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NEGRO YEAR BOOK

A Review of Events Affecting Negro Life
1941-1946

JESSIE PARKHURST GUZMAN

Director, Department of Records and Research

Tuskegee Institute

Editor

VERA CHANDLER FOSTER

W. HARDIN HUGHES

Associate Editors

Published by

THE DEPARTMENT OF RECORDS AND RESEARCH
TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE

ALABAMA

Composition, Printing and Binding

FOOTE AND DAVIES, INC.

ATLANTA, GA.

PREFACE

The Negro Year Book dates back to 1912 when the late Booker T. Washington,
founder and first principal of Tuskegee Institute, gave $1,000 to publish the first
edition as a service to the public. This sum was the residue of a fund donated
for the purpose of collecting and circulating information favorable to the Negro.
It was expected that there would be only one edition; however, the Negro Year
Book met a wide and continued demand. The volumes published have been as
follows: 1912; 1913; 1914-15; 1916-17; 1918-19; 1921-22; 1925-26; 1931-32;
1937-38.

Many agencies and educational institutions, as well as individuals, have used
the Negro Year Book extensively as a reference volume. It is specially adapted for
use in schools and other places where historical and sociological data on the Negro
are needed, and has circulated abroad as well as in the United States.

The late Monroe N. Work, founder of the Department of Records and Research
and director from 1908 to 1938, was editor of each edition through 1937-38. The
editions, 1912 through 1925-26, gave mainly an account of the achievements of
the Negro. The last three editions have not only included achievements, but have
also described and explained conditions.

The 1947 Negro Year Book, the tenth edition, covers mainly events from 1941
through 1946, with some historical background. In a few instances, data appear-
ing in the 1937-38 edition have been brought up-to-date. It provides a compre-
hensive view of events affecting the Negro in the United States, in Africa, in
Europe and in Latin America. The present volume differs from all previous
editions in one important respect. Specialists from various fields have made contri-
butions to it; thereby adding a breadth of viewpoint and expression not previously
realized.

We wish here to pay tribute to Monroe N. Work, pioneer, who died on May 2,
1945. When the Department of Records and Research was established, much of
what was then known about the Negro was based on opinion, rather than on
fact. In the day-by-day compilation of information and of periodically putting ic
into succinct form so that people could become intelligently informed on what
was happening in Negro life, Mr. Work performed an incalculable service. The
Department which he established is still unique, though many agencies dissemi-
nating information on the Negro have grown up in the 39 years since it began.

Sincere appreciation is extended to our contributors for their part in making
this volume possible.

We also wish to express appreciation to Dr. Joseph R. Houchins, Specialist,
Negro Statistics, Department of Commerce and to numerous other persons and
agencies for furnishing needed data; to members of the staff of the Department of
Records and Research — especially Mrs. Marianna Rabb, Mrs. Vera C. Foster, and
Miss Betty Jean Scoggins, student assistant; and to Dr. W. Hardin Hughes, special
Associate in Research.

THE EDITOR.

CONTRIBUTORS

ABBOTT, CLEVE L., B. S., South Dakota State College. Director, Department of
Physical Education, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.

BASTIEN, REMY, graduate, Seminaire College, Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Secretary,
the Haitian Bureau of Ethnology. Rockefeller Foundation Fellow at the
Escuela Nacional de Antropologia de Mexico, Mexico City, Mexico.

BROWN, JOHN S., JR., Ph. B., Brown University; M. A., Columbia University.
Science teacher, Thomas Jefferson High School, Brooklyn, N. Y., retired for
free-lance writing. Historian, Negro Actors Guild of America, poet and play-
wright, New York City.

BROWN, ROSCOE CONKLING, graduate, Howard University Medical School. Senior
Health Education Specialist; Chief, Office of Negro Health; United States
Public Health Service, Washington, D. C.

Cox, OLIVER C., Ph. D., the University of Chicago. Associate Professor of Soci-
ology and Head, Social Studies Division, School" of Education, Tuskegee Insti-
tute, Alabama.

DAVIS, ARTHUR PAUL, Ph. D., Columbia University. Professor of English, Howard
University, Washington, D. C.

DAWSON, CHARLES C., attended Tuskegee Institute, the Art Students League of
New York and Chicago Art Institute. Free-lance painter and illustrator, Tus-
kegee Institute, Alabama.

FOSTER, VERA CHANDLER, A. B., Fisk University; M. A., University of Nebraska.
Assistant in Research, the Department of Records and Research, Tuskegee
Institute, Alabama.

GOMILLION, CHARLES G., A. B., Paine College. Dean, School of Education, Tus-
kegee Institute, Alabama.

GUZMAN, JESSIE P., A. B., Howard University; A. M., Columbia University.
Director, Department of Records and Research, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.

HOLSEY, ALBON L., student Atlanta University. Assistant to the President of Tus-
kegee Institute, in charge of Public Relations. Secretary National Negro
Business League for 28 years. Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.

HOOKER, EMILE NEWTON, Ph. D., Cornell University. Professor of Agricultural
Economics, Hampton Institute, Hampton, Virginia.

HUGHES, W. HARDIN, Ed. D., the University of California. Special Associate in
Research, Pasadena, California.

LAWRENCE, CHARLES R., JR., A. B., Morehouse College; M. A. 'Atlanta University.
Instructor in Sociology, Fisk University. Research Staff — Race Relations: A
Monthly Summary of Events and Trends. Nashville, Tennessee.

LEWIS, HAROLD O., A. B., Amherst College; A. M., Howard University. Analyst
Foundation for Foreign Affairs. On leave from Howard University, Washing-
ton, D. C.

LOGAN, RAYFORD W., Ph. D., Harvard University. Professor of History and Head
of the Department of History, Howard University, Washington, D. C.

MOODY, HAROLD A., M. D., B. S., (Lond.). Founder and President, The League
of Coloured Peoples, London, England.

OTIS, JESSE ROGERS DELBERT, Ph. D., Cornell University. State Leader for Negro
Work, Alabama Extension Servirp. Tnskegee Institute, Alabama.

CONTRIBUTORS— Continued

REID, ROBERT D., Ph. D., University of Minnesota. Associate Professor of His-
tory, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.

SMITH, HOMER. American Newspaper Correspondent, Moscow, USSR.

SUTHERN, II, ORRIN CLAYTON. A. B., Western Reserve University. Associate
Professor of Music and Director of Music, Dillard University, New Orleans,
Louisiana.

THOMAS, JULIUS A., A. B., Howard University; Graduate work, Columbia Univer-
sity. Director, Department of Industrial Relations, National Urban League,
New York City.

WlESCHHOFF, HEINRICH A., Ph. D., University of Frankfurt, Frankfurt, Germany.
African Curator, University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania.

WRIGHT, CLARENCE WILLIAM, B. S., Wilberforce University; M. S., Ohio State
University. Assistant Professor, Department of Anatomy, Meharry Medical
College, Nashville, Tennessee.

WRIGHT, RICHARD ROBERT, JR., Ph. D., University of Pennsylvania, L. L. D.,
Wilberforce University. Bishop, the African Methodist Episcopal Church;
Executive Secretary, National Fraternal Council of Negro Churches, U. S. A.,.
Wilberforce, Ohio.

PART ONE

THE NEGRO
IN THE UNITED STATES

TABLE of CONTENTS

Preface v

Contributors vi

PART ONE: THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES

Division Page

I. POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 1

Numerical Relationships. — Urban-Rural Population. — Ratio
of Males to Females. — Age Composition of the Population. —
Occupation and Industry.

II. SOME INTKI i.KcruAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 15

Persons Listed in Who's Who in America. — Persons Ap-
pointed to Positions in White Institutions of Higher Learn-
ing, 1941-1946.— Doctors of Philosophy and Other Earned
Doctorates, 1937-1946.— Persons Elected to Phi Beta Kappa,
1937-1946. — Persons Elected to Honor Scholarship Societies,
1936-1946. — Spingarn Achievement Awards. — Inventions and
Discoveries. — First Negro Governor Appointed by the United
States Government. — Booker T. Washington Commemora-
tions.— George Washington Carver Day. — American Mother
of 1946.

III. THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 34

The Negro in the Natural Sciences. — The Negro in the So-
cial Sciences.

IV. THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 54

Elementary and Secondary Education. — Educational Dis-
crimination.— Legal Efforts to Equalize Salaries of White
and Negro Teachers. — Federal Aid and Education. — Some
Basic Statistics Relating to the Education of Negroes. —
Higher Education for Negroes. — Adult Education.

V. THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK .AMONG NEGROES 109

Background of "The Negro Church." — Statistics on Negro
Churches. — Denominations Belonging to "The Negro
Church." — Denominations Having White and Negro Mem-
bership.— Negroes Connected with Auxiliary Church Organ-
izations.—Negro Chaplains.

VI. THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY, 1941-1945 134

World War II Affects the Economy of the Negro. — Popula-
tion Shifts and Employment. — Workers in War and Non-
War Industries. — The Service Occupations. — Negroes in the
Skilled Crafts. — Government Employment. — Negroes in the
Professions. — Trade and Ccmmerce. — Displacement in Agri-
culture— Negroes in the Labor Movement. — Significant
Government Action Affecting Negro Workers. — The Negro
Veteran in the Economy. — Early Trends in Peace-Time
Employment.

VII. THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 153

The Plantation System and Sharecropping. — Farm Ten-
ancy.— The Negro as a Farm Owner and Manager. — The
Negro as a Farm Laborer. — Trends in Agriculture. — The
United States Extension Service and the Negro.— The Farm
Security Administration and the Negro. — The Tuskegee
Institute Housing Program for Rural Betterment ^—Mechan-
ization in Agriculture.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PART ONE: THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

Division Page

VIII. THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS 184

Pre-War Status of Negro Business. — Negro Banks. — Credit
Unions. — Contracting. — Cooperatives. — Insurance Com-
panies.— The National Negro Business League. — War Ex-
periences and the Post-War Outlook. — Study of Negro Busi-
ness and Business Education.

IX. THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES 197

Racial Classifications Inexact. — The Theoretical Aspects of
the Race Problem and of Race Relations. — Racism and the
Race Problem. — Inequalities and equality. — Proposals Con-
cerning Solution of the Negro-White Problem. — The Prac-
tical Aspects of the Race Problem and Race Relations. —
The Ku Klux Klan. — The Columbians, Inc. — Attitudes To-
ward Klan-like Organizations. — School Strikes. — Methods
for Improvement of Race Relations. — Trends in Race Rela-
tions.— National Voluntary Agencies Concerned with Race
Relations.

X. RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1942-1946 232

The Sojourner Truth Housing Riot. — The Alabama Dry
Dock and Shipbuilding . Company Industrial Riot. — The
Beaumont, Texas Riot. — The Los Angeles "Zoot Suit"
Riots. — The Detroit Riot.— The Harlem Riot. — The Colum-
bia, Tennessee Riot.— The Athens, Alabama Riot.— Rioting
Involving Negro Soldiers. — Riots That Did not Happen. —
Conclusions.

XI. THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 258

Political Status of the Negro in the South. — The Poll Tax.
— Registration. — The "White Primary." — Efforts to Improve
the Political Status of the Negro. — Population of Voting
Age.^The Negro and Political Parties. — Growing Indepen-
dence of the Negro Vote. — Office-Holding by Negroes.

XII. THE NEGRO AND CIVIL RIGHTS 292

Residential Segregation. — Discrimination on Public Con-
veyances.— Court Decisions Involving the Rights of Negro
Citizens.— Jury Service.— The President's Committee on
Civil Rights.

XIII. LYNCHING — CRIME 302

Section 1, Lynching: Lynchings Decline. — Definition of
Lynching Difficult. — Detailed Lynching Record, 1937-1946.—
Lynching by Location, by Race, by Causes, 1882-1946. —
Lynchings Prevented. — The Punishment of Lynchers. —
Efforts for Anti-Lynching Legislation. — American Crusade
to End Lynching.

Section 2, Crime: Crime Not Easily Defined. — Some Statis-
tics on Crime. — Homicide. — Juvenile Delinquency. — Gen-
eral Accompaniments and Causes of Crime. — Negro Police-
men and Crime Prevention.

XIV. HEALTH AND HOUSING 320

Section 1, Health: Vital Statistics. — Selective Service Ex-
aminations, Disqualifying Defects.— Negroes in the Medical
Professions. — Negro Hospitals. — National Negro Health
Movement.

Section 2, Housing: The Housing Problem. — The Solution
of the Housing Problem.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

xiii

PART ONE: THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES (Continued)

Division
XV.

XVI

XVII.

XVIII.

XIX.

XX.

XXI.

XXII.

Page

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II , 349

Some Difficulties Faced by Negroes as Participants in De-
fense Industries. — Some Difficulties Faced by Negroes as
Participants in the Army.— The Negro in the Army Air
Forces. — Various Activities of Negro Soldiers. — The Wom-
en's Army Corps. — Negro Strength of the Army. — Negroes
at West Point.— Gillem Report on Utilization of Negro Man-
power.— The Negro in the Navy. — Naming and Launching of
Ships. — Negroes at the Naval Academy. — Decorations and
Citations.— The American Red Cross.— The USO — USO
Camp-Shows. — Negroes Serve with UNRRA. — The Negro
Veteran.

THE NEGRO PRESS 383

The Function of the Negro Press.— Historical Development
of the Negro Press. — The Negro Press During World War
II. — Survey of Negro Newspapers. — Advertising and the
Negro Market. — Expansion in Coverage of News by the
Negro Press. — Press Associations. — Press Awards.— Negro-
White Press Relations. — The Negro Press as a Source of
Historical and Sociological Data. — Leading Negro Period-
icals and Newspapers.— Negro Newsgathering Agencies,
Newspapers, Magazines and Bulletins.

SOME OUTSTANDING NEGRO ATHLETES 405

Tennis. — Track and Field. — Baseball. — Football. — Basket-
ball.— Boxing.

THE NEGRO IN ART 409

The African Heritage. — Alain L. Locke's Influence on the
Development of Negro Art. — Early Pioneers in the Euro-
pean Tradition. — American Negro Artists. — Museum of
Negro Art and Culture at Tuskegee Institute.

THE NEGRO IN Music 422

Concert Artists. — Educators- Artists- Arrangers-Composers. —
Conductors. — The Negro, in Opera. — Musical Organizations
of Distinction. — The Negro and Popular Music. — Negro
Musicians and the War Effort.

NEGRO IN THE THEATRE, ON THE RADIO, AND IN MOVING PICTURES 439
The Negro in the Theatre. — The Negro on Radio Pro-
grams.— The Negro in Moving Pictures. — Educational Films
and Radio Scripts.

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE 456

Negro Literature Characterized. — Fiction, 1941-1946. —
Poetry, 1941-1946.— Autobiography and Biography, 1941-
1946.— Miscellaneous Works, 1941-1946.— Summary.

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

Educational Organizations. — Organizations for General
Advancement. — Organizations for Economic Advancement. —
Organizations for Professional Advancement. — Organiza-
tions in the Interest of Women. — College Fraternities. —
College Sororities. — Secret Fraternal Orders. — Young Men's
Christian Associations. — Young Women's Christian Asso-
ciations.— The National Urban League for Social Service
Among Negroes.

473

xiv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PART TWO: THE NEGRO IN AFRICA

Page

POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF NEGRO AFRICA 485

Introduction. — Some Basic Facts. — Population of Africa.

ETHIOPIA SINCE THE WAR 491

Anglo-Ethiopian Agreements. — Problems Confronting Ethio-
pia.— Ethiopia Claims Eritrea and Italian Somaliland. —
Great Britain's Proposals Regarding Ogaden and the Re-
served Areas.

LIBERIA IN THE WORLD OF TODAY 496

Historical Background. — Governmental Affairs. — Reforms
Needed. — Liberia's Relations with the United States. —
Who's Who in the Liberian Government.

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA 503

Population of the Union of South Africa. — Race Relations
and Disabling Acts of the Union of South Africa.— Economic
Conditions in the Union of South Africa.

AFRICANS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE 518

The Theory of British Colonial Rule. — Colonial Develop-
ment and Welfare. — West Africa and the Atlantic Charter.
— Nigerian Constitution. — Gold Coast Constitution. — Race
Relations in Kenya. — Race Relations in Southern Rhodesia.
— The Urbanized African.

AFRICANS AND THE FRENCH UNION 531

The Theory of French Colonial Rule. — Eboue Policy. —
Brazzaville Conference. — French Federal Union. — Labor
Legislation for French Territories in Africa.

Division
XXIII.

XXIV.

XXV.

XXVI.

XXVII.

XXVIII.

XXIX.

XXX.

XXXI.

XXXII.

XXXIII.

XXXIV.

AFRICANS AND THE PORTUGUESE EMPIRE

Theory and Practice of Portuguese Colonial Rule.

536

THE BELGIAN CONGO 538

Economic Development the Basis of the Belgian Policy. —
Congo Native Policy of 1943. — Congo Advisory Council of
1945. — Belgian Attitude Toward the Congo.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 541

Agriculture. — Mineral Resources. — Secondary Industries. —
Competition for Land Between Europeans and Africans.

THE AFRICAN AS A WAGE-EARNER 549

Africa and the International Labour Organization. —
Africans and Labor Unions. — Strikes in Africa.

AFRICA AND THE GREAT POWERS 562

African Peoples and the United Nations Charter. — Disposi-
tion of the Italian Colonies. — The Future of the Anglo-
Egyptian Sudan.

THE UNITED STATES AND AFRICA 570

American Relations with Africa Outlined. — Recommenda-
tions by the Committee on Africa, the War and Peace Aims.
— Resolutions by the Council on African Affairs.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Division
XXXV.

XXXVI.

XXXVII.

PART THREE: THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

A GKXKKAI. VIEW OF THE NEGRO ix EUHOPE

Page

.. 577

Race and European Culture. — The Negro in Germany. — The
Negro in France. — The Negro in Britain. — The Negro in
Italy. — The Negro in Spain. — The Negro in Northern
Europe. — The Negro in Russia. — Europe and the Negro
Problem in the United States.

OCCUPATIONAL STATUS AND OPPORTUNITIES .OF NEGROES IN

BRITAIN 592

A View of Vocational Opportunities. — Some Organizations
in Britain.

STATUS AND OPPORTUNITIES OF NEGROES IN RUSSIA 595

Economic, Political and Racial Equality in Russia. — A
View of Negro Participation. — Native Negroes in Russia. —
Economic Crises Permanently Eliminated in Russia.

PART FOUR: THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

XXXVIII. A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA 603

Historical Background.— Population of the West Indies. —
Economic Conditions in the West Indies. — Education in the
West Indies. — Health Conditions in the West Indies.— Race
Relations in the West Indies. — Need of Social and Economic
Reforms. — The West Indies and World War II. — Anglo-
American Commission. — Political Developments in the West
Indies. — The World Federation of Trade Unions — the Hope
of the West Indies.

XXXIX. THE NEGRO IN HAITI 617

Population. — Health. — Economic Status. — Education. — Poli-
tics.— Nationality, Race, Caste and Class Problems. — Mili-
tary Service and Participation of Haitians During World
War II.— A Literary and Artistic Note.

PART FIVE: AN ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

XL. Ax ANNOTATED LIST OF BOOKS BY OR CONCERNING NEGROES IN

THE UNITED STA'TES, IN AFRICA AND IN LATIN AMERICA,

1938-1946 . 635

Books Concerning the Negro in the United States. — Books
Concerning the Negro in Africa. — Books Concerning the
Negro in Latin America.

Index ..

.. 685

DIVISION I

POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS*

By OLIVER C. Cox
Tuskegee Institute

NUMERICAL RELATIONSHIPS
\umber and Rate of Increase of Negro
Population in the United States

Between the decennial censuses of
1930 and 1940 the Negro population of
the United States increased by 974,375
or 8.2 per cent, a rate of increase some-
what greater than that (7.2 per cent)
for the total population. The increase
in the total population for this decade
has been limited by the sharp decrease

in immigration. In 1940 the Negro
population was 12,865,518 or 9.8 per
cent of the total population of 131,-
669,275. This proportion of the Negro
population to the total population has
remained practically constant for about
twenty years. It was 9.9 and 9.7 per
cent in 1920 and 1930, respectively.
Table 1 indicates the percentage of
Negroes in the total population and
rate of increase by decennial periods
since 1790.

Table 1

Negro Population in the United States as a Per Cent of the Total Population
and Rate or Increase, 1790 to 1940

Census Total
Year Population

Negro Per Cent Per Cent Increase
Population Negro Total Negro

1940 . . 131 669 275

12 865 518 9 8 7.2 8.2

1930 122 775 046

11 891 143 97 16 1 13 6

1920 105 710 620

10 463 131 9.9 14.9 6.5

1910 91 972 266

9 827 763 10 7 21 0 11.2

1900 75 994 575

8 833 994 11 6 20 7 13.8

1890 62 947 714

7 760 000 12 3 25 5 17 6

1880 50 155 783

6 580 793 13 1 30 1 22.0

1870 38558,371

5 392,172 13.5 22.6 21.4

1860 31 443 321

4 441 830 14 1 35 6 22.0

1850 23 191 876

3 £38 808 15.7 35 9 24.5

1840 .... 17 069 453

2 873 648 16 8 32 7 23 4

1830 12 866 020

2 328 642 18 1 33.5 30.5

1820 9 638 453

1 771 656 18 4 33 1 28 6

1810 7 239 881

1 377 808 19 0 36 4 32 9

1800 5 308 483

1 002 037 18 9 35 1 31 7

1790 3,929,214

757,208 19.3

Population Increase by Regions,
Divisions, and States

The Negro population has had an
uneven increase in the different areas
of the country. It has been lowest in
the South and highest in the West, the
area to which Negro migrants have
been most markedly attracted. On this
the Census makes the following report:
"The regional and divisional patterns
of Negro population increase were quite
different from those for the total popu-
lation. In all three divisions of the
South the Negroes showed a smaller
proportional increase than the total
population between 1930 and 1940, while
in the divisions of the North and West
their rates of increase were uniformly
greater than those for the total popu-
lation. The Negro population increased

15.8 per cent in the North during the
decade ... 5.8 per cent in the South,
and 41.8 per cent in the West. These
facts indicate that there was a large
migration of Negroes during the 1930's
from the South to the North and West,
probably out of the rural areas in the
South to the urban areas in other parts
of the country. Over three-fourths of
the Negro population (77.0 per cent)
still lived in the South in 1940, but
this represents a slight decrease from
the proportion of 78.7 in 1930. The
North had 21.7 per cent of the total
Negro population in 1940, as compared
with 20.3 in 1930, and the West had
1.3 in 1940, as compared with 1.0 in
1930." Table 2 presents the compara-
tive population data by regions, divi-
sions and States for 1930 and 1940.

*Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census

POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS

Table 2
Negro Population of the United States By Regions, Divisions, and States,

1930 to 1940
(A minus sign ( — ) denotes decrease)

Region Division,
and State

Per Cent Negro in
Total Population

1940

1930

1940

1930

Per Cent
Increase

1930 to

1940

UNITED STATES ... 12,865,518 11,891,143 9.8 9.7 8.2

REGIONS:

The North 2,790,193 2,409,219 3.7 3.3 15.8

The South 9,904,619 9,361,577 23.8 24.7 5.8

The West 170,706 120,347 1.2 1.0 41.8

THE NORTH:

New England 101,509 94,086 1.2 1.2 7.9

Middle Atlantic 1,268,366 1,052,899 4.6 4.0 20.5

East North Central... 1,069,326 930,450 4.0 3.7 14.9

West North Central ... 350,992 331,784 2.6 2.5 5.8

THE SOUTH:

South Atlantic 4,698,863 4,421,388 26.4 28.0 6.3

East South Central... 2,780,635 2,658,238 25.8 26.9 4.6

West South Central ... 2,425,121 2,281,951 18.6 18.7 6.3

THE WEST:

Mountain 36,411 30,225 0.9 0.8 20.5

Pacific 134,295 90,122 1.4 1.1 49.0

NEW ENGLAND:

Maine 1,304 1,096 0.2 0.1 19.0

New Hampshire 414 790 0.1 0.2 —47.6

Vermont 384 568 0.1 0.2 — 32.4

Massachusetts 55,391 52,365 1.3 1.2 5.8

Rhode Island 11,024 9,913 1.5 1.4 11.2

Connecticut 32,992 29,354 1.9 1.8 12.4

MIDDLE ATLANTIC:

New York 571,221 412,814 4.2 3.3 38.4

New Jersey 226,973 208,828 5.5 5.2 8.7

Pennsylvania 470,172 431,257 4.7 4.5 9.0

EAST NORTH CENTRAL:

Ohio 339,461 309,304 4.9 4.7 9.7

Indiana 121,916 111,982 3.6 3.5 8.9

Illinois 387,446 328,972 4.9 4.3 17.8

Michigan 208,345 169,453 4.0 3.5 23.0

Wisconsin 12,158 10,739 0.4 0.4 13.2

WEST NORTH CENTRAL:

Minnesota 9,928 9,445 0.4 0.4 5.1

Iowa 16,694 17,380 0.7 0.7 —3.9

Missouri 244,386 223,840 6.5 6.2 9.2

North Dakota 201 377 0.1 —46.7

South Dakota 474 646 0.1 0.1 —26.6

Nebraska 14,171 13,752 1.1 1.0 3.0

Kansas 65,138 66,344 3.6 3.5 —1.8

SOUTH ATLANTIC:

Delaware 35,876 32,602 13.5 13.7 10.0

Maryland 301,931 276,379 16.6 16.9 9.2

District of Columbia.. 187,266 132,068 28.2 27.1 41.8

Virginia 661,449 650,165 24.7 26.8 1.7

West Virginia 117,754 114,893 6.2 6.6 2.5

North Carolina 981,298 918,647 27.5 29.0 6.8

South Carolina 814,164 793,681 42.9 45.6 2.6

Georgia 1,084~,927 1,071,125 34.7 36.8 1.3

Florida 514,198 431,828 27.1 29.4 19.1

EAST SOUTH CENTRAL:

Kentucky 214,031 226,040 7.5 8.6 —5.3

Tennessee 508,736 477,646 17.4 18.3 6.5

Alabama 983,290 944,834 34.7 35.7 4.1

Mississippi 1,074,578 1,009,718 49.2 50.2 6.4

WEST SOUTH CENTRAL:

Arkansas 482,578 478,463 24.8 25.8 0.9

Louisiana 849,303 776,326 35.9 36.9 9.4

Oklahoma 168,849 172,198 7.2 7.2 —1.9

Texas 924,391 854,964 14.4 14.7 8.1

NUMERICAL RELATIONSHIPS

Table 2 (Continued)

Negro Population of the United States By Regions, Divisions, and States,

1930 to 1940

(A minus sign ( — ) denotes decrease)

Region, Division,
and State 1940

Per Cent Negro in Per Cent
Total Population Increase
1930 to
1930 1940 1930 1940

MOUNTAIN:
Montana . 1 120

1 256 02 02 10 8

Idaho 595

668 0.1 0 2 — 10 9

"Wyoming 956

1 250 04 06 23 5

Colorado 12,176

11,828 1.1 11 29

New Mexico 4 672

2 850 09 07 63 9

Arizona 14,993

10,749 3.0 2 5 39.5

Utah 1 235

1 108 02 • 02 11 5

Nevada 664

516 0.6 0.6 28.7

PACIFIC:
Washington 7 424

6 840 04 04 85

Oregon 2,565

2,234 0.2 0.2 14.8

California . 124 306

81 048 18 14 53 4

Counties in Which Negroes
Constituted 50 Per Cent or
More of the Total Population

According to the Census reports:
"There were 180 counties in the United
States in 1940 in which Negroes con-
stituted 50 per cent or more of the
total population as compared with 286
counties of this type in 1900. ... In
accounting for the decrease of 106 in
the number of 'majority-Negro coun-
ties' emphasis should be placed on
Negro migration, for the Negro resi-
dents of these counties have had a
comparatively high birth rate and

practically all of the changes made in
the boundaries of these counties have
been of a minor character.
"Although there has been a consider-
able decline in the number of majority-
Negro counties, the number of States
in which they were found in 1940 in-
cludes all of the States which had such
counties in 1900 except Maryland. Of
the total number of majority-Negro
counties in 1940, Georgia had 46; Mis-
sissippi, 35; South Carolina, 22; Ala-
bama and Virginia, 18 each; Louisiana,
15; Arkansas and North Carolina, 9
each; Florida and Texas, 3 each; and
Tennessee, 2."

Table 3

Number of Counties in Which Negroes Constituted 50 Per Cent or More of the
Total Population, By States, 1900 to 1940

STATE

1940

1930

1920

1910

1900

Total

180

191

221

264

286

Alabama

Arkansas

Florida

Georgia . . .

Louisiana ,

Maryland

Mississippi ,

North Carolina

Tennessee

Texas

Virginia

The majority-Negro counties have
had a constantly decreasing percentage
of the total Negro population. In 1900
the 286 majority-Negro counties had
45.9 per cent of the total Negro popu-
lation of the United States; in 1940
the 180 counties of this type had 20.5
per cent.

"Between 1930 and 1940," the Census
reports, "the number of Negroes in
177 identical majority-Negro counties,
that is, counties in which the Negro
population constituted 50 per cent or
more of the total population in both
1940 and 1930, increased from 2,541,543
to 2,602,000, or 2.4 per cent."

4 POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS

Table 4

Negro Population of Counties in Which Negroes Constituted 50 Per Cent or

More of the Total Population Both in 1940 and in 1930, By States

(A minus sign ( — ) denotes decrease)

STATE

Number of
Counties

NEGRO POPULATION
1940

1930

Per Cent of
Increase

Total

. . 177

2 602 000 2

541 543

2 4

389 068

380 863

2 2

Arkansas

193,308

188 282

2 7

Florida

41 616

39 875

4 4

Georgia

350,991

365,234

— ?, -9

Louisiana ...

176,737

165,815

6 6

Mississippi

729 713

690 476

5 7

North Carolina

137,984

134,345

2.7 '

South Carolina

360 981

353 555

2 1

Tennessee

39,543

38,322

3.2

Texas

41,050

40,982

0.2

Virginia

141,009

143,794

—1.0

"This rate of growth is remarkably
low as compared with th'at for the
Negro population of the South as a
whole (5.8 per cent), and reflects the
fact that the Negro pop^ation of 87
of these counties (37 of which are in
the State of Georgia) declined during
the decade. In 48 counties, however,
the rate of growth of Negroes exceeded
that of the total Negro population of
the South, and in 37 counties of this
group the rate of growth of the Negro
population was also higher than that
of the Negro population of the United
States as a whole (8.2 per cent)."

Race and Nativity

In 1940 the Negro population out-
numbered the total foreign-born white

population of the United States for the
first time since 1880. There were 11,-
419,138 foreign-born and 588,887 per-
sons of other racial groups as com-
pared with 12,865,518 Negroes. During
the decade 1930 to 1940, foreign-born
whites decreased 18.3 per cent, owing
largely to the reduction in immigra-
tion and the high death rate of the
aged foreign-born population. Of the
other races, mainly Indian, Chinese,
Japanese and Filipino, the Japanese
decreased by 8.6 per cent and the
Indian, Chinese and Filipino increased
by 0.5, 3.4, and 0.8 per cent, respec-
tively. Table 5 gives the figures for
1930 and 1940.

Table 5

Population By Race and Nativity for the United States, 1940 and 1930
(A minus sign ( — ) denotes decrease)

RACE

1940

Increase 1930 to 1940
Amount Per Cen ,

All Classes

131,669,275

122,775,046

8,894,229

7.2

Negro

12,865,518

11,891,143

974,375

8.2

White

118,214,870

110,286,740

7,928,130

7.2

Native

106,795,732

96,303,335

10,492,397

10.9

Foreign born

11,419,138

13,983,405

—2,564,267

—18.3

Other Races

588,887

597,163

—8,276

— 1.4

Indian

333,969

332,397

1,572

0.5

Chinese

77,504

74,954

2,550

3.4

Japanese

126,947

138,834

—11,887

—8.6

Filipino

45,563

45,208

355

0.8

Hindu

2,405

3,130

—725

—23.2

Korean

1,711

1,860

—149

—8.0

All other

780

1.0

Ever since about the end of the slave
trade the Negro population has been
predominantly native born. For many
decades past, it has been over 99 per
cent. There were, in 1940, 83,941 for-
eign-born Negroes of whom 44,488 were
males and 39,453 females. In 1930 and

1940, the total population of the United
States was 88.4 and 91.2 per cent
native-born as compared with 99.2 and
99.3 per cent, respectively, for Negroes.
However, except for a decrease during
the decade 1930 to 1940, the Negro
foreign-born population has constantly

NUMERICAL RELATIONSHIPS

increased numerically since 1870. Ac-
cording to the Census report: "The
decline of 14.9 per cent which occurred
in the foreign-born Negro population
between 1930 and 1940 can be attrib-
uted to mortality losses and to the
depression. The effect of the depres-
sion on the growth of the foreign-
born Negro population is indicated by
the fact that the number of Negro
immigrant aliens admitted to the
United States was smaller than the
number of Negro immigrant aliens who
left the United States. In the more

prosperous twenties, the number of
Negro aliens who entered the United
States was far in excess of the number
who departed, and the change in the
direction of migration of Negro aliens
noted in the thirties occurred despite
the increasing restrictions against for-
eign workers in the Caribbean." Most
of the Negro immigrants into the
United States are from the West Indies
and Central America. Table 6 shows
the number and rate of increase of the
Negro foreign-born from 1870 to 1940.

Table 6

Foreign-Born Negro Population in the United States, 1870 to 1940
(A minus sign ( — ) denotes decrease)

YEAR

Foreign-born
Negro Population

Increase Over Preceding Censu
Number Per Cent

1940

. 83,941

—14,679
24,817
33,464
20,003
357
5,962
4,372

—14.0
33.6
83.0
98.4
1.8
42.5
45.3

1930

98,620

ID 20

73,803

1910

40,339

1900

20 336

1890

19,979

1880

14 017

1870

9,645

Like most immigrant groups, the
Negro foreign-born tend to concentrate
in urban centers mainly in the North.
"At both the 1940 and the 1930 cen-
suses approximately 93 per cent of
the foreign-born Negroes were found
in urban areas. In New York City,
there were 48,418 in 1930 and 54,754
in 1940." Despite their concentration,
"some Negro immigrants were found in

every State and in the District of
Columbia in both 1940 and 1930."

In 1940, 35.8 per cent of the foreign-
born Negroes were naturalized citizens
and about 12 per cent had their first
papers, that is to say, had declared
their intentions of becoming citizens
of the United States. Table 7 shows
the citizenship of Negro immigrants
for selected States.

Table 7

Citizenship of the Foreign-Born Negro Population for Selected States, 1940
(Includes States with 500 or more foreign-born Negroes)

STATE

Total

Foreign-born
Negro Population

Naturalized

First
Papers

No
Papers

Citizenship
Not Reported

United States

83,941

30,013

10,035

33,986

9,907

Total for Selected

States.. 80,518

28,516

9,824

33,255

8,923

California

1 373-

526

140

492

215

Connecticut

1,069

327

144

425

173

Florida ... .

7 779

1 138

473

5 263

905

Illinois

1 261

667

118

237

239

Louisiana

502

266

112

Maryland

650

253

129

208

Massachusetts

7 547

2 522

681

3 598

746

Michigan

2 190

1 157

241

484

308

New Jersey

2 628

1 086

213

792

537

New York

51 286

18 826

7 265

20 501

4 694

Ohio

923

400

207

235

Pennsylvania

2 339

1 064

263

509

503

Rhode Island .

971

284

108

506

POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS

URBAN-RURAL POPULATION
Urbanization

Almost half, or 48.6 per cent, of the

Negro population of the United States
now live in urban communities; in
1910 only 27.3 per cent lived in cities.

Table 8

Urban and Rural Population for Negroes and Native Whites for the United

States, 1910 to 1940

RACE AND
NATIVITY

Urban

1940
Rural

Per Cent
Urban

Urban

1930
Rural

Per Cent
Urban

Total Population
Negro

74,423,702
6 253 588

57,245,573
6 611 930

56.5
48 6

68,954,823
5 193 913

53,820,223
6 697 230

56.2
43 7

Native White

Total Population
Negro

58,888,505

54,304,603
3 559 473

47,957,227

1920

51,406,017
6 903 658

55.1

51.4
34 0

52,109,746

42,166,120
2 684 797

43,388,054

1910

49,806,146
7 142 966

54.6

45.8
27 3

Native White

40,263,101

40,845,060

49.6

29,846,561

38,539,851

43.6

Although the rate of urbanization of
Negroes as Table 7 shows has been
greater than that of either the total
population or of the native whites,
Negroes are still not so highly urban-
ized as the latter groups. "There were,"
the Census records, "6,253,588 Negroes
in urban places in 1940 and 5,193,913
in urban places in 1930, an increase of
1,059,675 persons, or 20.4 per cent. In
rural-nonfarm areas, Negroes increased
by 92,923 or 4.6 per cent. In spite of
the fact that the rate of natural in-
crease is much larger for rural-farm
Negroes than it is for urban Negroes,
the number of Negroes on rural farms
actually decreased by 178,223 persons,
or 3.8 per cent, between 1930 and 1940.

These facts indicate that large num-
bers of rural-farm Negroes migrated
to the cities and towns in the last
decade."

In all three regions of the United
States Negroes have been moving into
urban communties. Among these, the
urban South has had the largest nu-
merical increase between 1930 and 1940,
an increase of 649,793; the urban North
followed with 367,308; and the urban
West with 42,574. The percentage in-
crease was 17.3, 21.9, and 42.9 respec-
tively. Table 9 shows the increase or
decrease in the Negro population of
the United States, by regions, urban
and rural, between 1930 and 1940.

Table 9
Urban and Rural Population for Negroes, United States and Regions,

1930 to 1940
(A minus sign ( — ) denotes decrease)

AREA

1940

1930

Per Cent of
Increase
1930 to 1940

United States . . .

12 865 518

11 891 143

8 2

Urban

6,253 588

5,193,913

20.4

Rural-nonfarm

2,109,630

2,016,707

4.6

Rural-farm

4,502,300

4,680,523

— 3.8

The North

2 790 193

2 409 219

15 8

2,495,637

2,128,329

17.3

Rural-nonfarm

220 893

215,289

2.6

Rural -farm

73 663

65 601

12 3

The South

9 904 619

9,361,577

5.8

Urban

3 616 118

2 966 325

21.9

Rural-nonfarm

1 866 909

1 786 466

4.5

Rural-farm

4421,592

4,608,786

—4.1

The West

170 706

120 347

41 8

Urban

141 833

99,259

42.9

Rural-nonfarm

21,828

14,952

46.0

Rural-farm

7,045

6,136

14.8

URBAN— RURAL POPULATION

"Almost half the Southern Negroes
were on rural farms in 1940, 44.6 per
cent as compared with 49.2 per cent
in 1930. This was well over twice the
proportion who were living in rural-
non-farm areas in the South. Few rural
Negroes were living on farms in the
North and the West."

One reason why Negroes are less
urbanized than whites is that Negroes
live mainly in the South, a compara-
tively rural area. Negroes are more
highly urbanized than the total popu-
lation and more than the native whites
in the North and West. In the South
Negroes are slightly more urbanized
than the native whites, and slightly
less than the total population. A com-
parison of the population by divisions,
for 1940 also shows that Negroes are
more highly urbanized than native
whites. Table 10 presents these data.

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POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS

The Cities

In 1940 there were 315 cities in which
there were 2,500 Negroes or more.
Forty per cent of the Negro population
of the United States and 80 per cent
of the urban Negro population resided
in these 315 cities. The proportion of
the Negro populaton to the total popu-
lation in these urban places ranged
from 0.8 to 72.2 per cent; in 237 of
these cities, however, Negroes were
over 10 per cent of the population.

Negroes have been moving increas-
ingly into the larger cities. "Between
1930 and 1940," the Census points out,
"the number of urban places having
2,500 Negroes or more increased from
263 to 315 and the number of Negroes
living in such places increased by
966,866, or 23.1 per cent." The rate
of increase for the Negro population
in all urban places was 20.4 per cent
or 2.7 per cent less. This "reflects
movement from southern rural areas
as well as ... from smaller cities to
larger cities."

Of the total number of urban places
which had 2,500 Negroes or more in
1940, 87 were in the North, 219 in the

South, and 9 in the West. In the South,
the total Negro population of these
cities represented only 29.6 per cent
of all Negroes in the South; "whereas,
75.8 per cent of the total Negro popu-
lation of the North and 61.2 per cent
of the total Negro population of the
West resided in urban places which had
2,500 Negroes or more."

In each region Negroes who lived in
urban places with 2,500 Negroes or
more represented a large proportion
of the urban Negro population: in the
North, 84.7 per cent; in the South, 81.1
per cent; and in the West, 73.6 per
cent.

Of the eleven cities with over 100,000
Negroes each, New York heads the list
with a Negro population of 458,444;
but this figure is only 6.1 per cent of
the total population of the city, a
smaller percentage than that of any
of the other cities of this type. Mem-
phis, Tennessee, had the highest per-
centage of Negroes, 41.5 per cent.
Moreover, these eleven cities increased
in Negro population at a much faster
rate between 1930 and 1940 than any
of the other major groups of urban
places. See tables 11 and 12.

Table 11

Negro Population in Groups of Urban Places, Classified According to Size of
Negro Population for the United States, 1940 and 1930

GROUPS OF URBAN PLACES
BY NUMBER OF NEGROES

Number of
Places

1940

Negro
Population

Per Cent of
Total Negro
Population
of the U. S

Total

315

5 152 149

40 0

Places of 100,000 or more Negroes...

2 082 051

16 2

Places of 50,000 to 100,000 Negroes...

576,971

4 5

Places of 25,000 to 50,000 Negroes..

656 570

5 1

Places of 10,000 to 25 000 Negroes

844 666

6 a

Places of 5,000 to 10,000 Negroes...

477 541

3 7

Places of 2,500 to 5 000 Negroes

151

514 350

4 0

Total

263

1930

4 185 283

35 2

Places of 100,000 or more Negroes...

1 305 080

11 0

Places of 50,000 to 100,000 Negroes...
Places of 25,000 to 50,000 Negroes

622,489
702 258

5.2

5 9

Places of 10,000 to 25,000 Negroes.T..

...... 46

706 122

5 9

Places of 5,000 to 10,000 Negroes... .

455 253

3 8

Places of 2,500 to 5,000 Negroes

116

394,081

3.3

Table 12

Negro Population of Urban Places Which Had 50,000 Negro Inhabitants or

More, 1940

Per Cent

Negro

Total

Negro

Total

Urban Places

Popula-
tion

Urban Places

Popula-
tion

100 000 or more

Detroit, Mich

. 149,119

9 2

New York, N Y

458 444

6 1

New Orleans, La

. 149,034

30.1

Chicago 111

277 731

8 2

Memphis, Tenn

. 121,498

41.5

Philadelphia, Pa.

... 250,880

13.0

Birmingham, Ala. . . .

. 108,938

40.7

Washington D C

187 266

28 2

St. Louis, Mo

. 108,765

13.3

Baltimore. Md.

. 165.843

19.3

Atlanta. Ga.

. 104,533

34.6

URBAN— RURAL POPULATION

Table 12 (Continued)

Urban Places

Negro
Popula-
tion

Per Cent
of
Total
Popula-
tion

Urban Places

Negro
Popula-
tion

Per Cent
of
Total
Popula-
tion

50,000 to 100,000
Houston Texas . .

. 86,302

22.4

Jacksonville, Fla.
Richmond, Va. .

61,782
61 251

35.7
31 7

Cleveland, Ohio
Los Angeles Calif . .

. . 84,504
. . 63,774

9.6
4.2

Cincinnati, Ohio
Indianapolis, Ind

55,593
51 142

12.2

13 2

Pittsburgh, Pa

. . 62,216

9.3

Dallas, Texas

50,407

17.1

Negro Migration, 1940-1944

With the commencement of World
War II, the extraordinary demand for
labor in industries speeded up the
movement of Negroes from the agri-
cultural South to the urban centers
of the North, South, and West. From
a sample of ten congested areas, the
Bureau of the Census concludes: "Ma-
jor Negro migrations since the begin-
ning of World War II have 'started in
the South and terminated in war-boom
cities regardless of geographical loca-
tion. . . . From 1940 to 1944, Negro
population movements usually started

in the South and ended at industrial
points such as Detroit, Norfolk, San
Francisco, and Los Angeles, where
Negroes could find employment in ship-
yards, airplane factories, and other war
activities."

Before World War II the spectacular
migration of Negroes was to the great
metropolitan areas of the North; the
significant movement into Southern
cities was not so apparent. The out-
standing fact concerning Negro migra-
tion during World War II, however,
was the movement into cities in the
West.

Table 13

Resident Non- White Population for Ten Congested Production Areas,

1940 and 1944
(A minus sign ( — ) denotes decrease)

Area, Date of 1944 Census, and Race

1944

1940

Increase 1940 to 1944
Number Per Cent

Charleston (S. C.) Areas, Total..
(March, 1944)
Detroit-Willow Run Area, Total.
(June, 1944)
Hampton Roads Area, Total
(May, 1944)
IjOS \ngeles Area Total . . . .

64.9951
, ... 259.4901
140,756
... 147,763

59,618
176,552
113,956
128,039

5,377
82,938
26,800
19 724

9.0
47.0
23.5
15 4

(April, 1944)

134 519

75 496

59 023

78 2

Other non- white races

13,244

52 543

— 39 299

71 8

Mobile Area Total . . .

. . . 64.4491

51,678

12 771

24 7

(March, 1944)
Muskegon Area Total

4.8421

1,893

2,949

155 8

(June, 1944)
Portland-Vancouver Area, Total..
(May, 1944)
Negro

... 14,145
. . . 11,316

7,465
2,105

6,680
9 211

89.5
437 6

Other non- white races

2,829

5,360

— 2 531

— 47 2

Puget Sound Area Total

18 756

23 636

1 880

• °0 6

(June, 1944)
Negro

9,792

5 242

4 550

86 8

Other non-white races

8,964

18 394

— 9 430

— 51 3

San Diego Area Total

9 675

9 720

• -0 5

(March, 1944)
Negro

7 755

4 444

3 311

74 5

Other non- white races

1 920

5 276

— 3 356

— 63.6

San Francisco Bay Area, Total...
(April, 1944)
Negro

... 102,025
64 680

64,731
19 759

37,294
44 921

57.6
227 3

Other non- white races

. . . 37,345

44,972

—7,627

—17.0

Separate figures for Negroes and persons of other non-white races are not available,

POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS

"In the 5 congested production areas
in the West, the Negro population grew
from approximately 107,000 in 1940 to
about 228,000 in 1944, an increase of
more than 113 per cent. . . . The
largest absolute increase (59,000) oc-
curred in the Los Angeles area, where
the Ncg^o population grew from 75,000
in 1940 to 134,000 in 1944." On the
ether hand, "the rise in the total num-
ber of Negroes in the 2 Northern and
the 3 Southern congested production
areas between 1940 and 1944 was from
403,000 to 534,000 or 32 per cent."

A final comparison of the recent
movement of the Negro population
awaits an enumeration in other parts
of the country especially in the major
urban areas of the North. Table 14
concerns population movements before
1940 but it is significant here as an
indication that few Negroes born in
the North ever live in the South, while
Negro migration from the South tends
to be permanent. However, the native
white population tends to move in each
direction between the North and the
South in about equal numbers.

Table 14

Migration of the Native Negro Population and the Native White Population

Between the North and the South, 1910 to 1940

(Based on State of Birth Data)

Region and Race

Negro 1940 1930 1920 1910

Born in the North and living in the South1.. 59,267* 52,338 44,536 39,077

Born in the South and living in the North .. 1,443,943* 1,355,789 737,423 415,533

Net gain of the North 1,384,676* 1,303,451 692,887 376,456

Net gain of the South

White

Born in the North and living in the South1.. 2,016,212 1,821,678

Born in the South and living in the North . . 2,013,036 1,931,799

Net gain of the North 110,121

Net gain of the South 3,176 262,306 297,017

1PThe North: New England, Middle Atlantic, East North Central, and West North

Central Divisions.

The South: South Atlantic, East South Central, and West South Central Divisions.
*Includes Negroes and other non-white races.

1,675,085 1,407,262
1,412,779 1,110,245

RATIO OF MALES TO FEMALES
Males Out-Numbered

For many decades Negro males have
been out numbered by females and the
ratio of males to females has been
decreasing. In the United States, the
number of Negro males to every 100
Negro females declined from 97.0 in
1930 to 95.0 in 1940. During these 10
years the increase in the number of
Negro males was nearly 150,000 less
than the increase in the number of
Negro females. Higher mortality rates
among Negro males account for most
of the sex difference in Negro popu-
lation growth. The sex ratio at birth
for Negroes is lower than that for
whites, which is about 106 males per
100 females, but the Negro sex ratio
at birth is also above 100. At every
age, and for both races, the mortality
of males tends to be higher than that
for females; thus an aging popula-
tion will tend to have a lower sex ratio.

Sex and Region

Although the number of white males
per 100 white females has also been
declining, the white sex ratio has been
consistently higher than that for Ne-
groes. Moreover, except for the Moun-
tain Division of the United States, the
native white sex ratio is everywhere
higher.

The number of Negro males per 100
Negro females is highest in the West
and lowest in the South. This reflects
the movement of Negroes, particularly
Negro men, from the South to the
West and also to the North. In the
urban areas, however, females are
more highly concentrated. In 1940,
there were in the United States about
88 Negro males to 100 Negro females
living in urban communities, while for
rural-farm communities the ratio was
103. Table 15 shows the sex ratio for
the total population of the United
States, for Negroes, and native whites
by area,

AGE COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION

Table 15

Urban, Rural-Nonfarm, and Rural Farm Population, By Sex, for Negroes and
Native Whites, for the United States, 1940

Area and
Sex

Total
Population

Negro

Native
White 1

Males Per 100 Females
Total Native
Population Negro White

Urban

74,423,702

6,253,588

58,838,505

95.5 88.1 94.5

Male

36,363,706

2,929,423

28,587,273

Female
Rural-Nonfarm. .
Male

38,059,996
27,029,385
13 757 516

3,324,165
2,109,630
1,053,699

30,251,232
23,407,379
11,867,146

103.7 99.8 102.8

Female
Rural-farm ....
Male

13,271,869
30,216,188
15,940,370

1,055,931
4,500,683
2,285,916

11,540,233
24,549,848
12,983,114

111.7 103.1 112.2

Female

14,275,818

2,216,384

11,566,734

AGE COMPOSITION OF THE

POPULATION
The Aging Population

The median age of the Negro popu-
lation of the United States, like that
of the total population, has increased
between 1930 and 1940. In 1940 the
median age for Negroes was 25.3 years
as compared with 23.5 years in 1930.
("The median age is that age which
divides the population into two equal
groups — one-half being older, and one-
half younger, than the median.")

"The advance in the median age of
the population in 1940 as compared
with that in 1930 results chiefly from
an increase in the proportions in the
younger ages. Lower birth rates and
lower death rates in the past decade
have been major factors in bringing
about these changes." In 1940 there
were 57.7 per cent of the total Negro
population over 21 years of age, while
in 1930 there were only 54.9 per cent.
For these same periods the Negro
population under 5 years of age was
9.7 and 10.3 per cent, respectively.
Table 16 shows the age distribution
of the population for Negroes and
native whites for 1940.

OCCUPATION AND INDUSTRY

Place of Negroes
in the Labor Force

In March, 1940, (the date of the
Census) Negroes represented 10.2 per
cent of the nation's labor force; native
white persons, 78.4 per cent; and for-
eign-born whites 11.0 per cent of the
total. Of these three groups, the per-
centage of the Negro population 14
years of age and over in the labor
force is highest. As shown in table
17, while 80.1 per cent of both Negro
and foreign-born white males of this
class are in the labor force, 37.8 and
18.8 per cent of the females, respec-
tively, are thus occupied. In fact, rela-
tively speaking, Negro females are
more highly represented in the labor
force than the females of any other
population group. This situation is
also reflected in the percentage of
females not in the labor force but
engaged in housework. Only 41.9 per
cent of the Negro females as compared
with 57.0 per cent of the native-white
females, and 68.1 per cent of foreign-
born females, are engaged in their own
housework.

Table 17

Per Cent Distribution of Persons 14 Years Old and Over, By Employment Status,
Class of Worker, Race and Sex, for the United States, 1940

Empsr

Total

II Classes
Male

Female

Negi
Male

•o
Female

Native
Male

White
Female

Fc
V
Male

ireign born
Vhite
Female

Persons 14 years
old and over
In the labor force . .
Not in labor force . .
Engaged in own
housework
In school

100.0
52.2
47.8

28.6
8.9

100.0
79.0
21.0

0.5
9.1

100.0
25.4
74.6

56.7

8.7

100.0
80.1
19.9

0.5

7.7

100.0
37.8
62.2

41.9

8.4

100.0
78.7
21.3

0.5
10.4

100.0
24.8
75.2

57.0
9.8

100.0
80.1
19.9

0.7
1 0

100.0
18.8
81.2

68.1
1.0

Unable to work . .
In institutions . . .
Other and not
reported

5.2
1.2

3.9

5.9
1.5

4.0

4.6

0.8

3.8

5.8

2.8

3.2

7.2
0.8

4.0

5.1
1.3

3.9

3.8

0.8

3.8

11.2
1.9

5.1 .

7.7
1.3

3.1

POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS

§
ON

i— i

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a
*8

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o JS

-8
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i la i

i
M

Number Per Cent Distribution
SB; F_» T- """'a' F-* To., Nffi. F_to TJT-Sr re.,,.

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ice occupations especially for females.
As we should expect, a large propor-
tion of Negro male workers are em-
ployed as farm and industrial laborers.

jooooiooioot- ^ ;-S

rH rH US

rH rH rH 1C

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co

- co"r4'co"^"'ixro''«^ooicoo"rri'ar'*'coo'V

Table 18 shows the kinds of work
or major occupations in which Negroes
are employed. There is a concentration
in domestic service and in other serv-

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OCCUPATION AND INDUSTRY

Table 18

Major Occupation Group of Employed Negroes, 14 Years Old and Over (Except
on Public Emergency Work) By Sex, for the United States, 1940

Major Occupation

Total

Male

Female

Per Cent Distribution
Total Male Female

All occupations

4,479,068

2,936,795

1,542,273

100.0

Professional workers
Semi-professional workers ....

109,836
9,364
666,695

48,154
79,322

132,110
464,195
1,003,508
522,229

483,785

296,527
636,600
26,743

46,539
6,773
620,479

37,240
58,557

129,736
368,005
85,566
362,424

413,574

168,189
623,641
16,072

63,297
2,591
46,216

10,914
20,765

2,374
96,190
917,942
159,805

70,211

128,338
12,959
10,671

2.5
0.2
14.9

1.1
1.8

2.9
10.4
22.4
11.7

10.8

6.6
14.2

0.6

1.6
0.2
21.1

1.3
2.0

4.4
12.5
2.9
12.3

14.1

5.7
21.2
0.5

4.1

0.2
3.0

0.7
1.3

0.2
6.2
59.5
10,4

4.6

8.3

O.S
0.7

Farmers and farm managers...
Proprietors, managers, and
officials except farm

Clerical, sales, and kindred

Craftsmen, foremen, and
kindred workers

Operatives and kindred workers
Domestic service workers

Service workers, except domestic
Farm laborers (wage workers)
and farm foremen

Farm laborers (unpaid family
workers)

Laborers, except farm and mine .
Occupation not reported

Trend of Occupations

Tables 19 and 20 show the trend of
Negro employment by major industry.
The significant movement of Negro
workers is away from agriculture. In
1910 there were 54.6 per cent of all
Negro workers engaged in agriculture;

in 1940 there were about 33.2 per cent.
With the exception of personal service
in which Negro females are highly
concentrated, Negroes are fairly well
distributed over the range of major
industries. In each industrial group,
however, Negroes are concentrated in
the lower range of employment.

Table 19

Major Industry Group of Employed Negroes, 10 Years Old and Over, for the
United States, 1910 to 1930

Employment Status and
Major Industry

1930
Number

Per
Cent

1920
Number

Per
Cent

1910
Number

Per
Cent

All Industries

5 503 535

100 0

4 824 151

100 0

5 192 535

100 0

Agriculture

1,987,839

36.1

2 133,135

44 2

2 834 969

54 6

Forestry and fishing

31 732

0 6

31 375

0 7

33 776

0 7

Extraction of minerals

74 972

1 4

73 229

1 5

61 129

1 2

Manufacturing and mechanical
industries

1 024 656

18.6

901,181

18.7

655 906

12 6

Transportation and communication
Trade .

397,645
183,809

7.2
3.3

312,538
141,119

6.5

2.9

256,098
119,775

4.9

2.3

Public service (not elsewhere
classified)

50,203

0 9

50 436

1 0

22 229

0 4

Professional service

135,925

2 5

81 771

1 7

68 350

1 3

Domestic and personal service...
Clerical occupations .

1,576,205
40.549

28.6
0.7

1,063,008
36.359

22.0
0.8

1,121,251
19.052

21.6
0.4

POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS

Table 20

Major Industry Group of Employed Negroes 14 Years Old and Over (Except on
Public Emergency Work) By Sex, for the United States, 1940

Employment Status and
Major Industry

Total

Male

Female

Per Cent Distribution
Total Male Female

Employed (except on emergency

4,479,068
1,484,914
52,981
142,419
515,514

200,191
348,760
68,117
48,863
1,292,524

32,187
176,685
56,921
58,992

2,936,795
1,238,301
52,754
141,261
467,286

196,762
286,930
56,309
47,783
243,700

27,516
84,014
48,632
45,547

1,542,273
246,613
227
1,158
48,228

3,429
61,830
11,808
1,080
1,048,824

4,671
92,671
8,289
13,445

100.0
33.2
1.2
3.2
11.5

4.5
7.8
1.5
1.1
28.9

0.7
3.9
1.3
1.3

100.0
42.2
1.8
4.8
15.9

6.7
9.8
1.9
1.6
8.3

0.9
2.9
1.7
1.6

100.0
16.0

0.1
3.1

0.2
4.0
0.8
0.1
68.0

0.3
6.0
0.5
0.9

Agriculture, forestry and fishery*
Mining .

Manufacturing

Transportation, communication
and other public utilities

Wholesale and retail trade
Finance, insurance, and real estate
Business and repair services
Personal services

Amusement, recreation, and
related services

Professional and related services
Government

Industry not reported

"Only about one per cent of all Negro workers is engaged in forestry and fishing.

DIVISION II

SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS
OF THE NEGRO

By JESSIE P. GUZMAN
Tuskegee Institute

When one examines scholastic and other distinctions as they relate to Negroes
it is found that they cover a wide range, as these data presented below illustrate:

PERSONS LISTED IN WHO'S WHO IN AMERICA

"The standard of admissions to Who's Who in America divides the eligibles
into two. classes: (1) those selected on account of special prominence in credit-
able lines of efforts, making them the subjects of extensive interest, inquiry or
discussion; and (2) those included arbitrarily on account of official position —
civil, military, naval, religious, or educational."

On the basis of these standards, the names and occupations of Negroes
appearing in the 1944-45 edition of Who's Who in America are as follows:

*Abbott, Robert Sengstacke, Editor, pub-
lisher.

*Adams, Numa Pompilius Garfleld, Medi-
cal Dean.

Anderson, Marian, Contralto.

Atwodd, Rufus B1., College President.

Bluford, Ferdinand D., College President.

Bousfield, Midian O., Physician.

Bontemps, Arna Wendell. Author.

Braithwaite, William Stanley Beaumont,
Author.

Burleigh, Harry T., Singer, Composer.
> Caliver, Ambrose, Educator.
^ *Carver, George Washington, Educator,
Scientist.

*Clair, Matthew Wesley, Bishop.

Clark, Eugene A., College President.

Clark, Felton G., University President.

Clement, Rufus E., University President.

Cobb, James A., Lawyer.

Cotter, Joseph Seamon, Author, Educator.

Daniel, Robert Prentiss, College President.

Davis, Benjamin Oliver, Army Officer.

Davis, John Warren, College President.

Dawson, William L., Congressman.

De Berry, William Nelson, Clergyman.

Demby, Edward T., Bishop, P. E. Church.

Dent, Albert W., University President.

*Dett, R. Nathaniel, Composer.

Dogan, Matthew Winfred, President
Emeritus, Wiley College.

Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt,
Editor, Author.

Flipper, Joseph Simeon, Bishop.

Fountain, William Alfred, Sr., Bishop.

Frazier, Edward Franklin, Sociologist.

Gandy, John Manuel, Educator.

Grant, George Camron, College Dean.

Gregg, James Edgar, Clergyman, Educa-
tor.

Handy, William Christopher, Composer.

Harris, Abram L., University Professor
(Economist).

Harris, M. La Fayette, College President.

Hastie, William Henry, Dean of Law.

Hayes, Roland, Tenor.

Haynes, Elizabeth A. Ross, Social Worker.

Haynes, George Edmund, Sociologist.

Hill, Leslie Pinckney, Educator.

*Deceased

Holmes, Dwight Oliver Wendell, College
President.

Houston, Charles Hamilton, Lawyer.

Howard, Perry W., Mem. Rep. Nat. Com.

Hubert, Benjamin Franklin, College Presi-
dent.

Hughes, (James) Langston, Author.

Hurston, Zora Neale, Author.

Imes, William Lloyd, Clergyman.

Johnson, Charles Spurgeon, Educator.

Johnson, Mordecai Wyatt, University
President.

Jones, David D., College President.

Jones, Eugene Kinckle, Social Work.

Jones, Gilbert E., Educator.

Jones, Lawrence Clifton, Educator.

Jones, Robert Elijah, Bishop.

King, Lorenzo H., Bishop.

King, Willis Jefferson, Bishop.

Lane, James F., College President.

Lanier, Raphael O'Hara, College Dean.

Locke, Alain LeRoy, Professor Philosophy.

Maynor, Dorothy, Soprano.

Mays, Benjamin Elijah, College President.

McCrorey, Henry Lawrence, Educator.

McKay, Claude, Writer.

Mitchell, Arthur W., Ex-Congressman.

Moore, Herman Emmons, Judge.

Murphy, Carl, Journalist.

Murray, Peter Marshall, Gynecologist.

Nelson, William Stuart, University Dean.

Patterson, Frederick Douglass, President,
Tuskegee Institute.

Pickens, William, Government Official.

Robeson, Paul, Concert Singer, Actor.

Robinson, Bill, Dancer, Actor.

Schuyler, George Samuel, Author, Jour-
nalist.

Scruggs, Sherman Dana, University Presi-
dent.

Shaw, Alexander Preston, Editor, Clergy-
man.

Shephard, James Edward, College Presi-
dent.

Still, William Grant, Composer.

Terrell, Mary Church, Lecturer, Author.

Trenholm, Harper Councill, College Presi-
dent.

Tobias, Channing H., Y.M.C.A. Secretary.

Walton, Lester A., Diplomat, Journalist.

16 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO

Wesley, Charles Harris, University Presi-
dent.

White, Clarence Cameron, Violinist, Com-
poser.

White, Walter F., Author, Secretary
N.A.A.C.P.

Williams, Lacy K., Clergyman.

Woodson, Carter Godwin, Author.

*Work, Monroe N., Educator.

Wright, Richard, Author.

Wright, Richard Robert, Educator,
Banker.

Wright, Richard Robert, Jr., Bishop,
Educator.

*Deceased

PERSONS APPOINTED TO POSI-
TIONS IN WHITE INSTITUTIONS OF
HIGHER LEARNING— 1941-1946

A number of Negroes have been ap-
pointed to the faculties of outstanding
white colleges and universities in the
country during the past few years.
Some of these appointments have been
for definite periods; others are per-
manent. A list of such persons is as
follows :

Anderson, Walter F., is the first
Negro to receive an appointment as
a departmental head. He began his
duties on September 1, 1946, as Head
of the Department of Music at Antioch
College, Yellow Springs, Ohio.

Arter, Miss Rhetta M., served as
English Instructor at the Hudson Shore
Labor School in the summer of 1943.

Brown, Dr. Sterling A., was ap-
pointed Visiting Professor of English
at Vassar College for the first term
of the academic year 1945-46, and to
co-instruct with Dr. Arthur P. Davis
a course in American Literature, 1946-
47 at the New School for Social Re-
search.

Brown, Warren, in 1946, was ap-
pointed to offer courses in Sociology
and Anthropology at Hunter College.

Buggs, Dr. Charles Wesley, is the
first Negro to hold a full-time position
on the faculty of Wayne University.

Galloway, Dr. Nathaniel, was ap-
pointed lecturer in Internal Medicine
at the University of Illinois Medical
School in 1946. He formerly taught
Pharmacology at the University of
Chicago.

Clark, Dr. Kenneth, is on the faculty
of Queens City College, New York City,
in the Department of Psychology.

Clark, Edgar R., introduced a course
in folk music at the New School
for Social Research, New York City.

Clift, Dr. Virgil A., Professor of
Education at A. and T. College, Greens-

boro, N. C., was appointed Assistant
Professor at Ohio State University dur-
ing the summer of 1946, directing
activities in Intercultural Education
for graduate students.

Coggs, Mrs. Pauline, has served as
a part-time Assistant in the Depart-
ment of Sociology, Anthropology and
Social Work at the University of Wis-
consin since September, 1945.

Cuthbert, Dr. Marian, is an Instruc-
tor in Sociology at Brooklyn College,
New York City.

Davis, Dr. Allison, in 1942, was ap-
pointed Assistant Professor of Educa-
tion at the University of Chicago with
duties in both teaching and research.
Drake, St. Glair, co-author of the
volume, Black Metropolis, was ap-
pointed, in 1946, to the faculty of
Roosevelt College, Chicago, to special-
ize in Social Anthropology.

Foreman, Mrs. Madeline Clarke, for-
merly teacher of Biology at Hampton
Institute, is serving as head ef the
Biology faculty at William Penn Col-
lege, Oskaloosa, Iowa. She was ap-
pointed in 1945.

Gibson, Ralph, was appointed, in the
fall of 1946, as Instructor of Elemen-
tary Psychology at the University of
Michigan.

Griffin, Frank, was appointed in 1946
to the Department of Business Ad-
ministration, Seaton Hall College, So.
Orange, N. J.

Hammond, Dr. Francis M., was ap-
pointed in 1946, head of the Depart-
ment of Philosophy at Seaton Hall Col-
lege, So. Orange, N. J. He formerly
taught foreign languages at Southern
University.

Harris, Dr. Abram, formerly of
Howard University, was appointed, in
1946, as Associate Professor in Eco-
nomics at the University of Chicago.
Henry, Dr. Warren E.. Head of the
Department of Chemistry, Spelman
College, Atlanta, Ga., was granted a
leave of absence in 1944 to serve as
staff member at the radiation labora-
tory of Massachusetts Institute of
Technology.

Heslip, Mrs. Constance Ridley, since
1931 has been a member of the faculty
of the University of Toledo in the
Department of Sociology.

Hill, Mrs. Adelaide Cromwell, was
named Instructor in Sociology at Smith
College, Northampton, Mass., in 1945,
and is the first Negro to receive ap-
pointment on the faculty. Mrs. Hill is

PERSONS APPOINTED TO POSITIONS IN WHITE INSTITUTIONS 17

an alumna of Smith College, class of
1940. She formerly taught at Hunter
College, New York City.

Huff, Atty. William Henry, was ap-
pointed, in 1946, Associate Professor
of Law in the Chicago Law School.

Jones, Dr. W. M., Eye Specialist, is
Director of the Eye Clinic at Billings
Hospital, University of Chicago, and
is also Opthalmologist, Department of
Surgery, University of Chicago.

KeJftey. Dr. George D., Director of
the School of Religion, Morehouse Col-
lege, was a professor at Andover —
Newton during the summer of 1944.

Lwkc, Dr. Alain L.. Professor of
Philosophy at Howard University,
served in 1946 as Visiting Professor
at the University of Wisconsin, teach-
ing courses in the "Philosophy of the
Arts and Values." Dr. Locke was also
appointed Visiting Professor to the
Graduate Faculty of Political Science
of the New School for Social Research
for the academic year 1946-47.

Marr, Grace E.. graduate of Harlem
Hospital and of Columbia University
is Assistant in Microbiology at Teach-
ers College, Columbia University. She
was appointed in 1945.

Martin, Dr. William H. of the Divi-
sion of Education, Langston Univer-
sity, taught in the summer session of
Michigan State College.

McMillan. Dr. Henrietta N., in 1946,
was appointed English Instructor at
Wilson Junior College, Chicago. She
formerly was on the faculties of Spel-
man College and Atlanta University.

Palmer, Dr. Edward Nelson. Assist-
ant Professor of Sociology at Fisk
University, was appointed a member
of the faculty of the University of
Michigan for the 1946 summer session.

Reddick. Dr. Lawrence D., curator
of the Schomburg Collection, was ap-
pointed to teach a course, "The Negro
in American Life" at the New School
for S.ocial Research, New York City.

Reid, Dr. Ira DcA., Chairman, De-
partment of Sociology, Atlanta Univer-
sity, was appointed, in 1946, the first
full-time Visiting Professor of Negro
Culture and Education at New York
University, School of Education. He
c Iso served as Visiting Professor
of Sociology at Haverford College,
Haverford, Pa.

Rollins. Mrs. Charlcmae, of the
George Cleveland Hall Library, Chi-
cago, in 1946, was appointed to teach

a course in children's literature at
Roosevelt College, Chicago.

Starling, Dr. Marian W., was ap-
pointed in 1946 to the English Depart-
ment of Brooklyn College.

Thurman, Dr. Howard, served dur-
ing the summer of 1946 as Professor
of Mysticism and Ethics at the Uni-
versity of Iowa.

Turner, Mrs. Edythe H., was named
Assistant in the Departments of Sec-
ondary Education and Home Econom-
ics at Miami University, Oxford, Ohio,
on a full-time basis in January, 1946.

Turner, Dr. Lorenzo D.. formerly
Professor of English at Fisk Univer-
sity, was appointed Professor of Eng-
lish at Roosevelt College, Chicago, in
1946.

Watkins, Dr. Mark Hanna, Professor
of Anthropology and Sociology at Fisk
University, served as Visiting Pro-
fessor of Linguistics at the University
of Chicago in 1945 and at the National
University of Mexico.

Whitby, Mrs. Beulah T., is Instruc-
tor in Sociology at Wayne University,
Detroit, Mich.

Wiggins, Dr. Forest Oran, Professor
of Philosophy at Louisville Municipal
College, was appointed full-time in-
structor in the Department of Philoso-
phy, University of Minnesota, begin-
ning September, 1946.

Woodson, Harold W., was appointed,
in 1946, Research Assistant in Biologi-
cal Chemistry in the College of Medi-
cine at the University of Illinois.

Other appointments have been: Baker,
Percy H., Black Mountain College, N. C.;
Benjamin, Charles A. H., Sampson Col-
lege, Geneva, N. Y. ; Brice, Carol, Black
Mountain College, N. C.; Brown, Ray-
mond, University of Akron, Akron, Ohio;
Chandler, Edward, Roosevelt College,
Chicago, 111.; Chase, William, Rutgers
University, New Brunswick, N. J.; Dan-
iels, Mrs. Maggie B., University of Wis-
consin, Madison, Wis.; Diggs, Dr. Mary
Huff, Hunter College, New York City;
Duckery, Tannery G., University of
Southern California at Los Angeles; Ellis,
Wade, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor,
Mich.; Fax, Mark Ashland, Black Moun-
tain College, N. C.; Frazier, E. Franklin,
New York School of Social Work, New
York City and Sarah Lawrence College,
Bronxville, N. Y.; Gear, Joseph T., Uni-
versity of California at Berkeley; Golight-
ly, Catherine C., Olivet College, Michigan;
Golightly, Cornelius L., Olivet College,
Michigan; Graham, Alyse, Roosevelt Col-
lege, Chicago, 111.; Grant, Lestine, Samp-
ton College, Geneva, N. Y.; Graves, Clif-
ford L., Fenn College, Cleveland, Ohio;
Harris, Mrs. Sammie Lee, Fenn College,
Cleveland, Ohio; Hayden, Robert, Uni-
versity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.;
Hayes, Roland, Black Mountain College,

18 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO

N. C.; Hinkson, Mary, University of
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.; Hinton, Dr.
William A., Harvard Medical School and
Simmons College, Boston, Mass.; Holmes,
Eugene Clay, College of the City of New
York, New York City; Heningburg,
Alphonse, New York University, New
York City; Jacobs, Marie, University of
Connecticut, Storrs, Conn.; Jones, Mrs.
Sybil, George Williams College, Chicago,
111.; Kelsey, Dr. George D., Andover-
Newton, Mass.; Lawrence, Jacob, Black
Mountain College, N. C.; Listen, Sarah
M., University of Connecticut, Storrs,
Conn.; McMillan, Mrs. Henrietta Herod,
Chicago Teachers College, Chicago, 111.;
Martin, Alfred E., Hunter College, New
York City; Pereira, Sara M., Penn Col-
lege, Cleveland, Ohio; Riddle, Mrs. Estelle
Massey, New York University; Sparling,
Dr. Wilson, Brooklyn College, Brooklyn,
N. Y.; Streator, Olive, Fordham Uni-
versity, New York City; Sutler, Dr. Mar-
tin, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor,
Mich.; Weaver, Mrs. Robert C., Roosevelt
College, Chicago, 111.; Woodruff, Hale,
New York University, New York City.

DOCTORS OF PHILOSOPHY*!

AND OTHER EARNED
DOCTORATES, 1937-1946
Doctor of Philosophy

1937

Bright, William M., University of Illinois,
Zoology.

Carroll, Joseph C., Ohio State University
History.

Crawford, Charlotte E., Yale University
English.

Hawkins, Charles C., New York Univer-
sity, Physical Education and Health.

Huggins, Kimuel A., University of Chi-
cago, Chemistry.

Hunter, John M., Cornell University,
Physics and Applied Chemistry.

Jackson, Luther P., University of Chicago,
History.

Jackson, Reid E., Ohio State University,
Education.

Johnston, James H., University of Chi-
cago, History.

Julian, Anna J., University of Pennsyl-
vania, Sociology.

Lockett, John L., Rutgers University,
Agriculture.

Oak, Vishnu V., Clark University, Mass.,
Economics and Sociology.

Robinson, William H., Boston University,
Physics.

Wallace, William J. L., Cornell Univer-
sity, Chemistry.

West, Harold D., University of Illinois,
Chemistry.

1938

Armstrong, Byron K., University of Michi-
gan, Education.

Boyd, Lawrence E., University of Iowa,
Education and Psychology.

Brown, George W., London, History.

Cox, Oliver C., University of Chicago,
Sociology.

Dean, William H., Harvard University,
Economics.

Drake, J. F., Cornell University, Educa-
tion.

Gant, Virgil Arnett, University of Illinois,
Pharmacology.

Goodlett, Carlton B., University of South-
ern California, Psychology.

Hansborough, Louis A., Harvard Univer-
sity, Zoology.

Harris, Nelson H., University of Michi-
gan, Education.

Hawkins, W. Lincoln, McGill University,
Chemistry.

Hill, Charles L., Ohio State University,
Philosophy.

Himes, Joseph S., Ohio State University,
Sociology.

Hunton, William A., New York Univer-
sity, English.

Lovell, John W., Jr., University of Chi-
cago, English.

Miller, E. H., Dijon (France), Romance
Language.

Moreland, Marc M., Toronto (Canada),
Philosophy.

Pierce, Joseph A., University of Michigan,
Mathematics.

Walls, Jean H., University of Pittsburgh,
Student Personnel Administration.

Wiggins, Forrest O., University of Wis-
consin, Philosophy.

Williams, Eric, Oxford (England), Eco-
nomics and History.

1939

Banks, Floyd R., Jr., University of Penn-
sylvania, Physics.

Banner, Warren M., University of Pitts-
burgh, Economics.

Branson, Herman R., University of Cin-
cinnati, Physics.

Bush, Gow M., University of Iowa,
Zoology.

Cotton, Carol B., University of Chicago,
Psychology.

Davis, Frank G., University of Iowa,
Economics.

Dooley, Thomas P., University of Iowa,
Biology.

Eagleson, Halson V., Indiana University,
Physics.

Griffith, Booker T., University of Pitts-
burgh, Zoology.

Heningburg, Alphonse, New York Univer-
sity, Education.

Lawson, Hilda J., University of Illinois,
English.

Lawson, James R., University of Michi-
gan, Physics.

Lee, Harold F., Ohio State University,
Education.

Lee, James S., University of Michigan,
Bacteriology.

Lee, Maurice W., University of Chicago,
Business.

McGraw, Booker T., Harvard University,
Economics.

Perry, Rufus P., University of Iowa,
Chemistry.

Reddick, Lawrence D., University of Chi-
cago, History.

Reedy, Sidney J., Colorado State College,
Education.

Reid, Ira DeA., Columbia University,
Sociology.

Rivers, Gertrude B., Cornell University,
English.

Solomon, Thomas R., University of Michi-
gan, Political Science.

Wormley, Stanton L., Cornell University,
English.

*Dr. Harry W. Greene, West Virginia State College collaborated with this list.
fSee previous Negro Year Books for data prior to 1937.

DOCTORS OF PHILOSOPHY AND OTHER EARNED DOCTORATES 19

1940

Chapman, Oscar J., Ohio State Univer-
sity, Education.

Coleman, Edward M., University of South-
ern California, History.

Crooks, Kenneth B. M.f Harvard Univer-
sity, Biology.

Daniel, Vattel E., University of Chicago,
Sociology.

Davis, Toye G., Harvard University,
Biology.

Franklin, John H.f Harvard University,
History.

Gleason, Eliza A., University of Chicago,
Library Science.

Gore, George W., Columbia University,
Education.

Grant, Ernest A., Cornell University
Agricultural Education.

Harris, Ruth M., Columbia University,
Education.

Hazzard, James W., Cornell University,
Biology.

Higgins, Rodney J., University of Iowa,
Political Science.

Inge, Frederick D., New York University,
Plant Physiology.

Knox, Clinton E., Harvard University,
History.

Knox, Lawrence H., Harvard University,
Chemistry.

Loop, Anne, New York University, Edu-
cation.

Luvalle, James E., California Institute of
Technology, Chemistry.

McGuinn, Henry J., Columbia University,
Sociology.

Monroe, Clarence L. E., University of
Pennsylvania, Bacteriology.

Morris, Kelso B., Cornell University, In-
organic Chemistry.

Nyabonga, Prince Akaki K., Oxford Uni-
versity (England), Philosophy.

Quarles, Benjamin A., University of Wis-
consin, History.

Richards, Eugene S., University of South-
ern California, Sociology.

Smythe, Mabel Murphy, University of
Wisconsin, Economics.

Snowden, George, University of Indiana,
Government.

Strong, Samuel M., University of Chicago,
Sociology.

Tillman, Nathaniel P., University of Wis-
consin, English.

Walker, Alexander, University of Iowa,
Political Science.

Wall, Limas D., University of Michigan,
Zoology.

Woodson, Grace I., Ohio State University,
Education.

Wright, Marion T., Columbia University,
Education.

Young, R. Arliner, University of Penn-
sylvania, Zoology.

1941

Alsup, Frederick W., University of Penn-
sylvania, Zoology.

Baker, T. Nelson, Jr., Ohio State Univer-
sity, Chemistry.

Bembry, Thomas H., Columbia Univer-
sity, Chemistry.

Blackwell, David H., University of Illinois,
Mathematics.

Brawley, James P., Northwestern Univer-
sity, Education.

Brown, Howard W., University of Penn-
sylvania, Education.

Canady, Herman G., Northwestern Uni-
versity, Psychology.

Carpenter, Marie, Columbia University,
Education.

Carruthers, Ben F., University of Illinois,
Romance Language.

Carter, William T., University of Michi-
gan, French.

Clark, Kenneth B., Columbia University,
Psychology.

Coleman, Robert, Columbia University,
Education.

Colson, Edna, Columbia University, Edu-
cation.

Daniel, Walter G., Columbia University,
Education.

Daniels, Walter T., Iowa State University,
Engineering.

Davis, Walter S., Cornell University, Ag-
ricultural Education.

Golightly, Cornelius L., University of
Michigan, Philosophy.

Henry, Warren E., University of Chicago,
Chemistry.

Hill, Carl M., Cornell University, Chemis-
try.

Johnson, Lula M., University of Iowa,
History.

Lee, J. Warren, University of Iowa,
Zoology.

Lloyd, Ruth S., Western Reserve Univer-
sity, Anatomy.

Phillips, Augustus C., Ohio State Univer-
sity, Vocational Education.

Simpson, Cohen T., University of Iowa,
Inorganic Chemistry.

Smith, John M., University of Iowa,
Philosophy.

Tate, Merze, Radcliffe College, Political
Science.

Upthegrone, Campbell, L., University of
Southern California, History.

Voss, Joseph E., University of Pennsyl-
vania, Sociology.

Watts, Frederick P., University of Penn-
sylvania, Psychology.

Williams, Joseph L., University of Penn-
sylvania, Zoology.

1942

Beale, Robert S., Pennsylvania State Col-
lege, Chemistry.

Belton, W. Edward, Iowa State College,
Chemistry.

Booker, Walter M., University of Chicago,
Physiology.

Brazeal, Brailsford R., Columbia Univer-
sity, Economics.

Brooks, Daniel, University of Pennsyl-
vania, Education.

Brooks, Lyman, University of Michigan,
Education.

Bullock, Henry A., University of Michi-
gan, Sociology.

Cuthbert, Marion, Columbia University,
Education. .

Davis, Arthur Paul, Columbia University,
English.

Davis, William A., University of Chicago,
Anthropology.

Dawson, Earl E., University of Kansas,
Education.

20 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO

Dowdy, William W., Western Reserve
University, Biology.

Eason, Sarah M., Ohio State University,
Spanish.

Fauset, Arthur H., University of Penn-
sylvania, Anthropology.

Ferguson, Edward, Jr., University of Illi-
nois, Zoology.

Finley, Harold E., University of Wiscon-
sin, Biology.

Fuller, Oscar O., Jr., University of Iowa,
Music.

Gill, Robert L., University of Michigan,
History.

Gray, William H., Jr., University of Penn-
sylvania, Education.

Greene, Lorenzo T., Columbia University,
History.

Herod, Henrietta, University of Chicago,
English.

Hill, Henry Aaron, Massachusetts Insti-
tute of. Technology, Chemistry.

Holmes, Eugene C., New York University,
Philosophy.

Howard, Roscoe C., Cornell University,
Zoology.

Maxwell, U(cecil) S., Colorado University,
Chemistry.

McKinney, Richard I., Yale University,
Religious Education.

McLaurin, Dunbar S., University of Illi-
nois, Economics.

Morton, James T., Northwestern Univer-
sity, Psychology.

Perez, Raoul M., University of Chicago,
Romance Languages.

Posey, L. R., University of Michigan,
Physics.

Scott, J. Irving, University of Pittsburgh,
Education.

Spaulding, George H., University of Penn-
sylvania, Chemistry.

Steele, Algernon O., University of Chi-
cago, Religious Education.

Taylor, Ivan E., University of Pennsyl-
vania, English.

Towne, Myron B., University of Michigan,
Chemistry.

Tymes, James D., Boston University,
Religious Education.

Warren, Samuel E., University of Wis-
consin, Economics.

Wilkins, J. Ernest, Jr., University of Chi-
cago, Mathematics.

Williams, Marguerite, Catholic University,
Geology.

Woolridge, Nancy B., University of Chi-
cago, English.

1D43

Bay ton, James A., University of Penn-
sylvania, Psychology.

Boyd, Theodore R., Radcliffe College,
Romance Philology.

Brown, Aaron A., University of Chicago,
Education.

Burch, Willa C., University of Pennsyl-
vania, Education.

Dedmond, Frederick H., University of
Ottawa, French.

Gloster, Hugh M., New York University,
English.

Graves, Artis P., University of Iowa,
Zoology.

Green, Harry J., Jr., Ohio State Univer-
sity, Chemical Engineering.

Hammond, Francis, Laval University
(Canada), Philosophy.

Henderson, James H. M., University of
Wisconsin, Botany.

Hooker, Emile, Cornell University, Agri-
cultural Economics.

Hypps, Irene C. M., New York University,
Business Education.

Jones, Clifton R., University of Iowa,
Sociology.

Jones, Edward A., Cornell University,
French.

Lee, Susie O., New York University,
History.

Lewis, W. A., London (England), Eco-
nomics.

Lyda, Wesley J., Indiana University,
Education.

Maxwell, U. S., Colorado University,
Chemistry.

Myster, Alonzo, Iowa State College,
Vocational Education.

Norris, Ernest M., Cornell University,
Agricultural Education.

Owens, Susie Lee, New York University,
History.

Pipes, William H., University of Michi-
gan, English.

Poag, Thomas Edward, Cornell Univer-
sity, Drama and the Theatre.

Redmond, Frederick H., Ottawa (Canada),
Romance Literature.

Rice, Madelein, Columbia University,
History.

Roberts, Harry J., Yale University,
Sociology.

Smith, Barnett F., University of Wiscon-
sin, Biology.

Stephens, Clarence F., University of
Michigan, Mathematics.

Taylor, Moddie, University of Chicago,
Chemistry.

1944

Anderson, G. T., University of Chicago,
History.

Anderson, W. E., Colorado State College,
Educational Psychology.

Boyd, A. M., University of Michigan,
Political Science.

Brown, R. A., Catholic University, Latin.

Carter, John H., University of Illinois,
French.

Clark, Mamie K., Columbia University,
Psychology.

Clift, Virgil A., Ohio State University,
Education.

Cooke, Anne M., Yale University, Theatre
and Dramatic Criticism.

Cotton, George Robert, Ohio State Uni-
versity, Education.

Dennis, Joseph H., Northwestern Univer-
sity, Mathematics.

Dent, Samuel George, University of Cin-
cinnati, Chemistry.

Drew, J. M., Harvard University, Voca-
tional Guidance.

Dudley, Leone B., Cornell University,
Drama and Theatre.

Ellis, W., University of Michigan, Mathe-
matics.

Gibson, William W., Ohio State Univer-
sity, Zoology.

Hogen, M. E., Marquette University,
History.

Johnson, Ras O., Columbia University, So-
ciology and Economic Foundations of
Education.

Lloyd, Birtill Arthur, University of Illi-
nois, Chemistry.

DOCTORS OF PHILOSOPHY AND OTHER EARNED DOCTORATES 21

Martin, William H., Ohio State Univer-
sity, Education.

Mells, H. F., University of Iowa, Music.

Nixon, Alfred F., New York University,
Biology.

Nyabonga, Virginia S., University of Wis-
consin, French.

Otis, J. R., Cornell University, Agricul-
tural Economics.

Reddick, Mary I*, Radcliffe College,
Biology.

Roberts, S. O., University of Minnesota,
Child Welfare.

Shippen, Eliza P., University of Pennsyl-
vania, English.

Siegel, B. J., University of Chicago, An-
thropology.

Smith, B. F., University of Wisconsin,
Zoology.

Snowden. Frank M.. Jr., Harvard Univer-
sity. Classical Philology.

Van Dyke, Henry L., Michigan State Col-
lege, Organic Chemistry.

Webb, Arthur H., University of Illinois,
Bacteriology.

Williams, H. H., Cornell University, Or-
namental Horticulture.

Woods, Lloyd L., Kansas State College,
Chemistry.

Young, Marechal-Neil E., University of
Pennsylvania, Sociology.

1945

Baker, Percy H., University of Michigan,
Zoology.

Boone, E. B., University of Michigan,
Education.

Boyd, William M., University of Michigan,
History and Political Science.

Brown, Ruth A., Catholic University,
Latin.

Carter, Marian E., Catholic University,
French.

Cater, Catherine, University of Michigan,
English.

Certaine, Jeremiah, Harvard University,
Mathematics.

Chavous, A. M., Ohio State University,
Vocational Education.

Collins, Leslie M., Western Reserve Uni-
versity, American Culture.

De Mond, Albert, Catholic University,
Economics.

Diggs, Ellen, University of Havana, An-
thropology.

Diggs, Mary H., Bryn Mawr, Social
Economy.

Diciguid, Lincoln, Cornell University,
Chemistry.

Fletcher, T. Thomas, New York Univer-
sity, English.

Ford, Nick Aaron, University of Iowa,
English.

Freeman, J. M., Cornell University, Agri-
culture.

Fuller, Joseph E., University of Pennsyl-
vania, Mathematics.

Gibson, Walter W., Ohio State University.

Hardiman, M. Gordon, University of Iowa,
French.

Henry, William, University of Pennsyl-
vania, Education.

Jones, Virginia L., University of Chicago,
Library Science.

Lofton, Williston H., American Univer-
sity, History.

Macklin, A. G., Ohio State University,
Secondary School Supervision and Ad-
ministration.

McBay, H. C., University of Chicago,
Chemistry.

McConnell, Roland C., New York Univer-
sity, History.

Martin, William Harris, Ohio State Uni-
versity.

Miller, J. Erroll, University of Pennsyl-
vania, Political Science.

Nelson, Bernard H., Catholic University,
History.

Palmer, N., University of Michigan, So-
ciology.

Parrish, Charles Henry, University of
Chicago, Sociology.

Reid, Robert D., University of Minnesota,
History.

Richardson, Harry V., Drew University,
Philosophy and Rural Sociology.

Richards, Mirion A., Iowa State College,
Plant Physiology.

Smythe, Hugh H., Northwestern Univer-
sity, Anthropology.

Stewart, William W., University of Ne-
braska, Secondary Education.

White, Booker T. W., Ohio State Univer-
sity, Chemistry.

Wood, Geraldine P., Radcliffe College,
Biology.

Wright, Leon P., Harvard Divinity School,
Religion.

1946

Belcher, F. S., Jr., Yale University,
Drama.

Brooks, Stella, Cornell University, Eng-
lish.

Chambers, V. Murray, Cornell University,
Entomology.

Douglass, Joseph Henry, Harvard Univer-
sity, Sociology.

Edmonds, Helen Grey, Ohio State Univer-
sity, History.

Franks, Cleveland J., McKenley-Roosevelt
University, Chemistry.

Hill, Mozell C., University of Chicago,
Sociology.

Kelsey, George D., Yale University, Re-
ligion.

Lewis, Elsie M., University of Chicago,
History.

Lewis, Lillian Burwell, University of Chi-
cago, Zoology.

Lloyd, Raymond G., New York University,
Economics and Social Studies.

Mathews, Basil, Fordham University,
History.

Nelson, Margaret, Columbia University.

Okongwu, Joel Nnodu, New York Univer-
sity, Education.

Reid, Joseph A., University of Michigan,
Comparative Literature.

Robinson, Lawrence Baylor, Harvard Uni-
versity, Chemistry.

Romm, Harry J., Iowa State College,
Plant Morphology.

Tatum, Elbert Lee, Loyola University,
History.

Williams, Edward B., Columbia Univer-
sity, Economics.

Doctor of Education

1937

Broadhead, John Henry, Temple Univer-
sity, Psychology.

Hamilton, Henry C., University of Cin-
cinnati, Education.

Wilson, Frank T., Columbia University,
Education.

22 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO

1938

Bond, Frederick, New York University,
English.

Daniel, Virginia R., University of Pitts-
burgh, Education.

Moore, James A., University of Cincin-
nati, Physical and Health Education.

1939
Browne, Rose B., Harvard University,

Education.
Duckrey, James, Temple University,

Psychology.
Johnson, Preston C., Temple University,

Education.
Redd, George N., Columbia University,

Education.

1940

Hope, Edward S., Columbia University,
Education.

Kirkland, Madeline W., Columbia Univer-
sity, Home Economics Education.

Major, Anthony J., University of Pitts-
burgh, Education.

McGinnis, Frederick, University of Cin-
cinnati, Education.

Price, Joseph S., Harvard University,
Education.

Yeiser, Isabelle, Columbia University,
Education.

1941

Turner, Alfred B., Pennsylvania State
College, Industrial Education.

1942

DuValle, Sylvester H., New York Univer-
sity, Chemistry (Education).

Mitchell, Eva C., Columbia University,
Education.

Talley, Thomasine, Columbia University,
Music and Music Education.

1944

McPheeters, A. A., University of Cincin-
nati, Education.

Whitehead, M. J., New York University,
Education.

1945

Brett, T. Ruth, Columbia University,
Guidance.

Dorsey, James, Columbia University,
Music and Music Education.

Lawlah, M. Evelyn, Stanford University,
Education.

Partridge, Deborah C., Columbia Univer-
sity, Education.

Weaver, Harold D., Pennsylvania State
College, Education.

Young, Percy, Harvard University, Edu-
cation.

1946

Alston, Melvin O., Columbia University,
Teaching of Mathematics.

Pierce, Juanita C., New York University,
Health Education.

Richardson, Archie G., Columbia Univer-
sity, Education.

Thomas, Ruth Marie, New York Univer-
sity, English.

Doctor of Science

1940

Drew, Charles R., Columbia University,
Surgery.

Doctor of Social Science

1941

Brown, Warren, New School for Social
Research, Sociology.

Doctor of Law

1943

Jefferson, Bernard S., Harvard Univer-
sity, Law.

PERSONS ELECTED TO PHI BETA
KAPPA— 1937-1946*

1937

Barksdale, Richard Kenneth, Bowdoin
College.

Carey, Ruthella Webster, Western Re-
serve University.

Darby, Alfred C., University of California
at Los Angeles.

Hodge, Dorothy Handley, University of
Kansas.

Nelson, Margaret, Hunter College.

Scott, Laurabelle, Oberlin College.

Thomas, Sarah E., Cornell University.

1938

Blackwell, David H., University of Illinois.

Chase, Mary, Bates College.

Davis, Charles Twitchell, Dartmouth Col-
lege.

Lewis, Alma, University of Cincinnati.

Meaux, Edith, University of Southern
California.

Payne, Beulah, University of Kansas.

Skinner, Daniel T., Harvard University.

1939
Barnes, Leroy Theodore, University of

Pennsylvania.

Black, Beatrice Y., Smith College.
Curtis, Jeanne M., Mount Holyoke.
Williams, S. Gertrude, Dickenson'College.

1940

Bullock, Mathew W., Jr., Bowdoin Col-
lege.

Clark, Felton G., Beloit Wisconsin College
(Alumni).

Wilkins, J. Ernest, Jr., University of
Chicago.

1941

Ballard, Sylvanus A., University of Chi-
cago.

Clifford, Maurice, Hamilton College.

Dickson, David W. D., Bowdoin College.

Fairfax, Jean Emily, University of Michi-
gan.

White, Gladys M., Smith College.

1942
Childress, Gladys E., Colorado University.

1943

Curry, Virginia F., University of Kansas.
Groves, Harry Edward, University of

Colorado.

McCleary, Beatrix, Vassar College.
Nelson, Margaret, Hunter College.
Redding, J. Saunders, Brown University
(Alumni membership).

1944
Jackson, Elizabeth B., Pembroke College

(Boston University).

*See previous Negro Year Books for data
prior to 1937.

PERSONS ELECTED TO HONOR SCHOLARSHIP SOCIETIES 23

1945

Boyd, Evelyn, Smith College.
Collins, Alma, University of California at

Los Angeles.
Reddick, Mary L., Radcliffe College.

1946
Teal, Goler, University of Pennsylvania.

PERSONS ELECTED TO HONOR
SCHOLARSHIP SOCIETIES

1936-1946*

Academy (honor)

1938— Klugh, Lois, Simmons College.
Alpha Chi Alpha (Historical)

1938 — Nelson, Margaret, Hunter College.
Alpha Kappa Delta (Sociological)

1937— Jackson, Mildred L., University of

Illinois.
Palmer, Edward, University of

Michigan.
Taylor, Joseph T., University of

Illinois.

1938— McPherson, J. Westbrook, Univer-
sity of Omaha.

Singleton, Marion Margaret, Uni-
versity of Illinois.

1939 — Brown, Florence R. Beatty, Uni-
versity of Illinois.
Chandler, Vera, University of

Nebraska.
1941— Chivers, Walter R., New York

University.
Fairfax, Jean Emily, University

of Michigan.
Alpha Lambda Delta (National Freshman

Honor Society)
1938— Fairfax, Jean Emily, University

of Michigan.
Alpha Kappa Mu

1942 — Spaulding, George H., University

of Pennsylvania.
Alpha Omega Alpha (Medical)

1942— Barnes, Leroy T., University of

Pennsylvania.
Artus (National Honorary Economics

Society)
1940 — McLaurin, Dunbar, University of

Illinois.
Beta Alpha Psi (Accounting)

1937— Camptteld, William L., University

of Minnesota.
Beta Kappa Chi (Natural Science)

Payton, Noble F.
Blue Key (National Honor Society)

1938— Pollard, Fritz, Jr., University of

North Dakota.
Delta Sigma Rho (Forensic)

1939— Lythcott, George L, Bates College
Gamma Alpha (Graduate Scientific)

1943— Henderson, James Henry M., Uni-
versity of Wisconsin.
Iota Sigma Pi (Chemistry)

1938 — Singleton, Marion Margaret, Uni-
versity of Illinois.
Kappa Delta Pi (Education)

1938— Wilson, George, New Jersey State

Teachers College.

1940 — Gore, G«orge, Columbia Univer-
sity.

Yeiser, Idabelle, Columbia Univer-
sity.
1941— Amos, Harold, Springfield College.

*See previous Negro Year Books for data
prior to 1936.

1943 — Groves, Harry Edward, University

of Colorado.
Hoppin, Erna V., State Teachers

College, Trenton, N. J.*
Whitehead, Mathew J., New York

University.

1946— Pierce, Juanita G., New York Uni-
versity.
Mortar Board
1945 — Johnson, Louise W., University of

Pittsburgh.
Omega Beta Pi (Premedical)

1946— Cash, Ruth, University of Illinois.
Omicron Nu (Home Economics)
1938 — Singleton, Marion Margaret, Uni-
versity of Illinois.
Phi Delta Kappa (Education)
1942— Codwell, John E., University of

Michigan.

Cruter, Gilbert, Colorado Univer-
sity.
Dixon, Dean, Teachers College,

Columbia University.
Holmes, Wendell P., University of

Colorado.
Lanier, Raphael O'Hara, New York

University.
Wright, Stephen J., New York

University.
1943— Harvey, Martin L., New York

University.
Whitehead, Mathew J., New York

University.

1944_Chavous, A. M., Ohio State Uni-
versity.

Reedy, Sidney J., Colorado Col-
lege.
1946_Flood, J. Julius, University of

Michigan.
Phi Kappa Epsilon (Historical)

1936 — Brown, Florence R. Beatty, Uni-
versity of Illinois.
Phi Kappa Phi (National Scholastic Honor

Society)
1936 — Kennedy, W. L., Pennsylvania

State College.

1938 — Singleton, Marion Margaret, Uni-
versity of Illinois.
1939 — Echols, Magnolia E.,
1940 — Fairfax, Jean E., University of

Michigan.
Phi Mu Epsilon (Music)

1937— Robinson, Mabel L., Boston Uni-
versity.
Phi Psi Chi (Psychological)

1942 — Nelson, Francis Edwina, Univer-
sity of Illinois.
Phi Sigma (Biological)

1936 — Alexander, Lloyd E., University of

Rochester.
1937— Beck, James T.,

Caruthers, Bertram, University of
Kansas.

1938— Caruthers, Percy, University 'of
Kansas.

1940— Wall, Limas D., University of

Michigan.
Webb, Arthur H., University of

Illinois.
1942 — Ferguson, Edward, University of

Illinois.
Finley, Harold E., University of

Wisconsin.

1943— Henderson, James Henry M., Uni-
versity of Wisconsin.
Pi Delta Phi (French)

1939— Carruthers, Ben F., University of
Illinois.

24 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO

1943 — Jones, Edward Allen, Cornell Uni-
versity.

Pi Epsilon Theta (Philosophical)
1938 — James, Albert, University of

Southern California.
Pi Gamma Mu (Social Science)

1936— Davis, Russell, Washburn College.
1937 — Darby, Alfred C., University of

California.
1938— Tate, Merze, Western State

Teachers.
1940— Higgins, Rodney C., University of

Iowa.
Jones, Clifton R., University of

Iowa.
Nipson, Herbert, Pennsylvania

State College.
Pi Kappa Lambda (Music)

1936 — Allen, William Duncan, Oberlin

College.

1943_Davis, Louise, Boston Conserva-
tory of Music.
1946— Knighten, Alleyne Joyce, Oberlin

College.

Pi Lambda Theta (Education)
1936— Just, Margaret, Boston University.
1945— Brooks, Stella B., Cornell Univer-

Lawlah, Evelyn, Stanford Univer-
sity.
Thomas, Ruth Marie, New York

University (Graduate Chapter)
1946— Sheffield, Mrs. Helen, Columbia

University.
Pi Mu Epsilon (Mathematics)

1938 — Blackwell, David H., University

of Illinois.
Doxey, Hosea H., University of

Nebraska.
1943— Hodge, John Edward, University

of Kansas.
1944 — Dennis, Joseph J., Northwestern

University.
Psi Chi (Psychological)

1939 — Brown, Robert Duane, University

of Illinois.
Sigma Delta Epsilon (Scientific for

Women)
1946 — Lewis, Lillian Burwell, University

of Chicago.
Sigma Delta Pi (Spanish)

1939— Carruthers, Ben P., Univeisity of

Illinois.

Sigma Kappa Phi (Foreign Language)
1941 — Nelson, Fannetta J. M., University

of Pittsburgh.
Sigma Pi Sigma (Physics)

1940 — Wiley, James T., University of

Pittsburgh.
1941— Baldwin, Thomas W., New York

University.
Sigma Xi (Scientific)
1936 — Alexander, Lloyd E., University of

Rochester.
Anderson, R. L., University of

Pittsburgh.
Buggs, Charles W., University of

Minnesota.
Carter, Margaret L., Pembroke

College of Brown University.
1937— Bright, William M., University of

Illinois.

Lockett, John L., Rutgers Univer-
sity.
Wallace, William J. L., Cornell

University.
West, Harold D., University of

Illinois.
1939 — Dooley, T. P., University of Iowa.

1940— Alsup, Fred W., University of

Pennsylvania.
Blackwell, David H., University of

Illinois.

Clark, Kenneth B., Columbia Uni-
versity.

Harris, H. H., University of Iowa.
Inge, Frederick D., Ohio State

University.
Wall, Limas D., University of

Michigan.
1941 — Bayton, James A., University of

Pennsylvania.
Finley, Harold E., University of

Wisconsin.

Mason. Clarence T., McGill Uni-
versity.
1942 — Ferguson, Edward, University of

Illinois.
Spaulding, George H., University

of Pennsylvania.
Wortham, Joseph L., Ohio State

University.
1943 — Dennis, Joseph J., Northwestern

University.

Henderson, James Henry M., Uni-
versity of Wisconsin.
1944— Lee, J. Warren, University of

Iowa.

Reddick, Mary L., Radcliffe Col-
lege.
1945— Boyd, Evelyn, Smith College.

Dickerson, Charles E., Ohio State

University.

Julian, Dr. Percy L., Northwest-
ern University.
1946 — Lewis, Lillian Burwell, University

of Chicago.

Munday, Reuben A., Amherst Col-
lege.

Romm, Harry J., Iowa State Col-
lege.
Sword and Shield (Sophomore Honor

Society)

1938 — Dugger, Edward, Tufts College.
Tau Beta Pi (Engineering)

1943 — Alexander, Walter Gilbert.

Hubbard, Philip, University of

Iowa.
Tau Delta Pi (Social Science)

1936 — Davis, Russel, Washburn College.

SPINGARN ACHIEVEMENT
AWARDS*!

In 1914, J. E. Spingarn, Chairman
of the Executive Committee of the
National Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People, established a
gold medal to be given to the man or
woman of African descent and Ameri-
can citizenship, who during the year
shall have made the highest achieve-
ment in any field of human endeavor.

Twenty-two awards were presented
through 1936. Since 1936 the awards
of the medal have been as follows:

To Walter White, Secretary of the

*No award was made in 1938. Dr. William
A. Hinton who was chosen as the re-
cipient of the award for his outstanding
work in Syphilology found himself un-
able to accept.

tSee previous Negro Year Books for data
prior to 1937,

SPINGARN ACHIEVEMENT AWARDS

National Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People, the 23rd
Award.

"A graduate of Atlanta University,
Walter White has been a valued and
distinguished official of the National
Association for the Advancement of
Colored People since 1918 and its Ex-
ecutive Secretary since 1931. The author
of two novels, and of an authoritative
study of lynching and its psychology
entitled 'Rope and Faggot,' Mr. White
has personally investigated forty-one
lynchings and eight race riots, some-
times at the risk of his life, often ob-
taining evidence of great value in the
presentation of these cases in law courts
or that of public opinion.

"In the last several years, he has de-
voted himself unsparingly, with remark-
able tact, skill and persuasiveness, to
the pushing through Congress of the
anti-lynching bill which, having passed
the House, is now pending in the Sen-
ate. It is the testimony of experienced
Washington observers that no better job
of legitimate championship of a bill has
been done in Washington in years. Un-
discouraged by the defeat of 1935, he
succeeded in getting a vote of 277 to 119
of April 15, last upon the Gavagan bill.
"During all this time, Mr. White has
carried a large share of the executive
work of the association, presented its
case in public innumerable times, and
has had a considerable part in bringing
to a successful issue in the Supreme
Court some of the cases financed and
sponsored by the NAACP. In zeal for
and loyalty to his race, the Committee
believes Mr. White to be surpassed by
no one else."

To Marian Anderson, world famous
contralto, the 24th award.

"Marian Anderson has been chosen
for her special achievement in the field
of music. Equally with that achieve-
ment, which has won her world-wide
fame as one of the greatest singers of
our time, is her magnificent dignity as
a human being. Her unassuming man-
ner, which has not been changed by her
phenomenal success, has added to the
esteem not only of Marian Anderson as
an individual but of the race to which
she belongs."

To Dr. Louis T. Wright, an outstand-
ing medical and civil rights figure, the
25th award.

"He has been a consistent and per-
sistent foe of every form of segregation
and denial of opportunity and has
played a major part in the establish-
ment of a yardstick of medical pro-
ficiency which has done much to change
the attitude of both the white and
Negro medical world and the public at
large.

"But Dr. Wright has not confined his
efforts to important crusades for prin-
ciples. He has made distinguished con-
tributions to medical and surgical de-
velopment. He was chosen as an out-
standing authority to write the section
on skull fractures in 'The Standard

Treatment of Fractures,' edited by Dr.
Charles L. Scudder. In that contribu-
tion Dr. Wright broke new ground and
successfully challenged and disproved
the soundness of previously held the-
ories on the treatment of skull frac-
tures.

"In his original work in the develop-
ment of more effective treatment of the
hookworm, on more successful methods
of vaccination, and in other fields, he
has pushed forward the frontiers of
medical development. His distinguished
work as a surgeon led to the color line
being broken in the American College
of Surgeons through his election as a
fellow in 1934. During his service as
a surgical director at Harlem Hospital
in New York City he greatly improved
standards and lowered the mortality
rates.

"As an officer in the United States
Army during the World War his was
one of the outstanding careers.

"Scientist, public servant, indefatiga-
ble and uncompromising fighter for
complete justice and democracy in all
avenues of life as well as in the field
of medicine, Dr. Wright is a distin-
guished citizen of America by any
standards and without regard to race,
creed or color."

To Richard Wright, writer, the 26th
award.

"For his powerful depiction in his
books, 'Uncle Tom's Children,' and
'Native Son,' of the effect of proscrip-
tion, segregation and denial of oppor-
tunities to the American Negro. He
has given to Americans who have eyes
to see a picture which must be faced
if democracy is to survive. The Award
Committee salutes Mr. Wright as one
of the most powerful of contemporary
writers."

To A. Philip Randolph, social think-
er and worker, the 27th award.

For organizing the Sleeping Car Por-
ters under the Brotherhood of Sleep-
ing Car Porters and securing recogni-
tion for them; and because of his fear-
less, determined mobilization of mass
opinion that resulted in the President's
issuing Executive Order No. 8802, which
banned racial discrimination in defense
industries and government work.
To William H. Hastie, former Dean
of the Howard University Law School,
the 28th award.

"William Henry Hastie is selected as
twenty-eighth Spingarn medalist for his
distinguished career as jurist and as
uncompromising champion of equal jus-
tice. Though young in years his record
of achievement is notable measured by
any standard, however absolute or high.
"His scholastic career as honor grad-
uate from Amherst College and as a
Doctor of Juridical Science from the
Harvard Law School has been con-
tinued in quality of service in several
capacities. His was a distinguished
career as Assistant Solicitor of the De-
partment of the Interior. He made a
brilliant record as the first Negro to
serve as Judge of a United States Dis-
trict Court, serving in the Virgin Is-

26 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO

lands. He established a high standard
of scholarship and of service in the
Virgin Islands. He established a 'high
standard of scholarship and of service
to mankind for the students during
his period as Dean of the Law School of
Howard University.

"As Civilian Aide to the Secretary of
War he refused to temporize with ra-
cial bigotry, segregation or discrimina-
tion. Men of lesser character and of
greater selfishness would have closed
their eyes to prejudice."

To Dr. Charles R. Drew, Professor
of Surgery at Howard University, the
29th award.

"Dr. Drew set up and ran the blood
plasma bank in the Presbyterian Hos-
pital in New York City which served
as one of the models for the widespread
system of blood banks now in opera-
tion for the American Red Cross.

"On October 1, 1940, Dr. Drew was
appointed full-time medical director of
the plasma project for Great Britain
with the job of solving the many tech-
nical problems which had arisen in this
first great experiment in gross produc-
tion of human plasma. As a final report
at the end of the project a very com-
plete summary of the organizational,
technical, and medical problems that
arose in this work was written. This
report was published and served as a
guide for the later developments in the
United States for the U. S. Army and
also for the armies of our allies.

"When it was decided by the Ameri-
can Red Cross to set up blood donor
stations with the idea of collecting
blood plasma for the American armed
forces, Dr. Drew was appointed as the
first director and set up the first col-
lection unit with full time people in
contradistinction to the largely volun-
teer help used in the project for Great
Britain. When the project had been
successfully running for three months
Dr. Drew resigned to go to Washington
to take the Chair of Surgery at How-
ard University."

To Paul Robeson, internationally fa-
mous actor, concert artist, and athlete,
the 30th award.

Mr. Robeson received the award for
his outstanding achievements in the
theatre, on the concert stage, and in
the general field of racial welfare. The
latest triumph in his long public career
was his appearance in Margaret Web-
ster's production of "Othello."

Mr. Robeson has appeared in num-
erous legitimate plays including "Em-
peror Jones," "All God's Chillun,"
"Porgy," "Black Boy," "The Hairy
Ape," and "Stevedore." In the films he
has appeared in "Emperor Jones,"
"Showboat," "Saunders of the River,"
"King Solomon's Mines," "Jericho," and
others.

He gave his first concert performance
as a singer in 1925, and made his first
concert tour of America in 1929. His
concert tours of Europe occurred in
1926-28, 1931 and 1938, with a mem-
orable tour of Russia in 1936.

Mr. Robeson is a graduate of Rutgers
College and Columbia University. He

is a member of Phi Beta Kappa. He
was a four-letter man at Rutgers and
was All- American end on Walter Camp's
team in 1918.

To Thurgood Marshall, Counsel for
the National Association for the Ad-
vancement of Colored People, the 31st
award.

"For his distinguished service as a
lawyer before the Supreme Court of the
United States and inferior courts, par-
ticularly in the Texas Primary Case
which conceivably may have more far
reaching influence than any other act
in the ending of disfranchisement based
upon race or color in the country; also
in recognition of the unselfishness and
courage which he has shown not only
in this but in other cases for the right
of Negroes to belong to trade unions,
in his attack upon the Jim Crow travel
system and unequal educational oppor-
tunities, and for basic human rights
and justice in the courts."

INVENTIONS AND DISCOVERIES

Negroes have applied their inventive
talents to a wide range of subjects.
These include: clothing, household
furnishings, electrical devices, aero-
nautics, chemical compounds, mechan-
ical devices, metal work, psychological
devices, and many others. Among the
inventions and discoveries on which
patents were secured during the period
1936-1946 are the following:

1936

Lawson, Herbert, sued Pullman Com-
pany charging that the air cooling and
conditioning system that he invented
was infringed upon by Pullman Com-
pany.

Raines, Dr. Morris A., Associate Pro-
fessor of Botany at Howard Univer-
sity, Washington, D. C., invented a
device which makes the root system of
plants visible throughout their entire
growth.

Redding, J. T., Wilkesboro, N. C., has
invented a convertible auto seat which
can be turned back and made into a
full length bed.

Rhodes, J. A., New York, President
of National Robot Company, invented
a very simple device for removing pig-
eons from newly cleaned buildings.

Smith, R. C., Oberlin, Ohio, invented
an electrical reversible pressing comb.
This is an improvement over others
because the heat is steady, it elimi-
nates smoke and grease and does not
leave the ends of the hair harsh and
brittle.

StaUworth, Elbert, Americus, Ga.,

INVENTIONS AND DISCOVERIES

has invented several electrical house-
hold appliances, among them an elec-
trically heated commode for conveni-
ence during illness and in homes lack-
ing bathroom facilities; an alarm clock
attachment which permits the opera-
tion of an electrical machine on a
time basis; an electric heater which
affords a maximum of heat on a mini-
mum of current.

Timberlake, Jerry, Humboldt, Tenn.,
invented a power multiplier, which he
calls a stepper-upper. His machine can
produce 3 horsepower where one would
be ordinarily, and it has no gears
or belts.

1937

Allen, James Matthew, Smithfield,
N. C., ex-Howard University student
invented Radio Ace Unit, a device that
looks like a fancy electric clock; it
sits on the radio and tunes in pro-
grams at whatever hour one wishes.

Alston, Rolona, Washington, D. C.,
secured patent rights on a mechanical
adjustable shirt.

Chubb, Dr. Lewis W., Research Di-
rector for Westinghouse laboratories,
Pittsburgh, Pa., invented a device for
use of polarized lights for eliminating
headlight glare.

Jones, Dr. William B., Springfield,
Mass., granted patent on an improved
dental impression tray which reduces
the discomfort to patients and speeds
up the work of the dentist.

Lee, Arthur, assistant to a Newark,
N. J. shipbuilder, invented a popular
toy, a flying fish, known as "The China
Clipper."

Roberts, Walter, graduate of Car-
negie Institute of Technology designed
a gate for an intersection on Carnegie's
campus. It has no bolts or fasteners.
It is all welded.

Robinson, "Doc" Elbert R. (died,
1937, Chicago, 111., widely known as
"Car Wheel" Robinson) is the inventor
of many devices ; steeling wheels, over-
head trolley, interlocking switch. Rob-
inson first attracted public attention
decades ago, when working as ma-
chinist in a Chicago steel foundry. He
discovered a process for making steel
car wheels, flanged, which under his
process could be made cheaper, were
more durable and lasted longer than
those made by the prevailing method.
Other outstanding inventions were the
overhead trolley, now universally used,
and the interlocking switch, which en-

ables cars to switch off the main track,
and which is now also universally
used.

Sutton, John, born in San Antonio,
Tex., invented process for production
of rope and other fibre material from a
rice by-product.

Taylor, Richard, Chicago, 111., was
granted a patent on June 22 on "La
Tie," an instrument which he designed
to facilitate the handling of sheet
music.

1938

Belton, Dr. Waddle, dentist of Phila-
delphia, Pa., built radio set costing
$3,500 because of the many devices and
gadgets he has put on it for receiving
and transmitting messages here and
abroad.

Blauntia, Volono Hopi, Tulsa, Okla.,
has patented a three section window
which eliminates window washing
troubles. Each section of the window
can be lowered on hinges so that one
standing on the floor on the inside of
the house can easily wash the window
without getting outside.

Bruner, Harvey, Birmingham, Ala.,
discovered a way of making paint and
varnish from the sap of trees without
using lead.

Claiborne, Ernest L., Schenectady,
N. Y., superintendent of service at the
Hotel Van Curler, has invented a rack
to contain 50 bound highway maps for
the convenience of guests at the hotel.
The maps are neatly indexed and route
numbers are easily accessible.

Crumble, James H., Brooklyn, N. Y.,
has invented an ever ready battery in
his home-made electric generator. His
device charges old batteries by a secret
friction process, and the batteries in
turn run the machine. Consequently,
he has a machine which runs all the
time, since there is always plenty of
electricity to run it at no cost.

Johnson, Paul E., Chicago, 111., is the
inventor and manufacturer of twenty-
seven lamps and other types of physio-
therapeutic equipment for use by phy-
sicians and in hospitals.

Jones, Walter, a tenant farmer on a
plantation near Greenville, Miss., has
invented a machine to thin out cotton
plants in a row, which he claims is
more efficient than any on the market.

Lee, Robert, Savannah, Ga., has been
granted a patent for a safety attach-
ment for automotive vehicles. The de-
vice provides for blow-out control and

28 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO

automatically prevents the sudden
swerving which occurs in a blow-out
in a front tire and arrests the shifting
of the steering connections.

Madison, Walter G., mechanical en-
gineer and inventor of Ames, Iowa is
the owner of the W. G. Madison Com-
pany which makes and distributes the
Eclipse Radiator Bracket which he in-
vented to support any type of steam
radiator.

Spears, Edward, recent migrant to
New York from Georgia, has patented
a television set which can be sold for
less than $100.

Turner, William D., New York City,
is the inventor of an automatic radio
tuning device which operates on much
the same order as an alarm clock. By
its use it is possible to set the dial
hours in advance for a particular pro-
gram and have the machine automati-
cally go on and off.

1939

Bowen, Henry, Portsmouth, Va., has
invented a "fog sweeper" which uti-
lizes both a strong beam of light and
a high pressure lane of air which he
claims will solve the age old problem
of fog on land and sea.

Burton, Gus, Orlando, Fla., invented
a device which will enable airplane
pilots to unload mail bags without
stopping and without damage to the
mail or merchandise so unloaded.

Chopin, Arthur, Philadelphia, Pa.,
designed automobile inspection stick-
ers for the State of Pennsylvania.

Harris, Charles P., Fayetteville, N.
C., has invented a device for changing
coins in vending and similar .ma-
chines. The invention, about the size
of a brick, is inserted within the vend-
ing machine and will handle any of the
six coins in circulation in this coun-
try. It automatically deducts the pur-
chase price of the article and drops
the change in a cup.

Maxie, J. W., Langston University,
Oklahoma, sophomore, has invented a
device that is expected to eliminate
the sheet music industry. It is claimed
that the device will not only eliminate
the turning of music pages during a
musical performance and the possibil-
ity of the music sheet being disturbed
by the wind, but it will also eliminate
the use of sheet music entirely. The
invention permits a music perform-
ance to be rendered in the dark, ex-

cept for a small pilot light. It can be
attached either to a piano or a music
stand, and it can be operated by any-
one.

Page, Lionel F., Xenia, Ohio, has in-
vented an auxiliary circulating device
for hot water heaters designed to keep
autos warm inside even when the en-
gine is not running.

Strickland, 0. S., Secretary-General
Manager of the Universal Oil, Gas and
Mining Company, Inc., a Negro oil com-
pany of Shreveport, La., has perfected
an electronometer, or oil field detector,
which has proved to be ninety-seven
per cent accurate in locating and de-
fining metes and bounds of oil and gas
fields.

Thomas, Henry, Cleveland, Ohio, has
secured patents on fluxes for brass,
bronze, aluminum and stainless steel.
"Flux Metal Purifier, Inc." was formed
to make fluxes and other by-products of
the process which it includes.

Yancy, P. R., young minister, has
invented an inkless pen that writes
with water. The invention consists of
a chemical compound discovered by
Yancy which is placed in the hollow
of an ordinary steel pen where it
hardens and sticks fast to the metal.
The compound lasts indefinitely; in
order to use the pen it is only neces-
sary to dip it in water.

1940

Gibson, John, Columbus, Franklin
County, Tenn., has a patent on the
body design for a locomotive that is
faster and more economical to operate
than any in use.

Halo, William, of West Virginia, on
April 7, 1925, obtained a patent on a
plane "made to hover in the air, as-
cend and descend vertically and be
propelled along the ground as a
wheeled vehicle either in a forward or
a reverse manner." Fifteen years later
there is much excitement over a "new
type of airplane which rises perpen-
dicularly without having to take off
in the usual manner."

Simmons, John, 18, Philadelphia,
Pa., has built several radios. Recently
he had created a job for himself by
building a machine on which he plays
recordings. He fills numerous engage-
ments with his machine.

1941

Burton, Gus, Wadley, Ga., has pat-
ented two types of models. One is an

INVENTIONS AND DISCOVERIES

emergency device for airplanes when
its landing wheels will not operate or
are shot away; and a mail pick-up de-
vice for airplanes.

Dox, Thrash, artist of Philadelphia,
Pa., in collaboration with a group of
WPA project artists discovered the
carborundum print process which is
regarded as one of the most important
developments in the technique of fine
print reproduction. Because of this
new process, printmakers and artists
are able to widen the range of tone in
black and white as never before.

Ritnour, Charles G., Memphis, Tenn.,
has applied for a patent for a mechani-
cal cotton-picker designed especially
for tht 20-100 acre farmer of limited
means. The picker operates on the
same principal as a vacuum cleaner
and will operate 10 hours on one gal-
lon of gas. Mounted on pneumatic
tires and weighing less than 150
pounds, the picker can be operated by
one man and will harvest about 650
pounds of cotton a day, or about as
much as three men will pick.

Wheeler, Samuel, Muncie, Ind., has
invented a device for laying concrete
blocks that guarantee perfect block
laying with mathematical precision
and a saving of 40 per cent of mortar.

1942

Blair. Joseph N., Detroit, Mich., is
reputed to be one of the most talented
speed boat inventors in America.

Dixon. William James, has invented
a re-railer, which is used to replace
cars on rails when they are derailed.

1943

Alleyne, Dr. Ernest P., Nashville,
Tenn., has been granted a patent on
a device which will take the place of
six other instruments in obstetrical
surgery. It is small enough to carry
in the vest pocket.

Burton, Gus, Savannah, Ga., carpen-
ters' helper, has patented an invention
for air fields which he believes will
be instrumental in saving lives when
disabled planes come in. The device is
intended to provide a safe landing for
planes when their retractable landing
gear fails to work or in war times
when planes return with their under-
carriage shot away or damaged.

Crichton, Frank D., Washington, D.
C., invented a picture frame which
changes pictures at the owners' will.
Pictures are placed on a roll and when

a new face or scene is desired the roll
is turned and a new picture appears
in the frame. Mr. Crichton is also in-
ventor of an automatic flag staff. It
contains ball bearings inside allowing
the staff to revolve according to the
cloth banner's whims and thus does
not wrap around the pole to which it
is attached.

Janes, Clinton, instructor in Mathe-
matics at A. and T. College in Greens-
boro, N. C., has developed an instru-
ment for the study of the motion of
projectiles and artillery shells. The
apparatus permits complete study of
the physical principles underlying ar-
tillery and small arms trajectories and
laboratory determination of the range,
height and velocity of projectiles as a
function of angular elevation and other
principles of such study.

Kirkland, William, Jersey City, N. J.,
has invented a magnetic air .mine
which will float mid-air, is invisible
but will explode when contacted by
enemy craft. Mr. Kirkland has also
invented a new air pump which is in
use at the arsenal where he is em-
ployed.

Redmond, Sidney D.. Jackson, Miss.,
invented a mine sweeper which patent
examiners ruled was different from
anything previously patented or
known.

Ruth, George A. P., Maryland, per-
fected a new invention for charging
auto batteries quickly. The gadget does
away with the necessity of taking the
battery to the charger, since it is port-
able and independent of outside elec-
tric currents.

Walton, Dr. U. S., Memphis, Tenn.,
was granted on March 23, 1943 a pat-
ent on an instrument for improving
dentures.

White, George. Washington, D. C.,
invented a device which when at-
tached to an auto or airplane motor
will propel the vehicle over mileage
equivalent to that obtained from 123
gallons of gasoline while using only a
single gallon.

1944

Blair, Joseph N., Detroit, Mich., has
announced the perfection of an aerial
torpedo for long range bombing.

Crumble, James H.. Brooklyn, N. Y.,
has invented a bicycle driving mecha-
nism which is like a motorcycle oper-
ated without gasoline. His bicycle op-
erates by pedaling with a storage

30 .SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO

spring as the gear driving power. It
also operates without use of the spring.
The invention contains exceptional ve-
locity and driving power. It will travel
uphill as easily as on a level stretch,
anywhere a gasoline driven machine
will operate.

Durrcmt, Nancy Agnes, fifteen years
old, of Washington, D. C., senior at
Dunbar High School was acclaimed for
her invention of a non-burnable me-
tallic cloth. She was awarded a $2,400
scholarship in The Third Annual Tal-
ent Search sponsored by Westinghouse
Electric Company. Along with 39
other students, Miss Durrant is the
first Negro to be among the 40 finalists.
She has also invented a machine to
crush old electric bulbs and has de-
veloped a process for salvaging the
tungsten filaments used in the elec-
tric light.

Edwards, Robert, Oklahoma City,
Okla., invented a device for boxing
cylinders.

Huffstead, P. L., has invented a "tell
the time round the world clock." It is
about three feet in diameter and is
equipped with large hour, minute, and
second hands indicating the correct
time in New York. Smaller clock dials
placed equal distances from each other
inside the circle of the larger clock
show the time in the large cities in
different parts of the world.

Lewis, Charles Sinclair, janitor of
El Paso, Tex., has perfected and pat-
ented an invention which not only will
save countless lives lost annually
in highway accidents but also will be
the means of conserving rubber.

Parsons, James A., electrical engi-
neer, has been granted patents for the
determination of the silicon content
of alloys. He is in charge of research
and metallurgy for Durion Company,
Dayton, Ohio. In 1943 at the Nine-
teenth Exposition of Chemical Indus-
tries, held at Madison Square Garden,
New York City, products made pos-
sible by the inventions of Mr. Parsons
were displayed.

Redmond, Dr. 8. D., and McCoy, Dr.
A. H., Jackson, Miss., were granted a
patent on their invention, a torpedo
arrester and insulator. The object of
the device is to prevent torpedoes and
mines from exploding when they strike

Ruth, William C.t Gap, Pa., con-
verted his plant for farm tools into a

war production plant by turning out
sole plates for use on Navy mine
sweepers, shear pins, trunnions and
clamps for Army trucks.

Schuler, Corporal Booker T., New
York City, has invented a medical air
ambulance kit that filled emergency
medical equipment needs of an air
evacuation Transport Squadron sta-
tioned in the South Pacific. Schuler
designed and made an original model
of his kit, and finally out of scanty
available supplies, manufactured by
hand 40 units.

Young, Fred W., Atlanta, Ga., has
invented a coin wrapping machine
which is automatic.

1945

Atkins, Dr. Cyril Fitzgerald and
Brooks, Ulysses Simpson, members of
the faculty of Johnson C. Smith Uni-
versity, have discovered a new paper
producing process for the manufacture
of a very good corrugated shipping
container from cotton stems ordinarily
left standing in the fields after the
cotton is picked.

Blanton, John W., research engineer
in thermodynamics and power plants
in Buffalo, New York, helped to de-
sign and build the first jet-propelled
plane in America, the P-59, Air-Comet
Fighter. After two years with Bell
Aircraft, he took a position as Chief
Thermodynamics Engineer for Fred-
erick Flader, Inc., Buffalo, New York.

Gary, Alvin C., Brooklyn, N. Y., has
designed a mirror which will aid in
parking cars in cramped spaces or at
the curbs. Motorists will be able to
observe remote fenders as well as near-
by fenders avoiding striking fenders
against objects. He also holds a patent
on a pair of extractive pliers by means
of which objects such as glass, tacks,
etc., which become lodged beneath the
surface of pneumatic auto tires may
easily be extracted.

Janes, Frederick, a native of Cin-
cinnati, Ohio, has invented an auto-
matic mobile refrigerator which makes
it possible for service men in the South
Pacific jungles to have fresh meat and
vegetables on their menus. It is auto-
matic to the extent that it requires no
attention except that of providing gas-
oline.

Pierre, Leo, a Haitian student at
Hampton Institute, Va., invented a
combination tool which can be used
to assemble and dismount machine

BOOKER T. WASHINGTON COMMEMORATIONS

guns and other mechanical equipment.
Two other patents are pending — one
for a pocket machine gun, and another
for an automatic magazine for machine
guns.

Snyde, Walter H., of Mt. Pleasant,
S. C.f invented a power-driven caulker's
chisel, doing the work formerly re-
quired of four men working with mal-
let and chisel to repair leaking boats.

Turner, Joseph, Charleston, S. C.,
a "sealer" at the branch plant of the
Carnegie Illinois Steel Corporation, is
in charge of a mechanical chisel that
removes scale from steel plates. The
machine is operated by compressed air.
Mr. Turner invented and perfected an
attachment that cools the point of the
chisel, hence preserving its temper and
greatly lengthening its life. It reduces
labor by half and doubles production.

1946

Schuler, Booker T., New York City,
has invented a mouse trap that can
catch and drown as many as a half
dozen mice at a time. The trap is so
arranged over a pail of water that
when a mouse falls in the pail it
drowns right away because there isn't
enough room to swim around in.

FIRST NEGRO GOVERNOR

APPOINTED BY THE UNITED

STATES GOVERNMENT

The confirmation of William Henry
Hastie as Governor of the Virgin
Islands, a territory of the United
States, makes him the first Negro Gov-
ernor of the United States.

Mr. Hastie was born at Knoxville,
Tenn., November 17, 1904. He received
the A. B. degree from Amherst College
in 1925, the LL. B. degree from Har-
vard University in 1930; S.J.D., 1933.

He taught at Bordentown, N. J.
Manual Training School in 1925-27,
was admitted to the bar of the District
of Columbia in 1931, beginning prac-
tice with Houston and Houston, law-
yers, of Washington, D. C. From 1930
to 1937 he was a member of the fac-
ulty of the Howard University School
of Law; Assistant Solicitor of the
United States Department of the In-
terior, 1933-37; Judge of the District
Court of the Virgin Islands, 1937-39;
Dean of the Howard University School
of Law, 1939; and Civilian Aide
to the Secretary of War 1940-42.
He is Vice-President of the National
Lawyers Guild and a Director of the

National Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People.

Mr. Hastie was confirmed by the
Senate on May 1, 1946, and was in-
augurated on May 7, 1946, at Charlotte
Amalie, Virgin Islands.

BOOKER T. WASHINGTON

COMMEMORATIONS
The Booker T. Washington Stamp

The first United States postage
stamp to commemorate the life of a
Negro was issued on April 7, 1940, at
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. This
stamp bears the likeness of Booker
T. Washington, founder of Tuskegee
Institute, and is of the 10-cent denom-
ination.

Over 200,000 stamps were sold, a
record for the 10-cent "famous Ameri-
can" series. Approximately 175,000
"first day" philatelic envelopes were
issued.

Postmaster General James A. Farley
made the first sales at Tuskegee In-
stitute and delivered the Founder's
Day address.

The idea of issuing the Booker T.
Washington stamp as one of the "fa-
mous American" series originated with
Dr. R. R. Wright, Sr., President of the
Citizens and Southern Bank and Trust
Company, Philadelphia, Pa.

Booker T. Washington
Elected to Hall of Fame

On October 31, 1945, Booker T.
Washington was elected to the Hall
of Fame for Great Americans, which
is located on the campus of New York
University, in the tenth quinquennial
election. He is the first Negro to be
thus honored.

On May 23, 1946, Gloria Davidson
Washington, granddaughter of Booker
T. Washington, unveiled the bronze
bust, the work of Richmond Barthe,
noted Negro sculptor, in the presence
of a distinguished gathering of more
than a thousand persons. Tuskegee
Institute and Hampton Institute as-
sumed responsibility for raising the
$5,000 necessary for the erection of the
bust.

Below the bust was placed a bronze
tablet bearing a quotation from an
address which Dr. Washington de-
livered before the Southern Industrial
Convention in Huntsville, Alabama, on
Columbus Day, 1899. It reads, "The
highest test of the civilization of a
race is its willingness to extend a

32 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO

helping hand to the less fortunate."

Speakers at the ceremony were Dr.
Frederick D. Patterson, President of
Tuskegee Institute ; Dr. James Rowland
Angell, Director of the Hall of Fame;
Dr. Emmett J. Scott, Secretary of Tus-
kegee Institute during the lifetime of
Dr. Washington; Dr. Harold O. Voor-
his, Vice-Chancellor and Secretary at
New York University; Dr. Jackson
Davis, Associate Director of the Gen-
eral Education Board and Dr. Ralph
P. Bridgman, President of Hampton
Institute.

Dorothy Maynor, soprano, and the
Tuskegee Institute Choir furnished a
musical program for the ceremonies.
The Hampton Institute Creative Dance
Group appeared in a prologue with an
original pantomimic interpretation of
the educator's life.

The mantle that covered the bust
was presented to Mrs. Portia Washing-
ton Pittman, only daughter of the
great educator.

A letter from President Harry S.
Truman said in part: "Booker T.
Washington has a living monument
in Tuskegee Institute. Now he is num-
bered among the immortal Americans
in the Hall of Fame. In the years to
come he will be an inspiration to every
American who forges ahead, despite
the obstacles his birth or origin may
place in his way. We are proud to
have an America that counts this man
among its heroes."

The Hall of Fame was established
in 1899 at New York University and
houses the busts of 77 famous Amer-
icans, chosen since the first election
in 1900.

The names to be inscribed in the
Hall of Fame are chosen every five
years by a college of electors, "consist-
ing of approximately one hundred
American men and women of distinc-
tion, representing every State of the
Union and several professions." The
busts and tablets are the gifts of as-
sociations or individuals.

Booker T. Washington
Birthplace Memorial

The plantation on which Booker T.
Washington was born, known as the
"Burrough's Farm," located at Hales
Ford, Franklin County, Virginia, was
purchased by the Booker T. Washing-
ton Birthplace Memorial Association
of which S. J. Phillips, Tuskegee In-
stitute, Alabama, is President and Em-

mett J. Scott, Washington, D. C., is
Secretary. The Association plans not
only to restore the log cabin_4n which
Booker T* Washington was born but
also as outlined in its charter, to
establish a perpetual memorial "in
commemoration of the life of Booker
T. Washington, monuments and other
similar markings at places connected
with the life of Booker T. Washing-
ton and to collect and distribute histor-
ical facts and literature which are to
serve as the purpose" of the new cor-
poration.

Other aspects of the planning are:
A memorial museum showing the
African background of the Negro in
America, a consolidated elementary
school, a regional vocation school, a
radio station and the organizing of
better workers' institutes throughout
the country where there are large
concentrations of the population.

On March 16, 1946, the Virginia
General Assembly voted an appropria-
tion of $15,000 to be expended for the
Booker T. Washington Birthplace
Memorial for the erection of perma-
nent buildings.

Ground breaking ceremonies were
held at the birthplace on April 5, 1946.
The Association plans eventually to
have a $2,000,000 memorial.

Coin Honoring Booker T.
Washington Authorized

On August 7, 1946, President Tru-
man signed a bill authorizing the
minting of five million 50-cent pieces
in honor of Booker T. Washington,
the coins to be sold for $1.00 each to
help establish a birthplace memorial.
(See above.) Present at the signing
of the bill by President Truman were
S. J. Phillips, President of the Booker
T. Washington Birthplace Memorial
Association, and Dr. Emmett J. Scott,
Secretary. The Booker T. Washington
coin went on sale December 16, 1946.

There have been some 50 memorial
coins of the type authorized. The first
was in 1892 for the Columbian Expo-
sition and the most recent was in 1937,
commemorating the Battle of Antie-
tam.

Under the premium price plan, the
organization to be benefited designates
banks or other agencies at which the
coins may be bought. The face value
goes to the government, the amount
above that to the beneficiary.

The coin was designed by Isaac

AMERICAN MOTHER OF 1946

Hathaway and is the first one to be
minted in honor of a Negro in Amer-
ica; and the first to be designed by a
sculptor of the Negro race. Mr. Hatha
way is head of the Department of
Ceramics, Tuskegee Institute. His
model was accepted because it more
nearly conformed to specifications than
any other model submitted.
GEORGE WASHINGTON CARVER

DAY

Saturday, January o, 1946, was pro-
claimed by President Truman as
•George Washington Carver Day in
commemoration of the achievements
of this noted scientist.

The text of the proclamation fol-
lows:

"Whereas it is fitting that we honor
the memory of George Washington
Carver, who contributed to the expan-
sion of the agricultural economy of
the nation through his diligent re-
search as an agricultural chemist; and
"Whereas by a joint resolution ap-
proved December 28, 1945 (Public Law
290, 79th Congress), the Congress has
designated January 5, 1946, as George
Washington Carver Day and has au-
thorized and requested me 'to issue a
proclamation calling upon officials of
the Government to display the flag of
the United States on all Government
buildings on such day';

"Now, Therefore, I, Harry S. Tru-
man, President of the United States of
America, do hereby call upon the offi-
cials of the Government to have the
flag of the United States, displayed on
all Government buildings on January
5, 1946, in commemoration of the
achievements of George Washington
Carver.

"In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto
rset my hand and caused the seal of
th<e United States of America to be
rafllxed.

"Done at the City of Washington,
-this twenty-eighth day of December in
-the year of our Lord nineteen hundred
:and forty-five and of the independence
<of the United States of America the one
^hundred and seventieth."
Mrs. Alma Illery of Pittsburgh, Pa.,
was the originator of the idea of
George Washington Carver Day. She
secured the support of high officials of
the city of Pittsburgh and of the State
of Pennsylvania and finally of Con-
gressman Robert J. Corbett of Pitts-
burgh who introduced the resolution
into Congress. Mrs. Illery is an out-
standing clubwoman, a leader of civic
affairs and founder of the Achievement
Clubs, Inc., a national organization.
AMERICAN MOTHER OF 1946
The Golden Rule Foundation selec-
ted as the "American Mother of 1946"
Mrs. Emma Clarissa Clement, 71-year-

old mother of Louisville, Ky. In mak-
ing the selection Mrs. David de Sota
Pool, Chairman of the Mothers' Com-
mittee, said:

"In selecting her as the American
mother for 1946, the committee gives
'recognition not only to her great per-
sonal qualities as a mother of children
who are devotedly serving their coun-
try and their people; as a partner in
her husband's ministry in his lifetime;
as a social and community worker in
her own right; but it gives recogni-
tion also and pays tribute to the great
spirit of America.

"Our Republic has struggled through
many phases of national development
to achieve the freedom, equality and
brotherhood which must remain our
goal as they are our slogans."

The qualifications for the honor of
being the American Mother for the
year are:

"First, she must be a successful
mother as evidenced by the character
and achievements of her individual
children;

"Second, she must embody- those
traits most highly regarded in mothers
— concern for others, courage, patience,
affection, kindliness, understanding,
home-making ability;

"Third, she must have an interest
in social and world relationships, and
must have been active in her own com-
munity, or in some other service for
public benefit;

"Fourth, she must make friends and
meet people easily, and be one who can
take her place as a leader among moth-
ers if considered for the American
Mother."

All seven of her children received
degrees from Livingstone College, Sal-
isbury, N. C., where she and her hus-
band graduated in 1898; and are en-
gaged in worthwhile pursuits.

Mrs. Clement, widow of the late
Bishop George Clinton Clement of the
African Methodist Episcopal Zion
Church, is the 12th mother selected
since the beginning of the award in
1935 and the first Negro woman to be
so honored. She is the grand-daughter
of a slave and was born in Providence,
R. I. Her public services include work
with the Young Women's Christian
Association; the National Federation
of Colored Women's Clubs; the Na-
tional Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People; the Women's
Societies of the African Methodist
Episcopal Zion Church; Inter-racial
Co-operation Committees and the
American Field Army Cancer Society,

DIVISION III

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES
By CLARENCE W. WRIGHT
Meharry Medical College

THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

By JESSIE P. GUZMAN

Tuslcegee Institute

The following is a partial survey of
Negro genius and talent in the field
of the sciences and is to be considered
merely as a cross-sectional report. A
more thorough survey would contain
the names of many others who are
entitled to recognition.

THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL

SCIENCES
Bacteriology :

Brown, Russell Wilfred was born at
Gray, Louisiana, in 1905. Following
his graduation from the high school
department of Straight College, 1922,
Brown entered Howard University
where he received the B. S. degree in
Natural Science in 1926. Subsequently,
he received the degree M. S., in 1932,
and the Ph. D. from Iowa State Col-
lege in 1936. During his last three
years at that institution, Brown was
a Research Fellow in the Department
of Bacteriology. The following are
among his published research studies:
Priopionic Acid Bacteria, Journal of
Bacteriology, Vol. 26, pp. 393-417, 1933;
Physiological Studies and Classifica-
tion of Butyric Acid Butyl Alcohol
Bacteria, Iowa State College Journal
of Science, Vol. 2, p. 39, 1936; The
Degradation of Heavy-Carbon Butyric
Acid from the Butyl Alcohol Fermen-
tation, The Journal of the American
Chemical Society, Vol. 66, pp. 1812-
1818, 1944; and Mechanism of the Butyl
Alcohol Fermentation with Heavy Car-
bon Acetic and Butyric Acids and Ace-
tone, Archives of Biochemistry, Vol. 6,
pp. 243-259, 1945. Dr. Brown is a mem-
ber of several scientific societies: Phi
Kappa Phi, Sigma Xi, and the Society
of American Bacteriologists. He is Di-
rector of the George Washington Car-
ver Foundation, Tuskegee Institute,
Alabama.

Poindexter, Hildrus Augustus was

born in Memphis, Tenn., in 1901. After
graduation from the public schools of
his native city, Poindexter had an ex-
traordinary series of educational expe-
riences. First, he entered Lincoln Uni-
versity, Pennsylvania, graduating in
1924 with the A. B. degree; then, after
five years of study at Dartmouth and
Harvard, he received the M.D. degree
from the Harvard University Medical
College in 1929. He was a General
Education Board Fellow at Columbia
University, 1929 to 1931, receiving the
M. S. degree in 1930 and the Ph. D.
degree in Bacteriology in 1932.

From 1931 to 1934, Dr. Poindexter
was Assistant Professor of Bacteriol-
ogy, Preventive Medicine, and Public
Health in the School of Medicine at
Howard University, becoming head of
his department in 1934, a position
which he still holds.

The following contributions of Dr.
Poindexter to the medical journals are
significant; Artificial Acidosis in Try-
panosoma Lewisi, Journal of Experi-
mental Medicine, 43: pp. 575-579, No-
vember, 1931; Studies in Cultivation of
Parasitic Intestinal Protozoa, Puerto
Rico Journal of Public Health and
Tropical Medicine, 7: p. 417, June,
1932; Observations on the Defensive
Mechanism in Equiperdum and Try-
panosoma Lewisis Infections in Guinea
Pigs and Rats, American Journal of
Tropical Medicine, 13: pp. 555-575, No-
vember, 1933; Tuchereria (Filia) Ban-
crofti: Infection in Man with Unusual
History and Case Report, Journal of
Laboratory and Clinical Medicine, 19:
pp. 864-869, May, 1934; and A Consid-
eration of the Effects of Focal Infec-
tion on the Susceptibility of Certain
Endothelial-Limed Cavities, Journal of
National Medical Association, 30: pp.
54-57, May, 1938.

THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES

Biology :

Buggs. Charles Wesley was born in
Brunswick, Ga., in 1906. Having grad-
uated from Morehouse College in 1928
with the A. B. degree, Buggs entered
the Graduate School of the University
of Minnesota where he received the M.
S. degree in 1931 and the Ph. D. in
1934, at the University of Chicago.
Subsequently, he accepted a profes-
sorship and chairmanship of the Di-
vision of Natural Sciences at Dillard
University. While in this position, Dr.
Buggs published a book entitled, Lec-
ture Outlines and Syllabus on the Prin-
ciples of Animal Biology. Dr. Buggs
has attracted attention in the scientific
world by his collaboration with other
scientists in the following studies:
Properties of Homogenized Herpes Vi-
rus, Journal of Infectious Diseases, 58 :
pp. 98-104, January-February, 1936;
and Experimental Investigations in
Hemorrhagic Encephalitis, Journal of
Infectious Diseases, 62: p. 293, May-
June, 1938. Other publications of
which Dr. Buggs is author or joint-
author are: The In Vitro Action of
Streptomycin on Bacteria, Journal of
American Medical Association, 130: pp.
64-67; The Presence in Normal Serum
of Inhibiting Substances Against Ba-
cillus Subtilis. Science, 103: pp. 363-
364, March 22, 1946; and Absorption,
Distribution and Excretion of Strepto-
mycin in Man, Journal of Clinical In-
vestigations, 25: pp. 94-102, January,
1946.

Dr. Buggs, first Negro to hold a full
time position on the faculty of Wayne
University, where he has been since
1943, has become a key figure in re-
search on the treatment of wound in-
fections and burns. So new are some
of his discoveries which include a
method of healing from the inside out,
that officials at the university guarded
them as a war secret.

Nabrit, Samuel Milton, born in 1905,
is a native of Macon, Ga., where he re-
mained until the completion of his
high school education. Subsequently,
he did his under-graduate work at
Morehouse College, Atlanta, Ga., re-
ceiving the B. S. degree in 1925. At
Brown University, Providence, Rhode
Island, he received the M. S. degree in
1928 and the Ph.D. degree in 1932.
Among his published papers are the
following: Differentiation of Fins of

Fishes in Nine Days, Journal of Ex-
perimental Zoology, 79: pp. 299-308,
1938; Studies on Regeneration in Cen-
tral Nervous System of Fundulus Here-
toclitus Embryos, Anatomical Record,
75: p. 119, December, 1939; and Fur-
ther Studies on Regeneration in Fundu-
lus Embryos, Biological Bulletin, 77:
336, 1939. Dr. Nabrit was instructor
in Biology at Morehouse College from
1925 to 1927. Since 1928, he has had
the rank of professor in the same in-
stitution.

Just, Ernest Everett was born in
Charleston, S. C., in 1883. He received
his early education in the city of his
birth. Subsequently, Just attended the
Industrial School of Orangeburg, (now
South Carolina State College), Kim-
ball Academy, New Hampshire, and
Dartmouth College where he graduated
with the A. B. degree in 1907, the only
magna cum laude of his class. He re-
ceived special honors in Zoology and
History as well as membership in Phi
Beta Kappa. The doctorate in Experi-
mental Zoology was conferred upon
him by the University of Chicago in
1916.

Just began his graduate studies at
the Marine Biological Laboratory,
Woods Hole, Massachusetts, in 1909,
first in Marine Invertebrates and later
in Embryology. In 1911 and 1912, he
acted as Research Assistant in the sub-
ject of fertilization and breeding hab-
its in Nereis and the sea-urchin Ar-
bacia. These studies focused his in-
terest on marine eggs which became
the center of many of his investiga-
tions. His first paper (1912) was an
interesting study in which he showed
by an ingenious method that the plane
of symmetry of development is de-
termined by the polar bodies and the
point of entrance of the spermatozoon
in a meridian of the spherical egg of
the annelid Nereis. This was followed
by approximately fifty research pa-
pers in the next twenty-five years
dealing with fertilization and experi-
mental parthenogenesis in marine
eggs, in addition to a number of theo-
retical contributions. In 1939, Dr. Just
published two books: the first, Basic
Methods for Experiments in Eggs of
Marine Animals; the second, The Biol-
ogy of the Cell Surface, and Manual.
This latter brought together his work
and thought in the fundamental field
of cellular physiology.

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

From 1907 to his death in 1941, Dr.
Just was on the faculty of Howard
University. In the meantime, he had
spent twenty summers at the Ma-
rine Laboratories, Woods Hole; had
carried on studies in various labora-
tories of Europe — the Kaiser Wilhelm
Institut fur Biologie in Berlin, the
Sorbonne in France, Naple's Zoological
Station, Italy — where he was respected
and honored for his scientific scholar-
ship.

Turner, Charles Henry was born
February 3, 1867, at Cincinnati, Ohio.
He is one of the earliest Negro scien-
tists in America to make an impres-
sion in the field of Zoology. He re-
ceived the B. S. degree from the Uni-
versity of Cincinnati in 1891, the
M. S. degree from the same institution
in 1892 and the Ph. D. degree from
the University of Chicago, 1907. While
at the University of Chicago, Dr. Turn-
er collaborated with the noted neurol-
ogist, his teacher, Dr. C. L. Herrick,
on Synopsis of the Entomostraca of
Minnesota, Geology and Natural His-
tory Survey of Minnesota, p. 552, 1895.
Among the numerous studies of Dr.
Turner are: Morphology of the Avian
Brain, Journal of Comparative Neurol-
ogy, 1891; Psychological Notes on the
Gallery Spider, Journal of Compara-
tive Neurology 2: 95-110, 1892; Pre-
liminary Notes on the Nervous System
of the Genus Cypris, Journal of Com-
parative Neurology 3: 35-40, 1892;
Synopsis of North American Inverte-
brates: Fresh Water Astrocoda, The
American Naturalist, 1899. Some of
his studies on animal behavior, which
rank him among the best along this
line, include: A Preliminary Note on
Ant Behavior, Biological Bulletin 12:
31-36, 1906; The Homing of Ants,
Journal of Comparative Neurology and
Psychology 17: 367-434, 1907; Do Ants
Form Practical Judgments? Biological
Bulletin 13: 333-343, 1907 and Experi-
ments on Color-vision of the Honey
Bee, Biological Bulletin 19: 257-79,
1910. Dr. Turner died in 1923.

Turner, Thomas Wyatt was born in
Baltimore, Maryland, in 1877. After
completing elementary and high school
in his native city, he entered Howard
University where he received the A.
B. degree in 1901 and the M. A. in
1905. Subsequently, he studied at
Johns Hopkins University, Catholic
.University of America, and Cornell

University, receiving the Ph. D. degree
from Cornell in 1921. In his profes-
sional work, Dr. Turner has combined
successful teaching and productive re-
search. Among the institutions in
which he has taught are: Tuskegee
Institute, Howard University, and
Hampton Institute. In 1945, he was
retired from Hampton as Professor
Emeritus of Biology.

Much of Dr. Turner's research is
of an applied nature. In 1918 and 1919,
he was selected by the United States
Department of Agriculture to investi-
gate certain plant phenomena at Pres-
que Isle, Maine. Among his much
quoted research contributions are
Studies of the Mechanism of the Phys-
iological Effects of Certain Mineral
Salts in Alternating the Ratios of Top
Growth to Root Growth m Seed Plants,
American Journal of Botany, Vol. 9,
pp. 415-445, October, 1922; The Effect
of Varying Nitrogen Supply on the
Ratios Between the Tops and Roots in
Flax, Soil Science, Vol. 21, pp. 303-
306, 1926. Ten years of experiments
in cotton breeding led Dr. Turner to
the discovery of a strain of cotton
which is practically pure for fine lock
bolls. He found, also, that southern
blight, suspected chiefly among* her-
baceous plants and caused by sclero-
tium rolfsil, will attack woody plants
such as young apple trees. His studies
on scotch broom (cytisus Scoparius)
led to the development of methods for
overcoming delayed germination in its
seeds.

Chemistry :

Barnes, Robert Percy was born in
Washington, D. C., in 1898. After grad-
uating from high school, he studied
at Amherst College, receiving his A.
B. degree in Chemistry. In his Senior
year at Amherst, he won a Phi Beta
Kappa Key and was made Assistant
in Chemistry. He then entered the
Graduate School of Harvard Univer-
sity and became a brilliant student in
Organic Chemistry. After receiving
the M. A. degree in 1930, he continued
graduate work at Harvard and re-
ceived the Ph. D. degree in 1933.

Dr. Barnes has done extensive re-
search on diketones. He is author
and co-author of twenty or more re-
search papers in leading scientific
journals. Some of these are as fol-
lows: The Tautomcrism of Alpha

THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES

Diketones .1. Bendyl Phenl Diketones,
Journal of the American Chemical So-
ciety, Vol. 56, p. 211, 1934; The Sec-
ond Order of Beckmann Rearrange-
ment, Ibid., p. 1148; The Action of Al-
kali on Certain Acylated Ketoximes
.1., Effect on Structure and Configura-
tion, Journal of the American Chem-
ical Society, Vol. 57, p. 1330, 1935; and
Steric Hindrance in Alpha Diketones
Mcsitylbenslgloxal, Ibid., p. 937; Prep-
aration and Properties of o-Bromo-
phenylbenzylgly-oxalmethylation of Al-
pha Diketones, Journal of the Amer-
ican Chemical Society, Vol. 58, p. 1300,
1936. Dr. Barnes is recognized as one
of America's outstanding organic
chemists.

Calloway, Nathaniel 0. was born at
Tuskegee Institute, Ala., in 1907, where
he received his elementary and sec-
ondary education. From 1926 to 1933,
he was a student at the University of
Iowa, receiving the B. S. degree in
Chemistry in 1930 and the Ph. D. de-
gree in Organic Chemistry in 1933.
He was a Fellow in Chemistry during
his graduate study at that institution.
His doctoral dissertation, entitled,
Condensation Reactions of Furfural
and Its Derivatives, is considered sig-
nificant. He collaborated with Dr.
Henry Gilman in several original in-
vestigations, the findings of which
were published jointly in several of
the scientific journals. Among the
joint studies of Calloway and Gilman
were: The Germicidal Action of Alky-
lated Deroic Add, Proceedings of the
Iowa, Academy of Science, Vol. 40, p.
81, 1933; Friedel-Crafts Systhesis, The
Chemical Review, Vol. 17, pp. 327-392,
1935; and Reaction in the Presence of
Metallic Halides 1 Unsaturated Ketane
Formation as a Side Reaction in Fried-
el-Crafts Alkalation, Journal of the
American Chemical Society, Vol. 59,
pp. 809-811, 1937. These and other
important studies in this field have
been incorporated in Dr. Henry Gil-
man's two-volume edition on Organic
Chemistry, which is used as a source
book in many colleges and universi-
ties.

After completing his graduate work
at the University of Iowa, Dr. Callo-
way accepted an appointment at Tus-
kegee Institute where he was Head
of the Department of Chemistry from
1933 to 1935. During the following
four years he was a member of the

faculty of Fisk University in the De-
partment of Chemistry. In 1940, Dr.
Calloway became Research Fellow in
the Department of Pharmacology,
University of Chicago and Assistant
Instructor in that department in 1942.
While carrying on his work at the
University of Chicago, he studied
medicine in the University of Illinois
Medical School, Chicago, receiving the
M. D. degree in 1944. Soon there-
after, Dr. Calloway was appointed to
the staff of the University of Illinois
Hospital in Chicago, in charge of the
ward of research medicine. He is
especially interested in the applica-
tion of chemistry to clinical endo-
crinology. He^ has already made sub-
stantial contributions to the field of
endocrinology, significant among which
is Some New View-Points Concern-
ing the Functions and Properties of
the Melanophore Hormone. In collab-
oration with Doctors R. M. McCormack
and E. M. R. Geiling of the University
of Chicago he has recently undertaken
Studies on the Chemistry of the Me-
lanophore Hormone of the Pituitary
Gland.

Carver, George Washington, Agri-
cultural Chemist, was born of slave
parents in a one-room cabin near Di-
amond Grove, Mo., about 1864, pos-
sibly earlier. At the age of ten years,
he was permitted by the Carvers, his
former master and mistress, whose
name he bore, to attend a small school
for colored children at Neosho, a vil-
lage eight miles distant. Subsequently,
Carver went to Minneapolis, Kansas,
where he completed his high school
studies. After three years attendance
at Simpson College, he entered Iowa
State College of Agriculture and
Mechanical Arts at Ames, graduating
in 1894 with the B. S. degree, and a
record of high scholarship in the vari-
ous aspects of plant life and Agricul-
ture. For two years more, Carver was
a graduate student in the same insti-
tution, having been placed in charge
of the greenhouse of the Horticultural
Department. He received his M. S.
degree in 1896. Soon thereafter, he
received an invitation from Booker T.
Washington to become a member of
the faculty at Tuskegee Institute,
which he accepted. Here, during a
period of forty-seven years, Dr. Carver
carried on scientific and practical
work in Agriculture of the highest

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

quality earning for himself and his
institution recognition throughout the
world.

Immediately upon his arrival at Tus-
kegee Institute, Dr. Carver became
active in helping to solve the prob-
lems of Agriculture, peculiar to the
South, with a view to improving the
wasteful and haphazard methods of
farming which were almost every-
where in evidence. He began to teach
the farmers how to grow a better
grade of cotton; how to have a more
varied and palatable diet; how to
make better use of their natural re-
sources; how to diversify their crops
profitably. To help the rural popula-
tion of the South, he prepared and
published for free distribution circu-
lars, leaflets, and bulletins on such
subjects as: Experiments with Sweet
Potatoes; Saving the Sweet Potato
Crop; Possibilities of the Sweet Po-
tato Crop in Macon County, Ala-
bama; How to Grow the Cow Pea and
Forty Ways to Prepare it as a Table
Delicacy; How to Grow the Tomato
and 105 Ways of Preparing it for Hu-
man Consumption; Saving the Wild
Plum and 43 Ways to Save the Wild
Plum Crop; The Canning and Preserv-
ing of Fruits and Vegetables in the
Home; and hundreds of other bulletins
and leaflets of a very practical nature.

A natural event in 1914 motivated
the practical researches of Dr. Carver
for awhile. The coming of the cotton
boll-weevil from Mexico at that time
threatened to destroy the major, al-
most single, cash crop of the South.
By the summers of 1915 and 1916, the
boll-weevil's ravage had extended over
large sections of Georgia, Alabama,
Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida.
Dr. Carver gave his attention to the
possibility of developing other crops
that might in time become permanent
cash crops in Alabama and in other
sections of the Cotton Belt. The sweet
potato and the peanut, he thought,
were better than most other crops
for this purpose. The United Peanut
Association of America, being con-
vinced of the possibilities, and seek-
ing aid from the Federal Government
in the form of a protective duty
against foreign peanuts, arranged for
the appearance of Dr. Carver before
the House Ways and Means Commit-
tee in Washington. In his presentation

to the Committee, he astonished its
members by the following facts:

The lowly peanut, Dr. Carver point-
ed out, had already yielded about one
hundred and forty-five different foods
and other useful articles. These in-
cluded ten kinds of milk, five kinds of
punches — blackberry, cherry, lemon,
orange, and plum — salted peanuts, two
grades of flour, two grades of meal,
five breakfast foods, novel flavorings
for ice-cream, cakes, and various con-
fections, nine wood stains, black ink,
face cream, face powder, and four
kinds of stock food. Since 1921, when
this list of products from the peanut
was demonstrated, numerous other dis-
coveries by Dr. Carver have brought
the total up to three hundred. Included
in the newer list are: cheese, dyes,
instant coffee, lard, linoleum, axle
grease, printer's ink, shampoos, and
oil for medical purposes. Dr. Carver
also developed one hundred and eight-
een products from the sweet potato.
Among these are chocolates, caramels,
dyes, flavorings, flour, ginger, meal,
molasses, paste, rubber compounds,
shoe polish, and wood-fillers. In addi-
tion to the scientific products men-
tioned above, eighty-five from the pe-
can have been credited to the genius of
Dr. Carver. To particularize his hun-
dreds of scientific discoveries would
require volumes.

In 1939, Dr. Carver was awarded the
Theodore Roosevelt Medal by the
Roosevelt Memorial Association for
distinguished achievement in science.
The medal was presented with the
following eulogy:

"For the medal for distinguished
service in the field of science, Mr.
President, I have the honor to present
not a man only, but a life, transfused
with passion for the enlarging and en-
riching of the living of his fellow
man; a prolific inventor; a patient in-
vestigator of the diseases of plants;
a scientist, humbly seeking the guid-
ance of God; a liberator, to men of
the white race as well as the black; a
bridge from one race to the other, on
which men of good will may learn of
each other and rejoice together in the
opportunities and potentialities of
their common country."

Many other honors have come to this
distinguished scientist. In 1916 he was

THE NEGBO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES

elected a Fellow of the Royal Society
for the Encouragement of Arts, Manu-
factures and Commerce, London; in
1923, he received the Spingarn Medal,
an annual award given by the Na-
tional Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People to the person
of African descent making the highest
achievement in a specific field of en-
deavor for a given year; in 1928 Simp-
son College conferred upon him the
degree of Doctor of Science and in 1941
the University of Rochester conferred
upon him the same degree; in 1935
he was appointed collaborator in the
Bureau of Plant Industry, United
States Department of Agriculture, Di-
vision of Mycology and Disease Sur-
vey; in 1941 also he was presented
a silver plaque which carried with it
an award of $1,000 by the Variety
Clubs of America, naming him the
outstanding humanitarian of 1940.

The George Washington Carver
Foundation came into being on Feb-
ruary 10, 1940 when Dr. Carver do-
nated his life's savings of $33,000 to
establish it; and before his death on
January 5, 1943 he bequeathed his en-
tire estate to the Foundation making
a total of approximately $60,000. In
1938, the Trustees of Tuskegee In-
stitute had set apart a brick building
on the campus to house the George
Washington Carver Museum, the price-
less collections, laboratories, and office
of Dr. Carver. The great scientist,
supervised the setting up of the ex-
hibits in the Museum where many of
his discoveries and art productions are
now preserved. Dr. Carver did more
than any other Negro scientist to make
known the scientific potentialities of
his race.

The research program of the Carver
Foundation emphasizes two major
areas of interest: (1) the utilization
of agricultural wastes, which offer eco-
nomic possibilities; and (2) the de-
velopment of food products from agri-
cultural resources with the point of
view of creating new markets for such
foods.

The commercial program of the
Carver Museum offers graduate stu-
dents the opportunity to gain experi-
ence by actually working on industrial
problems. The program was initiated
in September, 1944. Some of the proj-
ects which the Foundation has investi-
gated or has under investigation are:

(1) the utilization of agricultural
wastes for making pulp for paper-
board, sponsored by a New York firm
which manufactures package contain-
ers, and carried on by Dr. C. T. Mason,
a member of the Foundation; (2) re-
search on ink, sponsored by the Parker
Pen Company by Miss Gladys Wil-
liams, under Dr. Mason's direction;
(3) research on certain food products,
sponsored by a food manufacturing
company in Chicago and carried on
by Miss Katheryn Emanuel under the
direction of Dr. W. E. Belton of the
Department of Chemistry and of the
Carver Foundation.

Dr. Belton and Mr. E. J. Jefferson
of the Poultry Husbandry Department
have also collaborated on research re-
lating to poultry nutrition.

Hall, Lloyd A. was born in Elgin,
Illinois, in 1894. He is a graduate of
Northwestern University, from which
institution he received the Ph. C. de-
gree in 1914 and the B. S. degree in
1915. He was a Sanitary Chemist, De-
partment of Health Laboratories, Chi-
cago, 1915 to 1919 ; Chief Chemist, John
Morrell and Company, Ottumwa, Iowa,
1919 to 1921; President of Chemical
Products Corporation, Chicago, 1921 to
1924; Consultant for Griffith's Labora-
tories, Chicago, 1925 to 1929; Chief
Chemist and Research Director of the
same corporation from 1929 to the
present. Mr. Hall has published sev-
eral papers having to do with the fol-
lowing: Colloids and Emulsions; Pro-
tein Hy droly sates ; Sterilization of
Foods, Colloids and Enzymes; Chemo-
therapeutic Products; and Food and
Biological Chemistry. About seventy-
five patents in the United States,
Canada and Great Britain are in
his name. He is a member of the
three-man Illinois Foods and Stand-
ards Commission; Fellow of the Ameri-
can Institute of Chemists; member of
the American Association for the Ad-
vancement of Science; a member of
the American Public Health Associa-
tion; and charter member of the In-
stitute of Food Technologists. During
World War II, Mr. Hall served as a
consultant in the subsistence develop-
ment and research laboratories of the
Quartermaster Corps of the United
States Army.

Julian, Percy L., born in Montgom-
ery, Ala., in 1899, is one of America's
foremost chemists. After graduating

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

from high school in his native State,
he did his undergraduate study at
DePauw University, graduating in
1920 as valedictorian of his class and
as Phi Beta Kappa orator. Julian then
studied at Harvard University, receiv-
ing the M. S. degree in Organic Chem-
istry. Later, he went to Austria where
he received the Ph.D. degree in Chemis-
try at the University of Vienna in
1931. While a student there, he first
became interested in the soy bean,
which was being imported to Germany
for the manufacture of certain drugs,
among them physostigmine. Julian
noticed that despite considerable work
over a seventy-year period, no one
knew the exact chemical constitution
of physostigmine nor why it caused
the pupil of the eye to contract.

After returning to America, Dr.
Julian was made Research Professor
at DePauw University in which posi-
tion, with the assistance of Dr. Josef
Pipl, a German scientist, and six stu-
dent assistants, he carried on research
having to do with the structure and
synthesis of physostigmine.

After much careful research he pre-
sented two papers before the American
Chemical Society i'n which he an-
nounced a drug, the precursor of phy-
sostigmine. While Dr. Julian's work
on Corydalis has been of great interest
to phyto-chemists, his work on the
structure of physostigmine is con-
sidered by his fellow scientists to be
even more important. Chemists in
many parts of the world — Germany,
France and Japan — have praised his
major researches in Chemistry. Karrer,
in Switzerland, published in his
Treatise on Chemistry a special ref-
erence to Julian's scientific work. The
annual reports of the Chemical Society
of London gave liberal space to Julian's
findings. Likewise in his new two-
volume treatise, Organic Chemistry,
Oilman devoted several pages to his
contributions.

After holding responsible positions
in both white and Negro universities,
Dr. Julian became a director of re-
search and manager of the Fine Chemi-
cals Department in the Soya Products
Division of Glidden Company, Chicago.
In this capacity, he discovered a new
process for isolating and preparing
commercially soy bean protein and
hormones. Within a year's time, it is
reported, he had converted a $35,000

loss to a $135,000 profit. Recent pat-
ents applied for by Glidden Company
are in Dr. Julian's name. These deal
with the isolation of pure protein from
oleagenous seeds, the preparation of
plastic materials, the making of cold
water paints and the isolation of
sterole from soy bean oil. Dr. Julian
has prepared the way for the entrance
of many Negroes into the field of in-
dustrial chemistry.

Knox, William Jacob was born in
Bedford, Mass., in 1904. He received
his B. S. degree from Harvard Uni-
versity, 1925; M. S. from Massachu-
setts Institute of Technology, 1929;
and his Ph. D. degree from that insti-
tution in 1935. Dr. Knox was instruc-
tor at Johnson C. Smith University,
1925-1928; Howard University, 1928-
1934; Professor and Head of the De-
partment of Chemistry, Agricultural
and Technical College, Greensboro, N.
C., 1935-1937; and Professor in Depart-
ment of Chemistry, Talladega College
since 1937. Two of his published papers
are: Dissociation Constants and Ab-
sorption Spectra.

Dr. Knox supervised the work of a
small group of Negro scientists at Co-
lumbia University on the atomic bomb.

Mathematics :

Blackwell, David H. was born in Cen-
tralia, 111., in 1919. After receiving
the A.B., A.M., and Ph.D. degrees from
the University of Illinois, he did ad-
vanced work in Mathematics, 1941-42,
as Rosenwald Fellow at the Institute
for Advanced Study at Princeton, N. J.
Dr. Blackwell has published original
studies in some of the standard jour-
nals of Mathematics. The following
are some of his contributions: Idem-
potent Markoff Chains, Annals of Math-
ematics, Vol. 43, pp. 560-567, 1942; The
Existence of Anormal Chains, The
American Mathematical Society, Vol.
51, pp. 465-468, 1945.

Claytor, William Schieffelin was born
in Virginia in 1908, where he received
his early education. His undergrad-
uate work was done at Howard Uni-
versity, at which institution he ma-
jored in Mathematics, receiving the
B.S. degree in 1929. Later, at the
University of Pennsylvania, after three
years of graduate study in Mathe-
matics and related studies, he received
the Ph.D. degree. His paper, read be-
fore the American Mathematical So-
ciety in 1933, based on his doctorate

THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES

dissertation under the title, Immer-
sion of Peanian Continum in a Spheri-
cal Surface, was later published in the
official bulletin of The American Math-
ematical Society, June-January, 1933
edition.

Having been granted a Rosenwald
Fellowship for further research in
Mathematics, Dr. Claytor engaged in
post-doctoral studies, 1935-36, at the
University of Michigan. Becoming in-
terested in Topology, he did some spe-
cial studies in this field, the results of
which he published in some of the
scientific journals. Two of these should
be mentioned: Topological Immersion
of Peanian Continum in Spherical
Surface, Annals of Mathematics, Vol.
35, pp. 808-835, 1934; and Continue
Imbeddable in a Spherical Surface,
Annals of Mathematics, Vol. 38, pp.
631-646, 1937.

Coleman, Robert, Jr. born in Texas
in 1915, evidenced great talent and
promise in Mathematics. At the
age of seventeen, Coleman received
the B.S. degree from Western Reserve
University, the youngest student ever
to graduate from that institution. His
excellent and outstanding scholarship
won for him the coveted Phi Beta
Kappa Key. In 1940, Coleman was
granted a Rosenwald Fellowship which
enabled him to complete advanced
studies in Mathematics at Columbia
University. Here he received the Ph.D.
degree in June, 1941. His doctor's dis-
sertation was entitled, The Develop-
ment of Informal Geometry. Cole-
man's very promising career was
brought to an end by his death in Los
Angeles, California, November 21, 1941.

Pierce, Joseph A. was born at Way-
cross, Ga., in 1902. Upon graduating
from Atlanta University where he re-
ceived the A.B. degree in 1925, he be-
gan his teaching career. After spend-
ing four years as a classroom teacher,
Pierce studied a year at the University
of Michigan, majoring in Mathematics,
and receiving the M.A. degree in 1930.
For the following eight years, he
taught in Wiley College. Returning to
the University of Michigan, he com-
pleted the requirements for the Ph.D.
degree in Mathematics in June 1938.
In 1940, Dr. Pierce, in collaboration
with Professor Ralph A, Edmonson,
also of Wiley College, wrote a textbook
on Mathematics entitled, Introduction
to College Mathematics With Applica-

tions. In 1940, Dr. Pierce published
A Study of a Universe of N-Finite
Populations with Applications to Mo-
ment Function Adjustment for Grouped
Data, Annals of Mathematical Sta-
tistics, Vol. II, pp. 311-334, 1940. Three
years later, he published another study,
Correction Formulas for Moments of
Grouped Distribution of a Discreate
Variate, Journal of American Statisti-
cal Association, Vol. 38, pp. 57-62, 1943.
His most recent contribution is en-
titled On the Summation Progres-
sions Useful in Times Series Analysis,
Journal of American Statistical Asso-
ciation, Vol. 39, pp. 387-389, 1944. Dr.
Pierce is constantly engaged in pro-
ductive research. He is now a member
of the Atlanta University faculty.

Wilkins, J. Ernest, Jr. is the young-
est among the accomplished Negro
mathematicians. After completing high
school in Chicago, his native city, he
entered the University of Chicago
where he graduated with honors in
1940 at the age of sixteen. In
the three and a half years during
which he was an undergraduate stu-
dent there, he had completed a regular
four year college course, had qualified
for membership in Phi Beta Kappa,
and had been selected as one of six
ranking students in the National Math-
ematics Contest sponsored by the
Mathematical Association of America.
Young Wilkins continued his graduate
studies at the University of Chicago
receiving his M.S. degree in 1941 and
his Ph.D. in Mathematics in 1942.
His doctoral dissertation was entitled,
Multiple Integral Problems in Paramet-
ric Form in the Calculus of Variations.
As a Julius" Rosenwald Fellow, Dr.
Wilkins continued the advanced study
of this problem at Princeton Univer-
sity in the Institute for Advanced
Study.

areas of Mathematics in which
Dr. Wilkins has made substantial con;
tributions are Calculus and Geometry. ;
His other contributions in the form of
publications are as follows: On the
Growth of Solutions of Linear Differ-
ential Equations, The American Math-
ematical Society, Vol. 50, pp. 388-394,
June, 1944; A Special Class of Sur-
faces in Protective Differential Geome-
try, Duke Mathematical Journal, Vol.
10, December, 1943; The First Cononi-
cal Pencil, Duke Mathematical Jour-
nal, June, 1943; and Definitely Self-

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

Conjugate Adjoint Integral Equations,
Duke Mathematical Journal Vol. 11,
March, 1944.

[Dr. Wilkins is now working for the
American Optical Company, New York
City, as a research mathematician.
Previous to this, he spent two years
on the faculty of Tuskegee Institute
and worked during the war with an
atomic bomb group of scientists".*

Woodard, Dudley Weldon, who re-
ceived his Ph.D. degree in Mathematics
at the University of Pennsylvania in
1928, has made special contributions
in his major field. His dissertation of-
fered in partial fulfillment of the re-
quirements for this degree was en-
titled, Two Dimensional Analysis Situs
With Special Reference to the Jordon
Curne Theorem. While Professor of
Mathematics at Tuskegee Institute he
published a study, The Tuskegee Ge-
ometry, which appeared in School
Science and Mathematics, Vol. 13, p.
400, 1933. He is also author of the
textbook, Practical Arithmetic, which
was published by Tuskegee Institute.
Dr. Woodard is now devoting a large
part of his research efforts to one of
the unsolved problems of Topology;
namely, the characterization of the
H-dimensional manifold. He has pub-
lished studies in line with the solution
of these problems, among which should
be mentioned: The Characterisation
of the Closed N-Cell, Transactions of
the American Mathematical Society,
1937.

Medicine :

Drew. Charles Richard was born in
Washington, D. C., in 1905. After com-
pleting his primary and secondary edu-
cation in Washington, he entered Am-
herst College, where he achieved the
Phi Beta Kappa key and the A.B. de-
gree with honors in 1926. He then
enrolled in the McGill University Medi-
cal College, Montreal, Canada, major-
ing in Surgery and receiving the
M.D. degree in 1933. Subsequently, he
studied at the College of Physicians
and Surgeons, Columbia University,
where he was awarded a doctorate in
Medical Science. He also received at
Johns Hopkins Hospital in 1941 a cer-
tificate issued by the American Board
of Surgeons, of which he is a member.

Dr. Drew is author and co-author of
numerous articles in the field of his
special interest, among which are:

Studies in Blood Preservation, Jour-
nal of Laboratory and Clinical Medi-
cine, 25: pp. 240-245, 1939; Studies in
Blood Preservation, Journal of Ameri-
can Medical Association, 112: pp. 2263-
2271, 1939; Studies on the Preserva-
tion of Placental Blood, American
Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology,
70: p. 859, 1940; and Newer Knowl-
edge of Blood Tranfusions, Bulletin
of the New York Academy of Medicine.
1941.

Dr. Drew is recognized as an
authority on the preservation of blood
plasma for emergency transfusions.
His dissertation for the D.Sc. degree
in Surgery at Columbia University was
on "Banked Blood." Soon after com-
pleting his researches in this connec-
tion, Dr. Drew received a call from
London for help. This was in 1940
when the German Luftwaffe blitzes
were creating havoc in that city. Drew
answered the call and accepted the
position of Medical Supervisor in the
Blood Plasma Division of the Blood
Transfusion Association in New York
in charge of the collection and prepa-
ration of blood plasma for the British
Army. In February of 1941, after a
year of invaluable service in this ca-
pacity, Dr. Drew was made Director of
the Red Cross Blood Bank in New
York City and Assistant Director of
Blood Procurement for the National
Research Council. In this position, he
had charge of the collecting of blood
plasma for use by the United States
Army.

Dr. Drew returned to Howard Uni-
versity where he was soon promoted
to a full professorship and made head
of the Department of Surgery. In 1942,
the American Board of Surgery made
him an examiner and in the same year
he was given the E. S. Jones Award for
Research in Medical Science at the
John A. Andrew Memorial Clinic at
Tuskegee Institute. In recognition of
his blood plasma work, he was awarded
the much coveted Spingarn Medal.
— Hernandez, Rafael born of Spanish-
speaking parents in Toa Baja, Puerto
Rico, in 1897, is a talented scientist of
varied interests and accomplishments.
Dr. Hernandez obtained his first col-
lege instruction in the field of Phar-
macy at the University of Puerto Rico
where he was granted a license to prac-
tice this profession in 1919. Soon after,
he came to the United States where

THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES

his achievements have been widely
recognized. Condensed to their briefest
form, the account of the accomplish-
ments of Dr. Hernandez, listed chrono-
logically, are as follows:

1925 — Licensed to practice Pharmacy in

the State of Michigan.
1928 — Received M.D. degree, magna cum
laude, Meharry Medical College,
Nashville, and licensed to practice
Medicine by the Tennessee State
Board.

1930— Became Clinical Assistant, Neuro-
logical Institute of New York.
1931— Assistant in Neurology, Vander-
bilt Clinic, Presbyterian Hospital,
New York City.

1936 — Certified to practice Neurology by
American Board of Psychiatry
and Neurology.

1937 — Certified to practice Psychiatry
by American Board of Psychiatry
and Neurology.

1940 — Received Bachelor of Laws de-
gree, Kent College of Law, Nash-
ville.
1941— Licensed to practice Law in the

State of Tennessee.

1942— Served as Major in the Medical
Corps, United States Army, spe-
to cializing his service as a Neu-
ro-psychiatrist. In 1944, he com-
1945 pleted a United States Army
course in Electro-encephalography
at Mason General Hospital, Brent-
wood, New York.

Dr. Hernandez, Chairman of the De-
partment of Anatomy of the Meharry
Medical College, is recipient of many
awards for meritorious service to the
United States. Chief among his scien-
tific publications, frequently quoted by
fellow scientists, are Lead Poison-
ing, Psychiatric Quarterly, 6:1, pp.
121-146, and II, pp. 319-355, 1932; and
Acute Aseptic Meningitis, Journal
National Medical Association, 27: p.
115, August 1935. Dr. Hernandez has
two textbooks to his credit: A Labora-
tory Guide, to Microscopic Anatomy,
1945, and Applied Neuro Anatomy,
in process of revision.

Johnson, Joseph Lealand was born
in Philadelphia, Pa., 1895. After com-
pleting his high school studies in the
city of his birth, he entered Pennsyl-
vania State College, graduating with
the B.S. degree in 1919. Majoring in
Physiology and Medicine at the Uni-
versity of Chicago, he received the
M.D. degree and the Ph.D. degree from
that institution in 1931. The following
partial list of his published contribu-
tions indicate his research interests:
Experimental Chronic Hyperparathy-
roidism, Transactions of the Asso-
ciation of American Physicians, 46 : pp.
162-170, 1930; Experimental Chronic

Hyperparathyroidism Osteitis Fibrosa
Produced in Rats, American Journal
of Medical Sciences, 183: pp. 761-768,
June 1932; Experimental Chronic
Hyperparathyroidism: Osteitis Fil)rosa
Produced in Puppies, Ibid., pp. 169-
175; Experimental Chronic Hyper-
parathyroidism: Effects of Adminis-
tration of Irradiated Ergosterol, Ibid.,
pp. 776-784. Other studies include:
Endocrine System in Relation to Den-
tal Problems, and Influence of Calcium
Salts Upon Blood Sugar. Since 1931,
Dr. Johnson has been a member of the
faculty of the School of Medicine at
Howard University.

Lawless, Theodore Kenneth was born
in New Orleans in 1892. He received
the A.B. degree from Talladega Col-
lege, 1914; the M.D. degree from North-
western University, 1919, and M.S.
from that institution in 1920. He has
studied in Austria, Switzerland, Ger-
many and France. During the year
1919-20, Dr. Lawless was in charge of
medical laboratories in Northwestern
University. He has been extraordi-
narily successful in the treatment of
skin diseases. His attractive, well-
equipped offices in South Side Chicago,
in a Negro neighborhood, are con-
stantly crowded with waiting whites,
who constitute approximately 90 per
cent of his patients. Not only patients
but doctors in many parts of the world
have sought his advice and help. The
research laboratory at Chicago's Provi-
dent Hospital was donated by Dr. Law-
less. Here he lectures frequently to
doctors, internes and nurses on Derma-
tology. For more than twenty years,
Dr. Lawless has taught and lectured
in the Medical College of Northwest-
ern University.

Quinland, William Samuel was born
in Antigua, British West Indies, in
1885. Before leaving the West Indies,
he began his higher education with a
teacher's training course. Coming to
the United States, Quinland's training
record, briefly stated, is as follows:
One year at Howard University, 1914-
15; graduated from Oskaloosa College
with B.S. degree; received M.D. from
Meharry Medical College in 1919; did
graduate study in Pathology and Bac-
teriology, Harvard Medical School,
1919-1922; and was Assistant in Path-
ology, Peter Bent Brigham Hospital,
Boston, 1921-22; was certified by the
American Board of Pathology, 1937.

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

Since 1922, Dr. Quinland has been a
member of the faculty of Meharry
Medical College, where he is Pro-
fessor of Pathology and Secretary to
the Medical Faculty.

Among Dr. Quinland's published con-
tributions are: Two Cases of Carci-
noma of the Kidney; One with Inva-
sion of the Inferior Vena Cava and
Right Heart, Boston Medical and Sur-
gical Journal, 185: No. 13, 1921; Con-
genital Malformation of the Intestine
Artesia and Imperf orate Anus: A Re-
port of Twenty-Seven Cases, Boston
Medical and Surgical Journal, 187: No.
24, 1927; Cancer of the Prostate— A
Clinical Pathologic Study of 34 Cases
in Negroes, Journal of Urology, 50;
No. 2, 1943; Carcinoma of the Esoph-
agus, Journal of the National Medical
Association, 27: p. 115, 1935; Report
of Three Cases of Melano- Sarcoma in
Negroes — One With Massive Hemor-
rhagic Cystic Degeneration of Liver,
Journal of National Medical Associa-
tion, 29: pp. 49-62, 1936; and Ster-
coral Appendix in Negroes, Journal of
National Medical Association, 32: pp.
53-63, March, 1940. Dr. Quinland is
widely recognized in the field of Path-
ology.

Bank's, Floyd R. was born in Phila-
delphia, Pa., in 1913. Majoring in
Physics, he graduated from Temple
University in 1934. Three years later,
he received the M.S. degree in the field
of Physics at the University of Penn-
sylvania. Banks was a Fellow in
Physics during the year 1938-39 in the
Graduate School of the University of
Pennsylvania, receiving the Ph.D. de-
gree at the end of that year. His doc-
toral dissertation was entitled, The
Measurement of Self-Diffusion by the
Use of Radio-Active Indicators. This
was the first time self-diffusion by
radio-activity was done in zinc.

Dr. Bank's problem was initiated in
the General Electric Laboratories
where he experimented under the
guidance of Dr. Louis N. Ridenour of
the Randall Morgan Laboratory of the
University of Pennsylvania. He is au-
thor and co-author of scientific papers
explaining some original discoveries in
Physics as follows: The Measurement
of Self -Diffusion in Metallic Zinc, The
American Physical Review, Vol. 57, p.
1067, 1939; The Measurement of Self-
Diffusion in Zinc. Single Crystals, The

American Physical Review, Vol. 59, p.
943, 1941. Recently, Dr. Banks ac-
cepted a position as Research Asso-
ciate of Radiation at the laboratories
of the Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
nology.

Eagleson, Halson Vashon is a native
of Bloomington, Ind. Born in 1903, he
received his A.B. degree from the Uni-
versity of Indiana in 1926. During his
undergraduate course, he proved him-
self an excellent student of Physics.
The year following his graduation was
spent in the Graduate School of the
same institution from which he re-
ceived the M.A. degree in Physics. In
1939, Eagleson was awarded the Ph.D.
degree in Physics by the University
of Indiana.

Among Dr. Eagleson's publications
are the following: The Effect of Hu-
midity on the Reverberation Period of
a Room, The Indiana Academy of
Science Proceedings, Vol. 40, p. 259,
1930; A Simple Arrangement for Dem-
onstrating or Photographing Diffrac-
tion Effects, The Moreliouse Jour-
nal of Science, Vol. 6, pp. 34-35, 1940.
His most recent contribution was, An
Experimental Method for Determining
Coefficient of Sliding Friction, The
American Journal of Physics, Vol. 13,
pp. 43-44, 1945. Dr. Eagleson is Pro-
fessor of Physics at Morehouse College,
Atlanta, Ga.

