrative questions and who will 
also cooperate with independent 

"This movement, springing as it 
does from within the states them- 
selves insures its strength, perma- 



nence and constant improvement in 
public service. 

"Recent exposures of abuse in re- 
commendations for federal office, 
particularly in some parts of the 
states of South Carolina, Georgia, 
and Mississippi under which some of 
the federal departments, mainly the 
Post Office, were misled in appoint- 
ments, obviously render it impossible 
for the old organizations in those 
states to command the confidence of 
the administration, although many 
members of these organizations are 
not subject to criticism. 

"But such conditions are intolera- 
ble to public service, are repugnant 
to the ideals and purposes of the 
Republican party, are unjust to the 
people of the South and must be 
ended. The duty of reorganization 
so as to correct these conditions 
rests with the people of those states, 
and all 'efforts to that end will re- 
ceive the hearty cooperation of the 

"If these three states are unable 
to initiate such organizations through 
the leadership of men who will com- 
mand confidence and protect the pub- 
lic service, the different federal de- 
partments will be compelled to adopt 
other methods to secure advice as to 
the selection of federal employees." 
Views of White Press on a Two- 
Party System in South 

The reaction of the press to Presi- 
dent Hoover's pronouncement was 
varied. The Literary Digest's sum- 
mary of the views of the white press 
follows : 

"Reconstruction" was the policy 
of the Republican party until last 
month as far as the South was con- 
cerned, says The Boston Globe (dem); 
"Mr. Hoover has now thrown the 
policy on the scrap heap." "If Mr. 
Hoover succeeds," says The New 
Haven Register (Ind.), "he will end 
the last excuse for division between 
sections of the country that is based 
on the controversies that brought 
about the Civil War." 

The political angle engages the 
attention of The Baltimore Evening 
Sun (Ind.) which says: 

"Many observers have assumed 
that as soon as the emotional crisis, 
precipitated by religious warfare, 
has subsided, all the southern states 
would promptly flop back into the 
Demoncratic column. But this as- 
sumption does not take into account 

the thousands of southerners who 
have for years been wishing that 
they dared vote the Republican 
ticket. To these the 'Holy War' came 
as a blessed relief. Under guise of 
supporting any war one could vote 
the Republican ticket without being 
regarded as disreputable. Such men 
will continue to vote that ticket if 
it is made possible for them to do 

"Mr. Hoover, unlike the observers, 
takes account of this element. He is 
aware that, while the millions of 
southerners represented by Bishop 
Cannon could vote for him as against 
a Catholic without losing caste, they 
cannot, without losing caste, put 
themselves under the leadership of 
such Negro politicians as Ben Davis, 
Perry Howard, and Gooseneck Bill 
McDonald. Therefore, if Mr. Hoover 
continues to maintain Davis, Howard, 
and McDonald as high officers in his 
party, these southerners at the next 
election will regretfully, perhaps, 
but resolutely part company with 

"Therefore, when he flung the Ne- 
groes out, the President unquestion- 
ably did take a long step toward as- 
suring the permanency of the Re- 
publican South. It is rough On the 
Negroes, but it is first-rate politics.'' 

While certain that no student Ox 
southern conditions will admit for a 
moment that Mr. Hoover can per- 
manently break the Solid South, 
The Richmond Times-Dispatch ad- 
mits that "because of his leadership, 
many restless voters may yet find a 
political home in which they can 
take pride." And an editorial in 
The Jacksonville Journal concluded 
with the words: "It looks as if the 
South may within the next few years 
embrace the two-party theory." 

"The mere fact that a Republican 
President should have taken notice 
of the evil of job-peddling in the 
South is something to be grateful 
for," admits The Birmingham Age- 
Herald, but it cannot find anything 
"stirring and epochal" about a mere 
separation of "sheep from goats 
among Republican leaders." "The 
President is mistaken," declares the 
Jackson (Miss.) News, "if he be- 
lieves that by substituting white 
leaders in whom the people of Mis- 
sissippi have confidence whatever, he 
can form a white Republican party 
strong enough to compete with en- 


trenched Democracy." Governor Bil- 
bo of Mississippi is quoted as say- 
ing, "As between the black-and-tan 
organization that has been in power, 
and the leaders whom Mr. Hoover 
will probably select, I prefer the Ne- 
groes." The News thinks this voices 
much southern sentiment. 

"If the Republican party manages 
to keep clean after once being sub- 
jected to a thorough scrubbing, it 
stands to become a real factor in the 
political life of the Southland," we 
read in The Republican Charleston 
(W. Va.) Mail. Here The San Fran- 
cisco Chronicle (Rep.) sees "a step 
toward making it respectable for a 
southerner to be a Republican," and 
David Lawrence, in one of his Wash- 
ington dispatches, points out that the 
President's announcement "affords a 
place for the Hoover Democrats to 
go if their brethren don't take them 

It will be a good thing for both 
Republicans and Democrats, argue 
The Chicago Evening Post (Ind.) and 
Los Angeles Times (Rep.), to have 
a real two-party South, and The Cali- 
fornia Daily even thinks that this 
may help to create a natural party 
division of the country into conserva- 
tive and liberal camps. The New 
Republic has no illusions about such 
hopes "economic developments in 
the South are moving it toward the 
Republican party, but these develop- 
ments will be much too slow for Mr. 
Hoover's impatience." The Provi- 
dence News (Dem.) is skeptical about 
any real clean-up "it may be that 
after a period of great breast-thump- 
ing and eye elevation, the Perry 
Howards will find their way back to 
grace." Even among papers which 
approve the purpose of the Hoover 
move, there is acute perception of 
certain practical difficulties, especial- 
ly in connection with the Negro 
voter. As The Hartford Courant 
(Rep.) puts it: 

"A southern Republican party un- 
der Negro leadership or in which 
Negroes and whites are to mingle 
on terms of equality cannot be made 
to attract the white element Mr. 
Hoover is after. A 'lily-white' par- 
ty cannot be made strong unless it 
takes the same attitude toward Ne- 
groes the Democratic party does. If 
the Republican party turns its face 
against the Negroes in the South, it 
will lose the Negro votes. There will 

be repercussions in northern and 
border states where Negro votes are 
important and where, in some cases, 
they represent the balance of pow- 

The most vigorous presentation of 
the dilemma thus outlined comes in 
a Chicago Tribune editorial, which 
says that the two-party idea is a 
good one, but to accomplish it "the 
Democratic party in the South must 
be reformed as well as the Republi- 

"What Mr. Hoover proposes to do 
is to abolish the Republican organi- 
zation as a protection for the Ne- 
groes, and deliver it to a faction of 
the Democratic party. The Republi- 
can party will sacrifice its Negroes. 
Wades, Sumners, and Stevenses are 
needed to prevent it. 

"Under existing conditions in the 
South the Republican party organi- 
zation has been the only asylum for 
the Negro. In violation of the Con- 
stitution, he is disfranchised, and the 
protection of the ballot-box is denied 
to him. He gets slave justice in the 
southern courts, and he may be mur- 
dered with impunity. Arrayed against 
him are the southern whites with 
their Ku Klux Klan, whites with a 
thirst for mint juleps for themselves 
and prohibition for the Negro. The 
enemies of the Negro compose the 
Democratic party in the South. 

"The upbuilding of a strong two- 
party system in the South should 
not come until the South enfran- 
chises the Negro or takes the con- 
stitutional penalty of reduction of 
representation in Congress for fail- 
ure to do so." 

"No one but a blind partisan, 
steeped and saturated in malice and 
hate," could have written the sen- 
tences just quoted, bitterly replies 
The Nashville Tennesseean from the 
South, and it makes a wholesale de- 
nial of The Tribune's assertions: 

"The Democratic party has ad- 
ministered, almost without interrup- 
tion, the public affairs in the states 
of the South. It has provided for 
the education and whatever opportu- 
nities for development the Negro 
has had. It has contributed of our 
wealth to promote the welfare of the 
Negro. Democratic leaders and the 
Democratic party have routed the 
Ku Klux Klan in the South. They 
have pleaded for justice for the Ne- 
gro. The relations between the two 



races are today better than they , 
have been since reconstruction days. 
The Democratic party is not now 
and has never been the enemy of the 
Negroes. It is a slander and a libel 
to say that the Negro receives 'slave 
justice' in the courts of the South." 
The Springfield (Ohio) Sun, under 
the caption "Sleeping Dogs Down 
South," said, "President Hoover has 
displayed considerable interest in 
cleaning up the party in the South. 
G. O. P. leaders frankly admit con- 
ditions in the party there have been 

"However, the southern end of the 
party will never be able to meet the 
problem of the Negro voter honestly 
and gain white adherents in the 
South in great numbers. That is, it 
cannot meet the problem honestly if 
it is sincere in its stand for support 
of the Eighteenth Amendment upon 
which it stood in the last election. 

"The Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
Amendments freed and enfranchised 
the Negro and guaranteed him the 
same right to vote as the white man. 
The Amendments are disregarded in 
the majority of southern states. 

"By maintaining a solid white par- 
ty the white man down South keeps 
the Negro from voting in nomina- 
tions. This party has been Demo- 
cratic since the Civil War. 

"It is proposed to have a lily-white 
G. O. P. in the South. This would 
mean that the Republican party 
would go South and preach disregard 
for the Constitution while it fights 
aggressively to uphold it in the 

"Now that the sleeping dogs have 
been aroused the Solid South, which 
is politically a white South, may be- 
come a white elephant to either par- 
ty of its allegiance. It is becoming 
more and more difficult to explain 
those sleeping dogs while preaching 
upholding of the Constitution." 
The Negro Press on President's Plan 
for Building up Republican 
Party in South 

The Negro press expressed itself 
very frankly with regard to the 
President's plan for building up the 
Republican party in the South: 

"More is involved," said The Chi- 
cago Defender, "in Mr. Hoover's plan 
of strengthening his party in the 
South rather than in the creation of 
a strong southern Republicanism. It 

may involve important party changes 
in the North itself. P'or it is not 
easy to discriminate against Ne- 
groes below the line without stirring 
Negro antipathies above the line. 
The rejection of Negro leaders in 
the black belt may conceivably lead 
to Negro resentment in the northern 

"No plan that Mr. Hoover can pre- 
sent will make southern Republican- 
ism formidable if it includes any 
effort to enforce the Fifteenth 
Amendment generally. Few south- 
ern Caucasians will support a cru- 
sade for general Negro enfranchise- 
ment. Never can southern Repub- 
licanism command the support of any 
great number of southern whites un- 
til it accepts the southern view of 
Negro suffrage and when that is 
done by the President and his lieu- 
tenants, there is danger of a Negro 
revolt at the North. 

"In numerous northern states 
where Negro disfranchisement has 
never been practiced the Negro vote 
is a powerful factor. Without that 
vote several northern states now uni- 
formly Republican would not be Re- 
publican at all. It, therefore, would 
become a serious matter in a nation- 
al sense for the President to em- 
brace a program that ignores the 
Fifteenth Amendment and to accept 
the southern view of suffrage. In 
trying to make southern states doubt- 
ful the administration might easily 
make northern states doubtful also." 

The view of the St. Louis Argus 
was: "Many, many have been our 
thoughts concerning the reports 
through the public press to the ef- 
fect that President Hoover has given 
his approval to a plan to take from 
the Negro whatever leadership he 
has in the South and put it into the 
hands of the so-called lily-whites 
in an effort to build up a Republican 
party in the South. 

' "As we see it, and we are not judg- 
ing hastily, it looks to us that the 
President is 'kidding' himself if he 
thinks for one moment that there is 
the remotest chance of building a 
Republican party in the South at this 
time or as long as this country is 
conducted on a half-slave and half- 
free basis, as it is now operated. 

"We wonder if Mr. Hoover thinks 
for one moment that the mere fact 
that such states as Texas, Florida, 
Virginia, and North Carolina, which 



gave him a majority vote last No- 
vember, is an indication that these 
states are any more Republican to- 
day than they were a year ago, or 
two years ago. Surely everybody 
knows that it was a case of voting 
against, rather than voting for. It 
was against the Catholic Church and 
liquor and not necessarily for Hoo- 
ver and the Republican party. Had 
not the Democratic nominee been a 
Catholic, Hoover never would have 
carried a single southern state. Sure- 
ly anybody who thinks at all knows 
this from a logical conclusion." 

President Hoover has declared, 
said The Baltimore Herald-Common- 
wealth, "for a two-party system in 
the South, for a clean Republican or- 
ganization in each state and an end 
to patronage selling in those states. 

"The bright young men on the 
daily papers, always ready to give 
the Negro a jab, write pretty stuff 
in which they declare that the Presi- 
dent has taken a stand for a party 
that is 'white, respectable and effec- 

"That the President wants a par- 
ty that is respectable and effective 
there can be no doubt, but any asser- 
tion that he has any intention or 
thought of excluding Negroes, North 
or South, from the Republican party 
we believe to be absolutely false. 

"In South Carolina Negroes de- 
rive no benefit from politics and for 
twenty years have taken no interest 
in conventions or elections. Disfran- 
chised by Democrats and used as 
tools by the state organization the 
number who take active interest in 
politics has dwindled every year un- 
til those who attend precinct and 
county political conventions average 
less than fifty to the county. 

"The great majority of those who 
attend these meetings are paid work- 
ers of the organization; the balance 
are men of character and deep party 
interest but despair of hope for par- 
ty progress and give their time and 
labor in the vain effort to maintain 
some degree of respectability in the 
party. Intelligent and thoughtful 
Negro men and women of the South 
will welcome the advent of the two- 
party system in that section. They 
do not control now, they hold no of- 
fices now in the South and have 
nothing to lose but everything to 
gain, as under the two-party system 

they will in time surely recover the 

The Houston (Texas) Informer 
comment was that: "The recent state- 
ment issued by President Herbert 
Hoover, discussing and dealing with 
Republican party organization in sev- 
eral of the southern states, has 
created quite a furore in political 
circles not only in the affected states, 
but throughout the country, and 
many Americans of both races are 
still endeavoring to analyze and com- 
prehend the full import of the presi- 
dential announcement. 

"For instance, the President cen- 
sures the conduct of partisan affairs 
by Republican leaders in South Caro- 
lina, Georgia and Mississippi, while 
commending the partisan leaders in 
Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas 
and Florida. 

"It is oddly strange that of the 
three states accused of bartering 
federal offices and other wrongdoing, 
two have colored National Commit- 
teemen and Committeewomen. 

"After all, what is behind this 
Hoover statement ? 

"Is he trying to sound the death- 
knell to the active participation of 
colored Republicans in the affairs 
and councils of the party in the 
states and nation, and is this in line 
with a national plan to make the" 
party 'lily-white' in the South? 

"Is it additional political sop be- 
ing dished out to the South in the 
vain hope that this section will be- 
come enamored of the Republican 
party, and that the proverbial politi- 
cal lion and lamb will lie down to- 
gether ? 

"We are with President Hoover 
and party leaders in any honest and 
sincere desire and program to 'clean 
house' in the Republican party, but 
we cannot agree with the chief ex- 
ecutive that Texas is among those 
southern states which are 'now ren- 
dering able and conscientious ser- 
vice in maintaining wholesome or- 

"Whether the President knows it 
or not, he is treading on dangerous 
ground, and he should wait until he 
has been in office long enough to 
know all the facts in the cases be- 
fore giving out such a statement." 

"The edict of the President scrap- 
ping black and tan organizations in 
the states of Georgia, Mississippi 
and South Carolina and approving of 



the lily-white organizations in other 
southern states has been recalled by 
him to taunt the advocates of a 
strong white Republican party in 

Success of Party Should Rest on 

Good Government Rather Than 

on Patronage 

In October, 1929, the White House 
made public a letter from President 
Hoover telling the new Florida Re- 
publican organization that the suc- 
cess of the Republican party rests 
on good government, not on patron- 

It was alleged patronage abuses in 
the states of Georgia, Mississippi and 
South Carolina which led President 
Hoover to issue his statement last 
March. It was a row over patronage 
that caused him to write a letter of 
rebuke to the Florida organization. 

The letter was addressed to Fred 
Britten, secretary of the Republican 
state organization of Florida who 
had protested against President Hoo- 
ver's disregard of the organization's 
recommendations for filling the dis- 
trict attorneyship in the southern 
district of Florida. 

In the background of the Florida 
patronage row is the whole scheme 
pf eliminating the Negro and build- 
ing up a lily-white Republican party 
in the South. 

The President's letter deals with 
this conflict. "It is the natural de- 
sire of the administration," wrote the 
President, "to build up and strengthen 
the Republican party in Florida. 
That can be done in cooperation with 
the state organization if the organi- 
z a t i o n presents candidates who 
measure up to my requirements of 
public service. 

"This is an obligation in the in- 
terest of the people of the state and 
the first tenet in that program is 
that no longer shall the laws of the 
United States be flouted by federal 
officials; no longer shall public of- 
fices be regarded as mere political 
patronage, but that it shall be public 

"I note your demands that the or- 
ganization shall dictate appointments, 
irrespective of merit or any responsi- 
bility, and that you appeal to op- 
ponents of the administration to at- 
tack me. I enclose herewith copy of 
statement which I issued last March. 
That statement was no idle gesture." 

Negroes Win Right to Vote and 
Register in Oklahoma 

Litigation over the right of Ne- 
groes to register and vote in Okfus- 
kee County, Oklahoma, was finally 
ended June 1, 1927, when the United 
States Circuit Court of Appeals, St. 
Paul, Minnesota, dismissed the appeal 
taken from the United States Dis- 
trict Court rendered at Tulsa, Okla- 
homa, against the county election 
board of Okfuskee County and the 
state election board of Oklahoma 
commanding the registrars to place 
upon the registration roll the names 
of more than 1,000 qualified voters 
of the Negro race. 

Attorneys secured a judgment 
against the county election board in 
1924, compelling the registration of 
about 800 Negroes. The board then 
appealed the case to the United 
States Circuit Court of Appeals which 
was argued and submitted in May, 

A second suit was filed by more 
than 800 party plaintiffs against the 
county and the state election board 
including the state registrar, who is 
also secretary of the Senate of Okla- 
homa. It was tried in the Federal 
District Court at Tulsa in October, 

This suit was in the nature of a 
mandatory injunction enjoining the 
state officials from refusing to af- 
ford the Negro voters an opportunity 
to register under the state law and 
commanded the state election board 
to appoint precinct registrars and 
furnish the necessary supplies for 

Judgment was rendered in favor 
of the plaintiffs. A colored registrar 
was duly appointed as a result of 
which more than 2,000 Negroes regis- 

In order to prevent the Negroes 
from voting in the general election, 
the defendants applied to the Cir- 
cuit Court of Appeals at St. Paul, 
Minnesota, November 1, 1926, for a 
writ of prohibition and stay of execu- 
tion, which was opposed. Writ was 
denied, the Negroes were allowed to 
vote in the general election pending 
the appeal from the judgment of the 
District Court upon its merits. 

Pending the hearing of the second 
appeal an opinion was rendered by 
the Circuit Court of Appeals in the 
first case in which the Court held 
that the District Court had jurisdic- 



tion and authority to issue a writ 
of mandamus in the first case, com- 
manding the registration of quali- 
fied Negro voters. 

The question of jurisdiction and 
power of Federal Courts to intervene 
was the principal matter involved. 
This question having been decided in 
the first appeal practically termi- 
nated the question involved in the 
second appeal. 

The Circuit Court of Appeals sus- 
taining the motion of the plaintiffs, 
made on June 2, 1927, to dismiss 
this appeal, put an end to the long 
drawn out litigation over the rights 
of the Negroes to vote. 

As the result of the votes of the 
2,000 Negroes registered in Okfus- 
kee County by virtue of this litiga- 
tion a Republican county judge and 
county commissioner favored by the 
colored people were elected. A Ne- 
gro justice of the peace and several 
other Negro officials were also elected 
in that county. 

The Negro and the Texas 
Democratic Primary 

In 1918, the Negroes of Waco, 
Texas, went into the courts and de- 
manded that they be permitted to 
vote in the so-called white primaries 
about to be held in that city. On 
February 28, 1918, Judge E. F. Clark 
of the Nineteenth District Court, in 
an injunction suit filed by several 
Negroes against E. L. Duke, et al., 
to restrain the holding of a "White 
Man's Primary," ruled that keeping 
Negroes from voting in the white 
primaries was a violation of Federal 
Law, of the state constitution, and 
also contrary to the Terrel Election 
Law. As a result of this ruling Ne- 
groes voted in the white man's pri- 
maries of Waco and Houston. 

In 1922, the Supreme Court of the 
state ruled that any political party 
had the right in Texas to prescribe 
the qualifications for persons voting 
in its primaries and that therefore, 
the Democratic party had a right to 
hold a "White Man's Primary." 

This decision, however, did not 
stop Negroes attempting to vote in 
Democratic primaries in the state. 
Negroes at Waco, Texas, were barred 
from participating in the 1922 Demo- 
cratic primary under the ruling of 
Judge James P. Alexander of the 
Nineteenth Judicial Court at Waco. 

During the early part of the year 
1921, C. N. Love, W. L. Davis, J. B. 

Grigsby, William Nickerson, Jr., 
Newman Dudley, Jr., and Perry 
Mack of Houston, Texas, applied to 
the district court for an injunction 
to restrain the city Democratic, 
executive committee and the election, 
judges from holding a strictly white; 
voters' primary, and to compel them, 
to permit all electors, regardless of 
race, creed or color, to vote in thet 
party primary. The court held that 
the question of voting under the pri- 
mary election statutes was a politf- 
cal and not a legal one, and that it 
was without jurisdiction to interfere 
with the action of the executive com- 
mittee. The plaintiffs appealed to 
the first court of civil appeals. This 
court also dismissed the suit. They 
then sued out a writ of error to the 
Supreme Court of Texas. This court 
dismissed the case for want of juris- 
diction, but refused to write an 
opinion. The case was brought from 
that court to the Supreme Court of 
the United States on a writ of error. 

October 20, 1924, this court ruled 
the case out on the ground that the 
"cause of action had ceased to exist." 

The rule promulgated by the 
Democratic executive committee was 
for a single election only that had 
taken place long before the decision 
of the appellate court. No constitu- 
tional rights of the plaintiffs in error 
were infringed by holding that the 
cause of action had ceased to exist. 
The bill was for an injunction that 
could not be granted at that time. 
There was no constitutional obliga- 
tion to extend the remedy beyond 
what was prayed. 

Negroes voted in the 1922 Demo- 
cratic primary election at San An- 
tonio, Texas. Because of this, the 
committee on salaries and platforms 
recommended to the State Democra- 
tic Convention the following platform 
plank: "In view of the fact that 
certain counties in this state have 
not adhered to the recommendations 
of the state executive committee to 
exclude Negroes from participating 
in the primary elections, we direct 
our incoming legislature to so amend 
the law as to forever exclude Ne- 
groes from participating in any 
Democratic primary election held in 
any county of this state." 

Texas Primary Law Declared 

In October, 1923, the state legisla- 
ture of Texas passed a law prohibit- 



ing Negroes from participating in 
Democratic primaries. 

The law was enforced throughout 
the state. At El Paso, Dr. L. A. 
Nixon (colored), and a regular Demo- 
crat of many years standing, who 
had voted in previous Democratic 
primaries, presented himself at the 
polls, and was denied the privilege 
of casting his ballot. He brought 
suit for $5,000 damages against the 
election judges, and to test the con- 
stitutionality of the law. This case 
was carried through the courts of 
Texas to the United States Supreme 
Court. On March 7, 1927, this court 
in a unanimous opinion declared the 
Texas law barring Negroes from 
voting in the Democratic primary 
elections to be unconstitutional. 

Under the caption, "The Negro's 
Right to be a Democrat," The Liter- 
ary Digest presented a summary of 
the views of the leading papers on 
the Texas decision. "Does it take 
color of the skin to make a Demo- 
crat? Isn't a man a Democrat who 
believes in the Jeffersonian princi- 
ples of democracy?" The questions 
come from a newspaper in the capi- 
tal of Texas, the southern state 
whose law forbidding Negroes to 
vote in a Democratic primary had 
just been declared unconstitutional 
by the Supreme Court. Such en- 
thusiastic acceptance of the doctrine 
laid down by Mr. Justice Holmes is 
rare, but even in Texas we find no 
criticism of the court's opinion, but 
rather suggestions that the Texas 
law was unwise, and that the matter 
of excluding undesirables from the 
party ranks might better be left to 
party officials whose decisions in a 
purely social matter cannot be 
brought into conflict with the Con- 
stitution of the United States. From 
other southern states come similar 
observations, coupled with hints that 
the Democratic party of the South 
knows how to keep its complexion 
pure white without benefit of uncon- 
stitutional legislation. In the North 
the judicial opinion that no state law 
may restrain a Negro from being a 
Democrat if he so desires meets with 
considerable enthusiasm. The Nation 
finds here "A decision in the spirit 
of Massachusetts, in the abolitionist 
days of Justice Holmes's youth, when 
liberty was still a living part of the 
American tradition." The Brooklyn 
Citizen considers it "the most mo- 

mentous decision the colored race 
has achieved in its fight for equal 
rights since the Civil War." For 
this, as The New York Times re- 
flects, "is the first time that the Su- 
preme Court has pronounced on a 
clear issue of the rights of black men, 
as compared with whites, under the 
constitutional amendments adopted 
after the Civil War." 

What do they think about this ex- 
tremely emphatic decision in the 
State of Texas? They are not alto- 
gether surprised, judging from the 
Texas newspaper comments that 
have reached us. The San Antonio 
Express gives this version of the 
origin of the law: 

"Here in San Antonio, and else- 
where in Texas, not so many years 
ago, political bosses and their pre- 
cinct workers herded Negroes to the 
Democratic primary polls in July 
and voted them 'solid' in the familiar 
old ways. Then in the following 
November the same Negroes would 
vote the Republican ticket straight." 

So the law quoted by Justice 
Holmes was enacted. But The Ex- 
press "seriously questions whether 
the Democratic committees, state 
and county, let alone the common- 
wealth, may bar out Negroes from 
their party primaries so long as the 
voting in such primaries actually is 
conducted under the regulation and 
protection of state laws, both civil 
and penal." For in this way the state 
does "take cognizance of party pri- 
maries, and thus do they become in 
effect a state concern." Similarly, The 
Dallas Times-Herald finds in the de- 
cision an indication "that the pri- 
mary is no longer regarded as an 
informal election held within a party 
for nominating candidates, but is 
looked upon by the court as a full- 
fledged election!" 

"The fact that the state is being 
called upon to assist the party in 
nominating its candidates gives the 
courts the authority to say who shall 
vote for the nominees. Naturally, 
Negroes are entitled to vote in an 
official election. The same argument 
is made by The Dallas News, which 
thinks that the law in question is an 
infringement of the rights of politi- 
cal parties, and besides, "as a matter 
of fact, the specter of Negro domi- 
nation in Texas is utter foolishness." 
The Houston Post-Dispatch calls for 


the repeal of the whole law in ques- 
tion, as a "useless and senseless pro- 
vision in a primary election law full 
of glaring faults." Of course, says 
The Houston Chronicle, "no legislative 
body in America has the right to 
classify men by color or race in the 
passage of laws." In the opinion of 
The Fort Worth Telegram, the pri- 
mary idea presents a serious difficul- 
ty, and the only solution may be a re- 
turn to the convention system. Finally, 
we have the statement from the Aus- 
tin American, quoted at the opening 
of this article, which indicates whole- 
hearted agreement with Mr. Justice 
Holmes and his colleagues. 

Other southern states do not seem 
to be greatly perturbed. Attorney- 
General Knox of Mississippi says the 
election laws of his state have been 
upheld by the United States Supreme 
Court, and that "in order to qualify 
for suffrage a person must be able 
to read and write, and understand 
the Constitution of the United States 
and Mississippi." "The Georgia Pri- 
mary law does not stipulate any 
color qualifications," says former 
Senator Hoke Smith, in The New 
York World. "There is nothing in 
the primary laws of South Carolina 
specifically barring any duly quali- 
fied citizen from participating in a 
primary," explains The Charleston 
News and Courier. The same condi- 
tion obtains in North Carolina. We 
read in The Raleigh News and Ob- 

"Democratic committees unofficial- 
ly invite only white voters, and no 
colored voters have presented them- 
selves in Democratic primaries. If 
they should try to take part in the 
Democratic primaries in the south- 
ern states, where there is a large 
Negro population, the Democrats 
would undoubtedly abandon a legal- 
ized primary as the method for mak- 
ing nominations." 

But whatever changes are made in 
the primary laws of southern states, 
"will be with the view of preserving 
white supremacy," this, declares The 
Atlanta Constitution, "will continue 
as now and under laws that are con- 

Negroes Petition Texas State Demo- 
cratic Executive Committee as 
Entitled to Vote in Primary 

Upon the announcement of the Su- 
preme Court decision that the state 
law barring Negroes from Demo- 

cratic primaries was unconstitutional, 
the Texas legislature enacted a new 
statute delegating to the executive 
committee of the Democratic party 
the power to fix membership qualifi- 

Negroes attempting to maintain 
their right to vote in Democratic 
primaries requested injunctions to 
prevent election officials from bar- 
ring them from the primaries. They 
were refused in two federal courts. 

"On July 23, 1928, Judge J. C. 
Hutcheson, Jr., of the Southern Texas 
United States District Court in a rul- 
ing at Houston, denied J. B. Grigsby 
an injunction against Guy Harris, 
chairman of the Harris County Demo- 
ci'atic Executive Committee in behalf 
of all members of his race in the 
county asking that election officials 
be restrained from barring Negroes 
from the state and primary elections 
on July 28. Judge Duval West of 
the Western Texas United States 
District Court, in a ruling at San 
Antonio on July 24, 1928, sustained 
the right of Democratic organiza- 
tions to bar Negroes from the Demo- 
cratic primary in Texas. Appeals 
from the decisions of Judges Hutche- 
son and West were made. 

A furor was created at a meeting 
of the Texas State Democratic Ex- 
ecutive Committee in January, 1930, 
when a number of Negroes appeared 
as applicants for recognition as en- 
titled .o o.e in i era i ; r- 
maries. The committee had met to 
take action relative to those persons 
who bolted the party presidential 
nominees in 1928. It was charged, 
by some of the bolters seeking re- 
admission, that in barring the bolters 
, the committee deliberately invited 
every Negro in Texas qualified to 
vote to participate in the 1930 pri- 
maries. Commenting on the incident 
The Dallas (Texas) News of Febru- 
ary 4, 1930, under the caption "The 
Negroes Want In," said: 

"You cannot blame the Negroes be- 
hind the movement to petition the 
state Democratic executive commit- 
tee for permission to vote in the 
Democratic primaries of Texas. The 
Negro is a citizen of Texas and the 
Democratic primary, in ninety-nine 
cases out of a hundred, determines 
in this state what men shall rule 
over the Negro citizen. The Negro 
who is interested in that is by his 



very interest evincing one of the 
basic qualifications of citizenship. 

"The Negro's angle of view is easy 
to understand. The party's slant is 
a bit more complicated. It is one of 
the principles call it one of the 
prejudices, if you insist of the 
Democratic party in Texas that 
white men, on the average, make 
better officers than colored men, and 
that white men are and ought to be 
politically the dominant race in a 
population predominantly white. 
Moreover, the whole theory of party 
government breaks down if a party 
cannot receive whom it will to be of 
its own membership (within the 
limits of citizenship, residence and 
like qualifications, of course) and re- 
ject whom it will. 

"The number of Negroes who would 
actually enter a Texas primary would 
not be large enough to imperil any- 
thing. The kind of Negro who would 
affiliate genuinely with the Demo- 
cratic party in Texas would be of 
the better, substantial sort. His vote 
would do' no harm, and his presence 
would cause no more disturbance 
than it does in the general election, 
where he has as good a legal right 
as anybody else." 

At a meeting in June, 1930, the 
Democratic State Executive Commit- 
tee, by a vote of 14 to 13, decided to 
restrict the Democratic "white" pri- 
mary elections in Texas, to members 
of the white race. In the meantime 
the Negroes of the state began prepa- 
rations to again carry the question 
into the courts. Commenting on the 
action of the executive committee, 
The Houston Informer, in its issue of 
June 28, 1930, said: 

"By the term 'white' is meant 
all races in this state, except Ne- 
groes, which official act bestows the* 
right of citizenship upon Mexicans, 
Chinese, Japanese and other poly- 
glot races. 

"Notwithstanding the decision of 
the United States Supreme Court, 
which outlawed the former civil sta- 
tute in this state that excluded Ne- 
groes from participation in Demo- 
cratic primary elections and recent 
ruling of the United States Circuit 
Court of Appeals in invalidating the 
Democratic primary ruling in Vir- 
ginia a law similar to the present 
Texas statute which empowers ex- 
ecutive committees of political par- i 
ties to prescribe the qualifications of } 

their members the Democratic par- 
ty leaders in Texas, though divided 
on the proposition, seem determined 
to exclude colored citizens from their 
primary elections. 

"It is now up to the Negroes of 
Texas to resort to court action in 
another attempt to exercise their 
constitutional rights; and, since fed- 
eral officers will be voted for in the 
July primary election held by Texas 
Democrats, it appears to The In- 
former that a constitutional question 
is involved and that redress should 
be obtained in some federal district 
court in this state. 

"Of course, those Negroes who are 
denied the right to vote in the forth- 
coming Democratic primary elec- 
tions have a good cause for civil 
damages against election officials 
and party leaders after the election 
has been held, and candidates will 
have grounds on which to contest 
the election or elections. Negroes, 
who are otherwise qualified, are 
American citizens under the pro- 
visions of the Federal Constitution 
and its Amendments, and no state 
has the right or authority to abridge 
or curtail these rights. Going a bit 
further) no state can delegate to a 
political party powers that the state 
does not possess, no more than John 
Doe can grant or deed something to 
Bill Smith which the former does 
not own or possess. Employing state 
machinery in the conduct and opera- 
tion of all its primary elections, the 
Democratic party (or any other po- 
litical party so engaged) becomes a 
state agent. This has been The In- 
former's contention." 

On July 15, 1930, the McClellan 
County (Waco, Texas) Democratic 
Executive Committee voted, unani- 
mously, to permit Negroes to par- 
ticipate in the Democratic primary 
on July 26. 

On July 19, 1930, Federal Judge C. 
A. Boynton, at El Paso, dismissed 
injunction proceedings brought to 
prevent Texas state Democratic of- 
ficials from barring Negroes from 
the Democratic primary. The peti- 
tion was filed by Luther Wiley, a 
San Antonio Negro, and named Gov- 
ernor Dan Moody, Attorney-General 
R. L. Bobbitt, D. W. Wolcox, state 
Democratic chairman, and other 
state and party officials defendants. 
Boynton held the Democratic pri- 
mary is not an election in the sense 


of federal laws and therefore is not 
influenced by those sections of the 
Constitution guaranteeing there shall 
be no race qualifications for voting. 
The petition of R. C. Scott, a Waco 
Negro, asking a similar injunction, 
also was dismissed. 
Negroes Win Right to Participate in 
Virginia Democratic Primary 

March 30, 1928, Judge Beverly T. 
Crump, in the Law and Equity Court 
of Richmond, Virginia, ruled that 
Negro Democrats were not eligible 
to vote in the Democratic primary. 
He denied the petition of a Negro, 
James O. West, for a mandamus re- 
quiring the judges of the election at 
the first precinct of Madison ward 
to permit him to vote. On June 5, 
1929, Judge D. Lawrence Groner, in 
the United States District Court for 
the Eastern District of Virginia, 
handed down a decision in the case 
of James O. West, in which it was 
ruled that the Virginia Primary Law 
is in contradiction of the Fourteenth 
and Fifteenth Amendments of the 
Constitution of the United States. 
An appeal from his decision was 
made by the Democratic party of 

The Norfolk Journal and Guide, a 
Negro newspaper, in commenting on 
the Virginia decision said: "When 
Judge D. Lawrence Groner in the 
United States District Court declared 
the state primary law which re- 
stricted participation in Democratic 
party primaries to white voters vio- 
lative of the Fourteenth and Fif- 
teenth Amendments, another barrier 
to full exercise of the suffrage on 
the part of qualified Negro voters 
was removed. Therein lies the im- 
portance of the decision to Negro 
citizens. The Democratic party pri- 
mary rule was obviously set up to 
place certain disabilities upon quali- 
fied Negro voters. They should have 
no voice nor power in the selection 
of those who were to be voted for in 
the general elections, which were, in 
view of political conditions existing 
at the time of the adoption of the 
primary rule, mere ratifications of 
what took place in the primary. The 
disfranchisement of those qualifying 
under the rigid general election laws 
was thereby accomplished. Under 
the one-party system until recently 
paramount in Virginia and other 
southern states the Negro voter had 
to surmount a double barrier in or- 

der to make a ballot mean anything. 

"Judge Groner's decision, does not 
mean however, that there will be an 
influx of Negro voters into the Demo- 
cratic primaries. While the trend 
among the younger and more open- 
minded members of the race is away 
from entire allegiance to the Repub- 
lican party, a large majority of those 
qualified to vote are still Republi- 
cans. It is very difficult to convince 
members of our group that are past 
forty years of age that we do not 
owe, collectively, a very sacred obli- 
gation to the Republican party. 
Changes in doctrine, practice, and 
policy, which the Republican party 
has undergone in the past two 
decades, make no difference with 
them. It makes no difference even, 
that the Republicans in Virginia have 
accomplished by different methods 
precisely what the Democrats had 
the candor to give legal status to. 
So the Democrats need not fear that 
there will be any considerable ac- 
cretions to their ranks by reason of 
the court's decision." 

The Norfolk Ledger-Dispatch said 
editorially: "No doubt, the decision 
of Judge D. Lawrence Groner, of 
the United States District Court for 
the Eastern District of Virginia, hold- 
ing that the Democratic primary law 
of Virginia contravenes the Consti- 
tution of the United States, amazes 
and shocks many of the rank and 
file of the Democratic party. Yet 
when the Supreme Court of the 
United States, on March 7, 1927, 
handed down its opinion in the Texas 
case, it forecast the eventual denial 
of the validity of the Democratic 
primary law of Virginia in just such 
a case as Judge Groner decided yes- 
terday, and in just such calm and 
reasoned opinion." 

"It is true that in Texas the stat- 
utes of the state confine participa- 
tion in the primaries in question to 
white persons, while in Virginia that 
restriction is set up by party law. 
But the party laws have been adopted 
in pursuance of authority conferred 
by sections 227 and 228 of the Code 
of Virginia, as amended. If the Gen- 
eral Assembly itself may not under 
the decision just reported, enact a 
law restricting participation in pri- 
mary elections of white persons, then 
it follows that it cannot delegate 
power to adopt such a resolution to 
a political party. The result is that 



the party rule extending the right 
to vote in primaries only to white 
persons otherwise qualified is invalid 
to protect officials who may deny the 
right to vote to any person on ac- 
count of color. 

"Before Judge Groner, in what will 
be known as the Virginia case or 
the West case, the issue was sharp- 
ly defined. It was this: Can the 
General Assembly vest a group of in- 
dividuals a political party, if we 
like, with authority to adopt restric- 
tions which it cannot itself adopt, 
under the Federal Constitution, and 
in the act thus delegating authority 
provide that such restrictions shall 
have the force of law? That in ef- 
fect, was precisely the question be- 
fore Judge Groner. 

"The General Assembly of Virginia 
having provided for the primary as 
a method (though optional) for the 
nomination of candidates, and the 
Supreme Court of Virginia having 
declared it when adopted an insepar- 
able part of the election machinery, 
it would seem necessarily to follow 
that the legislature cannot by dele- 
gation or otherwise give validity to 
a claimed right which it is itself pro- 
hibited by the Constitution from en- 
acting into law 

To The Ledger-Dispatch, the logic 
of that reasoning and conclusion 
seems inexorable whatever the ef- 
fect of the decision may be. At the 
moment, it would seem that the only 
possible way of continuing to confine 
participation in primaries to white 
persons, if that is considered neces- 
sary, would be to abolish the formal- 
ly legalized primary, to rid it of the 
sanction of the state, to deprive it of 
such safeguards as the state throws 
about it, and to convert it into a 
literally private affair insofar as the 
state was concerned. If that course 
were followed, we take it, the state, 
the federal government and the 
courts would have no more control 
over it than they have over who 
should be admitted to membership 
in a fraternal or beneficial order. 

On June 30, 1930, the United States 
Circuit Court of Appeals sitting at 
Asheville, North Carolina, ruled that 
the Democratic party of Virginia has 
no right to bar Negroes and other 
races from its primaries. This ruling 
affirmed the decision of the District 
Court of Richmond. On September 
13, 1930, the sixty days' time limit, 

for noting an appeal from Judge 
Groner's ruling, to the United States 
Supreme Court, expired. It would ap- 
pear that the Negroes of Virginia 
had established their right to parti- 
cipate in the Democratic primary in 
that state. 

On September 13, 1930, the sixty 
days' time limit, for noting an appeal 
from Judge Groner's ruling, to the 
United States Supreme Court, ex- 
pired. On September 16, it was re- 
ported from Richmond that "election 
officials in local primaries will be 
instructed by the city electoral 
board to vote Negroes who satisfy 
the officials that they are Democrats 
under the same condition applying 
to white voters." This was in accord- 
ance with the ruling of the United 
States District Court. 
The Negro and the Democratic Pri- 
mary in Arkansas and Florida 

At a meeting of the Pensacola, 
Florida Democratic executive com- 
mittee on March 15, 1928, a resolu- 
tion was passed defining those who 
could take part in the city primary 
to be held April 10, 1928. The reso- 
lution passed pointed out that "only 
duly qualified white Democratic elec- 
tors are declared to be and are held 
as members of the Democratic party 
in Pensacola, and are therefore, en- 
titled to vote in the primary elec- 
tion." This resolution was in accord- 
ance with the regular call for the 
primary which had been issued and 
the action was taken with a view to 
offset Negro voters, it was claimed, 
when it was discovered that more 
than 1,000 Negroes had registered as 
Democrats. This situation was 
pointed out and the committee was 
called together to take action. 

On April 10, 1928, Henry E. 
Goode, a Negro, was denied the 
privilege of voting in the Democra- 
tic primary at Pensacola, Florida. 
He filed a suit for $5,000 damages 
against Paul Riera, Thomas John- 
son and Clifford Bell, managers of 
the election booth where the denial 
was made. 

Judge Richard M. Mann, of the 
Second Division Circuit Court, Little 
Rock, Arkansas, on November 26, 
1928, issued a temporary order re- 
straining judges and clerks in the 
city primary of Little Rock from 
denying Negroes the ballot. This 
ruling resulted from a petition filed 


in the Pulaski County chancery 
court by Dr. J. M. Robinson and nine 
other Negroes asking the court to 
restrain election officials from deny- 
ing Negroes the right to participate 
in primary elections. 

"Section 2 of the Democratic rules 
under which Negroes have been 
barred provides that 'the Democratic 
party of Arkansas shall consist of 
all eligible and legally qualified 
white electors, both male and female, 
who have openly declared their al- 
legiance to the principles and poli- 
cies of the Democratic party as set 
forth in the platform of the last pre- 
ceding Democratic national and 
state conventions, who have supported 
the Democratic nominees at the last 
preceding elections, and who are in 
sympathy with the success of the 
Democratic party in the next suc- 
ceeding election." 

Judge Mann ruled that these re- 
strictions discriminated against Ne- 
groes and were not in accord with 
decision of the United States Su- 
preme Court invalidating a Texas 
statute forbidding Negroes the bal- 
lot in Democratic primaries. 

Negroes voted in the Little Rock 
Democratic primary on December 2, 
1928, for the first time since the 
party law was passed which denied 
them the right to vote. A report of 
the voting said that, while white 
voters in general accepted the ruling 
of the court, there were those whose 
ire was aroused by the decision. 
One of the latter group, a doctor, 
struck a Negro postman on the head 
as he cast his ballot. The white 
physician was arrested and charged 
with disturbing the peace. 

A move to restrain Democratic 
party officials from barring Negroes 
at any primary in Arkansas was 
made, December 8, 1928, by Negroes 
who obtained a temporary order No- 
vember 27 enabling members of their 
race who could qualify as Democrats 
to vote in the recent city primary. 

Permission was given by the chan- 
cery court, where the litigation was 
pending, to include E. L. Compere, 
chairman of the Democratic State 
Central Committee and H. L. Lam- 
bert, its secretary, as defendants. 
When brought in November, the suit 
named only the judge and clerks in 
the city primary as defendants. 

With the state committee leaders 
as defendants, the suit was expected 

to settle definitely the status of the 
Negroes who regarded themselves as 
Democrats through having supported 
candidates of that party in the past. 
The Negroes asked that the restrain- 
ing order be extended in scope to 
give them access at the Democratic 
polls throughout Arkansas, and that 
the Democratic officers be enjoined 
permanently from enforcing the par- 
ty rule limiting participation in 
primaries to white persons. 

On August 29, 1929, Chancellor 
Dodge announced the dismissal, for 
want of equity of the suit filed in 
Pulaski County chancery court on 
November 27, 1928, by Negroes who 
sought the privilege of voting in the 
Democratic primaries. The chancel- 
lor ruled that "no question of the 
validity of Arkansas' primary laws 
was involved in the litigation. The 
Negroes were not barred from pri- 
maries by statute. The state laws 
do not undertake to prescribe the re- 
quirements for voting in primaries. 
Negroes were prevented from taking 
part in the primaries by the party 
rule. An appeal from the ruling of 
Chancellor Dodge was made. 

A petition was. filed in the United 
States Supreme Court on July 17, 
asking this tribunal for a ruling 
whether political party organizations 
in the various states could lawfully 
prohibit Negroes from participating 
in their primaries. Pointing out the 
uniform success of the democratic 
candidates in the Arkansas elections, 
the protestants claimed that being 
denied the right to vote in the pri- 
maries deprived them of their most 
important constitutional rights. 

On March 24, 1930, the Supreme 
Court of Arkansas in denying the 
appeal, declared that no state law 
had been passed depriving qualified 
electors of the right to vote on ac- 
count of color, but that as a party 
rule with which the state was uncon- 
cerned did this, the appeal was with- 
out the jurisdiction of the Arkansas 

"Being a voluntary political organi- 
zation and not an agency of the 
state," the court's opinion said, "the 
Democratic party had the right to 
prescribe rules and regulations de- 
fining qualifications of membership 
and to provide that only white people 
could become members without com- 
ing within the prohibition of either 



the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amend- 

Primary election laws were de- 
nned by the court as instrumentali- 
ties to legalize the primary but not 
to enforce the holding of such pri- 
maries, or to define party machinery 
applicable thereto. 

"A political party," the opinion 
read, "such as the Democratic party 
in Arkansas, is an unincorporated 
association of persons sponsoring 
certain ideas of government or main- 
taining certain political principles or 
beliefs in the public policies of gov- 

Referring to the Texas case of 
Nixon vs. Herndon, in which the 
Supreme Court of the United States 
declared unconstitutional a Texas 
statute barring Negroes from Demo- 
cratic primaries, the Arkansas Su- 
preme Court distinguished between 
what in that case was a state law 
and this, a party rule. An appeal 
to the United States Supreme Court 
was made. 

Why the Negro Would Divide 
His Vote 

Under the title "Let the Negro 
Give and Take" The Atlanta Inde- 
pendent gives the Negroes' point of 
view with respect to the white pri- 
mary: "Let the Democrats of the 
South abolish the white primary, and 
hold party primaries like the Demo- 
crats of the North do, and the Ne- 
gro will divide his votes both locally 
and nationally. 

"Let the Democratic party, like 
the Republican party, establish a 
national primary policy, based on 
principles and not on race and re- 
ligious prejudice, and the Negro will 
divide his votes, and vote for men 
and measures rather than party poli- 
cies. Let the Democrats of the South 
use some of the common sense that 
the Democrats use in the North and 
make a political ally instead of a 
political alien. Why deny the Negro 
the freedom of the ballot in the 
South so long ns northern Democrats 
give him the ballot, vote him, send 
him to Congress, elect him to the 
legislature, as aldermen, councilmen, 
senators, civil service commissioners 
and share with him the emoluments 
of war? Liberalize both your politi- 
cal and economic policy and invite 
the Negro to vote with you and share 
with you the duties and responsibili- 
ties of state. He wants to vote with 

his neighbors. He believes his 
neighbor's interest is his best in- 
terest. White supremacy will not be 
imperilled or threatened by this 
broad and humane policy. No mi- 
nority group or people have ever 
been a serious menace to the rule of 
the majority in any government long 
at a time." 

Negroes Register and Vote As 
Democrats in North Carolina 

In the 1930 North Carolina sena- 
torial primary between F. M. Sim- 
mons and J. W. Bailey a considerable 
number of Negroes registered. The 
largest number was at Raleigh 
(Wake County) where 375 regis- 
tered as Democrats, 45 as Republi- 
cans and 2 as Independents. The 
registration of Negroes as Demo- 
crats in North Carolina attracted 
national attention and strong oppo- 
sition within the state. This oppo- 
sition was led by The Raleigh News 
and Observer. An editorial on this 
subject appearing in the June 2, is- 
sue of this journal said: 

There was no excuse, reason or justifica- 
tion for the introduction of the Negro into 
primary contests this year. With few ex- 
ceptions, the Negro is not responsible. 

The Negro in North Carolina has been a 
Republican since he was enfranchised. He 
is a Republican whenever his vote will help 
that party. The attempt to introduce him as 
a disturbing element in the Democratic pri- 
mary is a wrong alike to the Negro and to 
the Democratic party. Those who have been 
induced to register as Democrats would serve 
their race by voluntary declining to be 
used by any political faction. Democratic 
conventions and meetings and primaries have 
always been confined to white voters. There 
has been no change in the rule and policy. 
Except in a few local scrambles in Raleigh 
where some unworthy Democrats were will- 
ing to put the party in jeojardy to carry a sel- 
fish purpose, there has been no appeal by 
Democrats to the Negro. E)ven then it was 
repudiated by Democrats who saw the danger. 
This is the first time politicians have sought 
to induce Negroes to come into a state pri- 
mary to kill hundreds of the votes of white 
Democrats. No matter who is guilty, the 
Democrats of North Carolina will not toler- 
ate this unauthorized departure from a policy 
that has been in existence since 1868. 

The right of Negroes to register 
and vote as Democrats was chal- 
lenged by Bart M. Gatling, Wake 
County manager .for Senator Sim- 

A number of the challenged Ne- 
groes declared they were Democrats 
and had voted the Democratic ticket 
before. Officials ruled, on the chal- 
lenges, that the only questions that 
could be asked the Negro registrants 
were whether they had ever voted 
the Democratic ticket in the past and 


whether they intended to support the 
Democratic nominees in the Novem- 
ber election. 

Before this ruling was put into 
effect, several queries along the edu- 
cational line developed that all the 
registrants were able to read and 
write, and held either high school or 
college diplomas. 

On June 4, of 127 Negroes sum- 
moned to appear for hearing on that 
day, 70 were present and it was re- 
ported were given approval without 
exception by the precinct registrars 
and judges of election. 

In the Wake Forest precinct of 
Wake County Negroes were not per- 
mitted to register. These Negroes 
sent the following protest to the 
county board of elections: 

Whereas, the recent registration at Wake 
Forest has proved to be irregular, illegal and 
unsatisfactory to many of the citizens resid- 
ing in the township, in that the discrimina- 
tion rule has been applied and used when 
qualified Negroes appeared for registration 
in order to bar them from registering; and 

Whereas, the registrar yielded the duties of 
his offices as registrar by asking and allowing 
outside parties to participate in conducting 
the examination of certain applicants which 
was a violation of section 17 of the election 
laws of North Carolina; and 

Whereas, said registrar made efforts to in- 
timidate Negroes by sending them word that 
it was useless to come for registration and 
that they would surely be barred. 

Therefore, we, the undersigned citizens, 
do file our protests against said registration, 
and ask that a copy of this protest be sent 
the state board of elections. 

At Wilson, (Wilson County) on 
June 9, 18 challenged Negroes were 
permitted to remain on the registra- 
tion books as Democrats while, it 
was reported, more than two score 
local Negroes who had been on the 
books as either Democrats or Repub- 
licans were not challenged. 

Not all of the North Carolina 
newspapers approved of the position 
taken by The Raleigh News and Ob- 
server. The Rocky Mount Telegram 
in its issue of June 2, pointed out: 

That the registration of Negroes in the 
capital city has been brought up and over- 
played purely for political purposes is indi- 
cated by figures given in Associated Press 
dispatches from Raleigh. These figures show 
that there were 2,017 Negroes on the old 
primary registration books of Raleigh town- 
ship as Democrats. Under the new registra- 
tion, however, the registration about which 
all the stir has been needlessly generated, 
only about 500 Negroes are on the books. 

Yet with a decrease of approximately 1,500 
in the Negro registration, somebody gives 
vent to a verbal explosion and seeks to manu- 
facture an issue which will bring votes to a 
favorite candidate through fanning the fires 
of prejudice, of ill-feeling and of sentiment. 
The end cannot possibly justify the means 

and the danger which it brings to North 

The High Point Enterprise in its 
issue of May 27 asked: 

Ought the Democratic party of the South 
be closed hermetically against the Negro seek- 
ing to affiliate with it? 

The News and Observer, todays, says: 

There are no Negro Democrats in Raleigh. 
Nearly every southerner knows a few Negroes 
who regularly vote the Democratic ticket. 

The registration of more than a normal 
number of Negroes as Democrats is worthy 
of party notice in Raleigh or elsewhere in 
the state, and we agree with The News and 
Observer that the strictest supervision of the 
primary should be kept to guard against a 
false brigading of voters, of any color, for 
immediate political purpose. It is easier, 
naturally, to keep that guard where the Ne- 
gro is trying to qualify spuriously for par- 
ticipation in a Democratic primary. But is 
it really the will of the Democratic party in 
the South that a Negro may not join it? 

The time is coming when all Negroes will 
be eligible to vote. Their lack of education 
is the only bar to them now and that they 
are overcoming. The southern states cannot 
prevent their voting beyond the day of their 
qualification. Several southern states have 
Negro majorities. All of them have such 
strong Negro minorities as to enable design- 
ing white men to swing elections with the 
use of small white minorities with all Negro 
adults voting. If not through the loyalty of 
intelligent Negroes to the best interests of 
the state rather than to racial pride, how can 
the better class whites hold these states in- 
definitely? An arbitrary cloture of the White 
Supremacy party to an honest Negro desir- 
ing affiliation is an interesting and sweeping 

Results of Swapping Education for 
Non-Participation in Politics 

The Fayetteville Observer of May 
24, under the caption "The Negro 
Democrat" said : 

Editors of The Raleigh News and Observer 
are showing so much consternation over Ne- 
groes registering as Democrats to vote in the 
Democratic primary that we have a suspicion 
that the editors of The News and Observer 
have a suspicion that the Negroes are not 
going to vote for their candidates. 

Declares The News and Observer in no un- 
certain words: 

The Negro is a Republican and those who 
advised the Raleigh Negroes to register as 
Democrats were enemies of Democracy and 
white supremacy. This is true, no matter 
what they may call themselves. 

While we are glad that the matter of a 
few Negroes registering in the Democratic 
primary fails to raise pur blood pressure ab- 
normally, nevertheless it is time for southern 
white people to realize that the participation 
of Negroes in politics from now on promises 
to present a problem worthy of the most 
careful (and unimpassioned) consideration. 

Doubtless the blood of The News and Ob- 
server boils at the thought of the Negro as 
a Democrat for that organ is still living in 
the stirring days of the overthrow of the 
fusion government in North Carolina more 
than 3o years ago. 

Shortly thereafter Aycock swapped the 
North Carolina Negro an education for a 
generation of non-participation in politics. 

Whether we like it 'or not, that swap is now 
bearing fruit. Every year the Negro in North 



Carolina under our system of universal edu- 
cation is becoming a more intelligent citizen. 
Every year more and more Negroes are able 
to hurdle the intellectual barrier set up at 
the downfall of the fusion regime. 

And as the Negro becomes more and more 
educated, whether we like it or not, he is 
becoming more and more obsessed with the 
yearning to take part in government. 

We are inclined to believe that it is more 
this yearning of the educated Negro than the 
machinations of unscrupulous white politi- 
cians that is causing the Negroes to turn to 
the Democratic party as that organ through 
which they are more apt to secure a voice 
in their own government. 

As the Negro becomes more educated this 
yearning is going to increase and in the next 
generation the Negro vote is again going to 
become a vital factor in North Carolina poli- 

White people of both parties should begin 
to realize this and to plan now how the in- 
creasing Negro vote is to be assimilated best 
into the political fabric of the commonwealth; 
to consider how the Negro may best be given 
a -share in his own government with a mini- 
mum of friction with the theory of white 

Frankly, we wish the Negro could remain 
forever the happy non-political citizen he has 
been for the past generation, but frankly we 
do not see how this condition can be pro- 
longed much longer in view of our system 
of universal education. 

And frankly, we do see a great social and 
political danger in making any one political 
party a permanent Jim Crow car for the 
ever increasing number of Negro voters. 

The problem is a delicate one that calls for 
judicious and calmly arrived at action on the 
part of thinking white people. It is not one 
to be banished by the impassioned waving of 
the red shirt. 

Presidents and the Official Enter- 
tainment of Negroes 

June 14, 1929, the wife of Oscar 
DePriest, Negro Congressman from 
the State of Illinois, was entertained 
at a formal and official tea in the 
White House at Washington, D. C., 
at which tea there was present also 
as guests, white ladies. In spite of 
the fact that the entertainment of 
Mrs. DePriest was only a part of the 
regular routine of having the wives 
of all the members of Congress to 
tea, severe criticism was launched 
against the administration for this 
incident. Resolutions condemning it 
were introduced in the legislatures of 
Florida, Georgia, Mississippi and 

The charge was made in some 
quarters that the Hoover administra- 
tion was setting a social equality 
precedent. An investigation revealed 
that instead of setting a precedent, 
precedent was being followed, for in 
at least fourteen other instances Ne- 
groes had been officially entertained 
by Presidents of the United States, 
as follows: 

1864 Frederick Douglass dined with Presi- 
dent Lincoln at the White House. 

1865 At President Lincoln's second inaugu- 
ral reception Frederick Douglass was enter- 
tained at the White House. 

1870 Senator B. K. Bruce was entertained 
by President Grant and the wife of the 
Senator entertained the members of the 
diplomatic set at her home at a reception. 

1871 P. B. S. Pinchback (at one time gov- 
ernor of Louisiana) was entertained by 
President Grant at the White House. 

1878 President Rutherford B. Hayes was a 
cousin of President Patton (white) of 
Howard University, and was entertained 
by him at the university. At this entertain- 
ment President Hayes met John M. Lang- 
ston, the first dean of the university law 
school, upon whom President Hayes later 
called socially at the Langston home. 

1885 Frederick Douglass was entertained by 
President Hayes at the White House. 

1886 The minister to Haiti wa entertained 
by President Cleveland. 

1903 John C. Dancy (recorder of deeds) 
and wife were entertained at the White 

igo3 Booker T. Washington, principal of 
Tuskegee Institute, dined at the White 
House with President Roosevelt. 

190.1 Judson W. Lyons, (register of the 
treasury) and wife were entertained at 
the White House by President Roosevelt. 

1912 President Roosevelt entertained William 
H. Lewis, former assistant Attorney-Gen- 
eral, at the former's home at Oyster Bay, 
New York, as an overnight house guest. 

1926 President Coolidge entertained Presi- 
dent Borno of Haiti on the occasion of his 
visit to the United States. 

Bishop W. N. Ainsworth of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 
made the following comment: 

"From the first years of American 
history, the President and his wife 
have entertained members of Con- 
gress and their wives, as well as the 
representatives of all foreign govern- 

"Such occasions, while social, are 
not personal, but official. During 
these years, every color of human 
being from lily-white to ebony black, 
and all that lies between, has been 
entertained at the White House and 
by every occupant thereof. It is 
nothing new. 

"The color scheme does not enter 
into the arrangement and cannot. 
Every legally elected Congressman 
or representative of a foreign gov- 
ernment is entitled to the same con- 
sideration in regard to such official 

"There is no more justification for 
the exclusion of a black man and his 
wife from such a function that there 
is to exclude a red, yellow, brown or 
white one. The President and his 
wife do not select any of them; the 
constituency does. 

"It is about time for everybody to 


quit seeing black only and having 
these blatant outbreaks about it. 

"In my opinion, all of this excite- 
ment over the recent White House 
entertainment is a tempest in a tea- 

With regard to the furore that was 
stirred up by his wife's presence at 
the White House, Congressman De- 
Priest, gave out the following state- 

"It's all a lot of moonshine for any 
one to suggest that a question of 
social equality was involved in my 
wife's going to a White House tea. 
My wife was invited not because she 
was white or black, Republican or 
Democrat. She was invited because 
she happened to be the wife of a man 
who was a member of Congress. 
That's all there was to that. 

"These southern Democrats, these 
haters, are trying to stir up preju- 
dice and help themselves politically 
in those southern states that voted 
against Al Smith and gave electoral 
votes for Hoover. The political ef- 
fect will be to drive all colored votes 
back into the Republican party. 