Imes, Elmer Samuel, born in Mem-
phis, Tenn., in 1883, graduated from
Fisk University in 1903, and from the
University of Michigan in 1918 with
the Ph.D. degree; did noteworthy re-
search in the field of Physics. His
doctoral dissertation, Measurement of
the Near Infra-Red Absorption Spectra
in Certain Diatomic Gases, estab-
lished for the first time that the quan-
tum theory could be extended to in-
clude the rotational states of mole-
cules. Imes' work was verified by other
physicists and was found by them to
be of practical use in industry. The
German scholar, Arnold Sommerfeld,
included Imes' studies in the German
textbook, Atombau Und Spektrallinien,
and stated therein that "the first im-
portant results were obtained by Imee
for HF, HC1 and HBr." Imes' in-
vestigations include a joint study
done with Dr. H. M. Randall, The
Fine Structure of the Near Infra-Red
Absorption Bands of Gases, HC1, HBr
and HF" which was published in The

THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES

Physical Review, Vol. 15, pp. 152-155,
February, 1920. His doctor's disserta-
tion had already appeared in Astro-
physical Journal, Vol. 50, pp. 251-276,
November, 1919. Dr. Imes died in 1941.

The Negro Scientist
In Industry

Among other Negro scientists trained
as chemists, chemical engineers and
bacteriologists, who now hold impor-
tant posts in industry, are the follow-
ing: Thomas Mayo, Chief Chemist for
B. Heller and Company in Chicago;
Dr. Nelson Glover, Senior Bacteriolo-
gist in the Chicago Department of
Health Laboratories; Dr. Floyd Cooke,
Research Chemist for the Corn Prod-
ucts Refining Company, Argo, Illinois;
Wilburn Moilison Process Supervisor
for the American Maize Products Com-
pany, Roby, Indiana; James Parsons,
Chief Metallurgist for the Durion Com-
pany, Dayton, Ohio; Emile Beekman,
Plastics Consultant, New York City;
Dr. Henry Hill, Vice-President in
charge of Organic Research for the At-
wood Corporation, Newtonville, Massa-
chusetts; Dr. W. Lincoln Hawkins, Re-
search Chemist, Westinghouse Electric
Company, Schenectady, New York; Dr.
James Du Valle, Research Chemist,
Eastman Kodak Company, Rochester,
New York; David Crosthwait, Re-
search Engineer, C. A. Dunham Com-
pany, Michigan City, Indiana; and
Maurice Moore, Purchasing Agent, De-
partment of Drugs and Chemicals, New
York City. Negro scientists are doing
a commendable job as harbingers of
interracial good will. Even before
World War II, there were approximate-
ly 125 chemists employed in industry,
a number which has increased to about
250.

Negro Scientists Contribute
To The Atomic Bomb

Among the several thousand physi-
cists, chemists, mathematicians, re-
search associates and laboratory as-
sistants who were employed by con-
tract in certain developments of the
atomic bomb, the War Department re-
leased the names of 12 Negro scien-
tists.

"Employed by the Metallurgical Lab-
oratories of the University of Chicago,
under contract to the Manhattan Dis-
trict (on July 1, 1946, these labora-

tories became known as the Argonne
National Laboratories) were the fol-
lowing:

*Edward A. Russell, Chicago, Illi-
nois.

Moddie Taylor, Chicago, Illinois.

Harold Delaney, Chicago, Ilinois.

Benjamin Scott, Chicago, Ilinois.

**J. Ernest Wilkins, Chicago, Illi-
nois."

Jasper Jeffries, Chicago, Illinois.

"The following, employed by the
S. A. M. Laboratories of Columbia Uni-
versity, New York City, under contract
to the Manhattan District, have a B.A.
degree or better and have job classifi-
cations of research associate or higher:

George Sherman Carter, New York
City.

Clarence DeWitt Turner, New York
City.

Cecil Goldsburg White, Brooklyn,
New York.

George Warren Reed, Jr., Washing-
ton, D. C.

Sydney Oliver Thompson, Brooklyn,
New York.

William Jacob Knox, Jr., New York
City."

Negroes Listed in
"American Men of Science"!

There are included in the directory,
American Men of Science, seventh edi-
tion, the names of Negro scientists who
have contributed to the advancement
of pure science or who are found in
the membership lists of certain na-
tional societies as follows:

Alexander, Professor Lloyd Ephraim,
Embryology, Fisk University, Nash-
ville, Tennessee.

Anderson, Professor Russell Lloyd, Zool-
ogy, Johnson C. Smith University,
Charlotte, North Carolina.
Baker, Professor Thomas Nelson, Jr.,
Organic Chemistry, Virginia State
College, Ettrick, Virginia.
Banks, Professor Floyd Regan, Jr., Phy-
sics, Morgan State College, Baltimore,
Maryland.

Barker, Dr. Prince Patanilla, Neurolo-
gy, Veterans Administration Facility,
Tuskegee, Alabama.

Blackwell, Dr. David Harold, Mathe-
matics, Statistics — Southern Univer-
sity, Scotlandville, Louisiana.
Branson, Professor Herman R., Bio-
physics, Howard University, Wash-
ington, D. C.

Brown, Dr. Russell Wilfred, Bacteriolo-
gy, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.
Buggs, Professor Charles Wesley, Bio-
chemistry, Bacteriology, Zoology, Dil-
lard University, New Orleans, Louis-
iana.

*Chemist; **Mathematician.
fPrepared by the Editor.

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

Chase, Professor Hyman Yates, Zoolo-
gy, Howard University, Washington,
D. C.

Cobb, Professor William Montague,
Anatomy, Physical Anthropology,
Washington, D. C.

Cooper, Professor Stewart Rochester,
Chemistry, Howard University, Wash-
ington, D. C.

Coruthers, Professor John Milton, Agri-
culture, Prairie View College, Prairie
View, Texas.

Cox, Professor Elbert Frank, Mathe-
matics, Howard University, Wash-
ington, D. C.

Crooks, Dr. Kenneth B. M., Biology,
Parasitology, Happy Grove College,
Hectors River, Jamaica, British West
Indies.

Crouch, Professor Hubert Branch, Zool-
ogy, Kentucky State Industrial Col-
lege, Frankfort, Kentucky.

Cuff, Dr. John Reginard, Medicine,
Nashville, Tennessee.

Dailey, Dr. Ulysses Grant, Surgery, Chi-
cago, Illinois.

Davis, Dr. Toye George, Parasitology,
West Virginia State College, Insti-
tute, West Virginia.

Derbigny, Dean Irving Anthony, Chem-
istry, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.

Dooley, Dr. Thomas Price, Genetics,
Cytology, Prairie View College, Prairie
View, Texas.

Dowdy, Professor William Wallace, Bi-
ology, L4ncoln University, Jefferson
City, Missouri.

Eagleson, Professor Halson Vashon,
Physics, Morehouse College, Atlanta,
Georgia.

Finley, Professor Harold Eugene, Pro-
tozoology, Morehouse College, Atlanta,
Georgia.

Forbes, Dennis Arthur, Chemistry,
Nashville, Tennessee.

Green, Professor James Henry, Analyti-
cal Chemistry, State N. I. A. and M.
College, Orangeburg, South Carolina.

Hall, Lloyd Augustus, Chemistry, Chief
Chemist and Director Griffith's Labo-
ratories, Chicago, Illinois.

Hansborough, Professor Louis Arm-
stead, Embryology, Howard Univer-
sity, Washington, D. C.

Harvey, Professor Burwell Towns, Jr.,
Chemistry, Morehouse College, At-
lanta, Georgia.

Hazzard, Professor James William, Jr.,
Morphological Zoology, Southern Uni-
versity, Scotlandville, Louisiana.

Henry, Dr. Warren Elliott, Physical
Chemistry, Tuskegee Institute, Ala-
bama.

Hill, Dr. Carol McClellan, Organic
Chemistry, A. and T. College, Greens-
boro, North Carolina.

Hill, Dr. Henry Aaron, Organic Chem-
istry, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Hinton, Dr. William Augustus, Path-
ology, Bacteriology, State Department
of Health, Boston, Massachusetts.

Howard, Professor Roscoe Conklin, Bi-
ology, Virginia State College, Ettrick,
Virginia.

Hunter, Professor John McNeile, Phy-
sics, Virginia State College, Ettrick,
Virginia.

Inge, Professor Frederick Douglass,

Plant Physiology, Florida A. and M.
College, Tallahassee, Florida.

Jason, Dr. Robert Stewart, Pathology,
Howard University, Washington, D. C.

Jeffries, Professor Louis Freeman,
Chemistry, Virginia Union Univer-
sity, Richmond, Virginia.

Johnson, Dr. Joseph Lealand, Physiolo-
gy, Medicine, Howard University,
Washington, D. C.

Jones, Professor William Warren,
Mathematics, Kentucky State College,
Frankfort, Kentucky.

Kennedy, Professor Wadaran Latamore,
Dairy Husbandry, A. and T. College
of North Carolina, Greensboro, North
Carolina..

Kildare, Professor Albert Alexander,
Physics, Lincoln University, Jefferson
City, Missouri.

Kittrell, Dean Flemmie P., Nutrition,
Hampton Institute, Virginia.

Knox, Professor William Jacob, Jr.,
Physical Chemistry, Talladega Col-
lege, Alabama.

Lawless, Dr. Theodore Kenneth, Medi-
cine, Chicago, Illinois.

Lawson, Professor James Raymond,
Physics, Fisk University, Nashville,
Tennessee.

Lee, Professor James Summer, Bac-
teriology, Protozoology, North Caro-
lina College for Negroes, Durham,
North Carolina.

Lewis, Dr. Julian Herman, Pathology,
Chicago, Illinois.

Lu Valle, Dr. James Ellis, Physical
Chemistry, Rochester, New York.

McKinney, Professor Roscoe Lewis,
Anatomy, Howard University, Wash-
ington, D. C.

Maloney, Professor Arnold Hamilton,
Pharmacology, Howard University
School of Medicine, Washington, D. C.

Mack, Professor Jesse Jarue, Plant
Physiology, Kentucky State Industrial
College, Frankfort, Kentucky.

Mason, Dr. Clarence Tyler, Chemistry,
Dillard University, New Orleans,
Louisiana.

Maxwell, Professor U(cecil) Seymour,
Biochemistry, Jefferson City, Mis-
souri.

Moore, Professor Paul Joaquin, Or-
ganic Chemistry, West Virginia State
College, Institute, West Virginia.

Morris, Professor Kelso Bronson, Chem-
istry, Wiley College, Marshall, Texas.

Murray, Dr. Peter Marshall, Gynecolo-
gy, New York City.

Nabrit, Professor Samuel Milton, Mor-
phology, Physiology, Morehouse Col-
lege, Atlanta, Georgia.

O'Hara, Professor Leon P., Physiology,
Physiological Chemistry, Talladega
College, Talladega, Alabama.

Perry, Dean Rufus Patterson, Organic
Chemistry, Langston University,
Langston, Oklahoma.

Pierce, Professor Joseph Alphonso,
Mathematics, Atlanta University, At-
lanta, Georgia.

Poindexter, Professor Hildrus Augustus,
Bacteriology, Parasitology, Howard
University, Washington, D. C.
Robinson, Professor William Henry,
Mathematics, Physics, Tillotson Col-
lege, Austin, Texas.
Rolfe, Dr. Daniel Thomas, Physiology,

THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

Meharry Medical College, Nashville,
Tennessee.

Simpson, Professor Cohen Thomas, Ana-
lytical Chemistry, Montgomery, Ala-
bama.

Spaulding, Professor Major Franklin,
Agronomy, Langston University,
Langston, Oklahoma.

Sumner, Professor Francis Cecil, Psy-
chology, Washington, D. C.

Talbot, Dr. Walter Richard, Mathe-
matics, Lincoln University, Jefferson
City, Missouri.

Thornton, Professor Robert Ambrose,
Physics, Talladega College, Talladega,
Alabama.

Turner, Dr. Thomas Wyatt, Botany,
Hampton Institute, Virginia.

Wall, Professor Limas Dunlap, Parasi-
tology, Virginia Union University,
Richmond, Virginia.

Ware, Professor Ethan Earl, Zoology,
Florida A. and M. College, Tallahas-
see, Florida.

West, Professor Harold Dadford, Bio-
chemistry, Meharry Medical College,
Nashville, Tennessee.

Wilkerson, Dr. Vernon Alexander, Bio-
chemistry, Howard University, School
of Medicine, Washington, D. C.

Williams, Professor Joseph Leroy, Zo-
ology, Lincoln University, Pennsyl-
vania.

\Vilson, Professor Henry Spense, Inor-
ganic Chemistry, Louisville Municipal
College for Negroes, Louisville, Ken-
tucky.

THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL
SCIENCES*

Sketches of social scientists who
have made outstanding contributions
in their respective fields are given be-
low. For a broader view of contribu-
tions by others in the field of the So-
cial Sciences see Part Five.

Bunche, Ralph Johnson, Political Sci-
ence, was born in Detroit, Mich., Au-
gust 7, 1904. He received the A.B. de-
gree from the University of California,
1927; the A.M. degree from Harvard
University in 1928 and the Ph.D. de-
gree from the same institution in 1934.
His post-doctoral work in Anthropol-
ogy and Colonial Policy was done
at Northwestern University, London
School of Economics and the Univer-
sity of Capetown, South Africa, 1936-37.

He was Ozias Goodwin Memorial Fel-
low at Harvard, 1929; and received a
Rosenwald Fellowship to Europe, Eng-
land, North and West Africa, 1931-32;
the Social Science Research Council
Post-doctoral Fellowship in Europe,
South and East Africa, Malaya and
Netherlands Indies, 1936-38. He was a

*Sources: Who's Who in America,
1946-47; Who's Who in Colored America,
1941-44; Data in the Department of Rec-
ords and Research, Tuskegee Institute.

member of the staff of the Carnegie
Corporations Survey of the Negro in
America, Southern United States, 1939.

Dr. Bunche has been Assistant in
Political Science, University of Cali-
fornia, 1925-27; Instructor in Political
Science, Howard University, 1928-29,
Assistant Professor, 1929-33, Assistant
to the President, 1930-31, Associate
Professor, 1933-38, Professor, 1938 and
Head of the Department, 1939. He was
Co-Director of the Institute of Race
Relations, Swarthmore College, 1936;
Senior Social Science Analyst in
charge of research on Africa and other
Colonial areas, British Empire Section,
Office of Strategic Services, 1941-42;
Deputy Chief, near East-Africa Section,
1943; Chief, African Section, 1943.
Represented the United States at the
West Indian Conference, 1946; is a
member of the Caribbean Commission
and Chief, Division of Trusteeship,
United Nations Organization, 1946.

He is the author of "A World View
of Race" 1936; and has contributed
to numerous scientific journals and
magazines.

DuBois, William Edward Burgnardt,
History and Sociology, was born at
Great Barrington, Mass., on February
23, 1868. He received the A.B. degree
in 1888 from Fisk University, Nash-
ville, Tenn., and from Harvard Uni-
versity, in 1890. In 1891, he received
his M.A. from Harvard and in 1895 his
Ph.D. from the same institution. He
has also studied at the University of
Berlin. Honorary degrees conferred
upon him are the LL.D. degree by How-
ard University, Washington, D. C., in
1930 and by Atlanta University, At-
lanta, Ga., in 1938; the Litt. D. degree
was conferred by Fisk University in
1938; and the L.H.D. degree by Wil-
berforce University, Wilberforce, Ohio
in 1940.

During his long and useful career,
Dr. DuBois has been Professor of Greek
and Latin, Wilberforce University,
1894-96; Assistant Instructor, Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania, 1896-97; Profes-
sor of Economics and History, Atlanta
University 1897-1910; Director of Pub-
lications, National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People and
Editor of the Crisis Magazine, 1910-32;
Head of the Department of Sociology,
Atlanta University, 1933-44; Editor of
Atlanta University Studies, 1897-1911;
Editor-in-Chief of the Encyclopedia of
the Negro since 1933; Editor, Phylon

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

Quarterly Review, 1940-44; Director of
Special Research, N. A. A. C. P. since
1945; Fellow A. A. A. S.; Founder of
the Pan-African Congresses.

Besides belonging to numerous
learned societies, Dr. DuBois was
elected to the National Institute of
Arts and Letters in 1944, being the
first Negro so honored. The Liberian
Government made him Knight Com-
mander of the Liberian Humane Order
of African Redemption. He was des-
ignated by President Coolidge as spe-
cial representative at the second in-
augural of President King of Liberia
with the rank of Minister Plenipoten-
tiary and Envoy Extraordinary.

Dr. DuBois is a prolific writer, con-
tributing articles to the outstanding
magazines and journals of the country.
His books are well known and are used
extensively as text and reference vol-
umes. He is the author of The Sup-
pression of the Slave Trade, 1896; The
Philadelphia Negro, 1899; The Souls
of Black Folk, 1903; John Brown,
1909; Quest of the Silver Fleece, 1911;
The Negro, 1915; Darkwater, 1920;
The Gift of Black Folk, 1924 ; Dark Prin-
cess, 1928; Black Reconstruction, 1935;
Black Folk: Then and Now, 1939; Dusk
of Dawn, 1940; Color and Democracy,
1945; The World and Africa, 1946.

For almost fifty years the voice of
DuBois has been heard either from the
platform or through his writings on
matters pertaining to the development
and status of the Negro, not only in
the United States but the world over.

Frazier, E. Franklin, Sociology, was
born in Baltimore, Md., September 24,
1894. He received the A.B. degree,
cum laude, from Howard University,
in 1916; the A.M. degree from Clark
University, (Worcester, Mass.), in
1920; the Ph.D. degree from the Uni-
versity of Chicago in 1931. During the
year 1920-21, he was Research Fellow
at the New York School of Social
Work; Fellow, American-Scandinavian
Foundation to Denmark, 1921-22; Fel-
low, Guggenheim Foundation to Bra-
zil and West Indies, 1940-41; FeUow,
A. A. A. S. In 1945, he was elected
President of the Eastern Sociological
Society, the first Negro so honored,
and in 1946 he was named a member
of its Executive Committee.

During his career, Dr. Frazier has
been a teacher at Tuskegee Institute,
1916-17; at St. Paul School, Lawrence-

ville, Va., 1917-18; the High School,
Baltimore, Md., 1918-19; Livingstone
College, Salisbury, N. C., 1922; More-
house College, 1922-24; Director of the
Atlanta School of Social Work, 1922-
27; Professor of Sociology, Fisk Uni-
versity, 1929-34; Professor and Head
of the Department of Sociology, How-
ard University since 1934; lecturer in
the New York School of Social Work.

Dr. Frazier is noted for his re-
searches on the Negro family. Besides
contributing to the leading sociologi-
cal and current journals and maga-
zines, he is the author of The Negro
Family in Chicago, 1932; The Free
Negro Family, 1932; The Negro Fam-
ily in the United States, (Anisfielcl
award for the best book in the field
of race relations), 1939; Negro Youth
at the Crossways, 1940.

He is a militant leader in matters
pertaining to the status of the Negro.

Harris, Abram Lincoln, Economics,
was born in Richmond, Va., January
17, 1899. He received the A.B. degree
from Virginia Union University in
1922; the M.A. degree from the Uni-
versity of Pittsburgh, 1924; and the
Ph.D. degree from Columbia Univer-
sity, 1931.

He was a member of the Consumers
Advisory Board, National Recovery
Administration, 1934; was awarded the
John Simon Guggenheim Fellowship,
1935-36 and in 1943-44; the Simon Nel-
son Patten Fellowship, American Acad-
emy of Political and Social Science,
1934.

He was Instructor in Economics,
West Virginia State College, 1924;
Secretary, Minneapolis Urban League,
1925-26; Assistant Professor of Eco-
nomics, Howard University, 1927-28;
Associate Professor, 1930-36, Professor,
1936; and Head of the Department,
1936-46. He was lecturer in Economics
at the College of the City of New York
in the summer of 1942.

He is the author of the following
volumes: The Black Worker, 1931
(with Sterling D. Spero) ; The Negro
as a Capitalist, 1936; and has con-
tributed essays and articles to leading
scientific journals, the Encyclopedia
Britannica, and the Encyclopedia of
the Social Sciences.

Haynes, George Edmund, Sociology,
was born in Pine Bluff, Ark., May 11,
1880. He received the A.B. degree from
Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn. ir

THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

1903 and the A.M. degree from Yale
University in 1904. He studied at the
University of Chicago during the sum-
mers of 1906 and 1907. In 1910 he was
graduated from the New York School
of Social Work and received the Ph.D.
degree from Columbia University in
1912.

Dr. Haynes was Secretary, Colored
Men's Department, International Com-
mittee, Y.M.C.A., 1905-08; Professor of
Social Science, Fisk University, Nash-
ville, Tenn, 1910-20; Special Assistant
on Negro Economics to the Secretary,
United States Department of Labor,
1918-21; Co-founder and former Execu-
tive Director, National Urban League
for Social Service Among Negroes;
Special Adviser on Negro Work, Inter-
church World Movement of North
America, 1920-22; Member of the Presi-
dent's Unemployment Conference, 1920-
21; Consultant on Work Among Natives
in South Africa, International Survey
of the Y.M.C.A., 1930; Secretary, De-
partment of Race Relations, Federal
Council of Churches of Christ in Amer-
ica, 1922 to January 21, 1947. He is the
originator of Race Relations Sunday
and of the Inter-racial Clinic; Founder
and first Secretary of the Association
of Negro Colleges and Secondary
Schools and formerly Vice-Moderator
and First Vice-President of the Home
Board of the Congregational Christian
Churches.

His publications include, The Negro
at Work in New York City, 1912; The
Negro Newcomer in Detroit, Mich.,
1917; The Trend of the Races, 1922;
articles, American Negro Economic
Life, in The Encyclopedia Britamiica,
1929 and 1939, and Book of the Year,
1938, 1939. Negroes, in the Social
Work Year Book, 1935 and 1939; Along
the Interracial Front, 1945. Co- Author:
Studies in Cotton-Growing Communi-
ties. No. 1, Alabama, 1933; Studies in
Cotton-Growing Communities, No. 2,
Arkansas, 1935 and The Clinical Ap-
proach to Race Relations. How to Pro-
mote Interracial Health in your Com-
munity, 1946. He has also contributed
to numerous journals and magazines.

Jackson, Luther Porter, History, was
born at Lexington, Ky., July 11, 1892.
He received the A.B. degree in 1914
from Fisk University, the A.M. degree,
1922, from Columbia University and
the Ph.D. degree from the University
of Chicago, 1937. Since 1922, he has

been Professor of History at Virginia
State College, Petersburg, Va.

In civic and educational circles Dr.
Jackson has been active and influential.
He is founder and President, Virginia
Voters League, Petersburg, Va.; Secre-
tary, Civic Education, Virginia Asso-
ciation for Education, State Teachers
Association; State Chairman, Better
Civic Participation, Negro Organiza-
tion Society and the Association for
the Study of Negro Life and History;
State Director, Civil Liberties, Virginia
State Association of Elks; Member,
Virginia World War II History Com-
mission since 1944; Board of Directors,
Southern Regional Council and Execu-
tive Committee, Virginia State Con-
ference, N.A.A.C.P.

Besides lecturing widely on the his-
tory of the Negro and on civic partici-
pation, he has contributed historical
articles to magazines and newspapers;
has been columnist since 1942 for the
Norfolk Journal and Guide and is the
author of the following volumes: Free
Negro Labor and Property Holding in
Virginia, 1830-1860; A History of the
Virginia State Teachers Association-
The Virginia Negro Soldier and Sailor
in the American Revolution; Negro
Officeholders in Virginia 1865-1895; The
Voting Status of the Negro in Virginia
(annual handbook, since 1942, Virginia
Voters League).

Johnson, Charles Spurgeon, Sociol-
ogy, was born at Bristol, Va., on July
24, 1893. He received his A.B. degree
from Virginia Union University, Rich-
mond, Va., 1917; the Ph.B. degree from
the University of Chicago in 1918.
Virginia Union conferred the honor-
ary degree, Litt. D. upon him in 1928
and in 1941 Howard University con-
ferred the L.H.D. degree.

He was awarded the William E.
Harmon gold medal for distinguished
achievement among Negroes in Science
for the year 1930; in 1945, he received
the Chicago University alumni cita-
tion in recognition of his public serv-
ice to the community, the nation and
humanity. In the same year he was
made President of the Southern Socio-
logical Society. In 1946 he was one of
the twenty educators on the American
Commission who went to Japan to
formulate a new educational program
for that country. He was the American
Member of the Commission appointed
by the League of Nations to investi-
gate forced labor in Liberia, 1930; Sec-
retary of the Committee on Negro

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

Housing, President Hoover's Confer-
ence on Home Building and Home
Ownership, 1931; Trustee of the Delta
Cooperative Farm; Trustee, Julius
Rosenwald Fund, Bethune-Cookman
College, Encyclopedia of the Negro,
Schomburg Negro Collections (New
York Public Library) ; Director, South-
ern Rural Division of the Negro Youth
Study for the American Youth Com-
mission and Council on Education;
Chairman, American Missionary Asso-
ciation Division, Board of Home Mis-
sions; Director, Race Relations Pro-
gram, American Missionary Associa-
tion; Co-Director, Race Relations Pro-
gram, the Julius RosenwaM Fund;
Secretary-Treasurer of the Sociological
Research Association, 1943-44; Member
of the Sociology Committee of the
Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934;
Member of the Executive Committee,
Southern Commission on the Study of
Lynching and of the Southern Soci-
ological Society; Member of the Presi-
dent's Committee on Farm Tenancy
and of the Technical Committee on
Tenancy; Member, Executive Commit-
tee, Southern Policy Committee; Mem-
ber, Advisory Board of the National
Youth Administration of Tennessee;
Member of the Executive and Planning
Committee, 1940 White House Confer-
ence on Children in a Democracy;
Member, Editorial Board, American
Sociological Review.

Dr. Johnson's activities in the field
of Sociology have been many and
varied. He was Director of Research
and Investigations, National Urban
League, 1921; Editor, Opportunity,
1923-29; and has been Director, De-
partment of Social Science, Fisk
University, 1928-1946; Director of the
Institute of Race Relations, Swarth-
more College since 1933; was elected
President of Fisk University in the
fall of 1946.

Besides his connections with various
organizations, Dr. Johnson has written
the following volumes: Editor, Ebony
and Topaz, 1927; Co-author: The Ne-
gro in Chicago, 1922; Race Relations,
1923; The Collapse of Cotton Tenancy,
1935. Author: The Negro in American
Civilization, 1930; Economic Status of
the Negro, 1933; Shadow of the Plan-
tation, 1934; Preface to Racial Under-
standing, 1936; The Negro College
Graduate, 1936 (Anisfield Award,
1938). Growing Up in the Black Belt.

1941; Statistical Atlas of Southern
Counties, 1941; Patterns of Negro Seg-
regation, 1943; To Stem This Tide,
1943; Education and the Cultural Proc-
ess, 1944.

His contributions to scientific and
other current journals and magazines
have been numerous. Dr. Johnson is
one of the leading authorities in Amer-
ica in the field of Race Relations.

Locke, Alain Leroy, Philosophy, was
born in Philadelphia, Pa., on Septem-
ber 13, 1886. He was graduated from
the Philadelphia School of Pedagogy
in 1904 and received his A.B. degree
from Harvard University in 1907. He
was Rhodes Scholar from Pennsyl-
vania at Oxford University (England),
1907-10. He studied at the University
of Berlin, 1910-11; and received his
Ph.D. degree from Harvard University
in 1918.

Dr. Locke has been connected with
Howard University since 1912 as As-
sistant Professor of Philosophy and
Education, 1912-16 and Professor of
Philosophy since 1917. He was statis-
tician of the New Jersey Semi-Cen-
tennial Commission of the Negro, 1912-
14 and Personnel Officer and Instruc-
tor, War Aims, Howard U.S.A.T.C.,
1917-18. In 1943, he was Inter-Amer-
ican Exchange Professor to Haiti, and
in 1946 was elected President of the
National Adult Education Association,
the first Negro so honored.

Besides being a member of a number
of learned societies Dr. Locke has writ-
ten numerous articles for leading
journals and magazines. He is the
author of Race Contacts and Inter-
racial Relations. 1916; The New Negro,
1925; The Negro in America. 1933;
Frederick Douglass, a Biography of
Anti-Slavery. 1935; The Negro and His
Music, 1936; Negro Art — Past and
Present. 1937; The Negro in Art, 1941;
Co-Author, When People Meet: A Study
in Race and Culture Contact, 1941;
Editor, Plays of Negro Life, 1927;
Bronze Booklet Series-Associates in
Negro Folk Education, 1937.

"His philosophical writings include,
The Problem of Classification in
Theory of Value; Values and Impera-
tives in American Philosophy: Today
and Tomorrow. His studies on the phi-
losophy of value axe regarded as orig-
inal contributions in a highly contro-
versial field."

Dr. Locke has also made a notable

THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

contribution to the aesthetic side of
Negro life as a critic of outstanding
note and as a patron of the fine arts.

Logan, Rayford W., History, was
born in Washington, D. C., January 7,
1897. He received the A.B. degree from
Williams College in 1917; the A.M.
degree from Harvard University, 1932;
and the Ph.D. degree from the same
institution in 1936. He is a member
of Phi Beta Kappa, and was made
Commander of tlie National Order of
Honor and Merit of the Republic of
Haiti. He is also a member of the
Advisory Committee of the Coordi-
nator of Inter-American Affairs, re-
mained a number of years in Europe
as Secretary and Interpreter of the
Pan-American Congresses and has
served as Secretaire-adjoint of the
Pan-American Association.

He has been Head of the Department
of History and Government, Virginia
Union University, 1925-30; Assistant to
the Editor of The Journal of Negro
History, 1932-33; Head of the Depart-
ment of History, Atlanta University,
1933-38; Professor of History, Howard
University, 1938-42; and Head of the
Department of History, Howard Uni-
versity since 1942.

The writings and publications of Dr.
Logan include: Editor of The Attitude
of the^ Southern White Press Toward
Negro' Suffrage, 1932-1940, 1940; The
Diplomatic Relations of the United
States with Haiti, 1176-1891, 1941; The
Operation of the Mandate System in
Africa, 1919-1927, With am Introduction
on the Problem of Mandates in the
Post-War World, 1942; What the Negro
Wants, 1944; The Negro and the Post-
War World, 1945; The Senate and the
Versailles Mandate System, 1945.

He is not only known for his contri-
butions to scientific journals and mag-
azines, but is considered an authority
on Latin-American problems.

Reid, Ira DeA.f Sociology, was born
in Clifton Forge, Virginia, July 2, 1901.
He received the A.B. degree from
Morehouse College, 1922; A.M., Uni-
versity of Pittsburgh, 1925; Ph.D.,
Columbia University, 1939; London,
1939. Instructor, Texas College, 1922-
23; Douglas High School, Huntington,
West Virginia, 1923-24; Industrial Sec-
retary, New York Urban League, 1925-
28; Director of Research, National Ur-
ban League, 1928-34; Professor of Soci-
ology, Atlanta University, 1934-44;
Consultant, Social Security Board,

1936-41; Chairman, Department of So-
ciology, Atlanta University, 1944 — ;
formerly Associate Executive Director
of the Southern Regional Council, At-
lanta; Visiting Professor of Sociology,
School of Education, New York Uni-
versity, 1946 — ; Visiting Professor of
Sociology, Haverford College, Pennsyl-
vania, 1946 — . Author: Adult Education
Among Negroes, 1936; The Urban Ne-
gro Worker in the United States, 1938 ;
Negro Membership in American Labor
Unions, 1930; The Negro Immigrant,
1939; In a Minor Key, 1940; and, with
Arthur Raper, the volume, Sharecrop-
pers All, 1941. Editor of Phylon, The
Atlanta University Review of Race and
Culture, 1944—.

Articles published have appeared in
the following journals: Phylon, The
Virginia Quarterly, Social Forces, Op-
portunity, Crisis, International Journal
of Religion, Journal of Negro Educa-
tion, and others.

Wesley, Charles Harris, History, was
born in Louisville, Ky., December 2,
1891. He received his A.B. degree from
Fisk University in 1911, his M.A. degree
from Yale University in 1913. He was a
student at The Guilde Internationale,
Paris, 1914 and at The Howard Uni-
versity Law School, 1915-16. The Ph.D.
degree was conferred by Harvard Uni-
versity in 1925.

In 1928, he received the honorary de-
gree, D.D., from Wilberforce Univer-
sity; the degree LL.D. from Allen
University in 1932, from Virginia
State College in 1943 and from Mor-
ris Brown University in 1944.

He held positions at Howard Uni-
versity as follows: Instructor in the
Teaching of History, 1913; Instructor
in History, 1914-18; Assistant Profes-
sor of History, 1918-19; Associate Pro-
fessor of History, 1919-20; Professor
and Head of the Department of His-
tory, 1921-42; Director of the Summer
School, 1937; Acting Dean, College of
Liberal Arts, 1937-38; Dean of the
Graduate School, 1938-42. Since 1942
he has been President of Wilberforce
University, Wilberforce, Ohio.

He was Guggenheim Fellow, London,
1930-31; and received a Grant-in-Aid,
Social Science Research Council, 1936-
37.

He is the author of the following
studies: Negro Labor in the United
States, 1850-1925, 1927; Richard Al-
len: Apostle of Freedom, 1935; The

THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES

History of Alpha Phi Alpha, 1930; re-
vised editions, 1935 and 1942; The
Collapse of the Confederacy, 1938; A
Manual of Research and Thesis Writ-
ing for Graduate Students, 1941: Edi-
tor, The Negro in the Americas, 1940;
Contributor to What the Negro Wants,
1944.

Besides contributing to scientific
journals and magazines, Dr. Wesley
has lectured widely on various phases
of the history of the Negro.

Woodson, Carter Godwin, History,
was born at New Canton, Buckingham
County, Va., on December 19, 1875.
He studied at Berea College (Ky.), for
two years and at La Sorbonne, Paris.
He received the A.B. degree from the
University of Chicago in 1907, the A.
M. degree from the same institution
in 1908 and the Ph.D. degree from Har-
vard University in 1912. The honor-
ary degree, LL. D., was conferred or
him by Virginia Stats College in 1939.

During his distinguished career, Dr.
Woodson has been teacher in the high
schools of Washington, D. C., 1909-
18 and Principal of Armstrong Man-
ual Training High School, Wash-
ington, D. C., 1918-19; Dean of the
School of Liberal Arts, Howard Uni-
versity, 1919-20; Dean at West Virgin-
ia Collegiate Institute, W. Va., 1920-21;
Executive Director of the Association
for the Study of Negro Life and His-
tory; President and Chairman of the
Board of the Associated Publishers,
Inc., Washington, D. C.; Founder and
Editor since 1916 of the Journal of
Negro History, and of the Negro His-
tory Bulletin, 1937. In 1925 he found-
ed Negro History Week.

Dr. Woodson is considered an au-
thority on the history of the Negro.
His outstanding publications are: The
Education of the Negro Prior to 1861,
1915; A Century of Negro Migration.
1918; History of the Negro Church.
1921;!F7ie Negro in Our History, 1922;
Negro Orators and Their Orations.
1925; Negro Owners of Slaves in the
United States in 1830, 1925; Free Ne-
gro Heads of Families in the United
States in 1830, 1925; The Mind of the
Negro as Reflected in Letters During
the Crisis, 1925; African Myths. 1928;
Negro Makers of History, 1928; The
Rural Negro, 1930; The Negro Profes-
sional Man and the Community, 1934;
The Story of the Negro Retold, 1935;
The African Background Outlined.

1936; African Heroes and Heroines,
1939. Joint author: The Negro Wage
Earner, 1930; The Negro as a Business
Man; Editor, The Works of Francis J.
Grimke, 1942 and other volumes.

Dr. Woodson has perhaps done more
than any single individual to collect,
preserve and publish the historical
records of the Negro by making people
generally interested in the Negro's
background and in stimulating and
training others to do scholarly re-
search in the field of Negro history.

Work, Monroe Nathan, Editor, Bibli-
ographer, was born in Iredell County,
N. C., August 15, 1866. He graduated
from the Chicago Theological Seminary
in 1898, received the Ph.B. degree
from the University of Chicago, 1902
and the A.M. degree from the same
institution in 1903. In 1928, he received
the William E. Harmon first award
consisting of a gold medal and $400
for scholarly research and educational
publicity. In 1942, he received the
University of Chicago Alumni citation
in recognition of his forty years of
public service. Howard University con-
ferred upon him the honorary degree,
D.Litt, in 1943.

During his long and useful life, Mr.
Work served as Professor of Pedagogy
and History at the Georgia State In-
dustrial College, Savannah, Ga., 1903-
08; was founder and Director of the
Department of Records and Research,
Tuskegee Institute 1908-38, from which
he issued nine editions of the Negro
Year Book. He was retired in 1938
and became Director Emeritus of the
Department of Records and Research.
In 1928, his Bibliography of the Negro
in Africa and America, was published,
which is the most extensive biblio-
graphical reference ever issued on mat-
ters pertaining to Negro life.

From 1938 to 1943, Mr. Work worked
continuously on another and more
comprehensive bibliography of world-
wide scope and from the point of view
of the contact of races and cultures,
entitled, A Bibliography of European
Colonization, and the Resulting Con-
tacts of Peoples, Races, Nations and
Culture. His death prevented his com-
pleting this work.

A valuable and unique collection of
sociological and historical material,
Is that in the Department of Records
and Research at Tuskegee Institute,
Alabama, where a systematic day by

THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

day record of what is happening in
the life of the Negro is kept, and
where information is furnished to
persons not only in the United States
but all over the world. Besides con-
tributing to sociological and other
journals, Mr. Work was interested in

all problems relating to the Negro
and was particularly interested in
lynching statistics, which he meticu-
lously kept.

He died at Tuskegee Institute on
May 2, 1945.

DIVISION IV

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

By W. HARDIN HUGHES
Pasadena, California

ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY
EDUCATION

Educational Equalization
A National Problem

In a nation pledged to equal oppor-
tunity for all, the existence of edu-
cational imbalance anywhere becomes
a serious problem. This is especially
true at a time when opportunities not
only to rise but even to enter the var-
ious spheres of economic, cultural, and
civic life are increasingly conditioned
by educational status. Only by equal-
izing educational opportunity and by
providing the normal conditions for
effective incentive can we insure the
other kinds of opportunity so essential
to democratic living. While each com-
munity and State can do much to re-
duce the imbalances that now exist,
the ultimate problem of equalization
is a national one.

Educational Problem
Greatest in Rural America

In rural America, and especially in
that part of it which lies south of
the Mason and Dixon Line, the prob-
lem is greatest. There are between
12,000,000 and 13,000,000 children of
school age born in the rural regions
of America. Considerably more than
half of these children, approximate-
ly 7,500,000, were born in the rural
South, on the farms and in the villages
and towns of less than 2,500 popula-
tion. These constitute three-fourths of
all the children of the South.

In the Southern Region, according
to the United States Census Reports,
the excess of birth rate over death rate
has been sufficient to insure a continu-
ing surplus of population. Especially
is this true in the Cotton Belt of the
South and in wide areas of the south-
ern Appalachians. Within the South,
however, there is a constant migration
from rural to urban centers. The
streams of migrating people sweep on
into other States and, eventually, into
other and distant regions. It has

been pointed out by students of popu-
lation that each generation more than
3,000,000 people born in the South
move to other States than those in
which they were born. All parts of the
South have contributed their share to
the out-of-state movement. The bear-
ing of these facts on the problem of
equalizing opportunity is obvious.
When millions of southern migrants,
whether white or Negro, become citi-
zens of other States in which the peo-
ple are better educated, they find
themselves at a disadvantage in com-
petition for work and positions in
which there are educational require-
ments. For them, public education,
by its regional imbalances, has reduced
their relative status and opportuni-
ties.

Mobility of population, however, has
not been sufficient to counter-balance
the effects of human fertility in the
South. Referring to the 1940 United
States Census Report, we find a much
higher ratio of school-age children to
the general population in the South
than in any other considerable section
of the country. Of the 17 States hav-
ing 250 or more children, ages five to
seventeen years, per 1,000 population,
13 are Southern States. In four of
these — Alabama, Mississippi, North
Carolina, and South Carolina— there
are more than 270 children of
school age per 1,000 population, South
Carolina leading the list with 296.
When we compare this number with
197 in Illinois, 193 in New York, 178
in California, and with an average of
227 in the entire nation, we can com-
prehend the gravity of educational
load in the South. Not only are there
more children in each 1,000 population
to be educated, but the number of
adults to support the educational load
is inversely affected.
Variation in Ability of
States to Support Education

Variation in economic ability to sup-
port education is even more striking
than imbalance in educational load.

r>4

ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION

If the two variables were parallel
and in the same direction, the prob-
lem of equalization would be simpli-
fied; but since load and ability are
inversely related, the difficulty of the
problem is thereby multiplied. Almost
without exception, the areas richest in
number of school-age children are
poorest in amount of wealth and in-
come.

The eight States of the Union in
which income per school-age child is
least — listed in ascending order — are
Mississippi, South Carolina, Arkansas,
Alabama, North Carolina, Georgia,
New Mexico, and Kentucky. Next
above these, in ascending scale, are
Tennessee, Louisiana, Oklahoma, West
Virginia, North Dakota, Virginia, and
Texas. Only one of the thirteen States
usually designated as Southern, name-
ly, Florida, is outside the group of
sixteen in which the financial ability
to support education is least.

Florida, although superior to twelve
other Southern States in this respect,
had in 1940 an income per school-age
child of only $2,094, which is 83 per
cent of the average for the entire
nation. This, however, is large in
comparison with approximately 37 per
cent each for Alabama, Arkansas, and
South Carolina, and 28 per cent for
Mississippi. For the thirteen States
in which Florida stands highest, the
median ability to support public edu-
cation is only 50 per cent of the na-
tional norm. It should be noted in this
connection that the financial ability
to support education in these South-
ern States is a wide variable — three
times as great in the richest as in the
poorest.

Variation in Effort of
States To Support Schools

In the South, as in other regions of
the United States, the effort made by
the several States to support educa-
tion is a variable. In the light of data
published by the National Industrial
Conference Board for the year 1940,
we make the following observations:

In terms of per cent of their total in-
come which goes to the support of
their public schools in thirteen South-
ern States, the financial effort to sup-
port education in these States is
fairly representative of the country
at large. On this basis, five States —
Virginia, Florida, Arkansas, Georgia,
and Tennessee — are somewhat below
the average for the forty-eight States,
the index numbers for effort in the
five being 81, 84, 92, 95, and 98, re-
spectively. The financial effort of Tex-
as and Louisiana is represented by an
index of 105 each in comparison with
100 for the nation as a whole.

The remaining six States of this
Southern group, in ascending order ac-
cording to effort — Alabama, North
Carolina, South Carolina, Mississippi,
West Virginia, and Oklahoma — have
effort indexes of 107, 111, 111, 133, 133,
and 144, respectively. While three of
these States — Mississippi, West Vir-
ginia, and Oklahoma — stand high on
the scale of financial effort, it is not
correct to conclude that the Southern
States are characterized by extraor-
dinary effort. More than a third of
these States, in fact, are not up to the
average degree of effort of the other
States of the nation. To thirteen
Western and Mississippi Valley States
belong the credit for greatly exceeding
the normal degree of effort in support-
ing their public schools. The median
index of effort for this group of non-
Southern States is 130 as compared
with 105 for the thirteen Southern
States indicated above.

Variation In Educational
Expenditures by States

The wide variation in expenditures
for public elementary and secondary
schools, together with the per cent
of total income spent for public edu-
cation in the several States, may be
seen in table 1. It will be noted that
the States which support a dual
system of segregated schools, with few
exceptions, spend the least for class-
room instruction.

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

Table 1.

Comparative Expenditures For Public Elementary and Secondary School
Education 1939-1940.

Expenditure Per
Average "Stand-
ard Classroom"
for the Year

State

Per Cent of
Income Spent
for Education

Expenditure Per
Average "Stand-
ard Classroom"
for the Year

State

Per Cent of
Income Spent
for Education

$4150
3592
3281
2535
2454
2374
2364
2271

New York
California
New Jersey
Connecticut
Massachusetts
Rhede Island
Nevada
Illinois

2.61
2.64
2.88
1.89
2.20
2.02
2.21
2.30

1526
1520
1503
1495
1395
1382
1378
1316

Iowa
Kansas
New Mexico
Idaho
"Texas
Nebraska
Vermont
*West Virginia

3.15
3.63
4.27
3.34
2.71
3.09
2.46
3.43

2248
2245
2168
2100
2056
2042
1909
1895

*Delaware
Washington
Arizona
Michigan
Pennsylvania
Ohio
Wisconsin
Oregon

1.90
2.63
3.55
2.30
2.49
2.43
2.63
2.53

1291
1256
1255
1222
1221
1107
1046
922

"Florida
"Louisiana
"Missouri
Maine
"Oklahoma
South Dakota
"South Carolina
"North Carolina

2.15
2.71
2.55
2.20
3.69
4.14
2.86
2.84

1820
1793
1778
1772
1769
1754
1742
1595

Wyoming
New Hampshire
Minnesota
Indiana
Colorado
Montana
Utah
*Maryland

3.16
2.24
3.10
2.69
2.95
3.30
3.63
1.78

910

862
819
800
748
' 732
509
448

North Dakota
"Virginia
"Georgia
"Tennessee
"Alabama
"Kentucky
"Arkansas
"Mississippi

3.41
2.09
2.45
2.51
2.74
2.45
2.37
3.41

1600

United States

2.57

Sources: American Council on Education Report, 1944 and National Conference Board

Record, 1941.

*States in which Negro-White Segregation prevails.

Problem Increased By
Dual System of Education

Still further complicating the prob-
lem of equalization in education, is
the dual system of segregated schools
in the South. This system, doubly en-
forced by law and by mores even less
flexible than law, exists throughout
the Southern and Border States and
in the District of Columbia. Approxi-
mately four-fifths of all Negroes in
the United States have had access to
none other than segregated schools
for their public education. To thou-
sands of Negroes in the South, not
even segregated schools have been
available.

How important, then, that we con-
sider the extent .to which equality of
opportunity is provided in the general
set-up and practices of this bifurcated
system. Not only do the recent de-
cisions of the courts suggest the wis-
dom of such consideration, but the
interests of all, in the long run, re-
quire thtot we concern ourselves more
seriously with the problem of equaliza-

tion. Since there is, as many informed
citizens in the South believe and as
all comparative surveys show, a gen-
eral tendency to make provision for
white children first, to the neglect
of Negro children, the facts should
be carefully examined with a view to
bringing practice more nearly in line
with the American democratic creed.

EDUCATIONAL DISCRIMINATION

Educational Discrimination
As Seen By Southern Editor

In an editorial of the Jackson, Mis-
sissippi, Daily News of June 4, 1942,
the general fact of educational dis-
crimination in the South is fairly
stated as follows:

"There has been deliberate neglect
of school facilities for Negroes in Hinds
County and in all counties throughout
the state, and in the South generally.
. . . This negligence has been quite
bad enough in Jackson, but in the rural
portions of the county, where we have
a white population of only 5,331 as
compared with a Negro population
of 24,094, school facilities for Negro
children are pitifully inadequate. . . .

EDUCATIONAL DISCRIMINATION

Despite the fact that our enrollment
of educable children is 43 per cent
white and 57 per cent Negro, the Negro
schools get only 9 per cent of the
budget and white schools get 91 per
cent. This is not only shameful, but
in flagrant violation of decisions of the
United States Supreme Court."
While discrimination is known to
be great in matters pertaining to the
education of Negroes throughout many
States of the South, the discrimina-
tion is not equally great everywhere.
But first let us get the general pic-

ture by examining the comparative
expenditures per standard classroom
unit in the segregated schools of the
South. Table 2, derived from data in
Public School Expenditures, by Norton
and Lawler and published by the
American Council on Education in
1942, reveals significant imbalances.
While the correlation between ex-
penditures and excellence in education
is not perfect, it is nevertheless posi-
tive and significant.

Table 2. .

Percentage Distribution of Classroom Units According to Levels of Current
Expenditures in Public Elementary and Secondary Schools, 1939-1940

"Northern"

17 Southern

Southern

Expenditure Level

United States

States

States
&D.C.

States
&D. C.

States
&0. C.

White

Negro

$6000—6099 . . .

.08

.13

5500—5999

.03

.08

5000—5499...

.12

.19

4500-^1999

.40

.62

.02

.03

4000—4499 . . .

5.33

8.56

.00

.'{500—3999

3.77

5.86

.16

.21

3000—3499 . .

6.93

9.75

2.36

2.48

1.51

2500-2999

9.76

14.79

1.48

1.57

1.17

200)— 2499..

12.78

17.91

4.33

4.95

2.26

1500-1999

16.59

18.97

12.69

15.93

2.00

1000—1499..

19.47

13.04

30.07

36.62

8.13

500—999

19.26

9.73

34.93

35.70

32.36

0— 499

5.49

.27

14.06

2.56

52.59

Total Per Cent...

100.0

Median

$1674

$2224

$1015

$1160

$476

Source: Public School Expenditures by John K. Norton and Eugene S. Lawler,

American Council on Education, 1944.

Explanation: By "classroom unit" is meant: Thirty children enrolled in elementary
or grammar school with twenty-seven in average daily attendance; or twenty-seven
enrolled in high school, with twenty-five in average daily attendance. Read as follows:
.08 of 1.00 per cent of the standard classroom units in the United States cost $6,000
or more per unit; while the median expenditure per standard classroom in the United
States was $1,674. The other columns are to be read in the same way.

The contrasts in support of schools
for white and Negro schools are appal-
ling. It will be noted in columns 4 and
5 of table 2, for example, that the
median expenditure per standard
classroom unit in schools for white
children is $1,160 as compared with
$476 for Negro children. Only 2.56
per cent of classrooms in the white
schools fall below the $500 cost level
while 52.59 per cent of the classrooms
for Negro children are below this level.
By totaling the appropriate numbers,
it will be noted that 61.8 per cent of
classrooms for white children cost

$1,000 or more per classroom unit
while only 15.1 per cent of the class-
rooms for Negro children are at this
cost level.

In table 3 may be seen the thirteen
Southern States ranked according to
the median expenditure for each per
standard classroom unit. The ratio of
imbalance for each State is also given.
In column 1 of the table, it will be
noted that Texas ranks first in median
expenditure per unit as indicated by
$1,395 in contrast with Mississippi's
$448.

r,s

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

Table 3.

Southern States Ranked According to Expenditures Per Standard Classroom
Unit, School Year, 1939-40

Median Expenditure
Per Unit

2
Median Expenditure Per Classroom Unit In White
and Negro Schools Compared

Difference Between White
and Negro Expenditure Per
Classroom Unit

White and Negro Schools
Combined

White Schools

Negro Schools

State

Dollars

State

Dollars

State

Dollars

State

Dollars

Tex.
W. Va.
Fla.
La.
Okla.
S. C.
N.C.
Va.
Ga.
Tenn.
Ala.
Ark.
Miss.

1395
1316
1290
1255
1220
1022
942
876
819
807
748
508
448

Fla.
Tex.
La.
W. Va.
S. C.
Okla.
N.C.
Va.
Ga.
Ala.
Tenn.
Miss.
Ark.

1478
1469
1376
1323
1294
1220
962
951
945
840
821
784
577

W. Va.
Okla.
Tex.
Tenn.
N.C.
Fla.
Va.
S. C.
La.
Ga.
Ala.
Ark.
Miss.

1250
1221
724

676
599
598
548
432
352
321
303
265
154

Okla.
W. Va.
Tenn.
Ark.
Va.
Ala.
Ga.
Miss.
N.C.
Tex.
S.C.
Fla.
La.

—1

73
145
312
403
537
624
630
695
745
862
880
1024

Median

State

942

Median

State

962

Median
State

548

Median
State

624

Source: Public School Expenditures in the United States by John K. Norton and
Eugene S. Lawler, American Council on Education, 1944.

These figures are for white and
Negro classrooms combined. The range
of expenditure per classroom unit in
the Negro schools of these Southern
States, as will be noted in section 2
of the table, is much greater. West
Virginia with a median expenditure
of $1,250 contrasts sharply with Mis-
sissippi's $154. In other words, West
Virginia, during the normal school
year 1939-40, paid eight times as much
as Mississippi for each Negro class-
room unit. Other striking comparisons
may be seen in the same column. Vir-
ginia, North Carolina, and Georgia,
for example, spent less than half as
much as West Virginia per unit, while
Alabama spent only one-fourth as
much.

Not only is there a wide variation
in the expenditures for Negro educa-
tion in these States, but the ratios of
imbalance between expenditures for
Negro and white classrooms are sig-
nificant. Only one State of the thir-
teen, Oklahoma, as can be seen in sec-
tion 3 of table 3, had equalized ex-
penditures for Negro and white class-
rooms. In Mississippi during the same
period, 5.1 times as much was paid per
white classroom unit as per Negro

unit; while the median State, Ar-
kansas, spent 2.2 times as much per
white as per Negro classroom.

The following significant statement
is quoted from Norton and Lawler's
Unfinished Business in American Edu-
cation: "In the United States there
are 1,723,642 children of average daily
attendance in 80,946 classroom units
which are supported at a level of less
than $600 a year. The seventeen states
which maintain separate schools for
white children and Negroes contain
92 per cent of such classroom units;
in the other 31 states only 8 per cent
are found.

"The classroom units costing less
than $600 a year in the United States
are accounted for as follows:

"1. Sixty-nine per cent (44,993 class-
room units with an attendance of
1,270,881 children) are for Negro
children in the seventeen states
maintaining dual school systems.
"2. Twenty-three per cent (18,250
classroom units with an attend-
ance of 383,981 children) are for
white children in the seventeen
states with dual systems.
"3. Eight per cent (6,703 classroom
units with an attendance of 68,780
children) are for children in the
31 states which do not maintain
dual school systems."

EDUCATIONAL DISCRIMINATION

Imbalance In Salaries for
White and Negro Teachers

The variables in teachers' salaries
are no less conspicuous than the vari-
ables in total school expenditures. In
Table 4, comparisons for white and
Negro teachers in eleven Southern
States are given. For the pre-war
year, 1939-40, it will be noted in table
4, the salaries of white and Negro
teachers in the public schools of these
States were $910 and $504, respective-
ly. The ratio of white to Negro salar-
ies ranged from practically 1.0 in
Oklahoma to 3.5 in Mississippi, the
median ratio for the eleven States ap-

proximating 1.8. In other words, the
average white teacher in these States
received a salary 80 per cent greater
than that of the average Negro teach-
er. A careful survey of salary differ-
entials in the Southern States reveals
that approximately $25,000,000 annual-
ly would have to be added to the sal-
aries of Negro teachers to bring them
up to the level of salaries received by
white teachers. If, however, both sal-
aries and teaching loads had been
equalized, more than $30,000,000 would
have been required in addition- to the
amount actually spent for public edu-
cation in the Southern States.

Table 4.
Comparative Salaries of White and Negro Public School Teachers, 1939-1940

Annual Salaries

White and Negro Salary

White Teachers

Negro Teachers

State

Dollars

State

Dollars

State

Dollars

La.

1193

Okla.

971

Okla.

Tex.

1153

Tex.

667

Ark.

263

Fla.

1147

N.C.

645

N.C.

265

Okla.

998

Va.

608

Va.

300

S.C.

953

Fla.

583

Ala.

466

N.C.

910

La.

504

Tex.

486

Va.

908

Ala.

408

Ga.

498

Ga.

901

Ga.

403

S.C.

562

Ala.

874

S.C.

391

Fla.

564

Miss.

821

Ark.

375

Miss.

586

Ark.

638

Miss.

235

La.

689

Median

State

910

State

504

State

486

Difference Between

Source: Data in Report of Southern States Work-Conference on School Administra-
tive Problems, 1941.

Comparative Teaching Loads
In White and Negro Schools

Comparing the actual numbers of
children enrolled in the classes of
white and Negro teachers, we find
that the white teacher, on the average,
had a teaching load only 81 per cent
as heavy as the Negro teacher. In
Louisiana, the difference in load was
greatest, being 66 per cent as great for

the white teacher as for the Negro. It
will be noted in table 5 that the av-
erage number of children enrolled in
the Negro classroom of that State was
14 greater than the average number
in the white classroom. Referring to
table 4, we find that the average sal-
ary of the white teacher in Louisiana
.was more than twice that of the Negro
teacher.

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

Table 5.
Comparative Teaching Loads in White and Negro Schools 1939-1940

Number of Children Per Teacher

Teacher's Load

White Teacher

Negro Teacher

State

Number

State

Number

State

Number

La.

27.5

Okla.

27.0

Okla.

2.0

Tex.

27.5

Fla.

32.1

Fla.

3.8

S. C.

27.9

Tex.

34.6

N.C.

4.3

Fla.

28.3

Va.

36.8

Va.

5.6

Okla.

29.0

S. C.

38.1

Tex.

7.1

Ga.

31.2

N. C.

38.2

Ga.

8.3

Va.

31.2

Ga.

39.5

S. C.

10.2

Ala.'

31.7

La.

41.8

Ark.

10.3

N. C.

33.9

Ala. *

42.3

Ala.

10.6

Miss.

34.0

Ark.

44.3

Miss.

13.5

Ark.

34.3

Miss.

47.5

La.

14.3

Median

State

31.2

State

38.2

State

8.3

Source: Data in Report of Southern States Work-Conference on School Administrative
Problems, 1941.

Comparative Values of School

Plants for White and Negro Children

In eleven of the Southern States for
which data were available, the ratios
of imbalance in values of school plants
for white and Negro children are
great. The comparative inequalities
may be seen in table 6. It should be
noted that Louisiana, a State in which
the value of school plant per white
child is relatively high for the South,
has the lowest rank of all in the mat-
ter of equalizing school plants for
white and Negro children. The value
of school plant per white child in this
State is 6.7 times the value per Negro

child. Excepting Kentucky, every
State of this group has provided from
2.4 times to 6.7 times as liberally for
white school plants as for Negro school
plants, the median State providing 3.8
times as well for white children as for
Negro children. It will be noted that in
these eleven Southern States, an esti-
mated $265,463,860 would be required
to equalize the Negro school plants to
the level of the white school plants.
Furthermore, it should be said that
even this amount spent for equaliza-
tion would not make the Southern
States school plants equal' to the aver-
age of the country as a whole.

Table 6.

Comparative Values of Public School Plants and Amounts Needed to Equalize
For Whites and Negroes, 1940

Value Per Child Enrolled

Value of School Plant

Amount Needed to

Ratio of White to Negro

Equalize for White and

White

Negro

State

Dollars

State

Dollars

State

Ratio

State

Dollars

Fla.

269

Ky.

118

Kv.

1.2

Ky.

918,803

Tex.

243

Tex.

Va.

2.4'

Ark.

9,253,000

La.

227

Va.

N.C.

3.0

Va.

12,762,520

S. C.

172

Fla.

Tex.

3.4

Ala.

22,065,000

N.C.

164

N.C.

Ark.

3.6

Fla.

22,673,900

Miss.

162

La.

34 .

Ga.

3.8

Ga.

26,188,200

Va.

142

Ga.

Ala.

4.8

N.C.

30,045,600

Ky.

139

S. C.

Fla.

4.9

S. C.

30,129,540

Ga.

129

Ark.

S. C.

5.2

La.

33,199,900

Ala.

116

Miss.

5.8

Tex.

38,131,900

Ark.

111

Ala.

La.

6.7

Miss.

40,095,500

Median

11 States

State

162

State

3.8

Combined

265,463,860

Source: Data in Report of Southern States Work-Conference on School Administrative
Problems, 1941.

EDUCATIONAL DISCRIMINATION

(il

Imbalances in Training

For White and Negro Teachers

The comparative quality of educa-
tion provided in white and Negro
schools is affected by the training of
white and Negro teachers in the
schools of the South. Whether we

consider the per cent of teachers who
have completed four or more years of
college study or the per cent who have
less than two years of college educa-
tion, the differences are greatly in
favor of the white teachers. In tables
7 and 8, the comparative educational
status of teachers is shown.

Table 7. '
Comparative Education of White and Negro Public School Teachers, 1940

Had Completed 4 or More Years of College

Difference in Percentage of White

White Teachers

Negro Teachers

and Negro Teachers in This Respect

State

Per Cent

State

Per Cent

State

Per Cent

N. C.

83.5

Okla.

65.8

W. Va.

16.2

S.C.

74.5

W. Va.

60.1

Okla.

4.2

Tex.

73.9

N. C.

55.9

Tenn.

4.3

Okla.

70.0

Tex.

54.3

Ark.

11.1

Miss.

62.2

Tenn.

37.8

Va.

14.0

La.

58.5

Va.

34.6

Tex.

19.6

Fla.

52.7

La.

28.9

Ga.

25.6

Ala.

51.9

Fla.

25.7

Fla.

27.0

Va.

48.6

S.C.

22.3

N. C.

27.6

Ga.

47.7

Ga.

22.1

La.

29.6

W. Va.

43.9

Ark.

20.6

Ala.

33.3

Tenn.

42.1

Ala.

18.6

Miss.

52.1

Ark.

31.6

Miss.

9.1

S.C.

52.2

Median

State

52.7

State

28.9

State

25.6

Source: Data in Report of Southern States AVork -Conference on School Administrative
Problems, 1941.

Table 8.
Comparative Education of White and Negro Public School Teachers, 1940

Had Completed Less Than 2 Years of College

White Teachers

Negro Teachers

and Negro Teachers in This Respect

State

Per Cent

State

Per Cent

State

Per Cent

Okla.

0.5

Okla.

0.6

Okla.

0.1

N. C.

0.9

Tex.

3.0

Tex.

0.4

Tex.

2.6

W. Va.

3.3

Ark.

3.7

La.

3.1

N.C.

5.2

Va.

4.0

Va.

5.3

Va.

9.3

N.C.

4.3

Ala.

6.0

Tenn.

19.9

W. Va.

5.6

S.C.

6.9

Fla.

25.4

Tenn.

6.5

W. Va.

8.9

Ark.

32.2

Fla.

8.1

Ga.

10.3

La.

32.8

Ala.

29.6

Miss.

11.0

Ala.

35.6

La.

29.7

Tenn.

13.4

S.C.

40.4

S.C.

33.5

Fla.

17.3

Ga.

48.7

Ga.

38.4

Ark.

28.5

Miss.

84.7

Miss.

73.7

Median

State

6.9

State

25.4

State

6.5

Source: Data in Report of Southern States Work-Conference on School Administrative
Problems, 1941.

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

LEGAL EFFORTS TO EQUALIZE

SALARIES OF WHITE AND

NEGRO TEACHERS

Equalization Suits
In Maryland

In November, 1939, Maryland be-
came the testing ground in a legal
battle destined eventually to outlaw
on Federal Constitutional grounds the
whole system whereby Negro teachers
in the public schools of the Southern
and Border States had been paid lower
salaries than whites for the same kind
of educational services. While this dis-
criminating practice was general in the
South, Maryland was the only State
in which discriminating salary sched-
ules were maintained by statute. Over
a considerable period of time, how-
ever, the Negro teachers and princi-
pals of Maryland had been petitioning
the legislature to repeal the discrimi-
nating statutes and to pass a law pro-
viding for equal salaries.

Equalization Suit In
Montgomery County, Maryland

In 1936, attorneys for the National
Association for the Advancement of
Colored People were requested by the
Negro teachers and principals to take
the necessary legal action to remove
the discrimination. The first case was
in the form of a petition for a writ
of mandamus filed in the Circuit Court
of Montgomery County in the latter
part of 1936 on behalf of William
Gibbs, a Negro teacher-principal, to
require the Board of Education of
Montgomery County to equalize his
salary with the salaries of white em-
ployees of like qualification.

An examination of the records of
the Board of Education of the county
and the scale of salaries revealed that
white high school teachers were re-
ceiving maximum salaries of $1,571,
as compared with $859 for colored
teachers, or a difference of $712; and
that white elementary teachers were
receiving maximum salaries of $1,362
as compared with $631 for colored ele-
mentary teachers, or a difference of
$731. Incidentally, these proportional
differences in Montgomery County at
that time were fairly representative
of the differences in other counties of
Maryland; but much less than those
prevailing in the Southern States more

distant from the border. This case was
settled by an agreement with the
County Board to equalize salaries.

Equalization Suit In
Calvert County, Maryland

A second effort at equalization was
made in Calvert County, Maryland, in
November, 1937, and here as in Mont-
gomery County, the legal case was set-
tled out of court through an agree-
ment by the Board of Education to
equalize salaries. While further ac-
tions in other parts of the State were
in the offing, they were withheld pend-
ing the approaching meeting of the
legislature in which it was hoped sal-
aries would be equalized by statute.
Instead, the legislature increased the
salary scale for white teachers, but
refused to do anything about the Negro
salaries, thereby increasing the differ-
ential.

Thereupon, action for an injunction
was filed in the District Court of the
United States for the District of Mary-
land by Walter Mills, plaintiff, for an
injunction to restrain the State Board
of Education from distributing the
"Equalization Fund" of Maryland be-
cause of the discriminatory salary
schedules in the Maryland code. Mo-
tion to dismiss was filed by the State
officials. After argument, Judge W.
Calvin Chestnut rendered an opinion
on March 1, 1939, that the complaint
should be dismissed unless the County
Board of Education was a party.

The opinion of Judge Chestnut
marked the first court opinion on the
point of discrimination in teachers'
salaries. This case also marks the first
trial on the merits of such considera-
tion and the decision is the first of
its kind. The purpose of the plaintiff
was to have the salary schedule in the
statutes of Maryland declared uncon-
stitutional and to secure an injunc-
tion.

The groups backing the contest for
equalization of salaries pointed out
that the differential of a half-million
dollars in Maryland alone was a seri-
ous economic handicap not only to the
Negro teachers, but to Negro citizens
generally. The point was emphasized
that the equalization in Montgomery
County alone had brought an addition
of some thirty thousand dollars an-
nually into the pay envelopes of Negro

LEGAL EFFORTS TO EQUALIZE SALARIES

teachers and that a subsequent survey
disclosed that this money went into
purchase and improvement of homes,
the education of children, and the im-
provement of the teachers themselves
through advanced training.

Equalization Suit In

Anne Arundel County, Maryland

In November of the same year, Wal-
ter Mills sought in the District Court
an injunction to restrain the Board of
Education of Anne Arundel County
and George Fox, County Superintend-
ent of Schools, "from making any dis-
tinction solely on the grounds of race
or color in the fixing of salaries paid
white and colored teachers and prin-
cipals in the schools of Anne Arundel
County." The jurisdiction of the Fed-
eral Court was sought under the so-
called Civil Rights statutes, title 8, sec-
tions 41 and 43.

In the decision of the court, favor-
able to the plaintiff, Judge Chestnut
declared: "The court is not determin-
ing what particular amounts of sal-
aries must be paid in Anne Arundel
County, either to white or colored
teachers individually, nor is the Board
in any way to be prohibited by the
injunction in this case from exercis-
ing its judgment as to the respective
amounts to be paid to individual teach-
ers based on their individual qualifi-
cations, capacities and abilities. It is
only enjoined from discrimination in
salaries on account of race or color."

Following the decision of the United
States District Court in Mills vs. Anne
Arundel County Board of Education,
all cases pending in the State courts
of Maryland to compel equalization of
teachers' salaries were dismissed with
the stipulation that equal salaries
would be paid beginning with the
school year 1940-1941. The decision
rendered by Judge Chestnut was hailed
everywhere by the believers in Consti-
tutional rights as having far-reaching
significance in that it provided a
standard and precedent not only for
the State of Maryland but for other
Southern States as well.

Suit For Equalization
In Norfolk, Virginia

A case similar to that of Mills' had
been filed in the State courts of Vir-
ginia in 1939, but was denied. An

appeal was prepared, but was not car-
ried out by reason of the fact that the
petitioner was dismissed by the School
Board of the City of Norfolk before
the appeal became perfected. As a
result, the case became moot. Imme-
diately, however, a new case was filed
in the United States District Court,
as the Mills' case had been, on behalf
of Melvin O. Alston against the same
defendants as in the previous case. To
this suit the Board of Education filed
a motion to dismiss chiefly on the
grounds that Alston had signed a con-
tract to teach during the year 1940-
1941 for the alleged discriminatory
salary and by so doing had waived
any right to object to the unconstitu-
tional basis upon which the salary
was fixed. After a full day's argu-
ment, February 12, 1940, the court
sustained a motion to dismiss, basing
its decision upon the "sanctity of con-
tract," holding that one who had vol-
untarily accepted the benefits of a con-
tract could not question the constitu-
tionality of its inception.

Against this view, counsel for Alston
argued, in vain, that where two types
of salary contract are offered — one for
white teachers and another for Negro
teachers — the acceptance by a Negro
of the latter, where he has no choice
as to the former, is not an election or
waiver as to the benefits of. the former.
The tenor of this argument was that
there can be no choice when the Negro
is told that his only alternative is to
accept the only contract offered him
solely because of his race and color,
or refuse to accept the position at all.

The case was then appealed by the
National Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People to the Federal
Circuit Court of Appeals, where the
decision rendered by that court char-
acterized the differentials in salaries
paid white and colored teachers in the
Norfolk public school system as "dis-
criminatory" and in violation of the
Fourteenth Amendment to the Consti-
tution of the United States. Hereupon,
the School Board of the City of Norfolk
carried the case to the United States
Supreme Court, which refused to re-
view the decision of the Circuit Court
of Appeals. This refusal on the part
of the Supreme Court coupled with the
seeming willingness of the defendants
to accept the refusal as final and to
settle with the Negro teachers without

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

further litigation apparently brought
to a successful conclusion another
phase of the struggle of Negroes in
Virginia for equal rights in educa-
tional matters.

The decision in the Alston case,
while strictly applicable only in Nor-
folk, had a persuasive effect on many
other communities in Virginia. Almost
immediately, petitions to obtain the
application of benefits of the decision
in other communities were filed by the
teachers of Richmond, Newport News,
Roanoke and other cities and counties
in Virginia.

Louisiana Teacher
Wins Salary Suit

Miss Edna M. Lee, who had been
dismissed by the Jefferson Parish
School Board following her suit for
salary equalization, was restored to
her position with full pay from the
date of dismissal. In handing down the
decision, District Judge L. Robert Ri-
vardo also ordered that she be paid
legal interest for the accumulated
salary. In the salary suit filed in Fed-
eral Court,_JMarch 27, 1943, Miss Lee
charged that although she had been
employed by the system since Jan-
uary, 1934, her salary at its highest
was only $675 a year. White teachers
were receiving no less than $880 a
year. The principal of her school, the
Kenner Colored School, was receiving
$960 a year as compared with $2,000
received by white principals. Mean-
while, to circumvent the salary suit,
the School Board on May 6, 1943,
abolished the salary schedule and
adopted a resolution implying equal-
ity, by making qualifications, experi-
ence and ability the only require-
ments.

General Effects Of
Equalization Suits

Within the four or five years follow-
ing the Maryland and Virginia deci-
sions, other court opinions similar in
nature were rendered in various parts
of the South. By the end of 1943, the
campaign for teacher pay" equalization
had reached eleven of the thirteen
Southern States and in most of these
States the local Boards of Education
were attempting to follow the man-
dates of the law as a result of court
action. In many places, however, the

transition was taking place gradually
even in those districts which were
directly involved in the suits. Some
time was usually allowed by the courts
for the equalization to be completed.
In North Carolina, $2,700,000 was set
aside to eliminate the pay differen-
tial, the goal to be reached in the fall
of 1945; while in Virginia, 26 of the
100 counties had equalized salaries or
would do so by 1943-44, and plans had
been adopted for such equalization in
19 other counties.

The South Carolina legislature, in
1943, empowered local trustees to set
salaries on the basis of work done
and its value to the districts. The
Legislature of the State also authorized
a 15 per cent increase in salaries for
all teachers, and the State Board in-
creased the maximum salary for Negro
teachers from $60 to $75 a month. This
top salary for Negroes compared with
$100 for whites.

In Texas, the city of San Antonio
was already paying Negro and white
teachers on the same scale; and School
Boards in Austin, Dallas, Wichita
Falls, Palestine and certain other cities
and counties had formulated plans for
the equalization of salaries in from
three to five years. Georgia had not
yet equalized salaries, but a suit was
pending against the Atlanta Board of
Education; nor had Alabama begun a
definite plan for equalizing the sal-
aries of Negro and white teachers in
the public schools of the State. In Ar-
kansas, six counties had begun equali-
zation programs and a suit was pend-
ing against the Little Rock Board of
Education — a suit which, in 1945, was
won by the Negro teachers of the
State.

In Mississippi, the differential in
teacher salaries was decreasing slowly,
white teachers receiving an average of
$90 a month for eight or nine months,
and Negro teachers, $55 a month for
six to eight months. Mississippi's Ne-
gro teachers, however, were being
warned against filing suit for the
equalization of salaries. In a confer-
ence of principals of Negro Schools
held at Jackson College in October,
1943, State Superintendent of Educa-
tion J. S. Vandiver expressed the be-
lief that a resort to court action would
mean the loss of friendship of those
whom, he declared, had given full evi-
dence of their sympathetic interest in

LEGAL EFFORTS TO EQUALIZE SALARIES

Negro education and progress of the
race. Pointing to the advancement ob-
tained in salaries since his election,
eight years before, Superintendent Van-
diver set forth a plan to be presented
to the State Legislature, which, if
adopted, would go into effect in July,
1944, advancing salaries of Negro
teachers to $480 per year in an eight
months' school term. This plan, how-
ever, has not been adopted.

Equalization Suit In
Tampa, Florida

A typical scheme to avoid paying
Negro teachers as much salary as
white teachers receive, under like con-
ditions, was revealed in an equaliza-
tion suit in Tampa, Florida, in the
spring of 1943. The Hillsborough
County School Board, involved in the
suit, contended that lower salaries for
Negroes were justifiable for the fol-
lowing reasons: (1) it costs the Negro
teacher less to acquire the qualifica-
tions to teach; (2) living costs for
Negro teachers are less than for white
teachers; (3) the principle of supply
and demand should be taken into ac-
count since more Negro teachers are
available; (4) Negro teachers in Hills-
borough County are in the highest
income brackets in their race, while
white teachers are in the lowest
bracket; and, finally, (5) under the
new schedule, it was claimed, no dis-
crimination was really made because
each teacher received salary in pro-
portion to her worth to the system.
This worth of the teacher was deter-
mined, it was claimed, by a rating
technique in which three classifica-
tions were used — Al, A2 and A3.
Teachers qualifying for Al rating re-
ceived highest salaries while teachers
in the A3 classification received the
lowest salaries. It was pointed out, in
criticism of the administration of the
scheme, that almost all white teachers
were in the Al category while the
teachers in A3 were almost exclusively
colored. Federal Judge John W. Hol-
land, as expected, upheld the conten-
tion of the Negro plaintiffs that they
were discriminated against in the mat-
ter of salaries.

Equalization Suit In
Charleston, South Carolina

In February, 1944, a consent order
permanently enjoining the Charleston

city school authorities from discrimi-
nating between white and Negro teach-
ers in pay schedules was signed by
Federal District Judge J. Waites War-
ing in Charleston. It was provided in
this order that 50 per cent of the
differences be met at the beginning of
the 1944-45 school term in September
and that salaries be fully equalized
at the beginning of the 1946-47 school
term, beginning in September, 1946.
Under this order, a Negro teacher re-
ceiving $50 a month on the unequalized
basis would receive $75 a month for
the 1944-45 and 1945-46 school terms,
but at the beginning of the 1946-47
term she would receive $100, that is,
if the salary of the white teacher
under similar circumstances was $100
as formerly.

Equalization Suit In
Little Rock, Arkansas

The fight of Negro teachers in Little
Rock, Arkansas, for equal salaries was
carried to the United States Circuit
Court of Appeals for the Eighth Dis-
trict in May, 1945. The Little Rock
teachers had filed their original suit
in the United States Court for the
Eastern District of Arkansas in Sep-
tember, 1942. They charged that Negro
teachers with the same training and
experience, performing essentially the
same duties, were being paid less than
white teachers and that the differen-
tial was due solely to race and color.
On March 10, 1944, Judge Trimble de-
cided against the Negro teachers and
gave judgment for the defendant
School Board. It was from this deci-
sion that the Negro teachers appealed
to the Circuit Court of Appeals and
obtained a reversal of the decision
of the lower court. After the decision,
all salaries in the Little Rock city
schools were increased, but the sal-
aries of Negroes were increased most.
This was the first case of the kind
to be carried to the Appellate Court.

Equalization Suit In
Newport News, Virginia

In May, 1945, Judge Sterling Hutche-
son of the Federal District Court ren-
dered an opinion in the case of the
Negro teachers in the Newport News
school system against the Newport
News School Board in which he said
the Board had not complied with the

(16

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

order of the Court to equalize salaries
of white and Negro teachers and that
an order would be prepared charging
the Board with contempt of court. The
original case was instituted in the Fed-
eral District Court in 1942. Following
hearing of the testimony, an order of
the Court was entered in January,
1943, enjoining any differential, based
solely upon race or color, in payment
for services rendered. Failure of the
Newport News Board to comply with
this order resulted in a further suit
filed in May, 1944, to force compliance,
and it was in consequence of this suit
that Judge Hutcheson rendered his
latest decision. The failure of the
Board to comply with the earlier de-
cisions of the court entailed consid-
erable expense to the Newport News
district: To its own lawyer, $6,000; to
law attorney for teachers, $3,000; to
court costs, $1,000; and to back pay
for the Negro teachers, $21,000.

Southern Editorial Comment
On Court's Decision In
Newport News Equalization Case

Commenting on the opinion rendered
by Judge Hutcheson in the Virginia
equalization case, the Newport News
Press, May 28, 1945, editorially de-
clared: "The decision is just another
episode in the progress of democracy
toward the higher reaches. It is an-
other step towards equality of treat-
ment under the law of a segment of
our people that, in some places in the
South, constitutes fifty per cent of the
population, and locally, as much as
thirty-five per cent. It is another in-
stance of government in a Southern
community being forced to do some-
thing that it could have done far bet-
ter out of its own initiative. How
long," the editorial continues, "will
it take the South to realize that it is
being held back by reason of its re-
sistance to improvement in the eco-
nomic and social status of the Negro?
. . . Education — or, rather, the lack
of it— lies at the root of all the de-
ficiencies that beset the South."

Equalization Suit In
Jefferson County, Alabama

In May, 1945, a decision handed
down by Judge T. A. Murphee of the
United States District Court, Birming-
ham, Alabama, declared "unlawful and

unconstitutional" salary differentials
based on race. The suit ending with
this decision mea'nt that beginning
with the September term of school in
Jefferson County, Negro and white
teachers' salaries should be equalized
and based on individual qualifications.
The opinion was rendered in the case
of William J. Bolden, Principal of the
Leeds School. The decree cited decisions
by other Federal Courts which establish
the principle that the Fourteenth
Amendment prohibits any discrimina-
tion because of race. Dr. John E.
Bryan, Superintendent of Jefferson
County public schools, agreed that the
decision was fair and that no appeal
would be made. He gave assurances,
furthermore, that it was the intention
of the School Board to be fair to Negro
teachers and "not to discriminate
against them."

The new salary schedule proposed
immediately by the Jefferson County
Board of Education, however, was dis-
criminatory in that pay was based
upon classification of teachers trained
in "accredited" colleges and those
trained in "approved" institutions.
While this kind of classification seems
to apply equally to Negro and white
teachers, there is a difference. The
Alabama State training institutions
for Negro teachers were not on the
"accredited" list at the time most of
these teachers were receiving their
training, while the State colleges for
the training of white teachers have
long been "accredited." About 80 per
cent of the Negro teachers in Jefferson
County were trained in "non-ac-
credited" colleges; while most of the
white teachers were trained in "ac-
credited" colleges. A year after the
court decision was handed down, the
Negro teachers of Jefferson County
were expressing their dissatisfaction
because of the fact that discrimination
was still practiced against them. The
minimum salary of whites and Negroes
had been equalized, but not the maxi-
mum salaries.

Equalization Of Salary Decisions
In Columbia, South Carolina And
Greenville, South Carolina

In June, 1945, United States District
Judge Waring rendered a similar de-
cision concerning the equalization of
salaries of Negro and white teachers
in Columbia, South Carolina, and in

FEDERAL AID AND EDUCATION

the Richland County School District
No. 1 of that State. While the order
was not to become effective until April
1, 1946, it required that whatever sal-
aries were arranged should be retro-
active to the beginning of the school
year, 1945-46. The Greenville, South
Carolina, School Board anticipating a
similar court order, adopted in August,
1945, a salary schedule based on
ratings achieved by teachers under a
new re-certification plan, thus remov-
ing salary differentials, based on race
and color, from the Greenville city
system.

North Carolina First State
To Equalize Salaries

In the summer of 1944, North Caro-
lina took the final step toward elimi-
nating the differences in salaries of
Negro and white public school teach-
ers. At its June meeting of that year,
the State Board of Education ap-
proved plans for completing the equali-
zation with surplus funds expected at
that time to be on hand during the
1944-45 school year, thus fulfilling a
pledge made a decade before to the
Negroes of North Carolina. While
court decisions in other States seemed
necessary to bring about the equaliza-
tion of salaries, no such court action
in North Carolina was resorted to.
Negro teachers and the State Govern-
ment chose to bring about equalization
under an agreement covering a period
of years.

When the Advisory Budget Commis-
sion met in the fall of 1942 to draw
up the 1943-45 appropriations bill, it
was proposed to the Commission that
it recommend the. wiping out of the
differential during the 1943-45 bien-
nium. The Commission favored adop-
tion of the war bonus to all State em-
ployees and voted to leave for the 1945
General Assembly the final step in re-
moving the differential in teacher sal-
aries. Governor Broughton maintained
that the State could no longer ignore
the final step, since revenues had be-
come sufficient to finance the under-
taking. The Governor's judgment pre-
vailed and the North Carolina prac-
tice, with respect to equalization of
Negro and white teachers' salaries, has
become an example to the States
throughout the South.

Trend In Equalization
Of Salaries

No attempt has been made in the
foregoing accounts to include all court
contests for the equalization of sal-
aries. Those given, however, are typi-
cal and indicate clearly the general
trend. In the light of precedents now
well established, any State or Board
of Education can be reasonably cer-
tain, in advance of costly suits, as to
what the final decisions of the Fed-
eral Courts will be. It is to be ex-
pected, however, that certain States
and communities will lag in carrying
out the dictates of the Federal Courts.
Many subterfuges will, in all proba-
bility, be resorted to before anything
approaching equalized salaries will be-
come common in the South.

FEDERAL AID AND EDUCATION

Federal Aid To
Education Needed

While many of the comparisons
made concerning educational imbal-
ances in the public schools are in terms
of 1940 data, and pertain to a "nor-
mal" pre-war period, the imbalances at
the beginning of the post-war period
are equally great. Most of the States
have increased their expenditures for
education, but none of them have done
so to the extent of the inflation of
prices in general. Education, like
many other things, was rationed dur-
ing the war years. Teachers were
drawn from the classroom into more re-
munerative employment; school build-
ings and equipment were allowed to
deteriorate; and the efficiency of
schools was correspondingly lowered.
The inequalities of educational oppor-
tunity in the public schools still pre-
vail.

How to secure more balanced and
equitable opportunities for Negro and
white children is still a major prob-
lem in America and especially in the
States of the South. While several
States in this region can increase their
effort, thereby providing somewhat
more liberally for the support of their
public schools, Federal aid must be
secured before the South can equalize
educational opportunities even at the
levels of support now prevailing.

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

Legislation For Federal
Aid To Education

As we have seen, communities differ
in their abilities to support education.
Complicating the problem of financing
the schools is the fact that children
and the means for educating them tend
to be locally separated. The States in
which the proportion of children to
the adult population is greatest are,
with minor exceptions, the States in
which the average incomes are small-
est. These and other facts equally
significant explain, in large measure,
why the expenditures for elementary
and secondary schools in the South
are relatively small. Invariably, the
smaller the amount of educational
funds in the South, the greater the
probability that Negro children will
get less than their legitimate share.

Within recent years, several meas-
ures for the Federal aid of education
have been considered by various com-
mittees in Congress. In 1945 and 1946,
there were bills pending in both the
House of Representatives and in the
Senate calling upon the Government
to allocate considerable funds an-
nually to the support of public educa-
tion, based on a formula that would
give the poorest States the greatest
share of the funds. One of these bills
(S-637), introduced by Senator Lister
D. Hill (D) Alabama, and Senator El-
bert D. Thomas (R) Utah, in 1943, pro-
vided that $200,000,000 of the funds
to be appropriated would go to pay-
ment of teachers' salaries and that
$100,000,000 would be apportioned to
the several States on the basis of need.

This, no doubt, was a meritorious
bill and ' one which, in its original
form, could probably have been passed
by the Senate. An amendment, pro-
posed by Senator William Langer (R)
North Dakota, however, caused the bill
to be sent back to the Senate Com-
mittee on Education. The amendment
reads as follows: "Provided, That there
shall be no discrimination of the bene-
fits and appropriations made under the
respective provisions of this act, or in
the state funds supplemented thereby
on account of race, creed or color."

Regardless of what should have been
done, it is evident that the phase, "or
in the state funds supplemented there-
by," is in conflict with the doctrine
of States rights and could, therefore,

be counted upon to jeopardize the en-
tire bill. It is significant that the Sen-
ators who voted for the amendment —
28 Republicans and 12 Democrats —
were, with one or two exceptions,
known opponents of the bill, who really
wanted it killed and who seized upon
the "no discrimination" clause as a
smoke screen for their action.

Southern opposition to Federal aid
for education is usually motivated by
two fears: First, the fear that States
rights will be interfered with; and,
second, that racial segregation in the
public schools will be abolished by
Federal control. Northern reaction-
aries frequently play upon these fears
to defeat measures that would espe-
cially benefit the South. There was
nothing in the bill, however, concern-
ing non-segregation in the schools of
the South. The bill contained careful
and detailed provisions requiring that
wherever there are separate schools
the Negro's share of all the money
appropriated under this bill should
be not less than the Negro's percent-
age of the population. Needless to say,
the Langer amendment was sufficient
to send the bill back to the Senate Com-
mittee on Education, where it has re-
mained. There are some indications
that the friends of the bill will have
it brought out for reconsideration.

SOME BASIC STATISTICS

RELATING TO THE EDUCATION

OF NEGROES *

Years Of School
Completed

The 1940 Census did not secure data
directly on the number of "illiterate"
persons in the United States. The
nearest approach to this information
is available in the data for the num-
ber of years of school completed. There
were, at this date, 10 per cent of the
total Negro population, 25 years old
and over, who had completed no school
years, as compared with 1.3 per cent
for native whites. The percentage of
Negro males with no school years
completed was higher than that for
females: 11.2 and 8.8, respectively.
The relative percentages for native
whites were 1.3 and 1.5, respectively.

*Prom Section on Population by Dr.
Oliver C. Cox.

SOME BASIC STATISTICS RELATING TO EDUCATION

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THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

The median number of years of
school completed by Negroes and na-
tive whites, twenty-five years old and
over, in 1940, were 5.7 and 8.8 respec-
tively. However, there were, in this
age group, 41.3 per cent of the Negroes
who had completed less than 5 years
of school as compared with 7.4 per

cent for native whites. One and two-
tenths per cent of the Negroes had 4
years or more of college, while 5.4 per
cent of the native whites were included
in this category. Table 9 presents this
data. Somewhat similar information
is shown for the States in Table 10.

Table 10.

Years of School Completed By Negroes and Native Whites, 25 Years Old and

Over By States: 1940

STATES

NEGRO

NATIVE WHITE

Median
Years

Per Cent with

Median
Years

Per Cent with

Less than
Five years

School Years

Less than
Five years

No
School Years

Alabama

4.5
7.4
5.2
8.3
8.5
7.6
6.1
7.5
5.2
4.2
7.4
7.7
7.6
8.0
7.9
6.2
3.9
7.8
5.8
8.0
7.6
8.4
4.7
7.2
7.9
8.0
7.8
8.1
7.2
7.3
7.8
5.1

54.1
23.8
46.8
16.1
15.8
20.7
36.5
21.8
46.8
58.6
23.8
20.3
22.5
18.0
19.3
36.5
60.9
18.5
38.1
18.4
21.4
14.4
52.5
27.4
22.0
15.6
19.3
16.0
25.3
27.0
17.3
47.8

13.8
5.0
8.6
3.5
4.4
5.6
9.5
3.7
10.5
14.1
6.2
4.3
5.2
4.7
• 4.9
9.7
21.3
4.8
6.6
7.8
3.9
3.1
11.7
6.1
6.8
3.5
5.7
7.4
5.6
7.8
3.7
11.2
3.3
5.3
6.8
4.6
5.6
10.2
15.6
3.3
8.6
8.0
2.7
2.3
11.8
5.1
. 8.7
4.3
6.1

8.2
9.6
8.1
10.8
9.4
9.1
8.9
12.1
9.5
8.4
9.2
8.8
8.6
8.8
8.8
7.9
8.2
9.6
8.1
10.7
9 0
8.7
, 8.9
8.4
9.1
8.9
10.7
9.1
8.8
8.2
9.0
8.1
8.5
8.8
8.5
9.6
8.6
8.8
8.7
8.7
8.0
9.3
10.7
9.3
8.3
10.0
7.9
8.5
9.9

16.3
9.0
15.3
3.6
6.5
2.1
6.7
2.5
8.3
16.6
4.1
4.5
6.0
3.3
4.5
17.0
21.9
4.6
13.8
2.3
4.7
4.4
10.3
8.2
4.3
4.2
3.6
3.4
4.1
23.2
3.2
18.9
6.4
4.4
11.6
3.8
5.5
4.4
18.0
5.0
17.6
12.6
3.4
4.9
15.6
3.8
14.0
6.3
4.3

3.1
1.6
2.2
0.5
1.3
0.4
1.0
0.4
1.4
2.9
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.4
0.6
3.3
8.0
1.2
2.6
0.5
0.6
0.5
2.0
1.2
0.5
0.4
0.6
0.7
0.7
7.0
0.8
3.9
0.7
0.6
1.8
0.5
0.8
0.8
3.1
0.5
3.2
3.0
0.6
1.3
3.4
0.5
2.5
0.6
0.8

Arkansas

California

Colorado

Connecticut
Delaware

District of Columbia
Florida

Georgia
Idaho .

Illinois

Indiana.

Iowa

Kansas

Kentucky

Louisiana

Maine

Maryland.

Massachusetts

Michigan

Minnesota... .

Mississippi. . .

Missouri

Montana. ..

Nebraska

Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey

New Mexico.

New York
North Carolina

North Dakota

Ohio

7.4
7.0
8.3
7.1
7.6
3.9
7.3
5.8
6.1
8.4
8.0
5.0
8.1
6.5
7.5
7.9

24.4 '
28.9
16.2
25.6
23.2
62.4
18.3
40.1
36.4
15.5
15.7
48.2
18.5
33.6
21.6
20.1

Oklahoma

Oregon . . .

Pennsylvania . . .

Rhode Island
South Carolina

South Dakota

Tennessee
Texas

Utah

Vermont
Virginia

Washington
West Virginia

Wisconsin
Wyoming

Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1940.

SOME BASIC STATISTICS RELATING TO EDUCATION

School Attendance

As shown in Table 11 the number
and percentage of Negroes under 20
years of age attending school has been

constantly increasing. In 1900, 31 per
cent of the Negroes 5 to 20 years of
age were attending school; in 1940,
this percentage more than doubled,
64.4.

Table 11.

Negroes 5 to 20 Years of Age Attending School For the United States

1900 to 1940

Year

Total Number

Attending School

Number

Per cent

1940

4,188,500
4,128,998
3,796,957
3,677,860
3,499,187

2,698,901
2,477,311
2,030,269
1,644,759
1,083,516

64.4
60.0
53.5
44.7
31.0

1930

1920

1910 .

1900

Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1940.

Statistics Of Education Of
Negroes 1941-42 And 1943-44*

"This is a brief summary of informa-
tion on public elementary and sec-
ondary education of Negroes in 17
Southern States and the District of
Columbia for the years 1941-42 and
1943-44.

"The outstanding features of these
statistics are:

"1. Enrollments have decreased at
both elementary and secondary levels.
The secondary enrollments show a de-
cline due to the boys entering the
Army and the ease with which both
boys and girls could secure employ-
ment during war years.

"2. The length of school term in-
creased from approximately 157 to 164
days, an average of 7 days between
1941-42 and 1943-44.

"3. The percentage of the total num-
ber of pupils who were in high school
grades decreased from 11.4 per cent
to 10.9 per cent of the enrollment.

"4. Although there was a decrease
of 21 per cent from 1941-42 to 1943-44

*Prepared by David T. Blose, Associate
Specialist in Educational Statistics, Re-
search and Statistical Service, U. S. Of-
fice of Education.

in the number of Negro pupils enrolled
in the 12th grade, there was a de-
crease of only 9 per cent in the num-
ber of pupils graduating from high
school, showing an increase in the
holding power of the Negro high
school.

"5. There has been a slight increase
in the number of teachers. Coupled
with the decline in enrollment, the
pupil-teacher load decreased from an
average of 37 to 35.

"6. Teachers' salaries have increased
approximately 50 per cent since 1939-
40. The per cent of increase being
greater in the separate schools for
Negroes than in the separate schools
for white pupils or in schools for all
pupils.

"7. The total value of property for
schools for Negroes reported by 10
States increased during the biennium
from approximately $95,000,000 to $99,-
000,000. This increase in value and the
decrease in enrollment account for the
increase in the value of property per
pupil.

"8. The statistics in the accompany-
ing tables show a general improvement
in educational opportunities for Negro
children."

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

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THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

Secondary Schools Approved By
The Southern Association Of
Colleges And Secondary Schools*

At its meeting of March 25-28, 1946,
in Memphis, Tennessee, the Executive
Committee of the Southern Association
of Colleges and Secondary Schools ap-
proved the secondary schools listed
below: ,J(

ALABAMA:

Drewry Practice High School, Tal-

ladega (1933)

Mobile County Training School, Pla-
teau (1934)

Oakwood College H. S. Huntsville

(1946)

Rosedale High School, Homewood

(1946)

Snow Hill Institute, Snow Hill (1946)

Southern Normal School, Brewton

(1939)

State A. & M. Institute, High School

Department, Normal (1931)

State Teachers College, High School

Department, Montgomery (1931)

Trenholm High School, Tuscumbia

(1946)

Tuscaloosa Industrial High School,

Tuscaloosa (1943)

Tuskegee Institute High School, Tus-

kegee (1931)
FLORIDA:

Booker T. Washington High School,

Miami (1940)

Dorsey High School, Miami (1946)

Dunbar High School, Ft. Myers (1941)

Florida A. & M. Experimental High

School, Tallahassee (1942)

Lincoln High School, Tallahassee

(1942)

Stanton High School, Jacksonville

(1931)
GEORGIA:

Athens High and Industrial School,

Athens (1946)

Ballard Normal High School, Macon

(1933)

Booker T. Washington High School,

Atlanta (1932)

Cedar Hill High School, Cedartown

(1946)

Center High School, Waycross (1946)

Douglass High School, "Thomasville

(1946)

Emery Street High School, Dalton

(1942)

Fair Street High School, Gainesville

(1946)

Gillespie-Selden High School, Cordele

(1939)

Hubbard Training School, Forsyth

(1946)

Boggs Academy, Keysville (1942)

Moultrie Negro High School, Moul-

trie (1942)

Risley High School, Brunswick (1932)

Spencer High School, Columbus

(1941)

Statesboro Industrial High School,

Statesboro (1946)

Howard Warner High School, New-
nan (1946)

*Source: The Southern Association Quar-
terly 10:272-75 My'46.

KENTUCKY:

Attucks High School, Hopkinsville
(1936)

Central High School, Louisville (1932)
Douglass High School, Henderson
(1943)

John G. Fee Industrial High School,
Maysville (1935)

Lincoln High School, Paducah (1936)
Lincoln Institute, Lincoln Ridge (1937)
Oliver Street High School, Winches-
ter (1934)

Paul Laurence Dunbar High School,
Lexington (1931)

Rosenwald High School, Madisonville
(1942)

State Street High School, Bowling
Green (1942)

Western High School, Paris (1946)
Western Junior-Senior High School,
Owensboro (1933)

William Grant High School, Coving-
ton (1932)

LOUISIANA:

Gilbert Academy, New Orleans (1935)
Sacred Heart High School, Lake
Charles (1940)

Southern University, High School De-
partment, Scotlandville (1937)
Xavier University, High School De-
partment, New Orleans (1937)

MISSISSIPPI:

Alcorn A. & M. College, High School
Department, Alcorn (1936)
Harris High School, Meridian (1946)
Mary Holmes High School, West
Point (1943)

Southern Christian Institute, High
School Department, Edwards (1931)
Tougaloo College, High School De-
partment, Tougaloo (1931)

NORTH CAROLINA:

Allen High School, Asheville (1940)
Atkins High School, Winston -Salem
(1931)

Booker T. Washington High School,
Rocky Mount (1935)
G. W. Carver High School, Kannap-
olis (1946)

Darden High School, Wilson (1942)
Dillard High School, Goldsboro (1937)
Dunbar High School, Lexington (1940)
E. E. Smith High School, Fayette-
ville (1937)

Henderson Institute, Henderson (1946)
Highland High School, Gastonia
(1946)

Hillside Park High School, Durham
(1931)

Immanuel Lutheran College, High
School Department, Greensboro (1937)
James B. Dudley High School, Greens-
boro (1936)

Jordan-Sellars High School, Burling-
ton (1937)

Lincoln Academy, Kings Mountain
(1934)

Mary Potter High School, Oxford
(1932)

Orange County Training School,
Chapel Hill (1941)

Palmer Memorial Institute, Sedalia
(1931)

Second Ward High School, Charlotte
(1937)

Stephens-Lee High School, Asheville
(1936)

Washington High School, Raleigb
(1934)

SOME BASIC STATISTICS RELATING TO EDUCATION

Washington High School, Reidsville
(1936)

William Penn High School, High
Point (1936)

Williston Industrial High School, Wil-
mington (1937)

Joseph Charles Price High School,
Salisbury (1937)

SOUTH CAROLINA:
Avery Institute, Charleston (1933)
Booker Washington High School, Co-
lumbia (1933)

Carver High School, Spartanburg
(1946)

Pinley High School, Chester (1936)
Sterling High School, Greenville
(1945)

Sumter High School, Sumter (1945)
Voorhees N. & I. School, Denmark
(1933)

TENNESSEE:

Austin High School, Knoxville (1934)
Holloway High School, Murfreesboro
(1942)
Howard High School, Chattanooga

Immaculate Mother High School,
Nashville (1945)

Langston High School, Johnson City
(1945)

Pearl High School, Nashville (1941)
Swift Memorial Junior College, High
School Department, Rogersville (1933)
TEXAS:

Anderson High School, Austin (1933)
Booker T. Washington High School,
Houston (1933)

Booker T. Washington High School,
Wichita Falls (1936)
Charlton-Pollard High School, Beau-
mont (1935)

Central High School, Galveston (1933)
Central High School, Jefferson (1937)
I. M. Terrell High School, Fort Worth
(1934)

Kilgore High School, Kilgore (1941)
Phyllis Wheatley High School, Hous-
ton (1933)

Phyllis Wheatley High School, San
Antonio (1933)

St. Peter Claver High School, San
Antonio (1942)

Weldon High School, Gladewater
(1942)

VIRGINIA:

Armstrong High School, Richmond
(1933)

Booker T. Washington High School,
Norfolk (1932)

Christiansburg Industrial Institute,
Cambria (1942)

D. Webster Davis High School,
Ettrick (1941)

Dunbar High School, Lynchburg
(1936)

Frances DeSales High School, Rock
Castle (1940)

George P. Phenix Training School,
Hampton (1933)

Hayden High School, Hayden (1945) *
Huntington High School, Newport
News (1931)

Jefferson High School, Charlottesville
(1942)

Lucy Addison High School, Roanoke
(1940)

Maggie L. Walker High School, Rich-
mond (1942)

Manassas High School, Manassas
(1941)

Parkes-Avon High School, Alexan-
dria (1942)

Peabody High School, Petersburg
(1933)

St. Paul's High School, Fredericks-
burg (1945)

Private High Schools
And Academies, 1945-46

Table 18 lists the private high
schools and academies and gives some
statistics concerning them for the
school year 1945-46. It will be noted
that the total enrollment for the
schools listed in all departments is
18,727; while the total enrollment of
pupils in the high school departments
only is 10,478. These schools have a
total of 825 teachers.

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

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Alabama State Teachers College*. .
Atlanta University
Fisk University
Hampton Institute
Houston College for Negroes*
Howard University
Lincoln University (Missouri)*
North Carolina A & T College
North Carolina College for Negroes
Prairie View State College*
Tennessee State College*
Tuskegee Institute
Virginia State College for Negroes*
Xavier University

tGraduate courses offei
JNot reported.
*Public.
Source: The Journal o

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

Professional Schools

Statistics for the professional schools
for Negroes are shown in table 20.
The following professional curricula
are presented: Law, 3; social work,
2; medicine, 2; dentistry, 2; phar-
macy, 2; library science, 2; journalism,

1; nurse training, 9; veterinary medi-
cine, 1. It is to be observed that almost
the entire burden of professional edu-
cation for Negroes is carried by the
privately controlled institutions, and
that the enrollment for 1945-46 was
1,799.

Table 20f.
Professional Schools and Departments

Name of Institution

Location

President or Head
of Department

1946

No. of Student
Enrolled

1945-46

Schools of Dentistry:
College of Dentistry, Howard University

Washington, D. C

Russell A. Dixon ....

129

Meharry Dental College

Nashville, Tennessee . . .

M. Don Clawson. . . .

128

Schools of Journalism:
School of Journalism, Lincoln University

Schools of Law:
Law Department, Howard University

Jefferson City, Missouri
Washington, D. C

Armistead S. Pride . .
George M. Johnson. .

Law Department, North Carolina College for Negroes .

Durham, North Caro-
lina

A. L. Turner

School of Law, Lincoln University

Jefferson City, Missouri

Scovel Richardson . . .

Schools of Library Science:
Atlanta University

Atlanta, Ga

Rufus E. Clement. . .

North Carolina College for Negroes

Durham, N. C

James E. Shepherd. .

Schools of Medicine:
College of Medicine, Howard University
Meharry Medical College

Washington, D. C
Nashville, Tennessee. . .

Mordecai W. Johnson
M. Don Clawson. . . .

267
235

Schools of Nurse Training:
School of Nurse Training, Florida A. & M. College
School of Nurse Training, Hampton Institute
School of Nurse Training, Howard University

Tallahassee, Florida. . .
Hampton, Virginia
Washington, D. C.

William H. Gray ....
Ralph P. Bridgman . .
Mordecai W. Johnson

76
47
62

School of Nurse Training Meharry Medical College

Nashville, Tenn

M. Don Clawson

104

School of Nurse Training, Oakwood College

Huntsville, Alabama . . .

F. L. Peterson

School of Nurse Training, Prairie View State College. .
School of Nurse Training, Piney Woods Country Life
School

Prairie View, Texas
Piney Woods, Missis-

E. B. Evans

School of Nurse Training, Stillman Institute
School of Nurse Training, Tuskegee Institute

Schools of Pharmacy:
College of Pharmacy, Howard University

sippi
Tuscaloosa, Alabama . .
Tuskegee Institute,
Alabama

Washington, D. C

Lawrence C. Jones. .
A. L. Jackson

F.D.Patterson
Chauncey I. Cooper.

61
92

College of Pharmacy, Xavier University

New Orleans, Louisiana

Lawrence F. Ferring .

Schools of Social Work:
Atlanta School of Social Work

Atlanta, Georgia

Forrester B.

School of Social Work, Howard University

Washington, D. C

Washington
Inabelle Burns Lind-

159

Schools of Veterinary Medicine:
School of Veterinary Medicine, Tuskegee Institute. . .

Tuskegee Institute,
Alabama

say
F. D. Patterson

85
30

Total

1799

fPrepared by the Editor.

Source: Questionnaires sent to the various schools and colleges.

Negro Colleges And Universities

A significant finding of the survey
of the enrollment in Negro colleges and
universities in the fall of 1945, was
that it had reached the highest point
in the history of these 117 institu-
tions. The total enrollment for the
fall term, 1945-46, was approximately
43,878* students. This number is about

ten per cent greater than that in 1941-
42, the previous peak year. It is im-
portant to observe that the more re-
cent peak has been attained despite
the fact that the male enrollment was
still below normal. All indications are
that the enrollment for 1946-47 is very
much greater than the year before in
practically every Negro college and
university.

lThe enrollment of Atlanta University is not included in this number.

HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES

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ited by regional a
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Land Grant Colleg
Questionnair
pp. 185-210;

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THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

Seminaries And Departments
Of Theology

Table 22 indicates that there are at
least 40 Seminaries and Departments
of Theology. An analysis of these
schools, 1945-46, indicates that the
Baptists lead with 20 institutions;

African Methodist Episcopal, 8; Pres-
byterian, 3; Non-Sectarian, 2; Catholic,
1; Disciple, 1; Seventh Day Adventist,
1; African Methodist Episcopal Zion,
1; Methodist, 1; Colored Methodist
Episcopal, 1; and Protestant Epis-
copal, 1.

Table 22f.
Theological Seminaries and Colleges Having Departments of Theology, 1945-46

Name of Institution

Location

Denomination

President or Head
of Department

No. of
Students
Enrolled

Allen University

Columbia, South Carolina

A. M. E

Samuel R Higgins

American Baptist Theological Seminary
Benedict College

Nashville, Tennessee
Columbia, South Carolina

Nat. Baptist
Baptist

Ralph W.Riley.. ..
J. A. Bacoats

Bishop College

Marshall, Texas

Nat. Baptist

Joseph J Rhoads

Bishop Payne Divinity School

Petersburg, Virginia ....

P.E '

Robert A Goodwin

Butler College . .

Tyler, Texas

Baptist

M K Curry Jr

Conroe N. & L College

Conroe, Texas ....

Baptist .

Daniel Payne College

Birmingham Alabama

A. M. E

T E Harper

Florida N. & I. College

St. Augustine, Florida

Baptist

JohnL Tilley

Friendship Junior College

Rock Hill, South Carolina

Baptist...

James H. Goudlock

Gammon Theological Seminary

Atlanta, Georgia

Meth.

John W Haygood

Howard University

Washington, D. C.

Non-Sect

William Stuart

Nelson.

Howe Institute

Memphis Tennessee

Baptist

Chas T Epps

Immanuel Lutheran College

Greensboro, North Caro-
lina

Lutheran

H. Nau...

Johnson C. Smith. ..

Charlotte, North Carolina

Presb

C H Schute

Kittrell College

Kittrell, North Carolina

A. M. E..

E. F. G. Dent

Lampton Theological Seminary
Lane College...

Jackson, Mississippi
Jackson, Tennessee . . .

A. M.E
C. M. E.

S. L. Greene, Jr...,
A. C. Bailey

Leland College

Baker, Louisiana

Baptist

J M Frazier

Lincoln University

Lincoln University,

Pennsylvania

Presb

Horace Mann Bond

Livingstone College

Salisbury, North Caro-

lina

A. M. E. Z

Wm. J. Trent

Mary Allen College

Crockett, Texas

Baptist

G. L. Prince

Morehouse College

Atlanta, Georgia

Nat. Baptist . .

George D. Kelsey

Morris College

Sumter, South Carolina

Nat Baptist

J P Garrick

Morris Booker Memorial College
Morris Brown College

Dermott, Arkansas
Atlanta, Georgia

Baptist...
A M E

W. L. Purifoy. '.'.'. '.'.
W. A Fountain, Jr

22
45

Natchez College

Natchez, Mississippi

Baptist

W. L. Nelson

Oakwood College . .

Huntsville Alabama

7th Day Adv

F L Peterson

Prentiss N. & I. Institute

Prentiss, Mississippi .

Non-Sect.

J. E. Johnson

Quindaro College .

Quindaro Kansas

A M E

Selma University

Selma, Alabama

Nat. Baptist

Wm. H Dinkins

Shaw University . . .

Raleigh North Carolina

Nat Baptist

Robert P Daniel

Shorter-Flipper-Curry College . .

North Little Rock,

Simmons University

Arkansas
Louisville, Kentucky

A. M.E
Miss Baptist

S. S. Morris, Jr
M. B. Lanier

Southern Christian Institute

Edwards, Mississippi . . .

Disciple . ...

John Long

St. Augustine's Seminary. . . .

Bay St. Louis, Mississippi

Catholic

Joseph Busch

Stillman Institute
Virginia Theological Seminary
Virginia Union University
Western Baptist Seminary

Tuscaloosa, Alabama ....
Lynchburg, Virginia
Richmond, Virginia
Kansas City, Missouri . . .

Presb
Nat. Baptist
Nat. Baptist
Baptist

S.V.D
A. L. Jackson
W. H.R.Powell....

J.Malcus Ellison....
Clement Richardson .

46
2
15
16
30

Wilberforce University

Wilberforce, Ohio

A M E.

Charles H Wesley

Total

889

fPrepared by the Editor.

Source: Questionnaires received from the various seminaries and colleges.

(N) — No reports received.

HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES

Summarized Characteristics Of
Students In Negro Colleges

From the National Survey of the
Higher Education of Negroes, pub-
lished by the United States Office of
Education in 1942, we have the fol-
lowing summary concerning the char-
acteristics of Freshmen and Seniors
enrolled in colleges for Negroes. The
survey included 27 selected institu-
tions as follows: Arkansas had 3 in-
stitutions participating; Alabama, Dis-
trict of Columbia, Florida, Louisiana,
North Carolina, South Carolina and
Tennessee, 2 each; and Georgia, Ken-
tucky, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri,
Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Texas, Vir-
ginia, West Virginia, 1 institution
each; 13 were public institutions and
14 were private; 24 offered courses for
4 years and 3 offered courses for 2
years.

The data concerning student per-
sonnel indicated:

1. "That occupational groups in the
general population are dispropor-
tionately represented in the college
population. There is a greater in-
cidence of the following occupa-
tional groups in the college popula-
tion (according to occupations of
fathers) than in the general popu-
lation: professional, business, cler-
ical, skilled labor, personal and do-
mestic service; and a small inci-
dence of the following occupational
groups: farming, semi-skilled labor
and unskilled labor."

2. "That students in Negro colleges
are drawn predominately from
homes of low socio-economic level.
Fully two-thirds of the fathers of
seniors and three-fourths of the
fathers of freshmen are in the fol-
lowing occupational groups: skilled,
semi-skilled, and unskilled labor,
farming, and personal and domestic
service. The median reported in-
come of parents among seniors is
$1,048 per year and among fresh-
men $852 per year."

3. "That students in Negro colleges
are drawn largely from Southern
urban public schools. Eighteen per
cent of the freshmen and 17 per
cent of the seniors attended rural
elementary schools and only 11 per
cent of the freshmen and 12 per
cent of the seniors attended rural
secondary schools."

4. "That a large proportion of stu-
dents in institutions for the higher
education of Negroes supplement
whatever assistance they receive
from their parents by contributing
to their own self-support and by re-
ceiving aid from the college or other
sources. Among the seniors, 81 per
cent report having earned some of
their college expenses and 69 per
cent report having earned one-

fourth or more of their expenses;
52 per cent report having received
some scholarship aid.

5. "That students in institutions for
the higher education of Negroes
perform throughout the range of
standardized psychological and
achievement examinations.

6. "That neither the entering fresh-
men nor the end-of-the-year seniors
in institutions for the higher edu-
cation of Negroes are well informed
with respect to Negro affairs.

7. "That students in Negro colleges
are enrolled largely in arts and
science curricula with relatively
little representation in other fields.

8. "That students in Negro colleges
are preparing predominantly to en-
ter the teaching profession" (but)
"that a large proportion of the sen-
iors who are prepared to teach re-
gard teaching as a temporary or
'stepping stone' occupation. That
the ultimate occupational choices
of freshmen and seniors are pre-
dominantly in the professional and
semi-professional fields.

9. "That seniors in Negro colleges ex-
press an intention to attend non-
segregated graduate institutions and
segregated (Negro) professional in-
stitutions.

10. "That there is a significant rela-
tionship among both freshmen and
seniors between the place of ele-
mentary and secondary schooling
and performance on the tests ad-
ministered. On each of the tests
administered, the highest median
scores are those of freshmen and
seniors who had attended Northern
elementary and secondary schools,
the lowest those of freshmen and
seniors who had attended South-
ern rural schools. Intermediate po-
sitions are held by freshmen and
seniors from border-state schools,
southern private schools, and
southern urban public schools.

11. "That there is a significant rela-
tionship among both freshmen and
seniors between the type of sec-
ondary school attended and par-
formance on the objective tests ad-
ministered. On each of the tests
the median scores of students who
attended non-segregated secondary
schools are significantly higher than
those of the students who had at-
tended segregated schools.

12. "That there is a significant rela-
tionship between the occupation of
fathers and the performance of stu-
dents on the tests administered."

Quality Of Educational Facilities
Provided By Negro Colleges

In the summary volume of the Na-
tional Survey of Higher Education of
Negroes, published in 1943, the twenty-
five representative institutions com-
prising the study were scored in
terms of the institutional pattern de-
veloped by the North Central Asso-
ciation of Colleges and Secondary

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

Schools. Two important implications
are indicated as follows: "The first
is that in terms of the measures here
used, colleges for Negroes in general
are below par in practically every area
of educational service — in faculty com-
petence, organization, and conditions
of service; curriculum and instruc-
tion; student personnel; administra-
tion; and financial support and ex-
penditure. This means that potential
talent is going undeveloped, and that
the nation is being deprived of valu-
able contributions for lack of adequate
higher educational facilities.

"The second implication is that there
are pronounced individual differences

among institutions, and that, in gen-
eral, colleges which rank high on cer-
tain significant items also rank high
on others. There is every indication
that Negroes and their institutions
have the potentialities for develop-
ment equal to those of other groups
and institutions provided adequate fa-
cilities are made available."

The summary ratings for the
twenty-five representative institutions
are indicated in table 23. A median
of 50 on any item would indicate a
rating just as good — no better and no
worse — than that of the average col-
lege in the North Central Association.

Table 23.

Percentile Rankings of the Median Institutions On Given Items; and the Highest
and Lowest Percentile Reached Among the 25 Institutions Studied

Item

Faculty

Doctor's degrees 5

Master's degrees 4

Graduate study 1

Graduate training in teaching subjects 1

Educational experience 1

Learned Societies

Memberships 1

Meetings 1

Programs 16

Form of organization 12

Faculty meetings 3

Student-faculty ratio I

Salaries 1

Tenure 1

Teaching Load 5

Recruitment and Appointment 2

Housing 0

Curriculum

General Education 1

Advanced Education 0

Professional and Technical Education 1

Organization 1

Instruction

Administrative concern 0

Student scholarship 0

Instructional and curricula adjustment 0

Student Personnel Service

Admission

Orientation

Counseling procedures ,

Financial aid

Housing and boarding

Placement 1

Administration

General control 1

Academic administration 0

Administration of special activities 24

Financial Expenditure and Support

Education expenditure per student I

Stable income per student 1

Debt per student 5

Lowest

Median

Highest

Source: National Survey of the Higher Education of Negroes, U. S. Office of Educa-
tion, Washington, D. C., 1942.

HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES

Selected Recommendations
Of Survey Specialists

From the recommendations of the
Survey specialists the following rec-
ommendations are selected:

1. "That higher educational institu-

tions for Negroes project a con-
tinuing study of the socio-econom-
ic factors in the life of their re-
gions, states, and local communi-
ties; and that they apply the find-
ings and conclusions of such study
to their educational programs.

2. "That higher educational institu-

tions for Negroes begin an aggres-
sive attack on the problem of de-
fining their purposes in the light of:
(a) the needs of the students they
enroll; (b) the socio-economic fac-
tors of the area they serve; (c) the
types of institutions they are; and
(d) the principles of democracy
upon which they and our nation
are founded. Furthermore, that
proceedings be instituted for pe-
riodic re-examination of their pur-
poses in order that they may be
kept dynamic and current.

3. "That colleges for Negroes assume

leadership in improving the health
status of Negroes: (a) Through
improved health education and
services for their students; (b) by
developing leaders in health edu-
cation and service; and (c) by par-
ticipating in civic activities de-
signed to improve the health status
of Negroes in their immediate com-
munities and regions.

4. "That colleges for Negroes provide

comprehensive programs of voca-
tional guidance for their students,
based on personnel, institutional,
occupational, and community stud-
ies; that the program of occupa-
tional preparation be characterized
by thoroughness, and be in line with
the exacting demands of modern
times; that the program of occupa-
tional preparation attempt to de-
velop in the students flexibility, im-
agination and dependability; and
that the base of occupational choices
be widened for the students to in-
clude, in addition to the traditional
vocations, consideration of the new-
er occupations in aviation, radio,
agro-biology, chemurgy, motion pic-
tures, photography, refrigeration,
and the many service occupations,
for example.

5. "That colleges utilize the most mod-

ern diagnostic techniques in order
to identify student deficiencies and
individual differences; that they in-
stitute procedures for remedying
these deficiencies; that they adapt
their curriculum and instructional
practices to the educational level
and capabilities of the students
they enroll; and that they provide
for the education of faculty mem-
bers in the application of modern
personnel techniques and the ap-
propriate use of the results.

6. "That colleges for Negroes empha-

size education for home and family

living, including especially instruc-
tion in sex hygiene and marriage,
refinement, good manners, and cul-
ture; that they provide a home-
like atmosphere for the purpose of
instilling good taste and apprecia-
tion for order and beauty; and that
special care be exercised in the
selection of teachers in order that
a good proportion may have, in
addition to high intellectual at-
tainments, a deep sense of obliga-
tion to promote among their stu-
dents high standards of integrity,
morality, and culture.

7. "That institutions for Negroes re-

frain from offering graduate and
professional work in any given field
until general and specific condi-
tions are sufficiently satisfactory to
assure results of acceptable stand-
ard; that institutions considering
themselves qualified to offer gradu-
ate and professional work examine
critically and objectively the need
for such work in their areas, and
explore the possibilities of coopera-
tion with other institutions before
launching a program of graduate
and professional instruction.

8. "That these colleges cooperate with

other colleges in their areas with
a view to developing union library
lists on the Negro and race rela-
tions and arrange inter-library
loans for the use of persons desir-
ing to study the subject; and that
those colleges which have not al-
ready done so inaugurate the scien-
tific study of the Negro and other
races and their contributions to
American and world culture as a
part of the regular curriculum of-
fering.

9. "A concluding recommendation has

to do with action by state and
Federal governments. As education
increasingly becomes a matter of
public concern, deriving its support
from the Federal and state gov-
ernments, it becomes imperative
that public policy and practice re-
garding it shall be guided by the
principle of equal opportunity for
each citizen, and by unselfish in-
terest in the national welfare. It
is only by such an approach that
we can be sure of finding, conserv-
ing, and developing the best of our
human resources for the common
good. It is recommended, therefore,

(a) That, where necessary, state
authorities take steps to insure
that equalization funds of their
state reach the source for which
they are intended.

(b) That states take steps now to
provide equality of educational
opportunity on both the college
and pre -college levels.

(c) That those states which are
temporarily providing out-of-
state scholarships for Negroes
to secure advanced, graduate,
and professional instruction, the
amount granted be sufficient £o
cover the excess expenses of
students, and that the total an-
nual appropriation for such pur-

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

poses be large enough to cover
all legitimate demands for
scholarships.

(d) That the states, the higher in-
stitutions for white persons, and
the Federal Government cooper-
ate in increasing the benefits
to Negroes of Federal grants,
particularly for adult education
and research and experimental
purposes.

(e) That the Federal Government
participate in developing high-
grade university education for
either the Negro or white races
or both wherever in the coun-
try it cannot be done from other
public or private sources.

(f) That competent Negroes be
utilized increasingly in formu-
lating educational policies and
administering educational pro-
grams on a local, state, and na-
tional basis."

Negro Students Enrolled
In Northern Institutions

A study of eight nationally known
institutions of higher learning in the
North showed, in 1940, a combined en-
rollment of 1,253 Negro students. Only
200 of these, enrolled chiefly in gradu-
ate and professional courses, were
from the South. At the same time,
approximately twenty times as many
Negroes from the North were en-
rolled in Negro colleges of the South.
An analysis of the numbers and status
of Negroes in northern institutions
raises many questions.

Northern Negroes In Southern
Negro Colleges

First, as asked by the National Sur-
veyors, "Why do such large numbers
of Negroes go South to attend Negro
colleges while relatively few southern
Negroes go North, and these mainly
for graduate and professional train-
ing? Is the answer to be found in the
nature of the Negro's position as a
minority group so that, given such a
position, only the Negro college can
offer a satisfactory undergraduate ex-
perience? Or have northern institu-
tions been unmindful of their responsi-
bility for providing an adequate and
satisfying educational opportunity to
all qualified students in the area the
institution purports to serve? Or have
the Negro colleges sought the north-
ern student because of the superior
educational and cultural background
which frequently enables him to take
a place of leadership among Southern
students who have had poorer eco-

nomic and educational opportunities?"

In the reports of the graduate and
professional Negro students from the
South attending the Northern insti-
tutions, there was emphasis on the
financial problems encountered. Some
of these students had received South-
ern State scholarships provided be-
cause graduate courses were not avail-
able to Negroes within their own
States. The amount of the scholarship
was usually small. "Will the develop-
ment of graduate and professional
courses in Negro colleges," ask the
surveyors, "reduce still lower the num-
ber of Negroes who leave the South
for graduate training? If so, will there
be a danger of institutional in-breed-
ing in the faculties of Negro colleges?

As yet, only four higher educa-
tional institutions for Negroes, How-
ard University, Fisk University, Tal-
ladega College, and North Carolina
State College for Negroes, have been
accredited by the Association of Amer-
ican Universities. "For the most part,
the Negro colleges are now unable to
offer advanced academic training that
approximates the standards main-
tained by large Northern universities.
Yet the number of Northern Negroes
who went to Negro colleges was more
than three times as great as the com-
bined enrollment of Negro students
in the eight nationally recognized
Northern universities studied." These
and other facts mean that the Negro
colleges, which with few exceptions
are poorly equipped, are educating not
only southern Negroes but thousands
of northern Negroes as well.

A further question must be raised
with reference to the responsibility
for the support of Negro colleges.
"With few exceptions, the Negro col-
leges are located in Southern States
which rank low in economic resources.
For the most part, these states have
been unable to provide adequate facil-
ities for either white or Negro col-
leges. Yet these poorly equipped and
financially handicapped institutions
are carrying a major responsibility
in the higher education of Northern
as well as Southern Negroes."

Furthermore, the Survey continues,
"the choice of Negro colleges on the
part of such large numbers of Negro
youth should not lead to the uncritical
assumption that Negroes necessarily
prefer segregated institutions, or that

HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES

an adequate support of Negro colleges
is in itself the solution of the prob-
lems of higher education of Negroes.
At present, there are many factors
which enter into the choice of Negro
colleges by Northern youth. Some of
these factors are due to the failure of
Northern institutions to provide for
Negro youth the opportunity to enjoy
a satisfying college experience. Other
factors lie in the economic and occu-
pational limitations to which Negroes
are subject, and still others are in-
herent in, or concomitants of, the so-
cial organization of a bi-racial society."

Beginnings of Court Action
To Secure Higher Educational
Opportunities In State Institutions

Prior to 1930, organized effort and
court action invoking the ^Fourteenth
Amendment in matters pertaining to
educational opportunities for Negroes
were limited almost exclusively to the
elementary and secondary school lev-
els. Provisions for collegiate, graduate,
and professional privileges for Negroes
in State schools had received little
attention. Although the Southern
States were providing some measure of
undergraduate instruction for Negroes
at the college level, not one of them
was providing either graduate or pro-
fessional training.

During the 1930's, several suits were
brought against public institutions of
higher learning because of their re-
fusal to admit qualified Negro stu-
dents. Probably the first suit seeking
to compel the admission of a Negro
student to a southern university was
brought in Durham, North Carolina, in
April, 1932. Here the effort was to
secure the admission of Thomas Hol-
cutt to the School of Pharmacy of the
University of North Carolina. Hol-
cutt's application had been denied
on the ground that "the separation of
the races in its (North Carolina's)
schools and educational institutions
has always been, and now is, the fixed
policy of the State. That policy has
been established by its constitution,
its laws, and the uniform practice of
its people." Holcutt proved a poor
choice for a test case, however, due to
his lack of the necessary qualifica-
tions for admission. No attempt was
made, therefore, to appeal to a higher
court.

Similar disposal of the case of Miss
Alice Carlotta Jackson of Richmond,
Virginia, a graduate of Virginia Union
University and for some time a student
in Smith College, Massachusetts, was
made in 1935. Miss Jackson had made
application to the Department of Grad-
uate Studies at the University of
Virginia for admission to pursue ad-
vanced work in French. The applica-
tion was denied on the ground that
"the education of white and colored
persons in the same schools is con-
trary to the long established and fixed
policy of the Commonwealth of Vir-
ginia."

Provisions For Out-Of-State
Scholarships

A year later, the Virginia Legisla-
ture passed a law binding the State
to pay the tuition of Negro students of
Virginia who are compelled to go to
other States for Law, Medicine,
Pharmacy, etc., which are not provided
for Negroes within the State. Vir-
ginia and Kentucky have granted dif-
ferential scholarships since 1936. Mis-
souri had, in 1921 and again in 1929,
passed out-of-State scholarship laws.
Maryland followed with like provisions
in 1933. By 1938, out-of-State scholar-
ship laws had been enacted by eight
Southern and Border States.

Every Southern State except Missis-
sippi is now providing graduate edu-
cation for Negroes under a system of
"differential scholarships" that grew
out of the Gaines decision in 1938.
In most cases these scholarships make
up the difference it would cost Negro
students to study in the State's white
institutions and their expenses at an-
other college where racial segregation
is not required.

North Carolina has developed a
number of graduate courses for Negro
students at its State schools for Ne-
groes and maintains an unlimited ap-
propriation to cover courses not of-
fered. In addition, it spent $22,000 to
send students out of the State in 1945.
In 1946, 170 students applied for schol-
arships. Virginia spent, for 377 stu-
dents, $75,000 in 1945 including 35
medical and dental scholarships. Geor-
gia spent $25,000 in 1945 assisting 678
students. In 1946, 358 students were
assisted in the State and 17 out of the
State. Most of Georgia's Negro stu-

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

dents are enrolled at Atlanta Univer-
sity. Kentucky in 1946 appropriated
$30,000. Negro students may receive
grants up to $350 a year. An average of
60 students yearly have full-time
scholarships and about 140 take sum-
mer work annually. Arkansas is work-
ing under a $12,500 biennial appropria-
tion that enables about 100 Negro
students to take professional and grad-
uate work. Alabama, in 1945, ap-
propriated $25,000 for "differential
scholarships" for whites and Negroes;
89 grants were made in 1945 to Ne-
groes. No whites have applied. Florida
appropriated $10,000 in 1946 to finance
95 Negro students approved for gradu-
ate scholarships. South Carolina State
Agricultural and Mechanical College
for Negroes is beginning its own grad-
uate school. Louisiana began a $50,000
annual "differential scholarship" plan
in 1946.

It should be pointed out, however,
that the scholarships thus provided
are inadequate both as to numbers
and amounts available for the purpose.

Case Of Donald Murray Against
The University Of Maryland

In May, 1935, Donald Murray, a Ne-
gro resident of Baltimore and a gradu-
ate of Amherst College, applied for
admission to the Law School of the
University of Maryland. His appli-
cation was declined by the University
officials. Murray then sued in the Bal-
timore City Court for a writ of man-
damus to compel the University au-
thorities to admit him. He contended
that his exclusion, solely because of
race and color, was a violation of the
Fourteenth Amendment. Commenting
on the suit, the Baltimore Evening
Sun of May 6, 1935, stated: "The Ne-
gro who has brought suit to force
his way into the Law School of the
University of Maryland may cost the
State a lot of money before the thing
is over." This statement was a true
forecast for many States in the South.

The Court granted the writ ordering
Murray's admission as a law student;
but the University carried the case
to the Court of Appeals in Maryland.
In the meantime, Murray was ad-
mitted to the University of Maryland
on September 25, 1935, where he grad-
uated from the Law School with a
creditable record in June, 1938. In

October, 1936, Calvin Douglas, another
Negro, was admitted to the University
of Maryland Law School. Douglas
graduated in 1940.

Immediate Effects
Of the Murray Case

The effects of the decision in the
Murray case were significant. Intensi-
fication of efforts to secure graduate
and professional educational oppor-
tunities for Negroes in the segregated
school States was immediate. There
was an increase in the number of
Negro applicants for admission to
the Universities of Maryland, Virginia,
and Missouri. Almost simultaneously,
in five Southern States the National
Association for the Advancement of
Colored People launched an aggres-
sive campaign against the discrimina-
tion in universities supported at pub-
lic expense. Commenting on the move-
ment, the Norfolk Journal and Guide
stated in August, 1935: "Theoretically
it looks like a movement to get Negro
students admitted to State universi-
ties. Legally, the action takes that
form. But realistically, it is a move-
ment to procure for colored people
educational opportunities which they
are now denied and to remove a dis-
crimination which denies the same
privileges under law that other citi-
zens enjoy."

Case Of Lloyd Gaines

Vs. University of Missouri, 1938

One of the most important and far-
reaching cases in the Negro's fight
for full citizenship status was that of
Lloyd Gaines vs. University of Mis-
souri. Gaines was a young Negro with
excellent academic qualifications who
attempted to enter the University of
Missouri Law School, but was refused
admittance solely because of his race
or color. Asserting that his refusal
was a denial by the State of Missouri
of the equal protection of the laws in
violation of the Fourteenth Consti-
tutional Amendment, he brought ac-
tion for a writ of mandamus to com-
pel the University to admit him. He
was urged by the University officials to
accept a scholarship, that the State
was willing to offer, for study outside
the State of Missouri. This he refused
to accept. The University thereupon
defended on the ground that the Negro

HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES

university (Lincoln University) of-
fered a law course which was then in
preparation and which would be ready
in the very near future. The lower
court as well as the Supreme Court
of Missouri dismissed the petition for
mandamus. The Federal Supreme
Court, however, in a clear-cut decision
held the action of the University of
Missouri to be a denial of due process.
The majority opinion, seven to two,
written by Chief Justice Hughes, em-
phasized the following points: "The
basic consideration is not as to what
sort of opportunities other States pro-
vide, or whether they are as good as
those of the State of Missouri, but
as to what opportunities Missouri
itself furnishes to white students and
denies to Negroes solely upon the
ground of color. The admissibility of
laws separating the races and the en-
joyment of privileges afforded by the
State rests wholly upon the equality
of the privileges which the laws give
to the separated groups within the
State. The question here is not of
a duty of a State to supply legal train-
ing which it does supply, but of its
duty when it does supply such train-
ing to furnish it to the residents of
the State upon the basis of an equality
of right. By the operation of the
laws of Missouri, a privilege has been
created for white law students which
is denied to Negroes by reason of their
race alone. The white resident is af-
forded a legal education within the
state. The Negro resident, having the
same qualification, is refused this
and must go outside the state to obtain
it. That is the denial of the equality
of legal right to the enjoyment of the
privilege which the State has set up
and the provision for the payment of
tuition fees in another State does not
remove the discrimination.

"The equal protection of the laws is
'a pledge of the protection of equal
laws.' Manifestly, the obligation of the
State to give the protection of equal
laws can be performed only where its
laws operate, that is within its own
jurisdiction. It is there that the equal-
ity of legal right must be maintained.
That obligation is imposed by the
Constitution upon the States severally
as governmental entities — each respon-
sible for its own laws establishing
the rights and duties of persons within
its borders. . . . We find it impossible
to conclude that what otherwise would
be unconstitutional discrimination, with
respect to the enjoyment of opportuni-
ties within the State, can be justified

by requiring resort to opportunities
elsewhere.

"Here the petitioner's right is a per-
sonal one. It was as an individual that
he was entitled to the equal protection
of the laws, and the state was bound
to furnish him within its borders fa-
cilities for legal education substantial-
ly equal to those which the state there
afforded for persons of the white race,
whether or not other Negroes sought
the same privileges."

Decision In Gaines Case
A Major Precedent

This opinion of the Federal Supreme
Court, rendered December 12, 1938, is
a land mark in the history of Negro
educational rights in the United States.
It is important because of its far-
reaching implications for the higher
education of Negroes everywhere and
especially for graduate and profes-
sional education in the South. The
effects have been wide-spread. Here
and there a variation from the tradi-
tional pattern has resulted and in
many States the increased problems,
resulting from the decision, have been
seriously considered.

It is significant in this connection
that, even before the Gaines case was
concluded, a Negro, as we have al-
ready mentioned, was graduated from
the Law School of the University of
Maryland, after being admitted on a
lower court order, and there was neith-
er a race riot nor even discrimination
against him during his period of study
there. The student paper of the Uni-
versity of Missouri is reported to have
stated editorially, immediately after
the Supreme Court decision, that there
was no good reason why Gaines or any
other qualified Negro should not be
admitted to the University. Further-
more, a poll of student and official
opinion in several universities of the
South indicated that the majority
would not object to the admission of
Negroes to their institutions. And,
recently, such polls of college student
opinion have shown more liberal at-
titudes than ever before.

Increasing Awareness Of
Equalization Problem In The South

There is clearly an increasing aware-
ness of the problem of equalization of
educational opportunities in the South.
Although pledged to separate schools,
I the Southern States are beginning to
I see the necessity of providing better
facilities for graduate and professional

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

training of Negroes. North Carolina
began serious study of the problem
while the Gaines case was still under
litigation. A commission appointed
for the purpose quickly recommended
that "some satisfactory plan for pro-
viding graduate and professional edu-
cation shall be determined by the Leg-
islature of 1939 and that substantial
funds be appropriated for the pur-
pose." This resulted in the establish-
ment of a Graduate School and a Law
School at the North Carolina College
for Negroes at Durham in September,
1939. Maryland followed with similar
action the same year by the purchase
and incorporation of Morgan College, a
privately owned Negro institution, in-
to the State system and by the develop-
ment of graduate instruction there for
Negro students. Virginia, about the
same time, also established a Gradu-
ate School at its State College for Ne-
groes.

From that time on, several States
of the South have become more liberal
in providing out-of-state scholarships.
These, however, represent an unsatis-
factory attempt to equalize educational
opportunities at the higher levels.
Scholarship grants do not always in-
clude the differential between the fare
from the student's home to the State
university which will not receive him
and his fare to the institution which
will. Scholarships do not include any
differential in case of increased living
expenses outside the State and are
frequently subject to conditions and
restrictions not imposed upon white
students taking the same kind of work.
In some States, there is not even
enough money provided by the home-
State to pay tuition fees for all the
qualified Negro students who apply
for scholarships.

Herman Sweatt Vs. The
University of Texas

Herman Sweatt, a graduate of Wiley
College at Marshall, Texas, and a grad-
uate student at the University of
Michigan prior to becoming a postal
employee, applied for admission to
the Law School of the University of
Texas in the early part of 1946. As
was to be expected, since the Univer-
sity of Texas had never admitted Ne-
gro students not even to correspon-
dence courses, Sweatt's application was
denied. Almost immediately, Presi-

dent T. S. Painter of the University
sought a ruling from Attorney-Gen-
eral Grover Sellers in the matter.

The Attorney-General began his
opinion with acceptance of the "wise
and long continued policy of segrega-
tion of races in the educational insti-
tutions of the state." He referred to
the Constitution of the State of Texas
as being the legal basis for segrega-
tion in the schools. He avoided, how-
ever, the point that the passages of
the Constitution which provide for
separate facilities in every instance
specify that such facilities shall be
equal. Governor Stevenson of Texas
also ignored the "equal" which accom-
panies all references to "separate"
when he proposed a one-teacher "law
school at Prairie View College, a state
school for Negroes." The State Legis-
lature, also, gave no consideration to
this constitutional requirement when,
very soon after, it raised Prairie View
College on paper to the status of a
university.

In May, 1946, Sweatt took his case
to the Federal District Court at Austin.
The Attorney-General, defending his
ruling, argued that Sweatt should
have made his application to the State
A. and M. College (white) which
would provide for his legal education
at Prairie View. In June of the same
year, Federal Judge Roy C. Archer
granted Sweatt an interlocutory writ
for admission to the University of
Texas, but suspended it for six months
to give the State an opportunity to
establish a law school for Negroes.

On December 17, 1946, in Judge
Archer's crowded courtroom, Thurgood
Marshall of Washington, counsel for
the NAACP, argued that the issue was
whether the State had complied with
the court's order. Judge Archer de-
cided A. and M. College had until Feb-
ruary 1, 1947, to establish its Prairie
View Law course; otherwise Sweatt
would be admitted to the University of
Texas. Marshall announced, however,
that he would appeal to a higher court.
The State, he said, could not comply by
the date set. "It would have to have
65,000 law books and it cannot get
them by the first of February," he
told Judge Archer. "It would have to
have ten full Professors and four
Associate Professors to have a school
equivalent to the University of Texas
Law School."

HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES

Oklahoma Court Denies
University Entrance To
Ada Lois Sipuel

On January, 14, 1946, Ada Lois
Sipuel, honor student of Langston Uni-
versity, applied for admission to the
School of Law of University of Okla-
homa. Having been denied admission
on account of race and color, Miss
Sipuel brought suit against the Univer-
sity in the District Court of Cleveland
County on April 6, 1946. In all major
respects this case was similar to that
of Gaines vs. Missouri and Sweatt vs.
Texas. The opinion rendered by Judge
Ben T. Williams, however, was differ-
ent. Despite a section of the brief of
Attorney-General Hansen, counsel for
the University, which acknowledged
that separate schools for Negroes in
Oklahoma are "inadequate and unfair"
and that sending Negroes out of the
State for education does not comply
with the Supreme Court decision in
the Gaines case, Judge Williams up-
held the action of the University in
refusing to admit Miss Sipuel.

The action of the University officials
in denying Miss Sipuel's admission to
the Law School had been justified by
Dr. Roy Gittinger, Dean of Admis-
sions, in the following statement:

"Title 70, Sections 452 to 464, of the
Oklahoma Statutes, 1941, prohibits col-
ored students from attending the
schools for whites in Oklahoma, includ-
ing the University of Oklahoma, and
makes it a misdemeanor for school of-
ficials to admit colored students to
white schools; to instruct classes com-
posed of mixed races; and to attend
classes composed of mixed races.

"The Board of Regents has specifical-
ly instructed the President of the Uni-
versity of Oklahoma to refuse admission
to Negroes, giving as a basis of their
decision, the Statutes of Oklahoma."

Conference Of Deans Of
Southern Graduate Schools
On Graduate Work For Negroes

During the summer of 1945, the Con-
ference of Deans of Southern Graduate
Schools, financed by the General Edu-
cation Board and attended by both
white and Negro educators, held a
series of five meetings to study the
problems of graduate work for Ne-
groes. An important feature of these
meetings was the drawing up of state-
ments by the Negro educators them-
selves regarding the whole problem of
Negro education in the South. While
willing to discuss temporary expedien-

cies, these educators insisted that such
expediences should be recognized as
definitely temporary. The following
are some of the facts, summarized by
Dean W. D. Funkhouser of the Uni-
versity of Kentucky, brought out in
the conferences:

1. "It developed for example that there

is not a single Negro institution in
the United States in which a stu-
dent can secure a doctor's degree.

2. "That very few Negro institutions in

the South can offer even the mas-
ter's degree except in a very lim-
ited number of fields.

3. "The monies allotted to Negro in-

stitutions in most of the Southern
states are far below any propor-
tionate figure based on relative
Negro and white populations.

4. "A prominent Negro librarian at one

of the meetings made the statement
that no college could be expected
to do creditable undergraduate
work, much less graduate work,
unless it had at least 25,000 to 30,000
titles in the library. On the basis
of this factor alone, and this is
merely a quantitative and not a
qualitative standard, there are not
more than a half dozen Negro in-
stitutions in the South which could
honestly be recommended for gen-
eral graduate instruction.

5. "In fact, it would seem that most

Negro colleges do not have more
than one-tenth the library facili-
ties of the white colleges in the
same area.

6. "In spite of these handicaps, how-

ever, there is no question that
many Negro graduate schools are
doing very creditable work."

Negro Educators Believe States
Will Eventually Conform To
Gaines Decision

Continuing, Dean Funkhouser said
he was convinced "that practically
all Negro educators . . . base their hopes
and expectations (concerning higher
education for Negroes) directly and
confidently on the Gaines decision.
They point out that the Supreme
Court ruling leaves only two choices
— either to admit Negroes to State
institutions or to set up for Negro in-
stitutions within the state, opportuni-
ties equal in all respects to those pro-
vided for white students, and they
argue that this dual system of edu-
cation would entail a financial burden
which most Southern States could not
bear."

Position of Negro Educators
Relative to Temporary Expedients

The position taken by the Negro
educators of the Conference, relative
to temporarily expedient measures

100

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

was, as stated by Dean Funkhouser, as
follows:

1. "Out of State Aid. In general, out

of state aid seemed to be accept-
able as a means of providing as-
sistance for the next few years;
but many objections were made to
the practice, chiefly on the grounds
that the remuneration was not
sufficient to meet actual expense
or to compensate for dislocation
and inconvenience.

2. "Regional Institutions. There was

almost unanimous objection to the
suggestion (which seemed to meet
with the entire approval of many
white educators) that states make
arrangements to set up first class
graduate and professional schools
for Negroes to serve a wide area.
The chief protest is, of course, that
it does not conform to the Gaines
Supreme Court decision. Negro ed-
ucators seemed not impressed by
the fact that many white students
are compelled to go to out-of-state
institutions to secure professional
and other training not available
within their own state, and receive
no state aid whatsoever.

3. "Choice of Institutions. There was

some disagreement on this point.
The majority seemed to feel, how-
ever, that Negro students would
prefer to attend institutions with-
in their own state if satisfactory
facilities were offered. This was
based on the idea that expenses
would be less, local interests would
be maintained, and the students
would be encouraged to stay in
their own communities to serve
their own people.

4. "Increased Support for State Negro

Institutions. This was acceptable
but apparently viewed with some
suspicion as a permanent solution
because of the general impression
that such support will never be
sufficient to make the Negro in-
stitution as strong as the institu-
tion for the white students.

5. "Dual Facilities. While the situa-

tion which exists, for example, at
the North Carolina State College for
Negroes, where members of the fac-
ulties of Duke and the University
of North Carolina assist in the
teaching at the Negro institution,
is often quoted as a great help in
providing a high quality of instruc-
tion and making possible more ex-
tended curricula, nevertheless, the
general sentiment expressed by
most Negro educators was that
this does not satisfy their desires.
Most of them stated that they do
not consider this an acceptable
solution of the problem of graduate
instruction even where it is pos-
sible."

Resolutions Adopted By
Conference Of Deans Of
Southern Graduate Schools

The following resolutions adopted
by the Conference of Deans of South-

ern Graduate Schools, October 29, 1945,
after the series of meetings, are sig-
nificant: , •! j {

1. "It is our strong conviction that

every properly prepared graduate
student, white or Negro, should
have access to competent graduate
instruction.

2. "With the information now before

us, we recognize that the graduate
programs for Negroes are far from
adequate. We are glad to note
the considerable improvements
made in recent years, but we wish
to urge that better support be pro-
vided for both public and private
institutions, so that the facilities
shall be substantially equal to those
for white students.

3. "We recommend that the compensa-

tion for Negro instructors be the
equivalent of that for white in-
structors of ,equal attainments as
measured on the basis of prepara-
tion and actual competence.

4. "We favor the development of

strong regional graduate schools,
in which fields of special interest
may be emphasized. For the Ne-
groes, regional centers seem to of-
fer, from the academic standpoint,
the most immediate and effective
relief.

5. "As a temporary expedient, we favor

out-of-state aid in the form of
scholarships.

6. "We recognize also that the prob-

lems are complex; that they may
differ widely from one region to
another and that no simple or easy
solution may be expected. We be-
lieve that each Southern state
should be encouraged to work out
its problems in whatever ways are
best suited to the local and region-
al needs and folkways, and at the
same time be willing to learn from
its neighbors.

7. "These meetings have further

strengthened our conviction that
some plan of accreditation of all
graduate work is greatly needed
and is long overdue.

8. "We have found that there is great

need for more factual information.
We recommend that studies similar
to the one on senior colleges for
Negroes made in Texas in 1941 be
carried out in those states in which
no recent surveys have been made.

9. "We have been impressed with the

effectiveness and integrity of the
plans now being tried in North
Carolina, Texas, and Alabama, and
suggest that these plans should be
carefully studied by the other
southern states."

The Southern Governors And
Higher Education For Negroes

The Governors of the Southern
States, in their conferences within re-
cent years, have given significant at-
tention to the problem of higher edu-
cation for Negroes in the South. In
the following words, the report of the

HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES

101

Committee on Regional Education of
the Southern Governors' Conference
in January, 1945, declared:

"The Supreme Court of the United
States has ruled unequivocally that ev-
ery state must maintain equal educa-
tional facilities within its borders, if
demanded, to all citizens who are sim-
ilarly qualified. The Negro's need and
eligibility for higher education are
steadily growing, and we desire and
must meet that need and that eligibil-
ity."

A four-fold problem facing the
Southern States was then discussed
by the committee:

"First, our states are lacking in the
availability of higher education to their
citizens at the public expense.

"Second, the present disparity of
higher education offerings to whites and
Negroes, in face of growing demands
by both for increased educational op-
portunity, is common among the Con-
ference states, all of which practice
segregation of the races." (The Con-
ference states are: Alabama, Arkansas,
Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi,
North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Car-
olina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia.)
"Third, the states of the Conference
have limited resources which preclude
individual effective attack of the prob-
lem.

"Fourth, the demands for education
in certain fields will always be in num-
bers too limited for each state to pro-
vide economically for them within its
borders."

What is needed, then, according to
the Committee report, "is the estab-
lishment and maintenance of equal
educational facilities within state
borders," in accord with the Supreme
Court ruling; but the solution offered
by the Committee is increased "utiliza-
tion of higher educational facilities
outside state boundaries."

This solution was recommended by
the Committee on the grounds that it
is "not new," since twelve States have
for some time been employing this ex-
pedient. These States include those
among which, according to the Com-
mittee, "the present disparity of high-
er education offerings to whites and
Negroes ... is common. Two admin-
istrative devices for providing higher
education for Negroes have been em-
ployed: First, the states have granted
scholarships to individual students for
education not provided within state
borders. Second, the states have con-
tracted with Bother state governments
and their agencies to provide higher
education at specific costs to certain
numbers of students."

In order to extend such practices as

these in the South, in an expanded
program of establishment and main-
tenance of higher education "on a re-
gional basis," the Committee stated
that several actions must be taken
by individual States. First, "it will
be necessary for each state to de-
termine its present and probable high-
er education needs and desirabilities."
Second, "each state must conclude if
and when each specific need or desira-
bility can be met at its own institu-
tions." Third, "in planning to meet
such of its needs and desirabilities at
its own institutions, each state should
consider and, insofar as practicable,
take into account the possibility of
providing for similar needs and de-
sirabilities of other state governments
within the region." Fourth, "each
state should, at institutions of higher
learning in other states, preferably
within the region of the Conference,
attempt to provide for the needs and
desirabilities which it is unable to
meet within its own boundaries."
Fifth, "each state should cooperate
with the other Conference states in
attempting to provide somewhere
within the region such programs as
rjo state is able to undertake alone."
The Committee, however, did not
indicate how these proposals of con-
tinued and expanded programs of out-
of-state education will conform with
the Supreme Court's ruling that equal
educational facilities for all persons
similarly qualified, must be main-
tained within state boundaries.

The United Negro College Fund

The organization of the United Ne-
gro College Fund in 1943 marked the
beginning of a new method of fund-
raising for Negro colleges. This was
probably the first time in history that
any colleges — white or Negro — had
banded themselves together for such
a purpose. Most private Negro col-
leges were founded and, to a very
great extent, supported by religious
groups. In their earlier history, a
considerable part of their support, es-
pecially for buildings, came from
wealthy philanthropists and special
foundations. Also, in recent years, the
alumni of Negro colleges have con-
tributed small but increasing amounts.

The United Negro College Fund
grew out of a serious concern on the
part of educational authorities about

102

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

the financial condition of the private
Negro college. In a survey of higher
education for Negroes published by the
United States Office of Education in
1943, it was disclosed that the income
of private Negro colleges had de-
creased 16 per cent between 1930 and
1938, and that the income from private
gifts to these institutions had de-
creased 50 per cent during the period.
There were two main reasons for this.
First, it was no longer possible to se-
cure large gifts from philanthropic
foundations for current support; since
they were either concentrating on spe-
cial projects in the field of Negro
education or were being gradually
liquidated. Second, there had been a
disturbing decrease in the number and
size of gifts from the long-time friends
of Negro education.

President Frederick D. Patterson of
Tuskegee Institute in an article in the
Pittsburgh Courier, January 30, 1943,
called attention to the plight of the
colleges and suggested that they should
cooperate in an annual fund-raising
project. He said, in part: "Private
colleges for Negroes have carried the
brunt of our educational effort for
the better part of this experience.
They still educate, to the extent of
their means, nearly 50 per cent of
those who receive college training.
They have provided the bulk of the
educational leadership administering
to colleges — both public and private.
. . . These Negro institutions may well
take a cue from the general program
of organization which seems to involve
most charitable efforts today. Various
and sundry drives are being unified
with a reduction in overhead for pub-
licity and in behalf of a more pur-
poseful and pointed approach to the
giving public. The idea may not be
new here but it seems most propitious
at this time that the several institu-
tions pool the small moneys which
they are spending for campaign and
publicity and that they make a united
appeal to the national conscience."

This article evoked widespread com-
ment, and after a series of conferences
of college presidents, directors of sev-
eral foundations, and other educa-
tional authorities, the United Negro
College Fund was organized in Oc-
tober, 1943, with twenty-seven mem-
bers. The Fund was incorporated un-
der the membership corporation laws

of New York State in April, 1944. The
purpose of the Fund as set forth in
its charter is as follows:

"To aid the cause of higher educa-
tion for members of the Negro people
in the United States, its territories,
possessions and dependencies, by con-
ducting solicitations and campaigns for
securing donations, bequests, devices
and gifts for the benefit and aid of
colleges and similar institutions of
higher education, located or operating
within the United States, its territories,
possessions or dependencies, the educa-
tional facilities and services of which
are predominantly offered to and
availed of by members of the Negro
people, said colleges and institutions
being organized and operated exclu-
sively for educational purposes or for
educational purposes combined with re-
ligious, charitable or scientific pur-
poses, and not for private profit, no
part of the net earnings of which
colleges or institutions enures to or is
payable to or for the benefit of any
private shareholder or individual and
no substantial part of the activities of
which colleges and institutions is car-
rying on propaganda, or otherwise at-
tempting, to influence legislation."

The first campaign of the United
Negro College Fund was carried on
in the spring of 1944. An analysis of
the results indicate that 75 per cent
of the money raised came from per-
sons who had not previously made
donations to help support the higher
education of Negroes. It was also
found that Negroes themselves had
contributed somewhat more than 13
per cent of the funds raised. Dona-
tions came from large corporations and
labor unions, churches of all creeds,
fraternities, lodges, social clubs — from
Southerners as well as Northerners.
Approximately $113,000 was contrib-
uted by private foundations. A total
of $901,812.18 was raised in 1944. This
was short of the $1,500,000 which had
been set as a goal.

In 1945, a total of $1,069,000 was
raised through campaigns throughout
the nation. This was approximately
two-thirds of the $1,550,000 set as a
goal. Several significant facts were
disclosed by an analysis of the second
annual campaign:

1. There were 25,000 more persons who
gave in 1945 than in 1944.

2. Approximately 90 per cent of those
who contributed in 1944 repeated in
1945.

3. Foundations contributed $196,000 in
1945 as compared with $113,000 in
1944.

4. Negroes increased their contributions
50 per cent over 1944. Of the amount

ADULT EDUCATION

103

contributed by Negroes, $50,000 came
from servicemen overseas.

5. Gifts from corporations increased 50
per cent over 1944.

A supplementary benefit from the
experiment in cooperative fund-raising
was in the form of better understand-
ing between the white and Negro par-
ticipants. National leaders, both Ne-
gro and white, in all walks of life
loaned their names and influence to
the program. Many of these leaders
after their experience in the first cam-
paign volunteered their services for
the second and the third. The national
goal set for the 1946 campaign was
$1,300,000; of this amount, $904,372.75
was raised.

How 1945 donations were used:

Sixteen institutions painted, deco-
rated, and repaired structures, walks
and grounds, and improved classroom
buildings and dormitories. These struc-
tures had showed signs of enforced
neglect during the war years.

Fifteen institutions augmented their
staffs with teachers in education, nat-
ural and social sciences and in many
other fields of study. Special courses
were developed for returning veterans.

Twelve institutions were able to add
much needed books to their libraries
and also to employ additional staff
members in order to improve this
basic service.

Eighteen institutions gave moderate
increases in salary to faculty and staff
in order to retain qualified personnel
and bring the salaries more nearly in
line with present-day requirements.

Thirty-two institutions were relieved
of the heavy responsibility of search-
ing for operating funds on a year-
round basis. Nearly all of these in-
stitutions were able to balance their
budgets as a result.

Six institutions purchased supplies
and equipment of various kinds. Many
had not been able to make replace-
ments during the past several years.

Five institutions either established
or improved their health facilities for
students.

Ten institutions made additional
funds available to deserving students.

The United Negro College Fund, 1946
Campaign

The chairman of the National Ad-
visory Committee for the 1946 cam-
paign was: John D. Rockefeller, Jr.
National headquarters are at 38 East

57th Street, New York City, William J.
Trent, Jr., Executive Director.

The participating colleges were: At-
lanta University, Atlanta, Georgia; At-
lanta University School of Social Work,
Atlanta, Georgia; Benedict College, Co-
lumbia, South Carolina; Bennett Col-
lege, Greensboro, North Carolina; Be-
thune-Cookman College, Daytona Beach,
Florida; Bishop College, Marshall, Tex-
as; Clark College, Atlanta, Georgia;
Dillard University, New Orleans, Louis-
iana; Fisk University, Nashville, Ten-
nessee; Gammon Theological Seminary,
Atlanta, Georgia; Hampton Institute,
Hampton, Virginia; Howard University,
Washington, D. C.; Johnson C. Smith
University, Charlotte, North Carolina;
Knoxville College, Knoxville, Tennes-
see; Lane College, Jackson, Tennessee;
LeMoyne College, Memphis, Tennessee;
Lincoln University, Chester County,
Pennsylvania; Livingstone College, Sal-
isbury, North Carolina; Morehouse Col-
lege, Atlanta, Georgia; Morris Brown
College, Atlanta, Georgia; Paine Col-
lege, Augusta, Georgia; Philander Smith
College, Little Rock, Arkansas; Sam-
uel Houston College, Austin, Texas;
Shaw University, Raleigh, North Caro-
lina; Spelman College, Atlanta, Geor-
gia; Talladega College, Talladega, Ala-
bama; Texas College, Tyler, Texas;
Tillotson College, Austin, Texas; Touga-
loo College, Tougaloo, Mississippi; Tus-
kegee Institute, Tuskegee Institute,
Alabama; Virginia Union University,
Richmond, Virginia; Wiley College,
Marshall, Texas; and Xavier University,
New Orleans, Louisiana.

ADULT EDUCATION
Increasing Need
For Adult Education

There is no field of public education
that needs greater extension and im-
provement than the general field of
adult education. This is especially true
with respect to the needs of the adult
Negro population. Practically nowhere,
however, do we find provisions at all
comparable with these needs. In the
South, the meager programs for adult
Negro education are chiefly remedial
aiming primarily at the problem of
illiteracy. The general picture of the
situation has been presented by Dr.
Charles H. Thompson of Howard Uni-
versity as follows:

"The educational deficiencies of the
nation, revealed so strikingly during
the war through the rejection of se-
lectees for educational reasons, have
called attention to the lack of educa-
tional provisions for a great part of
our population. Upward of 2,000,000
men have been rejected because they
did not have an education equivalent
to the fourth grade, and the 1940

104

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

census has revealed that almost 3,000,-
000 persons 25 years old and over have
never been to school, and that some
10,000,000 are functionally illiterate.
These facts pose a serious problem of
cultural development.

"Naturally, the situation among the
Negroes is much worse than in the
nation as a whole. Six or seven times
as many Negro selectees as white have
been rejected for educational reasons.
In fact, more Negro selectees have
been rejected for educational reasons
than for health causes. While only 3.7
per cent • of the total population 25
years old and over have had no school-
ing, there are 10 per cent of the Ne-
groes in this age group; and while
13.5 per cent of the population in this
age group in general are functional
illiterates — less than five years of
schooling — some 41.3 per cent or 2,-
780,186 Negroes in this age group are
found in this category. Thus, if adult
education confined itself to remedial
instruction alone, it would have a tre-
mendous task as far as Negroes are
concerned.

"But adult education is not con-
cerned exclusively, or even primarily,
with remedial instruction to develop
functional literacy. It is concerned,
primarily, with the broad cultural de-
velopment of the people in many dif-
ferent ways. It is concerned with the
implementation of the principle that

education is a continuous process
throughout life, and assumes in gen-
eral that formal schooling at least to
the point of functional literacy has
been completed. Thus in view of the
fact that even Negroes who have had
the benefit of considerable formal
training have been educated for the
most part in inferior schools, with all
the deficiencies which such a situation
implies, increases the complexity of
the problems as far as they, as a group,
are concerned.

"What is even more important than
lack of formal schooling on the part
of a large part of our population, how-
ever, is the cultural poverty of many
sections of our country and a large
part of our population. Many sections
of the country are not only culturally
backward, but do not have adequate
resources, either material or spiritual,
with which to attempt to remedy this
condition. And most significant for
the problem under consideration here,
some 80 per cent of the Negro popula-
tion live in these areas, and in many
instances, either because of law or
custom or both are denied full access
to the meager opportunities which may
be available. Furthermore, significant
is the fact that in many areas where
cultural opportunities are available, we
find that a large group of our popula-
tion does not take advantage of
them."

Table 24.

Selective Service Registrants Rejected Because of Educational Deficiencies
(May Through December, 1942)

White Rejectees

Negro Rejectees

Difference Between White and
Negro Percentage

State

Per Cent

State

Per Cent

State

Per Cent

Okla.

1.3

Va.

0.3

Tenn.

-6.1

Ala.

1.5

Okla.

1.6

Okla.

0.3

Miss.

1.9

Tenn.

4.6

Tex.

1.6

W. Va.

2.1

Ark.

8.0

Va.

3.1

S. C.

2.2

S. C.

8.7

Ark.

5.1

La.

2.2

W. Va.

10.1

S.C.

6.5

N. C.

2.4

Tex.

10.2

Fla.

7.6

Ark.

2.9

Fla.

11.5

W. Va.

8.0

Va.

3.4

La.

11.8

La.

9.6

Fla.

3.9

N. C.

14.2

N.C.

11.8

Ga.

4.6

Miss.

15.1

Miss.

13.2

Tex.

8.6

Ala.

19.2

Ala.

17.7

Tenn.

10.7

Ga.

25.6

Ga.

21.1

Median

State

2.4

State

10.2

State

7.6

Source: Report of Office of Surgeon General, Vital Records Division, February, 1943.

ADULT EDUCATION

105

Adult Education Programs
In Negro Colleges

A survey of adult education pro-
grams carried on in Negro colleges
during the year 1944-45 is reported by
William M. Cooper in the Journal of
Negro Education, Summer Number,
1945.

Among the best balanced programs
reported were those at A. and T. Col-
lege, Bethune-Cookman College, Blue-
field State College, Florida A. and M.
College, Fort Valley State College,
Hampton Institute, Kentucky State
College, Prairie View State College,
Southern University, Tuskegee Insti-
tute, Virginia State College and West
Virginia State College.

Negro Colleges Reporting Programs*

A. & T. College 1, 2,

Albany State College 1, 2,

Arkansas A. & M. College . . 1, 2,

Atlanta University 1, 4

Bennett College 1, 2,

Bethune-Cookman College ... 1, 2,

Bluefleld State College 1, 2, 4

Cheyney Teachers College 1, 2

Clark College 1

Coppin Teachers College 1, 2

Dillard University 1, 2

Dunbar Junior College 1

Elizabeth City State Teachers

College 1, 2

Fisk University 1, 2, 4

Florida A. & M. College 1, 2

Fort Valley State College 1, 2, 3, 4

Georgia State College 1, 2, 3

Hampton Institute 1, 2, 3, 4

Howard University 1

Jackson College 1, 2

Jarvis Christian College 2

Johnson C. Smith University. 1, 2

Kentucky State College 1, 2

Knoxville College 1, 2, 4

LeMoyne College 1

Louisiana Normal 1, 2

Louisville Municipal College.. 1

Miles Memorial College 1

Morehouse College 1

Morris College 1, 2

Norfolk Division, Virginia

State College 1, 2

North Carolina State College. 1, 2

Okolona Industrial School 1, 2

Paine College 1, 2

Philander Smith College 1, 2

Prairie View State College. ... 1, 2, 3, 4

Shaw University 1, 2

South Carolina State College. 2
Southern Christian Institute.. 1, 2

Southern University 1, 2, 4

Storer College 1, 2

Stowe Teachers College 1, 2

Talladega College 1, 2

Texas College 1, 2

Tillotson College 2

Tuskegee Institute 1, 2, 4

Virginia State College 1, 2, 3

Voorhees Junior College 1, 2

West Virginia State College.. 1, 2, 4

Wilberforce University 1, 2

Xavier University 1

*1 — Classes on and off campus; 2 — Con-
ferences, Institutes, etc.; 3 — Home Study
Courses; and 4 — Radio Programs.

Adult Education Under
Public School Auspices

Negro participation in adult educa-
tion programs under public school aus-
pices in the Southern States varies
widely from city to city. A survey by
Dr. George N. Redd published in the
Journal of Negro Education, Summer
Number, 1945, shows the inadequacy
of such programs in 38 cities of 19
States and the District of Columbia.
The States included in the survey have
a total Negro population of 10,040,968.
The total Negro population in the
cities studied is 1,974,257.

"Twenty cities of 60,000 or more
population which are located in states
maintaining by law separate schools
for Negroes, and Washington, D. C.,
report adult education programs for
Negroes under public school auspices.
The Negro population in these cities
ranges from 15,121 in Tulsa, Okla-
homa, to 187,226 in Washington, D. C.
In Table 25, the facts concerning 15
of these cities are summarized. Eight
cities not listed in the table reported
no provision for adult education pro-
grams for Negroes. The Department
of Education in nine cities did not
respond to the request for informa-
tion."

106

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

Table 25.

Negro Participation in Adult Education Programs in 15 Cities

1943-44

City

Total
Population

Negro
Population

Enrollment in
Adult Programs

Approximate
Annual Costs

Atlanta

302,288

104,533

1,900

$60,000

859,100

165,843

1,884

30,000

Birmingham

267,583

108,938

661

128,163

36,404

1,083

60,185

23,347

4 000

173,065

61,782

2,200

Knoxville

111,580

16,094

221

4,000

319,077

47,158

400

15,000

Mo ntgomery

78,720

34,535

1,000

Norfolk .

144,332

45,893

618

Oklahoma City

204,424

19,344

400

1,875

Richmond

193,042

61,251

1,031

9,000

St Louis

816,048

108,765

950

14,122

Washington D C

663,091

187,226

2,032

Winston-Salem

79,815

36,018

150

2,500

Totals

4,400,523

1,057,131

10,322

$144,780

Source: Journal of Negro Education, Summer Number, 1945, p. 315.

The following conclusions of the sur-
vey indicate the general inadequacy
of adult education programs for Ne-
groes:

1. "Although state education authori-
ties in most states maintaining by
law separate schools for Negroes and
whites possess the legal authority to
organize and administer adult edu-
cation programs for both racial
groups under public school auspices,
there has been very little activity
outside of the Federally-aided pro-
grams in vocational education.

2. "The programs for Negroes which
are sponsored through the public
school systems of cities are organized
chiefly around evening school classes
of various kinds. With the possible
exception of these in the larger cen-
ters of Negro population, these
classes are inadequate and are fail-
ing to meet the educational needs
of Negroes in urban centers.

3. "The prevailing tendency is to con-
fine adult education programs for
Negroes to the removal of illiteracy
and the development of simple voca-
tional skills. The broad areas of
learning such as parent education,
personal and community hygiene,
creative and recreative arts, which
are of a nature to contribute to the
enrichment of adult life in the home
and in the community, are generally
lacking.

4. "Where opportunities for adult edu-
cation are available to Negroes,
either through state or city pro-
moted programs, the quantity and
quality are not equal to those of
whites; the only possible exception
being Washington, D. C., which re-
ports that 'identical courses are of-
fered for both groups and with equal
opportunities for advancement.'

5. "As a whole, the quality of adult
education programs for Negroes is

best in the large centers of Negro
population in the border cities. It
lessens in quantity and quality as
the Negro population becomes ex-
ceedingly small or as it approaches
numerical equality with that of the
whites.'

Adult Education In Public
Libraries And Museums

The various ways in which public
libraries and museums are being used
in adult education programs for Ne-
groes have been described by Dorothy
G'. Williams, Graduate Library School,
University of Chicago. Her report,
from which the following statements
are taken, was published in the Journal
of Negro Education, Summer Number,
1945.

"Unfortunately, public library facili-
ties are most limited in the very sec-
tions of our country where they are
most needed. Thirty-five million peo-
ple in the United States have no public
library within reach; 600 of the 3,100
counties are without a single public
library within their boundaries. The
South, and within it the Negro, is par-
ticularly poorly provided with public
library facilities. In 1944 the South had
only 802 of the 7,100 public libraries in
the United States; only 121 of these
802 gave service of any kind to Negroes.
Only 2,323,971 Southern Negroes — one
Negro in four — have access to public
library service.

"A questionnaire survey, made in
February, 1945, of 104 public libraries
representative of various sizes and re-
gions supplied the data for the study.
In those libraries to which Negroes are
admitted on the same basis as are
other patrons, Negroes have the oppor-
tunity of sharing the adult education

ADULT EDUCATION

107

programs and facilities which have
been made generally available, although
the extent to which they have actually
done so cannot be documented, since
these libraries do not normally keep
their records of use on the basis of
racial groupings. A few Northern li-
braries, however, have made special
efforts to attract Negro interest. The
Adult Education Office of the Cleveland
Public Library employes a full-time field
worker assigned to work with colored
groups.

"The Montclair Public Library in New
Jersey has consciously attempted to
draw Negroes into its program through
enlisting volunteer workers to spread
'interpretation,' making quantity pur-
chases of material by and about the
Negro, and accelerating its work with
Negro groups, particularly with Negro
churches. Apart from such overall ef-
forts, many libraries have programs and
exhibits on Negro themes, such as ex-
hibits at the Main Building during Ne-
gro History Week, as in Baltimore, St.
Louis, and Los Angeles; discussions,
lecture series and reading courses on
Negro life and history and on race rela-
tions, such as the 1944 panel discussion
series 'One Human Race — One America'
in Detroit; and art exhibits, as that of
'Negro American Life' prepared by the
Council Against Intolerance in America
and shown in the main library build-
ings in Newark, Wilmington, Washing-
ton and Chicago.

"In addition to the work at the main
library, large public libraries outside
the South normally have branches lo-
cated in Negro neighborhoods which
have adult education programs of vary-
ing quantity and quality aimed directly
at Negroes. The content of these pro-
grams is largely concerned with aspects
of Negro life and history and with race
relations and the programs are some-
times attended by mixed audiences.
The 135th Street Branch of the New
York Public Library, the George Cleve-
land Hall Branch in Chicago, the
Schoolcraft Branch in Detroit, and the
Vernon Branch in Los Angeles are
among the branch libraries which have
particularly extensive and effective
programs.

"In the South, the picture is generally
dismal, with such random exceptions
as the excellent program of the in-
dependently organized Richard B. Har-
rison Library in Raleigh, the work with
the adult blind done at the Auburn
Branch in Atlanta, and the statewide
reference service to Negro adults in
Louisiana provided through the Louis-
iana Library Commission by a trained
Negro libi-arian with offices on the
campus of Southern University.

"Museums follow a pattern similar to
that of libraries in relation to adult
education for Negroes. Institutions out-
side the South make their facilities
fully available and likewise do not
keep their records of use by racial
groups. Similarly, also, their exhibits
and programs include Negro themes, as
the showing at New York's Museum of
Modern Art during 1944 of two Negro
exhibitions, 'Young Negro Art,' the
work of students at Hampton Institute

and a Jacob Lawrence show. Inter-
estingly enough, Negro artists have
shown their work and have also won
prizes in museums in all regions, in-
cluding the annual Tri-County Exhibi-
tion at the High Museum in Atlanta,
the Biennial Exhibitions at Washing-
ton's Corcoran Gallery of Art and the
yearly Open Competition at the Museum
of Fine Arts in Boston.

"In the South, Negroes are permitted
equal access to a few museums, such as
the Valentine Museum in Richmond,
Virginia and the Witte Memorial Mu-
seum in San Antonio, Texas. Some
Museums, such as the High Museum in
Atlanta, make special provisions to ac-
commodate Negroes through invitations
to Negro groups for special Gallery
Tours. More commonly, Negroes are
not permitted access of any kind."

Project For Adult
Education Of Negroes

In cooperation with the American
Association on Adult Education and
the National Conference on Adult Edu-
cation and the Negro, the United States
Office of Education is sponsoring a
project on Adult Education, the gen-
eral purpose of which is to raise the
educational level of the large number
of Negroes whom the Selective Service
System and the 1940 Census described
as functionally illiterate. The begin-
ning of the project was financed by a
grant of $23,910 from the Carnegie
Corporation of New York and has as
its Director, Dr. Ambrose Caliver,
United States Office of Education Spe-
cialist in the Higher Education of
Negroes; and as Associate Director,
William M. Cooper, Secretary-Treasur-
er of the National Conference on Adult
Education and the Negro.

The first phase of the project con-
sisted of a conference held in the
United States Office of Education in
June, 1946. Participating in the con-
ference were 61 representatives of col-
leges and universities, governmental
agencies, city school systems, State
departments of education, adult and
other educational associations, the
American Library Association, the
Elks, the National Fraternal Council
of Negro Churches, the Y.M.C.A. and
Y.W.C.A. These groups and others not
represented at the conference endorsed
the over-all project and indicated their
interest in further participation.

The second phase of the project was
an Institute on Adult Education of
Negroes held at Hampton Institute,
August 12 through September 14, 1946.
The Institute was conducted on a com-

108

THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION

bination institute-workshop plan, with
lectures, discussions, demonstrations,
field trips, group conferences, and in-
dividual research and reports. The
purpose of the Institute was to prepare
personnel for the training and super-
vision of teachers of adults in the
fundamental processes; to demon-
strate the effectiveness for civilian use

of certain teaching techniques de-
veloped by the Army; to collect and
evaluate resource materials for the
teaching of adults; and to formulate
a tentative curriculum and instruc-
tional guide on the elementary level
for teachers of Negro adults. Plans
were also formulated for regional in-
stitutes in the summer and fall of 1947.

DIVISION V

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

By R. R. WRIGHT, JR.
Bishop, the African Methodist Episcopal Church

BACKGROUND OF "THE NEGRO
CHURCH"

Negroes Constitute the Earliest
And Largest Number of Modern
Heathen Converts

The full story, of how the pagan
American Negro slave forbidden to
read and write became Christian, is
yet to be told. Suffice it to say that
Negroes constitute the earliest and
perhaps the largest number of so-
called heathen converted to Christian-
ity in modern times and their conver-
sion has been so thorough that very
little is left of their original religion
in their present conscious religious ac-
tivities. The local church grew up
among them as a place of assembly
for song, prayer and preaching, and
general social contact.

Negro Denominations the
Result of Need For Larger
Church Participation

Denominational organizations were
started because Negroes wanted larger
participation than the organized
churches then allowed them. The first
local churches were formed fn the
latter half of the eighteenth century
in Virginia, Pennsylvania, Georgia,
New York and Maryland. In 1816, the
African Methodists elected a bishop
to preside over the denomination; and
in 1820, the African Methodist Zion
Church did the same. Both patterned
their organizations after the Methodist
Episcopal Church of which they had
formerly been members.

The Title, "The Negro Church"
Only a Convenient Designation

There is no general religious body
or denomination designated as "The
Negro Church." Denominations are
called, "Baptist," "Methodist," "Afri-
can," "Primitive," "Holiness," etc., but
none are called "Negro." Nor is there
any single local church, so far as is
known, called "Negro." Local churches
are designated as "First," "Second,"
"Third," or named after Bibical char-
acters, such as "St. James," "St. Paul,"
"St. Thomas," "St. Peter"; after great

Christian leaders among Negroes, as
"Richard Allen," "Varick," "Brown,"
"Bryan," "Ward," "Turner," "Hood,"
"Holsey"; also after local characters,
such as "Miller," "Williams," "Collins,"
and the like. A large number bear the
names of places named in the Bible;
namely, "Mt. Zion," "Mt. Hebron,"
"Mt. Sinai," "Mt. Olive," "Mt. Carmel,"
"Bethel," "Shiloh." There are in Amer-
ica churches with designations "Ger-
man," "Greek," "Syrian," "Ukranian,"
"Norwegian," "Danish," and hundreds
of other names, but no "Negro Church."
The term, however, is a convenient
way to designate a segment of the
Christian Church according to the pat-
tern of racial segregation, emphasizing
the racial rather than the historical
and theological background of denomi-
nations. Thus it tends to emphasize
the fact that Negroes have a more
fundamental religion than is expressed
by the terms Catholic, Baptist, Protes-
tant, Methodist, Episcopalian, Presby-
terian; for these historic divisions had
European, not African origin. Trans-
planted from Europe, they have a his-
tory of bitterness, born of separations,
misunderstandings, persecutions, and
of hair-splitting Biblical interpreta-
tions in which Negroes took no part.
Negroes merely inherited their denom-
inational names. As a result, Negroes
do not have the bitterness against
Jews which millions of so-called Chris-
tians have, both in Europe and Amer-
ica. The Africa-derived Negro has no
consciousness of Jews killing Jesus,
or the economic battles fought in
Europe against Jews. On the contrary,
mutual experience of mistreatment as
minorities here in America has brought
Negroes and Jews into close fellow-
ship, notwithstanding a grave theoreti-
cal theological difference. Nor do Ne-
gro Protestants have suspicion and
hatred against Catholics such as is
held by many white churchmen. There
are no wars of the Reformation, or
Inquisition in their racial memory.
In fact, liberal views of Catholics to-
ward Negroes are drawing Negroes
daily into their fold particularly in
the large cities. Tirades against Jews

109

110

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

or Catholics are not heard in Negro
Churches.

Theoretical Theological Differences
No Barrier to Racial Unity

Three main purposes for which all
' Negro denominations work, bring Ne-
groes together: (1) They worship God
in their own way, a God who is the
Father of Negroes also. (2) They en-
courage and inspire Negroes to live the
good life which includes improvement
in morals, social life, education,
health and housing, politics, business,
recreation, as well as worship. In this
task, the most dynamic idea of "get-
ting to heaven," has undoubtedly been
the greatest motivating force for bet-
ter living on earth. (3) The Negro
Church preaches practical Christian
brotherhood, and strives to have the
Negro included in that brotherhood.
It does not matter what their theo-
retical theological differences are, all
Negro Churches easily unite to urge
the rest of America to accept the Ne-
gro as a Christian brother and to give
him economic, political, civic and so-
cial justice. Thus the Negro Church
has laid the spiritual foundation for
many fraternal, business, civic and
political movements.

STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES

There are no complete statistics of
Negro Churches, for the simple fact
that most of them do not keep accu-
rate records. This is common knowl-
edge to the special agents of the United
States Census Bureau who gather the
facts concerning Negro religious bodies.
The United States Census is, however,
our best authority. Membership in
bodies that are required to make a
per capita financial report to a central
authority with power to remove the
pastor, are apt to report the minimum
number of members, while those
churches which have no such respon-
sibility may report the maximum mem-
bership.

In 1906, 36,563 Negro churches were
reported; in 1916, 39,592; in 1926, 42,-
585; and in 1936, 38,303. In 1936, there
were 256 religious bodies in the United
States; 59 were denominations having
Negro churches; 33 were exclusively
Negro, that is, had no churches except
Negro churches, and 26 had one or
more Negro churches among so-called
white churches. The 59 denominations
that have Negro membership are
shown below:

STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES

111

fflsl

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Source: Table 3, pp. 850-854,
(1) Membership as denned by
(2) Figures are to be used wit
(3) Ratio not shown where nu
*-Thene bodies have Negro me

112

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

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Total Number
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Denominations
Wholly or
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particular denon
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DENOMINATION

«f :
\5

3-3
B«

Jl
f"

Churches of the Living God:
*Church of the Living God, Chris-
tian Workers for Fellowship . . .
*Church of the Living God, "The
Pillar and Ground of Truth" . .

Congregational and Christian
Churches
Disciples of Christ

ll { 3 1. 1 i

i nil

Source: Table 3, pp. 850-854, U.
(1) Membership as defined by the
( 2) Figures are to be used with di
(3) Ratio not shown where numb<
*-These bodies have Negro memb

STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES

113

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100

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^ o o> »-c •«* t^. oo encoeo •* ec co o co

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114

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

i s

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Total Number
of Churches in

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DENOMINATION

js i iii i s i

ill II it i

ssp-^^g'i Its -2S1 ao-«0
££ p ££ |± :|A .2o-^£

rtoo 02 HP

* #

Source: Table 3, pp. 850-854
(1) Membership as denned by
(2) Figures are to be used wit
(3) Ratio not shown where nu
*-These bodies have Negro m<

STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES

115

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116

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

In 1936, there were 256 denomina-
tions reporting 199,302 local churches.
Of these, there were 59 denominations
having 128,309 local churches wnich
had 38,303 Negro members. Approxi-
mately 20 per cent of the total number
of churches were Negro churches in
these 59 denominations. There was one
Negro church for approximately every
320 Negroes in America, as compared
with one church for approximately
every 650 persons in America. The
number of Negro churches reported by
the United States Census decreased
from 42,585 reported in 1926 to 38,303
-in 1936 or 4,282, chiefly because of
the decrease of rural churches. How-
ever, the total number of churches in
America in 1926 was 232,153 which
showed a decrease of 32,852 in 1936.

Membership

Membership of the Negro Church
was reported at 5,660,618, slightly over
10.0 per cent of the total church mem-
bership of the United States. The Ne-
gro population in 1930 was 11,891,143
or 9.7 per cent of the total population,
while that for 1940 was 12,865,518, or
8.2 per cent of the total population
of the country.

The Negro Church membership in-
creased from 5,203,487 in 1926 to 5,-
660,618 in 1936 or 457,131, an increase
of approximately 8.8 per cent. The
whole church membership in the

United States increased from 54,576,-
346 in 1926 to 55,807,366 in 1936, an in-
crease of 1,231,020 members, or 2.4 per
cent. The increase of the Negro church
membership was over 37 per cent of
the entire increase of the church mem-
bership in America from 1926-1936.

The Census of 1936 showed that less
than half of the Negroes were church
members, at least 7,000,000 not belong-
ing to any church.

The largest membership of the Ne-
gro churches is found in the South.
In the order named, they are: Georgia,
Alabama, Texas, North Carolina, Mis-
sissippi, Louisiana, South Carolina,
Virginia and Arkansas. The following
Northern and Southern States have
over 100,000 Negro members each:
Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Florida, New
York, Illinois, Ohio. However, in the
States of Georgia, Alabama, Missis-
sippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, Ar-
kansas, Kentucky and Tennessee the
Negro church membership does not
comprise 50 per cent of the Negro
population of these States, and no
Northern State has half of the Ne-
groes as church members. In Ohio,
Negro membership is about 40 per cent
of the Negro population; in Illinois
and New York approximately 25 per
cent. Table 3 shows the membership
of Negro churches ranked by States,
1936 and 1926.

STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES

117

Table 3.
Membership of Negro Churches, Ranked By States : 1936, 1926.

STATES

Number

Rank

Number

Rank

TOTAL

5,660,618

5,203 487

Ueorgia .

629,028

538 093

585 733

557 231

Texas

464,937
434 951

3
4

351,305
431 333

6
3

Mississippi

415,182
330 990

348,425
248 797

7
g

South Carolina

330,479
308 779

7
g

405,614
378 742

4
5

Arkansas
Pennsylvania

217,123
216 020

9
10

201.240
177 532

10
12

Tennessee

212,223

226 823

Florida

196 394

190 893

New York

171,118

114 543

Illinois

170 153

137 131

Ohio

147,327

119 529

Kentucky

107 005

127 126

Missouri

90,648

82 207

New Jersey

89 646

71 221

Oklahoma
District of Columbia

82,861

77 187

19
20

68,379
72 382

21
19

Maryland
Indiana

69,312
59 610

97,025
49 704

17
22

Michigan -

57 589

46 231

West Virginia

38 989

32 754

California
Kansas

36,562
29 081

25
26

25,763
28 292

26
25

Massachusetts

22 051

13 882

Delaware

18 468

12 459

Connecticut

14 275

10 593

Colorado .

6 495

6 188

Iowa '
Nebraska

6J134
4 746

31
32

8,577
5 163

30
32

Rhode Island '. .
Wisconsin

4^333
3 914

33
34

3,465
3 699

35
34

Minnesota
Arizona

3,763
2 401

35
36

3,702
2 199

Washington

1 754

2 280

New Mexico

1 080

710

Oregon. . .

754

832

Utah . ..

485

269

Wyoming . . .

270

398

Idaho

221

205

Montana

218

228

Maine. .

206

Fouth Dakota. \

128

142

Nevada

New Hampshire

North Dakota . .

Vermont

Source: United States Census of Religious Bodies. 1936.

Urban and Rural Churches

Forty-three and seven-tenths per
cent (43.7) of the Negroes of America
in 1930 were in the cities. The rural
church membership constituted 64.7
per cent or nearly two-thirds of the
Negro church members, while 54.3 per
cent of the Negroes live in the rural
districts. Almost half of the Negro
population, 48.6 per cent, lived in the
cities in 1940, but the Church has not
made adequate provisions to cope with
the problems of church membership,

although the average city church has
219 members and is twice as large as
the average church in the rural dis-
tricts, which has 109 members. The
largest proportion of non-church Ne-
groes is in the cities.

Much of the decrease in Negro
church members is due to migration
and the lack of planning on the part
of city Negro churches to take care of
the migrating membership. Nor has
there been adequate planning for rural
churches. In hundreds of communi-
ties the churches have been aban-

118

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

doned and sold, because the few peo-
ple left have been unable to support
or carry on the work of the church.
The demand for trained preachers is
so great and the number so few that
the rural churches have most inade-
quate leadership.

Sex in Negro Church Membership

In 1936, Negro churches reported 2,-
013,977 male members and 3,329,044 fe-
male members. The sex of 317,597
members was not reported. The report
showed that there were approximately
60 Negro males to every 100 Negro
females in the churches. The churches
of the nation reported 78.5 males to
every 100 females. In the Negro race
as a whole in 1930 there were 97 Ne-
gro males to every 100 Negro fe-
males, and in 1940 the ratio was 95
males to 100 females. No Negro de-
nomination having 5,000 members re-
ported having as many as 70 male
members to 100 female members.
There is, therefore, a decided predomi-
nance of Negro women in the Negro
churches.

Value of Negro Churches

In 1936, 34,250 Negro churches re-
ported 34,896 edifices valued at $164,-
531,031 or $4,804 per church. The ex-
penditures of 37,308 churches were
$27,802,469, averaging about $745 per
church. A value of $119,960,281 was
reported for 11,847 urban churches,
while 22,403 rural churches reported
property values of $44,571,250. There
were 6,285 churches reporting parson-
ages valued at $12,392,842, an average
of $1,972 each.

The total expense of 37,308 Negro
Churches was $27,802,469. Pastors sal-
aries were $11,918,216; other salaries
$2,812,307; repairs and improvements,
$2,570,012; paid on church debts ex-
cluding interest, $2,840,270; other cur-
rent expenses including interest, $3,-
529,135; local relief and charity, $770,-
074; home missions, $475,640; foreign
missions, $343,972; general headquar-
ters, $1,123,440; all other purposes, $1,-
419,403, an average of $745 per church.
The largest amount reported expended
by Negro churches was $2,246,783 in
Alabama, followed by Texas, with $2,-
134,573. For their churches in North
Carolina, Negroes spend $1,853,913; in
Georgia, $1,799,426; in Mississippi, $1,-
604,719; in Virginia, $1,454,105; in
Pennsylvania, $1,358,964; in South

Carolina, $1,319,691; in Louisiana, $1,-
286,244; in New York, $1,171,181; in
Illinois, $1,035,928; in Tennessee, $1,-
012,501. The District of Co'umbia paid
the largest per capita, $3,275.

The Sunday School

There were 2,424,800 Sunday School
scholars and 390,454 Sunday School of-
ficers and teachers reported in 1936 by
35,021 Negro churches. The average
number of scholars was 64 per church.
In urban centers, 12,513 churches re-
ported 172,209 officers and teachers,
and 1,217,961 scholars, an average of
97 scholars per church; while 22,508
Negro rural churches reported 217,547
officers and teachers, and 1,206,839
scholars or an average of 54 scholars
per rural Negro church.