"There can be no social equality 
question as between races. Social 
equality is all a matter of individual 
taste. It isn't national or racial. 
For instance, there are men and wo- 
men of my own race with whom I 
wouldn't care to have any social re- 
lations or contact. There are both 
blacks and whites with whom I 
would not want to associate. I as- 
sociate with persons I like. I keep 
away from those I don't like." 

Commenting on this The New York 
World said: 

"This is so clearly put, so profound 
in its grasp of the issues involved 
that there is little to add to it." 

Emergence of the Negro "Bloc" 

William Hard, special correspon- 
dent of a number of southern papers 
sent the following from Washington 
under date of April 19, 1930: 

"To the wet 'bloc' in the approach- 
ing congressional elections there 
must now be added the Negro 'bloc'; 
and the effect of both 'blocs' is to 
increase the chance of the Democrats 
for winning control of the House of 

"Oscar DePriest, Republican Negro 
representative in the Lower House 
of Congress, from the first district 
of Illinois, in Chicago, is principally 
responsible for the emergence of the 

Negro 'bloc,' which is called 'the 
people's movement.' The purpose of 
this movement essentially is to vote 
for Republican candidates or Demo- 
cratic candidates or independent can- 
didates in accordance solely with 
their attitude toward the Negro race. 
That such a bi-partisan or non-par- 
tisan 'bloc' should be originated by a 
Republican representative is almost 
without precedent. Authentic reports 
are that it is going strong in north- 
ern and border-state congressional 
districts in which Negro voters are 
thickly congregated. 

"It might readily prove decisive in 
many of those districts, and it has 
its origin in four main discontents. 

"First: The Republican Presidential 
campaign managers of last year dis- 
carded all efforts to please the Ne- 
groes in favor of efforts to please 
the southern whites. 

"Second: The existing Republican 
administration has appointed virtual- 
ly no Negroes to office. 

"Third: The Negro division of the 
Republican national division of the 
Republican national committee has 
been closed down. 

"Fourth: John J. Parker, of North 
Carolina, accused of opposing Negro 
participation in politics, has been 
nominated to be a Justice of the 
United States Supreme Court. This 
fourth discontent might have been in 
itself of minor consequence. It gets 
its importance from being the match 
which set the heap of the previous 
discontent on fire. 

"Negroes have ironically but abun- 
dantly proved that they can vote for 

Legislation Affecting the Civil and 

Political Rights of Negroes 



Sec. i. Neither slavery nor involuntary 
servitude, except as a punishment for crime 
whereof the party shall have been duly con- 
victed, shall exist within the United States, 
or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to en- 
force this article by appropriate legislation. 

Adopted December 18, 1865. 

Constitutional Amendments The 
Thirteenth Amendment adopted De- 
cember 18, 1865, made slavery in the 
United States unconstitutional. The 
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- 
ments conferred upon the descen- 
dants of the slaves and upon the de- 
scendants of the free Negroes, the 
constitutional rights which had been 
denied them under the so-called 



"Black Laws," passed by the dif- 
ferent states. (*) Under the Amend- 
ments conferring upon Negroes all 
the fundamental rights of white men, 
race distinctions were not abolished 
but race discriminations were made 

It is important at the outset to distinguish 
clearly between race distinctions, and race 
discriminations; more so, because these words 
are often used synonymously, especially when 
the Negro is discussed. A distinction between 
the Caucasian and the Negro, when recog- 
nized and enforced by the law, has been in 
terpreted as a discrimination against the lat 
ter. In fact there is an essential difference 
between race distinctions and race discrimina- 
tions. North Carolina for example, has a 
law that white and Negro children shall not 
attend the same schools but that separate 
schools shall be maintained. If the terms of 
all the public schools in the state are equal 
in length, if the teaching force is equal in 
numbers and ability, if the school buildings 
are equal in convenience, accommodations and 
appointments, race distinction exists but not 
a discrimination. 

There is no discrimination so long as 
there is equality of opportunity, and this 
equality may often be attained only by a dif- 
ference in methods. On the other hand, if 
the term of the Negro school is four months 
and that of the white eight; if the teachers 
of the Negro schools are underpaid and in- 
adequately or wrongly trained, and the teach- 
ers of the white schools are well paid and 
well trained; if Negro children are housed in 
dilapidated uncomfortable, unsanitary build- 
ings, and white children have new, comfort- 
able, and sanitary buildings; if courses of 
study for Negro children are selected in a 
haphazard fashion without any regard to their 
peculiar needs, and a curriculum is carefully 
adapted to the needs of white children; if such 
conditions exist under the law, race distinc- 
tions exist which are at the same time 
discrimination against Negroes. A race distinc- 
tion connotes a difference and nothing more. 
A discrimination necessarily implies partiality 
and favoritism. 

REFERENCES: Stephenson Race Distinc- 
tions in American Law, pp. 2-4. 


(Ratified July 28, 1868.) 

Sec. i. All persons born or naturalized in 
the United States, and subject to the juris- 
diction thereof, are citizens of the United 
States, and of the state wherein they reside. 
No state shall make or enforce any law which 
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of 
a citizen of the United States; nor shall any 
state deprive any person of life, liberty, or 
property without due process of law, nor deny 
to any person within its jurisdiction the equal 
protection of the laws. 

Sec. 2. Representatives shall be appointed 
among the several states according to their 
respective numbers, counting the whole num- 
ber of persons in each state, excluding In- 
dians not taxed. But when the right to vote 
at any election for the choice of electors for 
President and Vice-President of the United 
States, Representatives in Congress, the execu- 
tive and judicial officers of a state, or the 
members of the legislature thereof, is denied 
to any of the male inhabitants of such state 
being twenty-one years of age, and citizens 
* See 1925-26 Negro Year Book, pp. 227- 


of the United States, or in any way abridged, 
except for participation in rebellion or other 
crime, the basis of representation therein shall 
be reduced in the proportion which the num- 
ber of such male citizens shall bear to the 
whole number of male citizens twenty-one 
years of age in such state. 

Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator or 
Representative in Congress, or Elector of 
President and Vice-President, or hold any of- 
fice, civil or military, under the United States, 
or under any state, who having previously 
taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as 
an officer of the United States, or as a mem- 
ber of any State Legislature, or as an execu- 
tive, or judicial officer of any state, to sup- 
port the Constitution of the United States, 
shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion 
against the same, or given aid or comfort to 
the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by 
a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove 
such disability. 

Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of 
the United States authorized by law, includ- 
ing debts incurred for payment of pensions 
and bounties for services in suppressing in- 
surrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. 
But neither the United States nor any state 
shall assume or pay any debt or obligation 
incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion 
against the United States, or any claim for 
the loss or emancipation) of any slave; but all 
such debt, obligations, and claims shall be 
held illegal and void. 

Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power to 
enforce, by appropriate legislation, the pro- 
visions of this article. 


(Ratified March 3o, 1870) 

Sec. i. The right of the citizens of the 
United States to vote shall not be denied or 
abridged by the United States, or by any 
state, on account of race, color, or previous 
condition of servitude. 

2. The Congress shall have power to enforce 
this article by appropriate legislation. (**) 

Federal Legislation The first Civil 
Rights Bill was passed by Congress, 
April 9, 1866. It prescribed that "all 
persons born in the United States 
and not subject to the foreign power, 
excluding Indians not taxed, are 
hereby declared to be citizens of the 
United States; and such citizens of 
every race and color, without regard 
to any previous condition of slavery 
or involuntary servitude, except as a 
punishment for crime * * * shall have 
the same right, in every state and 
territory in the United States, to 
make and enforce contracts, to sue, 
* * * and to full and equal benefit 
of all laws and proceedings, in the 
security of persons and property, as 
is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall 
be subject to like punishment and 
penalties, and to none other." 

The Civil Rights Bill of 1866 was in a 
large measure superseded by the Fourteenth 
Amendment, adopted July 28, 1868. The pur- 
pose of this Amendment was (i) to make 

** For Negro Suffrage in the Reconstruc- 
tion Period including Negro members of legis- 
latures see 1925-26 Negro Year Book, pp. 


the Bill of Rights (the first ten Amend- 
ments to the Constitution) binding upon the 
states as well as upon the nation; (2) to give 
validity to the Civil Rights Bill of 1866, and 
(3) to declare who were citizens of the United 

Another Civil Rights Bill was passed March 
i, 1875, which declared that all persons with- 
in the jurisdiction of the United States should 
be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment 
of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, 
and privileges of inns, public conveyances on 
land or water, theaters and other places of 
public amusements, subject only to the con- 
ditions established by law and applicable alike 
to citizens of every race and color, regard- 
less of any previous condition of servitude. 

This law was the last effort of 
Congress to guarantee to the Negro 
his civil rights. In 1883, the Supreme 
Court of the United States declared 
the Civil Rights Bill of 1875 uncon- 

That year five cases having to do with 
Civil Rights of Negroes reached the Supreme 
Court. "Two of them concerned the rights 
of colored persons in inns and hotels, two 
of their rights in theaters, and one in rail- 
road cars. Mr. Justice Bradley, delivering 
the opinion of the court, took the ground 
that the first and second sections of the Civil 
Rights Bill were unconstitutional for these 
reasons: (i) They are not authorized by the 
Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing and pro- 
hibiting slavery, because the separation of 
the races in public places is not a badge of 
servitude ... (2) The Civil Rights Bill is 
not authorized by the Fourteenth Amendment, 
because that refers to action by the state, 
while the Bill refers to individual discrimina- 
tion. It is state action of a particular kind 
that is prohibited." 

In June, igi3, the Supreme Court reaffirmed 
the ruling of i883 and extended its applica- 
tion to Federal territory and navigable waters 
of the United States. 

State Legislation A number of 
states in the North have enacted Civil 
Rights Bills which undertake to 
guarantee equality of accommoda- 
tion in public places. 

On May 16, 1865, Massachusetts declared 
that there should be no distinction, discrimi- 
nation, or restriction on account of color or 
race in any licensed public place of amuse- 
ment, public conveyance, or public meeting, 
imposed a fine of fifty dollars for the viola- 
tion of this law. The next year it included 
theaters within the prohibition. 

After the Federal Civil Rights Bill was 
declared unconstitutional in i883, and the 
burden of securing to Negroes equality of 
accommodation in public places was placed 
upon the states, many of them outside of the 
South adopted bills which practically copied 
the Civil Rights Bill of 1875. The following 
is a list of the states that have such Civil 
Rights Bills with dates of their adoption: 

Connecticut 1884 and 1905 

Iowa 1884 and 1892 

New Jersey 1884 

Ohio 1884 and 1894 

Colorado i885 and 1895 

Illinois i885 

Indiana 1885 

Michigan 1885 

Minnesota :885, 1897 and 1899 

Nebraska i885 and 1893 

Rhode Island 1885 

New York 1893, 1895 and 1913 

Pennsylvania 1887 

Washington 1890 

Wisconsin 1895 

California 1897 

Southern States Whose Laws 
Restrict the Suffrage(*) 

Suffrage amendments have been 
adopted by the southern states in 
the following order: Mississippi, 
1890; South Carolina, 1895; Louisi- 
ana, 1898; North Carolina, 1900; 
Alabama, 1901; Virginia, 1901; Geor- 
gia, 1908; and Oklahoma, 1910. 

The substance of the laws restricting suf- 
frage is that the prospective voter must have 
paid his full taxes and then, in order to 
register, must own a certain amount of prop- 
erty, or must be able to pass an educational 
test or must come under the grandfather 

Tax Test. Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, 
Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, Tennessee and Virginia require the 
payment of poll taxes as a prerequisite to vot- 
ing. In Georgia all taxes legally required 
since 1877 must be paid six months before 
the election. 

Property Test. The property requirement in 
Alabama is forty acres of land in the state 
or real or personal property worth three 
hundred dollars ($3oo) on which the taxes 
for the preceding year have been paid. 

In Georgia it is forty acres of land in the 
state or five hundred dollars ($500) worth 
of property in the state. 

The Louisiana requirement is three hundred 
dollars ($3oo) worth of property and pay- 
ment of personal taxes. 

South Carolina prescribes three hundred 
dollars ($3oo) worth of property on which 
taxes for the preceding year have been paid. 

Mississippi, North Carolina and Virginia 
have no property test. 

Educational Test 

Alabama requires that the applicant, unless 
physically disabled, must be able to read and 
write the Constitution of the United States in 

In Georgia he must, unless physically dis- 
abled, be able to read and write the Consti- 
tution of the United States in English; or 
if physically disabled from reading and writ- 
ing, to "understand and give a reasonable in- 
terpretation" of the Constitution of the United 
States or of Georgia, when read to him. 

Louisiana requires that the applicant must 
be able to read and write and must make an 
application for registration in his own hand- 

In Mississippi he must be able to under- 
stand or reasonably interpret any part of 
the constitution of the state. 

In North Carolina the requirement is the 
ability to read and write the state constitu- 
tion in English. 

The Constitution of Oklahoma says the ap- 
plicant "must be able to read and write any 
section of the constitution of the state." 

South Carolina requires ability to read and 
write the Constitution. 

Virginia requires that the applicant must 
make out his application in his own hand- 
writing and prepare and deposit his ballot 
without aid. 

*For Negro suffrage before the Civil War 
see 1925-26 Negro Year Book, pp. 23s-36. 



Grandfather Clause 

The Grandfather Clause permits a person 
who was not able to satisfy either the edu- 
cational or property tests to continue a voter 
for life if he was a voter in 1867 (or in Okla- 
homa in 1866) or is an old soldier or the 
lineal descendant of such voter or soldier 
provided, except in Oklahoma, he registered 
prior to a fixed date. 

The expiration of the date, when such per- 
sons could register was in South Carolina, 
January i, 1898; Louisiana, September i, 
1898; Alabama, December 20, 1902; Virginia, 
December 3i, I9o3; North Carolina, Decem- 
ber i, 1908; Georgia, January i, 1915. The 
Oklahoma Grandfather Clause intended to be 
permanent, provided that: 

No person who was on January i, 1866, 
or at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote 
under any form of government, or who at 
that time resided in some foreign nation, and 
no lineal descendant of such person, shall be 
denied the right to register and vote because 

of his inability to so read and write such 
Constitution. The Supreme Court of the 
United States, June 21, 1915, declared the 
Grandfather Clause invalid. Mississippi had 
no Grandfather Clause. 

Understanding and Character Clauses 

Only two states, Georgia and Mississippi, 
have permanent understanding and character 
clauses. Although in Georgia a person may 
have neither property nor education he may 
be permitted to register if he is of good 
character and understands the duties and ob- 
ligation of citizenship under a republican 
form of government. 

The Mississippi law permits one who can- 
not read to register if he can understand and 
reasonably interpret the Constitution when 
read to him. 

In Alabama, South Carolina and Virginia 
the Understanding Clause is a part of the 
Grandfather sections and became inoperative 
with the "Grandfather Clauses." 



a; 00 

T)- 00 i- ^5 N M- 

I) 00 

Os ' *** 

^ H 01 

O 10 " N O 

^ C r} 

o\ tx M ^ oo 


> M 

tl cfw ^ 

>~ - 

*. vS" ^ 


00 1-1 M 



U Tj- 

f iovo * >o O\ 


^ ^ o _ ^ 


^ C ^ 

Os f>* Tf Os >-" J 

^ N 

*o o ^ ^ "^ X 




N coon rT 

>'" w 

VO & ~ O 


< 2 H 

rx -^- *n 








c '*-> 



^ c s 

Nt> - ^VOOo, ,x N 


000*^ o ^"O o - I s * 



8 w 


** 10 1 "J^ * * M 

o ^ 

6\ ^t ^T vo" 


S 'B 

S? VO H " oo 

00 \o vo 


rt ^ 



. o 


vo ' 

Cv o _ 

"^ T ~^ 

00 U ^ " 

O QJ ^ 


" W " 

M N ,f M ui N i-OO 

M K S 

in o O r ^ r - *i O f5 

s Is 


J^fo vo c ^'M- ^ " v ' 

tx M- O o 

"" c 

^ S * oo "S ^ 


<b C *^ > 

u u > 

00 ^10 

<1 'f 

_p li ii cd 


^ S 


C! (M 






ss _rt o 

N M 1 * 

vo u,S 

T3 Oi 

00 U "2 

^NtN OOO^t^ ^ 

o? 2 rtr 

N O Os ^ro Coo i-i Os 

** c T ~ l 


t^4>0 00 TT gs M 00 - 
00^-u, NfO.l^ ^ to 

"^ >^ M 

"^ i/-, 4 N "- 1 "' vd -" 

K fl 

.S o -2 CM 

vo" o" " " N" 

ci c *^ w 

4 Os 0\ oo" 

oo -^- M 10 

VO 10 VO 

SiS "" 
^^ ^^ 

OT: ^ 


utja n 


O ^3 

C ^ cc 

O^i rt 

.22 fe* ^ 

>W M> 

i l 

-~ S 

00 U M-i 

00 a 4JT3 

O VOOO txCOOio n 


OS 00 tx 

^ rC ^j 

f^-44 vONJOxt ^ ^J 

oo o _c *S 

^T 4 ir, C-00 " Os jo jj 

i-, Tf 10 VO M t * M VO 


.5 5 

4" 10 -" vo 
vo 00 t5 

c g^J 

10 ^ pr > ^ 


M^Ks fe 

'" '5 .2 M 

.5 -S^o 

' 'tt! ' 

cs m so 



i i ! *a 

1 III 

" 'OT 
B 4> JJ 

Oil <L> JH 

JB * 

.S 'a; 

s i 

o ^ 



>5 X 



C rt 



. ' j 1 *^ 

<^ -> O "" - 

~> ,o 

C C f O CO ;<-''"' 

^"^^..."cSSS^ tC 1 

v->-'4Jo'-"ca*'O HJ P-^ J n. 

/*C r "*- tp3 O ^(- r- 

c v v G t --^Z.'^ v~ S<u 
,,UU> gSO (3 . 

C P 5 CS O ;C 




be o 


C C 



i i i ecs.^ 
I 1^1 

< 1 1 ^O'ZI'B 

i ' * J> ?> o 
gu o ! ! S > M o> 

fs& : i u 3ls 

c^ 3 i o S o 
>:S * ucESHifiS 

g 3S^g|o^|^| 

I Jjfe >'S&=-S fc^ fc^ 

JjP,Pi{5CK<f-fc PH 

Anti-Smith Pemocrats. 

L-. ^ 




Pi P^ 

^ S 









rt C 






^" H-l W 

I- 1 








1 1 





















<u oo 

oo m o o m *- 

V 00 

^- O ON O ' 


>" ? 

tx 00 ON lx 

O 00 * CO 

00 1-1 N 



00 00 O c"^ 1-1 ^J" 

W -T 

g.^^^ ^ 




,P.E ON 

M - N . r ; llD - V0 . 4 


"ON 'ON ff *N 


O 00 ON 00 








_ +3 


C o 



1 s 

S o 

00 00 O TfOO O N 00 

^NO C*^ - , -. N tO 


!- s 

00 ON tx txOO fO 00 00 

<vT >n fT oo" 

S 'B 

in oo co M 




C 0) QQ 



"C ^ (N 

_ o 


(3 ^5 



V MfH 


O qj ^ 

."2 "~ 


rooxONoOin^oO ON .0 

ON tn {y 

in -<t N m txoo o tx ^ 

'm IT'S 

ro * fX OO^O _L -^ 

S 5 

*"* T3 * n^ 

^^ ^ N ON ON J ^5 

^3 <^ C. 

^ tx NN ^ ^^ ^ in ^ 

IM .g 00 

C * 

i-T tx 10 ro" 

"" C 

NO NO" Tj- cT 

O o l-t >-fc 

OO CO ""I !O 

<J * 

,0^0 u rt 


^- fj a > 

O QJ U C3 

^ M i- 1 N 

.5 ^^ 




S u 



2 li 

O l-. 1 *^ 

o rt-r; 

ON jj 

rovO p ' fOOrr 00 P) 


00 ONOO M in w tx 1 



** s ^ 

t-* ^t ^ t/l 

-* ^ in ^^ o 6 

"^^ $> 

Svj" ^ 2vo5-'c5 "" to 


CS d 

C flj cd 

in co" T+ rC 

G t2 V <* 

^r ^ 0^ tx 

o < 


in - NO 


ij " 



^ *d 

"s^ & 

oi m 5 

O 4J C3 


02 >~ J2 

>W c,4 

^>W Ei-I 

*s rt< 

"5 j - 

i s 



tB 0) (C 



inoo IH vo co M o ^ ^ 


*i ^ 


S^4 '0 o 4 ? 

00 1> J2 <L> 
-i>( . ) 
~ >^ V) 

s^ i 5 l ^ 



fi *g J 

.5 oS; 

ON tx NN O 

M " 


oo ix m co 


be ko^ 


O ~ ^ rf 

Vote in Each State Havi 

mediately Before the Passi 
After Passing 


60 o 





Perrons of Voting Age __. 
I'tr Cent White 
Per Cent Negro _ _ 
Party Vote: 
All Others 
Total Votes Cast 
Per Cent Total Vote of 
Total Persons Voting _. 
Per Cent Democratic Vote 
White Persons Voting Age 



bo O 


x-i rt 

c c 

O 14 


Persons of Voting Age __. 
Per Cent White . 
Per Cent Negro 
Party Vote: 
All Others -. 
Total Votes Cast _ _ _. 
Per Cent Total Vote of 
Total Persons Voting _. 
Per Cent Democratic Vote 
White Persons Voting Age 

North Carolina and Oklahoma i 






U te 





<u rt C 




























o o> 

" ,- ' 
f .g. 


C\ 00 i- O 0\ N 

o\ o o o 2" 

<u g 




C .S o 

CO g 

S ^ 

-2 I 

O a; 

^ 2 



E g 


IX ^O O\ N 6 


O\ CO 

fO VO ro O 10^00 




M M 00 * if N 
t^ 00 OX N O ^ 

S oo 

vo vo^OCO vo 


-, vo VO H 

>' S 

in N O M ^J" .^T 
O^ CH "J VO 

(^ O O **"* (*v 00 

vo 00 N - -. M 


^ O O fx Ix ^ 

I' 5 ? 

* invo i-TfT 

t " 

O N ^ O 


fi ' 

o a> 

' S 

4-< O 

o c <^ 

N - t> N v ^ " 

C N 

S,?" "^S^ ^ J 



^ v f ^'* < 3 - M N 

li 1 * N oo 


ix 2 1-1 

Os f< W * 


p jy^ 00 





g C3 

vv 5 i i 

i-* 4; T3 


'tc tT'O 
v S C 


O ^ inOO (> o m vo 

O 00* "- "^" ^ Q, O\ f; H- 


" C 

ooo l ~'^"l lx to ^ 
^ oo J^ ^ o 

^ <j T}< 

4) O *^ fe 

VO 1-1 IH 

^ O ^ ^ 

O TJ- Oi ^- O\ 

c ^ 

^C/}^) I 

> tf>!' H i-4 


"< ^2 


^ -2 ^ 



J u 


efl .^ 

P) Jj^ 


M rtS 

00 tx 00 tx 




00 in Tf "^ 9. "j, ? N 


q-CO tx u^OO *^ "" f^ 00 
00 "1. I > V - VO^ in ^ 


I i-s 


CO f*3 IN 1-1 I-H 
ro O\ vN tvj 
vo !-i 

""5 rt 

t * ^* i 


B '^ 7-( 

u -5 s 

JJ-O ^ 


ft> ^~ 

O w rt 

>W E>3 

i J ^ 




<U rt 


"ovvlc? f!.'o c '*> H 

"~ O 

00 Jj**" 

?od ^ S t<? r^ ^ *Di 


tn rl .^ 

o S^T3 

vo in -f Tf O^ 00 PO_ Ov n 


00 cO'^'tx 1 '^ \O ^ 


^^ ^> ^i 

^ ^x ^ 

co" n" * od" 

M KH ^ 

o\ cs o * "** 



X $ 

<J* 00 N O 

^> i/) 

Q\ M ^ M J^> 


^ ^.i Q) 

P o,c 

a c"u M 


S> C -H 

c .g Q 




'> w 
Jj to fejo 


1 ! j-sgll 

i u-< bc^P ?r 

flj CU ^ 


1 "^ 6C 


OJ '^ 6C 

rt yl 

+* c^ ^ 


^ [ 1 5 O ^ C 


bo & o .^ c 

^ -fcJ 

rt 4-> PH 


"^ o^> -^'S 


4-* !> O 

O 2 

X 1) p 

f-i a> 

- O +J 

C <H tn 

w w^ 

^ W ^ 


'*- ' p bo 4-1 o g c 
O r~ 4J o w o> o 




1 J '_S be " C 




"s'p <s 

C "aj 
"* -<J 


" T3 
o a> 

> S 



B |"= " ^^ ^^ 

(S (2 


fc S3 > lao i3 H fc^ 


u.i s 


"Zl w bfl 
l- o 
OT- t. 

fc CAn 


C T3 

1 1 

'"5 c 


n & rt 



|J | 




^* M 

sj "! 

S c. 

_p 2 .^ 







* : j 










Disfranchisement Has Kept Demo- 
cratic Party in South in 
Political Ditch 

An analysis of the foregoing tables 
shows that: 

The Democratic vote for Mississippi, in 
:888, in the Presidential election immediate- 
ly before the passage of the disfranchisement 
law in that state, was 85,467. This number 
of votes was not equaled until 1924, 36 years 
later, when with women voting the number 
was 100,475. The Democratic vote in Mis- 
sissippi in 1888 was 72.3 per cent of the total 
white males of voting age. In 1920 it was 
32.2 per cent, a decrease for the 32 years of 
40.1 per cent. 

The Democratic vote for South Carolina 
in 1892, in the Presidential election immediate- 
ly before the passage of the disfranchisement 
law in that state, was 54,698. This was 5,690 
more Democratic votes than was cast in the 
election of 1924, 32 years later at which time 
women were eligible to vote. In 1892 the 
Democratic vote in South Carolina was 60.7 
per cent of the total white males of voting 
age. In 1920 it was 38.7 per cent a decrease 
of 22. o per cent. 

The Democratic vote for Louisiana in 1896, 
in the Presidential election immediately be- 
fore the passage of the disfranchisement law 
in that state, was 79,009 or 49. 7 per cent of 
the total white males of voting age. In 1920 
it was 3o.i per cent of the total white males 
of voting age, a decrease of 19.6 per cent. 

In North Carolina where there was a large 
white Republican vote the total vote cast in 
1896, in the Presidential election immediately 
before the passage of the disfranchisement law 
in that state, was 85.4 per cent of all males of 
voting age. In 1920 with women voting the 
total vote cast was 44.8 per cent of all per- 
sons of voting age. In 1924, with women 
eligible to vote, the total vote cast was 40 

per cent of all persons of voting age and in 
1928, 52.8 per cent. 

The Democratic vote for Alabama in 190. 
in the Presidential election immediately be- 
fore the passage of the disfranchisement law 
in that state, was 41 -5 P er cent of a . H the 
white males of voting age. In 1920 it was 
45.6 per cent, an increase of 4-1 P er cen ^ 
The total vote cast in Alabama in 1924, wlth 
women voting was 14-6 per cent of all per- 
sons of voting age, and in 1928, 21.2 per 

The Democratic vote for Virginia, in 1900, 
in the Presidential election immediately be- 
fore the passage of the disfranchisement law 
in that' state, was 146,080 or 48.5 per cent 
of the white males of voting age. In 1920 
it was 32.4 per cent. The Democratic vote 
in 1928 was ioi,63i which was 44,000 less 
than it was 28 years earlier; whereas the 
Republican vote in 1900 and in 1928 was 
practically the same, n5,865 for the former 
year and 115,348 for the latter year. In other 
words, to defeat the Democrats, it was only 
necessary to poll 517 less Republican votes 
in 1928 than were polled in 1900. The total 
vote cast in Virginia in 1928, with women 
voting, was 18.2 per cent of all persons of 
voting age. 

The Democratic vote for Georgia in 1904. 
in the Presidential election immediately be- 
fore the passage of the disfranchisement law 
in that state was 27.1 per cent of the total 
white males of voting age. In 1920 the Demo- 
cratic vote was 25.p per cent of the total 
white males of voting age. In 1924, with 
women voting the total vote cast was n ; 8 
per cent of all persons of voting age and in 
1928, 16.2 per cent. 

When one makes a careful study of the 
results of voting in the states having disfran- 
chisement laws, he can raise the question, 
whether, in keeping the Negro in the political 
ditch, the Democratic party, in these states, 
lias not been compelled to remain in the 
ditch with him? 




Gain in 
Sixty-four Years 


Homes Owned 




Farms Operated 




Businesses Conducted 




Wealth Accumulated 





Per Cent Literate 




Schools for Higher Training 




Students in Public Schools 




Teachers in all Schools 




Property for Higher Education 

$ 60,000 

$ 50,000,000 

$ 49,940,000 

Annual Expenditures for all 


$ 700,000 

$ 61,700,000 

$ 61,000,000 

Raised by Negroes 

$ 80,000 

$ 3,5oo,ooo 

$ 3,420,000 


Number Churches 








Sunday Schools 




Sunday School Pupils 




Value Church Property 

$ i,5oo,ooo 

$ 200,000,000 

$ igS.sOU.OOO 

* Includes Public High Schools. 

Property Owning 

Recent reports on property owning 
show that in 1928, Negroes in Geor- 
gia owned, 1,444,294 acres of land 
assessed at $13,491,117. The value of 
their city property was $24,726,311. 
The total assessed valuation of all 
their property was $48,633,022. The 
Negroes of Virginia, in 1928, owned 
1,981,258 acres of land assessed at 
$29,663,190. The value of their city 
property was $29,452,629. The total 
assessed valuation of all their real 
estate was $59,115,819. The Negroes 
of North Carolina, in 1928, owned 
1,730,373 acres of land valued at 
$49,621,980. The value of their city 
property was $46,301,013. The total 
assessed valuation of all property, 
real and personal, of North Carolina 
Negroes, in 1928, was $110,869,405. 

Along with the movement of Ne- 
groes to cities has come a marked 
increase in the amount of city prop- 
erty which they own. Reports on 
property owning in Georgia, North 

Carolina and Virginia indicate that 
there is a tendency for Negroes to 
purchase less farm lands than form- 
erly. This decrease in the acquisi- 
tion of farm lands is off-set, how- 
ever, by an increase in the acquisi- 
tion of city property. 

It is still true, however, that the 
lands which they own amount to more 
than 22,000,000 acres or 34,000 square 
miles, an area greater than that of 
the five New England states, New 
Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, 
Connecticut and Rhode Island. 

The Negroes of Georgia, in 1928, 
owned 187,569 less acres of land than 
they owned in 1923 when the num- 
ber of acres owned was 1,632,863. In 
North Carolina where the number of 
city lots owned by whites and Ne- 
groes is shown in the published tax 
returns it is found that in 1923 the 
number of city lots owned by Ne- 
groes was 46,065. In 1928 they 
owned 63,009 city lots an increase in 
number of 16,944 or 36.8 per cent. 



Acres of Land Owned 1923 and 1928 



North Carolina 



1923 1928 

1,632,863 1,444,294 

1,652,389 1,730,373 

1,920,485 (i) 1,981,258 


Amount Per Cent 

187,569 * i3.o * 

77,984 4-7 

60,773 3.2 

Value Farm Property 1923 and 1928 



North Carolina 



28,899,656 d) 




Amount Per Cent 

2, 075, 940 * iS.4 * 

1,278,775 2.6 

763,525 2.6 

Value City Property 1923 and 1928 


1923 1928 Amount Per Cent 

Georgia $20,179,466 $24,726,311 $4,546,846 22.5 

North Carolina 3o,332,n8 46,3oi,oi3 15,968,895 52.6 

Virginia 20, 063, 409 (i) 29,452,629 9,387,220 46.6 

(i) For Year, 1922 

* decrease indicated by a minus sign. 


It would appear that there has 
been no marked increase in the 
acreage production of the staple 
crops raised in the South. The 
average yield per acre of cotton in 
1899 was 183.8 pounds per acre; the 
average yield in 1926 was 182.6 
pounds per acre. The average yield 
of corn per acre in 1899 was 17.1 
bushels per acre; the average yield 
in 1919 was 18.3 bushels per acre. 

It would appear that we shall have 
to look in other directions than the 
average yield per acre to ascertain 
whether progress is being made in 
agriculture in the South. It is found 
that in spite of the loss in farm popu- 
lation the agricultural products of 
the South are not decreasing. Cer- 
tain factors have helped to main- 
tain and in some instances increase 
production. The increasing use of 
machinery has. resulted in an increase 
in production per man. The number 
of acres cultivated per farmer in- 
creased from 48.7 in 1910 to 49.0 in 
1920 and to 50.4 in 1925. The develop- 
ment of cooperative marketing is an 
important factor because it is en- 
abling both the white and Negro farm- 
er to find a dependable profitable 
market for their poultry, swine, cat- 
tle and other products. Another im- 
portant factor is the great increase 
in the extent to which farm boys in 
the South are being educated, through 
4-H clubs and in other ways, for 

Success of Individual Negro Farmers 

Negro farmers share in all the dis- 
advantages which farmers in gener- 
al have. There are, however, many 
fine examples of successful individual 
Negro farmers. The progress of 
these individuals is shown by the 
reports they make at Negro Farmer 
conferences and by the exhibits 
which they display at Negro fairs, 
community, county, and state. 

Turner Rountree, a Negro tenant 
farmer, near Valdosta, Georgia, es- 
tablished a record in cotton produc- 
ing. He gathered, from six and 
a-half acres, nine bales of cotton 
averaging 510 pounds to the bale. 
"Those conversant with cotton grow- 
ing in Georgia," said The Savannah 
News, "are of the opinion that the 

product of this six and a-half acres 
of land hangs up a new record for 
Georgia farm activity and Georgia 
land." Virgil Kimball, a Negro 
farmer of Columbia County, Florida, 
set a mark, in 1927, for Florida cot- 
ton producers to shoot at, according 
to reports to the Florida State 
Chamber of Commerce. Kimball 
picked more than six thousand 
pounds of cotton from six and a-half 
acres and from an experimental plot 
of one and one-half acre gathered 
over 1,700 pounds. W. R. Sarratt of 
Cherokee County, Georgia, owns 
eighty-four acres of land. His house, 
which cost him $6,000, is equipped 
with a Delco lighting system. He 
paid $40 per acre for his land. It 
was "run down." By taking care of 
his terraces, deep plowing and rota- 
tion of crops, he has brought it up 
to a high state of cultivation. He 
raises his own corn, wheat, oats and 
meat. He has bought no flour in 
four years and eats wheat bread all 
the time; he has bought no corn 
since before the World War. He 
keeps one cow, two mules, a Ford- 
son and a Ford touring car. Andrew 
Buckhalter of Rankin County, Mis- 
sissippi, raised 125 bales of cotton on 
190 acres of land, and besides raised 
enough corn and feed stuff not only 
to supply the needs of his farm but 
also to sell a goodly amount. 

"An Example of Intensive Farm- 
ing in the Cotton Belt" was the title 
of a bulletin issued in 1912 by the 
United States Department of Agri- 
culture. The unusual thing about 
this bulletin was that it was a record 
of what had been accomplished on 
two acres of land in Wilcox County, 
Alabama, by Samuel McCord, an ex- 
slave, then over 75 years of age. Mc- 
Cord, in one year, on this two acres 
of ground produced seven bales of 
cotton and demonstrated what could 
be done by rotating crops. The de- 
partment officials declared that this 
aged Negro had set a great example 
for other small farmers. McCord con- 
tinued, actively, as a farmer until 
his death in 1928. The well known 
"Sam McCord Cotton Seed" bearing 
his name, is a tribute to his accom- 
plishments in agriculture. 



When the boll-weevil, followed by 
the drought, struck Jackson County, 
Georgia, William Thomas was the 
possessor of a farm of 161 acres for 
which he had pledged himself to pay 
$50 per acre. He did not lose courage, 
abandon the farm and like many 
others seek a home elsewhere. He 
looked about for a more practical 
way out of a bad situation, and 
found it. He began making and sell- 
ing charcoal, a product made from 
charring wood and used for heating 
purposes. The first year he sold 
eleven hundred dollars worth, *and he 
gradually increased his output until 
in 1926 his sales amounted to $1,474. 
In 1927 he made fifty bales of cot- 
ton on his farm, and the purchase 
price of the farm was almost paid. 

The State of Indiana and the town 
of Tell City, in 1925, honored a 
colored tenant farmer for growing 
more than 100 bushels of corn per 
acre on a 5-acre plot. As 1924 was 
the hardest year in more than a 
decade to achieve such a mark, and 
only twenty farmers in the entire 
Hoosier state won the Purdue Uni- 
versity gold medal for such produc- 
tion, the honor is all the more signifi- 

The Augusta (Georgia) Chronicle 
of March 13, 1927, carried out the 
following: "For Sale 8,000 bushels 
of corn and 10,000 bales of choice 
native hay. Phone 2140 J." 

That is nothing extraordinary in 
itself, but to this section there is 
something striking about it. Inves- 
tigation discloses the fact that the 
offerings are native grown and more 
than that produced by a colored 
farmer, or rather a family of farm- 

"J. F. Thompson came to Augusta 
some 35 years ago from Union Point 
and started work as a drayman on 
cotton row. Long years of service 
have incapacitated him for further 
work, but his son Charles carries on 
and Harold, another son, is the farm- 
er of the family, augmented by his 
mother, who started the family out 
in agriculture. 

"Harold began his work as a mere 
youth and rented land a short time 
until he bargained to buy a farm, 
the Taylor Hill place down the river, 
consisting of some 900 acres of land, 
and, when this was settled for, he 
bought, with the assistance of other 
members of the family, the Lombard 

and Holmes tracts, comprising an- 
other 400 acres and has under lease 
at present 150 acres more land, or a 
total of about 1,500 acres. 

'"The lesson of these colored farm- 
ers is one that ought to be inspira- 
tional throughout this entire section 
and a visit to the place, six or seven 
miles down the Savannah River road, 
will show the public what is being 
done there and what can be done 
elsewhere around Augusta. 

"Anybody who has some 8,000 
bushels of fine corn, and 10,000 bales 
of choice native hay to sell at this 
season has little to worry about mak- 
ing a success of agricultural opera- 

Thomas King, a Negro farmer liv- 
ing near Hutchinson, Kansas, came 
to that vicinity several years ago as 
a common day laborer. He bought a 
few acres of land and continued to 
add to his holdings until they now 
amount to more than 600 acres. He 
specializes in wheat raising. It is 
reported that in one year he har- 
vested 22,000 bushels of wheat from 
his farm. 

Louis Dooly of Noxubee County, 
Mississippi, bought on credit, a farm 
of 256 acres for $2,500, a few cows 
and a cream separator. In three 
years' time he was meeting his pay- 
ments so well that he decided to buy 
another piece of land of 144 acres. 
For this he promised to pay $5,275, 
with interest at six per cent. In six 
years he built his herd up to 55 cows, 
and reduced his notes down to $530 
on the first place and $1,500 on the 
last one he bought. He raises no 
cotton whatever, but sells annually 
about $500 worth of hogs and a por- 
tion of the increase in his herd. In 
addition to this he has built and paid 
for a nice home and other improve- 
ments from the proceeds of his dairy. 

"With a crop of citrus fruit on the 
trees and moving to the market that 
he expects to net him $9,000 this 
year, 'Jim' Wright, well known 
colored resident of DeLand, during 
the past 18 months has increased his 
citrus planting by 70 acres, 50 acres 
being planted to late Valencia 
oranges and 20 acres to tangerines. 

" 'Jim' Wright is one of the wealth- 
iest colored men in this section of 
Florida, and all that he possesses has 
been earned in DeLand. 

"Wright's first purchase of land, 
was after the freeze in 1895. For 



$300 he bought 10 acres of land, half 
of it in a grove which had been 
frozen down. He paid $50 down on 
the purchase price and the rest in 

"Through hard work and applying 
himself to the task of cultivating his 
grove, Wright made a success. He 
took care of what he earned and in- 
vested in other real estate. In 1920 
he erected the Wright building at 
the corner of South Florida and 
Voorhis avenues, where he conducted 
a mercantile establishment. Now he 
has leased the building and sold his 
stock, and devotes all his time to 
citrus growing." DeLand (Florida) 
News, December 31, 1928. 

George Doakes of Muskogee County, 
Oklahoma, sold seventeen car loads 
of potatoes in one year for $18,000. 
Matthew G. Gross known as the 
"strawberry king," of Conecuh 
County, Alabama, has experimented 
for 25 years in growing the straw- 
berry. He has got as high as 185 
crates per acre, while the average 
yield per acre in Conecuh County 
is 75 crates. L. D. Fontenot is a 
successful rice grower in Jeffer- 
son County, Texas. He has 500 acres 
of farm land leased. Four hundred 
acres are planted in rice, and 60 
acres in general farm crops, while 
40 acres are used for grazing pur- 
poses for his livestock. For the pro- 
duction of his crops he owns two 
tractors (one McCormick and one 
Fordson), pulling eight foot and 
four foot binders, respectively, and 
one separator (threshing machine). 
"The flavor of romance is not lack- 
ing in the recent sale of the Old 
Phil Cook plantation, in Lee County, 
Georgia, to a Negro who has been a 
tenant on its broad acres for 18 

"The plantation embraces 1,400 
acres, and on it its owner, General 
Phil Cook, lived for many years. He 
represented the Third District in 
Congress, then became Georgia's 
Secretary of State, holding the lat- 
ter office till his death. He was suc- 
ceeded as secretary of state by his 
son and namesake, who had been 
born on the Lee County plantation, 
and who in turn held the office in 
which his father had died till his 
own death some years ago. 

"The Cook place was sold at auc- 
tion for the purpose of affecting a 
division among the heirs. The sale 

attracted a large crowd, but the bid- 
ding was not spirited, owing to the 
fact that large plantations are not 
now in demand. The Negro tenant to 
whom the place was knocked down 
obtained it for $16,000. He is John 
Murphy, a practical and successful 
farmer who is highly thought of in 
his community. 

"This Negro farmer, the descen- 
dant of slaves, thus becomes the 
owner of a plantation that is fairly 
typical of those landed estates which 
in an earlier day were the pride of 
this section. Lee, Terrell, Randolph, 
Calhoun, Dougherty, Baker, Mitchell, 
Earley and Decatur counties em- 
braced scores of great plantations 
ranging in area from one to three 
thousand acres each. Their owners 
constituted the landed aristocracy of 
this section, for they were men of 
wealth and influence whose sons and 
daughters enjoyed the best educa- 
tional and social advantages, and 
whose country homes were models of 
elegance and comfort. 

"During the Civil War these great 
southwest Georgia plantations sent 
tons of food supplies to the Con- 
federate armies. So rich was their 
contribution to the support of Gen- 
eral Lee's all-too-often hungry le- 
gions that this section came to be 
known as the 'Egypt of the Con- 

"In later years the big plantation 
has had its troubles. The 'country 
aristocracy' moved to town, and its 
sons became merchants, lawyers, 
doctors and manufacturers, instead 
of farmers. 

"Now one of these fine old plan- 
tations a place that was a social 
center till long after the Civil War, 
whose owners made it yield abundant 
crops and maintained it in fine con- 
dition, but who in time felt the lure 
of the city and left 1,400 splendid 
acres to the tender mercies of crop- 
pers is bid in at an auction sale by 
a descendant of those who, as slaves, 
helped 'make the glory that was' in 
a day of rural magnificence. Great 
changes have come to pass in 60 
years, and the big plantation of a 
golden age can no longer hold its 
own." Albany (Georgia) Herald, 
April 11, 1929. 

Agricultural Extension Work 
A staff of 335 Negro cooperative 
extension workers is engaged in 
carrying to Negro farmers informa- 



tion on improved farming and home- 
making methods. These are trained 
men and women cooperatively em- 
ployed by the United States Depart- 
ment of Agriculture and the land- 
grant colleges of the 15 southern 
states. Of these, 171 are agricultur- 
al agents working in counties, 128 
are home agents for one or more 
counties, four are in movable school 
work, and 28 are supervisors. Two 
field agents work from the federal 
department, J. B. Pierce of Hampton, 
Virginia, whose district includes the 
northern section of the area, and T. 
M. Campbell of Tuskegee Institute, 
Alabama, whose district comprises 
the Gulf States. 

C. W. Warburton, director of the 
United States Agricultural Extension 
Service, in a recent report to the 
Secretary of Agriculture stated that: 

"Negro farmers did more diversi- 
fied farming and participated more 
generally in cooperative undertakings j 
than ever before. Negro extension 
agents in sections of Oklahoma and 
Alabama, wishing to promote dairy- 
ing, organized tours of their farmers 
to Starksville, Mississippi, that they 
might see for themselves the pros- 
perity of Negro farmers in Missis- 
sippi who have included farm dairy- 
ing in their enterprises. One out- 
standing extension event in Lowndes 
County, Alabama, was a cooperative 
turkey sale in which six carloads of 
turkeys were handled. Approximate- 
ly 90 per cent of the turkeys brought 
into this sale were raised and owned 
by Negro farmers, the majority of 
them tenants. Credit for the success 
of this sale was given the Negro 
agent in this county. 

"Perhaps the outstanding work of 
Negro home demonstration agents 
was in child care, health and sanita- 
tion in rural Negro homes. Their 
food production and preservation 
work was also successful." 

Mrs. A. C. Oliver, who is district 
home demonstration agent in Missis- 
sippi for the United States Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, sums up poul- 
try activities among women and girls 
in that state for the year 1929 as 
follows: "This year, 3,212 women en- 
rolled in the poultry clubs, and 1,578 
increased their incomes directly 
through the sales of their poultry 
products. Six housewives are keep- 
ing their girls in boarding school 
solely from sales of poultry products. 

One housewife in Sharkey County as- 
sisted her husband in the purchase 
of a new car with money cleared 
from the sale of $347.00 worth of 
eggs and chickens. A total of 2,826 
women adopted improved practices 
relative to poultry work during 1929. 
Seven counties report a growing ten- 
dency to patronize the public hatch- 

Federal Farm Board not the Same 
as Federal Farm Loan Board 

Under what is designated as "The 
Agricultural Marketing Act," Con- 
gress, in 1929, created a Federal 
Farm Board and appropriated 
$500,000,000 "to promote the effec- 
tive merchandising of agricultural 
commodities and to place agriculture 
on a basis of economic equality with' 
other industries." 

Since the creating, in 1929, of the 
Federal Farm Board there has been 
a tendency to confuse this board with 
the Federal Fai'm Loan Board which 
Congress created in 1916 and under 
which the Federal Farm Loan Banks 
operate. There is also a further 
cause of confusion relative to the In- 
termediate Credit Banks created in 
1925 and operating under the Feder- 
al Farm Loan Board. The respec- 
tive functions of the Federal Farm 
Loan Board, the Intermediate Credit 
Banks and the Federal Farm Board 
are set forth below: 

Federal Farm Board Important 
features relative to the borrowing of 
money from the Federal Farm Board 
are that money is to be loaned by 
the board to assist in: 

ur mer^uaijuisiiig agricultural cuiuiinjuiues* ui 
their food products; 

(3) The formation of clearing house asso- 

(4) Extending membership of the coopera- 
tive association applying for the loan by edu- 
cating the producers of the commodity handled 

K\r tin p sccnftri firm in tVi^ arlvan 1xcfp<z rtf m- 

iat is practicable under other credit facih- 

It is also to be noted that: 

(i) An individual farmer cannot borrow 
loney for any purpose from the Federal 
arm Board. 



(3) It is not necessary for a producer to 
join any organization other than a commodity 
cooperative association qualified to deal with 
the Federal Farm Board. 

(4) The board cannot loan money to a 
commodity cooperative association, qualified 
to deal with it, for the purpose of growing 
the commodity. It can loan to such an or- 
ganization only for the purpose of aiding them 
to market the commodity. 

The Annual Tuskegee Negro Con- 
ference, in December, 1929, had as 
its principal speaker, James C. Stone, 
vice-president of the Federal Farm 
Board. Speaking to the Negro farm- 
ers present from all sections of the 
South, Mr. Stone said: 

"If you are interested in procuring 
better returns for your produce and 
in realizing a more satisfying rural 
life, you will organize local units to 
be affiliated with the state farm bu- 
reau and to cooperate with similar 
units of white farmers in your re- 
spective counties. 

"When you will have established 
such units you will be eligible for 
federal aid. 

"Under the provisions of the law, 
the federal farm board is directed 
to work through cooperative market- 
ing associations and other farmer- 
owned and farmer-controlled organi- 
zations. This makes it impossible to 
deal directly with the individual 

The following outline of plans for 
extending aid to Negro farmers un- 
der the Agricultural Marketing Act 
were worked out in Alabama early 
in 1930 under the auspices of the 
Alabama State Farm Bureau, the 
Alabama Extension Service and the 
United States Department of Agri- 
culture. It is understood that this 
plan is a model for other states to 
copy. The important features of the 
plan are: 

Realizing the advantages that may come to 
the Negro farmer through the Agricultural 
Marketing Act and realizing the responsibility 
that rests uron the Extension Agent in pro- 
moting auxiliary organizations among the 
people in the county: 

It is recommended that the greatest caution 
and tact be used in presenting the advantages 
of tHs act, to the farmer, that by his mem- 
bership in the organization the wrong im- 
pression is not given, and that the farmer 
is in no way mislead; to the end, that he 
would feel by joining, he will in some way 
be entitled to assistance not contemplated in 
the Act. To this end we recommend that we 
undertake the organization of our farmers 
under the plan herein set forth. 

1. There shall be separate local or com- 
munity units officered by members of our 
own race. 

2. No organization shall be set up that 
would separate commodity or commodities. 

3. The Negro units shall have representa- 

tion in county, state and national board of 
directors' councils, so that at all time the 
local Negro units will be informed on the 
whole workings of the national organization. 

4. That the portion of the joining fee col- 
lected from the Negro members be reverted 
to the county units, to be used in the fur- 
therance of the development of said units, 
same as in the white organizations. 

And that rebates of handling charges in 
any business transaction be pro-rated to the 
Negro county unit according to the volume 
of business done after the expenses of such 
transactions have been paid. 

5. The Negro farm agent within the county 
shall represent the Negro farm members of 
the Farm Bureau. lie shall in cooperation 
with the Negro members, perfect a standing 
committee of the representative Negro . farm- 
ers to cooperate with him. 

6. Negro members of the Farm Bureau who 
pay their $5.00 fee become actual and regu- 
lar members of the Farm Bureau. The $5.00 
fee of the Negro farmers should be distributed 
as follows: 

(1) $1.00 goes to the state office, ?.5o of 
which goes to the American Farm Bureau 
and $.5o of which goes to the Alabama Farm 
Bureau, for overhead expenses including the 

(2) $2.00 is paid for insurance which the 
Negro Farm Bureau member will receive the 
same as white members. 

(3) The remaining $2.00 shall be paid into 
the general treasury of the County Farm Bu- 
reau and after a fair share of the general 
expenses of the County Farm Bureau is borne 
out of the $2.00 the balance shall be set aside 
to be used for the promotion of the Negro 
work in the county. 

The object of the above suggestions is to 
organize the Negro farmers for their eco- 
nomic aid in exactly the same manner as 
white farmers, though our organization which 
eliminates competition and unifies action of 
all common economic problems for the pur- 
pose of obtaining the benefits of the Federal 
Farm Board. 

Suggestive Plan for Organizing Ne- 
gro Farmers into Cooperative 
Marketing Units 

A. Organization 

1. IvOcal units will be established in suitable 

2. The Negro farm agent will visit the 
community and call a meeting of Negro 

3. A chairman and a secretary-treasurer 
will be elected. 

4. Membership fees will be paid to the 
secretary-treasurer in the' presence of the 
farm agent, for which individual receipts will 
be given. The local secretary-treasurer will 
turn over all monies to the farm agent with 
a list* of names of persons paying the fee, 
for which the agent will give the secretary- 
treasurer of said local unit a receipt. 

B. Affiliation with the county organization 

j. The farm agent will turn over all monies 
to the secretary-treasurer of the county farm 

2. Tie secretary-treasurer of the county 
farm bureau will give to the farm agent in- 
dividual duplicate receipts. He will also give 
the agent a receipt for the total amount 
turned in from each local unit. 

3. An advisory committee will be formed 
by the county agent, composed of a represen- 
tative from each local unit in the county 
(preferably the local chairman) to assist the 



agent in furthering the interest of Extension 

4. The Negro farm agent will be responsi- 
ble for the delivery of life insurance policies 
to paid up members of local units. 
C. Cooperation between white and Negro 

farm agents 

1. The responsibility for the organization 
and operation of local units rests upon the 
Negro farm agent, and he will cooperate with 
the white agent, making all contacts between 
local Negro units and the county organization. 

2. All contacts between individual mem- 
bers of local Negro units and the county 
farm bureau should be made by the Negro 
farm agent. 

Federal Farm Loan Banks In 
1916, the United States Congress 
created the Federal Farm Loan 
Board and established Federal Farm 
Banks through which owners of farm 
lands might borrow money on their 
lands at a rate not to exceed six per 
cent. These loans may run from five 
to 40 years. The loans are to be re- 
paid to the government on the amor- 
tization plan; that is, by install- 
ments through a period of years, 
which payments would include the 
interest and a specified part of the 
payment, so that at the end of a 
stated period both the principal and 
interest would be paid. 

To borrow from a federal land 
bank a farmer should apply for mem- 
bership in the nearest national farm 
loan association; or, ten or more 
farmers, in a community may form 
a national farm loan association. The 
prospective borrowers should hold an 
organization meeting and elect from 
their members a board of five or 
directors and this board should elect 
a loan committee of three, a presi- 
dent, a vice-president and a secre- 
tary-treasurer, who is bonded officer. 
The secretary-treasurer may or may 
not be a member of the association. 

These ten or more farmers should 
make application in writing to the 
federal land bank for loans to the 
aggregate amount of $20,000 and for 
a charter to do business. They must 
sign and acknowledge articles of as- 
sociation and forward them to the 
federal land bank. The loan com- 
mittee is to agree upon the valua- 
tions of the property to be offered 
as security and send a report of these 
valuations with the application fen* 
the loans. The federal land bank will 
then send its appraiser to inspect 
the land offered as security for the 
loans applied for, and, if satisfactory, 
the loans will be authorized when 
the charter is granted to the associa- 
tion. The bank then advances the 

money through the secretary-treasu- 
rer of the local association. In the 
application signed by borrowers each 
must indicate how much money he 
desires and must list the value of 
the land to be mortgaged as securi- 

The money may be spent only to 
discharge indebtedness incurred for 
the purchase of land, for the pay- 
ment of a mortgage of debt already 
existing, for purposes specified in 
the law, for the purchase of live 
stock or for any kind of productive 
improvements such as fertilizer, 
needed buildings, drainage, etc. 

No one farmer may borrow more 
than $10,000 nor less than $100. No 
national farm loan association may 
start with less than $20,000. Pros- 
pective farm owners, that is, those 
who are about to purchase land for 
their own use may, under certain 
conditions, join a farm loan associa- 
tion. Loans up to 50 per cent of the 
value of the land and 20 per cent of 
the value of the improvements may 
be secured. That is, if a farmer's 
land is appraised at $10,000 he would 
be entitled to borrow $5,000 and if 
the improvements were worth $2,000 
he could borrow $1,000 more or a 
total of $6,000. Many Negro farmers 
through farm loan associations of 
their own or through farm loan as- 
sociations of white farmers are tak- 
ing advantage of the federal farm 
loan opportunities. 

The location of the Federal Farm 
Loan Banks through which Negro 
farmers in the South may secure 
loans and the state comprising the 
district each bank serves are as fol- 
lows: The Federal Land Bank of 
Baltimore, for Pennsylvania, Dela- 
ware, Maryland, Virginia and the 
District of Columbia; the Federal 
Land Bank of Columbia, for North 
Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia 
and Florida; the Federal Land Bank 
of Louisville, for Tennessee, Ken- 
tucky, Indiana and Ohio; the Federal 
Land Bank of New Orleans, for Ala- 
bama, Louisiana and Mississippi; the 
Federal Land Bank of St. Louis, for 
Illinois, Missouri, and Arkansas; the 
Federal Land Bank of Wichita, for 
Kansas, Colorado, New Mexico, and 
Oklahoma; the Federal Land Bank 
of Houston, for Texas. For further 
information about how to organize 
farm loai associations, etc., write: 
The secretary of the Federal Land 



Bank of the district in which you re- 

Federal Intermediate Credit Banks 
These banks operating under the 
Federal Farm Loan Board, were 
created by an Act of Congress in 
1925. There are 12 Federal Inter- 
mediate Credit Banks located in the 
same cities as the 12 Federal Farm 
Land Banks. The officers and direc- 
tors of the several Federal Land 
Banks are the officers and directors 
of the several Federal Intermediate 
Credit Banks. 

Federal Intermediate Credit Banks 
are authorized "to make loans or ad- 

vances direct to any cooperative as- 
sociation organized under the laws 
of any state and composed of per- 
sons engaged in producing, or pro- 
ducing and marketing, staple agri- 
cultural products, or livestock, if the 
notes or other such obligations repre- 
senting such loans are secured by 
warehouse receipts, for shipping 
documents covering such products, or 
mortgages on livestock, provided, 
that no such loan or advance shall 
exceed 75 per cent of the market 
value of the products covered by 
said warehouse receipts or shipping 
documents, or of the livestock cov- 
ered by said mortgages." 

Farm Tenure 



Number of 



1925 1920 



1 92 5 





2,299,963 2 
1,324,653 I 


2,207,406 1,879,721 831,435 922,914 890,141 740,670 
1,326,044 i,i83,8o6 194,540 217,589 218,467 186,676 
15,084 17,172 667 1,770 1,200 J,593 
866,278 678,743 636,248 703,558 670,474 552,401 

Percentage Distribution 









60. i 















7 5.3 



74 .6 

It is seen from the above table 
that the number of white and colored 
farm owners was greater in 1925 
than in 1900, 'but less in 1925 than 
in 1920. There was a decrease in 
the five-year period, 1920-1925, of 
colored owners, 23,049; and of colored 
tenants, 67,307. White farm owners 
in the South showed a decrease in 
this five-year period of 54,983. In 
contrast there was an increase in 
white tenants of 77,485. 

When the individual states of the 
South are examined it is found that 
in the period, 1920-1925, there were 
five states which had an increase of 
colored farm owners, namely: Dela- 
ware, Maryland, Virginia, West Vir- 
ginia and Florida. There were six 
states which had an increase in the 
number of colored tenants, these 
states are: Maryland, Virginia, West 
Virginia, North Carolina, Oklahoma 
and Texas. 

Although there was a decrease in 
the number of white farm owners for 
the South in this period, there were 
seven states which showed an in- 
crease in the number of white farm 
owners, these states are: Delaware, 
Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, 
North Carolina, Florida and Tennes- 

see. It is also found that while there 
was an increase in the number of 
white tenants in the South for the 
period, 1920-1925, there were four 
states which showed a decrease in the 
number of white tenants. These states 
are: Delaware, Maryland, Georgia 
and Kentucky. 

Length of Stay of Tenants on Farms 
The movement from farm to farm 
of white and colored tenants in the 
South is of interest. It appears that 
white farm tenants move more often 
than colored farm tenants. Informa- 
tion from the 1920 census shows 
that 24.8 per cent of the white ten- 
ants of the South had lived less than 
one year on the farms on which they 
were when the census was taken; 
29.0 per cent one year; 27.7 per cent 
two to four years; 11.0 per cent five 
to nine years; 7.4 per cent ten years 
and over. The number of years the 
colored tenants had lived on the 
farms which they were renting when 
the census was taken for 1920 was: 
Less than one year, 15.4 per cent; 
one year, 24.7 per cent; two to four 
years, 33.8 per cent; five to nine 
years, 14.2 per cent; ten years and 
over, 11.8 per cent. 



O M M M 00 

n- o r^s 

00 - M 

VO M to M 


l-i M Tf -Tf 

be o oo n 

Osro n in 

<M O 1 O ^ 

M in OsOO 
m in 00 


M so vo 

Tf tN. IX 

co vo vo 


o m Tf oo co 

** O VO VO IX 
'" M tx Os Tf 

in vo Mm 

O n tx n 


M Tj- OS Os 

CT txoo tx 

moo vo 

J> TfrO 


ro M 

N M 

vo ^ in 

Tf OS * - 

"00 M m 

VO Os so 


so mOO co 


txOO ^00 

1-1 CO 00 O 
Os N SO 

ro to Os O 


S- ix Tf N O 

be o tx 11 N 

00 Tf oro 
n O M Os 

in os M ^ 

-; VO - IX 

^l fx O f 
00 ro M M 


n OS n 

00 -. so 

00 ro m 

Cs - 00 
ON Tf 

in o m 

ON Tf 

O VO ^O 

M m vo 


oo" IX 

ro n n 

N i- 2 

00 - tx 

O in o m 

Os n o OO 

M " " O 

Tf o Osm 




M ro X oo 

T}- txoo ^ 

in ro in tx 

in o so CO 

" n roOO O 
^ O OS M CO 

in - CO so 

00^0 SO M_ 
^j. Os M M 

so in Os 
CO - toro 

Os i 
CO CO ^ Os 

CO SO n 

IX tx fo IX 

in tx tx 

CO so M OS 
IX Tf M O 

Tf tX IX 

so Tf M Os 
00 10 M 

CO n M 

CO M I- 

to n n 

Sso^f, CO 

oo oo o 

soOO 00 

Tj- IX. VO 



m oo in N 

11 O tx Tf 

m - os 10 

Tj-CO T 

MOO OO 10 

txin N os 

M OS .rt-CO 



O n * Os 
l-< OO so ^ Ix 


-in 00 vo 


M 1 

O tx^m 

T Os " N 


O vo CO 


tX Tf -< 

00 Os Os 

VO n Tf 

On OS 

M n 

M n OS 

ro M 



s '-3 

O 1- 

<l> OOO N 
Os tx 

O M 00 

vo^'S "vo^ 

m oo vo 

cot; vo 


O 00 M O 

so S'mOO 

M m M Tf 

in 00 r.] m 


H in ^j- i- 

M txOO VO 

tx 2 M 


00 so In ^ 

ro ro CO 

Tf O 

*& "? 

g;? 00 ^ 


ixoo co 

so tx Os 





moo OsOO 


000 Os 
VO txrx 


l-\O - n"^ 

tx^coo N ^o 



vo to f Os 
VO * ^ 

^t O H- <^ 

CO 10 S N 


Cs OS Os 

O OS Os 
vo m 

CO 'x 

Tf O Tf 

in 11 Tf 

ro tx 
00 Os 00 


J C 

^ O IN 00 

^"oo N ^ 

SO M ^0 

vo M * 

m T to 


txVO ro CO 


tx Tf ro O 

Osro u-* 11 



-* ^O TtTO ^ 



ro M vo rt 


C-00 TI-SO 

O so to O 
Tf M IX "T 
ro so vo 

vo VO txto 
so N com 

O M^ to 
00 ro os 10 
txOO 00 

s-* 1 

f 3 "^ tX Tj-*^ 

Tj- O CO "^ 


txro O\ f^* 

tx T}- N 

IX Tf M 

SO Tf M 

in ro *- 

pfc N W 5 

ro Os to 

QQ co - ro 

O*o "^ 


P* OfO ^ 

Os M VO 

00 <*< ^ 

\O i- M"J 


01 1-1 

M n 

"" ""* 


rO CO Os n 

M ro in Tf 

co Nso in 

to O N 



t- M 1^ "^ IN, 

Tj-ro COtJ. 
00 0- 

oc oo t^fo 

M Tj-00 


ro n M 

00 tx Os 

Os'O TfoO 
in B 00 

CO <f 00 

00 Tf 00 so 
Os Os Os 
VO Tf 


QJ ^^ 

m TT 

* N * 


vo w m 

tx m 

SO M Tf 

Tf n ro 







a) so oo tx * 
" vo O in C 

00 OsOO 

^=2 g, 



CO ro rxCO 

M Tf I-. ,x 

in tx tx M 

oo co - co 

Tf osco 


^00 tx i 

txVO O O 
vo 1-1 "* 
00 tx " 

o\ t>- " 

i 1 

CO ^f CO 

moo tx 

O txvo M 
SO Os vo 

n n CO 

- Tf VO 

ro oo Tf 







bo ^ *+ ^ c 


vo Os txO 
00 * Os * 
txO. nSO 
tx so 
rftO " 


00 M m 

COin N C 


M ^f M VO 


O Os O 

Os Os M 00 
n Ix OS Tf 

SO"N co" 

tx so so in 
Ix O i VO 

Tfin os 

so M to 

Osro tx Os 
tx tx O os 
vo Os i in 
00 O tx 
N M O 







^ro - 

COin M 

Os rf 2 O 
in ro 
ro o to 

ir, oo Os vo 

o in oo m 
NOO <o 


O TfVO os 

00 CO tj>io 

00 11 tx o\ 


in o Osvo 

Tf Tf - 00 

vo O txoo 
Os tx n 

O VO Tf 

M O 00 (s) 
M n O 
OssO ro 



O Os 1 O 


txin N o 


ro M tx .*. 

O O M tx 

CO M M os 

ro M - 
00 -i tx O 




JO tx m 

M M "a. 

Tf ro 

- Os 


CO tx 

Os i tx 

* E 



o I 







CO OS i- t 

1 = "* 

01 00 00 vo 


2 * ^o> 

CO 01 VO 
MOO to 

in ix tx 

SO tX Tf ^ 

OsOO 1-1 ^ 
CO 00 so ro 
Os -Q 
so 00 jx 

MVO m 

mOO so 

txM NtO 

co so O tx 
- roco Os 
Os Os 00 
N tx Tf 







^s OS 

M lx' n 

ro M^VO 

tx tx 00 M 


00 O " Ix 

in so M ix 

bo N ^o'g S 

o f m o 

^rvo o ix 

^- ^ l ~ t n 


Os NOO 00 



s 5" " "N 

\O CO M 

voro N 

00 M i T 


VO M * 

Tf OS "~ 

CO Os ,2 

ro Ix in 
CO O tx 

CO Tf ro 
ro OS Tf 




ro 7, 

tO n M 

ro N 





" Os " 

co - Tfto 



2 ( ? C c'^ T} 

sn^ >- 

in vo og 
in in os 

so in T*" ix 

n (N OS OS 



- i?^ 1 ?. " 

tx * ^ 

M tx o m 

txtx M tx 

^ M '"' O 

,_ Os ^" - 

"2 1 2 


CO Os 00 

Tf 00 |0 

txro m 

O M n VO 

Tf CO n 

rf r l n 

Tf M n 

M ro tx 

n CO ^? 

O to tx 

Os M -VO 


M - 

^ _, 

N n 

H 1 

N o 

01 m to *} 

n vo vo ^ 

00 N""> 1-1 


h/ifO *O * 

ixin M c 

M O n 

- ro M Ix 

tX TfVO tx 

00 O\\T) Tj- 

O Os O 11 

00 M CO CO 


0, 00 ^ "^ "^ 

oo to m 

Os ** m 

OOro * 

M r- ro tx 


to O VO Ix 




O * in 

N10 tx 

m m 

m 10 



oo m ^ fs 

Tf M tx"l 

aoo vo m 


1x00 m TJ- 

OOOO Tfvo 

mroco os 


ii Tf 1 "' o 

vo m to oo 

MSO - Tt 

tx 0<2 
Os tx i 

so -n- ^ O 

00 ro ^ 13 

OOO vo in 

Os O co in 
Os O Os O 

'rf Tf OS C 

N Os T*" C 

Os in ^ 

00 Tf Tt 

tx O tx 

tx Tf CO 

tx Tf N 

CO O " n 


T)- tx t> 

in tx 00 


Mm tx 


M 11 


M H 








u _ 

" be' 

V C3 

" n = 

" bo 

_ 2|| 

in O ? 
v. be j 

5 F c 

15 c c 

2 c c c 

5 ^ p c 

5 r g c 

" C C 2 

3 ~ c c 

2 S c c 


O ^k2 





o rt a 
























Color and Tenure Less than i Year 2 to 4 5 to 9 

10 Years 

i Year Years Years 

and Over 

All Tenants 20.6 27.1 3o-4 12.5 


Share Tenants, including Croppers 22.8 29.0 3o.o n.i 


Share Tenants Proper 21.8 26.9 29.8 12.7 


Croppers 24.0 3i-4 3o.2 9.2 


Share-cash Tenants 17.4 23.6 32.2 16.2 


Cash Tenants, including Standing Renters :3.o 20.6 32.4 17.2 


Cash Tenants Proper 13.5 21.6 32.2 16.7 


Standing Renters 12.0 18.7 32.6 18.2 


Unspecified Tenants 18.9 24.6 27.3 14.2 


White Tenants 24.8 29.0 27.7 n.o 


Share Tenants, including Croppers 26.4 3o.2 27.0 10.1 


Share Tenants Proper 24.5 28.3 28.1 n.6 


Croppers 3o.s 34.2 24.7 6.9 


Share-cash Tenants 20.8 25.7 3o.s 15.1 


Cash Tenants, including Standing Renters 18.5 24.5 3o-9 14.7 

ii. 3 

Cash Tenants Proper i8.3 24.7 3i.o 14.7 


Standing Renters 19-8 23.6 3o-7 14-7 

I 1.2 

Unspecified Tenants 20.3 25.1 26.7 i3.7 


Colored Tenants 15.4 2 4-7 33.8 14.2 

ii. 8 

Share Tenants, including Croppers 18.0 27.3 34.0 12.4 


Share Tenants Proper 14.8 23.2 34.2 15.5 


Croppers 19-6 29.5 33.8 10.7 


Share-cash Tenants 11.5 19-9 3 5-3 18.2 


Cash Tenants, including Standing Renters 8.6 17.6 33. 5 19-2 

21. 1 

Cash Tenants Proper 8.0 17.9 33-7 19.0 


Standing Renters 9-4 17-1 33.3 19-4 


Unspecified Tenants i3.3 22.5 29.8 16.2 



JANUARY, 1927-1929 

Per Month, With Board Per Month, Without Board 

January January 

State 1927 1928 1929 1927 1928 1929 

Delaware $35.00 $3o.oo $33. oo $51.00 45.00 47.00 

Maryland 35.25 34.00 34.75 5-75 49-75 50.25 

Virginia 29.00 3o.oo 3o.oo 41.00 43.00 41.00 

West Virginia 32.75 35.50 32.25 48.50 49.50 47.25 

North Carolina 29.00 28.25 27.00 39.00 40.50 40.00 

South Carolina 21.50 20.00 19.00 28.25 29.00 27.00 

Georgia 19.00 19-75 18.50 27.25 27.75 26.50 

Florida 26.00 24.00 23.oo 37.00 35. oo 35.00 

Kentucky 26.50 25.50 25.75 35.50 35.50 36.25 

Tennessee 23.75 24.00 23. oo 30.50 3i.oo 32.50 

Alabama 21.00 20.00 22.00 3o.oo 27.50 3i.oo 

Mississippi 21.95 22.00 21.75 3i.oo 3i.25 31.50 

Arkansas 23.50 24.50 25.00 34.50 36. oo 36.oo 

Louisiana 23.25 22.50 25.00 35.50 34.25 36. oo 

Oklahoma 29.25 28.00 27.75 4^-75 41-25 4O-75 

Texas 27.00 28.00 28.75 39.00 41.00 4 : -5 

Per Day, With Board Per Day, Without Board 

January January 

State 1927 1928 1929 1927 1928 1929 

Delaware $2.40 f 

2.25 $ 

2.2? $ 

3. 1 5 


$3 oo 

Maryland 2.20 


. 9 5 




Virginia 1.60 



; 10 



West Virginia 1.70 





2. 2O 

North Caroina i.So 






South Carolina i.oo 






Georgia .g5 






Florida i.So 




i. 60 


Kentucky i.3o 






Tennessee i.iS 


. iS 

. 4 5 



Alabama .10 






Mississippi .20 






Arkansas .20 

1 5 



i. 60 


Louisiana .3o 





i. 60 

Oklahoma .65 



i. 20 



Texas .40 


. 4 5 






The Size of Farms 

When the size of the total farms 
of the United States is considered 
it is found that the greatest increase 
has been in the group of farms rang- 
ing from 10 to 49 acres. There has 
been a consistent increase in this 
group of farms for the 45 year 
period, 1880-1925. Farms under 10 
acres increased from 1880-1910, de- 
creased from 1910-1920 and increased 
from 1920-1925. Farms of from 50 
to 99 acres increased each decade 
from 1880-1920 but decreased from 
1920-1925. Farms of from 100 to 

499 acres increased for the 30 years, 
1880-1910 and decreased from 1910- 
1920 and from 1920-1925. Farms of 

500 acres and over increased in num- 
ber each decade from 1880-1920 and 
decreased from 1920-1925. 

When the size of farms in the 
South is considered it is found that 
farms under 10 acres increased each 
decade from 1880-1910, decreased 

from 1910-1920 and increased from 
1920-1925. Farms ranging in size 
of from 10 to 49 acres increased each 
decade from 1880-1920 and decreased 
from 1920-1925. Farms ranging 
from 50 to 99 acres increased each 
decade from 1880-1920 and decreased 
from 1920-1925. Farms ranging 
from 100 to 499 acres increased in 
size each decade from 1880-1910 but 
decreased from 1910-1920 and from 
1920-1925. Farms of over 500 acres 
decreased each decade from 1880- 
1925. The number of such farms in 
1880 was 72,286 and in 1925, the 
number was 51,835. 

The average size in acres of both 
white and colored farms in the South 
appears to be decreasing. The aver- 
age size of farms of white farmers 
in 1900 was 172.1 acres and in 1920 
it was 135.2 acres. The average size 
of farms of colored farmers was, in 
1900, 52.1 acres and in 1920, 44.8 


Size Group 

Number of Farms 
1920 1910 1900 









Under 10 Acres 







10 to 49 Acres 







So to 99 Acres 


I 474,495 


i, 366,o38 



100 to 499 Acres 







500 and Over 






104, 55o 

Percentage Distribution 








Under 10 Acres 







10 to 49 Acres 







50 to 99 Acres 







100 to 499 Acres 







500 and Over 








IN THE SOUTH BY SIZE: 1880-1925 

Size Group 

Number of 















Under 10 Acres 







10 to 49 Acres 







50 to 99 Acres 







100 to 499 Acres 







500 and Over 







Percentage Distribution 








Under 10 Acres 







10 to 49 Acres 







50 to 99 Acres 


23. 4 




20. 3 

100 to 499 Acres 





3 7 .2 


500 and Over 







BY GEOGRAPHIC DIVISION, 1920, 1910, 1900 

Average Size of Farms in Acres 
1920 1910 191 







The South 







South Atlantic 



1 1 3.9 




East South Central 







West South Central 









Farm Population 

The United States Census for 1920 
and the agricultural census for 1925 
give the number of persons living on 
farms and divides the total popula- 
tion into farm, village and urban. 
The village population being that 
part of the rural population living 
in towns and villages with less than 
2,500 inhabitants. On this basis it 
is found that the percentage distri- 
bution of the total population of the 
country is: farm population, 29.9 
per cent; village population, 19.0 per 
cent and urban population, 51.1 per 
cent. The percentage distribution of 
the white population is almost the 
same as that for the total popula- 
tion, that is, farm population, 27.8 
per cent, village population, 19.1 per 
cent and urban population, 53.1 per 
cent. The percentage distribution of 
the Negro population on the other 
hand is: farm population, 48.9 per 
cent; village population, 17.2 per cent 
and urban population, 33.9 per cent. 
The percentage distribution of the 
Negro population in the South is: 
farm population, 56.6 per cent, vil- 

lage population, 18.3 per cent and ur- 
ban population, 25.1 per cent. 

Decrease in Farm Population 
There was a marked decrease in farm 
population in the South for the 
period 1920-1925. The decrease of 
the total farm population of the 
South for the five years was, 1,799,- 
267. The white farm population de- 
creased 1,009,531 and the colored 
789,736. There were seven southern 
states in which the loss in the total 
farm population from 1920-1925 was 
over one hundred thousand. These 
states and their losses are: Missis- 
sippi, 141,375; Kentucky, 141,861; 
Arkansas, 147,209; South Carolina, 
162,808; Texas, 163,241; Alabama, 
169,453; and Georgia, 375,629. Three 
states had a loss of over fifty thou- 
sand in their colored farm popula- 
tion from 1920-1925. These states 
are: Arkansas, 61,218; Mississippi, 
73,539 and Alabama, 79,576. Two 
other states had a loss of over one 
hundred thousand in their colored 
farm population. They are: South 
Carolina, 111,270 and Georgia, 232,- 


Division and State 

Total Farm 
1925 1920 

White Farm 
1925 1920 

Colored Farm 
1925 1920 

The South 







South Atlantic 





















District of Columbia 










697, o3i 


283, i3i 


West Virginia 







North Carolina 




i, 023,1 1 1 


478,1 16 

South Carolina 




434, :3i 





1,685, 2i3 




757, 3o4 








East South Central 

4 63i,8s6 







i i63,ooi 


1,1 10,666 





i 173,316 







i 166,432 





5 i 5 ,863 


i 129,107 






West South Central 



























1 16,350 


2,1 14,532 












Division and States 

Decrease in Farm Population 


Per Cent of Decrease in 
Farm Population 1920-1925 







The South 







South Atlantic 

756, i38 



n. 8 







12. 1 










District of Columbia 




23. 7 




8 4 ,25S 






West Virginia 







North Carolina 


36,i 10 





South Carolina 



i 1 1,270 


















East South Central 



210, 106 



i3. 9 




21, OQ3 
















I I.O 






i i.i 



West South Central 



































* Increase 



In spite of the failure, from 1925- 
1930, of a number of banks which 
they operated and one of the most 
important of their life insurance com- 
panies, "The Standard Life of At- 
lanta, Negroes continued to make 
progress in business. Negro buyers 
became more and more conscious of 
their economic power and began to 
use it in the form of boycotts when 
they did not receive the courtesy 
that they felt their economic posi- 
tion deserved. 

In Baltimore, in the latter part of 
1928, when it was charged that "try 
on" privileges were refused, charge 
accounts discontinued to colored pa- 
trons because they were colored and 
colored buyers were made to feel that 
their trade was not wanted, The 
Herald Commonwealth, a Negro 
newspaper, analyzed the buying pow- 
er of the Negro population as about 
a million dollars a week and advised 
"colored buyers, when they are ad- 
vised, expressly or by discourtesy of 
the management or by withdrawal or 
refusal of necessary privileges or 
accommodation that their patronage 

is not wanted, to withdraw it and be- 
stow it upon the houses which wel- 
come and appreciate their trade." 

The Norfolk Journal and Guide, in 
a comment on the buying power of 
Negroes stated that this power so 
long considered as negligible, is 
more highly regarded now than ever. 
"An important potential consumer 
market is repi'esented by any group 
of nearly twelve million people. 
Equally important are the potential 
retail purchases of the thousand re- 
tail Negro establishments." 

The importance of Negro markets 
in the United States is indicated by 
the following estimate by the Nation- 
al Negro Business League of the an- 
nual expenditures of Negroes for the 
standard commodities: 

Groceries $2,200,000,000 

Clothes 1,400,000,000 

Shoes 550,000,000 

The volume of Negro trade in a 
group of cities surveyed by the 
United States Chamber of Commerce 
is indicated by the following table 
in which the population percentages 
have been inserted: 








New Orleans 



St. Louis 


Sales to Negroes 

$ 7,846,800 











Negro Percentages Percentage of Fur- 

of City's Population chases made by Negroes 





Program National Negro Business 

In 1926, the National Negro Busi- 
ness League at its annual meeting 
adopted a program which included 
the following: 

First: A national organizer to 
travel, organize local leagues and 
strengthen leagues already organ- 
ized. This field worker will be a man 
conversant with modern business 
systems and business promotion. His 
chief function in travelling will not 
be to be entertained by local leagues, 
but to render service to them in help- 
ing them to strengthen and develop 
their enterprises through increased 
efficiency and cooperative efforts. 

Second: The League will undertake 
to nationalize National Negro Trade 
Week through newspaper and maga- 
zine articles and will invite the co- 
operation of national advertisers and 
other established agencies for busi- 
ness development. The League will 
employ every means possible to "sell" 
Negro business to the Negro and to 

Third: To maintain an information 
and exchange bureau which will keep 
Negro business men of the country 
informed of business opportunities 
along their particular lines; main- 
tain sources of information on busi- 
ness problems; keep names and ad- 
dresses of trained workers who may be 



available for positions and list posi- 
tions open in establishments where 
Negroes are employed. 

Fourth: To publish a monthly bul- 
letin giving brief but comprehensive 
reports of the League's activities and 
the unusual achievements of the race 
along business lines. 

Fifth: Within the limits of 'its re- 
sources, the League will seek compe- 
tent and expert assistance in making 
a nation-wide survey of Negro busi- 
ness enterprises. 

At the 1928 meeting of the Na- 
tional Negro Business League, R. R. 
Moton, president of the League, made 
the following comment: 

"We must demonstrate our capaci- 
ty to cooperate among ourselves, be- 
fore demanding any cooperation 
where the resources of others are at 

"Business is the ultimate test of 
our ability to cooperate. Somehow 
we must learn this fundamental les- 
son. It will be costly; there will be 
some loss in the process, but we must 
keep it up until we have developed 
within the race a group of men of 
definite capacity and unquestioned 
integrity, who can lead the way to 
larger achievements for the benefit 
of the whole race." 
Survey Negro Business Enterprises 

The National Negro Business 
League in 1928 made a survey of Ne- 
gro business enterprises in 33 cities. 
Of the 2,757 enterprises studied, gro- 
cery stores lead with 19 per cent; 
barber shops representing 14 per 
cent, second; cleaning, pressing and 
tailoring establishments, 11.3 per 
cent are third; restaurants, 11 per 
cent, are fourth; and drug stores, 
auto mechanics and service tie for 
fifth place with 6 per cent each. 

Some oddities in the tabulations 
are represented in the number of 
white persons employed in Negro es- 
tablishments. One hundred and for- 
ty-eight (148) or 1.2 per cent of the 
total persons employed in Negro en- 
terprises are white. Contractors and 
builders lead with 69 white persons 
employed, and grocery stores follow 
with 51 white persons employed. Four 
white barbers work in Negro shops, 
while smaller numbers work in Ne- 
gro restaurants, tailor shops, mov- 
ing and express companies, soft 
drink stands, mechanical industries 
service, hardware stores, and miscel- 

laneous manufacturing establish- 

Some of the more important needs 
indicated by the survey were: 

(a) More adequate financing and 
credit facilities for legitimate 
business enterprises. 

(b) The problem of the investment 
of the surplus funds of Negro 
fraternal organizations to the 
benefit of the race more direct- 
ly and profitably than at pres- 

(c) Elimination of overcrowding 
of certain fields with small, 
undercapitalized, poorly man- 
aged, "shoe-string" individual 
businesses making it practical- 
ly impossible for any of them 
to succeed. 

(d) Selling the value of advertis- 
ing more extensively to our 
business men. 

(e) Developing new fields of busi- 
ness among Negroes. 

(f) The perpetuation of many of 
our older businesses from one 
generation to another. All too 
many die with the passing of 
the founders, largely through 
lack of foresight in training 
younger men to take the places 
of those passing away. 

(g) Specialized training of larger 
numbers to meet the growing 
demand of Negro business or- 

C. M. A. Stores 

Many Negro businesses are adopt- 
ing the modern tendency of merging 
and consolidating for self-protection 
and expansion. A notable example 
is the organization, under the aus- 
pices of the National Negro Business 
League, of grocery stores operated 
by Negroes into cooperative associa- 
tions, under the title C. M. A. stores; 
that is, (Colored Merchants Associa- 
tion). Among the cities reported to 
have such associations are: Birming- 
ham, Montgomery and Selma, Ala- 
bama; Atlanta, Georgia; Chicago, 
Illinois; Louisville, Kentucky; Jack- 
son, Mississippi; Omaha, Nebraska; 
Brooklyn and New York City, New 
York; Winston-Salem, North Caro- 
lina; Tulsa, Oklahoma; Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania; Dallas, Texas, and 
Norfolk, Virginia. In order to perfect 
a permanent organization of Nation- 
al C. M. A. stores and to promote 
large scale buying for local organi- 
zations, national headquarters have 



been established at the New York 
office of the National Negro Busi- 
ness League, 145 W. 41 Street. 

Another example was the consoli- 
dation, in 1929, of the Liberty Life 
Insurance Company of Chicago, the 
Northeastern Life Insurance Com- 
pany of Newark, New Jersey, and 
the Supreme Life Insurance Casual- 
ty Company of Columbus, Ohio, into 
a new company under the name "The 
Supreme Life Insurance Company" 
with headquarters in Chicago and 
$26,000,000 of business in force. 

It was reported, in 1926, that an 
automobile association similar to the 
American Automobile Association 
had been formed in Washington, D. 
C., and incorporated under the laws 
of the State of Delaware with the 
name "The Federal Automobile As- 
sociation." The National Motors As- 
surance Association, with headquar- 
ters at Nashville, Tennessee, was or- 
ganized in 1929. The purpose of 
this Association is to give to the 
colored motorist the assurance of 
safe, economical and convenient travel 
on a national scale. 

Mr. James A. Jackson, business 
specialist, United States Department 
of Commerce, summarizes the status 
of Negro business in 1930 as follows: 

"The growing commercial-minded- 
ness of the Negro is evidenced in 
many ways. Perhaps the most im- 
portant indication is the increased in- 
terest manifested by the race in ac- 
quiring a knowledge of better busi- 
ness practices and correct methods. 
The increasing number of national 
trade and professional organizations 
with many local industrial and com- 
mercial bodies show by their very 
existence that those already in busi- 
ness are grasping after information 
as to modern practices. The trade 
journals published under the auspices 
of Negro organizations and the fre- 
quency with which publications pre- 
pared for general distribution are 
found in Negro-operated business 
places is further evidence that many 
of those now in business are making 
intelligent effort to meet modern con- 

"The increase in number and ef- 
ficiency of Negro business schools, 
and the attention being accorded to 
the financial and business administra- 
tion departments of standard col- 
leges and high schools, emphatically 
marks the close of the trial and error 

system of acquiring business knowl- 
edge and the substitution of facts 
for mere desire as a foundation for 
the business affairs of the group. 

"The large number of Negroes find- 
ing employment in business places 
operated by others in the Negro dis- 
tricts of many, cities, a number that 
is constantly growing, is another 
source of gratification. This not on- 
ly provides employment but creates 
the opportunity for practical experi- 
ence which will be reflected in later 
business ventures on the part of 
some of those now so employed. 

"There is a general distribution of 
this innovation from coast to coast 
and from North to well into the South. 
It is a tacit recognition of the value 
of the Negro market and Negro abili- 
ty to serve. 

"Fraternal associations and church 
conferences have come to recognize 
the necessity of developing the com- 
mercial phases of progress and vir- 
tually every denomination has ex- 
hibited active interest in assisting 
the United States Department of 
Commerce to distribute its lessons 
in business efficiency to the Ameri- 
can Negro. ' 

"Then, too, American business it- 
self is more and more recognizing 
that merchandising by, and among 
Negroes is a substantial part of the 
general process of distributing com- 
modities; and because of that a more 
general tendency to accord to Negro 
merchants educational assistance is 

"At present the files of the small 
business section of the domestic com- 
merce division contain information to 
the effect that Negroes are engaged 
in more than 60 different lines of 
manufacture and 179 different types 
of retail merchandising." 

Some Individual Successes in 

Negroes have entered the automo- 
bile business. Homer Roberts oper- 
ates, in Chicago, his own sales and 
display room devoted exclusively to 
the sale of new cars. Albert A. 
French has been recently appointed 
a direct factory Ford dealer in Bal- 
timore. His sales and service build- 
ing is located in "auto-row" and has 
the very latest mechanical equipment 
and devices in the service depart- 
ment. Mr. French is reported to 
have been identified, in various 
capacities, with the Ford interests 



for about sixteen years. He was in 
business for himself as a Ford dealer 
in Philadelphia prior to going to Balti- 

Starting, in 1916, with two Packarc 
automobiles for rental business anc 
one taxi cab, William H. Peters and 
Samuel Hamilton of New York City 
were reported, in 1930, to be the 
largest Negro taxi cab operators in 
the United States. Their business i 
said to represent a half million dol- 
lars investment. The firm has 250 
special built taxi cabs and a working 
force of more than 750 persons. 

Other examples of businesses in 
which Negroes are succeeding are: 
The People's Ice Cream Company, of 
Pensacola, Florida, employing 28 per- 
sons and turning out 500 gallons of 
ice cream daily. 

What is said to be the largest and 
finest department store owned and 
operated by Negroes in the United 
States is the T. J. Elliot Department 
Store at Muskogee, Oklahoma. This 
store carries a general stock of 
goods inventoried at approximately 
$90,000 and employs 25 salesmen 
and saleswomen. 

Arthur Herndon, who began mak- 
ing high grade candies in Spartan- 
burg, South Carolina, some 20 years 
ago now operates the Southern Can- 
dy Company, an incorporated manu- 
facturing concern employing a dozen 
men in its modern plant. 

Thomas Pritchard, a Negro, who 
operates the Dixie Kitchen at Manila, 
Philippine Islands, has 140 em- 
ployees and is reported to serve some 
2,500 persons daily. 

The Hefflin Manufacturing Com- 
pany of Los Angeles, California, is 
a Negro concern devoted to the manu- 
facturing of furniture with toy mak- 
ing as a side line. Their factory is 
valued at over $200,000. 

A Negro corporation operates an 
enameling plant at Palmyra, New 
Jersey, and manufactures enameled 
signs. Some 50 persons are employed 
in the manufacturing and the whole- 
sale and retail distribution of the 

Paul R. Williams is a successful 
architect in Los Angeles and is a 
member of the American Institute of 

With the completion of the con- 
crete skeleton of the first unit of 
the $10,000,000 Walnut Plaza Apart- 
ment building in Philadelphia, a [ 

record was established for reen- 
forced concrete work. The structure, 
which is ten stories, on a site 262 
feet by 148 feet, building measure- 
ments, was completed in sixty-nine 
days, insofar as the concrete work is 
concerned. Frederick Massiah, a Ne- 
gro, engineer and contractor held the 
contract for this phase of the develop- 
ment. It is understood that the con- 
tractor had a contract from the 
builders, Armstrong and Latta, white, 
with a limited clause in it, specify- 
ing that the work had to be com- 
pleted within a certain number of 
days. A bond also was necessary as 
is the case with big developments 
guaranteeing that the work had to 
be completed at a certain date. This 
necessitated the hiring of a small 
floating population of an average of 
two hundred and fifty men per week. 
They were employed in all phases of 
concrete work, and their work at 
times was so rapid, and the progress 
of the development moved with such 
exact precision, that it was often 
necessary to send rush calls to the 
steel mills for more steel. Thirty- 
eight carloads of material were used 
each week and every six days there 
had to be two carloads of steel de- 
livered on the job. All told, there 
are 700 tons of steel in the first unit 
of the development. 

During the course of constructing 
the concrete skeleton, a class of en- 
gineering students from the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania visited the de- 
velopment to study the methods of 
the contractor. Among other de- 
velopments of which Mr. Massiah was 
the concrete contractor is the new 
Browning-King building at 16th and 
Chestnut streets and the sixteen 
story apartment building at 19th and 
Panama streets. The only elliptical 
concrete dome in the United States, 
which graces the Church of the As- 
cension of Our Lord at F. and West- 
moreland streets, was built by Mr. 

Archie A. Alexander, a young 
colored engineer, recently completed 
the erection of a $2,500,000 central 
heating plant for the University of 
Iowa. This marks the conclusion of 
contracts worth $5,000,000 in twelve 
years by Alexander. In commenting 
upon the successful career of this 
young engineer, The Gazette-Republi- 
can (white) published at Cedar 
Rapids, Iowa, says: 



"Fifteen years ago the University 
of Iowa awarded the degree of bache- 
lor of science in engineering to a 
young Negro. Starting, in 1915, in a 
field practically closed to his race, he 
has forged to the front until he is 
recognized as one of the leading con- 
tracting engineers in Iowa and the 
midwest. For two years after his 
graduation from Iowa, he worked as 
a designing engineer for a Denver 
company. Then he became a con- 
tracting engineer, getting small pav- 
ing jobs at the start, but gradually 
increasing his field until now he has 
built many bridges, viaducts, sewage 
systems and buildings, including the 
central heating plant. Practically, all 
of the skilled workmen on Alexan- 
der's jobs are white men and their 
comments on their boss give a direct 
commentary on the character of the 
man. Alexander goes about his job 
with a pack of blue prints in his 
hands, a gleam in his eyes as he di- 
rects the rearing of a monument to 
himself that will outlast even the 
memorial to his class." It will be 
recalled that this is the same Alexan- 
der who became the first of a great 
trio of colored tackles on the Uni- 
versity of Iowa football team. 

The building world was surprised 
in 1925 to learn that the contract for 
the foundation of the Hospital Cen- 
ter of New York City had been let 
to the Irving Fireproof Centering 
Company, a colored company of 
which Samuel A. Irving is the found- 
er and head. As the Columbia-Pres- 
byterian Medical Center was one of 
the largest and most important 
building projects then under construc- 
tion in New York, several hundred 
contractors sent in bids. The Irv- 
ing Fireproof Centering Company 
was the successful bidder for the 
foundation work. The buildings in- 
cluded in the Center are the Presby- 
terian and Columbia Medical schools, 
the State Psychiatric Institute and 
Hospital, the Neurological Institute, 
Babies' Hospital, Sloane Hospital for 
Women, Vanderbilt Clinic, and the 
Presbyterian Hospital School for 
Nursing. These buildings contain 
over 23,000,000 cubic feet, or one and 
a-half times the space in the Wool- 
worth building. According to Mr. 
Irving, more concrete was used in 
the foundation of this group of 
buildings than he had ever used be- 
fore in a single building operation. 

Paul E. Johnson, of Chicago, is a 
manufacturer of therapeutic lamps. 
His line includes incandescent carbon 
and a special heat or infra-red lamp, 
made in different types and styles. 
These lamps are used in the field of 
medicine to relieve pain, for the 
treatment of tuberculosis, ulcers, 
anemia and nervousness. Johnson's 
lamps are also used in the industrial 
field for aging woods, curing tobac- 
co, tanning leather, making patent 
leather, sterilizing water, testing 
dyes, etc. 

Life Insurance as an Investment 

A considerable number of Negroes, 
in recent years, have used life in- 
surance as a form of investment. Ac- 
cording to the North Carolina Mu- 
tual Life Insurance Company the fol- 
lowing persons carry insurance poli- 
cies of $25,000 or more: 

Watt Terry, millionaire real estate 
broker of New York and Brocton, 
Massachusetts, $545,000; John A. 
Kenney, physician, Newark, New Jer- 
sey, $225,000; C. C. Spaulding, presi- 
dent, North Carolina Mutual Life 
Insurance Company, $200,000; An- 
thony Overton, president, Victory 
Life Insurance Company, Chicago, 
$158,500; J. M. Avery, president, and 
secretary, North Carolina Mutual Life 
Insurance Company, $131,000; W. F. 
Boddie, banker, Atlanta, Georgia, 
$130,000; A. E. Bush, president, Cen- 
tury Life Insurance Company, Little 
Rock, Arkansas, $130,000; Henry A. 
Boyd, publisher, Nashville, Tennes- 
see, $115,000; John E. Nail, New 
York City, real estate, $115,000; W. 
F. Willoughby, physician, Englewood, 
New Jersey, $115,000; H. L. Hunter, 
physician, Hamilton, Ohio, $115,000; 
R. L. McDougald, business man, 
Durham, North Carolina, $90,000; 
Samuel A. Irving, contractor, New 
York City, $85,000; William H. 
Wortham, real estate, New York, 
$83,500; Richard M. Fowler, phy- 
sician, Atlantic City, New Jersey, 
$77,000; Edgar P. Benjamin, lawyer, 
Boston, Massachusetts, $75,000; P. 
M. H. Savory, physician, New York, 
$65,000; James T. W. Granady, New 
York, $50,000; Channing H. Tobias, 
National Board Y. M. C. A., New 
York, $50,000; George M. Oliver, 
clergyman, New York, $40,000; Fitz- 
herbert Howell, real estate, New 
York, $35,000; P. M. Murray, phy- 
sician, New York, $30,000; J. A. 
Steele, plumbing contractor, New 



York, $30,000; George C. Booth, phy 
sician, New York, $28,500; James 
Watson, lawyer, New York, $27,000 

Negro Insurance Companies 
Insurance from the standpoint o 
capital concentrated is the larges 
field of business in which Negroe 
are engaged. It was reported at thi 
1930 meeting of the National Negrc 
Insurance Association that the 2. 
'companies in the Association had ! 
total insurance in force of $260,174, 
467.00 of which $169,976,107.00 was 
industrial life and $90,198,360.00 wai 
ordinary life. The total assets o: 
these companies were $18,445,798.00 





Provident Insurance Company Mobil 

Union Mutual Insurance Company Mobile 

Union Central Relief Association _ Birmingham 

Century Life Insurance Company _ Hot Springs 

Golden State Guaranty Fund Insurance Com 

pany Los Angeles 

District of Columbia 
Federal Life Insurance Company _ Washington 
National Benefit Life Insurance Company 


Afro-American Insurance Company 


People's Industrial Insurance Company 


Central Industrial Insurance Company _ Tampa 
Citizens Industrial Life Insurance Company 



Atlanta Life Insurance Company Atlanta 

Georgia Mutual Insurance Company _ Augusta 
Guaranty Mutual Insurance Company 


People's Health and Life Insurance Com- 
pany Savannah 

Pilgrim Health and Life Insurance Company 

' Augusta 

Underwriters Mutual Insurance Company 


Unity Mutual Insurance Com; any Chicago 

Supreme Liberty Life Insurance Company 


Pyramid Mutual Insurance Company _ Chicago 

Victory Life Insurance Company Chicago 


Gibraltar Health and Accident Insurance Com- 
pany Indianapolis 


Domestic Life Insurance Company _ Louisville, 
Mammoth Life and Accident Insurance Com- 
pany Louisville 

Louisiana Industrial Life Insurance Company 

. New Orleans 

The Liberty Industrial Life Insurance Com- 
pany New Orleans 

Unity Industrial Life Insurance Company 

New Orleans 

Douglas Life Insurance Company 

New Orleans 

Globe Beneficial Association New Orleans 

Pelican Industrial Life Insurance Company 

New Jersey 

Globe Beneficial Association Newark 

North Carolina 

Bankers Fire Insurance Company Durham 

Eagle Life Insurance Company Raleigh 

North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Com- 
pany Durham 

Winston Mutual Life Insurance Company 

Winston- Salem 

King Mutual Life Insurance Company 



Anchor Life Insurance Company Cleveland 

Fireside Mutual Aid Association Cincinnati 

Security Life Insurance Company _ Muskogee 

Universal Life Insurance Company _ Memphis 

Richmond Beneficial Life Insurance Company 


Southern Aid Society of Virginia _ Richmond 

Negro Banks 

The Freedmen's Bank During the 
Civil War, military savings banks 
were established at Beaufort, South 
Carolina, and Norfolk, Virginia, in 
order to give the colored troops cen- 
tered at these points an opportunity 
to save their pay. These banks were 
so successful that the friends of the 
Negro decided to provide an oppor- 
tunity for all the emancipated slaves 
to save their earnings. The matter 
was laid before Congress, and on 
March 3, 1865, by congressional en- 
actment, "The Freedmen's Savings 
Bank and Trust Company was estab- 

Branches of the Freedmen's Bank were es- 
tablished at: 

Atlanta, Georgia; Augusta, Georgia; Bal- 
timore, Maryland; Beaufort, South Carolina; 
Charleston, South Carolina; Chattanooga, Ten- 
nessee; Columbus, Mississippi; Columbia, Ten- 
nessee; Huntsville, Alabama; Jacksonville, 
Florida; Lexington, Kentucky; Little Rock, 
Arkansas; Louisville, Kentucky; Lynchburg, 
Virginia; Macon, Georgia; Memphis, Tennes- 
see; Mobile, Alabama; Montgomery, Ala- 
bama; Natchez, Mississippi; Nashville, Ten- 
nessee; New Bern, North Carolina; New Or- 
leans, Louisiana; New York City; Norfolk, 
Virginia; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Raleigh, 
North Carolina; Richmond, Virginia; Savan- 
nah, Georgia; Shreveport, Louisiana; Alexan- 
dria, Louisiana; St. Louis, Missouri; Talla- 
hassee, Florida; Vicksburg, Mississippi; Wash- 
ington, D. C. ; Wilmington, North Carolina. 

Section V of the Act of Incorpora- 
tion of the Freedmen's Bank said, 
"that the general business and ob- 
ject of the corporation hereby cre- 
ated shall be to receive on deposit 
such sums of money as may from 
time to time be offered therefore by 
or on behalf of persons heretofore 
held in slavery in the United States 
or their descendants, and investing 
the same in stocks, bonds, treasury 
notes and other securities of the 
United States." 



In 1870, an amendment to the char- 
ter was secured by which one-half 
of the funds subject to investment 
might at the discretion of the trus- 
tees be invested "in bonds and notes 
secured by mortgages on real estate 
and double the value of the loan.' 
This amendment permitted injudi- 
cious speculation and caused the sus- 
pension of the bank in 1873. During 
the time that the bank was in exis- 
tence about $57,000,000 were de- 
posited. Sixty-two per cent of the 
losses were repaid to the depositors 
as follows: November 1, 1875, 20 per 
cent; March 20, 1878, 10 per cent; 
September 1, 1880, 10 per cent; June 
1, 1882, 15 per cent; May 12, 1883, 
7 per cent. 

"The accounts of the Freedmen's 
Savings and Trust Company were 
finally closed on December 1, 1920, 
and the comptroller of currency, as 
commissioner, reported to the Speak- 
er of the House of Representatives 
that the sum of $1,733,475.71 had 
been paid on claims amounting to 
$2,939,925.22. The funds of this 
company were entirely exhausted on 
that date." 

The First Private Negro Banks 
The Capital Savings Bank of Wash- 
ington, D. C., began business Octo- 
ber 17, 1888. After being run for 
about sixteen years it failed. 

The True Reformers' Bank of 
Richmond was chartered March 2, 

1888. It began business, April 3, 

1889. The bank failed in 1910. 

The Mutual Bank and Trust Com- 
pany of Chattanooga, Tennessee, was 
started in 1889 and failed in the 
panic of 1893. 

The Alabama Penny Savings Bank, 
Birmingham, Alabama, began busi- 
ness October 15, 1890. Failed, De- 
cember 23, 1915. 

There are now 51 Negro banks, 
capitalized at about $3,000,000 with 
resources of about $20,000,000. The 
volume of their annual business 
amounts to about $75,000,000. 


Acme Finance Corporation Birmingham 

Tuskegee Institute Savings Bank Tuskegee 


District of Columbia 

Industrial Savings Bank Washington 

The Prudential Bank Washington 


The Ocala Savings Bank Ocala 

Liberty Savings & Real Estate Corporation 


Middle Georgia Savings & Investment Com- 
pany Macon 

Laborers' Savings & Loan Company 


Citizens Trust Company Atlanta 

Wage Earners Realty & Investment Company 



Douglas National Bank of Chicago _ Chicago 

First Standard Bank Louisville 

American Mutual Savings Bank Louisville 


Harry O. Wilson Bank Baltimore 


Eureka Cooperative Bank Boston 

South End Cooperative Bank Boston 

D. C. Northcross & Company, Bankers 


People's Finance Corporation Detroit 


People's Finance Corporation St. Louis 

Peoples' Finance Corporation Kansas City 

North Carolina 

Dime Bank Kinston 

Holloway, Murphy & Company Kinston 

Mechanics & Farmers Bank Durham 

Mutual Aid & Banking Company Newbern 

Cleveland's Peoples Finance Corporation 


Star Building and Loan Association _ Toledo 

Building & Loan Association Springfield 

Empire Savings & Loan Company _ Cleveland 

Building & Loan Association Hamilton 

Adelphi Building, Loan & Savings 

Company Columbus 


Merchants & Farmers Bank Boley 

Inter City Finance Corporation Tulsa 

Citizens & Southern Bank & Trust 

Company Philadelphia 

South Carolina 

Victory Savings Bank Columbia 

Mutual Savings Bank Charleston 

Citizens' Savings Bank & Trust 

Company Nashville 


Farmers' Improvement Bank Waco 

Farmers' & Mechanics Bank Tyler 

Fraternal Bank & Trust Company 

Fort Worth 

Workmen's Savings & Loan Company 



Acorn Bank , Roanoke 

Metropolitan Bank & Trust Company 


Commercial Bank & Trust Company 


Sons and Daughters of Peace, Penny, Nickel 

and Dime Bank Newport News 

Second Street Savings Bank Richmond 

Peoples' Dime Savings Bank & Trust 

Company Staunton 

Savings Bank of Danville Danville 

St. Luke's Penny Savings Bank Richmond 

The Phoenix Bank of Nansemond Suffolk 

Continental Savings Bank Dendron 

West Virginia 
Mutual Savings & Loan Company _ Charleston 



Migration Movement a Good Thing 
for the Negro and for the South 

The migration of the Negro con- 
tinued during the period 1925-1930 
but with a lessened volume as com- 
pared with the period 1915-1920 or 
the period 1920-1925. The main 
stream of the migration from the 
South for the past five years as in 
earlier periods was to northern in- 
dustrial centers. There was, how- 
ever, a considerable migration to the 
West occasioned both by the growth 
of industry in that section and the 
development of cotton production in 
western Texas, New Mexico, Arizo- 
na, and California. There, likewise, 
has been during the past few years 
a considerable migration to Florida 
from the other southern states. This 
was caused by the large urban and 
rural development in that state. 

The migration of the Negro is 
bringing about a change in the re- 
lationship and the attitude of the 
South toward the Negro. Before the 
migration, the South was mainly 
concerned with how it might control 
Negro labor rather than about the 
needs of the laborers and how they 
should be treated. A result of the 
migration has been to focus atten- 
tion on the needs of the laborers and 
to cause a great deal of discussion 
about how they should be treated. It 
is causing the South to assume a new 
attitude toward Negro labor. This 
new attitude is finding expression in 
the tendency to pay Negroes higher 
wages, to accord them just treat- 
ment, including a tendency to give 
them better protection under the law 
and to provide better educational fa- 
cilities for them. This latter tenden- 
cy is shown by the increasing 
amounts which are being expended 
in providing better public school fa- 

Out of the great welter of discus- 
sion relative to the migration move- 
ment, there has emerged the more or 
less general view that the migration 
of the Negro will be a good thing 
for the South and the Negro. It will 
be a good thing for the South for 
the reason that the Negro popula- 
tion will be more evenly distributed 
over the entire country and it will 

tend to take away from the South 
the fear, real or alleged, of race 
domination, and remove many of the 
peculiar characteristics which today 
hamper its development. 

The general effect on the South 
may be stated as follows: It will tend 
to accentuate the breaking up of the 
plantation system; it will increase, 
the use of machinery in agriculture; 
it will help to bring about the diver- 
sification of farming; it will improve 
the social life of both whites and 
Negroes; it will tend to secure bet- 
ter treatment of tenants, white and 
black; it will secure better education- 
al facilities; labor in the South, both 
white and black, will become more 
valuable and will be accorded better 
treatment; and it will help to break 
up the mass of Negroes. It already 
appears that the counties of the 
South in which the population is one- 
half or more Negro are decreasing 
in number and the proportion of Ne- 
groes in these counties in which Ne- 
groes are still in the majority is de- 

Prosecutions for Peonage 

There was, during the period 1925- 
1930, a number of prosecutions, un- 
der the charge of peonage, of plan- 
tation owners and turpentine and 
lumber camp operators. Four men, 
in 1925, were sentenced at Anderson, 
South Carolina, to imprisonment in 
the federal prison at Atlanta, follow- 
ing their conviction in the United 
States court on charges growing out 
of the alleged holding of a Negro 
man in peonage. At Corpus Christi, 
Trxas, five white men including the 
sheriff, two deputy sheriffs and a 
justice of the peace, were found 
guilty of peonage by a federal jury 
in 1927. 

Two cases of peonage or virtual 
enslavement, discovered by agents of 
the Department of Justice, resulted 
in the arrest and indictment, in 1927, 
of four men, two of whom were 
wealthy plantation owners in Amite 
County, Mississippi. Joseph S. An- 
ders and Loomie Blumfield, the two 
plantation owners, caused the depu- 
ty sheriffs of Tangipahoa Parish, 
Louisiana, to arrest a Negro at his 
home in that parish, for a debt which 



the two men claimed the Negro owed 
them, and to avoid threatened jail 
sentence the Negro is said to have 
agreed to work out the debt on the 
plantations. He was, without extra- 
dition proceedings, "smuggled" by 
automobile across the Louisiana-Mis- 
sissippi state line. Webb Bellue and 
John D. Alford, also of Amite Coun- 
ty, were indicted on charges of hav- 
ing sold Crawford Allen, fifty-year- 
old Negro, his wife and three chil- 
dren for $20. In this case it was 
charged that the two men seized the 
Negro and his family for an alleged 
$20 debt and transported them to 
their farm near Fluker, Louisiana, 
where they were forced to work sev- 
eral weeks without pay. Alford was 
sentenced to six months in the Tan- 
gipahoa Parish jail. 

Florida Labor Laws and Their 

The most numerous instances of 
peonage came from Florida. This 
in spite of the fact that in 1923, 
after an expose by the New York 
World, the Florida legislature abol- 
ished the leasing and flogging of 
convicts. M. B. Davis and Charles 
Land, turpentine operators and 
three other persons of Calhoun Coun- 
ty, Florida, charged with peonage 
were found guilty by a federal jury 
in May, 1925. The New York World, 
in its issue of November 24, 1929, 
carried an extended article by a spe- 
cial correspondent setting forth the 
extent and the evils of peonage as 
practiced in Florida. This correspon- 
dent pointed out that a law of that 
state, passed in 1919, "is responsible 
for the imprisonment of many an ig- 
norant Negro; for no other crime 
than leaving his employer and for 
nothing more nor less than simple 

This law, Sections 7300 and 7304 of 
the General Laws of Florida, sets 
forth that: "Any person in this state 
who shall with intent to injure and 
defraud, under and by reason of a 
contract or promise to perform labor 
or service procure or obtain money 
or other things of value as a credit, 
or as advances, shall be guilty of a 
misdemeanor and upon conviction 
thereof shall be punished by a fine 
not exceeding $500 or by imprison- 
ment not exceeding six months." 

Section 7304. In all prosecutions 
for a violation of the foregoing sec- 
tion this failure or refusal without 

just cause, to perform such labor or 
service or to pay for the money or 
other thing of value so obtained or 
procured shall be prima facie evi- 
dence of the intent to injure and de- 

The law is on its face and in the 
opinion of the best legal minds of 
the state unconstitutional. The cor- 
respondent was of the opinion that 
the great majority of the people of 
Florida held no brief for their 1919 
law. The facts were given over to 
agents of the bureau of investiga- 
tion, United States Department of 
Justice. The difficulties in the way 
of legal action were keenly summed 
up by a business man of Perry a 
leader of his community. 

"Yes, all you say is so. We know 
how conditions are. And you can 
talk your head off to the United 
States Government, and they can in- 
vestigate to their hearts' content. 
Do you know why they can't get any 
convictions? Here's why: Suppose 
they arrest some operators. All right. 
Now bring them into court. They're 
men of wealth and respectability. 
They own big property. They elect 
the county and state officers. Who's 
the jury? Men who owe 'em money! 
Accuse 'em of peonage. They bring 
in records to show they don't owe a 
Negro a penny. The owner, the boss 
men, the bookkeeper, the commissary 
clerk, all testify. And what else? 
Every big company has favorite Ne- 
groes, who get good wages and act 
as straw bosses. They put them on 
the stand. They've been working for 
that company for years; paid every 
month and never mistreated. And 
against that line-up, you got a poor 
devil of an ignorant Negro off a 
chain gang! Think you can convict? 
Don't be absurd! Who would that 
jury believe?" So any moves of 
state or federal officers may be 
awaited with interest. 

In December, 1929, a federal grand 
jury at Pensacola, Florida, returned 
no indictments for alleged violations 
of the Federal Peonage Act of the 
Florida turpentine camps. A jury 
in the United States middle Georgia 
district court, Americus division, re- 
turned a verdict acquitting W. D. 
Arnold of holding Claude King, white, 
and John Vanover, Negro, in peon- 
age. The verdict was returned 
after the jury had deliberated an 
hour and three minutes. The trial 



consumed four days. The Columbus 
(Ga.) Enquirer-Sun in reporting this 
case stated that Arnold admitted 
killing a Negro several years ago, 
said he had lashed another and beat 
a third with an automobile jack be- 
cause he had stolen a pistol, but de- 
nied he ever had held any of his 
laborers in peonage. His denial fol- 
lowed the reiterated statements of 
King and Vanover that they had been 
severely whipped by Arnold's orders 
while they were employed on his 

Several Webster County farmers, a 
peace officer and a banker took the 
stand and testified Arnold had a 
reputation for mistreating his farm 
hands. Arnold produced an equal 
number of witnesses who testified he 
was a good character." James Pig- 
gott, a wealthy planter of Washing- 
ton Parish, Louisiana, was indicted, 
in 1929, by a federal grand jury on 
charges of peonage. He plead guilty 
and was sentenced in April, 1930. 
The Negro in Industry 

The following excerpts, on the Ne- 
gro in industry, taken from the 
volume, "Negro in American Civili- 
zation," are important: 

"By and large, American industry 
has put brains into displacing skilled 
labor by machinery but has taken un- 
skilled labor for granted. It is only 
within the last few years that Ameri- 
can industry has begun deliberately 
to use machinery to replace unskilled 
labor. Heretofore it has depended 
upon unskilled labor from Europe 
for its rough jobs and has used ma- 
chinery largely as a replacer of 
skilled labor. In the interval between 
the abandonment of this policy and 
the inauguration of the new one, the 
Negro became almost indispensable. 

"The continued specializing of proc- 
ess and product calls not so much 
for a long and unpleasant relation- 
ship of learning with a skilled work- 
er, as for some specialized compe- 
tence, such as dexterity, strength, 
endurance, and divided skill. The 
continued use of machinery is creat- 
ing an increasingly large body of 
work of the grade to which Negro 
and women workers are most fre- 
quently limited. 

"The general situation of the Ne- 
gro worker in relation to income and 
wages are: 

i. For unskilled work in the North there 
is little difference between wages paid to Ne- 
groes and wages paid to non-union whites. 

2. In most sections of the South, for un- 
skilled work, the wages for Negroes are less 
than the wages paid whites. 

3. For skilled work in the North the scale 
of wages for whites and Negroes is practical- 
ly the same, but Negroes do not get free 
access to work. 

4. For skilled work in the South Negroes 
have greater access but in most sections there 
is a dual wage scale. 

5. On piece rates in the North there is 
the same scale, but Negroes are seldom al- 
lowed the piece work bringing highest pay. 

6. On piece work in the South there are 
occasional differences in scales as well as 
limitations to the work that brings the low- 
est returns. 

"Objections to Negro Labor Some 
of the causes of exclusion of Negroes 
from plants may be summarized as 
follows : 

1. Traditional policy of the plant not to 
employ Negroes. 

2. Fear of racial difficulties if whites and 
Negroes are introduced into the same plant. 

3. Fear of the objection of white workers 
and resultant labor difficulties. 

4. Traditional beliefs about the Negro 
which concern their mentality and character, 
and general inability to perform the work 

5. Fear of bringing Negroes into contact 
with white women workers. 

6. Lack of training of Negroes for certain 

7. Unsatisfactory experience with Negro 
workers in the past. 

8. Advocacy of certain jobs as belonging 
exclusively to the white race. 

9. Expense that would be involved in mak- 
ing alterations in the building to accommo- 
date white and Negro workers separately. 

10. Objections of labor unions. 

"The reactions of present employ- 
ers on the question of skilled Negro 
workers may be grouped as follows: 

(a) Those who think they cannot perform 
other than unskilled work because of limited 

(b) Those who think they can perform 
other than unskilled tasks but lack both train- 
ing and the opportunity for training; 

(c) Those who entertain the belief that 
Negro workers are inherently incapable of 
jobs requiring skill and responsibility, but 
who have not tested these beliefs by any ex- 
periment ; 

(d) Those who believe that they are capa- 
ble of skilled responsible work; because they 
are at present engaged upon it, or have been 
known to perform it satisfactorily. 

"The contradictions in the various 
statements concerning the efficiency 
of the Negro indicate that we are 
still in the realm of belief and opin- 
ion and not in the realm of ascer- 
tained fact. 

"In spite of that, we find that the 
majority of employers (when meas- 
ured both by the number of employ- 
ers and by the number of people em- 
ployed) say that the Negro is about 
as good as the white worker, and 
that some say he is better. 

"With regard to the labor turn- 
over of the Negro we are told in 



some quarters that he is unsatisfac 
tory and not faithful and takes ex- 
cessive time off. But a rather care- 
ful study has been made in certain 
localities and it is found that the 
Negro labor turnover is not so very 
much different from the white labor 
turnover. Moreover, we know that 
labor turnover depends largely upon 
management, and where we have a 
high turnover we do not talk about 
the worker any more; we want to 
know what is the matter with the 
employment policy of the industry 

"Some plants with as many as 25 
per cent Negroes in the total work- 
ing force reported that they were re- 
sponsible for 75 per cent of the turn- 
over. However, this was in unskilled 
work where turnover generally is 
high, and an equal number of firms 
stated that the Negro turnover had 
not been, even at the start, any 
greater than for other racial groups. 

"Too often the employer has turned 
to the southern Negro simply in the 
hope that he could be pulled out of 
a tight labor difficulty in this fash- 
ion. The result is that the employer 
puts the newcomer on what might be 
termed turnover work work not 
fitted to the man's training, and up- 
on which there would be a constant 
change of employees under any cir- 

Harvey J. Borders of Buffalo, New 
York, employed at the Pullman car 
shops, is said to hold the world's 
record on wheel turning on the new 
Seller's wheel-lathe. The capacity 
of the lathe is sixteen pairs of wheels 
a day of eight and three-fourths 
hours. In two weeks time, Borders 
was turning out 22 pairs of wheels 
per day and a week later he reached 
his highest mark of 29 and one-half 
pairs in one day. His highest mark 
for one week was one hundred and 
thirty-five pairs of wheels. Between 
August 25, 1922 and March 30, 1926, 
he turned out 21,000 pairs of wheels, 
which is 8,000 more than any other 
turner's work recorded in the same 
length of time. 

'Sam Dabney, colored coal miner 
of. Harvey, West Virginia, is reported 
to be the champion coal digger and 
loader of the state. Dabney, loaded 
554 tons of coal in 26 Y* working 
days, besides doing day work. The 
figures received show that he worked 
at coal loading for 196 hours on a 

basis of eight hours a day and that 
he loaded an average of 2.1 tons of 
coal every hour that he worked. 
Negro Women in Industry 
A survey of Negro women in in- 
dustry in fifteen states by the wo- 
men's bureau of the Department of 
Labor furnishes the following inter- 
esting facts: 

.Number of states studied i5 

Number of establishments visited 682 

Number of Negro women employed __ 17, 164 
Number of establishments in manu- 
facturing and mercantile industries 3 12 

Number of Negro women employed 
in these, exclusive of women known 

to be sweepers or cleaners 12,284 

Number of women in manufacturing 

plants 12,123 

Number of women in general 

mercantile establishments 161 

"The types of work in which Negro 
women were found may safely be 
said to represent, for them, distinct 
if somewhat slow industrial progress. 
Large numbers were still engaged in 
sweeping and in cleaning of various 
kinds and many of these have been 
omitted from the present study. 
Others worked at tasks that would 
properly be classified under general 
labor. Still others were in employ- 
ments that, while scarcely unusual in 
themselves, were notable because 
they represented the carrying over 
of the older traditional occupations, 
sometimes with changes in method, 
into the newer industrial system. A 
considerable number operated ma- 
chines of different kinds, many of 
which involved only simple opera- 
tions or movements repeated indefi- 
nitely, but some of which required 
dexterity or a degree of skill. A 
few were found in supervisory posts 
or in positions involving more or less 
responsibility. Two of these were in 
a pickle factory and seven were in a 
plant making house furnishings. In 
each of these cases one of the women 
had entire charge of engaging and 
supervising all Negro women in the 
establishment, while the others super- 
vised departments, instructed, or in- 
spected. In a shirt factory more re- 
cently visited and not included in the 
general tabulations the duty of en- 
gaging and supervising Negro wo- 
men devolved upon a Negro woman. 
In a nut plant one Negro woman was 
in charge of nineteen in the sorting 
department. Two timekeepers were 
found one in a tobacco and one in 
a glass factory. Occupations that 
required the greatest skill were those 
of the spinners in textile plants, 


of the loopers and seamers in hosiery 
mills, of the operators of power sew- 
ing machines and of metal presses, of 
the riviters in bag factories, of the 
core makers in metal plants, of a 
few of those working in wooden-box 
making, and of those found in one 
printing and publishing house in 
which Negro women were carrying 
on all parts of the work, however 
skilled, including monotype operat- 
ing, composing, and proof reading. 

"Week's earnings were ascertained 
for 5,588 women in 209 establish- 
ments in eleven states, year's earn- 
ings of 330 women in 55 establish- 
ments in nine states. Differences in 
time of survey, in type of industry, 

and in locality narrow the scope of 
the accurate comparisons that are 
possible from the data secured. In 
four states the median of the week's 
earnings of all women reported was 
$5.70 or less, in two states it was 
$11.30 or more; earnings in the other 
five states ranged from $6.10 to $8.65. 
The highest of all medians of a 
week's earnings in any industry were 
those of women in general mercan- 
tile establishments and in slaughter- 
ing and meat packing in a state sur- 
veyed in 1920, the lowest were those 
of women in a lumber and veneer 
mill in 1922 and of women in a cloth- 
ing plant in 1920. 