DENOMINATIONS BELONGING TO
"THE NEGRO CHURCH"

Information concerning the denomi-
nations listed by the United States
Census of 1936, as belonging to the
"Negro Church," is taken from the
Bureau of the Census Religious Bodies
1936, published in 1941; the Year Book
of American Churches for 1945 by Ben-
son Y. Landis, Editor; and the latest
published reports and written informa-
tion furnished by executives of the
respective denominations. Information
concerning some of the denominations
follows:

The African Methodist
Episcopal Church

The African Methodist Episcopal
Church started in Philadelphia, Pa., in
1787. The denomination was formed in
Philadelphia in 1816 and' extended
throughout the North before the Civil
War, after which it made large progress
in the South. Since 1887, it has also
operated in Africa. Churches, 7,265. In-
clusive membership, 868,735 (1942).
Membership 13 years of age and over,
667,035. African and foreign member-
ship, 100,000. Estimated total member-
ship, 968,735 (1942). General Confer-
ence, quadrennial. Officers: Chairman,
Bishops' Council, Bishop R. C. Ransom,
Wilberforce, Ohio. Secretary, Bishops'
Council, Bishop Noah W. Williams, 4423
Enright Avenue, St. Louis, Mo. Episco-
pal Districts as follows:

1st. District, Philadelphia, New Jer-
sey, New York, New England, Dela-
ware, Bermuda and maritime confer-
ences, Bishop R. R. Wright, Jr., Wil-
berforce, Ohio and Bishop S. L. Greene.

2nd District, Baltimore, Virginia,
North Carolina, Western North Caro-
lina, Bishop G. W. Baber, Detroit, Mich.,
and Bishop J. H. Clayborn, Little
Rock, Ark.

3rd District, Ohio, Pittsburgh, North

DENOMINATIONS BELONGING TO "THE NEGRO CHURCH" 119

Ohio, West Virginia, Bishop Reverdy

C. Ransom, Wilberforce, Ohio.

4th District, Indiana, Chicago, Illi-
nois, Northwestern Michigan and On-
tario, Bishop J. A. Gregg, 1150 Wash-
ington Blvd., Kansas City, Kans.

5th District, Missouri, Kansas, Colo-
rado, Nebraska, North Missouri, South-
west Missouri, California, Southern
California, Puget Sound, Bishop Noah
Williams.

6th District, Georgia, Southwest
Georgia, Atlanta, Macon, South Geor-
gia, Augusta and Americus, Bishop W.
A. Fountain, 242 Boulevard, N. E., At-
lanta, Ga.

7th District, Palmetto, South Caro-
lina, Columbia, Northeast South Caro-
lina, Piedmont, and Central South Car-
olina, Bishop F. M. Reid, Columbia,
S. C.

Sth District, Mississippi, Northeast
Mississippi, East Mississippi, Central
Mississippi, North Mississippi, North-
west Mississippi, North Louisiana,
Central Lousiana, Louisiana, Bishop S.
L. Greene, 1900 Ringo St., Little Rock,
Ark.

9th District, Alabama, North Ala-
bama, Central Alabama, East Alabama,
South Alabama, West Alabama, Bishop

D. Ward Nichols, Birmingham, Ala.
10th District, Texas, Central Texas,

Northeast Texas, West Texas, South-
west Texas, North Texas, Southeast
Texas, East Texas, Mexico, Rio Grande
Valley, Bishop G. B. Young, Waco,
Texas.

llth District, Florida, East Florida,
South Florida, Tampa, Central Florida,
West Florida, Northeast Florida, Or-
lando, Bishop H. Y. Tookes, Jackson-
ville, Fla.

12th District, Arkansas, West Arkan-
sas, Central Arkansas, East Arkansas,
Northeast Arkansas, Central Oklahoma,
Northeast Oklahoma, Oklahoma, Bish-
ops G. W. Baber and J. H. Clayborn.

13th District, Tennessee, East Ten-
nessee, , West Tennessee, Kentucky,
West Kentucky, Bishop R. R. Wright,
Jr., Wilberforce, Ohio.

14th District, Liberia, Sierra Leone,
Nigeria, Gold Coast, Bishop J. H. Clay-
born, Little Rock, Ark.

15th District, Cape Colony, Orangia,
Natal, Swaziland and Southwest Af-
rica, Bishop Frank M. Reid, Columbia,
S. C.

16th District, Cuba, Bahama, Wind-
ward Islands, Jamaica, Guiana, Santa
Domingo, Haiti, South America, Bishop
J. A. Allen, Cleveland, Ohio.

17th District, Transvaal, Zambessis,
Central Africa, Belgian Congo, Bishop
G. W. Baber, Detroit, Mich.
The African Methodist
Episcopal Zion Church

This" church was started in New York,
"Mother Zion Church," in 1796. The
New York and several churches broke
away from the Methodist Episcopal
Church and organized in 1821, setting
up its own first conference in Philadel-
phia. Churches, 2,252. Inclusive mem-
bership, 489,244 (1940). Membership 13
years of age and over, 382,316. Exten-
sive missionary work is done in West
Africa. Bishops of the Church are as
follows:

Bishop P. A. Wallace, (retired) 1392
Dean Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Bishop B. G. Shaw, 1210 Charles St.,
North Birmingham, Ala., Box 537;
Western North Carolina, Blue Ridge,
North Alabama, Georgia, South Geor-
gia.

Bishop W. J. Walls, 4736 So. Park-
way, Chicago, 111.; New York, New Eng-
land, Western New York, Indiana.

Bishop J. W. Martin, 4550 So. Michi-
gan Blvd., Chicago, 111.; Michigan,
Ohio, Cape Fear.

Bishop C. C. Alleyne, 5861 Haverford
Avenue, Philadelphia, Pa.; Philadelphia,
Baltimore, New Jersey, East Tennes-
see and Virginia, Tennessee, South
America.

Bishop W. W. Matthews, 9 Logan Cir-
cle, N. W., Washington, D. C.; Central
North Carolina, Arkansas, North Ar-
kansas.

Bishop E. L. Madison, 2838 Centre
Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pa.; North Caro-
lina, Albemarle, Virginia, Allegheny
(deceased 1946).

Bishop W. C. Brown, 527 E. Jefferson
Blvd., Los Angeles, Calif.; Southwest
Rocky Mountain, Oregon, Washington,
Missouri, Kentucky, California.

Bishop W. W. Slade, 410 E. 1st Street,
Charlotte, N. C.; South Carolina, Pee
Dee, Louisiana.

Bishop Buford F. Gordon, 527 Carmel
Street, Charlotte, N. C.; West Alabama,
Florida, South Florida, West Tennes-
see, Mississippi, South Mississippi.

Bishop F. W. Alstork, 622 Keefer
Place, N. W., Washington, D. C.; Ala-
bama, Central Alabama, Cahaba, South
Alabama.

Bishop E. B. Watson, 1624 N. E. Sth
Street, Oklahoma City, Okla., Texas,
Oklahoma, Liberia, West Gold Coast,
East Gold Coast, Nigeria.
The African Orthodox Church

Organized in 1921 by George Alexan-
der McGuire, a former priest in the
Protestant Episcopal Church, with or-
ders through Archbishop Vilatte of the
Assyrian Jacobite Apostolic Church.
This body is autonomous and inde-
pendent but was associated in the be-
ginning with the Marcus Garvey Move-
ment. Churches, 32. Inclusive member-
ship, 5,200 (1942). Membership 13 years
of age and over, 3,943. Officers:
Patriarch, Archbishop William Ernest
Robertson (James I), 112 W. 129th
Street, New York, N. Y. Primate West-
ern Prov., Archbishop Edmund R. Ben-
nett, 388 Halsey Street, Brooklyn, N.
Y. Secretary, Rev. W. R. Miller, 496
Putnam Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Treas-
urer, Theodore Bacchus, 773 Home
Street, New York, N. Y.
The African Union First Colored
Methodist Protestant Church
U. S. A. and Canada

A Negro body formed in 1805 out of
the Methodist Episcopal Church. It
became a denomination in 1813.
Churches, 36. Inclusive membership, 2,-
597 (1944). Membership 13 years of age
and over, 2,454 (estimated). Confer-
ence, annual. Headquarters, 702 Poplar
Street, Wilmington, Del. Officers: Gen-
eral President, Rev. J. W. Brown. Sec-
retary Supervisor, Rev. T. E. Bolden,
808 Tatnal Street, Wilmington, Del.

120

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

The Apostolic Methodist Church

Organized in 1932, with the polity
of federated Congregationalism, and the
Bible as the pure and complete work
of God. Churches, 2. Inclusive mem-
bership, 31 (1936). Membership 13 years
of age and over, 27. Officers: Pastor
Elder, E. H. Crowson, Loughman, Fla.
Lay Elder, F. B. Ames, Zepher Hills,
Fla.

The Apostolic Overcoming
Holy Church of God

Organized in Alabama in 1916. Evan-
gelistic in purpose. Churches, 200. In-
clusive membership, 8,000 (1942). Esti-
mated membership 13 years of age and
over, 7,200. Officer: Bishop W. T.
Phillips, 1070 Congress Street, Mobile,
Ala.
Christ Sanctified Holy Church

Organized in 1903 at West Lake, La.,
from among members of a Negro Meth-
odist Church. Churches, 32. Inclusive
membership, 831 (1944). Membership 13
years of age and over, 831. Conference
meets annually. Headquarters, So. Cut-
ting Avenue, East Spencer and Ren-
shaw Streets, Jennings, La. Officers:
Rev. Dempsey Perkins, President, 2203
Poplar Street, Beaumont, Texas. Ex-
ecutive Secretary, Mrs. Mary A. Paul,
714 Orange Street, Box 555, Jennings,
La.

Church of Christ, Holiness, U. S. A.

This body was organized by a colored
Baptist preacher as a holiness group
in 1894. Churches, 135. Inclusive mem-
bership, 11,751 (1944). Membership 13
years of age and over, 9,170. Officers:
Senior Bishop, Rev. C. P. Jones, Los
Angeles, Calif., Recording Secretary, M.
R. Conic, 862 E. Princess Anne Road,
Norfolk, Va. National Convention, an-
nual.

Church of God and Saints of Christ

A Negro body organized in Kansas
by William S. Crowdy, who taught that
the Negro people are descendants of
the ten lost tribes of Israel. His fol-
lowers consequently observe the Old
Testament feast day, use Hebrew names
for the months and are sometimes
called "Black Jews." Churches, 213. In-
clusive membership, 37,084 (1936). Mem-
bership 13 years of age and over, 26,711.
Officers: Bishop H. Z. Plummer, Belle-
ville, Va., P. O. Box 187, Portsmouth,
Va.

Church of God in Christ

Organized in Arkansas in 1895, by
C. C. Jones and C. H. Mason, who be-
lieved there was no salvation without
holiness. Incorporated 1897. Churches,
2,000. Inclusive membership, 300,000
(1944). Membership 13 years of age
and over, 250,000. National convoca-
tion, annual. Headquarters, 958 So. 5th
Street, Memphis, Tenn. Officers: Senior
Bishop C. H. Mason, 1121 Mississippi
Avenue, Memphis, Tenn.
Church of the Living God (Christian
Workers For Fellowship)

A body founded by William Christian
at Wrightsville, Ark., in 1889. Its dis-
tinctive characteristics are believers'
Baptism by immersion, foot-washing and
the use of water in the sacrament. It
is also organized along fraternal order.

lines. Churches, 6. Inclusive member-
ship, 120 (1944). Membership 13 years
of age and over, 120. Officers: Chief,
John W. Christian, 1050 Woodlawn
Street, Memphis, Tenn. Assistant Chief,
Walter Christian, 1050 Woodlawn Street,
Memphis, Tenn. General Assembly,
quadrennial.

Church of the Living God, Pillar
And Ground of the Truth

Membership in Oklahoma. Churches,
119. Inclusive membership, 4,838 (1936).
Membership 13 years of age and over,
4,460. Officers: Bishop A. W. White,
3938 Aspen Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

Churches of God, Holiness

A body organized by K. H. Burrus
in Georgia in 1914 in the interest of
Holiness doctrines. Churches, 35. In-
clusive membership, 5,872 (1936). Mem-
bership 13 years of age and over, 4,377.
Headquarters, 170 N. W. Ashby Street,
Atlanta, Ga. Officers: Bishop K. H.
Burrus. Corresponding Secretary, B. M.
Andrews.

Colored Baptist Primitive

This group of Negro Baptists is op-
posed to all forms of church organiza-
tion. It has no general organization.
Churches, 1,009. Inclusive membership,
43,897 (1936). Membership 13 years of
age and over 42,135 (estimated). Sta-
tistical officer: Rev. W. Scott, 2712 22nd
Avenue, Tampa, Fla.

Colored Cumberland
Presbyterian Church

In 1869, the Negro churches of the
Cumberland Presbyterian Church were
set apart by the General Assembly with
their own ecclesiastical organization.
Churches, 121. Inclusive membership,
30,000 (1944). Membership 13 years of
age and over, 20,000. Officers: Mod-
erator, Rev. O. F. Bishop, Lewisburg,
Tenn. Statistical Clerk, J. I. Hill, P. O.
Box 595, Mt. Enterprise, Texas.

The Colored Methodist
Episcopal Church

In 1870, the General Conference of
the Methodist Episcopal Church, South,
approved the request of its colored
membership for the formation of their
conference into a separate ecclesiasti-
cal body. Churches, 4,400. Inclusive
membership, 382,000 (1944). Member-
ship 13 years of age and over, 321,000.'
General Conference, quadrennial. Offi-
cers: Secretary, Prof. W. A. Bell, 141^
Auburn Avenue, N. E., Atlanta, Ga.
Bishops of the Church are as follows:
Bishop C. H. Phillips (Emeritus) 10838
Drexel Avenue, Cleveland, Ohio; Bishop
R. A. Carter, 4408 Vincennes Avenue,
Chicago, 111.; Bishop J. Arthur Ham-
lett, 2112 N. Fifth Street, Kansas City,
Kans.; Bishop H. P. Porter, 252 Mid-
dleton Street, Jackson, Tenn.; Bishop
J. H. Moore, 664 Vance Avenue, Mem-
phis, Tenn.; Bishop W. Y. Bell, Holsey
Institute, Cordele, Ga.; Bishop C. L.
Russell, 1843 S Street, N. W. Washing-
ton, D. C.; Bishop Luther Stewart, Box
375 or llr Liberty Street, Hopkinsville,
Ky.; Bishop F. L. Lewis, 108 Leroy
Street, Shreveport, La.; Bishop R. L.
Young. Box 1043, Meridian, Miss.

DENOMINATIONS BELONGING TO "THE NEGRO CHURCH" 121

The Colored Methodist
Protestant Church

(See African Union First Colored
Methodist Protestant Church).
Fire Baptist Holiness Church

Organized, 1898 in Atlanta, Ga., as
a Holiness Association. Membership,
13 years of age and over 5,838 (esti-
mated). Churches, 300. Inclusive mem-
bership, 6,000 (1940). General Council,
annual. Headquarters, 556 Houston
Street, Atlanta, Ga. Officers: Bishop
W. E. Fuller, 556 Houston Street, At-
lanta, Ga. General Secretary, Rev. E.
Y. Bowman, 556 Houston Street, At-
lanta, Ga.
Free Christian Zion
Church of Christ

Organized 1905, at Redemption, Ark.,
by a company of Negro ministers asso-
ciated with various denominations, with
polity in general accord with that of
Methodist bodies. Churches, 37. Inclu-
sive membership, 2,478 (1944). Member-
ship 13 years of age and over, 2,286.
The House of God, The Holy Church
Of the Living God, The Pillar and
Ground of Truth, House of
Prayer For All People

A group organized by R. A. R. John-
son in 1918. Churches, 4. Inclusive
membership, 200 (1936). Membership 13
years of age and over, 75 (estimated).
House of the Lord

Organized in 1925 in Detroit, Mich.,
by W. H. Johnson. Churches, 4. In-
clusive membership, 302 (1936). Mem-
bership 13 years of age and over, 302
(estimated.)

The Independent A. M. E.
Denomination

Organized in Jacksonville, Fla., 1907
by twelve elders who withdrew from
the A. M. E. Church. Churches, 12.
Inclusive membership, 1,000 (1940).
Membership 13 years of age and over,
905 (estimated). Conference, annual.
Headquarters, Valdosta, Ga. Officers:
Financial Secretary, Dr. J. P. Green,
77 So. Concord Street, Charleston, S.
C., General Missionary Secretary, Dr.
G. W. Jones, R. F. D. 3, Box 56, Live
Oak, Fla.
Kodesh Church of Immanuel

Founded in 1929 by Rev. Frank Rus-
sell Killingsworth from among a group
withdrawing from the African Metho-
dist Episcopal Zion Church. Churches,
9. Inclusive membership, 562 (1936).
Membership 13 years of age and over,
354. General Assembly, quadrennial;
also, Annual Assembly. Officers: Su-
pervising Elders, Rev. R. F. Killings-
worth, 1509 S Street, N. W., Washing-
ton, D. C., Rev. J. W. Harty, 24 Bluff-
ington Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pa.
The Latter House of the
Lord Apostolic Faith

Organized, 1936 in Georgia, basically
Calvinistic. Churches, 2. Inclusive
membership, 29 (1936). Membership 13
years of age and over, 26.
National Baptist Convention
Of America

This body of Baptists, sometimes
called "Boyd Baptists," withdrew from
the National Baptist Convention, U.

S. A., under the leadership of Dr. R. F.
Boyd of Nashville, Tennessee in 1916.
Churches, 7,286. Inclusive membership,
2,352,339 (1944). Membership 13 years
of age and over, 2,117,091 (estimated).
Officers: President, Rev. G. L>. Prince,
2610 Avenue L, Galveston, Texas. Cor-
responding Secretary, Rev. W. Grimble,
2635 Second Street, Alexandria, La.
Field Secretary, Rev. A. L. Roach, 1062
Parkside Road, N. E., Cleveland, Ohio.
Treasurer, Rev. A. A. Lucas, 5109
Farmer Street, Houston, Texas.
National Baptist Convention,
U. S. A., Incorporated

The National Baptist Convention was
organized in 1880 at Montgomery, Ala.
The Convention meets annually in Sep-
tember. Churches, 24,460. Inclusive
membership, 4,021,618 (1944). Member-
ship 13 years of age and over 3,700,078.
Officers: Dr. D. V. Jemison, President,
1605 Lapsley Street, Selma, Ala. Dr.
J. M. Nabrit, Secretary, 862 Lauderdale
Street, Memphis, Tenn. Dr. Roland
Smith, Statistician, 239 Auburn Ave-
nue, N. E., Atlanta, Ga. State Conven-
tions affiliated with the National Bap-
tist Convention:
Alabama

National Baptist State Convention.
President, Dr. D. V. Jemison, 1605
Lapsley Street, Selma, Ala. Secre-
tary, Dr. U. J. Robinson, 256 N.
Franklin Street, Mobile, Ala.
Arkansas

Regular Arkansas Missionary Baptist
Convention. President, Dr. J. R. Jam-
ison, 214 Noil Street, Morrillton, Ark.
Secretary, Rev. W. L. Purifoy, 106
Cross Street, Forest City, Ark. Con-
solidated Baptist State Convention of
Arkansas. President, Dr. J. F. Clark,
810 E. 17th Street, Pine Bluff, Ark.
Secretary, Dr. N. Nicholas, 900 Capi-
tol Avenue, Little Rock, Ark.
California

Western Baptist State Convention.
President, Rev. W. P. Carter, 1907
10th Street, Santa Monica, Calif.
Secretary, Dr. J. W. Davis, Monrovia,
Calif.

Connecticut

Connecticut Baptist Missionary Un-
ion. President, Dr. F. W. Jacobs, 26
Buckingham Street, Bridgeport, Conn.
Secretary, Rev. J. B. Pharr, 142 Hen-
ry Street, New Haven, Conn.
District of Columbia
The Baptist Convention of the Dis-
trict of Columbia and Vicinity. Presi-
dent, Dr. W. C. Bulloch, Washington,
D. C. Secretary, Rev. W. B. Opey,
938 Westminster Street, N. W., Wash-
ington, D. C.
Florida

General Missionary State Convention
of Florida. President, Dr. J. N.
Stokes, 732 Marion Street, Deland,
Fla. Secretary, Rev. R. H. Whitaker,
383 Spruce Street, Daytona Beach,
Fla.
Georgia

General Missionary Baptist Conven-
tion of Georgia. President, Dr. L. A.
Pinkston, 239 Herndon Bldg., Atlanta,
Ga. Secretary, Dr. Nathan Roberts,
520 W. Henry Street, Savannah, Ga.

122

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

Illinois

Baptist General State Convention of
Illinois. President, Rev. J. I* Horace,
729 Oakwood Blvd., Chicago, 111. Sec-
retary, Rev. M. D. Dickson, 804 State
Street, Peoria, 111.

Indiana

General Baptist State Convention of
Indiana, Inc. President, Rev. D. G.
Lewis, 1610 Monroe Street, Gary, Ind.
Secretary, Dr. John A. Hall, 219
Boulevard, N. W., Indianapolis, Ind.

Iowa

Iowa, South Dakota, Nebraska and
Minnesota Association. President,
Rev. G. W. Robinson, 1009 W. 12th
Street, Des Moines, Iowa. Secretary,
Rev. R. H. Reynolds, 2810 Seward
Street, Omaha, Neb.

Kansas

Institutional Baptist Convention.
President, Rev. J. W. Hayes, 805
Mathewson Street, Wichita, Kans.
Secretary, Rev. James Scott, 404
Fourth Street, Osawatomie, Kans.

Kentucky

General Association Colored Baptists
in Kentucky. President, Dr. A. H.
Ballew, 2222 W. Chestnut Street,
Louisville, Ky. Secretary, Rev. G. A.
Hampton, 427 W. Chestnut Street,
Louisville, Ky.

Louisiana

Louisiana Baptist State Convention.
President, Dr. F. M. Boley, 431 W.
Madison Street, New Orleans, La.
Secretary, Rev. W. H. Buckner, Box
254 Wilson Street, Franklin, La.

Maryland

United Baptist Missionary Conven-
tion of Maryland. President, Rev. W.
D. Yerby, 1110 Edmondson Avenue,
Baltimore, Md.

Michigan

Wolverine State Baptist Convention.
President, Rev. E. L. Todd, 4174 llth
Street, Ecore, Mich. Secretary, Rev.
W. R. Mathews, 515 Rosedale Street,
Detroit, Mich.

Mississippi

East Mississippi State Convention.
President, Rev. I. L. Pettus, 1903 31st
Avenue, Meridian, Miss. Secretary,
Rev. A. H. Hardaway, R. F. D. 1,
Box 6, Meridian, Miss. General Mis-
sionary Baptist Convention of Mis-
sissippi. President, Rev. H. H.
Humes, 1530 Alexander Street, Green-
ville, Miss. Secretary, Rev. W. M.
Walton, 529 Redbud Street, Green-
ville, Miss.

Missouri

Missouri Baptist State Convention.
President, Rev. R. C. Clopton, 2951
Dayton Street, St. Louis, Mo. Secre-
tary, Rev. C. B. Johnson, 505 Monroe
Street, Jefferson City, Mo.

Nebraska

New Era Baptist State Convention.
President, Rev. F. C. Williams, 1407
N. 22nd Street, Omaha, Neb.

New Jersey

Afro-American Baptist State Conven-
tion of New Jersey. President, Dr.
C. L> Aiken, 137 Edgewater Avenue,
Pleasantville, N. J. Secretary, Rev.
Charles P. Harris, 1283 E. 2nd Street,
Plainsfield, N. J.

New York

Colored Baptist Convention of the
State of New York. President, Dr.
G. H. Sims, 131 W. 131st Street, New
York, N. Y. Secretary, Rev. J. O.
Jones, 160-18 108 Avenue, Jamaica,
N. Y.

Ohio

Ohio Baptist General Association.
President, Rev. Charles H. Crable,
2223 E. 43rd Street, Cleveland, Ohio.
Secretary, Rev. A. W. Jackson, P. O.
Box 62, College Hill, Ohio. Ohio Bap-
tist State Convention. President, Rev.
J. F. Walker, 5240 Beresford Avenue,
Cincinnati, Ohio. Secretary, Rev. N.
L. Shaw, 2622 E. 63rd Street, Cleve-
land, Ohio.

Oklahoma

Oklahoma Missionary Baptist State
Convention. President, Dr. E. W.
Perry, 511 E. 3rd Street, Oklahoma
City, Okla. Secretary, Rev. W. K.
Jackson, P. O. Box 831, Ardmore,
Okla.

Pennsylvania

Pensylvania State Convention. Presi-
dent, Rev. L. G. Carr, 5519 W. Grand
Avenue, Philadelphia, Pa. Secretary,
Rev. T. R. Washington, 3837 German-
town Avenue, Philadelphia, Pa.

South Carolina

Baptist Educational and Missionary
Convention of South Carolina. Presi-
dent, Dr. H. H. Butler, Drawer 749
Hartsville, S. C. Secretary, Rev. L.
C. Jenkins, 1012 Harden Street, Co-
lumbia, S. C.

Tennessee

Tennessee Baptist Missionary and
Educational Convention. President,
Dr. S. A. Owens, 761 Walker Avenue,
Memphis, Tenn.

Texas

Texas Baptist State Convention.
President, Rev. S. T. Alexander, 2705
Flora Street, Dallas, Texas. Secre-
tary, Prof. W. M. Butler, Rt. 3, Box
140, Tyler, Texas. Baptist Missionary
and Educational Convention of Texas.
Vice-President, Rev. T. M. Chambers,
Sr., Box 902, Dallas, Texas. Secre-
tary, Prof. M. E. Butler, 1401 W.
Grand Avenue, Marshall, Texas.

Virginia

Goodwill Baptist State Convention of
Virginia. President, Dr. C. C. Scott,
1005 N. 4th Street, Richmond, Va.
Secretary, Dr. W. L. Ransome, 1507
Decatur Street, Richmond, Va.

West Virginia

West Virginia Baptist State Conven-
tion. President, Rev. S. A. Abrams,
E. Beckley, W. Va. Secretary, Rev.
E. T. Browne, 215 Ellis Street, Blue-
field, W. Va.

DENOMINATIONS HAVING WHITE AND NEGRO MEMBERSHIP 123

National Baptist Evangelical Life and
Soul Saving Assembly of U. S. A.

Organized in 1921 by A. A. Banks as
a charitable, educational and evangeli-
cal organization. Churches, 451. Inclu-
sive membership, 59,742 (1944). Mem-
bership 13 years of age and over, 48,137.
Assembly, annual. Headquarters, 124
Broadway, Boise, Idaho. Officers: Ex-
ecutive Capt., Rev. A. A. Banks, Sr.f
124 Broadway, Boise, Idaho.

National David Spiritual Temple of
Christ Church Union (Inc.) U. S. A.

Founded in 1921 by the Most Rev.
David Wm. Short, who was originally
a Baptist minister. Proclaims the
"orthodox Christian spiritual faith."
Churches, 30. Inclusive membership,
15,898 (1944). Membership 13 years of
age and over, 15,034. Temple, annual.
Headquarters, 1115 W. Cherry Street,
Milwaukee, Wis. Officers: President
and Founder, Senior Bishop David Wm.
Short, 1115 W. Cherry Street, Milwau-
kee, Wis. Evangelist-Sister Bertha H.
Riley, Financial Secretary, 813 Osage
Street, Leavenworth, Kans.

Reformed Methodist Union
Episcopal Church

Organized in 1885 at Charleston, S. C.
among persons withdrawing from the
African Methodist Episcopal Church.
The doctrines were generally those of
the Methodist Episcopal Church.
Churches, 43. Inclusive membership, 3,-
000 (1942). Membership 13 years of
age and over, 3,000. General Confer-
ence, annual. Headquarters, Charles-
ton, S. C. Officer: Bishop J. R. Priv-
lane, 45 Kenny Street, Charleston, S. C.

Reformed Zion Union
Apostolic Church

Organized in 1869 at Boydton, Va., by
Elder James R. Howell of New York,
a minister of the A. M. E. Zion Church
with the doctrines of the Methodist
Episcopal Church. Churches, 52. In-
clusive membership, 3,000 (1943). Mem-
bership 13 years of age and over, 2,000.
Officers: Bishop Rt. Rev. G. W. Taylor,
South Hill, Va. Recording Secretary,
Professor D. T. Jones, Boydton, Va.

Triumph the Church and Kingdom
Of God in Christ

Organized in 1902 in Georgia by Elder
E. D. Smith, emphasizing sanctification
and the second coming of Christ.
Churches, 400 (estimated). Inclusive
membership 30,000 (estimated), (1940).
Membership 13 years of age and over,
30,000 (estimated). International Re-
ligious Congress, quadrennial. Head-
quarters, 4212 3rd Avenue, No., Birming-
ham, Ala. Officer: Bishop C. C. Cole-
man, 808 Elmer Street, Biloxi, Miss.

Union American Methodist
Episcopal Church

In 1813, a Union Church of Africans
was incorpoi-ated in Delaware and made
up of Negro members of the Methodist
Episcopal Church of Wilmington, Del.
In 1850, a division occurred and the
main body changed its name in 1852 as
above. Churches, 71. Inclusive mem-
bership, 9,369 (1936). Membership 13
years of age and over, 7,919 (estimated).

United American Free
Will Baptist Church

A body which set up its organization
in 1901. Though ecclesiastically dis-
tinct, they are in close relations with
the Free Will Baptists. Churches, 350.
Inclusive membership, 75,000 (1944).
Membership 13 years of age and over,
66,000. General Conference, every 3
years. Headquarters, 215 E. North
Street, Kinston, N. C. Officers: Mod.,
Rev. E. M. Hill, Lagrange, N. C. Gen-
eral Financial Secretary, Prof. H. R.
Reeves, Ayden, N. C.
United Holy Church of America, Inc.

Organized in 1896 at Method, N. C.
Ordinances of baptism by immersion
and the Lord's Supper are observed.
Churches, 275. Inclusive membership,
25,000 (1944). Membership 13 years of
age and over, 24,000, (estimated). Con-
vocation, quadrennial. Headquarters,
305 W. 140th Street, New York City.

DENOMINATIONS HAVING WHITE
AND NEGRO MEMBERSHIP

Most denominations of Negro
churches were the outgrowth of the
larger denominations. Many churches
are still a part of the mother denomi-
nations, although the Negro member-
ship may be served in separate local
churches by Negro pastors. According
to the United States Census of 1936
there were 2G denominations, not ex-
clusively Negro, but having Negro
churches and Negro members. We do
not, however, have any statistics of
the Negroes who belong to local
churches which have both Negro and
whites in their membership. A few
of these are known to be in the larger
cities and many in rural communities
and small towns where the Negro popu-
lation is very small — too small to form
a special group church. Some denomi-
nations of mixed membership follow:

American Church Institute
For Negroes

This corporation was authorized in
1906 by the Board of Missions "to pro-
mote the cause of education of Ne-
groes in the Southern States." It is a
general Church institution and al-
though it operates in the field of Do-
mestic Missions, it is not administered
through that department, but enjoys
the status of "a separate body to re-
port directly to the Presiding Bishop
and Council." It also makes its report
at one of the Mass meetings arranged
by the National Council during the
triennial sessions of General Conven-
tion. Congregations, including mis-
sions, 668; number of communicants,
64,000. Headquarters, 82 Devonshire
Street, Boston, Mass. Officers: Presid-
ing Bishop, Treasurer and Acting Di-
rector, Louis J. Hunter. Director, Rev.
Cyril E. Bentley, B. D. Secretary and
Assistant Director, M. M. Millikan.

124

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

Congregational Christian Churches

Made up of the Congregational
Churches which date back to the Pil-
grim Fathers and early settlers of New
England and the Christian Churches,
which united in 1931. Churches (1945)
5,836. Members, 1,130,824. National
Council of Congregational Churches,
Moderator (1945), President Roland
Bridges. Assistant Moderators, Dr.
Charles S. Johnson, Fisk University,
Nashville, Tenn.; Pres. R. H. Stafford,
Rev. A. G. Walton, Chaplain E. C.
Weed. Negro membership in colored
churches, 232 (1945). Inclusive member-
ship with the exception of a few con-
gregational churches in some northern
cities.. 21,181.
The Evangelical United
Brethren Church

Headquarters, 1602 Grand Avenue,
Dayton, Ohio. "Has no work among
colored folk of America. No colored
membership. We have a strong mis-
sionary work among colored folks of
Sierra Leone, West Africa."
Lutheran Synodical Conference

Headquarters, 3558 So. Jefferson Ave-
nue, St. Louis, Mo. Rev. Karl Kurth,
Executive Secretary. Incorporated in
the State of Missouri. In "a few iso-
lated cases, Negroes are members of
the white churches. The Lutheran
Synodical Conference of North America
offers the following tabulation: Congre-
gations, 83. Members, 12,070. These
figures are confined only to four
Lutheran synods."
The Methodist Church

The largest number of Negroes found
outside of an exclusively Negro denomi-
nation are in the Methodist Church.
It is said that among the first Ameri-
can converts of John Wesley were Ne-
groes who spread the Wesleyan move-
ment among Negroes in the West In-
dies and on the mainland. When the
Methodist Church was formed by the
merger of the Methodist Episcopal
Church, the Methodist Episcopal
Church^- South and the Methodist
Protestant Church in Kansas City, Mo.,
in 1939, most of the churches of Ne-
groes were put in the Central Jurisdic-
tion and under the supervision of Ne-
gro bishops and general officers. Some
few isolated churches in the North,
such as St. Mark's in New York City,
remained in the geographical jurisdic-
tion into which they would naturally
fall, since they were not members of a
colored conference. The Methodist
Church is reported to have had 41,067
churches in 1944; inclusive membership,
8,046,129. Membership 13 years of age
and over, 7,400,000 (estimated). In 1936
there were 193,761 Negro members or
little less than 2.5 per cent of the total
membership. In 1944, the total Negro
membership was 347.0761. In the Meth-
odist Church there is no discrimination
on account of race with regard to sal-
aries of bishops, or representation in
the General Conference. But Negroes
hold their Jurisdictional Conference to
elect their bishops and officers. There

dumber reported by Dr. Edgar Love,
Superintendent of Negro Work, Board of
Missions and Church Extension.

are also separate schools for Negro
members, though Negroes are not ex-
cluded from other Methodist schools
and large numbers attend such insti-
tutions as Northwestern, Drew and
Boston Universities. Connectional Staff
of the Central Jurisdiction are as fol-
lows:

Dr. Edgar A. Love, Superintendent of
Negro Work, Board of Missions and
Church Extension, New York, N. Y.

Miss Vivienne Newton, Field Worker,
Woman's Division of Christian
Service, Board of Missions and
Church Extension, New York, N. Y.

Dr. M. S. Davage, Secretary for Ne-
gro Institutions, Board of Educa-
tion, Nashville, Tenn.

Rev. J. A. Green, Assistant Secretary,
Board of Education, Nashville,
Tenn.

Mr. J. H. Touchstone, Associate Sec-
retary, Board of Lay Activities,
Chicago, 111.

Dr. J. W. Golden, Associate Secre-
tary, Board of Evangelism, Nash-
ville, Tenn.

Dr. A. R. Howard, Field Worker,
Board of Temperance, Washington,
D. C.

Dr. N. J. Crolley, Associate Secretary,
Board of Pensions and Relief, Chi-
cago, 111.
Bishops of the Central Jurisdiction are:

Columbus Area, Bishop Edward W.
Kelly, Sr., 4106 Enright Avenue, St.
Louis, Mo.

Baltimore Area, Bishop Alexander P.
Shaw, 1206 Etting Street, Baltimore,
Md.

Atlantic Coast Area, Bishop Lorenzo
H. King, (deceased).

New Orleans Area, Bishop R. N.
Brooks, 631 Baronne Street, New
Orleans, La.

Liberia, West Africa, Bishop Willis
J. King of Atlanta, Ga.

Bishop Robert E. Jones (retired),
Waveland, Miss.

The Presbyterian Church
In the United States

"One of the Synods of our General
Assembly is composed entirely of Ne-
groes. The name of this Synod is
Snedecor Memorial." General Assem-
bly, annual. Officers: Moderator, Dr.
Thomas K. Young, 587 S. Belvedere St.,
Memphis 4, Tenn. Statistical Clerk -
Treasurer, Rev. E. C. Scott, 1120
Liberty Bank Bldg., Dallas 1, Texas.
The Presbyterian Church in
The United States of America

In 1938 the Negro work in the Pres-
byterian Church, U. S. A., secured its
first Negro Secretary in the person of
Rev. A. B. McCoy, D.D., with head-
quarters at 201 Ashby Street, N. W.,
Atlanta, Ga. There are 548 enterprises,
including 342 churches and preaching
stations; 17 parishes and community
centers; 3 day schools; 20 summer con-
ferences; 150 community Sunday
Schools; 14 Presbyterial Leagues; 1 an-
nual workers' conference; and 1 publi-
cation. The staff of 153 includes 113
pastors receiving mission aid; 8 staff
members; 20 lay workers; 12 teachers.
The average congregational member-

DENOMINATIONS HAVING WHITE AND NEGRO MEMBERSHIP 125

ship is 69, the largest is TOO2. Negro
members of National Board of Missions:
Rev. Jesse B. Barber, Lincoln Univer-
sity, Chester, Pa.; Rev. Hapley B. Tay-
lor, 1715 1st Street, N. W., Washington,
D. C.; Member of headquarters staff:
Rev. A. B. McCoy, Secretary, Depart-
ment of Missionary Operation, 201 Ash-
by Street, N. W., Atlanta, Ga. Negro
members of field staff: Rev. Frank C.
Shirley, 522 Beatty Ford Road, Char-
lotte, N. C.; Rev. G. Lake Imes, 1940
Druid Hill Avenue, Baltimore, Md.;
Rev. C. W. Talley, 1213 Market Street,
Cheraw, S. C.; Rev. H. R. Pinkney, 595
Dudley Street, Memphis, Tenn. There
are approximately 300 Negro mission-
aries.
The Protestant Episcopal Church

Originally the Church of England
which was transplanted to America by
the English colonists. The American
churches withdrew from the English
church during the Revolutionary War
and became the Protestant Episcopal
Church, in 1789. Churches, 7,894. In-
clusive membership, 2,227,524. Member-
ship 13 years of age and over 1,501,777.
Negro churches, 708. (This number in-
cludes rural and urban congregations,
independent parishes and missions.)
Negro members (1945), 64,000. The work
of the Church among Negroes in the
United States is different in the North
from that in the South, with regard
to the ratio of Negroes touched. Some
parishes in the northern cities have
more Negroes in them than all the Ne-
gro Episcopal churches in four or five
of the southern dioceses put together.
In St. Philip's Church, New York City,
for instance, there are 3,194 communi-
cants, while in the dioceses of Alabama,
Florida, Mississippi, South Carolina
and Western North Carolina combined,
there are 2^07 Negro communicants.
The growth and development of wOrk
in the Episcopal Church among Negroes
has been largely in northern cities with
the exception of the diocese of South
Florida, which has 3,529 communicants.
In October, 1942, the National Council
instituted a new approach to the pro-
motion of Negro work by the appoint-
ment of a Bi-racial Sub-committee on
Negro Work to function as a board of
strategy to be set up in the Division
of Domestic Missions. The Rev. Bravid
W. Harris, then Archdeacon in the
diocese of Southern Virginia, was ap-
pointed as the first Secretary for Negro
Work on July 1, 1943. On June 1, 1945
the Rev. Tollie L. Caution succeeded
to the position when Rev. Harris was
elevated to the bishopric. The first
job of the Secretary for Negro Work
was to survey the present work and
study the needs, encouraging a sound
financial program through budget and
"Every Member Canvass method," and
to assist churches in securing more
adequate facilities to do an effective
job. Recruiting young people for the
work of the Church is done through
the Life and Work Conference, held
each spring at Fort Valley College Cen-
ter, Fort Valley, Georgia. The Na-
tional Council in 1943 adopted a state -

2Data furnished by Rev. A. B. McCoy,
D.D.. Secretary, Negro Work.

ment of principles of fellowship of
equality covering all their work with
Negroes3.

Roman Catholic Missions Among the
Colored People and the Indians

The need of an organized national
effort to preserve the Faith among the
Catholic Negroes and Indians was
voiced by the American Bishops at the
Second Plenary Council. It was, how-
ever, the Third Plenary Council, in
1884, which actually effected the con-
stitution of a permanent Commission
for this object. According to its plan,
the Commission was to consist of a
Board of Directors composed of three
members of the Hierarchy, assisted by
a secretary. Its funds were to be de-
rived from an annual collection which
the Bishops of the Council ordered to
be taken up in every church in the
United States on the First Sunday of
Lent. These acts of the Council were
formally approved by the Holy See and
the Commission began to function im-
mediately.

During the sixty years of its exist-
ence the Commission has assisted, to
the full extent of its resources, prac-
tically every Indian and Negro mission
in the United States, including Alaska.
Some have required help only in their
infancy, while others have been de-
pendent upon it, at least in part, during
this entire period. The Commission has
supported the Bureau of Catholic In-
dian Missions in Washington, which in
turn has rendered invaluable services
to the Catholic Indian schools. Before
the creation of other agencies for the
home missions, the Commission assisted
missionary work among the Mexicans of
the Southwest. Its scope is, however,
the maintenance and development of
religious work among the Negroes and
Indians of the United States.

"According to the figures compiled by
the Commission for Catholic Missions
among the Colored People and the In-
dians, dated January, 1946, there were
313,877 Catholic Negroes, representing
a gain of 16,789 over the 1940 total of
296,998, but these figures admittedly do
not indicate the whole gain, since the
report was based only on statistics sup-
plied by those dioceses » which receive
financial assistance from the Commis-
sion.

"In 1928, there were 175 missions for
Negroes in the United States. (The
term mission refers to both "resident"
and "out" mission, so long as a church
is established there.) By 1941, this
number had grown to 332, or a gain of
157, as reported by Dr. Gillard in 'Col-
ored Catholics in the United States.'
p. 131." In 1946, reports give 387 mis-
sions. "This is a gain of 55 since 1941,
and a grand total gain of 212 since
1928."

"These missions are located in nine
different areas comprising the whole
country. The West, South Central,
South Atlantic, and East South Central
sections have by far the greater num-
ber of churches for Negroes, these three

3Data furnished by Rev. Tollie L. Caution,
Secretary for Negro Work.

126

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

sections alone having 289 or the total

of 387 missions."

The Board of Directors are:

His Eminence, Dennis Cardinal
Dougherty, Chairman, Archbishop
of Philadelphia, Pa.
His Eminence, Francis Cardinal Spell-
man, Archbishop, New York, N. Y.
His Excellency, Most Reverend Mich-
ael J. Curley, D.D., Archbishop of
Baltimore and Washington.
Secretary, Rev. J. B. Tennelly, S.S.,
D.D., 2021 H Street, N. W., Wash-
ington, D. C.

The Salvation Army

This is a religious body operating in
98 territories of the world, preaching
the gospel of Christ in 102 languages
and ministering in practical ways to
emergency needs of humans, regardless
of race or creed. Since the basic Chris-
tian beliefs of the organization pre-
clude any discrimination against man-
kind, the Army's global network of re-
habilitation services seeks to help all
men and women help themselves. These
services include industrial homes where
men can rebuild their characters, hos-
pitals for unmarried mothers, free or
low cost lodging houses, nurseries for
working mothers, fresh air camps, boys
clubs. Such services are adapted to the
general mores of an area. Negro Sal-
vationists have their own local groups
directed by Negro Salvation Army of-
ficers through which they promote the
on-going activities of The Salvation
Army.

During World War II ... at least
20 Salvation Army operated USO clubs
were established at Negro military
posts. The Red Shield Club Hotel in
Harlem, the world's largest Negro com-
munity in the heart of New York City,
is an outstanding operation. ,Here six
floors of recreational facilities have
served 631,691 Negro servicemen and
women since its opening December 18,
1944. Headquarters, 120-130 W. 14th
Street, New York City4.

The Seventh-day Adventists

This denomination operates in 413
countries of the world. The present
membership is some 600,000 communi-
cants. Of this number, 207,000 are lo-
cated in North America. The colored
membership in North America is 19,018.
The colored membership in Africa and
the West Indies is 90,000. In the year
1944, colored conferences were organized
and staffed by all colored officers. These
conferences affiliate with the parent or-
ganization (white) in union confer-
ences and in the General Conference.
The executive officers of these confer-
ences are known as Presidents. There
are 234 colored churches scattered in
forty-two States. Headquarters: Ta-
koma Park, Washington 12, D. C. Offi-
cers: Rev. G. E. Peters, Secretary,
North American Colored Department5.

4Data furnished by Commissioner Donald
McMillan, National Secretary, U. S. A.
5Data furnished by Rev. G. E. Peters,
Secretary, North American Colored De-
partment.

The United Presbyterian Church

Headquarters, Pittsburgh, Pa. Negro
church officials (denominational), none.
Ministers, 13; Elders, 94; Congrega-
tions, 14; communicants, 1,200. Foreign
missionaries are being sought for the
Sudan. Rev. Suder Q. Mitchell of Phil-
adelphia is a member of the Board
elected by the General Assembly. Board
of Christian Education, Member of
Board, Dr. Frank T. Wilson, Lincoln
University, Chester, Pa. Field Direc-
tors, Rev. Shirley, Rev. Imes, Rev.
Talley and Rev. Pinkney, who also
serve on the Board of Christian Edu-
cation. They have a joint responsibility
to the two Boards.

NEGROES CONNECTED WITH

AUXILIARY CHURCH

ORGANIZATIONS

The American Bible Society

Organized in 1816. Headquarters,
Bible House, 57th Street and Park Ave-
nue, New York, N. Y. Daniel Burke,
LXi.D., President. General Secretaries:
Rev. Eric M. North; Rev. Frederick W.
Cropp; Frank H. Mann; Rome A. Betts;
Rev. Robert T. Taylor. The purpose
of this organization is the distribution
of the Bible in the Americas. Millions
of Bibles have been distributed. Work
began among colored people in 1860.
Special agency among colored people of
the South was started in 1901 with
Rev. John P. Wragg of Atlanta, Ga., as
Agency Secretary. In 1920, the work of
this agency was broadened to include
all Negroes in the United States. Sub-
agencies were established at Atlanta,
Ga., Charlotte, N. C., Cleveland, Ohio,
Memphis, Tenn. and Houston, Texas.
The sub-agencies were designated "di-
visions" in 1929. In 1945, the office of
the Charlotte Division was moved to
Richmond and this Division is now
known as the Richmond Division. In
1929, by request of Dr. Wragg, in con-
nection with an annuity endowment
gift, the agency was named the William
Ingraham Haven Memorial Agency
Among the Colored People of the
United States. The Negro Secretaries
are: Atlanta Division, Rev. D. H. Stan-
ton, 56 Gammon Avenue, S. E., Atlanta,
Ga. ; Richmond Division, Rev. Oscar D.
Carson, St. Luke Bldg., 902 St. James
Street, Richmond, Va.; Cleveland Divi-
sion, Rev. V. C. Hodges, 5424 Woodland
Avenue, Cleveland, Ohio; Dallas Divi-
sion, Rev. H. L. Thomason, 1914 Main
Street, Dallas, Texas. Field workers:
Rev. Ralph E. Austin, 1211 Kearney
Street, N. W., Washington, D. C. ; Rev.
E. A. Mays, 35 E. Wacker Drive, Chi-
cago, 111. Member of Board of Man-
agers: Dr. Channing H. Tobias, New
York City. Advisory Board: Bishop C.
C. Alleyne, Rev. O. Clay Maxwell,
Bishop C. H. Phillips, Bishop R. R.
Wright, Jr.

The American Sunday School Union

The field work of this society has for
its purpose, "to establish and maintain
Sunday Schools." The work among
Negroes is carried on in the South At-

NEGROES AND AUXILIARY CHURCH ORGANIZATIONS

127

lantic District, comprising the States of
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mis-
sissippi and Florida. There is one mis-
sionary each in Alabama, Georgia and
Mississippi, as follows: T. W. Patter-
son, Mississippi; W. P. Jackson, Ala-
bama; T. J. Crawford, Georgia. Their
reports for 1945 include 2 schools or-
ganized, having 6 teachers and 62
scholars; 5 schools reorganized, having
10 teachers and 130 scholars. Schools
visited or aided numbered 211, having
485 teachers and 7,085 scholars. The
total number of schools active part or
all of the year, 142; new members
added 177; Home Department members
secured, 17; number of professed con-
versions, 87; group-gatherings, 25; num-
ber Daily Vacation Bible Schools, 8;
number field visits, 6,312; miles trav-
eled, 20,082; sermons and addresses de-
livered, 441; prayer meetings estab-
lished, 20; young people's societies
formed, 5. Officers: Belding B. Slifer,
President; John H. Talley, Recording
Secretary and Treasurer; Elliott D.
Parkhill, D.D., Secretary of Missions,
1816 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia 3,
Pa.
Baptist World Alliance

The two Negro conventions are mem-
bers of the Baptist World Alliance;
namely, The National Baptist Conven-
tion, U. S. A., Incorporated and the
National Baptist Convention of Amer-
ica. Members of the Executive Com-
mittee are: Dr. J. M. Nabrit, 682 S.
Lauderdale Street, Memphis, Tenn.;
Dr. D. V. Jemison, 1695 Lapsley Street,
Selma, Ala.; Mrs. S. W. Layten, 764 S.
23rd Street, Philadelphia, Pa.; Dr. G. L.
Prince, Mary Allen College, Crockett,
Texas.

Board of National Missions
Evangelical and Reformed Church

This Board supports a number of
inter-racial projects. The Rev. John R.
Harris performs full-time inter-racial
work under the auspices of the Seat-
tle, Washington, Council of Churches.
Mr. Stanley A. Whittaker works under
the Oakland, California Council of
Churches. Other inter-racial work done
is at Evansville, Ind., Louisville, Ky.,
Chicago, 111,, Trenton, N. J., in Michi-
gan under the Michigan Council of
Churches and at Caroline Mission and
Fellowship Center, St. Louis, Mo. Head-
quarters: 1720 Chouteau Avenue, St.
Louis, Mo.

The General Commission On
Army and Navy Chaplains

The appointment of Protestant Chap-
lains in World War II was only on the
recommendation of the General Com-
mission of Army and Navy Chaplains.
This commission was composed of rep-
resentatives of nearly every denomina-
tion. Negro membership was as fol-
lows: National Baptist U. S. A., Dr.
W. H. Jernagin, 1341 Third Street,
Washington, D. C., Chairman. Na-
tional Baptists of America, Dr. E. W.
White, 848 Edmondson Avenue, Balti-
more, Md., Chairman. African Metho-
dist Episcopal Church, Bishop R. R.
Wright, Jr., Box 8, Wilberforce, Ohio,
Chairman. African Methodist Episco-
pal Zion Church, Bishop C. C. Alleyne,

1715 W. Montgomery Avenue, Philadel-
phia, Pa., Chairman. Colored Methodist
Episcopal Church, Bishop C. L. Russell,
1843 S Street, Washington, D. C., Chair-
man.

The Federal Council of Churches
Of Christ in America

Negro denominations affiliated with
the Federal Council of Churches of
Christ in America are: National Bap-
tist Convention, Inc.; African Metho-
dist Episcopal Church; African Meth-
odist Episcopal Zion Church; Colored
Methodist Episcopal Church. Officers:
President, Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam;
Vice-President, Dr. Benjamin E. Mays;
General Secretary, Samuel McCrea
Cavert. Headquarters, 297 4th Avenue,
New York 10, N. Y.

The International Council of
Religious Education

Negro denominations affiliated with
the International Council of Religious
Education are: African Methodist
Episcopal Church; African Methodist
Episcopal Zion Church; Church of
Christ (Holiness), United States of
America; Colored Methodist Episcopal
Church; National Baptist Convention
of America; National Baptist Conven-
tion United States of America (In-
corporated). Headquarters, 203 N. Wa-
bash Avenue, Chicago 1, 111.

Missionary Education Movement of
The United States and Canada

Negro members of the Board of Man-
agers: Mrs. Beulah A. Berry, Home
and Foreign Missionary Department,
A. M. E. Church; Mrs. David H. Sims,
Woman's Missionary Society of the A.
M. E. Church; Mrs. Abbie C. Jackson,
Woman's Home and Foreign Missionary
Society, A. M. E. Z. Church; Mrs.
Creola B. Cowan of the Christian Edu-
cation Department, A. M. E. Church;
Mrs. Edna B. Bronson, Sunday School
Publishing Board, National Baptist
Convention, U. S. A., Inc.; Mrs. Louis
Jefferson, Staff artist. Headquarters,
156 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y.

National Fraternal Council
Of Negro Churches

This organization was founded in
1934 as a clearing house for the ac-
tivities of the Negro churches for the
improvement of civil, economic, indus-
trial and general social conditions in
America, particularly as they affect the
Negroes and for the promotion of world-
wide Christian Brotherhood. It is in-
terdenominational and non-partisan.
The organization operates through the
Washington Bureau and six commit-
tees. The Washington Bureau, 1934
llth Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.,
Rev. W. H. Jernagin, Director, is the
churches' "watchdog" on national legis-
lation which affects Negroes in par-
ticular. Committees are as follows:
Evangelism and Worship; Education;
Health and Housing; Race Relations;
Industrial and Economic Relations; Ag-
ricultural and Rural Life; Urban Life;
Family Life; Recreation and Amuse-
ments; Publication and Publicity; Pro-
gram; Africa and Peace; Labor; Busi-
ness. Officers: Bishop J. H. Clayborn,

128

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

President, 1800 Marshall Street, Little
Rock, Ark.; Bishop R. R. Wright, Jr.,
Executive Secretary, Box 8, Wilber-
force, Ohio.

National Religion and
Labor Foundation

Headquarters, 106 Carmel Street,
New Haven, Conn. Officers: Francis J.
McConnell, Honorary President; Thorn-
ton W. Merriam, Kermit Eby, Chair-
men. Negro members: William S. Nel-
son; A. Phillip Randolph, Bishop R. R.
Wright, Jr.

A Program For the Training of
The Negro Rural Ministry

On November 27, 1944 at the invita-
tion of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, a pre-
liminary conference of rural leaders
was held in New York City to consider
the question of better training for the
Negro rural ministry. Attention was
called to the extensive program of rural
religious work which the Home Mis-
sions Council of North America was
already conducting for the improve-
ment of in-service rural ministers. In
the course of its deliberations, the fol-
lowing statement was unanimously
adopted by the Conference:

1. "That the Conference has approved
in principle, and with enthusiasm,
the project for developing a well co-
ordinated movement for better train-
ing of Negro rural ministers and for
the development of the Negro rural
church as a more constructive com-
munity force.

2. "That the Conference has requested
the Phelps-Stokes Fund to act as
sponsor of the project.

3. "That the Conference has appointed
a Committee, with power to add to
its number, to advise with the
Phelps-Stokes Fund as to develop-
ment of the plan, including such
matters as decisions regarding a field
center, staff, budget, program of
work, raising of funds, etc. The Com-
mittee consists of Messrs. Jones,
Reisner, Ellison, Dawber.

4. "That the Conference has empha-
sized the importance of preventing
duplication of effort by cooperating
with existing agencies and institu-
tions interested in the improvement
of the status of Negro rural min-
isters."

In subsequent meetings of the Ad-
visory Committee, it was agreed that
the Home Missions Council and the
Phelps-Stokes Fund would co-ordinate
their activities. The Phelps-Stokes
Fund would devote itself primarily to
the establishment of a rural church
department in selected schools for the
training of new rural pastors, and the
Home Missions Council would continue
and extend its in-service training pro-
gram. The two efforts were to be com-
bined in a joint program to be known
as "A Program for the Training of
the Negro Rural Ministry."

The joint program was initiated on
June 1, 1945. In the Advisory Com-
mittee meeting of September 15, 1945,
Prof. Ralph A. Felton, head of the
Rural Church Department of Drew
University, who was largely responsi-
ble for setting up the Home Missions

Council's religious extension program
and for training workers for both
phases of the program, was engaged
to serve as Educational Director and
Consultant for the program. The pres-
ent organization of the program is as
follows: An Advisory Committee, com-
posed of representatives of the Phelps-
Stokes Fund and the Home Missions
Council of North America; An Execu-
tive Committee, which carries out the
actions of the Advisory Committee and
supervises and directs the field pro-
gram; the Field Office at Tuskegee In-
stitute, Alabama, under Dr. Harry V.
Richardson, which directs the workers
in the joint program; the Chairman
and Consultant, President J. A. Ellison,
Virginia Union University, Richmond,
Va., and the Educational Director and
Consultant, Professor R. A. Felton,
Madison, N. J.

As of May 31, 1946 Rural Church De-
partments have been set up as follows:
Shaw University, School of Religion,
Raleigh, N. C. ; Morris Brown College,
Turner Seminary, Atlanta, Ga. ; Lane
College, Phillips Seminary, Jackson,
Tenn. ; Fisk University, Department of
Religion and Philosophy, Nashville,
Tenn.; Wilberforce University, Payne
Seminary, Wilberforce, Ohio; Florida
Normal College, School of Religion, St.
Augustine, Fla. ; Bishop College, De-
partment of Religion, Marshall, Texas;
Lincoln University Seminary, Lincoln
University, Pa.; Virginia Union Uni-
versity, School of Religion, Richmond,
Va.; Gammon Theological Seminary,
Atlanta, Ga. (Expected to begin Sep-
tember 1, 1946.)

In 1945, thirty-three institutes were
held for pastors and fifteen for rural
church women. The total attendance at
the 1945 institutes numbered 1201 pas-
tors and 1208 women.6
Student Volunteer Movement
For Christian Missions

Headquarters: 156 Fifth Avenue, New
York, N. Y. Miss Agnes Carter Epps,
Secretary.

United Stewardship Council of the
Churches of Christ of the United
States and Canada

Representatives of Negpoes on this
Council are as follows: Rev. D. V.
Jemison, 1605 Lapsley Street, Selma,
Ala.; Rev. W. H. Jernagin, 1341 3rd
Street, N. W., Washington, D. C., both
representatives of the National Baptist
Convention and Mr. J. H. Touchstone,
239 Auburn Avenue, N. E., Atlanta, Ga.,
a representative of the Methodist
Church.

World Conference on Faith and Order

Bishop S. L. Greene is a member of
the Faith and Order Continuation Com-
mittee. Bishop James A. Hamlett of
the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church
and Bishop S. L. Greene were official
delegates to the World Conference on
Faith and Order at Edinburgh in 1937.
Representatives: Bishop S. L. Greene,
D. W. Nichols and A. J. Allen.

"Source: Annual Report for year ending
May 31, 1946 by Dr. Harry V. Richardson,
Executive Secretary.

NEGROES AND AUXILIARY CHURCH ORGANIZATIONS

129

World Council of Churches
(The American Committee)

Headquarters, 297 4th Avenue, New
York, N. Y., Henry Smith Leiper, Ex-
ecutive Secretary. The Negro members
of the American Committee are as fol-
lows: Principal, Bishop S. L. Greene,
3612 Calhoun Street, New Orleans, La.
Alternates, Bishop A. J. Allen, 2195 E.
89th Street, Cleveland, Ohio; Bishop D.
Ward Nichols, 209 Edgecombe Avenue,
New York, N. Y.
World's Sunday School Association

Headquarters, 156 Fifth Avenue, New
York, N. Y. Negro members, Rev.
J. W. Eichelberger, Jr.; Rev. Julian
Smith and Dr. A. M. Townsend.

World's Young Women's
Christian Association

Headquarters, 17th and K. Streets,
Washington, D. C. Mrs. Robert W.
Claytor of Grand Rapids, Michigan, a
Negro, is one of the United States
World's Y. W. C. A. Council Members,
of whom there are twelve for the
United States.

The Young Men's Christian Associations
Of the United States of America —
(The National Council of)

Headquarters: 347 Madison Avenue,
New York, N. Y. In 1853, only two
years after the founding of the first
North American Associations in Mon-
treal and Boston, a colored Associa-
tion was organized in Washington, D.
C. A second followed at Charleston,
South Carolina in 1866, and a third in
New York City in 1867. The first stu-
dent Association among colored men
appeared in 1869 at Howard University.
The 1876 Convention at Toronto voted
to make "a special effort during the
coming year among the colored people
of the South, and that the International
Committee be instructed to send a rep-
resentative or representatives among
them." The Convention accepted work
among colored young men as one of
several projects for which $20,000 was
sought and $11,274 pledged, during the
meeting. The securing in 1890 of Wil-
liam A. Hunton, for two years the first
paid colored Y. M. C. A. executive at
Norfolk, Virginia as the first national
leader for the colored work, marked the
real foundation for national organiza-
tion and advance. The work of Hunton
was particularly effective in the col-
leges. In 1898, Jesse E. Moorland
joined the International Committee staff
to organize colored Associations in the
cities.

Notable gifts from certain philan-
thropists set a new precedent and es-
tablished a new standard. The first of
these was George Foster Peabody
whose provision of a building at Co-
lumbus, Georgia, in 1907 was followed
by the contribution of John D. Rocke-
feller, Sr. for a similar purpose in
Washington, D. C. Most notable of all
was the unprecedented generosity of
Julius Rosenwald in giving $25,000 to
any city in the United States that
would raise an additional $75,000 for a
Y. M. C. A. building for colored men
and boys. Mr. Rosenwald's offer was

made on December 28, 1910. In all, 25
cities availed themselves of the Rosen-
wald beneficence, and buildings were
dedicated between 1912 and 1933, the
original cost of land, buildings and
equipment aggregated $5,815,969. The
Rosenwald benefactions amounted to
$612,000. Local Negro populations con-
tributed the sum of $472,558 and $4,-
731,411 was contributed from other
sources.

The Inter-racial Commission, whose
achievements played a helpful part dur-
ing the period after the close of World
War I in creating better understanding
between the white and colored com-
munities of the South was first or-
ganized as a part of the work of the
National War Work Council of Y. M.
C. A.'s and financed from its funds.

The basic policy underlying the ex-
perience of the Young Men's Christian
Association thus far in its service for
Negroes has been the conviction that
the most practicable way by which to
advance the spirit of cooperation and
beneficial service among those con-
cerned lay in the direction of separate
but equal accommodations. But at the
Secretaries Study Institute, the Lay-
men's Conference and the Quadrennial
Conference of the Colored Work De-
partment in session at Bordentown
Manual Training School, Bordentown,
N. J., in July 1942, the Conference rec-
ommended and requested the National
Board of Young Men's Christian Asso-
ciations (1) To appoint a commission
to devise ways and means of eliminat-
ing the discriminatory practice among
Negroes in the Y. M. C. A. and (2) To
appoint a second commission to study
and plan the present and postwar pro-
gram of the Young Men's Christian
Associations with colored men and boys.
The meeting of the Y. M. C. A. Re-
search Council held on July 7 and 8,
1942 at Poughkeepsie, N. Y. decided to
undertake a study of the situation.
The results of this study are published
in "Negro Youth in City YMCA's, A
Study of YMCA Services Among Negro
Youth In Urban Communities," New
York. National Council of YMCA's.
1944. 80 p.

In 1942, the number of colored asso-
ciations reporting was 63. The number
of members reported was 59, 453. T

The Young Women's Christian
Associations of the United
States of America

Headquarters, 600 Lexington Avenue,
New York, N. Y. Seven Negro members
of the National Board are as follows:
Mrs. Robert W. Claytor, Grand Rapids,
Mich.; Mrs. A. Maurice Curtis, Patter-
son, N. J.; Mrs. William M. Cuthbert,
Pittsburgh, Pa.; Mrs. Nathaniel Dil-
lard, Richmond, Va. ; Mrs. Leonora P.
John, New York, N. Y.; Mrs. Edward
S. Lewis, New York, N. Y.; Mrs. Rich-
ard L. Martin, Jersey City, N. J. Eight
members of the National Professional
Staff are: Mrs. Louise P. Cochran,
Miss Mamie E. Davis, Miss Irene Har-
ris, Miss Dorothy Height, Miss Roberta
Maupin, Mrs. Sallie Parham, Miss Es-

rData furnished by R. W. Bullock.

130

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

telle Thomas, Mrs. Yolanda B. Wilker-
son. Of five officers of the National
Y. W. C. A. Convention, one is a Ne-
gro, Mrs. Jesse Heslip of Toledo. There
are 85 Negro branches of the Y. W.
C. A.; 5 centers; 1 independent af-
filiated association; 1 independent un-
affiliated association and joint Y. M.
C. A. and Y. W. C. A.

The Young Women's Christian Asso-
ciation adopted a thirty-five point pro-
gram recommending the inclusion of
colored women in the "main stream of
association life" and calling for an end
of racial separation in community Y.
W. C. A.'s throughout the country at
its seventeenth National Convention in
Atlantic City in 1946.

NEGRO CHAPLAINS
Early Negro Chaplains

Henry M. Turner (commissioned 16
November, 1863) First Regiment In-
fantry (U. S. Colored Troops); Wil-
liam H. Hunter (commissioned 10 Oc-
tober, 1863) Fourth Regiment Infan-
try (USCT) ; James Underdue (com-
missioned 22 June, 1864) Thirty-ninth
Regiment Infantry (USCT); William
Warring (no date given for commis-
sion, resigned 20 May, 1865) One Hun-
dred and Second Regiment Infantry
(USCT); Samuel Hamson (commis-
sioned 8 September, 1863, resigned 14
March, 1864) Fifty-fourth Massachu-
setts Regiment Infantry (colored)';
William Jackson (commissioned 10
July, 1863, resigned 14 January, 1864)
Fifty-fifth Massachusetts Regiment In-
fantry (colored) ; John R. Bowles (no
date for commission, resigned 12 June,
1865) Fifty-fifth Massachusetts Regi-
ment Infantry (colored).8

Another reference is to Samuel Ham-
son of Pittsfield, Massachusetts: "He
was refused pay as a chaplain, because
of his color."9

Also found in the History of the
Fifty-fourth Regiment by Emilio is the
statement: "At a meeting of the offi-
cers on the 24th October, 1864 the
Rev. James Lynch, a colored man was
elected chaplain of the Fifty-fourth.
He was subsequently commissioned,
but not mustered."

Herbert Aptheker gives the follow-
ing information concerning Lemuel
Haynes: "Among those at Lexington

"Source: A History of the Negro Troops
in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-65 by
George W. Williams, Harper & Bros., pp.
143-44.

9Source: History of the Fifty-fourth Regi-
ment of Massachusetts Volunteer Infan-
try, 1863-65 by Louis F. Emilio, 2nd ed.,
Boston Book Co.. pp. 149-50.

and Concord in April 1775, were at
least, the following Negroes . . .
Lemuel Haynes, native of West Hart-
ford, Conn., and destined to be a fa-
mous theologian and minister for white
congregations of New England (and,
at long last, to have his portrait dis-
played in November, 1939, in the mu-
seum at Bennington, Vermont) .10

Negro Chaplains in World War I

Name and Denomination

Adams, James B., Bapt.

Amiger, William T., Bapt.

Arnold, FranK R., M. E.

Bell, William Y., C. M. E.

Bowen, John W. E., Jr., M. E.

Brice, John, Presb. United.

Brown, Andrew D., M. E.

Brown, Frank W., M. E.

Brown, Julian L., Bapt.

Carter, Louis A. (Capt.), African Bapt.

Casper, Alfred G., A. M. E.

Carver, Monroe S., Bapt.

Christian, Ellis A., P. E.

demons, John T., Cong.

Collins, Henry M., A. M. E.

Davis, Thomas E., A. M. E.

Dinsmore, Elbert S. M., A. M. E.

Greene, Richard A., A. M. E.

Hamilton, Eugene H., Cong.

Hatwood, A. Huntingdon, A. M. E.

Hill, John Acton, A. M. E.

Isom, Charles T., Bapt.

Jefferson, Robert W., M. E.

Jefferson, Matthew M., Bapt. N.

Jenkins, Lincoln C., Bapt.

Johnson, Berryman H., Bapt.

Love, Edgar A., M. E.

McAllister, Reuben N., Meth. N.

McDonald, Frederick D. L., A. M. E.

McGee, Lewis A., A. M. E.

Means, Needham M., A. M. E.

Miller, Clifford L., Cong.

Morris, Robert G., M. E.

Newman, Allen D., Bapt.

Ovletrea, John W., A. M. E.

Parker, George C., M. E.

Parks, Cornelius G., A. M. E.

Prioleau, George W. (Major), A. M. E.

Rankin, Arthur E., Presb.

Robeson, Benjamin C., A. M. E. Z.

Robinson, Uriah J., Bapt.

Rogers, Hugh A., Bapt.

Rosedom, George A., National Bapt.

Scott, Oscar J. W. (Capt.), A. M. E.

Shirley, Frank C., Presb. N.

Simpson, James T., A. M. E.

Singleton, George A., A. M. E.

Snowden, Isaac C., A. M. E.

Stark, George S., Presb. N.

Thomas, Alexander W., A. M. E.

Thomas, George A., M. E.

Trigg, Charles Y., M. E.

Wallace, Thomas W., A. M. E. Z.

Williams, Noah W., A. M. E.

Woolfolk, Elkin O., M. E.

Wright, Elmer M., P. E.

Yergan, Max, Cong.

10Source: Essays in the History of the
American Negro by Herbert Aptheker,
International Publishers, New York, 1945,
p. 102.

NEGRO CHAPLAINS

131

Negro Chaplains in U. S.
Army in World War II

Negro Chaplains on Active Duty

Name and Denomination

Anderson, Richard, Presb., USA.

Barrett, Walter D. S., A. M. E. Z.

Beasley, Louis J., Cong. Chr.

Blackwell, Frank A., Meth.

Blakeley, Ulysses B., Presb., USA.

Blakeney, Linson L., Presb., USA.

Blue, David C., A. M. E.

Bowser, George G., A. M. E.

Boyd, Cauthion T., Jr., Ch. of God.

Brewer, David L., N. Bapt., USA.

Bright, Sylvester R., N. Bapt., USA.

Brooks, Theodore H., N. Bapt. USA.

Bruce, Leonard L., A. M. E.

Bryant, Robert A., Bapt. Nat.

Bussey, Reuben T., A. M. E.

Carter, Julius C., A. M. E.

Clay, William A. L., N. Bapt., USA.

Cooper, Rufus A., A. M. E. Z.

Crocker, William B., N. Bapt., USA.

Daniels, Theodore R., N. Bapt., USA.

Davis, Booker T., Presb., USA.

De Veaux, John A., A. M. E.

Downs, John A., A. M. E.

Durden, Lewis M., N. Bapt., USA.

Edden, James A., P. E.

Ellis, Cassius M. C., Bapt., NCA.

Ellis, Leonard A., Presb., USA.

Faulkner, Matthew C., Disc.

Felder, De DeLeon, A. M. E.

Fisher, Charles, Cong. Chr.

Ford, Drue C., N. Bapt., USA.

Ford, Theodore P., Bapt., NCA.

Gaithers, Chalmers F., Bapt., USA.

Gibson, Elmer P., Meth.

Gibson, Ford, A. M. E.

Gibson, Mark W., Presb., USA.

Grau, William C., Cath.

Griffin, James C., N. Bapt., USA.

Grimmett, Ervin E., A. M. E. Z.

Hall, Douglass F., N. Bapt., USA.

Hall, Junious E., Meth.

Handy, John W., Jr., Meth.

Hankerson, Elijah H., N. Bapt., USA.

Harkness, Davis S., Meth. Chr.

Harris, Ellsworth G., Meth.

Harrison, Ernest L., Meth.

Hayden, Gerald L., A. M. E.

Hodge, Charles B., N. Bapt. USA.

Hogarth, Melbrune R., P. E.

Hopson, Brannon J., N. Bapt., USA.

Hughes, Christopher C., A. M. E.

Hunter, Charles S. H., Jr., A. M. E.

Jefferson, Millard F.f Meth. Epis. Cld.

Jenkins, Warren J., A. M. E.

Jenkins, Pliny W., Meth.

Johnson, Andrew L., A. M. E.

Johnson, Simeon T., A. M. E.

Jones, Hubert C., Meth.

Lewis, Alexander L., Presb., USA.

Lewis, Samuel A., Luth. Un.

Long, Norman G., Meth.

McWilliams, Alfred L., Meth. Epis. Cld.

Marshburn, Furney N., N. Bapt., USA.

Maxwell, Alphonse, Meth.

Mayo, James A., P. E.

McNair, Elisha B., Meth. Epis. Cld.

Middleton, Joseph R., Meth.

Morgan, Clifton, Ch. of God.

Murray, James H., P. E.

Owens, Theodore R., A. M. E. Z.

Peak, Sanford N., N. Bapt., USA.

Percy, John S., Bapt. S.

Powe, Alphonse S., Presb., USA.

Pruden, Joseph D., N. Bapt., USA.
Richmond, Clarence H., Presb., USA.
Robinson, Douglass, A. M. E.
Ross, Paul G., A. M. E.
Saunders, Robert J., Bapt., NCA.
Scott, Osborne E., N. Bapt., USA.
Sessions, Girard F., A. M. E.
Sideboard, Henry Y., Meth. Epis. Cld.
Smith, Albert L., Presb., USA.
Smith, Theodore R., Bapt., NCA.
Smith, Forrest M., A. M. E.
Stokes, James E., Presb., USA.
Stroud, Lamar A., A. M. E.
Sutterfield, Winnett E., Bapt. S.
Swann, Melvin C., A. M. E.
Wactor, James W., A. M. E. Z.
Walker, Charles C., Cong. Chr.
Walker, James A., A. M. E.
Warley, Exley H., A. M. E.
White, Frank L., N. Bapt., USA.
White, Kenneth, A. M. E.
Whittington, Maxwell S., P. E.
Woods, General R., A. M. E.

Negro Chaplains Reverted to Inactive
Status October, 1946

Name and Denomination

Albert, Theodore R., Meth.

Alexander, Lloyd M., P. E.

Alexander, Lorenzo A., N. Bapt., USA.

Alexander, Robert H., A. M. E.

Allen, George E., N. Bapt., USA.

Anderson, Robert S., N. Bapt., USA.

Armstrong, John W., A. M. E.

Ateca, Mitchell C., N. Bapt., USA.

Austin, F. H., N. Bapt., USA.

Austin, Ralph E., N. Bapt., USA.

Bain, John C., Meth.

Baker, Roosevelt A., Bapt., NCA.

Bakerville, Lewis A., P. E.

Bell, William L., A. M. E.

Bennett, Lorenzo D., A. M. E.

Blake, Charles O., A. M. E.

Blalock, Charles W., N. Bapt., USA.

Booze, Harry C., Meth.

Bowden, Henry J. C., P. E.

Bowman, John W., Cath.

Briggs, Emmanuel L., Meth.

Brinkley, William S., Presb., USA.

Brown, Frank R., A. M. E.

Brown, James R., A. M. E.

Brown, Julius T., Jr., N. Bapt., USA.

Brown, Lorenzo Q., Meth.

Brown, Richard T., N. Bapt., USA.

Bryan, Joseph D., Bapt. S.

Bunton, Henry C., Meth. Epis.

Burt, C., Douglass, Reg. Bapt. N.

Byrd, Charles E., Bapt., NCA.

Calvin, James C., Meth.

Carr, Joseph M., Bapt., NCA.

Cash, William L., Jr., Cong. Chr.

Carroll, Edward G., Meth.

Carty, Denzil A., P. E.

Caution, Gustave H., P. E., B.

Chapman, Herman B., Bapt., NCA.

Charles, Harold E., A. M. E.

Cherry, Charles A., Bapt., NCA.

Clanton, John H., N. Bapt., USA.

Clement, James A., A. M. E. Z.

Clement, Theodore S., A. M. E.

Goby, James E., N. Bapt., USA.

Cole, Joseph R., Meth. Epis.

Colvin, William J., A. M. E.

Conyers, William M., Meth.

Cousin, Lee A., A. M. E.

Covington, George E., Presb., USA.

Cox, James A., N. Bapt., USA.

Cox, Lafayette C., N. Bapt., USA.

132

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES

Crawford, Robert, Jr., N. Bapt., USA.
Crichlow, Luther W., S. D. A.
Crowell, Arthur R., A. M. E.
Crump, Alfonso W., Meth.
Dandridge, William H., C. M. E.
Darnell, Milner L., Meth. Cld.
Dickerson, William A., N. Bapt., USA.
Diggs, Franklin B., Presb., USA.
Diggs, Hyason V., Bapt., NCA.
Diggs, Thomas O., A. M. E. Z.
Dixon, Nelson H., A. M. E.
Dokes, Robert B., N. Bapt., USA.
Douglass, Julius T., Presb., USA.
Dungee, John R., Presb. Un.
Dunston, Alfred G., Jr., A. M. E. Z.
Dyer, Jacob A., N. Bapt., USA.
Edwards, John H., P. E.
Eichelberger, Lewis Z., Bapt., NCA.
Evans, Lorenzo J., Disc.
Falconer, John B., Bapt., NCA.
Ferry, Russell A., N. Bapt., USA.
Fortune, Allen E., Presb. Un.
Freeman, Edward W., N. Bapt., USA.
Frierson. Theodore R., Meth.
Gantt, Edward W., A. M. E. Z.
Gardner, William E., N. Bapt., USA.
Gibson, Crober C., A. M. E.
Giles, Samuel H., A. M. E.
Golden, Charles F., Meth.
Grady, James C., A. M. E.
Grant, James A. G., Sr., Cong. Chr.
Gray, William R., Jr., N. Bapt., USA.
Green, William T., Jr., N. Bapt., USA.
Greenfield, Curtis O., A. M. E.
Greer, Samuel D., Ch. of Chr.
Gross, Robert H., A. M. E.
Guilbeau, Samuel F., A. M. E.
Hacker, Colman L., Meth. Epis. Cld.
Harrington, Joseph H., N. Bapt., USA.
Harris, Thomas J. R., Presb., USA.
Hawk, Charles N., N. Bapt., USA.
Hawkins, Howard P., Meth. Cld.
Heacock, Roland T., Cong. Chr.
Hendrieth, Marlin J., A. M. E.
Hewlett, Everett A., Presb., USA.
Hicks, Elder B., Bapt. N.
Hightower, William H., A. M. E.
Hill, Rufus L., N. Bapt., USA.
Holder, Oscar E., P. E.
Holland, Simmie P., A. M. E. Z.
Holliday, Craranza A., N. Bapt., USA.
Howard, Arthur R., Jr., Meth.
Howard, James F., A. M. E.
Ho well, Cajus B., A. M. E.
Hunt, Isaiah H., A. M. E.
Hurley, James R., A. M. E.
Jackson, Clarence E., N. Bapt., USA.
Jefferson, George W., A. M. E.
Jenkins, John J., A. M. E.
Jenkins, Thomas A., Presb., USA.
Jennings, Melvin L., Assem. of God.
Johnson, Darneal F., Bapt. Nat.
Johnson, Harvey E., Cong. Chr.
Jones, Bennie J., N. Bapt., USA.
Jones, Carl M., N. Bapt., USA.
Jones, Nathaniel S., N. Bapt., USA.
Jones, Warren C., Presb., USA.
Jones, William L., Bapt., NCA.
Jones, William O., N. Bapt., USA.
Kemp, Andrew J., N. Bapt., USA.
Kennedy, Cordell H., Presb., USA.
Kidd, Paul E., A. M. E.
King, Ralph R., A. M. E.
Lee, Robert H. C., A. M. E. Z.
Lewis, George F., Disc.
Lissimore, Joseph H., A. M. E.
Little, Harlee H., A. M. E. Z.
Loyd, Gil B., N. Bapt., USA.
Lowe, Matthew A., A. M. E.
Malone, Van Joseph, Sr., Bapt., NCA.

Martin, Argalius E., Meth.
Martin, Granville H., Bapt. Nat.
Mattison, Ernest N., Meth.
May, Carlos M., A. M. E.
Mayfield, Spurgeon J., Cong. Chr.
McAdams, Elliot L., Presb., USA.
McClellan, William E., A. M. E.
McDonald, Isaac I., P. E.
McGee, Charles L., Presb., USA.
McGee, Lewis A., A. M. E.
McLaughlin, Elmer A., A. M. E.
Merri weather, Moses C., Meth.
Middleton, Richard T., P. E.
Morris, James D., N. Bapt., USA.
Muldrow, William H., A. M. E.
Murray, Allen L., A. M. E.
Nash, Wesley B., A. M. E.
O'Neal, Edmund J., A. M. E. Z.
Outlaw, Guy D., N. Bapt., USA.
Owen, Samuel A., Bapt. Nat.
Parham, Thomas D., Jr., Presb., USA.
Parker, Arthur W., Bapt. Nat.
Parker, Raymond W., Presb., USA.
Penn, Robert E., Bapt. S.
Perkins, William M., N. Bapt., USA.
Perry, Cyrus W., Meth.
Pierce, Isaiah B., A. M. E. Z.
Pierson, Cato H., Meth.
Pogue, King D. S., Presb., USA.
Pointer, Ira A., Meth.
Points, Isaac B., Meth.
Powell, Robert B., N. Bapt., USA.
Pritcheett, Charles G., N. Bapt., USA.
Ray, Douglas M., Meth.
Reddick, King D., N. Bapt., USA.
Reeves, John L., A. M. E.
Rhone, Sandy D., A. M. E.
Rice, Deual C., N. Bapt., USA.
Robinson, Edgar L., Luth., MS.
Robinson, Hughes A., Cong. Chr.
Robinson, Luther H., Luth., MS.
Scott, William A., N. Bapt., USA.
Shaw, Alvia A., A. M. E.
Skelton, Robert E., Meth.
Smith, Daniel L., A. M. E.
Smith, Frank A., Meth. Epis. Cld.
Smith, James H., Bapt., NCA.
Smith, James L., Presb., USA.
Smith, Robert J., Bapt. N.
Smith, William A., N. Bapt., USA.
Snoddy, Chester A., Bapt. S.
Spears, Augustus G., Meth.
Spears, Clifford B., Disc.
Stanmore, Levi L., N. Bapt., USA.
Stemley, Carey D., Meth.
Stephens, Fred E., A. M. E.
Stewart, James E.t A. M. E. Z.
Strother, William C., Jr., Meth.
S wisher, Marion P., N. Bapt., USA.
Tarter, Charles L., Presb., USA.
Taylor, Ennis L., Meth.
Taylor, Paul L., Presb., USA.
Terrell, Hubert C., A. M. E.
Thigpen, Lee A., Jr., Meth.
Thomas, Alonzo L., Bapt. S.
Thomas, Charles W., N. Bapt., USA.
Thompson, Ernest E., N. Bapt., USA.
Thornton, Henry E., A. M. E.
Tibbs, Albert J., N. Bapt., USA.
Truscott, David L., Disc.
Tunstall, Charles A., N. Bapt., USA.
Walker, Henry W. B., Bapt. Nat.
Ward, Beverly M., Presb., USA.
Washington, Arthur G., Cong. Chr.
Washington, L. Barnwell, Presb., USA.
Washington, Sullus B., A. M. E.
Watkins, Charles T., A. M. E.
Webb, James S., A. M. E.
Wesley, John R., A. M. E. Z.
Wharry, Fore C., Meth.

NEGRO CHAPLAINS

133

White, Albert M., A. M. E.
White, Greene H., A. M. E.
White, Walter S., A. M. E.
Wilkins, William A., P. E.
Williams, Albert R., Bapt. N.
Williams, Arthur D., Meth.
Williams, Clifton S., A. M. E.
Williams, George W., Meth.
Williams, Kenneth R., N. Bapt., USA.
Williams, Peter C., A. M. E.
Williams, Samuel J., Bapt., NCA.
Williams, Thaddeus E., Bapt., NCA.
Wilson, Alpheus T., Meth.
Winthrop, Charles R., Presb., USA.
Wright, Giles R., Meth. Cld.
Wynne, Otis J., N. Bapt., USA.
Yancey, George R., N. Bapt., USA.
Zeigler, Daniel J., A. M. E.

Under Order to Be Relieved

Name and Denomination

Home, Henry P., N. Bapt., USA.
Shaw, Frank S., A. M. E.
Titus, Phylemon, Meth.

Churchmen Tour War
Fronts

Bishop John A. Gregg of the African
Methodist Episcopal Church toured the
South Pacific in 1943, visiting Negro
units in the interest of morale. As
representative of the Fraternal Council
of Negro Churches in America Bishop
Gregg visited war zones in Italy, India,
Australia and Africa in 1944.

Rev. William H. Jernagin, Baptist
leader, toured the Southwest Pacific

visiting Negro chaplains and soldiers
in 1945 under the auspices of the
Fraternal Council of Negro Churches
in America.

Negro and White Churchmen
Cooperate in Vermont Plan

In 1944, the Rev. A. Ritchie Low,
pastor since 1932 of the Congregational
Church, Johnson, Vermont, conceived
the idea of putting race relations on a
friendly Christian basis. His idea was
to bring Negro children from Harlem
to the hills of Vermont and use them
as ambassadors of good will. They
would be children from nine to twelve
years of age and would live as guests
in white homes for two weeks. Dr.
Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., pastor of
the Abyssinian Baptist Church, one of
the largest and best organized Protes-
tant Churches in the United States,
with a membership of over 10,000, was
asked to cooperate. This he did. The
children selected were cordially and
graciously received and entertained by
these families of the Green Mountain
country. The Vermont experiment in
race relations was more than a success.
It was mutually helpful to the partic-
ipating .children and to the families
receiving them. In 1944 79 children
were involved; 89 in 1945; and 100 in
1946.

DIVISION VI

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945

By Juuus A. THOMAS
National Ur'ban League

WORLD WAR II AFFECTS THE

ECONOMY OF THE NEGRO
The Impact of World War II on the
National Economy Causes Changes

The five-year period, 1941 to 1945
inclusive, must be recorded as extreme-
ly significant in terms of economic
change and advancement in the Ne-
gro's long struggle for a greater meas-
ure of economic security. While sub-
stantial progress on several fronts was
achieved during the decades prior to
Pearl Harbor, it was the war and its
impact upon the total economy that
precipitated many changes, the full ef-
fects of which may not be realized for
many years.

Four Important Developments
Characterize War Period

In the main, this period was char-
acterized by four important develop-
ments— the migration of almost a mil-
lion Negroes from farms and agricul-
tural communities to northern, south-
ern, and western industrial centers; an
increase of some 600,000 in the number
of Negroes employed in manufacturing
industries; the enrollment of almost
700,000 Negroes in the labor move-
ment; and the induction of 1,150,000
Negroes into the Armed Forces.

Executive Order 8802 Issued and
F. E. P. C. Committee Appointed

Attending these major upheavals in
the economic destiny of the Negro pop-
ulation, many other forces were fever-
ishly at work to give substance and
encouragement to a nation-wide drive
for real equality of opportunity for all
Americans. The President of the
United States in June, 1941, issued an
Executive Order (8802)- which reaf-
firmed the national policy of non-dis-
crimination because of race, color,
creed, or national origin. A Fair Em-
ployment Practice Committee was ap-
pointed to implement the Order. Not
since the Emancipation Proclamation
had a Chief Executive issued a direc-
tive of such scope affecting racial prac-

tices in any phase of our national
life. As the end of the war approached
and the authority of the F. E. P. C.
was curtailed, a vigorous campaign
was launched to obtain favorable Con-
gressional action on legislation that
would permanently ban discrimination
in employment on account of race or
religion.

Government, Public and Private
Agencies Assisted Movement of
Negroes Into War Industries

Before the issuance of Executive Or-
der 8802, the activities of other govern-
ment and private agencies, together
with the increasing shortage of labor,
had accelerated the movement of Ne-
groes into war industries in many sec-
tions of the country. The Labor Sup-
ply Division of the Council of Na-
tional Defense and its successor, the
Minorities Service Division of the War
Manpower Commission, had made note-
worthy beginnings in breaking down
barriers to greater use of Negro work-
ers during the early stages of the war.
The National Urban League, an inter-
racial social work agency with local
affiliates in the principal industrial
centers, had succeeded in placing Ne-
gro workers in many war plants dur-
ing the same period. The cumulative
result of these efforts, plus the imple-
mentation of the Executive Order
(8802) enabled thousands of Negroes
to secure employment in industries
which had not used them to any great
extent before the war.

Paralleling and complementing the
work of these forces were many other
contributory factors which cannot be
disregarded. Progressive labor unions,
both C. I. O. and A. F. of L., began to
re-examine their membership policies
and procedures with a view of
strengthening the war-time demand for
the adoption of non-discriminatory
hiring practices in the industries in
which they exercised bargaining rights.
Inter-racial groups, church groups,
civic organizations, and miscellaneous

134

POPULATION SHIFTS AND EMPLOYMENT

135

organizations whose pre-war activities
were confined largely to cultural and
social aspects of racial discrimination
joined in the fight to eliminate dis-
crimination in war employment.

The end result of these efforts has
been reported in preceding paragraphs.
The remainder of this section will en-
deavor to analyze many of these de-
velopments, evaluate their implica-
tions, and suggest next steps in ad-
vancing the position of Negroes in the
national economy.

POPULATION SHIFTS AND

EMPLOYMENT
Negroes Primarily Rural
Dwellers in the South

There is a distinct correlation be-
tween the geographic location of any
group of people and the kind of em-
ployment they will be able to obtain.
Since the first boat load of Negro
slaves landed in this country in 1619,
Negroes have been primarily rural
dwellers. As farm laborer, tenant
farmer, farm owner, they have been
hopelessly lashed to the agricultural
economy of the South. Despite the
migration which began shortly after
the turn of the Century, two-thirds
of the Negro population resided in the
South in 1940. The majority of this
number lived on the farms and in the
rural towns of the South.

The movement' cityward was accel-
erated during and after World War I
but abruptly halted during the Depres-
sion. The Federal Census for 1940
reported a total Negro population of
12,865,518. Of the total, slightly less
than ten million (9,904,619) still lived
in the South. The movement to the
city had made slight inroads on the
southern rural population since 44.7
per cent of the total Negro population
in the South still resided on farms.
Nevertheless, the cumulative effects of
past migration had increased the Ne-
gro urban population to 6,253,586 or
48.8 per cent of the total. Almost 90
per cent of the Negro popu!ation liv-
ing in the North and West were city
dwellers in 1940.

Negro Migration During
World War II

Few observers of war-time shifts in
the Negro population have been able
to agree on the extent of such shifts,
and no doubt exact information must
await the next Federal Census. It is

apparent, however, that the migration
did not get under way until well after
the first year of the war. This was
due in part to the fact that large-scale
use of Negro workers in many war
industries did not begin until the white
labor supply was almost completely
exhausted. Moreover, many employers
refused to employ any significant num-
bers of Negroes in the plants which
they operated before the war but con-
centrated them in government-built
war plants. Since most of these plants
were not in production until almost a
year after the war began, Negro work-
ers had relatively few opportunities
in war production until early in 1943.

The pattern of World War II migra-
tion was very similar to that of World
War I except for the fact that a much
larger number of Negroes moved to
West Coast cities to work in aircraft
and shipbuilding plants in the Los An-
geles, San Francisco, Portland, and
Seattle areas. It is reliably estimated
that between 150 and 200 thousand
Negroes went to the West Coast be-
tween 1942 and 1945, and present indi-
cations are that a large percentage of
the total will remain in this area.

The extent of Negro migration to
several important industrial areas was
revealed in a recent Census Bureau
survey of congested production cen-
ters.1

During the war years, extensive in-
creases have been recorded in other
cities including Cleveland, Philadel-
phia, Baltimore, Washington, Chicago,
Newark, New York City, St. Louis, At-
lanta, and New Orleans.

Economic Implications of Migration

The economic implications of these
population shifts are clearly obvious.
The Negro worker, drawn by the
magic of war jobs at wages which ex-
ceeded anything he had experienced
before, tasted a new freedom — freedom
from penury and penny pinching. De-
spite many unsupported assertions that
the new prosperity would be squan-
dered in good times and free spend-
ing, the Research Company of Amer-
ica2 reported that 75 per cent of 3,000
Negro families surveyed in Washing-
ton, Baltimore, and Philadelphia held
War Bonds and war savings of con-
siderable volume.

Division on Population.
2Unpublished report, Consumer Study of
Negro Families in Three Urban Com-
munities — 1945.

136

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945

Equally important is the fact that
many migrant war workers had an op-
portunity to learn new skills while im-
proving those they were unable to use
before the war. Whether or not the
post-war period will bring a reversal
of this trend remains to be seen. Such
sample studies as have been made in a
number of war-swollen communities
indicate that the vast majority of these
migratory workers do not intend to
return to their former home communi-
ties. It is safe to conclude that the
Negro is again "going to town" and
leaving behind him the drab, depress-
ing insecurity of life as an underpaid,
exploited farm hand.

WORKERS IN WAR AND NON-WAR
INDUSTRIES

Unemployment Among Negroes
Almost Disappears During
World War II

Almost 1,000,000 Negroes we're added
to the work force between 1940 and
1944, the Bureau of Labor Statistics
reported in January, 1945. The num-
ber of employed men increased from
2,900,000 to 3,200,000, and the number
of employed women increased from
1,500,000 to 2,100,000. During the same
period, 700,000 Negroes had been in-
ducted into the Armed Forces. By the
middle of 1945, the number of Negroes
in the Armed Forces had reached a
million, and inductions were continu-

ing although at a reduced rate. Un-
employment among Negroes almost dis-
appeared, although there was ample
evidence of underemployment in sev-
eral sections of the nation, particularly
in the agricultural South.

Distribution of Workers in
War and Non-War Industries

The vast majority of these new
workers were employed in war and
war-related industries and accounted
for slightly more than 8 per cent of
the total workers in war production.
A substantial number of Negro work-
ers found new jobs in service occupa-
tions other than domestic service, and
there was a substantial increase in the
percentage of Negro workers engaged
in occupations which excluded or se-
verely restricted their employment be-
fore the war.

The most significant increase oc-
curred in the manufacturing and me-
chanical industries. The Federal Cen-
sus of Occupations (1940) reported
657,000 Negroes, about 5 per cent of
the total employment in manufactur-
ing occupations. The Division of Re-
view and Analysis of the Committee
on Fair Employment Practice reported
1,256,000 Negroes employed in manu-
facturing industries in July, 1944. The-
distribution of Negro workers in man-
ufacturing and mechanical industries
was as follows:

Table 1
The Manufacturing and Mechanical Industries

All Manufacturing

Munitions

All Other Manufacturing

Total Labor
Force

16,500,000
9,500,000
7,000,000

Non-White* Per Cent

1,256,000
693,000
563,000

7.6
7.3
8.0

The distribution and percentage of
Negro workers in important divisions
of war and non-war industries were

reported by the Division of Review and
Analysis as follows:

Table 2
The Munitions Industries

Industry Total . Negro Per Cent

Aircraft , 2,100,000 116,000 5.5

Shipbuilding 1,700,000 192,000 11.3

Ordnance and Communications Equipment 1,900,000 122,000 6.4

Basic Metals and Rubber 1,000,000 103,000 10.3

Other Munitions and Metallic non-Munitions.. 2,800,000 160,000 5.7

Totals 9,500,000 693,000 7.3

*The term "non-white" includes all workers not classified as white. Negroes con-
stitute approximately 96 per cent of the total.

WORKERS IN WAR AND NON-WAR INDUSTRIES

137

Table 3
All Other Manufacturing

Industry Total

Lumber and Furniture 900,000

Stone, Clay and Glass 400,000

Textile Apparel & Leather 2,400,000

Food and Tobacco 1,500,000

Paper and Printing 900,000

Other Manufacturing 900,000

Totals 7,000,000

Negro

108,000
24,000
94,000

219,000
73,000
45,000

563,000

Per Cent
12.0

6.0

3.9
14.6

8.1

5.0

Conference Called to Study
Excessive Absenteeism Charge

The performance of Negro war
workers was the subject of much spec-
ulation throughout the war period.
From some sources one got the im-
pression that they were indo'ent, in-
efficient, unstable and unadjustable.
"Guilty of excessive absenteeism" be-
came a crime for which Negroes were
easily convicted without benefit of
trial or jury. The situation became
so "serious" in the summer of 1943
that a conference was called in Chicago
to consider methods that might prove
fruitful in dealing with it. Prominent
leaders of several well-known national
welfare, labor and inter-racial organi-
zations participated in the conference.
As a result of these deliberations, a
nation-wide campaign was initiated to
urge Negroes to hold their jobs
through efficient work and regular
work habits.

It is difficult if not impossible to
evaluate the effectiveness of this effort.
High rates of absenteeism were ob-
served in many war industries during
the war, and government agencies and
labor unions worked assiduously to
keep workers on the job. Frequent
studies were made to determine the
causes of absenteeism, but none of
them revealed any specific factor that
could be isolated. New industrial
workers were found to be more fre-
quent offenders than older experienced
workers. Transportation difficulties
were responsible for the problem in
many areas, particularly where war
plants were constructed in small com-
munities far removed from regular
street car and bus service. The strain
of war tensions was too much for many
workers, and they were forced to take
time off at intervals. Notwithstanding
these well known facts, Negroes came
in for a disproportionate share of
criticism.

National Urban League
Makes Survey of War
Workers in Industry

The National Urban League under-
took to get the facts about the war
record of Negro workers, not for
the purpose of refuting unsupported
charges, but in order to discover tech-
niques and personnel practices that
had served to minimize absenteeism
among Negro and other workers. The
League approached the problem with
the belief that absenteeism is no more
a racial characteristic than is any hu-
man trait.

Three hundred industries employing
approximately 150,000 Negro workers
were selected for the laboratory to be
used for the inquiry. These industries
represented a good cross-section of war
production activity and were located
in 25 States and 120 towns and cities.
The management of these plants was
requested to cooperate with the Urban
League by answering a few questions
regarding their experiences with Negro
workers. Among the questions raised
in the inquiry were:

1. Have Negro workers performed
satisfactorily at the various levels
of employment in your plant?

2. Will you indicate any specific
difficulty you have encountered
in the use of Negro workers?

Results of First Survey By
National Urban League

The results of this inquiry were re-
ported by the National Urban League
February 1, 1944.3 It is noteworthy
that in 215 of the 300 plants, manage-
ment said it was satisfied with the
performance ofc Negro workers. In S
plants, management reported that they
were not as good as white workers, and
in 50 plants, Negro workers were de-
scribed as fairly satisfactory.

Performance of Negro Workers in 300
War Plants. Department of Industrial
Relations, National Urban League, Feb-
ruary 1, 1944.

138

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL, ECONOMY 1941-1945

The difficulties reported by manage-
ment were listed as follows:

In 67 plants, Negroes had a higher rate
of absenteeism than other workers; in
21 plants, the employment of Negroes
had produced race friction; in 13 plants,
the rate of worker turn-over was higher
for Negroes; and in 11 plants, Negroes
were described as having a "chip-on-
the-shoulder" attitude and being "over-
aggressive." The majority of the re-
spondents reported that no special prob-
lems had arisen in their plants.
Six months after the completion of
this inquiry, the plants reporting ex-
cessive absenteeism among Negro
workers were visited by National and
local Urban League staff members for
further study of the problem. In 37
plants, management reported that this
was no longer a serious problem and
attributed the improvement to better
adjustment of the workers after great-
er familiarity with new jobs. In the
remaining plants, there were contribu-
tory causes which were affecting Ne-
gro and white workers in about the
same degree.

Second Survey Made By National
Urban League On Upgrading and
Employment of Women

A second survey4 of the performance
of Negro workers was begun in 1944
to determine, among other things, the
extent of upgrading and the number
of Negro women employed in the 300
laboratory plants. Complete informa-
tion on these points was provided by
252 plants employing approximately
100,000 Negroes. Of this total, 18,435
were classified as skilled workers; 30,-
500 as semi-skilled; and 49,389 as un-
skilled. Nearly 100 of the 250 plants
reported the employment of Negroes in
technical, professional, clerical, and
supervisory jobs. The significance of
these figures cannot be fully appre-
ciated without reference to the pre-
war employment picture in these
plants. Before the war, less than 15,-
000 Negroes were on the payrolls of
the entire group of industries, and
only 28 plants reported the use of Ne-
groes in jobs other than unskilled
labor. From this study, it must not be
concluded that the rate of advance-
ment for Negroes in war industries
generally was as rapid as the report
indicates. While some training and
upgrading was undertaken in many

4Unpublished Report-Performance of Ne-
groes in 300 War Plants, National Urban
League.

plants, the vast majority of Negroes
in war production were holding un-
skilled jobs.

Between 200 and 300 thousand Ne-
gro women found jobs in essential in-
dustries during the war. In the main,
they represented the last reservoir of
domestic labor to be tapped by our
expanding war economy. In some sec-
tions, particularly in the East, Mid-
West, and extreme West, Negro women
obtained employment as assemblers,
operators, welders, and riveters in air-
craft, communication equipment, and
precision instrument industries. There
was likewise a substantial increase in
the employment of Negro women in
textile and garment producing indus-
tries. The 252 laboratory plants studied
by the Urban League employed only
2,564 Negro women before the war,
but at peak production, this number
had been increased to 28,531. They
were distributed according to skills
in the following manner: skilled, 3,-
445; semi-skilled, 7,639; unskilled, 17,-
447.

Employers Agreed Capabilities of
Workers Cannot Be Measured By
Racial Factors

All in all, the Negro worker made
impressive gains in many manufactur-
ing industries during the war. In addi-
tion to the numerical gains, the op-
portunity to secure training and ac-
quire skills was enjoyed to a greater
degree than at any time in the na-
tion's history. It is important to
realize, too, that the majority of em-
ployers are agreed that the racial
factor is an unreliable yardstick by
which to measure the capabilities of
workers. This fact, firmly and indis-
putably established, can exert tre-
mendous influence on post-war employ-
ment patterns in industry.

THE SERVICE OCCUPATIONS
Negro Workers Fill Service Jobs
Vacated By White Workers

During the war years, there were
some minor changes in the position
of Negro workers in the service occu-
pations, but there was little reason for
the near hysteria that accompanied re-
ports that Negroes were deserting the
domestic service field. What is more
nearly the case is the fact that white
women workers who had previously
worked in many service jobs found em-
ployment in the manufacturing indus-

NEGROES IN THE SKILLED CRAFTS

139

tries in much larger numbers than Ne-
gro women. Moreover, many jobs in
restaurants, soda fountains, and other
service establishments were vacated by
both white women .workers and young
men entering the Armed Forces, thus
broadening employment opportunities
for Negro workers. No accurate esti-
mate of the total number of workers
involved in these shifts has been made,
but the appearance of Negroes in new
jobs in this field was frequently ob-
served.

Negro Women Engaged in
Domestic Service Occupations

In 1940, there were 917,942 Negro
women engaged in domestic service oc-
cupations, according to the Federal
Census of Occupations. These workers
were distributed as follows:

Northeastern States 132,745

North Central States 73,915

Southern States 696,042

Western States 15,240

In the Southern States, Negro wom-
en composed 81 per cent of the total
number of women found in this occu-
pational category. In the Northeast,
they were 26.2 per cent; in the North
Central, 15.9 per cent; and in the
West, 10.8 per cent. Negro women ac-
counted for 46.6 per cent of all women
engaged in domestic service in 1940,
the percentage having increased 10 per
cent since 1930.

A growing dislike for employment in
domestic service has been observed for
many years. It is due mainly to the
lack of standards for the occupation,
long working hours, and pitifully low
wages. Despite the fact the wages were
increased by as much as 300 per cent
in some areas during the war, many
women, particularly younger women,
accepted employment in the field only
as a last resort.

Efforts to Organize Domestic
Workers Unsuccessful

Efforts to organize domestic workers
received some attention during the pe-
riod, but it cannot be reported that
any substantial progress was made. In
Baltimore, Maryland, a local union was
formed with some 250 members. Con-
tracts were actually negotiated with
some employers. Because of the usual
difficulties in providing adequate union
structure for reaching larger numbers
of workers in the field, the union was
short-lived. In New York City, a simi-

lar effort had been launched prior to
1940. Union conditions were obtained
for day workers and part-time workers
much more easily than for regular
workers. At one time, several hundred
domestic workers were enrolled in Lo-
cal 149 of the Building Service Em-
ployees Union (AFL), but membership
in this local declined steadily in the
early days of the war, and it was" sub-
sequently disbanded.

Domestic Service a Blind
Alley Occupation

A discussion of future employment
trends in this occupation is usually
flavored with the bold fact that do-
mestic service is a blind alley occupa-
tion, too closely identified with the
work patterns of the slavery period.
Ambitious young women will continue
to steer clear of it as long as any other
type of employment is available. The
remedies for this situation are not easy
to discover. In some sections, a
genuine effort has been made to regu-
larize and dignify household employ-
ment to make it attractive. Wages
have been increased far above the pre-
war level, but the tendency now is to
scale downward rather than hold the
line. In the face of these uncertain-
ties, it is virtually impossible to an-
ticipate the course of events which
may affect the future of domestic em-
ployment.

NEGROES IN THE SKILLED CRAFTS

Negro Craftsmen Decline
Between 1920 and 1940

In the main, the Negro craftsman
has made most notable progress in the
crafts associated with the building in-
dustry. In 1940, 4.4 per cent of em-
ployed Negro males were classified as
skilled craftsmen, and 60 per cent of
these workmen were in the building
trades. As Dr. Herbert Northrup
points out in his book Organized La-
bor and the Negro (Harper & Bros.,
1944), the Negro building mechanic is
predominantly a southern worker and
has only recently appeared in other
sections of the country in substantial
numbers. Since 1920, the number of
Negro skilled craftsmen has declined,
both numerically and percentage-wise
in most crafts. This has been true
both in the North and the South. In
the South there were 43,3335 Negro

5Herbert Northrup, "Organized Labor
and the Negro," Table 1-b, Page 19.

140

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945

mechanics in seven principal crafts
(carpenters, painters, bricklayers, plas-
terers, cement finishers, plumbers, elec-
tricians) in 1920, and they constituted
22 per cent of the total in that area.
By 1940, this number had declined to
40,046 or 15.2 per cent of the total.
The Army and Navy Train
Craftsmen to Meet War Needs

The most glaring evidence of the
decline in the ranks of Negro build-
ing craftsmen was brought to light
during the early stages of the war.
The Selective Service System, in its
analysis of skills found among in-
ductees, revealed that while there was
a serious shortage of specialists among
all recruits, the situation was acute
among Negroes. During one period, it
was reported that in every thousand
Negro inductees, there were 6 auto
mechanics, 3 carpenters, less than one
plumber, less than one electrician, and
a negligible number of draftsmen, ma-
chinists, welders, mechanics, linemen,
etc. This deficiency among service
men was met by initiating concen-
trated training programs in most of
these crafts. An engineer corps alone
required 175 carpenters, 14 plumbers,
8 machinists, 8 welders, and 48 me-
chanics per 1,000 men. Since a large
percentage of Negro service men were
in engineer regiments, it is known that
many Negroes received training in
these crafts.

Negroes in other branches of the
service were likewise trained to meet
the needs of a mechanical war. Line-
men, telegraphers, auto mechanics, ra-
dio operators, cooks and bakers were
trained in signal corps, transportation,
and quartermaster units. In the Air
Corps, hundreds of Negroes were
trained as mechanics, repairmen, and
electricians, while the Navy trained
machinists, mechanics, metal workers,
and other specialists.

In spite of the serious interruption
of building construction during the
war, it is probable that more Negroes
received technical training while in
the service than would have obtained
such training under normal conditions.
Whether or not these men will be able
to find employment that will use these
new skills is yet to be determined.
In the past, the building trades have
succeeded in limiting the number of
apprentices in most crafts in order to
restrict the number of skilled work-
men. This procedure has worked to

the disadvantage of ^Negroes, and in
some crafts (electricians, plumbers),
they have hardly made an impression.

Post- War Opportunities For Skilled
Workers Unprecedented

The post-war period will usher in a
new building boom to meet the urgent
needs for additional housing. It has
already been estimated that 1,500,000
mechanics, on-site and off-site, will be
needed by 1947. Should Negro workers
be drawn into the field in the propor-
tion that they bear to the total work
force, at least 150,000 Negro mechanics
could expect employment. Skilled me-
chanics in many other fields will be
needed as the economic picture shifts
from war to peace. The telephone, elec-
trical instrument, household appli-
ance, furniture, among the light metal
industries; the steel, auto and iron
industries which turn out farm im-
plements, automobiles, trucks, railroad
cars, street cars, and buses, are ex-
pected to boom for several years. The
skilled Negro workers will have un-
precedented opportunities in these
fields.

GOVERNMENT EMPLOYMENT

Negroes Receive More and Better
Jobs in Government Service

Paralleling the sharp upward trend
in the employment of Negroes in essen-
tial war production, there was a de-
cided increase in their employment in
various branches of government serv-
ice during the past five years. Not
only was this increase numerically sig-
nificant, but for the first time Negroes
obtained employment in substantial
numbers in clerical, technical, profes-
sional, and supervisory classifications.
Approximately 300,000 Negroes were
on Federal payrolls at the peak of war
operations in 1944, and they comprised,
roughly, 12 per cent of all government
civil workers. The Committee on Fair
Employment Practice, following a sur-
vey of Negro employment in Govern-
ment Service6 reported that 19.2 per
cent of all departmental service em-
ployees were Negroes. In 1938, Negro
workers accounted for only 8.4 per cent
of Federal workers in Washington, and
9.8 per cent of all Federal workers.

°The War Time Employment of Negroes
in the Federal Government. F.E.P.C.,
January 1945. Prepared by J. A. Davis,
C. L. Golightly and I. W. Hemphill.

NEGROES IN THE PROFESSIONS

141

The report further revealed that in
the departmental service 49 per cent
of all Negro employees were classified
as clerical-administrative and fiscal;
9.9 per cent as clerical-mechanical; and
1.1 per cent as professional and sub-
professional; while 39.6 per cent were
crafts-protective and custodial. The
change in the pattern of Negro em-
ployment may best be appreciated by
comparing these figures with those re-
ported in a similar study by Lawrence
Hayes in 1938. The Hayes report
showed that 90 per cent of all Federal
Negro employees in the District of
Columbia were custodial; 9.5 per cent,
clerical-administrative and fiscal or
clerical-mechanical; and 0.5 per cent
sub-professional or professional.

Majority of Negro Government
Workers Concentrated in
War Agencies

The vast majority of Negro govern-
ment workers were concentrated in
war agencies, the report revealed. Of
the approximately 2,000,000 workers in
these agencies, 231,458 or 12 per cent
were Negroes. The War and Navy De-
partments are credited with having
employed the largest number of Ne-
groes, but the employment and utiliza-
tion of Negroes in the War Labor
Board, the O.P.A., the War Production
Board, and the War Manpower Com-
mission achieved the highest utiliza-
tion in terms of employment levels.
The Executive Departments and field
units of the Federal agencies ac-
counted for fewer Negro workers and
made less progress in the' utilization
of their skills and abilities. Substan-
tial gains were recorded in Negro em-
ployment in practically all government
agencies during the war including the
Treasury and Post Office Departments
which have always employed a good
proportion of Negro government work-
ers. The employment of increased
numbers of Negro workers in govern-
ment departments during a war does
not represent any unusual departure
from previous practices. However, the
total number of such workers during
World War II exceeded in quality
anything that has happened in the
past. This fact, therefore, poses a very
serious question regarding future
policies in government service. Can
Negroes expect to secure jobs commen-
surate with their qualifications in 'free
competition with white workers? Will

personnel officials responsible for se-
lecting "one out of three" eligible
civil service candidates consider with
equal objectivity the qualifications of
Negroes? With approximately 70 per
cent of all Negro government em-
ployees included among the unclassi-
fied civil service workers, the answers
to these questions are extremely impor-
tant. Moreover, it is clearly obvious
that much of the war-time progress in
the employment of Negroes in govern-
ment service resulted from the issu-
ance and implementation of Executive
Order 8802 and Executive Order 9634.
These orders will become inoperative
soon after termination of the war.
What official action can be taken to
insure democratic employment prac-
tices in government in the years
ahead? Only the future can answer
this question, but it is safe to con-
clude that without strong interven-
tion on the part of top policy-making
officials in government, the displace-
ment of Negroes and the reduction of
their numbers in the Federal service
will be a distressing aftermath of the
war's end.

NEGROES IN THE PROFESSIONS

Distribution of Negroes
In the Professions

Professional employment has long
been the goal of the vast majority of
Negroes who manage to continue their
education through college. The rea-
sons for the concentration of Negroes
in the professions are not difficult to
discover. The segregated schools have
afforded employment opportunities for
the largest number of college-trained
Negroes while the ministry, medicine,
dentistry, law, and, more recently, so-
cial service have attracted most of
the remainder. Virtually all of these
professions can be successfully prac-
ticed without sharp conflict with many
prevailing racial patterns in most sec-
tions of the country. Aside from that,
they provide a certain measure of so-
cial and community prestige not found
in many other occupations. Moreover,
there have been relativley few em-
ployment opportunities in commerce
and industry for ambitious Negro col-
lege graduates. Because of the tre-
mendous increase in the number of
Negro college students and the prob-
able increase in the number of Negro
veterans who will be ab!e to pursue

142

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945

their educational objectives through
college and into professional schools,
this field will assume greater impor-
tance after the war.

In 1940, the Federal Census of Oc-
cupations reported the distribution of
whites and Negroes in major profes-
sions as follows:

Table 4
Distribution of Whites and Negroes in Selected Professions by Sex — 1940

Profession

Total
Male Female

White
Male Female

Negro
Male Female

Teachers (College)

55,123
260,324
157,648
69,370
8,072
135,091
175,261

20,097
792,375
7,715
5,607*
361,215
**

4,293

53,664
245,660
153,388
67,757
7,931
117,211
174,123

19,146
739,797
7,564
5,467*
353,701
**

4,251

1,408
14,169
3,401
1,471
126
17,487
1,023

941
51,935
129
140*
7,065
**

Teachers (Other) ....

Physicians & Surgeons . .

Lawyers & Judges

* includes female pharmacists, osteopaths and veterinarians.

** — Figures not available.

Undoubtedly there were some
changes in the distribution of Negro
professionals during the war years, but
such information as has been assem-
bled does not indicate a significant
departure from the situation as it ex-
isted in 1940. The Army programs for
increasing the number of professional
personnel availafre for military serv-
ice, particularly in the medical pro-
fessions, enrolled a few Negroes, but
the number was not sufficient to pro-
duce any substantial increase in the
total in this field.

Serious Shortage of Negro
Professional Workers

Considering the question of Negro
professional workers from the point
of view of national needs as well as
vocational opportunities, some conclu-
sions may be drawn from the facts at
hand. It is commonly held that too
many Negroes desire to enter the teach-
ing profession. If this statement were
made on the premise that there should
be a balanced distribution of profes-
sional workers, it could be considered
worthy of merit. On the other hand,
if the supply of teachers and teachers-
to-be is related to the need for teach-
ers, it will be seen that there is yet a
critical shortage in this field. This
situation results from the fact that in
the vast majority of segregated pub-
lic schools the teacher load is con-
siderably higher than it would be if
national standards were observed in
staffing these schools. It is reliably
estimated that if the nation's educa-
tional program were expanded to pro-
vide something approaching equality

of educational opportunity for every
child, we would need almost a million
additional teachers. This claim is
made not because of the impoverished
condition of education for Negroes but
because of the unfortunate position of
the nation's entire educational pro-
gram. Although recognized during the
war, little was actually done about
the problem. It would not be surpris-
ing, however, if the whole question of
standards and teachers' compensation
became a serious national issue within
the next year.

Undoubtedly one of the most critical
gaps in the professional education of
Negroes is the medical profession. As
shown in Table 5, there were only 3,430
Negro physicians and 1,611 Negro den-
tists. Disparities in the number of Ne-
groes engaged in other major profes-
sions indicate a real need for hundreds
of persons in the medical professions
as well as in others with the possible
exception of the ministry.

Shortage of Semi-Professional
Workers

The semi-professional fields show a
corresponding shortage of qualified Ne-
groes, according to the Census. In
1940 there were 79 Negro electrical
engineers, 95 Negro civil engineers, 54
mechanical engineers, 125 designers
and draftsmen, 47 surveyors, 80 archi-
tects, and 254 chemists and metallur-
gists. During the five-year period cov-
ered in this report, many hundreds of
Negroes have been exposed to work
experiences in war production and the
Armed Forces which should stimulate
greater interest in these important

TRADE AND COMMERCE

143

fields. A major difficulty in the past
has been the inability of Negro fam-
ilies to send their children to schools
offering training in these fields. In
view of the liberal provisions of the
G. I. Bill of Rights, this problem
should be considerably relieved in the
years immediately ahead.

TRADE AND COMMERCE

The Negro As a Wage-earner
In the Total Labor Force

Changes in the status of Negroes in
the nation's vast commercial activities
will be considered in two phases: the
Negro a=? a wage-earner in the total
labor force, and the Negro business
owner-operator. Some improvement in
the position of Negro wage-earners in
this important field was noted between
1940 and 1945 both in the number of
workers and in the kinds of jobs held
by them. It is doubtful, however, if
this improvement was sufficient to
make a decided difference in the gen-

eral distribution of Negroes in the field
as reported in the 16th (1940) Census.
Of the 3,325,767 males employed as
proprietors, managers, and officia's
(except farm) only 37,240 or 1.1 per
cent were Negroes in 1940. Of the 4,-
360,648 males employed as clerical,
sales, and kindred workers in trade
and commerce, only 58,557 or 1.3 per
cent were Negroes. The majority of
Negro proprietors and managers aro
owner-operators of businesses serving
Negroes primarily, and a large pro-
portion of workers in positions as
salesmen, clerks, insurance agents, etc.,
are likewise employed in Negro-oper-
ated enterprises. A brisk movement
into service and sub-clerical jobs was
noted in many communities due to
induction of male workers into the
armed forces and the transfer of white
women workers to manufacturing oc-
cupations in war industry. The un-
favorable position of Negro male work-
ers in this field is clearly shown in the
following tables:

Table 5

Employed Proprietors, Managers, and Officials (Male) in Selected
Commercial Fields by Race — 1940

Commercial Field

Total

White

Negro

Per Cent
Negro

"Wholesale Trade

227 334

222 779

3 589

1 6

Manufacturing

402 506

401 366

841

0 2

Transportation & Communication

134 232

133 343

818

0 6

Eating & Drinking Places

200,519

191,402

6,410

3 2

Retail Trades (except eating and drinking places)
Finance Insurance Real Estate

1,242,323
174 668

1,225,551
173 647

13,467
907

1.1
0 5

Construction

113,898

112,532

1 339

1 2

Postmaster and Misc. Governmental Officials

198,377

197,541

693

0.3

Table 6

Employed Clerical, Sales and Kindred Workers (Male) in Selected
Commercial Occupations by Race — 1940

Occupation

Total

White Negro Per Cent
Negro

Bookkeepers, Accountants etc

447 606

445 934

907

0 2

Mail Carriers .

119 246

113 542

5 642

4 7

Stenographers, Typists & Sec'ys

68,805

68,187

467

0 7

Telegraph Operators

31 554

31 515

0 1

Insurance Agents & Brokers

226,061

221,130

4,744

2 1

Real Estate Agents & Brokers

100,856

99 716

1 086

1.1

Shipping & Receiving Clerks

200 669

195 579

4 915

2 4

Other Clerical & Kindred Workers

1,256,689

1,238,241

16,470

1.3

144

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945

If Negro male workers were virtually
excluded from employment in trade and
commerce before 1941, female workers
were even worse off. The 1940 Census
reported 423,320 women proprietors,
managers, and officials (except farm)
of whom 10,914 or 2.6 per cent were
Negroes. Almost half of this total, 4,-
853, were proprietors and managers of
eating and drinking establishments.

But the major disparity between em-
ployment of Negro and white women
is revealed in the Census report of
clerical, sales and kindred workers.
Of the total 3,156,982 women employed
in the field, only 20,765, one-tenth of
one per cent, were Negro women. By
occupation, white and Negro women
were distributed as follows:

Table 7

Employed Clerical, Sales, and Kindred Workers (Female) in Selected
Commercial Occupations by Race — 1940

Occupation

Total

White Negro Per Cent
Negro

Bookkeepers Accountants Cashiers Etc

448 359

445 691

2 127

0 5

51 454

51 356

0 2

Stenographers Typists & Secretaries

998,081

983 321

4,110

0.4

Telephone Operators

189 002

188 667

259

0 1

8 228

8 220

0 1

Other Clerical Workers

690,379

683,195

6,549

0.9

Insurance Agents & Brokers ... . ....

13,081

12 066

1 010

7 7

Other Saleswomen

. ... 724,223

717,080

5,280

0.7

The war years saw an unprecedented
demand for clerical and kindred work-
ers, both in government and non-gov-
ernment employment. Negro women in
large numbers found opportunities in
government employment primarily in
the departmental services in the Dis-
trict of Columbia. In a few private in-
dustries, Negro women obtained em-
ployment as clerks, typists, and ste-
nographers. When the war ended, there
were at least five times as many Negro
women in clerical occupations as there
were before the war, but this increase
scarcely affected the percentage of
Negro women in the total employed in
this field.

The Negro Business Owner-Operator

Improved economic conditions
throughout the country are reflected
to some extent by the increase in the
number of Negro operators of small
business establishments. Although spe-
cific information regarding this growth
has not been made available, a survey
of 3,866 businesses owned and operated
by Negroes, exclusive of insurance
companies and bonds provides an in-
formative body of data on this vital
subject. This survey was conducted
jointly by the National Urban League
and Atlanta University and financed
through a grant from the General Edu-
cation Board. Negro businesses in At-
lanta, Cincinnati, Houston, Memphis,

Nashville, New Orleans, Richmond, Sa-
vannah, and Washington comprised the
3,866 concerns covered in the study.
A smaller sample, 384 concerns, was
selected for detailed analysis.

Forty-eight per cent of all enter-
prises surveyed were found to be serv-
ice establishments; 42.5 per cent retail
stores; and 9.5 per cent miscellaneous
businesses. Distributed as to kinds of
enterprises, the survey showed the ten
most frequent businesses were as fol-
lows:

Restaurants 627

Beauty Shops 600

Barber Shops 404

Grocery Stores 293

Cleaning & Pressing 288

Shoe Repair 130

Undertakers 126

Confectionaries 114

Taverns 88

Filling Stations 75

Among other characteristics of these
enterprises is the fact that they cater
to Negro patronage primarily and are
located in areas popu^ted almost en-
tirely by Negroes. These concerns re-
ported that close to 98 per cent of their
patronage came from Negroes. The
majority of all enterprises studied
were owner-operated, one-man busi-
nesses. About 85 per cent were single
proprietorships, and 9 per cent part-

DISPLACEMENT IN AGRICULTURE

145

porations, and less than one per cent
were cooperatives.

The most striking information ob-
tained in this survey concerns the
capital invested, the volume of busi-
ness, and the training and experience
of the operators. The median initial
capital of retail stores was $543.73; of
service establishments, $446.38; of mis-
cellaneous businesses, "$999.50; and of
all businesses, $549.50. The median an-
nual volumes of business as reported
by all businesses were: retail stores,
$3,579.05; service establishments, $2,-
496.66; miscellaneous businesses, $7,-
245.26; all businesses, $3,260.01.

The median educational achievement
for operators of these enterprises was
9.6 grades and the median business
experience was 12 years. Eighty-one
per cent of all business operators have
had no business training. A total of
11,538 persons were employed by 3,674
concerns, of whom 11,194 were paid
workers.

Reference is made to this survey to
point up a few pertinent observations.
In the main, it must be admitted that
Negroes have made only a meager be-
ginning in business if judgment is to
be based on the result of the study.
The lack of capital and training for
business and the racial practices found
in most sections of the country have
all but excluded Negroes from the
main streams of American business
and confined them almost exclusively
to service establishments catering to
Negroes. It is doubtful if successful
business can be established and con-
ducted within these limitations. Free-
dom of enterprise in business must be
the goal of the Negro entrepreneur,
and he must fight for this just as he
has fought for the right to work with-
out discrimination. Until Negroes
achieve this objective, they will not
loom important in the nation's com-
merce. The success of Negro-owned
insurance companies has demonstrated
the ability of well-trained Negroes to
organize and operate business in com-
petition with similar enterprises. But
there is no reason why these companies
should be limited to business among
Negroes exclusively. It may be re-
ported in concluding this section that
Negroes are operating on the periphery
of American commerce and must look
to the future for a real chance in busi-
ness.

DISPLACEMENT IN

AGRICULTURE
Negroes Leave Rural Areas
For Jobs in Industry

Negro farm operators and farm la-
borers were vitally affected by the
economic upheavals of the war years.
The number of persons who left the
farms and rural areas to obtain better
paying jobs is variously estimated at
between 300,000 and 700,000. It is esti-
mated that at the end of 1946 the num-
ber had reached the million mark and
was still mounting.

Between 1940 and 1945, the number
of white farm operators decreased by
nearly 100,000. Negroes comprise 40.9
per cent of all tenants in 1945 as com-
pared with 35.0 per cent in 1940. They
accounted for a larger percentage of
all sharecroppers in 1945, 61.6 per cent
compared to 55.3 per cent in 1940. It
will be noted, however, that the per-
centage of Negroes who were full own-
ers increased from 20.9 per cent in
1940 to 23.6 per cent of all Negro farm
operators in 1945. The proportion who
were tenant farmers dropped from 74.5
per cent in 1940 to 72.3 per cent in
1945 , while the number who were
sharecroppers dropped from 44.0 per
cent to 39.8 per cent of the Negro op-
erators.

Planning For Displacement of Farm
Workers By Mechanization Needed

Negroes have traditionally lived
close to the land in much of the south-
ern agricultural region. Often ex-
ploited by large farm operators and
restricted to marginal and sub-
marginal land in some States, the
struggle for a higher standard of liv-
ing and a greater measure of security
has been a hard and frequently fruit-
less one. It would be expected that
many Negroes discouraged by this
seemingly hopeless and futile situation
would prefer to move to more prosper-
ous areas when the opportunity pre-
sented itself. During and after World
War I, this movement got under way.
It was accelerated during World War
II but failed to reach the 1917-18 pro-
portions. Recent and anticipated de-
velopments in agriculture are raising
a number of questions regarding the
Negro agricultural worker in the
South. The Rust Cotton Picker and
other advanced farm implements are
expected to reduce the number of la-

146

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945

borers required for southern agricul-
ture. Ellcot D. Pratt, writing in the
New Leader said: "The production of
3,000 to 5,000 cotton picking machines
is not impossible by 1947. Since one
of these machines can do the work of
about 75 handpickers, we may soon
have the problem of up to 500,000 un-
employed cotton hands with the num-
ber increasing within a few years."
Mr. Pratt continues with this observa-
tion: "The dumping of such large
numbers of unskilled workers in the
labor market is likely to thoroughly
disturb the social situation in the
South and its effects are sure to be
felt in other parts of the country."
He estimates that 50 per cent of the
southern labor that will migrate to the
northern industrial centers will be
Negroes.

The tragic fact about this probable
development is that no official action
has been taken to direct the re-set-
tling of these workers. While several
voluntary private organizations are
working to improve the lot of southern
agricultural workers, there has been
little planning for the inevitable day
when this labor will be no longer
needed. As we consider the present
plight of the harassed Negro farmer
and farm laborer, the possibility of a
drastic change in the pattern of south-
ern agriculture makes his current posi-
tion appear almost inconsequential.

NEGROES IN THE LABOR

MOVEMENT

Negro Membership in Labor Unions
Increased During World War II

One of the most significant develop-
ments of the period, 1941-1945, has
been the movement of Negroes into the

labor movement. It was reliably esti-
mated that 1,250,000 Negroes were en-
rolled in labor unions at peak war
production. The importance of this
change may best be recognized by com-
paring this figure with estimates of
other authorities in this field. Dr. Ira
DeA. Reid7 estimated the total Negro
union membership at 110,000 in 1930.
By 1935, the number of Negroes in the
labor movement was estimated to be
180,000. In 1940, the number of Negro
union members was estimated at 600,-
000. Thus the war years brought an
increase of some 650,000 Negroes in the
labor movement, while the total mem-
bership in labor unions increased from
8,500,000 in 1940 to 14,000,000 in 1945.

Negro Membership in Various
Labor Unions

Numerous attempts have been made
to determine the Negro membership
of the various international and local
unions in the Congress of Industrial
Organizations (CIO), the American
Federation of Labor (AFL), and the
remaining independent unions. It can-
not be said that these efforts have been
too successful and only estimates are
presently available. The CIO claimed
500,000 Negro members in 1944, while
the AFL estimated its Negro mem-
bership at 650,000. An additional 100,-
000 Negroes were believed to be mem-
bers of independent unions not af-
filiated with either of these bodies.
The Labor Research Association re-
ported in 1945 (Labor Fact Book No.
7)8 the following Negro union member-
ship in major international unions:

T"Negro Membership in American Labor
Unions" — Ira DeA. Reid.
8Labor Fact Book No. 7 — Labor Research
Association, Pages 73-74.

Negro

CIO Unions

Steelworkers of America, United

Automobile, Aircraft, Agricultural Implement Workers of America

Marine & Shipbuilding- Workers of America, Industrial Union of

Electrical, Radio & Machine Workers of America, United

Packing-house Workers of America, United

Mine, Mill & Smelter Workers, International Union of

Clothing- Workers of America, Amalgamated

Federal Workers of America, United

Fur & Leather Workers Union, International 8,000-

Transport Service Employees of America, United

Maritime Union of America, National

Textile Workers Union of America

Food, Tobacco, Agricultural & Allied Workers Union of America

Longshoremen's & Warehousemen's Union, International

Retail, Wholesale & Department Store Employees of America

Furniture Workers of America, United

Woodworkers of America, International

Transport Workers Union of America

Farm Equipment & Metal Workers of America, United

State, County & Municipal Workers of America

Playthings, Jewelry & Novelty Workers Union

Members
95,000
90,000
40,000
40,000
22,500
20,000
15,000
10,000
10,000
10,000

8,500

6,500

6,000
13,000

6,000

3,000

2,800

2,500

NEGROES IN THE LABOR MOVEMENT

147

AFL Unions

Hodcarriers & Common Laborers

Hotel & Restaurant Employees, etc

Building Service Employees

Maintenance of Way Employees, Bro. of ,

Meat Cutters & Butcher Workmen

Railway Clerks & Freighthandlers

Teamsters, Chauffeurs, etc

Boilermakers & Iron Shipbuilders (Jan. 1944)

Laundry Workers International Union

Longshoremen's Association, International

Garment Workers, International Ladies

Tobacco Workers International Union

Porters, Bro. of Sleeping Car

Musicians, American Federation of

Carmen of America, Bro. Railway

Carpenters & Joiners, United Bro. of

Bricklayers, Masons & Plasterers

Printing Pressmen, International

Cement, Lime & Gypsum Workers

Pulp, Sulphite & Paper Mill Workers

Painters of America, Bro. of

Cigarmakers International Union

Brick and Clay Workers, etc

Glass Workers, Amer. Flint

Negro Members

55,000

.35,000-40,000

35,000

25,000

12,000

15,000

14,000

12,000

10,000

9,100

8,500

4,500

3,000

2,000

1,500

500

400

Other Unions
United Mine Workers (now affiliated with AFL)

50,000

Attitude of the CIO Toward
Negro Membership

The mere fact of union membership,
as important as it is, does not tell the
whole story of Negro participation in
the labor movement. There still re-
mains the question of racial practices
within the respective local unions af-
filiated with various international CIO
and AFL. Generally speaking, the CIO
has been much more aggressive in
protecting the rights of Negro mem-
bers in the matter of promotions, up-
grading, holding office and other privi-
leges available to all CIO members.
In many contracts, the CIO insists
upon clauses barring discrimination
against workers because of race or
religion. Other measures adopted by
the CIO in its fight against discrimi-
nation include a national anti-discrim-
ination committee composed of top CIO
officials and directed by a Negro ex-
ecutive. This committee has carried
on a vigorous campaign designed to
promote democratic practices in all
CIO unions. The United Automobile
Workers (CIO) has a similar com-
mittee which develops and projects
educational programs, in all U.A.W.
locals and polices racial practices
in local unions. The end result of
the CIO's fight for equal treatment
for Negroes has been a sharp increase
in Negro employment in all industries
covered by UAW-CIO contracts.

Attitude of the AFL Toward
Negro Membership

Despite its larger Negro member-
ship, the AFL has not dealt with the
question of Negro participation with
the same forthrightness. This is not
to say that certain international and
local AFL unions have not endeavored
to treat Negroes fairly. In many in-
stances, Negroes have enjoyed all
membership privileges and have held
important offices in local unions. Per-
haps the chief criticism of AFL racial
policies is its refusal or inability to
ccpe with the problems of segregation
and exclusion practiced by some of
its important affiliates. Conspicuous
among the unions whose practices
leave much to be desired are the In-
ternational Association of Machinists,
which excludes Negroes from member-
ship by ritual. The Asbestos Workers,
Electrical Workers, Plumbers and
Steamfitters, Flint Glass Workers, and
Granite Cutters, although having no
written provisions barring Negroes,
manage to keep them out by tacit con-
sent or other subterfuges. The Air-
line Pilots, except in New York State,
Masters, Mates and Pilots; Railway
Mail Association; Wire Weavers Pro-
tective Association; and Switchmen's
Union exclude Negroes by constitu-
tional or ritual provisions. In the
more skilled crafts in the building
trades, local union practices in some

148

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945

cities amount to near exclusion of Ne-
gro workmen. Few Negroes are ap-
prenticed in some crafts, and educa-
tional officials in a number of cities
declare they cannot offer Negroes
training in certain crafts because of
union opposition. The practices of
these unions have had an adverse
effect on the occupational aspirations
of Negro youth who may have pre-
pared to be skilled craftsmen in the
building trades.

Seven Unaffiliated Railroad
Unions Exclude Negroes

Seven unaffiliated railroad unions
exclude Negroes by constitutional pro-
vision: Locomotive Engineers; Loco-
motive Firemen and Enginemen; Rail-
road Trainmen; Railroad Yardmasters
of North America; Railway Conduct-
ors, Train Dispatchers' Association;
and Railroad Yardmasters of America.

The over-all effect of war-time ef-
forts to use the entire work force was
generally favorable for Negroes in
their relations with organized labor.
Many thousands of Negroes found em-
ployment in organizable industries and
were soon a part of the movement.
Many unions which admitted Negroes
grudgingly found it advantageous to
liberalize their racial policies. How
this development will affect post-war
employment opportunities for Negro
workers will not be decided until the
reconversion process is further along.

SIGNIFICANT GOVERNMENT
ACTION AFFECTING NEGRO

WORKERS
Presidential Orders 8802 and 9346

The role of Government in protect-
ing the rights of Negro wage-earners
was vastly expanded during the war
years. First by the creation of special
units to assist in removing barriers
to the employment of Negroes in war
production and later by Presidential
Orders 88029 and 9346,10 the weight of
government influence was felt in many
industrial centers as well as in govern-

"Executive Order 8802 issued by Presi-
dent Roosevelt June 25, 1941, to "re-
affirm the policy of the U. S. that there
shall be no discrimination in the employ-
ment of workers in defense industries or
government because of race, creed, color,
or national origin."

1('Executive Order 9346 revised and
strengthened edition of 8802 issued by the
White House in 1943.

ment agencies. Although these steps
were taken in order to end discrimina-
tion against all racial and religious
minorities, the majority of complaints
were filed because of discrimination
against Negroes. Undoubtedly the fa-
vorable changes in the employment
status of Negro workers must be cred-
ited to the prestige of government in-
tervention and implementation of the
presidential orders referred to in this
paragraph.

How Executive Orders Were
Received By Employers

How government action was re-
ceived by management, labor, and gov-
ernment officials would require more
elaboration than is possible in this re-
port. Some employers and a few labor
unions found the Executive Order just
the thing to bolster their lukewarm
opposition to discrimination against
Negroes. The more alert employers
proceeded immediately to let their em-
ployees know that they intended to em-
ploy Negroes in compliance with the
Order. Several large industries em-
ployed Negro personnel assistants to
supervise and direct the recruitment
and selection of Negroes for their
plants. On the other hand, there were
industries which succeeded in avoiding
open criticism by employing a token
number of Negroes. At peak war pro-
duction the scarcity of labor was so
acute, most employers were glad to
get competent workers regardless of
race or religion.

How Executive Orders Were
Received By Skilled Laborers

Opposition to the employment of Ne-
groes in skilled production jobs re-
sulted in strikes and walkouts on the
part of white workers in some indus-
tries. Two instances of this kind illus-
trate the effectiveness of government
support for government regulations.
When Negro workers in the Packard
Motor Company's plant were upgraded
and transferred to production jobs, 25,-
000 white workers staged a seven-day
walkout. Only the firm position of top
UAW-CIO officials ended the strike, and
not until the strikers were threatened
with dismissal and expulsion from the
union did they agree to return to their
jobs.

Another case which attracted nation-
wide attention was the six-day tie-up

GOVERNMENT ACTION AFFECTING NEGRO WORKERS

149

of Philadelphia's public transportation
facilities. In compliance with the War
Manpower Commission's instructions
to train and employ Negro motormen
and conductors to relieve the stringent
labor shortage, the Philadelphia Trans-
portation Company11 selected eight Ne-
groes and trained them for operators'
jobs. They were scheduled to take
cars out on August 1, 1944, when a
protest strike of white operators and
conductors was called. Government of-
ficials responsible for settling the dis-
pute refused to yield to the demands
of the strikers and threatened to man
the street cars with soldiers and draft
all striking employees qualified for
military service before the strike ended
on August 7. There were other major
disturbances, including the Alabama
Dry Docks riots in 1943." In each of
these instances as well as in other less
publicized occurrences, prompt and
vigorous action on the part of proper
government agencies succeeded in re-
storing order and returning Negroes
to war jobs.

Equally important in this connection
were several court opinions and direc-
tives issued by other government agen-
cies including the War Labor Board
and the National Labor Relations
Board.

Supreme Court Rules On
Locomotive Firemen

In December, 1944, the United States
Supreme Court ordered a full trial of
the Case of Seele and Tunstall, two
Negro locomotive firemen, who sued the
Southern and Louisville and Nashville
Railroads to recover damages result-
ing from their removal as firemen on
hand-fired locomotives operated by
these railroads. Two lower courts had
disclaimed jurisdiction in this case
which grew out of agreements between
the Brotherhood of Locomotive Fire-
men and 21 Southern railroads to em-
ploy only union firemen on new stoker-
fired locomotives. Negroes are not ac-
cepted as members in this union, and
the agreement reached between the
railroads and the union would in

""Another Philadelphia Story," by Julius
A. Thomas and Reginald A. Johnson,
OPPORTUNITY Magazine, published by
the National Urban League, Fall issue,
1944.

12"Race Conflict and Social Action," by
Julius A. Thomas, OPPORTUNITY Mag-
azine, October issue, 1943.

time completely eliminate Negro fire-
men.

The decision of the Court was unani-
mous in supporting the principle that
a union having a contract with an em-
ployer is obligated to protect the rights
of non-union employees at least to the
extent of seeing that they are not un-
justly discriminated against because
of race or color. This was an impor-
tant decision inasmuch as it served to
halt the wholesale dismissal of Negro
firemen and established their right
and that of other railroad workers to
the protection of the union contract
then in operation.

California Courts Hit
Auxiliary Unions

In February, 1944, a California
County Court enjoined the Marine Ship
Company from discharging Negroes
who refused to pay dues in an all-
Negro auxiliary union. The Boiler-
makers, Iron Shipbuilders, and Help-
ers (AFL) had a closed shop agree-
ment with the company and had re-
quested dismissal of the non-dues pay-
ing Negroes. Negroes, on the other
hand, contended that their rights were
abridged because they had no part in
the bargaining and other processes con-
ducted by the union. In January, 1945,
the Supreme Court of California up-
held the decision of the lower Court,
thus placing upon the union the obli-
gation of extending Negro members
the same privileges and protection of-
fered other members. The Brotherhood
in its convention in 1944 voted to
change the status of Negroes in aux-
iliary unions and authorized them to
elect delegates to the district councils
and national conventions and to elect
representatives for bargaining and
grievance committees.

U. S. Supreme Court Upholds
New York Action Against
Railway Mail Association

Does the Railway Mail Association
have the prerogative under New York's
Civil Rights Laws to function as a
bona fide labor union while denying
membership to Negro clerks under the
pretense of being a private fraternal
organization? This question was de-
cided in the negative by the State of
New York and its action was appealed
to the United States Supreme Court.

150

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945

In June, 1945, the Supreme Court ruled
that the State of New York had the
authority to regulate practices of trade
unions within the State and approved
the State's action declaring the Asso-
ciation a labor union. The effect of
this ruling was to nullify a provision
in the Association's Constitution which
restricted membership to "native
American Indians and members of the
Caucasian race."

States Adopt Anti-Discrimination Laws

Motivated by the wave of public sup-
port for Federal anti-discrimination
laws^efforts were made between 1941
and 1945 to enact State legislation out-
lawing discrimination in employment
on account of race, color, creed, or
national origin. In 1945, fifty-five State
bills were introduced in nearly every
northern industrial State. New York
and New Jersey enacted FEPC laws
while Indiana and Wisconsin passed
two others. In California, Connecticut,
New Mexico, Pennsylvania, Rhode Is-
land, and Washington, similar laws
were defeated by narrow margins, but
proponents of the legislation plan to
reintroduce bills outlawing discrimina-
tion.

The Ives-Quinn Law. The New York
(Ives-Quinn) law forbids discrimina-
tion because of race, color, creed, or na-
tional origin. It establishes a five-
member Commission to implement the
law by receiving complaints, holding
hearings, and issuing cease and desist
orders enforcible in the Courts. The
law is designed to prohibit discrimina-
tion by labor unions as well as em-
ployers. It became operative July 1,
1945.

The New Jersey Law. The New Jer-
sey law is similar to the New York
law except in the provisions for en-
forcement. It provides that the As-
sistant Commissioner of Education will
administer the law and empowers him
with authority to employ such addi-
tional personnel as will be required to
fulfill the intent of the law.

The Indiana and Wisconsin Laws.
The Indiana and Wisconsin laws, al-
though designed to halt discrimination,
are relatively inadequate compared
with the New York and New Jersey
laws. The Indiana law empowers the
State Commissioner of Labor to in-
vestigate discriminatory employment
practices, to formulate educational

programs, to eliminate such discrimi-
nation and to recommend legislation
to the Governor and General Assembly.
The Wisconsin law is similar to the
Indiana law and empowers the Wiscon-
sin State Commission to investigate
discrimination and take appropriate
steps to curtail it. The State of In-
diana appropriated $15,000 to imple-
ment the law, while Wisconsin appro-
priated $10,000 for similar purposes.
Perhaps the best that can be said for
these two laws under present circum-
stances is that they were enacted to
forestall action on stronger, more effec-
tive legislation. Since the enactment
of the Wisconsin law, the City of Mil-
waukee has passed a City Ordinance
with more enforcement powers than
are found in the State law. A similar
ordinance was enacted by the City
Council of Chicago, Illinois.

Support For Federal
FEPC Organized

It is much too early to evaluate the
merits of this approach to a solution
of the problem of discrimination in
employment, but in the first six months
after these laws became operative in
New York and New Jersey, many im-
portant industries and commercial es-
tablishments announced that they in-
tended to comply fully with the spirit
and letter of the law. Thus Negroes
and members of other minority groups
customarily discriminated against by
employers and labor unions prepared
to look to the law for protection of
their rights to employment. Renewed
efforts to secure passage of Federal
legislation to replace the war-time Ex-
ecutive Order (8802) met with defeat
during the 79th Congress, but the Na-
tional Committee for a Permanent
FEPC is organizing public support for
favorable action on the legislation in
the 80th Congress.

THE NEGRO VETERAN IN THE

ECONOMY

Benefits Provided By the
Service Men's Adjustment Act
(G. I. Bill of Rights)

Important for future consideration
of the economic well-being of Negroes
is the fact that slightly more than
1,000,000 Negroes were inducted into
the armed forces. Approximately 70
per cent of these men came from the
Southern and Border States. For many

EARLY TRENDS IN PEACE-TIME EMPLOYMENT

151

Negro service men, the experiences of
Army life represented the first sem-
blance of economic security they had
ever known. In addition, the training
which they received and the orderly
arrangement of day-to-day living habits
had a profound effect upon their so-
cial attitudes and habits. What this
experience will mean in terms of peace-
time living remains to be seen. It is
probable, however, that thousands of
Negro veterans will take advantage
of the educational benefits provided
by the Service Men's Adjustment Act
(G. I. Bill of Rights). Under this
act, the government guarantees every
service man who was honorably dis-
charged after ninety days of military
service (or service connected dis-
ability) at least one year's education,
refresher or retraining course in any
school he desires to attend. To obtain
education or training beyond one year,
if he was over 25 when inducted, the
veteran must show that his education
was interrupted by the war. If under
25 years when inducted, the veteran
may get up to four years education
in any school he chooses, but the pe-
riod of time will depend on length
of military service. While in school,
the Government will pay the veteran
a substantial allowance of $60 a
month, if single without dependents,
and $90 a month if he has dependents.
In addition, the government will pay
tuition, cost of books, supplies, equip-
ment, laboratory or other fees not ex-
ceeding $500 a school year.

Other benefits which in time may
improve the economic outlook for vet-
erans include guaranteed loans for
business purposes, home buying, farm
equipment or purchase up to $2,000.
The first year's interest on the part
of such loans up to $2,000 will be paid
by the Government. Further benefits
include unemployment allowances of
$20 per week for 52 weeks if the vet-
eran is unable to obtain employment,
free medical and dental service, pen-
sions, and the privilege of converting
government life insurance policies.

The combined effects of these bene«
fits become readily apparent. With
almost 50 per cent of Negro males be-
tween 18 and 37 entitled to one or
more of these opportunities to im-
prove their earning power by acquir-
ing training or education, or by going
into business, the outlook for many

young men is much brighter than it
has been in the past half century.

EARLY TRENDS IN PEACE-TIME
. EMPLOYMENT

Employment of Negroes
High But Earnings Lower
Than War Level

Chief among the fears entertained
by most observers of the national eco-
nomic scene was the belief that the
period of reconversion would result in
the displacement of millions of former
war workers. Negro workers were ex-
pected to suffer a disproportionate
share of the temporary unemployment
thus imposed because of their lack of
seniority in industrial employment.
Fortunately, most of these estimates
proved inaccurate and employment
continued at a level almost equal to
the war-time peak. This favorable cir-
cumstance enabled many displaced
Negro workers to obtain peace-time
employment, although earnings were
somewhat lower than war levels. Re-
cent surveys by government and pri-
vate agencies estimated the total un-
employment as of January 1946 at 2,-
500,000 to 3,000,000 persons, of whom
500,000 were Negroes. Should Negro
workers return to industrial and other
peace-time employment under condi-
tions obtaining during the war, the
outlook for continued work appears
much brighter.

Negroes Move Into New
Employment Fields

The movement of Negroes into new
employment fields was accelerated dur-
ing 1945 under the impact of anti-
discrimination legislation and the de-,
mand for democratic employment prac-
tices throughout the nation. In New
York and New Jersey, the number of
Negro girls and women employed by
the New York and New Jersey Tele-
phone companies as clerks, typists,
and switchboard operators rose from
approximately 300 to well over 600.
The Metropolitan Life Insurance Com-
pany for the first time began to em-
ploy Negro clerical workers in its
home office. Most of the larger depart-
ment stores in New York City began
to employ qualified Negroes in a va-
riety of jobs including clerks, sales-
people, stenographers, etc.

Outside of New York and New Jer-
sey, the movement to expand job op-

152

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945

portunities for Negroes took on new
momentum. Local Urban League
branches in Philadelphia, Boston,
Providence, Detroit, Cleveland, Pitts-
burgh, Milwaukee, and other impor-
tant cities initiated movements to
break down barriers against Negro
workers. Definite assurance that Ne-
groes would be employed as switch-
board operators were obtained in De-
troit, San Francisco, Providence, and
Milwaukee. The majority of the 21
operating units of the Bell System
began to consider serious^ the need
for integrating more Negro workers

in better jobs than they had formerly
offered them. Simultaneously, many
important industrialists were willing
to admit that they intended to con-
tinue the use of Negro wage-earners.
The availability of more desirable em-
ployment opportunities in business
and industry will place squarely upon
the shoulders of Negro youth the re-
sponsibility of acquiring skills and
work habits that will enhance their
qualifications for employment. This
development is by far the most impor-
tant sequence to war-time employment
of Negroes.

DIVISION VII

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

By JESSE R. OTIS AND EMILE N. HOOKER
Tuskegee Institute and Hampton Institute

THE PLANTATION SYSTEM AND
SHARE-CROPPING

After the slaves were freed, a source
of cheap labor remained the basis for
carrying on the cotton industry in
the South. The system of share-crop-
ping was the answer to cheap labor in
that the mass of the recently-freed
slaves knew nothing about managing
a farm independent of direction. The
South still labors under the effects of
slavery and its consequential ills. The
majority of Negro farmers are still
ignorant of the best agricultural meth-
ods.

According to the 1940 census, about
95 per cent of the Negro farmers in
the nation lived and produced in the
16 Southern States. (See table 1). The
Negro in Agriculture, therefore, really
means the Negro in the Agriculture of
the South. The plantation system of
the South has been built around the
system of share-cropping. The preva-
lence of this system and the ignorance
of the Negroes and the poor whites
who constituted the tenant labor for
the system have given rise to a series
of problems which have beset the agri-
culture of the South until this day.
Large absentee land holdings; the ab-
sence of efficiently operated family-
sized farms, and the dependence upon
the one crop, cotton, have resulted in
wholesale mining of soil resources and
in a too generally impoverished peo-
ple, thus causing the South to be
labeled as the Nation's number one
problem area. One thing is certain:
the plantation system as it has been
known in the South is fast disappear-
ing.

Handicaps of Negro Farmers

As a farmer, the Negro is beset by
many handicaps, namely: (1) too
small farm units for efficient opera-
tion; (2) inclination to raise certain
crops only, without balancing the busi-
ness of farming to take advantage of
livestock and diversified income; (3)

attempting to farm without the use of
farm machinery common to the area.
There are some Negroes who are going
into the business of farming on a
commercial basis mostly as intensive
producers such as operators of broiler
farms, truck farmers, and operators
of riding stables. These farmers, how-
ever, are not typical of the area. There
are a few exceptions, two of which are
the communities of Negro farmers
near Princeton, Indiana, and Cassopo-
lis, Michigan.

The survival of bona fide Negro
farmers, like all farmers in the na-
tion, depends upon their ability to
compete with efficient farmers in all
areas who in time set the pace and
fix the cropping system and types of
farming for the area.

Farm Operators, By Race,

For the United States,

By Regions, 1940 and 1930*

"In 1930 there were 882,850 Negro
farm operators in the United States,
but in 1940 there were only 681,790,
an absolute decrease of 201,060 and a
relative decrease of 22.8 per cent in
the 10-year period. Practically all,
98.9 per cent, of this decrease occurred
in the South, which lost 198,722 Negro
operators in the intercensal decade.
In each of the three regions of the
country, however, the trend of Negroes
away from the farms is proportionally
very marked. There were 19.9 per cent
fewer Negroes on farms in the North
in 1940 than in 1930, and 16.3 per cent
fewer in the West." (See Table 1-A). Of
the 681,790 farm operators in 1940,
17,410 were owners, 413 managers, and
507,367 tenants. See Table 1-B for
farms of Negro operators by tenure,
number, acreage and specified value
for the United States, 1900 to 1940.

*From Section on Population, by Dr.
Oliver C. Cox.

153

154

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

Table 1-A.

Farm Operators, By Race, For the United States, By Regions: 1940 and 1930

(A minus sign ( — ) denotes decrease)

RACE

NUMBER OF OPERATORS

INCREASE
1930 to 1940

1940

1930

Number

Per Cent

United States
All classes

6,096,799
681,790
5,377,728

2,579,959
8,898
2,567,257

3,007,170
672,214
2,326,904

509,670

678
483,567

6,288,648
882,850
5,372,578

2,561,785
11,104
2,545,829

3,223,816
870,936
2,342,129

503,047
810
484,620

—191,849
—201,060
5,150

18,174
—2,206
21,428

—216,646
—198,722
—15,225

6,623
—132
—1,053

—3.1

—22.8
0.1

0.7
—19.9
0.8

—6.7
—22.8
-0.7

1.3
—16.3
—0.2

Negro

White

The North

All classes . . .

Negro

White

The South

All classes

Negro . . .

White

The West
All classes

Negro

White

Source: United States Bureau of the Census.

FARM TENANCY

155

Table 1-B

Farms of Negro Operators By Tenure — Number, Acreage, and Specified Values,
For the United States: 1900 to 1940

(Data for 1940 and 1930 relate to April 1; for 1920 to January 1; for 1910 to
April 15; and for earlier years to June 1)

Tenure

1940

1930

1920

1910

1900

Total

Number of farms

681,790
174,010
413
507,367

882,850
181,016
923
700,911

925,708
218,612
2,026
705,070

893,370

218,972
1,434
672,964

746,715
P)
P)
P)

Owners

Managers

Tenants

Total

Land in farms (acres)

30,785,095
10,314,283
153,601
20,317,211

37,597,132
11,198,893
249,072
26,149,167

41,432,182
P)

P)
P)

P)
P
P)

(J)

38,233,920
(')
P)

(J)

Owners

Managers

Tenants

Total
Owners

Value of land and buildings (dollars)

836,067,623
251,328,726
8,208,132
576,530,765

1,402,945,799
334,451,396
14,844,767
1,053,649,636

2,257,645,325

(J)
P)
P)

P)
P)
P)

396,145,262
P)
f1)
P)

Managers. . .

Tenants
Total

Value of buildings (dollars)

224,388,138
81,129,400
1,998,971
141,259,767

340,409,360
105,741,696
4,023,544
230,644,120

P)
P)

P)
P

71,902,265
P)
(l)
P)

Owners
Managers

Tenants
Total .

Value of implements and machinery (dollars)

40,193,537
15,671,208
539,663
23,982,666

60,327,856
19,784,411
623,050
39,920,395

P)
P)

P)
P)
P
P)

18,859,757
P)

P)
P)

Owners

Managers

Tenants

(1) Not available.

Source: Chapter III, Volume 3, General Report on Agriculture: 1940.

FARM TENANCY
Farm Tenancy Highest in the South

Farm tenancy is highest in the
South. Until 1935 a little more than
one-half of all farmers in the South
were tenants. According to the 1940
census, 48.2 per cent of all farm oper-
ators in the South were tenants. While
the number of Negro tenants, was only
34.96 per cent of the total number of
all tenants, in the South, the per cent
they were of Negro farmers was about
1 V2 times that for whites, 74.5 and 40.5
per cent, respectively. In 1940, 56 per
cent of all Negro farmers in Alabama
were tenants as compared with 39 per

cent for white tenants. About one-half
of all tenants before 1935 were share-
tenants and croppers. The per cent of
Negro share-tenants and croppers of
the total number of Negro farmers was
about twice that for whites. In Ala-
bama, for example, the proportions
were fairly representative, as shown
by the 1940 census: Negro share-crop-
pers in that State were 26 per cent of
all Negro farmers as compared with
14 per cent for white share-croppers;
Negro share-croppers were 46.7 per
cent of all Negro tenants as compared
with 32.2 per cent for white share-
croppers.

156

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

The per cent of tenancy in the South
constantly increased until 1930, where-
as in other sections of the nation it
remained about constant. Since 1930
it has decreased in the South, but still
remains about constant in the other
areas. (See Table 2). There are some
exceptions, of course. In the Black
Belt of Alabama the number of Negro
tenants (mostly share-croppers) be-
gan declining after the 1910 census.1
The same is true of certain areas of
Texas.

1Otis, J. R. Changes in the Types of
Farming in Alabama 1890-1940.

The per cent of tenancy in the
South Atlantic geographic division de-
creased 5.9 points (12.3 per cent) from
1930 to 1940; in the East South Cen-
tral, 5.8 points (10.4 per cent); and
in the West South Central 9.7 points
(15.6 per cent). In the selected areas
the per cent of tenancy in 1940 was
about the same as in 1930. A certain
per cent of tenancy is desirable, other-
wise inexperienced young farmers
without capital could never start farm-
ing.

Table 2.

Trends in the Proportion of Tenancy in the 3 Southern and in Selected
Geographic Divisions — 1930, 1935, and 1940. (U. S. Census)

Geographic Divisions

Per Cent Tenants

Per cent 1935 and 1940
are of 1930

1940

1935

1930

1940

1935

1930

Southern: South Atlantic .

42.2
50.1
52.6

14.6
27.9
42.2
18.5

46.3
54.8
59.5

16.2

29.4
42.6
21.2

48.1
55.9
62.3

14.7
27.3
39.9
17.7

87.7
89.6
84.4

99.3
102.2
105.8
104.5

96.2
98.0
95.5

110.2
107.7
106.8
119.8

100
100
100

100
100
100
100

East South Central
West South Central

Selected: Middle Atlantic

East North Central
West North Central
Pacific

Causes For Decline in
Southern Tenancy

The decline in the number of tenants
in the South since 1930 is due largely
to the decline in the number of share-
croppers. Three things have chiefly con-
tributed to the decline: (1) the coming
of the boll weevil; (2) the coming of
the AAA; and (3) the increased use
of modern farm machinery which has
given the decline added impetus be-
cause of the shortage of man power
at a time when there was a demand
for increased production of food, feed,
and fiber crops. The use of machinery
and new knowledge about the use of
fertilizers and soil building crops have
resulted in increased efficiency in farm
production and greater incomes and
profits to farmers. It is not likely that
they will turn back to the old system
which symbolized inefficiency and low
income.

As time passes it is reasonable to
expect that tenancy in the South will
continue to decline until the optimum
per cent is reached, such as will give

young inexperienced farmers without
capital an opportunity to get started in
the business of farming.

Negro tenant farmers, like Negro
farm owners, have the same unfor-
tunate handicap — the size of farm op-
erated by them is about one-third to
one-half the size of that operated by
white farmers. It follows then that
the investment in, and the income
from, the smaller-sized farm business
would bear the same relationship. The
size of the farm operated is an index
of the ability to manage. Negro agri-
cultural leadership must become con-
scious of this fact if Negro farmers are
to adjust themselves to a system of
farming that will enable them to raise
their standard of living.

THE NEGRO AS FARM OWNER
AND MANAGER

Farm ownership by Negroes has con-
stantly increased since slavery. Mort-
gage foreclosures during depressions
have caused periodic declines in the
number of farm owners, but the long-

THE NEGRO AS A FARM LABORER

157

time trend has been constantly up-
wards in contrast to the downward
trend in the number of tenants since
1930. Negro farm owners operate fam-
ily-sized farms one-third to one-half
the size of white owners, and use con-
siderably less farm machinery. (See
Table 3). The average size of farm
for white owners in the Southern
States in 1940 was 122.3 acres; for

colored owners 58.7 acres. White part-
owners operated farms averaging 342.1
acres; Negro part owners operated
farms averaging 68.3 acres. Part-own-
ers operate larger-sized farms and are
better farmers than full-owners. This
is because they are, for the most part,
young, progressive farmers who use
more machinery and farm on a more
modern basis.

Table 3.
Size and Value of Farms By Color of Operator in Southern States in 1940

Size and Value of Farms

All
Operators

Owners

Part
Owners

mtiriiicjGrs

All

Tenants

Croppers

Si«e: Acres of land in farm
White operators

145 8

122 3

342 1

2126 3

109 0

58 9

Non- white operators

45.4

58 7

68 3

479 3

40 0

30 2

Value: Land and buildings
White operators

13818

$3 697

$7016

141 230

12 gig

$1 545

Non-white operators

1,222

1,403

1 657

20 562

1 132

1 049

Source: United States Bureau of the Census.

The fact that Negro farm owners
operate farms one-third to one-half the
size of white owners implies the fact
that the value of (investment in) their
farms would bear the same relation-
ship. Table 3 clearly points out this
fact. It is also obvious that the in-
come from these smaller farms would
bear the same relation — one-third to
one-half less.

Herein lies the answer to the many
farm problems which are often spoken
of in relation to the Negro in agricul-
ture. It is the reason Negro farmers
have a lower standard of living; it is
the reason young Negroes born and
reared on the farm refuse to remain
there; it is the answer to the charges
often made that Negroes are assessed
more and pay more taxes than white
farmers. It is the reason for many of
the so-called Negro farm problems.

Manager-operated farms in Southern
States averaged 2126.3 acres for whites
and 479.3 acres for the colored. Man-
ager-operated farms are usually corpo-
ration farms. The very best farm land
to be found and high investments in
machinery and operating equipment
are specific means of identifying such
farms. The number has been getting
smaller since 1920 and the size larger
as years pass.

It is not likely that the number of
corporation farms will increase in the
next few years. Those that are now in
operation will probably exist only un-
til the South offers industrial oppor-
tunities for investment by absentee
land holders and insurance companies.
Two things will curb any long-time
tendency of expansion by corporation
farming: (1) the family-sized farm
owned and operated with efficient labor
and adequate machinery; and (2) or-
ganized labor which will increasingly
make cheap labor impossible.

THE NEGRO AS A FARM LABORER
Number of Negro
Farm Laborers

Farm workers in the United States
are customarily classified as owners,
tenants, croppers and laborers. The
gradual stages though which farmers
pass in moving from the labor group
to ownership is commonly referred to
as the agricultural ladder. Taylor,
Wheeler and Kirkpatrick2 said the fol-
lowing about the farm laborer as a
group: "... the farm laborer occu-

2"Disadvantaged Classes in American
Agriculture" by Carl C. Taylor, Helen
W. Wheeler, and E. L. Kirkpatrick — So-
cial Science Report Number 8 — Bureau
of Agricultural Economics — U. S. D. A.,
Washing-ton, D. C.

158

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

pies the lowest rung on this ladder
and is today finding it increasingly
difficult to move up even to the next
higher rung as share-cropper or ten-
ant; the prospect of eventual land own-
ership is scarcely within the realm of
possibility for the great majority."

This statement is of the greatest sig-
nificance to Negroes, since in table 4 it
is shown that the majority of Negroes
fall in the labor and cropper groups;
for whites this is just the reverse, as
the majority of white farm workers
are owners.

Table 4.
Negro and White Agricultural Workers in the South, By Tenure, 1940

Tenure

Number

Per Cent

Negro

White

Negro

White

Total* .

1,148,392
173,628
64,684
142,836
299,118
468,126

2,821,822
1,384,249
189,667
510,815
242,173
494,918

100
15.1
5.6
12.5
26.0
40.8

100
49.1
6.7
18.1
8.6
17.5

Owners and Managers
Cash tenants

Other tenants except croppers
Croppers

Wage Laborers

*Exclusive of unpaid family workers.

Source: Data on owners, tenants, and croppers are from Sixteenth Census of the
United States: 1940, Agriculture, Chapter 111, Volume 111, General Report on Agri-
culture, table 3. They include a small number of non- whites other than Negroes.
The data on wage laborers in agriculture are from the Sixteenth Census of the United
States: 1940, Population — Volume 111, Part 1, tables 62 and 63.

Number and Distribution of Negro
Wage Farm Laborers

In table 5 the numbers of wage farm
laborers are shown for different pe-
riods. While the number of Negro
wage laborers both in the nation and
in the South declined, the proportion

of Negroes in the farm labor force in-
creased. This was because the number
of white farmers declined more than
Negroes. In 1945, Negroes amounted
to about 29.6 and 53.2 per cent, re-
spectively, of the number of hired farm
laborers in the nation and in the South.

Table 5.

Number of Negro Wage Farm Laborers in the United States, and in the
South, 1930, 1940, and 1945.

1930

1940

1945

United States

Negroes. . .

529,307

483,785

483,000*

Whites

2,008,038

1,410,175

1,150,000

Total

2,732,972

1,924,890

1,633,000

Per cent Negroes
South

19.7

25.1
468,126

29.6
459,000*

Whites

494,918

404,000

Total

965,464

863,000

Per cent Negroes

48.5

53.2

"-Includes all non-whites, but in the South almost all non-whites are Negroes.

Source: The figures for 1930 were taken from the Fifteenth Census of the United
States: 1930, Population, Volume 4; those for 1940, from the Sixteenth Census of the
United States 1940, Population — Volume 111, Part 1, tables 62 and 63; Parts 2-5, table
13; those for 1945 from Survey of Negroes and Negro Wag-e Rates in Agriculture, Re-
port number 4, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, U. S. D. A., October, 1945.

In tables 5 and 6 are shown the dis-
tribution of hired farm workers by
race and sex for March and May of
1945. From these tables we note that
the number of hired farm laborers is
highly seasonal. The total numbers of

hired laborers as well as the number
of non-whites increased considerably
from March to May. Apparently May
is a peak period for the number of
hired farm workers in the United
States.

THE NEGRO AS A FARM LABORER

159

Cent

Sr^ c^i u
OS OS

> C^ C-J CO <

i £§ SS (

3S S

8 fe

O «D -^

S^ »O
OS

MS OOI--

t^. os oo os e^ t>. oo t-»-i

•^ CO CO CO

O TH OS

s0^

«& CO COCO

O ^H OS CO
"S OS IO 06

06 O5
^ CO

1*1

111

fv)

i|^"

1.PI
fill

160

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

•d

Cft

C8 <U

S £3 g

OO t^ COi-H

l-H O3 O3 (N t>- i-H

O CO CO COCO O t^.<
1^ r-t CO >Ort C<l 1-1

S SS

Ii s S2

1 8

5 s

-*rn

fe K*" ?H

a'Sb ^
*°. I ~

ifsi

I!! J«

sf.3 £

•r-l J_ +"> hfl

ft bfl.., CU

.S-£ o ^

51-1 O> IH ^ .2

i s!0J|

0» fl -**'O

«fl3§

*-* <*> S «M
« *J «M O

o i

o^,S

JH ,| O §

THE NEGRO AS A FARM LABORER

161

2II|

S£fe»

Ulf

csi " C°cN COCN IM IN ^ §5 "* esi co »-i I-H

1
tf

•

&
g

Per cent of
Negro total

SO»-iOt^ Ou3 «oiM'-io»<-icoo» esi eo oo us
OS »-l i-( 1-H i-l

•d

X
1

III

S_i

z —5
^•S.2 '

{•'

*& t>.i«HO3CO COCOO3*-^t>.O3lOO3'^r'OOO3COO3C<l*™(C<l

<M <M ^ «5 CO CO CO US CO CO t^ "*c t^. I-H C<l ^

o
(^

C X

« S

> 1

si —

?3 CoSSi-c t^ OO 00 OS »-( OO CO CO CO CO CD £5 T-I CO

O
43

<D
A

.- -a

« •-

* £
- ^-5

i ISS1

s ^

S ^
1 I|

JS » •«
^a « c

*J!t

1 J

-H ^H°°O3 U5CO CO t- i-H «5 « CO CO CO <M 1C CO

o g«

^ -la

§ -?-2

P |

i sill

i 11

1 K

.sf

OO OO °°'*< "* ,_, *"* *" M ,_, ,_, "^ CO "*

1940. I

work) and
)f Negro fai

s|«

i E

"S5

I SiSl

« &».

* !•*

m |g

a W

J w

CO i-l

United

on public
on the tota

5 t!

<M S.O

• as

z,
*8

1 11

n ^

A -2^S
-<-> — -

£ I-2

03 ......

« .8

s% • • •• •. • .

t! -SSP

*| ::;,.;!
1 il ; : : : .-I 1 i H

1 JS-

I nil

Source: Si:
table 13.
*-Note: Inclu
**-The percent

162

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

Income of Hired
Farm Workers

Income data for whites and Negroes
may be seen in table 9. We note in
this table that the weekly income of
non-whites or Negroes was $8.60.
Studies have indicated that, in the

course of a year, most hired farm work-
ers in the South worked for 6 months
or less. Assuming a work period of 26
weeks and an income of $8.60, the aver-
age annual income of the Negro hired
farm workers in the South as of May
1945 was about $224; for whites, it was
about $289.

Table 9.

Average Hourly, Daily, and Weekly Cash Wages, Average Hours and Days

Worked during Week For Hired Farm Workers, By Race and Sex, United

States and Major Regions, May 1945. f

Area, race, and sex

Cash wages earned
May 20-26, 1945
(on reporting farm)

Time Worked
May 20-26, 1945
(on reporting farm)

Hourly

Daily

Weekly

Hours
per day

Days
per week

Hours
per week

United States

White .

Dollars

.41

.28

.38
.33

.38
.65

.39
.59

.30
.27

.30
.28

.66
.23

.27
.21

.30
.70

.66
.72

Dollars

4.00
2.70

3.70
3.00

3.60
5.70

3.80
4.90

3.20
2.90

2.80
2.40

2.80
2.30

2.70
2.00

6.10
6.60

6.10
6.20

Dollars

19.80
10.60

18.20
10.20

21.60
27.70

22.20
22.30

18.10
12.00

18.40
10.30

11.10

8.60

11.10
5.80

33.70
35.70

34.00
32.40

Number

9.8
9.7

9.8
9.1

9.7

8.7

9.7
8.3

10.7
10.5

10.8

8.4

9.6
9.7

9.7
9.4

9.2
9.3

9.3
8.7

Number

4.9
3.9

4.9
3.4

5.9
4.9

5.9

4.6

5.6
4.2

5.6
4.4

3.9
3.8

4.2
2.9

5.5
5.4

5.5
5.2

Number

48
38

48
31

57
42

60
44

61
36

38
37

51
51

51
45

Nonwhite

Male

Female .

Northeast
White

Nonwhite

Male

Female

North Central
White

Nonwhite

Male

Female

South
White

Nonwhite

Male

Female

%UAM&

west
White

Nonwhite

Male...

Female . . .

t-Excludes approximately 87,000 custom workers since the hire of machinery, equipment or workstock was included in

their reported cash wages.

Estimates based on data from enumerative sample survey of the Bureau of Agricultural Economics.
Source: Survey of wages and wage rates in agriculture, report number 7. Feb-
ruary 1946, Washington, D. C.

TRENDS IN AGRICULTURE

163

TRENDS IN AGRICULTURE
Number of Farms in the
United States, 1910-1940

The number of Negro farmers (all
tenants and owners) in the United
States was 14.5 per cent of all farm
operators in 1910. In 1940 the number
was 11.8 per cent. This was a decline of
2.7 points (18. G per cent) in 30 years.
In the Southern States, Negro farm-
ers were 28.7 per cent of the total num-
ber of farm operators in 1910, and 22.6
per cent in 1940; a decline of 6.1 points
(21.3 per cent) in 30 years.

The total number of farm operators
in the United States reached a peak in
1920. For that reason, the year 1920

is taken as a base. When the number
in 1920 is used as a base the number
of all farm operators in the United
States declined 5.5 per cent from 1920
to 1940. White farm operators declined
2.2 per cent; Negro farm operators de-
clined 24.3 per cent. (See Table 10).
The number of farm managers declined
46.9 per cent during the same period;
all tenants declined 3.7 per cent; and
croppers in the Southern States de-
clined 3.5 per cent. The number of part
owners increased 10.1 per cent, and full
owners declined 8.4 per cent, while the
per cent of tenancy remained about the
same although it increased 11.2 per
cent from 1920 to 1930.

Table 10.

Trends in the Number of Farms in the United States By Color and Tenure of
Operators, 1910-1940. (Decennial Censuses)

Number of Farms

Per cent 1910, 1930, and 1940 are
of 1920

1940

1930

1920

1910

1940

1930

1920

1910

NO. FARMS (TOTAL)

(000)
6,097

5,378
719

3,084
615
36
2,361
38.7
541

(003)
6,289

5,373
916

2,912
657
56
2,664
42.4
776

(000)
6,448

5,498
950

3,367
559
68
2,455
38.1
561

(000)
6,362

5,441
921

3,355
594
58
2,355
37.0
*

94.5

97.8
75.7

91.6
110.1
53.1
96.2
101.6
96.5

97.5

97.7
96.4

86.5
117.6
81.6
108.5
111.2
138.2

100

100
100

100
100
100
100
100
100

98.6

98.9
98.9

99.6
106.3
84.9
95.9
97.1

By Color of Operators:
White Operators

Non-white Operators .

By Tenure of Operators:
Full Owners

Part Owners

Managers .

All Tenants

Proportion of Tenancy (%)

Croppers (Southern States)

*-Not available for 1910 census.

From Table 10, it is observed that
the number of farmers needed to pro-
duce the food, feed, and fiber required
was less in 1940 than in 1920. It is
also to be noted that the number of
Negro farm operators (percentage-
wise) declined 11 times as much as
did the number of white operators dur-
ing the same period. The impact of
war on migration from 1920 to 1940
was not a noticeable factor. What then
happened to the decrease in the num-
ber of farm operators? And what was
the reason for the decline in number?
Before these questions are answered it
is well to follow the course of reason-
ing a bit further.

Number of Farms in the
Three Southern Geographic
Divisions 1930-1940

The decline in the number of farm

operators in the South from 1930 to
1940 was greater than that for other
farming regions in the nation. During
this period the average size of farm
operated increased considerably due to
the use of modern farm machinery and
the jncrease in livestock production.
Tractors increase the number of acres
of land a farmer can work. Livestock
production requires pasture. Both con-
tribute to a larger-size farm.

The number of farms decreased 3.7
per cent from 1930 to 1940 in both the
South Atlantic and East South Central
Divisions. In the West South Central
Division the number of farms de-
creased 12.6 per cent during the same
period. (See Table 11).

164

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

Table 11.

Trends of Geographic Divisions in the Number of Farms By Color and Tenure
of Operators, 1930-1940. (Decennial Censuses)

Geographic Divisions

Number of Farms

Per cent 1940 is of 1930

1940

1930

1940

1930

South Atlantic Divisions

1,019,451
1,023,349
964,370

788,545
230,906
756,923
266,426
781,436
182,934

519,108
64,553
5,991
429,799

447,286
61,134
2,327
521,602

361,296
90,920
5,262
506,892

1,058,468
1,062,214
1,103,134

760,089
298,379
741,255
320,959
840,785
262,349

467,100
72,830
8,964
509,574

398,594
67,754
2,888
593,978

325,989
84,408 .
5,505
687,231

96.3
96.3
87.4

103.7

77.4
102.1
83.0
92.9
69.7

111.1
88.6
66.8
84.3

112.5
90 2
80.6
86.3

110.8
107.7
95.6
73.8

100
100
100

100
100
100
100
100
100

100
100
100
100

East South Central Division
West South Central Division
1) By Color of Operator:
South Atlantic; White
Non-white
East South Central; White
Non-white

West South Central; White
Non-white

2) By Tenure of Operators:
South Atlantic;
Full Owners
Part Owners

Managers

All Tenants

East South Central;
Full Owners

Part Owners
Managers

All Tenants
West South Central;
Full Owners
Part Owners

Managers
All Tenants

In the South Atlantic Division the
number of white farm operators in-
creased 3.7 per cent from 1930 to 1940,
while the number of colored farm op-
erators decreased 22.6 per cent for the
same period. In the East South Cen-
tral Division the number of white farm
operators increased 2.1 per cent from
1930 to 1940, while the number of
colored farm operators decreased 17
per cent. In the West South Centra!
the number of white farm operators
decreased 7.1 per cent from 1930 to
1940, and the number of colored farm
operators decreased 30.3 per cent dur-
ing the same period.

From the standpoint of tenure the
number of full owners increased 11.1
per cent in the South Atlantic Division
from 1930 to 1940 while part owners
decreased 11.4 per cent; managers de-
creased 33.2 per cent; and all tenants
decreased 15.7 per cent during the
same period.

In the East Central Division the
number of full owners increased 12.5
per cent; part owners decreased 9.8
per cent; managers decreased 19.4 per
cent; and all tenants decreased 13.7
per cent.

In the West South Central Division,
the number of full owners increased
10.8 per cent; part owners increased
7.7 per cent; managers decreased 4.4
per cent; and all tenants decreased
26.2 per cent.

The decline in the number of farm
operators in the South where prac-
tically all Negro farmers live and farm
was not only greater than that in other
sections of the United States in this
10-year period, but the number of col-
ored farm operators declined much
more than did white farm operators.
This decline is likely to continue until
the differential in the size of farm
operated by them is decreased and
greater efficiency in operation is
reached. Maximum efficiency, of course,
depends upon a unit of operation
suited to the family-sized farm which
employs modern machinery consistent
with the ability of farmers to manage.
The better managers and more skilled
operators will in time set the pace.
Trends in the Size of Farms

Some idea of the size of farm that
makes for an efficient unit of opera-
tion may be gained from the facts re-
vealed in Table 12, which shows trends
in the number of farms by size groups.

TRENDS IN AGRICULTURE

165

Table 12.

Trends in the Number of Farms By Size Groups and Per Cent of Land Area
in Farms in the United States, 1910-1940. (Decennial Censuses)

Size Groups

1940

Number of Farms

Per cer

1940

81.1

87.5
88.2
97.5
96.4
109.6
149.1
110.9

1 1910, 1930, and 1940 are
of 1920

1930

1920

1910

1930

1920

1910

20-49 acres

(000)
1,221
1,291
1,279
517
459
164
101
55.7

(000)
1,440
1,348
1,343
521
451
160
81
50.8

(000)
1,504
1,475
1,450
531
476
150
67
50.2

(000)
1,414
1,438
1,516
534
444
125
50
46.2

95.7
91.4
92.6
98.1
94.9
106.6
119.6
103.2

100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100

94.0
97.5
104.5
100.6
93.3
83.6
74.4
92.0

50-99 acres
100-174 acres
175-259 acres ;
260-499 acres

500-999 acres
1000 acres and over
Proportion ot Land Area in Farms (%) . . .

Farms less than 20 acres (all land
in farms) were not tabulated because
they are part-time, highly specialized,
or strict subsistence farms which in
the agriculture of today cannot be con-
sidered along with bona fide general
farms from which farmers expect to
earn a living from labor wholly spent
in the business of farming.

It is to be noted from Table 12 that
as the size of farms by groups in-
creased there was a progressive de-
crease (percentage-wise) in the num-
ber of farms by size group up to 499
acres, after which there was an in-
crease in the number of farms by size
group up to 1000 acres and above.
When the number of farms in 1920 by
size groups is taken as a base (1920
equals 100) farms 20-40 acres decreased
in number 18.9 per cent; those 50-99
acres decreased in number 12.5 per
cent; those 100-174 acres decreased in
number 11.8 per cent; those 175-259
acres decreased in number 2.5 per
cent; those 260-499 acres decreased in
number 3.6 per cent while those 500-
999 acres increased 9.6 per cent; and
those 1000 acres and above increased
49.1 per cent. Forty-six and two-tenths
per cent of the total land area was in
farms in 1910 and 55.7 per cent in
1940. This was an increase of 9.5
points (17.1 per cent) from 1920 to
1940.

Increased scientific 'knowledge of
farm management, plants, livestock,
fertilizers, land preparation and culti-
vation, soil and rainfall distribution
and the use of more modern machinery
are responsible for the trends revealed
in Table 12. This trend is to more
land in farms and fewer farmers.
Where and when it will stop depends
upon man — his ability to manage and
to apply scientific knowledge which is
being released yearly by research in
experiment stations. The survival of
any farmer or group of farmers de-
pends upon their ability to compete
in the race for efficient production.

Associated with the trend in fewer
numbers of farmers to produce the
food, feed, and fiber needed in the
United States and the fractional data
before cited is the trend in the average
size of farms operated by farmers by
color and tenure of operator. If the
year 1920 is used as the base year
(1920 equals 100) it is seen from Table
13 that the average size of farm has
increased. The Negro farmer's posi-
tion in agriculture in the future will
depend upon his ability to adjust him-
self to this trend of a larger unit of
operation. Moreover, his farm income
and standard of living can best be
measured in relation to that of white
farmers who operate larger farms and
use modern farm machinery.

166

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

Table 13.

Trends in the Size of Farms (All Land in Farms) in the United States By Color
and Tenure of Operator, 1910-1940. (Decennial Censuses)

Average Size of Farms
Acres: All Land in Farms

Per cent 1910, 1930, and 1940
are of 1920

1940

1930

1920

1910

1940

1930

1920

1910

ALL FARMS IN U. S. A.

174.0

188.8
63.6

123.9
48.8
1830.2
132.1
43.1

156.9

176.0
44.8

127.9
38.4
1109.0
115.0
40.7

148.2

165.6
47.3

137.0
31.4
709.8
107.9
40.1

138.1

152.9
50.6

138.6
22.5
924.7
96.2

117.4

113.5
134.6

90.4
155.4
231.4
122.4
107.5

105.9

106.3
94.7

93.4
122.2
140.2
106.6
101.5

100

100
100

100
100
100
100
100

93.1

92.3
107.0

101.2
71.6
116.9
89.2

By Color of Operator:
White Operators

Non-white Operators

By Tenure of Operator:
Full Owners .

Part Owners

Managers . . .

All Tenants

Croppers (Southern States Only)

The average size of farm in the
United States increased 17.4 per cent
from 1920 to 1940; the average size of
farm for white farm operators in-
creased 13.5 per cent from 1920 to
1940; and the average size of farm for
colored operators increased 34.6 per
cent from 1920 to 1940 although the
average size of farm for them declined
5.3 per cent from 1920 to 1930. There
was a tremendous increase in the size
of farm operated by Negro farmers
from 1930 to 1940.

The average size of farm for full
owners decreased 9.6 per cent from
1920 to 1940. The average size of farm
for part owners increased 55.4 per cent
from 1920 to 1940; the average size
farm of manager-operated farms in-
creased 131.4 per cent from 1920 to
1940; the average size of farm operated
by all tenants increased 22.4 per cent
from 1920 to 1940; and the average
size of farm operated by croppers in
Southern States increased 7.5 per cent
from 1920 to 1940.

The business of farming like that
of industry is growing more scien-
tific. All who would follow it as an
occupation and as a way of life must
keep abreast of the trends in the pro-
gram of assisting the farmer to real-
ize a fuller life economically and so-
cially. A number of agencies are ac-
tive. Some of them are discussed be-
low.

THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION
SERVICE AND THE NEGRO

Extension work may be defined as a
program that teaches farm people to
do better that which they are doing,
and to adopt new farm practices that

will give them increased income and a
higher standard of living. The history
of the service reveals an evolution in
thought and procedure the same as has
occurred in other governmental serv-
ices. This is progress which can be
seen in the living habits and income
of farm people who have been served.
Extension work as it relates to Ne-
gro agents is largely a matter of ex-
tension work in the South. It has been
pointed out that Negroes cannot be
considered separate and apart from the
body politic of agriculture, extension,
or anything else of which they are
an integral part. Extension work with
Negroes in the South is an integral
part of the National Agricultural Ex-
tension Service.

Two Schools of Thought
Concerning Extension Work

In extension work there are two
schools of thought pertaining to Negro
workers. One maintains that inasmuch
as there must be separate services,
there should be an equitable distribu-
tion of funds and responsibility based
on the per cent of population by race.
Funds for the service are granted to
the States and administered by the
land-grant colleges. There is but one
land-grant college in each State. Negro
land-grant colleges are subsidiaries of
white land-grant colleges. It is not
economical to have a dual setup to
overcome this problem arising because
of race. However, a more equitable
distribution of funds could and should
be made for salaries and for an in-
crease in the number of workers in
terms of population percentages by

THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 167

race in such a way as to avoid dupli-
cation of effort.

The proponents of the first school of
thought overlook the basic fact that if
there is to be but one administrator
the nature of the work done by Negro
agents involves less administrative re-
sponsibility on the county level. This
is the way, the service operates for and
by Negroes and is, therefore, basically
a program of teaching for Negro work-
ers. Consequently, Negro agents do not
need as many clerical workers. When
considering an equitable distribution
of funds this fact must be kept in
mind as well as the case load of work-
ers (number of farm people served per
agent). Even if there should be set up
a case load differential for Negro work-
ers the number of these would need
to be materially increased if rural pop-
ulation is used to determine the num-
ber of workers.

The second school of thought holds
that there is but one Extension Serv-
ice, and that even though there should
be a more equitable distribution of
funds there has been an increase in
the percentage of funds appropriated
for Negro work. In other words, prog-
ress is being made in the more equitable
distribution of funds. This group also
maintains that the administration of
extension funds involves local politi-
cal problems that time only can solve.
It is in this light that the following
facts and discourse on the Negro in
extension work are presented.