Per cent 
Of women 

Under 6 months 12.6 

6 month^ and 

2 years 

2 and under 

3 years 

3 and under 

4 years 

4 and under 

5 years 

5 and under 

10 years 

10 years and 


u.S.ocpr. of labor 
Women's Bureau 


11 4 





"T h e earnings of pieceworkers 
showed much greater fluctuations 
than did those of timeworkers, and 
in many occupations some piece- 
workers had earnings far below 
those of any timeworker in the same 

"The highest year's earnings were 
$1,139 received by a meat trimmer 
in 1920. In 1922, a handsewer in a 
bag factory received $895, and in the 
same year a machine operator in a 
metal plant received $747. A twist- 
er in a tobacco factory in 1925 earned 
$916. The lowest year's earnings were 
those of a roving hauler in cottonyard 
goods in 1922, $172." 

Mexican Labor Competes with 
Negro Labor 

During the past several years 
there has been a large immigration 
of Mexican laborers into the United 
States. They are found in the south- 
west in the beet and cotton fields 
and to some degree in other agricul- 
tural work such as truck farming 
and sheep herding. They are used 
to a large extent as section hands 
and in other unskilled work on rail- 
roads in the southwest. They have 
penetrated from the west and south- 
west further north and into the mid- 
west. There are fairly large colo- 
nies in several of the mid-west cities. 
They are used as unskilled and semi- 
skilled labor in the mines and in the 
steel industries. 

Their low standard of living al- 
lows their employment at an even 
lower wage than is paid Negro labor- 
ers. Because of its cheapness, Mexi- 
can labor has become a serious com- 
petitor of Negro labor. In many 
cases the Mexican worker, as he 
moves to the North and East, re- 
places the unskilled Negro worker. 
This competition of Mexican and Ne- 
gro labor is reflected in the efforts 
in Congress to place Mexican immi- 
gration on the quota basis because 
of the alleged inability of the cotton 
grower east of the Mississippi to 
compete with the cotton grower west 
of the Mississippi who employs 
Mexican labor. 

Some Replacements Negro Labor by 
White Labor 

In the period between 1925-1930 
there was considerable discussion in 
the press concerning the taking over 
by whites of certain jobs that were 
traditionally "Negro." That any 

jobs are traditionally "white" or 
"Negro" may be questioned, for 
there are practically no occupations 
in which there are not some Negroes 
nor are there any occupations en- 
gaged in by Negroes that are not 
engaged in by whites. There may 
be changes in some aspect of the oc- 
cupation but that does not necessari- 
ly indicate an economic loss to the 
race. For instance, the number of 
Negro barber shops catering to white 
trade is decreasing but with the rise 
in the standard of living of large 
groups of Negroes the number of 
Negro barbers increases to meet the 
demand within their own racial 
group. The very fact that Negro bar- 
bers are organizing throughout the 
country indicates their strength in 
the trade. In Kansas City, Missouri, 
and in New Orleans barbers have 
organized unions to protect and ad- 
vance their trade. A state-wide or- 
ganization, the "Barbers Protective 
Association of Virginia," was effec- 
tive in the fight in the legislature of 
that state against the State Barbers' 
Licensing Bill, an act generally recog- 
nized as discriminating against Ne- 
gro barbers. In Chicago and New 
York the general union conducted an 
extensive campaign to include Negro 
barbers and hair dressers. Again, the 
Negro waiter, when compared with 
the white waiter, is in somewhat the 
same position with respect to com- 
petition with waitresses. The point 
of the matter is that females are 
competing successfully with males in 
the occupation of waiting. As a re- 
sult there is a very large increase of 
both white and Negro waitresses. 

1910 and 1920 


Sex 1910 1920 Increase Cent 

Male 63,386 76,712 i3,326 21.0 

Female 78,048 102,486 24,488 3i.3 

Total 141,434 179,198 37,764 26.7 


Male 32,676 3i,68i -995* - 3.o* 

Female 7,877 14,155 6,778 91.9 

Total 40.o53 45,836 5,783 14.4 


Male 2,5o3 8,671 1,168 46.7 

Female 248 280 32 12.9 

Total 2,751 3,95i 1,200 48.6 

* Decrease 

There was doubtless some replace- 
ment of Negroes by white laborers 
throughout the country. The prin- 
cipal factors promoting this change 

(1) The industrialization of the 
South bringing with it a changed at- 



titude towards work on the part of 
the white southerner, and 

(2) Country -wide unemployment 
beginning in 1927 and increasing 
steadily. On the other hand, instances 
of new types of employment oppor- 
tunities for Negroes are as frequent 
as examples of their replacement. In 
urban centers where Negroes are iso- 
lated in their own sections, there is 
a nation-wide tendency for white 
merchants depending 'on the patron- 
age of these sections to employ Ne- 
groes in positions of salesmanship. 
Jobs dependent on political prefer- 
ence multiply with the accumulation 
of political strength on the part of 
the Negro. 

The "Black Shirts" 

In the summer of 1930, an organi- 
zation known as the "Black Shirts" 
or the "American Fascisti," was or- 
ganized at Atlanta, Georgia. It was 
reported that one of the objects of 
the order was to oust Negroes from 
their situations and to replace them 
With whites. In the petition for a 
charter, it was set forth: "That it is 
the purpose of said organization to 
inculcate and foster in the minds of 
its members and the public general- 
ly, white supremacy; charity among 
its members, and fellowship; the 
obedience to law and order; the up- 
holding of the Constitution and laws 
of the United States and the several 
states thereof; the instruction of its 
members in the fundamental princi- 
ples of free government; the combat- 
ing of all influence that seeks to un- 
dermine and overthrow the principles 
of democracy and the republican 
form of government; to promote 
friendship and good fellowship 
among its members and the public 
generally; care for its sick; bury its 
dead, and do any other act of charity 
and benevolence which its governing 
board or the members or its different 
lodges and subdivisions may decide 
to do." 

Strong opposition developed against 
the order of "Black Shirts." The 
Grand Jury of Fulton County in 
which Atlanta is located petitioned 
on September 5, 1930, the Fulton 
Superior Court to sustain an injunc- 
tion suit instituted to prevent the is- 
suance of the charter. The resolu- 
tions of the Grand Jury were as fol- 

"Resolved, that a condition in the 

opinion of the grand jury confronts 
us in which all good citizens are vi- 
tally interested. We refer to the ac- 
tivities of the 'American Fascisti' or 
'Black Shirts.' 

"The housewives of Atlanta are 
very much alarmed at the methods 
being used by members of this or- 
ganization to intimidate their domes- 
tic servants. 

"Many employers of Negro labor 
in this city have been approached by 
members of this organization and a 
demand has been made upon them to 
discharge all Negro help in their 

"Be it further resolved, that such 
methods as are employed by this or- 
ganization are inimical to the best 
interests of both the white and 
colored races. This movement has 
reached such proportions as to arouse 
the best thinking people of Georgia 
who feel that many unfortunate cir- 
cumstances are liable to arise and 
might even go beyond the control of 
constituted authorities. Believing 
that an ounce of prevention is worth 
several pounds of cure, we are ad- 
dressing this resolution to the judges 
of the superior court of Fulton Coun- 
ty with the hope that some measure 
of prevention might be promptly ap- 

"Be it further resolved, that we 
believe it to be contrary to public 
policy for the State of Georgia to is- 
sue a charter to such an organiza- 
tion, and we appeal to the consti- 
tuted authorities to refuse the charter 
to the 'American Fascisti' or the 
'Black Shirts.'" 

In an Associated Press report of 
September 7, 1930, issued by Holt J. 
Gewinner, adjutant general of the 
order, it was said that the "Black 

"Never have made a demand on a 
single merchant or manufacturer in 
the City of Atlanta or any place else 
that they discharge Negro employees. 

"We have asked and are asking 
now that our good citizens, whenever 
they have a job open that a white 
man can hold, give the job to the 
white man, thereby assisting our 
movement in driving the bolsheviks 
from our country. 

"We have affidavits filed with the 
solicitors office in this county where 
forgers have been caught forging 
the writer's name to various letters 



and passing them out to manufac- 

"We are the best friends the Ne- 
gro has ever had, and all we ask is 
that he stay in his place. The 
reason for this request is due to the 
literature that is being circulated 
among our good Negroes telling them 
to fight for their rights, politically 
and socially. These documents we 
have in our possession. 

"We fight communism, radicals and 
insane factions. One other thing we 
stand for: We do not practice and 
preach prejudice religiously or other- 

"We are giving this statement in 
view of the danger we see ahead 
emanating from the Red, or Com- 
munist party, who are sending white 
men out among the Negroes attempt- 
ing to stir up racial trouble." 

The Negro in Domestic Service 

Negro domestic servants in the 
South get less wages than any other 
servants in any sections of the coun- 
try except Mexicans in certain towns 
in Texas and whites in towns where 
college girls work for room and 
board. This is one of the interest- 
ing facts revealed in a recent survey 
of domestic servants made by Grace 
Robinson, a writer on the staff of 
Liberty magazine. 

"Jackson, Mississippi, is one of the 
cities paying the lowest wages, out 
of the thirty-one cities surveyed. In 
Jackson, cooks, who are all colored, 
are paid from $4 to $10 a week. 
Columbia, South Carolina, comes 
next with a wage of $5 a week to a 
general houseworker. Chauffeurs are 
paid $20 a week, furnished a uniform 
and expected to do other work be- 
sides on the car. Mobile, Alabama, 
pays $5 a week for general house- 
work and $6 to $15 for cooks, accord- 
ing to the survey. Cooks in this 
town get extra pay for late parties. 
New Orleans pays $5 to $12 for 
cooks and $10 to $15 for chauffeurs. 
Housemaids get $4 to $6; housemen, 
$5 to $6; butlers, $8 to $15; and 
laundresses $4 to $9. Memphis pays 
$10 to $15 for cooks and $15 to $20 
for chauffeurs. El Paso, Texas, hires 
some colored help, but a lot of Mexi- 
can; and pays general houseworkers 
$4 to $10 and Mexican day workers 
$1.62 a day. In Baltimore, the scale 
is slightly better with general house- 
workers getting from $8 to $12 a 

week and cooks from $10 to $15 a 
week. Kansas City, Missouri, pays 
$30 to $75 monthly for general house- 
workers; $50 to $100 for butlers. 

"New York pays the best scale 
although only a part of the servants 
in the big city are colored. General 
houseworkers get $65 to $100, cooks 
$75 to $250 and chauffeurs $100 to 
$200. Eleven cities out of the thir- 
ty-one did not want colored help at 
all, many stating that the family 
troubles of Negroes made them un- 
desirable servants. Scandinavians are 
preferred by eight cities and Ne- 
groes by seven. Four of these seven 
cities literally "cry" for colored help. 
The biggest complaints against 
colored help are their family troubles; 
their wild times over Saturday night, 
the laying off to go to funerals and 
for illnesses. In their favor it is 
said they are "astonishingly patient" 
and able to get a great amount of 
work done "when so minded." Of 
course, from, southern white people, 
the complaint was made that the 
younger generation of Negroes was 
too educated and too independent. 
One mistress bewailed the fact that 
she could not get a girl "like in the 
old days" for fifty cents a day to 
work from sun-up to sun-down. 

Complaints on white servants are 
numerous, the most damaging being 
from Omaha, Nebraska, where white 
maids were reported as having a ten- 
dency to steal and also a tendency 
toward immorality. Southern mis- 
tresses do not complain of Negroes 
stealing, except that they take home 
baskets of left-overs. "But with a 
wage of $4 a week, how would a poor 
servant live?" 

School to Train for Better 
Domestic Service 

The Community Employment Ser- 
vice School was established in Atlan- 
ta, Georgia, in the early part of 1930. 
Any Negro who desires training for 
domestic and personal service is ad- 
mitted to the school. Three teach- 
ers are employed. The work is prac- 
tical as well as theoretical. The 
school is located in a Duplex bunga- 
low, modern in appointment, ar- 
ranged in accordance with good taste 
and equipped with all conveniences 
found in a modern home. Among the 
subjects taught are: general house 
work, cooking, maid service, butler 
service, simple landscape gardening, 
care of automobiles, simple mechan- 



ics and chauffeuring. The school is 
under the auspices of the Atlanta 
Community Chest. The Julius Rosen- 
wald Fund has given $25,000 for its 
support, to be used over a period of 
five years. 

Efforts to Increase Economic Oppor- 
tunities of Negroes 
For the purpose of strengthening 
the economic position of the Negro 
workman, the Industrial Relations 
Department of the National Urban 
League proposed the following: 
I. Securing new occupational op- 
portunities for Negroes. 
II. Urging young people to train 
to do definite tasks creditably 
and advising workers to avoid 
the mistakes that have occa- 
sioned criticism. 

III. Interpreting Negro labor to or- 

ganized labor and organized 
labor to Negroes as a means 
of breaking down the barriers 
which interfere with the occu- 
pational freedom of Negro 
workers, and 

IV. Spreading information regard- 
ing the successes of Negro 
workers and the limitations 
that retard full use of their 

Through industrial campaigns, 
called "Negro in Industry Week," the 
department has tried to enlarge eco- 
nomic opportunities for Negroes. 
Campaigns of this type were con- 
ducted in Boston, Philadelphia, Kan- 
sas City, Milwaukee, Springfield 
(111.); Chicago, Columbus (Ohio); St. 
Louis, St. Paul, Minneapolis and 
Pittsburgh. Under the slogan "Don't 
spend your money where you can't 
work," The Chicago Whip has waged 
a fight for employment of Negroes 
in mercantile and industrial plants 
situated in the Negro sections of 
Chicago and largely dependent on 
Negro patronage for support. The 
precedent set by The Whip has been 
followed in other cities by the fol- 
lowing papers: Gary American, 
Louisville News, Atlanta Indepen- 
dent, New York Age, Norfolk Jour- 
nal and Guide, Kansas City Call. 

The following, from The Amster- 
dam News of New York City, is a 
sample of the tactics these news- 
papers employed: "Stores of every 
description, drug stores, chain gro- 
cery stores, butcher shops, markets, 
cigar stores, department stores, dry 
goods and notion stores, hardware 

stores, laundries, etc., located in this 
vicinity are here in the belief that a 
profitable business can be done in 
this section. Most of them refuse to 
employ Negroes in any capacity. A 
few employ them in menial jobs. 
Many of them practice discrimina- 
tion of the rankest kind, the theatres 
going so far as to wantonly segre- 
gate Negroes while Negroes are per- 
forming on the stage. 

"Pressure must be brought to bear 
upon every concern doing business in 
Harlem that Negroes must be em- 
ployed by them if they expect the 
patronage of Negroes. 

"Spend money only in stores where 
Negroes are employed not merely as 
porters but as clerks, cashiers, mana- 
gers and other worth-while positions. 
Open the door of opportunity for 
your children. If you are competent 
to fill a position in any enterprise 
depending for the major part of its 
support upon Negroes, have no hesi- 
tancy, apply for it. If your girl or 
boy is competent to fill a position in 
any such store, direct them to apply. 
The plan is simple. Make it unprofit- 
able for a concern to do business in 
Harlem without employing Negroes 
and profitable for the merchant who 
does employ them." 

Union Labor Negro and White 

By the terms of a new wharf labor 
agreement, in 1925, it was decided 
that an equal number of white men 
and Negroes would thereafter be em- 
ployed in loading and unloading 
ships at Galveston, Texas City, and 
Houston. No question of relative ef- 
ficiency was involved. It was simply 
a matter of bringing about an equi- 
table distribution of the enormous 
pay roll controlled by employers of 
wharf labor. For the past several 
years, about 65 per cent of longshore- 
men labor has been done by Negroes. 
Several complications had heretofore 
stood in the way of a realignment. 
Both the Negro and the white locals 
were called upon to make conces- 
sions. The white unions gave up the 
distinction they had hitherto drawn 
between the loading of cotton and 
other classes of freight. That was 
primarily a concession to the em- 
ployers. It simplifies the conduct of 
stevedoring operations, since the 
same local will hereafter handle cot- 
ton and other cargo. The number of 
locals were reduced from four to 


two. The white and colored long- 
shoremen of New Orleans were amal- 
gamated, in 1924-1925, in an effort 
to win better working conditions and 
higher wages. They met as one 
body. Harry Keegan was made presi- 
dent and Mose Johnson, former presi- 
dent of the Negro longshoremen, 

Negro and white motion picture 
operators were victors in a nine- 
month strike against a concern oper- 
ating several theatres in the Harlem 
section of New York City. Men of 
both races struck together and won 
together under the leadership of 
Operators' Local 306. 

The National Civic Union, a Negro 
organization of Memphis, Tennessee, 
established a subordinate union at 
the Happy Feed Mills for the pur- 
pose of having better understanding 
between employers and employees. 

In the coal miners strike, in what 
is known as the Central Competitive 
Field of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and 
western Pennsylvania, Negroes par- 
ticipated, both as union and non- 
union miners. In some cases it appears 
that the Negro union miners were 
among the most zealous and faithful 
of the strikers, on the other hand it 
was said that Negro non-union labor 
was the dominant factor in breaking 
the strike. The National Miners' 
Union recently organized in Pitts- 
burgh in opposition to the Union 
Mine Workers, elected a Negro, 
William Boyce, as its vice-president. 
Twenty-eight colored women em- 
ployed by the North American Laun- 
dry organized in 1927, what was said 
to be the first strike of colored wo- 
men in New York City. They were 
trying to bring their week's wage 
up to $16. They were receiving $12 
to $14 a week. They worked from 
8. a. m. to 7 p. m. with three-quarters 
of an hour for luncheon. Eighty-five 
Negro women walked out of the 
Maras Importing Company, Chicago, 
packers of figs and dates, in 1926, 
when their already meager piece rate 
was cut one-half cent. The Women's 
Trade Union League and the Chica- 
go Federation of Labor aided the 
women in their strike. 
Negro Railway Employees Win Fight 
for Fairer Consideration 

The Brotherhood of Dining Car 
Employees of the New York, New 
Haven and Hartford Railroad se- 
cured, in 1926, an agreement with 

the company guaranteeing them fair 
working hours: 240 hours a month 
or eight hours a day. In 1929, the 
Brotherhood ended a nine year fight 
with the same line for monthly relief 
with pay for dining car cooks and 
waiters. Monthly relief with pay is a 
long established custom for train ser- 
vice and Pullman car service employ- 
ees, general throughout the industry. 
New Haven was the exception and, 
even in this respect, made dining car 
employees the sole victims. Even 
after the director-general of rail- 
roads ordered relief with pay during 
the war-time government control of 
railroads, the New Haven dining car 
division continued its pre-war cus- 
tom of relief without pay. Some of 
the accrued but denied pay on this 
account was subsequently recovered 
by the union. After return of the 
roads to private management the 
cooks-waiters fight for relief began. 
In a conference a controversy between 
the Southern Railway System, lines 
east, and the Brotherhood of Dining 
Car Employees in regard to the inter- 
pretation of a contract between them 
with respect to the rates of pay in- 
sofar as they are affected by a con- 
struction of the rules was agreeably 

The contract between the Southern 
Railway, lines east, and the Brother- 
hood provides for a basic eight-hour 
day. Under the rules, the company con- 
tended that a dining car employee 
was not entitled to pay for overtime 
unless he had done more than 240 
hours service in a month. The 
Brotherhood contended that in cases 
where regular runs required less than 
the maximum number of hours, the 
employee was entitled to extra pay 
for all extra work performed. The 
company through its representative 
agreed to the latter interpretation of 
the rules and to pay overtime when- 
ever an employee was used on other 
than his regular run. This construc- 
tion of the rules will provide definite 
schedules of work and of lay offs. 

It was also agreed that there 
would be no further dismissals of 
employees without hearing by the 
superintendent of the lines east; and 
employees so dismissed if they desired, 
were to be restored to duty with pay 
for time lost. 

Pay increases for approximately 
1,100 cooks and waiters on the Penn- 
sylvania Railroad, east of Erie, Pitts- 



burgh and Buffalo, were agreed to in 
a conference of the railroad's dining 
car management and a committee of 
cooks-waiters, members of Local No. 
1 of the Brotherhood of Dining Car 
Employees in 1929. 

During the past 20 years there 
have been efforts, from time to time 
through bills introduced into the 
legislatures of various states, to oust 
the colored train porter. These bills 
have the general title of, "The Full 
Crew Bill" and are said to have the 
backing of the Brotherhood of Loco- 
motive Engineers and Firemen and 
other organizations of railroad em- 
ployees. The provision of such a 
bill is that a minimum full crew shall 
consist of an engineer, a fireman, a 
brakeman and a flagman on all pas- 
senger trains carrying more than 
three coaches. Such a bill was intro- 
duced, in 1929, in the Illinois legisla- 
ture. "The Full Crew Bill" would do 
away with the colored train porter 
who carries a switch-key the same 
as the brakeman and performs simi- 
lar duties. The bill would not affect 
the porters in the Pullman service. 

Charles Sideboard, district organ- 
izer of the Association of Colored 
Trainmen, won his suit for $7,500, 
in a test case against the Yazoo & 
Mississippi Railroad Company. 

Sideboard was a train porter and 
he contended that under a contract 
made by the Brotherhood of Railroad 
Trainmen, he having performed the 
duties of a brakeman, was entitled 
to the pay of a brakeman and not 
that of a porter. 

The $7,500 judgment given Side- 
board by the court represented the 
difference in salary between that of 
a porter and that of a brakeman 
since 1925, when the company re- 
duced his salary about 50 per cent 
in violation of the contract with the 

Railroad lawyers contended that 
neither Sideboard nor the other por- 
ters were covered by the contract of 
the Brotherhood, and further con- 
tended that Sideboard had accepted 
checks with the words printed there- 
on "In full of all services." 

Judge E. L. Brien decided that the 
porters were covered by the con- 
tract; that there was nothing for the 
jury to consider. 

He held that the contract did cover 
the porters, and that as provided in 
the contract, the porters having per- 

formed the duties of brakemen were 
according to the agreement entitled 
to the pay of a brakeman, and that 
the attempted reduction in the sal- 
aries of these workers was not in ef- 

The Railroad Labor Board, in a 
dispute between the Illinois Central 
and the Association of Colored Rail- 
way Trainmen over an alleged viola- 
tion of the yardmen's agreement at 
the Memphis terminal by the restric- 
tion of colored switchmen's seniori- 
ty to head-on service only, has de- 
cided that the provisions of the rules 
of the schedule of wages governing 
service, age or seniority rights of 
yardmen in the Memphis terminal, 
shall be complied with without any 
discrimination in favor of or against 
either white or colored yardmen. In 
its opinion, the board said that 
colored switchmen, under the rules, 
have equal privileges of exercising 
rights as white switchmen on all 
yard crew positions other than fore- 
man such as so-called head-end men, 
rear-end men, long-field men, liners, 
etc. To grant white switchmen the 
right to exercise a seniority in pref- 
erence to such positions and to re- 
fuse colored employees the right to 
exercise a similar preference, is a 
discrimination that is a violation of 
the provisions of the rules, concluded 
the Labor Board. Decision No. 3534. 
State Federation of Labor Adopts 
Resolution in Interest of 
Negro Labor 

At the 1925 annual session of the 
Virginia Federation of Labor objec- 
tion was raised by some of the white 
delegates to the admission of colored 
delegates. The committee on cre- 
dentials, however, approved and ad- 
mitted the colored delegates through 
the regular badges of the organiza- 
tions issued to them. 

The Pennsylvania State Federa- 
tion of Labor, in 1926, adopted the 
following resolution in the interest 
of Negro labor: 

WHEREAS, there still exist local unions 
that discriminate against Negro workers, arid 

WHEREAS, it is against the interests of 
all workers both white and colored, to divide 
the ranks of labor along the lines of race, 
sex or religion, therefore, 

Be It Resolved: That the Pennsylvania 
State Federation of Labor convention goes 
on record as opposing race discrimination 
wherever it manifests itself, and further, be 

RESOLVED, that the State Federation of 
Labor of Pennsylvania pledges itself to do 
everything in its power to do away with race 



discrimination and instructs its delegates to 
the American Federation of Labor convention 
to use its influence in order to establish com 
plete race equality in all trade unions affili 
ated with the American Federation of Labor 

The Pennsylvania Federation of 
Labor, in 1927, passed a resolution 
in which all labor unions were urgec 
to admit Negroes to membership on 
equal terms with white men. The 
resolution also instructed the Penn- 
sylvania delegate to the convention 
of the American Federation of Labor 
to introduce a similar resolution 

The Pullman Porters Benefit As- 
sociation is a company union operat- 
ing on what is called the Employees' 
Representative Plan. It had its be- 
ginning in 1915 and became opera- 
tive in 1921. In 1925, a few porters 
organized under the leadership of A. 
Philip Randolph, against the Pull- 
man Company's Union on the grounds 
that the employee representation 
plan was company organized, com- 
pany owned, and company controlled. 
The new organization was called the 
Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. 
Its announced objectives were: 

(1) A living wage, beginning at a mini- 
mum of $150 a month, accompanied by the 
abandonment of tipping. 

(2) A reduction of working hours, from 
a possible 400 hours to 240 hours a month. 

(3) A place provided in sleeping cars for 
porters when their duties permit rest. 

The case of the Brotherhood of 
Sleeping Car Porters was presented 
to the United States Meditation 
Board in 1926 and again in 1927. 
The Meditation Board determined 
that the Brotherhood was a bona-fide 
union and represented a majority of 
the porters and maids in the service. 
In 1929, the Brotherhood of Sleeping 
Car Porters requested membership 
in the American Federation of Labor, 
but in the opinion of the Federation 
it was not strong enough to function 
nationally. Therefore, instead of is- 
suing to the Brotherhood a charter 
of affiliation to the American Fed- 
eration of Labor, the Federation 
chartered under its own immediate 
jurisdiction as directly affiliated lo- 
cal unions, the locals of porters which 
had formerly composed the Brother- 

Communist Party Propaganda for 
Organizing Negro Workers 

The Communist party through the 
American Negro Labor Congress 
and the Trade Union Unity League 
has been actively engaged in propa- 

gandizing and attempting to organ- 
ize Negro workers throughout the 
country. This was a part of the Com- 
munist party's program to organize 
the workers of all races throughout 
the world. The earlier centers for 
this agitation to organize Negro 
workers in the United States, were: 
Boston, New York, Chicago, Detroit, 
Pittsburgh, Topeka (Kans.), and Mil- 
waukee, (Wis.). More recently in 
Cleveland, Buffalo, Baltimore, Wash- 
ington and Philadelphia in the East, 
and in Oakland and San Francisco 
in the West, Negroes and whites 
have joined together in the activities 
of the party. Organizers have also 
gone into southern communities with 
a so-called militant campaign for the 
organization of white and Negro 
workers on a full equality basis. 
Norfolk, Virginia, and Atlanta, Geor- 
gia; Birmingham, Alabama, and some 
of the mill towns in North Carolina 
(Gastonia, Charlotte and Winston- 
Salem) have been the scenes of this 
campaign. In Atlanta, an ancient 
Georgia stone code enacted in 1833 
against inciting to insurrection, was 
invoked. The white and Negro agi- 
tators put under arrest. They were 
later released on bond. 

In the summer of 1925 a call was 
issued for the first American Negro 
Labor Congress to meet in Chicago, 
October 26 to 31. A provisional com- 
mittee signing this call consisted of: 
William Bryant, business manager 
of Asphalt Workers' Union, Milwau- 
kee, Wisconsin; Edward L. Doty, 
organizer of Negro plumbers, Chica- 
go; H. V. Phillips, organizer of Ne- 
gro Working Class Youth, Chicago; 
Elizabeth Griffin, president of Ne- 
gro Women's Household League; 
Charles Henry, representative of un- 
organized Steel Workers, Chicago; 
Otto Hall, Waiters and Cooks Asso- 
ciation, Chicago; Louis Hunter, 
Longshoremen's Protective and Be- 
nevolent Union, New Orleans, Louisi- 
ana; Otto Houiswood, African Blood 
Brotherhood, New York City; Aaron 
Davis, Neighborhood Protective As- 
sociation, Toomsuba, Mississippi; 
John Owens, organizer of Negro 
Agricultural Workers, Ripley, Cali- 
fornia; Rosina Davis, secretary of 
Chicago Negro Women's Household 
League; E. A. Lynch, fraternal dele- 
gate from West African Seamen's 
Union, Liverpool; Jack Edwards, 
representative, Negro Pullman Car 



Workers, Chicago; Sahir, Karimji, 
fraternal delegate from Natal Agri- 
cultural Workers, South Africa. 
Lovett Fort-Whiteman was the na- 
tional organizer of the congress. 

On October 24, 1925, a resolution 
calling on Negro labor to discounte- 
nance all efforts at sowing bolshe- 
vism and communism within its 
ranks was passed by the African 
Methodist Episcopal Church district 
conference in Kirkwood, Missouri. 
"We emphasize the value of our 
race group of standing squarely back 
of capital in this country," the resolu- 
tion declared, "to that end that we 
may continue the economic develop- 
ment set in motion during the last 
five years." On this same date William 
Green, president of the American 
Federation of Labor, warned Negroes 
affiliated with the American Federa- 
tion of Labor "not to participate in 
a movement backed by Russian com- 
munists in this country to lure the 
American Negro into their revolu- 
tionary organization. It will not be 
held to benefit the Negro but to in- 
still into the lives of that race that 
most pernicious doctrine race ha- 

Resolutions American Negro 
Labor Congress 

The following resolutions were 
adopted by the American Negro 
Labor Congress: 

The Negro workers, who constitute one- 
seventh of the workers of America, are today 
an important factor which must be incorpo- 
rated within the organized labor movement if 
a genuine and successful effort is to be made 
to maintain and improve the standards of the 
worker, black and white. The World War, 
the migration of the people from the farms 
to the cities, the industrialization of the South, 
and the stoppage of European immigration, 
have established the Negro workers as an 
indispensable and powerful labor force. 

In order to improve the conditions of the 
Negro workers and to insure the standards 
of the white workers also, it is absolutely 
necessary that the workers of both races be 
organized in the trade union movement. Trade 
unions are the organizations which are created 
by the workers to prosecute their fight against 
the employers for higher wages, better con- 
ditions and a proper standard of living. 

Only by the effective organization of the 
Negro and white workers in the union is it 
possible to avoid union competition and re-cut- 
ting between these workers which will result in 
their common degradation. This was clearly 
demonstrated by the great steel strike of 1919 
which was defeated because the steel barons 
would draw upon the vast army of unorgan- 
ized Negro workers, pitting them against the 
whites to the great injury of both. 

This perilous situation demands that the white 
and black workers must be united solidly in 
the union and demonstrates that trade unions 
which fail to effect the unity of all workers, 

regardless of race, sex, nationality, religion 
or color on the sole basis of their common 
interests as workers, fail in the most neces- 
sary task for the protection and advancement 
of the workers. 

The unions, therefore, should neither ex- 
clude Negroes nor wait until they are out 
on the picket line to start the necessary work 
of uniting them but should begin at once to 
conduct a thoroughgoing, efficient nation-wide 
drive to organize the colored workers. They 
must forever break with the vicious and sui- 
cidal policy followed by many white unions 
in the past and still persisted in by 
some of the most highly skilled labor aristo- 
crats who bar the Negro workers either by 
open clauses in their constitutions or by secret 
understandings and must throw the doors of 
the union wide open to the Negro workers 
welcoming them upon a basis of full equality. 

The American Negro Labor Congress calls 
for the immediate removal of all bars and 
discrimination within the unions and demands 
equality of treatment in wages, opportunity 
for employment and representation in union 
administration; and instructs its members to 
fight energetically to effect this in all unions. 

This congress condemns all scabs, Negroes 
who improperly recruit strike-breakers, and 
whites who dissent. It resents the branding 
of Negroes as strikebreakers and points to 
the fact that where Negroes have been fairly 
treated they have made as loyal and aggres- 
sive union men as any other group of workers. 

This congress further condemns all efforts 
from whatever source to segregate the Negro 
workers in separate unions and demands that 
all such discrimination be abolished immediately. 

Any divisions in the trade unions and all 
dual or secession movements will be firmly 
opposed by this congress, but it declares that 
the Negro workers must organize their own 
unions to protect themselves and to fight their 
way into the unions as equals. 

The American Negro Labor Congress here- 
by instructs its officers and members to unite 
with all progressive bodies in the American 
Federation of Labor to eradicate the various 
evils of race discrimination in the unions 
and to achieve that unity of black and white 
workers which alone can insure their eleva- 
tion and emancipation. 

In April, 1926, local officials of the 
Boston American Federation of Labor 
made it plain that the members of 
the American Negro Congress, who 
were barred from the great organ- 
izing campaign parade in that city, 
were barred not because they were 
Negroes, but because their organ- 
ization, in the opinion of the labor 
leaders, is affiliated with the Com- 
munist organization, the Workers' 
Party of America. 

A group of 100 colored men and 
women, armed with banners, claimed 
that as representatives of the Ameri- 
can Negro Congress they had the 
right to march through any streets 
through which it was permitted any 
other labor organization to march. 

President John J. Kearney, of the 
Central Labor Union, warned the 
colored group that they could not 
march as their presence in the line 


would cause people to believe that 
the American Federation of Labor 
favored the Communist sentiments 
inscribed on their banners. 

They did not march, but when the 
paraders reached Faneuil Hall they 
found the colored folk assembled in 
the front rows and so-called Com- 
munist placards were posted up all 
over the "Cradle of Liberty." 

The group was allowed to stay as 
everybody was welcome, regardless 
of race or color, but the signs were 
either taken down or turned face to 
the wall. 

The Public Should Not Be Alarmed 
by Communist. Propaganda 

Concerning the efforts of the com- 
munists to convert Negroes to com- 
munism, William Pickens, field sec- 
retary of the National Association 
for the Advancement of Colored 
People, wrote the following, in 1927, 
to The Philadelphia Public Ledger. 

To the editor of The Public Ledger: 

Sir: There are very few Negro Commu- 
nists in the United States. More than a 
tenth part of the American population are 
Negro people, but not even a twentieth part 
perhaps not one-fiftieth of American Com- 
munists are Negroes. And yet, because 
some newspapers have just "discovered" the 
names and addresses of a few of these colored 
Communists, there is a great alarm and cry 
of "Help! Murder! Congress must do some- 
thing about it!" 

The fact is, nothing has been "discovered" 
except to those persons who are very ignorant 
of colored people's affairs. It is well known 
that there are some Negro Communists, and 
the constant wonder is that there are not 
more, considering the status of colored Ameri- 
cans. And it is also known that these Com- 
munists, like all other party politicians, have 
been doing and will doubtless continue to do 
what they can to convert others to their way 
of thinking. But the outstanding fact is, 
that a mucli smaller proportion of Negroes 
than of whites has heeded the call of Com- 
munism, in spite of the relatively much more 
unfavorable situation of the Negro popula- 

It need not be forgotten that similar alarm- 
ing misstatements were made concerning 
"German Propaganda" among American Ne- 
groes during the World War. In order to 
make this Russian menace sound still more 
alarming, some one speaking of Negro stu- 
dents that have gone to be educated in the 
"Eastern University" at Moscow says: 

"From fifty to a hundred of these instru- 
ments of propaganda have been shipped out 
of the United States," etc. 

But this should read this way: Just take 
that minimum figure fifty and take away the 
zero and you have the correct number, five. 
Only five American Negro students, could, 
after a long campaign, be induced to take ad- 
vantage of the Soviet Government's world- 
wide offer for people to come and study un- 
der free scholarships in their university at 
Moscow, but more than 1200 students of other 
colors accepted, white, yellow, eastern and 
western American white people, English 
white people, German white people, French 

white people and many peoples from Asia. 

Only one Negro from Africa accepted. One 
of the five American Negro students died, 
so that the remaining "peril" is: One Afri- 
can, four live American Negroes and one 
dead one. What a menace this is to the 
government and people of these United 
States ! 

The Russian government asked for only 
twelve American Negro students at the time 
and all the hard efforts of American Com- 
munists could find only five that would ac- 

Communist International Resolution 

on Negro Question in United 

States of America 

The Communist International is- 
sued from Moscow on October 26, 
1928, the following resolution on the 
Negro Question in the United States: 

1. The industrialization of the South, the 
concentration of a new Negro working class 
population in the big cities of the East and 
North and the entrance of the Negroes into 
the basic industries on a mass scale, create 
the possibility for the Negro workers, under 
the leadership of the Communist party, to 
assume the hegemony of all Negro liberation 
movements, and to increase their importance 
and role in the revolutionary struggle of the 
American proletariat. 

The Negro working class has reached a 
stage of development which enables it, if 
properly organized and well led, to fulfill suc- 
cessfully its double historical mission: 

(a) To play a considerable role in the- 
class struggle against American imperialism 
as an important part of the American work- 
ing class; and 

(b) To lead the movement of the op- 
pressed masses of the Negro population. 

2. The bulk of the Negro population 
(86 per cent) live in the southern states; of 
this number 74 per cent live in the rural dis- 
tricts and are dependent almost exclusively up- 
on agriculture for a livelihood. Approximately, 
one-half of these rural dwellers live in the 
so-called "Black Belt," in which area they 
constitute more than So per cent of the en- 
tire population. The great mass of the Ne- 
gro agrarian population are subject to the 
most ruthless exploitation and persecution of 
a semi-slave character. In addition to the 
ordinary forms of capitalist exploitation, 
American imperialism utilizes every possible 
form of slave exploitation (peonage, share- 
cropping, landlord supervision of crops and 
marketing, etc.) for the purpose of extract- 
ing super-profits. On the basis of these slave 
remnants, there has grown up a super-struc- 
ture of social and political inequality that 
expresses itself in lynching, segregation, Jim 
Crowism, etc. 


3. The various forms of oppression of the 
Negro masses, who are concentrated mainly 
in the so-called "Black Belt," provide the 
necessary conditions for a national revolu- 
tionary movement among the Negroes. The 
Negro agricultural laborers and the tenant 
farmers feel most the pressure of white per- 
secution and exploitation. Thus, the agra- 
rian problem lies at the root of the Negro 
national movement. The great majority of 
Negroes in the rural districts of the South 
are not "reserves of capitalist reaction," but 
potential allies of the revolutionary proleta- 
riat. Their objective position faciliates their 
transformation into a revolutionary force, 



which, under the leadership of the proletariat, 
will be able to participate in the joint strug- 
gle with all other workers against capitalist 

4- It is the duty of the Negro workers to 
organize through the mobilization of the 
broad masses of the Negro population the 
struggle of the agricultural laborers and 
tenant farmers against all forms of semi- 
feudal oppression. On the other hand, it is 
the duty of the Communist party of the 
United States of America to mobilize and 
rally the broad masses of the white workers 
for active participation in this struggle. For 
that reason the party must consider the be- 
ginning of systematic work in the South as 
one of its main tasks, having regard for the 
fact that the bringing together of the work- 
ers and toiling masses of all nationalities for 
a joint struggle ' against the landowners and 
the burgeoisie is one of the most important 
aims of the Communist International, as laid 
down in the resolutions on the national and 
colonial question of the Second and Sixth 
Congresses of the Comintern. 

5. To accomplish this task, the Communist 
party must come out as the champion of the 
right of the oppressed Negro race for full 
emancipation. While continuing and intensi- 
fying the struggle under the slogan of full 
social and political equality for the Negroes, 
which must remain the central s!6gan of our 
party for work among the masses, the party 
must come out openly and unreservedly for 
the right of the Negroes to national self-de- 

termination in the southern states, where the 
Negroes form a majority of the population. 
The struggle for equal rights and the propa- 
ganda for the slogan of self-determination 
must be linked up with the economic demands 
of the Negro masses, especially those directed 
against the slave remnants and all forms of 
national and racial oppression. Special stress 
must be laid upon organizing active resis- 
tance against lynching, "Jim Crowism," seg- 
regation and all other forms of oppression of 
the Negro population. 

6. All work among the Negroes, as well as 
the struggle for the Negro cause among the 
whites, must be used, based upon the changes 
which have taken place in the relationship 
of classes among the Negro population. The 
existence of a Negro industrial proletariat of 
almost two million workers makes it impera- 
tive that the main emphasis should be placed 
on these new proletarian forces. The Negro 
workers must be organized under the leader- 
ship of the Communist party, and thrown in- 
to joint struggle' with the white workers. The 
party must learn to combine all demands of 
the Negroes with the economic and political 
struggle of the workers and the poor farmers. 


7. The Negro question in the United States 
must be treated in its relation to the Negro 
questions and struggles in other parts of the 
world. The Negro race everywhere is an op- 
pressed race. Whether it is a minority (U. 
S. A., etc.), majority (South Africa) or in- 
habits a so-called independent state (Liberia, 
etc.), the Negroes are oppressed by imperial- 
ism. Thus, a common tie of interest is es- 
tablished for the revolutionary struggle of 
race and national liberation from imperialist 
domination of the Negroes in various parts 
of the world. A strong Negro revolutionary 
movement in the United States of America 
will be to influence and direct the revolu- 
tionary movement in all those parts of the 

world where the Negroes are oppressed by 

8. The proletarianization of the Negro 
masses makes the trade unions the principal 
form of mass organization. It is the primary 
task of the party to play an active part and 
lead in the work of organizing the Negro 
workers and agricultural laborers in trade 
unions. Owing to the refusal of the majori- 
ty of the white unions in the United States 
of America, led by the reactionary leaders, 
to admit Negroes to membership, steps must 
be immediately taken to set up special unions 
for those Negro workers who are not allowed 
to join the white unions. At the same time, 
however, the struggles for the inclusion of 
Negro workers in the existing unions must 
be intensified and concentrated upon, special 
attention must be given to those unions in 
which the statutes and rules set up special 
limitations against the admission of Negro 
workers. The Primary duty of the Communist 
party in this connection is to wage a merci- 
less struggle against the American Federation 
of Labor bureaucracy, which prevents the Ne- 
gro workers from joining the white workers' 
unions. The organization of special trade 
unions for the Negro masses must be carried 
out as part and parcel of the struggle against 
the restrictions imposed upon the Negro work- 
er and for their admission to the white work- 
ers unions. The creation of separate Negro 
unions should in no way weaken the struggle 
in the old unions for the admission of Ne- 
groes on equal terms. Every effort must be 
made to see that all the new unions organ- 
ized by the left wing and by the Communist 
party should embrace the workers of all nation- 
alities and of all races. The principle of 
one union for all workers in each industry, 
white and black, should cease to be a mere 
slogan of propaganda, and must become a 
slogan of action. 


9. While organizing the Negroes into unions 
and conducting an aggressive struggle against 
the anti-Negro trade union policy of the 
American Federation of Labor, the party 
must pay more attention than it has hitherto 
done to the work in the Negro workers' organ- 
izations, such as the Brotherhood of Sleep- 
ing Car Porters, Chicago Asphalt Workers' 
Union, and so on. The existence of two 
million Negro workers and the further in- 
dustrialization of the Negroes demand a radi- 
cal change in the work of the party among 
the Negroes. The creation of working class 
organizations and the extension of our influ- 
ence in the existing working class Negro organ- 
izations, are of much greater importance 
than the work in bourgeois and petty-bour- 
geois organizations, such as the National As- 
sociation for the Advancement of Colored 
People, the Pan-African Congress, etc. 

10. The American Negro Labor Congress 
continues to exist only nominally. Every 
effort should be made to strengthen this 
organization as a medium through which we 
can extend the work of the party among the 
Negro masses and mobilize the Negro work- 
ers under our leadership. After careful pre- 
paratory work, which must be started at once, 
another convention of the American Negro, 
Labor Congress should be held. A concrete 
plan must also be presented to the congress 
for an intensified struggle for the economic, 
social, political and national demands of the 
Negro masses. The program of the Ameri- 
can Negro Labor Congress must deal special- 
ly with the agrarian demands of the Negro 
farmers and tenants in the South. 

n. The importance of trade union work 


imposes special tasks upon the Trade Union 
Educational League. The Trade Union Edu 
cational League has completely neglected the 
work among the Negro workers, notwithstand 
ing the fact that these workers are objective 
ly in a position to play a very great part ir 
carrying through the program of organizing 
the unorganized. The closest contact mus' 
be established between the Trade Union Edu 
cational League and the Negro masses. The 
Trade Union Educational League must be 
come the champion in the struggle for the 
rights of the Negroes in the old unions, anc 
in the organizing of new unions for both Ne 
groes and whites, as well as separate Negro 


12. The C. E- C. of the American Com- 
munist party itself stated in its resolution of 
April 3o, 1928, that the party as a whole ha 
not sufficiently realized the significance of 
work among the "Negroes." Such an atti- 
tude toward the party work among the Ne- 
groes is, however, not satisfactory. The time 
is ripe to begin within the party a courageous 
campaign of self-criticism concerning the 
work among the Negroes. Penetrating self- 
criticism is the necessary preliminary condition 
for directing the Negro work along new lines. 

1 3. The party must bear in mind that white 
chauvinism, which is the expression of the 
ideological influence of American imperialism 
among the workers, not only prevails among 
different strata of the white workers in the 
Wnited States of America, but is even reflected 
in various forms in the party itself. White 
chauvinism has manifested itself even in 
open antagonism of some comrades to the 
Negro comrades. In some instances where 
Communists were called upon to champion 
and to lead in the most vigorous manner the 
fight against white chauvinism, they instead 
yielded to it. In Gary, white members of the 
Workers party protested against Negroes eat- 
ing in the restaurant controlled by the party. 
In Detroit, party members, yielding to pres- 
sure, drove out Negro comrades from a social 
given in aid of the miners on strike. Whilst 
the party has taken certain measures against 
these manifestations of white chauvinism, 
nevertheless those manifestations must be 
regarded as indications of race prejudice even 
in the ranks of the party, which must be fought 
with the utmost energy. 

14. An aggressive fight against all forms 
of white chauvinism must be accompanied 
by a -widespread and thorough educational 
campaign in the spirit of internationalism 
within the party, utilizing for this purpose to 
the fullest possible extent the party schools, 
the party press and the public platform, to 
stamp out all forms of antagonism, or even 
indifference among our white comrades toward 
the Negro work. This educational work 
should be conducted simultaneously with a 
campaign to draw the white workers and the 
poor farmers into the struggle for the sup- 
port of the demands of the Negro workers. 

15. The Communist party of the United 
States of America in its treatment of the 
Negro question must all the time bear in 
mind this two-fold task: 

(a) To fight for the full rights of the 
oppressed Negroes and for their right to 
self-determination and against all forms of 
chauvinism, especially among the workers 
ol the oppressing nationality. 

(b) The propaganda and the day-to-day 
practice of international class solidarity 
must be considered as one of the basic 

tasks of the American Communist party. 
The fight by propaganda and by deeds 
should be directed first and foremost against 
the chauvinism of the workers of the op- 
pressing nationality as well as against bour- 
geois segregation tendencies of the oppressed 
nationality. The propaganda of international 
class solidarity is the necessary prerequisite 
for the unity of the working class in the 

The center of gravity in educating the 
workers of the oppressing countries in the 
principles of internationalism must inevitably 
consist in the propaganda and defense by 
these workers of the right of segregation by 
the oppressed countries. We have the right 
and duty to treat every socialist of an op- 
pressing nation, who does not conduct such 
propaganda, as an imperialist and as a scoun- 
drel. (Lenin, selected articles on the national 

1 6. The party must seriously take up the 
task of training a cadre of Negro comrades 
as leaders, bring them into the party schools 
in the United States of America, and abroad, 
and make every effort to draw Negro prole- 
tarians into active and leading work in the 
party not confining the activities of the Negro 
comrades exclusively to the work among Ne- 
groes. Simultaneously, white workers must 
specially be trained for work among the Ne- 

17. Efforts must be made to transform the 
"Negro Champion" into a weekly mass organ 
of the Negro proletariat and tenant farmers. 
Every encouragement and inducement must be 
given to the Negro comrades to utilize the 
party press generally. 


1 8. The party must link up the struggle on 
behalf of the Negroes with the general cam- 
paigns of the party. The Negro problem 
must be part and parcel of all and every 
campaign conducted by the party. In the 
election campaigns, trade union work, the 
campaigns for the organization of the unor- 
ganized, anti-imperialist work, labor party 
campaign, International Labor Defense, etc., 
the central executive committee must work 
out plans designed to draw the Negroes into 
active participation in all these campaigns, and 
at the same time to bring the white workers 
into the struggle on behalf of the Negroes' 
demands. It must be borne in mind that 
the Negro masses will not be won for the 
revolutionary struggles until such time as the 
most conscious section of the white workers 
show, by action, that they are fighting with 
the Negroes against all racial discrimination 
and persecution. Every member of the party 
must bear in mind that "The age-long op- 
pression of the colonial and weak nationali- 
ties by the imperialist powers, has given rise 
to a feeling of bitterness among the masses 
of the enslaved countries as well as a feel- 
ing of distrust toward the oppressing nations 
in general and toward the proletariat of those 
nations." (See resolution on Colonial and 
National Question of Second Congress.) 

19. The Negro women in industry and on 
the farms constitute a powerful potential 
force in the struggle for Negro emancipation. 
By reason of being unorganized to an even 
greater extent than male Negro workers, they 
are the most exploited section. The American 
Federation of Labor bureaucracy naturally 
exercises toward them a double hostility, 
by reason of both their color and sex. It 
therefore, becomes an important task of the 
party to bring the Negro women into the 
economic and political struggle. 



20. Only by an active and strenuous fight 
on the part of the white workers against all 
forms of oppression directed against the Ne- 
groes, will the party be able to draw into its 
ranks the most active and conscious Negro 
workers men and women to increase its in- 
fluence in those intermediary organizations 
which are necessary for the mobilization of 
the Negro masses in the struggle against seg- 
regation, lynching, Jim Crowism, etc. 

21. In the present struggle in the mining 
industry, the Negro workers participate ac- 
tively and in large numbers. The leading 
role the party played in this struggle has 
helped greatly to increase its prestige. Never- 
theless, the special efforts being made by the 
party in the work among the Negro strikers 
cannot be considered as adequate. The party 
did not send enough Negro organizers into 
the coal fields, and it did not sufficiently at- 
tempt, in the first stages of the fight, to de- 
velop the most able Negro strikers and to 
place them in leading positions. The party 
must be especially criticized for its failure 
to put Negro workers on the presidium of 
the Pittsburgh Miners' Conference, doing so 
only after such representation was demanded 
by the Negroes themselves. 

22. In the work among the Negroes, special 
attention should be paid to the role played 
by the churches and preachers who are acting 
on behalf of American imperialism. The par- 
ty must conduct a continuous and carefully 
worked out campaign among the Negro 
masses, sharpened primarily against the 
preachers and the churchmen, who are the 
agents of the oppressors of the Negro race. 


3. The party must apply united front tac- 
tics for specific demands to the existing Ne- 
gro petty bourgeois organizations. The pur- 
pose of these united tactics should be the 
mobilizing of the Negro masses under the 
leadership of the party, and to expose the 
treacherous petty bourgeois leadership of 
these organizations. 

24. The Negro Miners Relief Committee 
and the Harlem Tenants League are examples 
of joint organizations of action which may 
serve as a means of drawing the Negro 
masses into the struggle. In every case the 
utmost effort must be made to combine the 
struggle of the Negro workers with the strug- 
gle of the white workers, and to draw the 
white workers' organizations into such joint 

25. In order to reach the bulk of the Negro 
masses, special attention should be paid to 
the work among the Negroes in the South. 
For that purpose, the party should establish 
a district organization in the most suitable 
locality in the South. Whilst continuing trade 
union work among the Negro workers and 
the agricultural laborers, special organizations 
of tenant farmers must be set up. Special 
efforts must also be made to secure the sup- 
port of the share croppers in the creation of 
such organizations. The party must under- 
take the task of working out a definite pro- 
gram of immediate demands, directed against 
all slave remnants, which will serve as the 
rallying slogans for the formation of such 
peasant organizations. 

Henceforth the Workers (Communist) party 
must consider the struggle on behalf of the 
Negro masses, the task of organizing the Ne- 
gro workers and peasants and the drawing 
of these oppressed masses into the proletarian 
revolutionary struggle, as one of its major 
tasks, remembering^ in the words of the 
Second Congress resolution, that "the victory 

over capitalism cannot be fully achieved and 
carried to its ultimate goal unless the prole- 
tariat and the toiling masses of all nations of 
the world rally of their own accord in a con- 
cordant and close union." (Political Secre- 
tariat, Communist International, Moscow, U. 
S. S. R., October 26, 1928). 

Communist Party Makes Estimate of 
Its Activities Among Negroes 

In December, 1928, the Communist 
party issued the following estimate 
of its activities among Negroes in 
the United States: 

In the main, the party cannot be satisfied 
with its work among the Negroes. But since 
the last convention and especially since the 
criticism of the party by the sixth Commu- 
nist International Congress, some headway 
has been made in the party's Negro work: 
The establishment of the Negro department; 
full time Negro organizers in a number of 
districts; the regular appearance of Ne- 
gro comrades in the election campaign; con- 
tacts established with Negro workers especially 
in the South; energetic fight against white 

A number of serious errors has been made 
in our Negro work: Insufficient leadership by 
the central executive committee; underestima- 
tion of the Negro work; white chauvinism in 
the ranks of the party, especially in the South; 
surrender to white chauvinism in Detroit 
(Gietz); weakness of party membership among 
the Negroes and weak Communist cadre arra 
insufficient proletarian Negro forces attracted 
to our party; an un-Communist attitude to- 
wards the church among some of the leading 
Negro comrades. (Moore) 

A decisive turn in the policies of the par- 
ty towards the Negro work is necessary. 

1. The attitude of underestimating the Ne- 
gro work must be combatted vigorously, the 
work among the Negroes is not to be consid- 
ered as a special task of the Negro comrades 
but it is the task of the entire party. The 
party must appear as the unhesitatingly ener- 
getic champion of the oppressed Negro race. 

2. The industrialization of the South, the 
concentration of a huge Negro population in 
the big cities, the creation of a Negro indus- 
trial proletariat in the basic industries on a 
mass scale, makes the organization of the 
Negro workers who are overwhelmingly un- 
organized and constitute a large section of 
the unorganized masses, one of our basic 
tasks of the party. 

3. The party must establish a base among 
the Negro tenant farmers, share croppers, and 
agricultural workers, in the South, forming 
organizations of these significant sections of 
the Negro population. 

4. A merciless struggle shall be conducted 
against all remnants of white chauvinism in 
our party ranks as well as in the ranks of 
the working class as a whole. 

5. The maximum effort should be made to- 
ward developing an effective Communist party 
cadre among the Negro workers; increased 
emphasis should be placed on drawing prole- 
tarian forces into the party. 

6. While maintaining as its central slogan 
the struggle for the full racial, social, politi- 
cal equality of the Negro race, the party 
must take every necessary idealogical mea- 
sure to give the membership an adequate un- 
derstanding of the basis of the Comintern 
decision on the question of national self-de- 
termination of the Negroes, and the party as 
a whole must come out as the advocate of 
this slogan. 



7. The party must fight for the leadership 
by the Negro proletariat of all race move- 

Communist Program for Organizing 
Work Among Negroes 

A program for organizing work 
among Negroes in the United States 
was outlined in a resolution unani- 
mously adopted in 1929 at the Trade 
Union Unity League convention in 
Cleveland. It states: 

The Trade Union Unity League must be- 
come the champion of the struggle for the 
rights of the Negroes in the old unions, and 
in the organizing of new unions for both 
Negroes and whites, as well as separate Ne- 
gro unions, in industries controlled by the 
revolutionary unions and in which we have 
no new militant union. The organization of 
special trade unions for the Negro workers 
in these industries must be carried out as 
part and parcel of the struggle against the 
restriction imposed upon the Negro workers 
and for their admission to the white workers' 

The creation of separate unions should in 
no way weaken the struggle in the Trade 
Union Unity League, through its contracts in 
the old unions and by all possible means out- 
side of these unions must wage a merciless 
struggle against the American Federation of 
Labor bureaucracy whioh prevents the Negro 
workers from joining the white workers' 
unions. In all locals of the reformist unions 
in which the influence of the left wing is 
strong, Negroes shall be admitted in direct 
violation of American Federation of Labor 

Into the South 

The resolution points out that the 
main field of organization work 
among Negroes is in the South, where 
increasingly rapid industrialization 
is bringing them to the factories, 
mines and mills. 

A fight on race prejudice is pro- 
posed, with special Negro literature 
to be issued from the T. U. U. L. 
national office full representation on 
all T. U. U. L. committees, and a 
constant linking together of the Ne- 
gro and white workers in militant 
campaigns for immediate demands 
through strike action. 

Factors that make for the success 
of organizers among the Negroes are 
the rising resentment of Negro work- 
ing masses against the attacks upon 
them by bourgeoisie, land owners, 
the American Federation of Labor, 
the campaign on wage cuts, speed-up, 
the mechanization of agriculture, and 
the growing war danger. 
The Issue of Communism and the 
Issue of Race 

1929 witnessed a series of strikes 
in the textile mills of Tennessee, 
North Carolina and South Carolina, 

in which both the American Federa- 
tion of Labor and the Communists 
were involved. 

William Z. Foster, secretary of 
the Trades Union Unity League and 
a director of the Communist program 
for organizing southern industries, 
said that while the organization did 
not consider race equality as the 
most important part of its program 
it would take an uncompromising 
stand for full social, political and 
racial equality of the Negro. He de- 
clared that race equality is part of 
the revolutionary program and that 
it is ultimately inevitable under any 
circumstances. He elaborated his 
meaning by the following compari- 

"The Negro is now in the situation 
that the Jew was in Russia before 
the Russian revolution. The Jew 
was oppressed, slain by thousands in 
pogroms, regarded everywhere as an 
inferior race. Today the Jew has 
gained full social equality in Russia, 
and the old theory of race inequality 
has disappeared like a myth. We be- 
lieve that the same thing will hap- 
pen in the South for the Negro. 

"Where white men and black men 
work together, we will organize them 
together. That is the first and most 
important step toward racial equali- 
ty. The employer now plays one 
race against another. The white and 
black workers must stand together 
or the one will be used against the 

The Nation, New York City, in 
discussing the unionizing of textile 
workers by Communists in mill dis- 
tricts in North Carolina, said in its 
issue of April 24, 1929: 

Behind this issue of Communism in this 
strike is the issue of race. The National 
Textile Workers Union believes in admitting 
Negroes and whites upon the same basis, and 
in a few instances Negroes have joined the 
union. The instant that the manufacturers 
discovered this union policy in respect to Ne- 
gro workers, a new attack was begun in the 
press. Hand bills were distributed reading: 
"You believe in White Supremacy?" 

The strikers themselves remain wholly un- 
converted to the ideal of race equality. They 
were eloquent and emphatic. "The nigguhs 
can join the union if they want to," said one 
of them, "but they cayn't meet under the 
same roof with us. No, suh ! Not in the 
same room. Not in the same room at the 
mill neither. Anyways I ain't seen a nigguh's 
name on the books of this union yet. The 
Nothun folks cayn't tell us how to run the 
nigguh's; we know how to do that our- 

On the other side of the strike the deter- 
mination is just as strong to maintain white 



, 1 AS //"i lh f e u Negr ? strikers > there are only 
a handful of them because so small a propor- 
tion of the mill workers are colored 

^, Dr - Will W. Alexander, director of 
the Commission on Interracial Co- 
operation, in an article in the April 
1930 issue of Opportunity, A Jour- 
nal of Negro Life, on "Negroes and 
Organized Labor in the South" dis- 
cusses this aspect of the campaign 
to ^organize the South. 

"The American Federation of 
Labor faces many difficulties in its 
present effort to organize southern 
factory workers. Not the least of 
these is the presence of large num- 
bers of Negro workers who must be 
taken into consideration in anything 
affecting southern labor. The national 
federation has fine paper policies 
to which they are sincerely com- 
mitted. There is no doubt that the 
national leaders are quite in sympa- 
thy with these oft-stated purposes to 
include all workers in the organiza- 
tion, irrespective of races." Dr. 
Alexander outlines the handicaps to 
including Negroes in the organiza- 
tion in the South as follows: (1) The 
handicap of traditional fear and 
prejudice going back to the monopo- 
ly of skilled trades by slaves during 
slavery. (2) Southern white work- 
ers are individualists and when out- 
siders from the North suggest includ- 
ing Negroes in unions suspicion will 
arise among them. 
The American Federation of Labor 

and the Negro 

So important was the movement 
towards organization in the South 
that the American Federation of 
Labor at its annual convention in 
Toronto, Canada, was forced to de- 
clare itself in regard to its part in 
this first important struggle of labor 
in the South. The federation adopted 
as the most important plank in its 
new program "to unionize the South." 
Although the Negro occupies a rather 
small place in the textile industry 
on which the federation plans to lay 
great emphasis, the .question arose 
both in the North and the South as 
to what the American Federation of 
Labor intended to do with the Ne- 
gro worker. 

William Green, president of the 
American Federation of Labor, in a 
statement to the Negro press in 
answer to the question of the atti- 
tude of the American Federation of 
Labor toward Negro workers, said: 
"There are within the United 

States wage earners of many nation- 
alities and races. The ideals for 
which our republic stands require 
that all these wage earners shall be 
accorded equal opportunities for self- 
development and progress. Keenly 
conscious of these self-evident facts, 
the American Federation of Labor 
in convention assembled in 1890 de- 
clared that the 'American Federation 
of Labor looks with disfavor upon 
trade unions having provisions in 
their constitutions excluding from 
membership persons on account of 
race and color and requests they be 

"Again in 1893 the convention pro- 

" 'Resolved, that we here and now 
reaffirm as one of the cardinal prin- 
ciples of the labor movement that 
the working people must unite and 
organize irrespective of creed, color, 
sex, nationality and politics.' 

"The standards established by the 
foremost ranks of workers cannot 
progress further than they can re- 
sist the downward pull of the back- 
ward ranks. The backward ranks 
have been recent immigrants and 
those racial groups within our coun- 
try whose standards are below ours. 
The American Negroes have been in 
this class. 

"The Negro wage earners of the 
United States have made great 
strides under tremendous handicaps 
for historical causes over which they 
were not equipped to compete. Yet 
Negro workers have proved their 
ability to make a contribution to the 
world's work and to achieve posi- 
tions of responsibility and service. 

"As Negro workers have increas- 
ingly found their way into the in- 
dustrial field they have come more 
or less directly into competition with 
white wage earners. That competi- 
tion works against the best interests 
of both groups. It vanishes only 
when the Negro workers raise their 
standards of life and work. This 
can be done only through organiza- 
tion, directly or indirectly. 

"The pioneers of the organized 
labor movement were very conscious 
of this when they drafted into the 
constitution of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor the following provision: 
"Separate charters may be issued 
to central labor unions, local unions, 
or federal labor unions, composed 
exclusively of colored members, 


where in the judgment of the execu- 
tive council, it appears advisable and 
to the best interest of the trade 
union movement to do so! 

"In the obligation given to wage 
earners who join local unions hold- 
ing charters of affiliation from the 
American Federation of Labor, they 
are required to declare 'never to dis- 
criminate against a fellow worker 
on account of creed, color or nation- 

"There are 105 national and inter- 
national unions affiliated with the 
American Federation of Labor repre- 
senting the principal trades and call- 
ings in the industrial field. At least 
100 of these unions admit colored 
workers to membership. Where this 
is not done the American Federation 
of Labor issues certificates of affilia- 
tion direct. 

"Many Negro workers have as- 
sumed the responsibility of industrial 
workers and have joined the unions 
of their trades. However, as the 
national and international unions are 
organized upon the basis of compe- 
tency of the workman to meet the 
requirements of trade union obliga- 
tions and not the nationality of the 
applicant, it would be difficult to as- 
certain the exact number of colored 
workers now holding membership in 
the national and international unions 
of their trades and callings. 

"There are now chartered direct 
by the American Federation of Labor 
twenty-two local unions of colored 
workers and five central labor unions 
whose component local unions have 
a membership entirely colored. 

"The forces of industry operate 
impersonally irrespective of race, 
religion or prejudice of any nature. 
If those forces are to be controlled 
and directed to conserve the best in- 
terest of those employed in produc- 
tion, there must be cooperation and 
joint counsel irrespective of any con- 
sideration but the welfare of the 
group determined on a functional 

"It is my most earnest hope that 
Negro wage earners will not allow 
themselves to be lured from princi- 
ples and practices that make for 
substantial and practical progress. 
With them as well as with all man- 
kind, their hope for progress lies in 
education. They should guard their 
educational agencies against propa- 
ganda of special interests. Freedom j 

of learning is the heart of all real 
freedom; for if the mind is in bond- 
age then are we hopelessly lost. 

"The American Federation of 
Labor stands ready to give to the 
Negro workers the protection of an 
organized movement. Many have al- 
ready joined, but many more are still 
on the outside. Our organization has 
demonstrated its practical value. The 
struggle is not easy but the Negro 
workers owe it to themselves and to 
us to join in the movement for the 
advancement of common interests." 

The Norfolk Journal and Guide 
commented on President Green's 
statement as follows: 

"Though the American Federation 
of Labor as early as 1890 went on 
record as looking with disfavor upon 
trade unions excluding persons from 
membership on account of race and 
color, this expression of policy dur- 
ing the intervening years has been 
practically a dead letter. Only in the 
late years since the World War has 
the federation begun to sense with 
more concern the ever-present threat 
to its own best interest of the non- 
unionized- colored laborer. 

"Of course, the test of whether 
colored and white workers can be 
brought together in any organized 
labor movement lies in the ability 
of the capitalist and exploiter of both, 
to play successfully upon the racial 
prejudices of the white workers. The 
one unfailing cue of the capitalist 
when he fears that the solidarity of 
white and colored workers would 
defeat his purpose of exploitation of 
both or either, is to hold up before 
the credulous whites so unreal a 
thing as 'social equality.' " Comment- 
ing on this editorial The Daily Index 
Journal of Greenwood, South Caro- 
lina, said: "It is a mighty dumb 
people who cannot see that the very 
first requisite to human existence is 
the right and capacity to earn suf- 
ficient upon which to live. Such 
trifles as with whom to associate and 
not to marry, can be attended to 
after the all important question of 
assuring one's self a living has been 
threshed out." 

Congressional Investigation of Com- 
munist Activities 

During the summer of 1930 there 
was considerable agitation relative 
to the activities of the Reds (Com- 
munists) in the United States. Pub- 
lic attention was especially called to 



this matter by the proceedings of a 
congressional committee appointed 
to look into this alleged activity. 
The testimony before the committee 
brought out conflicting views with 
reference to the number of Commu- 
nists in the United States which was 
estimated to be from 15,000 to 100,- 
000. There was the same diversity 
of opinion with reference to the num- 
ber of Negro Communists. The num- 
ber as given varied from 238 to 738. 
N. E. Hewitt, statistician of the 
American Intelligence Vigilantes' 
Association, gave the following esti- 
mate: Negro Communists 238; num- 
ber in the American Labor Congress, 
1100; number in the Harlem Red 
League, 900; number in other groups 
in the country, 2000. 

Fred R. Moore, Negro alderman 
from Harlem, (New York City) and 
A. Phillip Randolph, president of 
the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car 
Porters, in their testimony before 
the congressional committee held 
that it was not probable that Com- 
munism would obtain a strong foot- 
hold among Negroes. 

Kelly Miller, professor of sociolo- 
gy at Howard University in a letter 
to The New York Herald-Tribune 
under date of July 9, 1930 and with 
the title, "Will the Negro Turn 
Red?" said: 

"The Red Russian regime is fran- 
tically trying to precipitate a world- 
wide movement of revolt. It seeks 
to spread its propaganda among the 
dissatisfied and dispossessed elements 
throughout the world. Without a 
knowledge of Negro psychology it 
hopes to sow the seeds of discontent 
in the minds of this docile and com- 
placent race. Seizing upon the mal- 
adjustment of industrial conditions 
in America for the moment, the 
apostles of the Red revolt are urging 
our work folk, temporarily out of 
employment, to join them in the 
risky experiment of the second 'in- 
dustrial revolution.' The working- 
man's extremity becomes their cher- 
ished opportunity. It is of the na- 
ture of all sweeping reforms to ap- 
peal to the weak and heavy laden 
with enticing allurements of their 
newly found panaceas. 

"The appeal of the Russian Reds 
to the American Negro as the man 
farthest down in the social scale is 
inevitable. But such revolutionary 
seed falls upon the mind of the Ne- 

gro as upon stony ground. It is both 
conscience and consciousness which 
make the Negro think rather of the 
ills he has than fly to those he knows 
not of. He would not exchange his 
prospects for betterment under the 
American flag for the vain delusion 
of the Red Russian regime. For, 
whatever promise this novel experi- 
ment in social order may hold for 
the Russian people on their own 
heath, it can hold out no hope for 
the Negro, alien in culture and race. 
According to the July issue of 'The 
Forum,' there is no assurance against 
the recurrence of a pogrom against 
the Jews, although the Soviet rulers, 
for prudential reasons, seem desper- 
ately determined to hold the anti- 
Semitic sentiment in restraint. Even 
Karl Marx, the father of the Com- 
munist cult, predicated its success 
only in a racially homogeneous com- 
munity. . 

"The leaders of the Soviet experi- 
ment are graciously and generously 
considerate toward a half handful of 
American Negro intelligentsia who 
have visited that country. Their re- 
ception and treatment have been so 
different from what they have been 
accustomed to at the hands of Ameri- 
can authorities that they have mis- 
taken a temporary courtesy to so- 
journers for a broader racial policy. 
Even though, in the exuberance of 
their enthusiasm for their newly em- 
braced cult, they may declare that 
it recognizes no distinction of race, 
yet we know that this is a part of 
the propaganda of every new evan- 
gel. Note the high-sounding declara- 
tion of Christianity about the brother- 
hood of man; but alas! note also how 
far short it falls when pressed for 
concrete fulfillment. 

"Among Negroes, as among whites, 
there may be found here and there 
a few restless, dissatisfied, irrespon- 
sible spirits who are ever ready to 
join any indictment against existing 
order. These are so insignificant in 
their influence and effect upon the 
mass thought and feeling that their 
importance is magnified only by pub- 
lic mention." 

On July 21, 1930, three members 
of the congressional investigating 
committee, Representatives John E. 
Nelson of Maine; Robert S. Hall of 
Mississippi; Edward Eslick of Ten- 
nessee, visited two Communist sum- 
mer camps near Newburgh, New 


York. The account of this visit as 
it appeared in The New York Times 
of July 22, 1930, is of interest. 

"At both Camp Nitgedaiget, which 
means 'Don't Worry,' and at Camp 
Unity, the members of the commit- 
tee were met with boos, jeers, cat- 
calls and denunciation as hundred 
of Communists staged what they 
termed 'protest demonstrations' 
against the 'Fascist fishing expedi- 

"The party descended a winding 
road to the mess hall, and there, on 
a meadow with an improvised plat- 
form, pandemonium broke loose from 
about 300 Communists in all styles 
of bathing attire. Many of them 
wore only short trunks. 

"Jack Perilla, who is state cam- 
paign manager for the Communist 
party, charged that 'the investigation 
of the committee was begun because 
they are preparing an offensive 
against the working class.' 

" 'An * attempt is being made to 
suppress the Communist party and 
the revolutionary trade unions, be- 
cause the workers are rallying to 
their standards more than ever before.' 
" 'I want the two gentlemen from 
the South, in particular, to listen to 
this, the gentlemen from Mississippi 
and Tennessee, where workers are 
starved to death in the mills.' 

" 'The Communist party is the on- 
ly party that fights against the be- 
trayers of the working class, the Re- 
publican party, the Democratic par- 
ty and the Socialist party,' Perilla 
continued. 'This investigation is all 
part of the capitalist conspiracy 
against the Soviet Union, the work- 
ers' only fatherland. The Soviet 
Union is the fatherland of all the 
workers, their beacon light and hope 
and salvation. 

" 'If you make war on the Soviet 
Union, we will give our answer to 
you by civil war against capitalism. 
Your committee has proposed the 
suppression of the Communist party. 
You want to have us outlawed. - All 
you will accomplish will be to get 
the workers stronger than ever be- 
hind the Communist party.' 

"After loud cheers for the Soviet 
Union and the Communist party, 
Perilla introduced Richard B. Moore, 
a Negro, Communist candidate for 
state senator, for whom the commit- 
tee had been looking in an effort to 

get him to testify at its hearing. 

"The gentlemen from the South 
may be hurt to know that there are 
no lynchings or pogroms in Soviet 
Russia," said Perilla, introducing 
Moore, 'Down with lynching; down 
with Jim Crowism,' yelled the Com- 
munists, as Moore, also in bathing 
trunks, took the floor. 

" 'Well, we have important visitors 
today,' Moore began, as he tried to 
catch the eyes of the two represen- 
tatives from the South. 'You work- 
ers gathered here should understand 
the importance of this visit. This 
congressional investigation is an ex- 
pression of the development in the 
United States of a Fascist govern- 
ment of repression against the work- 
ing class. All this talk of democracy 
is a joke. Democracy in this country 
is but a brutal capitalistic dictator- 
ship. There are 8,000,000 starving, 
unemployed workers in the United 
States. You don't see this commit- 
tee investigating that, but you see 
them investigating the militant organ- 
ization of the working class, which 
fights against unemployment, lynch- 
ing and repression. The Communist 
party in the United States is the only 
party which represents the interests 
of the toiling and oppressed workers. 
We don't care about your investi- 
gation.' " 

William Pickens in a syndicated 
article for The Associated Negro 
Press for the week of August 8, 
1930, says facetiously: "We. note 
with more amusement than alarm 
that the Hamilton Fish Committee 
of Congress investigating Commu- 
nism in the United States has 'dis- 
covered': (a) That there are Commu- 
nist children in the high schools of 
Chicago, and (b) that Communist 
propaganda is actually being spread 
among Negroes. 

"We ask: (a) Have not the chil- 
dren of Communists the same rights 
in American schools as have the off- 
springs of Republicans, Democrats 
and Hoovercrats ? 

"(b) If there is Communist propa- 
ganda is it any more dangerous for 
it to be spread among Negroes than 
among Caucasians. Are Negroes 
more 'dangerous' in America than 
are the white people? Since when? 
If Negroes are not more susceptible 
to radical political doctrines than are 
white persons, then why single out 
or mention the Negro's connection 



with the propaganda at all? If any 
kind of propaganda is being spread 
around, naturally it will not alto- 
gether miss a whole special tenth of 
the population. Up to now no one 
has even dared to say that the Ne- 
gro has attained his proportionate 
share in Communism, or in any of 
the other political 'isms' except Re- 
publicanism; and it is our assertion 
that he has more than his numerical 
proportion in Republicanism not in 
the leadership but in the dumb fel- 
lowship. It is our belief that it will 
be best for the Negro to hold his 
own in all 'isms.' Then, since he is 
so far behind in Communism, why 
bring that up? 

"We have a suspicion that the 
bosses of the other 'isms' have a 
special fear of the contact of the Ne- 
gro with Communists. Since the Ne- 
gro has always shown a good amount 
of horse-sense, why not let all the 
'isms' present their cases to him and 
let him select and choose ? When 
the Communists preach 'racial equali- 
ty,' let the Republicans and Demo- 
crats and others preach whatever 
they have to preach. Do they be- 
lieve in 'race equality' or do they 
not? If they have faith in whatever 
they do believe in, let them pit it 
openly and fairly against what the 
others say they believe in. 

"We know one thing: the Repub- 
licans and Democrats are dumb to 
be always talking and squawking in 
a way to make the Negro think that 
there . must be something good for 
him in Communism after all." 
Types of Union Relations 

The best sources of information as 
to the number of Negroes in labor 
unions indicate that the number is 
close to 100,000. The chapter "Negro 
Workers and Organized Labor" in the 
volume "American Civilization" under 
the title, "Tynes of Union Relations" 
gives the following illuminating in- 

"Unions Which Exclude Negro 
Workers Twenty-one international 
and national labor organizations ex- 
clude Negro workers by constitution- 
al provision. Eleven of the interna- 
tional unions which are known to 
have exclusion clauses in their con- 
stitutions or rituals have a total 
membership of 436,200 and control a 
field in which are employed a mini- 
mum of 43,858 Negroes." 

*Reid, Ira D., "Negro Membership in Ameri- 
can Labor Unions, pp. 103, 107, 123. 

These unions are: 

Boilermakers, Iron Shipbuilders and Help- 
ers of America, International Brotherhood of; 

Carmen of America, Brotherhood of Rail- 

Clerks, Freight Handlers, Express and Sta- 
tion Employees, Brotherhood of Railway and 

Conductors, Brotherhood of Dining Car; 

Conductors, Order of Sleeping Car; 

Conductors of America, Order of Railway; 

Engineers, Grand International Brotherhood 
of Locomotive; 

Firemen and Enginemen, Brotherhood of 

Machinists, International Association of; 

Mail Association, Railway; 

Masters, Mates and Pilots, National Or- 

Neptune Association; 

Railroad Workers, American Federation of; 

Switchmen's Union of North America; 

Telegraphers, Order of Railroad; 

Telegraphers, Union of America, Commer- 

Train Dispatchers Association, American; 

Trainmen, Brotherhood of Railroad; 

Wire Weavers' Protective Association, Ameri- 

Yardmasters of America, Railroad; 

Yardmasters of North America, Railroad; 

"To this list might be added the 
Blacksmiths and Helpers' Union 
which, though permitting auxiliary 
locals of Negro helpers, insists that 
they shall not be promoted to black- 
smiths; they shall not transfer ex- 
cept to another Negro helpers auxil- 
iary, and that they shall not be ad- 
mitted to shops in which white help- 
ers are now employed. In certain 
agreements drawn between this union 
and employees it is specified that 
'none but white, English-speaking 
helpers are to be employed.' 

"The Brotherhood of Maintenance 
of Way Employees and the National 
Rural Letter Carriers' Association, 
while admitting Negro members, 
specifically bar them from represent- 
ing themselves in conventions or 
holding office. 

"Unions Which Discourage Negro 
Membership There is but small dif- 
ference between this group and the 
next one which, while having nothing 
in its constitution against Negro 
membership yet discourages it, and 
actually succeeds in keeping the 
numbers low. Most outstanding of 
such unions are the Electrical Work- 
ers with 142,000 members and prac- 
tically no Negroes although there 
are at least 1,343 Negro electricians; 
the Sheet Metal Workers with 25,- 
000 members and no known Negroes; 
the Plasterers Union with 30,000 
members and less than 100 Negroes, 
although there are 6,000 Negro plas- 
terers; the Plumbers and Steam Fit- 



ters with 35,000 members, no Ne- 
groes, and a long history of success- 
ful circumventions to avoid Negro 
membership although there are 3,500 
Negro workers in this trade (the 
case of the Negro plumbers in Chi- 
cago who for over six years have 
been attempting to get into the 
unions, is a notable instance of this). 

"There are also the Flint Glass 
Workers with 6,100 members who 
have no law against Negroes, but 
who object to them universally on the 
grounds that the pipe on which glass 
is blown passes from mouth to mouth 
and 'no one would use it after a Ne- 
gro.' The Journeymen Tailors, with 
9,295 members and less than 100 Ne- 
gro members, assert that there are 
few Negro tailors capable of mak- 
ing coat, vest and pants of a suit. 

"Unions Which Do Not Encourage 
Negro Membership A third group of 
unions admit but do not encourgae 
Negro memberships. These include 
the carpenters with 340,000 members 
and only 592 Negro members al- 
though there are 34,217 Negro car- 
penters; the painters with 120,604 
members and only 279 Negroes al- 
though there are 10,600 Negroes in 
the trade. There are numerous other 
organized trades of lesser impor- 

"Another reason for low member- 
ship in the unions of this class is a 
situation for which the unions are 
not wholly responsible. It is the 
blunt fact of experience, testified to 
by scores of skilled Negro workers 
working in independent crafts out- 
side of factories, that when they 
place themselves under union juris- 
diction and cease bargaining individu- 
ally for themselves, all other white 
workers are given preference over 
them both by employers and officials 
who have in their hands the assign- 
ments of jobs. The unions regard 
this, coldly, as the Negro workers' 
'hard luck' and make no effort to do 
anything about it. If the Negro works 
for other than union rates, in order 
to work at all, he is subject to a fine 
or suspension. The net result is vir- 
tually punishment for a sacrifice. 
The attitude of the union is evident 
in the comment of one official that 
'the Negroes expect us to get jobs 
for them.' Where these unions are 
in control and in demand in cities, 
it is extremely difficult for Negro 
workers to get admittance. The total 

membership of the 11 organized 
trades which while admitting, either 
discourage or do not encourage Ne- 
gro membership is 783,959. 

"Unions Admitting Negroes Free- 
ly to Separate Organizations A 
fourth group consists of those unions 
which admit Negroes freely but on- 
ly to separate unions. These include 
the musicians with 125,000 members 
and 3,000 Negroes; the Hotel and 
Restaurant employees, with 38,503 
members of which over 1,000 are Ne- 
groes; the Journeymen Barbers, the 
Laundry Workers, Tobacco Workers, 
United Textile Workers, and Cooks 
and Waiters. 

"Unions Admitting Negroes Free- 
ly to Mixed and Separate Organiza- 
tions There is a fifth group com- 
posed of unions which admit Negroes 
freely to mixed or separate unions. 
In this is included the largest Negro 
membership. They are: The Long- 
shoremen, The Hod Carriers and Com- 
mon Building Laborers, and Tunnel 

"Unions Admitting Negroes to 
Mixed Organizations Only A sixth 
group is made up of those unions 
which admit Negroes only to mixed 
unions. These include the United 
Mine Workers and the Garment 
Workers Unions. In the first union 
discrimination among members and 
locals is discouraged with the threat 
of a fine. In the second, because the 
clothing industry centers about New 
York City and Chicago, and is large- 
ly Jewish and foreign in membership, 
racial sentiment against Negroes is 
not strong. There are probably 11,- 
000 Negroes in these two unions. 

"Independent Negro Unions The 
seventh group is composed of inde- 
pendent Negro unions. Among these 
are the Railroad Men's Independent, 
and Benevolent Association with 
headquarters in Chicago, a protest 
union composed of railroad men 
barred from the regular unions of 
their crafts; The Dining Car Men's 
Association with headquarters in 
Washington, and the Pullman Por- 
ters' Organization just forming. 
These, together, have a membership 
of about 8,000. 

"There is another group, composed 
of unions which are organized in 
lines in which few or no Negroes are 
employed for example, the Pattern 
Makers, Operative Potters, Leather 
Workers, Metal Engravers, Granite 



Cutters, Plate Printers and Dye 
Stampers. Here the lack of skill, the 
lack of opportunity of gaining skill 
through the restrictions imposed both 
by employers who will not hire, and 

union members who will neither in- 
struct nor work with Negro aspir- 
ants for these jobs, are responsible 
for the absence of Negroes." 



Inventions 1925-1930 

Negroes have applied their inven- 
tive talents to a wide range of sub- 
jects. These include agriculture im- 
plements, wood and metal working ma- 
chines, land conveyances on road and 
track, seagoing vessels, chemical com- 
pounds, electricity through all its wide 
range of uses, aeronautics, house fur- 
niture, bric-a-brac, mechanical toys, 
amusement devices, etc. It is estimated 
that Negroes hold patents on some 
4,000 inventions. Among the inven- 
tions on which Negroes secured 
patents during the period 1925-1930 
are the following: 

George W. Carver, consulting chem- 
ist, Tuskegee Institute, holds the fol- 
lowing patents: June 6, 1925, on cos- 
metics from peanuts; June 9, 1925, a 
blanket patent covering several pro- 
cesses for the manufacturing of paints 
and stains from clays, minerals, etc. 
June 14, 1927, improvement in pro- 
ducing paints and stains, including the 
cold water processes. 

J. H. Montgomery, assayer and 
chemist of Los Angeles, is reported 
in 1930 to have perfected an inven- 
tion that embodies the aerodynamical 
system that nature bestowed on the 
eagle, vulture, and albatross a sys- 
tem that requires no flapping of 
wings or artificial power plant to 
sustain flight. The wing is not an 
invention, but merely the application 
of the heretofore unknown principle 
of the bird's flight. 

"It is claimed that the vulture-type 
plane will be superior to present air- 
craft by tripling the lifting power, 
cutting the motor horsepower in half, 
increasing the pay load 150 per cent, 
reducing the landing speed by sixty 
per cent, shortening the take-off 
ninety per cent and decreasing both 
fuel consumption and dead weight." 

The Vortex Wing Company of Los 
Angeles, an $80,000,000 concern is 
promoting Mr. Montgomery's inven- 
tion. It is reported that the model 
for this type of plane is insured by 
the Vortex Wing Company for $15,000 
and the inventor himself .for $100,000. 

Francis D. Crichton, Lynchburg, 
Virginia, invented a flag holder 
which has the advantage of automa- 

tically releasing and readjusting the 
flag when it becomes wrapped or 
tangled around the flag pole; Thomas 
Busch, New York City, invented an 
office safe in which there is an elec- 
tric siren that is set off when any 
attempt is made to break into the 
safe; John A. Ash, Savannah, Geor- 
gia, secured a patent for a tooth pow- 
der intended to stop pyorrhea; W. T. 
Hodgen, Campbellsville, Kentucky, 
has patented an all metal aluminum 
washboard; L. D. Moore, Pulaski 
County, Kentucky, has contrived a 
combined cotton scraper, chopper 
and cultivator; J. E. King, Chicago, 
Illinois, has patented a cotton chop- 
per and thinner; Louis Wade, St. 
Louis, Missouri, has invented a coal 
car unloader and a box car unloader; 
Marcellus M. Cook, Baltimore, Mary- 
land, has a compress air invention to 
be used in automobiles, aeroplanes, 
boats and anywhere else a gas en- 
gine is used; Ernest King, Los An- 
geles, California, has devised an au- 
tomatic control for a radio which it 
is stated was sold to the Atwater 
Kent Corporation on a royalty basis; 
Ira W. Franklin, Santa Monica, Cali- 
fornia, has invented a device designed 
to improve radio reception and re- 
duce static; Robert Blair, Detroit, 
Michigan, has invented a new type 
anti-aircraft gun. 

Dennis Piggee, Little Rock, Ar- 
kansas, is reported to have patented 
a 16 gauge double barrell pump shot- 
gun; William Thomas, Norwalk, 
Florida, has a device that is designed 
to permit aeroplanes to rise or de- 
scend vertically; William Hale, Mc- 
Dowell County, Kentucky, has an in- 
vention designed to permit aero- 
planes to descend vertically and to 
move backwards or sideways as well 
as forward; H. A. Crenshaw, Chica- 
go, Illinois, has invented a signal de- 
vice to be attached to automobiles; 
James Whittaker, Boston, Massachu- 
setts, is the inventor of a safety 
bumper for automobiles; S. R. In- 
gram, Savannah, Georgia, has in- 
vented what is intended to be a punc- 
ture proof tire; Arthur W. Tate, 
Zanesville, Ohio, has invented an im- 
provement for the handling of auto- 



mobiles; R. B. Spikes, Freno, Cali- 
fornia, has invented a new type of 
cable car brake. He is reported to 
have patented 28 inventions among 
which are a railroad semaphore sys- 
tem now in use and a brake testing 
machine; Paul E. Johnson, Chicago, 
Illinois, has a number of patents on 
therapeutic lamps; Solomon Harper, 
New York City, was recently granted 
patents on special beauty culture in- 
struments; Firmin C. Brown, Chica- 
go, Illinois, was recently granted a 
patent on a device known as "a self 
firing attachment for furnaces"; Ne- 
ro Cowling, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 
has invented a smoke eliminator de- 
vice; Edward E. Harris, Lorraine, 
Ohio, is said to have perfected a pro- 
cess designed to make pure copper 
as hard as tool steel; Henry Charle- 
magne, Anse-Vieux, Haiti, was 
granted a patent from Washington 
on a combination lock; Benjamin F. 
Thornton, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, 
has invented a machine that can be 
attached to any telephone. This 
machine will not only take messages 
but also automatically send them. 
There is a clock arrangement to re- 
cord the time of all messages. 

Mrs. Virginia Scharschmidt, New 
York City, has patented a safety 
window cleaner by which the outside 
of windows in office buildings and 
apartment houses can be washed by 
the use of the device operating from 
the inside of the building. 
Important Inventions by Negroes 
in Slavery Days 

Benjamin Banneker, noted Negro 
astronomer, was born free, Novem- 
ber 9, 1731, in Baltimore County, 
Maryland. He received some educa- 
tion in a pay school. He early showed 
an inclination for mechanics and 
about 1754, with imperfect tools, 
made a clock which told the time 
and struck the hour. This was the 
first clock constructed in America. 
James Forten of Philadelphia, who 
died in 1842, is credited with the in- 
vention of apparatus for managing 
sails. Robert Benjamin Lewis, born 
in Gardiner, Maine, 1802, invented a 
machine for picking oakum. This 
machine, in all its essential particu- 
lars, is said to still be used by the 
ship-building interests of Maine. 
The first Negro to receive a patent 
on an invention was Henry Blair, of 
Maryland, who in 1834 and 1836, 

was granted patents on a corn har- 
vester. He is supposed to have been 
a free Negro. A number of inven- 
tions were made by slaves. It has 
been claimed, but not verified that a 
slave either invented the cotton gin 
or gave to Eli Whitney, who obtained 
a patent for it, valuable suggestions 
to aid in the completion of that in- 
vention. It is reported that ice 
cream was invented by Augustus 
Jackson, a Negro confectionery deal- 
er, of Philadelphia. 

In 1858, the commissioner of pat- 
ents ruled and the Attorney General 
of the United States concurred that 
a slave could neither take out a pat- 
ent on an invention nor assign his 
invention to his master. The same 
question came up in connection with 
the invention of a boat propeller by 
Benjamin T. Montgomery, a slave of 
Jefferson Davis, president of the late 
confederate states. Having unsuc- 
cessfully tried to have his slave's in- 
vention patented, President Davis 
had the confederate congress pass a 
law permitting a slave to assign his 
invention to his master. The law 

"And be it further enacted, that in 
case the original inventor or discov- 
erer of art, machine or improvement 
for which a patent is solicited is a 
slave, the master of such slave may 
take an oath that the said slave was 
the originator; and on complying 
with the requisites of the law shall 
receive a patent for said discovery 
or invention, and have all the rights 
to which a patentee is entitled by 

Sometime after the Dred Scott De- 
cision, 1857, the patent office refused 
a Negro of Boston a patent on an 
invention on the ground that accord- 
ing to this decision he was not a 
citizen of the United States and 
therefore, a patent could not be is- 
sued to him. December 16, 1861, 
Senator Charles Summer, on behalf 
of this Negro inventor, offered the 
following resolution in the Senate: 

"Resolved, that the committee on 
patents and the patent office be di- 
rected to consider if any further 
legislation is necessary in order to 
secure to persons of African descent, 
in our country, the right to take out 
patents for useful inventions, under 
the Constitution of the United 

The committee made no report on 



the resolution. It was a case for in- 
terpretation rather than legislation. 
The matter was settled in 1862 by an 
opinion of the attorney-general, re- 
lating to passports, that a free man 
of color born in the United States is 
a citizen. 

Negroes Make Important Inventions 

William B. Purvis, of Philadelphia, 
has inventions covering a variety of 
subjects, but directed mainly along a 
single line of experiment and im- 
provement. He began, in 1912, the 
invention of machines for making 
paper bags, and his improvements in 
this line of machinery are covered 
by a dozen patents. Some half dozen 
other patents granted Mr. Purvis, in- 
cluded three patents on electric rail- 
ways, one on a fountain pen, another 
on a magnetic car-balancing device, 
and still another for a cutter for roll 
holders. Joseph Hunter Dickinson, of 
New Jersey, specialized in the line 
of musical instruments, particularly 
the piano. He began more than fifteen 
years ago to invent devices for auto- 
matically playing the piano. His vari- 
ous inventions in piano-player mechan- 
ism were adopted in the construc- 
tion of some of the finest piano-play- 
ers. He has more than a dozen pat- 
ents to his credit. 

Frank J. Ferrell, New York City, 
has obtained about a dozen patents 
for his inventions, the larger num- 
ber of them being for improvement 
in valves for steam engines. Ben- 
jamin F. Jackson, of Massachusetts, 
is the inventor of a dozen different 
improvements in heating and light- 
ing devices, including a controller 
for a trolley wheel. Charles V. 
Richey, of the District of Columbia, 
obtained about a dozen patents on 
his inventions, the last of which was 
a most ingenious device for register- 
ing the calls on a telephone and de- 
tecting the unauthorized use of that 
instrument. George W. Murray, of 
South Carolina, former member of 
Congress, from that state, received 
eight patents for his inventions on 
agricultural implements, including 
mostly such different attachments as 
readily adapt a single implement to 
a variety of uses. Henry Creamer, 
of New York, made seven different 
inventions in steam-traps, covered by 
as many patents and Andrew J. 
Beard, of Alabama, had about the 
same number to his credit for inven- 

tions in car-coupling devices. Wil- 
liam Douglass, of Arkansas, was 
granted about half a dozen patents 
for various inventions for harvesting 
machines. James Doyle, of Pitts- 
burgh, obtained several patents for 
his inventions, one of them being for 
an automatic serving system. This 
latter device is a scheme for dispens- 
ing with the use of waiters in dining 
rooms, restaurants and at railroad 
lunch counters. 

In the Civil Service, at Washing- 
ton, there are several colored men 
who have made inventions of more 
or less importance which were sug- 
gested by the mechanical problems 
arising in their daily occupations. 
Shelby J. Davidson, of Kentucky, a 
clerk in the office of the auditor for 
the post off-ice department, operated 
a machine for tabulating and totaliz- 
ing the quarterly accounts which 
were regularly submitted by the post- 
masters of the country. Mr. David- 
son's attention was first directed to 
the loss in time through the neces- 
sity for periodically stopping to manu- 
ally dispose of the paper coming 
from the machine. He invented a 
rewind device which served as an at- 
tachment for automatically taking 
up the paper as it issued from the 
machines and adapted it for use 
again on the reverse side, thus ef- 
fecting a very considerable economy 
of time and material. His main in- 
vention, however, was a novel attach- 
ment for adding machines which was 
designed to automatically include the 
government fee, as well as the amount 
sent, when totalizing the money or- 
ders in the reports submitted by post- 
masters. This was a distinct im- 
provement in the efficiency and value 
of the machine he was operating, and 
the government granted him patents 
on both inventions. Robert Pelham, 
of Detroit, Michigan, was employed 
in the census office bureau where his 
duties included the compilation of 
groups of statistics on sheets from 
data sent into the office from the 
thousands of manufacturers in the 
country. He devised a machine used 
as an adjunct in tabulating the sta- 
tistics from the manufacturer's sche- 
dules in a way that displaced a doz- 
en men in a given quantity of work, 
doing the work economically, speedi- 
ly and with faultless precision. Mr. 
Pelham has been granted a patent 
for his inventions and the improved 



efficiency of his devices induced the 
United States Government to lease 
them from him, paying a royalty 
for their use, in addition to his sala- 
ry for operating them. 

The late Granville T. Woods, of 
New York, and his brother Lyates 
took out some fifty or more patents. 
Wood's inventions principally relate 
to electrical subjects, such as tele- 
graph and telephone instruments, 
electric railways and general sys- 
tems of electrical control. Several 
are on devices for transmitting tele- 
graphic messages between moving 
trains. According to patent office 
records, several of Woods' patents 
have for valuable consideration been 
assigned to the foremost electrical 
corporations, such as the General 
Electric Company, of New York and 
the -American Bell Telephone Com- 
pany, of New York. Mr. Woods, in- 
ventive faculty also worked along 
other lines. He devised an incuba- 
tor, a complicated amusement device, 
a steam boiler furnace and a me- 
chanical brake. The largest number 
of patents received on inventions by 
a Negro was by Elijah McCoy, of 
Detroit, Michigan. McCoy obtained 
his first patent in July, 1872, and 
his last one in 1920. During this 
period of forty-eight years he in- 
vented one thing after another and 
has fifty-seven patents to his credit. 
His inventions cover a wide range of 
subjects, but relate particularly to 
the lubricating of machinery. He 
was a pioneer in the art of steadily 
supplying oil to machinery in inter- 
mittent drops from a cup so as to 
avoid the necessity for stopping the 
machine to oil it. McCoy's lubricat- 
ing cup was famous forty years ago 
as a necessary equipment for all up- 
to-date machinery. 

John Ernest Matzeliger, born in 
Dutch Guiana, 1852, died in Lynn, 
Massachusetts, 1899. He is the inven- 
tor of the first machine that performed 
automatically all the operations in- 
volved in attaching soles to shoes. 
Other machines had previously been 
made for performing a part of these 
operations, but Matzeliger's machine 
was the only one then known to the 

mechanical world that could simul- 
taneously hold the last in place to 
receive the leather, move it forward 
step by step so that other co-acting 
parts might draw the leather over 
the heel, properly punch the grip and 
grip the upper and draw it down 
over the last, plait the leather proper- 
ly at the heel and toe, feed the nails 
to the driving point, hold them in po- 
sition while being driven, and then 
discharge the completely soled shoe 
from the machine, everything being 
done automatically, and requiring 
less than a minute to complete a 
single shoe. This wonderful achieve- 
ment marked the beginning of a dis- 
tinct revolution in the art of making 
shoes by machinery. Matzeliger 
realized this, and attempted to capi- 
talize it by organizing a stock com- 
pany to market his invention; but his 
plans were frustrated through fail- 
ing health and lack of business ex- 
perience and shortly thereafter died. 
The patent and much of the stock 
of the company organized by Matzeli- 
ger were bought up. The purchase 
laid the foundation for the organiza- 
tion of the United Shoe Machinery 
Company, the largest and richest 
corporation of the kind in the world. 
The United Shoe Machinery Company 
established at Lynn, Massachusetts, 
a school, the only one of its kind in 
the world, where boys are taught ex- 
clusively to operate the Matzeliger 
type of machine. Some years before 
his death Matzeliger became a mem- 
ber of a white church in Lynn, called 
the North Congregational Society 
and bequeathed to this church some 
of the stock of the company he had 
organized. Years afterwards this 
church became heavily involved in 
debt, and remembering the stock 
that had been left by this colored 
member, found, upon inquiry, that it 
has become very valuable through 
the importance of the patent under 
the management of the large com- 
pany then controlling it. The church 
sold the stock and realized from the 
sale more than enough to pay off the 
entire debt of the church, amounting 
to $10,860. 


The following is a list of the 
awards made from June 16, 1924, to 
April 25, 1930, inclusive, by the Car- 
negie Hero Fund Commission to 
colored persons for deeds of heroism 
and also of the awards to white per- 
sons who performed deeds of hero- 
ism in connection with efforts to 
save colored persons from injury or 


Edward Ashby Pipkin, (white), aged twenty 
seven, farmer, saved Lucy Smith, (colored) 
and attempted to save Esther M. Smith 
(colored), aged twenty-five and one, respec 
tively, from drowning, Ansonville, North 
Carolina, January i3, 1923. As an automo- 
bile carrying Mrs. Smith, Esther and Pipkin 
was being driven from a ferry-boat onto tlie 
bank of the Pee Dee River, the boat moved 
away; and the automobile sank twenty feet 
from the. bank. Pipkin swam to the bank; 
and Mrs. Smith rose, struggling violently, 
twenty-five feet from the bank. Pipkin then 
re-entered the water and swam ninety-five 
feet mostly with the current to Mrs. Smith. 
He grasped one of her fingers but she strug- 
gled and grasped at 1 im. Twice he released his 
hold of her to avoid being grasped; but he 
managed to tow her, struggling, to the bank. 
Pipkin then ran to a point opposite Esther and 
swam thirty feet to her. He grasped her and 
started to swim, but he was winded and mo- 
mentarily went under water. He started to 
sink again, called for help, and struggled 
with Esther to a point fifteen feet from the 
bank. Then as he started to go under again, 
he grasped a submerged branch and pulled 
himself to the bank. Esther could not be 
revived. He was awarded a bronze medal 
and $1,000 for a worthy purpose as needed. 
Robert J. Royal, (colored), aged twenty- 
nine, miner, rescued Albert E. Rody, (white), 
aged twenty-three, timberman's helper, from 
a cave-in in a mine, Lamberton, Pennsylvania, 
July 12, 1923. While Rody and Royal were 
clearing a mine entry, which had been blocked 
by falls, a large chunk of slate fell, striking 
Royal on the back, temporarily paralyzing 
his legs. It also fell on Rody, breaking his 
legs and pinning him to the ground. Royal 
crawled fourteen feet to a point in the entry 
which had been protected by timbering. Upon 
calling to Rody and learning that he was in- 
jured and unable to move, Royal crawled to 
Rody, using his arms and dragging his legs. 
He raised the chunk off Rody with consider- 
able effort and held it up, using his left 
elbow and forearm as braces, while Rody 
moved from under it. Small pieces of 
slate fell, but there was no further cave-in. 
Rody and Royal then crawled to safety, and 
Royal dragged himself into a mine car and 
drove a horse hitched to the car two thou- 
sand feet for help. He was disabled seven 
months and Rody nine months from their 
injuries. He was awarded a bronze medal 

'The Carnegie Hero Fund Commission was 
established in 1904. For a list of its awards 
to colored persons for their efforts to save 
colored persons, see, for the period 1904 to 
January 22, 1919, pages 229-232 of the 1918-19 

and $500 for a worthy purpose as needed. 
William Wesley Cager, (colored), aged forty- 
five, caulker, saved Roy C. Binebrink, (white), 
aged thirty-five, gas company foreman, from 
suffocation, Baltimore, Maryland, January 4, 
1925. Binebrink entered a manhole six feet 
deep and almost immediately was overcome 
by illuminating gas, which was leaking from 
a broken main. Cager lowered himself into 
the hole and lifted Binebrink, enabling men 
at the top to grasp his arm and pull him out. 
Cager, feeling the gas affecting him, then 
raised his hands; and several men at the top 
reached into the hole and drew him out. He 
was badly dazed, but he and Binebrink were 
treated at a hospital and recovered. He was 
awarded a bronze medal and $1,000 for a 
worthy purpose as needed. 

William L,. Kite, (white), aged fourteen, 
student, attempted to save Mead Wilkinson, 
(colored), aged fifty-seven, janitor, from 
drowning, Barrington, Rhode Island, Septem- 
ber i, 1924. Wilkinson found the current too 
strong for him while swimming in the Bar- 
rington River; and after sinking momentarily, 
he became alarmed and called for help. Kite, 
who weighed much less than Wilkinson, swam 
twenty feet from a moored raft to Wilkinson 
and took hold of his bathing suit at the 
back of the neck and started to swim with 
him. Wilkinson then grabbed Kite, and they 
bobbed up and down. Kite called to an older 
brother, who was on a bridge near by, for 
help; and the latter swam to them, reaching 
them just as Wilkinson released his hold on 
Kite. Kite's brother then towed them to the 
bridge. Wilkinson was almost unconscious 
but was revived. Kite suffered only from 
weakness. He was awarded a bronze medal 
and $500 for a worthy purpose as needed. 
John V*. Murphy, (white), aged thirty-three, 
signalman, saved William R. Clash (colored), 
aged thirteen, school boy, from drowning, 
Boston, Massachusetts, May 8, 1923. Wil- 
liam got on a mattress in a cove of South 
Bay and drifted from the bank. The mat- 
tress sank beneath the surface as it drifted 
to the edge of a mass of floating debris; 
and William held to the debris at a point seven- 
ty-five feet from the bank, where the water 
was eleven feet deep. Murphy, who was 
dressed, plunged into the water and swam 
ninety feet along the edge of the debris to 
William. He grasped him, and William flung 
both arms around his neck, and they went 
under the surface. Murphy broke William's 
hold and rose; and although he suffered se- 
verely from cramp and the cold water, he 
supported William on the debris for forty-five 
minutes until a boat was brought to them. 
Murphy could not stand when he reached 
the bank. He was awarded a bronze medal 
and $ 1,000 for a worthy purpose as needed. 
S. Munsey Waugh, (white), aged twenty- 
eight, merchant, saved Joan Campbell, 
(colored), aged eighty-five, from being killed 
by a train, Crestwood, Kentucky, March 26, 
1923. Mrs. Campbell stepped upon a track 
as a passenger train was approaching at a 

edition of the Negro Year Book and for the 
period April 25, 1919 to June 16, 1924, pages 
254-256 of the 1925-26 edition of the Negro 
Year Book. 



speed of fifty-eight miles an hour. Waugh 
ran sixty feet to the track, put one foot be- 
tween the rails and seized her by the shoul- 
ders as the train was fifty feet distant. He 
jerked her clear of the track and fell to the 
ground to avoid being struck by the cylin- 
der of the locomotive. He was awarded a 
bronze medal and $ 1,000 for a worthy pur- 
pose as needed. 

Edward Mitchell, (colored), aged twenty- 
eight, laborer, died attempting to save Joseph 
H. Waters, (white), aged forty-one, lawyer, 
from drowning, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 
July 28, 1925. Waters dropped from the 
Smithfield Street bridge into the Monongahela 
River, where the water was ten feet deep. He 
maintained himself by swimming for a short 
time and was then submerged several times 
ninety feet from the bank. Mitchell waded 
ten feet from the bank and swam sixty feet 
to within twenty feet of Waters, and Waters 
then sank and did not reappear. Mitchell 
turned and swam toward the bank. When 
he was thirty feet from the bank, he went 
under, rose and made feeble attempts to 
swim His half brother swam to him and 
attempted to rescue him, but he also got into 
distress. Another man swam toward them 
and attempted to throw a rope to them, but 
they did not get hold of it. Mitchell, his 
half-brother, and Waters were drowned. A 
bronze medal was awarded to the widow and 
until further notice $So a month, not to ex- 
tend, however, beyond five years or the date 
of her remarriage. 

Felix Hood, (colored), aged forty-two la- 
borer, died attempting to save Ada E. and 
Blanche E. Edwards, (colored), aged twenty- 
four and nine respectively, from drowning, 
Fairmont, West Virginia, July i3, 1924. Mrs. 
Edwards swam with her daughter to a point 
twenty feet from the bank of the Mononga- 
hela River; and her daughter seized her in 
fright and rendered her helpless, where the 
water was nine feet deep. Mrs. Edwards 
called to Hood, who was standing on the 
bank; and Hood swam fifteen feet and grasped 
Mrs. Edwards's extended hand. The three 
went under the surface and rose, Hood being 
four feet from Mrs. Edwards and Blanche, 
who were clasped together. Hood went un- 
der the surface again, reappeared, and then 
sank and was drowned. Mrs. Edwards and 
Blanche remained at or near the surface in 
an unconscious condition and were later 
taken to the bank in a boat and were revived. 
A bronze medal was awarded to the widow 
and until further notice $60 a month with 
$5 additional on account of each of four 
children while the child is dependent upon 
her and not over sixteen; no benefits to ex- 
tend, however, beyond eleven years or the 
date of the widow's remarriage. 

Edgar C. Broyles, (colored), aged thirty, 
farm demonstrator, died attempting to save 
James Shumaker, (colored), aged twenty-one, 
porter, from drowning, Kosiusko, Mississippi, 
July 17, 1924. While swimming in deep 
water in the Yokahockany River, Shumaker 
became helpless. Broyles called to two men, 
who were in the water and were good swim- 
mers, to go to Shumaker, but they hesitated 
until Broyles, fully dressed, started to swim 
toward Shumaker. They reached Shumaker 
first; and he seized one of the men, but the 
man freed himself and swam back to th 
bank. Shumaker then seized the other man 
but let go of him when Broyles approached 
and took hold of Shumaker. The other mar. 
then swam back to the bank, but Shumaket 
grabbed Broyles around the body with both 
arms, and both sank and were drowned. A 
bronze medal was awarded to the widow and 

until further notice $70 a month with $5 a 
month additional on account of each of two 
children while the child is dependent upon 
her and not over sixteen; no benefits to ex- 
tend, however, beyond fourteen years or the 
date of the widow's remarriage. 

Joseph P. La Polla, (white), aged thirty- 
eight, letter carrier, saved Samuel Thomas, 
(colored), aged forty-six, longshoreman, from 
being killed by a train, New York City, New 
York, August 19, 1925. Thomas fell from a sta- 
tion platform to a railroad track four feet below 
and lay across the rails, on which an elec- 
tric train was approaching. La Polla, who 
knew a train would arrive at any moment, 
jumped to the track from the platform and 
tried unsuccessfully to lift Thomas. The 
train was then about a hundred and fifty 
feet distant, running at a speed of fifteen 
miles an hour; and La Polla rolled and half 
carried Thomas over the rail and under the 
narrow overhang of the platform. With dif- 
ficulty he held Thomas quiet as the electric 
shoes of the trucks of two cars passed within 
a few inches of them. Neither was injured. 
He was awarded a bronze medal and $1,000 
for a worthy purpose as needed. 

Luke Erwin, (colored), aged forty-five, 
farmer, saved James Jeffrey, (colored), aged 
thirty-one, farmer, from suffocation, Mount 
Sylvan, Texas, February i3, 1925- Jeffrey 
was overcome by gas in a well fifty-five feet 
deep. Erwin was lowered on a windlass rope, 
which he had fastened around his hips. Hold- 
ing his breath, he removed the rope from 
himself and fastened it around Jeffrey's chest 
under his arms. Erwin then held the rope 
and climbed the wall as Jeffrey was drawn 
to the top. Jeffrey revived. Erwin was 
awarded a bronze medal and $1,000 for a 
worthy purnose as needed. 

Thomas P. Edwards, (colored), aged twen- 
ty-three, musician, died attempting to save 
Georgia Barlow, (colored), aged thirty-two, 
from drowning, Catherine, Alabama, Decem- 
ber 24, 1925. Mrs. Barlow fell from a ferry- 
barge on the Alabama River into water twelve 
feet deep. Edwards, fully clothed, jumped 
from the barge and swam a few feet toward 
Mrs. Barlow but was then carried away by 
the current. A rope was thrown to Mrs. 
Barlow, and she was pulled to the barge. 
Edwards drifted about thirty feet and finally 
sank and was drowned. A bronze medal and 
$Soo was awarded to the father for a worthy 
purpose as needed. 

Edward A. Mitchell, (colored), aged thirty- 
five, farm manager, died attempting to save 
James D. Brown, (colored), aged seventeen, 
student, from electric shock, Cambria, Vir- 
ginia, July 10, 1925. While Brown was cul- 
tivating corn, he got in contact with a guy- 
wire carrying an electric current of twenty- 
three hundred volts. He was shocked into 
unconsciousness. Mitchell went to his assis- 
tance and was also shocked. Neither could 
be revived. A bronze medal was awarde_d to 
the widow and until further notice, $55 a 
month with $5 a month additional on account 
of each of two children while the child is 
dependent upon her and not over sixteen; no 
benefits to extend, however, beyond thirteen 
years or the date of the widow's remarriage. 

Bert V. McMinn, (white), aged fifteen, 
school boy, saved Leonard Jones, (colored), 
aged forty-two, well-digger, from a cave-in in 
a well, Jacksonville, Texas, January 25, 1923. 
While Jones was at work in the bottom of a 
well forty-one feet deep, a fall of sand from 
one side, covered him to the top of his shoul- 
ders. McMinn, who had never been in a 
well, descended to Jones and shoveled the 
sand away from Jones and sent it up to the 



top in a bucket. Becoming tired, he called 
for aid; but men at the top would not de- 
scend. When he had cleared the sand about 
to Jones's hips, a slip of sand from the op- 
posite side buried Jones to his shoulders again. 
McMinn kept removing the sand; and after 
working an hour and a-half, he freed Jones. 
Both were then drawn out of the well. He 
was awarded a bronze medal and $1,600 for 
educational purposes as needed. 

Herbert Gayle Bryan, (white), aged twen- 
ty-seven, toolmakSr, saved Thelma E. Bruce, 
(colored), aged five, from being killed by a 
train, Oakley, Ohio, October 4, 1926. Thelma 
was standing on a track on which a passen- 
ger train was approaching at a speed of for- 
ty-five miles an hour. Bryan ran toward 
her, stepped onto the track with one foot, 
and pulled her toward him as he stepped from 
the track. The train was thirty-five feet from 
him when he took hold of Thelma, and it 
passed them when they had got but four 
feet from the track. He was awarded a 
bronze medal and $1,000 for a worthy pur- 
pose as needed. 

Henry Sherman Potter, Jr., (colored), aged 
thirteen, school boy, saved Omar E. Meyer, 
Jr., (white), aged ten, from drowning, San- 
dusky, Ohio, January 3o, 1926. While Omar 
was skating on Sandusky Bay, the ice broke 
under him; and he went into water eight feet 
deep. Henry, who was dressed and wore 
skates, crawled ten feet toward Omar on thin 
ice and broke through about five feet from 
Omar. His fall broke the ice between them, 
and Henry then broke the thin ice with his 
elbow back to firm ice and got on it. Omar 
-swam toward him; and when Omar was with- 
in six feet of firm ice, he could go no far- 
ther. Henry then tossed the end of his 
sweater to Omar and pulled him on firm ice. 
He was awarded a bronze medal and $1,600 
for educational purposes as needed. 

John Crockett, (colored), aged forty-six, 
laborer, died saving Richard H. Haderi, 
(colored), aged seventy-one, wejl-digger, from 
suffocation, Rustburg, Virginia, September 
28, 1927. While at work at the bottom of 
a well forty-one feet deep, Haden was over- 
come by gas. Stating he feared Haden had 
been affected by fumes from exploded dyna- 
mite, Crockett was lowered on a windlass 
rope and tied the rope around Haden's chest. 
Haden was drawn out of the well. The rope 
was lowered to Crockett, but Crockett was so 
affected by gas that he could not handle the 
rope. Many men reached the well, but none 
would enter to aid Crockett. Finally, Crock- 
ett's stepson, securely roped, was lowered; 
and he tied the windlass rope to Crockett. 
He held to the rope as Crockett was being 
drawn up and reached the top of the well; 
but Crockett slipped from the rope and fell 
to the bottom, his neck being broken. Half 
an hour later his body was removed from 
the well. Haden was unconscious when taken 
from the well but was revived. A silver 
medal was awarded to the widow and until 
further notice $3$ a month with $5 a month 
additional on account of her foster-son while 
he is dependent upon her and not over six- 
teen; no benefits to extend, however, beyond 
six years or the date of the widow's remar- 

Joseph H. Hill, (white), aged fifty-five, 
farmer, attempted to save David M. Mc- 
gowan, (colored), aged fifty-seven, well-dig- 
ger, from suffocation, Abbeville, South Caro- 
lina, September i, 1925. McGowan was 
overcome in a well fifty-five feet deep. Others 
having refused to enter, Hill, a stranger in 
the community, was lowered in a bucket. His 
breathing was affected immediately, but he 

detached the rope from the bucket and fas- 
tened it around McGowan. McGowan was 
drawn out of the well. While this was be- 
ing done, Hill, feeling that he might be over- 
come at any moment, stepped into the bucket 
and tied himself to it with a plow line. The 
rope was quickly lowered to the bottom; and 
Hill hooked it to the bucket, tied the plow 
line to the well rope, and was drawn out 
after having been in the well three or four 
minutes. He was dizzy. McGowan was dead. 
He was awarded a bronze medal and $ 1,000 
for a worthy purpose as needed. 

William McConnel, (colored), aged forty- 
three, cement worker, died saving. Jane D. 
Myers, (white), aged eleven, from drowning, 
Addingham, Pennsylvania, August 20, 1928. 
While Jane was wading in .Darby Creek, she 
plunged into deep water fifteen feet from the 
bank. McConnell, who was fully clothed, and 
was but a fair swimmer, swam to Jane from 
the bank and then swam eight feet toward 
the opposite bank with her on his back hold- 
ing him around the neck. He then called for 
help, and a good swimmer arrived and took 
Jane to the bank. McConnell soon sank and 
was drowned. A bronze medal was awarded 
to the widow until further notice $60 a 
month with $S a month additional on account 
of each of two children while the children are 
dependent upon her and not over sixteen; no 
benefits to extend, however, beyond seven 
years or the date of the widow's remarriage. 

Robert L- Pope, (colored), aged fifty-three, 
elevator operator, rescued Thomas J. Higgins, 
(white), aged forty-eight, and Ames R. Jones, 
(white), aged forty, deputy sheriffs, from a 
homicidal assault, Los Angeles, California, 
January 21, 1929. Higgins and Jones, in 
charge of two criminals, who were handcuffed 
to each other, entered an elevator that was 
operated by Pope. Just after the elevator 
began to ascend, one of the criminals, who 
stood behind Pope, drew a pistol and pointed 
it at the two deputies and told Pope to stop 
the elevator. Pope quickly turned, grabbed 
the assailant's wrist, and shoved his arm up. 
The assailant tired, ana the first snot seared 
the top of Pope's shoulder. Pope retained 
his hold in a prolonged struggle, during 
which the assailant fired six more times but 
was himself shot and killed by the deputies. 
Jones was seriously wounded but recovered. 
Pope's hearing was affected by the explosion 
of a shot close to his ear, and he was disabled 
two weeks. He was awarded a bronze medal 
and $1,000 for a worthy purpose as needed. 

Thomas F. Gasberry, (colored), aged thir- 
ty-nine, locomotive hostler, saved G. Dolores 
Rice, (white), aged four, from being killed 
by a train at Hannibal, Missouri, November 
23, 1926. Dolores was standing on a track 
on which a passenger train was approaching 
at a speed of twenty-five miles an hour. Gas- 
berry ran to Dolores, picked her up as he 
ran, and fell with her clear of the track just 
as the locomotive of the train passed. He 
was awarded a bronze medal and $ 1,000 for 
a worthy purpose as needed. 

Lynn P. Collins, (colored), aged twenty- 
five, student, died attempting to save Clyde 
K. Redd, (colored), aged thirty-six, from 
drowning, Iowa City, Iowa, July 4, 1928. 
While floating over a submerged bar in the 
Iowa River, Miss Redd drifted to deep water 
seventy-five feet from the bank. Collins swam 
a few feet to Miss Redd and tried to swim 
toward the bar with her, but they were car- 
ried larther from it. After Collins had sup- 
ported Miss Redd for several minutes, she 
struggled with him; and both were drowned. 
A bronze medal and $1,000 was awarded to 
the widow as needed. 



It is said that Negroes were the 
pioneers in American pugilism and 
that the first champion was a Ne- 
gro slave, Tom Molineaux, of Rich- 
mond, Virginia, who in the first part 
of the eighteenth century won his 
freedom by winning a $100,000 stake 
for his master, Algeron Molineaux, 
who had wagered this amount that 
he could produce a black man that 
could whip any other slave that could 
be produced. 

Tom Molineaux, after defeating all 
comers in America went to England, 
1810, where he was defeated by Tom 
Cribb, the British champion, on De- 
cember 8, 1810. The most noted of 
the Negro pugilists are Peter Jack- 
son, (contemporary of John L. Sulli- 
van and James Corbett), George 
Dixon, Joe Cans, Joe Walcott, Dixie 
Kidd, Joe Jeannette, Sam Langford, 
Sam McVea, Harry Wills and Jack 

Pugilistic Champion s Heavy- 
weights, (175 Ibs.), Jack Johnson, 

Middleweights, (160 Ibs.), Tiger 
Flowers, 1926. 

Welterweights, (147 Ibs.), Joe Wal- 
cott, 1901-1904; Dixie Kidd, 1904- 
1908; Jack Thompson, 1930. 

Lightweights, (133 Ibs.), Joe Cans. 

Featherweights, (122 Ibs.), George 
Dixon, 1892-1837 and 1898-1900. 

Bantamweights, (116 Ibs.), George 
Dixon, 1890-1892. 


Some of the best professional base- 
ball teams are composed of Negroes 
such as the American Giants of Chi- 
cago; the Lincoln Giants of New 
York City, etc. It is generally con- 
ceded that there are many Negro 
players who are equals of the big 
league players and it is only their 
color which keeps them out of the 
big leagues. 

When the first National Associa- 
tion of Baseball Players was organ- 
ized in Philadelphia, December 11, 
1867, it was recommended that colored 
clubs be excluded from representa- 
tion in the association. The prece- 
dent then established has since been 
followed and was construed to in- 
clude individuals as well as clubs. 

Some Negroes, however, in spite of 
these restrictions became members 
of professional teams. Moses F. 
Walker, a Negro, was catcher for To- 
ledo of the Northwestern League in 
1883 and remained with Toledo, when 
in 1884, it became a member of the 
American Association, a major league 
organization. Frank Grant, a Negro, 
was a second baseman, in 1886, on 
the Meriden (Connecticut) team of 
the Eastern League which dropped 
out before the close of the season. 
Grant finished that season with a 
Buffalo team, also of the Eastern 
League. He played four years with 
this team and is said to have been 
regarded as the equal of any second 
baseman in the country. In 1890, he 
was with the Harrisburg team of the 
Pennsylvania State League. He then 
dropped put and was the last Negro 
in organized baseball. 

A number of Negroes have achieved 
distinction as football players on 
leading university and college teams. 
Among the players who achieved dis- 
tinction in former days were: 

Lewis, at Harvard, (one of the 
greatest centers the game has ever 
produced); Taylor, at Pennsylvania; 
Marshall, at Minnesota, (all- Ameri- 
can left end, 1905-1906); Bullock, at 
Dartmouth; Grey and Pinkett, at 
Amherst; Ayler at Brown; Chadwell, 
at Williams; Craighead, at Massa- 
chusetts Agricultural College; Jones, 
at Harvard; Ransom, at Beloit; 
Young and Wheeler, at Illinois; John- 
son and Ross, at Nebraska; Green, 
at Western Reserve and Roberts, at 
Colorado College. 