The output per worker is the chief
measure of efficiency. How to make the
agents' work count for more has been
a major objective of the extension serv-
ice, for white and colored alike. It is
not as easy to set up tools to measure
the output of extension workers as it
is to measure the output of factory
workers. Output of extension workers
today in terms of output 15 years ago
cannot be regarded as a criterion for
evaluation. Conditions have changed
vastly, and more accurate measures
can now be employed. Output of Negro
workers in terms of white workers
cannot be used as a measure because
the work of the two is frequently not
comparable due to case load per work-
er and the influence of administrative
responsibility by the white agent.
About the only effective measure left
for evaluating work of all agents, white
and black, is output in relation to ob-

jectives. Even then the output may
be due to many f actors t whose influ-
ence is indirect and not measurable.
Some of these may be cited: (1)
change in demand; (2) competition be-
tween enterprises; (3) the coming of
insect pests and diseases of plants and
animals; (4) the scarcity of labor re-
sulting from wars; (5) industrial
booms; (6) ease of credit. Not so long
ago many bankers would loan money
only for the production of cotton.

Effectiveness of
County Agents' Work

A good county agent is one in whose
leadership farm people and business
men in related or dependent agricul-
tural industry have great faith. He
often becomes the guiding light in the
county in which he works. Insofar as
this is true, the outcome of his work
must be regarded as being more at-
tributable to the agent than the factors
which are an indirect aid, if taken
advantage of. These same factors may
easily become insurmountable barriers
if it were not for his wise leadership.
At any rate, when one sees the entire
cropping system and type of farming
transformed in a county in the course
of a decade or two he can be certain
that a powerful force is at work. Peo-
ple, especially farmers, do not change
their habits readily.

Negro county agents are factors in
such transformations. They worked
with 719,000 Negro farm operators in
1940, causing them to adopt improved
methods in production and marketing
which resulted in increased income,
better homes and better citizens. This
job was done in face of many obstacles,
the chief ones being that of working
with people who are farthest down in
the scale of education and agents who
are not trained to think in terms of
present-day agriculture. Some say that
ignorant people subscribe to leadership
more readily than people with more
training. While this may be true, once
the leader gets their confidence, it is
also true that ignorance is a handicap
to people who have to adapt themselves
to a highly technical and scientific job.
Man is intellectually lazy. Only a few
are original. If training is not pro-
vided for county agents to meet mod-
ern problems in agriculture, many will
not train themselves. Farming, like
present-day military tactics and tech-
niques of war, is highly scientific.

168

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

Number of Extension
Workers •

There were 549 Negro Extension
Agents in 16 Southern States in 1941,
about 13 per cent of the total number
of extension agents. (See Table 14).
Of this number 293 were farm agents,
246 home demonstration agents, and
9 club agents. There are white farm
and home demonstration agents in all

counties but in most of the States there
is but one Negro agent in many coun-
ties. This fact accounts for much of
the shortage in number of Negro
agents cited in the study of Mr. Wilker-
son. Many counties with heavy Negro
population have no Negro agents. The
reason for this is that in many of these
counties local authorities will not
agree to a cooperative plan to employ
Negro agents.

Table 14.

Number of Extension Agents (Total and Number of Negro) in 16 Southern
States, By States and Types of Program, September 30, 1941*

STATES

All Agents

Per

Cent

Negro

Farm Agents

Home Agents

Boy-Girl
Agents

Total

Negro

Total

Negro

Total

Negro

Total

Negro

Alabama
Arkansas

366
215
132
339

251
206
64
299

239
379
206
171

308
615
253
136

. 72
33
19
52

7
20
6
76

58
20
38

20
85
37
5

21
15
14
15

3
10
9
25

§
15
10
22

7
14
15
4

202
106
76
208

175
115
32
164

141

234
103

200

344
173
65

36
14
10
25

5
12
2

0
36
10
20

48
28
2

129
107
54
126

67
88
29
127

91
143
99

105

268
77
44

34
18
9
25

2
7
4
40

1
22
10

9
37
9
1

5
1
2
5

9
3
8
3

7
2
4

3
3
3

2
0
0
2

0
1
0
2

0
0
0
0*

0
0
0
2

Florida
Georgia

Kentucky
Louisiana
Maryland

Mississippi
Missouri

North Carolina
Oklahoma
.South Carolina

Tennessee
Texas

Virginia
West Virginia

TOTAL

4,149

549

2,427

293

1,632

246

*-Data from Cooperative Extension Service. (Adapted from study by Doxey Wilkerson, Howard University, 1942,

by permission of author.)
§-Less than .5 per cent.

In terms of the total Negro popula-
tion in the nation the 13 per cent Ne-
gro agents now employed is about cor-
rect. But the number is far short of

the proper proportion on the basis of
farm population in the South adjusted
to State variation.

THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 169

Table 15.

Actual Number of Negro Extension Agents in Relation to the Number Required
For Equity, By States, September 30, 1941 f

STATE

Per cent Negro
of Rural
Population
1940

Number of
Negros Required
for Equity

Actual Number
of
Negro Agents

Difference Be-
tween Actual
No. and
Equitable No.

Per cent
Actual No.
is of Equi-
table No.

Alabama

35 6

120

—48

Arkansas

26.5
31 3

32
19

-24

—22

58
46

Georgia
Kentucky

37.5
6.0

127
14

—75

—7

41
50

Louisiana

40 9

—64

Maryland

, 17.8
53 4

11
157

6
76

—5
—61

Missouri
North Carolina
Oklahoma

3.0

28.5
6 6

7
108
14

1
58
20

—50

—6

14
54
143

South Carolina

Tennessee
Texas
Virginia
West Virginia

47.9

13.8
15.3

26.7
6.8

44
94
69
9

20
85
37
5

—14

-24
—9
—32
—4

46
91
54
56

TOTAL

24.1

1,000

549

451

t-See Table 14. (Adapted from study by Doxey Wilkerson, Howard University, 1942).

j-Total number of agents (Table 14). Adjusted to per cent Negro is of rural population. By permission of author.

The criticism made of the Extension
Service because of the lack of a fair
number of Negro agents could be over-
come if Negro club agents were placed
in counties where the Negro popula-
tion justifies them and where the local
county authorities will cooperate in
employing them.

The number of Negro agents (all
types) increased 101 from 1937 to 1941,
or 23 per cent; and 83 per cent from
1925 to 1941. The number of white
agents increased 314, or 10 per cent
from 1937 to 1941; and 103 per cent,
1925 to 1941, (See Table 16). The
most noticeable increase was in the
number of home demonstration agents.
The number of Negro home agents in-

creased 30 per cent from 1937 to 1941
and 87 per cent from 1925 to 1941;
while the number of white home dem-
onstration agents increased 18 per
cent from 1937 to 1941 and 88 per cent
from 1925 to 1941. While the number
of Negro 4-H Club agents increased
by 2 from 1937 to 1941 (28 per cent)
the number from 1925 to 1941 de-
creased by 3 (25 per cent). Club work
is an important part of the extension
program and additional Negro club
workers would better serve Negro club
boys and girls. Indeed, from a long-
time point of view more club agents
would be a better investment than that
for work with adult farmers.

170

THE NEGKO IN AGRICULTURE

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4 — *

THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 171

Expenditures For
Extension Work

Expenditures allotted for extension
work among Negroes (13 per cent of
the total number of workers) was 5.7
per cent of the total amount allotted

in 1925 and 6.7 per cent in 1942, a 1
per cent increase. (See Table 17). The
amount allotted to Negro work in 1925
was $431,502 and $1,042,155 in 1942, an
increase of 141.5 per cent, while the
total amount allotted increased 198.8
per cent from 1925 to 1942.

Table 17.

Total, Federal, and State, and Local Funds Allotted For Extension Work in
16 Southern Szates: Amounts and Percentages For Negroes, By Fiscal Years:

1925 to 1941t

Year
Ending
June 30

Funds Allotted for Extension Work

Expenditure for Work Among
Negroes

Per cent of
1942 Amount

Total

Federal

State and
Local*

Amount

Per Cent
Of Total

Total

Negro

1925...
1929...
1931
1932

$7,613,801
9,002,117
10,244,467
10,153,309
9,278,684
8,096,113
12,623,200
13,044,284
13,533,706
14,089,409
14,492,183
14,795,257
15,137,175

$3,322,751
4,098,060
4,515,944
4,528,149
4,493,785
4,134,894
8,329,186
8,538,740
8,719,280
8,995,294
9,393,461
9,382,953
9,543,509

$4,291,050
4,903,148
5,728,523
5,625,161
4,784,899
3,961,219
4,294,114
4,505,544
4,814,426
5,094,115
5,098,722
5,412,304
5,593,666

$431,502
509,574
560,134
561,785
534,473
509,995
741,660
804,657
809,665
911,892
962,807
987,836
l,042,155t

5.7
5.7
5.5
5.5
5.8
6.3
5.9
6.2
6.0
6.1
6.7
6.7
6.7

48.5
59.6
66.6
66.5
61.3
53.7
83.5
86.1
89.4
92.9
95.5
97.6
100.0

43.0
50.9
55.9
56.0
53.2
50.8
74.0
80.0
80.6
91.0
96.0
98.1
100.0

1933
1935

1936
1937
1938
1939

1940
1941
1942

J-Data supplied by Extension Service, United States Department of Agriculture. (Cited from study by Doxey Wilker-

son, Howard University, 1942; by permission of author).

*-Includes State and College Funds, County Funds, Farmers' organizations, etc.
f- Allotment.

The amount of money allotted to Ne-
gro extension work by the Southern
States varied widely from 1925 to 1941.
(See Table 18). The question of equit-
able distribution of funds hinges
around the question of what is to be
used as a base for making allocations:
(1) the per cent the Negro population
is of the national population; or (2)
the per cent the Negro population is of
the rural or rural farm population in
the States where the Negro population
is greatest and where Negro extension
workers are employed. Whichever
base is used the present amount allo-
cated to Negro work is inadequate. If
the per cent Negroes are of the na-
tional population is used as a base, the
amount allocated would need to be
multiplied by 2. If the per cent they
are of the rural population in the
South is used as a base the amount
allocated would need to be multiplied
by 4. (See Table 18).

Reorganization Needed in
Program For Negro Farmers

From time to time the public makes
various criticisms of extension work.

Some are constructive; some are de-
structive. Whatever the nature of the
criticisms the service can use them to
advantage. Administrators of exten-
sion work, it seems, must admit that
there is reason for unrest on the part
of critics. A statement in answer to
Mr. Wilkerson's study, which is the
authority for these comments, would
do much to allay this criticism.

The fact must be kept in mind, how-
ever, that the best claim to a more
equitable distribution of funds is
efficient use of what we now have.
There is room for improvement in the
quality of work done by all extension
workers, and by Negro extension work-
ers in particular. They should con-
tinue to do a better job as they strive
for what they want. How can they
better achieve their objective?

Agricultural production and tech-
nique are undergoing a revolution, the
impact of which is greatest in the
South. The application of science to
production has increased the output
per agricultural worker and enlarged
the size of farm so as to make it a

172

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

more efficient unit of operation. The
weakness of Negro agents is found in
their failure to adapt a program for
Negro farmers to this trend which is
not easy to reorganize. Negro colleges
of agriculture which train them, are
largely responsible for this weakness
on the part of these agents. Not a
single one of them has a recognized
department of Agricultural Economics.
The very basis of the changes we are
now experiencing in agriculture is

economic in nature. To increase the
number of Negro extension workers
who will continue to make the "live-at-
home" program the end objective of
extension training will not solve the
problem. The reasons why the num-
ber of Negro farmers has declined
more than the number of white farm-
ers are to be found in the before stated
facts and in the opinions of the writers
here expressed.

THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO

—
C

.£ °

•s

Rural-Farm
Population
1930

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L74

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

Increased Allotment For
Negro Extension Work3

Over $2,000,000 has been allotted for
agricultural extension work among
colored farmers for 1947. This repre-
sents an increase of 114 per cent dur-
ing the last five years. "The enlarged
allotment makes it possible for Exten-
sion Service in the Southern States
to employ 278 more colored workers
than were on the staff at the outbreak
of the war. The total number of col-
ored agents and supervisors now work-
ing in the 15 Southern States stands
at 817.

"In commenting on the report, Spe-
cial Assistants to the Secretary of
Agriculture, Claude A. Barnett of the
Associated Negro Press and Dr. F. D.
Patterson of Tuskegee, say that the
enlarged staff of colored county agents
will make it possible to extend the
services of Extension to a good many
farmers who have never been effec-
tively reached. They add, however,
that while this represents a substan-
tial forward step in the Extension
program, there is still need for addi-
tional colored Extension workers.
Both Mr. Barnett and Dr. Patterson
have been conferring with State Ex-
tension directors from time to time
in the interest of a more effective pro-
gram for colored farmers.

"In the appointment of new agents,
North Carolina leads with 44, Georgia
is second with 34, and Mississippi is
third with 30. In the total number of
workers, Mississippi comes first with
107 farm and home demonstration
agents and supervisors; Texas comes
second with 106 agents and super-
visors; and North Carolina, third with
99 agents.

"In expenditures, North Carolina
leads the other Southern States. It
has allotted for Extension work among
colored farmers this year, $473,506, or

3Source: United States Department of
Agriculture Special Report, January 13,
1947.

23.5 per cent of all monies to be spent
in the State for Extension work.
Texas is second with an allotment of
$256,343, or 10.3 per cent of its Exten-
sion funds; Alabama is third with an
allotment of $239,133, and Mississippi,
fourth with an allotment of $226,069.

"Significantly, North Carolina, South
Carolina, Mississippi, Alabama, and
Arkansas have allotted over 14 per
cent of their Extension Service funds
for work among colored farmers. How-
ever, more than half of all Negro
farmers live in these five States. Large
numbers also live in Georgia and
Louisiana.

"Greatest percentage increase in the
allotment of funds during the last
five years was made by North Caro-
lina which increased its funds for
Negro work by 241 per cent. West
Virginia made the second largest in-
crease, 215 per cent, and Louisiana
made the third largest increase, 201
per cent.

"A comparison in the amount of
funds allotted for white and Negro
Extension work in the South shows
that the former received $16,158,117.44
and the latter, $2,218,209.46 or 12.1
per cent. During the last five years,
funds for whites increased by 55.9
per cent and for colored by 114 per
cent. However, in personnel and serv-
ices, the Extension program for colored
farmers still lags somewhat behind.

"It is pointed out that still there
are no colored agents in some counties
with as many as 500 Negro farm fam-
ilies.' Also assistant colored county
agents are needed in some counties to'
help serve the large case-loads which
frequently number up to 2,000 farm
families.

"The farm and home demonstration
agents are Extension teachers of the
land-grant colleges. They carry agri-
cultural and home-making training to
farm families in their homes and on
their farms. The lessons are taught by
demonstrations."

THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 175

Table 19.

Allotment of Funds For Extension Work Among Negro Farmers; the Number
of Negro Extension Agents and Supervisors in 15 Southern States For Fiscal

Years 1942 and 1947.

1942

Funds

Percent of Funds

Extension Workers

Alabama

$156,708 80

20 1

Arkansas

68,388.75

8.9

Florida

35,450 00

9 2

Georgia

64,515.00

6.9

11,352 00

1 5

Louisiana . , . . .

41,890 00

6.8

9 684 00

4 0

Mississippi ...

117,054 00

13 8

North Carolina

138,744.00

13.1

Oklahoma

41,560 00

5 9

South Carolina

62,038.00
43,060 00

12.6
5 4

37
20

Texas

171,726 26

9 5

62 018 00

8 3

West Virginia

12,480 00

2 8

TOTALS

$1,036 668 81

9 1

539

STATES

1947

Funds

Percent of Funds

Percent of Increase

Workers

Alabama

$ 239 133 00

16 2

52 6

Arkansas

154,604 33

14 5

126 1

Florida
Georgia

62,853.82
147,636 82

10.4
9 5

77.3
128 8

Kentucky

24,675 00

2 1

117 4

Louisiana

126 230 00

10 6

201 3

Maryland

19,260 00

5 3

98 8

Mississippi

226 069 00

16 4

93 1

107

North Carolina

473,506 00

23 5

241 3

Oklahoma
South Carolina

64,701.20
140 185 65

5.7
17 1

55.7
126 0

29
59

Tennessee
Texas

81,730.00
256 343 59

6.7
10 3

89.8
49 3

28
106

Virginia
West Virginia

161,922.20

39 358 85

13.1
6 4

161.1
215 4

56
17

TOTALS

$2,218,209.46

12.1

114.0

817

Source: United States Department of Agriculture, Special Report, January 13, 1947.

Supervisors of Extension
Work With Negroes

November, 1946
Alabama

Dr. J. R. Otis, State Leader, Tuskegee
Institute

Miss M. F. Myhand, District Agent,
Tuskegee Institute

Mr. W. B. Hill, District Agent, Tuske-
gee Institute

Mr. C. C. Lanier, District Agent, Tus-
kegee Institute

Miss R. L. Rivers, District Agent, Tus-
kegee Institute

Mr. T. R. Agnew, State 4-H Club Agent
for Boys, Tuskegee Institute

Miss M. B. Hollinger, State 4-H Club
Agent for Girls, Tuskegee Institute

Arkansas

Mr. H. C. Ray, District Agent, 610 % W.
9th Street, Little Rock

Mrs. Fannie Mae Boone, District Agent,
9th Street, Little Rock

Mr. T. R. Betton, District Agent, 9th
Street, Little Rock

Mrs. Ella P. Nelly, District Agent, 9th
Street, Little Rock

Mr. L. L. Phillips, State 4-H Club

Agent, 9th Street, Little Rock
Georgia

Mr. H. P. Stone, State Agent, Georgia
State College, Industrial College.

Miss Camilla Weems, State Agent,
Georgia State College, Industrial Col-
lege

Mr. Alexander Hurse, State 4-H Club
Agent, Georgia State College, Indus-
trial College

176

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

Mr. Augustus Hill, Asst. State 4-H

Club Agent, Georgia State College,

Industrial College
Kentucky

Mr. Louis L. Duncan, Jr., District

Agent, 408 V2 Main St., Hopkinsville
Louisiana

Mr. T. J. Jordan, Asst. State Agent,

Southern Branch Post Office, Baton

Rouge
Mrs. R. F. Henton, Asst. State Agent,

Southern Branch Post Office, Baton

Rouge
Mrs. A. J. Lewis, Cooperative Home

Demonstration Agent, Box 2110, Bat-
on Rouge
Maryland

Mr. Martin G. Bailey, District Agent,

Box 5302, Seat Pleasant 19
Mississippi

Mr. M. M. Hubert, District Agent, 843 %

Rose Street, Jackson
Mr. G. C. Cypress, Boys' Club Agent,

843^5 Rose Street, Jackson
Mrs. Daisy M. Lewis, District Agent,

Jackson College, Jackson
Mrs. Virlie Moody Lindsay, Girls' 4-H

Club Agent, Jackson College, Jackson
Mrs. Beatrice Childress, Asst. Girls'

4-H Club Agent, Jackson College,

Jackson
Mrs. Alice Carter Oliver, District Agent,

Clarksdale
North Carolina

Mr. R. E. Jones, State Agent, Box 68,

A & T College, Greensboro
Mrs. Dazelle P. Lowe, District Agent,

Box 68, A & T College, Greensboro
Mr. J. A. Spaulding, District Agent,

Box 68, A & T College, Greensboro
Mrs. W. T. Merritt, District Agent, Box

68, A & T College, Greensboro

Oklahoma

Mr. Paul O. Brooks, District Agent,

Langston University, Langston
Mrs. H. M. Hewlett, District Agent,

Langston University, Langston

South Carolina

Mr. E. N. Williams, District Agent,

State College, Orangeburg
Mrs. Marian B. Paul, State Supervisor,

State College, Orangeburg
Mr. Wayman Johnson, Asst. District

Agent, State College, Orangeburg

Tennessee

Mr. W. H. Williamson, Assistant State

Agent, Box 543, Nashville
Miss Bessie L. Walton, Assistant State

Agent, Box 1171, Nashville 2
Texas

Mr. W. C. David, State Leader, Prairie

View University, Prairie View
Miss M. E. Garrett, District Agent,

Prairie View University, Prairie View
Mr. J. E. Mayo, Acting District Agent,

Prairie View University, Prairie View
Mrs. Pauline R. Brown, Supervisor &

District Agent, Prairie View Univer-
sity

Mr. H. S. Estelle, District Agent, Prair-
ie View University, Prairie View

Mrs. J. O. A. Connor, District Agent,
Prairie View University, Box 516,
Prairie View

Mr. W. H. Phillips, District Agent,
Prairie View University, Prairie View
Virginia

Mr. Ross W. Newsome, State Agent,
Virginia State College, Ettrick

Miss B. D. Harrison, District Agent,
Virginia State College, Ettrick

Mr. S. E. Marshall, District Agent, Vir-
ginia State College, Ettrick

Mrs. T. T. Hewlett, Asst. District

Agent, Ashland
West Virginia

Mr. L. A. Toney, State Leader, W. Va.
State College, Institute

Mrs. Tanner J. Livisay, District Agent,
Princeton

Mr. T. M. Campbell, Field Agent, Tus-
kegee Institute, Alabama

Mr. John W. Mitchell, Field Agent,
Hampton Institute, Hampton, Vir-
ginia

Mrs. D. D. Allen, Secretary, Tuskegee
Institute, Alabama

THE FARM SECURITY

ADMINISTRATION AND THE

NEGRO

The Farm Security Administration
is a Federal' agricultural agency set
up to give assistance to needy farmers.
It is especially designed to help low
income farm people. This agency was
organized at first as the Federal Emer-
gency Relief Administration in 1934.
In 1935 it was reorganized as the Re-
settlement Administration. In 1937 the
program was expanded and its name
changed to the Farm Security Admin-
istration. In November of 1946 there
was further reorganization and the
agency renamed the Farmers' Home
Administration.

An important objective of the Farm
Security program is that of improving
the economic and social status of low-
income farmers. At the present time,
the major functions of this agency cen-
ter around the rural rehabilitation and
the farm-purchase programs. Table
20 shows the participation of Negroes
in the program of the Farm Security
Administration as of November 15,
1941.

THE FARM SECURITY ADMINISTRATION AND THE NEGRO 177

Table 20.

Negro Borrower Participation in Farm Security Administration Program,
November 15, 1941 — United States

Type of Program

Number

Rural Rehabilitation

53 322

Tenant Purchase Borrowers

3 061

Families on 22 Rental Cooperatives (Leasing Association)

967

Families on 35 Community Projects

1 889

Families on 6 Migratory Camps

1 199

Total

60 440

Source: "Plain Facts About Negro Farming" by Constance E. H. Daniels — F. S. A.
Publication 104. — Printed in "The Brown American," November, 1941.

The community projects have been
discontinued. The Negro families that
were on these projects are probably
now included in the tenant purchase
program.

The Rural Rehabilitation
Program

The Rural Rehabilitation Program
was designed to improve the economic
and social status of destitute farmers
and farm workers. The program in-
cludes the following:

1. Standard rural rehabilitation loans.

2. Loans for setting- up small cooper-
atives.

3. Tenure improvement program.

4. Farm debt adjustment.

5. The medical-care program.

6. Education.

Any low-income farmer who cannot
qualify for credit from other lending
agencies may get a standard rehabili-
tation loan, and may also participate

in the other features of the rehabili-
tation program. At the end of the 1944
crop year in 14 Southern States, there
were 37,763 Negro farm families oper-
ating under the rural rehabilitation
program of the Farm Security Admin-
istration. A study of a sample of 1,746
of these families showed the following
(Table 20):

These farms averaged 79 acres of
land, 36 acres of which were in crops.
They had assets averaging $1,542; and
an average net worth of $973. The
average amount borrowed for the year
1944 was $1,254; the total debt at the
end of 1944 was $488. The average
gross family income was $1,221, of
which $1,006 was farm income. The
average net family income was $905;
the net farm income was $690. The
average value of home-used food was
$337.

178

THE NEGBO IN AGRICULTURE

Table 21.

Status of the Active Standard Rural Rehabilitation Negro Family At End of
1944 Crop Year in the Fourteen Southern States*

Item

Fourteen

Southern

States

Region
IV

Region

Region
VI

Region VI 1 1
(Oklahoma
and Texas)

Active Standard Negro Families No. 37 , 763

No. of Families in Sample No. 1 , 746

Size of Farm 1944 Acres 79

Land in Crops 1944 Acres 36

Total Owned... . $ 1,542

TotalOwed $ 569

NetWorth $ 973

Working Capital End of '44 $ 851

Total Amount Borrowed From FSA . . $ 1 , 254

Total R R Debt End of '44 $ 488

Delinquency Status:

Number Borrowers Delinquent No. 19,714

Per cent of Borrowers Delinquent . % 52
Amount Delinquent for those

Delinquent $ 243

Gross Family Income f 1,221

Gross Farm Income f 1,006

Total Non-Farm Income $ 215

Farm Operating Expenses $ 316

Net Family Income $ 905

Net Farm Income S 690

Value Home-Owned Food $ 337

6,372
320

2,110

439

1,671

1,084

1,225
280

2,466
39

225
1,704
1,514

190

404

1,300

1,110

480

13,883
840

1,262
638

774

5,765
42

1,054
903
151

327

727
576

285

12,977
405

76
34

1,496
526
970

816

1,372

458

8,719
67

305

1,161
919
242

270

891
649
302

4,531

181

94
42

1,737

661

1,076

535

2,764
61

220

1,228

85S

370

288

. 940
570

*Data supplied by the Farm Security Administration, Washington, D. C.

Of the total number of Negro rural
rehabilitation borrowers at the end of
1944, 19,714 or 52 per cent were de-
linquent. The amount of delinquency
averaged $243.

Tenant-Purchase Program

The tenant-purchase program was
set up for the purpose of curbing the
trend of tenancy. This program was
authorized by the Bankhead-Jones
Farm Tenant Act which was passed by
Congress in 1937. The function of this
program is to make loans to tenant,
sharecropper, and farm laborer fami-
lies to enable them to become owners
of family-sized farms.

In 1943 Negroes made up 14 per cent

of all tenant-purchase borrowers in the
United States, while according to the
United States Census of 1940, Negroes
were 21 per cent of all tenants. Ac-
cording to these figures, if the pro-
portion of tenants is taken as a criter-
ion, Negroes are not getting their
share of the tenant-purchase program.
This is demonstrated more emphatic-
ally when we consider the four south-
ern farm security regions. In these
regions, Negroes were 35 per cent of
all tenants, but only 19 per cent of
all tenant-purchase borrowers. In no
region or State were the proportion
of Negro tenant-purchase borrowers
equal to the proportion of Negro ten-
ants. (See Table 22).

TUSKEGEE HOUSING PROGRAM FOR RURAL BETTERMENT 179

Table 22.
Tenant-purchase Borrowers By Color, 1943

Region and State

All borrowers

White

gro

Negro as percent

1943

Number

Per cent

of all tenants
1940

United States

29,502

25,372

4,130

Four Southern Regions

21,196

17,271

3,925

Region IV

5,112

4,601

511

Kentucky

783

North Carolina

2,077

1 724

353

Tennessee

1,277

1,226

670

563

107

West Virginia . . .

305

304

Region V

Alabama

7 484

5 736

1 721

Flo rida

2,423

1 817

606

Georgia
So uth Carolina

3,099
1,715

2,541
1.200

558
515

18
30

38
57

Region VI

5,406

4 000

1 406

Arkansas

1,770

959

811

Louisiana

1,142

834

308

Mississippi

2,494

1,646

848

Region VIII

3,194

2 097

287

Oklahoma

1 332

1 252

Texas

1,682

1 676

186

Sources: United States Department of Agriculture, Farm Security Administra-
tion. Release No. 12, 1943. Family Progress Report. 16th Census of the U S Agri-
culture ch. Ill, Vol. III.

THE TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE

HOUSING PROGRAM FOR RURAL

BETTERMENT4

"On the campus of Tuskegee Insti-
tute stands a new four-room one-story
cottage. It is a neat livable house that
differs little in appearance from houses
seen in the newer subdivisions almost
everywhere. With present prices one
would expect it to cost between six
and seven thousand dollars to build,
of which possibly three thousand
would be spent for materials. The
builders show, however, that the actual
cost of all the materials used was
slightly more than one thousand dol-
lars! Furthermore, the construction is
so simple that if such a house was
built for private ownership the owner
could perform much of the labor him-
self! ... It is really the latest de-
velopment in Tuskegee's struggle over
an eight-year period to find a way to
bring adequate housing within the
reach of the average farmer. It is a
repeatable demonstration in rural
housing.

*Source: Mimeographed pamphlet, "It
Can Happen Here," by Louis E. Fry,
Architect and Housing Consultant. Jan-
uary 1, 1947.

"The story of this research project,
participated in by practically all de-
partments of the Institute and with
the active support of the Extension
Service . . . has been carried on prac-
tically without funds except for a
small initial grant from the General
Education Board. Early in the study
it became apparent that since the av-
erage southern farmer has little cash
money to spend some way would have
to be found to cut materials cost dras-
tically and to utilize to an unusual ex-
tent the farmers' own labor. It is
readily understood that farm labor is
available for such use since it is fully
occupied with farm tasks only at cer-
tain seasons. Experiments with wood-
en houses made from timber cut on
the farm were successful but had limit-
ed application. Rammed earth, both
in solid sections and in blocks, was
tried but certain technical difficulties
with this material seemed insurmount-
able. Soil-cement mixtures such as
are sometimes used for roads were
tried and given up — not because these
mixtures seemed unusuable but for
lack of the facilities and personnel for
the experimental work needed. The

180

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

suggestion that led to the erection of
this present experimental house came
from Dr. F. D. Patterson, President
of Tuskegee Institute. 'Why not use
a concrete block,' thought Dr. Patter-
son. 'The ingredients are cement and
gravel and water and labor. Since
gravel can be found in almost any
creek bed a farmer would only need
to buy the cement in order to make
them.'

"Concrete for blocks could be mixed
wet and poured into shallow wooden
forms. These blocks were first ob-
served in use by a Tuskegee graduate
living in the Tuskegee community.
The laying of them was modified in
the present plan by using half blocks
instead of metal ties in joining the
parallel exterior walls. The blocks so
made could be laid in such a way as
to produce a hollow wall. The air
spaces in the regular concrete blocks
could be produced not by the way the
blocks were made but by the way they
were laid. This was Dr. Patterson's
own idea, too. The detail were worked
out by the staff of the Department of
Mechanical Industries at the Institute.

"Simple but sturdy wooden forms
were made. A creek bed was found
that had promising looking gravel in
it and the block making plant set up
on its bank. After a series of experi-
ments a mixture of one part of cement
to about six parts of pit run gravel
was used. Gravel was used just as it
came from the earth. Mixing was done
in a small batch mixer (it could have
been done by hand on a mixing board)
and the soupy mass poured into the
forms. After twenty-four hours in
summer (longer in winter) the blocks
were removed and stacked in the
shade to season until ready for use
It was just as simple as that. Surpris-
ingly enough these methods produced
blocks which tests showed to have a
strength in excess of that required
by standard specifications for com-
mercial blocks.

"At the building site the blocks were
used for exterior walls, for chimneys,
and for all interior partitions. ... No
plaster was used in this house except
that a single coat of cement plaster
was used on one side of each three
inch partition to stiffen it. ... Consist-
ent with the use of concrete for walls
and partitions, the floors are also of
concrete. The 'base slab' was poured

about four inches thick over a six inch
cinder bed laid directly on the earth.
Topping was of cement and sand, put
on before the base slap had set and
troweled to a smooth glossy surface.
The same savings, due to the use of
local gravel, accrue here as was the
case with the blocks. . . . Houses with
concrete floors in direct contact with
the earth are cooler in summer than
if of wood and built up as is more com-
monly done. ... In winter there will
be no uncomfortable drafts coming
through the floors 'as is so often the
case with houses built up on piers and
open underneath. The cinder underfill
(it could be gravel also) prevents
dampness from coming up from the
ground.

"Walls and floors of concrete are rat
proof because they cannot be gnawed.
They are termite proof because ter-
mites cannot digest cement and gravel.
They are roach and ant resistent be-
cause there are fewer cracks. The
floors can be scrubbed without hurting
them and if properly treated they are
practically scuff proof. Concrete can-
not burn so houses built this way are
more fire-resistant than the more usual
types. Absence of p'aster to crack,
wood floors to sand and varnish, and a
great decrease in the amount of ex-
terior woodwork to paint (as com-
pared with wooden houses) make the
maintenance of such houses inexpen-
sive and easy.

"Other parts of the house are more
orthodox. The roof was framed of
wood in the usual manner and covered
with asbestos-cement shingles. Ceil-
ings are of insulation board in large
sheets, painted to match the walls.
Doors and windows together with
their frames are of stock patterns.
The heating and lighting and plumb-
ing were handled in the usual ways
except that they are a bit more ade-
quate. The result of all this is that
a very pleasant place to live has been
created. Its strongest appeal ... is
that it can be built by farmers with
small cash outlay."

MECHANIZATION IN AGRICULTURE
Mechanization of Farming
In the South

The mechanization of farming in
several areas of the South is ushering
in changes of great importance. Texas

MECHANIZATION IN AGRICULTURE

181

and Oklahoma, even before Pearl Har-
bor, had seen the invasion of tractors
transforming the countryside into mul-
tiple-sized farms. The Mississippi Del-
ta and the better lands of the Old
Southeast have, during recent years,
been cultivating larger crops with few-
er laborers than in pre-tractor days.

In two of the thirteen Southern States
the percentage of farm operators using
tractors in 1945 approximated the na-
tional average. These two, Oklahoma
30.3 and Texas 29.1, were followed by
Florida with a percentage of 14.4. The
national average is 30.5. (See Tab!e
23.)

Table 23.

Per Cent of Farm Operators Reporting Tractors On Farms in 1930, 1940 and
1945,* and Per Cent Increase From 1930 to 1940, and 1940 to 1945 For

Selected States**

Farm Operators Reporting Tractors on Farms

State

Per cent Reporting Tractors

Per cent Change

1930

1940

1945

1930-40

1940-45

United States
13 Southern States
8 Cotton States***

13.5

3.9
3.9

3.6
5.4
3.9
2.0

2.1
7.4

2.1
2.8
2.7
1.7
1.5

5.7
1.8
2.4
11.4

6.4

23.1

7.8
9.3

4.8
6.2
4.3
3.1
3.8
10.2

3.6
4.4
4.4
2.9
2.7

14.9
4.3
4.6
22.9
20.6

30.5
11.0
13.2

7.3
8.4 -
6.4
5.4
5.9
14.4

5.3
6.2
6.7
4.5
4.1

20.9
6.6
6.9
30.3
29.1

70
90
112

30
22
12
38
59
47

72
63
72
64
91

125
121

89
75
165

32
44
43

52
36
63
75
57
42

50
41
53
56
50

49
53
50
32
42

South Atlantic****

Virginia
North Carolina

South Carolina
Georgia

Florida

East South Central
Kentucky

Tennessee

Alabama
Mississippi

West South Central

Arkansas
Louisiana

Oklahoma
Texas

*-Figures for 1930 and 1940 from U. S. Census; Figures for January 1, 1945 are taken from estimates made
by Bureau of Agricultural Economics as shown in "Number and Duty of Principal Farm Machines," by A. P.
Brodell and M. R. Cooper, F. M. 46, Washington, D. C., November 1944.

"-The percentage of farm operators using tractors in January 1945 was arrived at by showing a percentage gain
in operators from 1940 to 1945 equal to the percentage gain in number of tractors during the 5-year period.

**-South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, and Oklahoma.

**-Excludes Delaware, Maryland, D. C., and West Virginia.

Hand Labor Cannot
Compete With Machines

Dr. Arthur Raper has pointed out
in the booklet, Machines in the Cotton
Fields, published by the Southern Re-
gional Council, September, 1946, that
"we need first of all to recall that cot-
ton and tobacco, the farmers' main
sources of cash in the South, are two
of the least mechanized crops in the
nation." The agricultural South using
hand labor cannot without change
prosper in an age of mechanized pro-

duction. However, well intentioned
and industrious, the man with a hoe
and a one-mule primitive plow cannot
maintain respectable standards of liv-
ing in a country where other men use
labor-saving machines. Likewise, a re-
gion characterized by primitive meth-
ods of production must remain eco-
nomically backward. As long as most
everything bought by the southern
farmer is machine-made while every-
thing that he sells is hand-made, the
differentials in living standards will
be to his disadvantage.

182

THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE

Not All Parts of the South Can
Be Agriculturally Mechanized

Not all areas of the South can be
transformed into mechanized, large-
scale farms. Professor Peter F. Druck-
er, Bennington College economist, after
an extensive study of the Southern
Region, has drawn up a map indicat-
ing the geographic areas which lend
themselves best to mechanization of
cotton production. (See Exit King Cot-
ton, Harper's Magazine, May, 1946).
These areas, in brief, are the rich
lands of the Mississippi Valley extend-
ing from the Gulf to upper Arkansas
and Tennessee; the Gulf Coast, espe-
cially around Corpus Christi; some of
the low-lying hill counties of Alabama
and Mississippi — wherever a yield of
more than one bale an acre is obtain-
able; at least two-thirds of Texas; and
the new, irrigated cotton lands of
New Mexico, Arizona, and California —
where cotton can be grown for as little
as four or five cents a pound on mech-
anized farms. Not included, however,
are the low-yield, high-cost regions —
all of South Carolina, Georgia, and
eastern Texas, most of Arkansas, Mis-
sissippi and Alabama — which will, in
all probability, be forced out of cotton
production. In these low-yield, high-
cost areas more than half of all the
cotton farmers of the United States
live — "primarily small, poor farmers,"
writes Drucker, "who have no alterna-
tive cash crop and neither the capital
nor the training to develop one."

New Inventions Increase Probability
Of Mechanized Farming

While the industrial revolution has
tardily reached the South, a number
of recent inventions are hastening the
movement toward mechanization. The
cotton-picking robots, for example, each
doing the work of a half-hundred hu-
man harvesters, have already demon-
strated their worth. While the num-
ber of these machines installed at
present is small and relatively insig-
nificant, there is the probability of in-
creasingly large numbers ahead. Al-
ready, three of the largest manufactur-
ers of farm machinery — International
Harvester, Allis Chalmers, and John
Deere — are in the race to supply the
market. The mass production of these
cotton harvesters is definitely in the
plans for the future.

Complementing the extraordinary
efficiency of these machines, the
Graham Page fire-spitting cultivator
and the McLemore "Sizz Weeder" will
reduce to a minimum the human labor
formerly required to keep the cotton
fields free from weeds. This type of
cultivator will render the fields prac-
tically weedless for a considerable
period of time. Tests with the "Sizz
Weeder" at the Stoneville, Mississippi,
Experiment Station, have disclosed an
overall operating cost of 48 cents an
acre. This is small indeed when com-
pared with $4 to $12 an acre usually
paid hand laborers to chop out weeds
with a hoe. Also it is estimated that
a laborer with a hoe can "chop" only
a half-acre in a ten-hour day; while
a two row "Sizz" can cover 25 acres in
a day. A four row cultivator can cover
46 acres in the same length of time.
Furthermore, squirting a band of in-
tense heat just above the ground, the
flame cultivator has another value. It
not only sears the weeds and weed
seeds, but it kills insects as they are
knocked to the ground by the moving
machine. The cotton plants are un-
scathed because of the toughness of
their stalks.

In the judgment of Colonel A. J. Mc-
Lemore, inventor of the "Sizz", his
weed-destroyer will bring about com-
plete mechanization of thousands of
farms which produce cotton, corn,
sugar cane, vegetables and other crops.
The chief reason why the cotton robot
has not been used more extensively in
the past is because the farmer, even
when possessing a tractor, cultivator
and a cotton picker, still had to retain
a sizable force of laborers just to hoe
the crops.

Mechanized Farm of the McLemore
Brothers, Montgomery County, Ala.

On the farms of the McLemore
Brothers, white farmers, totaling 7,700
acres in Montgomery County, Alabama,
there is a 150-acre tract of cotton land
that, in the 1946 season, was prepared,
planted, fertilized, chopped, weeded,
defoliated, and picked entirely by me-
chanical means. This was probably the
first time that the human hand rarely
touched the cotton from the time
plans were made until the burlap-
wrapped bale of cotton was delivered
from the gin press. What is even more

MECHANIZATION IN AGRICULTURE

183

extraordinary is the fact that a single
man did the entire series of operations
on this 150-acre field.

Social and Economic
Problems Involved In
Agricultural Mechanization

Needless to say, the human effects
of a complete mechanization of the
cotton industry alone would upset the
equilibrium of production and of life
far and wide. Approximately 10,000,-
000 human beings in the South would
be directly affected. Probably 2,000,-
000, it is estimated, would be occupa-
tionally displaced. Of this number,
perhaps 1,200,000 would be white and
at least 800,000 Negro. Whether these
displacements would create serious
economic and social problems depends
upon the period of time consumed in
the changes. Some experts in the field
of southern economics believe the
changes would be sudden and chaotic;
others, that the changes would be dis-
tributed over a considerable period of
time. Dr. Raper believes that each
mechanical picker will, however, dis-
place more workers at one time than
the tractor, and will displace them
more completely, especially since cot-
ton picking is the one remaining big
hand process in cotton production.
Hand workers will commonly be
thought of as surplus labor only after
a mechanical picker has been put into
operation on a particular farm. Other
nearby planters may continue with tra-
ditional hand methods of operations
for another year or two, while some
few growers may continue hand meth-
ods of production because of the ease
with which they can secure from
among the families already displaced
by mechanized farms the very kind of
workers they like to use. "Workers
will be displaced farm by farm, year
by year. Operators still relying on
hand methods of production will
remain as dependent as ever upon the
availability of workers. In short, hand

workers on any given cotton plantation
are indispensable as workers right up
to the time that they are displaced by
machine pickers when most of them
will not be needed at all."

Still further is the possibility that
the effects of displacement may be mol-
lified by the reduced necessity for
women and children working in the
fields. Colonel McLemore made a perti-
nent remark on this aspect of the
situation. "The majority of hired pick-
ers," he said, "are Negroes. They in-
clude all njembers of the family. When
mechanized cotton farming comes into
its own, it will not be necessary for
the women and children to be hoeing
and picking cotton. The women can
stay in the home where they are need-
ed more, and the children will have
more time for schooling."

Organized Efforts Necessary to
Meet Displacement Problems

"What new activities should be
launched by the vocational agricul-
tural people, the Agricultural Exten-
sion Service, the Farmers' Home Ad-
ministration and other agricultural
agencies, the churches, and the farm-
ers' organizations to help as many
families as practicable to make a good
living on farms, and to help those who
leave the farms to get ready to do
something else? . . . Small operators
can be served by their neighbor's
machinery when custom work is done
at equitable rates. Also a group of
small farmers can own and operate
machinery jointly. Cooperatives might
prove helpful to the small, independent
farmer in securing the advantage of
machinery without being saddled with
uneconomic equipment. It is not im-
plied here that the present farms in
the poor land areas are large enough
if properly managed, but it is im-
portant to remember that the increase
of the size of the farm is but one of
the ways to develop an adequate farm
unit."

DIVISION VIII

THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS

By ALBON L. HOLSEY
Tuskegee Institute

This report gives a general view of
the Negro in business during the
period 1939-1946. Various factors af-
fecting businesses operated by Negroes
will be indicated: The pre-war status;
the impact of war and its effects; the
increase of consumers' dollars; the ex-
pansion into new fields of business;
and, above all, the increasing knowl-
edge and determination on the part
of Negro leaders in business.

PRE-WAR STATUS OF NEGRO
BUSINESS

Census reports for 1939 of Negro
proprietorships of retail establishments
showed a total of 29,827 such outlets
with gross sales of $71,466,000. The
13,778 employees in these establish-
ments received $5,386,000 in salaries
and wages. Of these outlets, the food
group led with 11,038 units of which
5,655 were grocery stores. Of the 333
units in the apparel group, 65 were
women's ready-to-wear shops, 55 were
millinery shops, and 94 were women's
and infants' accessories and apparel

shops. Only 15 men-boys' furnishings
stores were recorded. Eating places
numbering 9,750 were a close second
to the food group. The furniture-
household and radio group numbering
65 was unexpectedly small in view of
the widespread demand for this type
of merchandise. The 548 drug stores
with a gross annual intake of $4,470,-
000 averaged $8,139 per store.

The Census recorded 1,268 filling sta-
tions, 4 motor-vehicle dealers (new),
6 used-car dealers, 128 florists, 1G9
liquor stores (packaged goods), 4
heating-plumbing equipment dealers,
2,240 fuel-ice dealers, 17 hardware
stores, 15 book stores, 10 jewelry
stores, and 4 farm and garden supply
stores.

A comparative study of routine and
special service establishments in 14
cities is presented in Table 1 as an in-
dication of the extent to which geo-
graphic and other factors have in-
fluenced the selection of types of busi-
ness endeavors. The 14 cities include
6 in the North, 2 in Border States and
6 in the South.

TABLE 1
Negro Businesses in Selected Cities 1939*

KIND OF BUSINESS.

CITY

Auto Re-
pairs and
Garages

Barber
Shops

Beauty
Parlors

Cleaning
Pressing

Under-
takers

Printing
Shops

Shoe
Repairs

Shoe
Shine
Parlors

Baltimore .

179

217

119

Birmingham

Chicago

250

262

217

Cleveland

Detroit

105

145

105

Jacksonville

Houston

'"9"'

Los Angeles

118

460

Memphis

New Orleans

137

New York

104

266

567

298

205

Richmond

St. Louis

130

140

111

Washington

175

249

"-Source: Census of Business— Volume III, Service Establishments: 1939.

184

NEGRO BANKS

185

With respect to the special service
establishments three, employment
agencies, watch and jewelry repair
shops and radio repair shops are
selected for special comment. Their
variability of incidence seems related
to geographic location. Employment
agencies, for example, do not appear
in any of the 6 southern cities. They
are found in New York, Chicago, De-
troit and Baltimore. Watch, clock and
jewelry repair shops — an old line of
specialized service — are found in
Memphis, New Orleans and Richmond
in the South, where 3 each were
recorded.

Somewhat surprising were the scat-
tered radio repair shops. This new
industry offers, it would seem, unusual
opportunities for establishment of re-
pair shops. However, of the 6 south-
ern cities included in the study, only
Houston (5), New Orleans (6), and
Richmond (4) indicated any shops in
this apparently lucrative field. Of the
other large cities, New York led with
63, Chicago followed with 27, Detroit
and St. Louis reported 18 each, and
Los Angeles, 10. In other words,
all of the larger cities outside of the
South reported Negroes in the radio
repair industry, while cities like At-
lanta, Birmingham and Memphis, with
large Negro populations, reported none
Importance of the
Negro Market

In the period immediately preceding
Pearl Harbor, business men were point-
ing out the general importance of the
Negro market. Discussions relative to
this matter were becoming prevalent
especially in conferences on Negro
business, in many parts of the country.
White business men were beginning
to see the wisdom of encouraging a
market at home that compared favor-
ably in size with the sum total of our
foreign trade. Late in 1940, Newbold
Morris, President of the New York City
Council, in an address before the
Hampton Association, said, "Big busi-
ness ought to know more about the
Negro market." He pointed out that
"in seventeen of our largest Southern
cities Negroes consume $2,000,000,000
worth of our goods annually, an
amount two and a half times as large
as our exports to Great Britain,
France, Germany, Poland and Finland
in 1938 "

Continuing, the speaker explained
that "our foreign trade, long suffering
from tariff-barriers, continues un-
stabilized with present war restric-
tions. Yet within our own borders lies
one of the greatest markets unde-
veloped. This consumer outlet repre-
sented by our Negro population, would
expand in enormous proportion with
the advancement of their living stand-
ards. Equip our largest "minority with
the means of increasing their pur-
chasing power and we create a better
prosperity for the nation as a whole."

Important Conferences
On Negro Business

Many conferences on Negro business
passed resolutions in similar vein. A
meeting of 200 business and profes-
sional women from three Southern
States — Alabama, Georgia, and South
Carolina, meeting in Savannah in-
cluded the following in its final recom-
mendations: ". . . develop Negro mar-
kets by the creation and operation of
agencies for that purpose; through co-
operatives, government and private
loans, and reinvestment earnings;
bring about a continuous and progres-
sive increase in available capital for
business expansion." The Virginia
Trade Association sponsored a similar
conference at Hampton Institute in
June, 1940, and called for a "move-
ment to speed economic security by
opening more opportunities in business
through ownership and employment."

The most significant of these meet-
ings was the "Conference on The Negro
in Business" sponsored by the United
States Department of Commerce and
held in the Commerce Department au-
ditorium on April 18 and 19, 1941.
In his foreword to the printed pro-
ceedings of the conference, Emmer
Martin Lancaster, Advisor on Negro
Affairs for the Department of Com-
merce, said: "This conference was
called for the purpose of effecting a
more adequate integration into the De-
partment of Commerce of business
Problems peculiar to the Negro."

NEGRO BANKS
Negro Banks and
War Securities

In the period of this review, banks
operated by Negroes prospered in de-
posit increases and in various ways
contributed to the war effort.

186

THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS

William Pickens, of the United
States Treasury Department, who
headed the promotional organization
for the sale of bonds among Negroes,
reported in 1945 that 11 Negro banks
were holding nearly $13,000,000 in war
securities. Top purchasers were Me-
chanics and Farmers Bank of Dur-
ham, N. C., with $2,662,905; Industrial
Bank of Washington, D. C., $2,537,041;
Consolidated Bank and Trust Company
of Richmond, Va., $1,749,000 and the
Citizens and Southern Bank and Trust
Company of Philadelphia, $1,442,284.
Other banks listed in Mr. Pickens' re-
port with heavy bond purchases were
Crown Savings Bank of Newport News,
Va., Danville (Virginia) Savings Bank
and Trust Company, Fraternal Bank
and Trust Company of Fort Worth,
Texas, Citizens Trust Company of At-
lanta, Citizens Savings Bank and Trust
Company of Nashville, Farmers State
Bank of Boley, Oklahoma and the Vic-
tory Savings Bank of Columbia, South
Carolina.

Growth of Negro Banks

Emmer Martin Lancaster, of the
United States Department of Com-
merce, issued his first annual report
on Negro banking institutions in 1941.
The statement showed that the twelve
Negro owned banks in the United
States — eleven of them in the South —
had experienced a healthy growth in
both deposits and total resources dur-
ing the calendar year 1940.

On May 16, 1945, Major R. R. Wright,
founder and active President of the
Citizens and Southern Bank and Trust
Company of Philadelphia, celebrated
his 92nd birthday. His success and
vigorous activity made front page and
feature stories in a number of daily
and weekly papers. His life was re-
viewed in the Negro Digest and on the
occasion of his trip to the West Coast,
he was entertained at an interracial
dinner with E. B. Krick, Vice-Presi-
dent and Cashier of the American
Trust Company of San Francisco. The
attention given Major Wright focused
attention upon Negro banks in general
and afforded an opportunity to re-state
the fine record made by them in sup-
port of the war effort.

These banking institutions initiated
many local efforts to encourage thrift
and savings among Negroes who were
earning peak wages. Their increased

bank deposits were thus revealed in
many press reports. "Now in the Mil-
lion Dollar Class" was the headline in
several local papers which told of this
growth in assets. In Newport News,
for example, where the shipyards em-
ployed thousands of Negroes, the Nor-
folk Journal and Guide making com-
ment, said: "Announcement last week
that the Crown Savings Bank of New-
port News, Virginia, has resources of
over $1,000,000 emphasizes anew the
favorable existing opportunities for
business enterprise and economic
achievements by the race in vital de-
fense areas such as that wherein this
progressive institution serves constitu-
ents of all races." Other banks re-
ported as having "resources well over
the million mark" were the Citizens
Savings Bank and Trust Company of
Nashville — oldest Negro bank; Me-
chanics and Farmers Bank of Durham;
Danville (Virginia) Savings Bank;
Consolidated Bank and Trust Company
of Richmond; Citizens and Southern
Bank and Trust Company of Philadel-
phia and Citizens Trust Company of
Atlanta. "This increased activity," said
the New York Age in 1942, "is at-
tributed to sound business acumen and
favorable economic conditions stim-
ulated by the war economy."

More Negro Banks Needed

The growth of these banks en-
couraged the Chicago Defender, in Feb-
ruary, 1944, to suggest the need for
more banks. "If we take a look over
the country," said the Defender, "we
will find several Negro owned banks
specializing in the credit needs of col-
ored business. But unfortunately they
are altogether too few. And in most of
the larger Northern cities where there
is a heavy concentrated population of
colored people, there are none at all."

In an interview, L. D. Milton, of the
Citizens Trust Company of Atlanta
said, in 1946, that some of the "fast"
money earned by Negroes during the
war went into enterprises but they
were mostly "good time" places which
had lush periods when service men
by the thousands were passing through.
While he deplored the fact that more
of the "fast" money did not go into
business of a more substantial and en-
during nature, he observed that during
the war period the steady, substantial
Negro did buy and erect homes. Of

CREDIT UNIONS

187

bond buyers, Mr. Milton reported that
too large a majority of those who par-
ticipated in payroll deduction plans
cashed their bonds and converted them
in "fast" money. "Many Negroes," he
said, "bought bonds voluntarily and
are keeping them. So our bond-cash-
ing has gradually tapered down."

There are signs that in the post-war
period there may be an increase in
Negro banking institutions. Plans
have already been announced for open-
ing a bank in Kansas City. H. W. Sew-
ing, Bishop J. A. Gregg, Dr. S. D.
Scruggs, and Bishop J. A. Hamlett are
among those supporting the Kansas
City institution and Dr. J. E. Walker,
able and versatile President of Uni-
versal Life Insurance Company, shared
his experience and prestige in estab-
lishing the new bank in Memphis,
Tenn.

List of Negro Banks

Citizens & Southern Bank and Trust
Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Citizens Trust Company, Atlanta, Geor-
gia

Consolidated Bank & Trust Company,
Richmond, Virginia

Danville Savings Bank and Trust Com-
pany, Danville, Virginia

Crown Savings Bank, Newport News,
Virginia

Citizens & Savings Bank & Trust Com-
pany, Nashville, Tennessee

Farmers State Bank, Boley, Oklahoma

Fraternal Bank and Trust Company,
Fort Worth, Texas

Industrial Bank of Washington, Wash-
ington, D. C.

Mechanics & Farmers Bank, Durham,
North Carolina

Tri-State Bank Company, Universal
Life Building, 234 Hernando Street,
Memphis, Tennessee

Victory Savings Bank, Columbia, South
Carolina

CREDIT UNIONS

From Bulletin No. 850 entitled, Ac-
tivities of Credit Unions in 1944, and
published by the United States Depart-
ment of Labor, we have the following
facts concerning Negro credit unions:
By the end of 1944, a total of 91 credit
unions had been organized, under the
Federal Act, among Negroes. Of these,
74, or 81 per cent, were in active oper-
ation at the end of the year, and the
remainder were inoperative or had
their charters canceled. For the en-
tire group of Federal credit unions —
both white and Negro — 74 per cent
were active.

Table 2 compares the 72 Negro as-
sociations for which data were avail-
able with the whole group of 3,795 re-
porting Federal credit unions. As it
indicates, the Negro associations, al-
though smaller than the average for
all Federal credit unions and less well
financed, were holding their own very
well and even excelled the showing of
the whole group as regards bad loans
that had to be written off.

TABLE 2
Negro Associations Compared With Total Associations 1944

ITEM

Reporting Negro
Associations

Reporting Federal
Associations

Total Number of Associations

3,795

Actual Membership as Per Cent
Total Membership

Average Members Per Association

174

343

Total Share Capital

$ 642,711

$ 133,586,147

Average Per Association

$ 6 926

$ 35,200

Average Per Member

$ 51

$ 102

Total Assets

$ 683 100

% 144,266,156

Total Loans Outstanding

$ 230,756

$ 34,403,467

Per Cent Current

Per Cent Military Loans .

Per Cent Delinquent, 20 mos. or more

Reserves for Bad Loans as Per Cent of Loans Outstanding

Total Loans Since Organization

$ 1,723,451

$ 657,786,637

Bad Loans as Per Cent of Total. . .

0.09

0.13

Credit unions in churches have been
encouraged by the Federal Council of
Churches of Christ in America. Dr.
George E. Haynes of the Council has
taken an active interest in the move-
ment in Harlem, with the result that
such unions now exist in half dozen

or more of the larger institutions.

In Detroit the Fannie B. Peck Credit
Union of the Bethel A. M. E. Church
reported in 1941, 3,000 members, 390
loans totaling $15,573.70 and assets of
$6,372.48.

188

THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS

An unusual story of a credit union
was told in the Chicago Def&nder June
1, 1946. It is the moving story of
Simpson P. Dean who organized the
Light of Tyrrell Credit Union in Tyr-
rell County, North Carolina. We quote:
"It financed the purchase of a coopera-
tive sawmill and the construction and
remodelling of 16 homes. The credit
union also launched the Light of Tyr-
rell credit store with 300 members and
more than $30,000 annual volume of
business. Through efforts of the credit
union, 72 farms in the county are
owned by Negroes. Hundreds have sav-
ings accounts up to $2,500. The health
standards of the county have risen
through the Tyrrell Hospital Associa-
tion."

CONTRACTING

In general, Negro contracting par-
ticipation in providing goods and serv-
ices for war uses were meager. Emmer
Martin Lancaster, Advisor on Negro
Affairs in the United States Depart-
ment of Commerce, after a thorough
canvass of all Federal agencies to ascer-
tain the number of contracts awarded
to Negroes, reported the following late
in 1942: "The lack of information pos-
sessed by Negro merchants as to Army
and Navy procurement procedure, has
reduced to a minimum their business
relations with these departments. How-
ever, these agencies generally ex-
pressed their desire 'to extend all eco-
nomic assistance possible' and urged
the Department of Commerce to fur-
nish them 'the names of business con-
cerns to receive invitations to bid for
requirements of these offices.' "

Assistant Administrator Baird Sny-
der and William J. Trent, Jr., Race
Relations Officer, Federal Works Agen-
cy, reported the following negotiations
with architectural and construction
firms: Samuel F. Plato of Louisville,
Kentucky, was awarded several con-
tracts by the Public Buildings Admin-
istration for the construction of Post
Office Buildings and defense housing
projects. The firm of McKissack and
McKissack of Nashville, Tennessee,
constructed several school buildings in
Tennessee under the Public Works Ad-
ministration program. Hilyard A. Rob-
inson, architect of Washington, D. C.,
was appointed architect consultant to
the Public Buildings Administration
for the design of a defense housing

project at Sparrows Point, Maryland.
The firm of Robinson, Porter and Wil-
liams was awarded the contract for
architectural services on the Langston
Terrace Housing Project in Washing-
ton, D. C., which was developed by the
Public Works Administration.

Army and Navy Awards

"The Allied Engineers, Inc., an ar-
chitectural engineering firm of Cali-
fornia, was successful in securing an
award from the Bureau of Yards and
Docks, United States Navy, for the
architectural design of the United
States Fleet Base, Long Beach, Cali-
fornia, a $39,000,000 construction proj-
ect. Paul R. Williams, Negro archi-
tect, organized this firm in company
with six other architects, secured the
Navy contract and officiated as archi-
tect on this project which netted his
firm a fee of $200,000. Recently, Mr.
Williams formed the Standard De-
mountable Homes Company of Cali-
fornia and is negotiating with the Gov-
ernment to construct demountable
homes for war workers."

The largest prime contract awarded
by the War Department to a Negro
owned company is reported by the
United States Engineer Office of Mo-
bile, Alabama. The firm of McKissack
& McKissack of Nashville, Tennessee
was awarded a contract for the con-
struction of an airfield and canton-
ment near Tuskegee, Alabama, on the
27th day of May 1941, to the amount
of $1,451,478. This contract was ex-
tended by twelve supplemental agree-
ments, totaling $4,201,358. The fee of
said contract was $47,058. Mr. Hilyard
R. Robinson, Washington, D. C., was
awarded a fixed fee contract of $7,500
for architectural services.

"The District of Columbia awarded a
joint contract to Alexander and Re-
pass and A. M. Cohron & Son, both of
Des Moines, Iowa, for the construction
of the Independence Avenue structures
to the amount of approximately $775,-
000. The Independence Avenue struc-
tures comprise three separate struc-
tures, namely, a bridge across the
north end of the Tidal Basin, the sea-
wall structure and a grade separation
structure. . . . The master project, in-
volving a number of sub-projects, was
financed on the basis of approximately
75 per cent Federal and 25 per cent
District of Columbia."

INSURANCE COMPANIES

189

COOPERATIVES

During the war period, cooperatives
among Negro farmers made marked
advancement. This growth was stimu-
lated by the great demand for farm
products with its attendant higher
prices and the scarcity of farm imple-
ments and equipment. A typical ex-
ample is that of a dozen Negro farmers
in and around Millen, Georgia, who in
1943, under the guidance of R. T.
Church, Negro county agent, pur-
chased cooperatively a peanut harvest-
ing machine. After servicing their own
farms, the machine was operated on
other farms and this extra service en-
abled them to pay for it the first year.

College Cooperatives

College cooperatives showed steady
advancement during the period and
rendered an increasingly valuable serv-
ice to faculty and students. Notable
examples are: The Community Con-
sumers Cooperative at Industrial Col-
lege, Georgia. Founded with $31.00 and
the enthusiasm of a handful of stu-
dents and faculty members, the organ-
ization in 1944 owned property valued
at $5,000 and did a gross business in
excess of $25,000.

Twin Pine Cooperative Store was or-
ganized at Jackson College, Mississippi.
President J. L. Reddix of the college
was one of the original founders of
the Cooperative Store in Gary, Indiana,
which attracted nation-wide interest.
This store sells school supplies, light
lunches and soft drinks. In 1941-42
the project grossed $2,400 but more
recently has been moved into larger
quarters on the campus and its service
extended. Fort Valley State College
reports organization of a student-
faculty cooperative which shows prog-
ress.

Urban Cooperatives

Conspicuous examples of the success
of the urban cooperative store are the
Red Circle Group, Richmond, Va., and
the Altgeld Gardens Co-op Food Store,
Chicago, 111. "110 pioneer famiMes in
the Altgeld Gardens public housing
community pitched in about $20.00
each and started a store on September
4, 1944. Worth $34,000, it grosses $9,-
000 weekly and expects to turn back
to the 1,300 customer families between
twelve and fifteen thousand dollars in
1946."

Concerning the Red Circle group in
Richmond, Virginia, Wiley A. Hall, Ex-
ecutive Secretary of the Richmond
Urban League, who has worked closely
with E. R. Storrs, the President, says:
"At the outbreak of the war, Red Cir-
cle had four stores all of which were
doing well. The war began to take
away manpower; satisfactory replace-
ments were difficult with the result
that one store closed. We continued to
suffer from inefficient help and ration-
ing simply added to our difficulties."
With the end of the war, two of their
men returned and with a full and
efficient working force Red Circle
Stores are rapidly regaining their pre-
war volume.

In Chicago, the People's Consumers
Cooperative Store experienced similar
difficulties. In Washington, D. C., Ne-
gro cooperative stores were opened
in the Frederick Douglass and Lang-
ston Terrace Housing Projects. In
St. Paul, Minnesota, and New Haven,
Connecticut, inter-racial consumers co-
operative stores have been opened.
The New Haven store began in 1935
as a buying-club and in 1943 had 800
white and colored members. Their
grocery store reported annual gross
volume of $200,000. The St. Paul store
opened for operations in 1945 and in
the first six months reported gross
monthly sales of more than $7,000.

Credit unions have been an impor-
tant factor in stimulating interest and
accumulating sufficient capital reserves
to begin store operations. This was
the experience of the Peoples Cooper-
ative Store located in the Tuskegee
Institute, Alabama community; and
the Ayden (North Carolina) Cooper-
ative Exchange, which began in 1941
as Bright Leaf Credit Union.

INSURANCE COMPANIES

Negro insurance companies pros-
pered during the war period and gen-
erously shared their prosperity with
the Government by purchasing
through the Seventh War Loan a total
of $21,156,198.13 in war bonds.*

Alert to the selling implications in-
volved in the promotional campaigns
initiated by the United States Treas-
ury Department to sell bonds, Negro
insurance executives, through their na-

*Report of C. L,. Townes to Executive
Committee, National Negro Insurance
Association, July 12, 1945.

190

THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS

tional association, greatly intensified
their efforts to induce Negroes to pur-
chase insurance while their wages and
incomes were high.

"I hope," said C. C. S'paulding, Pres-
ident of the North Carolina Mutual
Life Insurance Company of Durham,
in 1943, "that our people will not be
like the 'foolish virgins' during this
boom period and waste all of their
substance, but that they will instead
salt away some of it. The present em-
ployment situation is artificial." Such
sound advice was voiced by other
leaders in the insurance field and re-
sults were manifested in heightened
agency sales records and premium in-
come.

Selective Service drained off much of
fhe experienced manpower in the
agency forces but women were called
in to fill the ranks and most of them
were developed into capable sales peo-
ple. How this situation was met was
best described by C. L. Townes, Secre-
tary of the Virginia Mutual Benefit
Life Insurance Company, who in his
report to company stockholders in
1945 said: "Despite the tremendous
war-time problems of manpower short-
age, the two years covered by this re-
port represent the most progressive
period we have experienced in the his-
tory of the company. We have never
allowed black-outs, dim-outs, rationing
of gasoline and tires, travel restric-
tions, the draft, mandates of the War
Manpower Commission or any of the
many governmental regulations to de-
ter our dogged determination to keep
climbing." President Booker T. Brad-
shaw of this institution reported that
company assets had almost doubled

and surplus, tripled.

The stabilizing and coordinating
force behind the sales and promotion
campaigns of these insurance compan-
ies was the National Negro Insurance
Association which celebrated its 25th
anniversary in 1945.

Promotional
Campaigns

Promotional campaigns such as the
annual "Essay Contest," "Collection
Month" and "Insurance Week" were
stepped up during the war period.
Thus public attention was focused on
the value and necessity of insurance
as well as the character and stability
of Negro Insurance companies.

A measure of public response to Na-
tional Negro Insurance Week is indi-
cated by comparing face values of poli-
cies contracted for during the cam-
paign. In 1940, the amount was $23,-
651,569.08 and in 1945 was increased to
$33,839,337.76.

Further indication of growth was
shown in the report of A. Maceo Walk-
er, association Actuary during the 1945
session of the Executive Committee.
The report said:

"The total income for 1944 was $36,-
091,576.17. This represents our largest
gain in any one year. In 1943, our
total income was $28,671,338.65. This
is an increase of $7,420,237.52. Our
increase for 1943 over 1942 was $4,138,-
778.01.

"Our total premium income was
$32,861,152.90. Our total premium in-
come in 1943 was $26,166,325.03. This
is a gain of $6,694,827.87, which is a
considerable increase.

Our Income by Years is as follows:

TYPE OF INSURANCE

1942

1943

1944

Ordinary

1 3,369 589 20

$ 3 689 734 77

$ 4,583,441 93

Industrial H. & A.

9 122 725 25

10 243 341 36

10,806,672 93

Industrial Life .

9 164 612 63

10 223 436 63

16,011,961 26

Other industrial

893 764 97

988 617 26

1,417,310 35

Group

20 376 66

21 062 51

21,132 40

All Other

4 406 93

132 50

20,634 03

Not only in bond-buying did the Ne-
gro Insurance Association assist in
the war effort, for their anti-inflation
committee did such effective work that

Chester Bowles sent a message of ap-
preciation. This committee encouraged
insurance agents to work with local
price panels and other OPA activities.

INSURANCE COMPANIES

191

In 1943, Emmer Martin Lancaster
issued his first annual report on Ne-
gro insurance companies which includ-
ed records of 202 companies including
burial associations as well as health-
life and accident companies.

Discrimination and
Insurance

Even some instances of discrimina-
tion were injected into the historical
review of Negro insurance during the
war period.

Legislation enacted in 1941 as a re-
sult of the efforts of Assemblyman
James Stephens, Negro member of the
New York Legislature, was designed
to prevent certain forms of discrimina-
tion against Negroes by some of the
insurance companies. One nationally
known company in New York which is
said to carry more insurance on Ne-
groes than all the Negro insurance
companies combined, countered by an-
nouncing a policy of "not soliciting ap-
plications for insurance from colored
persons in the State of New York."
Later this same company offered to
"sell" its Harlem business to Negro
insurance companies.

J. W. Pate, writing in the Chicago
Bee, June 20, 1943, reported that de-
spite a Minnesota law which prohibits
insurance companies from discriminat-
ing against citizens on account of race
or color, the Cooperative Life Insur-
ance Company of St. Paul had adopted
a discriminatory policy against Ne-
groes.

An Associated Negro Press story
from New Haven, Connecticut, March
17, 1945, contained a protest from the
CIO New Haven Industrial Union
Council that certain "big" insurance
companies in Connecticut were grossly
discriminating against Negro appli-
cants.

An editorial in the New York Age,
December 20, 1941, said: "Charging
that Negro insurance brokers have ex-
perienced difficulty in the placing of
automobile liability and property
damage insurance for their Negro
clients, a group of Harlem brokers
have recently gotten together to form
the United Insurance Brokers Associa-
tion and upon completion of the organ-
ization, plan to write this type of in-
surance."

Another Associated Negro Press
story, July 10, 1943, from Detroit, tells

of a group of Negro business men form-
ing an insurance company that will
insure clients against police brutality
and injuries sustained in riots. T. W.
Boyd, leader of the movement, plans
for the company to operate on a na-
tion-wide basis.

Awareness of these conditions in-
spired Joseph D. Bibb, Pittsburgh
Courier columnist, to write, June 14,
1941: "Colored people paid over $40,-
000,000 into white insurance companies
last year and in spite of this stagger-
ing sum of money spent, they received
the sum total of no jobs in return. . . .
Colored insurance companies last year
received a little over $9,000,000 in
premium income from colored people
and gave 5,000 jobs to their own peo-
ple, as well as gilt-edged protection."

During the five-year period, 1941-46,
some significant occurrences deserve
mention. In 1941, M. S. Cabiness and
John Drew, Tuskegee, Alabama, rep-
resentatives of Alexander & Company,
Insurance Brokers, Atlanta, Georgia,
placed five types of insurance required
for the Tuskegee Army Air Field. The
Carver Life Insurance Company of
Oakland, California, was chartered in
1945. Also in 1945, Golden State Mu-
tual Life Insurance Company of Los
Angeles, California, purchased valu-
able property for erection of a new
home office building. The first insur-
ance charter to be granted to a com-
pany owned and operated by Negroes
in the State of New York was pre-
sented in 1945 to Dr. Charles N. Ford,
President of the United Mutual Life
Insurance Company.

Membership List

National Negro Insurance Association
1945-46

Afro-American Life Insurance Co., 101-
105 E. Union St., Jacksonville 2, Fla.

Atlanta Life Insurance Company, 148
Auburn Avenue, N. E., Atlanta 1, Ga.

Booker T. Washington Burial Insur-
ance Co., 1530 5th Ave., North, or
(P. O. Box 2621), Birmingham 2, Ala.

Bradford's Funeral System, Inc., 1525
7th Avenue, North, Birmingham, Ala.

Central Life Insurance Company, 1416
North Boulevard, Tampa 7, Fla.

Commonwealth Burial Association, 12-
18 E. Garfield Boulevard, Chicago 15,
111.

Domestic Life & Accident Insurance
Co., 601 West Walnut Street, Louis-
ville 3, Ky.

Dunbar Life Insurance Company, 7609
Euclid Avenue, Cleveland 3, Ohio

192

THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS

Excelsior Life Insurance Company, 818
Good Street, Dallas 1, Tex.

The Federal Life Insurance Company,
1818 7th Street, N. W., Washington,
D. C.

Fireside Mutual Insurance Company,
1183 East Long Street, Columbus 3,
Ohio

Gertrude Geddes Willis Industrial Life
& Burial Insurance Company, 2120-28
Jackson Avenue, New Orleans 13, La.

Golden State Mutual Life Insurance
Co., 4261 Central Avenue, Los Angeles
11, Calif.

Good Citizens' Mutual Benefit Associa-
tion, Inc., 1809 Dryades Street, New
Orleans 13, La.

Gibraltar Industrial Life Insurance Co.,
640 North West Street, Indianapolis
2, Ind.

Great Lakes Mutual Insurance Com-
pany, 301 East Warren Avenue, De-
troit 7, Mich.

Guaranty Life Insurance Company, 460
West Broad Street, Savannah, Ga.

Jackson Mutual Life Insurance Co.,
4636 South Parkway, Chicago, 15, 111.

Keystone Life Insurance Co., 1505 St.
Bernard Avenue, New Orleans 16, La.

Louisiana Industinal Life Insurance Co.,
2107 Dryades Street, New Orleans 13,
La.

Mammoth Life & Accident Insurance
Co., 608 West Walnut Street, Louis-
ville 3, Ky.

Metropolitan Funeral System Associa-
tion, 4455 South Parkway, Chicago 15,

North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance
Co., 112-114% Parrish St., or Box 201,
Durham, N. C.

Peoples Insurance Company, Inc., 550
St. Michael Street, Mobile 10, Ala.

Pilgrim Health & Life Insurance Co.,
1143 Gwinett Street, Augusta, Ga.

Protective Industrial Insurance Co.,
528 V2 North Third Street, Birming-
ham, Ala.

Provident Home Industrial Mutual Life,
1734 Christian Street, Philadelphia,
Pa.

Richmond Beneficial Insurance Com-
pany, 700-02 North Second Street,
Richmond, Va.

Safety Industrial Life Insurance, 1128
North Claiborne Street, New Orleans,
La.

Southern Aid Society of Virginia, 214
East Clay Street, Richmond, Va.

Southern Life Insurance Co., 1841 Penn-
sylvania Avenue, Baltimore, Md.

Standard Industrial Life Insurance Co.,
1530 North Claiborne Street, New
Orleans, La.

Supreme Camp of the American Wood-
men, 2130 Downing Street, Denver 5,
Colo.

Supreme Liberty Life Insurance Co.,
3501 South Parkway, Chicago, 111.

Superior Life Insurance Society, 319
Kirby Avenue, Detroit, Mich.

Union Protective Assurance Company,
368 Beale Street, Memphis, Tenn.

United Mutual Life Insurance Com-
pany, 360 West 125th Street, New
York, N. Y.

Unity Mutual Life Insurance Co., 4719
Indiana Avenue, Chicago, 111.

Universal Life Insurance Company, 234
Hernando Street, Memphis, Tenn.

Victory Industrial Life Insurance Co.,

2019 Louisiana Street, New Orleans,

La.
Victory Mutual Life Insurance Co., 5607

So. State Street, Chicago, 111.
Virginia Mutual Benefit Life Insurance

Co., 214 East Clay Street, Richmond,

Va.
Watchtower Life Insurance Company,

222 West Dallas Avenue, Houston,

Tex.
Winston Mutual Life Insurance Co., P.

O. Box 998, Winston-Salem, N. C.
Wright Mutual Life Insurance Co., 4808

Beaubien Street, Detroit, Mich.

List of Underwriters Associations

Akron Insurance Managers' Council, 22
West Market Street, Akron, Ohio.

Chicago Negro Insurance Association,
4636 South Parkway, Chicago, 111.

Cincinnati Managers' Council, 612 West
9th Street, Cincinnati, Ohio.

Georgia Negro Underwriters Associa-
tion, 523 Cotton Avenue, Macon, Ga.

Insurance Managers' Council of Cleve-
land, 2321 East 55th Street, Cleveland,
Ohio.

Insurance Managers' Council of District
of Columbia, 1818 Seventh Street,
Washington, D. C.

Lexington Negro Underwriters Associa-
tion, 180 Dweese Street, Lexington,
Ky.

Insurance Underwriters' Association of
Michigan, 4808 Beaubien Street, De-
troit, Mich.

Newport News Underwriters Associa-
tion, P. O. Box 562, Newport News,
Va.

Norfolk Underwriters Association, Box
1288, Norfolk, Va.

North Carolina Negro Insurance Asso-
ciation, Rocky Mount, N. C.

South Carolina Negro Insurance Asso-
ciation, Box 778, Columbia, S. C.

Underwriters' Association of Maryland,
1301 Pennsylvania Avenue, Baltimore,
Md.

Washington Life Underwriters' Asso-
ciation, 717 Florida Avenue, Washing-
ton, D. C.

West Side Negro Underwriters' Asso-
ciation, Station B, Box 132, Dayton,
Ohio.

NATIONAL NEGRO BUSINESS
LEAGUE

Serving as President of the League
from 1939 to 1944, Dr. J. E. Walker,
President of Universal Life Insurance
Company of Memphis, Tennessee,
steered this organization through the
critical war years to new heights of
service to the Negro race and to the
nation.

The same year that Dr. Walker was
elected President, Dr. F. D. Patterson,
Chairman of the Steering Committee,
put the League upon a budget basis
and with Dr. Walker's untiring efforts
the organization moved into a self-
supporting basis.

NATIONAL NEGRO BUSINESS LEAGUE

193

The League and
The War Effort

The League's special war and de-
fense work began in 1941 when Emmer
Martin Lancaster, Adviser on Negro
Affairs, United States Department of
Commerce, invited officers of the
League to cooperate in the first con-
ference on Negro business which was
held in the auditorium of the Com-
merce Department in Washington. The
National League's regional Vice-Presi-
dents became regional consultants on
defense activities initiated by the Com-
merce Department through Mr. Lan-
caster's office.

The Executive Secretary of the
League worked closely with the United
States Department of Commerce, the
United States Chamber of Commerce
and all agencies of the Government
whose programs affected retail opera-
tions. Such information was relayed
to local organizations and published
in the Business League section of
Service Magazine.

In a letter dated May 26, 1943,
Dutton Ferguson, Information Special-
ist, Consumers Division OPA, wrote
the Business League's Executive Secre-
tary as follows: "Mr. Prentiss M.
Brown, Administrator, Office of Price
Administration, has brought to our
attention the timely circulars which
you have issued periodically to all the
local branches of the National Negro
Business League. In this connection,
we are pleased to send you a marked
copy of the current Administrative
Order Number 4 (revised), concerned
with the general organization and op-
eration of local War, Price and Ra-
tioning Boards. You will note that
sections of this Order specify the dem-
ocratic composition expected within
the membership of these Boards. The
same recognition of racial and minor-
ity groups will be the responsibility
of seeing that all regulations of this
Order are observed." The Business
League was alert to all forms of dis-
crimination in OPA operations and
made frequent reports to the proper
officials.

Some of the activities of the Busi-
ness League at local levels included:
Victory garden campaigns in Houston
and Shreveport in which the Negro
Chamber of Commerce gave prizes and
otherwise supported the efforts of the

Negro county agents. Field represent-
atives of the Consumers Division of
OPA were presented at meetings spon-
sored by local Housewives Leagues.
This was affected through contacts
established between Miss Frances Wil-
liams of OPA and Mrs. Fannie B. Peck,
National President of the Housewives
League, an affiliate of the Business
League.

In a tense situation in Houston, fol-
lowing the Beaumont riot, the Negro
Chamber of Commerce took the initia-
tive in working with the white Cham-
ber of Commerce and city officials to
avert a threatened racial flare-up. The
full page advertisement in the Houston
Post which they used was a model of
alert thinking and inter-racial co-
operation. Towards the end of the war,
the Cleveland Business Alliance con-
ducted an all-day conference on the
GI Bill of Rights.

When the Committee for Economic
Development was organized to prepare
the nation for the readjustments of
peace, the national office of the Busi-
ness League established friendly con-
tacts with the officials and the ma-
terials and. instructions for planning
at local levels was relayed through the
national office to all local Leagues and
other local Negro business groups.

War Time Business Clinics

Working in close cooperation with
Mr. Lancaster of the Commerce De-
partment, the National Business
League began in 1943 holding a series
of War Time Business Clinics. Clinics
were held in Birmingham, St. Louis,
New Orleans, Tyler, Texas, and in
modified form in other places. The
local affiliated Negro business group
was host to the Clinic.

In the Clinic discussions, two defi-
nite facts were established: "First, Ne-
groes who are engaged in business en-
terprises which relate to production
and distribution need to know more
concerning operative procedures of the
several government War Emergency
Agencies which deal with these proces-
ses. Second, problems of Negro ad-
justment to the program of these gov-
vernment agencies which may arise
at community levels may be referred
for broader interpretations to State
and Regional offices of the respective
agencies."

194

THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS

Work With War Bond
Savings Clubs

During the 1943 convention of the
Negro Business League which was held
in Baltimore, Md., the Honorable Hen-
ry Morgenthau, Secretary of the
Treasury, was the featured guest
speaker. Contacts thus established
with both white and Negro officials
of the Treasury Department eventually
led to the League receiving an invi-
tation to head up a nation-wide move-
ment to activate the Prattis Plan for
organizing War Bond Savings Clubs
in communities, which proposed:

"To acquaint Negroes of the United
States with the necessity for thrift
and economic freedom through the
medium of the Treasury War Bond
Program." To this end a score of lead-
ing American Negroes met in Wash-
ington, February 29 and devised plans
for forming War Bond Savings Clubs
throughout the United States.

In opening the one-day session, Dr.
J. E. Walker, President of the National
Negro Business League, Memphis, Ten-
nessee, pointed out that Negroes have
won high places in every activity of
American life except in the field of
economics and finance. "The War
Bond Programs," he said, "offer an
ideal medium for Negroes to learn
the ways of economy and thrift and it
is hoped will light the way to the
eventual release from economic thrall-
dom into which Negroes have allowed
themselves to drift."

"The plan which will be used as a
model for the War Bond Saving Clubs
is that already established at Pitts-
burgh, Pennsylvania, through the ef-
forts of P. L. Prattis, Executive Editor
of the Pittsburgh Courier and origina-
tor of the plan. Under it, a specified
number of citizens organize for the
purpose of saving money each month
to buy war bonds in whatever denom-
ination their purses will allow. E'ach
individual makes his own purchases
in the manner prescribed by law and
then deposits his or her war bond
with the Secretary of the club for safe-
keeping. In this manner each organ-
ized group can see the economic strides
being made through the medium of
War Bond Savings and thus be spurred
on to greater efforts for thrift."

A feature of the League's program
which was an incentive for greater

achievement in business was the estab-
lishment in 1940 of the C. C. Spauld-
ing Annual Award for "meritorious"
contributions towards the advancement
of Negro business.

Later other awards were added. The
Robert R. Moton Cup was presented
by Dr. F. D. Patterson, President, Tus-
kegee Institute, for the city which dur-
ing the year enrolled the- largest local
membership in the National League.
All awards were presented as a fea-
ture of the annual convention.

WAR EXPERIENCES AND THE
POST-WAR OUTLOOK

If the experiences which Negro busi-
ness men had during the war served no
other purpose, they did make them
sharply aware of deficiencies in man-
agement technique.

Also, under pressure of the emer-
gency, many discovered latent abilities
which with imagination and courage
enabled them successfully to venture
into new undertakings.

Factors, many of which were by-
products of a war economy, contribu-
ted to an understanding and an awak-
ening which may in the post-war
period lead to achievements far beyond
the pre-war record.

Unfortunately, Census figures on Ne-
gro proprietorships for 1945 are not
available for comparison with those
of 1939. However, opinions gathered
from various sources indicate that
there has been a considerable increase.
Taverns, night clubs and eating places,
particularly in and near war industry
plants and areas where soldiers were
encamped, prospered during the war
period.

Some of the factors which are con-
tributing to a more favorable out-
look may be listed as follows:

Negro newspapers including the
Pittsburgh Courier, the Afro-Ameri-
can, the Norfolk Journal and Guide,
the Atlanta World, the Amsterdam
News, the Chicago Defender, have dur-
ing the period of this study explored
and presented to their readers feature
stories of unique business enterprises
operated by Negroes. Johnson Young's
six barber shops in Atlanta; Safe
Bus Company of Winston-Salem, North
Carolina; Ted Vidal, New York Ne-
gro furrier; Louis McKenzie of New
York, first Negro to become an ac-

STUDY OF NEGRO BUSINESS AND BUSINESS EDUCATION 195

credited representative of a major
air-line; William Ellison, World War
veteran, who has established in New
York City a plastic manufacturing
company; Jon K. Butler, Washington,
D. C., Milliner; Winifred Mason,
maker of costume jewelry in Green-
wich Village, New York; and Mildred
Blount, Hollywood, California, Mil
liner, and many others furnish evi-
dence of Negro business capacity.

Many of our leaders have sensed
impending opportunities for post-war
expansion of Negro business and pre-
sented them for consideration and
study as part of an overall program.
Negro undertaking business offers an
example. Early in 1941, Charles E.
Hall, retired Census Bureau statis-
tician, proposed in a syndicated article
that the several small casket manufac-
turers of the race combine and on a
cooperative basis operate the casket
business of Negroes. From reliable
data he estimates that such a company
would be capable of doing a million
dollars in business a year. That sound
thinking is rapidly converging on or-
ganized expansion in this field is re-
vealed in the recent establishment in
Atlanta of a college of Mortuary
Science. R. R. Reed, also of Atlanta
and Editor of the Colored Mortician
estimates the Negro public pays to the
3,000 Negro funeral directors more
than $22,000,000 a year and states
that there are 17 Negro firms manu-
facturing embalming fluids and other
supplies for morticians.

James A. "Billboard" Jackson of
New York holds a very unique position
with the Standard Oil Company and is
the only Negro member of the Ameri-
can Marketing Society. Early in 1945,
Mr. Jackson discussed the Negro
market for this scientific group. He
showed that Negro fraternal organiza-
tions with large memberships and val-
uable assets, Negro insurance compan-
ies with millions of assets and policy-
nolders, Negro trade unionists, 68,000
Negro teachers, thousands of Negro
physicians and dentists, Negro govern-
ment employees and even the 2,000
Negro families in the Middle West
with substantial incomes from oil
properties were all listed as a part of
.he Negro Market, to the amazement
of his audience.

STUDY OF NEGRO BUSINESS
AND BUSINESS EDUCATION

Early in 1944, with a grant from the
General Education Board, Atlanta
University and the National Urban
League sponsored a "Study of Negro
Business and Business Education."
Representatives of the National Negro
Business League and the United States
Department of Commerce were in-
vited to attend the original planning
meeting which was held at Atlanta
University. A total of 3,866 Negro
owned and operated business enter-
prises were studied in Atlanta, Balti-
more, Cincinnati, Durham, Houston,
Memphis, Nashville, New Orleans,
Richmond, Savannah, St. Louis and
Washington, D. C. The study also in-
cluded business education courses in
Atlanta University, Clark College, Dil-
lard University, Fisk University, Geor-
gia State College, Hampton Institute,
Louisville Municipal College, More-
house College, Morgan State College,
Morris Brown College, North Carolina
College for Negroes, Spelman College,
Tennessee A. & I. State College, Vir-
ginia State College, Virginia Union
University and Wilberforce University.
Dr. Joseph A. Pierce of Atlanta
University who was Research Director
for the study addressed a conference
at Howard University in April, 1946,
on the subject of Problem Areas for
Negroes in Small Business. In review-
ing the findings of the Atlanta Uni-
versity-National Urban League S'tudy,
Dr. Pierce said: "The life blood of
business is patronage, and Negroes
in business want and need patronage.
The study of Negro consumers re-
vealed that Negro businesses are cap-
turing only a small percentage of their
potential patronage. For articles like
clothing and shoes, about 99 per cent
of the consumers trade with businesses
operated by whites. For furniture,-
hardware, and other household sup-
plies the percentage of Negroes who
buy from Negro businesses are slightly
higher but not significantly so. Even
for groceries, and in the twelve cities
surveyed there are 293 grocery stores
operated by Negroes, only about 28
per cent of the Negro consumers trade
with Negro concerns. The service and
semi-service lines of business get a
larger share of the Negro's patronage,
due largely to social forces which re-

196

THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS

strict their patronage to Negro con-
cerns.

"A combination of factors is prob-
ably responsible for the lack of Negro
patronage. Few business operators
actually study their markets and at-
tempt to determine consumer prefer-
ences and practices. Also, little at-
tention is given to sales promotion.
Only 0.7 per cent of the sales or in-
come dollar of the retail stores studied
was allocated to advertising. Yet, ac-
cording to one authority, 'Few success-
ful retail stores spend less than two
per cent for advertising,' while the ma-
jority spend three per cent or more.
Other factors like service to customers,
quality of merchandise and appearance
of the establishment are of paramount
importance in the operator's efforts to
expand the patronage of his enterprise.

"The study of business revealed an
alarming condition in the training of
business personnel — both management
and employees. In the 3,866 businesses
studied, the average operator had only
9.6 years of schooling and 81 per cent
of the total have had no formal busi-
ness education. Yet, data on volume
of business by extent of education of
the operator indicated that there is
high correlation between education
and the financial success of the busi-
ness.

"Then, there is the area of account-
ing and record keeping. The need for
adequate records has been pointed out
so frequently that no additional em-
phasis is necessary here. The fact is,
however, that Negroes in small busi-
ness still do not keep adequate records.
Moreover, many — 15 per cent in the
study — do not keep records of any
type.

"In addition to expansion and
growth, Negro business men must seek
new fields to conquer. New lines of
business, not even yet on the scene,
are sure to emerge in the post-war era.
They will result from discoveries and
inventions made possible by war dis-
coveries. The varied experiences of
American men and women with for-
eign cultures and quasi-adaption to
them will create brand-new wants to
be satisfied."

In pre-war days, Negroes like Harold
Ross of St. Louis and Menelik Jackson
of Atlanta, had demonstrated their
selling ability for household electrical
appliances. They were not merely
salesmen. They operated branch offices
with their own staffs of highly trained
sales people. When the war came,
the idea was taking hold rapidly and
there were many Negroes operating in
a sales capacity with great success. As
production is resumed, more and more
Negroes are being offered opportuni-
ties to become salesmen, travelling rep-
resentatives and branch managers.
There is also evidence that in the post-
war expansion of chain stores — dry
goods, women's apparel, men's cloth-
ing, hosiery — plans are being seriously
considered to study the Negro market
with its possibilities for Negro oper-
ated branches in such Negro popula-
tion centers as Atlanta, Georgia; Birm-
ingham, Alabama; New Orleans, Louis-
iana and Houston, Texas.

The foregoing trends appear to offer
Negro business the opportunity and
the implements for solidifying many
of the gains made during the war and
pyramiding those pre-war experiences
which will assure a normal and stable
growth.

DIVISION IX

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN
THE UNITED STATES

By W. HARDIN HUGHES
Pasadena, California

RACIAL CLASSIFICATIONS
INEXACT

The races of mankind have been va-
riously classified depending upon the
extent to which acquired characters,
in addition to the biological, have
been included in racial definitions. The
earlier classifications were confused as
well as multiplied by the failure to
distinguish between the cultural and
the biological factors. Although there
is practical agreement among sociolo-
gists and anthropologists today, that
race should be defined in terms of bio-
logical characters, racial classifications
are still inexact. In all places where
divergent peoples have come in con-
tact, whether in war or in peace, an
offspring of mixed stock has resulted.
The most we can say concerning any
human stock is that it tends to possess
more or less of certain physical char-
acters. "Criteria of fundamental races
are valid," wrote Franz Boas, "only
when they are common to all individ-

uals of the race and are not found in
other races. Thus the dark pigmenta-
tion, the frizzly hair, the broad nose
of the true Negro are racial character-
istics as contrasted with the slight
pigmentation, blond, wavy hair and
narrower nose of the north European.
"There are no races of man in
which no overlapping occurs in regard
to all traits examined. Negroes and
Europeans may be tall or short, round
headed or long headed, large or small
brained. The averages and variables
of these traits may differ, but the dis-
tributions are such that many if not
most values are common to both
races."

Distribution of Racial Populations

Roughly, the racial populations of
the world are distributed as indicated
in Table 1. The estimates are based
on data published in the Economic Al-
manac by the National Industrial Con-
ference Board, 1943-44.

Table 1.
Main Racial Divisions of World Population At End of 1939*

Division

Population

Per Cent of Total

Caucasian

848,000,000

39 8

Mongolian

795,000,000

36 6

Negro

250 000 000

11 5

Malayan

125,000 000

5 7

Semitic

117 000 000

5 4

Red Indian.

35 000 000

1 6

Racial Total . .

2 170 000 000

100 o+

•-Estimated-

197

198

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

In Table 2, the distribution of the ,
Negro and Mulatto population in the
Western Hemisphere is shown. It will
be noted that practically 10 per cent of
the 250,000,000 Negroes of the world
live in the Americas. This per cent,
however, does not include the 15,000,000

who are classified as Mulattoes in the
Americas outside the United States. It
will be noted, also, that the Mulattoes
of the United States are classified as
Negroes. The figures add up to approx-
imately 41,000,000 people of color in
the Western Hemisphere.

Table 2.
American Negro and Mulatto Population in the Western Hemisphere, 1940

North of Mexico:

Greenland

Negro
Population

Per Cent
of
Total

Mulatto
Population

Per Cent
of
Total

Total
Population
All Races

0
150
20,559
12,865,518*
12,886,227

80,000
5,500,000
4,011
15,000
55,275
100
90,000
26,900
82,871
5,854,157

405,076
100,000
100,000
17,000
1,000
50,000
29,054
7,800
5,789,924
5,000
10,000
1,000
5,000
6,520,854

12,886,227

5,854,157

6,520,854
25,261.238

00
.21

1.80
9.80
9.00

.41

39.29
.12
25.55
4.99
.0001
6.52
4.09
13.12
13.84

4.50
2.79
29.30
9.55
.25
2.09
.41
.26
14.00
.52
.46
.02
.038
7.34

9.00

13.84
7.34
9.21

Included

Negrc

40, 000
3,000,000
2,000
20,000
10,000
100
40,000
20,000
271,208
3,403,308

2,205,382
1,000,000
80,000
20,000
1,000
150,000
80,000
5,000
8,276,321
5,000
50,000
3,010
10,0)0
11,885,703

Included
Negr
3,403,308
11,885,703
15.289.011

Under
es

.20
21.43
.06
34.03
.90
.0001
2.88
.14
42.91
8.04

24.32
27.93
23.44
11.23
.25
6.00
.71
.15
20.01
.52
2.30
.06
.076
13.38

Under

>es
8.04
13.40
5.56

18,000
72,361
11,422,000
131,669,275
143,181,636

19,446,065
14,000,009
3,284,269
58,759
1,107,859
1,744,535
1,380,387
656,129
631,549
42,309,452

9,206,283
3,580,000
541,237
177,980
40,000
2,500,000
7,023,111
3,300,000
41,356,605
960,000
2,145,545
5,023,539
13,129,723
88,784,023

143,181,638

42,309,452
88,784,023
274.275.111

Alaska

Canada . .

United States...

TOTAL

Mexico, Antilles, Central America:

Antilles

Guatemala

British Honduras

El Salvador. . .

Nicaragua

Costa Rica ....

Panama

TOTAL

South America:

Columbia

Venezuela

British Guiana

Dutch Guiana

French Guiana

Ecuador

Peru

Bolivia

Brazil

Paraguay

Chile

Argentina

TOTAL . . .

SUMMARY:

North of Mexico
Mexico, Antilles
and Central America
South America

Total in Americas in 1940...

from Angel Rosenblatt, La Poblacion indigene de America, desde 1492 hasta la actualidad, Institucion Cultural
anola, Buenos Aires, 1945. This table is taken from an article by Frank Tannenbaum in Political Science Quarterly,
March 1946.
"-United States Census Report, 1940.

THE THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF

THE RACE PROBLEM AND OF

RACE RELATIONS

The Negro's Peculiar Adventure

The Negro of the United States has
had a long adventure since his depar-
ture from Africa. "Looked at from the
Negro's point of view," writes Tannen-
baum, "it has been a good adventure.
In spite of the slave trade, in spite of
the horrors of the middle passage, in
spite of the centuries of slavery, the
Negro has accommodated himself to

the New World in a manner not mere-
ly creditable but surprising. ... He
is part of the nation. He is active,
vocal, self-assertive, and a living force.
He has become culturally an Euro-
pean, or, if you will, an American. . . .
This adventure of the Negro in the
New World has been more different in
the United States than in the other
parts of this hemisphere. In spite of
his complete identification with the
mores of the United States, he is ex-
cluded and denied. A barrier has been
drawn against the Negro. This barrier

THE THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF THE RACE PROBLEM

199

has never been completely effective,
but it has served to deny him the very
things that are of greatest value
among us — equality of opportunity for
growth and development as a man
among men. With us the shadow of
slavery is still cast ahead; and we
behave toward the Negro as if the im-
putation of slavery had something of
a 'slave by nature' in it. The emanci-
pation may have legally freed the Ne-
gro, but it failed morally to free the
white man, and by that fact denied to
the Negro the moral status requisite
for effective legal freedom. . . . We
have denied ourselves the acceptance
of the Negro as a man because we have
denied him the moral competence to
become one, and in that we have chal-
lenged the religious, the political and
the scientific basis upon which our
civilization and our scheme of values
rest. This separation has historical
basis, and, in turn, it has molded the
variable historical outcome."'

The "Negro Problem"

In a very real sense, the problem
which we usually designate as "Negro"
is a white problem created not by Ne-
groes but by white Americans. "The
concept, 'Negro problem'," wrote H. A.
Over street, "is one of many stereo-
types that distort thinking and make
it difficult for whites to get themselves
straight about what is really at issue.
To speak of the 'Negro problem' is to
assume that it is the colored man who
has created and still creates some
profound difficulty for the whites when
as a matter of fact, it is the whites
who, by their original enslavement and
continuing maltreatment of the Negro,
have created and kept on creating pro-
found difficulties for Negroes and
themselves."

This problem, as all others, is sub-
jective and psychological. The objec-
tive factors are not in themselves suf-
ficient to constitute a problem. In fact,
several million human beings of two
or more races, divided however un-
equally as to numbers, and occupying
a single geographic region, are not a
problem. It depends in large measure
on the circumstances under which the
races come together and the relative
status and strength of each at the time
of initial contact. Not even the fact
of majority versus minority is suffi-
cient to determine which race will at-
tempt to dominate the other. Unhap-
pily, so-called culture and civilization

determine which will be the more suc-
cessful in forcefully dominating the
other.

An inter-racial problem very cer-
tainly arises when the dominant race
in physical control possesses attitudes
and initiates practices with respect to
the dominated race inconsistent with
their own best judgments and creeds.
This inconsistency, in the words of
Myrdal in his American Dilemma, is
embarrassing. "It makes for moral
uneasiness. The very presence of the
Negro in America; his fate in this
country through slavery, Civil War
and Reconstruction; his recent career
and his present status; his accommo-
dation, his protest and his aspiration;
in fact, his entire biological, historical,
and social existence as a participant
American represent to the ordinary
white man in the North as well as
in the South an anomaly in the very
structure of American society. To
many, this takes on the proportion
of a menace— biological, economic, so-
cial, cultural, and, at times, political.
This anxiety may be mingled with a
feeling of individual and collective
guilt. A few see the problem as a
challenge. To all it is a trouble."

Conflict Between Ideal and Practice

Continuing, Myrdal says: "The
American Negro problem is a problem
in the heart of the American. It is
there that the inter-racial tension has
its focus. It is there that the decisive
struggle goes. . . . The American di-
lemma is the ever-raging conflict be-
tween, on the one hand, the valuations
preserved on the general plane which
we call the 'American Creed,' where
the American thinks, talks, and acts
under the influence of high national
and Christian precepts, and, on the
other hand, the valuations on specific
planes of individual and group living,
where personal and local interests, eco-
nomic, social, and sexual jealousies,
considerations of community prestige
and conformity; group prejudice
against particular persons or types of
people; and all sorts of miscellaneous
wants, impulses, and habits dominate
his outlook."

The "Negro-problem" from the view-
point of the Negro, is very different
from that of his white compatriot.
Believing thoroughly in the American
ideals of democracy, the educated and
reflective Negro is conscious of the dis-
crepancy between these ideals and the

200

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

practices which constantly irritate
him. What the illiberal white wishes
to prevent in practice, the Negro con-
scientiously strives for; and the more
thoroughly the Negro is imbued with
the ideal of democracy, the more per-
sistent he becomes in demanding his
legtimate rights. Not infrequently,
moreover, does his increasing under-
standing of his rights and responsi-
bilities lead to inter-racial tension.

The Negro's Double Problem

"In such a situation," writes Ira
De A. Reid in the July, 1945, issue of
the Quarterly Review of Higher Edu-
cation Among Negroes, "is the Ameri-
can Negro. His status in the United
States is distinctly one of partial ac-
commodation. He is at once a part
of and apart from the social milieu
in which he lives. He is, in theory, a
growing part of the widening com-
munity subject to eventual integra-
tion, subject to all its vagaries and
opportunities, and, in practice, a per-
son living in a caste-like, separate be-
havior against the dominant race.

"All of this indicates that the race-
conscious Negro American leads a
double life, observing, on the one hand,
most of the technical forms of the
democratic community, and on the
other, promoting strong bonds of sub-
group interests and adjustment of ra-
cial aims. Since the fulfillment of his
life in either group is never attained,
his adjustment is always problematic
and his philosophy is at most times
slanted in favor of the sub-group
where he finds his earliest adjustment
— among his own people and their ra-
cial aims. This marginal status is
reflected in the fact that in the nor-
mal or larger society the Negro is
more or less continuously subjected
to stimulations to which he cannot
always acquire actual irresponsiveness,
and to which he cannot react directly
without suffering a real or imagined
disadvantage. Yet, if Negroes with-
draw to their own racial community
they find an inadequacy which ' does
not permit their full social adjustment.
They, therefore, gain some satisfac-
tion in being able to have a hyphe-
nated status or relationship with the
larger community. . . . The middle-
of-the-road type of relationship repre-
sents an attempt to bridge the gap
between the extremes of 'social inte-
gration,' the democratic deal, and 'ra-

cial aims' — the Negro community
goal."

RACISM AND THE RACE PROBLEM
Racism Makes Problem Difficult

In the latter half of the 19th cen-
tury, at a time when science had be-
come almost a dogma to the common
man, and white men were seeking
better "reasons" for their inhuman
treatment of colored people, rationali-
zations" of a pseudo-scientific nature
were resorted to. Had not the biolo-
gists declared the evolution of the ani-
mal world? And there were those
who thought they knew which races
had made greatest biological progress
and which had made least. Invariably,
the colored races were placed at the
bottom of the assumed series. Biolo-
gists, of course, had never made such
discovery, but some there were who
interpreted their findings in this
fashion. 9

Soon, nevertheless, many white men
of the Western World, engaging in
wishful thinking and seeking scientific
explanations for their superior-inferior
relations with colored races, formu-
lated and proclaimed their racial doc-
trines. "The white race," declared
Arthur de Gobineau in his "Essay on
the Inequalities of the Races," "orig-
inally possessed the monopoly of
beauty, intelligence, and strength. By
its union with other varieties, hybrids
were created, which were beautiful
without strength, strong without in-
telligence, or if intelligent, both weak
and ugly."

In superlative terms, wrote Houston
Stewart Chamberlain in his Founda-
tions of the Nineteenth Century:
"the great radiant heavenly eyes, the
golden hair, the gigantic stature, the
symmetrical muscular development,
the lengthened skull— which an ever
active brain, tortured by longing had
changed from the round lines of ani-
mal contentedness and extended to-
ward the front — the lofty countenance
required by an elevated spiritual life
as the seat of expression," these, he
declared, are characteristic of the
white race.

The racism of Hitler and of other
would-be-superior Nordics of the pres-
ent century was only a slight modifica-
tion of what de Gobineau and Cham-
berlain had formulated. "Judgment,
truthfulness, and energy," declared the
German scholar, Hans F. K. Gunther,

RACISM AND THE RACE PROBLEM

201

"always distinguish the Nordic man.
He feels a strong urge toward truth
and justice. ... He is never without
a certain knightliness."

Racism in America

Thus wrote, and still write, the ra-
cists about themselves. Peoples have
always thought well of their own vir-
tues— real and imagined — and have not
been too liberal in their estimates of
others. During the present century, a
pseudo-scientific doctrine of race has
had its proponents in many parts of
the world. Western nations have had
disturbing fears of the "Yellow
Peril"; and many Caucasian Ameri-
cans have looked disdainfully and dis-
criminatingly upon peoples of darker
hue. At the very beginning of the
20th century, a leading senator, Albert
J. Beveridge, in the Congress of the
United States, speaking for the ma-
jority group of America, declared:

"We will not renounce our part in
the mission of the race, trustee, under
God, of the civilization of the world.
This is the divine mission of America,
and it holds for us all the profit, all the
glory, all the happiness possible to
man. . . . What shall history say of
us? Shall it say that, called by events
to captain and command the proudest,
ablest, purest race of history in his-
tory's noblest work, we declined the
great commission? . . . Pray God the
time may never come when mammon
and the love of ease will so debase our
blood that we will fear to shed it for
the flag and its imperial destiny!"

Thus orated the senator on the tenth
day of the 20th century. It was dur-
ing this same period that the United
States annexed the Philippines, Guam,
and Eastern Samoa, made a territorial
possession of Hawaii, and sent Ameri-
can troops to help police the Chinese
ports.

Racism Fostered By
Out-dated Theories

Because of the cumulative nature of
libraries, which contain much more
of the old than of the new, students
are more likely than not to be exposed
to racial theories and ideologies of the
past. This, in itself, is not to be criti-
cized; for it is sometimes as important
to know the evolution of knowledge
as to be familiar with the more re-
fined conclusions of the present. With-
out guidance, however, the student is
not likely to discriminate between the
out-dated inferences of the past and
the better tested conclusions upon

which competent scientists are now
agreed. While there is practical agree-
ment among the outstanding social
scientists today with respect to the
basic similarities of races, it is not at
all difficult to find the out-dated con-
clusions of the 19th century scientists
not only in the books of our libraries
but also in the minds of retarded
scholars. In fact, many books pub-
lished within the first quarter of this
century contain copious so-called evi-
dences of racial inequalities.

As late as 1910, in the Eleventh Edi-
tion of the Encyclopedia Britarmica,
we read, "Mentally, the Negro is in-
ferior to the white. The remark of
F. Manetta, made after a long study of
the Negro in America may be taken
as generally true of the whol£ race:
'The Negro children were sharp, in-
telligent, and full of vivacity, but on
approaching the adult period a gradual
change set in. The intellect seemed
to become clouded, animation giving
place to a sort of lethargy, yielding
to indolence. We must necessarily sup-
pose that the development of the Ne-
gro and the white proceeds on differ-
ent lines. While with the latter the
volume of the brain grows with the
expansion of the brainpan, in the for-
mer the growth of the brain is, on the
contrary, arrested by the premature
closing of the cranial sutures and
lateral pressure of the frontal bone!'"
The quotation from F. Manetta, how-
ever, was not of recent origin even in
1910 but had been published in the
first place as long ago as 1864.

Earlier Misinterpretations Corrected

Competent biologists no longer hold
to the premature closing of the cranial
sutures of the Negro, and psycholo-
gists have found other than physiologi-
cal conditions to account for the seem-
ing mental retardation of the older
Negro children. Several studies have
shown that very young children — both
white and black — in poor and under-
privileged homes tend to stand as high
on the general intelligence scale as
very young children of the more privi-
leged homes. The older children in
the underprivileged homes, however,
have evidenced lower intelligence quo-
tients than their younger brothers and
sisters. The "Canal Children" of Eng-
land, white children, when tested at
the different ages, illustrate this prin-
ciple. Studies of Otto Klineberg in

202

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

America reveal similar results con-
cerning Negro children in underprivi-
leged homes.

Most psychologists are now agreed
that the younger the children when
tested, the easier it is to find a com-
mon experiential basis for measuring
their intelligence. Infants of whatever
race have very similar experiences,
but as they grow older the environ-
ments to which they respond become
more differentiated. By the time chil-
dren of different races, even though
living in the same country, have
reached adolescence, differences in
their nurtures have become so great as
to make impossible anything like a
scientific comparison of their innate
capacities.

The weakness of "general intelli-
gence tests," well known to those who
are now working in the field of psy-
chological measurement, is this factor
of unlike experiential backgrounds.
This factor is sufficient in itself to
falsify inferences based on test scores
alone, relative to comparative poten-
tialities of races. However helpful the
tests are, and they have certain values
in estimating the capacities of in-
dividuals whose environments and past
experiences are similar, they are utter-
ly inadequate in the comparative
studies of races.

Social Scientists Do Not
Accept Racism

Apropos in this connection, is the
resolution of the American Psychologi-
cal Association at its annual meeting
in 1938: "In the experiments which
psychologists have made upon differ-
ent people," we read in the report, "no
characteristic, inherent psychological
differences, which fundamentally dis-
tinguish so-called races, have been dis-
closed. . . . Psychologists look else-
where for the explanation of current
racial hatred and persecution. . . .
Racial and national attitudes are psy-
chologically complex and cannot be
understood except in terms of their
economic, political, and historical back-
grounds. Psychologists find no basis
for the explanation of such attitudes
in terms of innate differences between
racial and national groups. The many
attempts to establish such differences
have so far met with failure. Even if
successful, they would offer no justifi-
cation for repressive treatment of the
type now current in Germany. In the

scientific investigations of human
groups by psychologists, no conclusive
evidence has been found for racial or
national differences in native intelli-
gence and inherited personality char-
acteristics. Certainly no individual
should be treated as inferior merely
because of his membership in one hu-
man group rather than another."

Not less significant and convincing
is the declaration of the American
Ethnological Society at its centenary
meeting in 1942. One hundred scien-
tists representing the leading colleges
and universities of the United States
resolved :

"That the American Ethnological So-
ciety, for one hundred years dedicated
to the study of peoples not belonging
to Western civilization, express ... its
profound conviction that racial perse-
cution and discrimination cannot be
scientifically justified. We protest the
distortion of anthropology which falsely
assigns inborn superiority to some one
race and assigns inborn inferiority to
others. Ethnological studies rouse en-
thusiasm for the inventions and social
life of many peoples of all races and
make it impossible to accept the dogma
that a civilization depends upon the
enslavement to one race by another."

INEQUALITIES AND EQUALITY
Individual Differences

In countless ways, however, individ-
ual men are unequal. White people are
no exception to the general rule. They
are tall and short, intelligent and
idiotic, cultured and uncultured, saint-
ly and sinful. With respect to every
measurable characteristic, they cover
the entire scale. Some Caucasians
there are whose contributions to the
betterment of the world will be remem-
bered and handed down for ages to
come; while others will be remem-
bered, if they are thought of at all,
for their hindrances to human prog-
ress.

Other peoples— black, brown and yel-
low— are correspondingly dissimilar
among themselves. No race is homoge-
neous; no race can be rightly stereo-
typed. The principle of individual dif-
ferences, in short, applies to every
people of the globe. The difference
between the noblest and the meanest
in any race is as great, in all proba-
bility, as the corresponding differences
within any other race. In the words
of the late Franz Boas, authority in
anthropology, "If we were to select the
most intelligent, imaginative, ener-
getic, and emotionally stable third of

INEQUALITIES AND EQUALITY

203

mankind, all races would be repre-
sented." Likewise, if we were to se-
lect the least intelligent, the least im-
aginative, the least energetic, and the
least emotionally stable third of man-
kind, all races would be represented.
And the scientific probabilities are that
the middle third, so selected, would
include people of all races.

The principle of diversity in unity
is in evidence everywhere. Individual
differences we should expect to find;
but these differences appear in a scien-
tifically predictable manner. The bi-
ologists, about a hundred years ago,
were the first to discover the principle
by which measurable characteristics
of a given species can be mathemati-
cally estimated and charted. By ap-
plication of this principle, it has be-
come possible — when the greatest and
the smallest measures of a trait are
known — to calculate the distribution of
all other members of the species and
to chart them accordingly.

Exceptional Individuals and Others

Of course, Booker T. Washington,
George Washington Carver, Marian An-
derson, and many other Negro Ameri-
cans who have achieved world renown
are rightly thought of as exceptional.
Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Edison,
John Dewey, and all other major con-
tributors to the world's culture and
civilization are also in the exceptional
class. Few there are in any genera-
tion or time who qualify for world-
wide honors. Superior inborn capaci-
ties coupled with appropriate oppor-
tunities are essential to outstanding
achievement. Sometimes, however, su-
perior capacities transform what seem
to be ordinary opportunities into the
extraordinary. Individuals who bring
about such transformation are equally
to be honored whatever the color of
their skins — honored, not because of
any mystic duty of anyone to accord
honor; but, rather, because honoring
when not restricted by ignorance,
prejudice, and selfishness, is the nor-
mal reaction of men to those who have
contributed- to the common good.

Fortunately, society is not wholly
dependent on its outstanding geniuses
for its maintenance; for, on the scale
of human capacity, just below the level
of genius, are the near-geniuses only
slightly less gifted by nature. And
just below these on the scale of innate
human capacity, are others in larger

numbers, who are superior but not
quite as superior as the near-geniuses
and the geniuses. And still farther
down the scale, about a point midway
between the two extremes is the aver-
age man, the "common man" as we
are wont to call him, whose impor-
tance must not be overlooked or un-
derestimated. Truly the common man
plays an essential role in every society.
Since he outnumbers all others com-
bined, it is within his power to con-
serve or to destroy the social heritage.
How important that his cultural and
educational status be raised to the
highest possible degree! In fact, so-
ciety cannot neglect with impunity any
of its members however lowly they
may be.

The "Normal Curve of Distribution"

The account given above will be rec-
ognized as applying to the "normal
curve of distribution." Add the other
half of the curve, terminating at the
low end of the scale, and the curve is
complete. We may not be able, with
the present instruments of measure-
ment, to determine the finer degrees
of innate intelligence between the two
extremes; but we may rightly assume,
from the tested inferences of measure-
ments already made, that all degrees
of innate capacity exist between the
extremes of idiocy and genius; and
that if millions of representative in-
dividuals of any race of mankind were
located on the scale according to the
innate potentialities of each, the total
distribution would match the curve
described above.

Now from this it logically follows
that two races, each possessing some
individuals of the highest as well as
the lowest measure of capacity, would
distribute on the innate-capacity scale
in similar fashion. The curve of dis-
tributed capacities of the one could
be superimposed upon the curve of
the other; and the approximate agree-
ment of the two curves would be in-
dicative of group equality with respect
to the capacities measured. This kind
of equality in no sense implies equal-
ity of individuals within either group
compared.

Although our methods for measuring
intelligence are somewhat inadequate,
we still are able to recognize genius
fairly well. When young Ernest Wil-
kins, Negro student at the University
of Chicago, made Phi Beta Kappa at

204 THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

sixteen years of age and received the
Ph.D. degree in Mathematics from that
institution before he was nineteen, his
professors were sure that they had
discovered a genius. What ordinary
mind, at that immature age, would be
able to make a contribution to the
sum total of mathematical knowledge!
Geniuses in other fields of human en-
deavor are discovered in like fashion.
In science, invention, literature, music
and art many names of Negro Ameri-
cans have become internationally
known. The biographies of these con-
tributors to our culture and civiliza-
tion would fill volumes of most inter-
esting reading.

A Philosophy of Human Relations

But why elaborate the individual
differences of men; differences that are
as much in evidence in one race as in
another? Are not the common aspects
of human nature and of society as im-
portant as the variables? The common
needs, the common values, the common
goals — these are the similarities and
equalities most significant for our dis-
cussion. Everywhere, the common
factors are unmistakable. Bone for
bone, muscle for muscle , nerve for
nerve, and sense organ for sense or-
gan, the races are so similar as to be
classified as a single biological species.
The same physiological principles ap-
ply to all.

Likewise, common psychological fac-
tors need to be taken into account in
any scientific analysis of human con-
duct and relationship. Everywhere
and in all time, men strive however
blindly for the realization of certain
human values. Whether happiness is
THE universal goal, as some insist,
or whether it is the natural accompani-
ment of the good life; happiness is,
nevertheless, an essential aspect of
universal goals. In its absence, men
do strange things. Or, may we say,
in the doing of "strange" and inappro-
priate things there is unhappiness.
Furthermore, neither happiness nor
unhappiness can be racially segre-
gated. The "greatest happiness princi-
ple" as stated by John Stewart Mills,
implies not only the greatest happi-
ness for the greatest number; but the
least of unhappiness for the smallest
number. Unhappiness anywhere in the
worldwide society has its unhappy ef-
fects elsewhere. No majority, however
numerous and physically powerful, can

possibly insure its own continuous
happiness by restricting the happiness
of others. The Golden Rule, recog-
nized by the greatest ethical thinkers
in all ages and incorporated into the
sacred literature of the world religions,
has become a social necessity on an
ever increasing scale.

An essential condition of happiness
is freedom. From earliest infancy,
men respond unhappily to arbitrary,
unnecessary, and especially to in-
equitable limitations of freedom. Nec-
essary limitations are in a different
category, but they must be recognized
as equitable. There is no greater
source of unhappiness in the family,
in the community, in the nation, and
in the family of nations throughout
the world than the feeling on the part
of some members that they are being
discriminated against. Discriminations
are always violations of legitimate hu-
man freedom. So generally recognized
is the need for freedom that peoples
in all ages have been willing, at almost
any cost, to contend for its realization.
To fight for its freedom is considered
the supreme right of every people.

Correspondingly universal is the
common need for security. If happi-
ness is to be realized in any consid-
erable measure, freedom and security
must go hand in hand. Unlimited free-
dom would inevitably lead to inse-
curity; while absolute security, even
if it were possible would invalidate
the very conditions under which prog-
ress and happiness are attainable. Too
much security would have the effect
of destroying human incentive and per-
petuating a static society. All inven-
tions and institutions of human society
are the objective effects of insecurities
and other evils overcome in the past.
Each insecurity eliminated, however,
has brought into being other insecuri-
ties hitherto unimagined. Within every
institution, declared Aristotle, are the
seeds of its destruction.

Naturally and normally, however,
there will always be insecurities
enough without the artificial creation
of more. Men need to be secure in their
physical lives and in the economic
possibilities for sustaining them. They
need, furthermore, to be secure in
the common rights to "liberty and the
pursuit of happiness" guaranteed, at
least on paper, by the supreme law of
the land. Like happiness and free-
dom, security cannot be segregated.

CONCERNING SOLUTION OF NEGRO-WHITE PROBLEM

205

There can be no sharp line of demarca-
tion between those who are secure and
those who are insecure. A state of in-
security anywhere endangers security
everywhere. A global illustration of
this principle may be seen in the con-
ditions and events preceding the
World Wars. Insecurities multiplied
and spread to every nook and corner
of the globe. How to bring about uni-
versal security is the greatest problem
confronting the United Nations.

Closely related to the other needs,
is the need of every individual for so-
cial identification. Beginning in early
childhood, the normal person develops
a feeling of "we-ness," a "consciousness
of kind," and an awareness of oneness
with his primary group. These early
experiences, similar as they are
throughout the world, account in large
measure, for the common ethical ideals
of mankind. The in-group character-
istics— mutual aid, fair dealing, truth-
fulness, sympathy, loyalty, justice, and
the like — become the ethical bases for
human relations. Only in a society in
which there is mutual identification
of its members with the whole, can
there be a full realization of these
ideals. Mutual understanding and a
true "consciousness of kind," in the
words of Giddings, "make group life
possible, create loyalty, ability to stand
together, to fight pestilences and fam-
ine, to build up the industries of the
world, in short, to build up civiliza-
tion." And no nation, we may add, is
fully prepared to identify itself with
the family of nations before it has re-
duced to minimum the artificial ob-
stacles to mutual identification at
home.

PROPOSALS CONCERNING

SOLUTION OF THE NEGRO-WHITE

PROBLEM

Several theories for the solution of
the Negro-white problem in America
have been suggested or advocated,
ranging all the way from natural ex-
tinction to complete integration of the
minority group.

Natural Extinction

In the closing years of the 19th
century and the opening years of the
present, students of racial populations
in the United States were predicting
the natural extinction of the Ameri-
can Negro. In his book entitled Race

Traits and Tendencies of the American
Negro, published in 1896, Dr. F. L.
Hoffman wrote: "The Negro is sub-
ject to a higher mortality rate at all
ages, but especially so at the early
age periods. ... It is sufficient to know
that in the struggle for race supre-
macy the black race is not holding its
own; and this fact once recognized,
all danger from a possible numerical
supremacy of the race vanishes. Its
extreme liability to consumption alone
would be sufficient to seal its fate."
And, as late as 1913, Edward Eggles-
ton, in a book called, The Ultimate So-
lution of the American Negro Prob-
lem, concluded that there is a decided
tendency toward a more or less com-
plete elimination of the American Ne-
gro as an unfit element of the popula-
tion. "The causes operating to bring
about this solution of the Negro prob-
lem," he declared, "will persist and
ultimately, within the present century,
so reduce the numerical strength of
that race as to have removed the Ne-
gro problem from the files of serious
questions."

From the time of the first Census
in 1790, the proportional trend of Ne-
gro population in the United States has
been downward. At that early date,
Negroes were 19.3 per cent of the total
population, but only 9.8 per cent in
1940. Within the fifty years since
Hoffman's prediction, despite the pro-
portional decrease in population, Ne-
groes in the United States have had a
numerical increase of approximately
60 per cent, while the white popula-
tion .during the same period has in-
creased 115 per cent.

The downward proportional trend of
the Negro population, however, was
partially due to an increasingly large
immigration from Europe, reaching a
maximum of over 1,000,000 Caucasians
annually before the first World War,
and to the supernormal fertility of
immigrant women. Had it not been
for the substantial additions from
abroad, the rates of increase of whites
and Negroes in this country would
have been more nearly equal.

Competent students of the subject
are now pretty well agreed that the
principles of population growth and
retardation are very similar as to
races. Negroes are more prone to suc-
cumb to certain diseases; but there is
little doubt that a large part of their
excess mortality is a result of un-

206

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

favorable environment rather than in-
herited constitution. In general, we
can accept the judgment that exces-
sive death rates tend to prevail in the
least favorable environments while
subnormal birth rates are usually
found in the best physical and cul-
tural environments. It is well known
that in wide areas of the more pros-
perous North and East, the white pop-
ulation is nor^sufflciently fertile to
maintain itself with the present im-
balance of births and deaths. It would
seem that the most certain method for
bringing about the ultimate extinc-
tion of any people is to raise its physi-
cal standards and its cultural oppor-
tunities to the maximum. If this be
true, the white, not the Negro, popula-
tion is leading in the procession to-
ward natural extinction.

Caste System

In many parts of the United States,
in the South for instance, a caste-like
system of Negro-white relationship
prevails and is defended as the best
solution of the inter-racial problem.
In theory, the system is biological and
hereditary; the status and rights of
the individual are determined by his
color or ancestry. In its pure form,
which can scarcely be found anywhere,
the biological caste system is in oppo-
sition to amalgamation. On one side
of the line which separates the two
races, are those who are convinced of
their own superiority and who con-
sider "white supremacy" desirable if
not essential to the common welfare.

The position of those who advo-
cate a biological caste system would
be materially strengthened if the as-
sumptions upon which the system was
formerly rationalized were true. No
longer, however, do we hear well-in-
formed persons declaring that the Ne-
gro is not quite human, that his in-
born capacities are many degrees
lower than those of Caucasians; that
biological mixing of the two races
would result in a breed of inferior
quality; and that amalgamation would
forever retard the progress of white
civilization. The number of mulattoes
of every degree of blackness who are
outstanding contributors to our civili-
zation and culture, make the earlier
rationalizations inadequate and uncon-
vincing.

Amalgamation

Amalgamation is nature's method
of reducing mankind to a common bio-
logical denominator. If not rapidly,
at least gradually, depending upon the
extent of physical differences and the
conditions under which two racial
stocks come together, the color line
invariably fades. "This conclusion,"
declares Herskovits, the anthropolo-
gist, "is not only supported by the
testimony of historic fact, when avail-
able, but is also to be inferred from
the degree of variation which marks
most existing populations, and which
indicates that, sexual attraction is no
respecter of racial lines. Where any
two groups meet," he continues, "cross-
breeding results, even where the most
vigorous social restrictions are im-
posed."

Amalgamation, while not being ad-
vocated by leaders of thought on
either side of the color line, would, if
eventually realized, resolve the prob-
lem of Negro-white relationship. But
even if the entire population of the
United States were absolutely homo-
genous with respect to color and phy-
siognomy, the problems of human re-
lationship would remain. There would
be social and economic classes — the
upper class, the middle class, and the
lower class. There would still be the
rich and the poor, the learned and the
ignorant, the selfish and the altruistic.
There would still be vested interests
ready for exploitation. In fact, the
whole scale of human problems — psy-
chological, sociological, economic, re-
ligious, governmental, and the rest —
would remain.

Perhaps the chief benefit resulting
from complete amalgamation would lie
in the fact no part of our population
could then be earmarked for discrimi-
nation. In the absence of distinguish-
ing traits of color and physiognomy,
however, groups against whom dis-
crimination was intended could be
artificially marked for the purpose.
The Hitlerian method of designating
Jews by required differences in dress
or by actually branding their physical
bodies is an illustration of what can
be done in the absence of natural
traits of visibility. It is true, neverthe-
less, that anti-social attitudes of a
dominant people toward another tend
to be magnified by differences in bio-
logical traits.

CONCERNING SOLUTION OF NEGRO-WHITE PROBLEM

207

The fact of such differences between
the whites and the blacks in the United
States is not sufficient in itself to ac-
count for the inter-racial antagonisms
and the unfavorable attitudes toward
amalgamation which exist here. The
relations between the white and the
colored elements of our population are
due in some measure to geographic
and historical influences. The fact that
no other part of the New World offered
to the early colonists an extensive land
area situated in a temperate climate
where natural resources were almost
unlimited was an important influence.
Here, generally speaking, whole fam-
ilies rather than male adventurers,
came to make permanent settlements.
Furthermore, in Latin America, espe-
cially during the first century of col-
onization, the Spanish and Portuguese,
already biologically mixed with darker
people, became still darker by amalga-
mation with the Indians. Consequent-
ly, this mixing reduced further the
color differences between the Spanish
American and the Negro, thereby fa-
cilitating the continued process of
amalgamation. Only in the United
States, was emancipation of Negro
slaves brought about as the result of
civil war.

Colonization

Some have thought that the Negro-
white problem of race relationship
could be solved by the emigration of
Negroes to other lands. "There are
many parts of the world," they declare,
"to which Negroes could migrate,
where they could have a nation of
their own, and where they could de-
velop their own civilization free from
the interference of the white man.
Africa," they say, "has many thou-
sands of square miles suitable to the
establishment of such a nation. . . .
Should Negroes of the United States
migrate to these countries, they would
transplant Western Civilization and
the American way of doing things. Bet-
ter educated than the natives, they
could take charge of these backward
countries, helping to civilize them and
making them into great nations."

For more than a century, a kind of
"Zionism" for Negro Americans has
been advocated and several efforts have
been made toward its realization. The
American Colonization Society, or-
ganized in 1817, made the first prac-
tical attempt to secure for Negro

Americans a permanent home in Af-
rica. The founding of Liberia was the
result. But the most ambitious plan
to encourage emigration of Negro
Americans to Africa in recent times
was conceived by Marcus Garvey, a
Negro orator and propagandist, who
in 1917 had succeeded in gaining the
support of many followers, estimated
in the millions, whose purpose was to
establish a "Black Empire" in Africa.

The latest colonization plan for
solving the Negro-white problem in this
country was advocated by Senator
Theodore G. Bilbo in the form of a
bill introduced into the Senate, April
24, 1939. In his speech to the Senate
on that date, Mr. Bilbo said: "A phy-
sical separation by the voluntary col-
onization or resettlement of the black
race in the fatherland, from which it
was brought here by fraud and force,
will thereby give the Negro race an
opportunity to protect the integrity of
its blood stream and have a free and
full opportunity to reach the greatest
heights of development of which the
race is capable and build a nation of
the Negro race that will take its stand
among the nations of the earth; and
by this separation the blood stream
of the white race shall remain un-
changed and all the culture, progress,
and the blessings of the white man's
civilization shall forever remain in
the priceless possession of the Anglo-
Saxon in this proud Republic. . . ."

Senator Bilbo's plan, technically
cited as the "Repatriation Bill," if
passed, would have authorized the
President to enter into negotiations
with France and Great Britain for the
purchase by the United States of land,
not to exceed 400,000 square miles, ad-
joining the Republic of Liberia. While
the "Repatriation Bill," failed for lack
of support to become law, the coloniza-
tion idea which it contained has, from
time to time, been seriously considered.
Occasionally, political groups in the
Southern States have passed resolu-
tions favoring an amendment to the
national Constitution authorizing re-
patriation of "undesirable elements in
our population to areas of their an-
cestral origin to the end that the
American citizenry would eventually
become purely Caucasian."

Such policies would hardly be con-
sistent with our history and general
philosophy. In the past, we have glo-

208 THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

rifled the "melting pot" aspect of our
nation and have recognized the
strength which comes from the diversi-
fication of peoples. We need now, as
never before, the contribution to our
civilization which each minority race
is in position to offer. Such need is
especially in evidence in times of na-
tional emergency. This need exists,
however, at other times as well. The
strength and progress of our civilized
society depend upon the cooperative
relationship of all its parts. Emigra-
tion of millions of the population — of
whatever origin — even if it were pos-
sible, would seriously weaken the na-
tion. Furthermore, the Negro segment
of our population has contributed
greatly to the building of American
civilization and it feels that America,
not Africa is its home.

Intensive Segregation

Intensive segregation of Negroes
within the United States has frequent-
ly been suggested as a solution of the
Negro-white problem. By "intensive
segregation" is here meant the group-
ing together in communities, cities,
and expansive land areas, of very
large numbers of Negroes, who would
constitute integrated societies free and
apart from Caucasian contact and in-
fluence. The arguments made for this
kind of separation of the two races
are similar to those made for coloniza-
tion abroad.

Some have advocated a plan by
which the national government would
purchase lands in some region within
the United States in which Negro pop-
ulation is greatest and set it apart as
a 49th State of the Union to be occu-
pied and controlled by Negroes only.
Others have seen in the sparsely popu-.
lated and undeveloped parts of the
United States a possibility for inten-
sive segregation. States like Arizona,
Nevada, Texas and New Mexico, they
point out, could be developed into ex-
pansive agricultural and horticultural
areas for Negroes. Why could not
large numbers of Negroes, they ask,
move into the thinly populated sections
of the Western and Southwestern
States, buy out the present owners,
extend irrigation over millions of acres
of fertile lands, build their own cities
and towns, and do whatever more is
necessary for their own welfare? State
and Federal aid for the development
of such intensive^ segregated areas
has been suggested.

Critics of the segregation plan, how-
ever, point out what to them seem
weaknesses. Communities like individ-
uals, they say, cannot live unto them-
selves. Each unit whether individual
or social is related in countless ways
to a very complex society — the State,
the nation, and the world of nations.
The process of social evolution,
through successive stages, has carried
us on to the practical concept of "one
world or none." Any considerable por-
tion of mankind that is broken up into
competitive, independent, and sover-
eign units is out of line with modern,
social progress. Such a region, State,
or community is seriously handicapped
in its own internal development. At
least social scientists are practically
agreed on these principles.

Furthermore, invalidating any plan
for intensive segregation of Negroes,
are the natural obstacles in the way
of its realization. Except in time of
national upheaval and emergency, such
as we have seen recently throughout
the world, entire peoples do not break
their usual and habitual relations with
others, however unsatisfactory they
may be, and adventure in mass to new
and untried situations. Equally true,
it is, that the white population, even
of the South, is by no means unani-
mous in desiring the absolute sever-
ance of Negroes from their communi-
ties. The economic value of the Negro
to the South is well known. Not only
the South, but the entire nation, is the
recipient of essential benefits from the
Negro's participation in the economic
life of America.

Social Integration

One other method for solving the
Negro-white problem of race relations
remains; namely, social integration.
This is not to be confused with the
controversial issue of "social equality."
Nowhere, in fact, not even in the most
homogeneous white populations of our
country, is there social equality. In
the private affairs of life — in the se-
lection of intimate friends, in the
choosing of husbands and wives — fam-
ilies and homes are not to be invaded.
The social integration theory in no
wise implies a change in this matter.
There are, however, certain integrating
characteristics of human society which
are essential to its perpetuity and gen-
eral welfare. This is as true of primi-
tive tribes as of the most advanced and

THE PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF THE RACE PROBLEM

209

complex modern society. From earli-
est time, to be more specific, integra-
tion has been characteristic of those
societies which have been able to main-
tain themselves in the long run and to
go forward into advanced stages of
culture and civilization. Dis-integra-
tion is the antithesis of all that makes
for social progress.

Organization flexible enough for con-
stant adjustment to social change; co-
operation of every unit of the society
to the extent of its fullest potentiality;
freedom of every individual to occupy
a place most suitable for the rendi-
tion of maximum service; morale, cre-
ated by the consciousness of a common
purpose; and the feeling on the part
of each that justice prevails — these are
some of the evidences of social inte-
gration, the ideals toward which our
society should consciously strive.

Legal Aspects of Race Relations

In America, there is no unanimity of
judgment concerning the optimum re-
lationship of the law to the mores in
the matter of race relations. Some,
especially in the South, defend the po-
sition that the mores take precedence
over law; that laws grow out of the
mores and can scarcely go beyond
them; and that laws which are incom-
patible with the mores cannot be en-
forced.

This position, however, while having
some semblance of truth, needs to be
carefully examined. With respect to
time, mores in general come before
law just as folkways precede the
mores. The folkways come into exist-
ence without deliberate planning. They
become customary and, for a time, are
more or less unconsciously accepted.
Subsequently, many of the folkways
are rationalized and thereby attain a
status of mores. At a still later stage
of their development, the mores are
critically examined and evaluated, not
by the people in general but by their
moralists, ethicists, and lawmakers,
with a view to the enactment of cer-
tain of the mores into law.

This basic relationship between the
mores and the law can easily be mis-
interpreted into meaning that the
mores take precedence over law; that
laws merely sanction what has already
become generally established in the
mores. Obviously, if this were true,
there would be no necessity for law.
But the mores of a people contain the

good, bad, and indifferent. The pur-
pose of the moralist, the ethicist, and
the lawmaker is to discover the best
and to standardize it for general prac-
tice. The mores of a people contain
the experiential elements out of which
ethical standards of human conduct
and relationship are formulated. In
this sense, mores precede normative
standards and law, and, to this extent
are determinants of law.

Law at its best, represents the mini-
mum of ethical conduct required for
the realization of the common goals
of a people. Law at its worst, is the
antithesis of this. The fact that large
numbers — even a majority — insist on
discriminating against their fellows,
to the detriment of their society, is
no justification either for discrimina-
tion or for the passing of laws in har-
mony with such discrimination.

In the matter of State discrimina-
tory laws which are incompatible with
the United States Constitution, there
can be no question as to what is na-
tionally desirable. Whatever the mores
of a geographic section of our coun-
try, they are either consistent or in-
consistent with the fundamental law
of the nation, the Supreme Law, which
unquestionably takes precedence over
provincial mores and traditions. Bear-
ing further on the relationship of
mores to law, it should be pointed out
that many Jim Crow laws have be-
come generalized and required prac-
tices which had been exceptional rather
than common in the South. This is an
illustration of the fact that a law may
bring about uniformity of the mores
where uniformity did not exist before.
Not only laws but illogical decisions
of the Supreme Court with respect to
laws may cause discriminatory mores
to be extended to places where they
have not previously existed.

THE PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF THE

RACE PROBLEM AND RACE

RELATIONS

Segregation the Basis of Inter-racial
Policies in the United States

While inter-racial policies in the
United States are anything but uni-
form a common thread of similarity
runs throughout. With respect to Ne-
gro-white relations, that common
thread is segregation. Almost every-
where— in the North as well as in the
South — segregation in some more or

210

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

less definite form exists. While in
the North, segregation is maintained
chiefly by social pressure and by quasi-
legal arrangements such as restrictive
covenants; in the South, segregation
is more nearly total and is secured
by laws and by mores even less flexible
than law.

As stated by Will W. Alexander in
the January, 1945 issue of Harper's
Magazine: "Segregation is one of the
most puzzling aspects of American life,
and one of the most difficult questions
in American race relations. It is gen-
erally recognized by Negroes as their
number-one problem and is insisted
upon by many whites as the one thing
in the American race scene that can
never be modified or dispensed with.
Here we have the greatest conflict be-
tween our professed democratic doc-
trines and our actual practice in day-
to-day living. Segregation tends to de-
feat the inspiring work of Negro edu-
cation."

Supreme Court Decision
On Segregation in Travel

When a case involving the validity
of a segregation statute reached the
United States Supreme Court in 1896,
the decision rendered encouraged the
South to multiply their segregation
laws. The Court upheld segregation
laws in the following language:

"The argument against the legisla-
tion also assumes that social prejudices
may be overcome by legislation, and
that equal rights cannot be secured to
the Negro except by an enforced com-
mingling of the two races. We cannot
accept this proposition. . . . Legislation
is powerless to eradicate racial in-
stincts or to abolish distinctions based
upon physical differences, and the at-
tempt to do so can only result in ac-
centuating the difficulties of the pres-
ent situation. ... If one race is in-
ferior to the other socially, the Con-
stitution of the United States cannot
put them on the same plane."
In the minority opinion of the Su-
preme Court in this case, however,
Justice Harlan (a Kentuckian, a form-
er slave-owner, and a man who had op-
posed the adoption of the Civil War
Amendments) made the following
caustic comment:

"If a state can prescribe as a rule
of civil conduct, that whites and
blacks shall not travel as passengers in
the same railroad coach, why may it
not also regulate the use of the streets
of its cities and towns to compel
white citizens to keep on one side
of a street and black citizens to keep
to the other? Why may it not, upon

like grounds, punish whites and blacks
who ride together in street cars or in
vehicles on a public road or street?
Why may it not require sheriffs to
assign whites to one side of a court-
room and blacks to another? And why
may it not also prohibit the comming-
Img of the two races in the galleries
of legislative halls or in public assem-
blages convened for the consideration
of the political questions of the day?"

Practically every Southern State has
done, and is continuing to do, precise-
ly the things Justice Harlan antici-
pated. Even his apprehensions con-
cerning the psychological effects of
State segregation laws have been real-
ized: "What," he asked, "can more
certainly arouse hate, what more cer-
tainly can create and perpetuate a feel-
ing of distrust between these races,
than State enactments, which, in fact,
proceed upon the grounds that colored
citizens are so inferior and degraded
that they cannot be allowed to sit in
public coaches occupied by white citi-
zens?"

The decision of the United States
Supreme Court, referred to above, be-
came a sanction and also a suggestion
for enactment of discriminatory prac-
tices, which at that time, had scarcely
been practiced anywhere. Usually, the
initiative for the enactment of dis-
criminatory laws has not come from
the majority of the people, even in the
South. An examination of the motives
of politicians will dispel the thought
that majorities have exercised them-
selves unduly in efforts to enact their
mores, either good or bad, into laws.
Speaking on this subject, Carey McWil-
liams declared: "The principal means
by which politicians create issues is
to propose legislation. Here they in-
itiate; they do not merely follow the
mores."

Anti-discrimination Legislation

Will Maslow, writing in the March,
1946, issue of the Annals of the Amer-
ican Academy of Political and Social
Science, had this to say:

"Perhaps the oldest types of anti-
discrimination legislation are the va-
rious State acts forbidding any place
of public resort, amusement, or ac-
commodation to discriminate against
a customer because of race, color, creed,
or national origin. These laws began
to be enacted following the decision of
the United States Supreme Court that
the Federal Government had no power
to outlaw such discrimination."

". . . Today twenty-two states have
enacted such laws and they are now
in effect in every State except Vermont,

THE PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF THE RACE PROBLEM

211

nine Western states, and all of the
seventeen Southern or Border States
except Louisiana. (Louisiana has a Re-
construction statute forbidding dis-
crimination by common carriers and
places of public resort, but the law is
contemptuously disregarded by its pub-
lic officers.)"

"These statutes typically apply to
hotels, restaurants, refreshment stands,
public conveyances, theaters, amuse-
ment parks, hospitals, libraries, and
educational institutions, and forbid the
denial of accommodations to minority
groups. Some of these statutes like-
wise forbid any public advertisement
designed to discourage patronage of
minority groups. In ten states viola-
tion is a criminal offense punished as
a misdemeanor by fine and imprison-
ment, deven other states likewise af-
ford the aggrieved individual a civil
action for damage. In one state civil
damages only are provided, and in the
remaining three states either a civil
suit or criminal proceeding, but not
both, is allowed. Minimum fines or
minimum recoveries in civil suits are
provided by nine states but the amount
is small, ranging from $10 in New
Hampshire to $100 in New York. The
constitutionality of such legislation is
well established."

Ineffectiveness of
Anti-discrimination Laws

"By and large," Maslow continued,
"these statutes have not been effective.
Public prosecutors regard such of-
fenses as trifling and are unwilling to
prosecute unless furnished with air-
tight cases. The aggrieved individuals
themselves prefer to swallow humilia-
tion and insult rather than assume the
burdens of a lawsuit which usually
turns out to be profitless in view of
the small minimum recovery allowed
and the difficulty of proving larger
money damages.

"Since jail sentences are almost never
imposed and fines are small, the pre-
vailing attitude among those subject to
these laws is to treat the fine as a
business expense, to take pains to
avoid being detected, and to continue
discriminating. One powerful sanction,
the suspension or cancellation of the
license indispensable to the operation
of almost all of these places of public
accommodation, is missing from all of
these laws, except, ironically enough,
that of Louisiana.

"Only one state, Illinois, has recog-
nized that a civil rights law can only
be enforced by creating a specialized
state agency charged with the sole
duty of administering such a statute.
A 1943 law created a Division for the
Enforcement of Civil and Equal Rights
in the Attorney General's office, em-
powered to investigate all violations
and to take enforcement measures. To
date this division, however, has shown
no signs of activity."

Racial Discrimination
In the South

In the South, discriminations
against the Negro are seen in practi-

cally every sphere of life. They are
common in public conveyances — street
cars, trains, boats, airplanes; in pub-
lic places — hotels, restaurants, cafes,
railway and bus stations, theatres,
moving picture houses, public build-
ings; in department and other stores —
with respect to service, courtesy, gen-
eral treatment; in education — school
buildings, school equipment, teachers'
salaries, transportation facilities, en-
forcement of compulsory attendance
laws, provision for higher education;
in health — lack of sanitary conditions,
public health service, hospital serv-
ices; in public parks and playgrounds;
in courts of justice; in treatment by
police officers; in the general rights
of citizenship; in vocational oppor-
tunity; and in scores of other situa-
tions in which discrimination is all
too common.

Throughout the major part of the
Southern Region and in the Border
States of the South, discrimination
on public conveyances is the general
rule. Such practice is not only char-
acteristic of the segregation pattern
determined by the mores and tradi-
tions but is a legal requirement of
the statutes of the several States and
is enforced with a degree of exactness
not common to the enforcement of
laws in general. Rudeness and petty ty-
ranny of street car conductors toward
Negro passengers; refusal of bus driv-
ers to take on Negroes before all white
passengers have been accommodated;
disregard on the part of street car and
bus operators of signals given by Ne-
gro passengers who wish to get off;
abusive language and sometimes phy-
sical force and death inflicted by pub-
lic conveyance operators upon Negro
passengers for minor violations of
segregation rules — such treatment,
while not sanctioned by law, is to be
expected in a region where inter-racial
etiquette is considered inviolate;
where "white supremacy" is to be
maintained at any cost; and where
actual murder motivated by a tradi-
tional determination to keep the Ne-
gro "in his place," can and does, too
frequently, take place with impunity.

Not only non-Southerners but liberal
Southerners have seen the unnecessary
friction created by such practices on
public conveyances. Virginius Dabney,
of the Richmond, (Va.) Times-Dis-
patch, came out boldly in an editorial

212 THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

on November 13, 1943, entitled, To Les-
sen Race Friction, as follows:

"The purpose of these laws, when
they were enacted, was to keep the
races separate. Actually, under exist-
ing conditions, they have the opposite
effect, and they are a constant irritant.
Hundreds, if not thousands of times a
day, these regulations serve to throw
the races into closer contact than
ever, and at the same time wound the
feelings of the Negroes.

"The laws result in closer interracial
contact than would otherwise be the
case because, whereas white and col-
ored passengers usually sit in sep-
arate seats, the invariably crowded
condition in the aisles of street cars
and buses at rush hours throw the
races together as never before. Colored
passengers who get on crowded cars
or buses have to push their way
through the dense mass of white peo-
ple, and in the case of one-man cars
they must force their way to the
front again. It would be preferable
if the Negroes were allowed to stand
or sit in the car or bus wherever they
could find room, thus avoiding the
push through the crowded aisles. It
is this push," continued Dabney's edi-
torial, "which causes the trouble. Re-
peal of the State law which requires
segregation of the races on street cars
and buses, and of local ordinance which
embody the same requirement, would
solve the difficulty."

Some Advocate
Increased Restrictions

Few States in the Southern Region
are free from inter-racial friction
needlessly caused by discrimination
in transportation. There are those,
however, who would add to the con-
fusion by increasing the restrictive
regulations on public conveyances. In
the latter part of 1945, for example,
the Alabama Public Service Commis-
sion in the case of Pullman travel
ordered that at least one car consisting
of compartments, roomettes and bed-
rooms be provided in which Negro
passengers desiring berths could be
sold the more deluxe accommodations
at regular rates. If closed accommoda-
tions were not available, Negroes
could be given seat space, "in which
case the partitions must be in place
and curtains drawn at all times." It
was to be required that the order be
posted in a conspicuous place in each
car on every train.

Subsequently, during a hearing be-
fore the Alabama Public Service Com-
mission, W. A. Northcutt, general so-
licitor for the Louisville Railroad and
representative of seventeen carriers,
argued that the proposed regulations

were impractical and would prove dis-
tasteful to white and Negro passengers
alike. He specifically cited that por-
tion of the new regulation which re-
quires that Negro Pullman passengers
be concealed either in closed compart-
ments or behind curtains. The rail-
road counsel stated that the carriers
represented by him had served twelve
and one-half million passengers "with
less than a dozen complaints filed."
Arthur Shores, Negro attorney of
Birmingham, representing the Co-or-
dinated Committee for the Equaliza-
tion of Transportation Facilities,
quoted the United Nations Charter, the
Federal laws, and the Alabama code to
uphold his contention that the regu-
lation proposed by the Alabama Public
Service Commission had exceeded its
legal authority.

The United States Supreme
Court Holds Segregation on
Inter-state Buses Unconstitutional

The case at issue was that of Mrs.
Irene Morgan who was arrested and
fined ten dollars for failing to occupy
the section of a bus designated for Ne-
groes while traveling from Virginia to
her home in Baltimore, Maryland. In a
six-to-one decision, the Supreme Court
held that State laws requiring separa-
tion of the races on inter-state buses
to be unconstitutional. "It seems clear
to us," states the majority opinion,
"that seating arrangements for the
different races in inter-state motor
travel require a single, uniform rule
to promote and protect national travel.
Consequently, we hold the Virginia
statute in controversy invalid." This
decision was rendered in May, 1946.

The basis upon which the decision
was made leaves little doubt that it
applies equally to rail and air inter-
state passengers. The single dissent-
ing opinion was read by Justice Bur-
ton who held that, "It is a fundament-
al concept of our Constitution that
where conditions are diverse the solu-
tion of the problems arising out of
them may well come through the ap-
plication of diversified treatment
matching the diversified needs as de-
termined by our local governments."

Effects of Negro
Migration To The West

The following brief treatment of
Negro-white race relations on the Pa-

THE PRACTICAL ASPECTS OP THE RACE PROBLEM

213

cific Coast is based on a much fuller
account in two special issues of the
Journal of Educational Sociology, Jan-
uary, 1944, and November, 1945. The
two issues were edited by Dr. L. D.
Reddick, Curator of the Schomburg
Collection of Negro Literature of the
New York Public Library and Lectur-
er on Negro History and Culture, Col-
lege of the City of New York.

After Pearl Harbor, the war indus-
tries on the Pacific Coast attracted
more than a million persons including
250,000 Negroes. Not only new faces but
somewhat strange ways were now to
be seen in many places. It was to be
expected that under the resulting con-
ditions of pushing and crowding there
would be increased competition for
housing, recreation, and transporta-
tion.

"Definitely," declared Dr. Reddick, "the
race-relations frontier had shifted to
the West, particularly to the West
Coast. . . . The reactions of the various
groups to the Negro were determined
in part by each group's particular in-
terest and function in the society. Thus,
some war industries were so eager for
Negroes to come that they scoured
the South and, for a while, even re-
cruited among Southern Negro women.
There were other war industries, how-
ever, that had to be persuaded by the
War" Manpower Commission to employ
and upgrade workers without regard to
their color or creed. . . . The CIO
unions, generally speaking, followed
their national policy of non-discrimina-
tion; but the APL boilermakers and
machinists, who dominated ship and
aircraft construction and much else,
resisted the influx of Negro workers
through all the well-known devises.
. . . Real estate and property owners'
associations, in some instances, im-
ported and, in others, adopted the prac-
tice of restrictive residential covenants
which sought to bar Negroes from the
more desirable neighborhoods. Federal
and local housing authorities, with a
conspicuous exception at Seattle, like-
wise, followed a policy of complete or
partial segregation."

In such a combination of anti-social
conditions, the people were bewildered
and undecided as to what their atti-
tudes toward recent arrivals should be.
The white southern in-migrants, how-
ever, were not only certain but aggres-
sive in their attempts to impose their
ideologies of race relations upon the
West Coast cities and towns. Many of
the signs, "We Cater To White Trade
Only," were traceable to small restau-
rant operators who had migrated from
the Southern States.

The West, however, had never been
perfect in its attitudes toward people

of color. Recently the Coast States had
seen 127,000 Japanese Americans up-
rooted from their homes and segre-
gated forcefully in relocation camps.
"We may say," writes Dr. Reddick,
"that the West had an attitude to-
ward Negroes before it contained any
sizeable numbers of them. It had
learned about the Negro through mo-
tion pictures, radio, newspapers, comic
strips, fiction magazines, and books.
. . . These imperfectly realized images
gave a predisposition that could easily
crystallize under face-to-face contact
or continued propaganda."

Race Relations in Seattle

Before the war, Negro families were
somewhat scattered in most of the
major sections of Seattle. In spite of
this fact, however, there had been a
tendency for the Negro population and
Negro institutions to concentrate in
four more or less independent sections
of the city. During recent years, dis-
persion of Negro families to other
areas has been checked or prevented
by "gentlemen's agreements" of real-
estate men to restrict the sale of
property to Negroes to the four major
areas of concentration. As a result,
the more recent in-migrant workers
have found it exceedingly difficult, if
not impossible, to secure decent hous-
ing. Many of them moved into areas
already crowded by Negroes or
doubled-up in the section formerly oc-
cupied by the Japanese.

Fortunately, this situation was
somewhat relieved by the policy of the
Seattle Housing Authority, a policy
which has been rated as unusually
democratic and practical.

"It is the one public housing author-
ity on the Pacific Coast," writes Dr.
Robert O'Brien, in the Journal indi-
cated above, "which has consistently
refused either to set up segregated
housing for Negro workers or to place
Negro in-migrant workers in a racial
island of segregation within the ex-
isting projects. Negro tenants are
integrated not only in the living pro-
gram but also into the educational and
recreational program of the projects.
Negro personnel is employed by the
Authority in various capacities on the
basis of individual merit. Jim Crow
practices are not in evidence in either
the project restaurants or in the rec-
reation centers.

"The Puget Sound area," continues
Dr. O'Brien, "is close to the pioneer
and Yukon days when men asked few
questions about their neighbor's racial
or social antecedents and when indi-
viduals were judged by their own at-

214

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

tainments. In opposition to this dem-
ocratic tradition has been the im-
portation of a caste pattern of human
relations from the Southern states. Not
only Southern whites, but often Negroes
from the rural areas, have brought this
pattern of segregation and have been
unconscious instruments in setting up
separate institutions in this territory.
Upon the outcome of the struggle be-
tween the exponents of these two phi-
losophies in the growing communities
of the Pacific Coast may, in part, rest
the direction taken by the United
States as a whole."

Race Relations in Portland

Portland, Oregon, has been dubbed
the "Northern city with a Southern
exposure," northern because of its
geographic location but southern in
many of its traditions and attitudes
in matters inter-racial. From time
to time, as the history of the com-
munity reveals, unhappy inter-racia]
incidents have occurred. Chinese, Jap-
anese, and Negroes have experienced
discriminating treatment by the dom-
inant race.

As a result of the influx of large
numbers of people to the Portland
area since the beginning of the war,
one out of every three residents of the
city today is a newcomer. Of the re-
cent arrivals, 22,000 are Negroes. "Old-
time residents have resented the en-
tire in-migrant population. They have
particularly resented the Negro in-
migrant. His 'high visibility' has ren-
dered him easily identifiable, and he
has symbolized the intrusion of all
newcomers to the old-timer. . . . The
more the Negroes came, the tighter the
conditions for all. . . . The Portland
Realty Board has made it extremely
difficult for the Negro population to
expand normally." The "code of ethics"
of this Board, as of realty boards in
many other cities, states that "a
realtor should never be instrumental
in introducing into a neighborhood
members of any race or nationality or
any individual whose presence will
clearly be detrimental to property val-
ues in that neighborhood."

Increasing the difficulty of the situa-
tion is the ten-to-one numerical rela-
tion of Negro newcomers to the older
Negro residents. The contrasts of ex-
periential backgrounds of the two
groups make cooperative action dif-
ficult. Furthermore, Oregon has no
Civil Rights Law. A half-hearted at-
tempt to place a Civil Rights Bill on

the statute books in 1944 was decisive-
ly defeated.

Race Relations in San Francisco

Up until 1941, San Francisco en-
joyed the reputation of having no Ne-
gro-white race problem. In a total pop-
ulation of 634,536, a Negro population
of 4,846 was exceedingly small. By
1945, the Negro population had been
multiplied five times. While this in-
crease was due to an influx from al-
most every part of the United States,
an overwhelming majority of the Ne-
gro in-migrants came from Arkansas,
Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas.

As a result, several aspects of the
Negro - white relationship quickly
changed. The problem of housing for
Negroes was suddenly intensified in
accordance with the general patterns
of industrial cities elsewhere de-
scribed. With the evacuation of the
Japanese in 1942, both white and Ne-
gro in-migrants moved into the neigh-
borhoods thus vacated. So desperate
was the need for shelter that 10,000
persons were soon occupying an area
where less than 5,000 Japanese had
lived in crowded quarters before. Mak-
ing matters still worse, 55 per cent
of these houses were sub-standa'rd as
rated by the San Francisco Board of
Health.

In general, restaurants and other
places of public service and amuse-
ment have been fairly satisfactory
with respect to Negro patronage. At
all times, however, there have been
cases in which service was denied on
account of color. In these cases, the
victims have recourse to the Civil
Court of California, which is designed
to provide redress for such grievances.
In spite of the abundance of what
might be considered provocative fac-
tors, physical conflict between mem-
bers of the two races has been In-
frequent.

Race Relations in Los Angeles

The effect of the war on race rela-
tions in Los Angeles is not unlike that
in other industrial centers. The need
for workers in the shipyards and air-
plane factories; the bidding for peo-
ple of every description to meet these
needs; the thousands by thousands
arriving daily; the scramble for
houses where no vacancies could be
found; the doubling and sometimes the

THE KU KLUX KLAN

215

multiple-doubling of residents in the
poorest sections of the city and its
surrounding towns — all of this con-
tributed to the general confusion of
the population and especially to the
discomfiture of tens of thousands of
Negroes who had been encouraged to
take an increasing part in a tremen-
dous war production in southern Cal-
ifornia.

While the special United States
Census in April, 1944, arrived at 134,-
000 as the number of Negroes in Los
Angeles County, official estimates a
year later placed the number at 200,-
000. The county housing shortage in
1945 was estimated at upwards of
100,000 families. The end of the war
has^ brought no reduction in the need
for" housing. In a situation such as
this, Negro families suffer most. At
least 13,700 of these Negro families
have had shelter only through doub-
ling up, tripling up or by leading an
unhappy existence in abandoned store
buildings and in other places never
intended for human habitation.

Race Relations in Northern Cities

Only a very general statement can
be made here of race relations in the
cities of the North. The effects of over-
crowding in sections of low-grade
housing and inferior public service
are similar in practically all of these
cities. The Black Belt of Chicago, in
an area designed to accommodate 150,-
000, had an estimated Negro popula-
- tion in 1943 of 350,000. Here, public
services are inadequately provided and
consistently neglected; the schools are
over-crowded, nearly all of the city's
double shift schools being in this area;
mortality and morbidity rates, as well
as juvenile delinquency and crime
rates, are disproportionately high;
"morale tends to be low and tempers
taut;" and rents here are 20 to 50
per cent higher than in other sections
of the city. It should be pointed out,
however, that an increasingly large
number of white people are taking
what may be termed an intelligent in-
terest in the extension of democratic
rights to the Negro. A considerable
number of agencies, public and private,
have been making organized progress
in bringing about improved inter-
racial conditions.

The story of race relations in other
cities of the North is not very dif-

ferent from that in Chicago. Every-
where, we find the great majority of
Negroes living in the least attractive
areas; subjected to similar discrimina-
tions, differing not very greatly in
degree; limited in public services of
every kind — educational, recreational,
transportational, and the rest. In some
respects, however, New York City has
profited in exceptional degree from
State and City legislation in matters
pertaining to race relations. On the
State level there is the Civil Rights
Law, the "Little Wagner Act" and
other enactments, decisions and orders
prohibiting discrimination against
racial and religious minorities. The
State Fair Employment Practice Law
passed in 1945 still further facilitated
progress. At the municipal level, there
are several prohibitions relative to dis-
crimination in employment and in
services rendered by public, quasi-
public, and private welfare agencies
which receive grants from public
funds. These and other regulations
indicate unusual attempts to facili-
tate equal participation of all persons
in the cultural life of the city.

THE KU KLUX KLAN

Three times in the history of our
country, the Ku Klux Klan has come
into prominence — first, at the close of
the Civil War; second, at the end of
World War I; and third, immediately
following World War II. It is prob-
able that the original Ku Klux Klan
began in I860 as a club of young men
in Pulaski, Tennessee. At first, it was
just a social circle with the usual
trappings of secrecy and costumes.
Mere pillow cases and white bed-sheets
were the chief paraphernalia. These
worn at night by horsemen proved
terrifying to superstitious Negroes but
soon the Klan grew into an order for
"keeping the Negro in his place."
Hooded Klansmen would ride up to
the cabin of some hapless Negro and
threaten him with mysterious punish-
ment if he did not behave himself. By
1867, Klans had formed throughout
much of the South, and the Ku Klux
Klan soon became an "Invisible Em-
pire."

On the surface, the original Klan
looked innocent enough. Its objectives,
as announced at a convention of the
Klan in Nashville, Tennessee, in 1867,
were:

21G

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

1. "To protect the weak and innocent
from tne lawless; to succor the suf-
fering-, especially widows and or-
phans of Confederate soldiers.

2. "To defend the constitution of the
United States; and to protect the
States and people from all invasions
of rights and liberties."

Soon, however, moral persuasion in
dealing with Negroes gave way to vio-
lence, and hoodlums took advantage of
the Klan disguise. In reaction to re-
sulting abuses of the Klan, its grand
master, General Nathan B. Forrest.
ex-Confederate cavalry hero, disbanded
the organization in 1869. In a special
message to Congress in 1871, Presi-
dent Grant urged legislation to curb
violence of secret organizations. The
result was a series of "Force Laws"
enacted by Congress to enforce the
14th Amendment of the Constitution
and to break up secret societies whose
activities were irresponsible and vio-
lent in the South. It was not, how-
ever, until one of the chief purposes of
the leaders had been realized; namely,
the political subordination of Negroes
in the South, that the Klan was really
dissolved.

After a long intermission, the Ku
Klux Klan again came into official
being on Stone Mountain, Georgia, in
1915. This time the organization was
incorporated as a fraternal insurance
company by William Joseph Simmons,
its founder and first "Wizard." For a
time the Klan went along quietly with-
out attracting much attention or many
members. Its signs, however, posted
in many parts of Atlanta read: "1001
Eyes Are Watching You." Then, in
the early 1920's, the skillful promoter
got complete control of the Klan and
organized it nationally on a very
definite financial basis. Under this
new set up, there were large profits
for the organizing and administrative
personnel at the top. In addition to the
fees, dues, and other contributions of
its members, the Klan reaped no in-
considerable income from the "sheet
factory" at Buckhead, an Atlanta sub-
urb, which ran day and night turning
out paraphernalia. The rake-off on
this, constantly divided up and down
the line from Supreme Wizard to
Kludd, fostered enthusiasm and ef-
ficiency in the higher ranking Klans-
men and accounted, in no small mea-
sure, for the extraordinary growth of
the organization. At one time in the
1920s, the membership of the Klan

was estimated at between 5,000,000 and
6,000,000 men.

Political Scandals

Of the Ku Klux Klan

The political scandals of the Ku
Klux Klan are now a dark chapter in
American history. State after State,
not only in the South but in the North
and West as well, was affected by
Klan influence. In Texas, the organ-
ization succeeded in electing a United
States senator and was an issue in
the election of Governor in 1924 and
again in 1926. The Klan played an
important political role also in Ar-
kansas, Connecticut, Indiana, Okla-
homa, Alabama, Georgia, and Oregon.
Furthermore, in 1928, the Klan got in-
to national politics and, in the Demo-
cratic Convention that year, fought
the nomination of Governor Alfred E.
Smith, of New York, who happened to
be a Catholic. Everywhere the Klan
was arrogant, intolerant, and at times
violent. Claiming to be a true ex-
ponent of "Americanism," the Klan
forgot that America is made up of
heterogeneous national and racial
groups, and is a country which has
obligated itself to live according to
constitutional and statutory law.

Klan Tactics Were Lawless

The tactics of the Klan at first con-
sisted in meeting under the light of
a fiery cross in the open country where
its members, masked and hooded in
white robes in the traditional Ku Klux
manner, listened to fiery addresses of
a seemingly high moral or patriotic
character. Soon after there appeared
the other Klan tactics: anonymous
threats and occasional whipping, tar-
ring and feathering; and other acts
of violence, including killing. The
New York World tabulated the violent
actions occurring from October, 1920,
to October, 1921, as follows: "four
killings, one mutilation, one brand-
ing with acid, forty-one floggings,
twenty-seven tar and feather parties,
five kidnappings, forty-three persons
warned to leave town or otherwise
threatened, fourteen communities
threatened by warning posters, and
sixteen parades by masked men with
warning placards."

Disbandmcnt And
Revival of the Klan

During the depression years, the
membership rolls fell off to practi-

THE KU KLUX KLAN

217

cally nothing and, in 1944, the Klan
was disbanded as a national organiza-
tion. Disbandment, however, did not
change the intolerant and persecuting
nature of tens of thousands of men
awaiting the time when they could be-
come active. In fact, World War II was
scarcely ended when the Klansmen
were riding again. It soon became evi-
dent that the Knights of the Ku Klux
Klan hoped to launch a come-back
aided by post-war insecurity and race
tension. This time, as before, Stone
Mountain, just outside the city limits
of Atlanta, was the scene of the fiery
cross. Klansmen from far and near
were summoned to participate in the
largest public demonstration of Klan
history. About 500 men were initiated
by some 700 Klansmen, in the presence
of more than a thousand women and
children spectatois, gathered about the
famous shrine on the night of May 9,
1946. Numerous automobiles with li-
cense plates from Tennessee, Alabama,
and South Carolina were among a
much larger number with Georgia de-
signation.

White Supremacy the
Cardinal Principle of the Klan

At the Stone Mountain demonstra-
tion, Grand Dragon, Dr. Samuel Green,
declared that the Klan is vigorously
opposed to voting by Negroes in the
"white primaries" but has no objec-
tion to their voting in the general
elections. He declared further:

"The cardinal principle of the Klan
is .white supremacy. God made white
men and Negroes in two colors. If He'd
meant them to be equal, He'd have
made them the same color. The su-
premacy of the white man has been
demonstrated through the ages and
we believe it is the will of God.

"The hierarchy of the Klan," wrote
Governor Ellis Arnall of Georgia, in the
October, 1946, issue of Coronet,
"lends itself admirably to the Fuehrer
principle. At the top is the Imperial
Wizard and Emperor, to whom the in-
dividual Klansmen must take an oath
of absolute personal obedience. Under-
neath the Wizard, whose analogy to
the Fuehrer is obvious, are the Grand
Dragons, heads of States in the same
way the Gauleiters were heads of Ger-
man provinces. Beneath the Dragons
are the Titans, overlords of several
Klaverns, and the Cyclops, each of
whom heads a Klavern, the smallest
unit of the Ku Klux Klan. It is a
ready-made structure for some native
Fascist leader to move into. Already
the Klan is equipped with its book of
ritual, the Kloran. Already it posses-
ses its scapegoats, the Jews and Cath-
olics and Negroes."

It is said that all the "K" words
and titles used by the Klan, except
one, came from the fertile imagination
of the founder. "Kludd" is a "more re-
cent title and applies to the supreme
whipping boss of the Klavern, and is
probably derived from the sound made
by a lash, six feet long by five inches
wide by two inches thick and studded
with cleats, as it descends on the bare
flesh of a helpless victim."

The general purposes of the Ku Klux
Klan are summarized in its applica-
tion blanks, to be used by prospective
members, as follows:

"WHITE SUPREMACY"

"If you are a Native Born, White,
Protestant, Gentile, American Citizen
of good character and believe in our
principles, an opportunity to join a
secret organization that stands pri-
marily for White Supremacy awaits
you. Our organization stands for:

Christianity

America First

White Supremacy

Upholding Constitution

Racial Segregation

Racial Purity

Pure White Womanhood

Opposition to Communism

America for Americans

States Rights

Separation of Church and State

Freedom of Speech and Press

No Foreign Immigration,
Except Pure White

Law and Order

American Leadership of

American Labor Unions

Closer Relationship between
American Capital and
American Labor

"If you truly desire to do your part
for Christianity, your Country, and
your Race by joining our organization,
sign and return this card at once.
Every real American should be able to
honestly say: I do my part. Tomorrow
may be too late. ACT NOW!"

Status of the Ku Klux
Klan in Several States

Alabama: During the year 1946, the
Ku Klux Klan was revived in the
Birmingham area and applied for a
State charter. Governor-Elect Jim Fol-
som said at that time "the Klan is not
a factor in State politics." No effort
has been made to outlaw the organi-
zation. Birmingham police officers re-
ported, in the early part of the year,
the burning* of six crosses in widely
scattered areas on the outskirts of the
city. Furthermore, it is known that
a drive for Klan memberships has
made considerable progress.

218

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

California: During the first half of
1946, Southern California became a
hot-bed of revived Klan operations.
In May of that year, State Attorney
General Robert Kenny, charging that
the Klan had been operating unlaw-
fully for the past ten years, moved
that the organization be declared dead.
In Los Angeles, a superior court judge
thereupon brought three former Grand
Dragons and an ex-Kleagle into court
and, after listening to the Dragon's
denials of connection with, or interest
in the Klan, granted the unopposed
Kenny motion. The revocation of the
charter by the State rendered unlaw-
ful any act of solicitation of members
as well as any activities of the Klan in
California. Twelve hours after the
court order outlawing the Ku Klux
Klan in California, however, a fiery
cross was burning in front of a Jewish
fraternity house on the campus of the
University of Southern California in
Los Angeles, and white-painted KKK's
were scrawled on the Administration
Building of that institution. This was
the second campus cross-burning with-
in three days. Soon after another
fiery cross illumined the house of a
Los Angeles Negro.

Florida: Early in 1946, several large
roadside signs appeared on highways
near the city limits of Miami. These
signs called attention to the thorough-
ly "American" nature of the Ku Klux
Klan program and informed interested
native-white Protestant males "of good
moral character and sober habits" tyow
they could join. Florida Secretary of
State, R. A. Gray, reported that his
records indicate the revival of the
Klan by incorporation on September
7, 1944. The Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation officials have been watching
Klan movements but declare their in-
ability to do anything unless the hood-
ed members begin interstate activity.
Early in the year, the Miami Klan
issued the following statement:

"We are operating under a legal
charter under the name Ku Klux Klan
of the State of Florida, Inc. We make
income tax returns to the Federal Gov-
ernment. The Klan does not and will
not wear a mask. . . . We believe that
Protestants should have organizations
as well as other religions, have theirs.
The Klan is a religious organization,
and its principles can be found in the
12th chapter of Romans, first and sec-
ond verses."

About the time this statement was
made, a Negro's home in Miami,

Florida, was burned to the ground.
Klan terrorists are reported to have
declared that the home was burned
because it was too close to the resi-
dences of the whites.

Georgia: A vigorous organizing drive
had been in progress for some months
in Georgia touched off by the mam-
moth cross-burning on Stone Moun-
tain. The Klan had been re-chartered
in the State as a "fraternal" organiza-
tion for white gentiles only. Dr. Sam-
uel Green, Grand Dragon of the or-
ganization, remarked to newsmen:
"The Klan opposes all isms except
Americanism. We especially oppose
Communism and we fight to prevent
its spread."

Soon after the Stone Mountain in-
itiation, the State of Georgia filed suit
against the Ku Klux Klan accusing
it of "murder, assaults, batteries, and
false arrests," and sought to revoke
the Klan's national charter. In a con-
demning twelve-page document filed
with Judge Frank A. Hooper, Jr., of
the Fulton Superior Court, Assistant
Attorney General Dan Duke outlined
a number of specific instances of how
the Klan "has carried on its business
... in such a way ... as to break down
the orderly process of legal justice . . .
and to create confusion, discord, and
discontent among Georgia citizens."
In connection with recent Klan ac-
tivities, the suit claimed that the pres-
ent Georgia Klan, directed by Grand
Dragon Samuel Green, is part and
parcel of the Knights of the Ku Klux
Klan, Inc., which received its corporate
charter in 1916. The suit rehearsed
the Klan's activities from 1935 on. It
claimed that W. W. Scarborough, Ex-
alted Cyclops of the East Point, Geor-
gia Post from 1937 to 1940, appointed
a secret committee, headed by Floyd I.
Lee, whose duties were to flog persons
"who needed correcting." The death
of Ike Gaston in 1940 and the flogging
of twenty-three identified persons re-
sulted, it was charged, from the opera-
tion of such committees, or "wrecking
crews." The status of the Klan was
still further involved when the United
States Collector of Internal Revenue
filed a Federal tax lien in Fulton Su-
perior Court for $685,305 allegedly
due the Government in income taxes
by the Klan.

Kentucky: The right of the Klan to
do business in Kentucky was ordered
revoked in September, 1946, by Wil-

THE KU KLUX KLAN

219

liam B. Ardery, Franklin Circuit
Judge. In the judgment against the
Klan, prepared by Attorney General
Eldon S. Dummit, it was charged that
in qualifying as a corporation, the
Klan's purpose was stated as "benevo-
lent and eleemosynary," but that its
actual purpose was very different. The
suit by the State's chief legal repre-
sentative added:

"Plaintiff further states that the
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan is not
and never has been a benevolent and
eleemosynary corporation, but a law-
less, seditious organization of Nazi ten-
dencies whose sole purpose is to create
dissension and divisions among the cit-
izens of the United States and of the
Commonwealth and to work violence on
citizens . . . who do not belong to the
same religious denomination or racial
or national stocks as persons in control
of the defendent corporation."
Louisiana: Accounts reveal no con-
certed effort on the part of Klan
leaders in this State to revive the or-
ganization. A predominantly Catholic
population of Southern Louisiana has
discouraged Klan proselyting.

Mississippi: Little open activity on
the part of the Klan has been re-
ported; and no effort on the part of the
State to ban the ' organization is in
evidence. Senator Bilbo won renom-
ination on a "white supremacy" cam-
paign and openly acknowledged his
membership in the Ku Klux Klan.
"Once a Ku Kluxer, always a Ku
Kluxer" was no surprising remark by
the Senator from Mississippi. Crosses
were burned in the Negro area of
Jackson, the State capital. These were
probably to intimidate Negroes for
their political activity and to frighten
them out of CIO organizations.

New York: In July, 1946, the Ku
Klux Klan was dissolved by court
order in New York State and At-
torney General Nathaniel L. Goldstein
promptly announced that henceforth
the Klan will be treated as a criminal
organization. In a further attempt to
smash the hooded order in New York,
the Attorney-General forwarded to the
Federal Bureau of Investigation a list
of 1,000 names of persons listed as
members or former members of the Ku
Klux Klan in the State. It was an-
nounced by investigators that the New
York Klan had definite tie-ups with
the Georgia Klan. It was still further
revealed that fifteen Ku Klux Klan
units existed in the greater New York
City area and operated in the city un-
til 1944 when they were consolidated

into four main groups, one each in
Brooklyn, Bronx, Queens, and Staten
Island.

New Jersey. State action has for
some time been pending to revoke the
Klan charter in this State. Attorney
General Walter D. Van Ripper, in July
1946, declared: "I have advised Sec-
retary of State, Loyd B. Marsh, to re-
fuse for filing any certificate of in-
corporation which seeks to amend or
supplement in any way the present
certificate of incorporation of the Ku
Klux Klan, which has been on file in
this State since 1923." It was in this
State that Klansmen and German
Bundsmen allegedly fraternized at
Camp Nofdland in 1940.

Pennsylvania: Klan activities in sev-
eral communities of Pennsylvania have
led to a State-wide investigation. Or-
ders from State Police Headquarters
were issued in September, 1946, to the
commanders of the four police squad-
rons in the Commonwealth to make a
thorough check of their respective
areas for Klan activities. Howard F.
Shaffer, Cyclops of the Franklin Coun-
ty Klan, declared that "the Klan is a
victim of prejudice. . . . Our organiza-
tion has existed for twenty-five years
and is 100 per cent American. We are
here to stay and there is no law to
stop us."

South Carolina: Until 1944, the
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan main-
tained official relationship with the
Georgia corporation by that name. Ac-
cording to a statement by Secretary
of State W. P. Blackwell, the "Klan
is not now in good standing." In June,
1946, however, Negroes were anony-
mously informed that if they sought
enrollment on the Democratic party
books with a view to taking part in the
summer elections or organization of a
local branch of the National Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Colored
People that the "Klan would ride."
There is no evidence of efforts on the
part of the State Government to in-
terfere with possible Klan activities.

Tennessee: Klan activities are re-
ported to have been frequent in East-
ern Tennessee, in and around Chatta-
nooga and Knoxville. Governor Mc-
Cord denied that the Klan is active
in Tennessee; but Stetson Kennedy
pointed out in the spring of 1946 that
there had already been five cross-burn-
ings in the Chattanooga area; that
much progress had been made in en-

220

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

listing the cooperation of policemen
and firemen; and that J. B. Stoner
was serving as full-time organizer of
the Klan.

Virginia: The Klan is believed to be
dormant in Virginia. In 1940, how-
ever, the Klan was still operating in
that State, although its members had
discarded their masks and had con-
fined use of their other regalia to of-
ficial Klan meetings.

Present Ku Klux Klan
Related to the Old

The Klan in its rebirth usually
claims that it is an entirely new or-
ganization having no relationship to
the earlier Klan. The Georgia investi-
gators, however, have disproved this
alibi. The seven Klaverns, or units,
functioning in 1946 in or near Atlanta,
employ the same rituals and titles pro-
vided for in the Kloran — the volume
of Klan lectures and rituals. The con-
temporary Klan uses the same pass-
words, grips, signs, and regalia as are
provided for in that book. Further-
more, the Klan of today has the same
use for hate, terrorism, and violence.

In order to facilitate the lawless ac-
tivities of the Klan, its leaders make
special effort to bring into its fold a
considerable number of police officers,
cab Drivers, bus operators, a/.d others
in favorable position to cooperate. The
vehicle drivers can provide quick trans-
portation of Klansmen to the several
localities of the area when needed to
administer threats and floggings. There
is evidence in the hands of the At-
torney-General of Georgia that at least
thirty-six members of the At'anta po-
lice force are Klansmen.*

THE COLUMBIANS, INC.
The Purposes of
The Columbians, Inc.

During the last quarter of 1946, the
Columbians, Inc., an organization very
similar to the Ku Klux Klan, was get-
ting under way in Atlanta, Georgia.
The city suddenly became aware of
this group and its purposes when
three young hoodlums beat up a Negro
boy. The Columbians, the Klan, and
similar organizations always use the
"superior numbers" technique. They
take no chance of being beaten up
themselves by a "one to one" tech-
nique. They find it more effective to

*Source: Atlanta (Georgia) Journal, June
18, 1946.

work in gangs. The Columbia objec-
tives are not unlike those of the Klan.
The leaders boast openly of their anti-
Negro, anti-Jew, anti-Catholic, and
anti-Communist intentions. Homer
Loomis, Jr., the founder and Secretary-
Treasurer of the group, frankly admits
that "hate" is an essential motivation
behind his organization and that is
why they have decided to "start some-
thing." The plan of the Columbians
evidently was to police the city and
keep the Negroes and the Jews in their
place. Chief of Police Hornsby, how-
ever, did not desire such cooperation,
for, he declared, "My department will
do the policing of Atlanta and we
won't tolerate any interference from
the Columbians or any other organi-
zation."

The charter of the Columbians,
which was legalized by the State of
Georgia on August 16, 1946, contained
this significant statement:

"To encourage our people to think
in terms of race, nation, faith, and to
work for a national moral re-awaken-
ing- in order to build a progressive
white community that is bound to-
g-ether by a deep spiritual consciousness
of the past and a determination to
share a common future."
This charter, however, was subsequent-
ly the object of revocation procedure
on the part of the State.

Character of Leadership and Active
Membership in the Columbians

In an editorial column of The At-
lanta Constitution, November 13, 1946,
Ralph McGill commented on the leader-
ship and active membership as follows:
"Nazis are all alike, whether they
are in Germany or parading in Musso-
lini's Black Shirts. The Nazi type mind
is cracked and lends itself to all sorts
of aberrations, including those of sex.
... So, to find wife deserters, a rapist,
and wife beaters as leaders of this
'noble' order is quite what one might
expect. Without exception, all mem-
bers of this group, who have come to
public eye, are failures who have never
managed to hold a job; but who blame
someone else for their own laziness and
their own failures."
Continuing, the editorial reads:

"They talk to people whose lives are
rather dreary at best. They work on
people in the poorest, most squalid
slum areas and to a person perhaps
unable to read or write or to one with
no more than a third or fourth grade
education, knowing no trade or skill.
. . . Some of the blame, assuredly,
should be placed on our entire society.
We have gone along, with a large num-
ber of people whose preparation for
being first-rate citizens is inadequate.
They are to be found in every city and

SCHOOL STRIKES

221

community and as long as we do not
do a better job in educating- them,
they will provide material for the pro-
moters of hates and prejudices who
make a good thing financially for them-
selves out of the discontent of others."

ATTITUDES TOWARD KLAN-LIKE

ORGANIZATIONS
Attitudes of the Largest and Most
Liberal Southern Newspapers

It is important to note that the
largest and most liberal newspapers
of the South have boldly taken the
side of justice in their opposition to
the Ku Klux Klan and similar organi-
zations. The two leading newspapers
of Atlanta, Ga., — The Atlanta Consti-
tution and The Atlanta Journal — have
been especially outspoken in their de-
nunciation. The Courier- Journal, Louis-
ville, Ky., The Montgomery Advertiser
and The Birmingham News of Ala-
bama, The News Sentinel, Knoxville,
Tenn., The Tribune, Tampa, Fla., The
News, Charlotte, N. C., and The Times-
Dispatch, Richmond, Va., have not
hesitated to attack the Klan.

Some Newspapers Encourage
The Ku Klux Klan

Occasionally, however, some of the
smaller newspapers, especially those
in the more backward communities
of the South, express opinions more
encouraging to Klan-like organizations.
In an editorial headed: "The Ku Klux
Klan Is Bound to Come Back," The
Covington Neivs (Alabama) made a
suggestion out of line with liberal
editorial comment. It said:

"As much as all of us hate to admit
it, the possibility of the Ku Klux Klan
being re-hashed and reorganized in the
South is more of a probability than a
possibility. The people of the South
are just not going to take this CIO
lying down. Laws hastily passed by a
Congress that didn't weigh all the con-
sequences are highly favorable to labor
while the public's interest was not pro-
tected at the same time. ... It might
take the Ku Klux Klan to straighten
them out unless the oncoming elections
take care of the matter."
Not only is the Klan anti-Negro but
it is anti-anything else that interferes
with the traditions and mores of the
South.

Southern Churchmen Take Strong
Stand Against Ku Klux Klan

The Southern Baptist Convention,
representing over 5,000,000 Southern-
ers, adopted a resolution aimed at the
Klan, urging member churches to "re-

frain from association with all groups
that exist for the purpose of foment-
ing strike and division within the
nation on the basis of differences of
race, religion and culture."

Both the Christian Council of At-
lanta and the Atlanta Ministerial As-
sociation passed strong resolutions de-
nouncing the Klan. In Georgia, espe-
cially, where Klan activity has been
most marked, the churches have been
outspoken in their condemnation of
the Klan. On May 19, 1946, following
the rebirth of the Klan at Stone Moun-
tain, more than two-dozen ministers,
by organized plan, blasted the Klan as
un-Christian, and called upon their
congregations to "cry out against it."

Typical of the many declarations
was that of the Atlanta Methodist Min-
isters Association:

"We deplore any effort on the part
of any person or group of persons to
stir up racial prejudice for political, or
any other purpose, among our people
in Georgia. We believe that all human
beings regardless of race, creed or color
belong to the human family and have
equal rights before God and in human
society. We therefore call upon all of
our people to stand for liberty, justice
and freedom for each and every citizen
of the state."

Organized Labor Active
Against Ku Klux Klan

All branches of organized labor in
Georgia also rallied in opposition to
the Klan. The Georgia Legislative
Council, a joint body including AFL,
CIO, and independent unions, called for
Federal investigation and action
against the Klan. The Textile Workers
Union, recognizing the Klan as an anti-
labor force, pledged full support of all
action against the Klan and declared
its readiness to expose the activities
of the Klan whenever possible.

Such actions on the part of the vari-
ous organizations in Georgia are typi-
cal of those in other States where the
Klan has been revived. It is evident
that the Klan will meet with increas-
ing opposition almost everywhere in
the South.

SCHOOL STRIKES
School Strike At Gary, Indiana

The opening of the school year,
1945-46, brought a series of demonstra-
tions by white students against the
presence of Negroes in several non-
segregated schools of the North and
West. The longest and most publi-

222

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

cized of these demonstrations occurred
in Gary, Indiana, when the white stu-
dents of Froebel School began a strike
on September 18, which lasted nearly
two months. The immediate occasion
for the demonstration was a fight in-
volving Negro and white students at a
football game. On the Monday morn-
ing following this incident, a large
number of white students began gath-
ering outside the school at opening
time, refusing to come into the build-
ing. When Principal Richard Nuzum
demanded that they enter and proceed
to their classes, the group responded
by sending in a committee demanding
that the 800 Negro students be trans-
ferred from Froebel and that the school
be made into an institution for white
students only. Not receiving a favor-
able response from the administration,
the white student body began its
strike.

More Remote Causes
Of the Gary Strike

There were several conditions and
events which contributed to the strike.
First, it should be mentioned the slum
nature of the surrounding area in
which people of many nationalities
live. Conditions of vice and crime,
overcrowding, lack of recreational fa-
cilities, and other abnormal conditions
accentuated during the war period,
were contributing factors. Even the
end of the war with its emotional ac-
companiments added to the general
confusion of the community.

The second underlying cause was
lack of a definite policy on the part of
the Board of Education in regard to
segregation. The inter-racial issues in
the schools were not met consistently:
At Froebel and two elementary schools,
there was non-segregation while for
all the other schools of the city segre-
gation was the practice. Roosevelt
School — an all-Negro school with an
all-Negro teaching staff— accepts Negro
children from other school districts
while the white children in the Roose-
velt district are sent to all-white
schools in other districts. Even in the
mixed schools^ various practices were
in' vogue. At Froebel, for example,
many classes and all extra-curricular
activities except athletics were barred
to Negro students. In many ways, at
the Froebel School, both white and
Negro children were educated to the
idea that Negro children are lower in

status and inferior, therefore, to white
children.

Following the Detroit race riot, there
was a disposition on the part of the
community to abolish some of the dis-
criminations against Negro children at
the Froebel School as a means of ap-
peasing the Negro community for its
lack of civic privileges. The swimming
pool, for instance, was opened to Ne-
gro boys in an attempt to satisfy the
demand of Negroes for admittance to
swimming beaches on the lak° front
In the school strike were members of
a protest group which was formed fol-
lowing the opening of the swimming
pool to the Negro boys.

In commenting on the school strike
at Gary, Dr. Marion Edman said:

"The boys who fomented the strike
and were its leaders in its early pe-
riod were nearly all frustrated, malad-
justed children with low IQ's and a
long record of bad behavior in school
and community, and who seemingly
could not find within the school the
satisfactions they craved."

Organized Efforts to
Prevent Recurrence

Continuing Dr. Edman wrote:

"To combat prejudice and misunder-
standing among Gary's many groups of
citizens, a number of organizations have
been formed to demonstrate and to
foster cooperative effort within the
community — a ministerial association
embracing all the clergy of the city,
Christian and Jewish, Negro and white;
a Civil Liberties Committee; a United
Council of Negro Organizations includ-
ing some forty groups, and a number
of others. In addition, a program for
developing understanding among its
members is in process of being set up
within the CIO; church groups are de-
voting time to studying the basic prob-
lems of community living; civic organi-
zations like the League of Women
Voters are taking the initiative in plan-
ning short institutes to focus commun-
ity attention on key problems; the
YWCA has gone forward with the open-
ing of its new interracial center in the
Froebel area; and the Board of Educa-
tion has given a vote of confidence to
the Bureau for Intercultural Education
by asking it to continue its program
of work in the schools."

Demonstrations in Chicago Schools

Very soon after the strike in Gary
began, there were similar disturbances
at several of the schools in Chicago.
White students struck against the
presence of Negroes at Calumet, Mor-
gan Park, Englewood, and other
schools of the city. There were actual
walk-outs of several hundred white
students at Calumet and at Englewood.

METHODS FOR IMPROVEMENT OF RACE RELATIONS

223

While Chicago resembled Gary in the
conditions out of which the anti-
Negro strikes developed, its machinery
for dealing with disturbances was much
better. The Mayor's Committee on
Race Relations was alert; the police
would not permit the striking students
at Englewood and Calumet to demon-
strate on the school grounds; but of-
fered them alternatives of going to
school, being arrested, or returning
home. Several of the ringleaders were
actually arrested, taken to the police
station, and lectured on democracy in
the presence of their parents. Anti-
strike, pro-democratic mass meetings
were held and addressed by such bobby
sox heroes as Danny Kaye, Frank
Sinatra, Canada Lee, and Bill Robin-
son. As a result of firm action and
mobilization of liberal sentiment, the
Chicago demonstrations were relative-
ly short-lived.

Racial Demonstrations in
New York City Schools

A highly personal fist-fight in the
Benjamin Franklin High School gym-
nasium between a white and a Negro
youth resulted in a series of racial
clashes— most of them outside the
school. Franklin School is located in
East Harlem and has within its stu-
dent body representatives of approx-
imately forty national and ethnic
groups. Despite a liberal Principal
and the presence of several outstand-
ing liberal teachers on the faculty,
there has at times been very much
resentment on the part of non-Negro
students against the presence of Negro
boys in the school. The immediate out-
break at Franklin School was brought
quickly under control.

Threatened Demonstration
In San Diego Schools

Here the difficulty was due to the
hiring of a Negro teacher. Despite
protests made by a group of twenty-
five citizens from the Pacific Beach
community, William Payne, a Negro,
was employed to teach in a San Diego
junior high school. Ignoring the argu-
ment of this protesting group that the
Negro enrollment in the school was
too small to warrant the hiring of a
Negro teacher, Dr. Will C. Crawford,
Superintendent of the San Diego
schools, issued the following state-
ment :

"The appointment of Mr. William
Payne to the staff of the San Diego
city schools was of no particular sig-
nificance as far as any change in our
employment policy was concerned. By
that I mean that Mr. Payne was a
regular candidate for a teaching posi-
tion, who met our requirements of edu-
cational training, experience and char-
acter. He was, therefore, appointed
by the Board of Education and assigned
to a position that seemed appropriate
to his ability without any reference
to the Negro enrollment in that par-
ticular school."

METHODS FOR IMPROVEMENT OF

RAGE RELATIONS
The Inter-racial Clinic

The Inter-racial Clinic has come into
prominence as a means for dea'ing
with the mental-social health of com-
munities. Under the auspices of the
Federal Council of Churches of Christ
in America, Dr. George Edmund
Haynes, Director of the Department of
Race Relations, prepared a most help-
ful manual setting forth the organiza-
tion, purposes, and techniques of the
typical Inter-racial Clinic. Modeled
after the earlier and much-used clinics
having to do with physical, mental,
and social abnormalities of individuals,
the Inter-racial Clinic emphasizes the
function of fact-finding in the solution
of inter-racial problems.

"Treatment for remedy and preven-
tion," states Dr. Haynes in the manual,
"call for the orienting of individuals
and groups by factual analysis of their
situations and consultation with those
of widest knowledge and experience.
... In dealing with individual and
group inter-racial tensions and con-
flicts, we face problems of mental ill-
ness and must seek remedies for them
as problems of mental health. . . . Be-
sides, where inter-racial relations are
wholesome and normal there is a defi-
nite need of preventive measures."
Community self-analysis, carried on
by carefully selected committees under
competent guidance, secures the essen-
tial facts for the subsequent considera-
tion and planned action of the clinic.
"Specific problems such as employ-
ment and housing needs, hospital or
recreation facilities and the people
involved are the specific case situa-
tions that become the subjects of com-
munity self-analysis and group dis-
cussions by those who are seeking
to find means of improving local hu-
man relations. Acting upon the basis
of their own discoveries through fact-
finding and diagnostic analyses they
decide on remedial or preventive ac-
tion." The clinic not only makes use

224

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

of its own leaders in social work, in-
dustry, religion, labor, and the various
professions but secures the help of
consultants of national reputation from
the outside.

Under the leadership of the Depart-
ment of Race Relations of the Federal
Council of Churches of Christ in Amer-
ica which has affiliated with it 135
city and 35 State Councils of Churches
with paid executives, the plan for In-
ter-racial Clinics has been carried out
in eighteen cities in Indiana, Illinois,
New Jersey, Michigan, Ohio; Kansas
City, Missouri, Portland, Oregon and
Seattle, Washington. Techniques sim-
ilar to those of the clinic have been
used increasingly by other organiza-
tions and institutions.

The Springfield Plan

Perhaps the earliest all-school-com-
munity plan for inter-cultural educa-
tion is that usually referred to as the
Springfield, Massachusetts, Plan. In
1939, Dr. Charles Granrud, Superin-
tendent of Schools, who had long been
concerned about the growing racial, re-
ligious, economic, and political ten-
sions in American life, appointed a
committee to study the whole program
of inter-group and citizen education.
The committee itself, representing all
levels of the Springfield public schools,
was somewhat inter-cultural in nature.

The general plan drawn up by this
committee and later, with some modifi-
cations, adopted as a guide for the
school system was neither new nor sen-
sational but was based on a philosophy
of democracy accepted, at least vocally,
by true Americans everywhere. The
program thus adopted was essentially
an organized effort to teach democratic
citizenship by the practice of democ-
racy on all levels of school and com-
munity life. The principle of the pro-
gram was expressed in the phrase,
"living, learning, working, and think-
ing together." Its three more or less
unique characteristics are emphasis,
continuity, and integration. Being an
integral part of the whole educational
scheme, the Springfield Plan cannot be
separated as a specialized unit. An
examination of the total factual and
activity content, however, reveals a
general pattern. Beyond the elemen-
tary and high school grades of the
city system, the plan extends into the
evening adult school classes, into the

placement of graduates, into public re-
lations, into extra'-school activities,
and into many spheres of school and
city administration.

National CIO Committee to
Abolish Racial Discrimination

In recent years, the Congress of In-
dustrial Organizations has enunciated
a sound racial policy and has had sig-
nificant influence on other labor un-
ions. In order that the stated purpose
of the CIO, namely, "to bring about
effective organization of the working
men and women of America regard-
less of race, creed, color, or nation-
ality, and to unite them for common
action into labor unions for their mu-
tual aid and projection," might be
translated into action, the National
CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination was established in April,
1943. This committee has been func-
tioning largely in an advisory capacity
and has sought to effect the organiza-
tion of local affiliates in each Industrial
Union Council, State, county, and mu-
nicipal. One of the international un-
ions, the United Packing House Work-
ers of America, through its Anti-Dis-
crimination Committee, has adopted
a suggestive program which empha-
sizes education, organization, and
leadership training.

Iiitercultural Education
In New York City

During the 1943-44 academic year,
a plan "for the development of good
human relations" through education
was inaugurated in the public schools
of New York City. In announcing the
1944-45 expansion of the program, the
Superintendent of Schools made the
following suggestions to all teachers
and supervisors: .

"Each of us should exemplify at all
times in word and in deed, complete
respect for cultural differences; each
should cooperate wholeheartedly with
community programs designed to build
attitudes of appreciation of the worth
of all peoples; each should make the
presence of bias a matter of grave con-
cern; and each of us should take ad-
vantage of every opportunity to impress
respect for others as a prime obligation
of all Americans."

The Horace Mann-Lincoln
School Neighborhood Center

The Horace Mann-Lincoln School
Neighborhood Center, New York City,
began on a Saturday afternoon in No-

TRENDS IN RACE RELATIONS

225

vember, 1944, when parents were in-
vited to send their children, ages eight
to sixteen years, to enroll in a program
to give them experience in "demo-
cratic living." Three hundred children
of all backgrounds — Negro, Chinese,
Japanese, Irish, Italian, Portuguese,
Puerto Rican, English — participate un-
der the supervision of thirteen white
and Negro instructors conducting a
variety of "classes," all of a hobby
nature. A careful representation of
all races was planned in choosing the
children for the project: one-third
from Horace Mann-Lincoln School and
two-thirds from the schools, churches,
and libraries of the immediate neigh-
borhood.

The "afternoon begins with an as-
sembly at which movies and skits are
shown. Celebrated artists of different
cultural backgrounds o'ten dance, sing,
and enchant their young audiences
into participating with them. The rest
of the five hours is spent in supervised
educational activities." Over a period
of time, the activities include the fol-
lowing: (1) arts and crafts; (2) group
games in gyms and playgrounds; (3)
carpentry; (4) contemporary affairs
discussion group; (5) drama group;
(G) expressive dancing; (7) group
music; (8) painting and drawing; (9)
pottery; (10) sculpture; and (11)
swimming.

During the year 1944-45, the pro-
gram was financed by the Neighbor-
hood Committee of the Parent-Teacher
Association of the Teachers College
Schools and was supervised by Ernest
G. Osborne and Goodwin Watson, Pro-
fessors of Education, Columbia Uni-
versity.

Workshops in
Inter-group Education

The first workshop in inter-group
education was held at the Colorado
State College of Education during the
summer of 1941. It was initiated by
the National Conference of Christians
and Jews and was sponsored by the
Conference and the Bureau of Cultural
Education. In 1942 a similar workshop
was conducted at Teachers College, Co-
lumbia University, in addition to the
repeated workshop at the Colorado
State College of Education. During
the summer of 1945, at least twelve
full-fledged workshops in inter-group
education were carried on as follows:

University of California, Berkeley,
California; University of Chicago, Chi-
cago, Illinois; Columbia University,
New York City; University of Denver,
Denver, Colorado; Eau Claire State
Teachers College, Eau Claire, Wiscon-
sin; Goddard College, Plainfield, Ver-
mont; Harvard University, Cambridge,
Massachusetts; University of Min-
nesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota; Mil-
waukee State Teachers College, Mil-
waukee, Wisconsin; Oregon System of
Higher Education, Portland, Oregon;
Stanford University, California; Syra-
cuse University, Syracuse, New York;
and University of Wisconsin, Madison,
Wisconsin.

Most of these workshops are planned
for students of graduate standing. In
addition to the leader of the work-
shop group, consultants from various
related fields assist from time to time.

TRENDS IN RACE RELATIONS

The following summary of trends in
race relations was prepared by Ar-
lene Wolf, Associated Press news-
features writer, and appeared in the
Birmingham News- Age-Herald, Novem-
ber 17, 1946:

General Nature
Of Efforts

Although the war-time spur for na-
tional unity is absent, the fight for
tolerance for minority groups of every
description is being carried on with
sustained vigor in many parts of the
country. Positive efforts for racial
tolerance range from state-wide anti-
discrimination acts protecting every
citizen's right to hold a job to such
purely local projects as the work of
an Oklahoma City YWCA to accustom
Negroes and whites to working to-
gether within the organization. These
efforts involve not only Negroes, but
Jews, Nisei, and other racial and re-
ligious groups. They range from na-
tion-wide drives conducted by such
organizations as the National Confer-
ence of Christians and Jews and the
National Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People to individual
community efforts to combat a particu-
lar local problem.

The "Detroit Experiment," for ex-
ample, started as the result of the
1943 race riot and branched out into a
city project spearheaded by the city-
financed inter-racial committee, work-

226

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

ing through schools, business groups
and other civic organizations. Similar
projects around the country are char-
acteristic of what is called "the trend
of the times," by Dr. Clyde Miller, As-
sociate Professor at Teachers College
in New York and speaker for the
League for Fair Play. "There is a
growing feeling on the part of just or-
dinary citizens," he says, "that inter-
group (racial and religious) antago-
nisms violate the principles on which
our American democracy is founded,
and violate the ethics of all the great
religions."

But, although there are hundreds of
such projects, public and private, they
have not by any means completely
stamped out group tensions. Chicago,
which has 20 agencies working for tol-
erance, reports twice as many inci-
dents of violence involving racial con-
flict as before V-J Day. There are still
large areas where nothing worthy of
mention on the tolerance fight is re-
ported. There are still reports of
mob disorders, lynchings and individu-
al beating of Negroes. And there are
still Ku Klux Klans, says Dr. Miller,
who points out that with more people
fighting intolerance the forces of bigot-
ry are bound to mobilize to fight back
— not merely against efforts to further
Negro-white relations, but against
peace and unity among various re-
ligious groups as well.

Most of the tolerance victories so far
have been achieved on the State or
community level, with nation-wide leg-
islation still very much in the forma-
tive stage. Various groups are urging
repassage of the national emergency
Fair Employment Practices Act which
lapsed this year when the committee
was voted no more money. It will be
brought up again before the new Con-
gress. The anti-lynching bill has been
before Congress on and off for ten
years, and probably will come up
again. So will bills to prohibit dis-
criminatory leasing of housing proj-
ects, aided by Federal funds, against
segregation of job applicants in the
United States Employment Service
offices, and to outlaw Jim Crow in
inter-state travel. All these bills, how-
ever, are very much in the future.

Tolerance Activities
At The State Level

On the State level, legislative action
has been taken in four States. New

York, Massachusetts, and New Jersey
have anti-discrimination, or Fair Em-
ployment Practices Laws in operation.
Minnesota has an equal rights law
enacted in 1885 and recently broad-
ened to prevent discriminations aris-
ing from national origins or religion.
Lobbying for a fair employment law
has been going on for several years in
Oregon, where such organizations as
the League of Women Voters question
candidates on their view of FEPC and
endorse them accordingly. Chicago
has a local ordinance enforced by a
civil rights bureau modeled after the
United States Department of Justice
Civil Rights Bureau.

In the last election, however, Cal-
ifornia voters heavily defeated an in-
itiative proposition for FEPC which
would have prevented racial, religious
or nationality discrimination as a con-
dition of employment or membership,
in a labor union. In Alabama, a con-
stitutional amendment admittedly de-
signed to make it more difficult for
Negroes to vote by tightening up voter
qualifications was approved by a close
margin in a referendum vote.

Community Projects in
Mutual Understanding

The fight to mobilize good will has
been particularly successful in certain
localities. The success of the famous
"Springfield Plan" to combat intoler-
ance, for example, has encouraged
other cities to start similar projects —
among them Newark, New Jersey;
Pittsburgh, Pa.; Cincinnati, Ohio;
Portland, Oregon; Cleveland, Ohio;
New York; Denver, Colo.; Bloomfield,
N. J.; Dayton, Ohio; Los Angeles and
Santa Barbara, Calif., the League for
Fair Play reports. These plans, now
in various stages ranging from pure
idea to actual operation, seek to unite
the entire community in the project,
and work particularly through civic
organizations and the public school
systems to promote understanding of
all groups.

In addition, Minneapolis and sixteen
other school systems now are engaged
in a nation-wide project on inter-
group education sponsored by the
American Council on Education. Sev-
eral cities have official or semi-official
civic agencies working on the problem.
In addition to Chicago's Civil Rights
Bureau and its Mayor's Human Rela-
tions Committee, there is the Cleveland

VOLUNTARY AGENCIES CONCERNED WITH RACE1 RELATIONS 227

Community Relations Board, which
the city believes was the first such
agency to be made an official part of
city government. Created in 1945, the
Board promotes educational activities,
and does a "fireman's" job in dealing
with individual incidents, working
with police and other officials, and gen-
erally coordinating the work of other
groups.

Los Angeles' two-year-old Commit-
tee on Human Relations surveys tense
areas and attempts to solve inter-
group problems with additional places
of worship, community enterprises,
and help for individual families where
needed. New York has its Mayor's
Committee on Unity, and so does
Seattle, Wash., where positive results
have included the employment of the
first Negro bus driver hired by the
city transit system. Similar commit-
tees are in operation in Minneapolis
and St. Paul, and on the state level,
the Governor's Inter-racial Commis-
sion of Minnesota.

Several municipalities have made
special efforts to train their police
officers to understand and cope with
delicate inter-racial situations. In
Youngstown, Ohio, for example, twen-
ty-three members of the police force
recently were given thorough instruc-
tion in dealing with these difficulties
in a special program devised by the
American Council on Race Relations.
Police officers have received similar
training in Richmond, Calif.; Min-
neapolis, Minn.; Detroit and San Fran-
cisco, where the Ku Klux Klan charter,
incidentally, finally has been revoked.

Some cities like Baltimore have
private groups to better inter-racial
relations, although a Little Theater
producer who recently tried operating
on a non-segregation basis there was
forced to close because whites general-
ly refused to attend. Louisville's com-
mittee recently was disbanded for lack
of funds. Des Moines reports a small,
but significant victory in the appoint-
ment of its first regular Negro teacher.
Chicago's Council Against Racial and
Religious Discrimination is urging
colleges and universities to drop quota
admissions for Negro and Jewish stu-
dents, and funds have been appropri-
ated to investigate a similar situation
in New York. San Diego, Calif., be-
lieves it is the first to have a city-
sponsored survey of inter-group rela-
tions made by the American Council

on Race Relations at the city's re-
quest.

All these projects, national, State,
and local, combine to produce an at-
titude which Dr. Miller calls the real-
ization of the need for unity now,
even when the war is over. "Even
the most conservative people," he says,
"see that American influence in the
world cannot be effective if we violate
our democracy at home."

NATIONAL VOLUNTARY AGENCIES

CONCERNED WITH RACE

RELATIONS

American Civil Liberties Union
(1920) ; 170 Fifth Ave., New York City.

This organization is a champion of civil
liberties in America defending alike
the liberties of majorites as well as
minorities. Its purpose is to protect
freedom of speech, of the press, and of
assemblage by combating repressive
legislation and the acts of individuals
in violation of civil liberties; to aid in
defense of cases in courts; and to car-
ry test cases to the higher courts.
Over 5,000 cases have been handled in
the courts and with public officials.
The Union supported the campaign for
the FEPC; joined in suits to equalize
Negro teachers' salaries; challenged seg-
regated draft quotas and exclusion or
segregation by labor unions; fought
"white supremacy" cases; fought stage
and literature censorship in Boston — and
elsewhere — taking "Strange Fruit" to
the Massachusetts Supreme Court. The
Civil Liberties Union has carried on
jointly with over fifty agencies in de-
fense of civil rights and has handled
over 500 individual cases. Among its
several committees is the Committee
Against Race Discrimination. The Un-
ion issues mimeographed weekly bul-
letins, The Civil Liberties Quarterly,
and The Yearly Review.

Carnegie Corporation of Neiv York
(1911); 522 Fifth Avenue, New York
City.

During the recent years the Corpora-
tion program has included grants
chiefly in library service, the arts, and
educational and scientific research. The
agencies through which its work has
been carried on are colleges, universi-
ties, national organizations, and profes-
sional and learned societies. A five-
year study sponsored by the Corpora-
tion resulted in the most comprehensive
report on the Negro in American life,
published in two volumes in 1944 under
the direction and authorship of Gunnar
Myrdal. These volumes are entitled An
American Dilemma — The Negro Prob-
lem and American Democracy. This en-
cyclopedic study, made possible by the
liberal assistance of the Corporation,
draws upon a considerable body of in-
tensive studies prepared by American
scholars and specialists in the field of
race relations.

228

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

Common Council for American Unity
(1919); Willkie Memorial Building, 20
West 40th Street, New York City.
Purposes and Activities:

To help create among American peo-
ple the mutual understanding result-
ing from a common citizenship, a com-
mon belief in democracy and the ideals
of liberty, the placing of the common
good before the interests of the group,
and the acceptance, in fact as well
as in law, of all citizens, whatever their
national or racial origins, as equal
partners in American life; to further
an appreciation of what each group
has contributed to America, to uphold
the freedom to be different, and to
encourage the growth of an American
culture which will be truly representa-
tive of all the elements that make up
the American people; to overcome in-
tolerance and discrimination because of
national origin, race or creed. The
Common Ground Quarterly published
by the Council contains high class
articles bearing on the purposes in-
dicated above.

Federal Council of the Churches of
Christ in America (1908); 297 Fourth
Ave., New York City.
Purpose and Activities:

To secure effective cooperation among
the Protestant churches in local, State,
and national areas; to develop a spirit
of larger unity; and to serve as a cen-
ter through which the churches can
deal unitedly with the social, inter-
racial, and international problems of
common concern. Among the Council's
departments are the following: the
Church and Social Service; Race Rela-
tions; and Research and Education. A
new Commission on the Church and
Minority Peoples seeks to give guid-
ance in the special problems of racial
and cultural minorities. The Council
issues Information Service, weekly; and
the Federal Council Bulletin, monthly.
General Education Board (1902); 49
West 49th St., New York City.

By its generous contributions to Ne-
gro education, and, more recently, to
programs looking toward the improve-
ment of race relations and the lifting
of the general level of life in the South-
ern States, the General Education
Board is an important factor in the
field of race relations. The Board is
now putting emphasis on the stimula-
tion of programs being carried out by
other agencies in the field. As illustra-
tion of this may be mentioned the
grant to the National Urban League,
first, for the development of a South-
ern area program, and, second, for com-
munity relations programs in selected
industrial centers. To mention all the
types of encouragement to a better un-
derstanding of race relations given by
the General Education Board would
require much more space than is here
allowed.

National Association for the Ad-
vancement of Colored People (1909);
20 W. 40th Street, New York City.

A major purpose of the Association
is to combat the unfavorable discrim-

ination which colored people and other
minority groups experience in the
United States; to safeguard their civil,
legal, economic, and political rights;
and to secure for them equality of op-
portunity with all other citizens. In
1939, there was incorporated into the
organization the Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, Inc., with the fol-
lowing functions: To render legal
aid gratuitously to such Negroes as
are suffering legal injustices by rea-
son of race or color and are unable
to employ and engage legal aid and
assistance on account of poverty; to
seek and promote the educational facil-
ities for Negroes who are denied the
same by reason of race or color; and
to conduct research, and collect, compile,
and publish information concerning
educational facilities and opportunities
for Negroes and the inequality in such
facilities provided for Negroes out of
public funds. The Association pub-
lishes, monthly, the magazine, The
Crisis, and, also monthly except
August, the NAACP Bulletin.
National Ur'ban League (1910) ; 1133
Broadway, New York City.

Activities of the League are
planned:

To promote inter-racial organization
and action; to improve economic and
social conditions among Negro popula-
tions in cities; to conduct social re-
search and planning in behalf of the
Negro populati6n; to promote specific
social work activities among Negroes
until other agencies are found to ac-
cept responsibility for such programs;
to promote the occupational advance-
ment of Negroes by carrying on pro-
grams of industrial relations, vocational
guidance, and public education; and to
encourage the training of Negro social
workers through fellowships in accred-
ited schools of social work. Under grant
from the General Education Board, the
league has been carrying on a demon-
stration project aimed at relieving ra-
cial tensions and improving welfare
services to Negroes in selected indus-
trial communities. Reports of this and
other League activities are published in
occasional bulletins and pamphlets.
The League publishes, quarterly, Op-
portunity, Journal of Negro Life.

Phelps-Stokes Fund (1911); 101
Park Ave., New York City.

The Fund has devoted its major at-
tention to Negro education and race
relations in the United States and
Africa, and the improvement of New
York City housing conditions. In the
field of social work it has sponsored
the University Commission on Race
Relations; the Commission on Inter-
racial Cooperation; the Committee on
Negro American in Defense Industries;
the Committee on Africa, the War, and
Peace Aims; and various inter-racial
institutes, making the problem of re-
lations between the white and Negro
groups in this country and Africa one
of its major interests. The Fund is now
especially concerned with advancing
projects in the interest of improving
training of Negro ministers, in promot-

VOLUNTARY AGENCIES CONCERNED WITH RACE RELATIONS 229

ing mutually sympathetic race rela-
tions through education, and in the
work of advancing education in Liberia.

Rockefeller Foundation (1913); 49
West 49th St., New York City.

An all-inclusive purpose of the Foun-
dation is to promote the well-being of
mankind throughout the world. The
Foundation is concerned specifically
with certain problems in the fields
of medical science, natural science,
the humanities and public health,
contributes toward those activities of
institutions which give promise of ad-
vancing objectives of its program; and,
in addition, in the field of public health,
it cooperates with governments in the
development of general health activ-
ities and control of certain diseases. In
a single year, 1945, the Foundation ap-
propriatpd $11,984,907. Of this amount,
$1 942,400 were appropriated in the field
of the social sciences. The book value
of the principal fund of the Foundation
as of December, 1944, was $144,833,347.
Rosenwald Fund (Julius Rosenwald)
(1917); 4901 Ellis Ave., Chicago, Il-
linois.

The activities of the Fund have
evolved from an emphasis on the con-
struction of schools for Negro children
in the South to its present emphasis on
general efforts to improve race rela-
tions throughout the country. Activ-
ities of the latter sort include grants
to a number of agencies working in
this sphere, the preparation of special
studies and reports, the distribution of
books and pamphlets, and conferences
and consultation with interested groups.
In addition, the Julius Rosenwald Fund
is at present supporting an educational
program for teachers for work in the
rural schools of the South, both Negro
and white; and awards about seventy
fellowships annually for exceptionally
promising Negroes, white Southerners,
and persons of any race or creed who
are working or planning to work in the
field of race relations.
Russell Sage Foundation (1907);
130 East 22nd St., New York City.

The purpose of the Foundation is to
promote the improvement of social and
living conditions in the United States.
The members of the staff of the Foun-
dation study social conditions and
methods of social work; interpret the
findings; make available the informa-
tion by publications, conferences, and
other means; and seek to stimulate ac-
tion for social betterment. The Russell
Sage Library, located in the Foundation
building, contains more than 200,000
books and pamphlets in the field of so-
cial studies — probably the most com-
plete collection relating to social prob-
lems and social work in the United
States. This library is for the free use
of anyone desiring information within
its scope. Inquiries by mail may be
made by those who cannot visit the li-
brary in person. Bibliographical help
ranging from two or three titles to a
comprehensive bibliography is furnished
on request.

National Voluntary Agencies
Established Since 1938

American Council On Race Relations
(1944); 19th Floor, 32 West Randolph
St., Chicago, Illinois.

The Council was organized in the
summer of 1944 by a group of promi-
nent leaders in the field of race rela-
tions. The Council's efforts are di-
rected toward the achievement of full
participation by all citizens in all as-
pects of American life. More specifical-
ly, the organization strives to achieve
for all groups and individuals: (1) full
opportunity for employment in accord-
ance with ability, training, and ex-
perience: (2) free living space, without
the bars of restrictive covenants or
other segregation devices, and full ac-
cess to public housing; (3) full access,
without segregation, to public schools
and to other public services; (4) equal-
ity before the law, with fair and im-
partial treatment by the police; (5) ex-
ercise of the full rights of citizens in
regard to voting and holding office.
Organization of the Council was made
possible by initial grants from the
Julius Rosenwald Fund and the Mar-
shall Field Foundation. An important
activity of the Council is in the matter
of developing and disseminating ma-
terials for use in public schools and
other educational institutions.

American Film Center, Committee on
Mass Education in Race Relations
(1943); 45 Rockefeller Plaza, New
York 10, New York.

The Committee was formed in 1943
in an effort to find means of reaching
the masses of people and helping to
educate them through popular media.
Films, radio, theater, and pictorial
media are employed to disseminate in-
formation about the Negro in Amer-
ica— his history and culture, his con-
tributions, his problems, his vision of
and plans for adjustment in the con-
temporary world. The Committee is
planning the projection of educational
films: for mixed audiences, Negro
audiences, and white audiences, all with
the basic purpose of influencing atti-
tudes in matters of race relations.

American Friends Race Relations
Committee (1944); 20 South 12th St.,
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

The Race Relations Committee's work
was begun in 1944 through a number of
definite projects planned to bring about
better understanding between the races.
The establishment of inter-racial work-
camps, inter-racial institutes, and com-
munity centers has done much to
realize the objectives of the Commit-
tee. "Whatever concerns human beings
in distress, whatever may help to free
individuals, groups and nations from
fear, hate or narrowness — these are
subjects for the Committee's considera-
tion." The Committee cooperates with
meetings and conferences in various
parts of the country in the field of
race relations and in such emergencies
as the Philadelphia Transit Strike in
August, 1944. It cooperates with other

230

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S.

groups to rally public support for the
principle of equal opportunity.

Bureau For Inter cultural Education
(1939); 1697 Broadway, New York 19,
New York.

The work of the Bureau was begun
by The American Education Fellowship
(formerly Progressive Education As-
sociation) in 1936. The following types
of services are rendered by the Bureau:
(1) service of public schools — from 1936
to 1943 in-service courses were given to
1,500 teachers in the New York Public
Schools in the techniques of inter-
cultural education; similar services
have been rendered in more than eight
other cities through institutes for
teachers; and the Bureau serves as a
workshop and library where educators
may come to consult about their prob-
lems; (2) development of techniques
through experiments in selected schools
and the lessons learned made available
through the Bureau's publications; and
(3) summer workshops in inter-cultural
education sponsored and directed at a
number of colleges and universities, in-
cluding Colorado State Teachers Col-
lege, University of California, Harvard
University, and Teachers College of Co-
lumbia University.

Council For Democracy (1940); 11

West 42nd Street, New York 18, New

York.

The Council was formed in 1940 to
aid in attempts to establish a faith in
democracy and the democratic process
through a non-partisan group of cit-
izens of all backgrounds and outlooks.
In the field of race relations it is work-
ing to break down discrimination and
to promote tolerance between different
religious and racial groups. A survey
made by the Council of Negro-white
attitudes in a considerable number of
industrial plants and unions was widely
used by the American Management As-
sociation, the National Foreman's Club,
and as a basis for conferences with
management groups throughout the
country. In the spring of 1944 the
Council surveyed labor-management
committees to learn how they were
handling plant morale problems. Other
important surveys have been carried
on by the Council.
League for National Unity, Inc.,

(1944); Woolworth Building, New

York 7, New York.

The League was founded in the early
part of 1944, under the leadership of
Dr. E. George Payne, Dean Emeritus
of the School of Education of New York
University. The League carries on a
research program in New York schools
with a view to determining the condi-
tions under which racial and religious
prejudice, stereotypes, conventional
thinking, and attitudes which interfere
with American unity originate. This
program will be extended and directed
from the School of Education of New
York University, in cooperation with
the Graduate School of Arts and
Science. It will be the purpose not only
to determine the causes and origins
of these prejudices and attitudes, but

the educational program and curri-
culum content necessary to bring about
changes in community and pupil at-
titudes. A professorship dealing with
Negro culture and education has been
established in the University.

Race Relations Division, American
Missionary Association (1942); Social
Science Institute, Fisk University,
Nashville, Tennessee.

In January, 1942, the Association
established a Division of Race Rela-
tions which offers the services of its
staff in several forms of work: (1)
Common Ground Workers; staff mem-
bers available to communities desiring
skilled assistance in organizing them-
selves for constructive solution of local
inter-racial problems, such as those
arising in connection with housing,
restrictive covenants, labor and em-
ployment practices, transportation, wel-
fare, recreation, and community plan-
ning. (2) Counsel by correspondence on
how to develop action programs, in-
stitutes, or start courses on race re-
lations, where to turn for speakers, ma-
terials, or book lists and the like. (3)
An annual national institute of race
relations, located in 1944, 1945, and
1946 at Fisk University. (4) Prepara-
tion of materials on request for na-
tional and state-wide organizations and
periodicals.

Southern Conference for Human

Welfare (1939); 808 Perdido Street,

New Orleans 12, Louisiana.

The interests and the purposes of
the Conference are broad, touching
many aspects of Southern life — eco-
nomic, political, educational, inter-
racial. The immediate program of the
organization includes the following: (1)
resource planning and development;
(2) improving living standards; (3)
civil rights; (4) political action; (5)
world wide citizenship; (6) equaliza-
tion of educational opportunities; (7)
cooperation with other agencies having
similar objectives. The Conference
takes the position that racial discrim-
ination is not only un-democratic and
un-Christian, but a hindrance to the
social and economic progress of even
the favored race. Factual materials
bearing on the objectives of the organ-
ization are disseminated through its
monthly publication, The Southern
Patriot. The 1946 issues of this publi-
cation have contained such articles
as the following: "The Black and White
of It In Education," "Federal Aid for
Education in the South," "An Analysis
of the FEPC Bill," "The Ku Klux Klan
Rides Again," "What's Wrong With
Southern Industry," "The Plight of
Southern Agriculture," and the "Health
Problem of the South."
Southern Education Foundation,

Inc., (1937); 726 Jackson PI., N. W.,

Washington, D. C.

This Foundation is composed of four
funds as follows: the John F. Slater
Fund (1882); the George Peabody Fund
(1918); the Anna T. Jeanes Fund
(1907); and the Virginia Randolph Fund
(1943). The purpose of all these funds

VOLUNTARY AGENCIES CONCERNED WITH RACE RELATIONS 231

is to improve the educational and liv-
ing conditions of the Negro race. This
objective is promoted by grants of
money, or through the cooperation of
the officers of the Foundation with
such officials and others, or in such
other ways as may be determined by
the board of directors. At present, the
chief activity is to aid in the support of
some 475 supervisors of Negro rural
schools.
Southern Regional Council (1944);

Room 432, 63 Auburn Avenue, N. E.,

Atlanta 3, Georgia.

The Southern Regional Council was
organized in February, 1944, to carry
on, with a new orientation, the work
of the Commission on Inter-racial
Cooperation, and to implement the ideas
and instructions growing out of the
conference of Southern Negroes, held in
Durham, North Carolina, 1942, the Con-
ference of Southern whites held in
Atlanta, Geoi'gia, 1943, and the confer-
ence of Negroes and whites held in

Richmond, Virginia, 1943. In pursuing
its objectives, the Council attempts to
encourage the development of action
groups at local, state, and regional
levels; recruit and develop leadership;
develop necessary research through the
universities and colleges of the region;
seek to remold and articulate public
opinion through the radio, press, speak-
ers, and publications ; cooperate with
and stimulate action in the region from
Federal, State, and local governments;
conduct special experiments and pro-
grams in an effort to effect desirable
changes in the South; render such
specialized services as may be neces-
sary; hold technical conferences; pro-
mote fuller participation in democratic
processes in the South, as in regis-
tration and voting; and utilize with
greater effectiveness the untapped re-
sources of the region. The Council
publishes a monthly paper, The New
South, and other educational materials
from time to time.

DIVISION X

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

By CHARLES R. LAWRENCE, JB.
Fisk University

The race riot is a form of group
conflict in which aggregates of persons
identifying themselves as members of
a race conscious group take on the
characteristics of a crowd (mob) and
commit acts of violence indiscrimi-
nately against members of another
race conscious group. This section
will review the phenomenon of the
race riot as it has recurred in the
United States during World War II
and the year following the cessation
of active warfare. The incidents con-
sidered in this review are those which
meet the foregoing criteria and which
have been of sufficient magnitude to
gain widespread notice.

The major outbreaks which have oc-
curred during the period in question
were as follows:

1. The Sojourner Truth Housing
Riot (Detroit) February, 1942.

2. The Alabama Drydock and Ship-
building Co. Industrial Riot, Mo-
bile, Alabama — May, 1943.

3. The Beaumont, Texas Riot — June,
1943.

4. The "Zoot Suit" Riots in Los An-
geles— June, 1943.

5. The Detroit Riot— June, 1943.

6. The Harlem Riot— July, 1943.

7. The Columbia, Tennessee Riot-
February, 1946.

8. The Athens, Alabama Riot — Au-
gust, 1946.

Each of the above incidents will be
related briefly; after which, the simi-
larities and differences among them
will be examined.

THE SOJOURNER TRUTH
HOUSING RIOT

The Sojourner Truth Housing Riot
is significant, not because of the num-
ber of persons participating; for the
actual violence was relatively localized
and only a few persons were involved;
it is rather important because of the
prophetic shadow which it cast toward
the Detroit Riot — still sixteen months
away — and as an illustration of how a
great metropolis ignored signs which,

in retrospect, at least, were gravely
portentous.

In 1932, the Detroit City Planning
Commission suggested that a site at
Nevada and Fenelon be used for a pub-
lic housing project for Negroes. It was
not, however, until ten years later that
this suggestion came to fruition in the
completion of the $1,000,000 Sojourner
Truth Housing Project. Named for an
indefatigable Negro woman worker in
the abolitionist and woman suffragist
movements, this project was intended
from the beginning to house Negroes.
As soon as the plan for constructing
the project became known protests
were raised by certain questionable
groups. Foremost among these were
the Seven-Mile Road Fenelon Improve-
ment Association and the National
Workers League. These organizations
circulated petitions against the pro-
posed occupancy of the houses and
presented these to the Detroit Hous-
ing Board and the City Council. They
distributed highly inflammatory hand-
bills in nearby neighborhoods, prophe-
sying disorder, violence, rape, and
mayhem as the inevitable results of
bringing in Negro families. They
journeyed to Washington and secured
the cooperation of their Congressman
in bringing pressure upon the Fed-
eral Housing Authority to have the
proposed nature of occupancy of the
project changed. There was official
vacillation. At one point it is reported
that assurance was given that the
houses would be re-designated and as-
signed for white workers and their
families; but the counter-pressure
from Negro organizations, and the
courageous stand of a high Washing-
ton war "housing official, caused the
project finally to be awarded to Ne-
groes.

The housing project was declared
ready for occupancy in February, 1942;
and eligible tenants were notified that
they might move in on February 28.
Sometime after midnight of February
27, a band of white pickets, recruited
as a result of the activities of the

232

ALABAMA DRYDOCK AND INDUSTRIAL RIOT

233

Seven-Mile-Fenelon Improvement Asso-
ciation and the National Workers
League, began forming around the
project. By the time the first vanload
of household goods arrived to be
moved into an apartment, an estimated
200 pickets, armed principally with
clubs and baseball bats, were on hand.
The movers were ordered not to enter
the project by the pickets. A large
number of police were on hand by this
time also; but they were not success-
ful in protecting the families as they
attempted to move in.

A few minutes after the first un-
successful effort to move into the proj-
ect, a truck carrying about fifteen Ne-
groes, said to have also been armed
with clubs, arrived on the scene. These
men were quickly set upon by the
pickets. During the ensuing melee, it
was quite evident that the police had
joined in, not as peacemakers, but as
partisans of those who were seeking to
impede the entrance of duly certified
tenants upon United States Government
property. It was painfully obvious to
observers that, while the police — and
back of them, the City Administration
— had made no effort to disperse the
clearly unpeaceable assembly of 200
white pickets, and while no positive
steps had been taken to assist the
legitimate tenants in moving in or to
restrain their attackers, the first re-
taliatory move by the tenants and
their friends were taken as an occa-
sion for attack.

The Negro families did not move
into the apartments on February 28,
as scheduled. It was several weeks
later before officials felt that the move
could safely be made.

By April, following an investigation
by the Department of Justice, Parker
Sage, President, and Garland L. Acker-
man, Secretary-Treasurer, of the Na-
tional Workers League, were indicted
on charges of conspiracy. The men
did not come to trial on the charges;
however, it was an open secret that the
NWL was an incipient fascist organiza-
tion.

The Sojourner Truth clash demon-
strated that there was a pressing need
for training of Detroit police in the
handling of conflict situations. There
was shown an especial need for educat-
ing the police with regard to race re-
lations. There was little or no evi-
dence during the major riot sixteen
months later that this need had been
met in the meantime.

THE ALABAMA DRYDOCK AND

SHIPBUILDING COMPANY (ADSCO)

INDUSTRIAL RIOT

The spring and summer of 1943 was
one of the most critical periods in the
battle of production of World War II.
There was a severe manpower shortage
throughout the country, a shortage
rendered more acute by widespread
practice of racial discrimination in
employment, promotion and upgrading.
The shipbuilding industry of the Gulf
Coast was especially pressed by the
shortage of skilled workers and had
been among the industries within
which very definite occupational ceil-
ings were placed upon Negro workers.
Thousands of white workers had been
brought into the Mobile, Alabama area
— workers for whom existing and ex-
tended facilities for housing, health,
recreation and transportation were far
from adequate. These thousands of
white war workers were imported at
a time when a large reservoir of Ne-
gro workers was either employed on
less urgent jobs or under-utilized as
unskilled laborers or service employees
in the shipyards.

Under the triple pressure of a strin-
gent labor market, a reconstituted
President's Committee on Fair Em-
ployment Practices and the Union of
Marine Shipbuilders (CIO), the Ala-
bama Drydock and Shipbuilding Com-
pany (ADSCO), suddenly promoted a
small group of Negroes to posts as
welders in late May, 1943. As soon as
the news of the upgrading of Negroes
became known around the yard there
were manifestations of resentment on
the part of white workers. At a change
of shifts on May 25, mobs of white
workers began surrounding Negroes
and beating them. The most active
phase of the rioting lasted for several
hours, during which time Negro work-
ers were beaten indiscriminately and
chased from the yard. The rioting was
quelled only when all Negro .personnel
were ordered from the yard pending
settlement of the dispute.

The exact number of persons in-
jured in this frenzy of mob action is
not known. There were rumors and
counter-rumors among Negro and
white groups, but most of these re-
mained unsubstantiated. This much is
known: The violence had more the
nature of an organized mob attack than
a race riot. Official reports listed eight

234

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

Negroes and one white person as in-
jured.

The ADSCO mob action was a signal
for ameliorative activity on the part
of government agencies, labor and
management. The cooperative efforts
of the War Manpower Commission, the
Maritime Commission, the President's
Committee on Fair Employment Prac-
tice, ADSCO, and the CIO Union re-
sulted in an agreement whereby a
segregated shipway was set aside — and
subsequently others — in which Negroes
were permitted to advance to as highly
skilled positions as were available
within a given way. White persons
would only remain on these ways, ac-
cording to the agreement, until such
time as Negro workers were trained to
take their places. This agreement was
met by a mixed reaction among Ne-
groes. While some hailed it as assur-
ing Negroes an opportunity to enjoy
fuller utilization of their potential
skills, others were equally sure that
it would result in placing a severe
limitation upon the highly skilled jobs
available to Negroes in the yard. At
least one union spokesman has claimed
that the actual result of the segregated
arrangement was some break in the
pattern of segregation in the yard ; for,
according to this person, as skilled
workers were needed from one way to
another, there was little disposition to
restrict Negroes to "their" ways.1

THE BEAUMONT, TEXAS RIOT

From 1940 to June, 1943, the popula-
tion of Beaumont, Texas increased by
nearly a third — from 59,061 to an esti-
mated 77,000 persons. It possessed the
housing, recreational, and other civic
problems generally characteristic of
war-swollen communities. Its ship-
building, rubber, and oil industries
employed a significant proportion of
Negroes, but generally restricted them
to unskilled jobs. Beaumont boasted
of its "good race relations," having had
no major racial incident in over 25
years.

The Cause of the Riot

On June 9, a white woman — mother
of three children, claimed that she had
been raped by a Negro to whom she
had given food and an odd job cutting
her lawn. Several suspects were ar-
rested, but the woman could not iden-

aPersonal interview with the writer, Au-
gust, 1945.

tify her alleged assailant. Moreover,
her story contained numerous contra-
dictions. When the children were ques-
tioned by police, for example, it is re-
ported that they said they had seen no
man around all day.

Soon after the woman's charge be-
came known and when it was rumored
that a Negro suspect had been ar-
rested, a mob of white men appeared
at the jail and demanded the man in
order that they might lynch him. The
officer in charge of the jail stated that
he was holding no prisoner in connec-
tion with the rape charge and is re-
ported to have invited a committee
from the mob to come in and investi-
gate. The committee found no Negroes
in the jail. They were already greatly
agitated, however and were apparently
encouraged by the deferential treat-
ment accorded the group by the jail
official.

Not satisfied with finding that no
Negro was then under arrest for the
alleged crime, the mob left the jail and
turned toward the Negro business sec-
tion. On arriving in this section the
mob engaged in an orgy of violence
and vandalism that lasted for several
hours. Negroes were attacked both in
this section and in other parts of the
town's business area. Business houses
were wrecked and looted. Texas
Rangers (State Police) were ordered
to the scene and martial law envoked
before the rioting was brought under
control.

During the course of the rioting
most Negro citizens remained in their
homes whence they had fled. There
were no reports of organized or in-
dividual resistance. Indeed, the riot
came as a complete surprise to Beau-
mont's Negroes.

More than seventy-five Negroes were
injured — two fatally during the riot.
Several hundred thousand dollars
worth of property was destroyed by
breakage, looting, and fire. War in-
dustries were at a virtual standstill
for several days.

The Police

The local police were noted largely
for their ineffectiveness during the
rioting. There were no reports of ac-
tive participation of uniformed police-
men in the rioting as in the Sojourner
Truth clash. On the other hand, the
jail official's gesture of inviting the
mob to investigate whether or not a

THE BEAUMONT, TEXAS RIOT

235

Negro was being held is cited as an
act of official recognition of the mob
and as one which certainly did not
serve to dissuade its members from
acts of violence and vandalism.

One of the two Negro policemen in
town — then on duty in the area — is
reported to have called headquarters
when he saw the mob coming, asking
whether he was going to be sent any
assistance. The reply he received was
definitely a negative one; and the of-
ficer took the only safe alternative
open to him and sought cover along
with other Negroes in the area.2

The arrival of the Texas Rangers,
backed by the State Attorney Gen-
eral's strong condemnation of mob
violence, changed the nature of law
enforcement. One of the first and most
decisive acts of the Rangers was that
of dispersing a mob by indicating that
the officers were prepared to back their
order with force if necessary. The
Saturday evening following the riot
Negroes in Beaumont took hope from
the account of a Ranger who "roughed
up and locked up" a white man whom
he had seen slap a Negro woman.
These State police are generally con-
ceded to have brought the rioting un-
der control and to have prevented
further bloodshed and damage to prop-
erty of Negroes.

Who Rioted

The participants in the riot were
reported to have been largely adoles-
cents and young adults. There was a
general tendency on the part of old
residents in Beaumont, Negro and
v/hite — to attribute the rioting to new-
comers, men who had recently mi-
grated from the surrounding country-
side seeking jobs in Beaumont's ex-
panded war industries. It was pointed
out that there had been a relatively
long history of peaceful race relations
in the city. Moreover, there were sev-
eral old residential areas in which
Negroes and whites live side by side;
in none of these had there been any
rioting.3 As motivation for the action
taken by the white mobs, older resi-
dents argued that the newcomers suf-
fered by comparison with the substan-
tial segment of the local Negro popu-
lation of comfortable economic status

"Special report by field investigator from
Fisk University, Social Science Institute.
3This same lack of conflict in mixed resi-
dential areas was noted in Detroit.

and were therefore envious of their
relatively prosperous business section
and beautiful homes. This argument
was extended to include a report that
the riot had been planned to come on
"Juneteenth" (June 19) — day when
Texas Negroes celebrate emancipation
from slavery. The alleged rape inci-
dent had precipitated it earlier than
had been anticipated.4

Reaction to the Riot

The prevailing reaction to the riot-
ing among Beaumont's more thought-
ful white citizens was one of shame
and a desire to do something to com-
pensate for the damage done to prop-
erty and civic morale. Within a week
of the rioting an all-white fact find-
ing committee began an evaluation of
property damage done and announced
that a financial drive would be made
among white persons for restitution
funds to compensate partially for the
results of vandalism. The City Man-
ager and other officials called a con-
ference with several prominent Negro
citizens. The purpose of this confer-
ence was reported as having been two-
fold: On the one hand, there was an
effort to re-assure representative Ne-
groes that more substantial white per-
sons did not condone the mob action.
On the other hand, there was an effort
to discover whether or not Negroes
were planning reprisals.

Among Beaumont's Negroes the re-
action to the riot was a mixture of
surprised confusion, bitterness, resent-
ment, and flight. Apparently the vio-
lence had taken them completely by
surprise. They knew that relations be-
tween whites and Negroes in Beau-
mont had been getting worse and
worse during the war period,5 but had
not anticipated an overt and large-
scale violence. A month after the riot
there was a report current that Ne-
groes were leaving town in such large
numbers that local railroad ticket
agents had stopped selling tickets to
persons of color.

4In Houston there was also a rumor to
the effect that there would be a June-
teenth riot.

5Two weeks prior to the riot, a Negro
had been fatally wounded by police who
were arresting him on a rape charge. It
later developed that the alleged rapist
had been consorting with the purported
victim for some time and that the charge
came in revenge for a lover's quarrel.

236

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

THE LOS ANGELES "ZOOT SUIT"
RIOTS

The Cause of the Riot

The rioting of white men of the
United States Army and Navy in Los
Angeles, California during the week-
end of June 3, 1943 was generally de-
scribed in the press in some such
terms as, "the avenging of their bud-
dies by soldiers and sailors." The
popular version of the affair was to
the effect that teen-age boys, attired
in zoot suits — an extreme style cur-
rent among certain groups of Negro,
Latin-American, Halo-American, and
other adolescent boys — were formed
into gangs and were attacking soldiers
and sailors. This version placed the
military personnel in the position of
striking in self-defense or in retalia-
tion for wrongs done to their com-
rades-in-arms.

According to Carey McWilliams, the
first incident of the riot, on the eve-
ning of June 3, happened in the fol-
lowing manner:

Members of the Alpine Club — made up
of youngsters of Mexican descent — held
a meeting at a police station ... at
the invitation of an officer. . . . With
a police officer present, they met to
discuss their problems, foremost of
which, at this meeting1,' was the urgent
problem of how best to preserve peace
in their locality. At the conclusion of
the meeting, they were taken in squad
cars to the street corner nearest the
neighborhood in which most of the boys
lived. The squad cars were scarcely
out of sight when the boys were as-
saulted.8

From the first incident, mobs of
servicemen ranged freely through pre-
dominantly Mexican neighborhoods
from June 3 through June 7. At one
point, a mob of more than a thousand
soldiers and sailors — with some civi-
lians interspersed — set out to find all
"zoot suiters" in the downtown area.
According to McWilliams:

The mob pushed its way into every im-
portant down-town motion picture the-
atre, ranged up and down the aisles,
and grabbed Mexicans out of their
seats. Mexicans and a few Negroes
were taken into the streets, beaten,
kicked around, their clothing torn.
Mobs ranged the length of Main Street
in down-town Los Angeles (a distance
of some ten or twelve blocks), got as
far into the Negro section as Twelfth
and Central (just on the edge of the
district), and then turned back through
the Mexican sections on the east side.
Zoot-suiters, so-called, were attacked

6"Zoot Suit Riots" New Republic, June
21, 1943, pp. 818-820.

in the streets, in the theatres, in the
bars; streetcars were stopped and
searched for Mexicans; and boys as
young as twelve or thirteen years of
age were beaten. Perhaps not more
than half the victims were wearing
zoot suits.7

The Background

The ground for the assault of June
3 and the series of assaults that fol-
lowed during the next few days was
cultivated most assiduously during the
preceding months by a significant seg-
ment of the Los Angeles press. The
"crime wave" technique, described so
clearly by Lincoln Steffens in his Au-
tobiography was used repeatedly. Al-
most every crime, of whatever magni-
tude, involving adolescents of Mexican
or Negro descent, was described and
embellished over a period of a year
preceding the outbreaks. Stories con-
cerning such crimes usually managed
to describe the malefactor as wearing
a "zoot suit"; so that the extreme dress
of the underprivileged youth of the
city became synonymous with crim-
inality in the minds of many Los An-
geles readers.

Immediately responsibility for the out-
break of the riots must be placed upon
the Los Angeles press and the Los An-
geles police. For more than a year
. . . the press (and particularly the
Hearst press) fhad] been building up
anti-Mexican sentiment in Los Angeles.
Using the formula of the familiar Har-
lem "crime wave" technique, the press
. . . headlined every case in which a
Mexican has been arrested, featured
photographs of Mexicans dressed in
"zoot suits," checked back over the
criminal records to "prove" that there
had been an increase in Mexican crime,
and constantly needled the police to
make more arrests.8

Other disinterested students of the
Los Angeles scene agree with the an-
alysis of the basic underlying factors
in the riot as suggested in the fore-
going quotation. From whatever mo-
tives, the press of the city had seized
upon exploiting the possibilities for
sensationalism (and circulation-build-
ing) involved in painting a relatively
defenseless group as "hoodlums,"
"young gangsters," "dagger wielders,"
and homicidal irresponsibles. They
had also manipulated the widespread
suspicions and superstitions abroad
concerning an excluded, "strange and
foreign" minority.

At the time of the first incident,

7Loc. Cit.
8McWilliams, Loc. Cit.

THE DETROIT RIOT

237

there were rumors abroad to the effect
that boys' gangs in "zoot suits" had
beaten many servicemen and (accord-
ing to some rumors) raped their girl
companions. It is not unlikely that
there were isolated instances 'of youth
gangs beating servicemen; but most
of the rumors appeared to have been
without foundation.

Police Activity

The police in Los Angeles were noted
during the riot for their failure to do
anything to stop the course of the
mobs' actions. In some instances mobs
were sighted in which policemen were
in the vanguard, making way for the
rioters. In other instances, policemen
stood quietly by while Mexicans and
Negroes were beaten unmercifully.

Reaction

During the course of the rioting in
Los Angeles, the predominant senti-
ment in the city and in the country-at-
large seemed to have been against the
youth who were generally considered
an exaggerated example of the juvenile
delinquency which had become such
a conscious social problem during the
war. The City Council, with consum-
mate misunderstanding of the deeper
social issues involved passed an ordi-
nance outlawing the wearing of zoot
suits. As the real significance of the
riot — and its true nature — became
known, there was alarm lest it should
weaken our Latin-American good-
neighborly relations. The incident pro-
voked protests from the Mexican Con-
sul in California, and aroused sym-
pathy from persons throughout the
country.

THE DETROIT RIOT

The largest and most sanguinary
riot of the war period occurred in
Detroit during the week of June 20,
1943. Thirty-four persons were killed
and there were 461 injuries officially
recorded.9 Over a million man hours
of war production were lost in the
"Arsenal of the Arsenal of Democ-
racy," resulting in a six per cent re-
duction in factory operations for the
week. Looting and vandalism' resulted
in losses exceeding $2,000,000; and the
Federal Government spent at least
$100,000 per day during the period of
occupation by the Army.10

9Fact Finding Committee Report (Report
of Prosecutor William E. Dowling).
10Lee, Alfred M. and Humphrey Norman,
Race Riot, (New York, 1943), pp. 86-87.

The Detroit riot was the one ideal-
type race riot reported in that there
were acts of overt violence committed
by mobs of whites and mobs of Ne-
groes. Moreover, it was the one in-
stance in which the riot occurred in a
city in which such an incident had
been seriously predicted. Since the So-
journer Truth housing riot the prover-
bial "man-in-the-street" had been ex-
pecting a large-scale clash. Earl Brown
had predicted serious racial trouble in
a Life article titled "Detroit Is Dyna-
mite" (Aug. 17, 1942). A report pre-
pared by the Office of Facts and Figures
for the White House during the spring
of 1942 (but not released until June
28, 1943, a week following the riot)
had also warned that the Motor City
was ripe for a race riot.

The Background

Detroit had experienced an unprece-
dented growth in population in re-
sponse to the need for workers in the
rapidly expanding defense and war in-
dustries. Housing facilities for accom-
modating the larger population were
generally inadequate; and housing
available to the expanded Negro popu-
lation was indescribably overcrowded,
congested, and unyielding in its
boundaries. Almost every move either
to expand the boundaries of existing
Negro areas or to build for Negroes in
uninhabited sections was met with
stern and sometimes violent opposi-
tion from realty interests and so-
called "improvement associations."
The idea of building non-segregated
public housing for use by war workers
was not even open for serious discus-
sion. Housing in Detroit during 1942
and 1943 was a source of constant race
tension.

The drive for the full utilization of
human resources in the face of a tight
labor market had met with only par-
tial success as it related to minority
group workers. The promotion and
upgrading of Negro men at such plants
as the Hudson Arsenal and Packard
Motors had been met with "hate
strikes" by white fellow-workers. Ne-
gro women were receiving only token
employment as production workers in
1943 Detroit. Racial tension was
heightened by the conflict between the
determination of Negroes to secure em-
ployment, on the one hand, and the
resistance raised by many employers
and a vocal minority of white workers.

238

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

The Cause of the Riot

The precipitating incidents of the
Detroit riot occurred in crowded Belle
Isle Recreational Park on a hot June
Sunday. Several personal and group
encounters between Negroes and
whites were reported during the day.
The incidents in themselves were of
relatively little importance; however,
each seemed to have been magnified
and distorted by rumor. Among Ne-
groes a rumor circulated to the effect
that a white man had thrown a Negro
woman and her baby from Belle Isle
Bridge into the river. Among whites
there was a story, that a Negro man
had shot a white woman on the bridge.
In the prevailing climate of racial un-
rest these and other rumors were
passed along quickly and accepted
eagerly.

The Course of the Riot

The first reported mob violence was
committed by white sailors stationed
near the park who posted themselves
on the bridge leading from the island
and began a systematic attack of Ne-
groes returning to the city. These
sailors were soon joined by civilians,
while policemen stood by casually ob-
serving the scene. Rioting in the Ne-
gro area is said to have been set off
by an announcement of the mother-
baby drowning rumor — as a fact — over
the public address system in a Negro
dance hall.11

There were two days of active riot-
ing during which mobs of white men
and boys — one estimated at 10,000 —
roamed Woodward Avenue and other
main arteries of Detroit, beating Ne-
groes, stoning them, and upsetting
their autos. During this same period
mobs of Negroes stalked through Para-
dise Valley (Detroit's main Negro
business area) beating white persons,
upsetting their autos, and looting busi-
nesses operated by white persons in
the "Valley."

The active mobs among Negroes and
whites were characterized by the
youthfulness of their members. Sev-
eral newspaper pictures showed gangs
of adolescent boys — sometimes drilling
in military fashion — closing in on the

"Dowling Report,

prey.12 Figures on arrests of riot par-
ticipants do not wholly bear out the
notion that rioters were mainly young
boys; the average age of participants
among Negroes and whites was higher
than observers of the riot were led to
believe. However, Lee and Humphrey13
point out that the younger men were
undoubtedly more fleet of foot and
hence were able to escape apprehen-
sion by the police.

The looting which* occurred in the
white operated businesses of Paradise
Valley is reported to have been en-
gaged in by Negro persons of both
sexes and nearly all ages. This ac-
tivity appears to have been as much
by nature of vengeance for the long-
felt wrongs of the white community
as an effort to steal food and clothing.

Other Causes Mentioned

At the time of the riot there were
many allegations on both sides to the
effect that the disturbance was due
to the activities of enemy agents.
There seems to be little actual evidence
that this was true. There were some
Negro Nationalists who were believed
to have been in the employ of enemy
governments; but it appears that their
fulminations were taken seriously by
no one. The direct action of enemy
agents among white participants has
not been substantiated.

From the very beginning there was
a tendency on the part of Detroit law
enforcement officials to place blame for
the riot upon Negroes and to attribute
the instigation of the affair to the Ne-
gro Press and the National Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Colored
People. At a meeting of Mayor Jeffries'
Peace Board Wayne County Prosecutor
— Dowling is reported to have said
that the NAACP officers "were the big-
gest instigators of the race riot. If
a Grand Jury were called, they would
be the first to be indicted14." Police
Commissioner John Witherspoon said,
"when the NAACP forwarded un-
checked claims [of improper conduct
of police] to the [Police] department,
it had a tendency to encourage rather

"Photographs were taken only in sec-
tions where white mobs were dominant.
White photographers would have bee'n
unsafe in Negro neighborhoods. Several
instances were reported of Negro news-
men who had their cameras smashed or
films exposed by the police.
130p. Git.
"Lee and Humphrey, Op. Git., pp. 65-66.

THE DETROIT RIOT

239

than discourage improper conduct on
the part of Negroes."15 Mr. Wither-
spoon also suggested, "If you want to
do something constructive in this sit-
uation you might try to control the
Negro Press."

Objective students of the situation
realize, of course, that, despite iso-
lated instances of abuse, the Negro
Press simply verbalizes the legitimate
grievances of Negroes. S. I. Hiyakawa,
in a lecture during the Second Insti-
tute of Race Relations at Fisk Uni-
versity in 1945, voiced an opinion ex-
pressed by many other persons to the
effect that minority newspapers often
serve as a mass psychological catharsis
by "talking out," i. e. verbalizing,
sentiments which the masses of minor-
ity group members feel. Insofar as
they serve this purpose, Negro news-
papers help their readers "let off
steam," and, hence, act as a deterrent
rather than a stimulus to mob action.
In any case, there was no accusation
either by Bowling or by Witherspoon
that Negro newspapers had dissemi-
nated malicious rumors or false state-
ments. The complaint was rather that
Negro organizations and newspapers
had led Negro peop'e to demand "full
equality."

There is little doubt that the war
and the emphasis of our national lead-
ers upon the dignity of man and the
essential evil of fascism, with the lat-
ter's doctrine of racial superiority, af-
fected Negro people profoundly, in De-
troit and elsewhere. In fact, Detroit
Negroes, engaged as many of them
were in production of basic war ma-
teriel, felt in a real sense that they
were building the "World of the Four
Freedoms." They, therefore, had a real
psychological need for taking war-time
slogans and symbols very seriously.

In contrast to the promise of the
Four Freedoms and the Atlantic Char-
ter stood the "iron ring" of racially
restrictive real estate covenants which
limited Detroit's rapidly expanded Ne-
gro population to virtually unyielding
boundaries. The housing situation in
Detroit was indescribably bad for the
population as a whole; for Negroes an
already intolerable situation had been
compounded. Some indication of the
housing condition may be seen by the
following: In June, 1944 — eleven
months after the riot — the United
States Bureau of the Census found that

15Ibid, p. 66.

seventeen and six-tenths per cent of
all Negroes in Detroit were living in
private households but were not rela-
tives of the head of the households
in which they were living. Among
whites only one and nine-tenths per
cent of the people lived in private
households in which they were unre-
lated to the head by blood or mar-
riage.16 In other words, proportionately
about nine times as many Negroes as
whites in Detroit found it necessary
to "double up" with private families.

Despite this condition every effort
of Negroes to secure adequate housing
seemed to be frustrated. The So-
journer Truth housing riot of 1942
attested eloquently to the stringency
of the housing market for Negroes.
At the time of the 1943 riot dwelling
units were standing unoccupied in war
housing projects in Detroit's suburbs
because they were unacceptab'e to
eligible white workers and unavailable
to similarly situated Negroes.

A disproportionately poor share in
Detroit's inadequate housing is but an
example. Employment discrimination
in an era of full employment has
been mentioned earlier. Lee and Hum-
phrey" have noted that many Detroit
Negroes felt very strongly concerning
the reports of the mistreatment and
humiliation of Negro servicemen in
Southern States.

Lee and Humphrey summarize the
prevailing racial attitudes in Detroit
in the following statement:
"The war inevitably improved the finan-
cial lot of the Negro. Not only did his
spiritual allegiance become necessary
to the total war effort; his labor be-
came an essential part of the man-
power pool, and he is being rewarded
more adequately than ever before in
his experience.

"This sudden gain in status, which vio-
lates one of the underlying prejudices
of millions of Americans, evokes a
powerful reaction. This reaction ex-
presses itself in innumerable small and
large actions on the part of sizable
backward sections of the white popula-
tion that resent the violation but find
themselves unable to satisfy this re-
sentment through socially acceptable
acts. These white elements, therefore,
are conditioned to react far more sensi-
bly than before the change in the
status of the Negro. . . . The Negro,
in turn, conscious of his improved sit-
uation, no longer accepts discourtesies,
incivilities, and bolder provocations
from white elements without fairly ag-

16Population, Detroit-Willow Run Con-
gested Production Area, June, 1944, p. 22.
"Op. Cit.

240

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

gressive protest or retaliation. . .
He is aware of his improved education
and of his increased political power.
And the inevitable consequence is an
enormous multiplication in surface con-
flicts (as expressed in racial frictions)
as well as a deepening antagonism be-
tween backward18 white elements and
the Negroes with whom they come in
contact."

The Police and City Officials

The behavior of the Detroit police
during the week of June 20, 1943, came
in for severe criticism from almost
every person who has commented on
the situation except Detroit's city of-
ficials. As in the Sojourner Truth Riot,
the police were clearly acting as if they
were quelling a rebellion in the Negro
community rather than serving as the
disinterested and impartial represen-
tatives of law and order. There was
general agreement among observers
that Negro rioters were handled much
more severely by police than were
white rioters. Life (July 5, 1943)
noted, "throughout the riot the De-
troit police were tougher on Negroes
than whites. They used tear gas and
(sometimes) nightsticks on white
mobs, tommy guns and pistols on Ne-
groes." Nearly seventy-five per cent
of the 1,883 persons arrested in con-
nection with the riot were Negroes.
Police are known to have killed fifteen
Negroes — twelve for "looting" and
three "after they had shot police."
They killed no white rioters. Police
were strongly criticized for their fail-
ure to deal more effectively with the
Woodward Avenue mob of white per-
sons, a mob which operated through-
out the day. One of the most famous
documents of the riot was a news-
picture which showed a white man
slapping a Negro while the latter was
held by two policemen.

There were many reasons for the
ineffectiveness and partiality of the
Detroit police. First and foremost
among these, perhaps, was the fact
that they had been given little or no
special training either for dealing with
an instance of overt racial conflict or
for understanding and working with
minority groups. Even after the clear
demonstration of need of such train-
ing during the Sojourner Truth af-
fairs, there is no evidence that any-
thing was actually done about it.

The Police Department was under-
staffed. According to the Fact Finding
Report, the Department was 280 men

18Op. Cit., pp. 9-10.

short of personnel provided for in its
Departmental budget. This shortage
existed in the face of an unprece-
dentedly rapid growth in the city's
population and rapidly rising racial
and industrial tensions. This shortage
of police reflected, in part, the fact
that civil service salaries for police
had not kept pace with factory earn-
ings in the Detroit area. Under such
circumstances one would expect that it
was not easy to recruit to the force
men of the calibre needed to manage a
major civil disturbance.

To the lack of special training of
law enforcement officers and the de-
pletion of their ranks must also be
added the fact that considerable an-
tagonism existed between a large seg-
ment of the Negro community and De-
troit's police. Negro agencies were
hearing reports of increasing instances
of police brutality toward Negroes.
Commissioner Witherspoon had recent-
ly enunciated a "get tough on young
Negroes" policy. This served to in-
crease the distrust in which Negroes
held the police.

It seems entirely likely that much
of the mismanagement of the riot on
the part of police can be traced to the
failure of higher city officials, i.e., the
Mayor, Commissioner of Police, and
others, to understand the nature of
the riot. From early Monday morn-
ing until late Monday evening it ap-
pears that the affair was handled as
a wholly Negro riot,19 a Negro rebel-
lion. The police were therefore un-
prepared to cope with the mobs that
gathered on Woodward Avenue.

Even with good training of police,
a fully budgetary force, and mutual
confidence between the police and the
Negro community, it is doubtful that
the local law enforcement officials
would have been equal to the task of
quelling Detroit's riot in a minimum
time and with minimum bloodshed.
At noon on June 21, the Mayor, along
with the Commissioner of Police, met
with responsible Negro and white citi-
zens at the Lucy Thurman YWCA.
Negro spokesmen urged the Mayor to
call in Federal troops; but Mayor
Jeffries stated that he felt local au-
thorities could handle the situation
and that calling in troops would be
"a reflection upon the fair name of
the city."20 (The Mayor later claimed

19Lee and Humphrey, Op. cit., p. 77.
20Special Report to the Fisk Social Science
Institute.

THE DETROIT RIOT

241

that the delay in calling troops re-
sulted from a misunderstanding of
Army procedure.)

After several false starts, Mayor
Jeffries did manage to call Federal
troops into the situation through a
proclamation from President Roose-
velt. This was done on Monday eve-
ning; and serious rioting ceased al-
most immediately with the soldiers'
entry into the city. There were no
recorded instances of abuse of power
by the military. Although many of
the youth in battle dress must have
had prejudices as strong as those of
youth in civilian dress who partici-
pated in the worst of the rioting, they
were well-disciplined soldiers who car-
ried off their peace-preserving roles
with honor and distinction.

The Cost

It would be impossible to estimate
the cost of the Detroit riot in terms
of human energy, national shame, or
loss of international prestige. Even the
costs which can be estimated are tre-
mendous:

Thirty-four persons were killed — twen-
ty-five Negroes, nine whites.
Four hundred and sixty-one persons
were treated at Receiving Hospital. Of
this number, 250 were white and 211
colored. City officials seized upon these
figures to show that Negroes were most
aggressive. It is known, however, that
many if not most injured Negroes did
not dare venture out of the immediate
Negro community.

War production lagged from 20 to 50
per cent in war plants the day follow-
ing the riot. By the second day after
the riot, war production had climbed to
85 per cent of normal.
Detroit Edison's indices for industrial
electricity consumption showed a six
per cent drop in factory operations
during the week of the riot. The De-
troit Street Railway volume of traffic
decreased by 17 per cent during the
week.

Forty-three automobiles were totally
destroyed during the rioting.
More than 400 places of business were
seriously damaged by vandalism and
looting — mainly white operated busi-
nesses in the Negro area.
For a brief period — because of the ces-
sation of cab and delivery service into
the Negro area — there was a serious
food shortage in the Paradise Valley
section.21

Who Got Along During the Riot?

The Detroit Riot was not a clear in-
stance of all white persons pitted
against all Negroes in a mortal strug-
gle. There were many instances of

"Special Report to Fisk Social Science
Institute.

heroic individuals — Negro and white —
who risked their comfort and occa-
sionally their lives in an effort to save
a potential riot victim from a mob.
White street car passengers are said to
have hidden Negroes under the seats
to get them away from white mobs.
Similar instances were recorded of
Negroes who protected white persons,
and sometimes white-owned property.
These instances of individual hero-
ism are important; however, they
might be dismissed by some persons
as "exceptional." Sociologically, it is
more important that there were uni-
formities of group behavior contrary
to the general rule. On the whole,
there was no rioting where Negro and
white persons were accustomed to
working together or living together.
Some of the instances follow:

1. There were no reports of violence
within factories where Negro and
white workers labored side-by-side
on war contracts.

2. A biracial group of men, all mem-
bers of Franklin Settlement, formu-
lated and circulated through an
eight-block area an appeal for "de-
mocracy, reason, and cooperation 'on
the home-front ... to protect our
boys who are now giving their lives
for this cause."

3. Negro and white high school stu-
dents witnessed a baseball game
during the height of the riot with-
out incident.22

4. No Negroes and whites who lived
together as close neighbors showed
any tendency to fight.

5. Negro and white students attended
classes together at Wayne University
throughout Bloody Monday "with no
indications whatsoever of conflict."23

The Reaction

Detroit itself was apparently dazed
and ashamed as a result of the riot.
There was much name-calling and
blaming back and forth. The City Ad-
ministration, as has been noted earlier,
was much on the defensive and sought
to place the total blame for the riot
on the Negro community. Many
thought that they saw the fine hand of
enemy agents. The Mayor organized a
Peace Board, bi-racial in character;
and various groups proposed ameliora-
tive and long-range steps to be taken
in an effort to bind up the wounds of
the community. Foremost among the
suggestions coming to the Board were
those of the United Automobile Work-

^Letter from Raymond Hatcher, Group

Work Secretary, Detroit Urban League,

published in Detroit Free Press, July 5,

1943.

23Lee and Humphrey, op. cit., p. 17.

242

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

ers— <3IO, the NAACP, and the Michi-
gan Council of Churches. All of these
agencies recommended going to the
root of the problem in terms of better
housing, better-trained police, inter-
cultural education, and other methods
of facilitating communication and un-
derstanding among Detroit's citizens.

In addition to suggestions for con-
structive community action and social
planning, there was the understandable
desire to place the blame for the riot
on some person, group, set of condi-
tions, or governmental agency. Negro
groups demanded a Grand Jury in-
vestigation. In this they were joined
by the UAW-CIO. When Prosecutor
Dowling presented his "Fact-Finding
Report," placing virtually all of the
responsibility for the affair upon the
shoulders of Negro leaders and the
Negro press, these demands were re-
enforced. The very real opposition of
the Commissioner of Police, the Mayor
and the County Prosecutor to a Grand
Jury hearing was in itself additional
evidence to many Negroes and trade
unionists that a Grand Jury investiga-
tion was needed.

There was one point of unanimity
as to proposed investigations. The City
Administration on the one hand and
the NAACP on the other, were most
strong in their opinion that Martin
Dies should not bring his Committee
on un-American Activities to Detroit
to seek out the "subversive" elements
in the riot.

Much sustained democratic action in
Detroit can be traced to efforts to
ameliorate the riot. The Michigan
Council of Churches initiated a three-
year Fellowship Program which
reached Protestant churches through-
out the State of Michigan. The United
Auto Workers sought actively to im-
plement their policy of non-discrimi-
nation through the UAW-CIO Fair
Practice Committee. The Board of Ed-
ucation has broadened and intensified
its program of intercultural education
for teachers and students alike.

At the national level, the reaction
to the riot was as varied as in Detroit.
Every interest represented in the Mo-
tor City had its prototype in the Na-
tion at large. There was the same
effort to place blame and to give ad-
vice.24 In addition, there was the ur-
"For an analysis of conflicting editorial
opinions regarding the riot, see A Month-
ly Summary of Events and Trends in
Race Relations, Vol. 1, Number 1, "One
Nation— Divisible."

gent necessity of keeping a similar in-
cident from occurring in other towns.
The rapid rise of citizens and govern-
mental committees and commissions
on race relations during World War
II, can be dated from the Detroit Riot.
Perhaps the establishment of these
committees helped to avert other riots.

THE HARLEM RIOT

The rioting in Harlem on August 1,
and 2, 1943, came within six weeks
of Detroit's conflagration. Although
the Mobile, Beaumont, Los Angeles,
and Detroit affairs had made the Na-
tion very conscious of race conflict, the
Harlem riot had not been expected or
predicted. The failure to predict a
riot in New York City's Harlem was
not because the factors which char-
acterized Detroit were absent. On the
contrary, there were poor housing,
residential segregation, employment
discrimination, and poor facilities for
common living. Yet, there was less
overt, primarily racial bitterness of
the kind seen in the Sojourner Truth
clashes, the inter-minority fights, and
the hate strikes of Detroit. On the
surface and at first glance, the Har-
lem rioting did not seem like a race
riot; but sober reflection seems to vali-
date Harold Orlansky's designation of
it as a revelation of "mass frustra-
tion."25

The Cause of the Riot

On Sunday evening, August 1, 1943,
James Collins, a policeman on duty in
a fifth-rate Harlem Hotel, attempted
to arrest a young Negro woman for
disorderly conduct. A Negro Military
Policeman, Robert Bandy, is alleged
to have interfered with the arrest and
to have taken the officer's nightstick
and struck the officer; whereupon the
officer drew his revolver and fired,
wounding Bandy slightly. The officer
was also wounded. Both were hos-
pitalized. A curious crowd of twenty
or so persons had gathered in the
hotel lobby. These followed as the
men were taken off to Sydenham Hos-
pital for emergency treatment. Bandy
was quoted (in PM for August 3, 1943)
by Assistant District Attorney Francis
Rivers as saying that he protested
when the officer "pushed" the girl be-
ing arrested, Margie Polite, and that
Collins threw his nightstick which
was caught by the soldier. Collins then

25The Harlem Riot: A Study in Mass
Frustration, Social Analysis, New York,
1943.

THE HARLEM RIOT

243

ordered Bandy to return the stick, ac-
cording to this version, and fired when
the M.P. hesitated.

The Course of the Riot

At the hospital the crowd was great-
ly augmented by additional curious
people; and considerable milling
about ensued. The story of the arrest
and altercation was greatly magnified
with the telling, in this atmosphere.
"A cop has shot a Negro soldier," was
the first emotion-laden but half-true
statement. In a little while the story
was changed to: "A white cop just
killed a Negro soldier." As this story
went the rounds, resentment mounted
and the crowd began to seek some
method of retaliation. As in the usual
crowd, there was no disposition to
question the truth of the rumor, or
yet to inquire into the situation that
had led to the shooting. To the crowd,
a Negro soldier had been killed by a
white policeman. By nine o'clock in
the evening, the crowd had swollen
to an estimated 3,000 persons.

The incident that is credited with
transforming a milling crowd into an
active mob was the throwing of a
bottle from a roof, an act which was
followed by the throwing of other
bottles. At this point, the crowd in
front of the hospital dispersed, but
re-assembled in smaller aggregations.
Some of the younger men and boys
formed gangs of fifty to a hundred
persons and surged up the main ar-
teries of Harlem, smashing shop win-
dows as they went.26

At first, the smashing of windows
appears to have been an end in itself.
Several windows had been broken and
a period of time had elapsed before
any systematic looting began. One
eye-witness referred to the looting as
"an afterthought." Once begun, how-
ever, the looting continued for hours
and with a vengeance. Food stores
were entered and all useful food — es-
pecially war-scarce sugar, meat and
coffee — taken. Liquor stores were com-
pletely "cleaned out." Furniture stores,
clothing stores, and all manner of
shops in the Harlem area were en-
tered and looted. Movable and useful
goods were taken. Bulky and unde-
sirable goods were often destroyed or
greatly damaged in a wild orgy of
vandalism. Although most looting was
clone by adolescents, the looters in-

2«lbid. p. 5.

eluded persons of both sexes and all
ages.

The vandalism and looting were defi-
nitely racial in character. Shops that
were known to be Negro-owned were
not usually damaged — especially if
someone had scrawled a "Colored"
sign on the window. Orlansky quotes
one Negro reporter as saying:

"Wherever somebody told the mob this
was a Negro place, they left it alone.
Sometimes a brick had been thrown
into the window before the word got
around, but that was as far as it went.
Despite the broken window, not a thing
was touched, not a box out of place."27
There were relatively few attacks on
white persons during the rioting. Oc-
casionally, a civilian was attacked;
but many white persons walked
through Harlem's streets unmolested.
The major violence against white per-
sons appears to have been directed
against policemen, partly because it
was they who sought to deter the
vandalism and looting of the mob and
partly because they were identified
with the person who was said to have
killed a Negro soldier. Virtually all of
the white persons injured in the dis-
orders were policemen. There were
fifty-three policemen officially re-
ported as injured.

Background of the Riot

In 1935, E. Franklin Frazier, who
had directed the activities of a com-
mission appointed by Mayor Fiorello
LaGuardia to inquire into the Harlem
riot of that year wrote:

"The explosion of March 19 could never
have been set off by the trifling inci-
dent (of the arrest of a boy for shop-
lifting) had not exciting economic and
social forces created a state of emo-
tional tension which sought release
upon the slightest provocation. As
long as the economic and social forces
which were responsible for that condi-
tion continue to operate, a state of
tension will exist in Harlem and re-
current outbreaks may occur."28
The Commission listed many "eco-
nomic and social forces" among which
were the following:

1. Discrimination against Negroes in
employment.

2. Overcrowding in housing and exces-
sive rents.

3. Dearth of facilities for schools, play-
grounds, and public health.

27Op. cit., p. 7.

28Report of Commission on Conditions in
Harlem. This report was never released
by the Mayor's office; but "leaked out"
to the New York Amsterdam-News and
other papers. The authenticity of the
report as published has been vouched for
by the author.

244

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-194G

4. Discrimination against Negro pro-
fessional persons in city Institutions.

5. Discrimination in such city services
as garbage collection and police pro-
tection.

6. Police brutality and abridgment of
civil rights by the police.

While some of the factors indicated
in Dr. Frazier's report had been some-
what ameliorated during the eight
year inter-riot period, most of them
had become considerably more acute as
a. result of wartime conditions. A
wider range of job opportunities was
open to Harlem residents in 1943 than
in 1935; but, the sting of discrimina-
tion was the more acutely felt because
of the large number of jobs open to
the public at large and the fact that
there was much discrimination in war
and non-war industries and business.
The housing problem had clearly be-
come more acute in Harlem. The slow
expansion of the community and the
extremely little new building scarcely
kept pace with the rate at which con-
demned buildings were razed in the
area; these certainly did not compen-
sate for the increase in the already
overcrowded population. Some new fa-
cilities for playgrounds and parks and
public health had been established;
but these were still woefully inade-
quate. Police brutality was probably
less widespread in 1943 than in 1935;
but there was still the problem of un-
equal policing and Harlem was still
regarded as "the policeman's (and the
teacher's) Siberia" to which he was
exiled for inefficiency or gaining the
displeasure of his superiors.

To the old grievances, most of which
had been aggravated, were added new
ones brought on by the war. Writing
in the New Republic for August 16,
1943, in an article titled "Behind the
Harlem Riot," Walter White, Secre-
tary of the National Association for
the Advancement of Colored People
and a Harlem resident said:

"Their acts [of destruction and loot-
ing] were criminal and unforgivable.
But let him who would criticize pause
long enough to put himself in the place
of the looters. Still barred from many
defense industries in the area because
of color, with dark memories of the
depression years when 70 per cent of
Harlem was on relief because Negroes
are hired last and there were not
enough jobs to go around for white
workers, hemmed in a ghetto where
they are forced to pay disproportionate-
ly high rents for rat and vermin in-
fested apartments the Bigger Thomases
of New York passed like a cloud of
locusts over Harlem."

Perhaps the greatest single, psycho-
logical factor in the making of the
Harlem riot was the resentment of
the status given Negro members of
the armed forces in war time. There
was great indignation in Negro Har-
lem at the segregation of Negro soldiers
and sailors and of the restriction of
these men and women to certain spe-
cial phases of the services. There was
a smoldering rancor at the treatment
meted out to Negro soldiers and sailors
in southern communities. Letters from
southern training camps and soldiers
on furlough brought word of humiliat-
ing and degrading incidents. Just a
few weeks prior to the Harlem out-
break, William H. Hastie (now Gover-
nor of the Virgin Islands) and Thur-
good Marshall (Special Counsel,
NAACP) had reported to the National
Lawyers Guild:

"Civilian violence against the Negro
in uniform is a recurrent phenomenon.
It continues unabated. It may well be
the greatest factor now operating to
make 13,000,000 Negroes bitter and re-
sentful and to undermine the fighting
spirit of three-quarters of a million
Negroes in arms. Yet, no effective steps
are being taken and no vigorous, con-
tinuing and comprehensive program of
action has been inaugurated by state
or federal authorities to stamp out this
evil. ... To address a Negro soldier
as "nigger" is such a commonplace in
the average Southern community that
little is said about it. But the mount-
ing rage of the soldier himself is far
from commonplace. He may not ex-
press his feelings when he must wait
until all the white passengers are ac-
commodated before he can get trans-
portation. He may even hold his
tongue when he is forced to get out of
the bus in which he is seated in order
to make room for white passengers.
But it is of such stuff that bitterness
and hatred are made. In such a cli-
mate resentments grow until they burst
forth in violent and unreasoning re-
prisal."29

The rumor that spread through Har-
lem like wild fire, i.e., "A white cop
has killed a Negro soldier," was laden
with great meaning to Negro Har-
lemites. The Negro soldier was per-
sonified in Robert Bandy. Patrolman
John Collins was transformed from
a person to the personification of white
suppression, white authority. Orlansky
wrote:

... "a Negro soldier has been shot by
a white policeman!" To white citizens
it means just that, but what a differ-
ence in the reaction of a Negro! His

29Quoted in White, Walter, "Behind the
Harlem Riot," New Republic, August 16,
1943.

THE HARLEM RIOT

245

skin Identifies him with the soldier, the
news comes as a personal insult, adding
to and aggravating a whole chain of
previous insults, so that, in effect, his
life has been threatened too. For the
Negro, insulting, shooting, and killing
become virtually synonymous. To sug-
gest, therefore, as did the Times, that
the rumor was the result of "lies de-
liberately spread" is ridiculous. Even
in its exaggerated form, rumor repre-
sents the psychological truth to those
who tell it."80

The Police and City Administration

Mayor LaGuardia and his adminis-
tration came in for much criticism
for failure to head the riot off. It was
felt by many that the catastrophe
might well have been avoided had the
Frazier report or more recent recom-
mendations of the City-Wide Citizens
Committee on Harlem been taken more
seriously and acted upon. On the other
hand, the actual handling of the riot
once it was underway, received much-
deserved praise from all quarters.
Seven thousand policemen were sent
into Harlem. They came, not in the
spirit of suppressing a rebellion as ap-
parently the Detroit police had de-
scended upon Paradise Valley, but in
the best tradition of "New York's
Finest."

The New York policemen had been
trained in handling emergency situa-
tions; and their training revealed it-
self in Harlem. Despite long hours of
duty and many provocations, the po-
licemen remained generally friendly,
jovial, and calm. They were reported to
have been slow to use violence in en-
forcing their orders. Perhaps even
more significant, many were observed
taking personal insults without seek-
ing to retaliate.

The activities of Mayor LaGuardia
himself were most re-assuring. The
"Little Flower" was well-liked in Har-
lem as he was in most underprivileged
sections of the city; and he sought
to capitalize upon this favor. The
Mayor came up to Harlem and estab-
lished headquarters at the 123rd Street
Police Station. From here he directed
the work of the police, civilian air raid
warders, soldiers and civic leaders in
their combined effort to restore order.
Twice he spoke over a hook-up of the
city's leading radio stations. In these
talks, he sought to set the population
straight on the false rumor of Bandy's
death. At one of these broadcasts he

"Ibid, p. 19.

was joined in an appeal for peace by
Dr. Max Yergan, President of the Na-
tional Negro Congress and Ferdinand
Smith, Vice-President of the National
Maritime Union, two respected and
radical Negro leaders. The Mayor also"
toured Harlem in an automobile
equipped with a public address system.
Here again he was joined in his ap-
peal for order by prominent Negro
civic leaders, clergymen, and other
leaders.

The handling of the riot by the
police and by the city administration
was undoubtedly wise and resulted in
considerably less blood-letting than
otherwise might have been the case.

The Cost

When the rioting had died down
and an inventory could be taken, the
following were counted among the
costs :

1. Five persons were dead — all Negroes.

2. Between five and six hundred per-
sons were injured; three hospitals
had treated 561 persons — most of
these were Negroes.

3. Four to five million dollars in prop-
erty damage had been done.

4. 500 persons were arrested. Almost
all of these were Negroes and were
charged with suspicion of burglary;
some were charged with assault, in-
citement to riot, disorderly conduct,
or receiving stolen goods.

The Reaction

Once the Harlem rioting was over,
there was a tendency to minimize the
racial nature of the rioting, on the
one hand, and to place blame on
"hoodlums" on the other. In his radio
addresses to the people of New York,
Mayor LaGuardia stressed the state-
ment that it was not a race riot. Most
New York papers agreed with the
Mayor in this evaluation. Insofar as
there were no pitched battles between
Negroes and whites and no organized
counter-activity of white gangs, it was
not a race riot. There is no basis,
however, save race consciousness for
explaining the behavior of looting
mobs in attacking white property and
leaving known Negro property un-
harmed. On this point, Orlansky
points out:

"... the riot was not exclusively ra-
cial, since it was led not just by Ne-
groes, but by poor Negroes, and by
young Negroes. Three conflicts were
therefore coiled into one — race, poverty,
and youth against race, property and
authority — and the riot was the product
of those conflicts. The mob was after

246

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

white property (and it was not hard
to find, only 20% of Harlem's stores
are owned by Negroes) and after white
authority (which was not hard to find,
only 132 of 18,200 members of the New
York City police department are Ne-
groes).""

Although many commentators — Ne-
gro and white — pointed to the underly-
ing social and economic causes of the
rioting, almost all of them spoke of
"the irresponsible acts of hoodlums"
and the necessity for "controlling'''
this "unthinking" element in the com-
munity. Respectable Negroes were
ashamed of the acts of lawlessness and
wanton vandalism that had charac-
terized the affair; and called upon the
police and other city officials to join
them in dealing decisively with both
the underlying causes and the overt
manifestations of juvenile delinquency.

There was also a cry for official
city action — in the form of a commis-
sion and a program — for fighting in-
tolerance, prejudice, and discrimina-
tion. This was not long in forthcom-
ing. Mayor LaGuardia established the
Committee on Home Front Unity
with Charles Evans Hughes as chair-
man and a list of distinguished Negro
and white citizens as members. Doctor
Dan Dodson, formerly a professor of
sociology at New York University, was
appointed executive director of this
group. The Committee has done a
workmanlike job of research and prop-
aganda and has probably had a salu-
tary effect upon the community at
large.32 The rioting also gave new im-
petus to older associations which had
been seeking to improve human rela-
tions in New York. Despite the almost
ritualistic cries of "hoodlumism,"
there was usually present a recogni-
tion that Frazier's "economic and so-
cial forces" had to be dealt with be-
fore the ghost of Harlem's riot would
be allayed.

nOp. Cit., p. 26, emphasis in the original.
"One of the outstanding jobs of the Com-
mittee was that of preparing a report on
discrimination in higher education that
set in motion a city council investigation,
legal action, legislative proposals, and
has apparently affected the admission
and hiring policies of several of New
York's institutions of higher learning.

THE COLUMBIA. TEN.M-. — KK

RIOT^
The Cause of the Riot

A fight between a white and a Ne-
gro World War II veteran, after the
former had allegedly assaulted the
Negro's mother, precipitated the first
major inter-racial violence after V-Day.
The woman, Mrs. Gladys Stephenson,
went into a shop on the Public Square
in Columbia to inquire about a radio
which she had left for repair. With
her was her nineteen-year-old son,
James, recent!y discharged after three
years in the United States Navy.5*
The radio repairman was William
Fleming, twenty-eight-year-old veteran
and brother of the present Sheriff of
Maury County. There was a disagree-
ment between Mrs. Stephenson and
Fleming concerning the repair job.
Fleming apparently resented the fact
that a Negro woman would take issue
with him, and according to the most
reliable reports available, followed her
and her son downstairs and out of the
store, finally slapping and kicking her.
At this point, young Stephenson inter-
vened, struck Fleming and knocked
him back through a plate glass win-
dow. According to persons who were
standing nearby, three or four other
white men, including a town police-
man, came to Fleming's aid. The po-
liceman struck at Stephenson with his
nightstick, whereupon Mrs. Stephenson
is quoted as saying, "You shouldn't
hit my boy before you find out.'' Iii
response, the peace officer struck the
woman over the eye. Mrs. Stephenson
and her son James were arrested and
placed in jail on charges of assault.-
Fleming was not arrested. He was
only slightly injured.

Tension created by the fight and ar-
rest mounted throughout the late aft-
ernoon. Crowds of white persons be-
gan to mill about the Public Square.
There were open and jeering threats
of lynching. Negroes began withdraw-

**The account of the incident is adapted
from a report which appeared in A
Monthly Summary of Events in Race
Relations, March, 1946, which in turn was
based, in large part, on the personal in-
vestigation of the writer.
**He had "raised" his age to enlist.
K Another version is that Fleming struck
Stephenson when the latter objected to
the fact that his mother was being sworn
at and that the Negro veteran fought
back.

THE COLUMBIA, TENNESSEE RIOT

247

ing to the luoblorfc section of JJUM»-
Street." Hearing •••mil of an immi-

> supply bond for the
Their fears were height-

railed the price of bail bond and at-
tempted to persuade the Negro bonds-

jaiL Finally, however, they were re-
leased on a bond of
Within two hours of

ty-five white
and kicked on the
Underwood reportedly
door, and leveling a
at the mob, ordered

were in such a state of

leave under their
They were arrested on
of disorderly conduct.

three county police of-
into the East Eighth
Street area, Two of
: --: :i

r^.ir :hat fin — S:-:I^L^::_ be
•:::": ~:. 7:.:= «-.,.- ; -f 7:.- :r:ri
officer, Sheriff Underwood, is said to
have requested that the Mifciuia who
had gathered in the area dlapusc.
of the mem made the
hat the white
be dispersed, the Sheriff is
as saying, TU see what I can
But apparently no action was
to disperse the white mob either
by the Sheriff or the City Police.

-- :- ' :--->•-- ::: -^ All lignts
-•-'- • ::>•: :3 in tmi mi Bj tfehi
time Negroes in Columbia were com-
pletely convinced that there would be
an attempted lynching or— in view of
Stephensoa*s having been spirited
away— an indiscriminate attack mm the
Negro community. According to per-

no dMpnmtkm to take it lying

TfOTf^ Htrt^ grfffc 9m *fr» ^"1-

ity or willingness of the city police to
avert mob action, the Negroes settled
to

::.- :: :,, :, -

selves. Those living outside, who had
to cross "white" territory in order to
••Mil hume, were afraid to leave.
Other Negroes jiSMJat through streets
inhabited by whites told of being fired
upon and othaanhw, molested. Further-
more, frequent gun-fire was heard com-
ing from East Ninth and South Main—
-white" streets dose to the Negro
business area. This gun-fire was ac-
companied by wild yells which were
interpreted as signs of drunkenness
and frenzied excitement-
Sometime shortly after nightfall (ac-
counts vary as to the exact time)* city
policemen started into Eighth Street,
allegedly to investigate reports of
shooting. The street was dark, and it
is uncertain that their identity as of-
ficers was known. There was shooting.
Whether initial shots came from the
police or from the people is not dear.
Giien the state of apprehension among
Columbia Negroes at the time — grow-
ing out of knowledge of lynching
threats, mob activity, and gun-fire in
adjacent streets— it is not surprising
that the entrance of these white men
into the area was interpreted as the
beginning of attack. In the exchange
of fire, four policemen, including Chief
of Police Griffin, were wounded, one
seriously.

The Riot

Immediately after this incident
Mayor Eldridge Denham called upon
Governor Jim MeCord for assistance
from the State Highway Patrol and
State Guard. One hundred patrolmen
and four hundred members of the
State Guard were ordered into Co-
lumbia. They threw a tight cordon
around the Hunt Eighth Street busi-
ness area and set up a dose watch
of the entire Negro i iimmnnilj At
dawn on February 2€, members of the
Highway Patrol moved into the street
in force. At a barber shop Lynn
liiiiii , State Safety Director, claims

with machine gun fire. Elsewhere the
citizens came jprannhij About sev-
enty ffrftffuia were arrested in the
early motning, most liring told that
they were being arrested for assault
with intent to murder.
It was with these early morning

248

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

arrests that police action in a situation
of violence involving Negroes and
whites became clearly directed toward
the suppression of what was appar-
ently construed to be an "uprising"
of the Negro community; and this was
the real Columbia "riot." The High-
way Patrol and State Guard were
transformed from preservers of civil
law and order into an army of occupa-
tion. It is likely that the mobiliza-
tion of outside police and guards saved
bloodshed in a situation that was
plainly beyond the power of local city
and county police to control. More-
over, Chief Bomar and State Guard
Adjutant Butler are quoted as having
admonished their men that theirs was
the role of impartial protectors of life
and property. Yet, there is little in the
actual performance of their subordi-
nates to indicate that this was taken
seriously.

Evidence of this is seen in the ir-
responsible vandalism and looting that
took place in East Eighth Street. In
the search for weapons in this area
there was wanton destruction of prop-
erty. A physician's office was a sham-
bles after small instruments had been
stolen, furniture damaged, and deco-
rations mutilated. The office of an in-
surance company was ransacked; files
containing valuable records were over-
turned and their contents scattered.
A mortuary was ransacked by vandals
who indicated their loyalty by scrawl-
ing the legend "KKK" on a coffin in
plaster of paris.

Much was made in the general press
of the number of guns, rifles, and
pistols taken from Negro homes. This
has been cited as "proof" of a con-
spiracy by Negroes. It should be re-
membered, however, that game hunt-
ing is a favorite sport around Colum-
bia and that most of the weapons-
aside from war souvenirs — were hunt-
ing guns and such pistols as many,
if not most, Americans families in the
South keep in their homes.

It should be noted that almost no
white persons were disarmed and that
the homes of white residents were not
searched. A State Guard Colonel, cred-
ited with persuading a crowd of whites
not to enter the Negro section on
Tuesday morning, is quoted as saying
to them, "Boys take those guns home.
We'll take care of any situation that

needs them."39 Newspaper photographs
show white civilians, armed with
sawed-off shot guns, walking the
streets unmolested. The press has re-
ported only four white persons ar-
rested.

Despite the absence of a proclama-
tion of martial law, there was de facto
military government in Columbia dur-
ing the week of February 25 to March
3. The writ of habeas corpus was vir-
tually suspended. Negroes were ar-
rested without stated charges, held in-
communicado, questioned without ben-
efit of counsel, and detained on exces-
sive bail. Telephone wires were tapped
and persons required special passes in
order to move freely about. The home
of virtually every Negro in Columbia
and its immediate environs was
searched and all firearms taken.40
These are facts of which public officials
have spoken and boasted in conversa-
tion and in the press and of which
Commissioner Bomar boasted at the
Lawrenceburg trial.

Homicide

On Thursday, February 28, while in
jail, two of the Negro prisoners were
mortally Vounded and a third injured.
William Gordon and James Johnson
were killed by officers who claim that
the prisoners shot first. They were be-
ing "questioned" in a jail office
in which confiscated firearms were
stacked. ' Several officers and a news-
paper reporter were present and the
jail was surrounded by guardsmen and
members of the Highway patrol. Only
the official version of the story is
known, but the National Lawyers
Guild, after a brief investigation,
characterized the killings as "murder."

The Background

As an historical and psychological
background for the events in Colum-
bia, the following facts should be re-
membered:

1. There have been two lynchings of
Negroes in Maury County within
the last two decades. The more re-
cent of these was that of Cordie
Cheek, a seventeen-year-old boy,
after a grand jury had returned a
no bill, on a charge of molesting a
white girl. (An old resident spoke
of four lynchings within his mem-

39Nashville Tennessean, February 27, 1946,
p. 2, Column 5.

40See Constitution of the United States of
America, Amendments II, III, and IV.

THE COLUMBIA, TENNESSEE RIOT

249

ory.) The magistrate who fixed bond
in the Stephenson case was known
in the Negro community as the per-
son whose car had transported
Cheek from Nashville to the site on
which he was lynched.

2. Thanks to some industrial employ-
ment and good soil, Negroes in
Maury County have relative eco-
nomic security.

3. Negro employees of the Monsanto
and Victor Chemical Companies in
nearby Mt. Pleasant, along with
white workers, are members of the
Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers Un-
ion (CIO) and had been working
for abolition of a wage differential
based on race.

4. Politically, Negroes had been active
and an important factor in Maury
County.

5. A measure of economic security and
political importance had produced a
Negro citizenry not disposed to be
"pushed around." The presence of
more than 150 Negro veterans had
served to strengthen this attitude.

6. The lack of real communication be-
tween Negroes and whites in Co-
lumbia has resulted in much latent
mutual suspicion. There were many
otherwise rational white persons in
Columbia, including some public of-
ficials, who said that Columbia Ne-
groes had been "conspiring for an
uprising." The fact that persons
from Nashville, Chicago, and Chat-
tanooga telephoned Negroes in Co-
lumbia when news of the trouble
became known was construed by
one official as proof that Negroes all
over the country had instigated the
violence. Apparently these people
were unimpressed by the facts that
all shootings, except those in the
jail, took place in the Negro area
and that Negroes did not go out of
this area to attack.

The Police

Part of the difficulty in Columbia
can be attributed to the fact of an
apparent conflict between town police
on the one hand and Sheriff Under-
wood and his staff on the other. The
town police were not trusted. Prior
to the affair in question, Negroes had
placed a certain amount of confidence
in Sheriff Underwood, although they
considered him somewhat "weak." Ne-
groes had supported Underwood's un-
successful contest for the Democratic
nomination to succeed himself the fall
before when he had been defeated by
a State Highway Patrolman who is
the brother of William Fleming, one
of the participants in the precipitating
incident. There were many residents
of Columbia who felt that the town
police had gone into the East Eighth
Street section on the night of the an-
ticipated lynching in order to "show

up" the County Sheriff and his staff.

The action of the town police in
coming into the Negro area which was
virtually in a state of siege — and cer-
tainly in a state of grave apprehen-
sion and fear — was unwise. It was cer-
tain to be interpreted as unfair; inas-
much as there was a crowd of white
men and boys milling about in the
Public Square at the very moment that
the policemen entered "Mink Slide."

The State Highway Patrol has been
harshly criticized for its role in the
affair. Presumably the theory behind
calling in a State or Nation law-en-
forcement agency in a time of great
local tension is two-fold: (1) the out-
side group has more resources and
more power and therefore can act more
effectively, and (2) being divorced
from local tensions, it is supposed that
the State or National arm of the law
can view the situation in a disinter-
ested manner and, therefore, act with
impartiality. It was on the second of
these counts that the Highway Patrol
defaulted. As has been noted earlier,
Chief Bomar and his men entered the
East Eighth Street section, not as of-
ficers coming to restore peace, but as
an army which had come to crush a
rebellion. Once the immediate situa-
tion had been "brought under con-
trol," they continued the military
rather than the peace-officer tradition
by conducting themselves like a poorly
disciplined army of occupation.

While newspapers had carried stories
of white persons seeking to storm the
jail and of armed white men milling
about the city on the day of the shoot-
ing of the town police, it was only the
Negro homes of Columbia that were
searched — and virtually all of them
were searched. As has been stated
earlier, civil liberties were violated —
or ignored — with gay abandon.

The official explanation does not ade-
quately account for the shooting of
William Gordon and James Johnson
in terms of good police work. Even
if full credence is given to the official
version of the story — i.e., Gordon man-
aged to reach into a pile of several as-
sorted guns, find the proper one to fit
bullets which he had smuggled into
jail, and fire upon a deputy before he
could be restrained — it must be re-
membered that, according to this same
version, he had dropped the gun and
was crawling underneath a bed when
his body was filled with machine gun

250

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

bullets. The official version shows
even less reason for firing upon John-
son than for firing upon Gordon. Dur-
ing the Lawrenceburg trial, Chief
Bomar boasted that he had knocked
Napoleon Stewart, the third prisoner
present in the room, to the floor. (The
prisoner had raised both hands above
his head.) The chief law-enforcement
officer of the State of Tennessee then
quoted himself as saying, as he placed
his former All-American foot on Stew-
art's neck and pointed a revolver at
his head, "If you move, I'll kill you!"
Even if one agrees with the Federal
Grand Jury's finding that the jail-
office shooting was justified, he must
question the fact that no medical aid
was given to the wounded prisoners
in Columbia, not even first-aid by a
layman; but they were brought to
Nashville, more than forty miles away
— and this after a significant delay!

The Reaction

A visit to Columbia within a week
of the outbreak of violence and three
days following the killing of Gordon
and Johnson, revealed some interest-
ing local reactions. Among Negroes
there was a general feeling of being
stunned at the homicides and at the
wholesale destruction of their small
but relatively prosperous business
area. One young man told of how he
had come home to live with his ailing
widowed mother and had managed to
initiate a thriving small service estab-
lishment:

"After this, though," he said, waving
to the East Eighth Street section where
members of the State Guard were do-
ing sentry duty, "I don't think I'll stay
here. They cleaned me out the other
morning and I just don't have the
heart to start over."

An elderly and well-educated male
school teacher said:
"I hope they don't just have a while-
wash investigation. There're a lot of
things wrong with Maury County. . . .
There've been four mobbings here in
my lifetime."

The Presbyterian minister who con-
ducted the funeral of one of the jail-
killing victims gave no eulogy but sim-
ply read from Isaiah 40:

"Comfort ye, comfort ye my people. . ."
There was a very different spirit,
often mingled in the speech of the
very people who were shocked and
hurt. Over and over persons were
heard to take great pride in the fact
that "the colored folks stood together."

"We wasn't gonna have no social
lynching," was the way that several
people phrased the feeling of the peo-
ple on the night of the shooting of the
police.

A white investigator from the
Southern Regional Council found min-
gled feelings among Columbia's white
population also. As has been noted
before, there was a disposition to say
that Negroes had "risen up against
the white folks." This was expressed
by persons who reported as fact the
rumor that Negroes in Columbia had
been "arming and conspiring for de-
fense" for more than six months. On
the other hand, there was much re-
sentment against the Highway Patrol,
declarations that Columbia would
have been better off without the "out-
siders" from Nashville.

At the national level, the Columbia
violence was immediately recognized
as a national problem whose solution
or disposition was likely to affect
gravely the course of race relations
throughout the South and the Nation.
Within a matter of days, representa-
tives of the National Association for
the Advancement of Colored People,
the Chicago Civil Liberties Commit-
tee, the Southern Regional Council,
the Civil Liberties Federation, the
Southern Conference for Human Wel-
fare, the American Missionary Asso-
ciation were among those who ap-
peared in Columbia to find out how
their organizations could help out.
Several statements were circulated, re-
lating the incidents of the rioting.
The best known of these were issued
by the NAACP, the Southern Confer-
ence for Human Welfare, and the
Southern Regional Council. The Truth
About Columbia, a pamphlet prepared
by the Southern Conference for Hu-
man Welfare, was distributed widely
over the country and is reported to
have resulted in a large number of
letters and telegrams to Governor
James McCord protesting the actions
of his Highway Patrol and advocating
State compensation for property dam-
aged.

Attorneys for the NAACP were on
the scene in Columbia within a few
hours of the first reports of the dawn
raid. Maurice Weaver, a youthful
Chattanooga white attorney, recently
returned to civilian life from the navy,
sought to speak with men who had
been arrested without success. Z. A.

THE COLUMBIA, TENNESSEE RIOT

251

Looby, Nashville Negro attorney who
later served as chief defense counsel
in the case, joined Weaver in prepar-
ing habeas corpus proceedings; and
although the writ was denied, most
of the prisoners were released or in-
formed of the amount of bail bond
needed while the hearings were being
held. Within a few weeks the Maury
County Grand Jury met and returned
indictments against twenty-five Ne-
groes out of the more than 100 ar-
rested in the original raid. These men
were charged with assault with in-
tent to murder. Two white men were
also indicted; but the nature of the
charge against them was not made
clear. (Other indictments were re-
turned against Negroes and included
such charges as accessory after the
fact, accessory with knowledge of the
fact, and carrying weapons. Mrs.
Stephenson and James were indicted
for assault with intent to kill.)

While Negro, progressive, and civil
liberties organizations accepted the
Columbia violence as a definite threat
to civil rights of persons throughout
the South and throughout the Nation,
the more conservative elements in the
community interpreted the shooting of
the Columbia police and the defense
of these arrested in this connection
as a definite threat to the status quo.
There were many instances in which
the Nashville Banner, by implication
and sometime explicitly, viewed the
whole incident — from the radio shop
fight to appeals to public opinion — as a
vast "CIO-PAC-Communist" conspiracy
against the "American way of life."41

The Committee for Justice in Co-
lumbia, Tennessee, the fund-raising
subsidiary of the NAACP, distributed a
pamphlet titled, Terror in Tennessee,
written by Oliver W. Harrington, di-
rector of pubMc relations for the Na-
*-'~noi A^srHation It was a factual
statement, the most controversial sec-
tion of which was based almost ex-

41This interpretation was frequently made
during the Democratic primary campaign
in which the Banner supported the
Crump-sponsored ticket, consisting of in-
cumbents, Governor McCord and Senator
K. D. McKellar. The line of attack was
that of labeling E. W. Carmack, Mc-
Kellar's opponent, who had considerable
labor endorsement, as a "Communist-
front supported candidate." In this con-
text, the Columbia rioting was attrib-
uted to "outside, Communist-front inter-
ference" and hence the sort of thing for
which Carmack was alleged to represent.

clusively upon a deposition given to
an NAACP attorney by Sheriff Under-
wood. It was, however, an attempt to
stir people's emotions as well as their
intellects; and, therefore, was written
in a spirited manner and was illus-
trated with several photographs clear-
ly showing police brutality and the re-
sults of vandalism in the East Eighth
Street area. A group of Nashville
persons, headed by Dr. Donald David-
son, acknowledged Negrophobe and
professor of English at Vanderbilt
University, attacked the Committee for
Justice as purveyors of incendiary
propaganda, stating that they had im-
pugned the good name of Tennessee
and its courts.

People from throughout the country
demanded that the President or the
Attorney-General call a special Fed-
eral Grand Jury to inquire into the
alleged violations of civil liberties by
local and State officers. After con-
siderable pressure had been brought
to bear, Attorney-General Tom Clark
ordered an investigation held. (The
FBI is reported to have been on the
scene very early in the affair; and,
therefore, is presumed to have had at
least as much evidence as was gained
by photographers from newspapers.)
Judge Elmer D. Davies convened the
Jury on April 9, 1946 and charged
it to make an inquiry under the Fed-
eral code which provides that persons
"acting under the color of law" who
willfully deprive other persons of
their civil rights are subject to fine
and imprisonment. He gave the Grand
Jury the following interpretation of
the statute:

"Whoever, under the color of any law,
statute, ordinance, regulation, or cus-
tom, willfully subjects or causes to be
subjected," . . . necessarily applies to
persons acting in their official capacity.
A private individual not attempting to
act under the authorization of any law,
but merely on his own initiative, might
commit acts which would deprive citi-
zens of some of their constitutional
rights but would not necessarily be an
infringement of the statute in ques-
tion. . . .

The word "willfully" is used in the act
in the sense that it imports something
more than mere knowledge of the act
performed or failed to be performed,
and implies an evil design, not merely
voluntary, but with a bad purpose,
coupled with a deliberate and inten-
tional design to do wrong . . . before
you return an indictment against any
person or officer for violation of this
statute, "you should first find that it
was a willful violation done with a bad

252

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

purpose and intent and coupled with
the intent to deprive a citizen of any
right guaranteed him under the Con-
stitution of the United States."

Judge Davies called attention to the
pamphlet, "The Truth About Colum-
bia," and instructed the jury:

"If the facts alleged in this pamphlet
are true, then officials have been guilty
of very serious offenses against the
Constitution and laws of the United
States and, if they are true, it is your
duty to return indictments regardless
of whom the officials might be. Yet,
gentlemen of the jury, if they are not
true then someone for particular rea-
sons of their own apparently has been
agitating these matters for some par-
ticular purpose.

"Now, gentlemen of the jury, I suggest
that you subpoena before you the offi-
cials of the Southern Conference for
Human Welfare and question them as
to the facts contained in this pamphlet
and, if they are true, you should act
accordingly and return indictments
against the persons responsible for those
acts. If they are not true, then the
circulators of this pamphlet should be
exposed for deliberately agitating mat-
ters of this kind to cause difficulties
between races which are trying to live
together in peace and harmony."42
The findings of the Grand Jury were
such as one would expect to follow
Judge Davies' charge. After two months
of hearing FBI agents and 390 other
persons, the Grand Jury issued a 4,200
word report the main features of which
are given below:

(1) Vandalism: Contending that some
of the damage to Negro business
houses was done during the night
of February 25, while Negroes held
siege, the report admitted that
"much of the damage was wanton-
ly committed after the arrest of
the Negroes (sic), and while the
area was under the control of the
Highway Patrol and members of the
State Guard." It was further ad-
mitted that "an adequate guard
was not maintained" for several
hours after the raid on the area.
The report offered no suggestion
of indemnity for injured property
owners.

(2) Indiscriminate Arrests: The report
found that no indiscriminate arrests
of Negroes were made.

(3) Force Used in Arrests: "Consider-
ing the basis of the arrests and
the tense and dangerous atmos-
phere under which the arrests were
accomplished, it is the considered
judgment of this body that the
force shown to have been used was
not unreasonable."

(4) Concerning the Killing of William
Gordon and James Johnson in Jail:
"We consider the killing of the Ne-

42Quoted from A Monthly Summary of
Events and Trends in Race Relations,
April, 1946, p. 266.

groes (sic) Johnson and Gordon
justifiable homicide. The testimony
of eye witnesses, including Napo-
leon Stewart (Negro fellow-prison-
er), admits of no other interpreta-
tion."

(5) Treatment of Prisoners: Prisoners
were not subjected to brutality,
were apprised of their rights not
to incriminate themselves before
questioning, and were not denied
right of counsel.

(6) Search Without Warrant: Searches
of homes "adjacent to 'Mink Slide'
area" were made at the direction
of the Governor, "and were not,
in our opinion, unreasonable." [NB:
The implication is that the Gover-
nor may set aside the Bill of
Rights at will. Homes as far as
two and three miles from "Mink
Slide" are known to have been
searched.]

The report claimed that "the events
transpiring at Columbia have been the
subject of nation-wide misrepresenta-
tion. Falsehoods and half-truths have
been widely publicized by letter and
pamphlet under the sponsorship of va-
rious organizations." The "Commu-
nist Press" was particularly singled
out for censure as trying to "foster
racial hatred and to array class
against class."

The Grand Jury report summed up
its findings with the following admo-
nition:

"We wish to sound a warning that the
good citizens of both races be on their
guard against insidious and false prop-
aganda. In the opinion of this grand
jury nothing is so likely to erode and
ultimately destroy peaceful and friend-
ly relations between the races as the
dissemination of half-truths and false-
hoods such as have been so freely cir-
culated in relation to the events oc-
curring at Columbia."43

Repeated efforts to secure another
Grand Jury investigation of the mat-
ter, especially in light of very damag-
ing admissions made during the Law-
renceburg trial, have been without
success.

The Aftermath

Columbia remained in the news and
in the public eye for nearly a year
following the rioting. The indictment
of twenty-five Columbia Negroes on
charges of assault with intent to com-
mit murder — specifically assault with
intent to murder Police Officer Will
Wilsford — has been referred to earlier.
Under the leadership of Attorneys

"Quoted from A Monthly Summary of
Events and Trends in Race Relations,
July, 1946, p. 364.

THE ATHENS, ALABAMA RIOT

253

Looby, Weaver, and Leon Ransom, the
following events took place:

1. A motion for change of venue was
granted. But the presiding judge,
Joe Ingram, instead of moving the
proceedings to Nashville as the de-
fense counsel had requested, or-
dered the trial moved to Lawrence-
burg, Tennessee.

2. A jury was completed only after
about eight hundred venire men had
been called. (Very seldom did
Judge Ingram grant defense motions
to excuse a person for cause, even,
as in one case, when membership
in the Ku Klux Klan was admitted
by a prospective juror. Judge In-
gram reserved for himself the pre-
rogative of asking all questions con-
cerning race prejudice, and Klan
membership.)

3. The trial was kept before the public
through the writings of such well-
known journalists as Vincent Sheean,
of the New York Herald-Tribune,
Harry Raymond of the New York
Daily Worker, and Henry Moscow
of the New York Post. (One of the
major sensations of the trial oc-
curred when Commissioner Lynn
Bomar of the State Highway Pa-
trol approached Sheean in the court
room and threatened to do him bodi-
ly harm, because of an article that
had appeared under Mr. Sheean's
bi-line.) Several other papers had
special correspondents present for
the proceedings.

4. An all-white, all-male jury, made
up principally of Lawrence County,
Tennessee farmers, found twenty-
three of the twenty-five defendants
not guilty. Two were found guilty.

5. A motion for new trial of the con-
victed men went uncontested by the
State (on the advice of the State
Attorney General), and these were
subsequently freed.

6. One year after the rioting of Feb-
ruary 26, Mrs. Stephenson and her
son had not come to trial and several
other Negroes still had relatively
minor charges pending against them.

THE ATHENS, ALABAMA RIOT

Athens, Alabama is located in Lime-
stone County, nineteen miles south of
the Alabama-Tennessee boundary. The
town proper has a population of 4,342
persons (3,425 white and 917 Negro).44
It is a trading center for Limestone
County which has a population of 35,-
642 (26,810 white and 8,822 Negro).45
Although this is a county given princi-
pally to the cultivation of cotton, it
differs significantly from the cotton
counties of Alabama's Black Belt (the
old plantation region) in that it has
a relatively small Negro population
and about a third of the Negro farm-

"Sixteenth Census of the United States,
1940, Population, Vol. II.
45Loc. cit.

operators in the county are owners.
Athens' four and one-half thousand
souls are greatly augmented every Sat-
urday by the farmers who come into
town for recreation, gossiping, and
making the major purchases for the
week.

The Cause of the Riot44

It was on such a Saturday afternoon,
August 10, 1946, that the Athens riot
took place. The precipitating incident
occurred about one o'clock in the aft-
ernoon. Two young white men accosted
a Negro youth as the latter emerged
from the Ritz Theatre and apparently
attacked him without provocation.
The Negro, a veteran of three years in
the European Theatre, knocked one of
his attackers down with his fist and
ran around the corner toward the Ne-
gro entrance to the theatre. The two
aggressors, Ben and Roy Massey, twen-
ty-three and nineteen years old respec-
tively, the former an Army veteran
and the latter home on furlough, were
arrested on charges of drunkenness..

Word spread rapidly that two white
boys had been arrested following a
fight with a Negro and that the latter
had gotten away. A crowd of several
hundred white men and boys is re-
ported to have gathered and to have
gone into the theatre in search of the
Negro. When the youth was not found
in the theatre the crowd went toward
the jail two blocks away in the city
hall. As the men moved toward the
jail, numerous persons joined in. By
the time the building was reached, the
crowd is reported to have reached two
thousand. The leaders of what had by
now become a genuine mob tore down
the door to city hall and demanded
that the Massey brothers be released.
The officials, clearly outnumbered, ar-
ranged a release without removing the
charges against the men.

One of the leaders of the mob is
then reported to have jumped to the
top of a bread truck and to have
harangued the crowd on the general
theme that the police were showing
partiality to Negroes and that the lat-
ter were demonstrating a disposition
to get "out of their places." The larger

"This account of the Riot and most of
the material that follows on the Athens
riot is taken from a report of John Hope,
II and L. Maynard Catchings, two mem-
bers of the staff of the Fisk Social Science
Institute who investigated this affair im-
mediately after it happened.

254

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

crowd then broke up into smaller mobs
and began a systematic program of
rioting. Every Negro who came with-
in view of one of these mobs was
chased out of town, often after he had
been beaten with a club or strap.
County Attorney Rosenau estimated
that 50 to 100 Negroes were pain-
fully injured during the course of the
afternoon, and that this number in-
cluded several women, children, and
old men.

One of the activities of the mob con-
sisted in going into shops and stores
that employed Negroes and demand-
ing that the Negroes' jobs be given
to white veterans. Some of the mer-
chants agreed to fire their Negro por-
ters or firemen or delivery boys and
hire white men in their places. Many,
it is reported, refused to do this either
out of (1) loyalty to their employees,
(2) jealousy of their hiring preroga-
tives, (3) disinclination to pay wages
acceptable to white men, or (4) con-
tempt for the methods being used.
One shop keeper is reported to have
hidden his Negro porter in the boiler
room and to have threatened to shoot
any member of the mob who sought
to harm him. On the other hand, an-
other merchant came quickly to terms
with the mob; and gave his Negro em-
ployee a week's terminal vacation on
the spot, after agreeing to pay the
veteran offered by the mob as a re-
placement ten dollars per week more
than the Negro was receiving. The
middle-aged former twenty-one dollar
per week porter told an investigator,
"I had been working there about three
years. I was disappointed at the man-
ager's not taking a firm stand to pro-
tect me on the job."

As soon as the mob began its ac-
tivity, Mayor R. H. Richardson tele-
phoned Governor Chauncey Sparks in
Montgomery. The Governor was on a
fishing trip, but the State finance di-
rector, Hayes Tucker, and Adjutant-
General George C. Clear ordered the
State Guard and Highway Patrol to
the scene. The first contingent of
Guardsmen arrived around four o'clock
Saturday afternoon. About the same
time, fifty members of the North Ala-
bama division of the Highway Patrol
put in their appearance. The crowds
began to disperse almost immediately;
ind, by midnight, a semblance of or-
der had been restored. Nine white
men and boys, accused of leading the

rioting, were placed under arrest. No
Negroes were arrested.

The Background

Most observers agree that the leaders
of the mob and many of its most ac-
tive participants were returned sol-
diers and sailors. Very clearly in-
volved in the situation are economic
insecurity and political rivalries.
Athens has practically no industry
and, therefore, a very limited num-
ber of decent jobs. An inordinately
large number of white veterans was
reported as being among the unem-
ployed. Not only were immediate pros-
pects of employment dim but there
was no prospect of a local economy
that could absorb the veterans at liv-
ing wages. The economic situation
appears to have been a factor in the
general unrest out of which a riot
could be easily stimulated. This was
certainly apparent in the turn that
much of the mob action took, i.e., de-
manding that jobs then held by Ne-
groes be given to white GI's — at in-
creased compensation.

During the May Alabama Democratic
primaries, veterans in* Athens, Ala-
bama, like their buddies in Athens,
Tennessee, had sought to unseat the
incumbent city and county office-
holders. The Alabamans had not been
successful. It was widely believed that
the arrest of the Massey brothers of-
fered an opportunity to the unsuccess-
ful GI politicians to recoup their
losses by discrediting the incumbents
as "nigger-lovers." The relatively firm
manner in which city and county offi-
cials dealt with the situation would
indicate that they felt it was, as one
Negro citizen put it, "an attack on
constituted law and order." In any
case, the factors underlying the riot-
ing seem other than "racial." They
are economic, political, and, to some
extent, youth against age. Race served
as an occasion for venting resentment
which had been growing for sometime
against a situation for which no im-
mediate answer was forthcoming.

Police and City Officials ,

The first act of the police in the
situation was unusual, to say the least.
It is not expected in the Deep South
that white parties to an interracial
fight shall be arrested and no apparent
effort made to apprehend their Negro
adversary — even if, as in this case,

RIOTING INVOLVING NEGRO SOLDIERS

255

the whites were drunk and had pro-
voked the conflict. Whether or not
the city officials could have held the
jail against an attack by the mob —
whether or not they could have dis-
persed the mob without giving up their
prisoners, is problematical. It was
certainly not comparable to giving up
a likely lynch victim. Once the situa-
tion was under control, the accused
men could be re-committed to jail.

Judging from the time that the
State re-enforcements arrived, the
Mayor immediately realized the in-
adequacy of his staff to deal with the
situation and acted upon his opinion.47

The Mayor sent the following note
to eight of the town's most prominent
Negro citizens the day after the riot:
"Will each of you please meet a small
committee of white citizens in the as-
sembly hall of the courthouse (next to
the county agent's office) tonight at
8 o'clock. I am calling this little meet-
ing for the purpose of talking over the
unfortunate situation of yesterday and
to make plans to see that the thinking
people of our community maintain law
and order. Please do not publicly dis-
cuss this conference prior to the meet-
ing.

Very truly yours,

. /s/ R. H. Richardson

Mayor."

At the meeting, the Mayor is said to
have expressed his regret over the
affair and to have assured the Negroes
that they would have the protection
of law enforcement officers at their
homes and work and that the guilty
persons would be brought speedily to
trial. One white man at the meeting
is quoted as having said, "We don't
want any of those outside Negroes
coming down here." One of the prime
purposes of reassuring Negroes was
apparently that of warding off the in-
fluence of "agitators." One of the ad-
vantages present in the Athens situa-
tion was that the lines of communica-
tion between whites and Negroes were
kept open. It also appears that upon
whatever basis, an attitude of mutual
trust between white and Negro leaders
was present.

RIOTING INVOLVING NEGRO
SOLDIERS

A frequent source of conflict during
the war period was that of clashes
between Negro and white soldiers or
Negro soldiers and white civilians, es-

47Cf. with action of Mayor Jeffries in De-
troit. above.

pecially in the South. There was a
fertile ground for such conflict. Negro
soldiers were told by their army orien-
tation speakers, by the newspapers,
and by our Nation's leaders that they
were fighting against an enemy who
numbered among his most repulsive
notions a belief in the superiority of
certain "races" over certain other
"races." Many northern Negro men
had been sent to the South for train-
ing; and southern Negro men had
often become very restive. On the other
hand, many southern white communi-
ties near Army camps were redoubling
their efforts to remind Negroes of
"their place." Off-post recreational fa-
cilities for Negro soldiers in the South
were inadequate to non-existent. Trans-
portation facilities were over-taxed
and a constant source of race tension.48
Given this situation, it is not surpris-
ing that there were more than forty
instances of clashes, some of which
took on the nature of a race riot.

A report contained in A Monthly
Summary of Events and Trends in
Race Relations,*9 identified as "a con-
densation of a confidential memoran-
dum prepared by two very reputable
social scientists who have made a
thorough study of the matter," con-
tains an important analysis which has
implications for race riots in general.
Three criteria had been set up for in-
cluding soldier riots in this study.
They were "(1) the actual or at-
tempted use of arms and ammunition

(2) by a group of Negro soldiers

(3) against a group of white persons."
The authors found eight cases that met
the criteria for selection; and these
incidents had occurred in the follow-
ing places:

1. Fort Dix, New Jersey, April, 1942

2. Tuskegee, Alabama, April, 1942

3. Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Early 1943

4. Camp Van Dorn, Mississippi, May,
1943

5. Camp Stewart, Georgia, June, 1943

6. Fort Bliss, Texas, June, 1943

'"Transportation tension was complicated
by the gentle southern custom that de-
mands that white persons board buses
and street cars first and Negroes later;
and the law that usually requires that
Negroes load the vehicle from the back
forward and white persons sit from the
front seats toward the back. This meant
that the bus was crowded with white per-
sons by the time Negroes boarded it;
and that a Negro would have to push
through a crowd of white persons to get
a seat.
•"August-September, 1944, pp. 15-18.

256

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946

7. Shenango Personnel Replacement
Depot, Pennsylvania, July, 1943

8. Unspecified Town in Cornwall, Eng-
land, October, 1943.

After examining each of these cases
carefully, the authors conclude that
given certain factors, conflict is in-
evitable :

(1) Negro troops who conceive of them-
selves as American citizens en-
titled to impartial non-discrimina-
tive treatment regardless of color.

(2) White troops and/or civilians who
conceive of themselves as inherent-
ly superior, by virtue of their race,
to all and any persons identifiable
as Negroes, and hence not required
to treat, nor justified in treating,
Negroes as social equals under any
circumstances.

(3) Military indoctrination in the virile
traits of the professional fighting
men — pride, fearlessness and ulti-
mate reliance on force of arms.

(4) "Circumstances throwing groups of
Negro soldiers and white soldiers
and/or civilians into close proximity
for some time — a period of several
days, a week or longer.

(5) Actual or potential access to arms
and ammunition by Negro soldiers.

(6) A general socio-psychological atti-
tude of mutual racial fear, suspi-
cion, and hate leading to increasing
tension by a circular process of
interaction.

(7) One or more individual Negro sol-
dier leaders whose threshold for ac-
tion is relatively low — sufficiently
low at least, that one more inci-
dent, real or rumored, thrusts him
or them into the role of active
leadership.

(8) A dramatic or catalytic precipitat-
ing incident.

RIOTS THAT DID NOT HAPPEN

It is quite as instructive to know
instances in which riots seemed immi-
nent but did not occur as to know of
those which materialized. There were
many such instances during the period
under consideration. Some of these
came to notice. Obviously, others would
not be known of, or if known about
would not be publicized because of
certain factors involved. Brief accounts
of some that have been reported will
be given.
Charleston, South Carolina (June, 1943)

Crowds began to mill about after a
false rumor of Negro preparations for
rioting was imspired by persons who
misinterpreted the nature of a crowd
of Negroes who had gathered to watch
an intra-racial fight. Police closed all
beer parlors and liquor stores and dis-
persed all crowds. No riot occurred.60

50Special report to Fisk Social Science
Institute.

Houston, Texas (June, 1943)

Rumors were rife in Houston during
June, 1943 to the effect that Negroes
were planning a riot for "Juneteenth"
(June 19). An inter-racial committee
put on an active campaign to combat
the rumor. This included inserting a
full-page advertisement in a leading
Houston paper.51

Washington, D. C. (May, 1943)

At the height of the campaign by
Negroes to secure employment as op-
erators on the Capital Transit Com-
pany's vehicles, a parade and mass
meeting were planned as a demonstra-
tion sponsored by the Washington Com-
mittee on Jobs for Negroes in public
utilities. A rumor was spread among
white persons in the Capital that Ne-
groes had been rioting and/or were
about to begin rioting. This was an
instance of the systematic spread of a
riot rumor; for it was passed along
primarily by bus and street car op-
erators (whose union opposed the up-
grading of Negroes to platform jobs)
and through anonymous telephone calls
to schools, government offices, and
women's dormitories. Chief Edward J.
Kelly, Superintendent of the Washing-
ton Police Force, alerted his men. Radio
stations and newspapers met the rumor
directly by bringing it into the open
and denying it. The parade went off
with Chief Kelly leading the police es-
cort.52

CONCLUSIONS

The dominant theme in all of the
racial clashes reported in this section
is that the deep-seated and underlying
causes are most often not racial. The
war period itself — with people made
irritable through personal worries,
overwork, anxiety over military suc-
cess of the country, and, perhaps,
guilt at their direct and indirect par-
ticipation in the mass blood-letting,
rendered people insecure and often
frustrated. This frustration must be
released. One way of releasing the
frustration would be to strike back at
the person or persons who are causing
one to be frustrated. But, in this in-
stance, frustration is born of great
impersonal forces, many of which are
recognized only dimly, if at all — and,
when recognized, appear to be out of
reach. A highly visible minority offers
a convenient and culturally permissive
object on which one may release his
pent-up aggression.53 The precipitating
incident is but an occasion for vio-
lence. In another social setting, or at

"Special Report.

fl2Weckley, J. E., and Hall, Theo E.—

The Police and Minority Groups, Interna- j

tional City Managers Assn., Chicago,

1944, p. 2.

53Cf. Dollard, John, Doob, Leonard, et al.,

Frustration and Aggression (1939).

CONCLUSIONS

257

another time in the same setting, it
would be simply a personal fight, an
idle rumor, or the normal course of
the law. Insofar as this is true, our
war-born race riots grew from the
same soil that supported our nation-
wide rise in rates of juvenile delin-
quency, our increase in family disor-
ganization, and our apparent relaxa-
tion in sex morality.

Over and above the conditions which
made for the general rise in instances
of inter-racial violence, particularly
race riots, are the special factors that
cause riots to occur in one place and
not to take place in another. From an
examination of the riots and rioting
reported in this section, certain con-
ditions stand out. They include:

1. The failure on the part of local po-
lice to understand the special skills
needed for working in minority group
communities or for dealing with sit-
uations involving overt inter-group
conflict.

2. The assumption on the part of police
that Negroes or other minorities are
outside the law in the sense that
they are the natural enemies of the
police.

3. The distrust of the police and other
officials by members of ethnic mi-
norities.

4. Severe and conscious competition
between racial or ethnic groups for
housing, jobs, and political prefer-
ment.

5. The absence of a responsible and
skillful inter-racial committee and

other means of keeping the lines of
communication open between groups.

6. The absence of machinery for deal-
ing positively and promptly with
rumors — idle or malicious.

While born of psycho-social and eco-
nomic forces nearly as deep-seated as
our culture itself, the foregoing factors
indicate that race riots can be mini-
mized while men of good will work
for a social order in which even the
threat of riots will be non-existent.

DIVISION XI

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

By VERA CHANDLER FOSTER AND ROBERT D. REID
Tuskegee Institute

POLITICAL STATUS OF THE
NEGRO IN THE SOUTH

The Southern Political Scene

The Constitution lays the framework
of the American tradition of political
democracy. Civil rights and suffrage
were given the Negro by the Four-
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments,
but the doctrine of equality of human
rights has been so influenced by sec-
tional mores that the Negro has a
political status different in the South
than in the North. In the North the
Negro participates freely in elections
and his suffrage is taken as a matter
of course; he may vote as well as
hold office. Generally, in the North
the Negro has not constituted a po-
litical issue of lasting importance, ex-
cept as constituting an issue in nation-
al politics. Occasionally, in a local
election, as in the Detroit mayoralty
contest after the June riot, 1943, the
matter of race becomes an issue, and
the Negro vote takes on especial sig-
nificance.

It is suffrage — the right of unre-
stricted voting of the Negro in the
North, and the denial of the vote to the
Negro in the South — which accentu-
ates the Negro's political status in the
two sections. In America a disfran-
chised people is a disadvantaged peo-
ple. Myrdal characterizes the situa-
tion aptly in his An American Dilem-
ma: ". . . it has become customary to
distribute jobs, protection, and public
service in some relation to the voting
strength of the various regional, na-
tional and religious groups in the
community. . . . The effect will be
accentuated if, in addition to disfran-
chisement, the group is segregated.
The unpaved streets in the Negro
sections of Southern cities, the lack
of facilities for sewage disposal, the
lack of street lighting, the dilapidated
school houses, the scarcity of hospital
facilities, and indeed, all other discrim-
ination in education, health, housing,

breadwinning, and justice, give evi-
dence of this important relation in
America between the vote and a share
in the public services. Since Negroes
do not participate in the election of
the representative bodies either, these
bodies cannot be expected to give
them redress against the officials. No
representative will see any immediate
reason to please a disfranchised group,
and laws and regulations will be drawn
up without their interests being rep-
resented. If the system becomes cor-
rupted, the odds are placed even more
definitely against a poor group with-
out political voice."1 In the fight
for the ballot the Negro thus seeks
to improve his status, generally.

Certain problems have given a pecul-
iar cast to politics in the South, and
at the same time reflect the lack of
democracy there. Bunche lists these
as: "the low standard of living of
the mass population of the South,
both black and white; land tenancy;
lower wage standards; the poll tax as
a heavy burden on voting; the Negro
as a social, political and economic
'untouchable,' a below-average stand-
ard of education; the one-party
system; an inferior quality of po-
litical representation and crude dema-
goguery; loose, inefficient and often
corrupt state and political adminis-
tration."2 Severe class distinctions
which have operated since slavery
days still characterize the South. A
sharp hostility has always existed be-
tween the white upper and lower clas-
ses, but through manipulation of the

*Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma:
The Negro Problem and Modern Democ-
racy, Harper, 1944, pp. 435, 436.
2Ralph J. Bunche, The Negro in the
Political Life of the United States, The
Journal of Negro Education, Vol. X, No.
3, July, 1941, p. 569.

258

POLITICAL STATUS OF THE NEGRO IN THE SOUTH

259

threat of black dominance they have
gained political solidarity on the is-
sue of "white supremacy." Bunche de-
scribes the three most salient features
of southern politics as: "The looseness
and casual corruption in Southern
politics; the disfranchisement of vir-
tually all black and large numbers
of 'poor white' citizens; and the em-

ployment of the Negro issue as a po-
litical red herring."3

This section seeks to reveal what
the obstacles are towards the Negro's
voting in the South and to give
especial consideration to recent de-
velopments affecting his political sta-
tus there.
3Ibid, p. 569^

260

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

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POLITICAL STATUS OF THE NEGRO IN THE SOUTH

261

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262

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

Voting Requirements
In the Southern States

In all of the Southern States except
Georgia and South Carolina, persons
are eligible for registration after be-
coming twenty-one years of age. Geor-
gia and South Carolina allow persons
eighteen years of age or older to
register as voters. As in other States
of the Union, residents of the South-
ern States must be citizens of the
United States and of the State in
which they register before they can
become qualified voters; the period
of residence varies, as does the inter-
val between registration an.d actual
voting. Generally, persons adjudged
insane or idiotic or who have been
convicted of specified crimes are de-
nied the privilege of voting, although
a pardon may restore citizenship and
the right to vote to those who have
been convicted for crime. Literacy
and/or character -requirements are
set up in Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana,
Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma,
South Carolina and Virginia. Property
requirements are not general at pres-
ent; South Carolina has one set up
as an alternative for literacy.

Of the thirteen Southern States,
Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi, South
Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Vir-
ginia require the payment of a poll
tax as a pre-requisite for voting. Flor-
ida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana,
North Carolina and Oklahoma do not
have this requirement. Alabama, Mis-
sissippi and Virginia have cumulative
poll taxes; the period of liability for
Alabama covers the period between
the ages of twenty-one and forty-five.
Mississippi requires a $2.00 annual
poll tax which must be paid for two
years preceding the year in which an
election is to be held, while Virginia
has an annual poll tax of $1.50 which
is payable for three years prior to the
time that an individual registers un-
less he has just become twenty-one
years of age. Veterans usually are
not required to pay poll taxes for the
privilege of voting.

Specification of eligibility of white
persons only to participate in the
primary, or delegation of power to the
political party to ^prescribe party
membership and eligibility to vote in
the primary obtains in Alabama, Ar-
kansas, Florida, Louisiana, Mississip-
pi, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia.

All reference to the primary has re-
cently been removed from State regu-
lations of South Carolina.

THE POLL TAX
Purpose of the Poll Tax

The poll tax, now operative in seven
Southern States, is described as the
"head tax method of limiting the vote."
Originally a revenue-raising instru-
ment, the poll tax as a vote limiting
provision to keep Negroes and "poor
whites" from voting dates back to
the 1890's.4 Basically, the tax dis-
franchises. Although the tax is a
small amount ($1.00 to $2.00 per year)
among the masses, the low income
group of the South, the marginal util-
ity of each dollar is too great to per-
mit such an expenditure.

Cumulative Feature of the Poll Tax

In Alabama the cumulative feature
of the tax brings an especial hard-
ship. The press throughout the State,
white and Negro, gave wide publicity
during the 1946 elections when several
peop'e paid back poll-taxes amounting
to $36.00 each in order to qualify to
vote. Reprinted in the columns of
the widely circulated Birmingham
News, February 26, 1946, was the fol-
lowing editorial from the Anniston
Star:

"Last year citizens of Calhoun paid
more in poll taxes than ever before
in the history of the county.

"It is splendid that so many showed
that much interest in qualifying to ex-
ercise the right of the ballot; it re-
veals that persons who have been re-
luctant to vote want to avail them-
selves of the privilege of voicing their
opinion.

"However, there is a painful ex-
perience. Twenty-eight of those meet-
ing the poll tax requirement paid
the maximum of $36.00 under the cum-
ulative system, for the privilege of
exercising the right of the ballot.

"That means 28 citizens of Calhoun
County are paying $36.00 for the priv-
ilege of voting in one election. Where
else in the country would a person
of average means pay such tribute to
express a choice?"

4Cf. W. M. Brewer, ''The Poll Tax and
the Poll Taxers," The Journal of Negro
History, XXIX, No. 3, July, 1944, pp. 260-
299; also, Herbert Aptheker, "South Caro-
lina Poll Tax, 1737-1895," The Journal
of Negro History, XXX'l, No. 2, April,
1946, pp. 131-139.

THE POLL TAX

263

It is estimated that 10,000,000 po-
tential voters— 7,000,000 whites and
3,000,000 Negroes — are disfranchised
by the poll tax.

Voting in the Poll Tax States

The percentage of eligibles voting
in the South is smaller than in other
sections of the United States. In the
1942 Congressional elections in the
eight poll tax States 5 per cent of
the adult population participated, as
against 39 per cent in the non-poll
tax States. The National Committee
to Abolish the Poll Tax indicates that
56 of the 69 Representatives from
States having poll taxes had no op-
position in the general election that
year. The disparity was further
marked in the 1944 Presidential elec-
tion when out of an estimated 14,500,-
000 potential voters in the poll tax
States, only 2,700,000 or 19 per cent
of the adult population voted, as
against 57 per cent in the non-poll tax
States. Although the poll tax is most
frequently assailed as responsible for
the relative smallness of southern
voting lists, it is well to remember
that while it is a major obstacle to
fuller political expression, other fac-
tors must likewise be taken into ac-
count— residence requirements, educa-
tion and character tests, intimidation
of persons who desire to register, ar-
bitrary purging of voters' lists, etc.

Arguments for the
Poll Tax Invalid

The most frequent arguments
against repeal of the poll tax in
Southern States are: (1) loss of rev-
enue; (2) adverse effect on public
schools; (3) assumption of political
control in certain areas by Negroes
and/or "poor whites." Actually the
poll tax has but little value as a fiscal
measure. The highest percentage of a
poll tax State's revenue netted Vir-
ginia in 1937 only 1.8 per cent. Ala-
bama usually derives approximately .6
per cent of its revenue from the poll
tax. It has been asserted that the
amount of poll taxes collected in the
Southern States in 1940 would have
operated the public schools for two
days. The Birmingham, Alabama,
Teachers Association resolved in 1945:
"Although the revenue received from
the poll tax goes to education in Ala-
bama, the oligarchic practice should

no longer be allowed to stifle the
achievement for which education exists
— freedom to act wisely. It will mean
more to education in Alabama to have
the citizens we have trained take
part in the settling of political ques-
tions than to receive the pittance
from the tax and then see the vital
matters of the State decided by only
10 to 30 per cent of the people, many
of whom have been prodded by po-
litical leaders to dig up the price of
the tax." To refute the claim that abo-
lition of the poll tax would lead to
control by Negroes, it has been point-
ed out that in States which have
abolished it (Louisiana in 1934, North
Carolina in 1921, and Florida in 1937)
there has been no very great increase
in the Negro vote. The threat of in-
vasion of "white supremacy" seems to
constitute the real hurdle in the move
to abolish the poll tax.

Wide Interest in
Poll Tax Abolition

Since the Southern Conference for
Human Welfare in 1938 began to ex-
plore ways and means to abolish the
poll tax, the effort has been waged
vigorously, both locally and nationally.
Especially significant was a meeting
of more than fifty outstanding editors
and writers of the South, in Atlanta,
Georgia, on December 21, 1944, devoted
to a better understanding of the lim-
itations to voting in the South. This
Committee of Editors and Writers of
the South, a completely independent
group, with Mark Ethridge, publisher
of the Louisville Courier Journal as
chairman, was in general agreement
that much could be done by the mem-
bers as individuals to effect an ex-
tension of democracy in the South.

Interest was stimulated in non-poll
tax States when it was pointed out
that disfranchisement of the majority
of the people in poll tax States un-
dermined the principle of proportional
representation in Congress. For in-
stance, fifty poll tax Congressmen had
gone to the House of Representatives
on the same number of votes as had
one Illinois Congressman. Actually,
six out of seven votes in non-poll tax
States were nullified as far as an
effective voice in Congress was con-
cerned. Pointing out still further the
bearing that this disfranchisement
has on the rest of the country, the

264

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

Detroit Free Press, on July 15, 1946,
commented: . . . "two years ago in 11
of our 48 States, less than half of
the eligible voters cast ballots. All
of these States are in the South. All
but three of them had poll taxes. The
percentage of eligible voters who went
to the polls ranged from 41 per cent
in North Carolina and Florida down
to 15 per cent in Mississippi and 10
per cent in South Carolina. The com-
bined population of Mississippi and
Georgia in 1940 was 5,307,000 and that
of Michigan, 5,256,000. The two South-
ern States have the same number of
seats in the House as Michigan has,
two more Senators, and two more
votes in the Electoral College. Yet
in 1944 they polled a combined vote of
498,191 votes to Michigan's 2,205,217
votes. A vote in Georgia and Missis-
sippi was worth more in our National
affairs than four votes in the Wolver-
ine State. As a result of this disbal-
ance, the South wields a power in
Washington out of all proportion to
its voting strength. The States where
less than half the eligible population
votes hold the chairmanships of 19
of the Senate's 42 committees and of
31 of the House's 54 committees . . .
Southern members attain seniority
largely because of the ease of manipu-
lating a handful of voters, all that
are admitted to the polls under their
minority, one-party system."

State Measures to
Abolish the Poll Tax

In 1945, Georgia abolished its poll
tax statute by vote of 141 to 51 in the
House, and 31 to 19 in the Senate.
Formidable obstacles stand in the
way of repeal in the remaining seven
poll tax States. The legislature of Ten-
nessee repealed its poll tax statute in
1943, only to have the State Supreme
Court in a three-to-two decision declare
the repeal invalid on grounds that
"this constitutional mandate has been
so 'welded into intimate and perma-
nent union' with the statute that the
two have become indivisible, and the
statute may not now be divorced or
destroyed." An amendment was passed
in the State's 1945 legislature abolish-
ing the constitutional reference to poll
tax; the amendment, however, must
yet be approved by popular referen-
dum. South Carolina's Senate in 1945
had a single dissenting vote against

poll tax repeal, but the measure was
unsuccessful in the House. A 70 to 27
vote against abolishing the cumulative
feature of the poll tax was recorded
in the Alabama House in 1945, al-
though several political leaders advo-
cated total abolition of the tax.

Federal Anti-Poll Tax Bills

While State repeal is the ideal and
ultimate solution, Stetson Kennedy
says that since the people of the poll-
tax States have been denied a free vote
for almost half a century, they are
now entitled to Federal aid.5 Thus
far, however, efforts in Congress to
make it unlawful to require the pay-
ment of a poll tax as a pre-requisite
for voting or registering to vote at
elections for Federal officials have been
unsuccessful.

The first bill to abolish the poll
tax by Federal act (HR 7534) was in-
troduced August 5, 1939, by Represen-
tative Lee Geyer of California who,
in 1940, formed the National Commit-
tee to Abolish the Poll Tax. (This
organization seeks to coordinate the
fight against the poll tax and to sup-
ply interested groups with informa-
tion. It regularly sponsors an "Abol-
ish the Poll Tax Week.") After the
House Judiciary Committee dropped
the bill (1940), the Geyer-Pepper Bill
was introduced in Congress in 1941.
It passed the House by vote of 252 to
84, but was killed in the Senate (1942)
after a ten-day filibuster by southern
Senators. In the 78th Congress (1943)
5 Congressmen introduced anti-poll
tax bills. These five authors and two
other Congressmen formed a bi-par-
tisan coalition and jointly backed
New York's Representative Vito Mar-
cantonio's bill, H. R. 7 "making un-
lawful the requirement for the pay-
ment of a poll tax as a prerequisite
to voting in a primary or other elec-
tion for national officers." Senator
James M. Mead, also of New York, led
the fight for its passage, but the
measure, after having passed the
House by vote of 265-110 in 1943, was
blocked in the Senate after a five-day
filibuster (May, 1944). The bill was
reintroduced on January 3, 1945, by
Representative Marcantonio. After the

5Stetson Kennedy, "Is the South's Twenty
Per Cent Democracy Enough," The South-
ern Frontier VI, No. 10, October, 1945,
pp. 1-4.

REGISTRATION

265

House Judiciary Committee took no
action and the Rules Committee failed
to bring it to the floor, a coalition
committee steered it to final vote on
June 12, 1945, when it was passed by
vote of 251 to 105. Since, no action
has been taken in the Senate. After
the Republican landslide in the 1946
elections, the southern Democrats ex-
pressed concern that the 80th Con-
gress might revive and pass the bill.

REGISTRATION
Registration Practices

Registration rarely presents a prob-
lem in the South to whites who wish
to vote, despite eligibility require-
ments, for the registrars generally are
free to exercise their own interpre-
tation of the law. A liberal interpre-
tation is usually given the prospective
white registrant so that, as Bunche
says, "there would seem to be no
good reason, barring the poll tax, why
any white adult in the South, whether
illiterate, feeble-minded or criminal,
cannot vote, if he so desires."6 On
the other hand, a rigid interpretation
of the law is usually exercised in the
case of the Negro registrant. It is not
so much the letter of the law as its in-
terpretation which works a hardship
upon the Negro.

Prevailing community attitude to-
ward Negroes' voting influence regis-
tration practices. Where an atmos-
phere of hostility governs, Negroes are
apt to be threatened with physical
violence when they attempt to regis-
ter, and occasionally the threats are
carried out; or again they may be told
that they will lose their jobs if they
attempt to register. In States which
have cumulative poll taxes there may
be a severe application of this feature
to Negroes only.

The author, Harnett T. Kane, attend-
ing the Atlanta meeting of the Com-
mittee of Editors and Writers of the
South, reported that Negroes in Louis-
iana were kept away from the polls
by special arrangements. "You have
got to go there and sign a registra-
tion application in which you are
asked . . . trick questions. . . . You
must state your age in years, months
and days. I know I had to sit and
figure it out, my age in years, months
and days. There is another trick ques-
tion: "Who is the householder?" Per-

"Ralph J. Bunche, loc. cit., p. 570.

haps you may know, it does not mean
the landlord. . . . Some of our polling
places are located in bar rooms, pool
rooms, slot machine joints and houses
of prostitution; and when it happens
that a policeman owns the pool room,
house of prostitution or other places,
that makes it a little more difficult,
not only for a man, white or colored,
but for a woman to go in and vote."

Col. Harry M. Ayers, publisher of
The Anniston Star (Alabama), at the
same conference told of a Negro friend
who had tried for several years to vote
but had been debarred each year be-
cause he couldn't, according to the
Board of Registrars, interpret the
Constitution. The next time he ap-
peared before the Board he had mem-
orized the entire document and knew
more about the Constitution than the
Board itself. Yet he was barred from
voting by the Board's exercise of legal
rights under Section 53 of the State
code: "The Board of Registrars may
make such rules and regulations as it
deems proper for the receipt of appli-
cations for registration and the ac-
complishing in as expedient a manner
as possible the registration of those
entitled to register, but no person
shall be registered until the majority
of the Board of Registrars has passed
favorably upon the personal qualifica-
tions."

Another method was reported by
George S. Mitchell, Southern Director
of the C.I.O.-Political Action Commit-
tee. "Here were the circumstances:
the place of registration was a home
in a small white workingmen's neigh-
borhood. It would be an odd and un-
usual sight for a Negro to be coming
down that street. Secondly, the regis-
trar was a lady. Thirdly, the place of
registration was her front parlor.
Fourth, she kept a very large dog.
Fifth, her husband sat attentively by
while the registration was going on.
Now that was within three hundred
yards of the Potomac River, which is
supposed to be the more enlightened
part of Virginia."

Devices Designed to Exclude
Negroes from Registration

A number of techniques are em-
ployed by Boards of Registrars to pre-
vent Negroes from becoming qualified
voters. Among them are the follow-
ing:

266

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

1. Refusal to accept application
blanks from Negroes.

2. Prompt disposal of application
blanks accepted from Negroes.

3. Refusal to furnish certificates of
registration to Negroes.

4. Establishment of quotas of Negro
voters.

5 Refusal to register Negroes who
are unable to fill out application blanks
without assistance.

6. Requiring the Negro applicant to
furnish the names of white persons
whom he believes will vouch for his
character.

7. Asking the Negro applicants ques-
tions which he does not answer to
the satisfaction of the Board of Regis-
trars.

8. Applying literacy and property re-
quirements in an arbitrary and dis-
criminatory way.

9. Requiring Negroes to produce
property receipts.

10. Informing Negroes that there
are no more registration blanks, or
that it is "closing time," or that they
will be notified in "due time."

11. Requiring Negro applicants to
fill out their own registration blanks
while assisting whites in filling out
the blanks.

12. Having Negro applicants wait un-
til all white applicants are registered.

13. Having only one of the registrars
on duty in order that prospective Ne-
gro applicants will have to wait for
hours before being interviewed.

14. Insults to Negro applicants by
officials and hangers-on.

15. Refusal to furnish application
blanks to Negroes who have been con-
victed of misdemeanors.

Attitude Toward Registration
Practices Varies

The prevailing system of registra-
tion does not enjoy complete support
throughout the South. A letter from
a Negro journalist to a large southern
daily commented on the experiences of
Negro applicants for registration in
Jefferson County, Alabama, wherein
approximately 171 of some 250 Ne-
groes were rejected upon the basis
of questions such as, "What would
be the proper place for a candidate for
the governorship to make his first
speech?" In reply, The Birmingham
News editorialized on August -29, 1945:
"If it be true, as this letter states,
that 68 per cent of Negroes who ap-

plied during the August registration
were turned down, though many of
them 'do and can meet the legal re-
quirements to register as electors un-
der Alabama laws,' a disturbing pic-
ture is thereby presented to the
thoughtful white community. If it be
true that Negroes are not allowed to
become voters merely because they
are Negroes, and not because they can-
not qualify under the law, something
should be done to improve our system
of registration as well as the conduct
of our registrars.

"It is understandable, in the light of
this disclosure, why there have been
efforts to make registrars more arbi-
trary than ever in carrying out an
unwritten purpose to keep Negroes
from becoming voters. Instead of set-
ting up qualifications which are rele-
vant and democratic, and instead of
insisting that these qualifications be
enforced without fear or favor, there
seems to be a movement on foot to
make matters worse by doctoring re-
quirements to enable registrars to de-
fy the Federal Constitution.

"The 'white supremacy' which de-
pends on such methods is leaning on a
weak reed. It is a 'supremacy' which
is afraid to stand on its own feet.
The time has indeed come for white
Alabamians to be concerned if the
best they can do to preserve political
control is to rely on subversion of the
law."

The County Democratic Committee
of Raleigh, N. C., in 1941 appointed
two Negro registrars and two judges of
elections for precincts populated large-
ly by colored people. Anent the ap-
pointments, the Norfolk Journal and
Guide stated, March 22, 1941: "The
highest significance lies in the fact
that instead of resorting to other
means at hand for cancelling out the
Negro voter, such as certain kinds of
ward and precinct gerrymandering,
the party authorities set up two Ne-
gro precincts and put the responsibil-
ity for eliminating fraud and corrup-
tion squarely up to the colored people,
by putting the machinery of regis-
tration and elections in their hands.
... It is their responsibility (the reg-
istrars' and judges') to see that the
election laws are not violated; to see
that clean and honest elections are
held as far as their precincts are con-
cerned."

REGISTRATION

267

In other sections of the South, espe-
cially in Alabama, Georgia, Florida
and Louisiana, the period, 1940-46, was
marked by court actions, suits filed
by Negroes against boards of regis-
trars on the grounds of refusal to
register qualified voters. As many
of these suits, particularly in Alabama,
asked damage payments, resignations
of registrars became frequent through-
out the State.
The Boswell Amendment

In Alabama at the November, 1946,
election there was passed the Boswell
Amendment. This act, by requiring
prospective voters to "understand and
explain" the Constitution, granted
registrars arbitrary power to de-
termine persons eligible to vote. The
measure was ratified by 89,163 votes to
76,843, a margin of 12,320. The pro-
posal carried in 41 counties and failed
in 26.

This constitutional amendment re-
quires the prospective voter to read,
write, understand and explain any
section of the United States Constitu-
tion to the satisfaction of the County
Board of Registrars; to have had law-
ful employment for the twelve months
prior; to be of "good character and
. . . understand the duties and obli-
gations of good citizenship under a
republican form of government." (Ex-
ception is granted those unable to
qualify due solely to physical disa-
bility). Previously the requirement
asked that the prospective voter be
ab'e to read and write the Constitu-
tion, meet employment eligibility and
have at least a $300. property assess-
ment. The Amendment eliminated the
property ownership clause. The State
Constitution guarantees life registra-
tion to those persons only who regis-
tered prior to January 1, 1903. The
Boswell Amendment has as its effec-
tive date January 1, 1903, so that
voters now on the list are exposed
to re-registration should the registrars
decide that new qualifications have
not been met. (It should be pointed
out that the registrars are not elected
but appointed by the Governor, the
Commissioner of Agriculture and the
State Auditor).

The Boswell Amendment brought
forth a sharp political campaign in the
State. Col. R. T. Rives, former Pres-
ident of the Alabama Bar Association,
urged defeat of the act for the follow-
ing reasons: (1) unlimited powers

granted the board of registrars; (2)
obvious intent to keep Negroes unfran-
chised and thereby leading to bad feel-
ings between the races; (3) opening
the way for "certain-to-come" court
actions directly to the Federal Courts
because of the Amendment's discrim-
inatory intent: (4) certainty of court
actions with damage suits against
registrars, and difficulty of getting re-
sponsible citizens to serve as regis-
trars; (5) possibility of the measure's
becoming a weapon in the hands of un-
scrupulous registrars to further their
own political purposes. Supporting the
stand of Atty. Rivies against the
amendment were Governor-elect James
E. Folsom, Senator Lister Hill, and a
citizens' committee composed of news-
paper editors, educators, political,
labor and religious leaders. A major-
ity of the newspapers of the State
which expressed themselves on the
subject were opposed to the Amend-
ment.

Advocates of ratification, led by Gov.
Chauncey Sparks, included big indus-
trial interests and planters, the State
Democratic Committee as a group, and
such men as former Gov. Frank Dixon,
former U. S. Senator J. Thomas Heflin,
and Agriculture Commissioner Joe
Poole. Speaking for the Amendment,
Gessner T. McCorvey, Chairman of the
State Democratic Executive Commit-
tee, in Mobile on October 18, 1946, ex-
pressed concern over resignations of
registrars in Jefferson and Macon
counties. He declared that under
the then existing law in effect any-
one could register who could read
and write and had a $300. tax assess-
ment, so that registrars had no choice
but to register "practically every Ne-
gro who presents himself. With the
Negroes outnumbering the white peo-
ple approximately five to one in Macon
County, a moron can see what is go-
ing to happen in that county if the
Board of Registrars registers every Ne-
gro over 21 years of age who can
read and write, regardless of his fit-
ness to vote intelligently on important
public issues. Macon County is not
alone. There are something like 17
or 18 other counties in Alabama's
Black Belt where the same situation
exists."7 He stated that the Boswell

7In 1940, according to the Census, there
were 18 counties in Alabama in which Ne-
groes constituted 50 per cent or more of
the population.

268

E NEGRO IN POLITICS

Amendment requiring voters to un-
derstand and explain the Federal Con-
stitution would remedy all of this.
"It gives the registrars some discre-
tion, and the registrars are not re-
quired to register practically every-
thing that walks on two legs. I can-
not understand how any Southerner
with the traditions of our people can
think of wishing to continue a situa-
tion such as exists in Macon County
today, which can only result in trouble
for the future." He added that since
the resignation of the Macon County
registrars (due to the filing of a dam-
age suit by a Negro) Governor Sparks
had appointed some eight or ten regis-
trars who had all declined the appoint-
ment, and that Negroes of the county
were demanding the appointment of
three Negroes.

THE "WHITE PRIMARY"
Historical Background

Political administration of white
supremacy in the South is made se-
cure by the Democratic or "white
primary." Prior to the Civil War the
South had a two-party system, but
the parties coalesced against the North
because of the belief that the institu-
tion of slavery was jeopardized. One
party, Democratic-rule has dominated
the "Solid South" since then, except
for a brief period between the 'seven-
ties and the 'nineties when the Popu-
list movement drew the agrarian mid-
dle and lower classes from the Demo-
cratic Party. Tracing the background
of the undemocratic white primary,
Stetson Kennedy8 writes that during
the depression of 1891-1892 the white
plutocrats, fearing the Populist-
wrought political unity between South-
ern whites and Negroes, workers and
farmers, "bought off the whites with
the lily-white Democratic primary, in
return for which the whites acceded to
the imposition of the poll tax," a de-
vice to reduce the electorate to a con-
trollable minority. Fraud and cor-
ruption in primaries were such that
eventually through popular demand
regulatory laws were adopted by
States. "Most states provide that in
order to vote in a primary, one must
first be qualified to vote in the general
election, and also meet whatever qual-

8Stetson Kennedy, "The White Primary
vs. Democracy," The Southern Frontier,
X., No. 11, November, 1945, pp. 1-4.

ifications might be imposed by the
party. Some states adopted laws lim-
iting the Democratic primary to
whites, while others — one eye on the
15th Amendment — delegated to the
parties the power to make such limi-
tations."

The 1944 elections found the white
primary limiting participation in party
nominations to whites, strictly invio-
late in eight States of the Deep South :
Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Arkansas,
Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina
and Texas. North Carolina, a two-
party State, allows the Negro to vote
in the primaries. The Negro may par-
ticipate in the primaries in Kentucky,
West Virginia, Missouri, and in parts
of Tennessee and Virginia. In the
white primary States the general elec-
tions are mere gestures, the "nomina-
tions" of the Democratic party ("to all
intents and purposes, the only political
party insofar as State and local poli-
tics are concerned")9 being tanta-
mount to elections. Thus it is that so
much importance attaches to eligibility
to vote in the primary. A Negro hav-
ing met all other requirements for
voting — as payment of poll tax, char-
acter and literacy requirements and
registration— would still be barred
from exercising political rights.
Bunche refers to the white primary
as "the most effective device for the
exclusion of Negroes from the polls
in the South and, therefore, the most
effective political instrument for the
preservation of white supremacy."10

Court Decisions Affecting
The White Primary

In recent years legal battles have
been waged over the constitutionality
of the white primary. The U. S. Su-
preme Court in Nixon v. Herndon
(1927) declared unconstitutional a
Texas statute limiting the Democratic
primary to whites. The Texas legisla-
ture countered by delegating discrimi-
natory power to the State Democratic
Party's executive committee, but these
tactics were declared unconstitutional
in 1932 in Nixon v. Condon. There-
upon, instead of by executive committee
action, a race discriminatory clause
was passed by resolution at the State
convention of the Texas Democratic
party. In unanimous opinion the Su-

9Bunche, op. cit., p. 573.
10Ibid, p. 573.

THE "WHITE PRIMARY"

269

preme Court in Grovey v. Townsend in
1935 declared that the Texas Demo-
cratic convention had not "become a
mere instrumentality or agency for ex-
pressing the will of the State" and up-
held the party's right to establish its
rules governing membership and par-
ticipation in its primary.

The white primary could claim this
cloak of legality only briefly. Since, in
a series of notable decisions, the courts
have declared that the exclusion of
Negroes from the Democratic primary
was an unconstitutional exercise of
power. The stage was set for these de-
cisions by the Supreme Court in United
States o. Classic. 313 U. S. 299 (May
26, 1941) in which Grovy v. Townsend
was over-ruled. This case concerned
alleged fraudulent practices in a
Louisiana primary election and in-
volved the applicability of Constitu-
tional guarantees to state-regulated
primaries. The Court declared that
in Louisiana the primary marked the
only phase of an election in which
the voice of the voter was of signifi-
cance. In the Classic majority opinion
Mr. Justice Stone said: "Interference
with the right to vote in the Congres-
sional primary in the Second Con-
gressional District for the choice of
Democratic Candidate for Congress is
thus a matter of law and in fact an
interference with the effective choice
of the voters at the only stage of the
election procedure when their choice
is of significance, since it is at the
only stage when such interference
could have any practical effect on the
ultimate result, the choice of the Con-
gressman to represent the district. The
primary in Louisiana is an integral
part of the procedure for the popular
choice of Congressman. The right of
qualified voters to vote at the Congres-
sional primary in Louisiana and to
have their ballots counted is thus the
right to participate in that choice."

Far more important than the Classic
case as far as Negro voting is con-
cerned is the Texas case, Smith v. All-
wright, Election Judge, et al., 321 U.
S. 649, which was decided on April 3,
1944. Suit was filed against an election
official by a Negro dentist, Dr. Lonnie
E. Smith, charging that he had been
prevented from voting in the Texas
Democratic primary of 1940. In an 8
to 1 decision the Supreme Court as-
serted that under existing arrange-

ments in Texas the Democratic Party
was an agency of the State and there-
fore the action of the party was the
action of the State. The Court further
declared that the right to vote in the
Texas Democratic primary was secured
by the Federal Constitution. Negroes,
according to the Court, could not be
denied the right to participate in the
Democratic primary as long as it was
governed by State laws. In the de-
cision written by Justice Stanley Reed
of Kentucky, the Court said: "It may
now be taken as a postulate that the
right to vote in such a primary for
the nomination of candidates without
discrimination by the State, like the
right to vote in a general election, is
a right secured by the Constitution.
By the terms of the 15th Amendment
that right may not be abridged by the
state on account of race. Under our
Constitution the great privilege of
the ballot may not be denied a man
by the state because of his color. The
United States is a constitutional de-
mocracy. Its organic law grants to all
citizens a right to participate in the
choice of elected officials without re-
striction by any state because of race.

"This grant to the people of oppor-
tunity for choice is not to be nullified
by a state through casting its elec-
toral process in a form which permits
a private organization to practice
racial discrimination in the election.
Constitutional rights would be of little
value if they could thus be indirectly
denied."

Two cases involving the Democratic
primary have been decided since the
Texas case in which the courts have
used it as a precedent. On July 27,
1945, the Florida Supreme Court up-
held the right of Negroes to vote in
the Florida Democratic primary in two
companion cases: Davis v. State ex
rel., Cromwell and Davis v. State ex
rel. Chavis. The United States Circuit
Court of Appeals for the Fifth District
declared that under existing laws Ne-
groes could not be barred from the
Democratic primary in the State of
Georgia. This decision was given in
the case Joseph E. Chapman, Jr., et al.
v. Primus E. King, decided on March
6, 1946, which declared: . . . "We
think . . . that the State ... puts its
power behind the rules of the party.
It adopts the primary as a part of the
public election machinery. The exclu-

270

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

sions of voters made by the party by
the primary rules become exclusions
enforced by the State and when these
exclusions are prohibited by the Fif-
teenth Amendment because based on
race, or color, the persons making
them effective violate under color of
State law a right secured by the Con-
stitution and laws of the United
States . . ."

Participation of Negroes
In White Primaries

A real political revival was stimu-
lated in the South in 1946 because of
these court decisions. For the first
time since Reconstruction, Negroes par-
ticipated in large numbers in primary
elections in Georgia, Alabama, Flor-
ida and Texas. Many organizations
such as the National Association for
the Advancement of Colored People
and the Southern Negro Youth Con-
gress have been active instrumentali-
ties in encouraging Negroes to qualify
for voting and to cast ballots. A Na-
tional Progressive Voter's League was
organized at Hot Springs, Arkansas,
on May 24 and 25, 1944, to "provide
guidance and orientation to newly en-
franchised southern voters in the use
of the ballot." Delegates from Ala-
bama, Arkansas, Georgia, Florida,
Louisiana, Mississippi, Maryland,
North Carolina, Kentucky, South Caro-
lina, Ohio, Michigan, Missouri and
Illinois attended the sessions of the
League.

In the Spring of 1946, in Atlanta,
the Negro press, churches and schools
cooperated in a nearly successful drive
for 25,000 registered voters. Accord-
ing to the Associated Press, the largest
Negro vote in these primaries was in
Georgia where an estimated 100,000
Negroes cast baUots; the Governor's
estimate of the Negro vote in Texas
was 75,000. While the size of the Ne-
gro vote is increasing, its numerical
strength in the South is frequently
over-rated. (For the potential voting
strength of Negroes, see Tables 2, 3
and 4 of this section.) Most of the
colored citizens living in the South
still do not vote. However, there has
been genuine alarm expressed in many
quarters of the South, not so much
over present voting strength of Ne-
groes, as over possible implications
if this strength is augmented. De-
feated Roy Harris, Speaker of Geor-

gia's House Assembly, declared that
he Tiad lost because of the Negro vote.
Precinct B in Atlanta's Third Ward,
predominantly Negro, was credited
with the small edge of votes which
elected Mrs. Helen Douglas Mankin
to Congress. Mrs. Mankin had the
endorsement of the C.I.O.'s Political
Action Committee which demands full
economic, political and civil equality
for every American. (The Georgia
Democrats later took steps to read
Mrs. Mankin out of the party and to
drop her name from the ballot in the
next election. As a "write-in" candi-
date, she was defeated.)

In Mississippi as the Negro Progres-
sive Voters League expressed its in-
tention to vote, the Jackson Daily
News editorialized on May 22, 1946:
"In spite of all this big talk our first-
best piece of advice to Negroes, given
in the friendliest spirit, is this: Don't
attempt to participate in the Demo-
cratic primary anywhere in Mississip-
pi on July 2nd. Staying away from
the polls on that date will be the
best way to prevent unhealthy and un-
happy results." Few Negroes were
qualified and even fewer voted" in
Mississippi's election where less than
200,000 of her 2,183,276 population de-
cided to return to Congress Senator
Theodore G. Bilbo and Representative
John Rankin, both elected on a white
supremacy platform.

Congressional Investigation of
Senator Theodore G. Bilbo

The 1946 primary election in Mis-
sissippi elicited national interest and
became a matter of Congressional in-
vestigation. The issue of Negro voting
came to the fore in advance of the
Democratic primary. Developments oc-
curred rapidly:12

(1) A Negro veteran, Etoy Fletcher
of Pucket, Mississippi filed an affidavit
that he was flogged and threatened
with death when he attempted to reg-
ister at Brandon, Rankin County, on
June 2.

(2) T. B. Wilson, President of the
(Negro) Progressive Voters' League,
declared "many reports have come in
that circuit clerks by ruse and in-

"Estimate of the Negro Vote was be-
tween 1,000-3,000 (Times-Picayune), New
Orleans, Louisiana, July 6, 1946.
"Birmingham News, (Alabama), June 23,
1946.

THE "WHITE PRIMARY'

271

timidation are keeping Negroes from
registering."

(3) In a prepared campaign speech,
Senator Bilbo, seeking renomination,
called upon "every red-blooded Anglo-
Saxon in Mississippi to resort to any
means" to keep Negroes from voting.

(4) Representative John Rankin,
also seeking renomination, joined Sen
ator Bilbo in urging "law-abiding" Ne-
groes to refrain from voting in the
State primaries.

Following the Democratic primary
<in June 4, the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored Peo
pie, acting in behalf of 80 Mississippi
local veterans of World War II who
were denied the right to vote in the
primary, filed formal charges with
United States Attorney-General Tom C
Clark.

Fearing trouble at the polls during
the State primary on July 2, Negro
leaders appealed for Federal protec-
tion. Charges of "wholesale" intimi-
dation, "threats and assaults" to keep
Negroes from participating in the Mis-
sissippi primary were made by Eman-
uel H. Bloch, counsel for the Civil
Rights Congress,13 on July 1, just be-
fore Attorney-General Clark promised
that the Federal Government would
protect their rights. The Senate Cam-
paign Investigating Committee declined
a request made by Senator Glen H.
Taylor (Democrat, Idaho) and Edgar
G. Brown,14 Director of the National
Negro Council, to send a representa-
tive to the election, stating that it
would not consider action "unless and
until there are complaints from Mis-
sissippi sources."

As the result of their investigation
which indicated campaign violence and
intimidation against Negroes, the Civil
Rights Congress, on July 16, filed a
petition with the Senate Committee
on Campaign Expenditures, seeking to
deny Senator Bilbo a seat in the 80th
Congress. The Congressional sub-com-
mittee named to investigate his elec-
tion received a petition signed by more
than 50 qualified voters (Negr-o and

13This permanent national organization,
with headquarters at 205 West Forty-
second Street, New York City, was set
up at Detroit, Michigan on April 28
1046 by 373 delegates from 23 States
"Mr. Brown urged President Harry S
iruman to send troops into Mississippi
lor the election, to insure Negroes the
right to vote.

white) alleging that Senator Bilbo had
"incited the white population of Mis-
sissippi to commit acts of violence and
intimidation against the Negro popu-
lation" during his campaign for re-
election. It charged, further, that Sen-
ator Bilbo had "violated his oath of
office," and therefore could not "rea-
sonably be relied upon in the future
to honor the oath of office required
to be made by the United States sena-
tors." The Committee held a four-day
hearing of 96 witnesses. Most of these
witnesses told of violence, jailing,
bribery or "friendly advice" from
white people. The one piece of evi-
dence connecting Bilbo with the fact
that only 1,500 of more than 500,000
potential Negro voters had participated
in the election was a phrase from a
Bilbo campaign address in June: "The
best way to keep a nigger away from
a white primary in Mississippi is to
see him the night before." The ma-
jority report of the Campaign Expendi-
ture Committee15 found no bases for
the charges, while the minority fa-
vored ousting of Senator Bilbo. The
latter scored him for "vile, contempt-
ible" language used in the campaign
and charged violation of the Constitu-
tion, the Criminal Code and the Hatch
Act (making it unlawful to intimidate
or coerce any person in the exercise
of his right to vote).

However, the Senate War Investi-
gating Committee reported documented
evidence of Bilbo's acceptance of sub-
stantial gratuities from Mississippi war
contractors. Testimony given during
a seven-day inquiry revealed that sub-
stantial "gifts" and "loans" had been
made toward the construction of Sen-
ator Bilbo's 27-room brick mansion,
and Edward P. Terry, his former sec-
retary, declared that the Senator had,
in 1941, accepted $1,500.00 for getting
a drug addict a special morphine pre-
scription. The Committee's report
claimed: "The evidence presented . . .
clearly indicates that Senator Bilbo im-
properly used his high office as United
States Senator for his personal gain
in his dealings with war contractors,"

5The Committee included: Senators Allen
J. Ellender (Louisiana); Elmer Thomas
(Oklahoma); Burnet R. Maybank (South
Carolina); Styles Bridges (New Hamp-
shire) and Bourke B. Hickenlooper
The Republican Senators (Bridges
and Hickenlooper) gave the minority re-
port.

272

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

and added that "the donation or . . .
solicitation of political contributions
from Government contractors ... is
prohibited by a federal criminal
statute."

Republican Senators decided unani-
mously to deny Senator Bilbo the oath
of office at the 80th Congress, conven-
ing January 3, 1947, pending full de-
bate of the case against him, while
Southern Democrats charged that to
unseat the Senator would constitute
an invasion of State's rights. An all-day
debate over the issue ensued on Janu-
ary 3, and Republican majority leaders
threatened closure (limitation of de-
bate, abolishing the Senate's tradition
of "unrestricted debate" which may
be broken only by two-thirds vote. The
Senate conflict over the seating of Sen-
ator Bilbo seemed apparently irrecon-
cilable. Shortly after the session be-
gan on January 4, however, a com-
promise was effected, credited to the
intervention of Senator Alben W.
Barkley, Kentucky, Democratic floor
leader, who stated that it was neces-
sary for Senator Bilbo to have an im-
mediate operation on his jaw for can-
cer. The Senate agreed to table his
election credentials until such time as
the solon was physically able to re-
appear, or when the Senate should de-
sire to take up the matter anew. Sen-
ator Bilbo then left for Mississippi.

White Supremacy Challenged
In the South

In the second place, the Court deci-
sions have led to a re-emphasis of the
issue of white supremacy in southern
politics. The demarcation lines are
being more sharply drawn between
liberals and reactionaries. Sentiment
of the growing liberal element in the
South is similar to that expressed in a
resolution of the Southern Regional
Council, with headquarters in Atlanta:
"The Court has simply recognized the
fact that . . . the exclusion of the Ne-
gro voters from Democratic primaries
... is equivalent to denying them the
right to vote on account of race. This
decision has far-reaching consequences,
and we appeal to the people of the
South to make these consequences posi-
tive and constructive rather than nega-
tive and destructive. We deplore the
statements of political leaders and
others indicating a determination to
disregard or nullify the decision of

the Supreme Court, and we call on
all fair-minded citizens of the South
to respect the letter and the spirit of
the Court's decision."

On the other hand, the "die-hards"
have been more determined than ever
to keep white supremacy firmly en-
trenched. Typical of these is State
Representative John D. Long of South
Carolina who stated: "As for the Ne-
gro voting in my primary, we'll fight
him at the precinct meeting, we'll fight
him at the county convention, we'll
fight him at the enrollment books, and,
by God, we'll fight him at the polls if
I have to bite the dust as did my an-
cestors."

States Seek to Retain
The White Primary

As another consequence, definite
steps are being taken by States of the
Deep South — streamlined constitutions
omitting reference to primaries — to
circumvent the Supreme Court's deci-
sion in the Texas case. South Caro-
lina, in 1944, took the lead. By special
session of the legislature, 147 bills were
passed eliminating from the statutes
all laws affecting the Democratic
party. Every reference to primaries
was eliminated, and the party, in effect,
became a "private club" which could
make its own rules and regulations,
with possible dictatorial power to de-
cide who (whites as well as Negroes)
might vote in the primaries. Not to
be completely outdone, a group of Ne-
groes met at Columbia, South Caro-
lina, on May 24, 1944 and organized
the South Carolina Colored Democratic
Party, later known as the Progressive
Democratic Party. The movement was
spearheaded by John H. McCray, mili-
tant editor of The Lighthouse and In-
former, a Negro newspaper. The party
was organized "for the purpose of
forcing the issue of Negro admission
into the Democratic Party by pressure
from the national party and by a
threat from the Negro voters in the
counties and districts where they out-
numbered the whites." The party, open
to persons of all races, had 172 dele-
gates from 39 of the 40 counties of
the State as its first convention.
Eighteen full-vote delegates were
chosen for the National Democratic
Convention, but they were not seated.
A statewide registration drive was
launched, and in three months the

EFFORTS TO IMPROVE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE NEGRO 273

party claimed a membership of 44,774.
Osceola McKaine was named as the
party's candidate for the United States
Senate. The first scries of affidavits
filed with the United States Depart-
ment of Justice on refusal of the Demo-
cratic Party to enroll Negroes for the
primaries came in this State after the
summer primary, 1946.

In Arkansas after the 1944 primaries
in which an estimated 5,000 Negroes
participated, the legislature passed an
act in 1945 which separated Demo-
cratic primaries for State offices and
those for Federal offices. Legislators
frankly admitted that the act (upheM
by the State Supreme Court in 1946)
was planned to prevent Negroes from
voting in elections for State offices. At
the same time the State Democratic
convention reformulated its party
principles, including preservation of
the poll tax and laws governing segre-
gation and prohibiting inter-racial
marriage.

The Florida State Democratic Exec-
utive Committee in June, 1946 adopted
a resolution calling on the State Legis-
lature to repeal in 1947 all laws pre-
venting the party from remaining "an
exclusively white party." At the same
time, in Mississippi, a special commit-
tee was appointed from the legisla-
ture to revise the State's primary elec-
tion laws "in the best interest of the
people of the state." In January, 1946
the Alabama Democratic Executive
Committee removed a seventy-five-year-
old specification that only white per-
sons might vote in the party's pri-
maries, but recommended a measure
making voting qualifications more
stringent and considered "essential to
white supremacy" which was passed
by the State as the Boswell Amend-
ment at the November election.

Georgia's new Constitution, adopt-
ed August 7, 1945, omitted all reference
to primaries although statutory ref-
erences remain. Out-going Governor
Ellis Arnall, a liberal, stated, how-
ever, that the white Democratic pri-
mary in Georgia was gone and that
any man not wilMng to uphold the law
was unworthy of democratic citizen-
ship. Governor-Elect Eugene Talmadge
retaliated by calling a special State
party convention in 1946 which adopted
resolutions urging the legislature to
enact laws shifting control of prima-
ries from State statutes to party books
and to pass laws securing "the in-

alienable right" of Georgia Democrats
to exclude from party primaries "per-
sons, who in time-honored customs and
traditions . . . are not entitled to par-
ticipate therein." This action would
be similar to that of South Carolina
in making the party a "private club."
Talmadge (elected by Georgia's county
unit system though his opponent,
liberal James V. Carmichael, supported
by the leading urban dailies, won the
•popular majority) declared: "The rad-
icals and the lunatic fringe of the
East and other sections of our country
must be content and realize that Geor-
gia will handle its own affairs." He
pledged further that Negroes would
never again go to the polls in a Geor-
gia Democratic primary.18

Far-sighted elements, like Georgia's
League of Women Voters, have grave
concern over the consequences of with-
drawal of State control of primaries:
"Unregulated primaries may easily be-
come a tool in the hands of the pro-
fessional politicians and result in the
disgrace of our State. ... If we follow
the line of freeing our primaries from
all regulations, we are jeopardizing
our elections, the foundation upon
which our government rests."

EFFORTS TO IMPROVE THE

POLITICAL STATUS OF THE

NEGRO

Efforts to improve the political status
of the Negro have not been limited
to the South nor to activity by Ne-
groes alone. There are many national
organizations working to improve
civic conditions generally, and at the
same time to secure the passage of
such legislation as the anti-poll tax
bill which would expand opportunities
for full citizenship. A number of
groups active in the field of race rela-
tions seek also to extend democracy.

Perhaps the most vigorous effort is
waged by the National Association for
the Advancement of Colored People

"Governor-Elect Talmadge died Decem-
ber 21, 1946, 23 days before his inaugura-
tion, and a political contest over his suc-
cessor followed, as the new constitution
made no provision for such contingency.
Chief contenders were Herman Talmadge,
son of the deceased, a "write-in" candi-
date, who had been his father's campaign
manager, and Lieutenant-Governor-Elect
M. E. Thompson. The latter, in pressing
his claims for the governorship, promised
to carry out Talmadge's white supre-
macy program "without changing the
single dotting of an 'I' or the crossing
of a 'TV

274

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

with its more than 1,000 branches and
total membership (Negro and white)
exceeding 500,000. The National Com-
mittee to Abolish the Poll Tax fights
the battle of an estimated 7,000,OOQ
whites and 3,000,000 Negroes barred
from voting by poll tax requirements.
The Civil Rights Congress investigated
the 1946 primary in Mississippi in con-
nection with a petition seeking to deny
the seating of Senator Theodore G.
Bilbo. The National Negro Congress
(membership not limited to Negroes),
founded in 1936, is dedicated to se-
curing full citizenship rights for Ne-
groes. The Southern Negro Youth Con-
gress is a recent organization (estab-
lished February 14, 1937) with activi-
ties conducted by local councils com-
posed of federated clubs, individual
members, or both, in cities, counties
and on school campuses. This Con-
gress seeks to "strengthen American
democracy through the improvement
of conditions and opportunities of Ne-
gro youth," and among other aims to
stimulate youth's interest in impor-
tant issues of the day. The National
Progressive Voters League was formed
by Negroes in 1944 specifically to in-
struct newly enfranchised Southern
voters in the use of the ballot. Since
1941 the March on Washington Move-
ment, a national organization for mass
pressure, has worked to lead Negroes
to utilize their constitutional rights,
en masse and without violence, to se-
cure complete liberation from Jim
Crow laws and discriminatory prac-
tices. Other national organizations, to
list a few are: The Congress of Indus-
trial Organization, the Common Coun-
cil for American Unity, the Institute
for American Democracy, the Interna-
tional Labor Defense, the League for
Industrial Democracy, and the In-
ternal Workers Order (a fraternal
benefit group, organized in 1930, with
1,700 lodges and membership of nearly
175,000). In the South the Southern
Conference on Human Welfare and the
Southern Regional Council, liberal bi-
racial organizations, are outstanding.

The Negro press is foremost cham-
pion of the Negro in the struggle for
political equality. Use of the courts
is increasingly being resorted to in the
Negro's fight for the ballot. (The Na-
tional Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People has usually
provided funds and legal counsel for
court action to remove legal barriers

adversely affecting the Negro's politi-
cal status). There is hardly a fra-
ternal, religious, labor, civic or edu-
cational group among Negroes which
does not seek to improve his political
status. Attracting wide interest in
1946 was the united effort of the press,
Church and school in Atlanta to secure
25,000 registered Negro voters. Com-
mon activities include the sponsoring
of voters' clinics, public programs,
drives to secure registered voters and
to promote actual voting, and the rais-
ing of funds to help particular efforts,
as for example, an N.A.A.C.P. legal
case. Some of the groups have unique
features. For example, in Norfolk,
Virginia the Eureka Lodge requires
all applicants for membership to pay
State poll tax and also requires all
old members to keep up the pay-
ment of their poll taxes. The Civic
Educational Department of the Vir-
ginia State Teachers Association has
made available to Negro teachers an
instruction handbook on voting. The
Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority maintains
a Non-Partisan Council on Public Af-
fairs.

In many cities there are political
leagues active among Negroes, as the
Atlanta Civic Political League, the
Tuskegee (Alabama) Civic Associa-
tion, and the People's Defense League
of New Orleans. In Mobile, Alabama,
on November 18, 1946 a charter for in-
corporation was granted an organiza-
tion known as the Negro Voters and
Veterans Association of Mobile, over
protest of a Ku Klux Klan official "in
the interest of continued white supre-
macy and common sense." This newly
formed group under the leadership of
J. J. Thomas, building contractor, has
among its objectives the encourage-
ment and assistance of its members in
voting.

In various communities throughout
the country there are Negroes who
have individually spearheaded the
work of stimulating and organizing
the local group to political action.
Their techniques have been varied. For
example, in Miami, Florida in recent
years Sam B. Solomon, Negro business
man, has been given credit for influ-
encing large numbers of Negroes to
go to the polls. In Virginia, Dr. Luther
P. Jackson, educator and historian, has
stimulated political activity by his
newspaper articles and widely dissemi-
nated reports on the voting status of

POPULATION OF VOTING AGE

275

Negroes. Atty. A. T. Walden and John
Wesley Dobbs, in Georgia, have at-
tracted large followings in the Georgia
Association of Citizen's Democratic
Clubs and the Georgia Civic-Political
League, respectively. Prominent in or-
ganization and activities of the Pro-
gressive Democratic Party (South Car-
olina Colored Democratic organization)
are John H. McCray, editor, and Osce-
ola McKaine, one-time Senate candi-
date. In Mississippi, Percy Greene,
editor of the Jackson Advocate, has
been threatened for the militant role
he has taken in Negro affairs. He
testified, recently, before the Civil
Rights Congress on specific cases in the
1946 election where qualified Negro
voters in Mississippi were denied the
right to vote through intimidation.