Among the Negro football players 
who have achieved distinction in 
more recent days are: Tibbs, at Sy- 
racuse; Smith, at Michigan Agricul- 
ture College, (tackle, all-Western 
eleven); Brown and Morrison, at 
Tufts; Pollard, at Brown, (all- Ameri- 
can halfback, 1916); Robeson, at 
Rutgers, (all-American end, 1918); 
West, at Washington and Jefferson 
and Slater, at Iowa, (tackle, all-West- 
ern eleven and ail-American eleven, 

Track and Field 

Some of the best performers in 
track and field work in universities 



and colleges have been Negroes^The 
most notable of these are: J. B. Tay- 
lor, at Pennsylvania, 440 yards; 
Fred White, at Pennsylvania, short 
and middle distance runner; W. R. 
Granger, at Dartmouth, half miler; 
A. L. Jackson, at Harvard, hurdler; 
Theodore Cable, at Harvard, hammer 
thrower; Irving Howe, at Colby, short 
distance runner; Fritz Pollard, at 
Brown, hurdler; Binga Dismond, at 
Chicago, 440 yards; Sol Butler, at 
Drake, all-round athlete, short and 
middle distance runner and jumper; 
Howard P. Drew, at Springfield Y. 
M. C. A. College and University of 
Southern California, short distance 
runner. R. C. Craig, Michigan Agri- 
cultural College, short distance run- 
ner; Edwin 0. Gourdin of Harvard 
all-round athlete; short and middle 
distance runner, putting shot, throw- 
ing javelin, throwing discus and 
jumping. Charles West, Washing- 
ton and Jefferson, all-round athlete; 
DeHart Hubbard, Michigan, short dis- 
tance runs and jumping. Eddie To- 
lan, Michigan, short distance runner; 
Phillip Edwards, New York Univer- 
sity, middle distance runner; Gus 
Moore, Pittsburgh, cross country 
runner; Edward I. Gordon, Iowa, 

Track and Field Records Held 
by Negroes 

Four Negroes were on the all- 
America athletic team for 1929, se- 
lected by Daniel J. Ferris, secretary- 
treasurer of the Amateur Athletic 
Union of the United States. 

100 yards run Eddie Tolan, Uni- 
versity of Michigan. 

880 yards run Philip Edwards, 
New York University. 

Cross-country Gus Moore, Univer- 
sity of Pittsburgh. 

Running broad jump Edward I. 
Gordon, Jr., University of Iowa. 

Philip Edwards was also selected 
on the all-American college team for 
1929 in the 880 yards run. 

Official World's Track and Field 
Records Accepted by the Internation- 
al Amateur Athletic Federation 100 
yards H. P. Drew, United States, 
March 28, 1914, time, 9 3-5 s. DeHart 
Hubbard, Municipal Track Meet, Cin- 
cinnati, September 17, 1927, time, 
9 3-5 s. Eddie Tolan, Evanston, Illinois, 
May 25, 1929, time, 9 1-2 s. (On July 
1, 1930, at the International Track and 
Field Meet, Vancouver, British Colum- 

bia, Tolan set a new world's record of 

10 1-5 s. for the 100 meters dash, 131 
yards, 23 1-3 in.). 

Running Broad Jump Records 
International meet between Yale, 
Harvard, Cambridge and Oxford Uni- 
versities, Harvard, July 23, 1921. Run- 
ning broad jump E. O. Gourdin, dis- 
tance, 25 ft. 3 in. Previous record, 24 
ft. 11 3-4 in. by Peter O'Connor in 
England, August 5, 1901. 

Running broad jump DeHart Hub- 
bard, National Collegiate Track and 
Field Championship, Chicago, Illi- 
nois, June 13, 1925. Distance, 25 
ft. 10 7-8 in. Silvio Cator, Haiti, post 
Olympic Meet, Paris, September 9, 
1928, distance, 26 ft. 1-8 in. 

Olympic Track and Field Records 
100 meters R. C. Craig, United 
States, 1912, time, 10 4-5 s. 200 meters 
R. C. Craig, United States, 1912, 
time, 21 7-10 s. 

Running broad jump DeHart Hub- 
bard, United States, 1924, distance, 
24 ft. 6. in. 

American Amateur Records 100 
yards Eddie Tolan, Evanston, Illi- 
nois, May 25, 1929, time, 9 1-2 s. 

500 meters Philip Edwards, New 
York City, February 18, 1929, time, 
1 m. 5 s. 

Running broad jump DeHart Hub- 
bard, New York City, March 20, 1926, 
distance, 24 ft. 7 1-4 in. 

Noteworthy Performances 65 
yards DeHart Hubbard, Boston, 
Massachusetts, February 22, 1926. 
6 4-5 s. 

120 yards H. P. Drew, Crescent 
Park, Rhode Island, August 24, 1914, 

11 3-5 s. 

Amateur Track and Field Cham- 
pions of America 100 yards H. P. 
Drew, Springfield (Massachusetts) 
high school, 1912, time, 10 s. and 1913, 
time, 10 2-5 s. 

Eddie Tolan, University of Michi- 
gan, 1929, time, 10 s. 

220 yards H. P. Drew, Spring- 
field (Massachusetts) high school, 
1913, time, 22 4-5 s. I. T. Howe, 
unattached, Boston, 1914, time, 22 
1-5 s.; R. F. Moore, Salem, Crescent 
A. C., New York, 1915, time, 21 1-5 
s. Eddie Tolan, 1929, University of 
Michigan, time, 21 9-10 s. 

440 yards J. B. Taylor, Universi- 
ty of Pennsylvania, 1907, time, 51 
Sj Cecil G. Cooke, Salem Crescent 
A. C., New York, 1925, time, 49 1-5 s. 



880 yards Philip Edwards, New 
York University, 1929, time, 1 m. 
55 7-10 s. 

Five mile run R. E. Johnson, E. 
Thomson, S. W. A. A., Pittsburgh, 
1921, time, 25 m. 53 2-5 s.; 1922, time, 
25 m. 33 s.; 1923, time, 26 m. 52 s. 

Ten mile run R. E. Johnson, 1921, 
time, 53 m. 20 4-5 s.; 1924, time, 
54 m. 29 2-5 s. 

Senior cross-country-individual R. 
E. Johnson, 1921, time, 24 m. 23 4-5 s.; 
Gus Moore, Brooklyn Harriers A. A., 
1928, time, 31 m. 18 s.; Gus Moore, 
University of Pittsburgh, 1929, time, 
31 m. 10 s. 

Seven mile walk Philip Granville, 
Hamilton, Ontario, Y. M. C. A., 1923, 
time, 55 m. 34 3-5 s. 

Running broad jump Sol Butler, 
Dubuque (Iowa) College, 1920, dis- 
tance, 24 ft. 8 in.; E. O. Gourdin, 
Harvard University, 1921, distance, 

23 ft. 7 3-4 in.; DeHart Hubbard, 
unattached, Cincinnati, 1922, distance, 

24 ft. 5 1-8 in.; 1923, University of 
Michigan, distance, 24 ft. 7 3-4 in.; 
1924, University of Michigan, dis- 
tance, 24 ft.; 1925, unattached, dis- 
tance, 25 ft., 4 3-8 in.; 1926, Century 
A. C., New York, distance, 25 ft. 2 
1-2 in.; 1927, unattached, distance, 

25 ft. 8 3-4 in.; E. I. Gordon, Jr., 
University of Iowa, 1929, distance, 
24 ft. 4 1-4 in. 

Running, hop, step, and jump De- 
Hart Hubbard, unattached, Cincinna- 
ti, 1922, distance, 48 ft. 1 1-2 in. 
University of Michigan, 1923, dis- 
tance, 47 ft. 1-2 in. 

Pentathlon Champions E. 0. Gour- 
din, Harvard University, 1921, points, 
12; unattached, Boston, 1922, points, 

Junior Amateur Champions of 
America 100 yards H. P. Drew, 
South Boston A. C., 1911, time, 10 
1-5 s.; E. O. Gourdin, unattached, 
Boston, 1920, time, 10 1-5 s.; Wes- 
ley Foster, Washington (State), un- 
attached, 1926, time, 10 s. 

220 yards I. T. Howe, North Dor- 
chester A. C., 1913, time, 23 2-5 s.; 
P. J. White, Salem Crescent A. C., 
New York, 1917, time, 22 2-5 s. 

'440 yards Cecil G. Cooke, Salem 
Crescent A. C., New York, 1925, 
time, 49 3-5 s. 

880 yards Philip Edwards, Holy 

Name Club, New York, 1927, time, 
1 m. 55 2-5 s. 

Five mile run R. E. Johnson, 
Camp Upton, Yaphank, New York, 
1918, time, 27 m. 22 s. 

120 yards high hurdles Charles 
Drew, Century A. C., New York, 1926, 
time, 15 2-5 s. 

Running broad jump Sol Butler, 
Rock Island A. C., Chicago, 1915, 
distance, 22 ft. 11 in.; DeHart Hub- 
bard, unattached, Cincinnati, 1922, 
distance, 24 ft. 3 1-2 in. 

American Athletic Union National 
Championships for 1929 Senior Out- 
door Track and Field, Denver, Colo- 
rado, July 4. 

100 yards Eddie Tolan, Universi- 
ty of Michigan, time, 10 s. 

220 yards Eddie Tolan, Universi- 
ty of Michigan, time, 21 9-10 s. 

880 yards Philip Edwards, New 
York University, time, 1 m. 55 7-10 s. 

Broad jump E. I. Gordon, Jr., 
University of Iowa, distance, 24 ft. 
4 1-4 in. 

Senior cross-country Gus Moore, 
University of Pittsburgh, December 
8, at New York, time, 31 m. 10 s. 

National Collegiate Athletic Asso- 
ciation Running broad jump E. I. 
Gordon, Jr., University of Iowa, 
June 8, 1929, distance, 24 ft. 8 1-2 

Best record made in N. C. A. A. 
championship meets: running broad 
jump DeHart Hubbard, University 
of Michigan, June 13, 1925, distance, 
25 ft. 10 7-8 in. 

Western Conference Outdoor 
Records 100 yards Eddie Tolan, 
University of Michigan, May 25, 
1929, time, 9 1-5 s. 

440 yards, (around a turn) Binga 
Dismond, University of Chicago, June 
3, 1916, time, 47 2-5 s. 

Running broad jump DeHart Hub- 
bard, University of Michigan, June 
6, 1925, distance, 25 ft. 3 1-2 in. 

International Champion- 
ships, France and England at Paris, 

1929 J. E. London, 100 meter run 

champion, time, 10 4-5 s. 

Special European Records Eddie 
Tolan, United States, 100 meters at 
Stockholm, Sweden, August 8, 1929 
and at Copenhagen, Denmark, August 
29, 1929, time, 10 2-5 s. 


Scholastic Achievements 

Branches Bowman of Richmond, 
Virginia, won in Iy25, the first prize 
in a poster contest which was open 
to all school children in that city, 
both colored and white. Aida Bear- 
den, nine-year-old school girl, of New 
York City, has been presented with 
a medal by Mayor Walker, as the 
author of the best composition on, 
"Fire Prevention," in the 1927 con- 
test among grammar school students 
of the city. Eleanor Webb, Yonkers, 
New York, was graduated as an 
honor pupil from school number six 
and won the D. A. R. medal. This 
is a gold medal given by the Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution to 
the eighth grade student writing the 
best essay on a given subject. The 
subject this year was "Alexander 
Hamilton." Louise Collins and Craw- 
ford Purnell are both grammar school 
graduates of Troy, New York, June, 
1925. Crawford passed the highest 
in the regents geography examina- 
tion of any child in the state. Louise 
was valedictorian of the eighth 
grade. Martha Washington received 
one of the Rebecca Eisberg $150 me- 
morial awards for 1927, given each 
school term to the most deserving 
boy or girl in the graduating classes 
of the Manhattan public schools, 
New York City. 

Monroe Gregory, a student at 
East High School, Cleveland, Ohio, 
won first prize in an essay contest 
sponsored by the Colonial Dames of 
America in 1926. His essay was 
unanimously selected by the judges 
from among four hundred and fifty 
submitted. Kermit Armstrong, Flush- 
ing High School boy, was winner of 
the 1926 gold medal offered in 
Queensborough, New York City, for 
the best essay on, "Good Citizenship." 
John A. Brown graduated in 1926 
from DeWitt Clinton High School, 
New York City. While there he was 
especially proficient in English, re- 
ceiving third prize in a short story 
contest in 1925. He was president 
of the short story club of the school 
and vice-president of the short story 
club league of New York. Yvette 
Jenkins, a senior in Sumner High 
School, Kansas City, Kansas, has 
been awarded first prize for her es- 

say submitted in the 1927 state con- 
test for the prize offered by the 
American Chemical Society. The 
title of Miss Jenkins' essay is, "The 
Relation of Chemistry to the home." 
The state award is $20 in gold with 
a first prize certificate. The winning 
essay will be entered in the national 
contest, the prize for which is a full 
scholarship to an American college, 
with an annual stipend of $500. 

For the second year in succession, 
a student at Mary Potter Memorial 
School, Oxford, North Carolina, has 
won first prize in the state contest 
offered by the American Chemical 
Society to students in high schools 
of the United States and Porto Rico 
for the best essay on such subject 
as may be selected by the society. 
In 1928, Garland Crews won first 
prize with his essay on, "The Rela- 
tion of Chemistry to Health and 
Disease." This year, Allene Crews 
was winner with her essay on, "The 
Relation of Chemistry to the Home." 

Belle Channing Tobias, junior at 
Wadleigh High School, New York 
City, stood second in the junior list, 
with an average of ninety-three per 
cent in 1926. Ella Mae MacDonald 
graduated from the South high 
school, Cleveland, Ohio, in 1925. She 
was the only colored girl in a class 
of ninety and was one of the sixteen 
on the honor roll with an average of 
ninety-two and a-half per cent. At 
Amenia, New York, Mildred Carl, a 
colored girl, was valedictorian at the 
thirty-first commencement. Amy 
Joyce Denniston, of Oak Bluffs, Mas- 
sachusetts, graduated with honors 
from the Oak Bluffs High School as 
the valedictorian of her class. Lula 
Love Wilkinson, graduated from 
Drew Seminary, Carmel, New York, 
as valedictorian of her class. Stand- 
ing as head of her class with an 
average of 92.2 per cent. She also 
won the Floy prize for the best rec- 
ord in French. Ruth E. Coleman 
graduated from the Hadden Heights, 
New Jersey, high school, at the head 
of a class of 94, of which only four 
were Negroes. Margaret B. Jackson, 
aged 14, was among the mid-year 
graduates of Englewood High School, 
Chicago, Illinois, finishing the four- 
year course in three and one-half 



years with an average of E. Her 
sister, Dorothy, graduated from the 
Englewood High School at the age of 
14, finishing her four-year course in 
three and one-half years with an 
average of E. Dorothy entered the 
University of Chicago and swept 
through the four-year course in 
three and one-half years and at the 
age of 18 began teaching Spanish 
and French at Talladega College. 

The Class of 1927 of Williams Me- 
morial Institute at New London, 
Connecticut, awarded three of its 
most distinctive honors to a colored 
graduate, Lois Gertrude Taylor. Miss 
Taylor besides receiving the Fenner 
prize awarded annually to the senior 
who writes and speaks the best En- 
glish, and the Williams prize for ex- 
cellence in French, was also class 
poet. Receiving the Cumston prize 
of $300 for having exerted the best 
influence among his classmates dur- 
ing his high school course and the 
Washington L. Franklin medal for 
the highest marks in American his- 
tory, Ewart G. Guinier graduated as 
valedictorian of his class in Boston, 
Massachusetts. Ewart was born in 
Panama, came to this city four 
years ago, and entered English High 
School by examination. During his 
entire high school course, he never 
received other than an "A," having 
received three "A's" during his last 
term. In 1926, John L. Taylor gradu- 
ated from Moran Park High School, 
Chicago, Illinois, with high honors. 
Besides being an honor pupil, he 
won an unconditioned scholarship 
from Armour Institute of Technolo- 
gy. Grace Peterson, who graduated 
with honors with the 1926 class of 
Poughkeepsie High School, was one 
of the winners of the state scholar- 
ships to Cornell University, through 
competitive examinations taken on 
June 5, 1926. 

Charlotte Ruth Wright, who gradu- 
ated from the West Philadelphia 
high school in 1926, was awarded 
one of the mayor's scholarships to 
the University of Pennsylvania. 
Miss Wright was one of the twenty 
out of 2500 graduates who won these 
scholarships. W. A. Trayham, New 
York, is the first member of his 
race to receive the $1,000 scholar- 
ship awarded by the state. Josephine 
D. Matson, who was graduated in 
June, 1927, from Hyde Park High 
School, Chicago, Illinois, won a hun- 

dred dollar scholarship for the au- 
tumn quarter at the University of 
Chicago, in a competitive examina- 
tion in history. Six states took part 
in the contest. Among the winners 
of the Pulitzer scholarships at Co- 
lumbia College in 1928, was Ronald A. 
Edwards, a student at the George 
Washington High School. Edwards 
was the only Negro among ten New 
York City high school graduates to 
achieve this distinction. Edwards 
will receive, in addition to free tui- 
tion, $250 a year for four years. He 
was among 107 applicants, 36 of 
whom qualified for final consideration 
by the Pulitzer committee of award. 
The selections were made on the 
basis of financial need, scholarship, 
character, leadership and promise of 
value to mankind. In the order of 
examination grades and in the scho- 
lastic aptitude test Edwards ranked 

Robert C. Weaver, a junior at 
Harvard University and a member 
of the debating team there, has been 
awarded the Pasteur medal for 1928 
which is an annual award to the best 
speaker on a subject drawn from 
contemporary French politics. The 
topic discussed was: "Resolved, that 
the United States Adopt Foreign 
Minister Briand's Treaty Outlawing 
War Between France and the United 
States." Weaver is the first Negro 
member of a Harvard debating team 
in the past 25 years. We quote the 
following from the column of Alfred 
Segal in The Cincinnati Post: "It was 
the first time it had ever happened: 
The leading orators of the Universi- 
ty of Cincinnati had assembled for 
the annual contest of oratory and a 
colored boy was chosen the best the 
other night. Theodore Berry had 
come to this triumph over all thorns 
that beset the way of the Negro. 
Poverty (and underprivilege and 
prejudice have encumbered his feet." 
Earl Wilkins was awarded first place 
and a prize of $50 in the annual 
freshman-sophomore oratorical con- 
test at the University of Minnesota 
for his speech on "John Doe, Colored 
Student." Harry S. Williams, fresh- 
man law student, University of Cin- 
cinnati, won the first prize in the an- 
nual prize day competition in May, 
1928, for his short story "Stack-o- 
Dollars." The Class of 1931, of Con- 
necticut College for Women at New 
London, has bestowed one of its high- 



est and most conspicuous honors on 
Miss Lois Taylor, one of the colored 
members of the class, designating 
her to write the freshman class play. 
The play, "The Magic .Flute," was 
given on the school campus by mem- 
bers of the class. B. C. Cyrus, a 
student at the University of Chicago 
law school, was the first speaker on 
the University of Chicago debating 
team in its contest with a joint team 
representing the universities of Ox- 
ford and Cambridge, England, in 
1925. John Preston Davis, graduate 
of Dunbar High School, Washington, 
D. C., was selected as editor-in-chief 
of "The Bates Student," college 
paper of Bates College, in 1925, 
Lewiston, Maine. Mr. Davis special- 
ized in journalism. He represented 
his school in the international debate 
with Oxford and was selected to go 
to England on the return debate. 

Mrs. Clara Burrill Bruce was 
elected student editor-in-chief of The 
Law Review, the leading publication 
of the law department of Boston 
University, in 1925. The editorship 
of The Law Review is only voted to 
a student of superior attainment. 
James Madison Nabrit, of Northwest- 
ern University, became senior editor 
of "The Illinois Law Review," publi- 
cation of the Northwestern Univer- 
sity and University of Chicago law 
schools in 1925 and John Preston 
Davis, of Bates College, was made 
editor-in-chief of "The Bates Stu- 
dent," the same year. Two Negroes 
were members of the editorial board 
of "The Law Review," of the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania, in 1926: Sadie 
Tanner Mossell and Robert Burk 
Johnson. In 1927, Leon Whitaker, a 
law student at the University of 
California, was elected to the edito- 
rial staff of The California Law Re- 
view, a law magazine. In the same 
year Homer Smith was special writ- 
er for "The Minnesota Daily," the 
world's largest college newspaper. 
In 1928, P. B. Young, Jr., at Ohio 
State University was a member of 
the staff of "The Ohio State Lan- 
tern." William H. Hastie was a mem- 
ber of the staff of "The Harvard 
Law Review." In 1929, Thomas W. 
Young, (brother of P. B. Young), 
was made managing editor of "The 
Ohio State Lantern." 

The following students attained 
cum laude ratings in northern col- 
leges, 1925-30: In 1926, Ruth G. 

Smith, Syracuse University; in 1928, 
Enid Cooke, single colored student at 
Bryn Mawr; Cheta McCard, Smith 
College; L. H. Knox, Bates College; 
Cyril C. Jones who also finished his 
college course in three and one-half 
years and won a Tremain scholarship 
at the College of the City of New 
York; Florence Byrd, (magna cum 
laude), Jackson College (Tufts) Bos- 
ton; in 1929, Julian D. Steele, Harvard 
College and Lyla Dallas, Keuka Col- 
lege, New York. Miss Dallas was sec- 
retary of the senior class and of the 
classical club, was prominent in ath- 
letics and took part in the June play. 
She was elected permanent vice-presi- 
dent of the class; in 1930, Asa T. 
Spaulding, (magna cum laude), New 
York University; Harriet I. Pickens, 
Smith College. Miss Pickens had al- 
ready received the very highest ath- 
letic honor, the "Blazer" uniform, 
and the highest honor for "College 
Citizenship," and general good stand- 
ing, the "S" pin; Velma F. Bell, 
(magna cum laude), Beloit College. 

Martha A. Roberts, who was gradu- 
ated from the University of Illinois 
in June, 1928, was on the honor roll 
during her entire course and was a 
member of the national honorary so- 
ciety for scholarship. Merze Tate,. 
of the Western State Teachers Col- 
lege, Kalamazoo, Michigan, worked 
her way through college, finished her 
course in three years, and ranked her 
class of 2,300 students. Francis A. 
Gregory completed his sophomore 
year at Case School of Applied Sci- 
ence, Cleveland, Ohio, winning the 
sixty dollar first prize in the Whit- 
acre prize essay contest and a three 
hundred dollar scholarship. William 
H. Dean, Jr., was awarded in 1928, 
the Noyes Political Economy prize of 
$60 for excellence in economics at 
Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine. 
As the results of his ranking in a 
competitive examination for a schol- 
arship open to the biology students 
at Dartmouth University, Hanover, 
Massachusetts, and of his having the 
highest scholastic standing, Lowell C. 
Wormley, junior, was declared a win- 
ner and went to Woods Hole, Massa- 
chusetts, a biological station, to study 
during the summer of 1926. 

In 1927, at Manhattan, Kansas Ag- 
ricultural College, Louis E. Fry, re- 
ceived the Lorentz Schmidt prize for 
drafting; the gold medal of the 
American Institute of Architects, 



awarded yearly to the student in 
architecture who has made the best 
scholastic record for the entire four 
years of undergraduate work and a 
book entitled, "Mont St. Michel and 
Chartres," for general excellence in 
architecture. In 1926, Mr. Fry was 
awarded the faculty prize for excel- 
lence in architectural design and was 
elected to membership in the National 
Scholastic Honor Society, Phi Kappa 
Phi to which only about the upper 
three per cent of the entire senior 
class was elected. At the close of the 
year, 1929, at Colorado College, Dol- 
phus Stroud received the $400 Per- 
kins Scholarship for having the high- 
est scholastic average of any student 
in the sophomore class. Effie Stroud 
received the $125 scholarship. Both 
are now juniors. 

Ralphe Bunche, valedictorian of 
the University of California, Los 
Angeles branch, 1927, had an unusual 
record for his entire college career. 
He won several oratorical contests, 
and gained three scholarships. He 
is one of the two highest students in 
scholarship in the university of al- 
most 6,000 having maintained an "A 
minus" average for four years. On- 
ly three per cent of the students are 
given an "A" grade, and to main- 
tain an "A" average shows consis- 
tently good scholarship. He held 
what is believed to be the athletic 
scholarship-activity record of the 
West. Bunche is a three-year let- 
ter man in basketball and has had 
two years' of varsity baseball. He 
is one of the three seniors who recently 
were awarded blankets for three 
years' participation in major sports. 
He was made a member of the Blue 
C Society an honorary athletic fra- 
ternity; treasurer of the "Forum," 
Men's Debating Society; assistant 
sport editor of the "Southern Cam- 
pus," University Year Book; reporter 
on the "Grizzly," the university daily; 
and member of the cast of the an- 
nual Greek drama production, before 
the end of his sophomore year. He 
was a member of the senior board of 
control and the senior class commit- 
tee. He was editor of the "Southern 
Campus," the year book of the uni- 
versity, which was rated as the 
seventh best in the United States. 

Frederick W. Bonner was gradu- 
ated from the New Bedford High 
School, New Bedford, Massachusetts, 
and entered Yale in 1925. He stood 

second highest in his class and de- 
livered the salutatory address. He 
was captain in the school R. O. T. C. 
He made an excellent scholastic 
record, being on the honor roll all 
four years and at graduation re- 
ceived "orations" appointment. He 
was holder of a scholarship all four 
years, the amount for senior year 
alone being $500. Rudolph Winston 
won a four-year scholarship in the 
medical school of the University of 
Pennsylvania by competitive exami- 
nation in 1926. Three scholarships 
were awarded. Mr. Winston was the 
only Negro competitor and is the 
second Negro to obtain this scholar- 
ship. Dr. W. H. Barnes was the 
first one to win it in 1908. Winston 
was graduated from the Central high 
school of Philadelphia and won a 
four-year scholarship in the college 
department of the University of 
Pennsylvania, finishing in June, 1926, 
with an A. B. degree. He has helped 
support himself by working in the 
post office. He is 24 years old, was 
born in Hampton, Virginia, and has 
been self-supporting since he was 15, 
when his father died. 

Alphonse Heningburg, graduate of 
Tuskegee Institute and Phi Beta 
Kappa man from Grinnell College in 
Iowa, studied at the Sorbonne, 
France, in 26-27. He graduated with 
honors and was awarded a profes- 
sor's diploma from that university. 
Willis N. Huggins, teacher in the 
New York City schools has received 
a certificate in history, Oxford Uni- 
versity, England, and a certificate in 
history and geography, University of 
Paris. Mercer Cook of Washington, 
who was graduated from Amherst in 
June, 1925, was awarded the $1,500 
scholarship for brilliant work in 
French which entitled Mr. Cook to 
a year's study in the Sorbonne. Be- 
cause of excellent scholarship at 
Springfield College, Springfield, Mas- 
sachusetts, in 1927, Arthur Owens 
Waller, a junior, won a scholarship 
for one year's study at the Univer- 
sity of Geneva in Switzerland. Charles 
Red Law of Gary, Indiana, pursued 
a five months' scholarship course in 
Paris, France, which he won while a 
student in architecture at Armour 
Institute of Technology, Chicago. 
Marie Davis, of Ohio State Universi- 
ty, received the Eleanora Duse Fel- 
lowship of 1929. The fellowship is 
awarded on the basis of scholarship, 



record and personality, in any part 
of the United States and provided 
for one year of graduate study in 
literature, history or philosophy in 
Italian universities. 

The Julius Rosenwald Fund has 
granted special fellowships for study 
in Europe as follows: To Miss Augus- 
ta Savage, sculptor, New York City, 
for study in Italy and France; to 
Professor Willis J. King, Gammon 
Theological Seminary, Atlanta, for 
study in Hebrew at the University of 
Oxford; to Mr. James Weldon John- 
son, executive-secretary, National As- 
sociation for the Advancement of 
Colored People, for a year to do 
creative writing and to observe con- 
ditions in this country and abroad; 
to Professor Ernest E. Just, Howard 
University, for study in the Marine's 
Zoological Laboratory at Naples, 
Italy, and in other biological labora- 
tories in Europe. The expenses for 
Professor Just's study in Europe 
were included in a grant of $80,000 
covering a five-year period for the 
support of his research and teaching 
at Howard University and for the de- 
velopment of a graduate department 
in biology at that institution. 

Ruth Anna Fisher, a graduate of 
Oberlin College, was granted a schol- 
arship sometime ago to study at the 
London School of Economics. She 
has been engaged for a considerable 
time in collecting manuscript ma- 
terials from London libraries for 
American historians. She is now 
working for the Manuscript Division 
of the library of Congress under the 
direction of the well-known historian. 
Dr. J. F. Jameson, chief of that di- 
vision, who makes the following 
statement: "The work in which Miss 
Ruth Anna Fisher is engaged is the 
supervision and conduct of all the 
work which the library of Congress 
is now carrying out in London for 
the securing, on a very large scale, 
of photographic reproductions of 
manuscripts relating to American 
history which are to be found in the 
archives and libraries of that city. 
She has been engaged in that work 
since September, 1927. It is a part 
of a large project for such photo- 
copying in the various countries ol 
Europe, provided for by a subvention 
to the library by Mr. John D. Rocke- 
feller, Jr., amounting, for the whole 
period of five years involved, to the 
sum of $450,000. In the second 

year, for instance, concluded at the 
end of August, 1929, more than 
400,000 pages of manuscript relating 
to American history were repro- 
duced for the library, partly by the 
photostat and partly by a photo-film- 
ing process. The British portion of 
this work, which is in the general 
care of Miss Fisher, has consisted of 
reproducing large portions of Ameri- 
can material in the public record of- 
fice, in the British Museum, in the 
archives of the House of Lords, in 
those of the Society for the Propa- 
gation of the Gospel in Foreign 
Parts, etc. Having seen Miss Fisher 
at work in London in the conduct of 
this enterprise, I take pleasure in 
saying that she has not only man- 
aged it with extraordinary ability 
and greatly to the satisfaction of 
the librarian of Congress, but also 
that she has manifestly made her- 
self very distinctly persona grata to 
the authorities of the British Mu- 
seum and to all those assistants who 
have worked under her direction." 

The following Negroes have re- 
ceived fellowship awards from the 
John Simon Guggenheim Memorial 
Foundation: In 1925, Isaac Fisher, 
for a study in America and abroad 
of the danger trends in world race 
relations. In 1926, Dr. Julian H. 
Lewis, assistant professor of patholo- 
gy, University of Chicago, to study 
fundamental nature of immunity 
phenomena. Isaac Fisher was re-ap- 
pointed. In 1927, Nicholas G. J. Bal- 
lanta, New York City and Free Town, 
Sierra Leone, to continue scientific 
studies of the musical conceptions of 
the African peoples and compare 
these conceptions with the musical 
conceptions of the older systems of 
music in Europe. Walter F. White, 
Negro novelist, assistant executive- 
secretary of the National Associa- 
tion for the Advancement of Colored 
People, New York City, for creative 
writing. He is the author of two- 
novels, "Fire in the Flint," and 
"Flight." In 1928, Eric Walrond to- 
go to the West Indies to obtain ma^ 
terials for a novel and short stories, 
dealing with that section; Nicholas. 
G. J. Ballanta, composer, to continue 
his research into musical conceptions 
of the Aframerican peoples, a pro- 
ject which he undertook when granted 
the award in 1927, and Countee Cul- 
len to go to Paris to do a group of 



narrative poems and the libretto for 
an opera. 

In recent examinations held in 
the New York City school system for 
teachers in the junior high schools, 
Jessie Fauset was rated second over 
many competitors for positions as 
French teachers. Pearl Fisher re- 
ceived third place on an equally long 
list in the English examination. Mrs. 
Elise McDougald was appointed to 
the position of assistant principal of 
public school No. 89 of New York 
City. Mrs. Maudelle B. Bousfield, the 
first colored principal in the public 
school system of Chicago, assumed 
the principalship in the Keith school 
on January 3, 1.928. This appoint- 
ment was the result of a competitive 
examination in which Mrs. Bousfield 
ranked among the first twenty. 

John H. Manning Butler, an Ameri- 
can Negro, who went to the Philip- 
pine Islands as a teacher more than 
a generation ago, has been promoted 
to the division superintendency of 
one of the largest provinces of the 
islands. He is recognized also as 
the author of school textbooks used 
there for the education of eight mil- 
lion Philippines. He is superinten- 
dent of two divisions each of which 
formerly had a white superintendent 
at its head. The examination which 
he passed resulted in his receiving 
a higher average than any other per- 
son had hitherto obtained. He is 
probably the first Negro in history 
to reach a school superintendency 
with full powers equal to those held 
by the graduates of leading univer- 
sities of America, with 40,000 pupils, 
four high schools, 40 intermediate and 
300 primary schools to direct. 

J. S. Gibson, a night student in 
the law school of the University of 
Toledo, was awarded a 24-volume 
set of law books as a reward for ob- 
taining the highest grade on a 
series of questions involving legal 
research. In a contest sponsored by 
the American Law Book Company in 
1928, a contest open to all members 
of the legal profession in the United 
States and drawing in ten thousand 
letters as entries, one of the five 
prize-winners was Patrick B. Pres- 
cott, of Chicago, a Negro member of 
the staff of the Chicago Corporation 
Counsel. Z. Alexander Looby ranked 
highest among 100 successful candi- 
dates who passed the Tennessee 

state bar examination in July, 1928. 
He is a B. A. from Howard Univer- 
sity, LL. B. from Columbia and a 
J. D. from New York University. 

There is a marked increase in the 
number of Negro women lawyers. 
The 1920 Census reported four wo- 
men lawyers in the United States. 
In the five years, 1925-29, 20 Negro 
women are reported as having gradu- 
ated from law schools in the coun- 
try. Twelve of these have been ad- 
mitted to practice at the bar. Mrs. 
Ruth Whitehead Whaley, the first 
Negro woman to be graduated from 
Fordham University law school, set 
another precedent when she appeared 
as the first Negro woman attorney 
to plead before the New York Court 
of Appeals. Mrs. Clara Burrill Bruce, a 
graduate of the Boston University 
Law School, was reported to be the 
second Negro woman to be admitted 
to the Massachusetts bar. Mrs. 
Sadie T. Mossell Alexander gradu- 
ated from the University of Pennsyl- 
vania Law School and is reported to 
be the first Negro woman to win this 
distinction. She received the Ph. D. 
degree from the University of Penn- 
sylvania in 1921. Mrs. Violette N. 
Anderson, of Chicago, was admitted 
to practice before the Supreme Court 
of the United States on a certificate 
showing that she had practiced for 
more than three years before the 
Illinois Supreme Court. She is said 
to be the first Negro woman to be 
admitted to practice before the 
United States Supreme Court. 
"Lillian A. Clark graduated from 
the Women's Medical College of 
Philadelphia. She was awarded the 
anatomy prize for an average of 
97 per cent. In her senior year, she 
was secretary of her class and is re- 
ported to be the only colored woman 
to receive a diploma from the National 
Board of Medical Examiners. May 
E. Chinn, received the degree of 
Doctor of Medicine from New York 
University and Bellevue Medical 
School in 1926. She served a two- 
year interneship at Harlem Hospi- 
tal as the first woman to serve in 
that capacity and as the first Negro 
woman to finish Bellevue Medical 
School. Ruth J. Temple, - M. D., is 
on the staff of the maternity division 
of the Los Angeles City Health 
Board and also of the White Me- 
morial Hospital. Her practice is 
limited exclusively to obstetrics and 



gynecology. Joel V. Bolden, gradu- 
ated from New York and Bellevue 
Hospital Medical College, and won 
the surgical prize of $100 for the 
best surgery notes covering the 
work of the senior year. Of the 106 
students, Bolden had the best sur- 
gery notes. 

The notebook becomes the perma- 
nent property of the library of the 
college. H. E. Hampton, I. B. B. 
Higgens, L. J. Hicks and W. A. 
Mason took the 1929 part II of the 
nation-wide examinations given by 
the National Board of Medical Ex- 
aminers. All passed the examination. 
One of them, Dr. Hampton, attained 
the highest grade given, making a 
total credit of 208, out of 225. The 
next highest grade attained was 206. 
Candidates who take these examina- 
tions are drawn from all the medi- 
cal schools and colleges in the United 
States and Canada. In the part I 
examination held in 1928, Dr. Hamp- 
ton was among the first ten making 
the highest average. Dr. Higgins 
made a grade of 201 and received 
the highest grade in bacteriology. 
Dr. Peter M. Murray, a member of 
the surgical staff of Harlem Hospi- 
tal, in 1928, was appointed associate 
surgeon on the staff of the Broad 
Street Hospital, one of the institu- 
tions affiliated with the Flower Hos- 
pital Medical College. R. Wellesley 
Bailey of Germantown, Philadelphia, 
has been admitted to membership in 
the Philadelphia Neurological So- 
ciety, which in the forty years of 
its existence has never before had a 
Negro physician in its ranks. Dr. 
Bailey is the only Negro neurologist 
in the city. Dr. Alonzo deG. Smith 
is one of the outstanding medical 
men of New York City in the field 
of pediatry. He is a graduate of 
Long Island College Hospital and 
City College of New York. He is 
clinical assistant, children's depart- 
ment in Vanderbilt Hospital and in 
the department of children's dis- 
eases, Columbia University, as well 
as assistant in the children's dispenr 
sary, Mount Sinai Hospital. 

Continued advancement of colored 
physicians in New York City Hospi- 
tals was in the promotion, in 1926, 
of Dr. Ernest R. Alexander, who, 
after five years service as assistant 
in the skin department of Harlem 
Hospital of the Bellevue Allied Hos- 
pitals, was made chief of clinic with 

the title physician-in-charge in the 
department of dermatology and syph- 
ilosophy. Dr. James L. Martin, of 
Philadelphia, is clinical assistant in 
radiology in the University of 
Pennsylvania graduate school of 
medicine. Dr. Louis T. Wright was 
the first colored doctor to be pro- 
moted to the position of permanent 
surgeon on the staff of the Harlem 
Hospital in New York City. In 1928, 
Dr. Wright stood second highest in 
the examinations for police surgeons. 
Of 150 physicians who took the 
examination only 26 were placed on 
the list. Dr. Wright made a mark 
of 89.1 and was appointed in 1929. 

Theodore K. Lawless, M. D., of 
Chicago, has established a remark- 
able record in the field of dermatolo- 
gy: graduating from Talladega Col- 
lege in 1914 he took his medical 
course at the University of Kansas 
and Northwestern University. He 
has done graduate work at Columbia, 
Harvard, the University of Paris, 
the University of Freiburg, the Uni- 
versity of Lucerne, and the Universi- 
ty of Vienna. His published works 
include a method for removing ver- 
rucae from the skin, in the journal 
of the American Medical Associa- 
tion, and Sarcoma of the Skin, in 
the Archives of Dermatology. At 
present Dr. Lawless is assistant to 
the professor of dermatology at 
Northwestern University Medical 
School and dermatologist to the 
Provident Hospital of Chicago. Dr. 
Lawless, in 1929, was named a mem- 
ber of the National Board of Medi- 
cal Examiners, serving jointly with 
Dr. Hedge of the Northwestern Uni- 
versity Medical School as examiner 
in dermatology. The National Board 
of Medical Examiners is the highest 
examining board for doctors in the 
United States. Any doctor passing 
this board is licensed to practice 
medicine in 45 states of the Union 
without having to take the state 
board examination. 

Dr. Charles R. Humbert's technique 
on the passing of the duodenal tube 
for the diagnosis and treatment of 
the diseases of the stomach is cited 
as the best in a recently published 
medical book entitled, "Diseases of 
the Digestive Organs," written by 
Dr. Charles D. Aaron, professor of 
the Detroit College of Medicine post- 
graduate school. Dr. Humbert is a 



practicing physician in Kansas City, 
Missouri. Dr. William A. Hinton is 
on the staff of the Wasserman lab- 
oratory of the Massachusetts depart- 
ment of public health and the de- 
partment of bacteriology of the Har- 
vard medical school. He is an au- 
thority on the Wasserman test for 
syphilis. He has -devised a test for 
this disease which is said to be sim- 
pler, more accurate and less expen- 
sive than the Wasserman test which 
hitherto has been the standard. 

In a contest in Savannah, Georgia, 
for the ablest essay on the best way 
to advance the interests of that city 
the first prize of $100 was won by 
Benjamin F. Hubert, president of 
the Georgia State Industrial College. 
Cortez Peters of Washington, D. C., 
has won the following typewriting 
prizes: Underwood gold button, in- 
signia, Order of . Accurate Typists; 
four certificates from various com- 
panies; Underwood bronze medal; 
Underwood silver medal; Remington 
gold medal; Underwood gold medal; 
L. C. Smith gold medal; Royal gold 
medal; Woodstock gold jeweled pin; 
Remington standard typewriter; Un- 
derwood diamond medal; world's 
amateur championship. 

Dennis A. Forbes, head of the sci- 
ence department of Tennessee A. and 
I. State College, won the first prize 
in the "Best Lesson You Ever 
Taught" contest conducted by the 
Popular Science Monthly, New York, 
in its monthly guide for science 
teachers: The Science Classroom. 
There were ten prizes altogether. 
His prize winning essay, published 
in March, 1926, describes one of the 
corners in his chemistry laboratory 
at A. and I. State College and is 
entitled, "How We Made Our Crys- 
tal Corner." Carl Smith, won $500, 
first prize, in a two-word slogan prize 
contest conducted by the advertising 
department of Richardson & Royn- 
ton, New York City, manufacturers 
of heating and cooking apparatus. 
His slogan was, "Gas Era." Profes- 
sor Ben L. Taylor, of the department 
of physics of Shaw University, was 
awarded a prize of $100 in a contest 
conducted under the auspices of the 
Forum magazine for the best solu- 
tion of a series of special logical 
problems partly in the field of mathe- 
matics. Second place in The New 
York News "Hall of Fame" game 
carrying an award of $500 was won 

by Cyril A. Wilson, a native of the 
Barbados, West Indies. 

Lillian C. Mack was awarded a 
cash prize of $500 by The Normal In- 
structor Primary Plan in a nation- 
wide educational health contest con- 
ducted by that magazine in connec- 
tion with the Charles E. Hires Com- 
pany of Philadelphia. An additional 
prize of $100 was awarded the school 
of which Miss Mack is principal at 
Tamworth, Virginia, for exhibit 
work which accompanied her prize 
winning composition. 

Negroes Who Have Made Phi 
Beta Kappa 

Membership in the Phi Beta Kap- 
pa Fraternity is conferred in the 
leading colleges and universities on 
under-graduates who are among the 
best scholars and is for scholarship 
only. There are 116 Negroes who, 
from 1874-1930, have made this fra- 
ternity as follows: 

!8 74 Bouchet, Edward A., Yale University; 

i8 77 Henderson, George W., University of 

jg 7 8 Montgomery, W. S., Dartmouth Col- 

i8 7 9 Lane, Wily, Amherst College; 

!883 Colson, James Major, Jr., Dartmouth 

1891 Carr, James D., Rutgers College; 

!8 92 Williams, Edward Christopher, Western 
Reserve University; 
Wilson, Edward E-, Williams College; 

!8 94 Trotter, William Monroe, Harvard 

jg 9S Martin, Alexander Hamilton, Western 
Reserve University; 

1898 Brown, S. Joe, University of Iowa; 

1901 Langston, J. Mercer, Oberlin College; 

1902 Bruce, Roscoe C., Harvard University; 

I 90 3 Hill, Leslie P., Harvard University; 

I9 o 4 Pickens, William, Yale University; 

Washington, Booker T., Harvard Uni- 
versity (Honorary) ; 

I90S Fauset, Jessie R., Cornell University; 
Mattingly, Robert N., Amherst College; 

I9 o6 Cromwell, John W., Dartmouth Col- 
Jones, Everett B., Colgate University; 

I907 Just, Ernest E-, Dartmouth College; 

Locke, Alain Leroy, Harvard Univer- 

Igo 8 Broadnax, Anna F., Oberlin College; 
Crawford, Mildred Imogene, Ohio Wes- 
leyan University; 

1910 Dreer, Samuel Herman, Bowdoin Col- 

Ellison, George S., University of Michi- 

Giddings, Arthur, New York Universi- 

Jones,' John Dotha, Columbia Univer- 

1912 Dinkins, William H., Brown Universi- 

Evans, Joseph H. B., University of 

McDuffie, Clyde C., Williams College; 
Mitchell, John Arnett, Bowdoin Col- 

, 91S Houston, Charles H., Amherst College; 
Rivers, Francis E., Yale University; 



1916 Mitchell, Hortense, Oberlin College; 

1917 Grant, Francis, Radcliffe College; 

Lane, David A., Jr., Bowdoin College; 
Logan, Rayford W., Williams College; 
Pendleton, Anna L-, Oberlin College; 

igiS Scott, James, University of Kansas; 
Turner, Lillian A., University of Min- 

Wilkins, J. Ernest, University of Illi- 

1919 Fisher, Rudolph J. C., Brown Univer- 

Hope, John, Brown University (Honor- 
ary) ; 

Jackson, Perry B., Western Reserve 

Popel, Esther, Dickinson College; 
Robeson, Paul L-, Rutgers College; 
Williams, Frances H., Mt. Holyoke 

1920 Hendrickson, Dorothy M., Hunter Col- 

Jefferson, William, Dickinson College; 
Julian, Percy, DePauw University; 
Marshall, Carter Lee, Williams College; 
Mollison, Irvin C., University of Chi- 

Morgan, Edwin T., New York Univer- 

Scott, Bobbie Beatrix, Oberlin College; 
Wilson, J. Harmon, Ohio State Uni- 

1921 Brown, Sterling A., Williams College; 
Doyle, Bertram W., Ohio Wesleyan 
University ; 

Link, Mary E-, University of Chicago; 
Seldon, Theodore M., Dartmouth Col- 

1922 Brown, Stanley, Western Reserve Uni- 

Smith, Herbert Morrison, Colgate Uni- 

1923 Price, Melva L., Hunter College; 

Scott, Clarrisa M., Wellesley College; 
Spence, Lucille W., Hunter College; 
West, Elizabeth, Wellesley College; 
Wilkinson, Gladys A., Oberlin College; 

1924 Davis, Collis, Grinnell College; 

David, William Allison, Williams Col- 

Hastie, William H., Amherst College; 
Heningburg, Alphonse, Grinnel College; 
Wilkinson, Robert Shaw, Jr., Dart- 
mouth College; 

1925 Cook, Mercer, Amherst College; 

Cullen, Countee, New York Universi- 


Holly, Emile, Middlebury College; 

Thornhill, Walter B., University of 


1926 Cl 


1927 Brown, Hazel Ernestine, University of 


Davis, Arthur Paul, Columbia Univer- 

Jackson, Helen Natalie, University of 

Miller, Alexander F., New York City 

Peters, Ada V., University of Maine; 
Pritchard, Norman Henry, New York 

Rojas, Mercedes L-, University of Chi- 

Stubbs, Frederick Douglas, Dartmouth 

1928 Caldwell, Georgia A., University of 
Kansas ; 

Carson, Carol G., University of Michi- 

Cromwell, Otelia, Smith College (Honor- 
ary) ; 

Dunham, Albert M., University of Chi- 

Howard, Weaver, Rutgers College; 
Jenkins, Joseph H., Jr., Hamilton Col- 

McDaniel, Reuben, Rutgers College; 
Miles, Theodore, New York Universi- 

Miller, Loren B., University of Michi- 

Sinkford, William J., University of 

Whitfield, Lawrence Alexander, Univer- 
sity of Chicago; 
Wilson, Marion, Hunter College; 
Wright, Mae T., Tufts College; 

1929 Bell, Velma, Beloit College; 

Dean, William H., Jr., Bowdoin Col- 

Dorsey, Edythe, Syracuse University; 
Lloyd, Rupert A., Williams College; 
Logan, Arthur C., Williams College; 
Knox, Clinton E., Williams College; 
Smith, Thelma Cecelia, University of 

Turner, Z. W., University of Kansas; 
Utz, David Willis, Jr., Amherst Col- 

ig3o Chambers, Joseph C., Amherst College; 
Fitzhugh, Howard, Harvard University; 
Ford, Ruth, Hunter College; 
Himes, Joseph S., Jr., Oberlin College; 
Jefferson, Bernard S., University of 
Southern California; 
Morrow, John H., Rutgers College. 
Raines, Willie I., University of Indiana. 

Negroes Elected to Other Honorary 

Mary Stokes was elected, in 1925, 
a member of Phi Kappa Phi, national 
honorary fraternity at Butler Col- 
lege. Membership is given on a 
basis of scholarly attainment. Miss 
Stokes was one of the three seniors 
in a class of 160 to receive the de- 
gree magna cum laude. In 1926, Lu- 
cille Stokes of Butler College, Mau- 
rice Thomason of Iowa State College, 
and Louis E. Fry of Kansas Agricul- 
tural College were elected members 
of Phi Kappa Phi. At the Universi- 
ty of Illinois, in 1927, Martha A. 
Roberts was elected to Phi Kappa 
Epsilon, international honorary fra- 
ternity. She served as secretary of 
the organization during 1927-28. John 
Carter and Cyprian Cunningham, both 
of the Class of 1929, have been elected 
to Phi Kappa Epsilon. 

Clarence F. Bryson was elected, in 
1927, to membership in the national 
professional English fraternity, Sig- 
ma Tau Delta, Beta Beta Chapter at 
Cleveland College, the downtown 
school of liberal arts of Western Re- 
serve University. Simultaneous with 
his election he was awarded the Del- 
ta Key of the sixth degree. There 



are only three higher degrees each 
with its corresponding key, the 
seventh, eighth and tenth. 

Gladys I. Lucas, in 1927, was 
elected to and initiated into the Pi 
Delta Phi, honorary French society 
of the University of Illinois. The 
requirements for membership are 
nine units in upper division French 
study and a scholastic average equal 
to 4.5 for juniors and 4.25 for seniors. 
S. M. Nabrit was elected to Sigma 
Xi, honorary scientific society, at 
Brown University in 1927. Anthony 
Hill, a student at the University of 
Kansas in 1927, was elected to Beta 
Chi Sigma, honorary psychology fra- 
ternity. Willie A. Strong was elected 
to Alpha Chapter of Alpha Kappa 
Delta, honorary sociology fraternity 
at the University of Kansas. At 
New York University, in 1928, Thel- 
ma Berlack and in 1930, Asa T. 
Spaulding were elected to Delta Mu 
Delta, national honorary society in 
schools of commerce. 

In 1927, Francis A. Gregory was 
elected at Case School of Applied 
Science to membership in Tau Beta 
Pi the national honor society of en- 
gineers. Besides high scholastic 
standing the members must possess 
qualities of leadership and good fel- 
lowship. They must be engaged in 
activities at Case and must give 
promise of becoming effective engi- 

In 1927, Leon A. Ransom, at Ohio 
State University, was elected to the 
Order of the Coif, an honorary law 
fraternity that corresponds in law 
to Phi Beta Kappa in liberal arts. 
In an editorial The Ohio State Jour- 
nal says: "We take off our hat to 
this young Negro. His record thus 
far is a credit to his race and would 
be to any race. He has the stuff in 
him which shows that character and 
intellect are not matters of racial 
origin, not confined to that branch of 
the human family, which in our 
country considers itself superior. He 
met men of that race in fair contest 
and proved his superiority." Albert 
L. Turner, who graduated from West- 
ern Reserve, 1923, cum laude, was 
graduated from Westen Reserve Uni- 
versity Law School in 1927, third in 
a class of seventy-four and was 
elected to the Order of the Coif. 
James M. Nabrit at Northwestern 
University and Ivan C. McLeod of 
the University of Cincinnati have al- 

so been made members of this fra- 

John W. Lawlah, second year, 
medical school of the University of 
Wisconsin, was elected to member- 
ship in Sigma Sigma, honorary medi- 
cal society in 1928. Election to this 
society is based on scholarship and 
leadership, including work in medi- 
cal and campus activities. In 1925, 
Carl R. Robinson in his senior year 
in the Northwestern School of Music 
was elected to membership in Pi 
Kappa Lambda, national honorary 
musical fraternity. Robinson was in- 
cluded among eleven other individu- 
als elected for scholastic excellence 
as candidate for initiation into the 
local Alpha Chapter. Miss Naida 
McCullough, of Los Angeles, achieved 
a similar honor in the same year. 
In 1928, Edith Player was elected to 
this honor at Ohio Wesleyan Univer- 

Negroes Who Have Received the 
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 

The degree of Doctor of Philoso- 
phy, which is the highest earned de- 
gree conferred by educational insti- 
tutions, has been conferred by Ameri- 
can and foreign universities, from 
1876-1930, upon 53 Negroes as fol- 

1876 Bouchet, Edward A., Yale University; 

1877 Bowen, J. W. E., Boston University; 

1893 Bulkley, William L,., Syracuse Univer- 

1895 Dubois, W. E. B., Harvard Universi- 

1896 Moore, Lewis B., University of Penn- 

1898 O'Connell, Pezavia, University of Penn- 

J9o3 Baker, T. Nelson, Yale University; 

1906 Diggs, James R. L,., Illinois Wesleyan 

1907 Turner, Charles H., University of Chi- 

1909 Jones, Gilbert H., Jena University, 

1911 Wright, Richard R., Jr., University of 

1912 Haynes, George E-, Columbia Univer- 

Woodson, Carter G., Harvard Univer- 

1915 Lewis, Julian, University of Chicago; 

1916 Brady, St. Elmo, University of Illi- 
Just, Ernest E-, University of Chicago; 

1917 Chandler, Edward M. A., University of 

1918 Farmer, Leonard James, Boston Uni- 

Imes, Elmer S., University of Michi- 

Locke, Alain Leroy, Harvard Univer- 

1919 Brown, Thomas I., Clark University; 

I 9 2o King, Willis J., Boston University; 

Sumner, Francis C., Clark University; 



1921 Blackiston, Harris S., University of 

Dykes, Eva B., Radcliffe College; 
Mossell, Sadie Tanner, University of 

Simpson, Georgiana Rosa, .University of 
Turner, Thomas W., Cornell University; 

1923 Davis, Edward P., University of Chi- 

1924 Bell, William Yancey, Yale University; 

1925 Cooper, Anna J., University of Paris; 
Cox, Albert Frank, Cornell University; 
Daniel, W. A., University of Chicago; 
Thompson, Charles Henry, University 
of Chicago; 

Wesley, Charles H., Harvard Universi- 

1926 Bate, Langston F., University of Chi- 

Cromwell, Otelia, Yale University; 
Donald, Henderson Hamilton, Yale Uni- 

Turner, Lorenzo D., University of Chi- 

1928 Campbell, H. B., Harvard University; 
Ferrell, Harrison, Northwestern Uni- 

Mills, Clarence H., University of Chi- 

Peters, A. T., University of London; 
Porter, Jennie D., University of Cin- 

Washington, Alethea, Ohio State Uni- 

Woodard, Dudley Weldon, University of 

1929 Beckham, Albert Sidney, New York 
McAllister, Jane, Columbia University; 

1980 Caliver, Ambrose, Columbia University; 
Clement, Rufus Earley, Northwestern 

Harris, Abram L,., Columbia University; 
Hawkins, Mason Albert, University of 

McKinney, Roscoe Lewis, University 
of Chicago. 

Negroes in the Engineering Field 

William G. Holly is superintendent 
and chemist of the Imperial Paint 
Company, Long Island City, New 
York, a company which manufactures 
paints, varnishes, lacquers and indus- 
trial finishes. He was originally re- 
search chemist, and finally, when a 
vacancy occurred, was made plant 
manager. The work involves gener- 
al superintendence and plant manage- 
ment, laboratory direction, develop- 
ment of new products, and general 
manufacture and production control. 
He has a staff of two laboratory as- 
sistants, three foremen, a mechanic 
and twenty other employees. 

Ramon M. Edreira Rodriguez, who 
for 21 years was continuously em- 
ployed as a civil engineer by the Cu- 
ban government, recently won the 
distinction of being the first man of 
color to receive a license as a pro- 
fessional engineer in New York 
State. After an examination, the 

University of the State of New York 
granted his license. Mr. Rodriguez 
is a graduate of the University of 
Havana, Cuba, with the degree of 
civil engineer. He served in various 
positions in the department of pub- 
lic works in Cuba, constructing high- 
ways, and building a number of steel 
and concrete bridges. Later he was 
appointed chief engineer in the di- 
vision of contracts, properties and 
supplies. From this position he was 
promoted to chief engineer, first 
class, and head of the division of 
bridges and highways. 

Wendell King, a member of the 
Institute of Radio Engineers, is chief 
engineer of radio station WEDH in 
Erie, Pennsylvania, a station of The 
Erie Dispatch-Herald. Mr. King is 
a graduate of Union College of 
Schenectady, where he majored in 
electrical engineering. For a time 
he worked in the research laboratory 
of the General Electric Company 
then became a sergeant in the army 
during the war. After the war he 
was employed by an electrical manu- 
facturing company in Cleveland and 
then took charge of a radio station 
at Ashtabula. Under his personal 
supervision this station was moved 
to Erie in 1927. 

Lewis Howard Latimer, who died 
December 11, 1928, was an Edison 
Pioneer. In a recent report of the 
Pioneers, the following was written: 
"It was Mr. Latimer who executed 
the drawings and assisted in prepar- 
ing the applications for the telephone 
patents of Alexander Graham Bell. 
In 1880, he entered the employ of 
Hiram S. Maxim, electrician of the 
United States Electric Lighting Com- 
pany, then located at Brideport, Con- 
necticut. It was while in this em- 
ploy that Mr. Latimer successfully 
produced a method of making carbon 
filaments for the Maxim electric in- 
candescent lamp, which he patented. 
His keen perception of the possibili- 
ties of the electric light and kindred 
industries resulted in his being the 
author of several other inventions. 
He assisted in installing and placing 
in operation some of the first 'Maxim' 
incandescent electric light plants in 
New York City, Philadelphia and 
Canada, for the United States Elec- 
tric Light Company, and supervised 
the production of the carbon fila- 
ments employed therein, such as the 
Equitable Building, Fiske & Hatch, 



Caswell & Massey's, and the Union 
League Club of New York City, as 
well as the offices of the Philadel- 
phia Ledger in Philadelphia. 

"In the autumn of 1881, Mr. Lati- 
mer was sent to London, England, to 
establish an incandescent lamp de- 
partment for the Maxim-Weston 
Electric Light Company. In 1882-83, 
he was employed by the Olmstead 
Electric Lighting Company of Brook- 
lyn, New York, and then by the Acme 
Electric Light Company of New York 
City. In 1884, he became associated 
with the engineering department of 
the Edison Electric Light Company, 
New York City, but in 1890 was 
transferred to the legal department 
where he remained until the forma- 
tion of the board of patent control 
in 1896 by the General Electric and 
Westinghouse companies, becoming 
its chief draughtsman, a position he 
held until the abolition of this board 
in 1911, when he became associated 
with Edwin W. Hammer, patent so- 
licitor, and engineer of New York 
City, and later with the firm of Ham- 
mer and Schwarz. Ma. Latimer's 
activities were brought to an unfortu- 
nate conclusion in the early part of 
1924 by infirmities that finally 
caused his demise. He was of the 
colored race, the only one in our or- 
ganization, and was one of those to 
respond to the initial call that led 
to the formation of the Edison Pio- 
neers, January 24, 1918. Broad- 
mindedness, versatility in the accom- 
plishment of things intellectual and 
cultural, a linguist, a devoted hus- 
band and father, all were charac- 
teristic of him, and his genial pres- 
ence will be missed from our gather- 

W. W. Strange is the metallurgion 
at the Buffalo (New York) Museum 
of Science. Mr. Strange had a wide 
experience before coming to New 
York in work with various mining 
companies in America and other 
parts of the world. 

Progress of the Negro in the field 
of engineering is indicated by the 
fact that the National Technical As- 
sociation originated in the City of 
"Chicago, December 10, 1925, and was 
incorporated under the laws of the 
State of Illinois, August 25, 1926. 
There are now three local branches 
of this association in existence, one 
in Chicago, one in the State of Ohio 
with offices at Wilberforce Univer- 

sity, and one in Washington, D. C., 
with offices at Howard University. 

The objects of the association are: to col- 
lect and disseminate information concerning 
the opportunities of a Negro in the technical 
and engineering fields; the aid and encourage- 
ment of Negro youth in preparation for these 
fields; the advancement of science and engi- 
neering in all its branches; the promotion 
of the interests of the profession among the 
darker races and the breaking down ol bar- 
riers in the profession due to race prejudice. 

Among the members of the asso- 
ciation are: E. J. Cheeks, Cleveland, 
graduate electrical engineering, Pur- 
due University, engineer for Munici- 
pal Electrical Light Company; E. R. 
Welch, professor, Howard University; 
M. A. Chavous, professor, Wilber- 
force University; S. R. Cheevers, 
Chicago, graduate in engineering, 
Howard University, 'engineering de- 
partment, City of Chicago; F. C. 
Downs, Chicago, graduate, Armour 
Institute, instructor in mechanical 
drawing in the city public schools; 
Chas. H. Dukes, Chicago, graduate, 
Harvard University, practicing struc- 
tural engineer; W. I. Gough, Chica- 
go, graduate in engineering, Howard 
University, engineering department 
of the Pullman Company; James A. 
McGehee, graduate, Armour Insti- 
tute, member of engineering depart- 
ment board of local improvement, 
City of Chicago; Oscar Randall, grad- 
uate, civil engineering, University of 
Illinois, member of the engineering 
corps, Chicago sanitary district; How- 
ard D. Shaw, Chicago, graduate, Uni- 
versity of Michigan, chief electrician 
for the Pullman Company; A. T. 
Weathers, Chicago, graduate, Armour 
Institute, senior sanitary chemist, 
City of Chicago. 