POPULATION OF VOTING AGE ft

Voting Age And
Citizenship of Negroes

In 1940, Negroes constituted 8.8 per
cent of the total population of voting
age in the United States, and 9.2 per
cent of the citizens of voting age. (See
table 2). "Between 1930 and 1940 the
proportion of Negroes in the total
population of voting age declined 0.1
per cent, but the total number of Ne-
groes of voting age increased from
6,531,939 to 7,427,938 or 13.7 per cent.
The decline in the proportion of Ne-
groes among persons of voting age is
accounted for by the fact that Negroes
21 years old and over increased less
rapidly than the white population of
corresponding ages."

Table 2.

Population of Voting Age and Citizenship, For Negroes and Total Population
For the United States: 1940

Population

Negro

All Classes

Per Cent
Negro

All ages

12,865,518*

131 669 275

9 8

21 years and over

7,427,938

83,996,629

8 8

Citizens, 21 years and over. . .

7,375,609

79,863,451

9 2

Alien

52,329

3,335,392

1.6

"Includes persons for whom citizenship was not reported.

According to the Census, "there were
52,329 aliens and persons for whom
citizenship was not reported in the
Negro population of voting age in 1940
and G8,109 persons in the same cate-
gories in 1930. Neither of these figures
represents more than 1.0 per cent of
the respective totals for the Negro pop-
ulation 21 years old and over." In
both 1930 and 1940, New York, Flor-
ida, and Massachusetts had relatively
large numbers of Negro aliens. In
1940 there were 27,061 Negro aliens in
New York; 5,545, in Florida; and 4,227
in Massachusetts.

States and Cities

As we should expect, Negroes in the
South constituted, in 1940, a larger per-
centage of all citizens of voting age

than they did in any other region of
the country. As table 3 shows, there
were ten States in which Negro citizens
of voting age constituted over 20
per cent of the total population of this
class, Mississippi being highest with
47.2 per cent.

In the large cities, with over 50,000
Negro inhabitants, Negro citizens of
voting age constituted, in 1940, 11.9
per cent of the total population of this
class. In eight of these cities, Negro
citizens of voting age made up more
than 20 per cent of the total. (See
table 4.)

tFrom section on Population by Dr. Oliver

C. Cox.
{Georgia and South Carolina have lowered

their voting age.

276

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

Table 3.
Citizens of Voting Age For the Total Population and Negroes by States, 1940

State

Citizen

Total

Negro

Per Cent
Negro

United States: 79,863,451

New England:

Maine 493,506

New Hampshire 295,859

Vermont 214,248

Massachusetts . 2,575,477

Rhode Island 424,876

Connecticut 1,011,658

Middle Atlantic:

New York 8,327,563

New Jersey 2,592,978

Pennsylvania 6,031,192

East North Central:

Ohio... 4,404,423

Indiana 2,198,935

Illinois... 5,119,854

Michigan 3,131,722

Wisconsin 1,941,603

West North Central:

Minnesota... 1,730,547

Iowa 1 , 608 , 926

M issouri 2 , 463 , 726

North Dakota 358,090

South Dakota 378,405

Nebraska 817,280

Kansas 1,144,823

South Atlantic:

Delaware 171 , 856

Maryland 1,153,510

District of Columbia 474,793

Virginia 1,567,517

West Virginia 1,046,107

North Carolina 1,925,483

South Carolina 989,841

Georgia 1,768,969

Florida 1,187,827

East South Central:

Kentucky 1,630,772

Tennessee 1,703,391

Alabama 1,555,369

Mississippi 1,195,079

West South Central:

Arkansas 1,098,986

Louisiana 1,364,933

Oklahoma 1,362,438

Texas 3,710,374

Mountain:

Montana 343,180

Idaho 305,311

Wyoming 150,031

Colorado... 688,410

New Mexico 275,227

Arizona 263,346

Utah 298,160

Nevada 70,327

Pacific:

Washington 1,123,725

Oregon 717,121

California 4,455,677

7,375,609

755

271
240

30,661
5,830

19,977

361,555
142,156
298,756

219,672

80,360

262,856

137,138

8,101

7,150

11,044

164,494

157

320

9,636

42,960

22,863
183,320
126,850
364,224

70,048
493,108
383,660
580,687
310,228

137,961
309,400
520,981
563,715

270,973

473,332

97,089

540,565

831

460

691

8,766

3,152

10,042

904

538

5,645

1,903

89,584

9.2

0.2
0.1
0.1
1.2
1.4
2.0

4.3
5.5
5.0

5.0
3.7
5.1
4.4
0.4

0.4
0.7
6.7
0.1
0.1
1.2
3.8

13.3
15.9
26.7.
23.2
6.7
25.6
38.8
32.8
26.1

8.5
18.2
33.5
47.2

24.7

34.7

7.1

14.6

0.2
0.2
0.5
1.3
1.2
3.8
0.3
0.8

5.0
0.3
2.0

THE NEGRO AND POLITICAL PARTIES

277

Table 4.

Citizens of Voting Age For Total Population and Negroes For Cities With
50,000 Or More Negro Inhabitants, 1940

City

Total
Population

Negro

Per Cent
Negro

Total

14,689,254

4,474,689
2,212,128
1,240,469
474,793
560,251
971,301
326,837
200,352
173,358
564,257
202,762
257,238
544,241
1,025,708
429,146
114,936
132,359
317,258
266,347
200,824

1,751,148

287,528
191,242
162,574
126,850
106,472
99,212
94,397
83,070
68,349
75,085
67,917
59,352
55,742
46,835
40,570
40,432
39,467
37,227
34,387
34,440

11.9

6.43
8.65
13.1
26.7
19.0
10.7
28.9
41.5
39.4
13.3
33.5
23.1
10.2
4.57
9.45
35.2
29.8
11.7
12.9
17.2

New York, N. Y....

Chicago, 111.

Philadelphia, Pa

Washington, D. C.

Baltimore, Md
Detroit, Mich

New Orleans, La

Memphis, Tenns .

Birmingham, Ala. ...

St. Louis, Mo

Atlanta, Ga.

Houston, Tex

Cleveland, Ohio .

Los Angeles, Calif

Pittsburgh, Pa..

Jacksonville, Fla
Richmond, Va.

Cincinnati, Ohio

Indianapolis, Ind.

Dallas, Tex

THE NEGRO AND POLITICAL
PARTIES

Strength of the Negro Vote

That the Negro is becoming more
articulate in politics is evidenced by
(1) the number of Negroes who are
becoming registered voters; (2) the
extended activity ftf organizations with
civic and political function; and (3)
the increase in office-holding by Ne-
groes. It was estimated that around
3,000,000 Negro voters were eligible to
vote in the presidential election of 1944
and that_ almost 1,500,000 of these
voters resided in pivotal northern
States. Estimates placed the number
of Negro voters in New York State as
high as 350,000, at 275,000 in Penn-
sylvania, 180,000 in Ohio, 200,000 in
Illinois, and 125,000 in Michigan. There
has been no comprehensive study of
the extent of non-voting among Ne-
groes in the North. The Myrdal study,
An American Dilemma, states that on
the whole Negroes have come to be
rather like whites in their political
behavior in the North, voting in about
the same proportion as whites. It es-
timates that there are about as many
Negroes voting today in the United
States as there are whites voting in
the entire Deep South, excepting Texas
and Oklahoma.

The Negro vote has frequently con-
stituted the balance of power in sev-

eral States; namely, New York, Penn-
sylvania, Missouri, Indiana, Illinois,
New Jersey and Ohio. It has some-
times proved to be decisive in West
Virginia and Kentucky and has been
an important factor in elections held
in Maryland, California and Tennessee.
Walter White, head of the National
Association for the Advancement of
Colored People, in a statement pub-
lished in The New York Herald-
Tribune, October 18, 1946, gives a
greater influence to the Negro vote
by claiming that "the Negro vote holds
the potential balance of power in any
reasonably close election in seventeen
States with 281 electoral votes." In
the South there is considerable fear
of the strength of the Negro vote
should the right to vote be generally
extended.

According to a news release, Sep-
tember 7, 1946 by the C. I. 0. Political
Action Committee, the Negro electorate
in the November (1946) elections had
potential strength to defeat 23 non-
southern Congressmen who fought
legislation establishing the Fair Em-
ployment Practice Committee. A Com-
mittee study indicated that there were
58 non-southern districts in which the
potential Negro vote approximated
or exceeded the margin by which the
incumbent was elected in 1944. The
report asserted that "the Negro's po-
litical potential is greater today than

278

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

at any time since he became a positive
factor in American politics. The area
of his political influence, once largely
confined to the great industrial cities
in the East and North, has been ex-
panded and extended by wartime mi-
gration into the Pacific States and into
many of the smaller Midwest cities."
On occasion, the Negro vote has been
the deciding factor in municipal and
State elections. It has been asserted
that Negroes were responsible for the
Republican victory in the St. Louis city
election of 1941; that they were the
deciding factor in the recent Republi-
can successes in the gubernatorial and
senatorial races in the State of Mis-
souri. Furthermore, it is claimed that
Negro voters in Kentucky supported
the Democratic ticket by a margin of
two to one in the elections of 1936
and 1940, but have been largely re-
sponsible for the Republican victories
in that State beginning in 1943. Har-
lem, so it is said, voted four to one for
the Democrats in the gubernatorial
election of 1938, but supported Thomas
E. Dewey in his successful race for
Governor by more than three to one
in the campaign of 1942, and helped
return him to office in 1946.

Party Promises

All of the political parties have
offered inducements of one sort or an-
other in seeking to obtain the support
of Negro voters. In recent years party
promises have become more profuse.
The Communist Party has traditional-
ly advocated the abolition of class
lines. In June, 1941 the National Com-
mittee of the Communist Party drew
up a manifesto at New York City
which declared in part: "There must
be an end to Jim Crowism, lynching,
and all forms of discrimination against
the Negro people." The two major
parties, Democratic and Republican,
had planks in their 1940 and 1944 party
platforms specifically designed to cap-
ture the Negro vote, as follows :

Democratic Platform, 1940

. . . "Our Negro citizens have par-
ticipated actively in the economic and
social advances launched by this ad-
ministration, including farm labor
standards, social security benefits,
health protection, work relief projects,
decent housing, aid to education, and
the rehabilitation of low income farm
families.

"We have aided more than a half
million Negro youths in vocational
training, education and employment.

"We shall continue to strive for com-
plete legislative safeguards against
discrimination in government service
and benefits and in the national de-
fense forces.

"We pledge to uphold due process
and the equal protection of the laws
for every citizen, regardless of race,
creed or color. . . ."

Republican Platform, 1940

. . . "We pledge that our American
citizens of Negro descent shall be
given a square deal in the economic
and political life of the nation.

"Discrimination in the Civil Service,
the Army, Navy, and all other branches
of Government must cease.

"To enjoy the full benefits of life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,
universal suffrage must be effective for
the Negro citizen.

"Mob violence shocks the conscience
of the nation and legislation to curb
this evil must be enacted."

Democratic Platform, 1944

. . . "We believe that racial and re-
ligious minorities have the right to
live, develop and vote equally with all
citizens and share the rights that are
guaranteed by our Constitution. Con-
gress should exert "its full constitu-
tional powers to protect those rights."

Republican Platform, 1944

. . . "We pledge an immediate Con-
gressional inquiry to ascertain the ex-
tent to which mistreatment, segrega-
tion and discrimination against Ne-
groes in our armed forces are impair-
ing morale and efficiency and the adop-
tion of corrective legislation.

"We pledge the establishment by
Federal Legislation of a Permanent
Fair Employment Practice Commis-
sion.

"The payment of any poll tax should
not be a condition of voting in Fed-
eral elections and we favor immediate
submission of a Constitutional amend-
ment for its abolishment.

"We favor legislation against lynch-
ing and pledge our sincere efforts in
behalf of its early enactment."

Party Activities and Appointments
Designed to Attract Negro Vote

Party appointments to positions of
varying importance have steadily in-

THE NEGRO AND POLITICAL PARTIES

279

creased. Accomplishments of the re-
spective political parties which have
aided Negroes, directly or indirectly,
are constantly brought to the atten-
tion of the Negro voter.

Organizations designed to capture
the Negro vote have improved their
techniques and enlarged their activi-
ties in local, State and national elec-
tions. Outstanding Negroes have been
appointed to supervise the activities
of such agencies as the National Col-
ored Democratic Association, the Ne-
gro Division of the Democratic Com-
mittee, the Colored Division of the Re-
publican National Committee, the Ne-
gro Women's Division of the Na-
tional Democratic Party, and the Ne-
gro Women's Division of the Na-
tional Republican Party. In addition,
the Republican National Committee
has named a Negro as Consultant on
Negro Affairs, and Negroes have been
appointed as members of its Campaign
Advisory Committee. State organiza-
tions, reaching into the wards and pre-
cincts of pivotal States, have been es-
tablished by the two major parties in
order to increase their effectiveness
among Negro voters.

In 1942, William L. Houston was ap-
pointed director of the Negro Division
of the Democratic National Committee.
For the first time it was provided that
the activities of this group would func-
tion on a year round basis instead of
confining its efforts to presidential
elections. Two years later William L.
Dawson, Congressman xfrom Illinois,
was appointed to direct the Democratic
party's campaign among Negro voters.
There were 6 Negro delegates and 17
alternates chosen to the Democratic
National Convention of 1940; in 1944
there were 15 Negro delegates and 3
alternates selected.

At a meeting of the Republican Na-
tional Committee held in March, 1941,
Chairman Joseph W. Martin, Jr. called
upon members of the party engaged in
industry and politics to give increased
employment to Negroes without dis-
crimination and to provide for them
greater opportunities in public service.
The Republican National Committee
appointed Dr. C. B. Powell, publisher
of the New York Amsterdam News,
Assistant Director of Publicity early
in July, 1944. When the Republican
National Convention met at that time
Bishop David H. Sims delivered a for-
mal address before the body. This was

the first time in almost forty years
that a Negro had been accorded such
a privilege. Judge Patrick Prescott of
Chicago seconded the nomination of
Thomas E. Dewey as presidential nom-
inee, while two Negroes were made
assistant secretaries of the Convention,
and a number served as sergeant-at-
arms. The final session of the Conven-
tion was closed with prayer by a Ne-
gro minister. At the 1940 Republican
National Convention there were 32 Ne-
gro delegates and 37 alternates; for
the 1944 Convention, 18 Negro dele-
gates with 27 alternates. Republican
party leaders and staunch Negro Re-
publicans have increased their efforts
to attract additional Negro voters to
the Republican fold. Over three hun-
dred Negro Republicans from 36 States
and the District of Columbia met at
the Pershing Hotel in Chicago on Feb-
ruary 11 and 12, 1944 to plan their
strategy for the campaign of that year.
The National Council of Negro Repub-
licans was formed in New York City
late in 1945 "to counsel the various
branches of the party concerning its
relations with Negroes throughout the
United States." In March, 1946 Va-
lores Washington was appointed a
member of the headquarters staff of
the Republican National Committee to
co-ordinate political activities, espe-
cially among Negroes.

Party Preferences and
Attitudes Toward Parties

Since 1932 a majority of the Negro
voters have identified themselves with
the Democratic Party. In the election
of 1940, however, and in subsequent
elections there has been some defection
from the ranks of this party. The Re-
pub1 ican Party has gained most by
the switch in party allegiance. A
Gallup Poll indicated that 76 per cent
of the Negroes interviewed who voted
in the Presidential election of 1936
cast their ballots for Mr. Roosevelt
and 24 per cent voted for Alf M. Lan-
don. In 1940, 66 per cent of the Negro
voters interviewed declared that they
favored the Democratic Party while 54
per cent of all voters were inclined to
that party.

A 'poll conducted by the Negro Di-
gest in 1944 indicated that 77 per cent
of the Negroes contacted in the North
favored Roosevelt over the Republican
nominee, Thomas E. Dewey, and 12 per
cent were undecided. The results of

280

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

a Gallup Poll released on February 15,
1946 showed that 60 per cent of the
Negro voters with opinions favored
the Democratic Party and 58 per cent
of the white voters with opinions were
in favor of that party. Three out of
every ten Negroes and about two out
of every ten whites had no opinion.
According to George Gallup: "The fact
that Negro voters continue to prefer
the Democratic to the Republican Par-
ty can be explained in large part by eco -
nomic factors." He believes that "until
present economic cleavages give way,
or until the Republican Party can con-
vince voters in the middle and lower
economic groups that it represents
their best interest, little headway in
winning the Negro vote is likely to be
made." Anent party preference of Ne-
groes, Walter White of the N.A.A.C.P.
commented in The New York Herald-
Tribune, October 18, 1946: "Alarmed
and disgusted as they are with the in-
creasing control of the Democratic
Party by the reactionary Southern
wing, there is, however, little enthu-
siasm among Negro voters for the
GOP. . . . The Negro press and Negro
organizations incessantly remind their
readers and members that their re-
actionary Southern Democrats and
equally reactionary Republicans have
become inseparable bedfellows in the
Congress. The result is that the over-
whelming majority of Negroes prefer
an out-and-out enemy like Bilbo or
Talmadge to other politicians who
make florid promises with no notion
of keeping those pledges. . . ."

A number of writers have attempted
to explain the defection of some Negro
voters from the Democratic Party in
recent elections. They have pointed
out that even before the death of Mr.
Roosevelt there was a tendency on the
part of many Negroes to support the
Republican candidates for office during
off years when Mr. Roosevelt was not
a presidential candidate. Leo Egan,
writing in The New York Times on
March 3, 1944, listed the following rea-
sons as causes for the shift from the
Democratic ranks: Dissatisfaction over
treatment of Negroes in the armed
services; segregation of troops; re-
fusal of some of the women's auxiliary
services to accept Negro recruits ; civil-
ian attitude towards northern Negro
soldiers quartered in camps in the
Southern States; failure of military
authorities to use more Negro troops

in combat; alleged failure of the Fair
Employment Practice Committee to
enforce its injunctions against discrim-
ination; refusal of certain railroads to
accept a directive to afford equal op-
portunities for advancement for Negro
employees; the growing rebellion of
Negroes against "second class" citizen-
ship; increased freedom of Negroes
from dependence on relief funds, and
various local factors. Coupled with
these factors should be mentioned the
disappointment of Negro citizens be-
cause of the failure of Congress to
enact a Federal anti-lynch bill, to out-
law the payment of a poll tax for
participation in Federal elections, and
to put "teeth" in the Fair Employment
Practice Committee.

The Socialist, Socialist Labor, Com-
munist and other minor parties have
attracted little support from the Negro
voter. Despite the fact that James W.
Ford, a Negro, has been the perennial
Vice-Presidential candidate on the
Communist ticket, there are relative'y
few Negro Communists. Among those
to desert the Communist Party in the
last few years are A. Philip Randolph,
organizer and head of the sleeping-car
porters, Angelo Herndon, accused by
the State of Georgia of inciting insur-
rection in the widely publicized Hern-
don case of 1932, Langston Hughes and
Richard Wright, eminent writers. Re-
cently an intensive drive has been
started by the party to increase its
membership.

With A. Philip Randolph, President
of the A. F. L. Brotherhood of Sleep-
ing Car Porters, acting as temporary
chairman, a group of seventy-five dele-
gates, "progressives" representing farm
and union groups from sixteen States,
met at Chicago in April, 1946 to lay
the foundation for another political
party to participate in the 1948 na-
tional elections.

GROWING INDEPENDENCE
OF THE NEGRO VOTE

A significant development politically
is the fact that Negroes are showing
a greater tendency to support candi-
dates on the basis of principles and
issues rather than because they bear
particular party labels. Highlighting
this trend was the political action reso-
lution passed by the National Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Colored
People at its 37th annual conference

GROWING INDEPENDENCE OF THE NEGRO VOTE

281

in Cincinnati, 1946. The new N. A. A.
C. P. policy recommended the "neces-
sity and desirability of political action
by the association and its branches,
including the rating of candidates for
office and to study ways and means
to effectuate this under proper safe-
guards." As Walter White, N. A. A.
C. P. Secretary, expressed it: ... "The
present temper of Negro voters is to
ignore party labels completely and
to vote independently on the records
of the candidates. There is every in-
dication that this determination will
increase."

Negro voters have shown also a dis-
position to support candidates of their
race for office, regardless of the party
affiliation of the candidate. Many mem-
bers of the Republican and other
parties in New York City supported
Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., a Democrat,
in his election first as city council-
man and later to the U. S. House of
Representatives. Benjamin J. Davis,
Jr., a Communist, has repeatedly been
elected city councilman in New York
City with the support of Negro mem-
bers of other parties. Charles W. An-
derson, Jr., a Republican, was elected
a member of the State Legislature of
Kentucky through the efforts of Negro
Republicans and Democrats. This type
of cooperation is not unusual through-
out the country.

Non-partisan committees of Negro
voters have been established in many
sections of the United States. It was
a national non-partisan political con-
ference which met at Chicago on June
25 and 26, 1944 and drew up plans for
a "March on Washington" movement.
The National Citizens Political Action
Committee, an affiliate of the C. I. O.,
included such outstanding Negro mem-
bers as Mrs. Mary McLeod Bethune,
Robert C. Weaver, Paul Robeson, Wil-
liam H. Hastie and Canada Lee at the
time of its formation in 1944.

Further indication of the increasing
independence of the Negro voter is re-
flected in a statement, "A Declaration
by Negro Voters,17 issued to both Re-
publican and Democratic national con-
ventions by representatives of twenty-
five national Negro organizations with

"Louise McDonald, Max Yergan, Roy Wil-
kins (Editing- Committee for the 25 Or-
ganizations), "A Declaration by Negro
Voters." Issued at 69 Fifth Avenue, New
York City, 1944.

total membership of more than 6,500,-
000 which met in New York on June
17, 1944. This Declaration is signifi-
cant, too, in that it indicates certain
measures which th$ Negro advocates
because of their bearing on his im-
proved citizenship status.

Represented in this group of frater-
nal, religious, labor, civic and educa-
tional organizations were the following:
Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority; Alpha
Phi Alpha Fraternity; African Metho-
dist Episcopal Church; African Meth-
odist Episcopal Zion Church; Associa-
tion of Colored Railway Trainmen and
Locomotive Firemen, and International
Association of Railway Employees; the
Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters;
Council on African Affairs; Delta Sig-
ma Theta Sorority; Elks (I. B. P. O.
E. W.); International Longshoremen's
Association; Kappa Alpha Psi Fra-
ternity and the Methodist Church. Also
included were the National Association
of Colored Graduate Nurses; the N
A. A. C. P.; the National Bar Associa-
tion; the National Council of Negro
Women; National Maritime Union;
Negro Labor Committee (C. I. O.-
A. F. L.); Omega Psi Phi Fraternity;
People's Movement; Phi Beta Sig-
ma Fraternity; Progressive Voters
League; Social Action Committee,
Colored Methodist Episcopal Church;
United Automobile Workers (C. I. 0.).

The Declaration stated that the Ne-
gro "will vote for men and measures.
The Negro voter will judge political
parties, as well as candidates, by their
words and deeds as to whether they
show a determination to work for full
citizenship status for thirteen million
American Negroes and to better the
lot of all disadvantaged peoples." Six
issues were cited as uppermost in the
minds of Negro voters: (1) the whole-
hearted prosecution of the war to total
victory; (2) the elimination of the
poll tax by Act of Congress; (3) the
passage of anti-lynching legislation;
(4) the unsegregated integration of
Negroes into the Armed Forces ; (5) the
establishment of a permanent Federal
committee on fair employment prac-
tices; and (6) a foreign policy of in-
ternational cooperation that promotes
economic and political security for all
peoples. Further, it declared that price
control, extension of social security,
full post-war employment, an enlarged
and unsegregated program of govern-
ment-financed housing, and friendship

282

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

for organized labor would be impor-
tant considerations in judging candi-
dates and parties. It insisted upon
"the right to vote in every state, un-
restricted by poll taxes, white pri-
maries, or lily-white party conventions,
the gerrymandering of districts, or any
other device designed to disfranchise
Negroes and other voters."

Expressing an interest in the end
of imperialism and colonial exploita-
tion, the Declaration called for dis-
placement of exploitation by the exten-
sion of political and economic democ-
racy to all parts of the world, and
the inclusion of Negroes as represen-
tatives at peace conferences and among
the nation's diplomatic, technical, and
professional experts engaged in inter-
national post-war reconstruction.

OFFICE-HOLDING BY NEGROES

Elective Offices — City,
County and State

An increasing number of Negroes is
being elected to municipal and State
offices, especially in the North, but the
total number is not nearly in propor-
tion to their percentage of the popu-
lation. Rarely do Negroes hold office
in the South. Louisville, Kentucky, in
1945 electe'd its first Negro councilman.
Occasionally small southern communi-
ties, as Watonga, Oklahoma, in 1945,
Oak Ridge and Sewanee, Tennessee, in
1946, have Negro officials. Not to be
overlooked, however, is the fact that
increasingly many large southern
cities find Negro aspirants seeking of-
fices at the polls.

Several of the large northern cities
haying a significant Negro population
have elected Negro aldermen or coun-
cilmen. In 1941, nine Negro judges
(four elected and five appointed) were
to be found in New York (4), Phila-
delphia (2), Washington, D. C. (1),
St. Louis (1), and Los Angeles (1).
Cleveland and Chicago have since been
added to the list. A few Negroes have
been elected to judgeships and mem-
berships on such bodies as Tax Boards
and Boards of Education. Dr. J. B.

Martin made political history in Chi-
cago in the November, 1946 election
when he polled more than 1,000,000
votes to become the first Negro mem-
ber of the Sanitary District Trustee
Board. He was elected to a six-year
term at annual salary of $10,000. Dr.
Martin unseated James M. Whalen,
former President of the Sanitary Dis-
trict, who had been a member of the
Board for 24 years.

As reasons why more Negroes do
not attain elective office, Myrdal in
An American Dilemma states that
most whites do not wish to be repre-
sented by Negroes, and frequently Ne-
groes do not show enough political in-
terest or acumen. Often, too, Negroes
do not constitute large enough propor-
tions to control wards or districts.
Another difficulty is found in the prac-
tice of gerrymandering whereby dis-
tricts are so laid out as to advance
particular interests. For example, the
St. Louis Board of Election Com-
missioners in 1946 announced a redis-
tricting of State senatorial districts.
The new districts were so laid out that
creating a predominantly Negro sena-
torial district was avoided. The re-
districting was done in secret, without
public hearings, and the district lines
were so drawn through the small but
compact Negro area as to divide it
among five districts. (In this instance,
Negro Republican and Democratic
leaders joined in the charge of gerry-
mandering and filed an enjoining suit
against the Board of Commissioners
in the State Supreme Court).

Chicago and New York, where the
Negro vote is well organized and quite
flexible, are more favored than other
cities with reference to office-holding
by Negroes, with Chicago taking the
lead/In 1939 in that city, Negroes held
the following major elective positions:
1 U. S. Congressman, 1 State Senator,
4 State Representatives, 1 County Com-
missionej1, 2 City Aldermen. A com-
parison of important elective and ap-
pointive political positions held by Ne-
groes in the two cities in 1945 fol-
lows:

OFFICE-HOLDING BY NEGROES

283

Important Political Positions Held By Negroes
In Chicago and New York City, 1945

Chicago

William L. Dawson
Irvin C. Mollison
Herman E. Moore
C. C. Wimbish
Wendell E. Green

Fred J. Smith
Corneal A. Davis
Charles J. Jenkins
E. A. Welters
Charles M. Sykes
Oscar DePriest
William H. Harvey
James B. Cashin
Edward M. Sneed
Sydney P. Brown
Harry B. Deas

(Fifteen)

Walter L. McCoy
Edward E. Wilson
Clifford Pemberton
Richard E. Harewood
Fred (Duke) Slater
Georgia Jones Ellis
Adam E. Patterson
Roy Washington
William Chaney

Robert R. Taylor

Position

Congressman
Federal Judge

State Senator
Judge (City Court)

State Representative

City Councilman

Civil Service Commissioner
County Commissioner
Member, Education Board
Acting Police Captain
Police Lieutenant

Acting Police Lieutenant

Police Sergeant

Assistant State's Attorney

Asst. Corporation Counsel

Asst. City Prosecutor
Captain, Fire Department
Battalion Chief
Chairman Housing Authority

New York
A. Clayton Powell, Jr.

Francis E. Rivers
James S. Watson
Charles E. Tony
Jane Bolin
Hubert T. Delany
Myles A. Paige
William T. Andrews
Hulen Jack
William Prince

Benjamin J. Davis, Jr.
Ferdinand Q. Morton

Emanuel Kline
George Redding
Lewis Chisolm

James Yeargin
Allen "Early

Richard L. Baltimore
Eardlie John

Wesley Williams
Frank R. Crosswaith

In 1940 more than twenty Negroes
were elected to serve in the legisla-
tures of several States: New York,
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, West Vir-
ginia, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Kan-
sas, Nebraska and California. The
year 1942 found Negroes having been
placed in the legislatures of other
States: Kentucky, Ohio and Wiscon-
sin. Vermont was added to the list
in 1943, and Massachusetts in 1946.

Federal Elective Offices

Two Negroes, William L. Dawson,
Illinois, and Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,
New York, both Democrats, served in
the 79th Congress and have been re-
elected for the 80th Congress, 1947-

1949. There has been a total of 26 Ne-
gro Congressmen18, 24 of them serving
in the House of Representatives. The
only two Negro Senators, Blanche K.
Bruce and Hiram R. Revels, held of-
fice in Reconstruction days. With the
exception of Congressmen Mitchell,
Dawson and Powell, all of the Negro
Congressmen have been Republicans.
There follows a list of these Congress-
men.

18J. H. Menard, Louisiana, (elected for
the 40th Congress) was not recognized.
Cf. Carter G. Woodson, The Negro in Our
History, 1945 ed., pp. 405. M. N. Work
(The Negro Year Book, 1931-1932, p. 83)
csedits Menard with serving in Congress
for one year, 1868-1869.

284

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

Name

James H. Rainey
Jefferson F. Long
Hiram R. Revels
Josiah T. Walls
Benjamin S. Turner
Robert C. DeLarge
Robert B. Elliott
Richard H. Cain

Alonzo J. Ransier
James T. Rapier
John R. Lynch
Blanche K. Bruce
Jeremiah Haralson
John A. Hyman
Charles E. Nash
Robert Smalls

James E. O'Hara
Henry J*. Cheatham
Thomas E. Miller
John M. Langston
George W. Murray
George H. White
Oscar DePriest
Arthur W. Mitchell
William L. Dawson
Adam C. Powell, Jr.

Negro Congressmen

State

South Carolina
Georgia
Mississippi
Florida
Alabama
South Carolina
South Carolina
South Carolina

South Carolina
Alabama
Mississippi
Mississippi
Alabama
North Carolina
Louisiana
South Carolina

North Carolina
North Carolina
South Carolina
Virginia
South Carolina
North Carolina
Illinois
Illinois
Illinois
New York

Congress

41st-45th

41st

42nd-44th

42nd

42nd, 43rd

43rd and 45th

43rd

43rd, 44th

44th, 46th

44th

44th, 45th, 47th,

48th, 49th
48th, 49th
51st, 52nd
51st
51st

53rd, 54th
55th, 56th
72nd, 73rd
74th-77th
78th-87Tth
79th, 80th

Years

1869-1879
1869-1871
1869-1871
1871-1877
1871-1873
1871-1873
1871-1875
1873-1875
1877-1879
1873-1875
1873-1875
1873-1877
1875-1881
1875-1877
1875-1877
1875-1877
1875-1879
1883-1887
1883-1887
1889-1893
1889-1891
1889-1891
1893-1897
1897-1901
1931-1935
1935-1943
1943-1949
1945-1949

Appointive Offices — City,
County, State, Federal

The Negro fares better in his share
of appointive offices than in the elec-
tive offices, but in neither regard does
he share in numbers proportionate
to the size of the Negro vote. In the
larger northern cities Negroes are
allowed a considerable number of
"Civil Service" jobs. Political debts
are frequently repaid by the appoint-
ment of Negroes to minor adminis-
trative or menial jobs. Where there
are large numbers of Negroes it is not
unusual to find them appointed as
assistants in various capacities. Excep-
tions do occur, however. In California,
in 1945, Governor Earl Warren named
Atty. Walter Gordon Chairman of the
California Adult Authority Board, at
a salary of $10,000 per year. This
board has supervisory power over all
male adult inmates of State prisons.

As to Federal appointments, until
the Franklin D. Roosevelt administra-
tion there was a steady decline in the
number of Negro Presidential appoint-
ees. President Roosevelt appointed
163 Negroes to supervisory or admin-
istrative jobs, 1933-1941. Kiplinger in
his Washington is Like That (1942)
listed twenty-four men and women
Federal officials and five advisers as
the most prominent colored leaders
in the capital. Heading his list was

William H. Hastie, Civilian Aide to
the Secretary of War (first Negro
ever to hold a Federal judgeship).
Among others included were: Lorimer
Milton, banker from Atlanta, then the
only Negro "dollar-a-year" man in gov-
ernment service; Dr. William H. Dean,
Jr., Consultant on locations of industry
for the National Resources Planning
Board, Dr. Ralph Bunche, expert on
Native Problems in the British Em-
pire Section of the Library of Con-
gress, Milton P. Webster, member of
the Committee on Fair Employment
Practice, and International Vice-Pres-
ident of the Brotherhood of Sleeping
Car Porters; Mrs. Crystal Bird Fauset,
in charge of racial relations, Office of
Civilian Defense; Walter White, Ex-
ecutive Secretary, the N.A.A.C.P., a
powerful force in all Negro affairs.
Outstanding among Presidential ap-
pointees also was the prominent edu-
cator and President of the National
Council of Negro Women, Mrs. Mary
McLeod Bethune, as Director of Ne-
gro activities for the National Youth
Administration.

Of the appointive list, the poorest
showing is made in diplomatic and
consular service. According to L. J.
W. Hayes' study of the Negro Federal
Government worker, in 1941 there were
but three Negroes in such service, as
against a total of eleven in 1908. Judge
William H. Hastie made history when

OFFICE-HOLDING BY NEGROES

285

in 1946 he became the first Negro to
be named Governor of the Virgin
Islands. In the same year Dr. R. O'-
Hara Lanier succeeded Lester A. Wal-
ton as Minister Envoy, Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary to the Republic of
Liberia.

New posts of adviser on Negro af-
fairs were created in many of the gov-
ernment bureaus and departments dur-
ing Roosevelt's Presidency. Prominent
among these during the War was the
post of Civilian Aide to the Secretary
of War, held by William H. Hastie,
1940, until his resignation in 1943
when Truman K. Gibson, Jr., was
named. In addition to full-time
appointments, other official part-time
advisory posts were set up, as in 1942
when Dr. F. D. Patterson, President
of Tuskegee Institute and Claude A.
Barnett, Director of the Associated
Negro Press, were named special as-
sistants to the Secretary of Agricul-
ture.

Under the leadership of Mrs. Mary
McLeod Bethune of the National
Youth Administration, Negro advisers
were organized into the Federal Coun-
cil of Negro Advisers, known as the
"Black Cabinet." The group met
monthly to discuss ways and means
of profitably representing the cause of
the Negro. The "Black Cabinet" was
criticized by the Negro press as be-
ing purely advisory and not policy
forming. The resignation in early
1944 of Dr. Robert C. Weaver, the
Cabinet's first member, from the War
Man Power Commission (following
resignations of Atty. Theodore Berry
from the Office of War Information
and Judge William H. Hastie as Civil-
ian Aide to the Secretary of War)
marked the end of the "Black Cab-
inet." Membership of the Federal
Council of Negro Advisers included:
Emmer Martin Lancaster, Joseph
Houchins of the Department of Com-
merce; Judge William H. Hastie, Tru-
man K. Gibson, Jr., War Department;
Constance E. H. Daniel, Jerome Rob-
inson and Giles Hubert, Department
of Agriculture; William H. Houston,
Louis Mehlinger, Louis Lautier of the
Department of Justice; Dr. William J.
Thompkins, Recorder of Deeds; Ralph
E. Mizelle, Post Office Department;
Cornelius King, Farm Credit Admin-
istration; Major Campbell C. Johnson,
Selective Service; Robert C. Weaver,

Frances H. Williams, Robert R. Tay-
lor, Theodore R. Poston, Defense;
William Trent, Public Works; Frank
S Home, Charles Johnson, Henry
Lee Moon, Edward Lovett, Charles S.
Duke, of the Housing Authority; Al-
fred E. Smith, Dutton R. Ferguson,
Works Progress Administration; How-
ard D. Woodson, Treasury Depart-
ment; Lawrence Oxley, Dr. Charles
E. Franklin, Ira DeA. Reid and Roy
Ellis, Social Security Board; Dr. Am-
brose Caliver, Department of Educa-
tion; Joseph H. B. Evans, T. Arnold
Hill, Pauline Redmond. Ora B. Stokes,
Nell Hunter and Reginald Johnson,
National Youth Administration; Vin-
ita Lewis of the Children's Bureau
and Edgar G. Brown of the Civilian
Conservation Corps.

President Truman's appointment in
1945 of Atty. Irvin C. Mollison as Asso-
ciate Judge of the United States Cus-
toms Court marked the first time a Ne-
gro served in continental United States
as Federal Judge. Ralph J. Bunche
was appointed, the same year, to the
Caribbean Commission. Several out-
standing appointments were given to
Negroes during 1946. There was the
aforementioned naming of Judge Wil-
liam H. Hastie as Governor of the Vir-
gin Islands. Charles S. Johnson, soci-
ologist, was named first to a small
educational commission, by the State
and War Departments, to go to Japan
at the request of General Douglas
MacArthur, and later as one of 40
members of the National Commission
advising the State Department on
United States participation in UNE-
SCO (United Nations Educational,
Scientific, and Cultural Organization).
The President's Committee on Civil
Rights, composed of some of the na-
tion's outstanding crusaders for justice
and equality, included Dr. Channing
H. Tobias, New York City, director of
the Phelps-Stokes Fund, formerly
Senior Secretary of the National Coun-
cil of the Young Men's Christian As-
sociation, and Mrs. Sadie M. Alex-
ander, lawyer, Philadelphia. Truman
K. Gibson, Jr., Chicago attorney, and
former Civilian Aide to the Secretary
of War, was one of nine persons selec-
ted to serve on the President's Advis-
ory Commission on Universal Train-
ing.

286

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

Negroes Holding Civil
Service Appointments

Brief mention should be made of
the growing number of Negroes hold-
ing Civil Service appointments. In
1938 about 82,000 or approximately
9.8 per cent of the total number of
Federal employees were Negroes, ac-
cording to Civil Service reports. Most
of these were to be found in postal
service and sub-clerical levels of mes-
senger and custodial service, with a
very few in the higher paid brackets.
The picture changed considerably dur-
ing the war and the operation of the
Fair Employment Practice Committee
when a large number of Negroes
was taken into the ranks of Federal
workers, many employed on clerica1,
technical and professional levels.
Davis and Golightly in their study of
Negro Federal workers report that 57
governmental agencies and depart-
ments, as of March 31, 1944, had 273,-
981 Negro employees. These represent-
ed 11.9 per cent of the total.

It is probable that the Negro worker
will play a much less significant role,
numerically and professionally, in Fed-
eral employment after the declaration
of the end of the emergency.

List of Negroes

Elected to Offices, 1940-194619

Elected in 1940

Representative, U. S. House of Rep-

resentativfs
Illinois: Arthur W. Mitchell (D)

State Senator

Illinois: William A. Wallace
Indiana: Robert Brokenburr (R)
Michigan: Charles C. Diggs (D)
Nebraska: John Adams, Jr. (R) (To
Nebraska Unicameral.)

State Representative

California: Augustus Hawkins (D)
Illinois: Ernest Greene (R); Charles
J. Jenkins (R); Dudley S. Martin
(R); William J. Warfield (R)
Indiana: James S. Hunter (D)
Kansas: William H. Towers (R)
Michigan: Horace White (D)
New Jersey: Frank Hargraves (R)
New York: William T. Andrews (D) ;
Daniel Burrows (D); Hulan E.

Jack (D)

Pennsylvania: William A. Allmond
(D); Homer S. Brown (D) ; Ralph
T. Jefferson (D) ; Marshall L. Shep-
ard (D) ; Edwin F. Thompson (D) ;
Edwin C. Young (D)
West Virginia: Fleming A. Jones (D)
Judge

Atlantic City, N. J.: William F. Rob-

erts, magistrates' court

i»(R)— Republican
(D) — Democrat
(C) — Communist

New York City: Charles E. Tony
(D); James S. Watson (D), munici-
pal court
Elected in 1941
State Representative

Kentucky: Charles W. Anderson, Jr.

(R)
City Councilman

Cincinnati, Ohio: Jesse D. Locker

Cleveland, Ohio: Harold T. Gassaway
(R); Augustus C. Parker (R); Wil-
liam O. Walker (R)

New York City: Adam Clayton Pow-
ell, Jr. (D)
Elected in 1942

Representative, U. S. House of Rep-
resentatives

Illinois: William L,. Dawson (D)
State Senator

Illinois: C. C. Wimbish (D)

Michigan: Charles C. Diggs (D)
State Representative

Illinois: Corneal Davis (D); Ernest
A. Greene (R); Charles J. Jenkins
(R); Fred J. Smith (D); William
Warfield (R)

Indiana: Jesse L. Dickinson (D); Wil-
bur H. Grant (R); James Hunter
(D)

Kansas: William H. Towers (R)

Missouri: Edwin Kenswil (D)

New Jersey: J. Otto Hill (R)

Ohio: Chester K. Gillespie (R); Sandy
R. Ray (R) ; David Turpeau (R)

Pennsylvania: John W. Brigerman
(D); Homer S. Brown (D) ; D. W.
Hoggard (D); Lewis W. Mintess
(R); Edwin F. Thompson (D);
Thomas P. Trent (D)

Wisconsin: Cleveland M. Colbert (R)
City Councilman

Indianapolis, Ind.: Lucian B. Meri-

weather (R)
County Commissioner

Cook County, 111.: Edward Sneed

Wyandotte County, Kans. : Fred

White
Judge

Chicago, 111.: Wendell E. Greene, mu-
nicipal court
Justice of the Peace

Missouri: G. J. Dixon, fourth district;
Crittenden Clark, fifth district

Knoxville, Tenn.: Boyd B. Browder
Constable

St. Louis, Mo.: Langston Harrison;

Ellis Jones; William A. Morant
Elected in 1943
State Representative

Kentucky: Charles W. Anderson, Jr.

(R)
City Councilman

Chicago, 111.: William H. Harvey (D);
Oscar S. DePriest (D)

Cleveland, Ohio: Harold T. Gassaway
(R); Augustus C. Parker (R); Wil-
liam O. Walker (R)

St. Louis, Mo.: Jasper C. Caston

New Haven, Conn.: Richard A. G.
Foster (R)

New York City: Benjamin J. Davis,
Jr. (C)

Philadelphia, Pa.: Robert N. Nix (D);
James H. Irvin (R)

Urbana, Ohio: Norman K. Adams
Judge

New York City: Francis E. Rivers,
justice, the city court

Philadelphia, Pa.: Joseph H. Rainey;
Hobson R. Reynolds, members,
minor judiciary

OFFICE-HOLDING BY NEGROES

287

Member Board of Education

Cleveland, Ohio: John P. Morning
Coroner

Union City, N. J.: Joseph R. Judkins
Constable

Swan ton, Ohio: Elijah Holley
Elected in 1944

Representative, U. S. House of Rep-
resentatives

Illinois: William L. Dawson (D)
New York: Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.

(D)

State Senator
Illinois: C. C. Wimbish (D)
Indiana: Robert Brokenburr (R)
State Representative
California: Augustus Hawkins (D)
Illinois: Corneal Davis (D); Charles J.
Jenkins (R) ; Charles Sykes (D);
Fred J. Smith (D) ; Edward A.
Walters (R)
Indiana: Jesse Dickinson (D); Wilbur

Grant (R) ; James S. Hunter (D)
Kansas: William H. Towers (R)
New Jersey: J. Otto Hill (R)
New York: William T. Andrews (D);
Hulan E. Jack (D); William Prince
(D)
Ohio: Jacob Ashburn (R); David

Turpeau (R)

Pennsylvania: Homer S. Brown (D) :
D. W. Hoggard (D); Lee P. Myhan
(D) ; J. Thompson Pettigrew (D) ;
Thomas P. Trent (D)
Vermont: William J. Anderson (R)
Wisconsin: Leroy J. Simmons (D)
West Virginia: Fleming A. Jones, Jr.

(D)
Justice of the Peace

Lawrence, Kans.: Leroy Harris
Coroner

Monmouth County, N. J. : F. Leon
Harris

Elected in 1945
State Representative
Kentucky: Charles W. Anderson, Jr.

(R)
City Councilman

Cincinnati, Ohio: Jesse O. Locker
Cleveland, Ohio: Charles V. Carr (D):

Harold T. Gassaway (R); Augustus

C. Parker (R)
Louisville, Ky. : Eugene S. Clayton

(R)

Maiden, Mass.: Herbert L. Jackson
New York City: Benjamin J. Davis,

Jr. (C)

Watonga, Okla. : A. W. Russworm
Judge

Cleveland, Ohio: Perry B. Jackson,

municipal court
Philadelphia, Pa.: William A. Byrd,

Sr., member, minor judiciary

Elected in 1946

Representative, U. S. House of Rep-
resentatives

Illinois: William L. Dawson (D)
New York: Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.

(D)

State Senator
Illinois: C. C. Wimbish (D)
Indiana: Zilford Carter (R)
Michigan: Joseph Brown (D)
Ohio: Harry E. Davis (R)
State Representative
Colorado: Earl Mann (R); O. C. Ab-

ernathy (D)

Illinois: Corneal A. Davis (D); Fred
J. Smith (D); Charles M. Sykes

(D); Charles J. Jenkins (R); Ed-
ward A. Welters (R)
Indiana: Wilbur Grant (R)
Kansas: William H. Towers (R)
Massachusetts: Lawrence H. Banks

(R)
Missouri: James M. Neal (D) ; J. C.

Bush (R); William Massingale (D) ;

J. C. Thomas (R)
New Jersey: J. Otto Hill (R)
New York: William T. Andrews (D);

Hulan Jack (D) ; William Prince

(D); Harold A. Stevens (D)
Ohio: William B. Saunders (R);

Francis E. Young (R) ; David D.

Turpeau (R)
Pennsylvania: Homer S. Brown (DV,

Howard M. Henry (R) ; Lewis W.

Mintess (R); Clarence M. Smith

(R); Edwin F. Thompson (R); Wil-
liam A. Upshur (R)
Vermont: William J. Anderson (R)
West Virginia: Fleming A. Jones, Jr.

(D)
Citv Councilman

Maiden, Mass.: Herbert L. Jackson
New York City: Benjamin J. Davis,

Jr., (C)

Oak Ridge, Tenn.: Robert Judkins
Sewanee, Tenn.: Rayford L. Bailey
County Commissioner

Cook County, 111.: Edward M. Sneed

(D)
Wyandotte County, Kans.: Fred

White (R)
Member, Sanitary District Trustee

Board

Cook County, 111.: J. B. Martin (R)
Magistrate

St. Louis, Mo.: J. G. Dixon (R),

Third District
Constable

St. Louis, Mo.: William A. Morant

(R), Third District

List of Negroes Receiving
Outstanding Appointive Positions
(City and State) 1940-1946

Appointed in 1940

William Bailey, Jr., Asst. State
Chemist, Dept. of Agriculture, Iowa

S. J. Battle, Member Parole Commis-
sion, New York City

Charles C. Hawkins, Research As-
sociate, Natl. Center for Safety
Education, New York City

Freddie Lfc Hawkins, Member, State
Tax Commission, Iowa

Charles H. Mahoney, Commissioner,
Dept. of Labor and Industry, Mich.

Henry J. McGuinn, Member, Hous-
ing Authority, Richmond, Va.

Herbert E. Millen, Asst. Director of
Public Safety, Philadelphia, Pa.

J. Thonjas Newsome, Commissioner
in Chancery, Newport News, Va.

Miles A. Paige, Special Sessions
Judge, New York City

Henry Robinson, Senior Supv., Dept.
of Liquor Control, Ohio

Charles A. Roxborough, Member,
State Appeal Board of Unemploy-
ment Compensation, Mich.

Floyd H. Skinner, Asst. Atty. Gen-
eral, Mich.

Fred W. Slater, Asst. Commissioner,
Illinois Commerce Commission

J. Dalmus Steele, City Marshal, New
York City

288

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

W. Ellis Stewart, Member, Chicago
Planning Commission, 111.

Darwin B. Telesford, Secretary to
State Supreme Court Justice Ben-
jamin F. Schreiber, New York

Leon Washington, Member,, Imjnigra-
tion Housing Commission, Calif.

Appointed in 1941

Warren Anderson, Member, State
Board of Education, Ind.

J. T. Canady, Asst. City Physician,
Portsmouth, Va.

Golden B. Darby, Area Supervisor,
Metropolitan Delinquency Preven-
tion Division, Dept. of Public Wel-
fare, 111.

Hubert T. Delany, Member, Board
of Governors, College of the City
of New York

David M. Grant. Asst. Circuit Court
Atty., St. Louis, Mo.

John B. Hall, Jr., District Health
Supt., Dept. of Public Health, 111.

J. Raymond Henderson, Member,
Bureau of Recreation, New York
City

Cornelius Henderson, Member, Na-
tional Defense Commission, Mich.

Harrison H. Hollie, Asst. Prosecut-
ing Atty., Mo.

Edwin L. Jefferson, Municipal Judge,
Los Angeles, Calif.

Fleming A. Jones, Field Claims In-
vestigator, Dept. of Workmen's
Compensation, West Va.

Graham T. Perry, Asst. Atty. Gen-
eral, 111.

Robert Queen, Asst. City Counselor,
Trenton, N. J.

Willard B. Ransom, Asst. to Atty.
General, Ind.

Sidney R. Redmond, Special Asst.
City Counselor, St. Louis, Mo.

Fred C. Violet, Deputy Boxing Com-
missioner, N. Y. State Athletic
Commission
Appointed in 1942

Elmer A. Carter, Member, New York
State War Council

E\mice H. Carter, Deputy Asst., Ad-
olescent Offenders Research Bureau,
District Atty's Office, New York
City

Frank R. Crosswaith, Member, New
York Housing Authority

John A. Davis, Labor Discrimination
Inspector, Field' Staff, Committee
on Discrimination in Employment,
New York City

Hubert T. Delaney, Judge, Domestic
Relations Court, New York City

Perry B. Jackson, Judge, Municipal
Court, Cleveland, Ohio

Orrin G. Judd, Member, Board of
Higher Education, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Francis E. Rivers, Asst. District
Atty., New York City

G. Bruce Robinson, Asst. Atty. Gen-
eral, Mass.

Helen G. Russell, Bailiff, Women's
Court, Chicago, 111.

Henry A. Stratton, Medical Inspector,
Public Schools, Philadelphia, Pa.

James M. Yeargan, Deputy Asst.,

New York City
Appointed in 1943

John H. Bosshard, Member, War Rec-
ords Commission, N. J.
Homer S. Brown, Member, Board of
Education, Pittsburgh, Pa.

John M. Dabney, Member, Defense

Council, Newark, N. J.
Frank Forbes, Judge, Staff of State

Athletic Commission, N. Y.
Walter A. Gordon, Member, State
Board of Prison Terms and Paroles,
Calif.

Wade H. Hammond, Member, State
Planning Committee on Housing,
Ariz.

Hilmar Jensen, War Records Com-
mission, N. J.

Conrad A. Johnson, Asst. Atty. Gen-
eral, N. Y.

C. B. Powell, Member, State Ath-
letic Commission, N. Y.
Francis E. Rivers, Justice, City-
Court, New York City
Appointed in 1944

Bertram L. Baker, Confidential In-
spector for the Borough, Brooklyn,
N. Y.

Walter M. Beekman, Member, Com-
mittee on Discrimination, State
War Council, N. Y.
George A. Blakey, Asst. Atty. Gen-
eral, 111.
Matthew W. Bullock, Chairman,

State Parole Board, Mass.
Eunice H. Carter, Asst. District

Atty., New York City
Bertha J. Diggs, Secretary, Dept. of

Labor, N. Y.
Georgia J. Ellis, Asst. Corporation

Counsel, Chicago, 111.
Marie C. Ferguson, State Parole Of-
ficer, 111.
Robert H. Miller, State Parole Officer,

111.
Irwin C. Mbllison, Member, Board of

Education, Chicago, 111.
Lamar Perkins, Asst. Atty. General,

N. Y.

Francis E. Rivers, Senior Asst. Dis-
trict Atty., New York City
Noah C. A. Walker, Member, Indus-
trial Board, N. Y.

George W. Warrick, Supt., City Ref-
use Collection Dept., St. Louis, Mo.
Charles N. Williams, Probation Of-
ficer, 6th District Court, Rhode
Island
Appointed in 1945

Edward Bernacker, Hospital Commis-
sioner, New York City
St. Clair T. Bourne, Director of Pub-
licity, State Dept. of Labor, N. Y.
Sidney P. Brown, MenVber, Board of

Education, Chicago, 111.
John J. Congo, City Building In-
spector, St. Louis, Mo.
Elvin L. Davenport, Asst. Prosecut-
ing Atty., Detroit, Mich.
Hubert T. Delany, Judge, Domestic

Relations Court, New York City
Walter A. Gordon, Chairman, Adult

Authority Board, Calif.
Howard D. Gregg, Member, State

Board of Education, Del.
W. J. Kennedy, Member, State Rec-
reation Commission, N. C.
T. Raymond Jones, Secretary to Com-
missioner of Board of Elections,
New York City

Harold J. Lett, Asst., Executive
Staff, Anti-Discrimination Council,
N. J.

Eddie L. Nelson, Automobile Investi-
gator, Springfield, 111.

OFFICE-HOLDING BY NEGROES

289

Grant Reynolds, Member, State Com-
mission of Correction, N. Y.

Lebron Simmons, Asst. Prosecuting
Atty., Detroit, Mich.

Ernest Stebbins, Health Commis-
sioner, New York City.

O. M. Travis, Member, State Board
of Education, Ky.

Edward A. Watts, Sr., Member, Legal
Staff, Labor Relations Board, N. Y.

Phillip Watson, Asst. Atty. General,

N. Y.
Appointed in 1946

Charles W. Anderson, Jr., Asst. Com-
monwealth's Atty., Ky?

Charles Crampton, Asst. to Secretary
of Health, Pa.

Norman O. Houston, Member, State
Boxing Commission, Los Angeles,
Calif.

J. Raymond Jones, Deputy Commis-
sioner of Housing and Buildings,
New York City

Clarence M. Long, Member, Board of
Education, New Rochelle, N. Y.

Charles Matthews, Member, Police
Commission, Los Angeles, Calif.

Ralph Metcalf, Member, Mayor's
Commission on Human Relations,
.Chicago, 111.

;3. E. Mitchell, Member, State Board
»f Education, Mo.

Pauli Murray, Deputy Atty. General,
Calif.

*C. B. Powell, Member, State Athletic
Commission, N. Y.

-Vernon G. Riddick, Magistrate, City
Court, New York City

List of Negroes Receiving Outstanding
Federal Appointments, 1940-1946

(Unless otherwise indicated, locale
is Washington, D. C.)

Appointed in 1940

Charles L. Franklin, Economist, So-
cial Security Board

Truman K. Gibson, Jr., Asst. Civilian
Aide, War Dept.

Charles M. Hanson, Inspector, Wages

and Hours Div., Dept. of Labor
-William H. Hastie, Civilian Aide to

the Secretary of War
'T. Arnold Hill, Asst. Director, Di-
vision of Negro Affairs, National
Youth Administration

;Frank S. Home, Acting Special Asst.,
•in charge of Race Relations, U. S.
Housing Authority

*Campbell C. Johnson, Executive Asst.
to Selective Service Director

Emmer Lancaster, Special Advisor to
the Commerce Dept.

Arnett G. Lindsay, Works Progress
Administration, Supv. of Negro
Manuscripts

Ralph E. Mizelle, Atty. in the Solici-
tor's Offlc.e, Post Office Dept.

Pauline Redmond, Asst. Information
Specialist, National Youth Admin-
istration

Cuthbert P. Spencer, Asst. District
Supervisor, 1940 U. S. Census, New
York

tChanning H. Tobias, To Advise and
Assist in Selective Service Train-
ing

William J. Trent, Jr., Racial Rela-
tions Office in Personnel Div., Fed-
eral Works Agency

Robert C. Weaver, Administrative
Asst. to Advisory Committee on
National Defense
Appointed in 1941

W. H. Dabney, Asst. to State Works
Progress Administration Adminis-
trator, Mass.

Augustus Daly, Deputy Collector of
Internal Revenue, 3rd District,
N. Y.

Eugene Davidson, Investigator, Fair
Employment Practice Committee

William H. Dean, Jr., Consultant
on Location of Industry, National
Resources Planning Board

Earl B. Dickerson, Member, Fair Em-
ployment Practice Committee

Crystal B. Fauset, Director, Racial
Relations Office of Civilian Defense

G. James Fleming, Investigator, Fail-
Employment Practice Committee

Truman K. Gibson, Jr., Asst. to Ex-
ecutive Secretary, Fair Employment
Practice Committee

Elmer W. Henderson, Field Repre-
sentative, Fair Employment Prac-
tice Committee

William E. Hill, Special Asst., U. S.
Housing Authority

George M. Johnson, Asst. Executive
Secretary, Fair Employment Prac-
tice Committee

W. Robert Ming, Member of the Staff,
Office of Price Administration

Curtis P. Mitchell, Junior Atty., Fed-
eral Works Agency

Thomas N. Roberts, Special Asst. to
Personnel Director, Dept. of Agri-
culture

Arthur A. Taylor, Asst. U. S. Atty.,
Southern District of N. Y.

Robert Taylor, Housing Consultant,
Office of the Defense Housing Co-
ordinator

Channing H. Tobias, Member, Joint
Army and Navy Committee on Wel-
fare and Recreation

Herman A. Washington, Special
Asst., U. S. Housing Authority

Robert C. Weaver, Advisor to War
Production Board on Negro Labor

Milton P. Webster, Member, Fair
Employment Practice Committee

Donald Wyatt, Asst. Racial Relations

Officer, Federal Works Agency
Appointed in 1942

William D. Alexander, Information
Specialist, Office of Facts and
Figures

Claude A. Barnett, Special Asst. to
Secretary of Agriculture

Theodore M. Berry, Liaison Officer,
Morale Division, Office of Facts and
Figures

William M. Cooper, Sr. Field Rep-
resentative, Office of War Informa-
tion

William. H. Dean, Jr., Economic Ad-
visor to the Virgin Islands

Ulysses S. Games, Law Examiner In
the Homestead Division, General
Land Office, Dept. of Interior

George H. Gray, Law Examiner in
the Minerals Division, Dept. of In-
terior

Roland G. Henderson, Geodetic Com-
puter in the Topographical Branch,
Dept. of Interior

W. C. Hueston, Jr., Deputy Proba-
tion Officer

290

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS

Campbell C. Johnson, Member, Board
of Intermediate Sentence and Pa-
role

F. D. Patterson, Special Asst. to Sec-
retary of Agriculture

William Pickens, Chief of Negro Or-
ganization Section, War Bond and
Savings Stamps Division, Treasury
Dept.

Theodore R. Poston, Information Spe-
cialist, Office of War Information

Roscoe W. Ross, Law Examiner in
the Minerals Division, Dept of In-
terior

Robert C. Weaver, Asst. to Director
of Operations, War Manpower Com-
mission
Appointed in 1943

S. B. Danley, U. S. Employment Of-
fice, Hawaiian Islands

Joseph H. B. Evans, Associate Re-
gional Director, Region IV, Fair
Employment Practice Committee

Truman K. Gibson, Jr., Act. Civilian
Aide to the Secretary of War

Thomas C. Hall, Asst. Solicitor, Post
Office Dept.

T. Arnold Hill, Special Asst. to the
Administrator, Office of Price Ad-
ministration

Andrew Howard, Asst. to the District
Atty.

Colie Jaco, U. S. District Court Bail-
iff, Nebraska District

James W. Johnson, Collector of In-
ternal Revenue, 3rd N. Y. District

Martin A. Martin, Associate Atty.,
Dept. of Justice

Arthur W. Mitchell, Special Consul-
tant to Secretary of War-
Nelson H. Nichols, Act. Territorial
Atty., Virgin Islands

Armond W. Scott, Judge, Municipal
Court

J. Finley Wilson, Consultant, Inter-
racial Section, War Finance Staff
Appointed in 1944

James A. Atkins, Racial Relations
Officer, Federal Works Agency

Ralph J. Bunche, Asst., Division of
Territorial Studies, Office of Special
Political Affairs, Dept. of State

G. N. T. Gray, Act. Director, Race
Relations, War Manpower Commis-
sion

Clarence Johnson, Regional Race Re-
lations Advisor, Federal Public
Housing Authority, N. Y.

Marshall L. Shepard, Recorder of

Deeds
Appointed in 1945

Ralph J. Bunche, Member, Anglo-
American Caribbean Commission,
State Dept.

Maj. Daniel E. Day, Chief, Negro In-
terest Section of Press Branch, War
Dept.

Edward R. Dudley, Legal Counsel to
Governor of Virgin Islands

Lila W. Griffin, Research Analyst,
Bur. of Agricultural Economics,
Dept. of Agriculture

Phillip J. Jones, Asst. U. S. Attorney,
Brooklyn, N. Y.

Irvin C. Mollison, Associate Judge,
U. S. Customs Court, New York
City

Ernest M. Norris, Asst. to the Per-
sonnel Director, Dept. of Agricul-
ture

John R. Pinkett, Member, Small Busi-
ness Advisory Committee, Dept. of
Commerce

Lt. Col. Marcus H. Ray, Civilian
Aide to Secretary of War

Lela Smalley, Research Analyst, Bur.
of Agricultural Economics, Dept.
of Agriculture
Appointed in 1946

Joseph F. Albright, Asst. to Gen.
Omar Bradley, Veterans' Admin-
istration

Sadie M. Alexander, Member, Presi-
dent's Committee on Civil Rights

Kenneth E. Banks, Technical Ad-
viser, Minority Groups Section, U.
S. Employment Service, Dept. of
Labor

James Baker, Information Specialist,
Federal Housing Authority

Dr. Ambrose Caliver, Consultant, Re-
turning and Reemployment Admin-
istration

Lt. Col. W. A. Clark, Consultant, Re-
turning and Reemployment Admin-
istration

Samuel F. Coleman, Patent Exam-
iner, Dept. of Commerce

Maj. Steve G. Davis, Planning Sec-
tion, Personnel Division, War Dept.

Dr. Ellen Irene Diggs, Named by
State Dept. to make Social Investi-
gations in South America

Truman K. Gibson, Jr., Member,
President's Advisory Commission on
Universal Training

Dr. Roscoe C. Giles, Consultant to
Secretary of War, through Surgeon
General's Office

Edmonia W. Grant, Asst. Director,
Project for Adult Education of Ne-
groes, Office of Education

William H. Hastie, Governor of Vir-
gin Islands

Leslie Pinckney Hill, Member, Pres-
ident's Highway Safety Conference

J. L. Horace, Consultant for Negro
Groups, Citizens' Federal Commit-
tee on Education, Office of Educa-
tion

Charles S. Johnson, Member, Educa-
tion Commission (named by State
and War Depts.) to go to Japan

Charles S. Johnson, Member, National
Commission advising the State
Dept. on U. S. participation in
United Nations Educational, Scien-
tific and Cultural Organization

Thomasina W. Johnson, Chief, Min-
ority Groups Section, U. S. Em-
ployment Service, Dept. of Labor

R. O'Hara Lanier, Minister Envoy.
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
to Liberia

Lt. Col. T. M. Mann, Member, Wai-
Clemency Board

Ann Mason, Staff Member, Racial Re-
lations Service, National Housing
Administration

F. D. Patterson, Special Consultant
to Maj. Gen. G. B. Erskine, Admin-
istrator, Returning and Re-employ-
ment Administration

Lt. Col. James H. Robinson, Member,
Discharge Review Board, War Dept.

Estelle M. Riddle, Consultant for Ne-
gro Groups, Citizens' Federal Com-
mittee on Education, Office of Ed-
ucation

OFFICE-HOLDING BY NEGROES

291

Charles R. A. Smith, Asst. U. S. Dis-
trict Atty., Detroit, Mich.

Julius A. Thomas, Consultant, Re-
turning1 and Reemployment Admin-
istration

A. Oliver Thornton, Deputy Recorder
of Deeds

Channing H. Tobias, Member, Presi-
dent's Committee on Civil Rights

Lt. Sylvester White, Information Spe-
cialist, Navy Dept.

Marshall E. Williams, Chief Appli-
cation Analyst, Bureau of Person-
nel, United Nations Organization,
N. Y.

William O. Woodson, Asst. Director,
Project for Adult Education of Ne-
groes, Office of Education

P. B. Young, Sr., Consultant for Ne-
gro Groups, Citizens' Federal Com-
mittee on Education, Office of Edu-
cation

DIVISION XII

THE NEGRO AND CIVIL RIGHTS

By CHARLES G. GOMILLION
Tuskegee Institute

RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION
Residential Segregation
A National Problem

Since the abolition of slavery in the
United S'tates, Negroes have experi-
enced difficulty in securing living ac-
commodations in keeping with their
desires and financial means. In some
instances, they are prevented from
renting the kinds of rooms which
they desire and from buying the kinds
of homes in which they want to live.
In other instances, they are denied the
opportunity of renting, or buying, or
building living quarters in desirable
localities, both rural and urban. Al-
though these restrictions are more
prevalent in the South, they are in
evidence to some extent throughout
the nation.

In order to effect residential segre-
gation of Negroes, an individual or
group might resort to informal, unof-
ficial, non-violent, or violent behavior,
which reflects the customs and tradi-
tions of the community or which
might be the result of a more con-
sciously formulated policy.

Between 1941 and 1947, many Ne-
gro families, like white families, ex-
perienced considerable difficulty secur-
ing adequate and desirable housing,
because of the scarcity of rooms and
homes available, because of their low
economic income, and because of the
presence of children in the families.
But in addition to these factors, Negro
families were further handicapped be-
cause of race and color. In 1941, the
manager of the Marshall Field Garden
Apartments in Chicago admitted that
the management discriminated against
Negroes and refused to rent or lease
apartments to them. In Washington,
D. C., a colored player on a Boy's
Town athletic team, was barred from
the hotel accommodating the white
members of the team. In Evanston, Il-
linois, Northwestern University de-
nied students the opportunity to live
in dormitories on the campus. The
business manager of the University

stated to a group of Negroes that "it
is the policy and the unwritten law of
Northwestern University to prohibit
all Negroes from living in any dormi-
tory, or house, on the University
campus."

In Washington, D. C., the National
Association of Real Estate Boards
issued a booklet which contained the
following statement of policy: "No
property in a white section should
ever be sold, rented, advertised, or
offered to colored people." In the Real
Estate Board's Code of Ethics there is
a further statement that:

"When, for example, in any respect-
able neighborhood, a house is wanted
for conversion to an objectional use, no
respectable broker will consent to rep-
resent the buyer.

"The latter might be a bootlegger
who would cause considerable annoy-
ance to his neighbors, a 'madam' who
had a number of 'call girls' on her
string, a gangster who wanted a screen
for his activities by living in a better
neighborhood, a colored man of means
. . . giving his children a college educa-
tion and thought that they were en-
titled to live among the whites, but
no matter what the motive or charac-
ter of the would-be purchaser, if the
deal would instigate a form of blight,
then certainly the well-meaning broker
must work against its consummation."

Later, however, the Executive Sec-
retary of the National Association of
Real Estate Boards in a letter to Mr.
Ira F. Lewis, President and General
Manager of the Pittsburgh Courier,
disowned the statement and expressed
regret that the publication had been
circulated. In his letter, he wrote
that "the article in question was pre-
pared by individuals who were in-
vited to discuss a series of methods
and techniques. Obviously, the state-
ment was not reviewed by our editor
before sending the book to press. It
should never have been printed." The
Executive Secretary insisted that the
objectionable statement which ap-
peared in the booklet did not repre-
sent the official attitude of the Asso-
ciation toward the Negro.

Several times during this six-year

292

RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION

293

period groups of citizens petitioned
city and county officials and real estate
dealers and property owners to pre-
vent Negroes from buying and/or liv-
ing in houses in areas in close prox-
imity to whites. In 1941, one hundred
white residents appeared before the
County Commissioners of Fulton Coun-
ty, Georgia, and expressed strong ob-
jections to the Commission's approving
a proposed subdivision lor Negto
homes. In another state, seventy-five
home owners appeared before the mem-
bers of the City Council at City Hall
and expressed their desire that the
community in which they lived be kept
a "white community." In Miami, Flor-
ida, ninety-nine heads of families ap-
peared before the County Commission-
er with a petition to prevent a white
realtor from selling land to Negroes.
In Orange, New Jersey, forty-five white
home owners tried to prevent a Negro
dentist and his wife from occupying
a house which they had purchased in
a "white neighborhood." In Roselle,
New Jersey, nineteen residents pro-
tested to the Borough Council the pro-
posed construction of nine dwellings
for Negro occupants in their neigh-
borhood. At Indianhead, Maryland, in
1943, approximately one hundred fed-
erally constructed housing units stood
idle while colored workers in a powder
factory found it impossible to secure
housing. The empty units were origin-
ally planned for colored occupants, but
because of the objection of whites
living in the community, the Negro
workers had not been permitted to oc-
cupy them.

Sometimes efforts are made to oust
Negroes from the rooms and homes
which they occupy. In Michigan and
in Missouri in 1941, white citizens
strove to oust Negro residents from
their homes. In Chicago, Ku Kluxers
endeavored to frighten Negroes to the
extent that they would move from the
property which they had purchased.
It should be mentioned, however, that
efforts are sometimes made to prevent
prejudiced persons from succeeding in
preventing Negroes from occupying
property in which they are interested
and which they are able to buy. In
New Jersey, the police stopped a meet-
ing of white tenants who were pro-
testing against a Negro family's mov-
ing into the community in which they
lived. On the other hand, it happens,

sometimes, that officers of the law do
not provide Negro citizens with the
protection to which they are entitled,
and, occasionally, they themselves, par-
ticipate in violent acts against Ne-
groes. In Detroit, in 1944, a police-
man hired a youth who was on parole
from a penal institution to set fire
to Negro homes in the neighborhood
in which he owned property.

Restrictive Covenants

In various parts of the nation,
groups of citizens have entered re-
strictive covenants which were de-
signed to bind the signers in a united
effort to withhold property from Ne-
groes and other minority groups who
desired to rent, lease, buy, and/or oc-
cupy such property. In Columbus,
Ohio, a court ruled that a Negro
might buy a house in a neighborhood
covered by a restrictive covenant, but
he could not occupy that house within
a period of twenty-five years. There
is no uniformity in the decisions of
the courts concerning the legality of
restrictive covenants. In Memphis,
Tennessee, the City Commissioners
ruled that white citizens have no right
to protest Negro servants living in
neighborhoods inhabited by whites.

There is evidence that Government
officials and agencies have endeavored
to segregate the residential facilities
of Negroes, either by executive decree
or by legislative enactment, such as
zoning. In Michigan, United States
officials sanctioned segregated housing
in the Willow Run Lodge Homes. Ne-
gro war workers were barred from
occupancy. In New York City, the
Metropolitan Life Insurance Company
undertook to build the Stuyvesant
Homes which, according to the original
plan, were to house only persons who
were classified as white. At one of
its meetings, the New York City
Council voted 23-1 against approving
the segregated housing proposed by the
Metropolitan Life Insurance Company.
In Georgetown, South Carolina, and
in Dallas, Texas, the city officials
sought to segregate and isolate Negro
residential areas. A Federal judge in
Texas, in deciding a case, ruled that
"we cannot segregate races in America
— white, black, red, yellow, all have
the right to live where they choose. I
found that there is no ordinance on
the books of the city showing any

294

THE NEGRO AND CIVIL RIGHTS

favoritism, or any effort to make use
of an invalid state statute." In 1945,
twenty-four lawyers representing ten
States and the District of Columbia,
along with other persons interested
in housing, met in the City of Chicago
to map out plans to combat the re-
strictions placed upon Negroes by such
devices as restrictive covenants and
prejudicial zoning. This meeting was
presided over by William H. Hastie,
who represented the Washington office
of the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People. At
that time there were numerous re-
strictive covenant cases before the
courts. In California alone there were
twenty.

Residential Segregation
A Hardship on Negroes

The practice of residential segrega-
tion and discrimination against Ne-
groes seeking satisfactory living quar-
ters is considered by Negroes as a
tremendous hardship upon them and a
violation of the principles of democ-
racy and Christianity. Individually
and collectively, Negroes and sympa-
thetic whites have been working dil-
igently to reduce the restrictions and
to increase the opportunities for Ne-
groes to secure homes in keeping with
their interests and means.

DISCRIMINATION ON PUBLIC
CONVEYANCES

Discriminatory Practices in
South not in Conformity \vith
Constitutional or Statutory Law

In the Southern States, constitution-
al and statutory law provides for sep-
arate but equal facilities on public
conveyances serving Negroes. Observ-
ation, however, reveals that the facili-
ties are usually separate, but unequal
in convenience and in the service and
treatment accorded Negroes by em-
ployees working on these public con-
veyances. Elevators and train coaches
serving Negro passengers might be
identical in construction and equip-
ment, but the location of the elevator
in the public building and the loca-
tion of the coach on the train might
be such as to impose inconvenience
on the Negro passenger, or to subject
him to greater danger than that to
which the white passenger is sub-
jected. Further, it usually happens
that the services and courtesies shown

Negro passengers are inferior to those
accorded white passengers. Such sit-
uations are discriminatory to Negroes.
Discriminatory also is the practice of
legalizing, or sanctioning, compulsory
segregation, without giving Negroes
the opportunity to participate in the
legislative process of enacting the
legalized regulation.

Discrimination on Elevators

The following incidents are sugges-
tive of the discrimination against Ne-
groes on public conveyances. In sev-
eral cities in the South separate ele-
vators have been provided for Negro
passengers. In other places, Negro
and white citizens may ride the same
elevator, but not at the same time.
These practices are, of course, of de-
creasing frequency. Signs designating
specific elevators for Negroes and for
whites are being removed, and, more
and more, elevator operators are ad-
mitting passengers without regard to
color.

Discrimination on Air Lines

While the air lines have not prac-
ticed segregation and discrimination
to the same extent as have the rail-
roads and buses, therl! have been
some discriminations on the basis of
race. The Chicago and Southern Air
Lines, Incorporated, in a letter to a
passenger who had charged that he
had been discriminated against and
humiliated by a stewardess on a south-
bound plane stated that:

"Chicago and Southern certainly re-
grets that you have experienced any
feeling of embarrassment, or discom-
fort due to the incident in question.
We have carried Negro passengers on
many occasions and it is our policy
and desire to make available to such
passengers accommodations and serv-
ices in all respects equal to those of-
fered to the traveling public in general.
"It is true that Negro passengers
are requested to assume the forward
seats in the airplane. However, from
the standpoint of personal comfort,
these are the most desirable seats in
the aircraft. Thus, it should be made
clear that the practice rather than one
of discrimination, is one offering Ne-
groes accommodations and facilities
which are equal or superior to those
offered other passengers."

Discrimination on Railroads

The Pennsylvania Railroad has been
accused of segregating Negro passen-
gers who board their stream-line
trains in New York City for points

DISCRIMINATION ON PUBLIC CONVEYANCES

295

South of Washington, D. C. Negro
passengers have been sold seats only
in the number one coach nearest the
engine on the New York to Florida and
the New York to New Orleans stream-
liners. An official of the Pennsylvania
Railroad admitted that the segrega-
tion was practiced, but only "in order
that colored passengers destined to
points South of Washington will not
be disturbed."

After having been accused of dis-
criminating against Negroes in sell-
ing berth space in sleeping cars, the
Missouri-Pacific Railroad Lines advised
that in the future berth space in sleep-
ing cars operating in the Southern Di-
vision of that system would be re-
served for Negroes without discrimina-
tion. In spite of the promises of some
railroad companies to refrain from
discrimination against Negroes, other
companies have not seen fit to desist.
Two Negro passengers en route to
Houston, Texas, from Baltimore and
Cleveland were forced to move from
a Pullman car about two hours before
reaching Houston.

Not only have railroad officials dis-
criminated against Negro passengers,
but white passengers have assaulted
Negro passengers in Pullman cars. A
Negro clergyman, 76 years of age,
was beaten by a white passenger on
a train traveling through Alabama in
1942. In the next year, Rev. Martin
L. Harvey was assaulted by a train
conductor while en route from Chicago
to Atlanta, while he was seated in the
observation car. The assault was pro-
voked by the Rev. Mr. Harvey's re-
fusal to move from the observation car
at the request of the conductor.

Two women, Dr. Virginia M. Alex-
ander and Mrs. Sadie T. M. Alexander,
filed suit for damages against the
Southern Railroad Company and the
Washington Terminal Company for
having been refused dining car service
while en route to Atlanta, Georgia, in
November, 1941. Two years later, Ne-
gro soldiers traveling on several trains
in the South were refused meals in
the dining cars.

In 1945, the Alabama Public Service
Commission ordered the railroads serv-
icing the State to provide for colored
persons seeking berth or seat space
in closed accommodations, if possible,
or accommodations separated from
other passengers by a partition or a

curtain. Later, however, the Commis-
sion slightly modified its order, but
retained the basic requirement of sep-
arate accommodations and facilities.

Discrimination on Buses

Negro passengers have probably
fared wjo^'se on buses than they have
on trains. Not only have they been
left standing in the bus stations
while buses loaded with white pas-
sengers pulled out of the station and
proceeded on various routes, but they
have been subjected to greater incon-
veniences and physical discomforts
than have white passengers. In 1941,
Mrs. Clara Wilson was forced to give
up a reserved seat on a bus in Missis-
sippi while traveling from Chicago
to New Orleans. She withdrew from
the bus and bought a railroad ticket
from Jackson, Mississippi, to New Or-
leans. In Kansas, Mrs. Leona Boone
filed suit alleging forcible ejection
from a Southwestern Greyhound bus
t3 provide a seat for a white passenger.
Although the seat was in the space
"reserved" for Negro passengers, Mrs.
Boone was not allowed to retain pos-
session of it. In North Carolina, a
Negro woman was dragged from a
bus, beaten by a policeman and con-
victed on charges of violating the
racial separation law. In Florida, a
Negro college president was slapped
by a policeman after he had alighted
from a bus and denied charges of hav-
ing been guilty of disorderly conduct
while on the bus. In Chicago, a Ne-
gro soldier was beaten by a bus
driver, because "he talked back." In
New Orleans, a 17-year-old high school
girl graduate was beaten by a white
passenger, because she moved the
screen on a city bus.

In order to reduce the tension
created by segregation on buses, vari-
ous persons have proposed elimina-
tion of the ordinances legalizing seg-
regation. In 1943, Virginius Dabney,
editor of the Richmond-Times Dis-
patch, advocated the repeal of the Vir-
ginia laws which compelled the segre-
gation of white and Negro passengers
on street cars and buses. Said Mr. Dab-
ney:

"The time has come to do something
about the well-nigh intolerable inter-
racial friction on the street cars and
buses of the state. This friction stems
largely from the laws which compel the
segregation of white and colored pas-

296

THE NEGRO AND CIVIL RIGHTS

sengers. . . . Repeal of the state law
which requires segregation of the races
on street car and buses, and of local
ordinances which embody the same re-
quirement, would solve the difficulty."
It should be said, however, that
there was considerable objection to
the proposal made by Mr. Dabney and
that later he stated that the proposal
was probably untimely in that the
white citizens of Richmond were prob-
ably not yet ready for the abolition
of segregation on public conveyances.
In the 'future, Negro bus passengers
on interstate travel might secure bet-
ter accommodations. In the Irene
Morgan case, the United States Su-
preme Court, in 1946, held that "on
interstate journeys the enforcement
of requirements for reseating would
be disturbing," and that "seating ar-
rangements for the different races in
interstate motor travel require a
single uniform rule to promote and
protect national travel." In this case,
the court reversed the decision of a
lower court, and declared invalid regu-
lations which Jim Crow Negro motor
bus passengers on interstate trips.

COURT DECISIONS INVOLVING
THE RIGHTS OF NEGRO CITIZENS

Since 1941, several State and Federal
courts, including the United States
Supreme Court, have rendered signifi-
cant decisions involving the rights of
Negro citizens. These judicial pro-
nouncements have decided a variety
of issues relating to discriminations
in union membership, in housing ac-
commodations, in educational oppor-
tunities, in wages, in bus and railway
transportation, in freedom to work, in
political elections, and in police and
court protection.

Court Decisions
Relating to Labor Unions

In 1944, a New York State Court
of Appeals ruled that the Railway Mail
Association was a labor union and vio-
lated S'tate laws in barring Negroes
from membership. Prior to this de-
cision, the New York City branch of
the Association had admitted Negroes
to membership, which was in violation
of the Constitution of the Association
which limited membership to "mem-
bers of the Caucasian race, or native
American Indians." Justice Stanley F.
Reed delivered the opinion of the
court, and stated that:

". . . to deny a fellow employee
membership because of race, color, or
creed may operate to prevent that em-
ployee from having any part in the
selection of labor policies to be pro-
moted and adopted in the industry and
deprive him of all means of protection
from unfair treatment arising out of
the fact that the terms imposed by a
dominant union applied to all em-
ployees, whether union members or not.
"In their very nature, racial and
religious minorities are likely to be so
small in number in any particular in-
dustry as to be unable to form an
effective organization for securing set-
tlement of their grievances and con-
sideration of their group aims with re-
spect to conditions of employment. The
fact that the employer is the govern-
ment has no significance from this
point of view."

In California, in 1945, the S'tate Su-
preme Court ruled unanimously that a
labor union must admit Negroes to full
membership, or not try to enforce the
closed shop agreement. In Rhode Is-
land, a State Superior Court judge ruled
in 1944 that the policy of herding Ne-
gro employees of the Washington-Kaiser
Shipyard in Providence, Rhode Island,
into an auxiliary of the Boiler Makers
Union, Local 308, American Federa-
tion of Labor, and separating their
ballots, was irregular and discrimina-
tory. In the same year, the United
States Supreme Court ruled against
the "lily white" policy of the Brother-
hood of Locomotive Firemen and En-
ginemen, and declared that an agree-
ment by the union and twenty-one
southern railroad companies, restrict-
ing the employment opportunities of
Negroes, deprived them of their rights
to jobs. The opinion of the court, read
by Chief Justice Stone, stated in part
that unless the labor union represent-
ing a craft owes some duty to repre-
sent non-union members of the craft,
at least to the extent of not discrim-
inating against them as such in the
contract which makes it their repre-
sentative, the minority would be left
with no means of protecting their in-
terest, or indeed their right to earn
a livelihood by pursuing the occupa-
tion in which they are employed.
Justice Frank Murphy, writing a con-
curring opinion, stated that "The eco-
nomic discrimination against Negroes
practiced by the brotherhoods and
railways under color of congressional
authority, raises a grave constitutional
issue that should be squarely faced."
Continuing, he said that "Racism is
too virulent today to permit the slight-
est refusal, in the light of a constitu-

COURT DECISIONS INVOLVING RIGHTS OF NEGRO CITIZENS 297

tion that abhors it, to expose it and
condemn it wherever it appears in
the course of a statutory interpre-
tation." This decision has been held
as a new Bill of Rights for Negro
labor.

Court Decisions Relating
To Restrictive Covenants

In the field of restrictive covenants,
several significant decisions have been
rendered. In 1943, a Municipal Court
judge in Chicago ruled that restrictive
covenants based on race are illegal.
This decision was rendered in a suit
which was brought by a citizen to oust
a tenant who had rented rooms to Ne-
groes. In his opinion, Judge Heller
stated that "the Constitution of the
United States is the basic law of a re-
public which recognizes only one class
of citizens. All are subject to the same
obligations. All are entitled to the
same privileges."

In California, Superior Court Judge
Thurmond Clark ruled that restrictive
covenants based on race are in direct
violation of the Constitution of the
United States. In this case, the movie
star, Hattie McDaniels, and other Ne-
gro citizens in California had been
subjected to certain restrictions in the
use of their property, because of the
existence of restrictive covenants
which had been entered into by white
citizens living in the same community.
In handing down his decision, Judge
Clark said: "Colored people too long
have been deprived of their Constitu-
tional rights. They were not denied
these rights when they were called to
defend their country. It is time some
court intervened to protect their
rights."

In the State of Missouri, in 1945,
a Circuit Court judge ruled that an
agreement not to sell property to Ne-
groes and Chinese was null and void,
because it was contrary to the Federal
and State constitutions and certain
Federal statutes, and, also, because
it was improperly executed and did
not bind all of the property owners
in the community. In the same year,
Judge Stanley Milledge in the State of
Florida ruled that residential zoning
on the basis of face was invalid. He
stated that Florida law did not
authorize government officials to des-
ignate in what areas members of the
various races might reside and that

commissioners had no authority to
make it a penal offense to reside in
such areas. On the other hand, in the
State of Georgia, the State Supreme
Court upheld racial covenants, and
stated that real estate restrictions
limiting the sale of property only to
white persons are enforceable and not
in violation of the 14th Amendment
to the Constitution of the United
States.

It is interesting to note that in
1945, the Ontario Supreme Court, in
the Dominion of Canada, ruled that
property covenants restricting mem-
bers of a given race were not in keep-
ing with the Charter of the United Na-
tions. The decision was made in a
case involving an effort to restrain
Jews from occupying a specifically des-
ignated area.

Court Decisions Relating

To Educational Opportunities

Since the decision of the United
States Supreme Court in the Gaines
case, there have been numerous efforts
on the part of Negro citizens to secure
educational opportunities equal to
those provided for whites. In 1941,
the Tennessee State Supreme Court
denied the petition of six Negroes for
admission to the Graduate School of
the University of Tennessee, because
"equivalent facilities" had been au-
thorized in 1941 by an act of the state
legislature and that a further decision
"was unnecessary and improper."
In 1945, the Kentucky Court of Appeals
ruled that "the fact that a Negro high
school has an eight months term and
a white school in the community runs
nine months is no legal ground for
Negroes to refuse to pay school taxes."
The decision of the Court included the
statement that "pupils in an eight
month's school may advance as rap-
idly and master the prescribed course
to the same extent, as those attending
a nine month's school."

The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals
of the United States ruled in 1945 that
the action of the Enoch Pratt Free
Library of Baltimore in barring Miss
Louise Kerr, a Negro, from a train-
ing course, violated the equal rights
provision' of Federal statutes. The
court further said that Miss Kerr had
been denied the training course solely
because of her race.

During the past six years, several

298

THE NEGRO AND CIVIL RIGHTS

courts have ruled that Negro teachers
are entitled to the same salaries re-
ceived by white teachers when they
have similar qualifications and are per-
forming similar duties. A Federal Dis-
trict Court handed down a decision
in a case involving a Negro teacher in
Virgina. In his opinion, the judge
stated that

"It is obvious that the school board
in adopting the salary schedule for
1943 has not complied with the terms
of the order of the court, which en-
joined and restrained the defendants
from discriminating- in the payment of
salaries against colored teachers and
principals and in favor of the white
teachers and principals in the public
schools, solely on account of race or
color, and from paying the colored
teachers and principals salaries less
than those paid white teachers and
principals of substantially the same
qualifications, the experience, and per-
forming similar duties, solely on ac-
count of race and color."

In Arkansas, the United States Cir-
cuit Court of Appeals ruled that Negro
teachers could not be discriminated
against in salaries paid by public
school boards. In Florida and in South
Carolina, similar decisions were handed
down by court officials.

Court Decisions
Relating to Travel

Perhaps the most famous court de-
cision rendered concerning travel on
public conveyances was the one handed
down by the United States Supreme
Court in the famous Arthur W.
Mitchell case in 1941. Arthur W.
Mitchell contended in court that he
had been forcibly ejected from a Pull-
man car in Arkansas while en route
from Chicago to Hot Springs in 1937.
He contended further that he was en-
titled to railroad accommodations equal
to those provided for whites. Chief
Justice Hughes delivered the opinion
of the court in which he asserted that
the act of the railway officials

". . . was manifestly a discrimination
against him (Mitchell) in the course of
his interstate journey and admittedly
that discrimination was based solely
upon the fact that he was a Negro.
The question whether this was a dis-
crimination forbidden by the Interstate
Commerce Act is not a question of
segregation, but one of equality of
treatment. The denial to appellant of
equality of accommodations because of
his race would be an invasion of a
fundamental individual right which is
currently against state action by the
14th Amendment and in view of the
nature of the right and of our con-
stitutional policy, it cannot be main-

tained that the discrimination as it
was alleged was not essentially unjust."
In 1944, the Virginia State Supreme
Court ruled that bus drivers must
not seek to enforce the law in a dis-
criminatory manner. The statement
occurred in a decision in which it was
pointed out that a bus driver had at-
tempted to force a Negro passenger
to move from her seat in order to pro-
vide one for a white passenger, but
no effort was made to require any
white passenger to move from his seat,
so as to provide accommodation for a
Negro passenger. The judge stated
that the bus driver "undertook to en-
force the statute against the plaintiff,
a colored person, without enforcing it
against a white person and this he had
no right to do." In 1945, the Virginia
State Supreme Court in the Irene Mor-
gan case held that the State had full
right to police power and that enforc-
ing racial segregation falls within this
power, and upheld the practice of seg-
regation on interstate public convey-
ances. More recently, however, the
United States Supreme Court has re-
versed the decision, holding that the
enforcement of segregation laws on in-
terstate motor conveyances interferes
with interstate commerce and is,
therefore, illegal.

Court Decisions
Relating to Forced Labor

In 1942, the United States Supreme
Court rendered a decision declaring
that Ira Taylor, a Negro, who had been
convicted for having refused to work
out a contract, was being held in peon-
age. In 1944, the United States Su-
preme Court held as unconstitutional
a Florida peonage law which was en-
acted in 1919. The decision came as
a result of an appeal of a case involv-
ing a Negro who had been sent to jail
for six days for lack of $100 to pay a
fine imposed by the State court as a
penalty for not working off $5.00 which
was advanced to him by his employer.
These two verdicts emphasize the idea
that it is unconstitutional to force
persons to labor in order to pay off
a debt which has been co itracted.

Court Decisions Relating to Voting

Perhaps the most significant decision
in the area of politics rendered dur-
ing the past six years was the one
handed down by the United States Su-
preme Court in May, 1941, which stated

JURY SERVICE

299

that Congress has "authority to regu-
late primary elections when . . . they
are a step in the exercise by the peo-
ple of their choice of representatives
in Congress." The decision was a close
one, 4-3, but it served as a stimulus to
Negro citizens who had been clamor-
ing for the opportunity to participate
in the Democratic primaries of the
South. In 1944, the United States Su-
preme Court, in the case of Lonnie E.
Smith vs. S. E. Allwright ruled that
Negroes could not be legally barred
from primary elections wh'en those
elections were an integral part of the
election procedure. In 1945, Judge T.
Hoyt Davis ruled in Georgia that Ne-
groes were entitled to vote in Demo-
cratic primaries, and a similar deci-
sion was handed down in the State of
Florida, thus outlawing "lily white
primaries" in these two Southern
States. The case in Georgia was ap-
pealed, but in 1946 the United States
Supreme Court upheld the right of Ne-
groes to vote in the Democratic pri-
maries of Georgia.

Court Decisions Relating to
Forced Confessions of Guilt

For many decades Negro citizens ac-
cused of various offences have con-
tended that purported confessions
have been secured from them as a
result of various kinds of pressure and
torture. In 1941, the United States
Supreme Court, in an opinion read by
Justice Black, declared unlawful and
unconstitutional all efforts to obtain
confessions by force or coercion. In
the same year, the Supreme Court re-
versed the death sentence'of Joe Ver-
non, because it was found that he was
convicted of murder after having been
"beaten to the point" of confessing
guilt. In 1942, William Ward of Mt.
Pleasant, Texas, accused of murder,
was driven to six different counties
and questioned, threatened, beaten,
whipped, and burned until he con-
fessed murder. The United States Su-
preme Court declared that the Negro
had been denied his Constitutional
rights and issued a stay of execution
and ordered a new trial. In 1943, a
stay of execution of Henry Daniels,
Jr. and Curtis Robinson, Negroes of
Alabama, was ordered by the United
States Supreme Court. These men had
been sentenced to death on a charge
of rape, but evidence presented before

the court supported the contention of
the attorneys for the Negroes that they
had been illegally beaten, threatened
with lynching, and subjected to pro-
longed questioning. In 1945, the State
Supreme Court of Georgia rendered a
decision in which it outlawed the use
of the "third degree" in seeking con-
fessions from citizens accused of
crime. These decisions handed down by
the several courts suggest that Negro
citizens are resorting to the courts
in an effort to have specifically stated
the rights to which they are entitled
and the nature of the protection which
they might expect from government
officials.

JURY SERVICE
Increasing Participation
Of Negroes As Jurors

Since the decision of the United
States Supreme Court in the famous
Scottsboro Case to the effect that sys-
tematic exclusion of Negroes from jury
service constitutes a violation of Fed-
eral law, efforts have been made by
court officials to permit increasing par-
ticipation of Negro citizens as jurors.
In the South, the discrimination
against Negroes as jurors has been
greater than it has been in the North,
but during the last six years Negro
men and women have served on Grand
and Petit Juries in Federal and State
courts and on criminal and civil cases
involving white and non-white citizens.
In many communities, the presence of
the Negro citizen on the jury marked
the first time that a Negro had ever
served in that capacity, or the first
time since the Reconstruction Period.
Frequently, the daily press publicized
the event, and secured from court of-
ficials statements that Negro jurors
served as creditably as whites.

Nature of Negro
Participation As Jurors

No attempt is made here to present
a complete record of the participation
of Negroes as jurors during the last
six years, but rather to present enough
data by years to indicate the nature
of the participation and of the par-
ticipants.

In 1941, in Sarasota, Florida, jury
duty was opened to Negroes. In the
same year, Henry Ellington became the
first Negro to serve in a civil division
ot the Jefferson County, Alabama, Cir-

300

THE NEGRO AND CIVIL RIGHTS

cult Court. The jury, including Mr.
Ellington, awarded a Negro $2,250
damages against the Southern Rail-
road. In New Jersey, a Negro woman
was called for jury service by the Clerk
of the Fifth Judicial District Court.
In Texas, Judge Whit Boyd appointed
a Negro principal of an elementary
school in Houston to a three-man com-
mission to select members of the
Grand Jury, and in Monroe, Louisiana
a cafe proprietor was chosen to serve
on a Federal Grand Jury. In Des
Moines, Iowa, three Negro women
served on a Petit Jury. In Corpus
Christi, Texas, an all-Negro jury was
used in one court case. For the first
time in the history of the United
States District Court, Eastern District
of Missouri, two Negroes were se-
lected to serve as Petit Jurors. In New
York, Governor Thomas E. Dewey se-
lected Robert P. Braddicks, a Negro,
as foreman of a Grand Jury.

In 1942, in Nashville, Tennessee,
Jasper C. Home became the first Ne-
gro since 1870 to serve as a member
of a Grand Jury. In Philadelphia, Wil-
liam B. Hammun, Jr., served as a
member of a special Grand Jury ap-
pointed to conduct exhaustive investi-
gation of the activities of Axis spies,
saboteurs, and other enemy agents. In
Dallas, Texas, a Negro served on a
Grand Jury for the first time in the
history of the county. Commenting on
this service, the Dallas Morning News
said:

"The placing on the grand jury of a
Negro for the first time in the history
of Dallas County may go against the
grain of some of those who are steeped
in the southern tradition by the mere
fact that this is the first instance of
a Negro on the grand jury in this
county during the long interval between
adoption of the Post Civil War amend-
ments and the present is sufficient an-
swer. The Negro has been denied his
right under the Constitution, and the
only answer is compliance. From a
strictly practical viewpoint, of course,
there must be compliance, because of
the recent ruling of the United States
Supreme Court. To refuse would mean
simply the suspension of punishment
of Negro offenders against the law.
Wise thought and political leadership
in the South should have made unnec-
essary the recent coercive court rul-
ing.

"This ruling should be adopted by the
southern people as a challenge to work
out their own racial problem unless it
is to be worked out for them. . . .
That Negroes have not gotten justice
in our courts can be proven a thousand
times over by statistics on relative

prison terms given white and black of-
fenders for the varying degrees of
crime."

In Arkansas, a Negro had been con-
victed by an all-white jury from which
Negroes had been systematically ex-
cluded. His attorneys appealed, and
the United States Court reversed the
decision of the lower court, and or-
dered a re-trial for the Negro. At the
second trial, the Negro was tried by
an all-Negro jury. His attorneys again
appealed the case on the basis that an
all-Negro jury was as unfair as an all-
white jury.

In 1943, in Los Angeles, California,
a Negro was one of 30 citizens chosen
to serve on the Grand Jury. This was
the first time that a Negro had served
on a jury since 1781, when five Negro
families helped to found what is now
the city of Los Angeles. In Limestone
County, Alabama, a Negro served for
the first time as a member of the
Grand Jury, although on several pre-
vious occasions Negroes had served on
Petit Juries. In Missouri, Cole County
had its first Negro Petit Juror on a
$10,000 damage suit. In Green County,
an all-Negro coroner's jury, the first
in the history of the county, recom-
mended that a Negro accused of mur-
der be held for the Grand Jury. I n
Winchester, Virginia, in a case involv-
ing the trial of a Negro, a Negro citi-
zen was qualified for jury service. In
Fulton County, Georgia, Milton Wash-
burne, a veteran Pullman porter, was
the only Negro among 45 Fulton Coun-
ty citizens drawn by a Superior Court
judge for Grand Jury service for a pe-
riod of two months.

In 1944, in Brooklyn, Kings County,
New York, Herbert T. Miller, Execu-
tive Secretary of the Carleton Avenue
Y. M. C. A., was appointed by County
Judge Samuel S. Leibowitz as foreman
of a twenty-one-man Grand Jury. He
was the only Negro serving on the
jury. In Newark, New Jersey, Mrs.
Effa Manley served as a member of a
Federal Grand Jury for the New Jer-
sey district. In Texas, a Prairie View
College professor served as a member
of a Grand Jury in Waller County.
In the same State three Negroes served
on a Petit Jury which acquitted a Ne-
gro accused of assault with attempt to
murder. In Little Rock, Arkansas,
George H. Evans was the only Negro
serving on a jury in the Pulaski
County Circuit Court. He was chosen

THE PRESIDENT'S COMMITTEE ON CIVIL RIGHTS

301

by the other eleven jurors to serve as
foreman.

In 1945, in Hudson County, New
Jersey, Harold S. Williams became the
first Negro ever to serve on a County
Grand Jury. Shelby County, Tennes-
see had two Negroes on a Grand Jury,
which indicted two Negroes. In Knox-
ville, Tennessee, three Negroes served
on a Federal Grand Jury and two men
served on a Grand Jury in a State
court. In Clinton, North Carolina, Wal-
ter Murphy became the third Negro
to serve on a jury in that city since the
Reconstruction Period. In Essex Coun-
ty, New York, Rev. Thomas L. Pur-
year, pastor of the St. Matthews A.
M. E. Church, served on a Grand Jury.
In Jefferson County, Alabama, an all-
Negro Petit Jury of 11 men tried a
civil suit. The jury denied the peti-
tion of the Negro plaintiff for $5,000
damages from another Negro. In Geor-
gia and in Alabama, government offi-
cials and Negro leaders have made pro-
posals to use all-Negro juries in trying
murder cases involving only Negroes.
It is believed that such a practice
might result in fairer sentences beii?g
meted out to Negroes guilty of mur-
dering other Negroes.

In 1946, in Jefferson County, Ala-
bama, two Negroes, Moulton H. Gray
and James Glover, served on a Grand
Jury. In Norfolk, Virginia, in Corpo-
ration Court, Part 2, five Negroes were

on a jury when a Negro citizen went
on trial for grand larceny.

THE PRESIDENTS COMMITTEE
ON CIVIL RIGHTS

On December 5, 1946, there was
created by Executive Order 9708 the
President's Committee on Civil Rights.
Headed by Charles E. Wilson, Presi-
dent of the General Electric Company
as chairman, the committee of 15 prom-
inent citizens included two Negroes:
Mrs. Sadie T. Alexander, Philadelphia
lawyer and Dr. Channing H. Tobias,
Director of the Phelps-Stokes Fund,
New York City. Stating that in some
places, from time to time, local en-
forcement of law and order have
broken down, President Harry S. Tru-
man declared that "in its discharge of
the obligations placed on it by the
Constitution, the Federal Government
is hampered by inadequate civil rights
statutes." The new committee was
authorized "to inquire into and to de-
termine whether and in what respect
current law-enforcement measures and
the authority and means possessed by
Federal, State, and local governments
may be strengthened and improved to
safeguard the civil rights of the peo-
ple," and to make recommendations
for more adequate protection of the
civil rights of the people of the
United States.

DIVISION XIII

LYNCHING— CRIME

By JESSIE P. GUZMAN AND W. HARDIN HUGHES
Tuskeaee Institute and Pasadena, California

SECTION ONE: LYNCHING
LYNCHINGS DECLINE

Since 1882 the trend in lynchings
has been steadily downward. Several
agencies have been responsible for this
decline. No little credit should be
given to the press, both white and
Negro. It has taken a strong stand
through editorial and news columns
against this evil. State Patrols, where
they have operated, have been influen-
tial in reducing lynchings and at-
tempted lynchings by providing police
protection to would-be victims. Tus-
kegee Institute, through its Depart-
ment of Records and Research, has
carried on an educational program
against lynching since 1913, by issu-
ing annual and semi-annual reports
and by furnishing other statistical
data to the public. The National As-
sociation for the Advancement of
Colored People not only has made
investigations of lynchings, but since
1921 has also sponsored Federal anti-
lynching legislation. The Commission
on Inter-racial Cooperation, by re-
search and publications, provided ad-
ditional facts on lynchings, and the
Association of Southern Women for
the Prevention of Lynchings directed
its activities toward exposing the
falsity of the claim that lynching
is necessary for the protection ot
southern white womanhood. Nor
should the work of the Federal Coun-
cil of Churches of Christ in America
or of the more -recently organized
Southern Regional Council be over-
looked.

An analysis of editorial opinion on
the lynching of four Negroes in Geor-
gia on July 25, 19461 shows how the

1Source: A Monthly Summary of Events
and Trends in Race Relations, August-
September 1946, pp. 59-61.

press reflects as well as influences pub-
lic opinion. This analysis includes 217
e'ditorials from daily newspapers pub-
lished in twenty-six States and the
District of Columbia, as follows: Ala-
bama, California, Connecticut, Dela-
ware, Georgia, Idaho, Kentucky, Illi-
nois, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts,
Michigan, Mississippi, Nevada, New
Jersey, New York, North Carolina,
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island,
South Carolina, Tennessee, Utah, Vir-
ginia, Washington, West Virginia.

Of these editorials, 139 were from
Northern and 78 from Southern States.
The editorial opinions are summarized
as follows:

(1) All editors from both Southern
and Northern States condemned
the lynchings.

(2) All editorials attributed the out-
break to some reasonable cir-
cumstance, but the circum-
stances given emphasis varied
considerably.

(3) The majority opinion attributed
the mass lynching to the recent
election and pre-election activi-
ties of Mr. Talmadge in Geor-
gia and Senator Bilbo in Missis-
sippi, and to renewed activities
of the Ku Klux Klan.

(4) Other causes ranged from race
hatred, to the natural results
of a capitalistic economy.

"Most of the editors pointed out that
the lynching was obviously a pre-
mediated, 'rehearsed' affair. All of
them urged harsh punishment for the
mobsters; the majority felt that no
penalty other than death would be
sufficient. Several believed that it
would be impossible either to catch
or convict the offenders."

302

DEFINITION OF LYNCHING DIFFICULT

303

Table 1

Causes Attributed and Remedies Proposed by Editors of 217 Northern and

Southern Newspapers in Discussing the Lynching of Four

Negroes in Georgia, July 25, 1946

Causes

Election of Talmadge, Activities of KKK

Southern Northern
Papers Papers Total
23 63 86
9 15 24

257
325
224
314
1 .. 1
1 1

43 89 132

6 20 26
246
246
2 .. 2
1 .. 1
1 .. 1
..11

14 29 43

Southern living standards

Sadistic tendencies of lynch-minded persons...
Postwar reaction

Outside agitators ....

Results of capitalism ...

Total

Remedies
Federal anti-lynch law

Education Religion

Better local law enforcement officers

More all-Negro all-white communities

Unity of liberal forces

Total

DEFINITION OF LYNCHING
DIFFICULT

The term "lynching" is becoming
more and more difficult to define. At
the present time, as in the past, agen-
cies concerned about the lynching
problem have not been able to come
to a conclusive agreement even when
using the same criteria in classify-
ing cases of lynching.

For the past twenty-five years and
more, writers of Federal anti-lynching
bills have generally accepted the fol-
lowing definition of lynching:

"Any assemblage of three or more per-
sons which shall exercise or attempt
to exercise by physical violence and
without authority of law any power
of correction or punishing over any
citizen or citizens or other person or
persons in the custody of any peace
officer or suspected of, charged with,
or convicted of the commission of any
offense, with the purpose or conse-
quence of preventing the apprehension
or trial or punishment by law of such
citizen or citizens, person or persons,
shall constitute a 'mob' within the
meaning of this Act. Any such vio-
lence by a mob which results in the
death or maiming of the victim or vic-
tims thereof shall constitute 'lynching'
within the meaning of this Act: Pro-
vided, however, That 'lynching' shall
not be deemed to include violence oc-
curring between members of groups of
law-breakers such as are commonly
designated as gangsters or racketeers,
nor violence occurring during the course
of picketing or boycotting or any in-
cident in connection with any 'labor
dispute' as that term is defined and

used in the Act of March 23, 1932 (Sec.
2, 47 Stat. 70, H. R. 1507— Van Nuys)."

But there are persons who are put
to death by mobs under circumstances
not entirely covered in what was the
generally accepted definition. The dif-
ficulty here is apparent. This problem
was squarely faced at a conference
arranged by President Frederick D.
Patterson on December 11, 1940 at
Tuskegee Institute when representa-
tives of the press, the Association of
Southern Women for the Prevention
of Lynching, the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored Peo-
ple and other interested persons met
to discuss it. This conference set up
criteria that would cover cases not in-
cluded by specification or implication
in Federal definitions. These criteria
are:

1 There must be legal evidence that
a person was killed.

2 The person must have met death
illegally.

3 A group must have participated in
the killing.

4 The group must have acted under
pretext of service to justice, race
or tradition.

In addition to the fact that accepted
definitions do not cover all lynchings,
there are borderline cases that cannot
without some shadow of doubt be
called lynchings, neither can they be
eliminated without reservation. The
ordinary lynching can be readily rec-

304

LYNCHING— CRIME

ognized, but it is the marginal cases
that cause concern.

Seldom now are there spectacular
man hunts, with large groups par-
ticipating. Mobs are more likely to be
orderly and secretive and to commit
few lynchings within the accepted
definitions. An examination of the
cases of lynchings occurring during
the past ten years shows that in only
a few cases are mobs composed of
many persons. This change is elabo-
rated upon in The Changing Char-
acter of Lynching by Mrs. Jessie
Daniel Ames, published by the Com-
mission on Interracial Cooperation in
1942. Cases of the quiet, unobtrusive,
but very effective operation of the
small group are cited:

"A man is out fishing-. He discovers
a body on the bank of a creek. It is
clearly evident that the man was mur-
dered. Maybe his body is riddled with
bullets — his feet wired together, his
hands tied behind him, his head bashed
in. There have been no reports of any
trouble in the county. Was he lynched
or was he murdered?
"Another man has an altercation with
his employer over a lost tool, or the
amount of wages due him, or failure
to carry out orders. His body is found
one day. It is evident from its condi-
tion that the man was put to death.
Did he meet his death at the hands
of three or more persons? Was he
suspected or accused of a crime? Were
the officers of the law forewarned of
his danger and did they act in collu-
sion with the killers?"

DETAILED LYNCHING RECORD
1937-1946

Between the years 1937 and 1946, 44
persons were lynched; 2 whites and
42 Negroes. The crimes summarized
are: rape or attempted rape, 9; mur-
der, 11; insulting woman, 2; stabbing,
3; "crime against nature," 1; owing
debt, 1; killing boy in auto accident,
1; quarrelling over wages, 1; wife
beating, 1; altercation, 2; attempting
to qualify to vote, 1; failure to call
white man, "Mr.," 1; replacing white
men on job, 1; stealing or suspected
stealing, 4; "molesting" people, 1;
safeguarding property, 1; no charge,
3. A detailed listing of these cases
of lynchings is as follows:
1937:

February 2 — At Headland, Henry Coun-
ty, Alabama. Wes Johnson, Negro.
Charge, rape. Taken from jail, hanged
and shot.

April 13 — Winona, Montgomery County,
Mississippi. Roosevelt Townes and
"Bootjack" McDaniels, Negroes. Charge,
murder. Taken from officers of the law.
Shot and burned to death.

May 25— At Bainbridge, Decatur Coun-
ty, Georgia. William Reed, Negro.
Charge, murder. Was captured at Do-
than, Alabama and was being taken to
jail at Albany, Georgia. The officers
reported he attempted to escape and
was shot to death. His body was placed
in a Negro undertaker's parlor at Bain-
bridge. A mob composed of men and
women took the body from the under-
taker's parlor, dragged it around the
public square behind a procession of
automobiles. The mob then moved into
the Negro district and to a Negro
baseball park where, on a pyre made
of boards knocked off the fence, the
body was burned.

July 20 — At Tallahassee, Leon County,
Florida. Richard Hawkins and Ernest
Ponder, Negroes. Charge, stabbing a
policeman and "breaking into a restau-
rant." Taken from jail, and shot to
death.

August 17 — At Covington, Tipton Coun-
ty, Tennessee. Albert Gooden, Negro.
Charge, murder. Taken from officer of
the law, hanged, shot to death.
October 4 — At Milton, Santa Rosa Coun-
ty, Florida. J. C. Evans, Negro.
Charge, was charged with a "crime
against nature," involving an attack on
a 12 year old white boy, and with the
robbing of a filling station. Taken from
officer of the law, shot to death.

1938:

June 10 — At Columbus, Lowndes County,
Mississippi, Washington Adams, Negro.
Charge, owed debt of $10.00 on a fu-
neral bill of his deceased wife which
he had been unable to pay. Beaten to
death by three men.

July 6— At Rolling Fork, Sharkley
County, Mississippi. Tom Green, Ne-
gro. Charge, murder and resisting ar-
rest. Shot and body burned.
July 9 — At Arabi, Crisp County, Geor-
gia, near Cordele. John Dukes, Negro.
Charge, drunkenness and murder. Shot
and body burned.

August 9— Near Perry, Taylor County,
Florida. Otis Price, Negro. Charge,
making insulting remark to a white
woman. Body found beside a road,
shot two or three times.
October 13 — At Ruston, Lincoln Parish,
Louisiana. R. C. Williams, 19 years old,
Negro. Charge, killing a white man
and beating his woman companion.
Hanged, body riddled with bullets.
November 21— At Wiggins, Stone Coun-
ty, Mississippi. Wilder McGowan, Ne-
gro. Charge, rape. Hanged.

1939:

April 1— At Panama City, Bay County,
Florida. Miles W. Brown, white.
Charge, murder. Taken from jail, shot
to death. (There was dissatisfaction
because he failed to receive the death
penalty in a murder trial.)
April 20 — At Daytona Beach, Volusia
County, Florida. Lee Snell, Negro.
Charge, fatal injury to a white boy,
age 12, struck by the taxi while riding
a bicycle. Taken from officer of the
law while being taken to jail. Shot to
death.

May 8 — At Canton, Madison County,
Mississippi. Joe Rodgers, Negro.
Charge, "He refused to accept a week-

DETAILED LYNCHING RECORD 1937-1946

305

ly deduction of $5.50 from his wages
in payment for renting a company-
owned cabin which he did not occupy."
Shot, tortured by hot irons, brutally
cut, and his body thrown into the
Pearl River.

1940:

March 7 — At East Point, Fulton Coun-
ty, Georgia. Ike Gaston, white. Charge,
wife beating and drunkenness. Flogged
unmercifully by a band of men.
May 9— At Fairfield, Jefferson County,
Alabama. O'Dee Henderson, Negro.
Charge, altercation with white man.
Beaten and shot to death by 3 officers
of the law and one civilian.
June 22— At Brownsville, Haywood
County, Tennessee. Elbert Williams,
Negro. Charge, attempting to qualify
to vote — "Interest in Negro affairs."
Murdered and body thrown into the
Hatchie River.

June 22 — At Crenshaw County, Ala-
bama, near Luverne, Jesse Thornton,
Negro. Charge, failure to refer to a
white man as "Mr." Shot to death and
body thrown into the Pataylogga River.
September 8— At LaGrange, Troup
County, Georgia. Austin Callaway, Ne-
gro. Charge, attempted attack on a
white woman. Taken from jail and
shot to death by band of masked men.

1941:

February 15— At Andrews, Georgetown
County, South Carolina. Bruce Tisdale,
Negro. Charge, working on a job from
which whites had been discharged.
Died of head wounds. Five men held
responsible for death.
April 13— Near Cherryville, at Gaston
County, North Carolina. Robert Mel-
ker, Negro. Charge, altercation with
white man. Shot to death in his home
by four men.

May 6— At Blakely, Early County,
Georgia. Robert Sapp, Negro. Charge,
suspected of stealing from his em-
ployer. Flogged with a club and a
piece of machine belting.
May 13 — At Quincy, Gadsden County,
Florida. A. C. Williams, Negro. Charge,
attempted rape. Beaten and body rid-
dled with bullets. Williams was first
taken from jail by a group of armed
men. His body riddled with bullets, he
was left for dead. He was later dis-
covered at a Negro residence severely
wounded, and was placed in an ambu-
lance for transfer to a hospital in
Tallahassee 25 miles away. Five miles
out of Quincy, a masked band stopped
the unguarded ambulance and removed
the wounded Negro. His bullet riddled
body was found the next day on a
creek bridge north of Quincy.

1942:

January 25 — At Sikeston, Scott County,
Missouri. Cleo Wright, Negro. Charge,
attempted criminal assault. Dragged
through the streets behind an automo-
bile and body burned.
July 13 — At Texarkana, Bowie County,
Texas. Willie Vinson, Negro. Charge,
suspected of attempted rape. Body
dragged through streets behind a speed-
ing automobile to the edge of town
and hanged from a cotton gin winch.
October 12 — Near Paris, Edgar County,
Illinois. James Edward Person, Negro.

Charge, he was charged with having
"molested" people in the community.
His body was riddled with bullets.
October 12 — At Quitman, Clarke Coun-
ty, Mississippi. Charlie Lang and
Ernest Green, 14 year old Negro boys.
Charge, attempted rape. Bodies found
hanging from river bridge.
October 17 — At Laurel, Jones County,
Mississippi. Howard Wash, Negro.
Charge, received an automatic life
sentence when jury failed to agree
upon the punishment on a murder
charge. Taken from jail and hanged.

1943:

January 30— At Newton, Baker County,
Georgia. Robert Hall, Negro. Charge,
resisting arrest on charge of theft of
truck tire. Severely beaten on January
29 by Sheriff M. Claude Screws, a de-
puty sheriff and a county policeman.
Died early on January 30.
June 16 — Near Marianna, Jackson
County, Florida. Cellos Harrison, Ne-
gro. Charge, killing John Mayo, white
filling station operator, in robbery at-
tempt in 1940. Taken from jail by
four masked men and clubbed to death.
November 7 — Near Camp Ellis, Fulton
County, Illinois. Private Holley Willis,
Negro soldier. Charge, insulting white
women over telephone. Shot to death
as he tried to escape from a farm
house.

1944:

March 26— At Liberty, Amite County,
Mississippi. Rev. Isaac Simmons, Ne-
gro. Charge, he was hiring a lawyer
to safeguard his title to a debt free
farm through which was possibility
that an oil vein ran. Taken from his
home and shot to death by a mob.
November 23 — At Pikeville, Bledsoe
County, Tennessee. James Scales, Ne-
gro. Charge, murdering wife and
daughter of the superintendent of the
reformatory in which he was confined.
Taken from jail and shot to death by
a mob.

1945:

October 12 — At Madison, Madison Coun-
ty, Florida. Jesse James Payne, Ne-
gro. Charge, assault with intent to
rape. He had been wounded when cap-
tured by a posse near Monticello, Flor-
ida. Two weeks after he had been ac-
cused, he was taken to Raiford State
Prison by the police guard for safe-
keeping. Indicted, he was brought from
Raiford and locked in the Madison
County jail for arraignment. He was
removed from the jail and shot to death
by a mob which apparently entered
with a key.

1946:

July 22 — At Lexington, Holmes County,
Mississippi. Leon McTatie, Negro.
Charge, stealing a saddle. He was
flogged to death.

July 25 — At Monroe, Walton County,
Georgia. Roger Malcolm and his wife,
Dorothy Malcolm; George Dorsey and
his wife, Mae H. Dorsey, Negroes.
Charge, Roger Malcolm was charged
with stabbing his former employer.
The three other persons were innocent
of any charge, except the fact that
one of the women recognized a mem-
ber of the mob who came to lynch

306

LYNCHING— CRIME

Roger Malcolm. Their bodies were rid-
dled with bullets.

August 8 — Near Minden, Webster Par-
ish, Louisiana. John C. Jones, Negro.
Charge, attempting to break into the
house of a white woman. He was tor-
tured and beaten to death.

LYNCHING BY LOCATION, BY
RACE, BY CAUSES, 1882-1946
Lynching By States and
Race, 1882-19462

Table 2 gives the number of lynch-

ings that have occurred in the United
States, 1882-1946, by States, for whites
and Negroes. During this period more
than two and one-half times as many
Negroes as whites were lynched. The
State of Mississippi has the highest
number of lynchings for the South.
574, as well as the highest for the
United States.

Table 2
Lynchings by States and Race 1882 — 1946

State

Whites

Alabama 47

Arizona 29

Arkansas 59

California 41

Colorado 66

Delaware 0

Florida 25

Georgia 38

Idaho 20

Illinois 14

Indiana 33

Iowa 17

Kansas 35

Kentucky 64

Louisiana 56

Maryland -. 2

Michigan 7

Minnesota 5

Mississippi 41

Missouri 51

Montana 82

Nebraska 52

Nevada 6

New Jersey 0

New Mexico 33

New York 1

North Carolina 15

North Dakota ; 13

Ohio 10

Oklahoma 82

Oregon 20

Pennsylvania 2

South Carolina 4

South Dakota 27

Tennessee 47

Texas 143

Utah 6

Virginia 16

Washington 25

West Virginia 21

Wisconsin 6

Wyoming 30

Totals 1,291

3,425

Total

346

285

281

525

205

391

574

122

36
2

12B

159

250

489

4,716

Lynching, Whites and
Negroes, 1882-1946

Table 3 gives the number of whites
and Negroes lynched yearly from 1882
through 1946. The greatest number
of lynchings occurred in 1892. Of the
231 persons lynched during that year,
162 were Negroes and 69 were whites.
But during the year 1884, which has

2A11 figures relating to lynching revised
as of December 31, 1946.

the next highest number of lynchings,
a total of 211, 160 whites were
lynched and only 51 Negroes.

There have been 13 years out of the
65 years in which no lynchings for
whites were reported. Only once dur-
ing this same period has the number
of lynchings of Negroes been as low
as 1. In other words, every year from
1882 through 1946 lynchings of Ne-
groes have been reported.

LYNCHING BY LOCATION

, BY RACE, BY CAUSES,

1882-1946 307

Lynching,

Whites

Table 3
and Negroes, 1882—1946

Year

Whites

Negroes

Total

1882

113

1883

130

1884

160

211

1885

110

184

1886

138

1887

120

1888

137

1889

170

1890

1891

113

184

1892

162

231

1893

117

151

1894

134

192

1895

113

179

1896

123

1897

123

158

1898

101

120

1899

106

1900

106

115

1901

105

130

1902

1903

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

1913

1914

1915

1916

1917

1918

1919

1920

1921

1922

1923

1924

1925

1926

1927

1928

1929

1930

1931

1932

1933

1934

1935

1936

1937

1938

1939

1940

1941

1942

1943

1944

1945

1946

Totals

. 1,291

3,425

4,716

308

LYNCHING— CRIME

Causes of Lynchings
Classified 1882-1946

In table 4 lynchings are classified
according to causes. Being charged
with a crime does not necessarily
mean that the person lynched was
guilty of the crime. Some mob vic-
tims have been known to be innocent.

Lynchings that have occurred for
trivial reasons, such as, "peeping in
a window," "disputing with a white
man," or "attempting to qualify to
vote" are included under "All Other
Causes." Homicides lead all causes of
lynchings with both the highest num-
ber and the highest percentage.

Table 4
Causes of Lynchings Classified 1882 — 1946

Causes

Number

Per Cent

Homicides 1,934

Felonious Assault

Rape .

Attempted Rape '.

Robbery and Theft

Insult to White Persons

All Other Causes .

202
910

288

231

1,067

41.0
4.3

19.2
6.1
5.0
1.8

22.6

Totals 4,716

100.0

Lynchings, Whites and The greatest decrease was in the num-

Negroes By Periods ber of white persons lynched. From

There has been a remarkable de- a total of 548 white persons lynched,
crease in the total number of persons 1887-1896, the number dropped to a low
lynched during each decade, 1887-1946. of 2 during the decade 1937-1946.

Table 5

Lynchings,

Whites and Negroes,

By Periods 1882-

-1946

Period

Whites

Negroes

Total

1937-1946
1927-1936
1917-1926
1907-1916
1897-1906
1887-1896
1882-1886*

Totals . . .

2
14
44
62
146
548
475

42
136
419
608
884
1,035
301

150
463
670
1,030
1,583
776

4,716

1,291

3,425

"•Indicates a five-year period. The other intervals are ten-year periods.

Lynchings By Regions 1882-1946

The South has the highest number
and percentage of lynchings. This re-
gion had a total of 3,905 during the
65 year period, 1882-1946 and 82,8 per
cent of all lynehings occurred in that
part of the country. Next to the South
are the North Central States, with a
total of 424 lynchings and 9.0 per
cent of the total number of lynchings.

The Western States are third, with a
total of 376 lynchings and 8.0 per cent
of all lynchings. In the North East-
ern States, the total is 11 and a per-
centage of 0.2. No lynchings have oc-
curred in 6 of the North Eastern
States; namely, Maine, New Hamp-
shire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode
Island and Connecticut. Neither have
any been recorded for the District of
Columbia.

LYNCHINGS PREVENTED

309

Table 6
Lynchings By Regions 1882 — 1946

Whites

Negroes

Total

Per Cent of
U. S. Total

North Eastern States..
North Central States ..
Southern States
Western States . .

270
660
358

154
3,24f,
18

424
3,905
376

0.2
9.0

82.8
8 0

Totals All Regions . .

1,291

3,425

4,716

100.0

LYNCHINGS PREVENTED

The wide publicity given to lynch-
ings has created sentiment against it
to the extent that communities do not
desire the adverse criticism they re-
ceive when a lynching occurs within
their borders. In its issue of October
5, 1946, the Saturday Evening Post
corrected an error appearing previous-
ly, which stated the lynching of four
Negroes on July 25, 1946 had taken
place in Monroe County, Georgia in-
stead of Walton County, Georgia. So
many Georgia people had taken the
trouble to ask the Post to make it
clear that the savage murder did not
occur in their part of the State. Gov-
ernors of Southern States have pro-
tested crediting certain lynchings to
their States on the grounds that they
were ordinary murders and not lynch-
ings.

Officers of the law are condemned
when they are suspected of making
no attempt to prevent lynchings, when
they are a party to a lynching or
when they connive with those bent on
lynching. However, throughout the his-
tory of lynching in the United States,

some officers have "out-thought and
outmaneuvered mobs." As the number
of lynchings in the United States has
grown fewer, so has the number of
those unsuccessfully attempted. The
vigilance of law enforcement officials
and the intelligent action of numbers
of private citizens have kept many
intended victims from being put to
death. Were precautions not taken to
save accused persons from mob law,
such as augmenting guards, remov-
ing the prisoner to a place of safe-
keeping, using force to disperse the
mob or some other necessary strategy,
the annual lynching record would
contain more names than are now
listed.

While Table 7 indicates that the
number of lynchings prevented is
large, it is not intended to show all of
the lynchings which have been pre-
vented. Numerous cases of lynchings
prevented, like many cases of lynch-
ings, are not publicized. Persons pre-
venting lynchings often do so without
a thought that an exceptional act has
been performed. In the case of some
lynchings, their secretive nature pre-
vents their becoming known.

Table 7

Number of Persons Lynched and Number Prevented From Being Lynched

1937—1946

Year

Number of
Persons Lynched

Number of
Persons Prevented
From Being Lynched

1937

1938

1939

1940

1941

1942

1943

1944

1945

1946

310

LYNCHING— CRIME

THE PUNISHMENT OF LYNCHERS

There have been indictments of per-
sons participating in lynchings and
some convictions, but it is not usual
for participants in a lynching to re-
ceive punishment even when brought
to trial. The reason most frequently
given is that the evidence submitted
to the court is not of sufficient weight
to bring action against the accused.
In connection with such cases, it is
almost impossible to secure witnesses
who are willing to give adverse testi-
mony.

In 1943, four men brought to trial
for the lynching of Private Holley
Willis stationed at Camp Ellis, Illinois,
received a verdict of "justifiable homi-
cide."

In Hattiesburg, Mississippi, in 1943,
five men were freed after being in-
dicted for the 1942 lynching of How-
ard Wash, two of them on a motion
that the Government had "failed to
p-oduce any evidence connecting them
with the crime." The other three men
were acquitted. These five men had
been indicted upon evidence presented
by the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion and were found not guilty by a
Federal Court Jury.

In a more recent case of lynch-
ing, that of two men and their wives
at Monroe, Walton County, Georgia on
July 25, 1946, by a mob of from 20 to
30 men, the Federal Grand Jury,
meeting at Athens, Ga., on December
26, 1946, after investigating the case
for three weeks, reported that it was
not even able to bring an indictment
because of its inability to establish
the identity of any persori guilty of
participating in this mass murder.
Judge T. Hoyt Davis refused to dis-
charge the jury, but ruled that it
would be recessed "subject to recall."

On October 18, 1946, a Federal Grand
Jury at Monroe, La., under the Civil
Rights Statutes indicted 6 men in
connection with the lynching of John
C. Jones, age 28 and the beating of
Albert Harris, Jr., age 17, at Minden,
Webster Parish. Brought to trial, they
were later freed.

However, in 1941, four men involved
in the lynching of a Negro in Gaston
County, N. C., received sentences from
14 to 25 years in prison for their
crime and in May, 1942, at Roxboro,
N. C., a jury convicted five men for
attempting to lynch a Negro youth
held in jail on charges of attempted

rape. Two of the men were sentenced
to 18 months on the road; the other
three drew terms of 12 months each.
The State Bureau of Investigation is
credited with bringing the men to
justice.

On October 7, 1943, in the United
States Middle District Court at Al-
bany, Ga., Sheriff M. Claude Screws,
Deputy Sheriff Jim Bob Kelly, and
Frank Edward Jones, former Newton,
Ga., policeman, were sentenced to
three years in Federal prison and fined
$1,000 each for violating Civil Liber-
ties statutes in the abducting and
lynching of Robert Hall, a Negro.

In December, 1946, in Illinois, 9
v/hite farmers were fined $200 each
in Federal Court for conspiracy to
violate the Federal Civil Rights Acts
by lynching James E. Person on Oc-
tober 12, 1942 near Paris, Illinois.

Federal Courts and officers are
handicapped in bringing lynchers to
justice. They must show that a State
or a State agent has been responsible
for the infringement of an individual's
civil rights by proving (1) that a law
officer participated in a criminal act;
and (2) that he intended to deprive
a prisoner of his Constitutional rights.
A lynching by 20 private persons is
simply murder as far as Federal civil
rights laws are concerned and the
State is supposed to act to bring the
criminals to justice. If an officer
maims or kills a person in his cus-
tody, the Federal Government must
prove that he intended to deprive the
prisoner of his rights under the Con-
stitution. Such officers usually con-
tend that the prisoner was resisting
arrest, or was violent. These are
handicaps difficult to overcome in or-
der to secure a conviction. The Com-
mittee on Civil Rights appointed by
President Truman is expected to rem-
edy the weaknesses of present Federal
civil rights laws.

EFFORTS FOR ANTI-LYNCHING
LEGISLATION

Agencies working for a Federal anti-
lynching law continue their efforts to
have lynching outlawed by Congress.
Foremost in this fight is the National
Association for the Advancement of
Colored People. Other national organi-
zations have given their support. How-
ever, at no time have these agencies
been strong enough to secure passage
of a bill by both houses of Congress.

SOME STATISTICS ON CRIME

311

In the 79th Congress, 1st Session, at
least 8 anti-lynching bills were intro-
duced. So strong is the sentiment of
the southern bloc in the Senate against
a Federal anti-lynching law, that it
goes almost without question that any
anti-lynching legislation brought be-
fore that body will be opposed by use
of the filibuster. The main argument
used against the bill is that it inter-
feres with States Rights; and local
governmental agencies can best cope
with the situation.

AMERICAN CRUSADE TO END
LYNCHING

In September, 1946, a group of citi-
zens known as "The American Crusade
to End Lynching" banded themselves
together for this purpose. Their plat-
form called for: (1) the apprehension
and punishment of every lyncher; (2)
passage of a Federal anti-lynching
bill; (3) keeping the Klan out of Con-
gress— no Senate seat for Bilbo. The
Chairman of the group was Paul Robe-
son. Leaders from all races and
groups were sponsors of the move-
ment.

At a national conference on Sep-
tember 23, 1946 in Washington, D. C.,
attended by more than 1500 citizens,
church groups, labor unions, veterans'
groups and civic and fraternal bodies,
a program aimed at curbing mob vio-
lence was adopted. The conference
marked the beginning of a 100-day
crusade lasting from September 22,
1946 to January 1, 1947, during which
time comparable conferences were or-
ganized throughout the country. A
delegation from the conference, in-
cluding Paul Robeson, as Chairman,
Dr. Charlotte Hawkins Brown, Rev.
W. A. Jernagin, Dr. Joseph Johnson,
Rabbi Irving Miller, Dr. M. T. P.
Lochard, Mrs. Harper Sibley, Aubrey
Williams, Max Yergan and Howard
Murphy, requested President Truman
to issue "a formal public statement ex-
pressing . . . views on lynching and
recommending a definite legislative
and educational program to end the
disgrace of mob violence"; that he
commit himself to recommend in his
next message to Congress the passage

of Federal • anti-lynching legislation
and use his "full resources for an edu-
cational program to assist in ending
the most brutal kind of crime —
lynching and mob violence."

The President told the group that
the moment was not propitious for
such a statement; that the whole ques-
tion of violence was one to be dealt
with in political terms and strategy
to be worked out by responsible politi-
cal leaders, and that patience must
attend the final solution of the prob-
lem. (See Chicago Defender 9-28-46.)

SECTION TWO: CRIME
CRIME NOT EASILY DEFINED

The comparative study of crime,
whether of Negroes or of whites, is
extremely complicated. Any definition
of crime is inadequate. While crime
is generally thought of as "an anti-
social act," not all anti-social acts are
to be classified as crime. Scarcely more
definite is the definition that "crime
is a failure to live up to the standard
of conduct deemed binding by the com-
munity"; for communities, States, and
regions differ widely with respect to
what is deemed binding.

Still further complicating the com-
parative study of crime are such vari-
able factors as the following: (1) dif-
ferences in the character and efficiency
of police; (2) community and tem-
poral differences in public opinion and
attitudes; (3) differences in caliber
of the prosecution; (4) differences in
judicial interpretation of the courts;
(5) differences in bias of judges; (6)
differences in the economic status of
offenders; and (7) differences in rec-
ord-keeping. All these factors and
many more make it difficult to dif-
ferentiate real from apparent crimi-
nality.

SOME STATISTICS ON CRIME

Comparative Distribution
And Rates of Arrest

Table 1, Distribution of Arrests Ac-
cording to Race and Type of Offense,
is not a true measure of the incidence
of crime.

312

LYNCHING— CRIME

Table 1

Distribution of Arrests According to Race and Type of Offense
(Excluding Those Under Fifteen Years of Age) 1940

Per Cent

Negro

Rate Per

Coefficient

Offense Charged

of Total

100,000

In Each

Population

Frequency of

Offense

Negro White

Negroes

Criminal Homicide

40.1

19.8

3.2

6.2

Robbery

30.8

31.7

7.6

4.2

Assault

. , 44.0

116.4

15.7

7.4

Burglary — Breaking or Entering

24.5

66.3

22.0

3.0

Larceny Theft

28.4

138.1

37.4

3.7

Auto-Theft

14.8

15.4

9.6

1.6

Embezzlement and Fraud

11.5

17.1

14.2

1.2

Stolen Property; Buying, Receiving, etc..

27.3

7.6

2.2

3.5

Arson ,

17.4 .

1.5

O.R

1.9

Forgery and Counterfeiting

9.1

5.0

5.4

Rape

22.1

10.4

3.9

2.7

Prostitution and Commercialized Vice .

,. : 25.4

17.7

5.6

3.2

Other Sex Offenses

14.9

11.1

6.8

1.8

Narcotic Drug Laws

19.3

7.5

2.9

2.6

Weapons, Carrying, Possessing, etc. . . .

45.8

20.3

2.5

8.1

Offenses Against Family, Children

15.6

9.7

5.7

1.7

Liquor Laws ,

47.2

36.5

4.4

8.5

Driving While Intoxicated

6.8

15.3

22.4

Road and Driving Laws

.. '-.-. 21.6

10.0

2.6

Parking Violations

14.3

Other Traffic and Motor Laws

21.0

15.5

fi ?,

2.5

Disorderly Conduct

28.1

64.2

17.6

3.6

Drunkenness

12.3

110.3

84.8

1.3

Vagrancy

19.5

81.5

36 0

2.3

Gambling

41.9

43.2

7.2

Suspicion •

27.1

130.6

37.9

3.4

Not Stated

19.5

6.5

?, 9

2.2

All Other Offenses

.. ! 23.5

69.2

?A 1

2.8

Total

22.8

1078.4 391.6 2.8

Sources: U. S. Department of Justice, Federal
Crime Reports, 1940; and Sixteenth Census of the

Bureau of Investigation, Uniform
United States: 1940, Population.

If we take number of arrests as a
measure of criminality, we are in er-
ror for it is known that police some-
times pick up many suspects in con-
nection with a single crime, when only
one could possibly be guilty. Police
often arrest indiscriminately and, in
such instances, are more prone to
pick up Negroes than whites. The
table, therefore, should be taken at
fts real value, distribution of arrests
only, and not as an actual comparison
of criminality among Negroes and
whites.

"Coefficient of frequency," used in
the last column of the table, means
the quotient derived by dividing the
number of Negro arrests per 100,000
Negroes by the number of white ar-
rests per 100,000 whites. This is not
an absolute amount, but is a propor-
tional measure of expectancy. The co-
efficient of frequency, 6.2, at the head
of the last column, merely indicates
that the probable frequency of arrest
of the Negro for criminal homicide is
6.2 times that of the white. It will be

noted in table 1 that the coefficient
of frequency for Negroes is least for
such charges as: (1) driving while
intoxicated; (2) forgery and counter-
feiting; and (3) drunkenness. The
Negro's highest coefficients of fre-
quency of arrests are for the follow-
ing: (1) violation of liquor laws; (2)
carrying or possessing weapons; (3)
assault; and (4) gambling. For only
two of the types of offense mentioned
— "driving while intoxicated," and
"forgery and counterfeiting" — is the
Negro's coefficient of frequency of ar-
rest less than that of the white's.

Statistics On Race, Nativity,
And Offense

The statistics presented in Table 2
are for male felony prisoners received
from the courts in 1944. "This group
comprises prisoners sentenced to terms
of six months or more for offenses
other than those falling into the classi-
fications of disorderly conduct, drunk-
enness, or vagrancy. The statistics are
based on reports from 147 State and

SOME STATISTICS ON CRIME

313

Federal institutions. Statistics are not
included for State institutions in Mich-
igan, Georgia, and Mississippi, and for
certain institutions in other States,
such as State farms, which receive
prisoners only on transfer or only

prisoners committed for misdemeanors.
Likewise, statistics for juvenile train-
ing schools, military and naval
prisons, and local jails and workhouses
are not included."

Table 2

Male Felony Prisoners Received From Court by Type of Offense, Race, and
Nativity for the United States 1944

(Excludes Statistics for State Institutions in Michigan, Georgia, and Mississippi)

ALL INSTITUTIONS
(Federal and State)

White

All

Native

Foreign

Negro

Other

Classes

Born

Races

All offenses

38,880

25,291

1,650

11,354

585

Murder

1,214

519

650

Manslaughter

891

355

502

Robbery

2,994

1,747

1,195

Aggravated Assault

2,062

848

1,103

Burglary

6,311

4,049

2,145

Larceny, except auto theft

6,515

4,215

111

2,131

Auto theft

2,720

2,260

423

Embezzlement and fraud

1,123

945

Stolen Property

425

253

150

Forgery

2,175

1,781

335

Rape

1,583

1,001

501

Commercialized vice

261

197

Other sex offenses

1,089

898

107

Violating drug laws

1,121

668

288

Carrying and possessing weapons . .

158

Nonsupport or neglect

389

297

Violating liquor laws

1,983

1,247

636

Violating traffic laws

Violating National Defense Laws . .

3,826

2,773

262

610

181

Other offenses

1,967

1,108

575

260

Source: United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, April, 1946.

"Of the 38,880 male felony prisoners
received from court by State and Fed-
eral prisons and reformatories during
1944, 25,291, or 65.0 per cent, were na-
tive white and 11,354, or 29.2 per cent,
were Negro," according to statistics
released by the Bureau of the Census,
Department of Commerce. "Foreign-
born white persons and other races
constituted 4.2 and 1.5 per cent, re-
spectively, of the male felony prison-
ers received from court."

"Burglary and larceny were the two
most frequent offenses among both Ne-
groes and whites. Together, these two
offenses accounted for 31.4 per cent
of the white commitments and 37.7
per cent of the Negro commitments
during 1944. Foreign-born white males
were most frequently committed for
violations of National Defense laws
and 'Other Offenses'."

Prisoners Executed in 1945

During 1945, 117 prisoners (41 white,
75 Negro and 1 "other race") suffered
the death penalty in the United States,
according to the Bureau of the Census,
Department of Commerce. Of these
prisoners, 90 (37 white, 52 Negro and
1 "other race"), or 76.9 per cent of
the total number, were executed for
murder. Twenty-six (4 white and 22
Negro), or 22.2 per cent, were exe-
cuted for rape, and 1 prisoner, a Ne-
gro, was executed for robbery. During
1945, 35.0 per cent of all executions
occurred in the States of Georgia, Cali-
fornia, and North Carolina, with the
largest number of prisoners (4 white
and 15 Negro) being executed in
Georgia. For both whites and Ne-
groes, the majority of prisoners exe-
cuted were under 30 years of age,

314

LYNCHING— CRIME

with the age group 25-29 years, pre-
dominant for each race.

Not all legal executions that occur
in this country take place in prisons
and reformatories. In several States,
prisoners under sentence of death are
executed by local sheriffs. Therefore,
complete data on executions are se-
cured by examining the death certifi-
cates which are returned to the United
States Office of Vital Statistics. In
1945 there were 37 executions in addi-
tion to the 80 executions reported by
prisons. The statistics presented here
do not cover executions in military
establishments.

HOMICIDE

Homicides Decrease During
Pre-War Decade

From 1933, when nation-wide data
first became available, to 1942, the
death rate from homicide in the United
States was on the downward trend,
falling from 9.7 per 100,000 population
to 5.8 in 1942. This trend was nation-
wide, every State but Connecticut and
North Dakota showing a decrease.
Some States in which the homicide
rate is far above the national average
have shown marked reductions in
homicides. These are all Southern
States : Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama,
Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas, with
rates not far from double the national

average and with declines ranging be-
tween 38 and 48 per cent.

White persons made relatively twice
as much progress as the colored in re-
ducing the homicide rate in the dec-
ade. The total for the whites was cut
about one-half and for the colored by
about one-fourth.

The homicide rates per 100,000
were greater, for both whites and Ne-
groes in 1946 than in 19453. The rate
for whites in 1946 had increased 31
per cent. The corresponding increase
in homicide rate for Negroes was 38
per cent. The frequency of homicides
is greatest among male Negroes.

Comparisons of White and Negro
Homicides in Typical Cities

In a typical southern city, Atlanta,
the Crime Bureau of the Police De-
partment has recently published some
startling facts concerning the com-
parative frequency of homicides in
that city over an eight-year period.
In a Negro population one-half that
of the white, Negro homicides were
slightly more than seven times as
many as white homicides, or approxi-
mately fifteen times as many per 100,-
000 population.

3Metropolitan Life Insurance Company's
Statistical Bulletin. August, 1946. Note:
Rates for 1946 are based on first six
months of the year.

Table 3
Racial Distribution of Homicides in Atlanta 1938 — 1945

Year

Negro Victims

Coefficient
Of Frequency
White Victims For Negroes

1938

14.5

1939

20.0

1940

100

20.0

1941

107

23.8

1942

19.0

1943

7.0

1944

5.0

1945

5.1

Totals

635

14.8

Of the 76 Negro homicides in the
city during the year 1945, 49 are
known to have been killed by Negroes;
4 by policemen; 1 by a military police;
2 by white civilians; and the re-
mainder by persons unknown. During
the month of June of that year, there
were 7 murders in Atlanta, all of and
by Negroes. There were 7 arrests. An
editorial in the Atlanta Constitution

commented on these homicides as fol-
lows: "The fact that most of the mur-
ders involve only Negroes is disturb-
ing, because it reveals that the atti-
tude of courts and juries is that of
'just another Negro killing.' Court re-
ports, too, declare Negroes too olten
unwilling to give information leading
to arrests and too slow to testify as
witnesses."

JUVENILE DELINQUENCY

315

The homicide situation in Atlanta
is very similar to that in other large
cities of the South such as Baltimore,
Birmingham, Louisville, Memphis, and
Tampa. In general, the rate per 100,-
000 for Negroes is several times the
rate for whites. A committee to study
crime in Richmond, Virginia, in 1943
reported that during the preceding
year out of 44 slayings in that city,
36 were confined to killings of Negroes
by Negroes; 5 involved killings of
whites by whites; and only 3 involved
members of the two races. Since in
Richmond the Negro population is
scarcely half as large as the white,
the comparative frequency of homi-
cides among Negroes is very great.

JUVENILE DELINQUENCY4

"On the basis of reports to the
United States Children's Bureau, for
the year 1940, from 462 courts serving
36 per cent of the population, it is
estimated that almost 1 per cent of
the nation's 17,000,000 children, aged
ten to sixteen years inclusive, pass
through the juvenile courts each year
as delinquents. Available data, al-
though incomplete, warrant the con-
clusion that there has been a marked
increase in delinquency in the United
States since the beginning of the war.
According to reports from 53 courts
serving areas of 100,000 or over, a dis-
tinct rise in delinquency began in

1941, which was the first year of major
defense activity, and continued dur-
ing the war years 1942 and 1943. The
increase over the previous year was
10 per cent in '1941, 6 per cent in

1942, and 30 per cent in 1943. Another
study, made by the National Probation
Association, covering 117 courts, shows
an aggregate rise of 42 per cent for
this three-year period.

"It is now believed that the atti-
tudes which the parents bring to the
care of the child, their own feeling
of security as well as acceptance, are
determining factors in the child's at-
titude toward adult demands and his
capacity to meet life situations. . . .
The quality of the child's physical and
social environment, beginning with
the attitude of his own parents, has
an important bearing on the develop-
ment of his personality and his ad-
justment to society.

4Source: Social Work Year Book, 1945;
pp. 214-16; 222-23.

"Many studies have established a
direct correlation between delinquency
and social disorganization. It has been
shown that delinquency is a product
of deteriorated neighborhoods in which
overcrowding, harmful neighborhood
conditions, destructive use of leisure
time and the influence of criminal per-
sonalities are present.

"The war . . . intensified the social
and economic factors which contribute
to social maladjustment and delin-
quency. As a result, there has been
a substantial increase in the number
of delinquent children referred to the
police and juvenile courts. However,
the problems brought about by the
war are in general not qualitatively
different from those occurring in nor-
mal times.

"Most of the specific factors which
affect children include the absence
from the home of fathers ... in the
armed forces or employed in other
communities; the increased employ-
ment of mothers, with a consequent
weakening of parental guidance and
supervision; an increase in the em-
ployment of children, very often un-
der unwholesome conditions . . . with
resultant interference with school at-
tendance and vocational training; and
widespread migration of families to
crowded centers of war industry, ac-
companied by break-up of normal com-
munity relationships and controls of
conduct — this frequently resulting in
unsuitable housing and overcrowding,
inadequate social and protective serv-
ices for children, and a large increase
in the use of commercialized recrea-
tional facilities.

"Undoubtedly psychological, eco-
nomic, and social changes — particu-
larly the withdrawal of parents and
older brothers and sisters from the
home — brought about by the war, ad-
versely affect the emotional satisfac-
tion which the family group affords
the child, and consequently the be-
havior of many children.

"The increase in girls' cases (of de-
linquency) is proportionately greater
than in boys'. The increase is larger
in areas of growing population. It is
less in rural areas and small towns
than in large cities. The increase has
occurred in all juvenile age groups
but has been most apparent among
those in the group of fourteen years
of age and over. Although Negro
children appeared before the courts

316

LYNCHING— CRIME

more frequently in relation to their
number in the group than did white
children, the per cent of increase for
delinquency among white children in
the two years between 1940 and 1942
was substantially greater than the in-
crease for Negro children. The Fed-
eral Bureau of Investigation reports
that the percentage of girls under
twenty-one years of age who were ar-
rested for certain specific offenses in-
creased in 1942 over 1941. Thus, the
number charged with prostitution and
commercialized vice increased 64 per
cent; and the number charged with
other sex offenses, 104 per cent."

The United States Children's Bureau
in reports on juvenile-court statistics
for 1944 and 1945, which show in-
crease in number of cases handled by
juvenile courts, cautions ag°inst the
use of juvenile-court statistics alone
as a reliable index to the extent of
delinquency in a particular com-
munity, or for comparative purposes.
"Regional differences in attitudes to-
wards types of behavior manifested
by children of the different racial
groups and differences in community
provisions for dealing with children
of various racial groups have a
marked effect on the number of chil-
dren of each group referred to juve-
nile courts. Statistics on racial dis-
tribution, therefore, can be used most
effectively for evaluative and planning
purposes in local communities where
due consideration can be given to com-
munity organization for handling de-
linquency and to prevalent attitudes
on the treatment of children from dif-
ferent population groups."5

GENERAL ACCOMPANIMENTS
AND CAUSES OF CRIME

The answer to the question concern-
ing the relative frequency of crime is
largely in terms of education, econom-
ics, and history. Criminologists usu-
ally find that a lowering of the rate
of crime parallels improvements in
educational, economic, and sociological
conditions. The fundamental causes
and accompaniments of crime are
everywhere similar. While criminals
may come from almost any kind of
environment, they tend to come in
greatest numbers from those environ-
ments in which abnormal conditions

5"Juvenile Court Statistics for 1944," So-
cial Statistics. Supplement to Vol. II, The
Child, November, 1946.

prevail. Standards of living at the
subsistence level; unwholesome social
environments; absence of recreational
facilities; large-scale illiteracy and
ignorance; limited occupational op-
portunities; schools of an inferior or-
der— these conditions in any com-
munity or State are conducive to rela-
tively high rates of crime.

While States and communities in the
South differ with respect to the crime-
accompanying characteristics just men-
tioned, the Southern Region is known
to possess far more than its normal
share of them. Educationally, economi-
cally, sociologically, and politically,
the Southern States provide the con-
ditions under which crimes of certain
types can be expected to thrive.

Negroes Most Affected By
Economic Backwardness

Obviously, the Negro is in position
to experience the maximum effects of
the general, unfavorable conditions of
the South. Dr. Guy B. Johnson in the
Annals of the American Academy of
Political and Social Science, Septem-
ber, 1941 says: "In all sections of the
country, race prejudice or caste atti-
tudes have conditioned the Negro's
jobs and wages, his working condi-
tions, his relation to labor unions, his
vocational training, his choice of a
place to live, and his use of political
power as a protection against exploi-
tation. Comfort, home ownership, job
security, and the enjoyment of the
finer things of life are absolutely out
of the realm of possibility of the
majority of Negro families. On any
scale of economic adequacy or inade-
quacy— measured, e. g., in terms of
number employed, number on relief,
number in unskilled occupations, num-
ber in professional work, income levels
— the Negro would have to be rated as
from two to four times worse off than
the white man."

Sociological Factors
And Negro Crime

As a ghetto dweller in the large
cities, whether in the South or in the
North, the Negro finds it abnormally
difficult to become socially stabilized
and to acquire a sense of community
esprit de corps. In the disorganized
communities in which he must usually
live, vice, crime, and social disorder
are to be expected. In such an en-
vironment, the frequency of crime is

GENERAL ACCOMPANIMENTS AND CAUSES OF CRIME

317

naturally multiplied. Bullies, gam-
blers, "bad men," prostitutes, pimps,
and other anti-social persons are most
likely to be found here. Furthermore,
the very nature of the slum community
attracts lawless individuals and gangs
from other communities. Gambling
dens, houses of ill repute, bootleggers,
graft participants, narcotic rings, and
the like, all thrive in the Negro neigh-
borhood. The Negro ghetto district
not only breeds crime because of its
own internal nature but it attracts a
class of lawless men and women from
the outside who introduce their own
brands of disrespect for the law.

Leniency As a Factor in Negro Crime

It is known that crimes of Negroes
against Negroes in the South are not
treated as crimes of Negroes against
whites or of whites against Negroes.
The defense attorney for an Alabama
Negro charged with assaulting a Ne-
gro woman, for example, sought to
have a death sentence commuted on
the grounds that "an Alabama jury
has never before sentenced a Negro
to death for raping a Negro woman."
The retort of Solicitor Seibels of Mont-
gomery County was unexpected: "Then
it is high time," he said, "that we
start doing it."

In the study by Dr. Johnson, re-
ferred to above, it was shown that
during a ten-year period in Richmond,
Virginia, only 5.6 per cent of Negro
murderers of Negroes received life sen-
tences while 100 per cent of Negro
murderers of whites received life sen-
tences. Of the 141 Negro murderers
of Negroes in this city during the
period, not one received the death pen-
alty and only 8 received life sentences.
In a North Carolina series of 201 Ne-
gro murderers convicted, 11 received
the death penalty and one a life
sentence, or a total of 5.9 per cent for
these two types of sentence.

Interpreting the contrasts between
sentences for Negro-Negro and Negro-
white murder, Dr. Johnson concluded:
"The implications with regard to the
relation of the courts to the causation
of Negro crime are clear. The courts,
like the police, are dealing out a
double standard of justice. Numerous
Negro intra-racial offenses probably go
unpunished or are punished so lightly
that offenders feel a real contempt for
the law, while the certainty of severe
punishment in Negro versus white

cases cannot help but make a Negro
feel that justice is not entirely color-
blind. Undue leniency gives comfort
to the disorderly and criminal element,
promotes recidivism, and nurtures ca-
reers of crime. There is the further
implication that if the differentials are
slight in the North, as seems likely,
then Northern statistics of Negro
crime reflect actual Negro criminality
in the North better than Southern sta-
tistics reflect actual Negro criminality
in the South, and the statistics are
therefore not safe indices of regional
differences."

Police a Factor in Negro Crime

Reliable studies concerning the char-
acteristics of Southern policemen have
a significant bearing on Negro crime.
"The average Southern policeman," as
described by Myrdal in An American
Dilemma, "is a promoted poor white
with a legal sanction to use a weapon.
His social heritage has taught him
to despise Negroes, and he has had
little education which could have
changed him. His professional experi-
ences with criminals, prostitutes, and
loiterers in Negro joints and with such
'good niggers' as can be used as in-
formers, spotters, and stool pigeons —
often petty criminals and racketeers
who as an exchange for immunity help
locate Negroes desired by the police
department — are strongly selective and
only magnify his prejudices. The re-
sult is that probably no group of
whites in America have a lower opin-
ion of the Negro people and are more
fixed in their views than Southern
policemen. To most of them no Negro
woman knows what virtue is — 'we just
don't talk about prostitution among
the Negroes/ said one of the chiefs of
police in a big Southern city — and
practically every Negro man is a po-
tential criminal. They usually hold, in
extreme form, all other derogatory be-
liefs about Negroes; and they are
convinced that the traits are 'racial'.
This holds true of the higher ranks
in the police departments as well as
of the lower ranks."

Many Southern policemen of every
rank hold as a part of their philoso-
phy the belief that Negro suspects
and criminals should be punished
bodily and that this method is neces-
sary if the Negro is to be "kept in his
place." The beating of arrested Ne-
groes is not infrequent. The "third

318

LYNCHING— CRIME

degree" to get "confessions" from Ne-
gro suspects is a common procedure
in numerous jails of the South. Po-
lice brutality frequently ends in the
unnecessary killing of Negroes.

NEGRO POLICEMEN AND
CRIME PREVENTION

In Southern cities where Negro po-
lice are employed there is almost
unanimous agreement among police
chiefs and mayors concerning the de-
sirability of such practice. The Com-
missioner of Police in San Antonio,
Texas, speaks particularly of the "abil-
ity, quality, and bravery of the Negro
policemen" in his department. The
Mayor of Lexington, Kentucky, states
that crime has greatly decreased in
the Negro district of his city during
the years in which Negro policemen
have been employed. "Tulsa's experi-
ence through the years with Negro
policemen," declares the Mayor of that
city, "has been very fine. We have
some very loyal and efficient Negro
officers, who take a great deal of
pride in their work in apprehending
Negro criminals and in maintaining
peace and order in their part of the
city." The Mayor of Fort Myers, Flor-
ida, has stated that "this practice has
been followed for the past twelve years
and has been found to be the most
satisfactory arrangement possible in
handling the Negro population.

These statements fairly represent
the judgments of administrative offi-
cers in practically all cities where Ne-
gro policemen have been used. The
Richmond, Virginia, Dispatch on Feb-
ruary 28, 1946, editorialized as follows:
"White chiefs of police in city after
city have testified publicly to the good
work done by colored patrolmen. This
is the testimony of officials in Ra-
leigh and Charlotte, North Carolina,
for example, who declare that Negro
policemen have made a distinct and
valuable contribution toward better
law enforcement in those cities, and
that the crime rate has been lowered
as a result."

A far-reaching result of the appoint-
ment of Negro policemen in the Deep
South is a more whole-hearted coopera-
tion on the part of the Negro citizens
with the law enforcement authorities.
The Negro officers have a distinct ad-
vantage over white officers: first, by
having a clearer insight into the home
life and habits of their people; second,

by having more normal access into
Negro sections where white officers
would be handicapped, because of in-
ter-racial attitudes, in securing neces-
sary information. In many places
where Negro patrolmen have been em-
ployed, there has been a reduction in
petty vice and crime formerly shielded
by the Negro community.

A List of Southern Cities Using
Negro Policemen, 1946

Number of Number of

Negro Negro

State and City Policemen Policewomen

ARKANSAS

Little Rock

FLORIDA

Daytona Beach . .

Deland

Fort Myers

Miami

Sanf ord

Sarasota

Tampa

Ocala

KENTUCKY

Lexington

Louisville

25 1

Owensboro

MISSOURI

Jefferson City

Kansas City

Sedalia

St. Louis ...-

NORTH CAROLINA

Ahoskie

Asheville

Charlotte

6 2

Durham

Greensboro

High Point

Raleigh

2 2

Winston-Salem . . .

OKLAHOMA

McAlester

Muskogee

Oklahoma City . . .

Tulsa

SOUTH CAROLINA

Beaufort

York

Summerton

TENNESSEE

Chattanooga

Knoxville

TEXAS

Austin

Beaumont

El Paso

Galveston

Houston

Port Arthur

San Antonio

VIRGINIA

Newport News . . .

Norfolk

Richmond

Roanoke

WEST VIRGINIA

Charleston

Wheeling

•

*Exact number of policemen not known.

NEGRO POLICEMEN AND CRIME PREVENTION

319

Conclusion

Many other factors than mere inci-
dence of criminal acts must be taken
into account in any scientific interpre-
tation of comparative criminality be-
tween Negroes and whites. Criminolo-
gists no longer explain differences in

criminality in terms of racial inherit-
ance. All admit the complex environ-
mental factors which affect individual
and group behavior, both socially and
anti-socially. Improved environments
— physical and social — would have ben-
eficial effects on Negroes as well as
on the rest of the population.

DIVISION XIV

HEALTH AND HOUSING

By DR. ROSCOE CONKLJNG BROWN, Chief,
Office of Negro Health Work, United States Public Health Service

SECTION ONE: HEALTH
VITAL STATISTICS

Health protection and the provision
of adequate health and medical facili-
ties constitute a large and difficult pro-
gram. The wisdom of protecting the
whole population by providing health
security for all is unquestioned. The
Negro has a higher death rate and a
shorter life expectancy than his white
neighbor. Poor housing, malnutrition,
ignorance, and inadequate access to
basic health essentials — hospitals,
clinics, medical care — are among the
social factors contributing to the Ne-
gro's health status. This racial group
"has a problem of such size and com-
plexity as to challenge the leadership
of both the Negro and the white races
to intelligently, courageously, and per-
sistently prosecute for the nation a
definite program of general health bet-
terment for all people without recrimi-
nation or discrimination."

Trend of Births and Deaths

The crude birth rate of Negroes (the
number of births, per 1,000 population)
in the United States, like that for the
total population, has had a downward
and an upward trend since 1920. Ta-
ble 1 shows the figures for Negroes
and other colored, which is practically
an index for Negroes. In 1920, it was
27.0 births per 1,000 Negro population;
in 1930, 21.6; and in 1943, 24.1. "The
birth rate for 1943," the Census re-
ports for the whole population, "was

the highest recorded for the birth-reg-
istration States since 1924 and was a
continuation of the upward movement
evident in the birth rate since 1933.
Increases in the birth rate have been
particularly marked since 1940." The
birth rate for Negroes has been con-
sistently higher than that for whites,
but the death rate has also been
higher.

Infant and Maternal Mortality

The maternal mortality rate has
shown an uninterrupted decline since
1930. The Negro rate, while declining,
is decidedly higher than the white
rate. In 1943, the maternal mortality
rate for Negroes was 5.1 per 1,000 live
births as compared with a rate of 2.1
for whites. Maternal mortality in the
North increases slightly as size-of-city
decreases; in the South the Negro rate
in small towns and small cities is ex-
ceptionally high.

Negro infant mortality though de-
clining, is higher than that of other
groups. In 1943, among Negroes there
were 61.5 infant deaths per 1,000 live
births, as compared with 37.5 for
whites on the same basis. Negro still
births were 47.3 as compared with 37.5
for whites. On the whole, the infant
mortality rate increases as size-of-city
decreases, except in the South where
the rural Negro rate is lower than the
urban in any size-of-city group. South-
ern infant mortality is higher than
northern except for the low rate among
southern rural Negroes.

320

VITAL STATISTICS

321

Table 1

Birth and Death Rates Maternal and Infant Deaths and Still Births Ratios By
Race: Registration States — For Specified Years*

SUBJECT

1943

1930

1920

Births:
Total

21.5

18.9

23.7

Negro 1

Other |

24.1

21.6

27.0

White

21.2

18.6

23.5

Deaths:
Total

10.9

11.3

13.0

Negro \

Other.'..'

12.8

16.3

17.7

White

10.7

10.8

12.6

Maternal deatlis:
Total
Negro . . .

2.5
5.1 1

6.7
11.7

8.0
12.8

Other

4.5 /

White

Infant deaths:
Total

2.1
40.4

6.1
64.6

7.6

85.8

Negro

61.5 1

99.5

135.6

Other. . .

84.6 /

108.4

89.6

White

37 5

60.1

82.1

Stillbirths:
Total.

26.7

39.2

Negro . . .

47.3

82.5

Other

22 8

24.6

White

24.2

34.0

....

*-Birth and death rates per 1,000 estimated population; maternal death and infant death rates, and stillbirth ratios per
1,000 live births. Birth rates are based on total population including armed forces overseas. Death rates for 1943
are based on total population excluding armed forces overseas.

The largest numerical difference in
mortality of Negroes and whites is
that for infants and for stillbirths.

Table 2 presents in some detail the
comparative deaths of infants under
one year of age.

Table 2

Infant Mortality For Negroes and Whites By Sex: United States, 1943

(Exclusive of stillbirths. Deaths under 1 year per 1,000 live births.)

Negro

White

Age

Total

Male

Female

Total

Male

Female

Under 1 year

61.5

67.9

54.8

37.5

42.0

32.7

Under 1 day
1 day .

13.3
4 1

14.9
4 7

11.6
3 5

11.4
3 1

12.9
3 6

9.7

2 7

2 days
3 to 6 days

2.7
5 0

2.1
5 9

2.3
4 1

2.0
2 8

2.3
3 3

1.6
2 4

1 week....

3.7

4 0

3 5

1 9

2.1

1.8

2 weeks

2 1

2 5

2 2

1 3

1 5

1 2

3 weeks ...

2 0

2 2

1 7

1 1

1.3

0 9

Under 1 month ....

33 1

37 2

28 9

23 7

26 9

20 2

1 month

5.0

5.5

4.6

2.7

3.0

2.3

2 months .

4 3

4 4

4 1

2 2

2 4

3 months
4 months . .

3.5
3 2

4.0
3 4

3.1
3 0

1.8
1 4

2.0
1 6

.7
3

5 months

2 7

2 8

2 6

1.2

1.3

6 months

2 5

2 6

2 3

1 i

1 1

7 months

2 0

2 3

0 9

1.0

0 8

8 months

1 7

1 8

0 8

0 7

9 months

1 3

1 5

0 6

0.7

0.6

10 months

1.1

1.2

0.6

0.5

11 months

1 1

1 3

0 5

0.5

322

HEALTH AND HOUSING

I
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PH H H H

VITAL STATISTICS

323

In table 3 are indicated the total
number of Negro births and deaths,
and the excess of births over deaths
for the various regions, 1941-1943.

Expectation of Life1

In 1944, "the expectation of life at
birth among colored males was 55.30
years, and among colored females 58.99

years. Their gains since the turn of
the century amounted to 22.75 years
and 23.95 years, respectively, consider-
ably larger gains than for white per-
sons." However, "among colored per-
sons the average length of life in 1944
was on about the level of that for
white persons in 1919-1921."2 These
data are shown in Table 4.

Table 4

Expectation of Life At Birth and At Age 40 in the United States, According to
Color and Sex, For Selected Periods From 1900 to 1944.

Year or Period

Birth

Age 40

White

Colored*

White

Colored*

Males

Females

Males

Females

Males

Females

Males

Females

1944*

63.55
63.16
63.65
62.81
60.62
59.12
57.85
56.34
50.23
49.32
48.23

68.95
68.27
68.61
67.29
64.52
62.67
60.62
58.53
53.62
52.54
51.08

55.30
54.655
54.28
52.26
50.06
47.55
46.90
47.14
34.05
32.57
32.54

58.99
57.97
58.00
55.56
52.62
49.51
47.95
46.92
37.67
35.65
35.04

30.39
29.97
30.27
30.03
29.57
29.22
29.35
29.86
27.43
27.55
27.74

33.97
33.47
33.86
33.25
32.24
31.52
30.97
30.94
29.26
29.28
29.17

26.26
25.83
25.92
25.06
24.65
23.36
24.55
26.53
21.57
22.23
23.12

28.92
28.11
28.51
27.19
26.11
24.30
24.67
25.60
23.34
23.81
24.37

1943f

1942f

1939-19411

1 930-1 939f .

1929-1931f

1920-1929J

1919-1921|

1909-1911§

1901-1910§

1900-1902§

Gain:
1900-1902 to 1944

15.32

17.87

22.76

23.95

2.65

4.80

3.14

4.55

Note— The life tables for 1944, 1943 and 1942 were prepared in the Statistical Bureau
of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, that for 1944 being on the basis of un-
published data furnished by the United States Census Bureau.

*-Data for periods from 1900 to 1931 and 1939 to 1941 relate to Negroes only.

t-Continental United States.

i-Registration States of 1920.

§-Original Death Registration States.

The expectation of life, according to
color and sex, for each age up to five
years, and for every fifth year there-
after is set forth in the left-hand
panel of Table 5. The mortality rate is
shown in the right-hand panel. "The
mortality rates for colored persons are
much higher than for white persons at
all but the oldest ages, where the qual-
ity of the data relating to the colored
is uncertain. The differences are rela-

'From Division on Population
Oliver C. Cox.

by Dr.

tively greatest among females at ages
from 20 to 40 years, where the rates
for the colored are more than three
times these of whites."

Life expectancy may be extended
further with advances in medical sci-
ence and preventive medicine, and im-
provement of such factors as housing
and nutrition, and a generally better
standard of living.

Statistical Bulletin, Metropolitan Life In-
surance Company, May 1946.

324

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Table 5

Expectation of Life and Mortality Rate Per 1,000 At Specified Ages, By Color
and Sex, General Population in the United States 1944*

Age

Expectation of Life

Mortality Rate Per 1,000

Total
Persons

White

Colored

Total
Persons

White

Colored

Males

Females

Males

Females

Males

Females

Males

Females

65.12
66.80
66.04
65.18
64.28
63.36
58.64
53.89
49.30
44.87
40.42
35.97
31.63
27.44
23.45
19.71
16.24
13.09
10.30
7.85
5.76

63.55
65.23
64.46
63.59
62.69
61.76
57.06
52.35
47.83
43.58
39.22
34.76
30.39
26.18
22.23
18.57
15.24
12.27
9.65
7.35
5.42

68.95
70.23
69.43
68.55
67.64
66.71
61.95
57.14
52.39
47.71
43.06
38.47
33.97
29.56
25.30
21.24
17.41
13.91
10.80
8.08
5.83

55.30
58.14
57.52
56.70
55.84
54.94
50.27
45.65
41.38
37.46
33.66
29.87
26.26
22.90
19.92
17.38
14.96
12.69
10.81
9.13
7.21

58.99
61.40
60.76
59.95
59.08
58.18
53.47
48.79
44.48
40.43
36.43
32.57
28.92
25.47
22.28
19.51
17.04
14.93
13.14
11.41
9.42

39.79
3.60
2.05
1.56
1.26
1.08
.78
1.25
2.16
2.56
2.68
3.40
4.73
6.77
10.02
14.52
21.34
31.81
46.92
69.42
108.84

40.80
3.44
2.04
1.58
1.25
1.10
.90
1.41
2.92
3.35
2.82
3.31
4.77
7.24
11.11
16.64
24.90
36.76
53.36
77.93
120.27

32.12
2.98
1.71
1.29
1.10
.94
.57
.78
1.15
1.44
1.79
2.41
3.26
4.62
6.84
10.15
15.76
25.16
39.65
62.76
103.78

65.49
6.49
3.30
2.41
1.87
1.52
1.18
2.47
4.75
6.39
7.14
8.71
11.76
16.13
23.32
29.54
35.04
46.18
60.63
68.92
81.35

55.06
5.91
3.08
2.23
1.75
1.40
.85
2.18
4.05
4.92
5.85
7.84
10.29
13.15
18.69
24.81
31.95
41.21
49.93
53.81
62.42

2...
3

4
5

10
15

25.

30
35

40 ...

45
50

55
60
65
70
75

"-Computed in the Statistical Bureau of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, on the basis of unpublished data
furnished by the United States Census Bureau.

Trend of Age — Specific Mortality

The trend of colored and white mor-
tality, specific for age, has been com-
puted by the Bureau of the Census for
the expanding death registration
States from 1910 to 1940.3 Prior to
1920, the trend of age-specific rates for
ages 1-45 years was interrupted by the
influenza epidemic of 1918. For both
colored and white, mortality for all
ages has declined since 1910; the col-
ored rates continue to be higher than
the white but the rate of decline has
been slightly more rapid for the for-
mer. In 1910, the colored rates were
approximately 50 per cent higher than
the white, while in 1940 they were
only about 33 1/3 per cent higher. The
rate of decline in mortality has been
most rapid at 1-4 years for both
groups. Under 25 years of age there
was no apparent difference in the rate
of decline in mortality for colored and
white; from 25 to 44 years the decline
in the white rates was somewhat more

3From "Negro Mortality — Mortality From
All Causes in the Death Registration
States," By Mary Gover, Statistician, Di-
vision of Public Health Methods, United
States Public Health Service.

rapid than the colored; from 45 to 64
years there was very little change in
the colored rates, whereas the white
declined slightly; at ages over 65 years,
the decline in the colored rate was
somewhat greater than in the white.

On the whole the rate of Negro mor-
tality shows decline particularly at
ages under 25 years; in adult ages,
however, 25-64 years, the rate of de-
cline in Negro mortality has not
equaled that of the white population,
1920-43.

Rate of Negro Mortality

A general decline was noted in the
mortality rate (deaths per 1,000 popu-
lation), and that of both Negroes and
whites in the decade, 1930-1940. For
the latest Census year (1940) the
standardized death rate of whites was
8.2 per 1,000 population, while that
of the Negro was 14.0. The Negro
death rate in 1940 was 71 per cent
higher than the white; the excess of
Negro deaths was 82 per cent in 1930.

Chief Causes of Negro Mortality -

Table 6 shows age adjusted rates
of Negro and white mortality from all
causes in the various States, 1939-1941.

VITAL STATISTICS

325

Table 6

Rates of Negro and White Mortality From All Causes in Separate States

1939-1941

State and section

Negro
population

Number

Proportion

of colored

population

that is

Negro

Percent

Mortality from all causes

Crude
1939-41

Negro

Age-adjustedf 1940

Nonwhitel ! White

Rate per 1,000

New England... 101,509

Maine 1,304

New Hampshire 414

Vermont 384

Massachusetts 55,391

Rhode Island 11,024

Connecticut 32,992

Middle Atlantic ... 1 , 268 ,366

New York 571,221

New Jersey 226,973

Pennsylvania 470, 172

East North Central. . . 1,069,326

Ohio 339,461

Indiana 121,916

Illinois 387,446

Michigan 208,345

Wisconsin 12, 158

West North Central 350,992

Minnesota 9,928

Iowa 16,694

Missouri 244,386

North Dakota 201

South Dakota... 474

Nebraska 14,171

Kansas 65,138

South Atlantic 4,698,863

Delaware 35,876

Maryland 301,931

District of Columbia 187,266

Virginia 661,449

West Virginia 117,754

North Carolina 981,298

South Carolina 814,164

Georgia 1,084,927

Florida. 514, 198

East South Central ... 2 , 780 , 635

Kentucky 214,031

Tennessee 508,736

Alabama 983,290

Mississippi 1,074,578

West South Central . . . 2,425,121

Arkansas 482,578

Louisiana 849,303

Oklahoma 168,849

Texas. . . '. 924,391

Mountain 36,411

Montana 1,120

Idaho 595

Wyoming 956

Colorado 12,176

New Mexico 4,672

Arizona 14,993

Utah 1,235

Nevada 664

Pacific 134,295

Washington. . .' ; 7,424

Oregon 2,565

California 124,306

United States... 12,865,518

93.9
48.6
77.4
90.4
93.7
95.5
97.5

97.4
95.3
99.1
99.4

97.4
99.5
99.5
98.6
96.2
49.0

86.6

42.6

95.0

99.6

1.9

2.0

77.8

97.9

99.4
99.7
99.7
99.2
99.9
99.9
97.7
99.8
99.9

99.9
99.9
99.9
99.9
99.7

97.2

99.8
99.7
72.7
99.7

21.3
5.9
10.7
23.1
72.5
11.8
20.7
16.7
10.7

37.0
19.5
18.4
40.0

95.6

14.2
19.7
16.1
18.2
14.3
16.3
13.2

13.9
12.7
14.9
14.9

15.0
15.2
15.9
15.9
12.7
13.9

16.6
15.9
15.7
17.0
34.8
13.4
14.3
15.7

13.8
17.2
16.3
15.8
15 5
13.9
11.7
13.3
13.6
14.5

13.7
18.2
15.0
13.5
12.3

12.3
10.6
13.3
12.6
12.2

16.8
24 4
20.7
23.4
19.4
15.4
13.0
20.8
32.1

14.1
21.5
18.6
13.6

13.7

15.3
9.2
20.7
10.2
14.6
17.9
15.4

17.3
16.2
17.5
17.9

16.9
16.7
16.6
17.3
15.8
17.6

16.5
15 4
15.1
17.3
15.8
15.4
14.6
14.6

17.4
19.6
19.0
18.6
18.0
17.4
15.2
17.8
16.8
17.9

16.4
17.3
16.8
16.8
15.0

14.8
12.6
16.0
14.1
14.6

17.1
15.8
15.1
19.3
16.0
8.5
14.9
12.6
22.5

14.5
18.0
17.7
13.6

16.5

10.1
10.2
10.0
10.3
10.2
10.4
9.7

10.7
10.7
10.4
11.0

10.0
10.1
10.1
10.3
10.0
9.1

8.7
8.5
9.6
8.4
7.9
8.4
8.5

10.5
10.2
11.0
11.6
10.6
10.2
10.1
10.8
10.3
10.4

10.2
10.2
10.2
10.4
10.1

9.9
9.1

10.9
8.9

10.3

10.6
10.0

10.2
12.0
12.5
10.0
12.4

10.1

9.8
9.5
10.2

10.2

t-Adjusted rates for States are taken from Vital Statistics— Special Reports, vol. 23, No. 1. Rates are adjusted to the

age distribution of the population of the United States as enumerated in 1940.
t-Adjusted rates for the United States and for geographic sections are Negro. Table from "Negro Mortality From All

Causes," Public Health Reports, February 22, 1946. Vol. 61, No. 8.

326

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Specific Death Rates By
Race, Sex and Age

In 1943 the crude death rate of 10.9
per 1,000 estimated population marked
the first increase in the annual rate

since 1940. The non-white mortality
rate (predominancy Negro) was 12.8
per cent, as against 10.7 per cent for
whites. Table 7 shows specific death
rates by race, sex and age for 1943.

Table 7

Specific Death Rates By Race, Sex, and Age: United States, 1943*

(Exclusive of stillbirths and of armed forces overseas. Rates per 1,000 estimated
population in a specified group)

Age Group

All races,
both sexes

White males

White females

Nonwhite
males

Nonwhite
females

1943

All ages

10.9

12.2

9.2

14.0

11.6

Under 1 year
1-4 years
5-9 years
10-14 years
15-19 years
20-24 years
25-29 years
30-34 years

43.0
2.6
1.0
0.9
1.6
2.5
2.6
3.0

44.6
2.5
1.1
1.0

1.7
31

2.7
2.9

34.3
2.1
0.8
0.7
1.0
1.4
1.7
2 1

78.5
4.5
1.3
1.6
3.5
5.3
6.2
7 8

62.6
3.9
1.1
1.3
3.3
49
5.3
6 8

35-39 years
40-44 years

4.1
5.7

4.0
5.9

2.9
3 9

10.4
13.8

9.1
12 1

45-49 years
50-54 years
55-59 years
60-64 years. . ."

8.3
12.4
17.7
26.3

9.0
13.8
20.4
30.5

5.8
8.5
12.7
20 1

19.2
27.4
32.7
39 5

15.5
23.5
29.5
36 9

65-69 years
70-74 years
75 years and over

39.2
58.7
126.4

44.8
66.3
137.0

32.0
51.1
122.1

55.1
70.3
102.0

48.3
55.5
81.1

"-"Deaths and Death Rates for Selected Causes: By Age, Race and Sex: United States, 1943." Bureau of the Cen-
sus, November 7, 1945.

Changes in Mortality Rates

Inasmuch as only partial records are
available for diseases and disabilities
from which individuals suffer, such
facts as are available with regard to
Negro health must be derived largely
by indirection. Broad characteristics
of Negro morbidity rate — their varia-
tions by age, sex, urbanization, eco-
nomic status, etc. — have not been pre-
cisely defined. It is customary to re-
sort to facts of mortality, as made
available by publications of official sta-
tistical and health agencies, and more
recently by life insurance companies.4

Another phase of Negro health has
to do with heredity. Higher or lower
death rates for white and colored per-
sons cannot correctly be interpreted
prima facie to indicate racial im-
munity or susceptibility to the dis-

4During the war considerable information
became available on the nature and ex-
tent of defects among males of military
age; such data are frequently used to in-
dicate health of a particular group.

eases in question. It has not been con-
clusively proved that there is abso-
lute racial immunity to any disease.
While color does undoubtedly exert
more or less influence over the preva-
lence of many diseases, it is difficult
to determine how much is due to racial
immunity or susceptibility and how
much should be attributed to social
factors arising from race — low eco-
nomic status, improper housing, in-
adequate diet, lack of hospitalization
and general unfavorable environment.
Negroes suffer especially from diseases
in which care and sanitation are of
primary importance. Examples of dis-
eases in which mortality rates are un-
doubtedly affected by unfavorable en-
vironment— and which cause a higher
death rate among Negroes — are tuber-
culosis, typhoid fever, pellagra and
puerperal conditions.

Changes in mortality rates, 1929-31;
1939, by cause of death, for whites
and non-whites are shown in Table 8.

VITAL STATISTICS

827

Table 8

Number of Deaths Per 100,000 Population From Selected Causes, By Color,

United States, 1929-31, 1939, and the Percentage Change 1929-31 to 1939

(Rates Are Standardized On the Total United States Population 1940)

Cause of death

White

Nonwhite

Percentage change
1929-31 to 1939

1929-31

1939

1929-31

1939

White

Nonwhite

Influenza

32.7
2.6
19.1
5.6
60.1
76.3
99.5
97.5
83.5
5.4
1,144.5
16.7
113.9
244.3
22.7

14.5
1.2
10.4
3.2
37.0
54.3
72.7
76.7
69.8
4.5
1,006.5
14.9
118.4
273.7
25.4

75.2
36.9
37.7
40.0
205.8
269.6
161.5
208.1
95.7
43.7
2,018.8
6.2
86.0
333.0
18.8

37.5

9.6
19.7
34.2
133.2
106.8
137.1
164.6
78.1
40.3
1,603.3
4.6
97.1
308.8
23.3

—56
—54
—46
—43
—39
—29
—27
—21
—17
—17
—12
—11
4
12
12

-50

—74
-48
—15
—35
-60
—15
—21
—18
—8
—21
—26
13
—7
24

Pellagra

Diarrhea and enteritis

Homicide ....

Tuberculosis
Pneumonia . .

Cerebral hernnrrl'Uge ,

Nephritis

Accidents

Syphilis

All causes

Suicide

Cancer

Heart disease

Diabetes . .

Source: Changes in Mortality Rates, 1930-1940, by Harold F. Dorn, Division of Public Health Methods, United States
Public Health Service.

Tuberculosis Mortality

Since 1930 there have been pro-
nounced changes in death rates from
the principal respiratory causes of
death: Influenza, pneumonia and tuber-
culosis. Although tuberculosis con-
tinues to be an outstanding cause of
death among Negroes, and the Negro
death rate from tuberculosis is three
times as high as that for whites, in
the general population the rate of
tuberculous infection is almost the
same for both races, according to re-
lease (09-45844) week of March 31-
April 7, 1946 of the Federal Security
Agency, United States Public Health
Service. "The chief reason advanced
for the high death rate from tubercu-
losis among Negroes is that among
non-white persons, tuberculosis, once

it starts, progresses rapidly into ad-
vanced disease more frequently than
it does in white persons. Many Ne-
groes discover their tuberculosis only
after it has reached serious propor-
tions, when little can be done to stop
the infection. The delayed diagnosis
means that the patient has lost his
best chance for recovery. The rapid
course of tuberculosis among Negroes,
with frequent premature death, also
decreases opportunity for spreading
the disease to others over a long pe-
riod of years. This may account for
the no-higher-than-average rate of
tuberculosis among Negroes in the
general population." Tuberculosis mor-
tality, as Table 9 shows, has been de-
clining generally at a relatively rapid
rate, especially among non-whites, who
are predominantly Negro.

328

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Table 9

Death Rates For Tuberculosis (All Forms) By Race and Sex
Death-Registration States, 1910-1944*

White

Nonwhite

Year

Total

Male

Female

Total

Male

Female

1944...

41.3

33.7

45.0

23 3

106.2

122 7

91 3

1943
1942
1941
1940

42.6
43.1
44.5

45.8

34.3
34.4
35.4
36.5

44.4
43.3
43.3

44.7

24.7
25.6
27.4

28 2

112.9
118.4
124.2
127 6

126.4
131.4
134.3
138 7

100.0
106.0
114.5
116 9

1935

55 1

44 9

51 7

37 8

145 1

155 4

135 0

1930

71 1

57 7

63 4

51 9

192 0

194 3

189 8

1925

84 8

71 6

75 8

67 2

221 3

215 8

226 7

1920
1915

113.1
140 1

99.5
128 5

104.1
144 0

94.8
112 2

262.4
401 1

255.4
420 2

269.6
380 5

1910

153.8

145.9

158.2

132.8

445.5

479.3

406.8

"-Source: Derived from the Tuberculosis Control Division, United States Public Health Service, and the Division of
Vital Statistics, United States Bureau of the Census.

Chief Causes of Negro Mortality

Table 10 indicates that in 1944 chief
causes of deaths among Negroes were:

(1) heart disease, (2) intra-cranial le-
sions'of vascular origin, (3) tubercu-
losis, and (4) nephritis.

Table 10

Mortality From Selected Causes, By Race and Rank 1944
(Crude Rate Per 100,000 Population)

Nonwhite

Rank

Cause of death

Rate

Rank

Cause of death

Rate

246 51

Heart diseases

323 51

2
3
4

Intra-cranial lesions of vascular origin
Tuberculosis (all forms)
Nephritis (all forms)

110.35
106.23
106 16

2
3
4

Cancer and other malignant tumors. . .
Intra-cranial lesions of vascular origin
Nephritis (all forms)

134.39
91.79
64 84

Cancer and other malignant tumors ....

84.32
79 64

Accidents (except motor-vehicle)
Pneumonia (all forms)

53.59
45 01

53 03

Tuberculosis (all forms)

33 68

Syphilis (all forms)

39 56

Diabetes mellitus

27 21

19 18

Motor-vehicle accidents

18 38

Motor- vehicle accidents

17.76

Suicide

10.80

Source: Division of Public Health Methods, United States Public Health Service.

Various factors, applicable to both
Negroes and whites, should be taken
into consideration in explaining the
changing mortality rates, as well as
the declining death rate. Increased
discovery and use of serums and drugs
cause many diseases to be less fatal
than previously. Undoubtedly public

provisions for prenatal care have
helped to reduce the rates of maternal
and infant mortality. As the age com-
position of society changes and there
is longer life expectancy, the degen-
erative diseases contribute more heavi-
ly to the death toll. Private and pub-
lic agencies have aided in stressing

SELECTIVE SERVICE EXAMINATIONS

329

the importance of early discovery and
treatment of diseases, and ever-ex-
panding public health measures and
services better protect the general
health. As the Negro shares more
adequately in the progress which com-
munities are making in public health
and personal hygiene, it may be ex-
pected that his general health will
improve.

SELECTIVE SERVICE

EXAMINATIONS— DISQUALIFYING

DEFECTS

The prevalence of physical defects

among men of military age (18-37
years) sufficient to constitute principal
cause for their rejection is indicated
in Table 11 (a) and (b). According
to Selective Service and Army records
one of the major health problems
among Negroes is venereal disease.
The prevalence of defects indicates
that all too frequently good medical
care has been lacking. Table 12 af-
fords data on types of defects, per
1,000 registrants by race.