Poetry Contest Prizes 

The Pioneer, a literary magazine, 
published at Statesville, North Caro- 
lina, held a poetry contest in 1927. 
In the section devoted to a poem de- 
scriptive of Carolina scenery, first 
prize was won by George Leonard 
Allen, principal of the colored high 
school at Lumberton, North Carolina. 
In 1925, Countee P. Cullen was 
awarded the John Reed Memorial 
prize in a nation-wide poetry con- 
test. He also won the Witter Byn- 
ner undergraduate poetry prize of 
$150. The first prize for the best 
poem written by an undergraduate 
in an American university was 
awarded to Langston Hughes in 1926 
for his poem, "The House in Toas." 
He was also awarded the John Keats 



prize for the best poem in the second 
fall number of Palms in 1927. 
Opportunity Conlest Awards 

Opportunity, 1925, Contest Awards 
To stimulate creative expression 
among Negroes and to direct atten- 
tion to the rich and unexploited 
sources of materials for literature in 
Negro life, Opportunity Magazine 
offered its first prizes for short 
stories, poetry, plays, essays and 
personal experience sketches to the 
amount of $500 in August, 1.924. The 
donor was Mrs. Henry Leach and the 
awards made in 1925 were as fol- 
lows : 


First prize of $100 to "Fog," by John Ma- 
theus of Institute, West Virginia; second 
prize of $35 to "Spunk," by Zora Neale Hurs- 
ton of Jacksonville, Florida; third prize of 
$15 to "The Voodoo's Revenge," by Eric D. 
Walrond of New York City. 

First prize of $40 to "The Weary Blues," 
by Langston Hughes of Washington, D. C. ; 
second prize of $15 to "One Who Said Me 
Nay," by Countee Cullen of New York City; 
third place. For the third place there was a 
tie between the winners of the first and second 
prizes: "A Song of Sour Grapes," by Countee 
Cullen and, "America," by Langston Hughes, 
receiving the same number of votes. The 
judges decided to award the honor to both 
and the cash prize to the two contestants re- 
ceiving fourth place. A cash prize of five 
dollars to "Solace," by Clarissa Scott of Wash- 
ington, D. C. ; cash prize of five dollars to 
"The Wayside Well," by Joseph S. Cotter of 
Louisville, Kentucky. 


First prize of $50 to "Social Equality and 
the Negro," by E. Franklin Frazier of Atlan- 
ta, Georgia; second prize of $3o to "Roland 
Hayes," by Sterling Brown of Lynchburg, 
Virginia; third prize of $10 to "The Negro 
Poet," by Laura D. Wheatley of Baltimore, 


First Prize of $60 to "Frances," by G. D. 
Lopscomb; second prize of $3s to "Humble 
Instrument," by Warren A. MacDonald of 
Philadelphia and, "Color Struck," by Zora 
Neale Hurston of Jacksonville, Florida; third 
prize of $15 to "The Bog Guide," by Jean 
Ray of Baltimore, Maryland. 


First prize of $30 to "My Fellow Traveler," 
by G. A. Steward of Columbus, Ohio; second 
prize of $20 to "An Experience," by Fidelia 
Repley of Boston, Massachusetts; third prize 
to "Personal Experience," by J. C. Stubbs of 
Detroit, Michigan. 

Opportunity, 1926, Contest Awards 
(The "Holstein Prizes" were estab- 
lished in 1925 through the donation 
of $1,000 by Mr. Casper Holstein, a 
Negro, of New York City. Among 
these prizes was "The Alexander 
Pushkin Poetry Prize" of $100, an in- 
ternational prize for unusual attain- 
ment. Additional prizes of $200 were 
contributed by the New York State 
Federation of Colored Women's 

Clubs for constructive journalistic 
achievement in Negro weekly news- 
papers. The awards made in 1926 
were as follows:) 


First prize of $100 to "Symphonesque," by 
Arthur Huff Fauset of Philadelphia; second 
prize of f5o to "Muttsy," by Zora Neale 
Hurston of New York City and to ' The 
Typewriter," by Dorothy West of Back Bay, 
Massachusetts; third prize of $25 to 'The 
Heritage of the Heathen," by Lee Wallace of 
Topeka, Kansas; fourth prize of $15 to 
"Rootbound," by Eugene Gordon of Boston, 


First prize of $50 and second prize of $3j 
divided between "No Images," by Ford Kram- 
er of Lincoln University, Pennsylvania and 
"Northboun," " by L. Ariel Williams of Fisk 
University, Nashville, Tennessee; third prize 
of fio to "The Tragedy of Pete," by Joseph 
S. Cotter of Louisville, Kentucky; fourth 
prize of five dollars to "Lines to Certain of 
One's Elders," by John Henry Lucas of New 
York City. 


First prize of ?6o to "Sugar Cain," by F. 
H. Wilson of Corona, New York; second 
prize of ?35 to "Cruiten," by John Matheus 
of Institute, West Virginia; third prize of 
$15 to "Blood," by Warren A. McDonald of 


First prize of }So to "Segregation," by 
Arthur Huff Fauset of Philadelphia; second 
prize of |3o to "A Man I Know," by Brenda 
Morcyk of Washington, D. C.; third prize of 
?i5 to "Modernism and the Negro Church," 
by Miles Mark Fisher of Richmond, Virginia. 

First prize of $3o to "Sand," by John Ma- 
theus of Institute, West Virginia; second 
prize of $20 to "A Dark Horse," by Anita 
Scott Coleman of Silver City, New Mexico; 
third prize of fio to "The Pink Hat," by 
Mrs. Aaron Day, Jr., of Atlanta, Georgia. 

First prize of $7=; to "African War Dance," 
(for full orchestration) by Edmund T. Jen- 
kins, of Paris, France; second prize of $50 
to "Sonata in A Minor," (for 'cello) by Ed- 
mund T. Jenkins of Paris, France and "In 
the Land O'Cotton," by Florence B. Price of 
Little Rock, Arkansas; third prize of $25 
to "Way Up in Heaven," by Hall Johnson of 
New York City. 


One award of $100 to "Golgatha is a Moun- 
tain," by Arna Bontemps of New York City. 

Award of fiop to "A Dying Man's Lie 
Refuted," appearing in The New York Age 
of January 3o, 1926, and "On the Road to 
Sing Sing," appearing in The Amsterdam News 
of May 6, 1925. 

Opportunity, 1927, Contest Awards 
(In 1926, Mr. Holstein again do- 
nated $1,000 for "The Holstein 
Prizes" in the third annual Oppor- 
tunity contest. The awards which 
were announced in 1927 follow:) 

First and second prizes of fioo and $50 
were divided between "Game," by Eugene 
Gordon of Boston, Massachusetts and "The 
Flyer," by Cecil Blue of Charlotte, North 
Carolina. The third place two awards of $25 
each to "Buzzards," by Eugene Gordon of 


Boston, Massachusetts, and "The Overcoat," by 
John P. Davis of Cambridge, Massachusetts. 


In the general section first prizes of $50 
to "When De Saints Go Ma'chin' Home," by 
Sterling A. Brown of Jefferson City, Mis- 
souri; second prize of $85 to "Summer Ma- 
tures," by Helene Johnson of New York City; 
third prize of |io to "The Resurrection," by 
Jonathan H. Brooks of Lexington, Mississip- 
pi and fourth prize of five dollars to "Son- 
net to "A Negro in Harlem," by Helene John- 
son. In the Alexander Pushkin section, the 
single award of $100 went to "The Return," 
by Arna Bontemps. 


First prize of $50 "Moving Pictures in an 
Old Song Shop," by Ted (pseudonym) ; second 
prize of $30 to "On Race Equality," by James 
H. Young of Philadelphia; third prize of 
1 10 divided between "Concerning White 
People," by Frank Home of New York City 
and "The Plight of Certain Intellectuals," by 
Sterling A. Brown of Jefferson City, Mis- 


First and second awards divided into two 
prizes of $25 each to "Sasswood," by Mrs. 
Shadd Jones of Columbus, Ohio; and "Letters," 
by Idabelle Yeiser of Philadelphia; the third 
prize of fio was divided between "I Am 
Initiated into the Negro Race," by Frank 
Home of Brooklyn and "Black," by Nellie 
Bright of Philadelphia. 


First prize of $50 for a composition of 
from two to six instruments to "Sonato," by 
Hall Johnson of New York; second prize of 
$a5 to "Memories of Dixieland," by Mrs. 
Florence Price of Little Rock, Arkansas: 
a prize of $50 for a vocal composition for 
solo to "Fiyer," by Hall Johnson of New 
York; a prize of $50 for a vocal composition 
for chorus to "Banjo Dance," by Hall John- 
son of New York. The prize of $3s for a 
piano composition in smaller form was di- 
vided between "Concert Fugue," by Andrades 
Lindsay of Brooklyn, New York and "Inter- 
mezzo," by Tourgee DuBose of Talladega, 
Alabama. For the arrangement of Negro 
spirituals and folk songs, the first prize of 
{40 went to "All 1 Want," by J. Bruce. A 
second award of $15 was given "Nobody 
Knows De Trouble I've Seen," by Ernest F. 
Peace of Washington. 


A first award of $75 to a drawing by Aaron 
Douglass of New York City; two second 
awards of $25 each to "November," by Allan 
Freelon of Philadelphia and "Reservoir 
Road," by Antonio Jarvis of St. Thomas, 
Virgin Islands. 


First prize of $60 to "Plumes," by Georgia 
Douglas Johnson of Washington, D. C. ; second 
prize of $25 to "The Hunch," by Eulalie 
Spence of Brooklyn, New York; third prize 
of $15 divided between "Four Eleven," by 
William Jackon of Montclair, New Jersey 
and "The Starter," by Eulalie Spence. 

Five prizes of ten dollars each to entries 
that snowed conspicuous promise. The 
awards are as follows: i. To Blanche Taylor 
Dickinson of Sewickley, Pennsylvania, for her 
poem, "A Sonnet, and a Rondeau," 2. To Doro- 
thy West of New York City for her story, 
"An Unimportant Man." 3. To Emily May 
Harper of Nashville, Tennessee, for her 
story, "Ma Kilpatrick, Boss." 4. To Frank 
Home of Brooklyn, New York, for his essay, 
"Concerning White People." 5. To Sterling 

A. Brown, of Jefferson City, Missouri, for 
his essay "The Plight of Certain Intellec- 
tuals." In 1927, Carl Van Vechten instituted 
an award of $200 for the best signed con- 
tribution carried by The Opportunity maga- 
zine in a period of one year. The 1927, award 
went to Dantes Gellegarde for his article on 
"Haiti Under the United States." The 1928 
award was to E. Franklin Frazier for his 
essay on "The Mind of the American Ne- 

Crisis Contest Awards 

Crisis, 1925, Contest Awards 
("The Crisis Magazine" in 1924, 
through the gift of Mrs. Amy Spin- 
garn was enabled to make an offer 
of a series of prizes in art and liter- 
ature. These prizes were awarded 
in 1925, 1926 and 1927. The amount 
of the awards was increased in 1927 
through gifts from Mrs. E. R. Ma- 
thews, Carl Brandt and the New 
York State Federation of Colored 
Women's Clubs. The awards were 
as follows:) 


First prize of $100 to "High Yaller," by 
Rudolph Fisher, Washington, D. C. ; second 
prize of $50 to "There Never Fell A Night 
So Dark," by Mrs. Marie French, Colorado 
Springs, Colorado; third prize of $20 to 
"Three Dogs and a Rabbit," by Mrs. Anita 
Scott Coleman of Silver City, New Mexico. 

First prize of $50 to "On Being Young 
a Woman and Colored," by Miss Marietta 
O. Bonner, Roxbury, Massachusetts; second 
prize of $30 to "The Fascination of Cities," 
by Langston Hughes, Washington, D. C. ; 
third prize of $10 to "Salvation," by G. A. 
Stewart, Columbus, Ohio. 

First prize of $75 to "The Broken Banjo," 
by Willis Richardson, Washington, D. C. ; 
second prize of $40 to "The Church Fight," 
by Ruth Ada Gaines Shelton, St. Louis, Mis- 
souri; third prize of $10 to "For Unborn 
Children," by Myrtle Athleen Smith, Greely, 


First prize of $50 to "Two Moods of 
Love," by Countee Cullen, New York City; 
second prize of ?3o to "Letters Found Near 
a Suicide," by Frank Home, New York City; 
third prize of $10 \o "Poems," by Langston 
Hughes, Washington, D. C. 

First prize of $75 to E. A. Harleston, 
Charleston, South Carolina; second prize of 
$40 to Albert Smith, Paris, France, and third 
prize of $10 to H. A. Woodruff, Indianapolis, 

Crisis, 1926, Contest Awards 
Over 600 manuscripts and drawings 
were submitted. 


First prize of fioo to "Boot-Black Lover," 
by "Marchbanks," Willis Richardson, Wash- 
ington, D. C. ; second prize of $50 to "Foreign 
Mail," by "Carolyn Hopper," Eulalie Spence, 
Brooklyn, New York. 


First prize of |ioo to "Swamp Moccasin," 
by "Robert Fren," John F. Matheus, Insti- 
tute, West Virginia; second prize of fs to 
"Death Game," by Zerless, Edmund Drum- 
mond Shean, Chicago, Illinois. 




First prize of $75 to "A Nocturne at 
Bethesda," by "Lee Carter," Arna Bontemps, 
New York City; second prize of 25 to 
"Thoughts in a Zoo," by "Jonathan Edwards, 
Countee Cullen, New York City. 

First prize of ?75 to "Collebe," by "John 
Jones," Lorin R. Miller, Topeka, Kansas; 
second prize of $25 to "Masterpieces," by 
"William Henry," Anita Scott Coleman, Sil- 
ver City, New Mexico. 


First prize of $75 to "African Chief," by 
Aaron Douglass, New- York City; second 
prize of $25 to "Portrait," by Hale Woodruff, 
Indianapolis, Indiana. 

Crisis, 1927, Contest Awards 


First prize, $200, Miss Marita O. Bonner, 
Washington, D. C., for "The Purple Flower," 
a fantasy, "Exit," a play, "Drab Rambles, 
a short story and "The Young Blood Hunt- 
ers," an essay. Second prize, fioo, Miss 
Brenda Ray Moryck, Washington, D. C., for 
"Old Days and New," a short story, "Days, 
a short story and "Her Little Brother," a 
short story. Third prize, $50, Miss Eulahe 
Spence, New York City for, "Hot Stuff, ' a 
play and "Undertow," a play. 

First prize, $150, Miss Mae Cowdery, 
Philadelphia, for "Longings," and ' Lamps. 
Second prize, $50, Edward Silvera, Lincoln, 
Pennsylvania, for "Song to a Dark Girl. Third 
prize, $25, Miss Ethel M. Caution, New York 

City, for "To " 


First prize, fiso, Miss Vivian S. Schuyler, 
New York City, for "Lift Every Voice and 
Sing." Second prize, 75, Roscoe C. Wright, 
Roxbury, Massachusetts, for "Black Woman- 
hood Unfettered." Third prize, $25, Cor- 
nelius W. Johnson, Chicago, for "A Chicago 
Chap." Fourth prize, fio, Alain R. Freelon, 
Philadelphia, for "A Jungle Nymph." 

First prize, $100, Edna Rosalyne Heard, 
California; second prize, $25, Miss Jeanette 
L. Norman, New York. 


To Mrs. Effie Lee Newsome, $200, for the 
"Little Page," contributed to ten numbers 
of The Crisis; to W. E. Matney, fioo, for 
"Teaching Business," an essay contributed to 
the July number; to Zona Gale, fso, for 
"Medals," a poem, contributed to the Sep- 
tember number. 

Crisis, 1928, Contest Awards 


(In 1928 a series of economic prizes given 
by five Negro banks and seven Negro insur 
ance companies were awarded as follows:) 

First prize, fioo, for an essay, "Exploita- 
tion or Cooperation," by W. C. Matney, Blue- 
field, West Virginia; second prize, fso, foi 
an essay, "The Employment Progress of 
Colored Women in the United States, 1890- 
1920," by Myra Colson Callis, Tuskegee, Ala 
bama. Another second prize, fso, for ; 
cartoon by Cornelius M. Johnson, Chicago 


("The Charles Waddell Chesnutt Honora 
rium," was extended with this change in thi 
awarding of prizes: Of the articles and draw 
ings of any sort which The Crisis accepts 
and publishes in any month written or done 
by persons not connected with the staff, thre 

to be selected for prizes. For the first prize, 
$25, for the second prize, |is, for the third 
prize, ?io. The awards follow.) 
APRIL, 1928 

First prize, a story, "Bethesda of Sinners 
Run," by Maude Erwin Owens, $25; second 
prize, a cover picture, "Rabboni," by Laura 
Wheeler-Waring, $15; third prize, 'The Ne- 
gro Common School in Oklahoma," by Horace 
Mann Bond, ?io. 

MAY, 1928 

First prize, a cover, "The Young Blood 
Hungers," by Aaron Douglass, $25; second 
prize, a poem, "A Tree," by Lewis Alexan- 
der $15; third prize, "How Much Insurance 
Should You Have," by Harry H. Pace, $10. 
JUNE, 1928 

First prize, poem, "Desire," by Marjorie 
Marshall, $25; second prize, poem, "Hope," 
by Georgia Douglas Johnson, $15; third 
prize, cover, "A Jungle Nymph," by Alain 
R. Freelon, ?io. 

JULY, 1928 

First prize, article, "The League of JNa 
tions and the Negro Peoples," by Mabel Janet 
Byrd, $25; second prize, a story, "The Man 
Who Wanted to be Red," by Frank Home, 
$15; third prize, cover, "Progress," by Ber- 
nie H. Robynson, ?io. 

AUGUST, 1928 

First prize, cover, an oil painting by Hale 
Woodruff, $25; second prize, an article, "Our 
Negro 'Intellectuals,'" by Allison Davis, $15; 
third prize, group of Haitian poems by Clement 
Wood, $10. 


First prize, drawing by S. J. B. Brown, 
$25; second prize, a story, "No White Wo- 
man," by A. L. Shands, $15; third prize, a 
poem, "On Lenox," by Laura Tanne, $10. 

First prize, cover, "Berceuse," by Laura 
Wheeler-Waring, $25; second prize, frontis- 
piece, "Ethiopia at the Bar of Justice," by 
James Lesesne Wells, $15; third prize, a 
poem, "Heritage," by Dorothy Kruger, fio. 

Among the three persons noted 
for their contributions to civic prog- 
ress in Springfield, Massachusetts, 
in the year 1928, was Dr. William N. 
DeBerry, colored pastor of St. John's 
Congregational Church of that city 
for 29 years. Dr. DeBerry was 
honored by the award of the Pyn- 
chon medal for his service to the Ne- 
gro population of Springfield. One 
of the two 1926 $500 scholarships 
provided by the American fund for 
public service to the Brookwood 
Labor College was awarded to Floria 
Pinkney of Brooklyn. Miss Pinkney 
is a draper by trade and has had a 
wide range of experience in industrial 
movements. The other scholarship 
was awarded to Thomas L. Dabney, 
a graduate of Virginia Union Univer- 
sity and long interested in industrial 

Spingarn Achievement Awards 
In 1914, J. E. Spingarn, chairman 
of the executive committee of the 
National Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Colored People, estab- 



lished a gold medal to be given to 
the man or woman of African descent 
and American citizenship, who dur- 
ing the year shall have made the 
highest achievement in any field of 
human endeavor. 

The awards of the medal have 
been as follows: 

1. Professor E. E. Just, head of the depart- 
ment of physiology of Howard University 
Medical School. Presented February 12, 1915, 
by Charles S. Whitman, governor of New 
York, in the Ethical Culture Hall, New York 
City, at the annual meeting of the National 
Association for the Advancement of Colored 
People. Award for researches in biology. 

2. Major Charles Young, United States 
Army. Presented February 22, 1916, at Tre- 
mont Temple, Boston, Massachusetts, by 
Samuel Walker McCall, governor of Massa- 
chusetts, at a mass meeting of the National 
Association for the Advancement of Colored, 
People. Award for service in organizing the' 
Liberian constabulary and developing roads 
of the republic of Liberia. 

3. Harry T. Burleigh, composer, pianist, 
singer. Presented May 16, 1917, in Wash- 
ington, D. C., by United States Senator Wes- 
ley L. Jones of V.'uaiiington, at a special 
meeting of the National Association for the 
Advancement of Colored People. Award for 
excellence in the field of creative music. 

4. William -Stanley Braithwaite, poet, liter- 
ary critic and editor. Presented May 3, 1918, 
in the First Baptist Church of Providence, 
Rhode Island, by R. Livingstone Beeckman, 
governor of Rhode Island, at a special meet- 
ing of the National Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Colored People. Award for dis- 
tinguished achievement in literature. 

5. Archibald H. Grimke, former United 
States Consul in Santo Domingo; president, 
American Negro Academy; author; president 
of the District of Columbia branch, National 
Association for the Advancement of Colored 
People. Presented June 27, 1919, in Cleve- 
land, Ohio, by Charles F. Thwing, president 
of Western Reserve University, at the an- 
nual conference of the National Association 
for the Advancement of Colored People. Award 
for seventy years of distinguished services to 
his country and his race. 

6. William E. Burghardt DuBois, author, 
editor of "The Crisis." Presented June i, 
1920, on the campus of Atlanta University, 
by Bishop John Hurst, chairman of the com- 
mittee of award, at the annual conference of 
the National Association for the Advancement 
of Colored People. Award for the founding 
and calling together of the Pan-African Con- 

7. Charles S. Gilpin, actor. Presented June 
3o, 1921, in Detroit, Michigan, to Mr. Gilpin 
by proxy, as severe illness prevented his ap- 
pearance, the presentation being made by a 
representative of the governor of Michigan; 
later presented in New York City to Mr. Gil- 
pin by Mr. Spingarn in person. Award for 
his achievement in the title role of Eugene 
O'Neill's play, "Emperor Jones." 

8. Mary B. Talbert, former president of 
the National Association of Colored Women. 
Presented June 20, 1922, in Newark, New 
Jersey, by Rabbi Solomon Foster of Newark. 
Award for service to the women of her race 
and for the restoration of the home of Fred- 
erick Douglass. 

9. George W. Carver, head of the depart- 
ment of research and experiment station of 

Tuskegee Institute. Presented September 4, 
1923, at Kansas City, Kansas, by Hon. Charles 
B. Griffith, attorney-general of Kansas, the 
fourteenth annual conference of the National 
Association for the Advancement of Colored 
People. Award for distinguished research in 
agricultural chemistry. 

10. Roland Hayes, singer. Presented July 
i, 1924, at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, by 
Dr. Josiah H. Penniman, provost and presi- 
dent of the University of Pennsylvania, at 
the fifteenth annual conference of the National 
Association for the Advancement of Colored 
People. The presentation was by proxy due 
to the absence of Mr. Hayes in Europe. Per- 
sonal presentation was made April 7, 1925, 
in New York City by Mr. Walter Damrosch of 
the New York Symphony Orchestra. Award for 
"reputation which he has gained as a singer 
in England, Germany and France and es- 
pecially in America where he was last year 
soloist for the Boston Symphony Orchestra, 
.... and because in all his singing Mr. 
Hayes has so finely interpreted the beauty 
and charm of the Negro folk song." 

11. James Weldon Johnson, former United 
States Consul in Venezuela and Nicaragua; 
former editor; secretary of the National As- 
sociation for the Advancement of Colored 
People. Presented June 3o, 1925, by Dr. 
W. E. B. DuBois, editor of "The Crisis" 
and sixth Spingarn medalist, at the sixteenth 
annual conference of the National Associa- 
tion for the Advancement of Colored People, 
Denver, Colorado. Awarded to Mr. Johnson 
as author, diplomat and public servant. 

12. Carter G. Woodson, for ten years' de- 
voted service in collecting and publishing 
records of the Negro in America, culminating 
in the publication of "Negro Orators and 
Their Orations," and "Free Negro Heads of 
Families in the United States in i83o." 

1 3. Anthony Overton, "because of his suc- 
cess in a long business career and for the 
crowning achievement of securing the admis- 
sion of the Victory Life Insurance Company 
as the first Negro organization permitted to 
do insurance business under the rigid re- 
quirements of the State of New York." 

14. Charles W. Chesnutt, for his "pioneer 
work as a literary artist depicting the life 
and struggle of Americans of Negro descent, 
and for his long and useful career as scholar, 
worker and freeman of one of America's 
greatest cities." 

15. Mordecai Wyatt Johnson, first Negro 
president of Howard University in Washing- 
ton, D. C. Presented July 2, 1929, at Cleve- 
land, Ohio, by Charles F. Thwing, president- 
emeritus of Western Reserve University at 
the twentieth annual conference of the Na- 
tional Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People. Award for his successful ad- 
ministration as first Negro president of the 
leading Negro university in America, and 
for his achievement during the last year of 
obtaining legislation by which Howard Uni- 
versity becomes a recognized institution of 
the government of the United States. 

16. Henry A. Hunt, principal, Fort Valley 
High and Industrial School. Presented July 
i, igSo, at Springfield, Massachusetts, by Wil- 
liam Allan Neilson, president of Smith Col- 
lege, "for 25 years of modest, faithful, un- 
selfish and devoted service in the education 
of Negroes of rural Georgia, and to the teach- 
ing profession in that state. In the face of 
great difficulties he has built up an excellent 
school and has at all times advanced the 
cause of his race with tact, skill and integrity." 



William E. Harmon Awards for 

Distinguished Achievement 

Among Negroes 

A group of fourteen awards for 
Negro men and women of American 
residence, who contributed to nation- 
al life some creative work of out- 
standing character, was arranged in 
December, 1925, by the Harmon 
Foundation to be directed annually 
by the commission on the church and 
race relations of the federal council 
of the Churches of Christ in Ameri- 
ca. The fifteenth award is open to 
any person, regardless of color, who 
is working to improve relations be- 
tween white and Negro people. 

These are to be known as the Wil- 
liam E. Harmon Awards for Distin- 
guished Achievement and are de- 
signed to bring public recognition to 
those whose achievements have been 
of national significance and who have 
not previously been publicly noted. 
Thus it is believed the awards will 
act as a stimulus to creative work, 
since it is not intended to develop 
through them merely a contest for 

The seven fields in which entries 
are open only to Negroes are litera- 
ture, music, fine arts, industry, in- 
cluding business, science, including in- 
vention, education and religion. Each 
field has a first award of $400 and 
a gold medal, and a second award of 
$100 and a bronze medal. The eighth 
field, that of race relations, has only 
one award, which at first was $500 
and a gold medal. This award for 
1929 was increased to $1,000 and is 
to be conferred every two years. 



Countee Cullen, New York City, first award, 
gold medal and $400 for his volume of poems, 
"Color." James Weldon Johnson, New York 
City, second award, bronze medal and fioo 
for editorial work on Negro spirituals and 
an essay interpreting them. 

Palmer C. Hayden, New York City, first 
award, gold medal and $400 for five oil 
paintings of water scenes. They were: "Booth- 
bay," "Portland, Maine," "Haverstraw, New 
York," "The Sheepscot," and "The Cove." 
Hale Woodruff, Indianapolis, Indiana, second 
award, bronze medal and $100 for five paint- 
ings, four of which were landscapes. 

C. C. Spaulding, Durham, North Carolina, 
first award, gold medal and |4Oo for his part 
in the development of life insurance among 
Negroes and his work in helping Negro enter- 
prises toward a firm financial basis. A. A. 
Alexander, Des Moines, Iowa, second award, 
bronze medal and $100 for his work as a civil 
engineer and general contractor. 


James C. Evans, Miami, Florida, a gradu- 
ate of Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 
first award, gold medal and 1400. His spe- 
cific work was two theses presented for the 
bachelor's and master's degrees in science. 
One of these determined a point previously 
disputed, on the effect of the closeness of 
coupling on maximum signal in a regenera- 
tive network. W. A. Daniel, Atlanta, Geor- 
gia, second award, bronze medal and $100 
for his social study on, "The Education of 
Negro Ministers." 


Virginia E. Randolph, Hanover County, 
Virginia, first award, gold medal and $400 
for her original plan of adapting rural school 
programs to needs of Negroes in country dis- 
tricts of the southern states, particularly their 
home life. Arthur A. Schomburg, New York 
City, second award, bronze medal and $100 
because of his collection of publications and 
other literary material on Negro life and his- 


Max Yergan, Raleigh, North Carolina, 
first award, gold medal and $400 for his re- 
ligious and social service to the native stu- 
dents and teachers in South Africa as secre- 
tary of the National Council of Y. M. C. A.'s 
of the United States Among Natives of South 
Africa. John Hurst, bishop, African Metho- 
dist Episcopal Church, Baltimore, second 
award, bronze medal and Jioo for his work 
in the development of educational and re- 
ligious organization among Negroes in Florida. 

Will W. Alexander, Atlanta, Georgia, di- 
rector, Commission on Interracial Coopera- 
tion, single award, gold medal and fsoo for 
his outstanding contribution toward improv- 
ing relations between the two races. 


James Weldon Johnson, New York City, 
first award, gold medal and $400 for his book 
of poems, "God's Trombones," based upon 
the imaginative creations of the old time 
preachers. Eric Waldrond, New York City, 
second award, bronze medal and $100 for his 
book of original stories, entitled, "Tropic 


R. Nathaniel Dett, musical director, Ilamp- 
. ton Institute, Virginia, one first award, gold 
medal and $400 for his vocal and instrumen- 
tal compositions. Some of his well known 
productions are: "Magnolia Suite," "In the 
Bottoms Suite," "Listen to tlie Lambs," and 
other compositions based upon folk songs. 
Clarence C. White, director of music, West 
Virginia State College, Institute, West Vir- 
ginia, another first award, gold medal and 
$400 for his work as a violinist and com- 
poser. This year he edited and arranged a 
collection of spirituals. E. H. Margetson, 
organist of the Chapel of Crucifixion, one 
second award, bronze medal and $100 for his 
work in composing orchestrations for sym- 
phonies and for both instruments and voices. 
As no award was given in 1926 for music 
on account of the nature of material entered, 
the sum available was carried over and two 
awards of $400 each, with accompanying 
medals were made this year. 

_ Laura Wheeler Waring, Cheyney State 
Normal School, Cheyney, Pennsylvania, first 
award, gold medal and $400 for a group of 
paintings. Special mention was made of the 
portrait of .an old Negro woman entitled, 
"Anna Washington Derry." J. W. Hard- 



wick, Indianapolis, Indiana, second ' award, 
bronze medal and $100 for a group of por- 
trait studies. William E. Scott, Chicago, 
special award of a gold medal because of the 
finished and excellent character of his paint- 
ings and the recognition already received. Mr. 
Scott was considered by the judges to be out- 
side the purpose of the awards but deserving 
of distinction. 


Anthony Overton, Chicago, first award, 
gold medal and $400 for his success in or- 
ganizing and developing the Douglas National 
Bank of Chicago, the Overton Hygienic Com- 
pany and the Victory Life Insurance Com- 
pany. William G. Pearson, Durham, North 
Carolina, second award, bronze ' medal and 
$100 for his success in organizing the only 
fire insurance company and the only bonding 
company operated by his race. 


James A. Parsons, Jr., chief chemist and 
metallurgist of the Duriron Company of Day- 
ton, Ohio, first award, gold medal and $400 
for special research in aluminum bronze, his 
discoveries on corosion testing and his de- 
velopment in duriron. No second award. 

John W. Davis, president of West Virginia 
State College, Institute, West Virginia, first 
award, gold medal and $400 for his success 
in building up a land-grant college from a 
secondary school to an institution acknowl- 
edged as having college standing. One of 
its features is its full Negro faculty. It is 
the first institution of its kind to be accepted 
as a member of the North Central Associa- 
tion of Colleges and Secondary Schools. Ben- 
jamin Brawley, Shaw University, Raleigh, 
North Carolina, second award, bronze medal 
and $100 for his work as a teacher of En- 
glish, his publications on race life and on 
English literature, several of which are now 
being used as textbooks and for his critical 
and technical articles. 


William N. DeBerry, pastor, St. John's Con- 
gregational Church, Springfield, Massachu- 
setts, first award, gold medal and $400 in 
recognition of his development of a model 
church as an outstanding example of what 
a church may mean in group and community 
service. Robert E. Jones, New Orleans, 
bishop, Methodist Episcopal Church, second 
award, bronze medal and $100 for his work 
in organizing and furthering an educational 
social and religious center of his area and 
conspicuous work as a religious editor. 

James H. Dillard, Charlottesville, Virginia, 
president of the Anna T. Jeanes Foundation 
and the John F. Slater Fund, main award, 
gold medal and $5100 for his success in in- 
creasing county training schools for Negroes 
from four to more than three hundred, with 
increased public appropriations from a little 
more than $3,ooo to $1,000,000 annually. 
Julius Rosenwald, Chicago, a supplemental 
award of a gold medal for giving of his money 
to improve rural school facilities for Negroes 
and to the extension of the colored Y. M. C. 
A. work. 



Claude McKay, formerly of New York City, 
poet and novelist, first award, gold medal 
and $400 for his work in literature, especial- 
ly, "Harlem Shadows," and his book, "Home 
to Harlem." Nella Larson Inies, New York 
City, second award, bronze medal and fioo 
for her hovel, "Quicksand," published in 


No first award. J. Harold Brown, Indian- 
apolis, Indiana, second award, bronze medal 
and $100 for the earnestness of his work and 
its wide range, especially in orchestration. 

Archibald J. Motley, Jr., Chicago, first 
award, gold medal and $400 for his artistic 
ability, particularly as shown in "The Octo- 
roon Girl," an oil painting. Mrs. May How- 
ard Jackson, Washington, D. C., second award, 
bronze medal and $100 for work in sculp- 
ture, especially the plaster bust of Dean 
Kelly Miller of Howard University. 

S. W. Rutherford, Washington, secretary 
and business manager, National Benefit Life 
Insurance Company, first award, gold medal 
and $400 for his sound management and lead- 
ership of his company, which was developed 
from a small sick benefit association with 
capital stock in 1898 of $3,ooo to a legal 
reserve life insurance company with $75,000,- 
ooo in policies in force. Frederick Massiah, 
Philadelphia, bronze medal and $100 for out- 
standing work in building engineering, es- 
pecially concrete construction. 


No awards. 


Monroe N. Work, Tuskegee Institute, Ala- 
bama, first award, gold medal and $400 for 
scholarly research and educational publicity 
through his periodic compilation and publica- 
tion of the Negro Year Book and his recent 
exhaustive "Bibliography of the Negro in 
Africa and America." John M. Gandy, 
president, Virginia State College, Ettricks, 
Virginia, second award, bronze medal and 
$100 for developing his institution from a 
non-accredited school to one offering a four- 
year course in high school education; a two- 
year normal course and a four-year college 
course with "A" rating in Virginia. 

L. K. Williams, pastor of Mount Olivet 
Baptist Church, Chicago, first award, gold 
medal and 400 for his development of Mount 
Olivet, one of the largest institutional 
churches in America, and his leadership of 
Baptists of the United States through the 
National Baptist Convention, Inc. Channing 
H. Tobias, New York City, secretary of the 
National Council of the Y. M. C. A., second 
award, bronze medal and $100 for his work 
throughout the country in centers where 
there are inter-racial committees; his leader- 
ship among colored Y. M. C. A. secretaries 
and his creation of new fields for secretaries. 
James S. Russell, Lawrenceville, Virginia, 
Archdeacon of the Diocese of Southern Vir- 
ginia, another first award, gold medal and 
$400 for his work as a missionary minister 
and an administrator in the development of 
church missions and a parish school in Vir- 


No awards. 


No first award. Walter F. White, New 
York City, assistant secretary of the National 
Association for the Advancement of Colored 
People, second award, bronze medal and $100 
for his creative writing shown in two novels, 
"The Fire in the Flint," and "Flight." 

Harry T. Btrrleigh, New York City, one 
first award, gold medal and $400 for his ar- 
rangement of Negro spirituals and for instru- 
mental suites. Harry L- Freeman, New York 
City, another first award, gold medal and 



$400 as the composer of the first Negro grand 
opera. It was performed in Denver, Cleve- 
land and Chicago. Carl R. Diton, New York 
City, second award, bronze medal and fioo 
for his composition which includes a cantata 
and the first movement of a symphony in 
which he reproduces African rhythms. 

William H. Johnson, New York City, first 
award, gold medal and $400 for his portraits 
and landscapes done in modern style. Albert 
A. Smith, New York City, one second award, 
bronze medal and fioo for oil paintings es- 
pecially five character studies. Sargent John- 
son, Berkley, California, another second 
award, bronze medal and fioo for his sculp- 
tures, etchings and wood carvings. 


Truman K. Gibson, Chicago, first award, 
gold medal and $400 for his pioneer work in 
Negro insurance organization and adminis- 
tration. John C. Claybrook, Proctor, Arkan- 
sas, second award, bronze medal and fioo for 
his development of a large plantation and 
lumber business. He never had a day of 


Theodore K. -Lawless, physician, Chicago, 
first award, gold medal and 1400 for his 
studies in dermatology. No second award. 

John Hope, president of Atlanta University, 
Atlanta, Georgia, one first award, gold medal 
and |4OO for his work in promoting college 
education among Negroes in the South. W. 
J. Hale, president of the State Agricultural 
and Industrial College for Negroes, Nashville, 
Tennessee, another first award, gold medal 
and $400 for his work in advancing the growth 
of the institution he heads. Janie Porter 
Barrett of Peak's Turnout, Virginia, second 
award, bronze medal and fioo for her work 
among delinquent Negro girls. 

Robert E. Jones, bishop, Methodist Epis- 
copal Church, New Orleans, founder, Gulf 
Side Chautauqua near Bay St. Louis, Louisi- 
ana, first award, gold medal and 1400 for 
his work in organizing and furthering an 
educational, social and religious center and 
for conspicuous work as a religious editor. 
A. Clayton Powell, New York City, second 
award, bronze medal and fioo for his work 
as pastor of the Abyssinian Church. 

Robert R. Moton, principal of Tuskegee In- 
stitute, biennial award, gold medal and $1,000 
for his work in education, in the interracial 
activities of the Y. M. C. A., as a member 
of the Commission on interracial Cooperation 
and for his recent book, "What The Negro 

Negroes Listed in "Who's Who 
in America" 

"The standards of admission to 
Who's Who in America divide the 
eligibles into two classes: (1) those 
who are selected on account of spe- 
cial prominence in creditable lines of 
effort, making them the subjects of 
extensive interest, inquiry or discus- 
sion in this country; and (2) those 
who are arbitrarily included on ac- 
count of official position, civil, mili- 
tary, naval, religious, or educational." 

On the basis of these standards 97 
Negroes are included in the persons 

listed in the 1929-30 edition of this 
publication. The names of these Ne- 
groes and their occupations as they 
are given in "Who's Who in Ameri- 
ca" are as follows: 

Abbott, Robert S., Editor, Publisher; 

* Beckett, William Wesley, Bishop; 

* Bentley, Charles E-, Dentist; 

* Blackwell, George Lincoln, Bishop; 

* Booker, J. A., College President; 
Bowen, J. W. E., Theologian; 
Bragg, George F., Clergyman; 
Braithwaite, William Stanley, Author; 
Brawley, Benjamin G., Author; 
*Bruce, John Edward, ("Grit"), Newspaper 


Bruce, Roscoe Conkling, Educator; 
Caldwell, Josiah S., Bishop; 
Carey, Archibald J., Bishop; 
Carter, Randall A., Bishop; 
Carver, George W., Educator; 
Chestnutt, Charles W., Author; 
Clair, Matthew W., Bishop; 
Cleaves, Nelson C., Bishop; 
Clement, George C., Bishop; 
Cobb, James A., Judge; 

* Conner, James M., Bishop; 

* Coppin, Levi J., Bishop; 
Cotter, Joseph S., Author; 
Cottrel, Elias, Bishop; 

Crogman, William H. Sr., University 


Cullen, Countee, Author; 
DeBerry, William N., Clergyman; 
Denby, Edward T., Bishop; 
Dett, R. Nathaniel, Composer; 
DePriest, Oscar, Congressman; 
DuBois, W. E. B., Editor; 
Flipper, Joseph Simeon, Bishop; 
Fountain, William A., Bishop; 
Gandy, John M., Educator; 
Gardiner, Theodore Momolu, Bishop; 

* Gilpin, Charles Sidney, Actor; 

Goler, William Harvey, -College President; 

Gregg, John A., Bishop; 

Grimke, Angelina W., Writer; 

*Grimke, Archibald H., Lawyer; 

Grimke, Francis J., Clergyman; 

Hart, William H. H., Lawyer; 

Haynes, Elizabeth Ross, Author, Social 

Worker, (Mrs. George Edmund Haynes) ; 
Haynes, Geo. E-, Sociologist; 
Heard, William H., Bishop; 
Hood, Solomon P., Minister to Liberia; 
Hope, John, College President; 
Howard, Perry W., Lawyer; 
Hudson, Richard B., Denominational Secretary; 
Hughes, James Langston, Author; 

* Hurst, John, Bishop; 
Johnson, J. Rosamond, Musician; 
Johnson, James Weldon, Author; 

* Johnson, John Albert, Bishop; 

Johnson, Mordecai W., University President; 

* Jones, Edmond Perry, Clergyman; 
Jones, Eugene Kinckle, Social Worker; 
Jones, Gilbert Haven, University President; 
Jones, Laurence C., Educator; 

Jones, Joshua H., Bishop; 
Jones, Scipio Africanus, Lawyer; 
Jones, Robert E-, Bishop; 
Just, Ernest E., Professor, Zoology; 
King, Lorenzo H., Editor; 
King, Willis J., Clergyman; 
Kyles, Lynwood W., Bishop; 
Lane, Isaac, Bishop; 

* Lee, Benjamin F., Bishop; 

* Lee, William L-, Bishop; 
Lewis, William H., Lawyer; 

Locke, Alain LeRoy, Professor of Philosophy; 
Lynch, John R., Officer, United States Army; 



Lyon, Ernest, Clergyman, Diplomat; 
Miller, Kelly, University Dean; 

* Moore, Lewis B., University Dean; 
Moton, Robert R., Educator; 

*Penn, I. Garland, Educational Secretary; 
Phillips, Charles H., Bishop; 
Pickens, William, Social Worker; 
Proctor, H. H., Clergyman; 

* Scarborough, W. S., University President; 
Scott, Emmett J., Author; 

Scott, Isaiah B., Bishop; 
Scott, William Edouard, Painter; 
Settle, George T., Librarian; 
Shepard, James E., Educator; 
Tanner, Henry O., Artist; 

* Tyree, Evans, Bishop; 
Wheatland, Marcus F., Physician; 
White, Walter F., Writer; 

Wilkinson, Robert S., College President; 
Williams, Daniel H., Physician; 
Williams, Lacey K., Clergyman; 
Woodson, Carter G., Editor; 
Woodson, George F., Clergyman; 
Work, Monroe N., Educator; 
Wright, Richard R., Sr., Educator; 
Wright, Richard R., Jr., Editor. 
* Deceased 


Dickerson, Spencer C., M. D., Eye, Ear, Nose 
and Throat Specialist, Chicago; 

Stewart, Donald Leonidas, Specialist in In- 
ternal Medicine, Atchison, Kansas; 

Strawn, Estil Young, Surgeon, St. Joseph, 

Williams, Daniel Hale, Physician and Sur- 
geon, Chicago. 


Chandler, Edward Morrison Augustus, Chemis- 
try. Consulting Chemist, Lake County, 

Just, Ernest Everett, Zoology. Professor, 
Zoology, Howard University; 

Lewis, Julian Herman, Pathology, Assistant 
Professor, Pathology, University of Chica- 

Thornton, Robert Ambrosia, Physics. Profes- 
sor, Physics, Kittrell College, Kittrell, North 

Turner, Thomas Wyatt, Botany. Head, De- 
partment of Biology, Hampton Institute. 



Education Before the Civil War 

1620 About this time the first public school 
in Virginia was established for Indians 
and Negroes. 

1701 A society was organized in England 
to carry the gospel and its teachings 
to the Indians and Negroes in America. 

1704 Elias Neau established a private school 
for Indians and Negro slaves in New 
York City. 

1745 The Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts established a 
school for Negroes in Charleston. 

1750 The Rev. Thomas Bacon, an ex-slave- 
holder, established in Talbot County, 
Maryland, a school for poor white and 
Negro children. 

1750 An evening school for Negroes was 
established in Philadelphia by the Quak- 
er Abolitionist, Anthony Benezet. 

1763 A manual labor school for Indians and 
Negroes was established in Hyde Coun- 
ty, North Carolina, by the Society for 
the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 

!786 The New York African free school es- 
tablished. Afterward became the first 
public school. 

1798 Negroes of Boston established a private 
school. White friends gave it assis- 
tance. In 1805, the school was moved 
to the African Meeting House. In 1800, 
sixty-six colored children presented a 
petition, to the school commissioners of 
Boston, for a school for their benefit. 
It was not granted; the public schools 
were open to them. In 1852, the city 
established a Negro primary school. 

1798 Primus Hall, of Boston, opened in his 
home the first separate school for colored 
children in Massachusetts. It was 
taught there until 1806. 

1800 February 6, Robert Pleasants, of Hen- 
rico County, Virginia, left by will, a 
school-house and 3$o acres of land in 
that county to be used "forever or so 
long as the Monthly Meeting of Friends 
in that county may think it necessary 
for the benefit of the children and de- 
scendants of those who have been 
emancipated by me, or other black 
children whom they think proper to 

1807 George Bell, Nicholas Franklin and 
Moses Liverpool, three colored men, 
erected in Washington, D. C., the first 
school-house in that city for colored 
children. No one of these men could 
read or write. They had lived as slaves 
in Virginia; but had learned that edu- 
cation was an important thing. They 
secured a white teacher for their school. 

1820 Maria Becraft, born in 1805, a noted 
teacher of the District of Columbia, 
opened a school for colored girls at 
Georgetown. In 1827, at Georgetown, the 
first seminary for colored girls in the 
District was established and Miss Be- 
craft was made principal. 

1824 Rev. William Livingstone, a colored 
priest of the Episcopal Church, opened 
a day school in Baltimore in connection 
with St. James African Church. It is 
reported that this school continued until 
after the close of the Civil War. 

1829 St. Frances Academy for Colored Girls 
was established at Baltimore by the 
Oblate Sisters of Providence, a colored 
woman's society in the Catholic Church. 

!83 2 Prudence Crandall, a young Quaker 
school teacher, was mobbed at Canter- 
bury, Connecticut, for venturing to 
open a school for colored children. The 
State of Connecticut passed a special 
law making it a crime to open a school 
for Negroes in that state. 

1835 July 3, the building of the Noyes Acad- 
emy of Canaan, New Hampshire, which 
had opened its doors to colored stu- 
dents was removed from the town by 
a committee of three hundred citizens 
and a hundred yoke of oxen. 

1 837 What is now the Cheyney Training 
School for Teachers at Cheyney, Penn- 
sylvania, near Philadelphia, was started 
with funds (? 10,000) left by the will 
of Richard Humphries, an ex-slave- 

1844 Rev. Hiram S. Gilmore founded the 
Cincinnati Colored High School. 

!8 49 Avery College was established at Alle- 
gheny, Pennsylvania. 

1849 The legislature of Ohio, largely through 
the efforts of Owen T. B. Nickens, a 
public-spirited Negro, established public 
schools for colored children in that 

1853 First normal school for colored teach- 
ers established in New York City. John 
Peterson, a colored man, who had 
been teaching for a long time in the 
public schools was made principal. 

1854 January i, Ashmyn Institute 
founded by the Presbyterians at Hinson- 
ville, Chester County, Pennsylvania; 
name changed to Lincoln University in 

1856 August 3o, Wilberforce University was 
started by the Methodist Episcopal 
Church as a school for Negroes. On 
the loth of March, i863, it was sold 
to the African Methodist Episcopal 

Education During Civil War and 
Reconstruction Period 

The First School On September 
17, 1861, the American Missionary 
Association established at Fortress 
Monroe, Virginia, the first day school 
among the freedmen. Mary S. Peake, 
a colored woman, was the teacher. 
This school laid the foundation of the 
Hampton Institute and was the be- 
ginning of the general education of 
the Negro in the South. 

In 1862, schools were established 
at Portsmouth, Norfolk, and Newport 
News, Virginia; Newbern and Roa- 
noke Island, North Carolina, and Port; 
Royal, South Carolina. On Novem- 
ber 11, 1862, Col. John Eaton, under 
the orders of General Grant, assumedl 
the general supervision of freedmen! 
in Arkansas. Schools were immedi- 
ately established. After the Eman- 



cipation Proclamation of January 1, 
1863, Negro schools were established 
in all parts of the South occupied by 
the federal armies. Schools in Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Louisi- 
ana multiplied. 

Freedmen's Bureau March 3, 1865, 
the Freedmen's Bureau was created, 
and the education of the freedmen 
became one of its special objects, 
until 1870, when the bureau was dis- 

In five years the bureau established 
4,239 schools; employed 9,307 teach- 
ers, and instructed 247,333 pupils 
and expended for education $3,521,- 
936; the benevolent associations co- 
operating with the bureau expended 
$1,572,287. In addition, the freed- 
men during the five years of the bu- 
reau's life, raised and expended for 
their education $785,700. Higher 
education for the Negro was begun 
under the auspices of the bureau. 

Schools, Teachers and Pupils Expenditures for Schools 

Expended by 



No. No. 
Teachers Pupils 









$ 123,659 
53i,3 4 5 

$ 82,200 

$ 18,500 

$ 224,359 
$5, 8 79,922 


1 863 West Virginia establishes a system of 
public schools which includes Negroes. 

1864 March. The first public school for Ne- 
groes in the District of Columbia opened. 

1864 March 22. General Banks issues an 
order for the establishing in Louisiana 
of a system of public schools for the 
freedmen. This was the first complete 
system of public schools in the South 
supported by taxation. 

1864 October i2-i3. Provision made in the 
constitution of Maryland for common 

1865 Missouri includes Negroes in her public 
school system. 

1866 Florida legislature passed an act pro- 
viding for the appointment of a superin- 
tendent of common schools for freed- 
men. A tax of one dollar upon every 
male person of color, between the ages 
of 21 and 53 was imposed to provide 
a common school fund for freedmen. 
Georgia passed an act to provide for a 
general system of education for whites. 
Did not go into effect. 

1867 Kentucky enacts a law "providing that 
the capitation and other taxes collected 
from the Negroes and mulattoes should 
be set apart and constitute a separate 
fund, for the support of their paupers 
and the education of their children." 

1867. Alabama and Tennessee establish public 
school systems. 

1868 Arkansas, Florida and South Carolina 
establish public school systems. 

1869 North Carolina and Virginia establish 
public school systems. 

1870 Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas estab- 
lish public school systems. 

1874 Kentucky establishes a public school 
system for Negroes. 

1875 March 25. Delaware establishes a sys- 
tem of public schools to include Ne- 
The first report of enrollment in the public 

schools of the South was for the year 1876- 

1877, when 1,827,139 white children and 

571,506 colored children were enrolled in the 

sixteen former slave states and the District 
of Columbia. 

State Associations of Teachers 

Flourishing state associations of 
teachers in schools for Negroes are 
established in nineteen states and in 
the District of Columbia. These states 
are: Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, 
Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisi- 
ana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, 
New Jersey, North Carolina, Okla- 
homa, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, 
Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and West 
Virginia. Not only the officials of 
these state boards of education attend 
the meetings of these associations 
but the foremost leaders in educa- 
tion the country over are present at 
these annual conferences. The assem- 
blages are used as an opportunity 
for presenting studies of educational 
conditions in the states by the mem- 
bers themselves, for encouraging 
standardization of schools and for 
the introduction of reforms and of 
new methods in the school system. 
State departments of education are 
giving a valuable sanction of the work 
of these associations by placing a 
premium on attendance. 
National Association of Teachers in 
Colored Schools 

The National Association of Teach- 
ers in Colored Schools continued to 
grow and develop during the period 
1925-30. The Association worked es- 
pecially for better salaries for teach- 
ers, better trained teachers, for bet- 
ter school facilities, for an increased 


school attendance, to secure ratings 
for Negro high schools and to carry 
on research relative to Negro educa- 

At the 1925 meeting of the Na- 
tional Association of Teachers in 
Colored Schools the body approved 
the appointment of a committee of 
five from the National Education 
Association and a committee of five 
from the National Association of 
Teachers in Colored Schools to serve 
as a joint committee to cooperate in 
a study of certain problems relating 
to Negro education. The committee 
representing the National Education 
Association was: S. L. Smith, field 
agent, the Julius Rosenwald Fund, 
Nashville, Tennessee; Thomas Jesse 
Jones, director, the Phelps-Stokes 
Fund, New York City; N. C. New- 
bold, director, Negro education, Ra- 
leigh, North Carolina; W. W. San- 
ders, state supervisor of Negro 
schools, Charleston, West Virginia; 
W. T. B. Williams, field agent, the 
Jeanes and Slater Funds, Tuskegee 
Institute. The committee represent- 
ing the National Association of 
Teachers in Colored Schools was: R. 
S. Grossley, president, state college, 
Dover, Delaware; C. J. Galloway, di- 
rector, extension work, Tuskegee In- 
stitute; Mrs. Mary McLeod Bethune, 
principal, Bethune-Cookman College, 
Daytona Beach, Florida; Leslie Pink- 
ney Hill, principal, Cheyney Normal 
School, Cheyney, Pennsylvania; F. A. 
Sumner, president, Talladega Col- 
lege, Talladega, Alabama. 

At the 1926 meeting of the Na- 
tional Education Association the fol- 
lowing resolution was presented by 
the committee on cooperation with 
the National Association of Teachers 
in Colored Schools : 

1. We recommend that the National Edu- 
cation Association create a committee of ten 
on problems in Negro education, this com- 
mittee to include at least three state superin- 
tendents of education chosen from different 
sections of the country, at least two or three 
women, and three or four Negro educators. 

2. That the president of the National Edu- 
cation Association be instructed to send a 
message of greeting and good-will to the 
National Association of Teachers in Colored 
Schools, expressing a desire to cooperate with 
their organization in furthering their educa- 
tional plan. 

Acting upon this resolution a committee 
was appointed as follows: Miss Mary Mc- 
Skimmon, chairman, principal, Pierce School, 
Brookline, Massachusetts; Payson Smith, com- 
missioner of education, Boston, Massachu- 
setts; Prof. Mabel Carney, Teachers College, 
Columbia University, New York City; N. C. 
Newbold, director of Negro education, Raleigh, 

North Carolina; James H. Hope, state super- 
visor of Negro schools, Columbia, South 
Carolina; W. W. Sanders, state supervisor, 
Negro schools, Charleston, West Virginia; W. 
T. B. Williams, field agent, Jeanes and Slater 
Funds, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama; W. J. 
Hale, president, A. and I. State Normal School, 
Nashville, Tennessee; R. S. Grossley, presi- 
dent, State College, Dover, Delaware; Mrs. 
Josephine S. Preston, superintendent, public 
instruction, Olympia, Washington. 

At the 1927 meeting of the Na- 
tional Education Association a new 
joint-committee was appointed as fol- 

N. C. Newbold, chairman, state director of 
Negro education, Raleigh, North Carolina; 
Francis G. Blair, superintendent of public 
instruction, Springfield, Illinois; Prof. Mabel 
Carney, Teachers College, Columbia University, 
New York City; Jackson Davis, field agent, 
General Education Board,. 804 Grace-American 
Building, Richmond, Virginia; Leo M. Fav- 
rot, field agent, General Education Board, Baton 
Rouge, Louisiana; R. S. Grossley, president, 
State College, Dover, Delaware; W. J. Hale, 
president, Agricultural and Industrial State 
Normal School, Nashville, Tennessee; James 
H. Hope, state superintendent of education, 
Columbia, South Carolina; Arthur J. Klein, 
chief, division of higher education, United 
States Bureau of Education, Department of 
the Interior, Washington, D. C.; Mrs. Jose- 
phine C. Preston, superintendent of public 
instruction, Olympia, Washington; W. W. 
Sanders, state supervisor of Negro schools, 
State Department of Education, Charleston, 
West Virginia; Miss Fannie C. Williams, 
principal, Valena C. Jones School, New Or- 
leans, Louisiana; W. T. B. Williams, field 
agent, the Jeanes and Slater Funds, Tuskegee 
Institute, Alabama; Arthur Wright, Dart- 
mouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire. 

In 1928, the joint-committee sub- 
mitted to the National Education As- 
sociation and received approval of 
the following plans for further co- 
operation : 

1. Studies or surveys or investigations by 
this committee or other persons under its 

(a). Collecting data on the status of Na- 
gro education in this country elementary 
schools, high schools and colleges, teacher 
training, school attendance and the like. 

This would be done mainly by bringing 
together the facts from reports already pub- 
lished by the states and by the United 
States Bureau of Education. This sum- 
mary of the present status of Negro edu- 
cation would be of real value to educational 
officials and to students of this subject 
throughout the country. 

(b). That a basis _study be made, if pos- 
sible, of the conditions affecting the health 
of the Negro school child as they exist at 
the present time. To aid, in some measure, 
in organizing and directing such a study 
we can, in all probability secure the coopera- 
tion of the American Child Health Associa- 

2. That in at least one program of the 
general sessions there be included an address 
by some leader in Negro education who has 
a wide reputation for service in this field. 

The obvious purpose of such ' an address 
would be to remind us of existing conditions 
in Negro education, and, if possible, furnish 
a basis for helpful cooperation. 



3. That a Negro musical organization be 
invited to furnish the music for at least one 
program of the general sessions. Such organi- 
zations as the Hampton, Tuskegee, Atlanta 
University, and other college quartettes, and 
the Fisk University Jubilee Singers would 
charm and delight the thousands who attend 
the N. E. A. meeting. 

4- That the N. E. A. give its sympathetic 
interest and encouragement to the prepara- 
tion of a motion picture which will describe 
on a factual basis the "History of Negroes in 
America," their struggles, their accomplish- 
ments in education, literature, art, music, and 
in the accumulation of wealth, their contribu- 
tions to America in industry, agriculture, and 
in the arts and sciences, and in peace and 

The purpose of such a serious effort to 
describe the Negroes' part in our history is 
self-evident, viz: to inform the mass of our 
American people that Negroes form a com- 
ponent part of our population, that they 
not only desire to share in the privileges of 
our great government, but that they are 
eager to bear their full part of the .respon- 
sibilities of other American citizens. 

5. That the committee to cooperate with the 
National Association of Teachers in Colored 
Schools be included in the list of permanent 
committees of the National Education Asso- 
ciation, and that an adequate appropriation 
be made for its activities in the current year. 

The Committee appointed for 1930- 
31 follows: 

N. C. Newbold, chairman, director, 
division of Negro education, state 
department of education, Raleigh, 
North Carolina; S. G. Atkins, presi- 
dent, Winston-Salem Teachers Col- 
lege, Winston-Salem, North Carolina; 
Francis G. Blair, state superinten- 
dent of public instruction, Spring- 
field, Illinois; Mabel Carney, Teach- 
ers College, Columbia University, New 
York City; Jackson Davis, assistant 
director of education, General Educa- 
tion Board, 804 Grace- American Build- 
ing, Richmond, Virginia; Leo M. Fav- 
rot, general field agent, General Edu- 
cation Board, 910 Louisiana Bank 
Building, Baton Rouge, Louisiana; R. 
S. Grossley, president, State College 
for Colored Students, Dover, Delaware; 
W. J. Hale, president, Tennessee Agri- 
cultural and Industrial College, Nash- 
ville, Tennessee; Florence Holbrook, 
principal, Phillips Junior High School, 
244 E. Pershing Road, Chicago, Illi- 
nois; James H. Hope, state superinten- 
dent of . education, Columbia, South 
Carolina; Arthur J. Klein, chief, di- 
vision of higher education, U. S. Of- 
fice of Education, Department of In- 
terior, Washington, D. C.; Florence 
M. Read, president, Spelman College, 
Atlanta, -Georgia; W. W. Sanders, 
executive secretary, National Associa- 
tion of Teachers in Colored Schools, 
Box 752, Charleston, West Virginia; 

S. L. Smith, director of rural schools, 
Julius Rosenwald Fund, 502 Cotton 
States Building, Nashville, Tennessee; 
Willis E. Sutton, superintendent of 
schools, Atlanta, Georgia; Fannie C. 
Williams, principal, Valena C. Jones 
School, 1922 Louisiana Avenue, New 
Orleans, Louisiana; W. T. B. Williams, 
field director, John F. Slater Fund, 
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama; J. P. 
Womack, president, Henderson State 
Teachers College, Arkadelphia, Arkan- 
sas; Arthur D. Wright, department of 
education, Dartmouth College, Han- 
over, New Hampshire. 

At the 1929 meeting of the National 
Education Association held in At- 
lanta, Georgia, ample opportunity 
was given on its program for a full 
presentation of the cause of Negro 
education. A concert was given by 
the Negro high school of Atlanta, 
assisted by the Negro colleges of 
that city and quartets from Hamp- 
ton and Tuskegee. A paper on Ne- 
gro education was presented before 
the department of rural education. 
One of the speakers at a general 
session was Dr. R. R. Moton, princi- 
pal of Tuskegee Institute. At an- 
other general session the fraternal 
delegate from the National Associa- 
tion of Teachers in Colored Schools 
extended greetings. 

The committee of the National 
Education Association to cooperate 
with the National Association of 
Teachers in Colored Schools as set 
up in 1929 at the Atlanta meeting 
and continued at the 1930 Columbus 
meeting was as follows: 

N. C. Newbold, chairman, state 
director of Negro education, Raleigh, 
North Carolina; Francis G. Blair, 
superintendent of public instruction, 
Springfield, Illinois; Mabel Carney, 
Teachers College, Columbia Univer- 
sity, New York City; Jackson Davis, 
assistant director, General Education 
Board, Richmond, Virginia; Leo M. 
Favrot, general field agent, General 
Education Board, Baton Rouge, Louisi- 
ana; R. S. Grossley, president, Dela- 
ware State Negro College, Dover, 
Delaware; W. J. Hale, president, 
Agricultural and Industrial State 
Normal School, Nashville, Tennessee; 
James H. Hope, state superintendent 
of education, Columbia, South Caro- 
lina; Arthur J. Klein, chief, division 
of higher education, United States 
Bureau of Education, Washington, D. 
C.; W. W. Sanders, state supervisor 



of Negro schools, Charleston, West 
Virginia; Fannie C. Williams, 1922 
Louisiana Avenue, New Orleans, 
Louisiana; W. T. B. Williams, Tus- 
kegee Institute, Alabama; J. P. Wo- 
mack, state superintendent of public 
instruction, Little Rock, Arkansas; 
Arthur Wright, Dartmouth College, 
Hanover, New Hampshire; S. G. At- 
kins, president, Winston-Salem 
Teachers College, Winston-Salem 
North Carolina; Florence Holbrook, 
principal, Phillips junior high school, 
Chicago, Illinois; Florence M. Read, 
president, Spelman College, Atlanta, 
Georgia; S. L. Smith, director, Rosen- 
wald Fund, Nashville, Tennessee, 
Willis E. Sutton, superintendent of 
schools, Atlanta, Georgia. 

Association Colleges of Southern 

States Rating Negro High Schools 
and Colleges 

At the 1928 annual meeting of the 
Association of Colleges and Secon- 
dary Schools of the Southern States 
a committee was appointed to con- 
sider the question of the rating of 
Negro high schools and colleges by 
the Association. The committee met 
in Atlanta, Georgia, on March 30, 
1929, and decided that the executive 
committee of the Association should 
be asked to appoint a standing com- 
mittee on the approval of Negro 
schools. The Association appointed 
this committee, as follows: 

H. M. Ivey, chairman, superinten- 
dent of schools, Meridian, Mississip- 
pi; J. Henry Highsmith, state inspec- 
tor of high schools, Raleigh, North 
Carolina and Theodore H. Jack, dean, 
Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia. 

On May 6, 1930, the committee 
sent the following letter: 

"To the Negro colleges and univer- 
sities of the South: 

"For some time the Association of 
Colleges and Secondary Schools of 
the Southern States has been giving 
thought to the question as to how 
they might aid the Negro colleges 
in developing institutional standards 
and eventually setting up a list of 
approved institutions, which might 
be a reliable guide to various organi- 
zations and institutions throughout 
the country that are constantly mak- 
ing inquiry as to the standing of 
some individual Negro college. 

"When the Association met in Lex- 
ington, Kentucky, in December, 1929, 
this committee was able to report 
that funds were to become available 

for carrying out this program and 
they asked for authority from the 
Association to proceed. The execu- 
tive committee of the Association re- 
commended that the work be under- 
taken and the Association by a unani- 
mous vote authorized the appoint- 
ment of a standing committee on the 
approval of Negro schools, with 
power to employ such expert assis- 
tance as it might find necessary and 
with authority to proceed to inspect 
and rate such institutions for the 
higher education of Negro youth as 
might apply for such inspection and 

"Pursuant to the instructions of the 
Association, this committee has ar- 
ranged to have the services of- Pro- 
fessor Arthur D. Wright, of the de- 
partment of education of Dartmouth 
College, to .serve as executive agent 
of the committee and carry on the 
necessary inspections and other field 
work. Professor Wright was former- 
ly state agent for Negro schools in 
Virginia; he is a graduate of the 
College of William and Mary and of 
Harvard University. He also as- 
sisted in the recent survey of public 
education in the State of Florida, 
having charge of the survey of Ne- 
gro schools. His sympathy with and 
understanding of the problems faced 
by the Negro colleges is well known 
to those Negro educators who are 
acquainted with him and various in- 
dividual Negro educators assured the 
committee of their approval of this 
selection of an executive agent. 

"It has been decided that for the 
present it would be better to conduct 
the inspections without any financial 
charge being made against the insti- 
tutions inspected. On the other hand, 
no institution will be asked to sub- 
mit to inspection and only those in- 
stitutions expressly requesting it will 
be visited, inspected and rated. 

"The institutions of higher learn- 
ing on the approved lists of the 
southern Association are divided into 
three groups, namely, colleges, teach- 
er training colleges and junior col- 
leges. It is felt that the first rating 
of Negro colleges should classify the 
institutions rated under four head- 
ings in each of the above groups, ag 
follows : 

A. Those institutions which fully measure 
up to the standards of the Association, for 
the group in question; 

B. Those institutions which do not quite 
measure up to the standards of the Associa- 



tion, but which fail to measure up to the 
standard in only one or two particulars or in 
matters of relative unimportance, and which 
may normally be expected to measure up fully 
within a year or two; 

C. Those institutions which show distinct 
promise of being able eventually to measure 
up to the standards set for their group, but 
which will in all likelihood take more than 
two years to attain the desired standards; 

D. Those institutions which give no present 
indication of being able to measure up to the 
standards of the group to which they may 
desire to belong. 

"It is the feeling of the committee 
that the executive agent should at all 
times be ready and available to as- 
sist institutions in classifications B, 
C, or D to approach constructively 
the problem of measuring up fully 
to the desired standards. 

"No field work or inspections will 
be undertaken by the executive agent 
until the first of September, 1930, 
but in the meanwhile much prelimi- 
nary work may be done if the insti- 
tutions which are interested will ask 
for the necessary forms on which 
they may report certain essential in- 
formation. These reports will be 
carefully examined during the sum- 
mer and the way made ready for ear- 
ly and intelligent inspection in the 

"This work is undertaken by the 
Association with the sole desire to 
assist the Negro colleges of the 
South in attaining desirable stand- 
ards of work. In no sense will any 
attempt be made to insist that any 
institution change the individuality 
of its present program. But there 
are certain minimum standards 
which are desirable for all institu- 
tions to attain. It will be our privi- 
lege to assist the Negro colleges of 
the South in attaining these desira- 
ble minimum standards. 

"Each institution to which this let- 
ter may come is invited to make use 
of the inspections and rating here 
outlined. A letter requesting the 
necessary forms or asking for any 
additional information that you may 
desire should be addressed to Pro- 
fessor Arthur D. Wright, Dartmouth 
College, Hanover, New Hampshire. 

"We hope that this work may meet 
with the hearty cooperation and ap- 
proval of the Negro colleges and that 
it may promote the general cause 
of education in the South, in which 
we are all interested." 
United States Bureau of Education 
Surveys Negro Colleges 

In response to requests from state 
departments of education, educational 

boards and foundations and other 
agencies and individuals, the United 
States Bureau of Education made a 
"Survey of Negro Colleges and Uni- 
versities," which was published in 
1928. Cooperating in arranging for 
the study and furnishing information 
were state departments of education 
in 19 states, 79 Negro colleges and 
universities, the Association of Col- 
leges for Negro Youth, the Phelps- 
Stokes Fund, and the general educa- 
tion boards and foundations of seven 
church bodies. 

A summary of the survey states 

"The progress made in the de- 
velopment of Negro higher educa- 
tional institutions in the United 
States during the last decade has 
been astonishing in its scope and al- 
most incredible in its magnitude. 

"Ten years ago the annual income 
of the universities and colleges in- 
cluded in this survey totaled $2,283,- 
000. For 1926-27 the annual income 
amounted to $8,560,000 an increase 
of 275 per cent. The financial sup- 
port being accorded Negro higher 
education is nearly four times what 
it was in 1917. 

"Total capital investment in the 
real properties of the institutions 
has also increased at a precipitate 
rate. The value of the physical plants 
of these institutions ten years ago 
was fixed at $15,720,000. Their 
present value is $38,680,000, repre- 
senting a gain of 146 per cent, due 
principally to the construction of 
modern school buildings and other 
improvements in the plants. 

"The most important advance made 
by the institutions, however, has 
been the large increase in their pro- 
ductive endowments, indicating the 
existence of a growing conviction 
that Negro higher education must be 
placed on a permanent basis through 
the provision of stable annual in- 
come. In 1917, the productive en- 
dowments of the universities and 
colleges making up this survey 
amounted to $7,225,000 with an an- 
nual yield of $361,250. Since then, 
additions have brought this total up 
to $20,713,000, the annual yield being 
$1,071,300. The gain over the period 
of ten years in both endowments and 
annual yield, therefore, has been ap- 
proximately 185 per cent. 

"In 1916. there were 31 institu- 
tions offering college work; in 1926, 



of the 79 institutions included in the 
survey, 77 were engaged in college 
work. In 1916, the college enrol- 
ments for the 31 institutions were 
2,132; in 1926 the number of college 
students enrolled in the institutions 
surveyed was 13,860, an increase of 
550 per cent. Assuming that higher 
educational opportunities should be 
approximately the same for both 
races, it is evident that the develop- 
ment of colleges and universities for 
the Negro race must be greatly in- 
creased in order that its needs and 
those of the country may be fully 
met. With opportunities for under- 
graduate work assured for the future, 
the next step in advance is the de- 
velopment of high-grade institutions 
offering genuine opportunities for 
research and graduate work." 
An Educational Awakening in 

the South 

There was never before such an 
educational awakening in the South, 
among both whites and Negroes, as 
there is today. There is marked im- 
provement in the public schools for 
both whites and Negroes. This im- 
provement is indicated by lengthened 
school terms, increases in salaries, 
larger expenditures for school build- 
ings in both urban and rural dis- 
tricts. In this increase the propor- 
tionate amount expended for white 
and Negro education remains about 
the same. This proportion is shown 
in tables, elsewhere in this publica- 
tion, on expenditures for the educa- 
tion of whites and Negroes. 

In 1920, there were very few high 
schools for Negroes in the southern 
states. Today they are increasing at 
a very rapid rate. It is to be noted 
here that Negroes carry a much 
larger part of the tax load than is 
commonly supposed. They buy soft 
drinks, tobacco, gasoline for auto- 
mobiles and spend money for other 
commodities on which taxes are im- 
posed and like all other people who 
live in rented houses in cities and 
on rented farms in the country, they 
pay, through their rentals, the taxes 
on the houses in which they live and 
on the farms which they rent. 

The state legislatures are becom- 
ing more disposed to increase appro- 
priations for the higher education of 
Negroes, with the result that the ex- 
penditures for state normal schools 
and colleges for Negroes are being 

enlarged and better equipped in 
every way for the work they are in- 
tended to do. 

Since 1920 the seventeen land- 
grant colleges for Negroes have made 
rapid strides in educational and phy- 
sical development. They have grown 
from second rate normal schools into 
creditable colleges. This progress 
has been stimulated by the interest 
and guidance of the federal govern- 
ment and the departments of educa- 
tion of the several southern states. 
The United States Bureau of Educa- 
tion has furnished expert advice for 
the planning of standard college 
courses and the establishing of mod- 
ern industrial training. The legisla- 
tures of the various states have made 
it possible to execute many of these 
improved methods through vastly 
increased appropriations. 

Summer schools in all of the states 
having separate schools for Negroes 
are held under the auspices of the 
state departments of education. There 
were 88 of these summer schools 
held, in 1929, as follows: 

Alabama, 7; Arkansas, 4; Dela- 
ware, 1; Florida, 4; Georgia, 5; Ken- 
tucky, 2; Louisiana, 4; Maryland, 2; 
Mississippi, 20; North Carolina, 9; 
Oklahoma, 2; South Carolina, 7; 
Tennessee, 2; Texas, 11; Virginia, 6 
and West Virginia, 2. 

Colleges Merge 

In line with the tendency to pro- 
vide better facilities for the higher 
training of Negroes there have re- 
cently been, at Atlanta, Georgia, and 
New Orleans, Louisiana, two notable 
mergers of Negro colleges. In At- 
lanta, three colleges, Morehouse Col- 
lege, Spelman College and Atlanta 
University, have been affiliated un- 
der a university plan. The merger 
involved school property valued at 
about $2,000,000 and affects some 
900 students. Under the plans of 
the affiliation, Spelman and More- 
house colleges will continue to oper- 
ate as separate units, offering only 
undergraduate courses. Atlanta Uni- 
versity will be the graduate and pro- 
fessional school for the group. 

At New Orleans, the Flint-Good- 
rich Hospital, New Orleans College, 
and Straight College have been 
merged under the title, "Dillard Uni- 
versity." The combined institution 
is a $2,000,000 undertaking, and is 
financed as follows: $500,000 each 
from the educational board of the 



Methodist Episcopal Church and th 
American Missionary Society. Th 
Julius Rosenwald Fund contribute 
$750,000 on the condition that $250, 
000 be raised in New Orleans. 

At the annual council of Bishop 
of the African Methodist Episcopa 
Church held at San Antonio, Texas 
in June, 1930, the committee on edu 
cation of the council recommended 
that six educational districts b< 
formed from the 18 Episcopal dis 
tricts of the denomination in whicl 
a single college, to be A-grade, b< 
designated as the university for th< 
area. According to the recommen 
dation which will be submitted for 
the approval of the trustees of the 
several schools involved and the nex 
general conference of the denomina 
tion, it is urged that the following 
institutions be merged into six 
plants, each to serve its respective 

District No. i, Wilberforce University, Wil 
berfprce, Ohio. 

District No. 2, Kittrell College, 'Kittrell 
North Carolina and Allen College, Columbia 
South Carolina. 

District No. 3, Morris Brown College, At 
lanta, Georgia, and Edward Waters College 
Jacksonville, Florida. 

District No. 4, Payne College, Selma, Ala 
bama, and Turner College, Shelbyville, Ten 
nessee, and Campbell College, Jackson, Mis 

District No. 5, Paul Quinn College, Waco, 
Texas, Shorter College, Little Rock, Arkan- 
sas and Lampton College, Alexandria, Louisi- 

District No. 6, Flipper Key-Davis College, 
Tulsa, Oklahoma and Western University, 
Kansas City, Kansas. 

Bequests by Whites for Negro 

Under the terms of the will of Miss Anna 
C. Kane, New York City, $50.000 was left 
to Tuskegee Institute; by the will of Charles- 
anna Lukens Huston, Philadelphia, Pennsyl- 
vania, $5,000 was left to Hampton Institute; 
under the terms of the will of Charles W. 
Troughton, New York City, $107, 600 was left 
to Tuskegee Institute and $53,000 to Hamp- 
ton Institute; by the will of Moses Ottinger, 
New York City, $500 was left to Tuskegee 
Institute; under the terms of the will of Mel- 
ville Gambrille, Wilmington, Delaware, $25,- 
ooo was left to Morgan College, Baltimore, 
Maryland, and $10,000 to Lincoln University, 
Chester, Pennsylvania; by the will of Alfred 
Jaretski, $1,000 was left to Tuskegee Insti- 
tute; under the terms of the will of Louis S. 
Stroock, New York City, $500 was left to 
Tuskegee Institute; by the will of Mrs. Lucy 
E. Kidder, Hackensack, New Jersey, $5,000 
each was left to Hampton Institute and Tus- 
kegee Institute; under the terms of the will 
of Mrs. Hannah N. L. Sherman, Mineola, 
Long Island, New York; one-third of the pro- 
ceeds of the residuary from the sale of prop- 
erty at Mastic, Long Island, is to go to the 
colored branch of the New York Y. M. C. 
A.; by the will of James E. Clonlin, Astoria, 
New York, $10,000 was left to the Catholic 
Board of Missions Among Colored People; 

under the terms of the will of Mrs. Julia Ann 
Wood, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, $5,000 was 
left to Hampton Institute; by the will of 
Mrs. Stephen V. Harkness, New York City, 
$750,000 was left to Hampton Institute and 
$500,000 to Tuskegee Institute; under the 
terms of the will of Helen Beattie, New 
York City, $290,000 was left to Tuskegee 
Institute; by the will of Mrs. Virginia Mar- 
quand, Tarreytown, New York, $5,000 was 
left to Hampton Institute; under the terms 
of the will of Mrs. Alice D. Jackson, New 
York City, Tuskegee Institute is to receive 
one-third of the residuary of her estate when 
all other bequests under the will have been 
made; among the bequests in the will of Miss 
Sarah Newlin, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 
$5,000 was left to the Penn School, St. Hel- 
ena Island, South Carolina; $2,000 to Hamp- 
ton Institute, $ 1,000 to Beth's Academy for 
Negroes, Trenton, New Jersey, $500 to Dixie 
Hospital, Hampton, Virginia, $500 to the Pi- 
ney Wood's Country School, Braxton, Missis- 
sippi, $500 to the Street Manual Training 
School, Richmond, Alabama, $500 to Laurin- 
burg Industrial School, Laurinburg, North 
Carolina; by the will of Miss Arabella D. 
Huntington, New York City $25,000 was left 
to Hampton Institute; under the terms of the 
will of Miss Olivia Eggleston Phelps- Stokes 
New York City, $125,000 was left to Tuske- 
gee Institute and $100,000 to Hampton In- 
stitute, $50,000 for work in Africa and else- 
where, $5,000 to the New York Colored Or- 
phan Asylum Association; by the will of Miss 
Emily O. Butler, White Plains, New York, 
$10,000 each was left to Atlanta University 
and Hampton Institute and $5,000 each to 
Tuskegee Institute and Utica (Mississippi) 
Institute; under the terms of the will of Mrs. 
Ela Means Mason, Boston, Massachusetts, 
$5o,ooo each was left to Hampton Institute 
and Tuskegee Institute; by the will of Aaron 
Naumburg, New York City, $20,000 each was 
left to the National Urban League and Tus- 
kegee Institute; under the terms of the will 
of Mr. Anna Lee Harrison, Leesburg, Vir- 
ginia, approximately $23o,ooo was left to the 
St. Emma Industrial and Agricultural Col- 
lege, Rock Castle, Virginia; by the will of 
Henry C. Munger, Elizabeth, New Jersey, 
$50,000 was left to Hampton Institute and 
$25,000 to Tuskegee Institute; under the 
terms of the will of Miss Maria L. Corliss, 
Providence, Rhode Island, $25,000 was left 
to Hampton Institute and $20,000 to Tuske- 
gee Institute; by the will of Selig Rosenbaum, 
$500 each was left to Tuskegee Institute, and 
Snow Hill Institute, Snow Hill, Alabama; 
under the terms of the will of the late Sena- 
tor Theodore Burton, Cleveland, Ohio, ? 1,000 
was left to Tuskegee Institute; by the will 
of William E. Conroy, Pittsburgh, Pennsyl- 
vania, Morgan College, Baltimore, Maryland, 
shares in the million dollars he left for chari- 
table purposes; under the terms of the will 
of Mrs. Virginia J. Kent, Chicago, Illinois, 
$10,000 was left to Claflin University, Orange- 
burg, South Carolina; by the will of Ben- 
jamin N. Duke, Durham, North Carolina, 
$50,000 was left to the North Carolina Col- 
lege for Negroes, Durham, North Carolina, 
$25,000 to the section for colored people in 
the North Carolina Orthopaedic Hospital, 
Gastonia, North Carolina, $20,000 to Kittrell 
College, Kittrell, North Carolina, $15,000 to 
the Colored Orphan Asylum, Oxford, North 
Carolina and $5,000 to the Baptist Orphanage 
for Colored Children, Winston-Salem, North 
Carolina; under the terms of the will of 
Charles A. Marcilliat, Louisville, Kentucky, 
$3,ooo was left for the education of Negro 



priests in the Catholic Church, $ 1,000 each 
was left to the New York Mission for Colored 
People and the Louisville "Little Sisters of 
the Poor" institution for the care of aged 
and infirmed colored persons; by the will of 
V. Everett Masey, New York City, $25,000 
was left to Hampton Institute; under the 
terms of the will of William H. Nichols, New 
York City, $10,000 each was left to Hampton 
Institute and Tuskegee Institute; by the will 
of Frederick P. Garrettson, New Port, Rhode 
Island, $1,500 was left to the Brooklyn Home 
for Aged Colored People; under the terms 
of the will of John L- Hatcher, Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania, $20,000 for Negro missions was 
bequeathed to the Bishop of Trenton diocese 
of the Roman Catholic Church; by the will 
of Gustav Ulbright, New York City, $10,000 
was left to Tuskegee Institute. 

Bequests by Negroes for Negro 

Under the terms of the will of Mrs. Betty 
G. Francis, Washington, D. C., $2,500 was 
left to Howard University, $1,000 to the 
National Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People, $ 1,000 to the Washington 
Colored Y. W. C. A., and $200 to the Mis 
sionary Society of the Fifteenth Street Bap- 
tist Church, Washington, D. C.; by the will 
of Frank Gibson, Maiden, Massachusetts, 
$8,000 was left to Storer College, Harpers 
Ferry, West Virginia; under the terms of 
the will of John S. Kinney, Lexington, Vir- 
ginia, an estate valued at about $1,500 was 
left to Virginia State College, Petersburg, 
Virginia; by the will of John W. Underhill, 
May's Landing, New Jersey, $100,000 was 
left to the school board of that city in order 
"that children may enjoy the fruits of my 
years of labor." Children for years had been 
the mainstay of the small candy business 
which Underhill conducted. It is reported 
that his gift is to be put into the construction 
of a gymnasium; under the terms of the will 
of James D. Burrus, Nashville, Tennessee, 
real estate dealer, a member of the first gradu- 
ating class of Fisk University, and who was 
for sometime a teacher of mathematics there, 
$120,000 was left to his alma mater; by the will 
of Dr. John W. McClelland, prominent phy- 
sician, St. Louis, Missouri, an estate valued 
at $75,000 was left to Fisk University; under 
the terms of the will of William V. Cham- 
bliss, Tuskegee, Alabama, a graduate of Tus- 
kegee Institute, property valued at $3o,ooo 
or more was left to that institution. He had 
previously turned over to the school the 
"Chambliss Building" valued at $75,000. This 
building is on land adjacent to the institu- 

Public Schools 

In 1930, according to the reports 
of state superintendents of educa- 
tion, there were in the sixteen form- 
er slave states, Oklahoma and the 
District of Columbia, 3,326,482 Negro 
children of school age. Of these, 
2,289,389 or 68.8 per cent were en- 
rolled in school. The number of Ne- 
gro public school teachers in these 
states is 51,531. 

The majority of northern states 
do not maintain separate schools for 
Negroes. In the states of the North 
there are various practices. In Illi- 
nois, Indiana, Kansas, and New Jer- 


g Tj-oq * 

j * IDVO 00 

oo ov tx o to tx rtoo o\ Tt- to >o o oo IJ-OVN 

J> Cv vN_ Ov O_ N -TfOO^ f (v|_ ^t^ O^ ^ tx M^VO *>, <^ 

o f^.oo_ 

S \o'<^O> 

3 ^txN 

55 to M 

, N \n * ^VO 00 x "l-VO 0\ * ID 
N *ONN< 1 <y3 | - 1 'D l -'O'-'OO (: ' > C> 

>D o, o, <DOO_ t o; -^ >D <*^- * 

) l ''tCo't^ N ~d! < *' tC^T >n cTeo" *" D 
-*0 NOO N ^-VO N 00 00 VO M ^ 00 

M * N oi in-*-* "fooo^^ >. 

M n .00 ID x<*5 6txOO*5'-i'D''-'od6oo' 
VO IXOO Ovo 1DOO VO tS\O>OW O^^O O00\o OiVO 

O O\ 

tx\O O>M VO >000 00 'i O O <s 00 00 

txOO txOO oo 00 00 tx txoo txOO O\00 Ov txoo txflO 

vo ri ID 1-1 tCo6~00 vo <vj Q\Q ID (vj OO (vi - vo" Off 

(VI fC o 00 - 

DOO VO VO 00 00 

vN ^- W D irjvo 00 ID M 

O<oO<vl N _vOro>-'O\>-.OtxN >ovo vo tx 




H S *.a J- g.2 8 m 'c 

sey, for example, there are mixed 
schools in some parts of the state 
and separate schools in other parts 



of the state. In most instances in 
these states the high schools are un- 
separated. In some cities the con- 
centration of the Negro population 
and school districting, as in Phila- 
delphia, produces the effect of sep- 

arate schools. A number of north- 
ern cities have Negro teachers in 
the mixed schools. Among these are: 
Boston, Chicago, Cleveland, Hartford, 
Los Angeles, and New York City. 


State Total Expenditures Average Expenditures 
per Child of 

Per Cent 

Per Cent 
Each Race of 



Total Pop. 












Negroes Whites 

Negroes Whites Nei 


Alabama $20,943,564 



$ 7.16 


10. 1 



Arkansas 12,191,669 








Delaware 3,894,321 








Dist. of Columbia 6,874,862 



96. 3 1 





Florida 25,622,751 








Georgia 18,135,453 








Kentucky 16,817,056 








Louisiana 14,613,728 





12. 1 



Maryland 21,517,393 








Mississippi 11,468,949 





2O. O 



Missouri 51,311,591 





3. 9 



North Carolina 31,180,994 








Oklahoma 27,879,238 








South Carolina 14,935,382 








Tennessee 25,052,668 








Texas 60,348,665 








Virginia 24,102,504 





I I.O 



West Virginia 28,723,962 








Total $415,614,750 


$ 4=;. 63 

$ 14-95 





For Whites 

For Negroes 

Average Value Per Child of 
School Age 




$ 48,156,35-5 

$ 5,069,387 

$ 86.36 

$ 15-40 











District of Columbia 














1 I.OI 




















17. 3o 





10. II 

North Carolina 










South Carolina 




















West Virginia 









$ 29.62 




i n 00 c N ro * HI t^ro ^ 

00 OJ O OO 00 oo 

t^ IN.VO O\rO S^ - ^5 iCOO OOfO O O-< -< f^OOOO 

oo fo oo HI tx HI 

O 1x00 \O ro fo ro 00 

! S.a 

! e u 


JH- o.S 3 o w 
^ bo 3 a'C.S o J3 js x Ji 

^ U *-" ** (/5 [fl *- (rt 4-> C 



bo 5 ^ 


2 U 



S 3 






(Taken from State Reports) 

Year State 



Total Total Average 
Salaries Teachers Annual 

Total Total Average 
Salaries Teachers Annual 

1929 Alabama | 11,031,003 13,255 f 832 $ 1,482,899 4,187 $ 354 
1928 Arkansas 7,661,168 10,509 728 1,011,798 2,429 449 
1929 Delaware 1,674,383 i,2i3 i,38o 226,895 201 1,129 
1929 District of Columbia 3,993,327 1,791 2,229 1,651,894 787 2,099 
1928 Florida 9,448,384 8,963 J>O54 927, 3o3 2,187 424 
1928 Georgia 10,517,374 13,716 768 ,390,366 5,383 260 
1929 Kentucky 13,275,547 15,161 875 ,201,276 1,448 829 
1929 Louisiana 10,511,032 9,065 1,159 ,434, 100 2,894 496 
1929 Maryland 11,467,055 6,935 1,653 ,713,468 i,4o 1,215 
1929 Mississippi 8,970,164 9,888 908 ,940,143 5,453 3so 
1929 Missouri 29,613,480 23,723 1,248 ,233,894 i,233 1,000 
1929 North Carolina 15,959,523 18,223 870 ,886,448 6,i36 480 
1928 Oklahoma 19,027,347 17,766 1,071 ,171,119 1,364 ^58 
1929 South Carolina 9,188,697 8,775 i,47 ,422,520 4,496 3i6 
1929 Tennessee 13,528, 185 15,814 855 ,500,000 2,864 525 
1928 Texas 37,522,047 25,622 1,053 2,942,893 4,283 687 
1929 Virginia 11,852,278 i3,i3o 902 1,935,486 3, 853 502 
1929 West Virginia 17,233,427 14,247 1,210 907,022 923 g83 
Total 1242,474,422 237,797 $ 1,020 126,979,524 Si,s3i | 524 


(.Taken from State Reports) 

Year State 



Total Total Average Total Total Average 
Teachers' Enrol- Expenditure Teachers' Enrol- Expend. 
Salaries ment Per Pupil Salaries ment Per Pupil 
Enrolled Enrolled 

1929 Alabama f u,o3i,oo3 436,739 125.26 $ 
1928 Arkansas 7,661,168 382,757 20.02 
1929 Delaware 1,674, 383 35,020 47-8i 
1928 Florida 9,448,384 267,818 35.20 
1929 District of Columbia 3,993,327 51,662 77.30 
1928 Georgia 10,517,374 468,375 22.45 
1929 Kentucky 13,275,547 538,245 24.66 
1929 Louisiana 10,511,032 276,294 38.40 
1929 Maryland 11,467,056 222,577 5 l -5 2 
1929 Mississippi 8,970,164 300,996 29.80 
1929 Missouri 29,613,480 636, ooo 46.56 
1929 North Carolina 15,959,523 595,747 26.79 
1928 Oklahoma 19,027,347 632,858 3o.o6 
1929 South Carolina 9,188,697 248,682 35.70 - 1 
1929 Tennessee 13,528,185 522,352 25.70 
1928 Texas 37,522,047 i,o3i,38i 36.38 
1929 Virginia 11,852,278 406,308 29.17 
1929 West Virginia 17,233,427 389,889 47-8' 
Total $242,474,422 7,443,700 132.57 $2< 


,482,899 201,619 $ 7.35 
,011,798 114,170 8.86 
226,895 6,566 34.66 
927, 3o3 93,539 9.80 
,651,894 24,798 66. 61 
,390,366 246,019 5.65 
,201,276 47,2i3 25.44 
,434,100 i53,66i 8.68 
,713,468 50,955 33.63 
,940,143 289,582 6.70 
,233,894 37,880 32.57 
,886,448 260,135 1 1. 10 
,171,119 49,401 23.98 
,422,520 217,809 5.89 
,500,000 115,219 i3.oi 
,942,893 201, 3is 14.61 
1,935,486 152,622 12.68 
907,022 26,886 40.76 
5,979,524 2,289,389 511.78 

', 1925-26 

Year of Advancement 

White Pupils 

Colored Pupils 

Number Per Cent 

Number Per Cent 

_ 39,976 0.7 

5>59 o- 3 
701,042 32.8 
335,193 15.7 
3oo,3io 14.1 
261,775 I2 -3 
202,381 9.5 
i39,663 6.5 
90,293 4.2 
28,315 1.4 

32,875 1.5 
19,684 .9 
11,394 -S 
6,519 .3 
2.i34.<;o3 100.0 


1,155,349 9.2 

712,832 1.9 


702,882 1.7 

Fourth - 

696,482 1.6 

Fifth _ 

643,224 0.7 


563,609 9.4 


478,301 7.9 

Eighth _ _ 

First Year High 

_ 315,277 5.2 

Second Year High 

220,499 3-7 

Third Year High 

Fourth Year High 

117,081 1.9 


_ _ 6.oio.q3o 100.0 

'From address on "The Scope and Importance of a Factual and Critical Survey of Negro 
Education," by Leo M. Favrot, field agent, General Education Board, at 1930 annual meeting 
of National Association of Teachers in Colored Schools. 



An inspection of the preceding table 
shows that 55.2 per cent of all the 
white children and 75.2 per cent of 
all the Negro children enrolled in the 

O d> inro vd 6 t^,ir>o>"fj 6 

CJ"4J tS txvo vo vo fx IN r^ (N tx tx tx 

^ t. M vo w CO * \o "f5 00 vo O 

. Tj- IN. ^ro O N u^fo Tj-00 O 
"^ ro ro (4 ri ir>fO ^J ^-ro ^ ro 

rococo IN, tx 4 invro 

o>v5 vo vo 06 t>. o\ 

u-i N tx <> O>0 w ro N O 

ro o\ I-..00 txvo vo tx ON N ro 

ro ro v 4 4 tC. 4 

ro ro 4 4ro 4 4ro j * 


J2 2- 


8 5 

W n nt 

o c c .. 

U ^= .2 

W 2 -5 

public schools are below the fifth 
grade. An examination of the table 
which follows on elementary grade 
distribution in 11 states reveals some 
interesting contrasts. 

It appears that the per cent en- 
rolment of white children in the first 
grade ranges from 14.5 in Delaware 
to 27.0 in Kentucky. The per cent 
enrolment of Negro children in the 
first grade ranges from 22.6 in Dela- 
ware to 40.0 in Alabama. 

The per cent enrolment below the 
fifth grade of the total elementary 
enrolment ranges for white children 
from 54.6 in Delaware to 65.1 in Ala- 
bama. The per cent enrolment be- 
low the fifth grade of the total ele- 
mentary enrolment ranges for Ne- 
gro children from 63.4 in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia to 79.6 in Alabama. 

Supervisors, National and State, 
Negro Schools 

Specialist in Negro education: Ambrose Cali- 
ver, United States Bureau of Education, 
Washington, D. C. 

Assistant director of education, General Edu- 
cation Board: Jackson Davis, 804 Grace Ameri- 
can Building, Richmond, Virginia. 

General field agent, -General Education Board: 
Leo M. Favrot, 910 Louisiana Bank Building, 
Baton Rouge, Louisiana. 

Field assistant, General Education Board: 
Walter B. Hill, 804 Grace-American Building, 
Richmond, Virginia. 


Alabama: J. S. Lambert, state department 
of education, Montgomery; E. G. McGehee, 
assistant, state department of education, Mont- 

Arkansas: Nolan M. Irby, state department 
of education, Little Rock. 

Florida: D. E. Williams, state department 
of education, Tallahassee. 

Georgia: J. C. Dixon, state department of 
education, Atlanta. 

Kentucky: L. N. Taylor, state department 
of education, Frankfort. 

Louisiana: A. C. Lewis, state department 
of education, Baton Rouge; J. W. Bateman, 
assistant, state department of education, Baton 

Maryland: J. W. Huffington, state depart- 
ment of education, Baltimore, (Lexington 

Missouri: O. G. Sanford, state department 
of education, Jefferson City;- L- H. Bryant, 
(supervisor), state department of education, 
Jefferson City. 

Mississippi: P. H. Easom, state department 
of education, Jackson;. W. C. Strahan, state 
department of education, Jackson. 

North Carolina: N. C. Newbold, state de- 
partment of education, Raleigh; G. H. Fer- 
guson, state department of education, Raleigh. 

Oklahoma: E. A. Duke, state department 
of education, Oklahoma City. 

South Carolina: J. B. Felton, state depart- 
ment of education, Columbia; W. A. Schif- 
fiey, assistant, state department of education, 

Tennessee: Dudley Tanner, state department 
of education, Nashville. 



Texas: L. W. Rogers, state department of 
education, Austin; D. B. Taylor, state depart- 
ment of education, Austin; G. T. Bludworth, 
state department of education, Austin. 

Virginia: W. D. Gresham, state department 
of education, Richmond; J. L. B. Buck, state 
department of education, Richmond. 

West Virginia: W. W. Sanders, state de- 
partment of education, Charleston. 



Conductor institute for colored teachers and 
state Rosenwald school agent, M. H. Griffin, 
State Teachers College, Montgomery. 

State industrial supervisor, Jeanes teachers, 
Mrs. S. J. McDavid, state department of edu- 
:ation, Montgomery. 


State Rosenwald school agent, R. C. Chil- 
dress, state department of education, Little 


State Rosenwald school agent, Vincent H. 


State industrial supervisors, Jeanes teachers, 
eastern, . . . state department of education, 
Frankfort; western, Mrs. T. L,. Anderson, 609 
High Street, Frankfort. 


State Rosenwald agent, J. S. Jones, South- 
ern University, Scotlandville. 

State Rosenwald agent, W. W. Blackburn, 
state department of education, Jackson. 

North Carolina 

Supervisor of teacher training and high 
schools, H. L. Trigg, state department of edu- 
cation, Raleigh. 

Supervisor of elementary schools, Mrs. Annie 
W. Holland, state department of education, 

State Rosenwald school agent, G. E- Davis, 
Johnson C. Smith University, Charlotte. 


State Rosenwald agent, R. E. Clay, State 
A. and I. College, Nashville. 


State Rosenwald agent, T. C. Walker, Glou- 
cester Court House, Gloucester. 


Because information on illiteracy 
from the 1930 Census is not available, 
data from the 1920 Census are 

In 1920, there were 4,931,905 per- 
sons 10 years of age and over in the 
United States who were illiterate. 
Of this number 3,089,744 or 62.6 per 
cent were white and 1,842,161 or 37.3 
per cent were Negroes. By age 
periods there were of the Negro il- 
literates, 166,416, or 9.1 per cent, 10 
to 15 years of age; 162,758 or 8.8 per 
cent 16 to 20 years of age and 1,512,- 
987 or 82.1 per cent 21 years of age 
and over. 

Of the Negro urban population 
402,170 or 13.4 per cent were illiter- 
ates. Of the Negro rural population 
1,439,991 or 28.4 per cent were illiter- 
ate. By age periods the illiterates 
in Negro urban population 10 to 15 
years of age numbered 9,476 or 2.3 
per cent; 16 to 20 years of age, 20,- 
399 or 5.1 per cent and 21 years of 
age and over, 372,295 or 92.5 per 

By age periods the illiterates in 
the Negro rural population 10 to 15 
years of age numbered 156,940 or 
11.0 per cent; 16 to 20 years of age, 
142,359 or 9.8 per cent and 21 years 
of age and over, 1,140,692 or 79.2 
per cent. 




* Colored including Negroes, Indians, Chinese and Japanese. 

Per Cent 



Class of Population 

1920 1910 

Total 6.0 7.7 

White 4-1 S-o 

Native Parentage 2.5 3. 7 

Foreign or Mixed Parentage 0.8 i.i 

Foreign Born i3./ 12.7 

Negro 22.9 3o-4 

Percentage of Illiterates in the Population 
10 Years of Age and Over 


















States by Rank 

Number Negroes 10 Years 
of Age and Over 


Per Cent 

1 New York 

2 Minnesota 

3 North Dakota 

4 Washington 

5 Wisconsin 

6 Michigan 

7 New Mexico 

8 Arizona 

9 Utah 

10 California 

11 Oregon 

12 Nebraska 

13 Nevada 

14 South Dakota 

15 Wyoming 

16 Idaho 

17 Maine 

1 8 Montana 

19 New Jersey 

20 Pennsylvania 

21 Colorado 

22 Connecticut 

23 Vermont 

24 Illinois 

25 New Hampshire 

26 Massachusetts 

27 Iowa 

28 Ohio 

29 District of Columbia 

30 Kansas 

31 Indiana 

32 Rhode Island 

33 Missouri 

34 Oklahoma 

3s West Virginia 

36 Texas 

37 Maryland 

38 Delaware 

3g Kentucky 

40 Florida 

41 Arkansas 

42 Tennessee 

43 Virginia 

44 North Carolina 

45 Georgia 

46 Mississippi 

47 South Carolina 

48 Alabama 

49 Louisiana 



The United States Census for 1860 
reported that of 247,149 free colored 
persons over 20 years of age 91,736 

or 37.1 per cent were illiterate and 

States Free Colored Popu- 

lation Over 
20 Years 

171, 3o3 





i,8 9 3 









SS ^ 















37,6o3 2,565 

15,909 i,283 

157,912 12,715 

93,872 8,053 

48,166 4,228 

68,36i 6,476 

8,192 839 

152,861 18,528 

114, 536 14,205 

68,786 10,5 1 3 

572,719 102,053 

194,825 35,404 

24,598 4,700 

192,657 40,548 

258,449 55,639 

363,403 79,245 21.8 

354,426 79,532 22.4 

520,657 122,322 23.5 

545,542 133,674 24.5 

896,127 261,115 29-' 

703,627 205,813 29.3 

618,928 181,422 29.3 

674,004 210,690 3i.3 

536,362 206, 73o 38.5 

155,413 or 62.9 per cent were literate, 
able to read and write. The follow- 
ing table shows that even in the 
southern states a considerable per 
cent of the free colored persons were 

Illiterates Per Cent Per Cent 

Over 20 Illiterate Literate 








I' 9 


I' 7 




I S .3 
I 7 .8 

Alabama 1,258 

Arkansas 7 2 

Delaware 9,o3o 

District of Columbia 5,849 

Florida 426 

Georgia 1,677 

Kentucky 5,619 

Louisiana 9,855 

Maryland 42,402 

Mississippi 392 

Missouri 2,161 

North Carolina i3,343 

South Carolina 4,505 

Tennessee 3,3o8 

Texas i63 

Virginia 27,103 

Totals 1 27, 1 63 





2, 4 63 




88 S 









4 3.8 



3i. 4 




Secondary and Higher Education 

(Public High Schools Not Included.) 

According to reports made by 
heads of schools to the editor of the 
Negro Year Book, there are exclu- 
sive of public high schools some 290 
schools devoted to the secondary and 

higher training of Negroes. There 
are: teachers, 5,163; total students, 
93,487; elementary students, 38,352; 
secondary students, 30,053; collegi- 
ate students, 22,478; and professional 
students, 2,604. Of the total num- 
ber of students 24.0 per cent are in 
collegiate courses. 

Classification of Students 

41.0 Per Cent 


32.1 Per Cent 



24.0 Per Cent 

HI Professional 

2.9 Per Cent 


The following table, taken from 
No. 15 of the Atlanta University 




publications, shows the number of 
college graduates by decades from 
1820-1829 to 1900-1909: 

Number of Negro College Graduates 



In 1930, according to The Crisis 
magazine, 2,071 Negroes received the 
bachelor's degree in the arts and 
sciences. The total number of Negro 
college graduates is now about 18,000. 
Among the first Negroes to graduate 
from colleges in the United States 
were John Brown Russwurm, who 
graduated from Bowdoin College in 
1826; Theodore S. Wright from Prince- 
ton Theological Seminary, and Edward 
Jones from Amherst College. Over 
1,000 Negroes have graduated from 
northern colleges. In northern colleges 
and universities Negroes on the whole 
have made good records and carried 
off many honors. 


Expenditures During 1929 - 1930, 
the expenditures for private and 
higher schools for Negroes in the 
United States were by states and 
municipalities, $3,291,549; by the 
United States government, 324,940; 
from other sources than those men- 
tioned above, $8,449,542; total, $12,- 
087,990. There was expended for 
colored public schools by the sixteen 


__ __ 3i3 

____ 7 38 




former slave states, the District of 
Columbia and Oklahoma, $49,631,939. 

The total expenditures for Negro 
education were $61,719,929. During 
the year 1929-1930 the sixteen form- 
er slave' states, the District of Co- 
lumbia and Oklahoma expended $415,- 
614,750 for white public schools. 
There was expended this same year 
in the entire United States for edu- 
cation, $2,841,000,000 divided as fol- 
lows: $2,200,000,000 by common school 
systems, city and state; $500,000,000 
by universities, colleges and profes- 
sional schools; $70,000,000 by teachers 
colleges and normal schools; $60,000,- 
000 by private high schools and 
academies; $11,000,000 by other 

It is estimated that the religious 
and philanthropic organizations have 
contributed since 1865 about $85,000,- 
000 for the education of the Negro 
in the South. During this same 
period the Negroes themselves, by 
direct contributions through their 
churches and other means have con- 
tributed over $50,000,000 for their 


education. It is estimated that since 
1870 the southern states have ex- 
pended from their public funds about 
$225,000,000 for Negro common 
schools. During this same period 
about $3,000,000,000 were expended 
by the southern states for all their 
common schools. 

School Property The total value 
of the property, including scientific 
apparatus, grounds and buildings 
owned by institutions for secondary 
and higher training of Negroes 
amounts to about $50,000,000. 

The 'total value of the property 
owned by all the institutions for sec- 
ondary, higher and industrial train- 
ing in the United States amounts to 
$3,475,000,000 as follows: for univer- 
sities, colleges and professional 
schools, $1,500,000,000; normal schools, 
$175,000,000; private high schools and 
academies, $450,000,000; public high 
schools, $1,350,000,000. 

Endowments The endowments or 
productive funds of schools for Ne- 
groes amount to approximately, $40,- 
000,000. The total endowments or 
productive funds for all educational 
institutions in the United States in 
1930 was about $1,150,000,000. 

Contributions of Negroes for Edu- 
cation It is estimated that through 
the churches and other means Ne- 
groes are each year raising about 
$3,500,000 for the support of their 
schools. The more important Negro 
religious denominations each support 
a number of schools. The value of 
17 of their college plants is $6,369,- 

Boards of White Denominations Car- 
rying on Educational and Religious 
Work among Negroes in the 
United States 

Baptist, American Home Mission Society, 
23 E- Twenty-sixth Street, New York City, 
G. R. Hovey, secretary for education. 

Baptist American Publication Society, 1701 
Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 
W. H. Main, secretary. 

Baptist, Southern Convention, Home Mis- 
sion Board, 804 Mortgage Guarantee Build- 
ing, Atlanta, Georgia, J. B. Lawrence, sec- 

Catholic Board for Mission Work Among 
Colored People, 154 Nassau Street, New York 
City, E. C. Kramer, secretary. 

Church of Christ (Disciples), United Chris- 
tian Missionary Society, Indianapolis, Indiana, 
J. B. Lehman, Kdwards, Mississippi, superin- 
tendent of Evangelistic and educational work 
for Negroes. 

Christian Church, Mission Board, 513 C. 
P. A. Building, Dayton, Ohio, A. W. Sparks, 

Congregational Church, American Mission- 
ary Association, 287 Fourth Avenue, New 
York City, F. F. Brownlee, secretary. 

Friends, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting Re- 
ligious Society, for Pennsylvania, New Jer- 
sey, Delaware and parts of Maryland, 304 
Arch Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, W. 

B. Harvey, secretary. 

Friends, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of 
1 5th and Race Streets, Philadelphia, Pennsyl- 
vania, Jane P. Rushmore, secretary. 

Lutheran, Evangelical Synodical Confer- 
ence of North America, Missionary Board, 
3558 S. Jefferson Avenue, St. Louis, Missouri, 

C. F. Drewes, secretary. 

Methodist Episcopal Church, Board of Edu- 
cation, Institutions for Negroes. 740 Rush 
Street, Chicago, Illinois, M. J. Holmes, sec- 

Methodist Episcopal Church, Woman's Home 
Missionary Society, 420 Plum Street, Cincin- 
nati, Ohio, Mrs. Mary Leonard Woodruff, 
123 Lake Avenue, Ocean Grove, New jersey, 
corresponding secretary. 

Methodist Episcopal Church South, Board 
of Missions, Home Department, Doctors Build- 
ing, Nashville, Tennessee, J. W. Perry, sec- 

Methodist Episcopal Church South, Board 
of Missions, Home Department, Women's 
Work, Doctors Building, Nashville, Tennes- 
see, Mrs. J. W. Downs, secretary. 

Pennsylvania Abolition Society, Rear 151 N. 
1 5th St., Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Arabella 
Carter, secretary. 

Presbyterian Church in the United States, 
Executive Committee of Colored Evangeliza- 
tion, Stillman Institute, Tuscaloosa, Alabama, 
R. A. Brown, secretary. 

Presbyterian Church in the United States, 
Department of Women's Work, Field Build- 
ing, Taylor and Olive Streets, St. Louis, Mis- 
souri, Miss Janie W. McGaughey, secretary. 

Presbyterian Church in the United States 
of America, Divisions of Missions for Colored 
People, 5i3 Bessemer Building, Pittsburgh, 
Pennsylvania, J. W. Gaston, secretary; J. W. 
Lee, field representative. 

Protestant Episcopal Church, American 
Church Institute for Negroes, 281 Fourth 
Avenue, New York City. R. W. Patton, di- 
rector, Mrs. Isabel M. Carter, secretary, Wal- 
lace A. Battle, field secretary. 

Seventh-day Adventist, North American Ne- 
gro Department of the General Conference, 
Tokonia Park Station, Washington, D. C., G. E. 
Peters, secretary. 

United Presbyterian Church, Board of 
Freedmen's Missions, 702 Publication Build- 
ing, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, R. W. McGrana- 
han, secretary. 







M a 




l/l ^ 





"3.H i 3 


U U 1 





f 5'|S a 



Wc* l i 

r ^ r f \ r. l-i tn 

x .2 "3. n g 


OH TT "^ 
_ t >^ 





American Baptist Home Mis- 
sion Board 

American Church Institute 
for Negroes (Episcopal) _ 

American Missionary Associa- 

Church of Christ (Disciples), 
United Christian Mission- 
ary Society 

Lutheran Evangelical Synodi- 
cal Conference of North 
America, Board Colored 

Methodist Episcopal Church, 
Board of Education, 
Institutions for Negroes _ 

Methodist Episcopal Church, 
Woman's Home Missionary 
Society of 

Presbyterian Church in the 
U. S. A., Division of 
Missions for Colored 

United Presbyterian Church, 
Board of Missions for 


fi 16,247 




Funds for 
Negro Education 

3,228,441 (*) 




Value of School 
Plants, Etc. 








(*) $1,550,438 of this amount the Daniel Hand Fund, which the American^Missionary Associa- 
tion administrators (See statement on, in section under "Educational Funds.") 

promotion of learning at the Univer- 
sity of Wisconsin. Among the things 


Educational Funds 


In 1875, Rev. Charles Avery who in 
1849 had established at Allegheny, 
Pennsylvania, the Avery Trade School 
for Colored Youths, provided for 
twelve scholarships for young colored 
men in the University of Pittsburgh 
by means of a fund. 

In accordance with the agreement 
between the executors of the Avery 
estate and the trustees of the uni- 
versity, this fund is to provide in- 
struction for males of the colored 
people in the United States of Ameri- 
ca or the British Provinces of Cana- 
da. The number is not to exceed 
twelve at any one time or term, nor 
is an individual to hold a scholarship 
for a period longer than four years. 
The Avery scholarships are granted 
to under-graduate students in the 
college of arts and the schools of en- 
gineering, mines, economics and edu- 


Under the terms of the will of the 
late Senator William F. Vilas, of Wis- 
consin, who died August 27, 1908, pro- 
vision is ultimately to be made at the 
University of Wisconsin for ten schol- 
arships and ten fellowships for per- 
sons of Negro descent. 

After the death of Mr. Vilas' wife 
and daughter, his estate, which is 
considerable, is to be used for the 

to be done as the income from 
estate suitably increases are: first, 
the erection of the Vilas Memorial 
Theatre; second, ten under-graduate 
scholarships and ten fellowships are 
to be established; third, aid is to be 
provided for the encouragement of 
musical talent or to promote the ap- 
preciation of music; fourth, the es- 
tablishing, one after another of ten 
research professorships; fifth, the ten 
professorships aforesaid having been 
established and supplied, the trus- 
tees shall next provide for fifty more 
under-graduate scholarships, with a 
salary of from three to four hundred 
dollars each, as they shall deem best, 
and then for fifty more fellowships 
with a salary of from five hundred 
to six hundred dollars each, to which 
graduates of the University of Wis- 
consin shall be appointed; such 
scholarships and fellowships to be of 
like character with those first here- 
in-before provided for; or they may, 
in their discretion, provide for both 
fellowships and scholarships, but at 
least as many of the latter as of fel- 

For at least one-fifth of these 
scholarships and fellowships the re- 
gents shall prefer in appointment 
among worthy and qualified candi- 
dates those of Negro blood if such 
present themselves. Otherwise then 



as aforesaid they shall be governed 
by the regents in like manner as 
those first above provided for. 

This is an income derived from the 
bequest of John Parish made in 1808 
The African Third of the John Parrish 
Fund consists of the net income from a 
property on Third Street in Phila- 
delphia, bequeathed by him in 1808, 
in trust for three purposes: one-third 
for the education of poor white chil- 
dren, one-third for the aid of Indians, 
and one-third for the aid of colored 
people. Each of these thirds must 
be used in Pennsylvania. 

"The Pennsylvania Society for Pro- 
moting the Abolition of Slavery, the 
Relief of Free Negroes Unlawfully 
Held in Bondage, and for Improving 
the Condition of the African Race," 
is the trustee of the African Third, 
the annual income of which usually 
amounts to about $200. This socie- 
ty is also trustee for the real estate 
and endowment fund for the Laing 
School at Mt. Pleasant, South Caro- 
lina. The society has funds amount- 
ing to about $17,000, much of the 
income from which is applied to the 
aiding of Negro education in the 

The officers of the society are: 
president, Charles F. Jenkins; vice- 
presidents, William C. Biddle and 
Howard C. Roberts; secretary, Ara- 
bella Carter, rear 154 N. 15th Street; 
treasurer, Walter Hall; board of 
managers, the above and Sarah W. 
Knight, Dr. Henry L. Gowens, Jr., 
and Ellwood Heacock. G. Herbert 
Jenkins is counsellor for the society. 

The Buckingham Smith Benevolent 
Association is a charitable corporation 
under the laws of Florida, incorporated 
to dispense the proceeds of a fund 
established by Buckingham Smith, 
former resident of St. Augustine, and 
at one time secretary to the legation 
from the United States to Spain. 

The fund had its foundation in the 
will of Buckingham Smith, who died 
in 1871. By his will he left his es- 
tate to his executor, in trust "for the 
benefit of the black people of St. 
Augustine." The executor, Dr. Oli- 
ver Bronson, of St. Augustine, form- 
erly of New York, a philanthropist, 
took measures to jtransfer the prop- 
erty to the corporation formed. 
The amount of the property pro- 

vided by Buckingham Smith probab- 
ly did not exceed $20,000. Dr. Bron- 
son gave a lot on which a building 
was constructed intended to be used 
as a home for aged people of color. 
After some years of trial it was 
found that the old people were un- 
willing to enter the home and the 
building was then used for a train- 
ing school for girls of the Negro 
race. This was later abandoned and 
the proceeds of the fund used for 
the support and care of the indigent 
and the aged colored people. 

The trustees have liberally con- 
strued their powers and use the 
funds controlled by them in a broad 
way for the benefit of people of color, 
young as well as old. A district 
nurse is employed, beside other wel- 
fare work paid for out of the fund. 
Aid is given the industrial school es- 
tablished near St. Augustine, also to 
the Colored Community Center, a 
home erected by Dr. Andrew Ander- 
son for the indigent aged colored 
people of St. Augustine. Dr. Ander- 
son was associated with the Buck- 
ingham Smith Benevolent Associa- 
tion from the date of its organization 
until his decease in 1925 and the 
good work done by this Association 
was instrumental in his decision to 
erect this home for the indigent 
colored people. 

The aid given stands out, a strik- 
ing example of the good which may 
be done with a small fund adminis- 
tered wisely. 

By wise management the trustees 
increased the principal of the sum 
so that the present income is ap- 
proximately $10,000 a year, which is 
expended for the care and support 
of the people belonging to the Negro 

The trustees of the fund are: J. 
D. Puller, president; S. C. Middleton, 
vice-president; Samuel C. McDaniel, 
treasurer; Raymond Carroll, secre- 
tary; C. A. Lamont and J. W. Hoff- 
man, all of these gentlemen being 
residents of St. Augustine, Florida. 

This fund was established from 
money left by an ex-slave, George 
Washington. In the early part of the 
nineteenth century, Washington, then 
a small boy, was purchased in Vir- 
ginia by a Dr. Silas Hamilton, of 
Natchez County, Mississippi. Some 



five years later, Dr. Hamilton brough 
his slaves, twenty-one in number 
North and freed them. Washington re 
fused to leave his master and wen 
with him to Otterville in Jersey 
County, Illinois. 

As long as Dr. Hamilton livec 
Washington served him faithfully 
When the doctor died in 1834, he lef 
his former slave $3,000. Washing 
ton was thrifty and industrious anc 
when he died in 1864 he left an estate 
valued at $15,000. His will providec 
that $1,500 of this amount be ex- 
pended in erecting a monument to 
Dr. Hamilton and that the income 
from the residue of the estate shoulc 
be devoted to the education of Ne- 
gro children. The trustee of the 
Fund appropriated the money to his 
own uses. About 1872 Theodore S 
Chapman brought suit against the 
trustee of the Fund to have it applied 
to its proper uses. After several 
years of litigation Mr. Chapman won 
the suit and recovered a little less 
than $9,000 of the original estate. 
After erecting the monument to Dr. 
Hamilton, $7,300 remained. Mr. Chap- 
man had virtual charge of the Fund 
for thirty years and at his death it 
amounted to $22,000 and had assisted 
in the education of over one hundred 
Negro students. Mr. Chapman in 
his will left $3,000 to be added to 
the George Washington Educational 
Fund. The benefits of the Fund were 
first extended to the Negroes resid- 
ing in Jersey County, later to the 
Congressional district in which this 
county is located and finally to the 
whole State of Illinois. The present 
amount of the Fund is reported to be 
approximately $23,000. The annual 
income is a little over $1,100. Four 
students are at present being edu- 
cated by the Fund in northern col- 
leges. The trustees of the fund are: 
Dr. A. M. Cheney, Jerseyville, Illi- 
nois; A. M. Slaten, Jerseyville, Illi- 
nois; G. H. Dougherty, Otterville, 
Illinois; L. H. Grappel, Jerseyville, 
Illinois; F. H. Markman, Jerseyville, 
Illinois; H. L. Chapman, Jerseyville, 
Illinois. The secretary-treasurer of 
the Fund, (he is not a trustee) is 
Judge Charles S. White, of Jersey- 
ville, Illinois. 

This Fund bears the name of, and 
owes its existence to Myrtilla Miner, 
of Brookfield, New York, who on De- 

cember 3, 1851, established a normal 
school for colored girls so that they 
might become teachers of their own 
race. In order that the work might 
continue after her death, Congress on 
March 3, 1862, granted a charter by 
which she, her associates and succes- 
sors were incorporated under the name 
of "The Institution for the Education 
of Colored Youth," to be located in 
the District of Columbia and to edu- 
cate and improve the moral and in- 
tellectual condition of such colored 
youth of the nation as might come 
under its care and influence. 

Miss Miner died December 7, 1864. 
The first lot of ground for the school 
purchased in 1853 at a cost of $4,000, 
was in the square on which the Brit- 
ish Legation is now situated. In 
1872, this ground was sold for $40,- 
000 and a new site was purchased 
at Seventeenth and Church streets. 
Here the Miner Normal School was 
conducted independently until 1879, 
when an arrangement was made with 
the trustees of the public schools of 
the District of Columbia whereby it 
was agreed that the Miner Normal 
School should be the public normal 
school for the colored people of the 
District. In 1915, the District erected 
a $225,000 normal school building for 
Negroes which was named in honor 
of Miss Miner. The Fund now has 
property valued at $50,000. The an- 
nual income from which is about 
$2,500. This income is used for the 
aid of the Manassas Industrial School 
of Virginia and of other Negro schools 
and needy students. 

The trustees of the Miner Fund 
are: Wm. L. Brown, president; John 
S. Scofield, vice-president; Henry C. 
Gauss, treasurer, Barr Building; E. 
L. Parks, Charles R. Ely, Mrs. Caleb 
Miller, Elmer Stewart, Miss Mary K. 
Porter, secretary, 1761 Q Street. 

This Foundation established in 1894 
was the gift of Rev. and Mrs. W. F. 
Stewart of Daytona Beach, Florida. 
Its purpose was to assist in creating 
missionary interest in the Negro 
churches and schools. The plan being 
to seek out suitable young people for 
missionary service and prepare them 
for the field, also to prepare the minis- 
try for missionary leadership in the 
home church. To carry out the plan 
the foundation was placed in Gam- 



mon Theological Seminary, the best 
equipped and most largely endowed 
of the institutions for the education 
of Negro ministers. The Stewart 
Foundation provides for the Depart- 
ment of Christian Missions in the 
seminary, this department with other 
studies selected from the various 
seminary courses and from Clark 
University, located on the same cam- 
pus, constitutes the School of Mis- 
sions which is under the general 
charge of the Stewart Foundation. 

In addition to the regular school 
work as described above, the Stew- 
art Foundation maintains a lecture- 
ship in all the Negro schools under 
the board of education in the Metho- 
dist Episcopal Church, and many 
other schools. A system of prizes 
is also provided these schools for 
the best essays, orations and hymns 
on missionary subjects. Beginning 
with 1911 a school and missionary 
journal called The "Foundation" has 
been published. It has twenty pages 
and is published bi-monthly. 

About fifty missionaries have gone 
to Africa as a direct result of this 
work, several during the past year. 
The influence of the school work on 
the ministry and the churches in this 
land is very noticeable in the in- 
creased offerings for missionary 
work. The Stewart Missionary Foun- 
dation has something more than 
$100,000 in invested funds. 

The Stewa