Table 11 (a)

Estimated Principal Causes For Rejection of Registrants 18-37 Years of Age in
Class IV-F and Classes With F Designation,1 June 1, 19442

Principal causes for rejection

Number

Percent

Total White-

Negro

Total

White

Negro

Total
Manifestly disqualifying defects

4,217,000 3,393,000

S 24, 000

100.0

443,800
701,700
582,100
2,426,500
316,300
283,800
273,300
238,400
214,800
212,700
162,900
113,200
72,800
62,200
54,000
53,600
44,200
42,700
42,300
40,300
36,100
26,100
26,000
25,400
18,300
17,200
11,100
4,500
4,100
3,900
26,300
62,900

383,600
622,400
322,700
2,013,400
281,000
115,000
228,700
211,900
192,800
188,700
158,300
101,700
64,100
57,900
42,000
51,200
40,100
38,000
33,100
38,600
33,800
23,700
23,100
24,300
7,300
14,400
10,300
3,900
3,500
3,400
22,690
50,900

60,200
79,300
259,400
413,100
35,300
168,800
44,600
26,500
22,000
24,000
4.600
11,500
8,700
4,300
12,000
2,400
4,100
4,700
9,200
1,700
2,300
2,400
2,900
1,100
11,000
2,800
800
600
600
500
3,700
12,000

10.5
16.6
13.8
57.6
7.5
6.7
6.5
5.7
5.1
5.0
3.9
2.7
.7
.5
.3
.3
0
.0
.0
.0
.9
.6
.6
.6
.4
.4
.3
.1
.1
.1
.6
1.5

11.3
18.3
9.5
59.4
8.3
3.4
6.7
6.3
5.7
5.6
4.7
3.0
.9
.7
2
.5
.2
.1
.0
1
.0
7
.7
.7
.2
.4
.3
.1
.1
.1
.7
1.5

7.3
9.6
31.5
50.1
4.3
20.5
5.4
3.2
2.7
2.9
.6
1.4
1.0
.5
1.5
.3
.5
6
1.1
.2
.3
.3
.3
.3
1.3
.3
.1
.1
.1
.1
.4
1.5

Mental deficiency4
Physical defects

Musculoskeletal ....

Syphilis

Hernia
Neurological

Eyes

Ears
Tuberculosis

Lungs
Underweight and overweight

Feet
Abdominal viscera
Kidney and urinary

Varicose veins
Genitalia

Endocrine . . . -.
Teeth

Neoplasms . . .

Skin
Nose

Gonorrhea and other venereal
Hemorrhoids

Mouth and gums
Infectious and parasitic
Throat

Blood and blood-formim?
Other medical

Nonmedical

includes registrants in classes II-A, B and C with F designation.

2United States Congress. Senate. Subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor. A Resolution Authoriz-
ing an Investigation of the Educational and Physical Fitness of the Civilian Population as Related to National
Defense. Part 5. Hearings, 78th Congress. 2d Session on S. Res. 74, July 10, 11, and 12, 1944. Washington,
United States Government Printing Office, 1944. p. 1625.

'Includes all races other than Negro. 0

4 Includes (1) registrants with more than one disqualifying defect who were rejected for educatonal deficiency prior
to June 1943: (2) registrants rejected for failure to meet minimum intelligence standards beginning June 1, 1943;
(3) morons, imbeciles, and idiots rejected November 1940-April 1944.

330

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Table 11 (b)

Estimated Principal Causes For Rejections of Negro Registrants 18-37 Years of
Age in Class IV-F and Classes With "F" Designation! August 1, 1945

(Preliminary)*

Principal Causes for Rejection

Number

Percent

Total 919,000

Manifestly disqualifying defects 67,700

Mental disease 97,800

Mental deficiency* 308,600

Physical defects 430,600

Musculoskeletal 40,200

Cardiovascular 51,300

Hernia 29,800

Syphilis 154, 800

Neurological 24,300

Eyes 26, 500

Ears 5,400

Tuberculosis 13,100

Lungs • 10,100

Underweight and overweight 4,400

Feet 14,800

Abdominal viscera 2, 600

Kidney and urinary 5,200

Varicose veins 5, 300

Genitalia 9,900

Endocrine 1,700

Teeth 2,300

Neoplasms 2, 700

Skin 3 , 500

Nose 1 , 1 00

Hemorrhoids 3,000

Gonorrhea and other venereal 11 , 100

Mouth and gums 800

Infectious and parasitic 600

Throat 600

Blood and blood-forming 500

Other medical ,. 2, 000

Nonmedical... 14,300

100.0

7.4
10.6

46.9
4.4

16.8
2.6
2.9
0.6
1.4
1.1
0.5
1.6
0.3
0.6
0.6
1.1
0.2
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.1
0.3
1.2
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.5

1.5

f-Includes registrants in Classes 1 1- A, B and C with "F" designation.

j Includes (1) registrants with more than one disqualifying defect who were rejected for educational deficiency prior

to June 1, 1943; (2) registrants rejected for failure to meet minimum intelligence standards beginning June 1,

1943; (3) morons, imbeciles and idiots rejected November 1940- July 1945.
* Source: National Headquarters, Selective Service System.

NEGROES IN THE MEDICAL PROFESSIONS

331

Table 12
Rate of All Recorded Defects, Per 1,000 Registrants Examined, By Race1

Bulletin

Bulletin No. 23

Defect

No. 12 all
races4

All Races

White6

Negro

Total

1,356 8

1,583 3

1,595 0

1 493 9

115 7

123 5

130 5

70 6

Ears .

44.5

50.1

54 0

20 0

Teeth

140 3

167 8

176 9

98 5

Mouth and gums .

63.9

84.2

81 3

106 3

68.9

81.5

89.0

24 1

Throat

66.3

81.5

81 2

84 0

Lungs

16.4

16.2

17.1

8 6

Tuberculosis

5 7

9.7

10 3

5 2

Cardiovascular ....

100.4

83.1

84 6

71 8

Blood and blood-forming

1.0

1.3

1.4

Hernia ...

64.6

79.7

83 0

54 5

Kidney and urinary

14.0

9.0

9.2

7.9

Abdominal viscera

12.2

44.5

48 3

14 7

Genitalia . . .

59.0

81.3

80.0

91.5

Syphilis

27.5

30.8

11 7

176 7

Gonorrhea and other venereal

7.4

7.3

3.4

36 5

Skin

115 8

88.0

94 0

42 2

Hemorrhoids

30.6

35.1

36.5

24 8

Varicose veins

26.7

32.1

33.6

20.4

Educational deficiency

3.6

21.2

12 4

89 0

Mental deficiency

8.4

15.3

15.7

12.1

Mental disease

18.2

23.7

25 7

7 8

Neurological

22.8

22.4

23.9

11 0

Musculoskeletal . . .

101.3

113.9

119.3

73.8

Feet

145.0

172.4

158.9

275 7

Endocrine

16.0

19.7

21.3

7.4

Neoplasms

11.3

14.1

14.2

13 0

Infectious and parasitic

Underweight, overweight, and other

48.9

73.3

76 9

46 0

Education, Part 5. A Resolution Authorizing an Investigation of the Educational and Physical Fitness of the
Civilian Population as Related to National Defense. Hearings, 78th Congress, 2nd Session on S. Res. 74, July 10
11, and 12, 1944. Washington, United States Government Printing Office, 1944. p. 1627.

2-Based on sample of forms 200 covering 19,923 registrants examined at local boards November 1940 through May 1941 .

3-Based on sample of forms 200 covering 121,966 registrants examined at local boards November 1940 through Septem-
ber 1941.

4-Race breakdown not available.

5-Includes all races other than Negro.

NEGROES IN THE MEDICAL
PROFESSIONS

The health welfare of Negroes is
provided in large measure by profes-
sional members of the Negro race.5
Many problems attend the efforts of
professional personnel to render ade-
quate health service to the Negro peo-
ple. Insufficient numbers of physi-
cians, dentists and nurses, medical-
social workers, laboratory technicians,
and other professionals and their in-
equitable distribution in the nation;
the lack of adequate training facilities
in Negro medical schools and the lack
of opportunities in white medical
schools and hospitals; the restricted
admission to established institutions

for medical care and public health,
limit both the preparation of profes-
sional persons and the health services
they might render.

5The Negro professional groups have their
own local and national organizations.
Some few Negroes have been admitted
to membership in white professional or-
ganizations.

Negro Physicians

With reference to Negro physicians,
in the decade 1932-1942 there was a
decrease of 5 per cent in the total num-
ber, while the Negro population in-
creased by about 8 per cent. In 1942
there were 3,810 Negro physicians, or
a rate of 1 for every 3,377 Negroes;
as compared with a total of 176,191
physicians in the United States serving
132,000,000 persons, or a ratio of 1 to
750. The suggested wartime minimum
for civilian safety of 1 physician to
1,500 persons indicates the serious dis-
advantage of the Negro population.
The lowest ratio of Negro physicians
is to be found in the South. As is true
of physicians generally, there is a con-
centration of Negro physicians in the
large cities, North and South. Nearly
600 Negro physicians served in the
Armed Forces during the war.

Dr. Midian O. Bousfield, Chicago;
served as commanding officer of Station
Hospital No. 1 (staffed completely by
nearly 100 Negro officers) at Fort
Huachuca, Arizona.

332

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Table 13

Distribution of Negro Physicians and Population and the Population
Physician, According to States and Major Geographic
Divisions of the United States*

Per

Negro Population
1940

Number of Negro

Physicians

1942

Negro Population

per Physician

1942

UNITED STATES 12,865,518

New England

Maine 1,304

New Hampshire 414

Vermont 384

Massachusetts 55,391

Rhode Island 11,024

Connecticut 32,992

Middle Atlantic

New York 571,221

New Jersey 226,973

Pennsylvania 470, 172

East North Central

Ohio... 339,461

Indiana 121,916

Illinois 387,446

Michigan 208,345

Wisconsin 12,158

West North Central

Minnesota 9,928

Iowa 16,694

Missouri 244,386

North Dakota 201

South Dakota 474

Nebraska 14,171

Kansas 65, 138

South Atlantic

Delaware 35,876

Maryland 301,931

District of Columbia 187,266

Virginia 661 ,449

West Virginia 117,754

North Carolina 981,298

South Carolina 814,164

Georgia 1,084,927

Florida 514, 198

East South Central

Kentucky 214,031

Tennessee 508,736

Alabama 983,290

Mississippi 1,074,578

West South Central

Arkansas 488,578

Louisiana 849,303

Oklahoma 168,849

Texas 924,391

Mountain

Montana 1 , 120

Idaho 595

Wyoming 956

Colorado 12,176

New Mexico 4,672

Arizona 14,993

Utah... 1,235

Nevada 664

Pacific

Washington 7,424

Oregon 2,565

California 124,306

3,810

146

182

311

131

244

117
252
183

52
170

67
152

246
125

166

3,377

1,787
1,837
1,832

2,123
1,555
2,137

1,865
1,742
1,246
1,590
1,105

3,309
1,284
1,002

1,771
1,760

3,986

2,581

743

3,614

2,265

5,772

12,152

7,134

6,049

1,964
2,068
7,866
18,527

8,320
8,666
2,378
5,569

1,218
1,557
2,999

1,485
2,565

1,828

""-Source: Distribution of Negro Physicians in the United States in 1942, by Paul B. Comely, M. D., Head, Depart-
ment of Bacteriology, Preventive Medicine and Public Health, Howard Univsrsitv School of Medicine, Washing-
ton, D. C.

NEGROES IN THE MEDICAL PROFESSIONS

333

Table 14

Distribution of Negro Physicians and Population, and the Population Per
Physician, in Cities With 50,000 or More Negroes 1942

City

N0Qro
Population
1940

Percentage of
Total Negro
Population
of State

No. of Negro
Physicians
1942

Percentage of
Total Negro
Physicians
in the State

Population
per
Physician

Atlanta Ga

104,533

9.6

28.3

2,431

Baltimore

165,843

54.9

70.9

1,998

Birmingham, Ala

108,938

11.1

15.2

5,734

277,731

71.7

264

84.9

1,052

Cincinnati
Cleveland

55,593
84,504

16.4
29.4

25
51

13.7
28.0

2,224
1,657

Dallas, Texas
Detroit

50,407
149,119

5.4

71.6

11.4
74.0

2,653
1,537

Houston, T*»xas

86,302

9.3

12.7

4,110

Indianapolis
Jacksonville Fla.

51,142

61,782

41.9
12.0

25
17

35.7
20.0

2,046
3,634

Los Angeles

63,774

51.3

73.5

1,275

Memphis Tenn

121,498

23.9

23.6

2,095

New Orleans

149,034

17.5

55.1

2,760

New York

458,444

80.2

250

92.9

1,834

Philadelphia . .

250,880

53.4

131

59.5

1,915

Pittsburgh
Richmond, Va

62,216
61,251

13.2
9.3

32
23

14.5
12.6

1,944
2,663

St. Louis
Washington, D. C

108,765
187,266

44.5

142
252

58.2

766
743

Negro Dentists

The shortage of Negro dentists is
even more marked than that of Negro
physicians, with the disparity especial-
ly acute in the South. In the Negro
population of 12,865,518 there are only
about 1,611 dentists, according to the

1940 Federal Census of Occupations.
As of February 28, 1945, 120 of these
were serving in the Armed Forces.
There were fewer than 300 Negro
dental students in training as of April,
1945. Table 15 gives the number of
employed Negro male dentists for the
United States and by regions for 1940.

Table 15

Employed Negro Male Dentists (Except on Public Emergency Work), For the
United States, By Divisions and States 1940

Region, Division, and State

EMPLOYED
(except on public

•sar

Average Negro Population
per Negro EMPLOYED
male dentist (exc. on pub.
emerg. work)

UNITED STATES

1 463

8,794

REGIONS:

The North

711

3,924

The South

708

13,990

The West...

3,880

THE NORTH:
New England

2,072

Middle Atlantic

325

3,903

East North Central

265

4,035

West North Central
THE SOUTH:
South Atlantic

72
375

4,875
12 530

East South Central . . .

170

16,357

West South Central...

163

14,878

THE WEST:
Mountain

5 202

Pacific . . .

3,630

3S4

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Negro Nurses

In 1940, 7,191, or 2 per cent of all
the trained and student nurses in the
United States were Negroes. The Na-
tional Association of Colored Graduate
Nurses, formed in 1908, had 980 mem-
bers in 1940, and 1,200 in 1944. Prin-
cipal outlets of these Negro nurses
prior to the war were Negro hospitals
and institutions, the large public hos-
pitals of the North, and local official
and voluntary public health agencies
serving large numbers of Negro pa-
tients. The majority of active Negro
nurses in 1941 (63 per cent) were in
hospital and institutional work, while
28 per cent were in public health. Lit-
tle opportunity was afforded them in
private practice and industrial train-
ing, where 6 per cent and 1 per cent,
respectively, were engaged.

During the war, efforts were made
to increase the number of graduate
Negro nurses as well as to expand op-
portunities for their services. The
number of Negro graduate nurses, ac-
cording to the American Journal of
Nursing ("Negro Nurses," 44:476-477,
May, 1944), was estimated at 8,000.
Graduate Negro nurses were employed
by the American Red Cross, War Food
Administration and the Veterans Ad-
ministration, besides those serving of-
ficial and voluntary public health agen-
cies. According to the War Depart-
ment, with the Army Nurse Corps were
343 Negroes, as of February 28, 1945,
some on overseas assignment. The
Navy Department dropped its restric-
tions against Negro nurses in Jan-
uary, 1945, and 4 served with this
branch of the Armed Forces.

The greatest gains in civilian service
were probably made in the hospitals
of New York City where more than
1,250 Negro nurses were employed in
1942.

There has been a steady increase in
the number of Negro public health
nurses employed by official and non-
official agencies. The number in-
creased 20 per cent, from 918 in 1943
to 1,101 in 1945 when Negro nurses
represented about 5 per cent of the
total of public health nurses. As of
January 1, 1946 there were 1,154 Ne-
gro nurses employed by 294 public
health agencies. (See Table 17). In
many localities, Negro communities
are served by white nurses.

As of January 1, 1945, only 55 of the
1,101 Negro public health nurses had
less than high school training, while
955 (86 per cent) had completed high
school and 67 (6 per cent) had one
or more college degrees. There con-
tinues to be a marked improvement
over earlier years of Negro public
health nurse training.

Opportunities for nurse training for
Negro women were greatly expanded
during the war period, with the largest
number being provided through the
United States Cadet Nurses Corps. As
of May 31, 1945 there were, according
to the Federal Security Agency, 4,128
Negro student nurses who were receiv-
ing free tuition under the Cadet Nurses
Corps program.

In the post-war period there is a
growing demand for well-prepared Ne-
gro nurses, especially in public health
services in rural areas in the South,
and also in the great cities in the
North.

NEGROES IN THE MEDICAL PROFESSIONS

335

i S

i 9

ill

« O

i— i co co
to»o«o

rn i-H es

CO W i-H l-HCN

.^
z

1 ...a

•5 ^ 1

1 Is

-C!
1

1
I

HEALTH AND HOUSING

- 2

•a >«

I|
1

•3

NEGRO HOSPITALS

In 1944, there were 124 Negro hos-
pitals located in 23 States and the Dis-
trict of Columbia0. Of this number, 12
were governmental (operated by Fed-
eral, State or municipal governments)
and 112 were non-governmental (op-
erated by Church, fraternal, commu-
nity or proprietary organizations).
The geographical distribution of these
hospitals, given below, indicates that
the majority of the Negro hospitals
were located in the South:

Alabama
Arkansas
Washington, D.
Florida

.. 9
. . 5
C. 3
. 11

Mississippi
Missouri
New Jersey . . .
North Carolina

. 4

.. 7.
. 1
13

Georgia

New York

Illinois

.. 2

Oklahoma

Indiana

.. 2

Pennsylvania . .

Kansas
Louisiana
Michigan

.. 3
. . 1
10

South Carolina .
Tennessee
Texas . .

. 7
. 4

Maryland

, . 4

Virginia

Delaware

.. 1

West Virginia .

. 4

The few Negro hospitals in the North
are usually to be found in the large
cities. However, in the North Negroes
have access to other hospitals where
they are admitted without legal segre-
gation of white and colored patients.
Yet, there are comparatively few op-
portunities in northern white hospitals
for the Negro doctor to acquire the
experience that is essential to good
hospital practice. The majority of Ne-
gro physicians take their training in
the two Negro medical schools, and
have access to the hospitals operated
in conjunction with them.

Twenty-three of the 124 Negro hos-
pitals were fully approved by the
American College of Surgeons; while
3 were provisionally approved. Nine
of these, approved hospitals were also
approved by the Council on Medical
Education and Hospitals of the Ameri-
can Medical Association for the train-
ing of interns. Schools of nursing were
conducted in conjunction with 20 of
the Negro hospitals.

The Negro hospital is a particularly
significant factor in Negro health in
the South, due not only to the size
of the population to be served, but
also to the prevailing social pattern.
Under the latter conditions, Negro ad-

6Cf. Eugene H. Bradley, "Health, Hos-
pitals, and the Negro," Modern Hospital,
August, 1945. Abstracted in National Ne-
gro Health News, (U. S. Public Health
Service) Vol. 14, No. 2, April, June, 1946,
pp. 14-15.

NEGRO HOSPITALS

337

missions to white southern hospitals
are generally limited to teaching, to
governmental institutions, or to segre-
gated wings of subsidized voluntary
hospitals. Southern social tradition
does not permit the grouping of white
and Negro patients, nor does it permit
(with few exceptions) the training of
colored medical personnel in white
hospitals. In view of the fact that the
Negro physician must be able to trect
his patients and is denied this practice
in white hospitals, the Negro hospital
offers his only opportunity.

The Negro's health and hospital
problem in the South (where 9,904,619
Negroes constitute 31 per cent of the
region's total population) has been
illustrated by statistical presentations.
For example, the State of Georgia has
a total population of 3,123,723 of which
2,038,278 are white and 1,084,927 are
Negro. This State in 1944 had only 41
hospitals approved by the American
College of Surgeons, and not one of
these hospitals was Negro. On the
other hand, the State of Wisconsin,
with a total population of 3,137,587,
had 81 approved hospitals, all of which
admit Negroes without segregation.

SOME NEGRO HOSPITALSf*
IN THE UNITED STATES
AMERICUS HOSPITAL

Americus, Georgia
BREWER HOSPITAL,

Greenwood, South Carolina
*BREWSTER HOSPITAL

Jacksonville, Florida
*BURRELL MEMORIAL HOSPITAL

Roanoke, Virginia
BURWELL INFIRMARY

Selma, Alabama
*CHARITY HOSPITAL

Savannah, Georgia
CHILDREN'S HOME HOSPITAL

Birmingham, Alabama
CHRISTIAN HOSPITAL

Miami, Florida
*COLLINS CHAPEL CONNECTIONAL

HOSPITAL'

Memphis, Tennessee
COMMUNITY HOSPITAL

Newark, New Jersey
COMMUNITY HOSPITAL

Wilmington, North Carolina
*DOUGLASS HOSPITAL

Kansas City, Kansas
DWELLS INFIRMARY

Atlanta, Georgia

*EDYTH K. THOMAS MEMORIAL HOS-
PITAL

Detroit, Michigan
*FAIRVIEW SANITARIUM

Detroit, Michigan
*FLINT-GOODRIDGE HOSPITAL OF

DILLARD UNIVERSITY

New Orleans, Louisiana

tList provided by the National Confer-
ence of Hospital Administrators.

indicates membership in the National
Conference of Hospital Administrators.

*FLORIDA A. AND M. COLLEGE HOS-
PITAL

Tallahassee, Florida
*FRATERNAL HOSPITAL

Montgomery, Alabama

*FREDERICK DOUGLASS MEMORIAL
HOSPITAL
Philadelphia, Pa.
*FREEDMEN'S HOSPITAL

Washington, D. C.
FRIENDLY CLINIC

Memphis, Tennessee

'GEORGE W. HUBBARD HOSPITAL OF
MEHARRY MEDICAL COLLEGE
Nashville, Tennessee
GEORGIA INFIRMARY

Savannah, Georgia
GILLESPIE HOSPITAL

Cordele, Georgia
GOOD SAMARITAN HOSPITAL

Selma, Alabama
*GOOD SAMARITAN HOSPITAL

Charlotte, North Carolina
*GOOD SAMARITAN-WAVERLY HOS-
PITAL

Columbia, South Carolina
GOOD SHEPHERD HOSPITAL, THE

New Bern, North Carolina
GOODNOW HOSPITAL

Talladega, Alabama
HALE INFIRMARY

Montgomery, Alabama
HALIFAX HOSPITAL

Daytona Beach, Florida
*HOMER G. PHILLIPS HOSPITAL

St. Louis, Missouri

HOSPITAL & TRAINING SCHOOL FOR
NURSES

Charleston, South Carolina
*HOUSTON NEGRO HOSPITAL

Houston, Texas

"JOHN A. ANDREW MEMORIAL HOS-
PITAL

Tuskegee Institute, Alabama
JOHN F. TAYLOR HOSPITAL

Mobile, Alabama
JOHNSON MEMORIAL HOSPITAL

Bainbridge, Georgia
JUBILEE HOSPITAL

Henderson, North Carolina
'KANSAS CITY GENERAL HOSPITAL
NO. 2

Kansas City, Missouri

KATE BITTING REYNOLDS MEMO-
RIAL HOSPITAL
Winston-Salem, North Carolina
KIRKWOOD HOSPITAL

Detroit, Michigan

*L. RICHARDSON MEMORIAL HOS-
PITAL

Greensboro, North Carolina
"LINCOLN HOSPITAL

Durham, North Carolina
MARY LAWSON SANATORIUM

Palatka, Florida
MEMORIAL HOSPITAL
Oxford, North Carolina
MERCY HOSPITAL (CITY)

St. Petersburg, Florida
MERCY HOSPITAL

Wilson, North Carolina
*MERCY HOSPITAL

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
'NORFOLK COMMUNITY HOSPITAL

Norfolk, Virginia
*PARKSIDE HOSPITAL

Detroit, Michigan
*PEOPLES HOSPITAL

St. Louis, Missouri
PINE RIDGE HOSPITAL
West Palm Beach, Florida

338

HEALTH AND HOUSING

*PINKSTON CLINIC

Dallas, Texas
*PRAIRIE VIEW STATE COLLEGE

HOSPITAL

Prairie View, Texas
*PROVIDENCE HOSPITAL

Bluefield, West Virginia
PROVIDENT HOSPITAL

Fort Lauderdale, Florida
*PROVIDENT HOSPITAL AND FREE

DISPENSARY

Baltimore, Maryland

*PROVIDENT HOSPITAL, AND TRAIN-
ING SCHOOL FOR NURSES

Chicago, Illinois
*RED CROSS HOSPITAL

Louisville, Kentucky
RICHMOND CpMMUNITY HOSPITAL

Richmond, Virginia
*ST. AGNES HOSPITAL

Raleigh, North Carolina
ST. LUKE'S HOSPITAL, INC.

Macon, Georgia
*ST. MART'S INFIRMARY

St. Louis, Missouri
SAMARITAN HOSPITAL

Rome, Georgia
SEARCY HOSPITAL

Mount Vernon, Alabama
TABORIAN HOSPITAL

Mound Bayou, Mississippi
*TAMPA NEGRO HOSPITAL

Tampa, Florida
*TRINITY HOSPITAL

Detroit, Michigan
UNION COMMUNITY HOSPITAL

Union, South Carolina

*UNITED STATES VETERANS' HOS-
PITAL

Tuskegee, Alabama
VAN BUREN SANITARIUM

Statesboro, Georgia
WAYNE DIAGNOSTIC HOSPITAL

Detroit, Michigan
*WHEATLEY-PROVIDENT HOSPITAL

Kansas City, Mossouri
*WHITTAKER MEMORIAL HOSPITAL

Newport News, Virginia
WILLIAM A. HARRIS MEMORIAL

HOSPITAL

Atlanta, Georgia

NATIONAL NEGRO HEALTH
MOVEMENT

Active in the field of health educa-
tion and health service is the National
Negro Health Movement which grew
out of National Negro Health Week,
founded in 1915 by the late Booker T.
Washington, at Tuskegee Institute.

As National Negro Health Week
grew in extent and in the very evident
need of continuous rather than inter-
rupted activities for the maintenance
and promotion of an effective program,
ways and means were considered,
which, at a Health Week Conference in
Washington, March 19, 1929, resulted
in adoption of the following objectives
for a year-round health movement:
1. Consultation with State health of-
ficers to learn first-hand of the pub-
lic health problems relating to the
colored population.

2. Contact with State and local Negro
organizations to secure their aid in
promotion of the hjealth of the Ne-
gro, and their support of measures
sponsored by the State and local
health authorities.

3. Stimulation of the training and em-
ployment of Negro public health
personnel, by State and local health
departments and other agencies.

4. Consistent efforts to elevate the
standards of training for Negro per-
sonnel, and to induce persons with
good educational background and
aptitude to fit themselves for public
health work.

5. Special efforts to emphasize health
work in Negro schools, and to en-
courage the employment of trained
personnel for health work in the
schools.

6. Maintenance of a comprehensive
register of speakers qualified to give
talks on public health subjects.

7. Establishment in the central office
of the National Negro Health Move-
ment of a list of qualified Negro
health workers.

8. The development of a depository of
health information relating to the
colored population, this library to
include an abstracting and reference
section.

9. Analysis of census data and vital
statistics to determine the distribu-
tion of population and the nature
and extent of health problems.

10. Promotion of the National Negro
Health Week as a period for em-
phasis on the general health status
of the Negro population and the
program for health improvement.

This movement effected a permanent
year-round program at Howard Uni-
versity through the sponsoring agen-
cies, including, in addition to Tuske-
gee Institute and Howard University,
the National Medical Association, the
National Negro Business League, and
the National Negro Insurance Associa-
tion. It is now resident at the United
States Public Health Service (since
1932) as part of the National public
health organization and serves as a
"clearing house" for matters on Negro
health. It offers its service to State,
County, and City health departments
and various voluntary health and civic
organizations.

SECTION TWO: HOUSING

The relationship of housing to
health cannot be reduced to an exact
formula, but there is substantial evi-
dence and fairly general agreement
that a healthy house helps to make a
healthy family. Many factors are in-
volved— location, condition of neighbor-
hoods, customary and legal restrictions
on better houses, cost, crowding, sani-
tary facilities, and the like. Only an

THE HOUSING PROBLEM

339

intelligent, just, and economically
sound program of housing — private and
public — can effect the remedy of a
long-standing housing problem aggra-
vated by war-time dislocations of pop-
ulation, and limited construction of
houses.

THE HOUSING PROBLEM

The essential problems to be faced
are poverty and space restrictions
growing out of racial discrimination.
It is the problem of the racial restric-
tive covenant and the resultant ghetto.
It is the problem of blight and slum
living which have become associated
with race. One residential phenome-
non familiar to even the casual ob-
server of American cities today is the
concentration of most Negroes into one
or two or more severely constricted
areas, with a little scattering of col-
ored families in other sections of the
city. In fact, it has been established
that the larger the proportion of Ne-
groes in the total population, the
higher is the degree of their concen-
tration. Two, three, and four Negro
families are forced to live where one
white family lived before. According
to 1940 Census definition, 8 per cent
of urban units occupied by whites were
overcrowded, while the comparable
figure for Negroes was 25 per cent.

Ghetto people are usually poor peo-
ple. Of the 35,000,000 families report-
ing income in the 1940 Census, 54 per
cent of the white and 85 per cent of
the non-white were below $1,000 in in-
come per year. Median annual in-
come for urban whites was $1,064; and
for non-whites, $457.

Ghetto people are also, a low-rent
paying people. Of the total occupied
dwellings in 1940, approximately 61
per cent of the total occupied by
whites and 80 per cent of the total oc-
cupied by non-whites were in the
rental group. Further, for all urban
localities, 32 per cent of all white ten-
ants and 71 per cent of the non-white
paid monthly rents below $20; 46 per
cent white and 80 per cent non-white
below $30. For all urban units, the
median rents in 1940 were $25.98 for
whites and $12.59, non-whites. Here is
a people relegated to a physical en-
vironment which becomes a drain upon
the moral, physical, and financial re-
i sources of the entire community. En-
forced segregation begets discrimina-
tion and exclusion from the benefits of

community life. Further, these slum
islands be-devil and adversely affect
urban re-development. Here is created
much of the frustration and bitter-
ness that brew tension and conflict.

Informed observation and available
facts indicate that the vast majority
of Negroes and other non-whites live
in substandard housing and in slum
or blighted areas, and that they are
bound to such housing and neighbor-
hoods by reason of their income limita-
tions, resulting from racially restricted
job opportunities, and imposed resi-
dential segregation reinforced by racial
restrictive covenants, traditions,' or
law.7

Relationship Between Condition
Of Dwellings and Rentals, By Race

1. The non-white group receives pro-
portionately more substandard hous-
ing, or less housing value, for the
same price than does the white
group, which has access to the open
housing market.

2. The progressive increase in the ratio
of non-white to white occupancy in
substandard housing for each suc-
ceeding rental bracket from the low-
est to the highest clearly indicates
that operation of the discriminated
housing market, as a factor inde-
pendent of comparable rent-paying
ability, is a major cause for the ex-
cessive occupancy of non-whites in
substandard housing.

3. The fact that the ratio of non-whites
to whites in substandard housing is
markedly greater for the tenant-
occupied units as compared with
those occupied by owners indicates
that the non-white tenant suffers an
even greater disadvantage than does
the non-white owner when compet-
ing for decent housing. The im-
portance of this is amplified by the
fact that white tenants receive a
lower proportion of substandard
housing than do white owners in the
rental ranges between $40 and $75.

4. The ratios of non-whites to whites
in substandard housing is greater in
the northern and western cities than
in the southern metropolitan dis-
tricts between the $20 and $75 rental
levels; and, above the $40 rental
level, the proportion of substandard
housing occupied by the non-white
group in the northern and western
cities is markedly greater than is
the proportion for the same racial
group in the southern metropolitan
districts.

5. Contrary to the experience of non-
white tenants in any category, the
white tenants in the northern and
western areas occupy less substand-
ard housing in the rental brackets
above the $40 level than do white
owners in these brackets.

7B. T. McGraw, Principal Housing An-
alyst, Office of the Administrator, Na-
tional Housing Agency.

340

HEALTH AND HOUSING

6. In the northern and western areas,
the proportion of non- white tenants
to non-white owners in substandard
housing is double in the brackets
between $20 and $40, where almost
half of the non-whites in this area
are concentrated.

7. The general rank order from the
highest to the lowest proportion of
occupancy in substandard housing,
by regions and tenure, is (11 white
owners in northern and \\estern
cities, (2) white owners in southern
districts, (3) white tenants in north-
ern and western cities, (4) non-
white owners in northern and west-
ern cities (5) white tenants in south-
ern districts, (6) non-white tenants
in northern and western cities, (7)

non-white owners in southern dis-
tricts, (8) non-white tenants in
southern districts. The only instance
in which the non-white group oc-
cupies a smaller proportion of sub-
standard housing than the white
group is in the case of non-white
owners in northern and western
cities which ranks higher than do
the white tenants in southern dis-
tricts.

8. The differentials revealed in this
analysis may be imputed to the
effect of residential racial restric-
tions. The fact is that the pro-
portionate differentials between the
two racial groups are greatest in
the higher rental value brackets
where racial restrictive practices
result in highly discriminatory
market. Differentials are also strik-
ing in the northern and western
cities where the influx of non-whites
has accentuated racial restrictions.8

THE SOLUTION OF THE
HOUSING PROBLEM

Consideration of the scope, magni-
tude, and complexity of the housing
task ahead has made it increasingly
plain that, if the goal of a decent home
for every American family is to be
achieved, there must be:

1. Extensive supply of adequate
housing adapted to family sizes
and incomes of all the various
economic and racial groups;

2. Necessary living space to relieve
congestion and accommodate nor-
mal and orderly expansion of all
the various economic and racial
sectors of the population;

3. Utilization of all available re-
sources— public and private —
local, State, and national.9

These considerations lead inevitably
to a few basic principles for adequately

sCorienne K. Robinson, Housing Analyst,
(Race Relations), National Housing
Agency.

•B. T. McGraw, Principal Housing An-
alyst, Office of the Administrator, Na-
tional Housing Agency.

meeting the housing needs of Negroes
and other racial minorities:

1. The housing needs of minorities at
various income levels should be
specifically defined and recognized
as an integral part of the total
housing need of the community.

2. Housing developments in the com-
munity, under private or public
auspices, should be held to meet the
needs of minorities, comparable to
those of other groups in the com-
munity.

3. Any land assembly or housing de-
velopment made possible by the use
of governmental powers or assist-
ance should provide equity of par-
ticipation by all racial groups in
accordance with their housing needs
and ability to pay the costs.

4. No private or public housing pro-
gram should proceed in such man-
ner as to reduce in any degree the
land area and living space now
available to Negroes and other racial
minorities in the community. Oppor-
tunity should be sought constantly
to increase the land area open to
Negroes wherever there is excess
density. This will require careful
reappraisal of the urban land use
policies of all agencies — Federal, lo-
cal and private.

5. Wherever public funds or powers
are used in the recruitment, train-
ing and employment of off-site or
on-site building construction labor,
a policy of equitable employment of
racial minorities at levels of their
skill should be mandatory.

6. The full rescources of the racial
minority sector of the community
should be marshaled in support of
a national policy and program for
community and housing develop-
ment.10

Public Housing Available
For Negroes

As of July 31, 1945, 145,584 or 19
per cent of the 769,000 active low-rent
and war-housing units of the Federal
Public Housing Authority were pro-
grammed for or occupied by Negroes."

"In the low-rent housing program,
46,522 or 35.1 per cent of all units
were occupied by or programmed for
Negroes. The estimated development
cost for these units was $219,000,000 or
about one-third of the total cost of the
low-rent program. In projects built
under the United States Housing Act,
36 5 per cent of the units were avail-
able to Negroes." (A list of the per-
manent public housing projects making
provisions for Negro tenants is given
at the end of this section.)

10Frank S. Home, Special Assistant to
Administrator, National Housing Agency.
"Report S-602 "Public Housing Available
for Negroes," Statistics Division, Na-
tional Housing Agency, Federal Public
Housing Authority, November 9, 1945.

* THE SOLUTION OP THE HOUSING PROBLEM

341

"In the war-housing program (ex-
cluding conversion management prop-
erties) 96,461 or 16.4 per cent of all
units were occupied by or programmed
for Negroes. The estimated develop-
ment cost of these units was more

than $313,000,000. The proportion of
units for Negroes was approximately
the same for projects under manage-
ment and for projects under develop-
ment." (See Table 18.)

Table 18
War Housing Units

War Locality

Units for
Negroes

Total Number
of Units

Portland- Vancouver

6,191

34,678

Detroit

5,619

13,270

San Francisco, San Pablo Bay

5,611

24,797

District of Columbia

5,176

26,730

San Francisco, East Bay

4,784

13,753

Norfolk -Portsmouth

4,320

18,309

Chicago

4,147

4,881

Los Angeles

3,825

20,938

Baltimore

3,359

11,421

Cleveland

3,209

6,031

San Francisco, West Bay

3,205

14,274

In the conversion management program, 2,601 or 5.3 per cent of all units
were designated for Negro occupancy. (See Table 19.)

Table 19

Public Housing Programmed For Or Occupied By Negroes, By Type of Program

and Construction Status of Dwelling Units1

(As of July 31, 1945)

Program and construction status

Number of dwelling units

Percent
Negro

Estimated
development
cost of
dwelling units
available for
Negroes
(9000)

1
Total

Occupied by
or
programmed
for Negroes

Low-rent and war housing
All dwelling units

769,131
730,730
38,401
19,168
19,233

132,602

636,529
598,128
548,758
49,3703
38,401
19,168
19,233

145,584
139,459
6,125
2,925
3,200

46,522

99,062
92,937
90,336
2,601
6,125
2,925
3,200

18.9
19.1
16.0
15.3
16.6

35.1

15.6
15.5
16.5
5.3
16.0
15.3
16.6

536,624
507,730

28,894
15,328
13,566

219,182

317,442

288,548
284,133
4,415
28,894
15,328
13,566

Dwelling units under management

Dwelling units under development

Under contract

Not under contract

Low-rent housing (excluding, PWA limited dividend
projects)2 Dwelling units under management ....

War housing, including projects built under U. S.
Housing Act, and transferred to war use
All dwelling units

Dwelling units under management
New construction

Conversion management
Dwelling units under development

Under contract

Not under contract

1 -Based on number of assigned units where definitely programmed for Negro tenants. For all other projects, with 95
percent occupancy or more, based on number of occupied units, and for projects with less than 95 percent occupancy,
on proportion of total occupied units occupied by Negroes.

2-All units under management.

3-Data as of June, not available for July.

342

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Table 20

Permanent Public Housing Projects Making Provision For Negro Tenants
(As of July 31, 1945)

Location

Project Name

Total No.
Units in
Project

Est No. Units
Occupied by Negro
Tenants*

REGION I

CONNECTICUT

Bridgeport

Yellow Mill Village

1,239

Marina Village ....

516

Black Rock Village

176

Success Park**

1,000

Huntington Homes

250

Lincoln Terrace

150

Canaan Village

324

(Fairfield)

Knapps Highway

200

Melville Avenue ...

200

(Stratford)

Stonybrook Gardens. . .

400

East Hartford

Mayberry Village .

500

Hartford . ..

Nelton Court**

156

Bellevue Square**

501

Charter Oak Terrace. . .

1,000

(Manchester)

Orford Village

375

(Glastonbury)

Welles Village

200

(Rocky Hill)

Drum Hjll Part

125

Middletown

Long River Village

190

New Britain

Mount Pleasant

340

Ledgecrest ....

300

(Plainville)

East Mountain Terrace

200

New Haven

Elm Haven .

487

326

Farnam Courts . .

300

West Hills

300

Norwalk

Washington Village. . .

136

Stamford ....

Southfield Village

250

Fairfield Court . .

148

Windsor Locks

Elm Plains

MAINE

Bangor

Fairmont Terrace

150

Portland. .

Sagamore Village

200

MASSACHUSETTS

Ayer

Devencrest

300

Boston

Lenox Street

306

Orchard Park

774

East Boston

414

Cambridge ...

Washington Park

324

New Towne Court

294

Fall River

Sunset Hill

356

Harbor Terrace ....

223

Hingham

Old Colony Village...

New Bedford

Bay Village

200

Springfield

Mallary Village

300

(ChicoDee)

Curtis Terrace

250

NEW HAMPSHIRE

Portsmouth

Wentworth

800

RHODE ISLAND
Newport

Tonomy Hill ....

538

Providence

Williams Homes

744

REGION II

DELAWARE

Wilmington

Southbridge . ...

180

MARYLAND

College Creek Terrace

108

Baltimore .

McCulloh Homes

434

Edgar Allen Poe Homes

298

Frederick Douglass Homes

393

587

Somerset Court Homes

420

304

Cherry Hill Homes

600

Frederick

Havre de Grace

Concord Fields

.500

*-This column used only for projects partially occupied by Negro tenants.
**-Two projects.

THE SOLUTION OF THE HOUSING PROBLEM

Table 20 (Continued)

Permanent Public Housing Projects Making Provision For Negro Tenants
(As of July 31, 1945)

Location

Project Name

Total No.
Units in
Pro j 6ct

Est. No. Units
Occupied by Negro
Tenants*

NEW JERSEY

Asbury Park

Asbury Park Village

126
277
71
90
279
200
300
495
490
462
234
224
192
128
82
236
614
275
300
300
118
120

473
200
271
200
100
1,622
576
2,545
3,148
1,531
448
1,170
1,166
400
360
207
678
552

50
50
322
50
350
350
148
100
" 83
40
200
111
50
288
280
450
342
400
200
535
1,000
1,324
225
802
420
1,851
660
282
448

24
40

72
1
4

2
2
36

60
408

150
23

9
155

1
33

146
121
14
340
122
552
8
34
3
52
2

11
51

20
12
73
163
32
48
575
100
1.300
1
405
405
961
108
60
46

Atlantic City

Stanley S. Holmes Village
Delacove Homes*

Beverly

Burlington ...

Dunbar Homes

Camden

Clement T. Branch Village

Dover

Chelton Terrace

Victory Gardens

Elizabeth

Jersey City

Lafayette Gardens

Long Branch

Marion Gardens

Booker T. Washington Apts
Hudson Gardens

Holland Apartments ....

Garfield Court

Newark

Grant Court

Paterson

James M. Baxter Terrace
F. D. Roosevelt Homes

Felix Fuld Court

Riverside Terrace

Trenton

Lincoln Homes

NEW YORK

Buffalo

Prospect Homes

Willert Park**

Hempstead

Mitchell Gardens .

Lacka wanna

Baker Homes

Mineville...

Albright Court

Grover Hills

New York City

Williamsburg Houses

Syracuse

Harlem River Houses
Red Hook Houses . .

Queensbridge Houses

Vladeck Houses

South Jamaica Houses

East River Houses
Kingsborough Houses
Clason Point Gardens
Markham Houses
Wallabout Houses

Pioneer Homes

Yonkers

Mulford Gardens

PENNSYLVANIA

Aliquippa

Griffith Heights

Allentown

Mount Vernon

Hanover Acres

Beaver Falls

Harmony Dwellings ....

Chester. . .

LamoEn Village

Clairton

Fairground Homes

Blair Heights

Coatsville

Carver Homes

Duquesne . . .

Cochrandale . ....

Erie

Lake City Dwellings

Harrison Twp

Sheldon Park

Johnstown

Prospect Homes

McKeesport

Harrison Village

McKees Rocks. . .

McKees Rocks Terrace

Midland

Midland Heights

Mifflin Twp

River View Homes

Moon Twp. . .

Monongahela Heights .

Mooncrest

North Braddock

North Braddock Heights

Philadelphia

Johnson Homes**

Latrobe-Greensburg

Tasker Homes

Allen Homes

Westmoreland Homestead

Pittsburgh . . .

Bedford Dwellings

Wadsworth- Aliquippa

Arlington Heights

Allegheny Dwellings

Broadhead Manor

•-This column used only for projects partially occupied by Negro tenants.
•*-Two nroierts.

-Two projects.

344

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Table 20 (Continued)

Permanent Public Housing Projects Making Provision For Negro Tenants
(As of July 31, 1945)

Location

Project Name

Total No.
Units in
Project

Est. No. Units
Occupied by Negro
Tenants*

PENNSYLVANIA (Continued)

Glen Hazel Heights

999

212

Pulaski Twp
Rankin

Pulaski Homes
Hawkins Village

100
182

Reading

Glenside Homes. . . . .*.

400

Scott Twp

Chartiers Terrace

200

Sharon-Parrel!
South Union Twp

Steel City Terrace
Grossland Place

150
40

Van Port

Van Buren Homes
Lincoln Terrace

400
46

Wayne
REGION III
ILLINOIS

Highland Homes
Pyramid Courts . . .

50
240

Chicago

Ida B. Wells Homes

1,650

1,648

Cabrini Homes
Robert Brooks Homes
Altgeld Gardens

586
834
1,500

123
831
1 413

Wentworth Gardens
111-11208. .

422
250

232

Jane Adams Houses**

1,027

Beecher Terrace

Decatur
East St Louis

Longview Place
Robinson Homes

434
144

Madison Co,
(Venice)

Jones Homes

Peoria

Warner Homes . . .

487

Ball Homes ..

Rockford

Central Terrace
Hay Homes

150
599

34
147

INDIANA

Evansville

Lincoln Gardens

191

Fort Wayne
Gary

Samuel Morris Homes
Delaney Community

88
305

Lockfield Gardens

748

Munsyana Homes

278

114

New Albany

Crystal Court

MINNESOTA

Field Homes

464

119

MISSOURI

St Louis

Carr Square Village

658

NEBRASKA

Omaha

Southside Terrace Homes

522

Fontenelle Homes

284

108

WISCONSIN

Logan-Fontenelle Addition
Parklawn

272
518

103
6

REGION IV
ALABAMA

Southtown

480

Fairfield

Smithfield Courts
Fairfield Courts

512
90

Mobile
Montgomery

Orange Grove Homes
Cleveland Courts

298
150

Phenix City ... ...

Paterson Courts
Frederick Douglass Homes

150
206

FLORIDA

Daytona Beach

Pine Haven**

167

Ft. Lauderdale
Jacksonville

Dixie Court
Blodgett Homes

150
708

Key West

Durkeeville
Fort Village

215

Lakeland

Lake Ridge Homes

160

Miami

Liberty Square

243

Liberty Square Add.**

730

"-This column used only for projects partially occupied by Negro tenants.
**-Two projects.

THE SOLUTION OF THE HOUSING PROBLEM

345

* Table 20 (Continued)

Permanent Public Housing Projects Making Provision For Negro Tenants
— ";- (As of July 31, 1945)

Location

Project Name

Total No.
Units in
Project

Est. No. Units
Occupied by Negro
Tenants*

FLORIDA (Continued)

Orlando

Griffin Park
Carver Court

253
160

Pensacola
St. Petersburg

Attucks Court
Jordan Park** . . .•

120
446

Sarasota

Newtowne Heights

Tampa

North Boulevard Homes
College Hill Homes

534

500

West Palm Beach

Dunbar Village . ....

246

GEORGIA

Albany

Hines Homes

Athens

Broad Acres .

126

Atlanta ....

University Homes

675

John Hope Homes

606

Henry Grady Homes
John J. Eagan Homes

616
548

Augusta
Brunswick

Alonzo F. Herndon Homes
Sunset Homes
Gilbert Manor
Mclntyre Courts

520

168
278
144

Columbus

Booker T. Washington Apts.**. . .
Williams Homes

392
160

Decatur

Allen Wilson Terrace

200

Macon

Tindall Heights

444

Marietta .

Fort Hill Homes .

120

Rome

Alto view

Savannah

Fellwood Homes

176

MISSISSIPPI

Biloxi

Yamacraw Village
Bayou Augusta Homes

480

Clarksdale

Magnolia Courts

123

Hattiesburg
Laurel

Robertson Place
Triangle Homes

120
125

McCombCity
Meridian

NORTH CAROLINA

Charlotte
Fayetteville

Burglund Heights
Frank Berry Courts
George H. Reese Courts

Fairview Homes
Cape Fear Courts

76
113

452
56

High Point
Kinston. .

Washington Square
Daniel Brooks Homes
Mitchell Wooten Courts

75
230
142

New Bern
Raleigh

Craven Terrace
Chavis Heights

253
231

Wilmington

Robert R. Taylor Homes
Hillcrest**

246
216

SOUTH CAROLINA

Charleston . . .

Anson Borough Homes

162

Wragg Borough Homes
Cooper River Courts

128
137

Columbia :

University Terrace

122

Allen Benedict Courts

244

Spartanburg

Hartwell Homes

150

TENNESSEE

Bristol

Spartanburg Defense Homes
Johnson Court .

Chattanooga

College Hill

497

Jackson

Merry Lane Courts

Kingsport

Riverview

Knoxville

College Homes

320

•
Memphis

Austin Homes
William R. Foote Homes

200
900

LeMoyne Gardens**
Dixie Homes

842
636

Nashville

Andrew Jackson Courts ....

398

John Napier Homes**

480

VIRGINIA

Hopewell

Davisville

*-This column used only for projects partially occupied by Negro tenants.
**-Two projects.

346

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Table 20 (Continued)

Permanent Public Housing Projects Making Provision For Negro Tenants
(As of July 31, 1945)

Location

Project Name

Total No.
Units in
Project

Est. No. Units
Occupied by Negro
Tenants*

VIRGINIA— (Continued)

Harbor Homes

252

350

Orcutt Homes

148

Norfolk

Roberts Park...

230

Oak Leaf Park

300

Portsmouth
(Virginia Beach)

Benmoreell
Nelson Place

1,062
50

Richmond

Gilpin Court

301

REGION V

ARKANSAS
Little Rock

Tuxedo Park

100

COLORADO

Platte Valley Homes

KANSAS

Junction City

Pawnee Place

LOUISIANA

Carver Village

East Baton Rouge

Clarksdale

Lake Charles

Washington Courts . . .

New Orleans

Magnolia Street

723

Lafitte Avenue

896

Calliope Street

690

St. Bernard Avenue

744

TEXAS

Austin

Rosewood

130

Corpus Christi

D. N. Leathers Center

122

Dallas

Roseland Homes

650

Frasier Courts

250

El Paso

Tays Place

311

Fort Worth

Butler Place

250

Galveston

Palm Terrace

228

Houston

Cuney Homes

564

Kelly Courts

333

Pelly

Lincoln Courts

Wheatley Courts ...

236

Lincoln Courts

342

Texarkana

Stevens Courts

124

Waco

Cain Homes

140

REGION VI
ARIZONA

A.RIZ-2011

ARIZ-2012

100

Phoenix

Matthew Henson

150

CALIFORNIA

Bakersfield

Adelante Vista

Fresno

Sequoia Courts

Sierra Plaza

Funston Place

150

Cabrillo Homes

600

Pueblo Del Rio

400

375

285

Aliso Village

802

173

William Mead Homes

449

' 88

Ramona Gardens

610

260

Rose Hill

100

Hacienda Village

184

Normont Terrace

400

Channel Heights

600

Los Angeles County

Nara villa

504

Monterey (Ft Ord)

CAL-4021 .

264

'-This column used only for projects partially occupied by Negro tenants.

THE SOLUTION OF THE HOUSING PROGRAM

34?

Table 20 (Continued)

Permanent Public Housing Projects Making Provision For Negro Tenants
(As of July 31, 1945)

Location

Project Name

Total No.
Units in
Project

Est. No. Units
Occupied by Negro
Tenants*

CALIFORNIA— (Continued)

Oakland .

Peralta Villa...

396

186

Campbell Village

154

Sacramento

New Helvetia

310

Dos Rios

168

San Diego

Linda Vista

5,026

219

San Francisco

Westside Court

136

131

Vallejo

Mare Island ...

250

REGION VII

WASHINGTON

Seattle

Yesler Terrace

690

Yesler Terrace Addition

178

Ranier Vista**.

622

Holly Park**

1,000

High Point**

1,300

Tacoma

Salishan**

1,600

186

Lincoln Heights

400

Vancouver

McLaughlin Heights

4 406

196

REGION VIII

KENTUCKY

Covington

Jacob Price Homes

163

Lexington

Blue Grass-Aspendale Park

278

136

Charlotte Courts

206

Louisville

Beecher Terrace

808

College Park

125

Sheppard Square

423

Madisonville

Rosenwald Homes .

Paducah

Abraham Lincoln Court

MICHIGAN

Battle Creek . ...

Prairie View Homes

250

Detroit

Brewster Homes**

941

Sojourner Truth Homes

200

(Inkster)

Carver Homes** ....

698

(Clinton Twp.)

Selfridge Homes...

150

(Ypsilanti)

Park Ridge

100

OHIO

Akron

Elizabeth Park Homes

276

268

Cincinnati

Laurel Homes**

1 403

602

Lincoln Court

1,015

993

(Lockland) . . .

Valley Homes

350

Cleveland

Carver Park

1,287

1,278

Outhwaite Homes**

1,028

1,005

Cedar Apartments ....

654

(Euclid)

Lake Shore Village

800

Columbus

Poindexter Village

426

Davton

Desoto Bass Courts**

510

Hamilton

Bambo Harris Homes

141

Lorain

Fulton Homes

(Elyria)

' Massillon
Portsmouth

Walnut Hills
G. W. Failey Square

300
135

20
112

Sandusky . .

Fairlawn Court

100

Toledo

Branch Whitlock Homes**

376

Alb3rtus Brown Homes
Port Lawrence Homes ....

134
195

178

Warren

Trumbull Homes

224

Youngstown

Westlake Terrace Homes

618

218

Zanesville

Coopermill Manor

324

WEST VIRGINIA
Charleston

Washington Manor

304

127

Huntington

Washington Square

Mount Hope

Stadium Terrace

Williamson

Williamson Terrace

*-This column used only for projects partially occupied by Negro tenants.
**-Two projects.

348

HEALTH AND HOUSING

Table 20 (Continued)

Permanent Public Housing Projects Making Provision For Negro Tenants
(As of July 31, 1945)

Location

Project Name

Total No.
Units in
Project

Est. No. Units
Occupied by Negro
Tenants*

GENERAL FIELD OFFICE

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Washington

Langston

274

James Creek Site

278

Douglass Dwellings

313

Stanton Road

300

Carrollsburg Dwellings .

314

Kelly Miller Dwellings

R»rry Fjirms Dwellings . . .

169
442

Parkside Dwellings . . .

373

Hillside.. .

440

Washington

Lucy Diggs Slowe Hall

322

George W. Carver Hall

206

MARYLAND

Cabin John

Seven Locks

120

St. Mary's County

Carver Heights

120

VIRGINIA

Alexandria . .

Parker Homes

110

Ramsey Homes

Arlington

Paul Dunbar Homes

George Carver Homes

RURAL PROJECTS

ARKANSAS

Lonoke

East Ark. Reg. Hous. Auth.

GEORGIA

Thomas Co.

Ga S W Assoc Hous Auth

140

MISSISSIPPI

Lee County

SOUTH CAROLINA

Darlington County

Miss. Reg. Hous. Auth. No. 1
Miss. Reg. Hous. Auth. No. 2

Darlington County Rural

186
30

21
3

'-This column used only for projects partially occupied by Negro tenants.

DIVISION XV

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

By VEBA CHANDLER FOSTER AND W. HARDIN HUGHES
Tuskegee Institute and Pasadena, California

SOME DIFFICULTIES FACED BY
NEGROES AS PARTICIPANTS IN

DEFENSE INDUSTRIES
The Negro and Defense Industries

During the two years immediately
preceding Pearl Harbor, a major prob-
lem confronting the American Negro
was that of securing an opportunity
to participate in the enormous national
defense program. The situation had
changed materially since World War I
when unskilled rather than skilled
labor was chiefly in demand. During
the depression of the 1930's, however,
the supply of skilled workers in the
white population was far greater than
the demand. Well trained engineers
and technicians were actually in the
bread lines. These were the first to
find skilled employment in the defense
industries.

Very soon, however, the surplus of
skilled workmen was exhausted and an
ever increasing demand for qualified
semiskilled technicians followed. To
meet the new need a nationwide pro-
gram of vocational education for na-
tional defense was developed under the
direction and finances of the Federal
Government.

Policy of Federal Government
Toward Training of Negroes

It is important to note that the
policy of the Federal Government, as
announced by the United States Com-
missioner of Education, August 15,
1940, was to estabish practices in
which there would be "no discrimina-
tion on account of race, creed, or
color." When in October of that year
additional funds were appropriated for
an expanded program of training, the
legislation provided that no trainee
shall be discriminated against because
of sex, race, or color; and where sep-
arate schools are required by law for
separate population groups, equitable
provision shall be made for facilities
and training of like quality.

Such provisions for non-discrimina-

tion, however, were not in themselves
sufficient to insure large enrollments
of Negroes in the vocational schools.
Employment opportunities for Negroes
in skilled capacities had been so slow
materializing that Negroes hesitated to
take the training courses. At the same
time the relatively rapid absorption
of white workers in the well-paying
jobs of industry created openings in
non-defense, unskilled and service
capacities.

Despite the discouraging prospects
for Negro participation in the skilled
work of the industries, there were
many Negroes qualified for the jobs.
According to figures presented by Les-
ter B. Granger, in the November, 1942,
Survey Graphic, there were, at the be-
ginning of 1941, 8,000 Negro machin-
ists, millwrights and tool makers
available for the manufacture of tanks,
planes and guns; 5,000 plumbers and
steamfitters; 6,000 blacksmiths, fore-
men and hammermen; and 25,000 iron
and steelworkers. In 1941 alone, we
find that 56,096 Negro students com-
pleted trade and industrial courses in
technical schools; and 56,706 more en-
rolled in defense training courses.

Negroes' Approach to
Industry Blocked

Throughout the period, 1940 and
1941, Negroes applying for jobs in the
defense industries found themselves
blocked at almost every turn. Building
contractors engaged in the top-speed
erection of factories, army canton-
ments, and other essential defense con-
struction were clamoring for skilled
labor. At the same time, 75,000 Ne-
groes, experienced as carpenters, paint-
ers, plasterers, bricklayers, and elec-
tricians, had the utmost difficulty in
securing defense jobs.

Even when defense production was
well under way, Negro applicants at
industrial plants met with the same
reception. A quarter-million workers
were needed immediately by the air-

349

350

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

craft industry, but Negroes were un-
welcome regardless of training. The
President of North American Aviation
declared the policy of his industry in
these words: "Regardless of their train-
ing as aircraft workers, we will not
employ Negroes in the North Ameri-
can plant. It is against company pol-
icy." This policy was fairly represen-
tative of employment patterns in hun-
dreds of defense industries in many
parts of the country.

Pressure Groups Secure Opportunity
For Negroes in War Industries

Protests against discrimination in
war industries multiplied. The Negro
press, organizations representing Ne-
gro welfare, mass meetings, careful
surveys revealing the nature and ex-
tent of racial discrimination, pilgrim-
ages to Washington — all of these be-
gan to have a positive effect on the
Federal Government. The Labor Divi-
sion of the National Defense Advisory
Commission had already added to its
staff an experienced Negro member,
Dr. Robert C. Weaver. The repeated
protests of Negroes developed support
from many liberal white citizens. The
daily press took notice and reported
not only the opinions of Negroes but
also presented strong editorials in their
behalf. Governors in several States
appointed committees to find some way
of attacking the problem. State legis-
latures considered bills for banning
racial discrimination in defense em-
ployment. In short, the pressure of
public opinion was increasing almost
everywhere — especially in the northern
and western parts of the country.

The tide of Negro resentment had
by this time risen to formidable
proportions. A March-On-Washington
Committee was formed under A. Philip
Randolph, president of the Brother-
hood of Sleeping Car Porters. All over
the. country preparations were being
made for a march 100,000 strong, to
Washington. This, the Administration
did not wish to materialize, especially
at a time when the prestige of the na-
tion was at stake.

Hereupon, the President summoned
Randolph and other members of his
committee to Washington. Surrounded
by Cabinet members and other ad-
visers, the President first requested

cancellation of the march, then agreed
to issue an Executive Order forbidding
racial discrimination in defense indus-
tries. The march was cancelled by the
Committee and Executive Order 8802
was issued on June 25, 1941, stating
in part:

". . . It is the duty of employers and
labor organizations to provide for the
full and equitable participation of all
workers in the defense industries with-
out discrimination. . . . All departments
and agencies of the Government of the
United States concerned with voca-
tional and training programs for de-
fense production shall take special
measures appropriate to assure that
such programs are administered with-
out discrimination.

"All contracting agencies of the Gov-
ernment of the United States shall in-
clude in all defense contracts hereafter
negotiated by them a provision obligat-
ing the contractor not to discriminate
against any worker. . . . There is es-
tablished in the Office of Production
Management a Committee on Fair Em-
ployment Practices, which shall consist
of a chairman and four other members
to be appointed by the President."
While on paper, a great victory had
been realized, the Executive Order in
itself did not solve the problem of
racial discrimination in the defense
industries. In that part of the country
in which the proportion of Negroes to
the general population was highest,
racial discrimination in training and
employment continued great. The
United States Office of Education was
unable to cope effectively with the situ-
ation. Figures released by this Federal
agency revealed that in eighteen
Southern and Border States, where 22
per cent of the total population are Ne-
groes, only 3,215 Negroes, or 4 per cent
of the total trainees, were enrolled as
of January, 1942, in pre-employment
and refresher training courses. Out of
4,630 training courses in the Southern
States, only 194 were open to Negro
trainees. In Florida, Negroes are 27 per
cent of the State's population, but on:y
.1? of 1 per cent of its trainees. In the
State of Texas, where Negroes comprise
14.3 per cent of the population, only 206
Negroes, at that time, had been ad-
mitted to training courses out of 12,472
persons trained in defense production.
Similar ratios of Negroes to whites in
other Southern States indicated the
failure of the United States Office of
Education to enforce the provisions of
the law that there should be no racial
discrimination in defense training.

SOME DIFFICULTIES FACED BY NEGROES IN THE ARMY 351

SOME DIFFICULTIES FACED BY
NEGROES AS PARTICIPANTS IN

THE ARMY

Pre-War Strength of Negro
Military Units1

In 1866, Congress provided that "the
enlisted men of two regiments of In-
fantry and . . . the enlisted men of two
regiments of Cavalry shall be colored
men." The 24th and 25th Infantry
Regiments and the 9th and 10th Cav-
alry Regiments, established and main-
tained in accordance with this legisla-
tion, have had a long and creditable
history. In 1939, two Negro Quarter-
master Regiments, the 24th and the
48th, were partially organized in the
form of Truck Companies in the motor
transport service. Soon thereafter, but
before the inauguration of the Selec-
tive Service in 1940, the 249th Field
Artillery Regiment, the first Negro or-
ganization of the kind since World
War I, was activated. Two Coast Ar-
tillery units, the 76th and the 77th
Anti-aircraft Battalions, which were
later to be expanded into regiments,
became the first Negro units in this
type of combat service. The 41st En-
gineer Regiment and additional Truck
Companies, including elements of the
31st Quartermaster Regiment serving
at air fields, were organized. A single
Chemical Warfare Company was also
added.

In the National Guard, as in the
Regular Army, the peacetime units —
369th, 184th, 372nd — were mere skele-
tons. Early in the expansion program,
the 369th was converted into the 369th
Coast Artillery, Anti-aircraft, and the
184th into the 184th Field Artillery.

Policy As to Proportion of Negro
Personnel in the Army

The War Department, in October
1940, announced that "the strength of
the Negro personnel of the Army of
the United States will be maintained
on the general basis of proportion of
the Negro population of the country,"
and that "Negro organizations will be
established in each major branch of
the service, combatant as well as non-
combatant." As a result of this new
policy, 1941 saw the expansion and
mobilization of all the previously ex-
isting Negro units to war strength and
the creation of additional organiza-

on report of William H. Hastie in
The Annals, September, 1942.

tions suflicient to care for approxi-
mately 100,000 Negro soldiers.

Early in 1942, the Secretary of War
announced the proposed recruitment of
175,000 additional Negro soldiers. This
latest expansion included Negro troops
in new types of organizations such as
task destroyer units and zone of the
Interior Military Police battalions or-
ganized for guarding critical installa-
tions.

The officer personnel of the peace-
time Regular Army was very small
in number. There were only three Ne-
gro line officers in the Regular Army:
one a brigadier general, Benjamin O.
Davis, recently retired but called back
to active duty; one a captain, more
recently promoted to the grade of lieu-
tenant colonel; and a second lieutenant
later promoted to first lieutenant.
There were also three Negro chaplains
in the Regular Army. After the in-
auguration of the Selective Service
System, the Army began to utilize ap-
proximately 200 of the Negro National
Guard and 300 Negro Reserve Officers
whose commissions had remained ac-
tive. This group of approximately 500
officers, including medical officers and
chaplains, is large in comparison with
the group of Negro officers available
at the beginning of the first World
War, but very small when we consider
that the total for the Army in 1940
included about 100,000 officers.

Additional Negro Officers Trained

By the end of the summer of 1941,
it became evident that the major prob-
lem of utilizing the Negro as an officer
would be the problem of training and
assigning new officers rather than ab-
sorbing those already available. In
October 1940, a published statement of
the War Department policy stipulated
that "when officer candidate schools
are established opportunity will be
given to Negroes to qualify for reserve
commissions." After much delibera-
tion, it was decided that Negro and
white candidates should be trained in
the same schools and classes after
meeting the single-standard require-
ments. This decision became the basic
policy of the War Department except
for the Air Corps. Instruction began
in the first officer candidate schools
in July, 1941.

Although every armed service, ex-
cept the Air Corps, established an un-
segregated school for the training of

352

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

its officers, it became apparent, within
six months after the inauguration of
the officer training program, that racial
discrimination in officer candidate se-
lection was much in evidence. During
this first half year of candidate train-
ing, fewer than 30 Negro soldiers were
admitted to the schools, although the
number of Negroes in the Army had
increased to approximately 100,000.
There was much evidence of the fact
that many Negro soldiers could not
even get information from their imme-
diate superiors concerning officer can-
didate training.

The Secretary of War, having been
advised of these facts, directed that
the practice conform to the announced
policy of non-discrimination. The or-
der issued by the Secretary in this
matter was emphasized by a special
appeal for increasing numbers of Ne-
gro officers. As a result, more Negro
officer candidates were selected within
the ensuing thirty days than during
the preceding six months. By the mid-
dle of 1942, Negroes were graduating
from the three-month officer candidate
courses at the rate of nearly 200 month-
ly. The Negro candidate became a
familiar figure in the Adjutant Gen-
eral's Department, the Armored Force,
Air Corps Administration, Cavalry,
Coast Artillery, Chemical Warfare
Service, Engineers, Field Artillery, In-
fantry, Medical Administration, Mili-
tary Police Corps, Quartermaster
Corps, Signal Corps, and Tank De-
stroyer Corps. By the end of 1942,
more than a thousand Negro soldiers
qualified for the gold bars of Second
Lieutenant and the monthly gradua-
tion of Negro officers was well over
200. In addition to those who qualified
in this way, a small but increasing
number of others were being commis-
sioned directly from the ranks. The
total number of Negro officers on duty
at the end of 1942 was approximately
2,000.

Negro Morale At Beginning
Of World War II

At the beginning of our direct par-
ticipation in World War II, there were
many conditions unfavorable to Negro
morale in general. How could the Ne-
gro, who had never enjoyed the legiti-
mate rights and opportunities of first
class citizenship in his own country
enter enthusiastically into a war to
insure the basic freedoms for the rest

of mankind! There was still in the
Negro's memory the disappointing and
humiliating experiences of World War
I. He naturally feared a repetition of
the well known discriminatory prac-
tices of the Army and Navy. Further-
more, during the years of our indus-
trial preparation for active warfare,
the Negro had been blocked in his
every effort to cooperate fully in the
common cause.

Southern Location of Army Camps
Detrimental to Negro Morale

The location of most of the Army
camps in the South and the predomi-
nance of training officers steeped in the
inter-racial traditions of that region
promised, from the first, little of equali-
tarian practice with respect to the Negro
soldier. Segregation and discrimination
prevailed both within the camps and in
the surrounding communities to which
Negro soldiers went in their free time.
Some of them were actually murdered,
many more assaulted, and most of them
encountered humiliation at the hands of
white citizens. In every southern city,
there were white people determined to
"keep the Negro in his place" regard-
less of his uniform. In fact, every Negro
in uniform was a symbol of discontinuity
in this tradition, and he was frequently
in danger of assault, sometimes on slight
provocation. To make matters worse,
everywhere the Negro soldier turned he
saw white military policemen — in the
camp and in the community outside. It
was not until hundreds of Negro soldiers
had been "cracked over the head" by
white military policemen that the Army
authorized the training and use of Negro
policemen. Some of them were not even
armed. Others carried pistols but no
bullets. Some could arrest any soldier;
others were restricted to Negroes. In
conflicts with civilian authorities, their
power dissolved into thin air. Needless
to say, all of this was greatly damaging
to the Negro soldier's morale as well as
to the nation's war effort.

Negro Areas of Camps
Usually Isolated

Touring the Army camps in 1941, Editor
P. L. Prattis of the Pittsburgh Courier
made the following observations: "The
Negro area, in nine cases out of ten, was
in the most inaccessible section of the
camp. . . . At Camp Lee, Negro soldiers
told the writer that they had started at
the center of the camp and had succes-
sively cleared up areas which were turned
over to future incoming white troops
while the Negroes were always kept in
the woods." Prattis found Negro areas
in other camps similarly unequal to those
of the white soldiers. They were con-
spicuously set apart at Port Bragg, Camp
Croft, Fort Jackson, Camp Wheeler, Fort
Benning, Camp Blanding, Camp Shelby,
Camp Livingston, and Camp Bowie. At
Camp Claiborne, the Negro soldiers were
located in an area that seemed to have

SOME DIFFICULTIES FACED BY NEGROES IN THE ARMY

353

no geographical relationship to the rest
of the camp. At Fort Sill, the Negro
area was completely isolated from the
main camp by railroad tracks and a pub-
lic highway.

Observations of Brigadier General
B. O. Davis Concerning Negro Morale

After visiting the northern and southern
camps in which Negro soldiers were sta-
tioned in the early part of the war, Briga-
dier General B. O. Davis, in a memo-
randum dated November 10, 1943, wrote
as follows: "I was deeply impressed with
the high morale and attitudes of the
colored officers and soldiers stationed in
the camps visited in the past two
months." (These were located in New
York, Massachusetts, New Jersey, and
Michigan.) "They were very different
from those of the colored officers and
soldiers at the stations in the Southern
States. While there has been improve-
ment in general conditions, there is still
great dissatisfaction on the part of the
colored people and the soldiers. They
feel that, regardless of how much they
strive to meet War Department require-
ments, there is no change in the attitude
of the War Department. The colored of-
ficers and soldiers feel that they are
denied the protection and awards that
ordinarily result from good behavior and
proper performance of duty.

"Colored combat units, upon comple-
tion of training," General Davis con-
tinued, "have not been sent to theaters
of operation. The enlisted personnel of
two battalions of Field Artillery has been
recently transferred to service units. The
War Department has stated that this was
done by military necessity. Somebody in
the Department permitted this situation
to develop. The personnel transferred
from these Field Artillery units is re-
duced in morale. The commissioned and
enlisted personnel left with the Field
Artillery battalions can only look forward
to another period of from fourteen to
sixteen months preparation.

". . . The colored man in uniform re-
ceives nothing but hostility from com-
munity officials. . . . The colored man
in uniform is expected by the War De-
partment to develop a high morale in a
community that offers him nothing but
humiliation and mistreatment. Military
training does not develop a spirit of
cheerful acceptance of Jim Crow laws and
customs. The War Department has failed
to secure for the colored soldier protec-
tion against violence on the part of civi-
lian police and to secure justice in the
courts in the communities nearby South-
ern stations. Officers of the War Depart-
ment General Staff have refused to at-
tempt any remedial action to eliminate
Jim Crow. In fact, the Army, by its di-
rections and by actions of commanding
officers, has introduced Jim Crow prac-
tices in areas, both at home and abroad,
where they have not hitherto been prac-
ticed. . . ."

Controversy Over Efficiency of
The 92nd Division

The 92nd Division, composed of all-
Negro units, was conspicuous for its part
in the Mediterranean Theater of Opera-

tions. At the time of its departure from
Fort Huachuca, Arizona, June 1944, it was
composed of the 365th, 370th, and 371st
Infantry Regiments and the 597th, 598th,
599th, and 600th Field Artillery Battal-
ions. A few months later, it was joined
by the 366th Infantry. In Italy, the 92nd
Division served with General Truscutt's
Fifth Army until the end of hostilities

It was this division of Negro soldiers
about which judgments differed as to its
fighting qualities and efficiency. In its
first major offensive, the 92nd crossed the
Arno River, capturing the city of Lucca
in September, 1944. Late in December of
the same year, after capturing several
towns and considerable territory from
the Germans, the 92nd withdrew in the
face of a surprise offensive by the enemy.
Even though the American lines had, a
little while before, been weakened by
shifts of units and replacements with un-
seasoned troops, they were able to as-
sume the offensive and, within a few
days, to recapture all ground that had
been lost.

It was the offensive of the 92nd, begun
February 8, 1945, in the area of the Cin-
qualle Canal, which became the major
object of unfavorable criticism. After
four days of fighting, during which some
territory was captured, the 92nd with-
drew with severe losses in men and
equipment. While there was no question
concerning the actuality of a retreat and
severe losses, the alleged description of
the occurrence by Truman K. Gibson,
Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War,
who made a tour of the Division sector
in Italy in the spring of 1945, in terms
of "a melting away" and "more or less
panicky retreats," was unacceptable to
several commentators in the Negro news-
papers.

The emphasis in the Gibson report,
however, was not on "panicky retreats"
but on certain abnormal conditions which
could easily result in less than normal
achievement. The controversy cleared up
materially at a later date when the con-
tents of the report were taken in their
entirety.

It is significant that when Major Gen-
eral E. M. Almond, commander of the
92nd Division was awarded the Distin-
guished Service Medal in September, 1945,
the division was especially praised in
the citation. The records show that un-
der the colors of this division, 12,096
decorations were awarded to officers and
enlisted men, including 2 Distinguished
Service Crosses, 1 Distinguished Service
Medal, 16 Legion of Merit Awards, 95
Silver Stars, 6 Soldier's Medals, 723
Bronze Stars, 1,095 Purple Hearts, and
7,996 Combat Infantryman Badges.

A White Officer of the 92nd Infantry
Reports on the Negro Soldier

Captain Warman Welliver, after serving
with the 92nd Infantry Division from Oc-
tober 1943 to July 1945, has given in the
April, 1946 issue of Harper's an evaluat-
ing "Report On the Negro Soldier." In
this report, from a white officer's point
of view, we have an interesting discus-
sion of Negro morale and accomplish-
ment. Two conclusions of Captain Welliver

354

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

are significant: "One is that the policy
for colored troops has been an almost
complete military failure. The other is
that unless people know about that policy
and its results, the failure will be re-
peated.

"After all," declared Welliver, "the mili-
tary ability of any group of people is a
projection of the abilities and spirit with
which they have developed in their civil-
ian society plus the increment of spe-
cialized ability and morale which the
Army can train into them. The un-
favorable position of the Negro minority
in our national life results in its members
usually coming into the Army greatly
handicapped. By denying them the op-
portunity to become fully developed citi-
zens we have succeeded, really, in blunt-
ing not only the desires but the ability
of most colored Americans to be good
combat soldiers.

"More important," he continues, "is
the habituation of colored men to dis-
crimination and a dependent inferior po-
sition in civilian life. Most colored sol-
diers, before they entered the Army, re-
signed themselves to acceptance of the
white man's arrogance and unfairness
and forgetfulness of his professed ideals
— largely because the colored man couldn't
see much hope of remedying in the sit-
uation by his own individual efforts.
This frame of mind is definitely not the
stuff of which good soldiers are made.
The white man's arrogance in America
is just one facet, considerably distorted,
of the American philosophy of independ-
ence, devil-take-the-hindmost, and any-
man s-as-good-as-another. And this phi-
losophy has been a powerful ingredient
in making the American GI the consis-
tently able and daring soldier he is. The
fact that the colored man, by and large,
has never been privileged to feel this
stimulus to action — or perhaps the fact
that when he has felt it, after a too
early, too believing study of the Declara-
tion of Independence or the Constitution,
has been subsequently rudely awakened
to reality — has formed a tremendous
barrier to his ability, let alone desire, to
be a competent combat soldier.

"The discrimination and segregation to
which he has been subjected in civilian
life are carried over into military life.
He is placed in segregated units, his uni-
form is often no protection against illegal
treatment at the hands of civilians, he is
commanded by white officers whose dis-
like of him and of their job is too often
obvious, he is sometimes denied pleas-
ures and privileges enjoyed by white
soldiers for the very real reason that
serious trouble would develop if he were
allowed to enjoy them. Yet he is asked
to risk his life against the enemy as
bravely ... as the white soldier. Colored
soldiers would be more than human if
a lot of them didn't have very serious
mental reservations about the setup."

Congresswoman Evaluates
The 92nd Division

In the House of Representatives, Feb-
ruary 1, 1946, the Honorable Helen
Gahagan Douglas of California evaluates
the 92nd Division in the following words:

"It is one of the marvels of the war
that the 92nd Division with an en-
listed personnel made up almost en-
tirely of Negro boys from the South —
boys who had been sent out to work
in the fields before they were even
adolescents, boys who in many cases
never had a chance to learn to read
or write, boys who had grown up in
an area where they and their people
were always treated as inferiors — should
have made the record it did, staying in
there week in and week out, through
some of the bitterest fighting in the
whole war, against Hitler's best, a
superb army of self-assured German
veterans fighting with all they had to
protect their homeland from the attack
rolling up from the south.
"The 92nd Division consisted of ap-
proximately 12.000 officers and men, in-
cluding some 200 white officers and 600
Negro officers, 3 of whom were lieuten-
ant colonels and 6 were majors. Its
enlisted personnel was all Negro — a ma-
jority of them rated as IV and V, the
lowest grades in the Army classifica-
tions. This was due largely to the fact
that three -fourths of them came from
Southern States, where educational op-
portunities for the Negro are practically
non-existent. And, furthermore, the
92nd Division was activated before the
Army educational program — designed
to carry a man only through the fourth
grade in school — got under way.
"But these men — ill equipped as they
were — did their job. They stayed in
there, giving their best, day in and day
out, see-sawing back and forth through
the rain and cold and mud, locked in
a titanic death struggle with an ex-
perienced, magnificently trained enemy
who knew all the tricks and who had
never known defeat.

"Through the whole bitter experience,
the men of the 92nd Division were
dogged by the racial prejudice and
segregation that had followed them from
the Southern camps where they trained
at home. Other troops might yield tem-
porarily, but there was no comment.
But if the 92nd Division lost a yard one
day — even though they might gain it
back the next day — the reports went
back across the Atlantic and soon their
letters from home would tell them of
loud-mouths screaming, even on the
floor of Congress, that the Negro sol-
diers were no good."

THE NEGRO IN THE ARMY AIR

FORCES

Discrimination in Army Air Forces
At the Beginning of War

With the beginning of mobilization
in 1940, there was the same kind of
discrimination against Negroes in the
Army Air Forces as existed in other
branches of the Army, Navy, and in
defense industries. Typical was the
case of Roderick Charles Williams of
Chicago who applied for a cadetship
in the Air Corps. Williams, a graduate
of the University of Illinois, class 1939,

THE NEGRO IN THE ARMY AIR FORCES

355

had fully met all requirements for ad-
mission to cadet training. In response
to his written application, he was in-
formed by Major L. S. Smith, acting
Adjutant General, as follows:
"The Congress has created several units
of the Army exclusively for colored
troops but no colored tactical units of
the Air Corps have been authorized up
to this time. Consequently, no provi-
sion has been made by the War De-
partment for units to which the colored
race could be assigned in the event of
their completing the prescribed course
of training to become military pilots.
Accordingly, favorable consideration
cannot be given your application for
flying cadet appointment at this time.
The supporting papers which accom-
panied your application are returned
herewith.

"It is suggested that you communicate
with the Administrator, Civil Aero-
nautics, Washington, D. C., who, it is
understood, has designated certain ci-
vilian flying schools for the training
of colored pilots."

Separate Aviation Squadrons
For Negroes

In its statement of mobilization
plans for 1941, the Air Command pro-
vided for the establishment of ten Ne-
gro units of 250 men each, to be desig-
nated as "Aviation Squadrons (Sepa-
rate)." In the judgment of William
H. Hastie, sometime Civilian Aide to
the Secretary of War, the Aviation
Squadrons were not intended to func-
tion other than as organizations "for
Negro enlisted men in the Air Corps."
In a statement released to the Negro
press, Hastie declared:

"These units have never had a defined
function. It is the practice of the
Army command, whenever a new type
of unit is authorized, to prepare in
writing a careful and detailed statement
describing the new unit, the things it
is to do, and how it is to do them.
No such guiding statement was pre-
pared for the Aviation Squadrons (Sep-
arate). A unit of 250 Negro soldiers
was merely assigned to an air field
for use in such manner as the local
commander might see fit.
"Except as individual commanders on
their own initiative have found some
military function for particular small
groups of men, the characteristic as-
signment of the Aviation Squadrons
(Separate) has been the performance
of odd jobs of common labor which
arise from time to time."

No Military Aviation For
Negroes Before 1941

In the fall of 1940, the War Depart-
ment announced that "Negroes are be-
ing given aviation training as pilots,
mechanics, and as technical specialists.

This training will be accelerated." In-
vestigation revealed, however, that
such training was civilian rather than
military in nature and was being given
in a small number of Negro colleges
and one private air field, all under the
supervision of the Civil Aeronautics
Administration. The training thus re-
ceived by Negro men gave no military
status and no assurance of military
acceptance at the completion of the
courses.

This situation brought about pro-
tests from many quarters. Suits were
brought against members of the War-
Department to compel the admission
of qualified Negro men to the military
aviation centers. One of the results
of the persistent protests was the es-
tablishment by the War Department
of an aviation unit at Tuskegee, Ala-
bama, to train Negroes for pursuit fly-
ing. While not entirely satisfactory
from the Negro point of view, the es-
tablishment of this training center was
considered by many to indicate prog-
ress toward a solution of the problem.

The Tuskegee Army
Air Field (TAAF)

The United States Army's first fly-
ing school for Negro cadets, located
at Tuskegee, Alabama, was dedicated
July 19, 1941. This marked the formal
beginning of the 99th pursuit squad-
ron. TAAF, a once rough, wooded
site, was converted into a magnificent
airport by Hilyard Robinson and Mc-
Kissack and McKissack, Negro archi-
tect and contractors.

On August 25, 1941, the first class
of 13 cadets began primary training
at the 66th Army Air Forces Flying
Training Detachment, under instruc-
tion of civilian pilots, with supervi-
sion and administrative work handled
by Army personnel. Moton Field2
(privately owned by Tuskegee Insti-
tute) was built in 1941 for Army Pri-
mary Training. It was a facility of the
Institute's Division of Aeronautics
which had begun flying instruction in
1939, two years prior to the inaugura-
tion of training of Negroes as military
pilots. Dedicated in April, 1943, Moton
Field was named in memory of Dr.
Robert Russa Moton, second President
of Tuskegee Institute. Mr. G. L. Wash-
2After termination of the Army's contract
with Tuskegee Institute for pilot training
November, 1945, facilities of Moton Field
were leased to a newly formed company,
Tuskegee Aviation, for operation of a
private flying program.

356

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

ington, formerly Director of the School
of Mechanical Industries at Tuskegee
Institute, had the responsibility of or-
ganizing and directing the school's
aviation operations.

The training schedule of cadets
called for five weeks of pre-flight train-
ing, followed by 30 weeks of primary,
basic and advanced training. Since
March 6, 1942 when five of the first
class completed training, pilots re-
ceived wings monthly. The 34th and
last graduating class, June 29, 1946,
included nine cadets and brought the
total number of fliers trained at the
TAAF to 992. More than 500 of these
pilots served overseas where they
earned a liberal share of Distinguished
Flying Crosses, Air Medals and other
awards. Pilot production at Tuskegee
reached its peak in March, 1945 when
38 pilots received wings. Until Decem-
ber, 1943 when the first class of twin-
engine bomber pilots graduated, only
single-engine fighter pilots had been
trained at the base. The TAAF also
produced hundreds of technicians and
specialists essential to the Army Air
Forces.

The first commanding officer of the
field was Major James A. Ellison who
was transferred in January, 1942 and
succeeded by Colonel Frederick V. H.
Kimble, a West Point graduate with
24 years' flying experience. In De-
cember, 1942 Colonel Noel F. Parrish
assumed the command. While the com-
manding officers of the base were white,
most of the other officers were Ne-
groes.

On September 5, 1946 the Army Air
Forces declared the Tuskegee base sur-
plus. Officers formerly assigned to the
field were transferred to the Lock-
bourne Army Air Base, Columbus,
Ohio to join the 477th Composite
Group.

The 99th3 Pursuit Squadron

Activated on March 19, 1941, as the first
all-Negro air unit, this Tuskegee trained
unit of fighter pilots was committed to
combat on June 1, 1943, after further
training by veterans of the Tunisian cam-
paign. It flew its first mission over an
air base at Fardjouna, the following day.
Other early missions were over the island
of Pantelleria, Italian stronghold guard-
ing the Sicilian straits. Six of its pilots
had their first brush with enemy aircraft
over Pantelleria, and pilots of the 99th
dive-bombed Pantelleria daily until it

was surrendered on June 11, 1943.

3Data on combat activities drawn from
news releases, Bureau of Public Relations,
and Records, War Department.

Next came the Sicilian campaign. Dur-
ing the first nine days of July, 1943, these
Negro pilots escorted bombers to Sicily.
On every trip they were attacked by
superior numbers of enemy fighter planes.
By the middle of July the 99th was es-
corting bombers over Italy. In a dog-
fight over Sciacca, Italy, one day, First
Lt. Charles B. Hall, of Brazil, Indiana,
shot down the first Axis plane officially
credited to the 99th Squadron. On that
same day the 99th, flying close escort for
medium Mitchell bombers, probably de-
stroyed two more German planes and
damaged three.

General Eisenhower was at the air base
with the squadron's commander, Lieu-
tenant Colonel (now colonel) Benjamin
O. Davis, Jr.,4 when Hall and the others
landed after that fight and congratulated
them on their first confirmed victory.
From June 1 to September 3, 1943, the
99th Squadron participated in about 800
sorties over north Africa, Sicily and Italy.

The 99th Squadron, by this time based
in Italy, had its biggest day on January
27, 1944. In one of the fiercest air battles
of the Italian campaign, over the Anzio
beachhead, south of Rome, Negro pilots
of the 99th Squadron scored eight con-
firmed victories over the Germans. Bent
on driving the Allied landing force out
of its beachhead, a hundred or more
Messerschmitt 109's and Focke-Wulf 190's
came over in two attacks, morning and
afternoon on that day. Twenty-eight were
destroyed and the 99th got eight of them,
the largest number credited to any single
squadron that day. On January 28, 1944,
the 99th shot down four more enemy
planes. Allied fliers brought down 16
Focke-Wulfs and 3 Messerschmitts on
February 7, 1944, three of these being
brought down by pilots of the 99th. In
ten days over Anzio beachhead, the 99th
brought down 16 enemy planes, and re-
ceived special commendation of ranking
Army Air Forces officials. Then com-
manding the outfit was Major George S.
Roberts, Fairmont, West Virginia, who
succeeded when Lieutenant Colonel Ben-
jamin O. Davis, Jr., returned to the
States to head the 332nd Fighter Group.

Exactly one year after they had flown
their first mission over an enemy air
base at Fardjouna, North Africa, pilots
of the 99th, QJI detached service with
the 332nd Fighter Group, flew their five
hundredth combat mission. The 99th
flew 3,728 sorties during its first year of
service. During the first year, the squad-
ron lost 12 pilots— five killed in action,
four reported missing, and three known
to be prisoners of war.

The 99th Fighter Squadron (formerly
the 99th Pursuit Squadron), having un-
dergone many changes in the process of
demobilization, is functioning as a unit
in the postwar Army Air Force. Under
command of Major William A. Campbell,
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama, it is a part
of the 477th Composite Group, stationed
at Lockbourne Army Air Base, near Co-
lumbus, Ohio.

4West Point graduate, and member of
first class of pilots trained at T.A.A.F.

THE NEGRO IN THE ARMY AIR FORCES

357

The 332nd Fighter Group8 '

The 332nd Fighter Group, consisting of
three pursuit squadrons and a technical
service unit was activated at Tuskegee,
Alabama, in October, 1942. During much
of its training period in the United States,
the eroup was commanded by experienced
white pilots at Selfridge Field, Michigan.
In October, 1943, Colonel Benjamin O.
Davis, Jr., commander of the 99th Pur-
suit Squadron, having been recalled from
the Mediterranean Theater, took com-
mand of the group at Selfridge Field.
Earlier, a post commander at Selfridge
Field, Colonel William T. Coleman
(white), had been transferred and re-
duced in rank to captain for shooting his
Negro orderly.

After the activation of the 332nd, a
larger and more complex fighting unit
than the 99th, Negroes became insistent
in their pleas for acceptance as bombar-
diers and navigators. There followed the
establishment of preliminary training for
this type of service at Tuskegee in Oc-
tober, 1943; soon afterwards training of
a similar nature was initiated at Sel-
fridge Field, and the first class of Negro
navigation pilots began training at Hondo
Field, Texas. Some of these Hondo navi-
gation trainees underwent bombardier
training at Roswell Army Air Field, New
Mexico, thus qualifying for dual-rating.
Meantime, Negroes had been accepted for
paratroop training at the Parachute
School, Fort Benning, Georgia. In Feb-
ruary, 1944 a unit designated as the 555th
Parachute Infantry Company became the
first Negro parachute unit.

In February, 1944, the 332nd Fighter
Group became an active part of the 12th
Air Force in the Mediterranean Theater,
where it was soon joined by the 99th
Pursuit Squadron which had already es-
tablished an enviable reputation for it-
self. From Allied headquarters in Naples
it was announced on March 17, 1944, that
the 332nd Fighter Group was operating
from Italian bases, as part of the Medi-
terranean coastal air force. This group
flew P-39's on convoy protection and har-
bor patrol missions along the west coasl
of Italy. It also flew in close support of
advancing Allied armies in Italy, in daily
dive-bombing operations against enemy
supply lines, motor transport, rail yards
and gun emplacements. Penetrating
ahead of the 15th Army Air Force bomb-
ers bound for Munich on June 9, 1944
the group battled more than 100 enemy
fighters near Udine, Italy, and sent five o
them crashing to earth. The bomber for
mation they were protecting suffered only
a few losses.

The 332nd Fighter Group destroyed a
total of 111 enemy planes in the air and
150 on the ground. In addition, it is cred
ited with destruction of 57 locomotive
and damaging another 69. Perhaps th
greatest single feat of the group was th
sinking of an enemy destroyer, with ma
chine-gun fire, off the Istrian Peninsula
but its pilots are best known for the pro
tection they gave Fifteenth Air Fore

6Data concerning combat activities draw
from news releases, Bureau Public Rela
tions, and records, War Department.

bombers during concentrated raids on oil
refineries at Polesti and Vienna. On the
D-Day invasion of southern France the
group flew cover for Allied landing forces
and strafed radar installations along the
coast preparatory to the landings. On
March 24, 1945, the group flew escort to
B-17's of the 15th Air Force to Berlin
and destroyed three enemy air-craft,
probably destroyed three other, and dam-
aged three. For its outstanding perform-
ance of duty, the group was awarded the
Distinguished Unit Citation, which read
as follows:

"On March 23, 1945, the group was
assigned the mission of escorting
heavy-bombardment type aircraft at-
tacking the vital Daimler-Benz tank-
assembly plant at Berlin, Germany.
Realizing the strategic importance of
the mission and fully cognizant of the
amount of enemy resistance to be ex-
pected and the long range to be cov-
ered, the ground crews worked tire-
lessly and with enthusiasm to have
their aircraft at the peak of mechanical
condition to insure the success of the
operation.

"On March 24, 1945, 59 P-51 type air-
craft were air-borne and set course for
the rendezvous with the bomber for-
mation. Through superior navigation
and maintenance of strict flight disci-
pline the group formation reached the
bomber formation at the designated
time and place. Nearing the target ap-
proximately 25 enemy aircraft were en-
countered which included ME 262's
which launched relentless attacks in a
desperate effort to break up and de-
stroy the bomber formations.

"Displaying outstanding courage, ag-
gressiveness, and combat technique, the
group immediately engaged the enemy
formation in aerial combat. In the en-
suing engagement that continued over
the target area, the gallant pilots of
the 332nd Fighter Group battled against
the enemy fighter to prevent the break-
ing up of the bomber formation and
thus jeopardizing the successful com-
pletion of this vitally important mission.
Through their superior skill and de-
termination, the group destroyed three
enemy aircraft, probably destroyed
three, and damaged three. Among their
claims were eight of the highly rated
enemy jet-propelled aircraft with no
losses sustained by the 332nd Fighter
Group.

"Leaving the target area and en route
to base after completion of their pri-
mary task, aircraft of the group con-
ducted strafing attacks against enemy
ground installation and transportation
with outstanding technical skill and de-
votion to duty of the ground personnel,
the 332nd Fighter Group has reflected
great credit on itself and the armed
forces of the United States."
In recognition of their outsanding cour-
age, professional skill and devotion to
duty, Colonel Davis and three other pilots
of the 332nd Fighter Group — Captain
Joseph D. Elsberry, Langston, Oklahoma;
First Lieutenants Jack D. Holsclaw,
Spokane, Washington, and Clarence D.
Lester, Chicago, Illinois, were presented
with Distinguished Flying Crosses. Lieu-
tenant General Ira C. Eaker, in com-

358

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

mand of all Allied Air Forces in the Medi-
terranean theater, was present at the
occasion in Italy, September 10, 1944.
Later, in ceremony at Godman Field,
Kentucky, June 21, 1945, where he pre-
sented Colonel Davis as commander of
the 477th Composite Group and of God-
man Field, General Eaker said:

"Along with other officers in the Army
Air Forces, I have followed closely the
record of Negro pilots. As the com-
manding officer of the Mediterranean
Allied Air Forces, I had under my com-
mand the 99th Fighter Squadron and
later the 332nd Fighter Group. I
watched closely as the pilots pro-
gressed through the P-39, P-40, P-47,
and P-51 aircraft. I likewise watched
their assignments develop from routine
but necessary coastal patrol missions
to important heavy bomber close-escort
missions.

"The 99th Fighter Squadron and other
squadrons of the 332nd Fighter Group
have done well. They have carried out
the missions assigned to them and they
have destroyed enemy aircraft both in
the air and on the ground. By their
efforts and performance they have won
a place on the great Air Forces team.
They came on the hard way."
The 477th Composite Group

The all-Negro air unit, the 477th Com-
posite Group (bomber group redesig-
nated), composed of the 99th Fighter
Squadron, the 617th Fighter Squadron,
the 602nd Engineer Squadron, the 766th
AAF Band, and the 118th AAF Base
Unit, was transferred in February, 1946
from Godman Field, Kentucky, to its
permanent base, Lockbourne Army Air
Field, near Columbus, Ohio. Colonel Ben-
jamin O. Davis, Jr., former head of the
99th Pursuit Squadron and the 332nd
Fighter Group, is commander of the 477th
and the Lockbourne base.

The 477th Bombardment Group, first
Negro bombardment squadron, had been
formed in February, 1944, at Selfridge
Field, Michigan, made up of the first
class of twin-engine bomber pilots from
the Tuskegee Army Air Field, subse-
quently trained at Mather Field, Califor-
nia. This group was, for a time, sta-
tioned at Freeman Field, near Vincennes,
Indiana, before going to Godman Field.
In 1945 Colonel Davis replaced Colonel
Robert Selway, Jr., (white) as comman-
der of the group at Godman after the
latter was removed, following the arrest
of 101 Negro officers, subsequently re-
leased, who had opposed segregation tac-
tics in the officers' club at Freeman
Field.6

Though a large per cent of the civilian
employees at the Lockbourne base are
white, it is essentially an all colored post,
the key positions being staffed, for the
most part, by men who saw extended
combat duty with the 99th and 332nd.
The 477th is under the First Air Force.

6The 477th and 553rd, in 1943 (before
transfer to Godman Field and Walterboro,
S. C., respectively), had experienced dif-
ficulty at Selfridge Field over use of the
officers' club by Negroes.
(The 553rd Pursuit Squadron which had
been activated at Selfridge contained re-
placements for the 99th and 332nd).

Negroes »in the Army Air
Forces, August 31, 1945

There were over 6,000 Negro techni-
cians, mechanics and pilots in the Army
Air Forces on August 31, 1945 (two days
before V-J Day, September 2), according
to the War Department. A partial list
of Negro AAF personnel holding tech-
nical positions is shown below.
OFFICERS — Total 925
Pilots— 583

Pilot 1-E 130

Fighter Pilot 1-E 223

Bomber Pilot 2-E 1

Pilot 2-E 100

Fighter Pilot 2-E 2

Pilot B-25 89

Pilot B-24 1

Service Pilot 1-E 9

Flight Test Maintenance Off 7

Weather Officer Pilot 1

Navigators — 130

Navigator 58

Navigator-Bombardier 72

Bombardiers — 189

Bombardier 189

Communications Officers — 34

Electronics 3

Radio Officer 1

Communications Officer 23

Signal Officer 2

Message Center Off., Cryptogram.. 1
Maintenance Repair Air Signal

Equipment 1

Signal Equipment Maintenance

Repair Officer 1

Security Officer, Cryptogram 1

Communication Inspector 1

Weather Officers — 9

Weather Engineer Survey 2

Weather Officer 7

ENLISTED MEN

Radio Operators 657

Crew Chiefs 379

Radar Technicians 88

Airplane Engine Mechanics 1,369

Propeller Technicians 56

VARIOUS ACTIVITIES OF NEGRO
SOLDIERS7

African-Italian Campaign

41st Engineers

On June 17, 1942, 18 months before
United States troops were reported to
have landed at Dakar — the first Negro
troops landed in Africa. They were the
41st Engineer Regiment — the "singing en-
gineers"— and their mission was to pro-
tect that vital area in the trans -African
life line of the United Nations under an
agreement between the Government of
the United States and Liberia. The pact,
signed on March 31, 1942, gave the United
States the right to construct, control,
operate, and defend airports in the West
African republic.

The 41st worked at a grueling pace. A
big job had to be done in record time,
despite malaria, bad terrain, and the
rainy season. But they built the airports,
cantonments, and other installations that
were needed. They unloaded ships and
dispatched supplies through three big de-
fense areas. They laid steel landing mats
7 — Data drawn directly or extracted from
War Department releases.

VARIOUS ACTIVITIES OF NEGRO SOLDIERS

359

in the emergency airports and waged a
constant battle against the verdant un-
dergrowth. They built permanent struc-
tures to replace temporary shacks and
sheds.

450th Antiaircraft Artillery
Automatic Weapons Battalion

This battalion had the distinction of
being the first Negro combat unit to
land in North Africa and the first Negro
combat unit to go into action on Euro-
pean soil. As a matter of fact, before it
even landed on the Italian peninsula, it
won the commendation of Lieutenant
General Mark W. Clark, commanding the
Fifth Army, for "outstanding perform-
ance of duty" in its baptism of fire. It
accounted for two German bombers be-
fore it landed in Italy.

While the Negro troops of the 450th
Battalion were still aboard ship in
Naples Harbor, German bombers came
over. The attack occurred at night.
Soldiers of the 450th Battalion aboard one
ship manned its 40-mm guns. Searchlights
picked up the bombers, and the Negro
gun crew shot down one German bomber.

Aboard another ship, carrying person-
nel and equipment of the 450th Battalion,
Master Sergeant Johnson Clark, of De-
troit, Michigan, jumped into a loaded
truck parked on deck and opened fire
with a 50-caliber machinegun mounted
on the cab. Other fire opened up from
that ship, and a second bomber crashed
into the sea.

The 92nd Division8

A regimental combat team of 92nd In-
fantry Division went into the line on the
Fifth Army front in Italy in August,
1944. Ten minutes later they went into
action against some of the best trained
and seasoned troops Hitler had in his
whole army. From then on, until the
Italian campaign finally ended with the
surrender of a million crack German
troops in April, 1945, the 92nd Division
fought in General Mark Clark's Fifth
Army. Some of them were in the line as
long as 68 days at a stretch, more than
two months.

It was a polyglot army, the Fifth Army
in which they fought, made up of British,
American, Brazilian, French, Italian,
Greek, Polish, Palestinian, New Zealand,
and East Indian troops. It was in this
Fifth Army that the Japanese -Americans
so greatly distinguished themselves.

On April 30, 1945, General Clark an-
nounced that the long, weary, bitter cam-
paign, begun on the beaches of Salerno
in September, 1943, had ended. His poly-
glot troops had so smashed the German
armies in Italy that they had been vir-
tually eliminated as a military force.
Nearly 1,000,000 Germans in northern
Italy and western Austria laid down their
arms in unconditional surrender on May
2, 1945.

Around Thanksgiving time the 92nd Di-
vision came home. Only 4,000 were left
of the once 12,000 strong 92nd Division
whose ranks, like those of other divi-
sions that fought overseas, had been
thinned by transfers, discharges and
deaths. On the day the campaign in
Italy ended, the 92nd Division had lost

"See also previous discussions.

almost one-fourth of its men through
casualties. Three hundred and thirty had
been killed in action, 2,215 wounded, and
616 were missing in action.

Among the Negro units operating out-
side the 92nd Division in Italy was a sig-
nal construction battalion, assigned to the
15th Air Force. This battalion established
a record. It installed and maintained 2,-
300 miles of open wire, 500 miles of field
wire, and 100 miles of cable in its first
four months in Italy.

European Theater

Combat Troops

Slightly under 9 per cent of the 259,173
Negro troops reported in the European
Theater of Operations on May 15, (1945)
one week after VE-Day, belonged to com-
bat organizations.

Twenty-two Negro combat units par-
ticipated in the operations of the Ameri-
can Expeditionary Forces against the
Wehrmacht.

The 320th Barrage Balloon Battalion
was the only Negro combat unit to take
part in the initial landings on the Nor-
mandy coast on June 6th. Classified as
an antiaircraft organization, it was the
only American unit of its type in Europe,
but was transferred from the theater be-
fore the end of the war.

Men from the 320th Barrage Balloon
Battalion waded ashore in the early hours
of D-Day, struggling with their "flying
beer bottles" which they had brought
across the channel on the first assault
waves. They brought their balloons to
the shoreline, dug in with infantrymen
of the First and 29th Divisions, and
proceeded under fierce enemy fire to
erect a protective curtain of silver bar-
rage balloons that proved highly effective
in combating strafing German aircraft.

Negro artillerymen of the 333rd Field
Artillery Battalion landed their 155 milli-
meter howitzers in Normandy on D plus
10 and went into action shortly afterward
as a unit of the Eighth Corps. Their
first mission was to fire in support of
the 90th Infantry Division and take part
in the bloody battles at St. Jores, Lessay,
Hill 95, and Hill 122 in the Foret de Monte
Castret.

This unit swept through the Avranches
corridor with the Third Army and did
considerable firing in Brittany at St. Malo
and Brest. When the German counter-
offensive in the Ardennes began, the
333rd had batteries staggered in Belgium
and across the German border near Scho-
enburg.

Along with United States units like the
106th and 28th Infantry Divisions, the
333rd Field Artillery received the full
fury of the spearhead thrust of Von
Rundstedt's attack at the point of im-
pact. Losses in men and equipment were
severe. The battalion commander was
captured and most of two gun batteries
were casualties. Survivors of this action
and liberated prisoners captured during
the fight told of stubborn resistance and
examples of high courage by the artillery-
men that prolonged the battle after large
groups of men had been surrounded.

The 969th Field Artillery Battalion, an-
other medium howitzer outfit, was the
only Negro artillery unit in Europe to

360

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

receive a Presidential Unit Citation. It
had fought through the Normandy, and
northern France campaigns, providing ar-
tillery backing for infantrymen of a num-
ber of United States divisions. When the
Ardennes break-through started, the 969th
received orders to displace its guns and
withdraw in the direction of Bastogne,
Belgium. It reached that little city in
time to be pressed into service, and to
earn for itself a place in American mili-
tary history as one o£ the units making
up the gallant garrison that fought
against overwhelming odds to save the
strategically vital rail and road junction.

The 969th Field Artillery Battalion re-
ceived its Distinguished Unit Citation
along with the 101st Airborne Division
and other attached units which formed
the garrison that fought the epic Battle
of Bastogne. The citation read:

"These units distinguished themselves
in combat against powerful and aggres-
sive enemy forces composed of elements
of eight German divisions during the
period from December 18 to 27, 1944, by
extraordinary heroism and gallantry in
defense of the key communications center
of Bastogne, Belgium.

"Essential to a large-scale exploitation
of this break-through into Belgium and
northern Luxembourg, the enemy at-
tempted to seize Bastogne by attacking
constantly and savagely with the best
of his armor and infantry. Without bene-
fit of prepared defenses, facing almost
overwhelming odds, and with very limited
and fast-dwindling supplies, these units
maintained a high combat morale and an
impenetrable defense, despite extremely
heavy bombing, intense artillery fire, and
constant attacks from infantry and ar-
mour on all sides of their completely cut-
off and encircled position.

"This masterful and grimly determined
defense denied the enemy even momen-
tary success in an operation for which
he paid dearly in men, materiel, and
eventually morale. The outstanding cour-
age and resourcefulness and undaunted
determination of this gallant force is in
keeping with the highest traditions of
the service."

The 777th Field Artillery Battalion was
the only Negro 4.5-inch gun unit in the
ETO and fought with the Ninth Army.
One distinction claimed by the 777th is
that it fired the first American artillery
round across the Rhine River near
Munchen-Glacbach.

Other veteran ETO Negro artillery
units were the 999th Field Artillery Bat-
talion, which fired its 8-inch howitzers
from lower Normandy to central Ger-
many, and the 578th, another 8-inch
howitzer unit that helped to stem the
Nazi tide in the Ardennes in December
and January.

In early November the 761st Tank Bat-
talion, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel
Paul L. Bates, of Boonton, New Jersey,
was committed an attached armor of the
26th Infantry Division in the Third
United States Army, becoming the first
Negro tank unit to go into action. The
761st fought in six European countries —
France, Holland, Belgium, Luxembourg,
Germany, and Austria — and was at vari-
ous times attached to the Third, Seventh,
and Ninth United States Armies. Dur-

ing these campaigns the battalion fur-
nished tank support for the 26th, 71st,
87th, 79th, 103rd Infantry Divisions, and
the 17th Airborne Division during the
Battle of the Bulge.

These Negro tankers spearheaded the
famous Task Force Rhine, which crashed
through the rugged mountain defenses
of the Siegfried line in the Nieder
Schlettenbach -i Reisdorf -» Klingenmunster
area. Task Force Rhine consisted of the
761st Tank Battalion, the Second Batta-
lion of the 103rd Infantry Division's 409th
Regiment, a detachment of combat en-
gineers, and a recon platoon from the
614th Tank Destroyer Battalion, a Negro
outfit. In three days the task force
opened up a big hole in the Siegfried de-
fenses through which passed the 14th
Armored Division on March 24th.

Another Negro tank unit, the 784th, ar-
rived in Europe in time to assist the 35th
Infantry Division in crossing both the
Roer and Rhine Rivers and the subse-
quent fighting that followed these cross-
ings.

The 614th Tank Destroyer Battalion
moved into position with the 95th Infan-
try Division in front of Metz in Novem-
ber (1944), but soon after was transferred
to the 102nd Infantry Division of the
Seventh Army, where it remained as at-
tached tank-destroyer support until the
end of the war. For outstanding per-
formance of duty in action against the
enemy at Climbach, France, on Decem-
ber 14, 1944, the third platoon of company
C of the 614th Tank Destroyer Battalion
received a distinguished unit citation.
The citation itself tells graphically the
grim, heroic nature of the action:

"The Third Platoon was an element
of a task force whose mission was to
storm and capture the strategically im-
portant town of Climbach, France, on the
approaches of the Siegfried line. Upon
reaching the outskirts of the town, the
task force was halted by a terrific hail
of fire from an enemy force firmly en-
trenched in the surrounding woods and
hills overlooking the route of approach.
The only position available for direct fire
upon the enemy was an open field.

"As the Third Platoon moved into posi-
tion, its commander and several men
were wounded. Undeterred by heavy
enemy small arms, mortar and artillery
fire, which was now being directed
against their position, the men of the
Third Platoon valiantly set up their 3-
inch guns and delivered accurate and
deadly fire into the enemy positions.
Casualties were mounting; two of their
four guns were knocked out; neverthe-
less, the remaining crew members hero-
ically assisted in the loading and firing
of the other guns. At the height of the
battle, enemy infantry converged on the
position from the surrounding woods,
threatening to wipe out the platoon's
position.

"While a few members of the gun crews
remained firing the 3 -inch guns, others
manned machine guns and individual
weapons, laying down a devastating cur-
tain of fire which inflicted numerous cas-
ualties on the enemy and successfully re-
pulsed the attack. During the fire fight
an ammunition shortage developed, and
gun crews were reduced to skeleton size,

VARIOUS ACTIVITIES OF NEGRO SOLDIERS

361

one man loading, aiming, and firing
while the other men repeatedly traveled
a distance of 50 yards through a hail
of mortar and small arms fire, to obtain
shells from a half-track which had been
set on by a direct hit from an enemy
mortar shell.

"Heedless of possible injury men con-
tinuously exposed themselves to enemy
fire to render first aid to the wounded.
In this engagement, although the platoon
suffered over 50 per cent casualties and
lost considerable materiel, its valorous
conduct, in the face of overwhelming
odds, enabled the task force to capture
its objective.

"The grim determination, the indom-
itable fighting spirit and the esprit de
corps displayed by all members of the
Third Platoon reflect the highest tradi-
tions of the armed forces of the United
States."

Infantry

In December, 1944 several thousand Ne-
gro soldiers answered a general appeal
for volunteers for training as infantry
riflemen. Some 2,500 volunteers from Ne-
gro units of communications zone were
trained at a ground forces reinforcement
command depot at Noyons, Prance, and
committed to action with infantry and
armored divisions of the First and Sev-
enth Armies as assigned platoons and
companies.

The setting of a quota for these Negro
infantrymen resulted in the rejection of
nearly 3,000 other Negro GI's who wanted
to fight at the front. In a story carried
in its Paris edition on March 19, the
Stars and Stripes announced the presence
in the line of Negro infantrymen and
said: "Long contemplated, the plan of
mixing white and colored doughboys in
fighting units was launched not as an
experiment in race relations but as an
answer both to the needs of the military
situation and repeated requests by Ne-
gro service troops for an opportunity to
get into the war as combat men."

The men gave many reasons for hav-
ing volunteered. Some were sick and
tired of dull rear-echelon activity. Many
went in for idealistic reasons, determined
to disprove the myth that Negroes are
poor combat soldiers and lacking in
courage.

"If comments of white personnel of
these divisions are any indication, the
plan of mixing white and colored troops
in fighting units, a departure from pre-
vious United States Army practice, is
operating successfully," a Stars and
Stripes staff writer reported in an ar-
ticle in the paper's April 6th issue.

Negro reinforcements reported a sin-
cere, friendly welcome everywhere. They
also spoke of excellent relations with
their white fellow-doughs, of the making
of interracial friendships. One company
commander's comment was typical. "The
integration of the Negro platoon into this
unit was accomplished quickly and
quietly. There was no problem."

In its first action the Negro platoon of
K Company of the 394th Infantry Regi-
ment of the 99th Division, led an attack
on the town of Honningen across the
Rhine River, cleared one-fourth of it and
captured over 250 prisoners.

Another platoon with E Company of the
393rd Regiment of the same division got
its baptism of fire on March 25th when
it attacked German positions near Jahr-
feld, Germany. Employing marching fire,
they advanced, routing the Germans,
knocking out a Mark IV tank and a flak
wagon, killing 48 of the enemy and cap-
turing 60. These men gained their ob-
jective, Hill 373.

The Negro platoon of Company G of the
273rd Infantry Regiment helped the 69th
Infantry Division to become the first
American unit to make contact with the
Russian forces. During the platoon's first
combat action at Hann Munden, Staff
Sergeant Ames Shipper, of Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, took 118 prisoners from a
barn.

One of the finest tributes paid these
volunteer infantrymen came from Briga-
dier General Charles T. Lanham, assis-
tant commander of the 104th Infantry
Division, following the presentation of
combat decorations of 11 of the men.
"I have never seen any soldiers who
have performed better in combat than
you," General Lanham told the Negro
doughboys.

Signal Corps

During the campaign against the Ger-
man Army in Europe, 5,500 Negro Signal
Corps troops belonging to 20 signal units
participated in the vital battle of com-
munications.

These Negro troops worked in two main
types of Signal Corps units — light and
heavy signal construction battalions and
companies. Several of these units made
communications history. Negro signal
outfits laid wire from the hedgerowed
fields of Normandy, across France, Lux-
embourg, and Belgium deep into Ger-
many.

A recent estimate of communications
wire put in by Negro troops released by
the communications zone headquarters
included these figures: Over 10,000 miles
of open wire setun. over 500 miles of field
wire, and over 500 miles of rubber and
lead spiral 4 cable.

Chemical Warfare

Chemical Warfare Service headquarters
in the European theater of operations
has disclosed that of the 9,500 Chemical
Warfare Service troops in the theater
on VE-Day 2,442 of these were Negro
enlisted men and officers. Other Negro
Chemical Warfare Service units were the
three chemical decontamination compa-
nies, the 25th, the 32nd, and 34th.

All of the smoke-generator units were
not used in their primary function of
manufacturing artificial fog, several being
diverted to trucking operations under
Transportation Corps supervision.

The record shows that the smoke-gen-
erator companies which saw action per-
formed excellently, often under heavy
enemy fire, winning praise from infantry
commanders and chemical officers. One
of the greatest artificial fogs in military
history was created in December, 1944
by the all-Negro 161st Smoke Generator
Company when it shrouded the upper
Saar River Valley with a dense cloud of
fog that completely obscured the move-
ments of one entire division, the 90th
Infantry Division.

362

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

Ordnance

Of the 6,000,000 tons of ammunition
handled by ordnance ammunition com-
panies on the Continent between D-Day
and VE-Day, more than 4,500,000 tons
passed through the hands of Negro ord-
nancemen, Major General Henry B. Say-
ler, chief ordnance officer of the ETO,
said.

In releasing the figures on the amount
of ammunition made available for use by
United States fighting men, General Say-
ler paid high tribute to the 14,323 Negro
enlisted men who accounted for 11 per
cent of the total ordnance personnel on
the Continent. "Not only did these Ne-
gro troops 'pass the ammunition,' " said
General Sayler, "but on numerous occa-
sions many of them fought the Germans,
participated in patrols, and took pris-
oners."

Medical Corps

Negro personnel formed 2.2 per cent
of the total European Theater of Opera-
tion medical service strength or 5,482.
Negro officers were distributed as follows:
Medical officers, 51; Dental Corps, 28;
Medical Administrative Corps, 17; and
Nurse Corps, 67. Sixty-five of the Negro
nurses were attached to the 168th Sta-
tion Hospital in England.

Working with divisions at the front,
the performance of Negro medics was
particularly outstanding.

Corps of Engineers

Of the 259,173 Negro troops in the Euro-
pean Theater of Operations as of May
15 (1945), a little more than one in every
five was an engineer soldier. On May
31st there were 54,600 Negro engineer
enlisted men, 320 officers, and 54 warrant
officers, of a total of 337,000 in the the-
ater's engineer command. This total in-
cludes personnel of general service regi-
ments, engineer dump-truck companies,
engineer fire -fighting units, aviation en-
gineer battalions, and separate battalions.
There were 165 engineer units of all
types.

A survey of Negro engineer units
showed that Negro engineers participated
in all of the main operations by United
States forces on the Continent which re-
quired engineering, from D-Day landings
and beachhead operations of June, 1944,
to the conquest of the Rhineland.

Dump Truckers

One unit, the 582nd Engineer Dump
Truck Company, landed on Omaha Beach
shortly after H-Hour on June 6th and
worked continuously up until and after
the crossing and bridging of the Rhine.

The 582nd was one of 58 Negro en-
gineer dump-truck units in the ETO on
May 31st. This outfit came ashore on
D-Day with the 1106th Engineer Combat
Group, performing its "primary mission"
— hauling bridging equipment and explo-
sives. Almost immediately these dump
truckers were conscripted to taxi combat
personnel of the 82nd and 101st Airborne
Divisions and the Fourth Infantry Divi-
sion to forward areas.

Silver and Bronze Stars were awarded
to several men of the unit for bravery
under fire. Not all of the work done by
the engineer dump-truck units was in

the rear areas, for several unit histories
record front-line incidents.

General Service Regiments

According to paragraph 318 of FM 5-5,
which is the Engineer Field Manual, the
mission of an engineer general service
regiment is defined: "The engineer gen-
eral service regiment performs general
engineer work — particularly that requir-
ing most skilled labor — throughout the
Army service area and communications
zone of the theater of operations. A gen-
eral service regiment ... is capable of
executing extensive and permanent work."

This general phrasing of a general serv-
ice regiment's function provided sufficient
latitude for Negro general service units
to perform a wide variety of tasks on
the Continent, from erecting tent camps
and welding to repairing damaged rail
lines and all purpose excavations.

By VE-Day 60 per cent of all engineer
general service regiments assigned or at-
tached to communications zone were Ne-
gro units, 30 out of 50 reported.

Transportation Corps

Negro troops made an impressive con-
tribution to the operations of the Trans-
portation Corps from D-Day to VE-Day,
a survey compiled from information ob-
tained from ETO Transportation Corps
headquarters showed. The mission of the
Army's Transportation Corps is to trans-
put men and supplies. Of a total of
157,327 troops in the Transportation Corps
in the ETO, reported on May 3, 1944,
69,914 of these were in Negro units — or
44.4 per cent. Thirty-two of the 41 port
battalions reported were Negro, while out
of 50 separate port companies in the
theater 38 were Negro, making a person-
nel total of 31,763 in all Negro port units.

Port Battalions

When the first United States elements
reached the French coast in June, Trans-
portation Corps units were among them
and the battle of the beaches merged
with the vital and hard-fought battle of
supply. Negro troops of the Transporta-
tion Corps were in the initial waves on
D-Day, came ashore with the engineer
brigades and helped start what eventual-
ly became the greatest supply operation
in military history.

The Normandy supply battle was won
by units like the 490th Port Battalion,
which came in with the second tide on
D-Day and unloaded crucial supplies of
ammunition, food, and equipment to be
used by the assault troops. These opera-
tions were constantly under fire. To keep
the invasion moving, men and supplies
had to be discharged with split-second
timing, and men worked the ships until
exhausted. Work shifts ran into one an-
other and men continued to volunteer to
unload ships under hazardous conditions
that included direct artillery fire and
strafing.

By May 8, VE-Day, total United States
Army cargo arriving by water and dis-
charged *by port units amounted to 20,-
432,368 tons. How much of this was un-
loaded by Negro port units is not pre-
cisely known, but a general estimate can
be obtained from the fact that 77 per

VARIOUS ACTIVITIES OF NEGRO SOLDIERS

363

cent of all port units operating during
this period were Negro units.

The Negro contribution to the supply
victory further can be gaged from the
following facts. Progress of the campaign
and the time factor would not permit
development of the large Brittany ports
as called for in the original plans. The
military operations were supplied and
supported by Cherbourg and the smaller
Normandy ports. Through these small
ports and Cherbourg, sufficient supplies
were funneled to support the decisive
break-through at St. Lo on July 25th.
Negro port and DUKW units handled the
bulk of these supplies.

There were 53 ports in all, exclusive of
Utah and Omaha Beaches, used by
United States forces between D-Day and
VE-Day. The largest were Le Havre,
Antwerp, and Marseilles. The major
share of tonnage handled came through
the hands of Negro stevedores and crane
operators.

Amphibian Truck Companies
Six Negro DUKW companies, the 467th,
468th, 469th, 470th, 819th, and 821st Am-
phibian Truck Companies, had been at-
tached to the llth Port for Plan Neptune,
the invasion operation. The first of these,
the 468th, arrived on D plus 10. Others
followed shortly after and helped impor-
tantly in the solution of the critical sup-
ply problem.

Truck Companies

As of May 30, 1944, 69 per cent of all
truck drivers in Transportation Corps'
motor transport branch in the ETO were
Negro.

Some of these units operated continu-
ously since D-Day. Negro cargo truck
units landed vehicles and personnel on
Omaha Beach on June 6th. The 363rd
Quartermaster Truck Company had vehi-
cles ashore on D-Day. The 370th Quar-
termaster Truck Company, a transporta-
tion unit, was scheduled to land 55 ve-
hicles and 115 men on the beach on D-
plus-1. Instead, it got 24 men and 12
trucks ashore as early as the morning of
D-Day. These men went through un-
forgettable experiences.

The first motor express line — the fa-
mous Red Ball Express — was started on
August 25, 1944. It was built on the one-
way traffic principle. Trucks were kept
operating 22 hours out of 24 with only
2 hours reserved for maintenance. Drivers
worked an average of 36 hours on the
road without sleep. At its peak Red
Ball contained 67 per cent Negro per-
sonnel. Its initial target was to haul
4,850 tons daily from the ports and
beaches to Army or forward destinations.
Peak reached by the system was 6,000
tons daily. Between August 25th and
November 13th, Red Ball's 132 companies
hauled 412,193 tons from the beaches and
Normandy ports to the First and Third
United States Armies. An average Red
Ball Express route round trip was 546
miles.

On behalf of General Eisenhower, Major
General E. S. Hughes, decorated Cor-
poral Robert E. Bradley, of Lynchburg,
Virginia, Negro truck driver of the
Army's famed Red Ball Highway, with a

Bronze Star Medal, and lauded the work
of the thousands of Negro quartermaster
truck drivers hauling vital front-
line supplies over this 400-mile one-way
loop, day and night, to the fighting
fronts. It was awarded in symbol of all
drivers.

Major General Frank Ross, Chief of
Transportation, Communications Zone,
disclosed that the route is four times
the length of the Burma Road, and that
in its first 26 days of operation it hauled
and delivered more than 200,000 tons of
supplies to advance depots, where front-
line units picked it up with their haul-
ing units.

The most impressive testimony to the
work of the drivers of the Transportation
Corps, including the 35,839 members of
Negro Transportation Corps truck units,
is the tremendous total tonnage for-
warded by Motor Transport Service in
Europe between June 17, 1944, and May
31, 1945. It is 22,644,609 tons.

Pacific and Other Theaters

All through the Pacific campaign runs
the story of the heroism of Negro sol-
diers. They were in at the start in the
Philippines and at the finish, too. Ever
since December 8, 1941, when Private
Robert H. Brooks became the first mem-
ber of the Armored Force, and probably
the American Army, to lose his life at
Fort Stotsenburg in the Philippines, Ne-
gro soldiers have contributed blood,
sweat and tears to the cause of freedom
in the Pacific.

The 96th Engineer Battalion — later the
96th Engineer Regiment— landed in Port
Moresby, New Guinea, on April 29, 1942,
the first American troops in New Guinea
and probably the first American troops
to face the enemy after Bataan.

In Alaska, the South, Southwest, and
Central Pacific areas, and in the China-
Burma-India theater, Negro troops played
an important role in engineering activity.
This included the construction of roads,
airfields, ports, camps, and storage fa-
cilities and their maintenance.

Three of the seven Army engineer regi-
ments— the 93rd, the 95th, and the 97th—
which helped to build the Alcan Highway
were Negro. The highway, 1,671 miles
long, runs from Dawson Creek, northwest
of Edmonton, Alberta, to Fairbanks,
Alaska. Although most of the Negro sol-
diers in these regiments had never be-
fore been out of the South, only 140 men
were incapacitated by the cold, and all
except four recovered completely with
no ill effects.

After helping to blast through the
brutal terrain of Alaska, building the
Alcan Highway, the 97th was trans-
ferred to the steaming jungles of New
Guinea. There they struggled for a year
or more in sweat, mud, and mire. While
in Alaska this regiment adopted for its
slogan: "No task too great." And it car-
ried that slogan with it into the jungle.

A Negro aviation engineer battalion
participated in the victory of the Battle
of the Coral Sea, which was fought on
May 7 and 8, 1942. It worked 24 hours
a day to construct an airdrome in New
Caledonia, which was effectively used by
Army and Navy aircraft engaged in tne

364

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAft 11

battle. Their accomplishment was re-
ve^-led in a commendatory report by
Lieutenant General Alexander M. Patch.

Negro soldiers were engaged in combat
in the Pacific in September, 1942.

One of the most amazing construction
feats of the war was the Ledo Road.
Negro soldiers christened it "The Road
to Tokyo." This highway from India to
China via Burma was begun on December
12, 1942. Though they were originally
brought in to construct United States
airfields in Assam, a battalion of Negro
aviation engineers was pressed into serv-
ice as road builders after they had
finished their initial assignment of build-
ing runways and dispersal areas. The
road had just been started by the British
Army with Indian labor when the Ameri-
cans took over.

Three companies of the battalion spear-
headed the drive into Burma from the
Assam jungles in northeastern India. A
Company cleared the point cutting a road
wide enough for heavy Army vehicles.
B Company did the drainage work, in-
stalling pipes up to six feet in diameter
to carry off the monsoon rains into the
huge ravines that line the winding moun-
tain road. C Company widened, back-
filled, and graded the road.

It was a round-the-clock job, seven
days a week. At night, drivers pushing
their bulldozers into rock and dirt were
always in danger of rolling too close to
the edge of cliffs 500 feet high. In the
weird light cast by smudge pots, gaso-
line-saturated bamboo or flaming 5-gallon
fuel oil cans, they carved a road out of
jungles and rock masses, 100 yards wide.
They carried their highway up over
mountain ranges, the Himalayas, that
rise as much as 1,000 feet in two miles.

Ultimately these men succeeded in
making the impossible possible. With
blood and sweat, they vanquished both
the swampy, disease -infested jungles,
and the skulking Japanese to create a
desperately-needed supply route.

In April, 1944, the 93rd Infantry Divi-
sion had its first taste of action at Em-
press Augusta Bay on Bougainville Is-
land in the Solomons. By the end of
that month, the 93rd had secured the
Saua River and a portion of the land
east of the Torokina River. The Divi-
sion next went to the Treasury Island
Group, thence to Morotai Island in the
Dutch East Indies, and to the Philip-
pines. Several Negro soldiers received
the Soldier's medal for heroism in the
Pacific area.

THE WOMEN'S ARMY CORPS9

The bill for a Women's Army Aux-
iliary Corps was introduced in Con-
gress by Mrs. Edith Nourse Rogers
and passed in May, 1942. When the
first class of 440 women reported, in
July, 1942, to the WAAC Training

9Abstract of an address by Major Harriet
M. West, Office of the Adjutant General.

Center, Fort Des Moines, Iowa for
officer candidate training, there were
39 Negro women included. The first
enlisted women reported for basic
training there on August 20, 1942. On
September 1, 1943 the Women's Army
Auxiliary Corps became the Women's
Army Corps, a part of the Army of
the United States.

The women who joined the WAG
came from all States of the union
and had varied backgrounds and ex-
periences. Negro WACs served on
Army posts and camps and on Army
air bases throughout the country, re-
leasing men for active combat duty,
wherever they served. They generally
replaced white soldiers and not Negro
soldiers. Many of these Negro WACs,
both officers and enlisted women, were
trained in specialists schools after
completing basic training or Officer
Candidate School.

A number of WACs (Negro and
white) whose education was limited
and whose civilian work experience
had been confined to such jobs as
maids, waitresses, etc. were assigned
to such jobs as ward attendants, mess
attendants, or to jobs working in their
own company mess. In some cases
there were mis-assignments, and again
in other cases there were those who
claimed mis-assignment, hoping for a
better job. In too many instances, it
was found that previous training and
experience did not warrant re-assign-
ment. An example of the types of jobs
held by them includes: clerks, ste-
nographers, Chaplain's assistants, jour-
nalists, technicians, photographers,
nurse's aides, radio operators, chauf-
feurs, parachute riggers, post exchange
workers, bookkeepers, cooks, bakers,
dietitians, ward attendants, and of
course, as mess and supply sergeants
in their own companies.

The first WAAC unit to leave Fort
Des Moines was assigned to Fort
Huachuca, Arizona; this was a com-
plete unit of Negro women, with their
own officers and cadre.

During the peak strength of WACs
there were 3,902 Negro women enrolled
in the Corps, of which number 115
were officers; 1,048 were in the Air
Forces; 2,000 in the Service Forces;
and 854 in the European Theater of
Operations, serving as a postal unit in
Birmingham, England.

NEGRO STRENGTH OF THE ARMY

365

NEGRO STRENGTH OF THE ARMY10

Negro Strength of the
Army, October 1, 1946

On October 1, 1946, the total Negro
strength of the Army was 171,031, or
9.84 per cent of the total strength.
Of this number, 115,303 were Regular
Army personnel and 73,195 were sta-
tioned outside the Continental United

States. The Negro strength consti-
tuted 10.03 per cent of the total Army
strength overseas. At that time Negro
troops in the European Theater num-
bered 31,408, or 11.26 per cent of the
total strength in that theater.

A partial breakdown of Negro
strength in the Army as of October 1,
1946 and the areas and theaters in
which they were stationed follows:

CONTINENTAL

Army Air Forces .„ 29,226

Army Ground Forces 16,589

Army Areas and Military District of Washington 16,513

Administrative and Technical Services 34,901

War Department Groups 608

Total Continental US,

97,836

OVERSEAS

US Army Forces Pacific 31,416

US Army Forces European Theater 31,408

En Route US to Theaters 3,748

US Army Forces Mediterranean Theater 3,269

Alaskan Department 2,261

Caribbean Defense Commandf 598

Commanding General, Army Air Forces* 495

Total Outside Continental US,

73,195

Aggregate

171,031

fin the main Virgin Island and Puerto Rican Negroes.

'Physically overseas but charged to the CG Army Air Forces, Washington and not
to theater strength.

Seven of the remaining 12 Regular
Army officers are graduates of the
United States Military Academy at
West Point, New York. The remain-
ing five were members of the Regular
Army prior to the beginning of World
War II. The names, grades, and
branches of the Negro officers in the
Regular Army follow:

Negro Officers in the
Army, November 1, 1946

Out of a total of 1,569 Negro officers
in the Army on November 1, 1946, 43
were members of the Regular Army.
Thirty-one of this number were ap-
pointed in the Regular Army on July
3, 1946. They were among 9,800 chosen
from more than 100,000 applicants.

Name

Grade

Branch

Prior to World War II

Davis, Banjamin O.

Beasley, Walter D. S.

De Veaux, John A.

Griffin, James A.

Long, Norman G.
Graduates of USMA

Davis, Benjamin O., Jr.11

Davenport, Clarence M.

Fowler, James D.

Francis, Henry M.

Davis, Ernest J., Jr.

Rivers, Mark E., Jr.

McCoy, Andrew A.
Appointed July 3, 1946

Brooks, Nelson S.

Reubel, Harry B.

Robinson, James H.

Brigadier General

Lt. Colonel

Major

Captain

Colonel

Major

1st Lieutenant

Lt. Colonel
Lt. Colonel
Lt. Colonel

Inspector General's Department
Chaplain's Corps
Chaplain's Corps
Chaplain's Corps
Chaplain's Corps

Air Corps
Infantry
Infantry
Infantry
Air Corps
Signal Corps
Air Corps

Air Corps

Infantry

"This section is based on releases of the
Bureau of Public Relations, News Divi-
sion, War Department.

"Also member of Regular Army prior to
World War II.

366

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

Campbell, William A.

Major

Air Corps

Hopson, Brannon J.

Major

Chaplain's Corps

Johnson, Edward C.

Major

Infantry

Knox, George L.

Major

Air Corps

McDaniel, Armour C.

Major

Air Corps

Parsons, Norman W.

Major

Cavalry

Biggs, Bradley

Captain

Infantry

Bryant, Robert A.

Captain

Chaplain's Corps

Driver, Elwood T.

Captain

Air Corps

Durden, Lewis M.

Captain

Chaplain's Corps

Friend, Robert J.

Captain

Air Corps

Gott, William E.

Captain

Pharmacy Corps

Gray, George E.

Captain

Air Corps

Holsclaw, Jack D.

Captain

Air Corps

Johnson, Andrew L.

Captain

Chaplain's Corps

McWilliams, Alfred E.

Captain

Chaplain's Corps

Ormes, Melvin W.

Captain

Quartermaster Corps

Scott, Osborne E.

Captain

Chaplain's Corps

Smith, Robert L.

Captain

Air Corps

Sorrell, Roy W.

• Captain

Infantry

Stanton, Charles R.

Captain

Air Corps

Archer, Lee A.

1st Lieutenant

Air Corps

Branch, Matthew D.

1st Lieutenant

Infantry

lies, George J.

1st Lieutenant

Air Corps

Moore, Spurgeon A.

1st Lieutenant

Infantry

Morgan, Leonard S.

1st Lieutenant

Field Artillery

Parker, Albert J.

1st Lieutenant

Infantry

White, Cecil W.

1st Lieutenant

Infantry

Breakdown of Negro Strength of
The Army, May 1, 194612

On May 1, 1946, the total Negro
strength of the Army was 187,383 or
8.64 per cent of the total Army
strength. Of this number 123,132 Ne-
gro troops were Regular Army men,
20,145 having enlisted since March 1,

1946. Commissioned officers, flight of-
ficers and warrant officers numbered
2,626 of the total. Serving overseas
were 68,253 troops. Also on May 1,
656 Negro women were serving in the
WAG, of which only one, a WAG of-
ficer, was overseas.

A partial breakdown of Neg^o
strength in the Army as of May 1,
1946, follows:

Continental Overseas Worldwide

Infantry 7,057

Coast and Field Artillery • 1,706

Engineers 7,429

Air Corps 31,605

Transportation Corps 12,501

Quartermaster Corps 19,135

All Others 39,697

TOTAL 119,130

2,076

1.0.06

13,450

3,401

5,307

24,213

18,800

68,253

Officers:

Included in above totals 2,626

Including:

Dental Corps Officers 29

Nurses 167

Other Medical Corps Officers 43

Chaplains 91

Serving Overseas 68,253

Including:

Pacific Theater 35,398

China and India-Burma Theaters 1,392

Alaskan Department 1,144

European Theater 22,461

Mediterranean Theater 2,540

Caribbean Defense Command 721

9,133

2,712
20,879
35,006
17,808
43; 348
58,497

187,383

"One year prior, May 1, 1945, the Negro
personnel of the Army numbered 700,304,
or 8.49 per cent of the total Army

strength. Overseas, or en route, were
511,493 Negro Droops. Negro WAG strength
at that time was 4,003.

NEGROES AT WEST POINT

367

Breakdown of Negro Strength of
The Army, VJ-Day

On August 31, 1945, two days before
V-J-Day, when the war ended in the
Pacific, the total Negro strength of
the Army stood at 695,264, or 8.67 per
cent of the total Army strength. The
total commissioned Negro personnel
was then 7,768.

A partial breakdown of Negro
strength in the Army as of August 31,
1945, follows:

Infantry 48,861

Coast and Field Artillery 19,819

Engineers 135,584

Air Corps 80,606

Transportation Corps 89,540

All Others ..320,854

Total 695,264

Serving Overseas 475,950

Including':

Pacific Theater 206,512

China and India-Burma Theaters 23,892

Alaskan Department 4,726

European Theater 181,620

Mediterranean Theater 43,747

Africa-Middle East Theater 585

Persian Gulf Command 80

Caribbean Defense Command 2,763

Including:
Women's Army Corps 820

Comparison of Negro Strength of
The Army, World War I and II

The following figures, given to the
nearest hundred, represent the total
number 'of Negroes who served in the
Army of the United States from De-

cember 1, 1941, through August 31,

1945:

Male Officers 8,000

Female Officers 600

Male Enlisted Personnel ..905,000
Female Enlisted Personnel. 6,400

Total 920,000

By comparison, approximately 515,-
700 more Negroes were accepted by
the Army in World War II than in
World War I. Altogether, 404,348 in-
dividuals who claimed to be of the
Negro race served in the United States
Army during World War I: 1,353 were
commissioned officers, 402,971 were en-
listed men, 15 were Army nurses, and
9 were field clerks. Of the total num-
ber of these troops, approximately
840 officers and 194,000 enlisted men
served in the American Expeditionary
Forces.

NEGROES AT WEST POINT

Eleven Negroes have been graduated
from the United States Military Acad-
emy at West Point, New York, the
highest-ranking Government school for
the training of army officers. Henry
0. Flipper, Georgia, was the first of
these, having been graduated in 1877.
Founded in 1802, the academy admitted
its first Negro (James W. Smith, South
Carolina) in 1870, and has accepted a
total of 30. In attendance at the acad-
emy as of July, 1946 were:

Name

Appointed from

Date Admitted

Charles L. Smith
Edward B. Howard
David K. Carlisle
Robert W. Green

Missouri
Illinois
California
California

July, 1944

July, 1945

July, 1946

One graduate, Captain Robert B.
Tresville, Jr., was a casualty of World
War II. He was reported missing in
action with the 332nd Fighter Group

in Italy on June 22, 1944, and de-
clared dead a year later.

Following is a list of Negro West
Point graduates:

Name

Appointed From Date Admitted Date Graduated

Henry O. Flipper

Georgia

July,

1873

June, 1877

John H. Alexander

Ohio

July,

1883

June, 1887

Charles Young

Ohio

June,

1884

August, 1889

Benjamin O. Davis, Jr.

Illinois

July,

1932

June, 1936

James D. Fowler

Illinois

July,

1937

June, 1941

Clarence M. Davenport

Michigan

July,

1939

January, 1943

Robert B. Tresville, Jr.

Illinois

July,

1939

January, 1943

Henry M. Francis

Illinois

July,

1941

June, 1944

Ernest J. Davis, Jr.

Illinois

July,

1942

June, 1945

Mark E. Rivers, Jr.

New York

July,

1942

June, 1945

Andrew A. McCoy, Jr.

Pennsylvania

July,

1943

June, 1946

GILLEM REPORT ON UTILIZATION
OF NEGRO MANPOWER

A Board of Officers on Utilization of
Negro Manpower was directed by a

memorandum dated October 4, 1945, to
prepare a broad policy based on the
lessons of past and present experience
with a view to facilitating maximum
efficiency in the event of another na-

368

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

tional emergency. The personnel of
this Board was as follows: Lieutenant
General Alvan C. Gillem, Jr., Briga-
dier General Winslow C. Morse, Major
General Lewis A. Pick, and Brigadier
General Alan D. Warnock, recorder
without vote. All members of the
Board of Officers were of the United
States Army.

Following an intensive study of the
issues involved, the report of the Board
was accepted and approved by the War
Department in March, 1946. While not
entirely satisfactory to Negroes, the
policy adopted is indicative of a desire
on the part of the War Department to
improve the status of the Negro in the
Armed Forces of the United States.

"The policies prepared by the War
Department," declares the report,
"should be progressively flexible. They
should envision the continued mental
and physical improvement of all citi-
zens. They should be implemented
promptly. They must be objective in
nature. They must eliminate, at the
earliest practicable moment, any spe-
cial consideration based on race. They
should point toward the immediate ob-
jective of an evaluation of the Negro
on the basis of individual merit and
ability. They should point toward a
long-range objective which visualizes,
over a period of time, a still greater
utilization of this manpower potential
in the military machine of the nation."

Report Emphasizes General
Implications of Citizenship

"The Negro is a bona fide citizen
enjoying the privileges conferred by
citizenship under the Constitution. By
the same token, he must defend his
country in time of national peril.
Testimony presented to this Board has
indicated that the Negro is ready and
eager to accept his full responsibility
as a citizen. It follows, therefore, that
the Negro desiring to accept his legal
and moral responsibility, as charged
by the Constitution, should be given
every opportunity and aid to prepare
himself for effective military service
in company with every other citizen
who is called."

Responsibility, however, as con-
ceived by the report, is not limited to
the Negro who must cooperate in the
defense of his country. Those charged
with the utilization of manpower in
the military establishment have an
equal legal and moral obligation under
the Constitution to take all steps

necessary to prepare the qualified man-
power of the nation so that it will
function efficiently and effectively in
time of war.

Assignment Difficulties Pointed
Out in the Report

"In the placement of the men who
were accepted, the Army encountered
considerable difficulty. Leadership qual-
ities had not been developed among
the Negroes, due principally to en-
vironment and lack of opportunity.
These factors had also affected his de-
velopment in the various skills and
crafts. ... In the opinion of the
Board, many of these difficulties can
be overcome by forward planning, and
by the development of a broader base
of trained personnel, both officer and
enlisted, than that which existed prior
to World War II. This nucleus can
assimilate a much larger proportion of
the available manpower than was done
heretofore."

Disadvantages Under Which the
Negro Entered the Conflict

The Report stated: "A careful analy-
sis of the combat service performed
by the Negro in World War II indi-
cates clearly that his participation was
in many instances creditable and def-
initely contributed to the success at-
tained by our military forces. No
analysis would be complete, however,
that fails to evaluate the disadvantages
under which the Negro entered the
conflict and which militated against
his success." Cited among these dis-
advantages were: (1) inadequacy of
plans prior to the War for mobiliza-
tion and employment of major units
of all arms, and for utilizing Negro
manpower in supporting type combat
units; (2) organization of units with-
out general prescription as to missions
for which organized, or ultimate utili-
zation; and (3) shortage of trained
subordinate leaders. In this leadership
regard, the Report claimed that "en-
vironment and lack of administrative
and educational advantages in pre-war
days greatly handicapped the Negro in
the performance of his wartime du-
ties."

Advantages to the Negro Soldier

Briefly indicated in the report, as
advantages to the Negro in combat,
were the following: First-class equip-

THE NEGRO IN THE NAVY

369

ment and materials available; favor-
able training areas and aids placed
at disposal of commanders; experi-
enced white commanders assigned to
direct training and to lead the major
elements into action; careful staging
into the theater of operations; reor-
ganization and regrouping of elements
with the objective of increasing the
chances of success. Most of these so-
called advantages, however, would be
expected to prevail in any well man-
aged fighting units of whatever racial
composition. Perhaps the significance
of these claims stated in the report
is that the immediate conditions pre-
ceding Negro combat were as nearly
normal as possible and comparatively
free from discrimination against the
Negro soldier.

Conclusions of Gillem Report Relative
To Utilization of Negro Manpower

The Report emphasized the need for
speedy adoption and promulgation of
a broad, comprehensive and progres-
sive policy for the effective utiliza-
tion of Negro manpower in the post-
war Army, not only to stimulate Negro
interest, morale and leadership, but
also in the interest of national se-
curity. The conclusions of the Board
were reached after consideration of
factual and other official materials
made available by the War Depart-
ment, and the oral testimony of more
than 60 military and civilian witnesses.
Some of these conclusions are sum-
marized below:

(1) A greater and more efficient use
can be realized from the Negro manpower
in the future military establishment, with
elimination of many of the apparent de-
ficiencies of the Negro soldier, if remedial
action is taken now.

(2) Deficiencies of leadership attributed
to the Negro soldier in the past can be
eliminated by creating in the post-war
Army a broader Negro base of both of-
ficers and enlisted men to assist in train-
ing of the peacetime Army, and to pro-
vide leaders in case of another national
calamity. (The broader base would also
include organization of appropriate ele-
ments of many female components).

(3) Establishment of a ratio of Negro
to white manpower, in the post-war
Army, to insure understanding and pro-
vide basis for planning purposes. (Rec-
ommended ratio, for the present, is that
which exists in the civil population).

(4) In order to secure efficient results
in utilization of Negro manpower, close
cooperation and coordination within the
War Department is needed, also the crea-
tion of a General Staff Group of selected
officers to devote full time to problems
involving minority racial elements.

Throughout Army commands there should
be, also, selected full-time officers to deal
with such problems.

(5) In organizing and activating Negro
units to create a broader base in the
post-war Army, combat units should be
stressed.

(6) Units composed largely of personnel
classified in the lowest grades on the
A.G.C.T. (Army General Classification
Test) require more officer supervision in
training and in the field during war con-
ditions, or under a system of universal
military training.

(7) Experience has demonstrated the
most successful employment of Negro
units when used closely associated with
whites on similar units, and when small
Negro organizations were so used.

(8) For economy and efficiency, men of
low intelligence and education who have
been proven incapable of developing into
specialists or leaders should be eliminated
from the service at termination of the
first enlistment. Such policy should in-
clude all races.

(9) Experience, education, and tolerance
on the part of all Army personnel will
serve to rectify many difficulties inher-
ent in mixed, or composite units.

(10) "Present War Department policies
pertaining to the administration of edu-
cational, recreational, and messing facili-
ties and of officers' clubs at posts, camps
and stations where racial minority ele-
ments are located are considered ade-
quate for the present and should be con-
tinued in effect."

(11) Troop locations should be selected
after evaluating (with due regard to the
large numbers of military personnel, re-
gardless of race) the training advantages
accruing from a favorable climatic or
terrain condition against the factor of
unfavorable community attitude with its
resultant effect on both training and
morale. (Exception to this principle may
be necessary in event of universal mili-
tary training, or in interest of national
security).

(12) Equal rights and opportunities for
appointment, retention, advancement, and
professional improvement, as prescribed
by law and regulation, should be ac-
corded to all officers. With further refer-
ence to officers, it was pointed out that
sources of potential officer material would
be extended by a more comprehensive
ROTC and an Army leadership school
program.

(13) Proper assignment of individuals,
as well as the promotion of Army efficien-
cy, would be assured by processing all
personnel entering the Army through re-
ception and training centers.

(14) Periodic surveys at Army installa-
tions are necesary to determine in the
framework of overhead units where Ne-
gro personnel with special skills can be
utilized to advantage as individuals.

THE NEGRO IN THE NAVY

("The Negro in the Navy" was writ-
ten by Lester B. Granger, Executive
Secretary of the National Urban
League, who served as Special Adviser
to the Secretary of the Navy from

370

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

July 1, 1945 to November 1, 1945. This
material, here condensed, was pub-
lished in Common Ground, Winter Is-
sue, 1947, under the caption "Racial
Democracy — The Navy Way." For ex-
ceptionally outstanding service to the
United States Navy Mr. Granger was
presented the Distinguished Civilian
Service Award. Most of his recom-
mendations have been incorporated
into the inter-racial policies of the
Navy Department.)

Navy's Inter-racial Policy
Before Pearl Harbor

World War II started with the Navy
presenting a dismal record and policy
in the use of Negro personnel. Until
the attack on Pearl Harbor, and for
several months thereafter, Negroes
were accepted in the Navy only in the
Steward's Branch — a type of service
to which only Negroes and Filipinos
were assigned. This branch was com-
posed of men who served the personal
needs of commissioned officers in their
living and eating. The policy had been
inherited by our wartime Navy leader-
ship. It was established during the
administration of President Woodrow
Wilson shortly after the close of World
War I. This discriminatory policy
temporarily closed a long chapter of
naval history written by Negroes in
service from the days of Commander
Perry on Lake Champlain down to the
close of World War I. The shift of
policy was announced boldly by clos-
ing down all Negro naval enlistments
and reopening them several months
later only for service as steward's
mates.

Navy Secretary Frank Knox held
stubbornly to this policy even after
the outbreak of World War II. Pre-
sumably backed by his ranking ad-
visers, the Secretary insisted, in the
face of strong protest, that the morale
of the service would be disrupted if
this racial policy were changed. Here
was the "old regular Navy," so far as
Negro service was concerned.

Changes Taking Place in

The New Navy

A brand new regular Navy, in a
racial sense, was one of the happier
results of World War II. Something
had happened in the four years be-
tween Pearl Harbor and the beginning
of peacetime demobilization. A steady

stream of tens of thousands of Negro
men and women had marched in Navy
induction lines, donned the uniform of
the service, and received assignment
in a vast variety of service duties.
Practically all of these for the war's
duration were in the naval reserve.
But within a few months after the
war's end, Navy policy had progressed
to the point where Negro enlistments
in the regular Navy were being ac-
cepted without hindrance of discrimi-
nation. Their service in the Steward's
Branch continued, but by April 30,
1946, 19,102 Negroes had enlisted in
the regular Navy and 2,887 of their
number were classified in general serv-
ice, including skilled and combat cate-
gories. Of this latter number, 24 held
ratings as chief petty officers. It was
the first time since 1921 that the regu-
lar Navy had opened its general serv-
ice to enlistments without regard to
race.

Factors Contributing to
Changing Policy

A great deal had happened in a
quarter-century span radically to
change the Navy's racial policy. For
instance, the manpower needs of Amer-
ica-at-war drew approximately one
million young men and women of the
Negro race into the Armed Forces and
nearly 20 per cent of these were as-
signed to Navy service. Once they
were assigned to the service, the Navy
was faced with the driving need for
efficiency in the use of these thousands
of Negro personnel. The Bureau of
Naval Personnel and other ranking
service leadership were faced with se-
rious questions concerning the morale
of their Negro troops. This question
became all the more serious as over-
whelming criticisms and protests were
voiced by Negro spokesmen and a large
number of white liberals against the
Navy's initial refusal to accept Negroes
except for what they termed "menial
service" in a branch of our armed
forces.

All of these factors were heavy de-
terminants in the change of the Navy's
racial policy. But the final, and pos-
sibly the most important, factor was
the personal conviction of the new Sec-
retary of the Navy, James Forrestal,
who assumed office after the death of
Mr. Knox in 1944. It was under Mr.
Forrestal's leadership that formal
Navy policies which had already begun

THE NEGRO IN THE NAVY

371

to change were carried faster and
farther than most observers would
have deemed possible during the acri-
monious discussions of the first three
years of war.

The Army was condemned as a re-
actionary Jim Crow institution. But
the Navy was especially condemned,
for not only were Negroes segregated
in their service, but they were re-
stricted to a branch which was in-
tensely unpopular because of the civil-
ian associations connected with it.
"Waiters and bellhops going to sea"
was the scornful way in which one
irate Negro critic described the Stew-
ard's Branch. As a matter of fact, this
description did less than justice to
the Negroes who served as steward's
mates. They are not menials; they
are fighters first and stewards second.
They are trained for battle duties, and
when the ship goes into action, stew-
ard's mates take their places at guns,
are exposed to the same risks, and
carry out the same duties as their
white shipmates. When action is con-
cluded, carpenters go back to their
regular duties and machinists to
theirs; stewards return to the galley,
the officer's mess, and the ward room.
Dorie Miller, the heroic steward's mate
who won the Distinguished Service
Medal through conspicuous gallantry
during the attack on Pearl Harbor, is
a standing reminder of the fact that
the Steward's Branch, like the rest of
the Navy, is a fighting branch. Never-
theless, it was natural and proper for
Negroes to protest against restriction
of Negroes to service in this one type
of activity alone. The resentment of
the public only reflected the angry dis-
content of the men actually in service.
Some of these were college students,
skilled mechanics, men with profes-
sional training, and others of superior
education and experience.

Navy Department Compromised
Only Slightly At First

A reluctant Navy Department early
in 1942 retreated slightly in the face
of this criticism and announced that
Negroes would be accepted for general
service. Even this announcement failed
to stem the tide of protest. But a
limited number of Negro recruits im-
mediately enlisted, and the number in-
creased rapidly. In February 1943,
when the regular recruiting program
was discontinued, large numbers of

personnel began to be inducted in Navy
service through Selective Service pro-
cedures. By the end of 1943, there were
101,573 Negro enlisted personnel on
active duty. This number continued to
increase as long as the war lasted;
142,306 by the end of June, 1944; 152,-
895 by the end of that year; and a high
of 165,466 on October 31, 1945, nearly
three months after the war's end. But
Negro critics soon found that "general
service" as announced by Secretary
Knox did not mean free service op-
portunity. They noted an overwhelm-
ingly large proportion of the Negroes
assigned to duty at ammunition and
supply depots, performing the strenu-
ous and unromantic laboring work in-
volved in handling ammunition and
loading ships. Thus while Negroes con-
tinued to pour into the Navy, bitter
argument waxed stronger and morale
noticeably waned.

Impaired Morale and Mass
Demonstrations Followed

Dramatic evidence of impaired mo-
rale was seen in three mass demon-
strations, widely separated: one a mu-
tiny, one a race riot, and the other a
hunger strike. The mass mutiny took
place at Mare Island, California, as
an aftermath of a mammoth ammuni-
tion explosion at the Port Chicago Am-
munition Depot nearby. At this depot,
practically the entire personnel were
Negroes, and 300 enlisted men were
killed in the explosion. Some days
later a detachment of 250 of the sur-
vivors, assigned to loading an ammu-
nition ship at Mare Island, refused
to work, claiming inadequate training
and safety provisions for this hazard-
ous job. In the face of repeated warn-
ings, fifty persisted in their refusal
to work. They were court-martialed
for mutiny and sentenced to long
prison terms.

On Guam, in the Pacific, an even
more serious disturbance took place,
for here arguments and fights carried
on for several months between Negro
seamen, members of naval base com-
panies, and white Marine guards of the
Island, resulted in a Christmas sea-
son race riot. After a Negro sailor
was killed by a white serviceman, a
group of the dead man's comrades
broke into the barracks armory, seized
weapons, commandeered trucks and
headed for the Marine Guard barracks.
They were intercepted enroute, cov-

372

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

ered by machine guns, and arrested.
They were court-martialed on several
charges, including illegal possession of
government property, rout, and incite-
ment to riot; found guilty, and sen-
tenced to terms ranging from five to
twenty years.

The third demonstration, a hunger
strike of Negro Seabees, took place at
Port Hueneme, a naval supply base
in California. The battalion had been
overseas for months, and after meri-
torious performance had been returned
for rest and reassignment. Charging
unfair and racially discriminatory
treatment by the white commanding
officer, they refused to report to chow
lines and went on a hunger strike that
lasted several days. When news of the
strike hit the front pages of Negro
weeklies and the inside pages of met-
ropolitan dailies, civilian organizations
interceded in behalf of the strikers.
The strike ended with the transference
of the commanding officer in question,
and the battalion was shortly shipped
back overseas to Okinawa to resume
meritorious performance.

Disturbances Hastened Improvements
Already Underway

These developments served to speed
steps already underway to remove the
worst aspects of segregation and dis-
crimination in the service. The Bureau
of Naval Personnel had initiated in-
creased assignment of Negroes to ad-
vanced training schools and to ratings
as petty officers; establishment of spe-
cial officers' class and commissioning
of a dozen Negro officers; assignment
of Negroes to service on auxiliary and
shore patrol craft; and reduction of
the over-heavy proportion of Negroes
in supply base and ammunition depot
activities. Negro machinists and other
technicians made their appearance in
naval air stations, at ship repair es-
tablishments, and in Navy offices. In-
doctrination courses were established
for white officers assigned to command
of Negro naval troops. Efforts were
made to weed out from such assign-
ment white officers who were emo-
tionally unsuited for association with
Negro troops. A unit was established
in the Bureau of Naval Personnel to
police administration of regulations
dealing with the integration of Ne-
groes in naval service.

Still, progressive changes moved too
slowly to silence the clamor of angry
argument and recrimination which
broke out afresh after the series of
incidents referred to above. Therefore,
Secretary Forrestal took steps to ac-
celerate the improvements already un-
derway and to initiate new ones aimed
at invalidating any charge that the
Navy was discriminating against any
member of the service because of his
race. Mr. Forrestal conferred in De-
cember, 1944, with a group of Negro
newspaper publishers, and early in the
spring of 1945, acting upon their ad-
vice, he decided to appoint a civilian
aide to give him guidance and counsel
in this important program.

"Guide to the Command of
Negro Naval Personnel"

The views of the Department were
set forth in the publication of a serv-
ice manual entitled, "Guide to the
Command of Negro Naval Personnel,"
issued by the Bureau of Naval Per-
sonnel on February 12, 1945. This
manual was part of the indoctrination
material provided white officers re-
sponsible for Negro troops. In simple
language, it set forth high depart-
mental policy and practical adminis-
trative suggestions. It established four
basic principles, guiding racial poli-
cies:

(1) As a fighting machine, the Navy
is concerned first of all with de-
veloping its services to the highest
possible level of fighting efficiency;

(2) To attain such efficiency all per-
sonnel must be employed at the
highest level of their individual
training and capabilities;

(3) No theory can be accepted which
assumes differences in ability based
upon race;

(4) Racial differences of performance
are generally caused by improper
command practices or previous ci-
vilian experience which can be cor-
rected through wise command poli-
cies.

The manual was of real help even
though few officers gave evidence of
having read it. As the "new testa-
ment" of Navy policy, however, it was
a much needed reference, effectively
discouraging any questions which the
unindoctrinated might otherwise have
raised regarding the wisdom and prac-
ticability of the newer point of view.
From month to month, after the
manual came into use, new progressive
changes were noted. Negroes in serv-
ice on auxiliary and combat vessels
increased steadily, both in number

THE NEGRO IN THE NAVY

372

and variety of assignment. By the
war's end, auxiliary ships in both At-
lantic and Pacific operations were
carrying Negro complements up to 10
per cent of their total crews. As was
inevitable on vessels of small and me-
dium size, Negro and white crew-
members worked, ate, and slept to-
gether with a minimum of racial sepa-
ration— and, indeed, in most cases
with a total absence of racial separa-
tion. The number of Negro commis-
sioned officers increased from an
original 12 to 52 at the war's close,
the highest ranking of these holding
a reserve commission of Lieutenant
Commander. Separate training schools
were abolished, as was racial segrega-
tion within regular schools. At the
Great Lakes Naval Training Station,
Negro "boots" entered, were classified,
and were assigned to quarters and
duty together with their white fellows
without any sign of segregation. Hun-
dreds of Negro petty and commis-
sioned officers were given responsibili-
ties for commanding racially mixed
working details. Negroes served in
such capacities as carpenters, radio-
men, machinists, aviation machinists,
motor machinists, radar operators,
storekeepers, yeomen, and all through
the whole spread of Navy rates; 13,000
Negroes were in Seabee outfits and 10,-
000 in the Marines, with two Negro
Marine battalions given anti-aircraft
assignments. All of these changes
were carried forward under the active
direction of Admiral Randall Jacobs,
Chief of Naval Personnel, and, later,
by Admiral Louis Denfield, his suc-
cessor. They had the explicit endorse-
ment of Fleet Admirals Ernest King
and Chester W. Nimitz, who succeeded
Admiral King after the war's close.

The final test of the lasting nature
of the Navy's revised policy was made,
however, in the fall of 1945, when Ad-
jniral Nimitz expressed agreement with
those who recommended that the war-
time advances in racial policy be se-
cured as a permanent policy in the
regular as well as the reserve Navy,
and that specific directives be issued
by the Department. With Admiral
Nimitz's endorsement, therefore, the
Secretary received a recommendation
that enlisted Negroes be accepted with-
out hindrance in the regular Navy,
Marines, and Coast Guard; that Negro
reserve officers applying for regular
Navy commissions be given full con-

sideration, regardless of race; that
service of Negroes on vessels be ex-
tended to general service on all com-
bat ships up to and including battle-
ships and aircraft carriers; and that
the number of Negroes in any vessel
or activity be reduced to such a low
proportion that the question of sepa-
rate housing provisions would become
purely academic.

It is now a matter of history and
public record that these recommenda-
tions have been accepted and put into
practice practically in their entirety.
An official directive from the Bureau
of Naval Personnel, dated February 28,
1946, declared as follows: "Effective
immediately, all restrictions governing
the types of assignments for which
Negro naval personnel are eligible are
lifted. Henceforth they shall be eligi-
ble for all types of assignments in all
ratings in all activities and all ships
of the naval service. ... In the utiliza-
tion of housing, messing, and other fa-
cilities, no special or unusual provi-
sions will be made for the accommoda-
tion of Negroes."

Evidences of Progress

The latest figures of the number of
Negroes classified for general service
in the regular Navy are not available.
However it is certain that the number
has considerably increased since the
last date of record-taking on April 30,
1946. In the New York recruiting of-
fice alone, after violations of recruit-
ing orders were corrected, 600 Negroes
were sworn in during a 60-day period.
These figures are encouraging, but
neither their presentation nor this re-
port as a whole is intended to offer the
United States Navy as an example of
perfectly operating racial democracy.
The important point to remember is
that an admirable policy has been
established officially and effectively
and that tremendous progress has been
made toward effective administration
of that policy. The Navy granted cle-
mency last December to all of the
mutineers at Mare Island and to all
but one of the rioters on Guam. These
men have been released from confine-
ment and returned to duty in the Pa-
cific. If their subsequent records so
warrant, they will receive honorable
discharges upon leaving the service.
Perfect conclusion of the Navy's ef-
forts will not be noted until patient
and skillful education, consistently ex-

374

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

erted disciplinary controls, and con-
stant reference to the basic needs of
the service have produced a smoothly
working practice that conforms at
every point with official policy.

In spite of frequent lags and subtle
resistance, the Navy Department has
forged ahead on a bright new path
that leads toward complete racial de-
mocracy in an armed service of the
world's greatest democracy. Today for
the first time in history a Negro mid-
shipman is making a good record as a
third-year classman in the Naval Acad-
emy at Annapolis. Recently on the
battleship North Carolina, this young
man was on his training cruise with
600 of his classmates. On the same
vessel, 100 Negro enlisted men, of
whom half were in general service,
moved about the ship with their white
shipmates, working and fraternizing.
There was no sign of racial strain —
in fact, the situation had been pro-
duced so quietly as a natural develop-
ment of Navy policy that the public
was unaware of the changes and the
men themselves were unconscious of
the fact that they were making mod-
ern history.

This and similar changes have been
accomplished with a minimum of fric-
tion and confusion and with a maxi-
mum of efficiency in a service which
prides itself, above all things, on ef-
ficiency. The Navy's wartime experi-
ence in racial democracy provides a
lesson which can teach much to every
leadership group in America.

The Marine Corps

Negroes were admitted to the Ma-
rine Corps in June, 1942 (the Navy
then lifting its 167 year-tradition),
shortly after which Montford Point
Camp, North Carolina, under the Ma-
rine base at Camp Lejuene, was desig-
nated for the training of Negro ma-
rines.

Some of the Negro marines saw
service in the Pacific, an early con-
tingent rendering heroic action at
Saipan.

On August 31, 1945 there were 16,-
964 Negro enlisted men in the Ma-
rine Corps. The first Negro officer in
the corps, commissioned in November,
1945 when the corps was being re-
duced, was placed on inactive duty
along with many white officers. There
were no Negroes accepted for the corps'
women's reserve.

It is estimated that out of a total
of 250,000 men in the Merchant Ma-
rine, approximately 25,000 were Ne-
groes.

The Coast Guard

The Coast Guard was, the first
branch of the naval service to com-
mission Negroes as officers. A rela-
tively large per cent of Negroes were
warrant and petty officers. In the
Coast Guard, August 31, 1945, there
were 3,727 Negro enlisted men, 4 Ne-
gro officers and 5 Negro women
SPARS.

An all-Negro gun crew on the cutter
Campbell rammed and sank a Nazi
U-boat in the North Atlantic, Febru-
ary, 1943. Negro Coast Guardsmen
participated in action on Iwo Jima,
Okinawa, Majuro, Eniwelok, Saipan,
Tinian, Leyte, Luzon and other land-
ings. Lieutenant Clarence Samuels,
Navy veteran, was on assignment dur-
ing the War as skipper of the L. S. 115,
Coast Guard patrol vessel in the Pan-
ama Canal. He served over a pre-
dominantly white crew.

SPARS, the Women's Reserve of the
United States Coast Guard, was estab-
lished November 23, 1942, the name
derived from the Coast Guard motto,
"Semper Paratus," and its transla-
tion, "Always Ready." The ban
against Negro women was dropped Oc-
tober 19, 1944 and the first Negro
women were sworn in the next month.
These enlistees took "boot" training,
along with whites, at the Manhattan
Beach, New York, Coast Guard Train-
ing Station.

The Waves

The WAVES (Women Accepted for
Volunteer Emergency Service), the
Women's Reserve, United States Na-
val Reserve, was authorized by Con-
gress, July, 1942, that women might
fill jobs in the shore establishments
and release officers and men of the
Navy for duty at sea.

Negro women were banned from this
service until October 19, 1944. The
Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority Non-
Partisan Council was prominent among
pressure groups seeking removal of
the Navy's color bar against women.
The first Negro enlistees were sworn
in, November, 1944. The Negro WAVES
took "boot" training, along with
whites, at Hunter College, New York,
and officer-candidate training at Smith

DECORATIONS AND CITATIONS

375

College, Northampton, Massachusetts.
As of August 31, 1945, there were 68
Negro WAVES, with 2 Negro officers
and 38 officer candidates.

Negro Strength of the Navy

The total Negro enlisted peak
strength of the Navy was 166,915, on
August 31, 1945.

The total Negro strength of the
Navy, December 7, 1941 — December 31,
'1946, according to the Bureau of Na-
val Personnel, is indicated below:

Enlisted Men (Estimated total) 205,738

Officers (Rank shown is highest held)

Male— 54

Lieutenant Commander 1

Lieutenant 4

Lieutenant, Junior Grade 19

Ensign 25

Chief Warrant Officer :

Commanding Officer 2

Female — 6

Lieutenant, Junior Grade .... 1
Ensign (includes 4 nurses) 5

NAMING AND LAUNCHING OF
SHIPS

There were 18 Liberty ships, pri-
marily ocean-going cargo ships, around
10,500 tons, under the Maritime Com-
mission, named and launched for out-
standing Negro Americans and sea-
men who lost their lives in the war.
Four Victory ships were named for
Negro colleges. In addition, the de-
stroyer escort U. 8. 8. Harmon was
named in honor of Leonard R. Harmon,
mess attendant, posthumously decorat-
ed for heroism against the enemy in
the Solomon Islands.

Those so honored were: Robert S. Ab-
bott, founder and publisher of The Chi-
cago Defender; George Washington Car-
ver, scientist; Frederick Douglass, abo-
litionist leader and editor; Paul Lau-
rence Dunbar, poet; John Hope, educa-
tor; James Weldon Johnson, poet, author
and diplomat; John Merrick, insurance
executive; John H. Murphy, founder and
publisher of The Afro-American. Also
included were Toussaint L'Ouverture,
Haitian independence hero; Edward A.
Savoy, confidential messenger for 22 sec-
retaries of State; Harriet Tubman, abo-
litionist and "underground railroad"
leader; Robert L. Vann, founder and pub-
lisher of The Pittsburgh Courier; Booker
T. Washington, educator and founder of
Tuskegee Institute; Bert Williams, come-
dian. Named for Negro seamen were
the S. S. ROBERT J. BANKS; S. S.
WILLIAM COX; S. S. GEORGE A. LAW-
SON; and S. S. JAMES KYRON
WALKER.

The Victory ships derived their names
from Fisk University, Nashville, Tennes-
see; Howard University, Washington,
D. C. ; Lane College, Jackson, Tennessee;
and Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.

These ships had racially mixed crews
and officers.13 Negro captains of Victory
ships were: John Godfrey, Clifton Lastic.
Hugh Mulzac, and Adrian T. Richardson.

The first of the Negro-named ships,
the S. S. BOOKER T. WASHINGTON,
(mastered by Captain Hugh Mulzac of
Brooklyn, N. Y.) was in active service
continuously from the fall of 1942. Lost
through enemy action were the S. S.
FREDERICK DOUGLASS and the S. S.
ROBERT L. VANN. The greatest terri-
tory was covered by the S. S. JOHN
HOPE which operated in the Pacific.

NEGROES AT THE NAVAL
ACADEMY

No Negroes have been graduated
from the United States Naval Academy
at Annapolis, Maryland. There have
been 6 in attendance:

Name

Appointed From

Date Admitted

John Henry Conyers
Alonzo C. McClellan
Henry E. Baker
James L. Johnson
George J. Trivers
Wesley A. Brown

South Carolina
South Carolina
Mississippi
Washington, D. C.
Chicago, 111.
New York City

September, 1872
September, 1873
September, 1874
June, 1936
June, 1937
June, 1945

Midshipman Wesley A. Brown suc-
cessfully completed his first year at
the academy in 1946, and is the only
Negro enrolled.

DECORATIONS AND CITATIONS
Awards to Individuals

Negro heroes won citations in

every combat area, on land, on sea,
and in the air. Among the first heroes
of World War II was Dorie Miller,
mess attendant first class, of Waco,
Texas, who manned a machine gun
against the Japanese when they
strafed his ship at Pearl Harbor, and
who dragged his mortally wounded
captain to safety, at the cost of his

"No vessel under War Shipping Adminis-
tration control had ever sailed with an
entire Negro crew, and the good relations

which existed among mixed crews were
a surprise to many.

376

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

own life. For "distinguished devotion
to duty, extreme courage, and disre-
gard for his own personal safety dur-
ing the attack," Dorie Miller received
the Navy Cross. He was the first Ne-
gro to be decorated for heroism by the
Navy in World War II.

The first Amercian soldier of the
armored force killed in the Pacific
Theater was Private Robert H. Brooks,
son of a Kentucky sharecropper, who
died on the battlefield near Fort
Stotsenburg, in the Philippines on
December 8, 1941. The main parade
ground of the armored forces at Fort
Knox, Tennessee was named Brooks
Field in memory of Private Brooks.

One of the outstanding heroes of
the Coast Guard was Charles V. David,
Jr., New York, a mess attendant who
gave his life rescuing his executive
officer and others from the icy waters
of the Atlantic during rescue opera-
tions of a torpedoed transport. The
Navy and Marine Corps Medal, one of
the highest naval awards, was pre-
sented to the Coast Guard man's wid-
ow in appropriate ceremony.

Among the "winged" heroes of the
War was Captain Leonard M. Jackson,
Ft. Worth, Texas. Pilot of a P-40 War-
hawk and a P-51 Mustang, Captain
Jackson was awarded the Distin-
guished Flying Cross and the Air
Medal with seven clusters. Serving for
15 months in the Mediterranean area,
he is officially credited with destroying
three German planes. The hero, a
member of the 99th Fighter Squadron,
the first all-Negro unit to go into fly-
ing combat, flew 142 missions with the
12th Tactical Air Force and the 15th
Strategical Air Force. Courage and
combat ability won for Colonel Benja-
min 0. Davis, Jr., Washington, D. C.,
the Distinguished Flying Cross, the
Silver Star, the Legion of Merit, and
the Air Medal with four Oak Leaf
Clusters.

George Watson, Private, Quarter-
master Corps, Birmingham, Alabama,
was the first Negro to win the Dis-
tinguished Service Cross for extraordi-
nary heroism in World War II. The
award, granted posthumously, was for
bravery shown at Pordoch Harbor,
New Guinea, in assisting several men
to safety on a raft from their sinking
boat. Overcome by exhaustion, he was
pulled under and drowned by the suc-
tion of the craft.

A complete official list of awards
for outstanding service during the War
has not been issued. A random selec-
tion of 273 Army awards authorized
for Negro personnel was released by
the War Department, October 1, 1945.
This collection made no reference to
awards of the Purple Heart (given to
those wounded in enemy action) and
the Good Conduct Medal, and did not
represent total presentations. These
273 awards were as indicated:

Distinguished Service Cross, 3. (For
"extraordinary heroism . . . against an
armed enemy")

Distinguished Service Medal, 1. (For
"exceptionally meritorious service to the
Government in a duty of great responsi-
bility")

Legion of Merit, 12. (For "exception-
ally meritorious conduct in the perform-
ance of outstanding services")

Silver Star, 17. (For "gallantry in ac-
tion in orders," not warranting the award
of the Medal of Honor or the Distin-
guished Service Cross)

Distinguished Flying Cross, 4. (For
"heroism or extraordinary achievement
while participating in an aerial flight.")

Soldier's Medal, 68. (For "heroism not
involving actual conflict with the ene-
my.")

Bronze Star Medal, 164. (For "heroic
or meritorious achievement or service,
not involving participation in aerial
flight.")

Air Medal, 4. (For "meritorious
achievement while participating in an
aerial flight.")

A partial listing is made below of
some of those who received high
awards for gallantry or meritorious
service. (The highest award, Congres-
sional Medal of Honor, has not been
awarded a Negro in World War II).

DISTINGUISHED SERVICE CROSS

Vernon J. Baker, First Lieutenant, In-
fantry, Cheyenne, Wyo.

Edward A. Carter, Jr., Staff Sergeant,
Infantry, Los Angeles, Calif.

Charles L. Thomas, Captain, Field Ar-
tillery, Detroit, Mich.

Jack Thomas, Private, first class, In-
fantry, East Albany, Ga.

*George Watson, Private, Quartermas-
ter Corps, Birmingham, Ala.

NAVY CROSS

Eli Benjamin. Steward's mate, second

class, Norfolk, Va.
*Leonard Roy Harmon, Mess Attendant,

Cuero, Texas.
*Dorie Miller, Mess Attendant, Waco,

Texas.
William Pinckney, Cook, third class,

Beaufort, S. C.

DISTINGUISHED FLYING CROSS

George H. Allen, Technical Sergeant,

Columbus, Ga.
William N. Alsbrook, First Lieutenant,

Kansas City, Kans.

*Awarded posthumously.

DECORATIONS AND CITATIONS

377

Lee A. Archer, Lieutenant, New York,
N. T.

John A. Bailey, First Lieutenant, Well-
ington, Kans.

Alton F. Ballard, Lieutenant, Pasadena,
Calif.

Howard L. Baugh, Captain, Petersburg,
Virginia.

Maurice R. Bourchosne, Private, Lewis-
ton, Me.

John F. Briggs, First Lieutenant, St.
Louis, Mo.

Milton R. Brooks, Captain, Glassport,
Pennsylvania.

Roscoe C. Brown, Lieutenant, New
York, N. Y.

William A. Campbell, Major, Tuskegee
Institute, Ala.

Anthony Caputo, Technical Sergeant.

Arnold W. Cisco, Captain, Chicago, 111.

Lester G. Coleman, Staff Sergeant,
Baltimore, Md.

Hannibal M. Cox, First Lieutenant,
Chicago, 111.

Samuel L. Curtis, Captain.

John Daniels, Captain, Harvey, 111.

Alfonza Davis, Captain, Omaha, Neb.

Benjamin O. Davis, Jr., Colonel, Wash-
ington, D. C.

Lawrence E. Dickson, First Lieutenant,
New York, N. Y.

Charles W. Dort, First Lieutenant, El-
mira, N. Y.

Elwood T. Driver, Captain, Trenton,
New Jersey.

Spurgeon N. Ellington, First Lieuten-
ant, Winston-Salem, N. C.

Joseph D. Elsberry, Captain, Langston,
Oklahoma.

Richard L. Fannin, Second Lieutenant,
Racine, Wis.

John W. Foyle, Jr., Technical Sergeant,
Philadelphia, Pa.

Robert M. Geer, Technical Sergeant,
Cleveland, Ohio.

Edward C. Gleed, Captain, Lawrence,
Kansas.

Claude B. Goran, Captain, Newark,
New Jersey.

William W. Green, First Lieutenant,
Staunton, Va.

George E. Grey, Captain, Welch, West
Virginia.

fCharles B. Hall, Captain, Brazil, Ind.

Richard S. Harder, First Lieutenant,
Saratoga Springs, N. Y.

Milton S. Hays, First Lieutenant, Los
Angeles, Calif.

Vernon L. Haywood, Captain, Raleigh,
North Carolina.

Jack D. Holsclaw, First Lieutenant,
Spokane, Wash.

Freddie E. Hutchins, Captain, Donal-
sonville, Ga.

Leonard M. Jackson, Captain, Fort
Worth, Texas.

Melvin T. Jackson, Captain, Warren-
ton, Virginia.

Felix J. Kirkpatrick, First Lieutenant,
Chicago, 111.

Philip W. Keller, Jr., Staff Sergeant.

Robert E. Koutsky, Staff Sergeant.

Earl R. Lane, Captain, Cleveland, Ohio.

James Lanham, First Lieutenant, Phil-
adelphia, Pa.

Clarence D. Lester, First Lieutenant,
Chicago, 111.

fFirst Negro to receive the award.

Armour G. McDaniels, Captain, Mar-
tinsville, Va.

Charles E. McGee, Captain, Cham-
paign, 111.

Albert H. Manning, Jr., Captain, Harts-
ville, S. C.

Robert I. Martin, First Lieutenant,
Dubuque, Iowa.

Dempsey W. Morgan, First Lieutenant,
Detroit, Mich.

Henry B. Perry, Captain, Thomasville,
Georgia.

William S. Price, III, First Lieutenant,
Topeka, Kans.

Wendell O. Pruitt, Captain, St. Louis,
Mo.

Richard C. Pullam, Captain.

Lee Rayford, Major, Washington, D. C.

George M. Rhodes, First Lieutenant,
Brooklyn, N. Y.

Robert M. Rick, Staff Sergeant, Mil-
waukee, Wis.

Frank E. Roberts, First Lieutenant,
Boston, Mass.

George S. Roberts, Major, Fairmont,
West Virginia.

Poerer Romine, Lieutenant.

George M. Rose, First Lieutenant,
Brooklyn, N. Y.

Harold E. Sawyer, Captain, Columbus,
Ohio.

Sherman R. Smith, First Lieutenant,
Hamilton, Ohio.

Lowell C. Steward, Captain, Los An-
geles, Calif.

Harry T. Stewart, First Lieutenant,
Corona, L. L, N. Y.

Charles Tate, First Lieutenant, Pitts-
burgh, Pa.

Edward Thomas, First Lieutenant, Chi-
cago, 111.

William H. Thomas, First Lieutenant,
Los Angeles, Calif.

Reed E. Thompson, Second Lieutenant,
New Rochelle, N. Y.

Edward L. Toppins, Captain, San Fran-
cisco, Calif.

Andrew D. Turner, Captain, Washing-
ton, D. C.

Leonard F. Turner, First Lieutenant,
Washington, D. C.

Quitman C. Walker, First Lieutenant,
Indianola, Miss.

Dudley M. Watson, Captain, Frankfort,
Kentucky.

Luke J. Weathers, Jr., Captain, Mem-
phis, Tenn.

Shelby F. Westbrook, First Lieuten-
ant, Toledo, Ohio.

Laurence D. Wilkins, First Lieutenant,
Los Angeles, Calif.

Bertram W. Wilson, First Lieutenant,
Brooklyn, N. Y.

Willard L. Woods, First Lieutenant,
Los Angeles, Calif.

DISTINGUISHED SERVICE MEDAL

Benjamin O. Davis, Brigadier General,
Washington, D. C.

Campbell C. Johnson, Colonel, Execu-
tive Assistant to Director of Selec-
tive Service, Washington, D. C.

AIR MEDAL

Darryl C. Bishop, First Lieutenant,

Army Air Forces, Houston, Ohio.

Sidney P. Brooks, First Lieutenant,

Army Air Forces, Cleveland, Ohio.

378

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

*William G. Meares, Technical Ser-
geant, Army Air Forces, Greensboro,
North Carolina.

*Paul G. Mitchell, First Lieutenant,
Army Air Forces, Washington, D. C.

MERCHANT MARINE DISTINGUISHED
SERVICE MEDAL

Fred Carlos Archibald, San Francisco,

California.

NAVY AND MARINE CORPS MEDAL
Elvin Bell, Mess Attendant, Third Class,

Jamaica, N. Y.
Joseph Cross, Steward's Mate, First

Class, New Orleans, La.
*Charles C. David, Jr., Mess Attendant,

New York City.

LEGION OF MERIT

Samuel M. Baker, First Sergeant, Quar-
termaster Corps, Jersey City, N. J.
Joe Louis Barrow, Technical Sergeant,

Detroit, Mich.
M. O. Bousfield, Colonel, Medical Corps,

Chicago, 111.
Elmer P. Gibson, Chaplain, Infantry,

Philadelphia, Pa.
Jesse Harris, Private, Infantry, Tus-

kegee, Ala.
Dennis Holt, Staff Sergeant, Infantry,

Birmingham, Ala.
Henry J. Johnson, Corps of Military

Police, Newark, N. J.
John M. Lewis, Jr., Staff Sergeant,

Antiaircraft Command, Camden, New

Jersey.

Claude McDade, First Sergeant, Quar-
termaster Corps, Jersey City, N. J.

Isaac McGrew, Jr., Staff Sergeant, In-
fantry, Yazoo City, Miss.

J. P. Mays, Sergeant, Infantry, Tallu-
lah, Louisiana.

Verna C. Neal, Private, Infantry, Rule-
ville, Miss.

Homer B. Roberts, Major, Bureau of
Public Relations, War Dept., Wash-
ington, D. C.

Henry Smith, Jr., Private, Infantry,
Good Pine, La.

Oscar J. Thomas, Technician Fourth
Grade, Transportation Corps, Palmet-
to, Fla.

Harold W. Thatcher, Lieutenant Colo-
nel, Medical Corps, Kansas City,
Kansas.
DISTINGUISHED CIVILIAN SERVICE

AWARD

Lester B. Granger, special Adviser to
the Secretary of the Navy, New
York, N. Y.

MEDAL FOR MERIT FOR CIVILIANS
Truman K. Gibson, Jr., Civilian Aide
to the Secretary of War, Chicago,
Illinois.

MEDAL OF FREEDOM (For meritorious

service to the armed forces)

Malcolm Colton, Red Cross Club Pro-
gram Director, New York City.

Millard Woods, Red Cross Club Direc-
tor, Lincoln, Nebr.

FOREIGN AWARDS

Among foreign awards granted Ameri-
can Negro soldiers were those indicated
below:

*Awarded posthumously.

British Distinguished Service Medal

Norman Day, First Sergeant, Danville,

Illinois.
Croix de Guerre (French)

George W. Edwards, Corporal.

Arthur Jackson, Jr., Technical Ser-
geant, Detroit, Mich.

Ernest A. Jenkins, Private, First Class.

Steve Rodriguez, Technical Sergeant,
New York City.

W. P. Terrell, Washington, D. C.

Order of the Soviet Union
Macon H. Johnson, Sergeant, Charles-
ton, S. C.

Partisan Medal For Heroism (Yugoslavia)
William W. Green, First Lieutenant,
Staunton, Va.

Companies Cited

Gallantry was not confined to individ-
ual Negroes during the war. Negro units
frequently received citations or commen-
dation for outstanding performance. For
example, Corporal Robert E. Bradley,
Lynchburg, Virginia, Negro truck driver
of the Army's famed Red Ball Highway,
received the Bronze Star Medal, an
award made in symbol of all drivers.
Prominent among company awards are
those mentioned below which do not,
however, represent the total number.
THE MERITORIOUS SERVICE UNIT

PLAQUE
(Awarded for "superior performance of

duty in the performance of exceptional-
ly difficult tasks.")

The 703rd Medical Sanitary Company,
serving in England, received the first
such award given a unit of this type "for
actively participating in the evacuation
of battle casualties from the Continent
from 6 June 1944 through 6 August 1944,
in an exemplary manner."

The 392nd, General Service Regiment,
received the Meritorious Unit Service
Plaque for work performed between Sep-
tember 23-December 31, 1944. The cita-
tion stated: "Despite numerous difficul-
ties, including inclement weather and
limited supplies, this unit efficiently ac-
complished several difficult and hazard-
ous projects."

Two Negro port companies serving in
the Hawaiian Islands, (one under First
Lieutenant Lewis L. Koppitch, Detroit,
Mich., and the other commanded by
First Lieutenant Glenn E. McCreary,
Willoughby, Ohio) received the award
for helping to prepare port installations
in support of the Kwajalein invasion and
for efficiency in ship load operations in
the port of Honolulu.

The 666th Quartermaster Truck Com-
pany which served with the 82nd Air-
borne Division after the Holland cam-
paign, September, 1944, received the
Meritorious Service Unit Plaque in recog-
nition of its superior rating and "out-
standing devotion to duty."

DISTINGUISHED UNIT CITATION

The only Negro artillery unit in Europe
to receive a Presidential Distinguished
Unit Citation was the 969th Field Ar-
tillery Battalion which fought through
the Normandy, and Northern France
campaign in December, 1944.

THE AMERICAN RED CROSS

379

The 614th Tank Destroyer Battalion,
Negro combat unit in Europe, com-
manded by Lieutenant Colonel Frank S.
Pritchard, a white officer from Michigan,
and officered mainly by Negroes, received
the Distinguished Unit Citation and
achieved a brilliant record, "both in terms
of consistently outstanding performance
in battle and excellence of morale."

The all Negro 332nd Fighter Group,
won the Distinguished Unit Citation for
its "outstanding courage, aggressiveness
and combat technique" displayed in ac-
tion during March, 1945.

Two Army Transportation Corps port
companies, the 311th and 539th, were
awarded the coveted Unit Citation by
the Navy for heroic services with the
Fourth Marine Division, Reinforced.
(This was the second time the Navy
Unit Citation was presented to Army
units and the first time that an Army
Service Forces unit in any theater had
received the award).

Among the Negro units receiving spe-
cial commendation from high ranking
Army officials were: the 320th Anti- Air-
craft Balloon Battalion, serving with the
First Army in the invasion of France;
the 440th Quartermaster Service Com-
pany, with the Third Army during the
Nazi breakthrough in Belgium, Decem-
ber, 1944; and the 450th Anti- Aircraft Ar-
tillery (the first Negro combat unit to
land in North Africa, and the first Negro
combat unit to go into action on Euro-
pean soil). The 95th, general service
regiment which had worked on the Alcan
Highway to Alaska and in Wales, was
commended for its work in constructing
communications zone headquarters at
Valognes, France. A Negro service unit
was the first to receive the Fifth Army
Placque, an award of merit given in rec-
ognition of the unit's activities at an im-
portant Italian harbor, during Decem-
ber, 1943. As early as January, 1943, ten
Negro units, ranging from Engineer to
Chemical Warfare Service outfits, had
been commended by General Douglas
MacArthur for their "courage, spirit and
devotion to duty" in expelling the enemy
from Papua, New Guinea.

THE AMERICAN RED CROSS14

American Red Cross work by and
for Negroes has increased through the
war years, both in the United States
and overseas. Emphasized even more
than in the war period is recreation
among occupation troops. Additional
Negro workers have been sent to re-
place those who have come home on
rotation leave, and successful consoli-
dation of white and Negro-staffed clubs
has been effected in Italy and other
places where fewer troops are being
used.

"Contributed by Jesse O. Thomas, As-
sistant to Vice Chairman, Domestic Serv-
ices, American Red Cross.

Hundreds of Negroes throughout the
war served as club directors, assistant
club directors, program directors and
assistants, personal service directors,
field directors, recreation workers,
psychiatric social workers, and on
clerical staffs.

Millions of dollars continue to be
given to servicemen, veterans, and
their families, who are in need of
financial assistance. Chief among the
veterans' needs has been help while
awaiting employment or settlement of
claims.

Negro participation in the "health"
services of the Red Cross — Home
Nursing and Nutrition classes, First
Aid, Water Safety and Accident Pre-
vention—has been increased. Two Ne-
gro physicians and a Negro nurse
were appointed December 5, 1945, to
an Advisory Board on Health Services
to coordinate activities of the Red
Cross in the health field. This Board
is expected to meet at least once a
year.

A nutritionist was appointed for spe-
cial consultant work in various Red
Cross chapters in 1946, and more than
100 Negroes were qualified the same
year as Red Cross instructors follow-
ing training in national aquatic
schools staffed by Negroes in Brevard,
N. C., and Institute, West Virginia.
In addition to skills, these schools
emphasized community leadership and
Red Cross chapter service.

An outstanding Red Cross program
is the Disaster Service, which in times
of flood, fire, tornado and other catas-
trophes, is given to all races indis-
criminately. Negro volunteers partici-
pate in this as well as other Red Cross
services.

[Editor's Note: During World War
II, the American Red Cross established
blood plasma banks. The original policy
was not to accept Negroes as blood
donors. Later Negroes were accepted
as donors, but their blood was separate-
ly labeled and segregated from that of
whites despite the fact that there is
no scientific basis for the practice of
plasma segregation. After considerable
objection on the part of Negroes, the
War Department eventually admitted
responsibility for this segregation
policy, stating the majority of whites
desired it.]

380

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

THE USO15

(United Service Organizations)

"Service to all involved in the war
effort" has been the goal of USO since
its organization in 1941. Member agen-
cies include: the Young Men's Chris-
tian Associations, the National Catho-
lic Community Service, the National
Jewish Welfare Board, the Young
Women's Christian Associations, the
Salvation Army, and the National
Travelers Aid Association. USO's basic
purposes were three-fold: "(1) To aid
in the war and defense program of
the United States of America by serv-
ing the religious, spiritual, welfare,
and educational needs of the men and
women of the armed forces, and of
workers of the war industries; (2) to
contribute to the maintenance of the
morale in American communities; and
(3) to afford a means and organiza-
tion in which its Member Agencies
may cooperate in serving these pur-
poses."

Between 1941-1946, USO served a
Negro constituency (military and/or
war workers) in practically every
State in Continental U. S. A. as well
as in off-shore bases and the Caribbean
area. The contingents of Negro troops
have ranged from 100 to approximately
20,000. With few exceptions where
USO has agreed that it had a clear
responsibility for rendering services,
a club has been established.

USO has sought to set up the neces-
sary organizational structure on all
levels that facilitates the bringing to-
gether of community leaders (repre-
sentatives of the major religious
faiths, racial groups and other key
persons) for the purpose of studying,
analyzing and making plans to meet
USO's total accepted responsibility.
These services have been provided un-
der two major plans. On the one hand,
where circumstances indicated that a
club established especially for Negroes
was the practicable approach, separate
clubs have been established and staffed
by Negro personnel, either under the
auspices of one of the USO member
agencies or under the auspices of the
local USO Council. On the other hand,
in certain sections of the country it
was possible to render most of the
basic services through USO Clubs es-
tablished without any particular ref-

15Data supplied by Henry W. Pope, Direc-
tor of Services to Negroes, USO.

erence to the racial identity of the
constituents.

In the peak period of USO history,
there were approximately 300 clubs
staffed by Negro personnel, serving a
predominantly Negro constituency.
These clubs were distributed in all
parts of the Continental U. S'. A.

USO provided a diversified plan of
program, services and activities — with
emphasis placed on spiritual guidance,
personal counsel, personal services and
recreational activities — the particular
range of services and activities de-
termined in the light of the needs and
the interest of the constituency (mem-
bers of the armed services, war pro-
duction workers through February,
1946, women and girls, and associated
civilians).

USO-CAMP SHOWS18

The USO-Camp Shows project was
set up in November, 1941, a branch
of USO, under support of the National
War Fund, for the specific purpose of
aiding the morale of the armed forces.
More than one-tenth of the performers
on the roster were colored, which
meant that there were about 400 Negro
artists, representing practically every
type of specialty, travelling throughout
the country and overseas to provide
entertainment to men and women in
service. These troupers, under direc-
tion of Dick Campbell, covered an ag-
gregate of more than 5,000,000 miles
as they staged approximately 10,000
shows.

The first Negro unit for overseas
toured the islands of the Caribbean
in 1943. "Porgy and Bess," produced
and directed by Dick Campbell with
music direction by Eva Jessye, was
the first and largest production of its
type to be sent overseas.

Outstanding artists who contributed
their talents, but who were never on
Camp Shows payroll included: Paul
Robeson, baritone; Marian Anderson,
contralto; Dorothy Maynor, soprano;
Muriel Rahn, soprano; and Aubrey
Pankey, baritone.

NEGROES SERVE WITH UNRRA

The United Nations Relief and Re-
habilitation Administration (UNRRA)
was set up November 9, 1943 as an
"international agency established by

16Data furnished by Dick Campbell, for-
merly Co-ordinator of Colored Talent,
USO-Camp Shows.

THE NEGRO VETERAN

381

44 United and Associated Nations to
help organize the resources of the
United Nations so that all liberated
nations may have the same oppor-
tunity to relieve the sufferings of their
people, and start rebuilding for peace."
Negroes were employed in various ca-
pacities on the UNRRA staff — as wel-
fare workers, administrative assis-
tants, clerks, directors and deputy di-
rectors of assembly center teams, med-
ical officers, and stenographers.

In 1945 Dr. R. O'Hara Lanier (for-
merly acting President of Hampton In-
stitute) was an Assistant Administra-
tor in the Bureau of Areas, a coordi-
nating policy bureau. Dr. Robert C.
Weaver, economist, in 1946 was second
in command of the UNRRA mission
in the Ukraine, and attended the fifth
session of the Council in Geneva,
Switzerland. Among those on UNRRA
assignments overseas Were the follow-
ing:

Name and Assignment
Blanchard A. Baker, New York City,
Deputy director, DP (Displaced per-
sons) program, Germany
Norman M. Baker, Cincinnati, Supply of-
ficer, Germany.
Leo Bohannon, Minneapolis, Principal

welfare officer, DP program, Germany.
John Bond, Washington, D. C., Welfare

worker, Italy.
Ligon Buford, Chicago, Rehabilitation,

Germany.
Joan E. Curtis, Grand Rapids, Mich.,

UNRRA staff, China.

Ernest Dawson, Reading, Pa., Principal

welfare officer, DP program, Germany.

Dorothy Doyle, New York City, Health

Mission Nurse, China.

Harry F. V. Edward, Princeton, DP spe-
cialist, Germany.
Ernest C. Grigg, Washington, D. C.,

Principal welfare officer, Germany.
Malcolm Jackson, Virgin Islands, Assem-
bly director, Germany.
Harold T. Johnson, Oberlin, Welfare of-
ficer, China.

A. L. Kidd, Tallahassee, Assistant quar-
termaster, Holland.
Dr. Catherine D. Lealtad, New York City,

Medical officer, Central Europe.
George W. Lee, Burlington, N. J., As-
sistant to chief medical officer, Italy.
Vinita V. Lewis, Washington, D. C.,

Child welfare worker, China.
Helen C. Lonewolf, Washington, D. C.,
Stenographer-clerk, DP program, Ger-
many.

Dr. Jerome S. Peterson, Brooklyn, Medi-
cal specialist, China.

J. Francis Price, Washington, D. C., Ad-
ministrative assistant, DP program,
Germany.
Earl E. Pruitt, Louisville, Finance officer,

France.

J. Jerome Robinson, Washington, D. C.,
Assistant personnel director, Germany.
Herman Washington, Washington, D. C.,
Principal welfare officer, Germany.

THE NEGRO VETERAN"

About 1,150,000 Negroes served in
the Armed Forces in World War II.
More than 95 per cent of these men
have now been discharged as veterans,
around 650,000 being located in the
thirteen Southern States.

The problems faced by these vet-
erans may be listed under claims,
housing, medical attention, civil
rights, employment, and educational
training. Particularly in the Southern
States, the efforts of the veterans to
obtain their rightful benefits in these
fields have been hampered by the re-
fusal of the various veterans' servic-
ing agencies to employ Negro per-
sonnel.

In the matter of claims for pensions,
leave pay, insurance, record adjust-
ments, etc., the rule of all-white serv-
icing officers, although vexing has not
been a barrier to the unravelling of
the services needed by the majority
of Negro veterans.

The Nation's effort in housing for
veterans has been gravely disappoint-
ing to all veterans, and especially to
Negro veterans.

Negro veterans, having fought in a
war for democracy, returned in a
spirit of quiet determination to im-
prove democratic practices in their
own communities. The personal cour-
age and sense of strategy with which
many of them have engaged them-
selves in this task is perhaps the
most noteworthy feature of their re-
turn to civilian life. Their efforts have
frequently been met with demagoguery
and brutality, but notwithstanding this
they have in innumerable instances
opened the way for broader exercise
of the franchise and greater respect
for the civil liberties of their people.

In the prevailingly good labor mar-
ket of the post-war period, Negro vet-
erans in the South have not found it
difficult to get employment, but it can-
not be said that any noteworthy ad-
vance has been made in the fields of
employment open to them. This is due
partly to the complacency of the
United States Employment Service,
which is generally believed to have
done less than it might have in find-
ing opportunities for Negro veterans
to use their highest skills. This, again,

"Contributed by Dr. George S. Mitchell,
Director, Veterans' Service Division,
Southern Regional Council, Inc.

382

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II

is partly the consequence of the re-
fusal of all but a few southern offices
of the Employment Service to use qual-
ified Negro personnel, who might have
been expected, had they been em-
ployed, to exert themselves with dili-
gence and successful contrivance on
behalf of the Negro veterans. The
Veterans' Administration itself might
fairly have been counted upon by Ne-
gro veterans to use them in adminis-
trative work without discrimination.
In point of fact, the southern offices
of the VA have been all but complete
in their refusal to take on qualified
Negro veterans, and the northern of-
fices have not been notably better.

Unemployment compensation, the re-
adjustment allowance, and the self-
employment benefit have been made
available to Negro veterans in a some-
what "spotty" way. Field inquiry
yields the view that while in most
southern areas these benefits have
been available, they have often been
less readily available to Negro claim-
ants, and for shorter periods, than for
white claimants.

The master benefit of the veterans'
legislation is educational training. In
southern communities Negro veterans
have had a particularly hard time
finding on-the-job training opportuni-
ties, and for many of those drawing
the benefit, the actual training is less
desirable than that received by white
veterans. The on-the-farm training
benefit has been developed quite un-
equally in the various Southern
States, but generally speaking, where
developed, it has been open to estab-
lished Negro farmer-veterans. The
program may be criticized for the
extreme caution with which it has
opened itself to croppers and laborers
wishing training in some specialized
farm activity.

Partly because of the difficulty in
getting on-the-job training, Negro vet-
erans have shown a particular in-
terest in full-time trade school train-
ing, but this has been made available
to them only in the most limited way.
Thus far, the public has thought of
the GT educational benefit mainly in
terms of college-level training. Yet the
great bulk of the veterans stopped
school in the later grammar grades
or early high school years, and among
the Negro veterans, the general level
probably would be between the fourth
and eighth grades. It would be sur-

prising if, the South over, in four or
five years time, as much as 12 per cent
of the veterans had taken even one
year of college work.

Negro vocational training schools
offer only a narrow range of subjects,
most of them in lines accepted as
those in which Negroes most easily
find skilled or semi-skilled employ-
ment. In many local communities Ne-
gro leadership has pressed success-
fully for additional full-time trade
training schools for Negro veterans.
It may well be that out of the am-
bitions of these men to obtain the
training that will fit them for secure
employment, the South will equip it-
self with a network of trade training
schools. These schools should prove
highly successful as the area pushes
ahead with industrialization in the
very decade in which mechanization
of agriculture foreseeably will release
a million or more untrained laborers.

In the matter of self-organization,
the Negroes who have come out of
World War II have been more enter-
prising than the men from World
War I. The American Legion in the
States in the lower South refused to
charter Negro posts for all the years
until 1946, but with only one or two
exceptions the various State depart-
ments of the Legion all over the coun-
try are now admitting Negroes in sepa-
rate Negro posts. The Veterans of For-
eign Wars has accepted Negro mem-
bers on similar terms straight along,
and has had a substantial growth of
Negro posts since World War II. It
is generally recognized that the two
most vigorous strictly World War II
organizations are the AMVETS and
the American Veterans Committee.
The first has only here and there
shown interest in Negro membership.
The AVC has made it a rule to char-
ter only chapters that agree to accept
Negro members without qualification.
Their chapters have already become
influential in many southern cities.
The United Negro and Allied Veterans
and the National Council of Negro
Veterans have each put on organizing
campaigns in the South, and local
posts of each organization can usually
be found in the large cities. In addi-
tion, many local clubs of Negro vet-
erans have been formed. Many of these
groups are currently negotiating with
established national veterans organiza-
tion for entrance into them.

DIVISION XVI

THE NEGRO PRESS

By VEBA CHANDLER FOSTER AND JESSIE P. GUZMAN
Tuskegee Institute

THE FUNCTION OF THE NEGRO
PRESS

Two distinguished present-day Negro
editors have ably set forth the function
of the Negro press.

P. L. Prattis, Executive Editor of
the Pittsburgh Courier, in an article
entitled, "The Role of the Negro Press
in Race Relations," which appears in
the third quarter, 1946 edition of
Phylon, characterizes the Negro press
as follows:

The first function of the Negro press
is "the promotion of the welfare of
Negroes and the fighting of their bat-
tles. . . . The chief function of the
Negro newspaper, along with other
forces in Negro life, is to fight for
first class citizenship and full oppor-
tunity for growth for Negroes. . . .
It fights against the restrictions im-
posed upon Negro citizens by other
Americans of the dominant majority.
In general, it is against this dominant
majority that it levels its attacks. It
is an instrument of the embattled mi-
nority in action against the repressive
majority.

"So far as the Negro press and its
primary function are concerned, the
nation is divided into two groups, a
majority group and a minority group,
and the Negro press is a device spe-
cially fashioned for the use of the
ninority group in its battle for sur-
vival and status against the majority
group.

"The Negro press is seriously en-
gaged in the job of stimulating Negro
achievement, increasing the Negro's
pride in himself and respect for him-
self, and cultivating within him the
desire and willingness to shake hands
and work with the other fellow. The
Negro press believes this can best be
done by helping the Negro to keep his
head lifted high, by helping to dispel
and destroy all notions that he is an
inferior of any kind, by encourage-
ment of his virtues and talents and
criticism of his vices, by continuous
assault on all artificial barriers which
separate white from black, Jew from

Gentile, or any kind of American from
any other kind of American and
through recognition and appreciation
of what all Americans, regardless of
race or religion, do to advance the
cause of common brotherhood and hu-
manity."

Frank L. Stanley, editor of the
Louisville Defender and President of
the Negro Newspaper Publishers Asso-
ciation, in a radio broadcast during Na-
tional Negro Newspaper week, sums
up the function of the Negro press as
follows:

"The chief function first is to objec-
tively report the news, as and when
it happens, and as it affects all people
without any special regard to race,
color or creed. The second function,
which is inseparable, with respect to
a class publication, and that is the
category in which all Negro newspa-
pers are classified, that function is to
fight oppression, to give expression to
the desires of those citizens of minority
groups in these United States, who
seek full citizenship rights."

That these functions have been faith-
fully adhered to is clearly evident by
studying the growth and development
of the Negro press.

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
THE NEGRO PRESS1

The year 1946 marked the 119th
anniversary of the Negro press. Prior
to World War II, there have been
three rather clear-cut periods in its
development. They coincide to a large
extent with the growth and develop-
ment of Negro life generally and with
epoch making events in American his-
tory.

The Negro Press and Slavery

The first Negro newspaper, Free-
dom's Journal, was published in New

Detweiler, Frederick G., The Negro
Press in the United States, Chicago, The
University of Chicago Press, 1922. Chap-
ters II and III; Ottley, Roi, New World
A-Coming, Boston, Houghton Mifflin Co.,
1943. Chapter XIX; Myrdal, Gunnar, An
American Dilemma, New York, Harper
& Bros. 1944. Vol. 2, Chapter 42; Negro
Year Book, 1918-1919 and 1921-22 editions.

383

384

THE NEGRO PRESS

York City in 1827 by John B. Russ-
wurm and Samuel E. Cornish. Russ-
wurm, having finished Bowdoin Col-
lege in 1826, was the first Negro
college graduate in the United States.
The journal grew out of a meeting
of Russwurm, Cornish and others to
consider "the vilest attacks on the
Afro-Americans." Its purpose was the
freedom of the slaves, and it went so
far as to call upon the slaves of the
South to revolt.

The North Star, established by Fred-
erick Douglass, the great abolitionist,
and later renamed and published as
Frederick Douglass' Paper, was oper-
ated by him until emancipation. Doug-
lass felt that "the greatest hindrance
to the adoption of abolition principles
by the people of the United States was
the low estate . . . placed upon the
Negro as a man. ... A tolerably well
conducted press in the hands of per-
sons of the despised race, would by
calling out and making them ac-
quainted with their own latent pow-
ers, by enkindling their hope of a fu-
ture and developing their moral force,
prove a most powerful means of re-
moving prejudice and awakening an
interest in them." The North Star was
published at a cost of $80. per week
and had a circulation of 3,000. Fred-
erick Douglass' Paper reached a cir-
culation of 4,000 copies.

There were 24 Negro periodicals be-
tween 1827 and the Civil War, many
of which existed for only a short time.
All of them came into being as a pro-
test against slavery. They also pro-
tested "against discrimination in the
North and advocated full civil lib-
erties."

The oldest Negro newspaper in the
United States is the Christian Re-
corder, the organ of the African Meth-
odist Episcopal Church, established
in 1848.

The Negro Press During and
After Reconstruction

The problems after emancipation
were many. With the end of the war
and the lifting of the ban against the
distribution of Negro papers in the
South as well as against Negroes learn-
ing to read and write, the Negro press
saw its opportunity for development,
also the necessity of combating grow-
ing anti-Negro sentiment and of uni-
fying Negroes to cope with it.

The first paper started in the South
was the Colored American at Augusta,

Georgia, in 1865. It was a "vehicle for
the diffusion of Religious, political and
General Intelligence ... to keep before
the minds of our race the duties and
responsibilities of freedom; and to call
attention to the wants and grievances
of the colored people." It lasted only
six months.

Frederick Douglass started the New
National Era in Washington after the
Civil War, but this paper cost him so
much that he decided to give up news-
paper work permanently, stating he
had learned an expensive but valuable
lesson.

The 1870's and the 1880's saw the
rise of many of the church papers that
are still in existence, for these were
years of much church building and de-
nominational expansion, the Church
being the center of the social and com-
munity life of the Negro. Fraternal
papers also grew rapidly after the
Civil War. In 1922, 45 such papers
were known to exist. Of these, the
Independent, Atlanta, Georgia, started
in 1903, had the greatest circulation
and was the most influential because
of the personality of its editor, Ben-
jamin Jefferson Davis, head of the Odd
Fellows.

The Washington Bee came into ex-
istence in Washington, D. C., 1879, the
editor being William Calvin Chase, a
well educated lawyer with fearless
personality. About this same time, the
Indianapolis World appeared; in 1883,
the Cleveland Gazette; in 1884, the
Philadelphia Tribune. The editor,
Chris J. Perry, was a successful in-
vestor in securities and real estate.
In 1885 came the Savannah Tribune;
and the Richmond Planet about the
same time. The Elevator of San Fran-
cisco, edited and published by Philip
A. Bell and W. J. Powell, was added
to this group, as was also the Pro-
gressive American of New York City,
which lasted from 1871 to 1887.

The New York Age was first pub-
lished in 1887. It started as the Rumor,
became the Globe, then the Freeman.
When taken over by T. Thomas For-
tune, a man of considerable ability,
and Jerome B. Peterson, it became the
New York Age. Fortune's editorials
were not only widely read, but drew
forth comments from the white press.
In 1907, Fred R. Moore purchased the
New York Age and became its editor
and publisher. Other noted editors of
the New York Age during its earlier
years were James Weldon Johnson,

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEGRO PRESS

385

author, diplomat, musician; and Lester
B. Walton, diplomat.

John H. Murphy, an outstanding
churchman, established the Baltimore
Afro- American in 1892. His first pub-
lication was the Sunday School Helper^
which ante-dated the Afro- American.

Some other early editors were:
Harry C. Smith of the Cleveland Ga-
zette; George L. Knox, editor of the
Freeman; Nick Chiles of the Topeka
Plaindealer; John Mitchell, Jr., of the
Richmond Planet.

In 1870 there were 10 Negro journals
in America; in 1880, 31; in 1890 there
were 154.

Although definitely fighting for the
rights of the Negro, in this period the
Negro press, as a whole, had not yet
taken on its present-day belligerency,
though such belligerency was becom-
ing apparent. The Boston-Guardian,
launched in 1901 by William Monroe
Trotter, as an uncompromising mili-
tant organ, was widely read by educat-
ed Negroes and was a powerful force;
also, the Chicago Defender, started by
Robert S. Abbott in 1905, and The
Crisis, begun in 1910 as the organ of
the National Association for the Ad-
vancement of Colored People, with W.
E. B. DuBois, as editor.

The Negro Press During
World War I

The slogan of World War I, "Make
the world safe for democracy," was
the signal for a decided change in the
tone and character of the Negro press.
The aims of America for the world
and the treatment of Negroes at home
were so inconsistent that immediately
the Negro press took up this slogan
and used it to make Negroes conscious
of these inconsistencies. Not only did
they concern themselves with the prob-
lems of Negroes in America, but also
with the problems of colored minorities
everywhere.

William Monroe Trotter of the
Guardian was the most aggressive of
the Negro editors. When a passport
was denied him to attend the Paris
Peace Conference, he worked his way
across the Atlantic to Paris as a cook,
at least to observe the conference. The
Guardian had a nation-wide circula-
tion, and Trotter was a hero in the
minds of his reading public.

The Chicago Defender was the begin-
ning of a new type of journalism
among Negroes. It had grown from

a few copies of handbill size which
Robert S. Abbott the editor himself
distributed, into a great metropolitan
institution.

Harvard-trained DuBois of The
Crisis was the most penetrating and
trenchant editor of this period. These
three — Trotter, Abbott and DuBois —
were a trio to be reckoned with in
themselves, had no other editors ex-
isted; but they had adequate support
in the rest of the Negro press. The
Messenger, one of the most radical and
most widely circulated, edited by A.
Philip Randolph, advocated change of
the Negro's condition by the revolu-
tionary action of Negro and white
labor. The New York Age advocated
orderly change through the Republi-
can party. The Government, believing
some of the Negro papers to be dan-
gerous for the morale of the country
and the war effort, felt impelled to con-
fer with 31 editors and other Negro
leaders. This group drew up a set of
recommendations embodied in a "Bill
of Particulars" which set forth all of
the grievances and needs of the Negro.
This singling out of the Negro press
afforded more and better headlines,
and in no way changed the attitude
of the press.

As well as fighting for the rights of
the Negro as American citizens, the
Negro newspapers were the channels
through which Negroes kept informed
about events affecting their personal
interest. After having turned the mass
migration of Negroes from the South
to the North to enter industrial plants
and other jobs into a protest move-
ment, they kept the public informed
about job opportunities; about what
was happening to persons who had al-
ready gone North for work. They told
of the efforts that were being made
to keep Negro labor in the South and
to keep northern Negro newspapers
from circulating in the South. They
gave information about the soldiers
who were with the American Expedi-
tionary Force, as well as those at
home. They told of riots tfitft were
taking place and other adverse condi-
tions affecting the Negro public. The
Negro press created a bond with its
constituency that had not existed pre-
viously.

In the 3920's and the 1930's the mo-
mentum gained during the emergency
period did not wane, for the quickened
racial consciousness of the Negro was

386

THE NEGRO PRESS

kept alive with the reports of the re-
vival of the Ku Klux Klan; of further
lynchings and riots. The Garvey
Movement (advocating return of Ne-
groes to Africa) was a big topic for
the newspapers as was the continued
migration and the great depression,
with its attendant ills and new forms
of discrimination growing out of the
administering of the Government's wel-
fare programs.

Much copy was provided the Negro
press, and it did not fail to capitalize
on it. These occurrences kept the in-
terest of the public alive and enhanced
the value of the press.

THE NEGRO PRESS DURING
WORLD WAR II

When World War II came, the pow-
er of the Negro press was unchal-
lenged. It had gained great prestige
with both the Government and the peo-
ple between 1917 and 1941. The same
grievances that existed during World
War I were played up with moi'e in-
tensity. The Negro press not only
published the Negro's grievances, but
stirred up and organized them.

"Again the inconsistency between ex-
pressed war aims and domestic policy
becomes glaring. Again there is dis-
crimination in the Army, Navy and Air
Force, and in the war industries. Again
there are Negro heroes, unrecognized
by the whites, to praise. And again
the low war morale of the Negro peo-
ple becomes a worry to the government.
Again white leaders come out with dec-
larations that justice must be given to
Negroes. The administration makes
cautious concessions. Negro leaders
are more determined. All this makes
good copy."2

The War Department, having be-
come more aware of the role of the
Negro press, kept its top executives
informed weekly with a "Report of
Trends in the Colored Press."

In addition to the routine job of
disseminating information, the Negro
press cooperated 100 per cent in the
war effort. Newspapers promoted bond
drives, scrap metal drives, salvage pro-
grams of all kinds, victory garden
projects and Civilian Defense pro-
grams. They campaigned for and won
wider employment for Negroes and
then conducted "hold your job cam-
paigns" to maintain that employment.
In addition to The Crisis (Roy Wil-
kins, editor) and the Chicago De-
fender (John H. Sengstacke, nephew

2Myrdal. Gunnar, An American Dilemma,
Vol. II, p. 915.

of the founder, editor-publisher), there
had grown up a battery of other strong
newspapers, all working for a com-
mon cause — to secure for Negroes first
class citizenship in America and human
dignity for oppressed peoples every-
where. This effort was dramatized as
a Double V program, Victory at home
and abroad by The Pittsburgh Courier
(P. L. Prattis, executive editor; started
in 1910; Mrs. Robert L. Vann, widow
of one of the founders, publisher and
treasurer).

Other strong papers were: The Afro-
American (Carl Murphy, formerly a
teacher of German at Howard Univer-
sity, editor, having succeeded his fa-
ther, the founder); the Amsterdam
News (Dr. C. B. Powell, member of the
New York Athletic Commission, edi-
tor)',; the Journal and Guide, Norfolk,
Virginia (P. B. Young, Jr., editor, hav-
ing taken over from P. B. Young, Sr.,
who established the paper in 1899).

There were, also, the Kansas City
Call, Missouri (C. A. Franklin, editor;
established, 1919) ; the Louisiana Week-
ly (C. C. DeJoie, Jr., editor; estab-
lished, 1926); the Los Angeles Senti-
nel (Loren Miller, editor; estab-
lished, 1932) ; the Philadelphia Tribune
(Eustace Gay, editor; established,
1884) ; the Louisville Defender (F. L.
Stanley, editor; established, 1933); the
Michigan Chronicle, Detroit (L. E.
Martin, editor; established, 1936); the
People's Voice, New York City (Adam
Clayton Powell, Jr., outstanding
churchman, editor until he resigned in
1946 because of heavy duties as Con-
gressman and as pastor of Abyssinia
Baptist Church) ; the Cleveland Call
and Post (William O. Walker, editor;
established, 1921); the Houston In-
former (Carter W. Wesley, editor; es-
tablished, 1893); and the New York
Age (L. W. Werner, editor; estab-
lished, 1885).

With this group should be men-
tioned the Atlanta Daily World, only
Negro daily, edited by C. A. Scott.
Founded in August, 1928 by W. A.
Scott, it was published weekly until
the spring of 1930 when it became a
semi-weekly. In January, 1931, the
Southern Newspaper Syndicate was
formed as an outgrowth of the Atlanta
World. Semi-weeklies were established
in Birmingham, Alabama; Columbus,
Georgia; and Chattanooga, Tennessee.
On March 13, 1932, the Atlanta World
changed from a tri-weekly to a daily.

THE NEGRO PRESS DURING WORLD WAR II

387

Established in 1923, Opportunity
(Journal of Negro Life), the organ of
the National Urban League, Elmer A.
Carter, editor, has been outstanding
during this period. Charles S. John-
son, President of Fisk University, was
editor from 1923 to 1929.
Editorial Policy of Negro Newspapers
1917-18 and 1941-42 Compared

A comparison of the editorial policy
of Negro editors during World War I
and World War II by Lester M. Jones,
appearing in the Journal of Negro His-
tory, January, 1944, shows that there
was "no change in the fundamental
loyalty and patriotism of Negro edi-
tors. The two periods are alike in
their editorial protests against racial
discrimination in the armed forces
and in war jobs; and in their de-
nunciation of race riots and abusive
treatment of colored soldiers."

The editors of 1917-18 felt that the
"walls of prejudice would crumble be-
fore the onslaught of comon sense and
racial progress," and that the colored
soldier "will hardly be begrudged a
fair chance when the victorious armies
return."

World War II editors were "more
wary, less trustful of high sounding
slogans and bounteous promises."
They had "learned caution from the
unfilled editorial expectations of 1917-
18." While still striving to keep their
readers loyal to America and to the
cause for which they were fighting,
they encouraged them to improve
their status while the war was going
on, rather than wait patiently for the
war to be over before doing so. The
experiences after World War I had
taught them that they could not ex-
pect too much once arms were laid
aside.

Almost twice as much space was de-
voted to the significance of the war
for the Negro in the editorials of
World War II as was the case in
World War I.

The editors of World War II de-
voted more space to the effects of the
war on the Negro than did those of
World War I. The editors of World
War II saw that the adjustment of
domestic matters in the United States
"is part of a larger whole involving
all races of men everywhere. . . . Lead-
ing editorial writers realize (d) that
the post-war status of minority groups,
colored colonial dependencies, and
other subject peoples on the conti-

nents of Europe, Asia and Africa will
be ... indubitably reflected . . . in
the treatment of the American Negro."
War Correspondents

Among war correspondents awarded

theatre ribbons and the area in which

they served were:

Frank E. Bolden, Pittsburgh Courier and
NNPA correspondent, India-Burma

Deton J. Brooks, Chicago Defender, China

Arthur M. Carter, Afro-American, Medi-
terranean

Haskell Cohen, Pittsburgh Courier, Medi-
terranean

Lemuel E. Graves, Journal and Guide,
Mediterranean

O. W. Harrington, Pittsburgh Courier,
Mediterranean-European

John Q. Jordan, Journal and Guide, Euro-
pean !

Max Johnson, Afro-American, Mediterra-
nean-European-Pacific

Theodore A. Stanford, Pittsburgh Courier,
European

Ollie Stewart, Afro-American, African-
Mediterranean-European

Edward Toles, Chicago Defender, Euro-
pean

Vincent Tubbs, Afro-American, Euro-
pean-Pacific
Other war correspondents and the

theatres which they covered are:

*Trezzvant W. Anderson, ANP, England

Edward Baker, Pittsburgh Courier, Euro-
pean

Randy Dixon, Pittsburgh Courier, Eng-
land

Rudolph Dunbar, ANP, European

Collins George, Pittsburgh Courier, Italy

Peyton Grey, Afro-American, European

Frank D. Godien, ANP, Italy

Elgin Hychew, Houston Informer, Euro-
pean

*J. M. Jones, Jr., ANP, Pacific

Charles H. Loeb, NNPA, European-Pa-
cific

Fletcher P. Martin, Louisville Defender
and NNPA, Pacific

George Coleman Moore, ANP, European

*Evelio Griffo, ANP, India

David Orro, Chicago Defender, England

Mrs. Elizabeth B. Murphy Phillips, Afro-
American, first colored woman certified
as war correspondent overseas. Became
ill and had to return without reporting
war activities.

*Will V. Neely, ANP, Pacific

Billy Rowe, Pittsburgh Courier, Pacific

Edgar T. Rouzeau, Pittsburgh Courier,
European

*James A. Sanders, ANP, Italy

Enoc P. Waters, Chicago Defender, Pa-
cific

*Robert G. Washington, ANP, African

Francis Yancy, Afro-American, Aleutians,
Alaska, Pacific

P. Bernard Young, Jr., Journal and
Guide, toured British West Africa

T. W. Young, Journal and Guide, North
Africa, Sicily, England, Scotland
Chatwood Hall was the only Negro

correspondent in Russia. He was there

before the war began.

*An asterisk indicates members of the
armed forces.

388

THE NEGRO PRESS

Special News Gathering Agencies
During World War II

It is important to note that the flow
of war news was greatly facilitated by
the forming of a pool for this purpose
by a number of Negro newspapers in
1943. Papers making up this pool
were: the Afro-American, the Pitts-
burgh Courier, the Chicago Defender,
the Louisville Defender, the Michigan
Chronicle, the Detroit Tribune, the
Journal and Guide, Norfolk, Vir-
ginia, the Kansas City Call, Kansas
City, Missouri, the Amsterdam News,
New York City, the Houston Informer,
the Atlanta Daily World, the Phila-
delphia Tribune, the Cleveland Call-
Post and the Chicago Bee.

Following the visit in 1944 of Major
Homer B. Roberts of the War Depart-
ment's Bureau of Public Relations to
the European Theatre of Operations,
a program for co-ordinating the flow
of news about Negro troops was in-
augurated. A special news agency
staffed by Negro reporters and officered
by Negroes was created to serve as
a clearing house for reports from
Negro units.

There was also a Negro correspon-
dent on the staff of Stars omd Stripes,
Army newspaper published in the
European theatre.

SURVEY OF NEGRO NEWSPAPERS3

Number and Location of
Negro Newspapers

In the period July 1, 1944 to June
30, 1945, there were 155 Negro news-
papers in the United States, 146 of
which bore a price. Those bearing a
price were published in 14 Northern
States, all of the Southern States, ex-
cept Delaware, and 3 Western States.
In the North these papers numbered
58, with a count of 75 in the South,
and 13 in the West.

Among the individual States, Texas
with 11 priced newspapers ranked first,
and the States of California, New
York, and Pennsylvania with 10 priced
newspapers each, ranked second. The
northern cities of Chicago, Cleveland,
Detroit, Indianapolis, New York, Phila-
delphia, Pittsburgh, and St. Louis had
23 newspapers; the Southern cities

Extracted from Negro Newspapers and
Periodicals in the United States: 1945
Bureau of the Census, U. S. Department
of Commerce, August 29, 194(5.

of Atlanta, Baltimore, Birmingham,
Dallas, Houston, Jacksonville, Mem-
phis, New Orleans, Richmond, and
Washington, D. C. had 25 newspapers;
and Los Angeles in the West had 5
Negro newspapers.
Circulation of Negro Newspapers

The combined average net circula-
tion (1945) for 137 newspapers bear-
ing a price was 1,809,060, about one-
half (952,864, or 52.7 per cent) of this
circulation being accounted for by 20
Negro newspapers in the Audit Bureau
of Circulations.

Out of 98 newspapers, 41 had no
out-of-State circulation, and 57 had a
combined average net out-of-State cir-
culation of 356,079. Four newspapers
with out-of-State circulations of 220,-
073; 30,729; 12,212; and 10,000, respec-
tively, had somewhat more than three-
fourths (76.7 per cent) of total out-
of-State circulation.

The combined average net circula-
tion of 106 Negro newspapers in-
creased from 1,293,261 to 1,643,311, or
350,050 (27.1 per cent) between 1943
and 1945.

Ownership and Number of
Employees, Negro Newspapers

In 1945, individual proprietorships,
partnerships, and corporations ac-
counted for all except 16 of 136 news-
papers. There were 59 individual pro-
prietorships, 21 partnerships, and 40
corporations.

Information on number of employees
on pay rolls as of June 30, 1945 fur-
nished by 130 newspapers shows that
23 newspapers were conducted without
any employees and that 107 had a
total of 1,727 employees. Nineteen of
the newspapers in the latter group
had more than 12 employees each.
Their workers numbered 1,250, of
which 695, or 55.6 per cent, were em-
ployed by 4 newspapers with from 121
to 211 employees.

Negro Periodicals

In 1945 there were 100 Negro period-
icals. Out of 98 periodicals reporting,
24 were established between 1942 and
1945. More than one-third (34.1 per
cent) of the combined average net cir-
culation of 85 periodicals (749,025)
was for 14 general periodicals with
a combined average net circulation of
255,294. The next highest proportion
(30.6 per cent) was for 13 religious
publications.

ADVERTISING AND THE NEGRO MARKET

389

Combined Average Net Circulation Per Issue For Selected
Negro Periodicals: 1945

(Includes all periodicals which reported average net circulation)

CLASSIFICATION

Number of
periodicals

Combined -average
net circulation

Total

749,025

Advertising' business and trade

16,400

Alumni and collegiate

24,428

Educational ... .

126,691

Fraternal . •

28 750

General

255,294

Religious . .

228 962

Miscellaneous

68 500

ADVERTISING AND THE NEGRO
MARKET

Citing the importance of giving heed
to under-developed markets, a leading
advertising journal (Tide, March,
1947) points out that the largest and
most important of these markets —
and the greatest unrealized oppor-
tunity, perhaps, is among Negroes. "In
population and in buying power, they
are growing rapidly and give every
sign of continuing to do so. For ad-
vertisers, there are two alternatives:
to by-pass this market, as they tended
to do before the war, or to study, ap-
praise and set out to develop it. ...
The two factors which hindered pio-
neers and all their successors are the
absence of adequate statistics on the
market and the limitations of the
available Negro media. . . .

"The other (latter) part of the ad-
vertiser's problem in reaching Negroes
has two subdivisions: what media are
available? and what is the best way
to appeal to the market? . . . Even the
pitifully small amount of research
made so far shows that Negroes often
as not 'buy the best,' or at least the
expensive.

"The established Negro media most
available to advertisers are the news-
papers and magazines. Until now, and
to some extent even now, the Negro
press . . . still lacks even the most
basic research. ... A scant 22 ... Ne-
gro newspapers belong to the Audit Bu-
reau of Circulations (ABC). The rest
of the field ... is sold on everything
from publishers' sworn statements to
imaginary circulation."

About 99 per cent of the Negro news-
paper field, Tide reveals, is shared by
two newspaper representatives, Asso-
ciated Publishers, Inc., and Interstate
United Newspapers, Inc., both with
headquarters in New York. Interstate

represents six of the 22 Negro ABC
papers and sells space in more than
150 others, plus a dozen or more maga-
zines. These ABC papers and their
circulation are: the Pittsburgh Courier,'
its various editions with circulation
over 286,000; the New York Amster-
dam News, 111,000; Kansas City Call,
41,000; the New Orleans Louisiana
Weekly, 19,000; Los Angeles Sentinel,
10,000; and the Philadelphia Tribune,
11,000.

Entering the field in 1944, the Asso-
ciated Publishers handles the rest of
the ABC Negro papers, excepting the
Chicago Defender (with its national
and local editions having circulation
of 202,915). Included are the Afro-
American, (with total circulation of
229,138 for its national weekly Balti-
more edition and local editions in
Baltimore, Washington, Philadelphia,
Newark and Richmond; the Louisville
Defender, 17,723; New Orleans In-
former and Sentinel, 4,130; Detroit
Chronicle, 24,835; New York People's
Voice, 28,076; Cleveland Call and Post,
25,912; Houston Informer, 30,524;
Dallas Express, 11,990; San Antonio
Informer, 2,010; and the Norfolk Jour-
nal and Guide, 68,039.

The securing of national advertising
constitutes one of the major difficulties
of the Negro press. Lacking this prof-
itable source of income, the chief rev-
enue of the Negro newspapers is de-
rived from the sale of papers them-
selves, price usually ranging from 5
to 10 cents per copy.4 With almost

4According to the Bureau of the Census,
of 139 Negro newspapers studied (July 1,
1944 — June 30, 1945) the price range for
all except 6 was from 5c to lOc: 71 cost
5c per copy; 38, lOc per copy; 6, 6c per
copy; 17, 7c per copy; 1, 8c per copy. More
than one-half (or 20 of 38) papers priced
at lOc per copy were located in the
North.

390

THE NEGRO PRESS

complete absence of regular commer-
cial advertising, half or more of such
advertising as there is carried is usual-
ly about "hair-straighteners," "skin-
bleachers," patent medicines, dream
books and the like. The Census Bureau
reports that advertising linage printed
in 80 Negro newspapers (July 1,
1944 — June 30, 1945) amounted to 2,-
967,230 inches with 2,211,373 inches of
this volume carried by 15 newspapers.
When, as an experiment, in the sum-
mer of 1941, the Philip Morris ciga-
rette company advertised in three of
the large Negro papers, another Negro
weekly editorialized "if that campaign
goes over, not only those newspapers
but many Negro newspapers will be
used by cigarette companies who are
interested in the Negro market."

EXPANSION IN COVERAGE OF
NEWS BY THE NEGRO PRESS

Before World War II, the Afro-
American had Chatwood Hall in Mos-
cow and Ollie Stewart in Rio de Ja-
neiro. The Crisis received regular dis-
patches from George Padmore from
London. Such free-lance writers as
Roy De Coverly, stationed in Copen-
hagen, corresponded with a number
of papers in the United States. Today,
alert to the Negro's concern about all
matters not only on the color problem
but on world affairs, numerous cor-
respondents work on the international
aspects of the news. Additional in-
terest was stimulated not only by
World War II itself, but by the fact
that in World War II every facility
was given Negro newspapers to send
correspondents to Europe, Africa,
Alaska and into the Southwest Pa-
cific. This privilege did not exist dur-
ing World War I. The activities of
war correspondents greatly stimulated
the interest of the press and the pub-
lic in post-war developments.

The Dumbarton Oaks Conference,
August 21 to October 7, 1945 was the
subject of much speculation. Two is-
sues especially were of interest to the
Negro press; i.e., whether the Man-
dates system would be touched and
whether the matter of racial equality
would be gone into.

Of much news value was the San
Francisco Conference, opened April
25, 1945, where Walter White, W. E. B.
Du Bois and Mrs. Mary McLeod
Bethune had been certified by the State
Department to serve as consultants to

the American delegates at the con-
ference. The larger newspapers sent
their correspondents to cover this as-
semblage and some forty-two national
organizations sent representatives.

George Padmore, Chicago Defender
foreign correspondent, kept in close
touch with the news as D-Day ap-
proached in Europe, writing many be-
hind the scene stories. He sent in "on-
the-spot" accounts of the crucial Paris
Peace Conference. A longtime writer
and champion of colonial peoples, Mr.
Padmore gave inside information as
the complex of colonies, empire, and
world power unfolded, also side lights
about delegates and other personali-
ties.

Robert Moton Williams' accounts of
what took place at the Luxembourg
Palace, Paris Peace Conference, gave
colorful pen pictures of the colored
delegates, describing among other
things the native attire of such per-
sonalities as Haile Selassie and an at-
tractive dark-skinned woman, Miss J.
Heckford, who "stands out in the au-
dience like a black pearl."

Headlines about the United Nations
show the interest and coverage of that
organization. Headings of news items
are descriptive of this keen interest:
"No Black Nations on Top UNO Com-
mittees"; "New Deal for Belgian Congo
Overlooked on UNO Agenda"; "Smuts
Loses UN Approval for Southwest Af-
rica Annexation"; "India Wins Moral
Victory in Union of South Africa
Trial"; "Soviets to Demand Race
Equality at Peace Table"; "What Stake
Have the Darker Nations in the Com-
ing Peace"; "African Natives Send UN
Delegates"; "Equality Biggest Little
Word at World Conference."

Henry Lee Moon covered the World
Trade Union Conference in London
for the Chicago Defender in February,
1945. George Padmore also covered it
for the Pittsburgh Courier. Roi Ottley,
special correspondent of the Pittsburgh
Courier, was granted the first private
audience to an American Negro cor-
respondent by Pope Pius XII and re-
ported the same. Ollie Stewart re-
ported the pomp and splendor of the
Ceremony of Consistory in February,
1946 at St. Peter's Cathedral, Rome.
"Operations Crossroads," the atomic
bomb tests at Bikini Atoll, in the Cen-
tral Pacific, were covered by Vincent
T. Tubbs and P. Bernard Young, Jr.
They gave eye witness accounts of

PRESS ASSOCIATIONS

391

atomic bomb power, plus other im-
pressions of their trip to attend this
niomantous event. Young, of the
Journal and Guide, was a member of
the Kwajalein group flying from San
Francisco; and Vincent Tubbs, of the
A fro- American Newspapers, Inc., was
a member of the Appalachian group,
which took three weeks to reach the
Bikini area, journeying aboard a joint
Army-Navy task force transport, the
Z7.Sf.fif. Appalachian. Ralph Matthews,
Afro-American writer, was at the in-
auguration of William H. Hastie as
Governor of the Virgin Islands.

The Pittsburgh Courier has an ad-
viser on foreign affairs in Dr. Rayford
W. Logan, head of the Department of
History, Howard University; and John
Robert Badger conducts a column,
"World View," for the Chicago De-
fender. Luther P. Jackson, historian,
writes a special column for the Jour-
nal and Guide and W. E. B. Du Bois'
column entitled, "The Winds of Time,"
appears in the Chicago Defender.

A point to be noted here is that
while news about world happenings
was available in the white press, the
special interpretations of such events
by Negro reporters gave added inter-
est.

PRESS ASSOCIATIONS

American Newspaper Guild

Generally excluded by race from
white press organizations, Negro news-
men have their own counterparts but
continue to try to break down the
barriers. The Louisville (Ky.) De-
fender in June, 1946, was denied mem-
bership in the Kentucky Press Asso-
ciation by a decision based on social
grounds. The constitution of the
American Newspaper Guild (begun by
Heywood Broun in 1933, a C. I. O. af-
filiate since 1937) protects newsmen
from being barred "by reason of sex,
race, or religious or political convic-
tion," yet Negro newspapers have been
s'ow to sign Guild contracts.

First to sign such a contract was
the New York Amsterdam News. The
Amsterdam News Guild Unit voted
strike action against the management
in 1946, charging that contract provi-
sions having to do mainly with inter-
office relationships were ignored. Also
Guild members are the People's Voice
the Pittsburgh Courier, the Los An-
geles Sentinel, the Chicago Defender
and the Afro-American group of pa-

pers. In 1946, Lowell Lomax, chairman
of the Guild unit of Afro-American
employees, was one of a 10-man Dis-
trict of Columbia delegation to the
national convention at Scranton, Penn-
sylvania. He was the first Negro news-
man ever delegated to represent a
southern chapter at the convention.

The Capitol Press Club

The Capitol Press Club, outstanding
among urban press groups, is an or-
ganization of "topflight" Negro news-
men and women in Washington, D. C.,
and includes the Negro press corps
and public relations men in govern-
ment service. Its annual awards for
the best news story and photography
are widely publicized.

Delta Phi Delta

Delta Phi Delta, organized in 1937
at Morehouse College, Atlanta, Geor-
gia, as a national intercollegiate jour-
nalistic society, in 1939 extended its
membership to include professional
journalists, college publicity directors,
editors and publishers. More active
prior to the War, the group's project,
"National Negro Newspaper Week"6
(designed primarily to familiarize
America with accomplishments and
possibilities of the Negro newspaper,
and its contributions to American life)
is now sponsored by the Negro News-
paper Publishers Association, (NNPA).

The National Negro News
Distributors Association

The National Negro News Distribu-
tors Association is an independent
newsdealers' organization, set up in
February, 1946 in New York City, with
Carroll M. Ellis, National News Com-
pany, Chicago, as President.

The Negro Newspaper
Publishers Association

The Negro Newspaper Publishers As-
sociation (NNPA) organized in Chi-
cago in March, 1940 by 28 publishers
and executives representing 21 week-
ly papers from New York to Nebraska,
is today one of the most influential
of Negro organizations. The first Pres-
ident was John H. Sengstacke, then
general manager of the Chicago De-
fender. From the very outset, NNPA
has conducted an active program, de-
signed not only to improve and pro-

GOriginally designated "Bigger and Better
Negro Newspaper Week," when first cele-
brated February 27-March 5, 1939.

392

THE NEGRO PRESS

mote the Negro press, but to increase
the status of the Negro. It enjoys a
strategic position with reference to
Negro affairs. The growth and activi-
ties of NNPA represent a new phase
of development of the Negro press.

Prominent among NNPA activities
is the annual observance of National
Negro Newspaper Week during which
celebration there are programs, ex-
hibits, and essay contests. The chief
feature, however, is a nation-wide
broadcast with outstanding personali-
ties and celebrities of the stage and
screen participating. During the War
these broadcasts included reports from
Negro war correspondents and dram-
atization of heroic exploits of Negro
soldiers.

In 1943, the executive committee of
NNPA held a two-day series of con-
ferences in Washington, D. C. with
the Vice-President, the Attorney-Gen-
eral and important War Department
officials to consider problems of op-
eration, news-gathering and race mo-
rale confronting both the Negro press
and people as a result of the War.
The body urged action to prevent the
spread of racial clashes, such as had
occurred in Detroit in June, 1943.

When 13 Negro editors visited Presi-
dent F. D. Roosevelt, February 5, 1944,
it marked the first time that any
President had formally received rep-
resentatives of the organized Negro
press. The NNPA officials in a plea
for an end to "second-class citizen-
ship" made a 21-point statement of
war and post-war aspirations. This
statement, made on behalf of all col-
ored Americans, opened with a decla-
ration of "unlimited and unsullied
allegiance to the nation," deploring
any and all forms of disunity.
Among the aims set forth were:

(1) Abolition of the color bar in in-
dustry;

(2) Equal opportunity for employment;

(3) Equality in all public educational
facilities;

(4) Unrestricted suffrage in national,
State and municipal elections, in-
cluding1 primaries;

(5) Full government protection of all
civil rights and liberties;

(6) Government refusal to impose, en-
force or sanction patterns of ra-
cial segregation;

(7) Full protection and equality of
treatment and opportunity for col-
ored members of the U. S. Armed
Forces;

(8) Extension of the Social Security
plan;

(9) Application of the Atlantic Charter
to all colonial and other exploited
peoples.

The effort to have an accredited Ne-
gro newsman admitted to the White
House press conferences was finally
realized on February 8, 1944, when
Harry S. McAlpin became White House
Correspondent for the NNPA.6

On March 2, 1944, NNPA members
met at the Great Lakes Naval Train-
ing Station, Illinois, to confer with
Navy officials on a new program for
integration of Negroes into the United
States Navy.

The matter of advertising has been
given continued study by the group.
The general program of the fifth an-
nual meeting, held in New York City,
1944, aimed at raising the standards
of the Negro press by rejecting fraudu-
lent advertising and taking "dollar
mark implication" out of news. An
outstanding feature of this convention
was the "Credo for the Negro Press"
written by P. B. Young, Jr., editor-in-
chief of the Norfolk Journal and Guide.
The credo states, among other things:
"I shall crusade for all things that
are right and just and I will, with
equal fervor, expose and condemn all
things that are unjust. I shall be a
Crusader but I will not permit my fervor
nor the Tightness of my cause to pro-
yoke abandonment of the cardinals of
journalism, accuracy, fairness, and ob-
jectivity ... I shall advocate for my
country, my state, my city, and my
race, but I shall ever be on guard that
I will not forget the greatest good for
the greatest number while seeking de-
serving benefits for those who are dis-
advantaged by denials of them. ..."

Late in 1944, the NNPA designated
an African mission; namely, P. B.
Young, Jr., Vincent Tubbs (war cor-
respondent for the Afro-American
newspapers) and James B. Cashin (of
the Chicago Defender). This group,
interested in matters of post-war re-
adjustment, made an unofficial visit to
Africa, primarily to study colonial ad-
ministration and to acquaint Negroes
with more information about Africa
in general.

With the close of the War, NNPA
in 1945 sought closer cooperation be-

6Editor's Note: Louis R. Lautier, corres-
pondent for the Atlanta Daily World was
admitted to the Senate Press Gallery on
March 18, 1947 and Percival L. Prattis,
correspondent for Our World was ad-
mitted a week ea/rlier. The Congressional
Press galleries are divided into three
groups, daily newspapers, magazines and
radio. These are the first Negroes to win
Senate news seats.

PRESS AWARDS

393

tween publishers and the National As-
sociation for the Advancement of Col-
ored People in attacking discrimina-
tion against the Negro. Set up in
1945, the first in Negro journalism,
was the NNPA news service, a na-
tional non-profit newsgathering agency,
modeled after the Associated Press and
similar services. Principal offices of
the news service were set up in Wash-
ington, D. C., with branches initially
in New York City and Chicago.

In connection with the 119th anni-
versary of the Negro press, NNPA rep-
resentatives visited the White House,
March 1, 1946, to present resolutions
urging more safeguards against racial
discrimination. The delegation com-
mended President Harry S. Truman
for supporting permanent Fair Em-
ployment Practices legislation and ap-
pointing Negroes to responsible gov-
ernment posts.

At the request of Secretary of War
Robert P. Patterson, NNPA officials in
June, 1946, toured United States Army
installations in Europe to inspect
housing, recreational facilities and
other matters affecting troop morale.
The delegation included Frank L.
Stanley, President of NNPA and editor
of the Louisville Defender; William O.
Walker, past NNPA President and
editor of the Cleveland Call and Post;
and Dowdal H. Davis, NNPA Vice-
President, of the Kansas City Call.

Represented at the seventh annual
convention of NNPA, in New York
City, June 20-23, 1946 were 54 weeklies
and the one Negro daily paper, the
Atlanta Daily World? Frank L. Stan-
ley, re-elected President, in his annual
report cited lack of sufficient budget
as a handicap toward a more efficient
news service. The association was
urged to consider establishment of a
central office with paid personnel. He
advocated assignment of a correspond-
ent to Europe (versed in history, poli-
tics and economics) declaring that
there were new opportunities for the
Negro press abroad. NNPA members
were advised to consider creating sub-
sidiary organizations to develop and
administer an improved foreign and
domestic news service; a bureau of
advertising, or certification and mar-

TThe Bureau of the Census, reporting on
NNPA membership, 1945, noted that
nearly one-half the newspapers repre-
sented were published in cities with Ne-
gro population of more than 50,000.

ket research; a bureau for public re-
lations and governmental contact; a
standing committee on labor; mechani-
cal research; supplies and distribu-
tion. Also listed were a study of the
relations of the association to its own
history and to schools of journalism; a
press library; a standardization of
circulation rates and labor policy; and
a survey of editorial policy.

Local and State Organizations

Local and State organizations of the
Negro press, usually fostering some
unified aim, are generally quite in-
clusive in membership. For instance,
10 of Alabama's Negro newspapers
formed the Alabama Negro Press As-
sociation in 1946. The same year
marked the organization of the North
Carolina Newspaper Network, com-
prising Negro weeklies in Asheville,
Fayetteville, Raleigh, Wilmington and
Winston-Salem, for the promotion of
national advertising sales.

PRESS AWARDS8

The Wendell L. Willkie Awards

Set up in 1944 in honor of the late
Wendell L. Willkie (Republican presi-
dential nominee in 1940), as a tribute
to his work in inter-racial relations,
the Wendell L. Willkie award honors
writers of the best articles, reportorial
or editorial, published in the Negro
press each year. Mrs. Eugene Meyer,
wife of the publisher of the Washing-
ton Post, a sponsor of the award, is
donor of the prizes amounting to $750.
The award aims to promote higher
standards in the Negro press and inter-
racial amity. First Chairman of the
committee of nationally known jour-
nalists making final selections of the
prize winners was Mark Ethridge, pub-
lisher of the Louisville Courier-Jour-
nal. Announcement of awards is made
during National Negro Newspaper
Week.

The first Wendell L. Willkie Award
went to Miss Almena Davis, editor
and co-founder of the Los Angeles
Tribune. Miss Davis, winner of the
$500. first prize, was selected for "ad-
mirable" feature writing, possessing
rare humor, "delicious without being
malicious." Her prize-winning article

"Many . of the Negro newspapers regu-
larly feature annual honor rolls and con-
duct various contests. Included here,
however, are some of the awards made to
Negro press and newsmen.

394

THE NEGRO PRESS

was entitled, "Dissipated Life of the
Negro Male." The second prize of
$250. was awarded to two persons:
P. Bernard Young, Jr., editor of the
Norfolk Journal and Guide for his
coverage of the United Nations con-
ference in San Francisco and John
H. Young, III, correspondent for the
Pittsburgh Courier, for a series of ar-
ticles on the South.

The Wendell L. Willkie awards for
Negro journalism in 1946, three cash
prizes of $250., gave recognition for
objective reporting, for public service
and for the best example of writing
in columns, features, or editorials.
President Harry S. Truman conferred
the awards to:

The Norfolk Journal and Guide,
edited by P. Bernard Young, Jr., for
the best example of public service by
a Negro newspaper. The award was
based chiefly on a series of illustrated
articles on the deplorable condition
of the Negro school buildings in Prin-
cess Anne County.

Ralph Matthews, of the Washington
bureau of the Afro-American news-
papers, for the best example of ob-
jective newspaper reporting. This
award was based on his stories about
the Haitian revolution and the new
administration of the Virgin Islands.

William O. Walker, editor and col-
umnist of the Cleveland, Ohio, Call
and Post for the best example of writ-
ing other than news reporting. His
pieces dealt with inter-racial harmony.

The Chicago Defender and Radio
Station WBBM, Chicago, received spe-
cial merit certificates for a series of
weekly programs entitled, "Democracy,
U. S. A."

Other Honors and Awards

An unusual tribute to a Negro news-
paper was the inclusion in the third
annual Virginia Honor Roll (1940) by
the Richmond Times-Dispatch, out-
standing white daily, of P. Bernard
Young, Sr., Editor of the Norfolk
Journal and Guide, among eleven per-
sons who have "reflected credit upon
the State of Virginia and who have
done their jobs 'superlatively well.' "
The citation of Mr. Young declared:

That he had "contributed much to
the improvement of interracial rela-
tions in Virginia, and in the South,
during the year 1939. The Journal and
Guide which has been voted one of the
best edited Negro papers in America
and is generally considered the best
in the South, has served as an impor-

tant interpreter of 'what the Negro
thinks' to the white press of the United
States. At the same time, it has car-
ried on a systematic campaign for in-
creasing opportunity for Negroes, with
a fine discernment of practical goals."
The first Negro to receive a Nieman
Fellowship at Harvard University was
Fletcher P. Martin, city editor and
Pacific war correspondent for the
Louisville Defender, named among 14
winners in 1946. The Nieman Fellow-
ships were set up in 1938 for a year
of individually selected study at Har-
vard by a bequest of Agnes Wahl Nie-
man in memory of her husband,
Lucius W. Nieinan, late publisher of
the Milwaukee Journal.

Leo Washington, Jr., Los Angeles
Sentinel publisher, received the George
Washington Carver Citation certificate
of the Phi Beta Sigma fraternity in
1946 in recognition of his outstand-
ing contributions to the community
civic welfare.

The Robert Sengstacke Abbott Me-
morial Scholarship in Journalism was
established by the Chicago Defender,
honoring its founder, at Lincoln Uni-
versity, Jefferson City, Missouri, June
3, 1946. The $400. annual scholarship
for a student in the School of Jour-
nalism at Lincoln was the first of its
kind set up by a Negro newspaper.

Nell Dodson Russell, news editor
and columnist for the Minneapolis
Spokesman, in 1946, became the first
Negro to receive a $2400. University of
Minnesota regional writing fellowship
to write a book.

The Capitol Press Club of Washing-
ton, D. C. gave its 1944 certificate of
merit for outstanding reporting to
Harry S. McAlpin, NNPA correspon-
dent. Selected as "Newsman of the
Year," in 1945 was Alvin B. White,
information specialist of the office of
marketing service, United States De-
partment of Agriculture, while the
second award for proficient reporting
and the best story went to Ernest
Johnson of the Associated Negro Press,
In 1946, Sherman Briscoe, former
news editor of the Chicago Defender
who wrote "School Marm Turns Dairy
Maid and Succeeds" (Newspic, Febru-
ary, 1945), was named the outstand-
ing news reporter, while the award
for the year's best news photography
went to Fred Harris of the Pittsburgh
Courier,

The Chicago Defender was voted the
1945 award for meritorious service on

NEGRO-WHITE PRESS RELATIONS

395

behalf of Civil Liberty and Democracy
by the Chicago Civil Liberties Com-
mittee. It was felt by the Committee
that more than any other paper the
Defender had fought for the civil lib-
erties of all people.

In 1944, Wilbert H. Blanche, PM's
Negro photographer, won an award
of the National Headliners Club in its
10th annual listing of journal prizes.
However, he refused the award when
the Knickerbocker Hotel, Atlantic
City, N. J., denied him housing ac-
commodations that had been made for
him by the managers of the Club,
unaware of his color, and when the
Club appeared unconcerned that the
hotel would not honor their reserva-
tion.

Jay Jackson, Chicago Defender car-
toonist, was named among 16 Chicago
newspaper guildmen by the Chicago
Newspaper Guild for Page One Awards,
for outstanding newspaper work dur-
ing 1945.

NEGRO-WHITE PRESS RELATIONS
Negro Reporters On White Papers

The trend of employing Negro re-
porters on white papers is rather re-
cent, but T. Thomas Fortune, founder
of the New York Age, is reported to
have written editorials for the New
York Sun in the 1880's. Starting out
as a printer for the Sun, he began to
write letters on various subjects.
Their unusual style attracted the at-
tention of Charles A. Dana, who pro-
moted him to the editorial depart-
ment. Later, he was made assistant
editor under Amos Cummings, serv-
ing as acting editor-in-chief on the
Evening Sun while Cummings was run-
ning for Congress. John S. Durham,
a contributor to the New York Age,
also served in the 1880's on the edi-
torial staff of the Philadelphia Eve-
ning Bulletin.

Carey Lewis worked for the Louis-
ville Courier- Journal about the year
1906. R. S. Darnaby, Associate Ex-
ecutive Secretary of the Tuskegee In-
stitute Alumni Association and asso-
ciated with the publicity program of
Tuskegee Institute, served as guest
columnist on the Montgomery Adver-
tiser, August 11, 1935 for the sports
editor, being the first and only time
that a Negro has been so honored.
Judge Joseph H. Rainey of Philadel-
phia was at one time reporter for the

Philadelphia Record. There are others
who reported for the white #ress be-
fore 1941.

Negroes working on white papers
as reporters, special correspondents or
columnists, 1941-1946, are those who
have had training or experience in
newspaper work and their employment
is on the basis of ability to do the
job. This means that they enjoy a
broader field in their chosen occupa-
tion. Among such persons are:

Edward Q. Adams, who covers sports
news among Negroes for the Louis-
ville Courier- Journal and has signed
articles on the sporting page; Wilbert
H. Blanche, press photographer for
PM, New York City; D. Wayman
Bradshaw, reporter on the St. Louis
Post-Dispatch; Earl Brown, reporter
for Life magazine since 1940; James
M. Burr, a member of the editorial
staff of the Chicago Her aid- American.
Benjamin Jefferson Davis, Jr., son of
"Ben" Davis of Atlanta Independent
fame, contributes to the Daily Worker,
New York City, as do also James W.
Ford, Eugene Gordon, Alphaeus Hun-
ton, and Claudia Jones, who became
editor of Negro affairs in 1945. Larry
Douglas is a feature writer with the
Long Island (N. Y.) Daily Press.

Beulah Miller is a full time re-
porter for the Post-Tribune, Gary, In-
diana; George Anthony Moore is em-
ployed on the editorial staff of the
Press, Cleveland, Ohio; Roi Ottley, au-
thor of the best-seller, New World A-
Coming, went abroad in 1944 as a for-
eign correspondent for PM and for
Liberty magazine. Ottley's assignment
was to cover all phases of the color
problem, politically and socially as it
will affect the post-war world inter-
nationally, including the peoples of
India, China and other nations.

Theodore R. Poston writes for the
Evening Post, New York City; Edgar
T. Rouzeau is connected with the New
York Herald-Tribune; George Streator
is the only Negro on the staff of the
New York Times; and Walter White,
NAACP Secretary and writer, cov-
ered the Pacific theatre of war for
the New York Post, visiting all areas
where Negro troops were centered. He
also began a nationally syndicated
column on October 1, 1946, the first of
its kind in American journalism. Pa-
pers cited as carrying his column are:
The Detroit Free Press; the Chicago
Daily News; the Akron, Ohio Beacon

396

THE NEGRO PRESS

Journal; the Philadelphia Bulletin;
the New York Herald-Tribune; the
Trenton, New Jersey Times; the Mans-
field, Ohio News-Journal; the Newark,
New Jersey Star-Journal. Although
writing as a Negro, he presents his
views on politics, economics, race re-
lations and literature.

There are also Negro reporters on
the Cleveland, Ohio Plaindealer and
the Brooklyn Eagle.

White and Other Non-Negro
Reporters On Negro Papers

The purpose underlying the employ-
ment of white persons by the Negro
press seems to be the broadening of
the view point of the paper rather
than that of giving white persons
jobs — not that economic benefits are
absent. White columnists working on
Negro newspapers, as a whole, are
those interested in inter-racial rela-
tions and the improvement of the
status of the Negro. Their writing
gives a white man's point of view of
problems as they relate to Negro-white
relations. They are usually broad in
their thinking and can ferret out
some background events not available
to Negroes. Such persons working on
Negro newspapers include:

Ted Le Berthon, whose column,
"White Man's , View," appears in the
Pittsburgh Courier and James Edward
Boyack, writer for the Pittsburgh
Courier. Haskell Cohen relieved Ollie
W. Harrington and covered the 92nd
Division and the 332nd fighter group
in Italy for the Pittsburgh Courier.
Earl Conrad has a column, "Yesterday
and Today," which is a regular feature
of the Chicago Defender; Kumar
Goshal, an East Indian, writes a col-
umn for the Pittsburgh Courier, en-
titled, "As An Indian Sees It"; S. I.
Hayakawa, a Japanese, has a column,
"Second Thought" in the Chicago De-
fender. Rose Wilder Lane's column in
the Pittsburgh Courier carried the
title, "Rose Lane Says." Harold
Preece wrote syndicated columns on
various subjects relating to the Negro
in this country as well as in the West
Indies; also syndicated were Ruth
Taylor's columns. Irene West writes
for the Afro- American, giving her im-
pressions of the inter-racial situation
encountered mainly in her travels.

The Los Angeles Criterion has an-
nounced that it is an inter-racial pa-
per with a staff composed of white and

colored persons, and that three of its
columnists are white.

Negro Columns and News
In White Papers

The editor of The Weekly Review,
Birmingham, Alabama, in November,
1942 wrote to the President of the
Birmingham News-Age Herald express-
ing the feeling that "with so many
folk who are not Negroes, expressing
so many opinions on the Negro at the
bar of public opinion, plus the total
absence of any consistent hearing on
this vital question by the Negro him-
self . . . the News-Age Herald . . .
would be rendering a great service if
it employed some capable, fair-minded
Negro writer to give expression daily
through those newspapers on what the
Negro really is thinking to the end
that better understanding and appre-
ciation may obtain all around."

The suggestion made by the editor
of The Weekly Review, if carried out,
would be similar to that of Negro
weeklies who employ white newsmen
for the point of view that they bring
to their papers. While there are num-
erous white dailies and weeklies that
employ Negro reporters, in the main,
they are not trained reporters initial-
ly, but are persons who because of
their status in the colored com-
munity are in a position to report the
happenings of the community.

There is a difference however, in the
responsibility which is placed upon
these reporters by the papers with
which they are connected. Mrs. Minnie
D. Singleton, of the Macon, Georgia
Telegraph and News, in her work on
these Macon papers, and also the editor
of the news concerning Negroes for the
Times-Union, Jacksonville, Florida,
gather the news, edit it and arrange
their own pages. Usually these re-
porters simply gather the news and
send it in to the papers.

Papers having special sections for
Negroes are concentrated in the South.
They include those published in metro-
politan centers as well as in small
towns. The news about colored people
is printed in separate columns from
the other news; that is, all Negro
news is carried in one or more col-
umns. Sometimes they circulate only
among Negroes and lack features that
the same edition for white people car-
ries. As for example, the financial
page in the Montgomery, Alabama,

NEGRO-WHITE PRESS RELATIONS

397

Advertiser is missing from the copies
of the paper circulated among Negroes.
Some of the papers in which col-
umns or pages especially for Negroes
appeared between 1941 and 1946 are:
the Birmingham News; the Times-Un-
ion, Jacksonville, Florida; the Jack-
sonville Journal; the Daily Times,
Chattanooga, Tennessee; the Press,
Savannah, Georgia; the Leader, Ro-
anoke, Alabama; the Journal, Seneca,
South Carolina; the Herald, Dickson,
Tennessee; the Tuskegee News, Tus-
kegee, Alabama; the Advertiser, Mont-
gomery, Alabama; the News-Leader,
Richmond, Virginia.

That this arrangement does not meet
the general approval of all whites or
of all Negroes is manifested by the
fact that the Beaufort, South Caro-
lina Times, a local weekly, which had
carried a colored page announced after
several months that it had been sus-
pended because the furor it produced
made it difficult to sell advertising
space. On December 14, 1945 it said:
"We lost national advertising be-
cause local business concerns refused
to allow their names to appear on the
advertisements because we were giving
the colored people this page."
A news item in the Atlanta Daily
World of August 13, 1944 gives another
point of view:

"The Gary, Indiana Post-Tribune, the
city's daily newspaper contemplated
abandoning its jim crow column, 'News
of Negro Citizens.' "

"In announcing the discontinuance of
this column, the editor stated that the
Tribune was actuated by the changing
trends and a desire of the institution
to keep pace with progressive trends
and that he felt that the sun has set
on kitchen reporters for the paper. . . ."
"Experience has simply demonstrat-
ed, even in the Deep South, that jim-
crow pages, for practical purposes,
have not been satisfactory, either from
the point of view of white people whom
the papers serve, or to colored readers
for whom the columns are published.
The more advanced thinking among
Negro people has frowned upon these
columns, which for the most part, are
limited to an account of Negro house
guests, dinner parties and church an-
nouncements."

Editor Robert Durr of The Weekly
Review, Birmingham, Alabama again
has this to say about Negro sections
in white newspapers:

"Purely mercenary white journalism
in the South are capitalizing on the
growing interest of Negroes in news
by and about Negroes, by employing
Negroes to conduct columns or sections
entitled: 'Concerning Negroes,' or
'What Negroes Are Doing' or 'Negro
Activities.' Some of these white-con-

trolled newspapers which started off
with one such column . . . are now
carrying as much as four columns.

"The opposition's technique now is
to bore into existing Negro newspaper
setups with a view to enlarging the
'jim-crow' sections conducted by local
Negro reporters reporting news of lo-
cal Negro activities and get the Negro
newspaper dollars without having to
give Negro mechanics, columnists, edi-
torial writers, circulation and advertis-
ing executives employment."9
There is another side to the picture.
Negroes have only one daily, the At-
lanta Daily World. Were it not for
the sections concerning Negroes in the
white southern dailies, timely news
could not reach the readers for which
it is intended. Such news cannot wait
for the weekly press. It would then
have no news value. Items in this
class concern deaths and funeral no-
tices, lodge meetings, church meetings,
and the like. At one time, there was
no medium for disseminating this in-
formation except notices which were
read in churches or which were passed
around by word of mouth.

In the case of the large dailies and
perhaps others, people away from
their home communities would have
no dependable medium for keeping in
touch with home town daily happen-
ings, unless they received the daily
papers, as many do through the mail.
It is reported that the Jacksonville
Times-Union has an enormous circula-
tion among Negroes, many of whom
are out-of-town subscribers.

Social news, as marriages, parties,
balls, except in the special Negro sec-
tions, are not reported in the white
press, North or South. News about gen-
eral Negro progress is acceptable. Nor
are Negroes made heroes of by the
white press except in a Negro-white
relationship. A good example of this is
the treatment of the five Sullivan
brothers, who were lost on a warship in
the Pacific. Everyone knew about them
through the white press. But there
were also five Negro men, the HoMen
brothers, who died on the Battleship
Arizona, at Pearl Harbor. The story
was uncovered 15 months later and
headlined by the Chicago Defender.
In southern papers write-ups about
faithful servants, whether personal or
public, i. e., a janitor of a court house,
a law library, a post office, when he
becomes aged or dies or is especially
dutiful, make good copy and are favor-

9Norfolk Journal and Guide, March 9, 1946.

398

THE NEGRO PRESS

able subjects. So are stories about
former slaves. These may even be fea-
tured with pictures.

The activities of Negroes in sports
are not segregated. They appear in
the regular sports news in both the
northern and southern newspapers.

While the racial pattern of segre-
gating news about Negroes follows the
same pattern of segregating Negroes
in the South, all southern papers can-
not be placed in the same category.
There are exceptions. The Alabama
Mobile-Press-Register seems to have
a policy of non-segregation of news
about Negroes. The news items in this
paper are likely to be found anywhere
in the paper.

The Louisville Courier- Journal has
the policy "if it is news, we will print
it" including even pictures of Negroes.

Just as the number of Negro re-
porters is increasing on the white
northern papers, it is possible for them
to break into similar jobs on the
southern papers. As the situation now
stands, this will take a long time, but
changing attitudes in the South toward
liberalism should in time reach even
the southern press.

In 1942 the Negro press was under
fire by Westbrook Pegler, writer of a
syndicated column for the Scripps-
Howard newspaper chain and Warren
H. Brown (Negro), Director of Negro
Relations for the Council for Democ-
racy, whose article appeared in The
Saturday Review, December 19, 1942.
Criticizing the Negro press as being
exploitive and creating racial friction,
both writers declared that it repre-
sented sensational and biased jour-
nalism. The cudgel was taken up by
liberal whites as well as Negro editors
who, while recognizing the fact that
Negro newspapers are money-making
businesses, declared that the Negro
press exists only because of the racial
pattern followed by the white news-
papers, and that it serves to vocalize
the Negro's aspirations as well as his
grievances.

The editor of the Louisville De-
fender, Frank L. Stanley, declares:
"Almost every Negro editor realizes
that the very thing he is fighting for
will ultimately destroy the separate
press, and that is to be desired. In
short, when true democracy arrives,
there will be no occasion for a class
publication representing a particular
segment of our population."

THE NEGRO PRESS A SOURCE OF

HISTORICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL

DATA

Negro Newspapers and Periodicals
Valuable Source Data For
Historians and Sociologists

The Committee on Negro Studies of
the American Council of Learned So-
cieties, Washington, D. C., in 1946 ap-
pointed Armistead S. Pride, Director,
Lincoln University School of Journal-
ism, Jefferson City, Missouri, to pre-
pare microfilm copies of Negro news-
papers published before 1900, thus
making microfilm positives available
to libraries and educational institu-
tions. It is estimated that altogether
500 or more Negro journals appeared
before that date. This systematic
microfilming of early newspapers and
making them available is a funda-
mental step toward the collection of
adequate historical source data on the
Negro.

One of the reasons for the scarcity
of data on the contributions of Ne-
groes to the early history of America
is the fact that there were no Negro
correspondents or reporters to write
these stories. Aside from governmental
documents and statistics, the achieve-
ments of the Negro soldier in the Revo-
lutionary War, the Civil War and the
Spanish-American War have been
largely spread by word of mouth and
legend; and history has been written
without the full account of the role
which Negroes played.

The most comprehensive record of
the Negro's participation in any of
America's wars to date is that by Dr.
Emmett J. Scott concerning World
War I, entitled, "Scott's Official His-
tory of the American Negro in the
World War." Mr. Scott's position as
Special Assistant to the Secretary of
War gave him access to data not gen-
erally available.

In World War II, intelligent and
courageous war correspondents on the
various battlefields recorded the day
by day accomplishments of Negro serv-
ice men and women for a definite
place in history. They observed at
first hand their valor, loyalty and serv-
ice, and collectively gathered the most
significant war record yet written.

Nor was the press less active on the
home front. White and Negro writers
recorded the activities of soldiers and
of civilians as well. These records will

LEADING NEGRO PERIODICALS AND NEWSPAPERS

399

give an authentic documentary ac-
count of the war years and provide an
educational and thrilling story for fu-
ture generations.

In addition to their historical value,
no source is better as an index to
Negro culture than the present group
of Negro newspapers, magazines, and
journals. One reading them obtains
information not only about the way
Negroes think and feel, their aspira-
tions, hopes and achievements, but
also what they do in their homes, in
their churches, in their lodges, in their
schools and colleges; in fact, their
entire social and institutional way of
life.

LEADING NEGRO PERIODICALS
AND NEWSPAPERS

Most popular of Negro newspapers,
according to circulation, are: The
Pittsburgh Courier, the Afro-American,
the Chicago Defender, the New York
Amsterdam News and the Journal and
Guide, Norfolk, Virginia.

Three quarterlies are outstanding
among periodicals: The Journal of
Negro History (which dates from
1916), Tl:e Journal of Negro Educa-
tion (fivst issue, April, 1932), and
Phyl&n. First appearing in 1940, it
is the Atlanta University Review of
Race and Culture. Widely read are
two mcnthly house organs: The Crisis,
representing the National Association
fo:- the Advancement of Colored Peo-
ple, and Opportunity (Journal of Ne-
gro Life), representing the National
Urban League.

Since August, 1943, The Social
Science Institute, Fisk University,
Nashville, Tennessee, has published A
Monthly Summary of Events and
Trends in Race Relations.

Though many are short-lived, today
there are more Negro magazines cir-
culating on a national scale than ever
before in newspaper history. Perhaps
the most popular of Negro magazines
currently appearing on newsstands
throughout the country are the Negro
Digest, datirg from 1940 and Ebony,
first issued in 1945. The Negro Digest
is a pocket-sized journal presenting
much of the best material written by
or about Negroes in leading newspa-
pers, magazines and books; while
Ebony is patterned after Life maga-
zine and features Negroes.

NEGRO NEWS-GATHERING

AGENCIES, NEWSPAPERS,

MAGAZINES AND BULLETINS10

Negro News-Gathering Agencies

Amalgamated News Agency, 407 Colum-
bus Ave., Boston, Mass.

Associated Negro Press, 3507 So. Park-
way, Chicago, 111.

Calvin's News Service, 101 West 46th St
New York City

Continental Press Association, 2703 East
22nd St., Kansas City, Mo.

Continental Features and News Service,
507 Fifth Ave., New York City

Hampton Institute Press Service, Hamp-
ton Institute, Virginia

Howard News Syndicate, 515 Mulberry
St., Des Moines, Iowa

National Negro Features, 501 East First
St., Los Angeles, Calif.

Negro Digest News Service, 5619 So State
St., Chicago, 111.

Negro Labor News Service, 312 W. 125th
St., New York City

Negro Newspaper Publishers News Bu-
reau, 2904 Park Place, N. W. Wash-
ington, D. C.

Negro Press Bureau, 4255 Central Ave
Los Angeles, Calif.

Press Service of the National Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Colored
People, 20 W. 40th St., New York City

Progress News Service, 80 Wickliffe St.,
Newark, N. J.

Reciprocal News Service, 1600 13th St
N. W., Washington, D. C.

Tuskegee Institute Press Service Tus-
kegee Institute, Ala.

World Newspaper Syndicate Inc., 423
Reid Bldg., 138 Cadillac St., Detroit,
Mich.

Negro Newspapers in the United States

(Issued weekly, general in scope, unless

otherwise indicated)
ALABAMA
Birmingham
Baptist Leader (rel.), 1621 Fourth

Ave. N.

Birmingham World, 312 17th St N
Weekly Review, 1622 Fourth Ave.', N!
mobile
Mobile Weekly Advocate, 559 St

Michael St.
Montgomery

Alabama Tribune, 123% Monroe St
Tuskegee Institute

Campus Digest (coll. mo.)
ARKANSAS
Fort Smith
Arkansas Baptist Flashlight (rel

semi-mo.) P. O. Box 873
Little Rock
Arkansas Survey-Journal, 1516 West

16th St.

Arkansas World, 905 Gaines St.
Baptist Vanguard (rel. tw. mo.) 1605

Bishop St.

Panther Journal (coll. mo.), Philan-
der Smith College
State Press, 912 West Ninth St.

10Data used from Negro Statistical Bulle-
tin No. 1, Bureau of the Census, August
29, 1946; Ayers' Newspaper Directory,
1946; Year Book of American Churches,
1945; The Department of Records and
Research compilation.

400

THE NEGRO PRESS

CALIFORNIA
Los Angeles

California Eagle, 4071 S. Central Ave.
Los Angeles Sentinel, 1050 E. 43rd

Place
Los Angeles Tribune, 4225 S. Central

Ave.
Neighborhood News, 5000 S. Central

Ave.

Spotlight, 10914 Compton Ave.
Oakland

California Voice, 2624 San Pablo Ave.
Herald, 1570 Seventh St.
Oakland Light, 707 Clay St.
Sacramento
Sacramento American (adv.) 907 Sixth

St.

Stockton Guide (adv.) 907 Sixth St.
San Bernardino

Tri-County Bulletin, 622 Harris St.
San Diego

Informer, 2739 Imperial Ave.
San Francisco

San Francisco Reporter, 1924 Fillmore

St.

COLORADO
Denver

Colorado Statesman, 615 27th St.
Denver Star, 910 20th St.
Pueblo

Western Ideal, 100 West First St.
DELAWARE
Dover
Lantern (coll. bi.-mo.), Delaware

State College
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Gaily News, 1215 You St., N. W.
Hilltop (coll.), Howard University
Negro Sporting News (sports bi-

wkly), 1934 llth St., N. W.
Nite Life, 2004 Georgia Ave., N. W.
Sentry, 1934 llth St., N. W.
Washington Afro-American, 1800 llth

St., N. W.
Washington Eagle, (frat. mo.), 1915

17th St., N. W.
Washington Tribune, 920 You St.,

N. W.
FLORIDA
Jacksonville

Florida Tattler, 511 Broad St.
Miami

Miami Times, 1112 N. W. Third Ave.
Miami Tropical Dispatch, 1013 N. W.

Second Ave.

Miami Whip, 1109 N. W. Second Ave.
Pensacola

Colored Citizen, 203 Baglen St., S.
Tallahassee

Famcean (coll. mo.), Florida A. and

M. College
Tampa

Tampa Bulletin, 1416 Orange St.
GEORGIA
Albany

Albany Enterprise, 218 South Jack-
son St.
Atlanta

Atlanta Daily World (dly.), 210 Au-
burn Ave., N. E.
Georgia Baptist (rel. bi-wkly.), 239

Auburn Ave., N. E.
Maroon Tiger (coll. mo.), Morehouse

College
Augusta

Echo, 915/2 Gwinnet St.

Macon
Sunday-School Worker (bi-mo. rel.),

971 Fort Hill St.
Rome
Rome Enterprise (ftntly.), 503 Bran-

ham Ave.
Savannah

Savannah Tribune, 1009 West Broad

St.

ILLINOIS
Chicago

Chicago Bee, 3655 South State St.
Chicago Defender, 3435 Indiana Ave.
Chicago World, 118 East 35th St.
Robbins

Herald, P. O. Box 169
Springfield
Illinois Chronicle (bi-wkly.), 1210

South 16th St.
Illinois Conservator (bi-wkly.), 725%

East Washington St.
INDIANA
Gary

Gary American, 2085 Broadway
Indianapolis
Indianapolis Recorder, 518-520 Indiana

Ave.
IOWA

Des Moines

Iowa Bystander, 221% Locust St.
Iowa Observer, 515 Mulberry St.
KANSAS
Kansas City

Peoples Elevator, 503 N. Sixth St.
Plaindealer, 1612 North Fifth St.
Wyandotte Echo, 503 N. Sixth St.
Wichita

Negro Star (rel.), 1241 Wabash St.
KENTUCKY
Frankfort
Kentucky Thorobred (coll. tw.-qu.),

Kentucky State College
Louisville
American Baptist (rel.), 1715 West

Chestnut St.
Louisville Defender, 619 West Walnut

St.

Louisville Leader, 930-932 West Wal-
nut St.
Louisville News, 442 South Seventh

St.

LOUISIANA
Baton Rouge
Southern University Digest (coll. tw.-

mo.), Southern University
New Orleans

Louisiana Weekly, 601 Dryades St.
New Orleans Informer-Sentinel, 2101

Dryades St.
Sepia Socialite (adv.), 1241 Dryades

St.

Xavier Herald (coll. mo.), Washing-
ton & Pine Sts.
Shreveport

Shreveport Sun, 1002 Pierre Ave.
Shreveport World, 1007% Texas Ave.
MARYLAND
Baltimore
Baltimore Afro- American (tw. wkly),

628 North Eutaw »St.
National Afro-American, 628 North

Eutaw St.

Spokesman (coll. mo.), Morgan State
College

LEADING NEGRO PERIODICALS AND NEWSPAPERS

401

MASSACHUSETTS
Boston

Boston Chronicle, 794 Tremont St.
Boston Times, P. O. Box 187, Astor

Station

Guardian, 977 Tremont St.
MICHIGAN
Detroit

Detroit Tribune, 2146 St. Antoine St.
Michigan Chronicle, 268 Eliot St.
Hamtramck

Detroit World Echo, P. O. Box 58
Hamtramck Echo, P. O. Box 58
Hamtramck North Detroit Echo, P.

O. Box 58
Lansing

Lansing- Echo, 2071 North Velor St.
MINNESOTA
Minneapolis
Minneapolis Spokesman, 314 Third

Avenue, S.
St. Paul

Recorder, 312 Newton Bldg.
MISSISSIPPI
Greenville

Delta Leader, 1513 Alexander St.
Jackson
Jackson Advocate, 125% North Farish

St.

Mississippi Enterprise, 143 East Mon-
ument St.
MISSOURI
Jefferson City

Lincoln Clarion (coll.), Lincoln Uni-
versity
The Lincoln Journalism Newsletter,

Lincoln University
Kansas City

Kansas City Call, 1715 East 18th St.
St. Louis

Pine Torch, 2846 Pine St.
St. Louis American, 11 North Jeffer-
son Ave.

St. Louis Argus, 2312 Market St.
NEBRASKA
Omaha

Omaha Guide, 2420 Grant St.
Omaha Star, 2216 North 24th St.
NEW JERSEY
Newark
New Jersey Afro-American, 128 West

St.

Telegram, 126 West St.
NEW YORK
Buffalo

Buffalo Criterion, 367 William St.
Buffalo Spokesman, 295 Jefferson Ave.
Buffalo Star, 234 Broadway
New York

New York Age, 230 West 135th St.
New York Amsterdam-News, 2340

Eighth Ave.

People's Voice, 210 West 125th St.
Brooklyn

Brooklyn Tribune, 170 Gates Ave.
Long Island Tribune, 170 Gates Ave.
Syracuse

Progressive Herald, 815 East Fayette

St.

NORTH CAROLINA
A she vi lie

Southern News, 121 Southside Ave.
Charlotte

Star of Zion (rel.), 329 South Bre-

vard St.
Post, 624 East Second St.

Durham

Carolina Times, 117 East Peabody
Greensboro

Mountain News
Wilmington

Cape Fear Journal, 412 S. 7th St.
Winston-Salem

People's Spokesman, 721 East 7th St.
OHIO

Cincinnati

Union, 238 East Fourth St.
Cleveland

Cleveland Call and Post, 2319 East

55th St.

Cleveland Gazette, 2323 East 30th St.
Cleveland Guide, 2279 East 90th St.
Cleveland Herald, 1255-61 East 105th

St.
Columbus

Ohio State Informer, 681 East Long

St.

Ohio State News, 112 Mt. Vernon Ave.
Dayton

Forum, 414 W. Fifth St.
Daily Express, 1007 Germantown St.
Hamilton
Butler County American, 422 South

Front St.
Wilberforce

Wilberforce Student (coll. occ.), Wil-
berforce University
Youngstown

Buckeye Review, 423 Oak Hill Ave.
OKLAHOMA
Muskogee
Oklahoma Independent, 325 North

Second St.
Oklahoma City

Black Dispatch, 325 N. E. Second St.
Okmulgee

Okmulgee Observer, 411 East Fifth

St.

Tulsa

Appeal, 419 North Greenwood St.
Oklahoma Eagle, 123 North Green-
wood St.

PENNSYLVANIA
Chester

Chester Flash News, P. O. Drawer

622
Cheyney

Cheyney Record (coll.), State Teach-
ers College
Lincoln University

Lincolnian (coll. tw. mo.)
Philadelphia
Christian Recorder (rel.), 716 South

19th St.

Christian Review (rel.), 1428 Lom-
bard St.
Philadelphia Afro-America, 427 South

Broad St.

Philadelphia Independent, 1708 Lom-
bard St.
Philadelphia Tribune, 524-526 South

16th St.
Picture News Weekly, 24 North 59th

St.
Pittsburgh

Pittsburgh Courier, 2628 Centre Ave.
SOUTH CAROLINA
Charleston

Messenger (bi-mo.), Box 851
Columbia
Lighthouse and Informer, 1022%

Washington St.
Palmetto Leader, 1310 Assembly St.

402

THE NEGRO PRESS

Sumter

Samaritan Herald and Voice of Job,

16% West Liberty St.
TENNESSEE
Chattanooga
Chattanooga Observer, 124% East

Ninth St.
Jackson
Christian Index (rel.), 109 Shannon

St.

Knoxville

Aurora (coll. bi-mo.), Knoxville Col-
lege

Flashlight Herald, 1306 College St.
Memphis
Memphis World (semi-wkly.), 388

Beale Ave.

Whole Truth (rel.), 820 North Mont-
gomery St.
Nashville
Nashville Globe and Independent, 403

Charlotte Ave.
National Baptist Voice (rel. bi-mo.),

412 Fourth Ave.
Southern Christian Recorder (rel.),

414 Eighth Ave.
TEXAS
Dallas

Dallas Express, 2604 Thomas Ave.
Fort Worth

Fort Worth Defender, 910 Grove St.
Fort Worth Mind, 915% Calhoun St.
Sport News (mo.), 952 East Rosedale

Blvd.
Houston
Houston Defender, 1423 West Dallas

St.

Houston Informer and Texas Free-
man, 2418 Leeland Ave.
Negro Labor News, 419% Milam St.
Texas Examiner, 4520% Lyons Ave.
Marshall

Wiley Reporter (coll. mo.), Wiley Col-
lege

Prairie View
Panther (coll. mo.), Prairie View

University
San Antonio

San Antonio Guard, 809 Virginia Blvd.
San Antonio Informer, 322 South

Pine St.

San Antonio Register, 207 North Cen-
tre St.
Waco

Waco Messenger, 109 Bridge Ave.
VIRGINIA
Ettrick
Virginia Statesman (coll. bi-wkly),

Virginia State College
Hampton Institute

Hampton Script (coll. semi-mo.)
Norfolk
Journal and Guide, 719-723 East Ol-

ney Road
Richmond
Richmond Afro-American, 504 North

Third St.
WASHINGTON
Seattle

Northwest Enterprise, 662% Jackson
St.

WEST VIRGINIA
Bluefield
Bluefieldian (coll.), Bluefleld State

Teachers College
Institute

Yellow Jacket (coll.), West Virginia
State College

WISCONSIN
Milwaukee

Wisconsin Enterprise-Blade, 715 West
Somers St.

Negro Magazines and Bulletins

(Issued monthly, unless otherwise

indicated)
ALABAMA
Birmingham

Newspic, 1630 Fourth Ave., N.
Montgomery
Harmony, The Inspiration Magazine,

Hudson Press Publishing Co.
The Bulletin, (Organ, American
Teachers Association), Alabama
State Teachers College
Selma

Missionary Lutheran (rel.)
Talladega

Talladega Student (coll.), Talladeca

College
Tuskegee Institute

Negro Worker, Box 278
The Negro Farmer
Pulling Together
Service Magazine
Tuskegee Messenger
ARKANSAS
Nashville

Zion Trumpet (rel.)
Pine Bluff

Sphinx (frat. qu. of Alpha Phi Alpha
Fraternity), A. M. and N. College
CALIFORNIA
Los Angeles

Sepia Hollywood
Silhouette Pictorial

Truth Messenger, National Publish-
ing House
Western Christian Recorder (rel.),

672 East 51st St.
COLORADO
Denver
American Woodmen Bulletin. 2130

Downing St.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Aframerican Woman's Journal, 1318

Vermont Ave., N. W.
Barrister, 1922 13th St., N. W.
Bronze

The Easterner, 634 S. St., N. W.
Howard University Bulletin, Howard

University

Journal of the National Association
of College Women, 2645 15th St.,
N. W.
Journal of Negro Education, Howard

University
Journal of Negro History, 1538 Ninth

St., N. W.
Lott Carey Herald (rel.), 1501 llth

St., N. W.

National Negro Health News, U. S.
Public Heath Service, Bethesda
Station
Negro History Bulletin, 1538 Ninth

St., N. W.

New Voice (rel.), 1727 18th St., N. W.
News Photo, 1937 llth St., N. W.
Oracle (frat. qu.), 1937 Alabama Ave.,

S. E.

Pulse (gen.), 2627 Bowen Road, S. E.
Scholarship
FLORIDA
Miami

Bronze Confessions, 221 N. W. Ninth
St.

LEADING NEGRO PERIODICALS AND NEWSPAPERS

403

GEORGIA
Atlanta

Atlanta University Bulletin (alumni
qu.), Atlanta University

Bethlehem Star (rel.), 170 N. Ashby
St.

Black and White (ed.), 685 Greens-
ferry Ave., S. W. •

Campus Mirror (coll.), Spelman Col-
lege

Colored Morticians Bulletin, 322 Hous-
ton St., N. E.

Foundation (rel. qu.), Gammon The-
ological Seminary

Journal of Science (ed.), 223 Chest-
nut St., S. W.

Morehouse Alumnus, Morehouse Col-
lege

Phylon (coll. qu.), Atlanta University

Spelman Messenger (coll.), Spelman
College

True Witness (rel.), 556 Houston St.
Augusta

Pilgrim's Progress (bus. wkly.), 1143

Gwinnett St.
Industrial College

Georgia Herald (coll. qu.), Georgia

State College
Macon

Sunday School Worker (rel.)

ILLINOIS
Chicago
Bronzeville Magazine (gen. wkly.),

418 East 47th St.
Child Play (edu. bi-mo.), 4019 Vin-

cennes Ave.

Co-operation, 3506 Indiana Ave.
Crescent, 4853 Forestville Ave.
Dynamite, 112 E. 35th St.
Ebony (picture), 5619 So. State St.
Expression, 3640 S. Lake Park Ave.
Headlines and Pictures (gen.), 3522

So. State St.
Negro Digest (gen.), 5619 So. State

St.
Negro Business, 3104 So. Michigan

Blvd.
Negro Story (edu. bi-mo.), 4019 Vin-

cennes Ave.
Negro Traveler (edu.), 6314 Cottage

Grove St.
New Vistas Magazine (gen.), 366 East

47th St.

Postal Alliance, 5178 Indiana Ave.
Pyramid (frat. qu.), 3526 Indiana Ave.
Railroad Review (gen.), 417 East 47th

St.
PeorPa

The Bronze Citizen, 207 S. Globe St.
IDAHO
Boise

The People's Soul Saving Radio Mag-
azine (rel.), 124 Broadway
IOWA
Iowa City

Eyes, 116 E. Burlington St.
KENTUCKY
Louisville

Kentucky Negro Education Associa-
tion Journal, 2230 W. Chestnut St.
LOUISIANA
New Orleans
Central Christian Advocate (rel.

wkly.), 631 Baronne St.
The Negro South, 1241-43 Dryades St.
Twinkle Magazine (rel.), 1934 Annette
St.

Shreveport
Negro Teacher (edu. mo.), 1942 Per-

rin St.
MARYLAND
Baltimore
Colored Harvest (rel.), 1130 North

Calvert St.

Morgan State College Bulletin, Mor-
gan State College
MASSACHUSETTS
Boston
Trade Association News, 80 Humboldt

Ave.

MICHIGAN
Detroit

Postal Alliance, 3762 Seyburn St.
MISSISSIPPI
Bay Saint Louis
Saint Augustine's Messenger (rel.),

St. Augustine's Seminary
MISSOURI
St. Louis
National Bar Journal, 2103a Market

St.

The Negro, 4405 Enright Ave.
Negro Life, 11 N. Jefferson St.
Western Christian Recorder (rel.)
Western Index (rel.)
NEW JERSEY
Atlantic City

Apex News, Indiana and Arctic Ave.
Paterson
A. M. E. Zion Quarterly Review (rel.),

326 Ellison St.
NEW YORK
Brooklyn

Enterprise, Bulletin of Negro Busi-
ness, 162 Decatur St.
Memo, 456 Grand Ave.
Responsibility (edu. tw. yr.), 142

Quincy St.
New York

The African, 101 W. 125 St.
Caterer, Gazetteer & Guide (gen. qu.),

413 West 147th St.
The Crisis (gen.), 20 W. 40th St.
Eastern Index (rel.)
Harlem Block News (bus.), 205 West

135th St.

Harlem Digest, 27 East 133rd St.
Interracial Review, 20 Vesey St.
Journal of the National Medical As-
sociation, 30 Rockefeller Plaza.
Krinon, (frat. ann.), 409 Edgecomb'e

Ave.
National Medical News, 2376 Seventh

Ave.
Negro Quarterly (gen. qu.), 308 Lenox

Ave.

New Sign, 180 West 135th St.
Opportunity, Journal of Negro Life

(edu. qu.), 1133 Broadway
Our World, 1140 Broadway
Spotlighter, 2370 Seventh Ave.
Tan Town Stories, 101 W. 125th St.
Voice of Missions (rel.), 112 West

120th St.

NORTH CAROLINA
Charlotte

Johnson C. Smith University Bulle-
tin (coll. bi-mo.), Johnson C. Smith
University

Quarterly Review of Higher Educa-
tion Among Negroes, Johnson C.
Smith University
Durham

Whetstone (bus. qu.), 114 Parrish St.
Greensboro
Campus Life (coll.), P. O. Box 2137

404

THE NEGRO PRESS

OHIO

Cleveland
Cedar Y. M. C. A. Informer (edu.

wkly.), 7615 Cedar Ave.
Columbus

National Negro Insurance Association,
Service Bulletin (bus. tw. yr.), 1183
East Long- St.
Hamilton
National Negro Printer and Publisher

(bus.), 422 So. Front St.
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The Entertainer, 905 Jefferson Ave.,

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dustrial School
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St.
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St.

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ison St.
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Advanced Sunday School Quarterly

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Charleston

Color, 1032 Bridge Road

DIVISION XVII

SOME OUTSTANDING NEGRO ATHLETES

By CLEVE L. ABBOTT
Tuskegee Institute

American Negroes over a long pe-
riod of years have held prominent
places in the field of sports and pre-
eminent places in boxing and track.
They participate in all types of ath-
letics, though there are a few, such
as golf, in which they are relatively
newcomers. Previous to the period,
1941-46, they were not accepted with-
out reservation into professional sport-
ing events except boxing. During this
period, professional baseball has made
a beginning in using expert players
who previously had been confined al-
most exclusively to Negro professional
teams.

Negro athletes have been ambassa-
dors of good-will not only for the Ne-
gro race, but for all Americans. They
have exhibited true sportsmanship
whether in professional, college, ama-
teur or Olympic games.

TENNIS
Men

Cohen, Richard: Denver, Colo.;
graduate of Xavier University; co-
holder of American Tennis Association
National Doubles Championship, 1941-
42.

Graves, Louis: Former student of
Xavier University; co-holder of 1945
Men's Doubles Championship of the
American Tennis Association.

McDaniel, Jimmie: Attended Xaxier
University; won National Singles
Championship of the American Tennis
Association, 1941-45; co-holder of Na-
tional Doubles Championship, 1941-45;
won Singles Championship, 1946.

Minnis, Howard: Tuskegee Institute,
Ala.; co-holder of National Doubles
Championship of the American Ten-
nis Association in 1942; winner of
National Intercollegiate Singles Cham-
pionship, 1942.

Scott, Lloyd: Graduate of Prairie
View University; won National Singles
Championship of the American Ten-
nis Association, 1944-45; runner-up in
1946.

Women

Gibson, Althea: New York; National
Girl's Singles Champion, 1945.

Irvis, Katherine Jones: Boston,
Mass.; graduate of Prairie View Col-
lege; National Singles Champion, 1945.

Lomax, Flora: Detroit, Mich.; Na-
tional Singles Champion, 1941-42.

Peters, Margaret: Washington, D.
C.; graduate of Tuskegee Institute;
co-holder National Doubles Champion-
ship, 1941, 1943, 1945, 1946.

Peters, Roumania: Washington, D.
C. ; graduate of Tuskegee Institute;
co-holder National Doubles Champion-
ship 1941, 1942, 1945, 1946; National
Singles Champion, 1944; National Sin-
gles Championship, 1946.

Van Bur en, Lillian: Detroit, Mich.;
Runner-up in Singles Championship,
1944-45; co-holder of Doubles Cham-
pionship, 1944.

TRACK AND FIELD
Men

Berry, Adam: Student at Southern
University; made record breaking leap
at Penn Relays of 6 ft., 1% in. in
1942.

Bolen, David: Student at Southern
University; winner of Junior A. A. U.1
400 Meter Run, 1946.

Borican, John: Born in Elberon,
N. J.; attended Virginia State College
and Columbia University; holder or'
World's record at 1,000 yards, time 2
min. 8 seconds.

Gulp, Edward: Student at Xavier
University; best miler developed in
the South.

Billiard, Harrison: Student at Bald-
win-Wallace College; born in Cleve-
land, Ohio in 1923; National A. A. U.
High and Low Hurdle Champion, 1946.

Dixon. Frank: Student at New York
University, first track star in America
to make National All-America track
team, all-college and all-scholastic, in
one year, 1945; best time for mile run,
4 min. 9.6 seconds.

Amateur Athletic Union of the United
States.

405

406

SOME OUTSTANDING NEGRO ATHLETES

Douglas, Herbert: Former Xavier
University student; 1945 A. A. U.
Broad Jump Champion.

Ellerbe, Mozelle: Born in Hastings,
Fla.; student at Tuskegee Institute,
Ala.; only sprinter in history to
win Kansas Relay; Drake Relay and
Penn Relay 100 yard run in one calen-
dar year, 1938-39.

Ewell, Henry Norwood: Born in Lan-
caster, Pa.; student at Pennsylvania
State College; winner of 200 meter
run, National A. A. U. Championship,
1946.

Farmer, William: Student at Xavier
University; holder of Tuskegee Relays
pole vault record at 13 ft. 6 in.

Harris, Archie: Born in Ocean City,
N. J.; bettered the world record in
the discus throw with 174 ft. 8% in.

Harris, Elmore: Born in Normal,
Ala., 1924; former student at Alabama
A. & M. College; winner of 400 meter
run National A. A. U. Track and Field
Championship, 1946.

Herbert, James: Former New York
University student; 1941 Indoor Cham-
pion at 600 yards in 1 min. 12 seconds.

Jones, John: Student at Alabama
State Teachers College; tied for first
place in the 1946 A. A. U. Junior High
Jump.

McKenley, Herbert: Student at Uni-
versity of Illinois; set new World's
record of 46.3 seconds for 440 yard run
in 1946 at N. C. A. A.8 meet held at
Minneapolis, Minn.

Peacock, Enlace: Former Temple
University student; one of the four
men in the world to go over 26 ft. in
broad jump. He defeated Jesse Owens
by jumping 26 ft. 3 in.

Scisco, Allen: Former student at
Tuskegee Institute; won 3rd place
in National Decathlon Championship,
1941.

Slade, Charles: Student at Lincoln
High School, Jersey City, N. J.; winner
of Junior A. A. U. 400 Meter Hurdles
1946.

Tarrant, Leo: Born in Birmingham,
Ala., in 1919 ; former student of Ala-
bama State College; in 1940 at S. I.
A. C.3 ran 100-yard dash in 9.5 seconds.

Thompson, Frazier: Born in Phila-
delphia, Pa. in 1926; attended Notre
Dame University in 1944; first Negro

"National Collegiate Athletic Association.
Southern Inter-Collegiate Athletic Con-
ference.

to take part in any sport for Notre
Dame; ran 100 yard dash at Drake Re-
lays, 1944.

Watson, William: Former University
of Michigan student; all around track
and field athlete winner of A. A. U.
Decathlon Championship.

Williams, Lilborn: Former Xavier
University student; holder of Tuskegee
Relays shot put record of 48 ft. 1% in.
made in 1938.

Williamson, Joshua: Former Xavier
University student; co-holder with
Adam Berry of 1942 Indoor A. A. U.
High Jump Championship.

Young, Claude: Born in Chicago,
111. in 1926; former student at Uni-
versity of Illinois; 1943 A. A. U. 100
Meter Champion in 10.5 seconds.

Women

Bradford, Elaine: Born in Biloxi,
Miss., Dec. 31, 1926; winner 2nd place
ic shot put in National A. A. U. Track
and Field Championship, 1946 at Buf-
falo, N. Y.

Coachman, Alice: Born in Albany,
Ga., 1922; attends Tuskegee Institute;
National Indoor and Outdoor A. A. U.
High Jump Champion; 100 Meters
Champion; co-holder of World 50 meter
dash record; voted outstanding wom-
an athlete in 1945; member of U. S.
Track and Field Team that defeated
Canada in August, 1946.

Hall, Hattye: Born, 1919; graduate
of Tuskegee Institute; shot put and
discus thrower, 1941-42.

Harrison, Rowena: Born at Tuske-
gee Institute, Ala., Dec. 22, 1922;
member of Tuskegee Relay team that
set new World's indoor record at Na-
tional A. A. U. Women's Championship
in April, 1941, at Atlantic City, N. J.;
the time, 50.2 seconds.

Jackson, Nell: Born at Tuskegee In-
stitute, Ala., 1929; won second place
winner in the National A. A. U. Cham-
pionship in the 200 meter run at Har-
risburg, Pa. in 1945 and at Cleveland,
Ohio, 1946; member of indoor cham-
pionship 400 meter relay, 1945 at Buf-
falo, N. Y.

Lane, Jean: Born in Wilberforce,
Ohio; graduate of Wilberforce Uni-
versity with major in Physical Educa-
tion; won the 200 meter event and
defeated Stella Walsh indoor at At-
lantic City, and outdoors in 1941 at
Women's Nationals A. A. U. Cham-
pionship at Ocean City, N. J.

TRACK AND FIELD

407

Newell, Lucy: Born January 30,
1922; graduate of Tuskegee Institute;
National A. A. U. Indoor Standing
Broad Jump Champion and was mem-
ber of Tuskegee team that set a new
world's indoor relay record of 50.2 sec-
onds for 400 meters at Atlantic City,
April, 1941.

Perry, Lelia: Born in Atlanta, G'a.,
Oct. 8, 1921; graduate of Tuskegee In-
stitute; National A. A. U. 80 meter
hurdle champion Ocean City, N. J.,
1940.

Petty, Christine: Born at Tuskegee
Institute, 1912; graduate of Tuskegee
Institute* piloted the Tuskegee Insti-
tute Girls' Track and Field team to
National Championships 1937, 1938,
1939, 1940, 1941 and 1942.

Purifoy, Lillie: Born in Mobile, Ala.,
September 11, 1924; attends Tuskegee
Institute; National A. A. U. 80 Meter
Hurdle Champion at Harrisburg, Pa.
1945; and National A. A. U. Indoor
Hurdle Champion 50 yards in 1946 at
Cleveland, Ohio.

Turner, Hattie: Born at Glendale,
Ohio, May 29, 1922; National A. A. U.
Discus and Baseball Champion at Har-
risburg, Pa.; member of the All-Ameri-
can team, 1944.

Young, Lillian: Chicago, 111.; second
place in the 50 me£er run; National
A. A. U., Track and Field Champion-
ship, 1945.

BASEBALL

Campanella, Roy: Born in Philadel-
phia, Pa. in 1921; formerly with Balti-
more Elite Giants; was signed April,
1946, by Brooklyn Dodgers for its
Nashua Farm Team in the New Eng-
land League.

Gibson, Josh: Plays with the Home-
stead Grays of the Negro National
League; in 1928, he connected for four
home runs in a single game; in 1930
in Moness, Pa., he smashed a homer
513 feet.

Paige, Leroy Satchel: Born in Bir-
mingham, Ala., in 1912; greatest Negro
pitcher with Kansas City Monarchs.

Partlow, Roy: Born in Philadelphia,
1915; former pitcher with Philadelphia
stars; was signed by Montreal Royals
in April, 1946.

Robinson, Jack Roosevelt: Born in
Cairo, Ga. in 1919; attended Pasadena
Junior College and University of Cali-
fornia at Los Angeles; first Negro to
crash baseball's color line in modern

times by being signed up in January,
1946 with the Montreal Royals; lead-
ing batter of International League,
1946.

Wright, Johnny Richard,: Born in
New Orleans, La. in 1918; played with
Homestead Grays; in February, 1946
was signed by the Montreal Royals.

FOOTBALL

Ellerbe, Mozelle: Born June 17, 1913
in Hastings, Fla.; attended Tuskegee
Institute; played on All-Star Negro
Football Team against the professional
New York Yankees at the Polo Grounds
Nov. 30, 1941.

Pierce, Sam B.: Born in Glen Cove,
N. Y. in 1923; attends Cornell Uni-
versity; one of the few Negroes to
make first string on this team.

Robeson, Paul, Jr.: Born in New
York City in 1927; attends Cornell
University; won four letters in high
school football; played end on Cornell
first team, 1944-45.

Robinson, Jack Roosevelt: Born in
Cairo, Ga. in 1919; attended Pasadena
Junior College and the University of
California at Los Angeles; won Ail-
American mention as halfback at Uni-
versity of California at Los Angeles
in 1942.

Tarrant, Leo: Born in Birmingham,
Ala., in 1919; attended Alabama State
Teachers College; was all around
player at Alabama State Teachers Col-
lege.

Washington, Kenny: Graduated from
University of California at Los An-
geles; was greatest half back at Uni-
versity of California at Los Angeles;
now with Los Angeles (Rams) Profes-
sional Football Team of the National
League.

Young, Claude: Born in Chicago,
111., in 1926; attended University
of Illinois; tied record made by Red
Grange in 1925 of 13 touchdowns in a
season in 1943.

BASKETBALL

Surift, Jay: Born in New York; at-
tends Yale University; first Negro to
win a varsity letter at Yale, 1946;
averaged 21 points a game and played
in every game of that season.

Wilson, Arthur: Born in Chicago,
111., 1923; attends Princeton Univer-
sity; attended Southern University;
first Negro to play basketball at
Princeton; became captain in 1946;

408

SOME OUTSTANDING NEGRO ATHLETES

only member to play all 19 games with
137 points including 50 field goals.

Younger, Dan Eddie: Born in New
York City, 1924; attended Long Island
University; star man on the team for
1946.

BOXING

Armstrong, Henry (real name Henry
Jackson) : Born in St. Louis, Mo. in
1912; he was the only boxer to hold
three titles at one time — featherweight,
lightweight and welterweight.

Barrow, Joe Louis: Born in Lafay-
ette, Ala., May 12, 1914; heavy weight
champion of the world; became a pro-
fessional boxer July 4, 1934.

Jackson, Beau (real name Sidney
Walker): Born in Augusta, Ga. April
1, 1921; in 1943, lost and regained
lightweight championship.

Robinson, Ray: Born in Detroit,
Mich., 1922; was named "boxer of the
year" by the Ring Magazine, December,
1942.

DIVISION XVIII

THE NEGRO IN ART

By CHARLES C. DAWSON
Tuskegee Institute and Chicago, Illinois

THE AFRICAN HERITAGE

Contrary to popular impression the
Negro has contributed largely to the
development of the fine arts. Archi-
tecture is known as the mother of
the arts. This is due to the fact
that anciently the arts of painting
and sculpture were used entirely for
the enhancement of architecture. In
the Egyptian palace temple we find
a monument at once political and re-
ligious, upon the production of which
were concentrated all the energies
and faculties of all the artificers of
this people. With its incised and pic-
tured walls, its half detached colossal
figures of sculpture, its open and its
colonnaded chambers, the forms of
its columns and their capitals recall-
ing the lotus and the papyrus; its
architecture everywhere taking on the
characters of and covering itself with
the adornments of sculpture and paint-
ing, this one structure exhibits within
its single fabric the origin of the
whole group of the shaping arts.

At the dawn of history the most
highly developed civilizations were
found in existence in ancient Ethiopia
and Egypt — peoples of which have a
common origin. In these civilizations
the foundations of architecture were
developed; and consequently, the arts
of painting and sculpture. This earli-
est great architectural development
is found in the Nile Valley, the ex-
traordinary ruins of which still remain
in mute and graphic testimony upon
the sands of Egypt. "In every part of
the valley we find remnants of an age
of building the like of which cannot
be paralleled in the richest parts of
Greece. Here it was that great build-
ing was practiced at an age when all
of the rest of the world was in mid-
night darkness."1 These are the
works of the people known today as
Negro and Negroid. Modern Ethiopia

'Ridpath, J. C. With the World's People,

o D' °* Clark E' Ridpath-

is the oldest nation on earth and was
the mother of the great civilizations.
"Negro," the accepted term for the
designation of the darker races, so-
called black, is very ambiguously and
arbitrarily used today to sustain cer-
tain mythical stereotypes, mainly by
the English speaking peoples and par-
ticularly by those of the United States.
Its present usage is comparatively
new. According to the Oxford English
Dictionary, its earliest known usage
was in 1555. It is a Spanish and Portu-
guese word merely meaning black.
Anciently, therefore, it was unknown.
All of Africa was anciently known as
Ethiopia by the Greeks, "meaning land
of the burnt faces." It has been said
that Emperor Haille Selassie today
considers himself the spiritual ruler
of all Africa for this reason. It is
most reasonable to include all of the
indigenous nations and peoples of
Africa within the modern designations
of Negro and Negroid. If the measur-
ing rod of the United States for de-
termining a Negro is used, this is
unquestionably true.

"In secular and sacred history many
other designations were used, such as
Kush, for Egypt; Punt, for the more
southerly regions now known as
Ethiopia or Mizraim, meaning two
lands, a combination of the two."2
The terms, Moor and Blackamoor,
were similarly applied. These facts
were commonly accepted up through
the period of the Renaissance as is
indicated by the fact that practically
all of the paintings by the old masters
of the "Adoration of the Magi," or the
visit of the three wise men or kings to
the birthplace of Christ, included one
of the three as black. Shakespeare had
the same in mind when he wrote
Othello. The descriptions given by
ancient writers are clear and definite
as to color, features and hair. Classic
iterature, mythology and the arts of-

'Rawlinson, George. Egypt and Babylon.
New York. John B. Alden. 1885.

409

410

THE NEGRO IN ART

fer abundant evidence. For example,
Bulfinch's Age of Fable gives the fol-
lowing: "Cassiopeia was an Ethiopian,
and consequently in spite of her boast-
ed beauty, black; at least so Milton
seems to have thought, who refers to
this story in his II Penseroso where he
addresses Melancholy:
"But hail! thou goddess sage and

holy!

Hail, divinest Melancholy
Whose saintly visage is too bright
To hit the sense of human sight,
And therefore to our weaker view
O'erlaid with black, staid wisdom's

hue;

Black, but such as in esteem
Prince Memnon's sister might

beseem.
Or that starred Ethiope queen that

strove

To set her beauty's praise above
The Sea Nymphs, and their powers

offended."

Verdi had the same thing in mind
when writing the opera, Aida . . .
"for the official opening of a new opera
house in Cairo, on commission of Is-
mail Pasha, Khedive of Egypt. It was
for dark peoples of torrid bloods, Egyp-
tian, Moorish, Ethiopian. Verdi was
reluctant to undertake the commission
until he was given a rough draft of
a scenario by Mariette Bey, leading
French Egyptologist of the day, a
scholar in the tradition of such former
giants as Volney, who had written the
immortal Ruins of the Empires, and
Jean Francois Champollion, for whom
the chair of Egyptian Archaeology in
the College of France was created.
Volney and Champollion knew of the
strong Ethiopian elements in the basis
of Egyptian civilization. The Sphinx
is debatably Ethiopian and so are the
earlier pyramids."8

In the rest of Africa contemporary
with the ancient Negro and Negroid
civilizations of East Africa, there
were outstanding though more primi-
tive civilizations. It is claimed that
the now famous ruins of Zimbabwe
in Rhodesia mark the site of long lost
Ophir, an unidentified region famous
in the Old Testament for its fine gold.
West Africa has come forth during
the past forty years with works of art
making it a gem of vast influence upon

3C. J. Bulliet, art and music critic, Chi-
cago Daily News, August 28, 1944.

modern art and the industrial arts of
the world. We now know more than
ever about the arts of West Africa
through the famous Blondiau Collec-
tion which was brought to the United
States about 1925. Dr. Albert C. Barnes
of the Barnes Foundation of Marion,
Pa., writing in Opportunity of May,
1926, on Negro Art Past and Present
says: "A score or more years ago
most of those persons who watched
the beginning of a new era in art
were profoundly astonished to read
that its source of inspiration was the
work of a race for centuries despised
and condemned to a servile status.
The greatest of all sculptures, that
most purely classic in conception and
execution, the Egyption, was itself
African."

Paul Guillaume, proprietor and edi-
tor of the magazine, Les Arts, Paris,
in the same issue of Opportunity says:
"These statues, first studied by an-
thropologists and antiquarians, have
in the short space of twenty years
played a role no less important for
this age than was the role of classic
art in inspiring the Renaissance."

The influence of African art ex-
tends immeasurably into the indus-
trial arts. This was strongly affirmed
by Stewart Culin, Curator of the
Brooklyn Museum, as follows: "The
art of the Negro is distinguished from
the art of all other existing art of
more or less pre-literate races as be-
ing a living art of a living people.
While the American Indian and the in-
habitants of the South Pacific have
declined in contact with the European
civilization, and their art extinguished,
the Negro exists with his artistic
powers and perceptions unimpaired,
capable of progressing along lines of
his own traditions and of creating for
himself and in his own way. The vi-
tality of his art is evinced by the in-
fluence it has exerted upon the con-
temporary art of the West, known and
fully recognized by many painters and
sculptors and by their critics and fol-
lowers. Less known and understood
is the effect it has had upon the in-
dustrial arts, upon pattern making,
upon so-called decorative art. Mostly
occupied with the textile patterns, I
have seen their adoption by the French
and American textile industries fol-
lowing the display of raffia embroid-
eries at the Brooklyn Museum in

ALAIN L. LOCKE'S INFLUENCE ON NEGRO ART

411

1923."4 According to Dr. Culin, some
of the results of this adoption and
use formed the most conspicuous of
all exotic influences at the Paris Ex-
position of 1925. He gives the Negro's
textiles the most enduring place in
their influence upon the art of the
world.

We now know more than ever
through these arts that the beautiful
was a way of life in African civiliza-
tions; that the heritage of the Amer-
ican Negro is art. During long years
of slavery upon the shores of the
New World the Negro was separated
from much of his gifts, to which he
is abundantly returning.

From Central and West Africa came
the gift of iron and its smelting to
the New World. Franz Boas states:
"It seems not unlikely that the people
who made the marvelous discovery of
reducing iron ores by smelting were
the African Negroes. Neither ancient
Europe, nor ancient Western Asia,
nor ancient China knew iron." Torday,
writing in the Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute says, "We
are indebted to the Negro for the very
keystone of our modern civilization
... we owe him the discovery of
iron." This was a contribution of
West Africa, the section from which
most of the slaves who were brought
to the New World came. We, therefore,
know that many of the slaves brought
ta the Americas were from cultures
skilled for centuries in the artistic
use of iron. So it is understandable
how and why the Negro's first out-
standing artistic contribution to New
World culture was the fashioning of
iron in many artistic ways. Old bal-
conies, grilles and doorways of New
Orleans and surrounding Gulf areas,
of Charleston and Beaufort, South
Carolina and other parts of the South
Atlantic are eloquent tributes to the
skilled craftmanship of slaves, heri-
tages of their ancient cultures and
civilizations. They worked at the anvil
without direction from the white
group. These gracious balconies, intri-
cate grilles and charmingly designed
lunettes wrought by slave labor have
won their place in the world of antique
dealers and connoisseurs as works of
master craftsmen.

Notwithstanding the more than jus-
tifiable claim of the Negro to the in-

Opportunity, May, 1927.

digenous cultures of the African con-
tinent, eminently spotlighted by the
immeasurably vast and expansive con-
tributions in the Nile Valley of Ethio-
pia and Egypt, the recognized Negro
writers on Negro art have failed to
take the eastern phase into considera-
tion. There are only two writers of
consequence in the sphere of Negro
art; Alain L. Locke, Professor of Phi-
losophy at Howard University, and
James A. Porter, Assistant Professor
of Art at Howard University. Porter's
book, Modern Negro Art covers that
phase more thoroughly than any work
up to the present.

It was indicated in the beginning
that white American writers have
given more thought generally to the
fact that ancient Ethiopia and Egypt
were Negro than have Negro writers.
Outstanding among these has been
Dr. Albert C. Barnes of the Barnes
Foundation, Marion, Pennsylvania.
Two distinguished Negro historians
and scholars have ably and authenti-
cally documented these ancient connec-
tions of the great nations of East
Africa, as well as the equally ancient,
though more primitive, nations of the
West and South. They are Dr. W. E.
B. Du Bois in his Black Folk Then and
Now and his more recent work, The
World and Africa, and Joel A. Rogers
in his works in general, but particular-
ly in the three volumes entitled, Sex
and Race, and a pamphlet, World's
Greatest Men and Women of African
Descent. The existing remnants and
ruins of the fine arts have made ex-
actness in general history possible.
The history of the Negro's contribu-
tions to the fine arts generally are
inseparably interwoven with this his-
tory.

ALAIN L. LOCKE'S INFLUENCE

ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF

NEGRO ART

The distinguished scholar and phi-
losopher, Dr. Alain L. Locke, is the
recognized authority on the Negro in
art. It is reasonable to state that he
has been a greater inspirational influ-
ence upon the development of Negro
artists and in creating appreciation
for the Negro's art than any person
or group during the past twenty-five
years. He was unquestionably the lead-
er of the Negro Renaissance which
was ushered in from the quiet but

412

THE NEGRO IN ART

active and vigorous recesses of his
mind, based upon y«ars of exceedingly
interested study. The appearance of
the Harlem edition of Survey Graphic
in March, 1925, followed by The New
Negro in the same year had the effect
of an atomic bomb upon the public in
general and upon Negro youth in par-
ticular. Prior to 1925 the known Ne-
gro professionals and students in the
art schools of the country could al-
most have been counted on the fingers.
Because of Locke's influence, ambitious
aspirants in the field of art were
greatly stimulated in their efforts.
From 1925 to 1946, in the short span
of twenty-one years, more Negro ar-
tists and craftsmen have been de-
veloped and have achieved outstanding
recognition in American life than in
all of the previous years of American
history. Those who pioneered played
their part, but it remained for Alain
L. Locke, appropriately called "the
father of the Negro Renaissance," to
come forth as the touchstone to dram-
atize and accelerate the movement
from the foundations laid by the pio-
neers to the more sweeping and larger
growth. Other groups, individuals and
organizations followed and aided
greatly in the movement.

EARLY PIONEERS IN THE
EUROPEAN TRADITION

Early in the seventeenth century Se-
ville, an art center, provided two pio-
neer Negro painters in the European
tradition:

Juan Pareja, painter, (1606-1670).
Born in Seville, Spain of slave par-
entage, Pareja was an apprenticed
servant of Diego Velasquez and a pro-
ficient paint grinder and studio at-
tendant by 1623. He accompanied Ve-
lasquez to Madrid and on the master's
two trips to Italy in 1629 and in 1648.
Bermudez relates that he was man-
umitted by order of Philip IV for
merit in painting; but probably this
was only official confirmation of a
status already granted him by Velas-
quez. He worked side by side with
Velasquez and absorbed his style, prob-
ably preparing grounds for many can-
vases. Several of Pareja paintings
have been attributed to Velasquez as
second rate work of the master. He
served the daughter of Velasquez after
his death and married Jean Batista
eel Mayo, daughter or sister of that

painter. Works: Murals of Benedic-
tine Abbey at Eslonga; "Calling of St.
Matthew," Prado; "Presentation of
the Child God," Trinity Convent, To-
ledo; "Battle Scene," Museo Nacional,
Madrid; "Portrait of Capuchin Monk,"
Hermitage; "St. John Evangelist";
"St. Oroncio"; "Our Lady of Guade-
lupe"; "Portrait of Philip IV";
"Chapel of Santa Ritio," Madrid; "Isa-
bel of Bourbon," Collection of the
Earl of Yarmouth; "Portrait of a
Boy," Dulwich Collection. Among Pa-
reja's paintings once ascribed to Velas-
quez are: "A Gentleman and Lady
Playing Cards," Munich and "Bust of
a Boy," Marquis de las Marismas Col-
lection. In the United States there is
one known painting attributed to Pa-
reja. It is "The Annunciation of the
Virgin." This canvas is now the prop-
erty of J. Herbert Watson, attorney-
at-law, Brooklyn, New York.

Sebastian Gomez, painter, (1646?-
1682). The place and date of his birth
are uncertain. It was conjectured by
Bermudez as 1646 in Seville. This
is more probably the date of his ar-
rival in Seville. Apprentice servant of
Murillo, he was discovered by his
overpainting of canvasses during the
night after the pupils of Murillo had
gone. He was then received as a for-
mal pupil, outstripping many of them
and becoming famous as the "Mulatto
Murillo." His works are close but com-
petent reflections of his master's style,
many signed canvasses being extensive-
ly found in Seville, indicating definite
commissions. His "Virgin and Child"
is in Delscalozos Portico. Two large
murals, "Christ Scourged at the
Pillar" and "St. Peter Kneeling," are
in the vestry of the Capuchin Monas-
tery, with his "Immaculate Concep-
tion" in the Seville Baptistry opposite
Murillo's, "St. Anthony." The Treas-
ury of the same church houses his
"Holy Family." His was a life-long
attachment to the Murillo household,
and he occupies a permanent secondary
place in the annals of Spanish 17th
century art.

AMERICAN NEGRO ARTISTS

Early American Negro Artists

In spite of the handicaps of slavery
and prejudice in America and though
small in number except in the decora-
tive crafts, research has disclosed that
Negroes have followed along with

AMERICAN NEGRO ARTISTS

413

American art developments from the
beginning. They managed to achieve
commensurately in every phase of the
arts practiced. James A. Porter's book,
Modern Negro Art, contains much au-
thentic and careful research sustain-
ing this conclusion. Undoubtedly as
interest and available funds increase,
making possible more extensive re-
search, much more will be learned.
The foremost of the known artists of
this earliest period according to
Locke's, The Negro in Art, was:

Joshua Johnston, painter, (1770-
1830). From a legendary figure
known as the painter slave of Gen-
eral Strieker, D». J. Hall Pleasants of
the Maryland Historical Society has
resurrected Joshua Johnston, undoubt-
edly the first authenticated Negro ar-
tist in America. He was a portraitist,
probably manumitted. He is listed in
the Baltimore Directories between
1769 and 1824 as a freeholder of colour
and portrait painter. According to
Porter, "the source of his instruction
or training is not yet established," but
to use Dr. Pleasant's own - words,
"There appears in his paintings a
striking generic resemblance to the
work of three members of the Peale
family. These three artists were
Charles Wilson Peale, Charles Peale
Polk and Rembrandt Peale."

In this period there were others who
attained some proficiency of fair note,
most of whom are as yet undiscovered.
Porter gives foremost mention of
those known to Robert Douglass, por-
trait and ornamental painter, (1809-
1887); Patrick Reason, portrait paint-
er and engraver, born about 1817; and
William Simpson, portrait painter, who
died about 1872.

Negro Artists 1850 to 1880

From the period 1850 to 1880, there
were several artists who distinguished
themselves comparably with the pre-
vailing talents of the times. The first
and foremost up to 1870 was:

Robert 8. Duncanson, painter, (1821-
1871) born in Cincinnati, Ohio. He at-
tained distinction in Cincinnati and
abroad as a painter. One of his paint-
ings, "The Trial of Shakespeare," was
recently presented to the Douglass
Center in Toledo. "Blue Hole" is owned
by the Cincinnati Art Museum. An-
other of his works, purchased by
Queen Victoria, is said to hang in
Windsor Castle. His talents, especial-

ly shown in his painting, "The Trial
of Shakespeare," attracted the atten-
tion of prominent artists in Cincinnati
in 1840 and he was sent to Scotland
to study by the Freedmen's Aid So-
ciety. He returned in 1843 to become
a respected member of the Cincinnati
group of artists. He is mentioned in
a history of Cincinnati written by
Charles Gist in 1851 as being a noted
artist, a painter of fruit, fancy and
historical paintings and landscapes.
He executed numerous portrait and
mural commissions for prominent fam-
ilies of the city. Portrait of "William
Carey" at the Ohio Military Institute;
of "Nicholas Longworth" at the Ohio
Mechanics' Institute and mural panels
for the hall and reception room of the
Taft family residence are of this pe*
riod. His only known Negro subject
painting, 1848, portrait of Bishop
Payne and family, is now in possession
of Wilberforce University. Duncanson
returned to England and achieved con-
siderable fame exhibiting in Glasgow,
Edinburgh and London.

Other artists to achieve some note
about the same time were Edward Stid-
ham, portrait painter, of Philadelphia
and William Dorsey, landscape paint-
er, also of Philadelphia.

From 1865 to 1880 the two most out-
standing Negro artists in American
history reaching their peak at the
time of the Philadelphia Centennial
Exposition in 1876 were Edward M.
Bannister and Edmonia Lewis.

Edward M. Bannister, painter, (1828-
1901) was born in Nova Scotia, Can-
ada. He received private instruction
in painting from Dr. Runner of Boston,
and attained considerable recognition
in Boston in 1854. In 1870 he moved
to Providence, R. I., residing there
until his death. He was challenged to
a professional career by a statement
in the New York Herald in 1867 to
the effect that "the Negro seems to
have an appreciation of art, while
manifestly unable to produce it." The
Providence Art Club was organized
in his studio in 1880. This became the
nucleus of the Rhode Island School
of Design. Bannister's most noted
painting, "Under the Oaks," was ex-
hibited in the group representing the
Massachusetts artists at the Philadel-
phia Centennial Exposition of 1876.
This was awarded a Gold Medal and
was bought for $1,500 by James Duffe

414

THE NEGRO IN ART

of New York. He is represented in the
Providence Club; the Rhode Island
School of Design; Howard University
Art Gallery and the John Hope Collec-
tion, Atlanta, Ga.

Edmonia Lewis, painter, (1845-1890).
Born near Albany, N. Y. of mixed
Negro and Indian parentage, Edmonia
Lewis was adopted from an orphanage
and educated at Oberlin, Ohio, 1859-
1863, by abolitionists. As far as is
known, she is the pioneer among Ne-
gro sculptors. She showed artistic tal-
ent at an early age and was trained
in the studio of Edmund Brackett of
Boston. Exhibited first works are:
"Medallion Head of John Brown" and
"Bust of Robert Gould Shaw" at Sol-
diers Aid Fair, Boston, in 1864. She
was sent by her patrons, the Story
family, to Rome, Italy, where she per-
fected herself in the fashionable neo-
classical style of the day. Here she
produced many figures, portraits and
symbolic groups in direct marble. On
her return to the United States, she
executed, mostly in plaster, a number
of portrait commissions. Among them
were: Wendell Phillips; Charles Sum-
ner; Harriet Hosmer; Charlotte Cush-
man; and Henry Wadsworth Longfel-
low for the Harvard College Library.
Her symbolic groups usually under-
life size, show a competent mastery
of technique. Best known among these
works are "Hagar," (1866); "Hia-
watha," (1865) ; "The Marriage of
Hiawatha"; "The Departure of Hia-
watha," (1867); "Madonna and Child,"
Collection of the Marquis of Bute;
"Forever Free," emancipation group
(1867); The Harriet Hunt Mausoleum,
Mt. Auburn Cemetery, Massachusetts.
She exhibited in Rome in 1871; at the
Philadelphia Centennial in 1876 and
at Farwell Hall Exhibit, Chicago, 1870.

Negro Artists 1880-1910

For the next twenty years no known
artists of consequence were produced.
Yet the works of those of the approxi-
mately five preceding generations, set
a background for Henry Ossawa Tan-
ner, who became the greatest of all,
even to the present time. He achieved
a niche making him one of the out-
standing artists of the world and per-
haps the greatest painter of scriptural
subjects of this age.

Henry Ossawa Tanner, painter,
(1859-1937). Born June 21, 1859 at

Pittsburgh, Pa., he was the son of
Bishop Benjamin T. Tanner of the
African Methodist Episcopal Church
and was one of the most distinguished
of American artists. He resided in
Paris from 1891 to his death there on
May 25, 1937. He studied at the Penn-
sylvania Academy of Fine Arts, 1884-
88 and came particularly under the
influence of Thomas Eakins. After
graduation he taught art, part time,
at Clark University in Atlanta, Ga.
Through the aid of Bishop J. C. Hart-
zell, who had been attracted to his
works, he was enabled to go to Paris
in 1891. He studied at the Academie
Julian and under Jean Paul Laurens
and Benjamin Constant. "The Music
Lesson" brought his first Salon Hon-
orable Mention in 1896. In 1897, his
original religious and mystical slant
broke through his early realism. "The
Raising of Lazarus" was awarded the
Salon Gold Medal and was purchased
by the French Government for the
Luxembourg Galleries. Tanner in-
stantly became an international figure.
"The Annunciation" exhibited in 1898
at the Pennsylvania Academy was
purchased for the Wilstach Collection.
"Judas" was purchased for the Car-
negie Institute in 1899 and "Nico-
demus" (Walter Lippincott Prize) for
the Pennsylvania Academy in 1899.
Among subsequent awards were:
Silver Medal, Paris Exposition, 1900;
Silver Medal, Pan-American Exposi-
tion, 1901; Silver Medal, St. Louis Ex-
position, 1904; Medal of Second Class,
Paris Salon, 1906; Harris Prize, Art
Institute of Chicago, 1906; Gold Medal,
San Francisco Exposition, 1915; Clark
Prize, Grand Central Galleries, New
York, 1930. Tanner was elected Asso
ciate of the National Academy in 1909
and Member in 1927. He was also
made a Chevalier of the Legion of
Honor. He is represented in some of
the foremost public and private gal-
leries in the world.

The stirring achievements of Tan-
ner were of inestimable value as
sources of inspiration to a large num-
ber of individuals. Though beginning
in small numbers, they were destined
to grow exceedingly during the next
twenty-five years.

The first important artist to appear
achieved and held the outstanding
place in the field of sculpture for near-
ly forty years. This was:

AMERICAN NEGRO ARTISTS

415

Meta Vaux Warrick Fuller, sculp-
tress, (1877- ), born in Philadel-
phia. She studied at the School of
Industrial Art and the Pennsylvania
Academy; was a pupil of Charles
Grafly; Rodin in Paris and attended
the Academic Colarossi. Exhibited in
Paris Salon 1903 and 1904 a group
entitled, "The Wretched." This is con-
sidered her masterpiece. She executed
symbolic groups on the Negro for the
Jamestown Tercentenary, 1907; Har-
mon exhibits, 1930, 1933 and frequent
later showings at the Boston Art Club
and the Guild of Arts and Crafts.
Works are located in the Cleveland
Museum; the Schomburg Collection,
135th Street Branch, New York Public
Library; Y. M. C. A., Atlanta, Ga.

Contemporary with Mrs. Fuller and
also a sculptress was:

May Howard Jackson, sculptress,
(1877-1931). Born in Philadelphia, she
studied at the J. Liberty Tadd's Art
School, Philadelphia and the Pennsyl-
vania Academy. Maintained a private
studio in Washington, D. C. from 1902
to her death, specializing until 1912
on portrait busts. About 1914 she be-
gan to be intrigued by the Negro
theme. Exhibits: Corcoran Art Gal-
lery, 1915; National Academy of De-
sign, 1916; Harmon exhibits, 1927, 1928
(Bronze Medal in sculpture) ; New
York Emancipation Exposition, 1913;
Memorial bust of Paul Laurence Dun-
bar in Dunbar High School, Wash-
ington, D. C.

Exceedingly worthy of mention is
Professor John Henry Adams, Jr.,
teacher at Morris Brown College in
Atlanta, Ga., in the early 1900's. It is
not known where he received his train-
ing but the rare quality of his draw-
ings in pen and ink of portrait studies
and illustrations document him as be-
ing one of the most gifted users of
this medium the race has produced.
Practically all of the writers on the
Negro in art except James A. Porter
have overlooked him. His works ap-
peared mainly in the Voice of the
Negro, a periodical published in At-
lanta from 1904 to 1906 and later in
The Crisis.

George Washington Carver, painter,
(18647-1943). All the .world knows
George Washington Carver as a great
agricultural chemist, but not many are
aware that he has also produced paint-
ings of recognized merit. A career as
an artist seems to have been his in-

tent more than fifty years ago in the
Simpson College School of Art, In-
dianola, Iowa. He continued to paint
through the years, and in later years
painted with his own pigments made
from the clays of Alabama. There is
a Carver Collection of Art, located in
the George Washington Carver Museum
at Tuskegee Institute. In this collec-
tion are four paintings which were
selected for exhibition at the World's
Columbian Exposition held in Chicago
in 1893. One of these, "Yucca, Angusti-
folia and Cactus" was awarded an
Honorable Mention. There is also in
the Carver Museum, of a later period,
a beautiful small painting of a cluster
of peaches, which has caused much
favorable comment.

A most interesting fact, generally
overlooked is that there appeared
about this period the first known Ne-
gro male sculptor, therefore the male
pioneer in this field, in the person of:

Isaac Hathaway, sculptor and cera-
mist, (1871- ). Born in Lexington,
Ky., he studied at the Art Department
of the New England Conservatory of
Music; the Cincinnati Museum Art
Academy; the Ceramics Department,
Pittsburg Normal College, Pittsburg,
Kansas; and the Chandler Normal Col-
lege. He maintained a studio in Wash-
ington, D. C. during 1910. His works
are principally portrait busts, the best
known of which are of Frederick Doug-
lass, Booker T. Washington and Paul
Laurence Dunbar. He is one of the
outstanding Negro ceramists in the
country today and is head of the De-
partment of Ceramics at Tuskegee In-
stitute, Alabama.

The next painter to follow Tanner
achieved outstanding success. At the
time of his early death in 1910 he
was considered one of the leading land-
scape painters in the West. It is rea-
sonably certain that longer life would
have lifted him to national and per-
haps international fame. Tfiis was:

William A. Harper, painter, (1873-
1910). Born near Cayuga, Canada, De-
cember 27, 1873, he died in Mexico
City, March 27, 1910. Studied at the
Art Institute of Chicago, taught draw-
ing in the public schools of Houston,
Texas, studied in Paris on a fellow-
ship, 1903-05. Painted landscapes ex-
tensively in Brittany, Provence, and
southern England. Again studied in
Europe, 1907-08. He was closely asso-
ciated with Tanner as an informal

416

THE NEGRO IN ART

pupil. He returned to Chicago and
lived as a free lance painter. He was
one of the real talents of a generation.
His premature death was a major loss
to Negro art, for critics judged him of
great promise and many thought him
more creatively original than Tanner.
Exhibits: Art Institute of Chicago,
1905; Fortnightly Club (1st Prize)
1908; Municipal Art League, Chicago,
1905, 1908; Art Institute of Chicago,
1910. Was member of the Society of
Western Artists and Associated Chi-
cago Artists. Works hang in Provi-
dent Hospital, Chicago; Art Institute
of Chicago; Wabash Avenue Y. M. C.
A., Chicago; Museum of Negro Art and
Culture, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.

Present Day Negro
Artists 1910-1925

Closely following Harper and almost
a contemporary was:

William Edouard Scott, painter,
(1884- ) was born in Indianapolis,
Ind. He studied at the Art Institute
of Chicago and was considered one of
its very brilliant students. He also
studied privately in Paris with Tanner
and at the Julian and Colarossi Acad-
emies. Twice won the Magnus Brand
Prize in the School of the Art Insti-
tute of Chicago. Awarded Special Har-
mon Gold Medal in Fine Arts, 1927 and
a Julius Rosenwald Fellowship in
1931 to study Negro types in Haiti.
Won Jesse Binga Popularity Prize and
Eames McVeagh Prize, Chicago Art
League, 1929. Painted murals for sev
eral public buildings in Indiana, Illi-
nois and West Virginia. "La Pauvre
Voisin" exhibited in the Paris Salon
1912, was purchased by the Argentine
Republic. Twelve of his paintings were
purchased by the Haitian Government
at his One-man Show in Port-au-Prince
1931. Exhibits: Harmon exhibits 1928
1931, 1933; Harmon Exhibit to Johan
nesburg and Pretoria, Africa; One-man
Traveling Show, 1935; Harmon Col
lege Art Association Traveling Exhibi
tion, 1934-35; Findlay Galleries, Chi
cago, 1935; American Negro Exposi
tion, 1940.

During the period 1907 to 1912 ther
were only five known Negro art stu
dents in New York; namely, Charle
C. Dawson at the Art Student
League; William Ernest Braxton a
the Adelphi Academy in Brooklyn
Winifred Russell at the Nationa

Academy; Clinton DeVillis and a late
arrival, Richard Lonsdale Brown, a
promising landscapist from West Vir-
ginia who studied independently after
)eing refused admittance to the Art
Students League because of race, in
spite of the fact that Dawson was
already a student there.

The situation was not much better
m Chicago, though for many years
thereafter the liberal Chicago Art In-
stitute, with its traditions of Harper
and Scott was instrumental in inspir-
ing other Negro students among whom
was:

William McKnight Farrow, painter,
etcher, (1885- ). Born in Dayton,
Ohio and educated at the Art Institute
of Chicago, he is one of the earliest
Negro etchers. Was awarded the Eames
McVeagh Prize for etching and the
Peterson Prize, Chicago Art League,

1929. Exhibits: Chicago Art League
since 1928; Harmon Exhibits, 1928,

1930, 1931, 1935. Instructor, Carl
Schurz Evening High School and
Technical Museum Staff, Art Institute
of Chicago, 1908 to the present.

Charles C. Dawson, painter, illustra-
tor, designer and engraver, (1889- ).
Born in Brunswick, Georgia, June 12,
1889. Studied at Tuskegee Institute,
Ala.; The Art Students League of New
York, 1907-12 (Honorable Mention An-
nual School Exhibition, 1911). Dawson
reversed the order of student move-
ment, leaving the Art Students League
and New York for Chicago late in 1912,
and attended the Art Institute of Chi-
cago, 1912-17, graduating with special
honors. Was with the American Ex-
peditionary Forces, World War I, as
1st Lieutenant of Infantry, later being
promoted to Captain of Infantry. Staff
artist, Chicago Engravers, 1919-22;
free lance painter, illustrator and de-
signer 1922-35; Public Works of Art
Project (Class "A") 1935; Art Consul-
tant to the State Office NYA of Illinois
and Co-Administrator of NYA Works
Program for Chicago, 1936-40; free
lance painter 1941 to present. Since
1922 has produced most of the ad-
vertising illustrations for the majority
of the leading Negro businesses as
well as national advertising for a white
clientele. Works: Murals and Exhibits
of the National Urban League at A
Century of Progress Exposition, Chi-
cago, 1933 and 1934; illustrated litera-
ture of the DeSaible Exhibit, A Cen-

AMERICAN NEGRO ARTISTS

417

tury of Progress Exposition; Official
Poster, Pageant of Negro Music, A
Century of Progress Exposition, 1934;
basic interior designs of the Ameri-
can Negro Exposition, as a whole,
Chicago, 1940, including plans and
themes for the historical dioramas of
the Court of Honor, 1944-46; curator,
restoration of series of historical
dioramas (20 in number) on the Ne-
gro historical background from the
American Negro Exposition, 1940, pre-
sented to Tuskegee Institute by the
State of Illinois; installation and de-
velopment of the new Museum of Ne-
;gro Art and Culture for Tuskegee
Institute. Awarded the Eames Mc-
Veagh Prize (First Prize) for best por-
itrait; Jesse Binga Popularity Prize
<on the "Quadroon Madonna" Chicago
Art League, 1928; Charles S. Peterson
Prize (First Prize) for the best por-
trait, Chicago Art League, 1929; Hon-
orable Mention Harmon Award 1929
for distinguished achievement in the
Fine Arts. Exhibits: Art Institute of
Chicago 1917, 1919, 1927; Negro in Art
Week Exposition 1927 and Chairman
o)f its Fine Arts Committee; Harmon
Traveling Exhibit, 1929; Harmon Ex-
position to Johannesburg and Pretoria,
Africa, 1930; Studio Gallery, Chicago,
1931; Findlay Galleries, Chicago, 1933;
Texas Centennial (National Urban
League Mural) 1936; American Negro
Exposition, 1940. Works: "Quadroon
Madonna" and "Brother and Sister,"
^Roosevelt High School, Gary, Ind.;
•"Evolution of Negro Music," Risley
JHlgh School, Brunswick, Ga.; series

• of Negro historical dioramas, Tuskegee
Institute. On November 26, 1946 two
•jnurals depicting the work and

career t>f Dr. George Washington Car-
ver we're hung permanently in the
lobby of the Carver Theatre in Way-

• cross, Ga. Bawson, who was com-
:missioned to paint these murals ex-
ipressly for Georgia Theatres, Inc., was
-.presented at the formal opening of
tthe theatre and delivered the main
address.

During this period the Art Institute
of Chicago produced another brilliant
student who distinguished himself;

Archibald J. Motley, Jr., painter,
d.891- ). Born in New Orleans,
Ibm., he studied at the Art Institute
«tf Chicago. Honors : Frank G. Logan
Medal, 1925; J. N. Eisendrath Prize,
Art Institute of Chicago, 1925; Har-

mon Gold Award, 1928; Guggenheim
Fellowship, 1929, for study in Europe;
Illinois Federal Art Project, Mural and
Easel Divisions, 1935-39. Exhibits:
Harmon Exhibits, 1929, 1931; Guggen-
heim Fellows Exhibits, 1931, 1933;
Art Institute of Chicago, Official A
Century of Progress Fine Arts Ex-
hibit, 1933, 1934; Toledo Museum,
1934; Texas Centennial, 193G; Howard
University Art Gallery, 1937, 1938;
Baltimore Museum, 1939; American
Negro Exposition, 1940. Works: Wood
River, Illinois Post Office (Treasury
Art Project) ; Evansville, Illinois State
Hospital; Chicago Public Library;
Ryerson School: One-man Show, New
Galleries, New York, 1928. Painter of
portraits, in which he demonstrates
considerable mastery of drawing, his
mediums and of figure composition.
Works entirely with Negro types treat-
ed, in the compositions, in semi-
grotesque.

During this period the South pro-
duced Boston-trained:

Edward A. Harleston, portrait and
figure painter, (1882-1931). Born in
Charleston, S. C., he died there May
5, 1931. One of the pioneers in Negro
type portraiture, he was educated at
Atlanta University and Boston Mu-
seum School of Art, 1906-12. Exhibits:
Negro in Art Week Exposition, Art
Institute of Chicago, 1927; Harmon
Show, 1931 (Locke Portrait Prize) ;
Texas Centennial, 1936; Howard Uni-
versity, 1935, 1937. Works hang in
many private collections and in the
Howard University Collection.

Philadelphia produced the first and
only Negro woman to become distin-
guished in American history as a
painter up to this period:

Laura Wheeler Waring, painter and
illustrator, (1887- ). Born in Hart-
ford, Conn., she studied at the Penn-
sylvania Academy of Fine Arts 1918-
24; awarded the Cresson Traveling
Scholarship and studied at Grand
Chaumiere, Paris, 1924, 1925. Works:
Portraits, race types and illustrations.
Instructor in Art, Cheyney State
Teachers College, Cheyney, Pa., since
1926. Exhibits: Harmon Exhibit, 1927
(Gold Award), 1928, 1930, 1931; Art
Institute of Chicago, 1933; Pennsyl-
vania Academy 1925-38; Howard Uni-
versity Gallery, 1937-39; American
Negro Exposition, 1940.

A distinguished product of the
East and of the Far West who is fore-

418

THE NEGRO IN ART

most in the fields of sculpture and
ceramics is:

Sargent Johnson, sculptor, ceramist,
(1888- ). Born in Boston, Mass.,
he studied art for five years at the
California School of Fine Arts, San
Francisco, Calif. Received the San
Francisco Art Association Medals for
Sculpture 1925, 1931, 1935. Exhibits:
San Francisco Art Association, 1925,
1926, 1927, 1928, 1929, 1930, 1931; San
Diego Gallery, 1930; Art Institute, Chi-
cago, 1930; Harmon Exhibits, 1928
(Otto H. Kahn Prize), 1929 (Bronze
Award), 1930, 1931, 1933 (Robert C.
Ogden Prize); Howard University
Gallery, 1937, 1939; Baltimore Mu-
seum, 1939; American Negro Exposi-
tion, Chicago (3rd Sculpture Award).
Works: "Sammy," Mrs. E. R. Alexan-
der Collection, New York; "Chester/'
Adolph Loewi and Alan Bement, New
York; "Esther," San Diego Fine Arts
Gallery. Designed murals Aquatic
Park, Golden Gate Exposition, 1939-40,
San Francisco. He is heavily influ-
enced by African forms in sculpture.

Elizabeth Prophet, sculptress, (1890-
). A native of Providence, R. I.,
and educated at the Rhode Island
School of Design, this artist uses wood
as her medium of expression. Her
subjects have all been Negroes. Her
"Congolaise" is permanently exhibited
in the Whitney Museum of American
Art and her "Head of a Negro" has
been reproduced many times in period-
icals and catalogues. Exhibits: Paris
Salon and American Art Shows.

The Mid- West brought forth two
other brilliant artists who are making
outstanding contributions:

Hale Woodruff, painter and en-
graver, (1900- ). Born in Cairo,
Illinois, he was educated in the Public
Schools of Nashville, Tenn., and at
John Herron Art Institute, Indianap-
olis, Ind., (Graduate). Spent four
years on the staff of the Indianapolis
Y. M. C. A. and painted prolifically
at the same time. Was encouraged by
Bronze Award of Harmon contest of
1926 to further study. Went to Paris
in 1927. Studied at Academic Scan-
dinave; Academie Moderne and with
Tanner, 1927-30; sketched in Normandy
and Cagnes sur Mer. Exhibited in the
Pacquereau Gallery, Paris, 1930. In
1931 was invited to become art in-
structor at Atlanta University and
developed there an important group of
younger artists. In 1946 was invited

to become instructor in art at New
York University. In 1938 he was com-
missioned to do the Amistad Murals
for the Savery Library, Talladega Col-
lege. Exhibits: John Herron Art In-
stitute, 1923, 1924, 1926; Chicago Art
Institute (Negro in Art Week Exposi-
tion), 1927: Harmon Exhibits, 1928,
1929, 1931, 1933, 1935; Downtown Gal-
lery, New York, 1929, 1931; Valentine
Gallery, 1911; Ferragil Gallery, 1931;
Texas Centennial, 1936; High Museum,
Atlanta, 1935; American Negro Ex-
position, 1940.

Aaron Douglass, painter and illustra-
tor, (1899- ). Born in Topeka,
Kans., was educated at the University
of Kansas (A.B. in Fine Arts, 1923).
Taught in Lincoln High School, Kan-
sas City, Mo., 1923-25; studied under
Winold Reiss, New York City 1925-27;
Barnes Foundation Fellowship, 1928-
29; Rosenwald Grant for study in
Paris, 1931; Academie Scandinave
and under Despiau, Waroquier and
Othon Frieze; Rosenwald Travel
Grant touring the South and Haiti,
1938. Instructor in Art, Fisk Univer-
sity since 1937. Exhibits: Harmon Ex-
hibits 1928, 1935; College Art, 1935;
Texas Centennial, 1936; Howard Uni-
versity Gallery, 1937; Baltimore Mu-
seum, 1939; One-man Shows, Caz-Del-
bos Gallery, New York, 1933; A. C. A.
Gallery, New York, 1938. His murals,
usually allegorical scenes on historical
life or cultural background of the Ne-
gro, are found in the Fisk University
Library, at Bennett College and in the
135th Street Branch of the New York
Public Library.

To this small group of ten artists
from William Edouard Scott to Aaron
Douglass, inclusive, should be added
Henry B. Jones and Allan R. Freelon.

Henry B. Jones, painter, (1889- ).
Born in Philadelphia, Pa., and edu-
cated in the Philadelphia Public
Schools and in the School of Pedagogy,
Philadelphia, Jones studied art for
four years at the Pennsylvania Acad-
emy of Fine Arts and was a student
of Anschutz and Breckenridge. Ex-
hibits: Harmon Exhibits, 1929, 1930,
1931, 1933; 135th Street Branch, New
York Public Library, 1933; Print Club,
Philadelphia, 1932, 1934, 1935; War-
wick Galleries, 1930, 1931, 1933, 1934;
Reed Galleries, 1934; A. C. A. Gallery,
Philadelphia, 1938.

Allan R. Freelon, painter, (1895-
). Born in Philadelphia, Pa., he

AMERICAN NEGRO ARTISTS

419

was educated at the Pennsylvania
Academy of Fine Arts and at the
University of Pennsylvania. Pupil of
Eral Horter, in etching. Assistant Di-
rector of Art, Philadelphia Public
Schools. Exhibits: Harmon Exhibits,
1928, 1929, 1930, 1931; Newton Gal-
leries, New York, 1935; College Art,
1935; Texas Centennial, 1936; Howard
University, 1937, 1939; Lincoln Uni-
versity, 1937; Regional Show, Whitney
Museum, 1934; American Negro Expo-
sition, 1940.

These represent nearly all of the
Negro students known to have been
seriously studying art during the pe-
riod 1907 to 1920. They have achieved
outstandingly as a group as well as
individually. Through their achieve-
ments they have established a new
epoch, building upon the records of
their exemplary predecessors. Un-
questionab'y they have built a founda-
tion of sound and superb craftsman-
ship, which meets most of the rigid
tests of the artistic world. Their
achievements have been a great source
of inspiration to large numbers of
younger aspirants. The influence of
these artists along with that exerted
by The Crisis and Opportunity, by
Alain L. Locke, as previously stated,
by the Harmon Awards and Shows, by
the United States Treasury Federal
Art Projects of the 1930's paved the
way for the remarkable group of
young Negro artists since 1925. All
of these older artists are still growing
and are still setting the pace for the
younger artists.
A New Era, 1925-1946

Because it is impossible to include
all of the artists which go to make up
this younger group, only a few of the
eminently outstanding ones will be
mentioned in detail. The honor of be-
ing not only the most distinguished
Negro artist since Tanner but among
the leading artists of America, as in-
dicated by the acclaim of the coun-
try's leading critics, the quality and
quantity of honors, prizes and com-
missions awarded him, goes to:

Richmond Barthe, sculptor, painter,
(1901- ). Born in Bay St. Louis,
Miss., educated in the Public Schools
of New Orleans, he studied at the Art
Institute of Chicago, 1924-28. He
studied painting and merely experi-
mented with sculpture in 1926 and
1927. These works were brought to
the attention of Charles C. Dawson in

1927, who was then serving as Chair-
man of the Fine Arts Committee of
the "Negro in Art Week," sponsored
by the Chicago Woman's Club, by
William M. Farrow, a member of the
Committee. Dawson immediately rec-
ommended the acceptance of all pieces.
They were exhibited. This was the
beginning of Barthe's career as a
sculptor. His first commission came
upon recommendation of Dawson, and
consisted of two busts, one of Henry
0. Tanner and one of Toussaint
L'Ouverture for the Lake County Chil-
dren's Home of Gary, Indiana of which
Miss Thyra Edwards, social worker
and writer, was then head. These two
incidents and the resulting contacts
and publicity were responsible for
leading to the first One-man Show at
the Women's City Club, Chicago and
the Rosenwald Fellowship Awards for
study in New York, 1927, 1928. Studied
at the Art Students League, New
York, 1931. Received the Eames Mc-
Veagh Prize for Sculpture, Chicago
Art League, 1928; Guggenheim Fellow-
ship, 1940. Exhibits: Women's City
Club, Chicago, 1927; Chicago Woman's
Club (Negro in Art Week) 1927; Har-
mon Exhibits, 1929, 1931, 1933; A
Century of Progress Fine Arts Exhi-
bition (Official) Chicago Art Institute,
1933, 1934; Whitney Museum, 1933,
1935, 1939; Howard University Gallery,
1934; Pennsylvania Academy of Fine
Arts, 1940. One-man Shows: Caz-Del-
bos Gallery, New York. 1933; Delphic
Studios, New York, 1935; Arden Gal-
lery, New York, 1938; World's Fair,
New York, 1939. Artists for Victory
Exhibit at the Metropolitan Museum,
New York ($500 prize for sculpture),
1942; 4th Annual Exposition of Audu-
bon Artists (Awarded Gold Medal of
Honor), 1945. Executed bas-reliefs
(40' x 8') on themes from "Green
Pastures" for Harlem River Houses,
Federal Art Project, New York, 1937-
38. Works: Whitney Museum, "Black-
berry Woman," "Harmonica Player,"
"African Dancer"; Oberlin College
Museum; University of Wisconsin
Museum; busts of Paul Laurence Dun-
bar and Booker T. Washington, Arm-
strong High School, Richmond, Va.
Known for portrayal of race types and
rhythm groups. The highlight of his
career thus far was the award of the
commission by the Hall of Fame Com-
mittee in 1946 to make the bust
of Booker T. Washington for place-

420

THE NEGRO IN ART

ment in the Hall of Fame on the
campus of New York University, the
only Negro artist enjoying this dis-
tinction. It is also of interest to note
that he is the only Negro artist listed
in Who's Who in America, 1946-47.

All great periods of development in
the Fine Arts have been made possible
very largely by great patrons — the
State, the nobility, the Church and
again nobility and the State. The
great patron of this age is business.
It is using, for the enhancement of
advertising and incidentally for mass
dissemination of culture, the very best
of fine arts production. The most suc-
cessful of those who have the good
fortune and the vision to fit into these
demands is:

E. Simms Campbell, illustrator,
(1906- ). Born in St. Louis, Mo., he
was educated at the Art Institute of
Chicago. For a number of years he was
staff illustrator of the magazines, New
Yorker, and Esquire. He also does ad-
vertising illustrations for some of the
leading nationally advertised products,
among which are Barbasol Shaving
Cream and Hart Schaffner and Marx
quality clothing for men and women.
He works in the various black and
white mediums and in water color.
His cartoons and illustrations for Es-
quire made him phenomenally success-
ful and placed, him high in the ranks
of the best in these fields. Campbell
was Pulitzer Prize winner on the St.
Louis Post Dispatch in 1928. His
works have also appeared in The New
York Journal, The New York Ameri-
can, The Mirror, Judge, The Saturday
Evening Post and The London Spec-
tator. Exhibits: Minneapolis Artists
Exhibits, 1924, 1925; Harmon Exhibits,
1929, 1935; American Negro Exposi-
tion, 1940 (Honorable Mention).

In the very front rank of so-called
primitive artists, classified as "the
most important Negro artist of the
era" by the Encyclopedia Britannica
Collection of Contemporary American
Painting, 1946, is:

Horace Pippin, primitive painter
(1888-1946). Born in West Chester
Pa., in 1888, Pippin died there in 1946
He was self-taught, and painted stead
ily from 1920 to 1946. Exhibits: One-
man Shows, Chester County Art Asso
ciation, 1937; Carlen Galleries, Phila
delphia, 1940, 1941; Bignou Gallery
1940; American Negro Exhibition
1940; Arts Club, Chicago, 1941; S'an

Francisco Museum, 1942. Paintings
found in the following collections:
Albright Gallery, Barnes Foundation,
Pennsylvania Academy, Philadelphia
Museum, Phillips Memorial Gallery,
Whitney Museum, Rhode Island School
of Design and Wichita Art Museum.

Judged as one of the leading Negro
artists and the leading Negro woman
painter of the present is:
Lois Mailou Jones, painter, (1906-
). Born in Boston, Mass., she was
educated in the Boston. Public Schools,
the Boston Museum School of Fine
Arts, 1923-1927; Designers Art School;
Massachusetts Normal Art School; in
Paris, Beaux Arts and Academic
Julian, 1937-38. Instructor in Design,
Howard University since 1929. Ex-
hibits: Harmon Exhibits, 1930, 1931,
1933; Water Color Exhibition, Phila-
delphia Academy, 1933-34; National
Gallery of Art, 1934; Howard Univer-
sity Gallery, 1933, 1937; Salon des
Artistes Francais, 1938; Baltimore
Museum, 1939; American Negro Ex-
position (Honorable Mention), 1940;
Robert Vose Gallery, Boston, 1938;
Robert Bliss Award, annual exhibition
of the Washington, D. C. Society of
Fine Arts, 1941.

Next to Horace Pippin, in the field
of painting, the public and leading
critics have acclaimed:

Jacol) Lawrence, painter, (1917- ),
of New York City. Born in Atlantic
City, N. J., he was educated in the
Philadelphia Public Schools and
studied under Charles Alston and
Henry Bannarn, 1934-38 and at the
Harlem Art Center and the American
Artists School, 1937-38. Exhibits:
One-man Shows at Downtown Gallery,
New York, 1941 and 1942; Museum of
Modern Art, 1944. In 1938, was
awarded the second prize of the Fed-
eral Art Project; in 1941-43 a Rosen-
wald Fellowship; in 1943, Metropolitan
Museum, Artists for Victory Exhibi-
tion ($600 Purchase Prize). Has exe-
cuted brilliantly original series in
tempera panels on Negro historical
themes: "The Life of Toussaint
L'Ouverture (41 panels), 1937; "The
Life of Frederick Douglass" (40
panels), 1938; "The Life of Harriet
Tubman" (40 panels), 1939; "The Ne-
gro Migration Northward in World
War" (60 panels), published in For-
tune in 1942. Represented in Albright
Art Gallery; Howard University Art
Gallery; Museum _of Modern Art;

MUSEUM OF NEGRO ART AND CULTURE

421

Metropolitan Museum; Whitney Mu-
seum; Phillips Memorial Gallery;
Portland Museum; Providence Mu-
seum; Worcester Museum; Virginia
Museum.

Others who have achieved distinc-
tion in this era are; James A. Porter,
Washington, D. C., born 1905; James
L. Wells, Washington, D. C., born 1902;
Dox Thrash, Philadelphia, born 1893;
Albert A. Smith, born 1895, died 1940;
William H. Johnson, New York City,
born 1902; Malvin Gray Johnson, born
1896, died 1934, New York City;
Palmer Hayden, New York City, born
1893; Fred Flemister, Atlanta, Ga.,
born 1916; Allan Rohan Crite, Boston,
born 1910; Gwendolyn Bennett, New
York City, born 1902; Charles H. Al-
ston, New York City, born 1907; Eld-
zier Cortor, Chicago, born 1915;
Charles White, Chicago and New York
City, born 1918; Rex Goreleigh, Chi-
cago, born 1902; Vertis Hayes, Mem-
phis, Tenn., born 1911 ; Zell Ingraham,
Cleveland, Ohio. These are mostly
painters but some are also specifically
skilled in the other graphic arts.

The sculptors are Augusta Savage,
New York City, born 1900, who is ex-
tremely gifted; William Artis, New
York City, born, 1914, sculptor and
ceramist, who is very promising;
Elizabeth Catlett White, New York
City, born 1915; Clarence Lawson,
Chicago, born 1919; Selma Burke,
New York City; Henry Bannarn, Min-
neapolis, Minn., born 1910; Joseph
Kersey, Chicago, born 1918; Leslie G.
Boiling, Richmond, Va., born 1898.

MUSEUM OF NEGRO ART AND

CULTURE AT TUSKEGEE

INSTITUTE

Perhaps the most significant de-
velopment thus far as it relates to
the vast historical background of the
Negro was the creation of the new
Museum of Negro Art and Culture at
Tuskegee Institute during the period
from September 29, 1944, to June 15,

1946. Though comparatively small in
size, the nature and scope of the ex-
hibits stamp it as being very unusual.
The work of setting up the museum
was intrusted to Charles C. Dawson,
who made the basic interior designs
as a whole for the American Negro
Exposition held in Chicago in 1940,
under the auspices of the Federal
Government and the State of Illinois.
It was the foremost and the most suc-
cessful venture of its kind ever held
in America. A part of the designing
was a Court of Honor, consisting of
a series of artistic and historical dio-
ramas. This series was presented to
Tuskegee Institute by the State of
Illinois through Governor Dwight H.
Green and delivered early in 1944,
badly damaged through storage and
transportation. As the creator of the
themes and plans of the dioramas,
Dawson's commission was first of all
to restore these unique works, then
plan and install the dioramas as the
central feature of the museum.

Other exhibits consist of twelve mu-
seum cases of the arts of West Africa,
being a cross-section of that area from
Senegal to Angola. The heart of this
African collection is a part of the
famous Blondiau Collection presented
to Tuskegee Institute some time ago
by the George Foster Peabody Fund;
and the substantial contributions of
Dr. W. E. Turner of Birmingham,
Ala., who for many years was a mis-
sionary to Liberia. There are smaller
accessions from other individuals.
Among the paintings are one each by
Henry O. Tanner, William A. Harper
and William Edouard Scott. An in-
teresting part of the exhibit consists
of early relics of Tuskegee Institute
and another part relates to Booker T.
Washington. For two months in 1945
Alonzo Aden, former Curator of the
Howard University Gallery of Art, who
now operates the Barnett Aden Gal-
lery in Washington, D. C., was asso-
ciated, as a museum consultant, in the
work of setting up the museum.

DIVISION XIX

THE NEGRO IN MUSIC

By ORRIN CLAYTON SUTHEBN, II
Dillard University

Any thoughtful survey of what the
Negro has accomplished ill the field of
music must bring to the interpreter
and to the layman alike the realization
that in most phases of music the Negro
has made a decided contribution. There
is no area in the vast realm of musical
endeavor which cannot boast of some
musician of color who has excelled;
and this area moves from the limited
territory reserved for the musically
great in concert life to the more
crowded vistas of popular music.
There is only one spot in which the
great artists among American Negroes
may not perform and that is in the
famed Metropolitan Opera. While it is
true that one of the greatest stars of
the concert world, Marian Anderson,
has sung at the Metropolitan Opera
House; neither Miss Anderson nor any
other of the great contemporary voices
has been heard there in an operatic
production.

CONCERT ARTISTS

Under this section will be found Ne-
gro musicians who devote all of their
time and talent to concert work and
whose musical careers revolve around
appearances on the concert stage.

Anderson, Marian, contralto, was
born in Philadelphia, Pa., in 1908. At-
tended the public schools there. Her
musical education consisted of private
study in Philadelphia, New York, the
Chicago College of Music, and abroad.
In Europe she was a pupil of Giuseppe
Boghetti and others. As a child, Miss
Anderson sang in the Union Baptist
Church choir in Philadelphia. A fund
raised through a church concert en-
abled her to take singing lessons under
an Italian instructor. Her singing ca-
reer began in 1924. In competition
with 300 others, she won first prize
at the New York Lewisohn Stadium,
1925. She has made several concert
tours in the United States, Europe, and
in South American countries. In 1938
Howard University conferred the hon-
orary degree, Mus. D., upon her; Tem-

ple University conferred the same de-
gree in 1941 and Smith College in 1944.

In 1943 Miss Anderson was invited
by the Daughters of the American
Revolution to appear in Constitution
Hall, the same concert theatre which
four years previously had been denied
to her for a concert, and which refusal
precipitated the resignation of Mrs.
Eleanor Roosevelt from the organiza-
tion. It also resulted in the momentous
Easter Sunday open-air concert in front
of the Lincoln Memorial, which was
attended by 75,000 persons. The singer
donated proceeds from her first Con-
stitution Hall recital to the United
China Relief Fund.

Another event which added to Miss
Anderson's fame was the dedication of
the mural in the Department of In-
terior Building commemorating the
Lincoln Memorial Concert. At the un-
veiling exercises Secretary of the In-
terior Harold L. Ickes, delivered the
dedication address saying, "Marian An-
derson's voice and personality have
come to be a symbol of American
unity."

Miss Anderson was the first Negro
singer in history to appear in recital
in the Metropolitan Opera House in
New York City. She was selected by
the readers of the Louisville, (Ky.)
Times as one of the ten leading women
of the United States. She won the
merit award of the New York Youth
Committee for conspicuous service to
youth, and the Pyramid Club (Phila-
delphia) Award on the observance of
"Marian Anderson Day." The annual
Citizen's Award of Brith Sholom Fra-
ternity was awarded her in recognition
of "her outstanding achievement in
the field of music and devotion to the
cause of inter-racial equality and dem-
ocratic ideals." The Republic of Li-
beria honored her with its highest
award, the Order of African Redemp-
tion. Miss Anderson is in great de-
mand both on the radio and the con-
cert stage.

422

CONCERT ARTISTS

423

Bledsoe, Jules C., baritone, was born
in Waco, Tex., December 29, 1898. He
was educated at Central College and
Bishop College, Marshall, Texas; post
graduate study at Virginia Union Uni-
versity. He began the study of medi-
cine after discharge from the army
but upon the urging of friends changed
to the study of voice. After studying
with Parisolti and Samoiloff, he made
his debut in 1924 at Aeolian Hall. His
roles included Abraham's Bosom, Deep
River, Show Boat, 1927-29, where his
singing of 0V Man River made him fa-
mous. In 1931, he sang The Creation
with the Boston Orchestra under the
l^nton of Koussevitzky; role of
"Amonasro" in Aida for Municipal
Opera Company in Cleveland, Ohio,
1932; February 1934, he appeared in
European premiere of Gruenberg's,
Emperor Jones. Died in 1943.

Brice, Carol, contralto, born in North
Carolina. Reared at Palmer Memorial
Institute, Sedalia, N. C. Received
training at the Juilliard School of
Music. Winner of the Naumburg Award
in 1944. Debut in Town Hall, March,
1945. At the request of conductor Fritz
Reiner she recorded De Falla's, El
Amor Brujo and Mahler's, Eines Fah-
renden Gesellen. Koussevitzky pre-
sented her to a Boston audience in
1946 even as he had presented Dorothy
Maynor some years before. She was
guest soloist for the annual spring
concert of the Yale University Glee
Club.

Brown, Anne Wiggins, soprano, born
in Baltimore, Md. Education: Insti-
tute of Musical Art, Juilliard Opera
School, Morgan College, Columbia Uni-
versity. Pupil of Licia Dunham of the
Institute. She created the role of
"Bess" in Porgy and Bess, and sang
the leading role in Ravel's, UHeure
Espagnole at the Juilliard Opera
School in 1939. Soloist with the New
York Philharmonic Orchestra at the
Lewisohn Stadium 1936, 1937, 1939,
1940; Hollywood Bowl, 1937 and the
St. Louis Municipal Opera, 1938. Ra-
dio: Guest soloist on the General Mo-
tors Hour, Magic Key and the Rudy
bailee program. Signed contract
or a complete European season of re-
citals beginning in the Fall of 1946,
having turned down a contract by the
producers of Porgy and Bess in order
to resume her concert career.

Burleigh, Harry T., baritone, com-
poser, arranger, was born in Erie, Pa.,
December 2, 1886. Education: Na-
tional Conservatory, New York City.
Among his teachers was Antonin
Dvorak. Was awarded the Spingarn
Medal for the highest achievement by
American Negro citizen. Honorary de-
grees: M.A., Howard University; D.
Mus., Howard University. Choir di-
rector and organist of numerous west-
ern churches. Soloist for fifty-three
years at St. George's Protestant Epis-
copal Church, New York City. Has
toured the United States and foreign
countries appearing before many dis-
tinguished audiences. He has composed
or arranged more than 50 spirituals
and made concert arrangements of
more than 100 others. Among the 250
or more songs that he has composed
are: Victor, In the Woods of Fingara,
Saracen Songs, Passionate Cycle, Gray
Wolf, Sailor's Wife, Three Shadows,
Fragments, The Young Warrior, Ethi-
opia Saluting the Colors, Come With
Me, The Corn Song, The Trees Have
Grown So. Bring Her Again to Me. The
Spring, My Dear, is no Longer Spring,
One Year, The Prayer, The Glory of
the Day Was in Her Face.

Davis, Ellalelle, soprano, born in
New Rochelle, N. Y. After a spectacu-
lar concert tour was offered the title
role of Aida for the Opera Nacionale
in Mexico City for the summer of 1946.
Sang with the Indianapolis Symphony
Orchestra under the baton of Sevitzky.
Critics acclaim her voice one of the
finest.

Duncan, Todd, baritone, born in Dan-
ville, Ky., 1904. Education: Butler Col-
lege; M.A., Columbia University. Pu-
pil of Frank Bibb and others. Has
made concert tours in the United
States, Canada, England, South Amer-
ica and Australia. Created the role
of "Porgy" in Porgy and Bess; sang
in Sun Never Sets in the Drury Lane
Theatre, London and appeared in the
operatic roles Tanio, and Escamillo, at
the New York City Civic Center. Has
sung with the New York Philharmonic
Orchestra. One of the crowning events
of the 1945-46 season was Duncan's
rendition of the baritone part found
in the Beethoven Ninth Symphony,
With the New York Philharmonic Or-
chestra. His accompanist is William
Duncan Allen.

424

THE NEGRO IN MUSIC

Evanti, Lillian, soprano, born in
Washington, D. C. Made her debut in
opera at Nice, France. Has appeared
in opera and concert in the United
States, Europe, South America and
Cuba. Sang role of Violetta in the
Watergate performance of the National
Negro Opera Company's, La Traviata,

Everett, Charles, tenor, native of
New York City. Sings widely in the
United States. Has had successful ap-
pearances at Town Hall, Carnegie Hall,
Columbia University, New York City.

Greene, Victor Hugo, baritone, born
in Atlanta, Ga. Education: Atlanta
University, Boston University Conserv-
atory of Music. Played in Shuffle
Along. Toured Europe, Australia and
South America. Made his debut in
New York in 1939. Sang in Green Pas-
tures and in Cabin in the Sky. Has
played in motion pictures.

Hayes, Roland, tenor, born in Curry-
ville, Ga., June 3, 1887. Education:
Fisk University; extension course Har-
vard University. Pupil of W. Arthur
Calhoun; Jennie A. Robinson, Fisk
University; Arthur J. Hubbard, Boston,
Mass., eight and one-half years. Also
studied in Europe, 1930, under Miss
Ira Aldridge, Victor Beigel, Sir George
Henschel, Dr. Theo. Lierhammer. Mus.
D., Fisk University, 1932; Ohio Wes-
leyan University, Delaware, Ohio, 1939.
Conducted his own concert tour of the
United States 1916-20, and went to
Europe in 1921 studying and conduct-
ing concert tours. Command perform-
ances before George V of England
April, 1921 and before Queen Mother
Maria Christina of Spain, 1925. Soloist
with orchestras in Berlin, Collonne,
Paris, Amsterdam, Vienna. Has toured
the United States singing with the Bos-
ton, Philadelphia, Detroit and New
York Symphony Orchestras. Has won
wide recognition for interpretation of
the classics and of traditional Negro
melodies.

Jarboro, Caterina, soprano, born in
Wilmington, N. C., July 24, 1903. Edu-
cation: St. Thomas' Catholic School,
Gregory Normal School. Appeared in
Shuffle Along in 1921. Went to Paris
in 1926 for study. Studied also in Italy
under Nino Campino. Made her debut
in 1930 in Aida at the Puccini Theatre
in Milan. Has also appeared as "Se-
lika" in L'Africaine.

McFarlin, Pruith, tenor, native of
Florida. Education: Southern Univer-
sity, Baton Rouge, La. Studied with

La Forge and at the Rochester School
of Music. Taught at Piney Woods, Mis-
sissippi. Sings regularly on the Co-
lumbia Broadcasting System's pro-
grams and has appeared widely in con-
cert in the United States.

Pankey, Aubrey, baritone, reared in
Pittsburgh, Pa. Was a boy soprano
soloist with the Holy Cross Choir.
Education: Studied at Hampton Insti-
tute with R. Nathaniel Dett; at the
Oberlin Conservatory of Music; at the
Hubbard Studios; the Boston College
of Music and at Neue Wiener Konzer-
vatorium. Private teachers were Thie-
dor Lierhammer in Vienna, Oscar
Daniel and Charles Panzera in Paris,
John Alan Haughton in New York. In
1930 he made a tour of the principal
cities of Europe and Africa as well as
the United States and South American
countries. Was sent on a good will
tour of South America just before
World War II. So successful was he
that he was asked to make a second
tour.

Rahn, Muriel, soprano, born in Bos-
ton, reared in New York City and at
Tuskegee Institute. Education: Tus-
kegee Institute, Atlanta University
and the Conservatory of the University
of Nebraska. She is a member of the
opera group of the National Orchestral
Association of New York and has alter-
nated a musical career with that of the
stage. Sang the leading role in Billy
Rose's Carmen Jones, alternating with
Muriel Smith. Has toured the United
States extensively. Was a teacher in
several schools and colleges before ap-
pearing on Broadway. She has also
sung in Eva Jessye's Choir, Lew Les-
lie's Blackbirds, Connie's Hot Choco-
lates, and in Paris at "Chez La Du-
Barry." Other achievements have been
a successful concert in Carnegie Cham-
ber Music Hall, a role in the National
Orchestral Association presentation of
Mozart's Abduction from the Seraglio,
a featured role in the Lunt-Fontaine
Show, The Pirate, and an ovation at
Grant Park where 15,000 people heard
her sing with the Grant Park Orches-
tra, August 12, 1943 under the baton
of Leo Bolognini.

Richardson, Mayme, soprano, born
in Saginaw, Mich. Education: Detroit
Conservatory of Music. Made her debut
at Steinway Hall, New York City.
Studied opera under Pompolio Mal-
testase and coached under Julius Ron-
keski. Sang the title role of Aida un-

EDUCATORS-ARTISTS-ARRANGERS-COMPOSERS

425

der the baton of Fritz Mahler in Au-
gust, 1945.

Robeson, Paul, baritone, born in
Princeton, N. J., April 9, 1898. A.B.,
Rutgers College, 1919; M. A. Rutgers
University, 1932; LL.B., Columbia Uni-
versity, 1923. Honorary degree, L.H.D.,
Hamilton College, 1940; Morehouse
College, 1943 and Howard University,
1945. Phi Beta Kappa, Rutgers. Toured
the United States and Europe as both
a stage and concert artist. He is
equally at home in the music of the
old masters, the songs of popular com-
posers or the spirituals of the Negro.
It is felt that more than anyone else
he is bringing fine music to the people.

White, Portia, contralto, born in
Truro, Nova Scotia, Canada, June 24,
1917. Education: public school in Hali-
fax; Halifax Conservatory of Music
(on scholarship); Dalhousie Univer-
sity. After concert appearance in To-
ronto, 1941, a trust fund was created
in Halifax by public support to enable
her to further her career. Made Town
Hall, New York, debut in March, 1944
and was hailed as the Marian Ander-
son of Canada. Her repertoire includes
opera, Lieder, ballads and spirituals.
Chosen in February, 1945 by the Na-
tional Film Board of Canada to appear
in motion picture, "This is Canada."

Williams, Camilla, soprano, born in
Danville, Va. Twice winner of the
Marian Anderson Award of $1,000.
Signed with RCA Victor as an exclu-
sive Victor recording artist. Operatic
debut in title of Madame Butterfly
with the New York City Civic Center
Opera Company, May 15, 1946. Gradu-
ated from Virginia State College.
Taught in the Public Schools of Dan-
ville, Va. Also won the Philadelphia
Orchestra Youth Concert Audition.

EDUCATORS-ARTISTS-
ARRANGERS-COMPOSERS

A large number of competent Negro
musicians, virtuosi and composers are
to be found first in the field of educa-
tion. This section contains that group.
After each individual's name his spe-
cialty is indicated. Included here are
also persons whose whole time is de-
voted to composition.

Allen, William Duncan, pianist-ac-
companist, born in Portland, Ore., De-
cember 15, 1908. Education: Mus. B.,
Oberlin Conservatory of Music, 1928;
Mus. M., 1936. Further study in Lon-

don with Egon Petri, 1936 and in
Zackopane, Poland, 1937 and 1939. In-
structor of Piano at Howard Univer-
sity, 1929-35; Fisk University, 1936-43.
Since 1936 has been accompanist to
Todd Duncan. Has given many recitals
in the United States and abroad.

Anderson, Walter, composer, organ-
ist, born May 12, 1915 at Zanesville,
Ohio. Education: Studied organ, piano
theory with William Bailey, Capital
University, Columbus, Ohio; Mus. B.,
Oberlin Conservatory of Music. In
1938 became an Associate, American
Guild of Organists. Member, Pi Kappa
Lambda. During the year 1937-38 ac-
companied Catherine Van Buren, so-
prano. From 1939 to 1942, Instructor
of Music at Kentucky State College.
In 1942, was associated with Karamu
House, Cleveland, Ohio. In 1941, won
the Bartol Scholarship for study at
the Berkshires.

Blanton, Carol, pianist, is a native
, of Denmark, S. C. Education: Spel-
man College. Studied piano under
Kemper Harreld, Morehouse College,
Atlanta, Ga.; and at the Institute of
Musical Art. She also studied piano
under Epstein for three years and took
summer work with Gorodnitzki and
Hazel Harrison. Received the M. Mus.
degree from the Institute of Musical
Art on a General Education Board Fel-
lowship. Repeated, under Friedburg.
Was on the faculty of Dillard Uni-
versity 1936-46. Became a member of
the faculty of Hampton Institute in
1946.

Bonds, Margaret, pianist, composer.
Reared in Chicago, 111. Mus. B. from
Northwestern University. Guest soloist
at the Chicago World's Fair. Female
part of duo-piano team playing con-
certs over the United States.

Brown, J. Harold, composer, choral
conductor. Native of Florida. Educa-
tion: Florida Normal and Industrial
School, St. Augustine, 1919. A.B. in
Music, Fisk University, 1923. In 1926,
attended Kansas City Conservatory.
Receive'd the M.A. degree in Composi-
tion from Indiana University, 1931.
Director of Music at Attucks High
School and at Florida A. and M. Col-
lege, Tallahassee, Fla. At present, Di-
rector of Music, Southern University.
Was winner of the Wanamaker Musical
Composition Contest in 1927, 1928,
1930, 1931 and the Harmon Award in
1929. In 1926, he won a $200 scholar-

426

THE NEGRO IN MUSIC

ship from the National Association of
Negro Musicians.

Charlton, Melville, organist, com-
poser, born in New York City, August
26, 1880. Education: Studied piano
under Mrs. Virginia Hunt Scott, later
E. B. Kinney, a pupil of Antonin
Dvorak; organ and composition under
Charles Heinroth at the National Con-
servatory of Music of America; Musi-
cal History under Henry T. Finck;
work at the College of the City of
New York. Mus. D. conferred by How-
ard University, 1924. Organist and
Musical Director, the Temple of Cove-
nant, 1914-24; Temple Eman-El; Union
Theological Seminary, 1911 — present;
St. Phillip's Episcopal Church. Be-
came an Associate of the American
Guild of Organists, 1915. Has written
compositions for piano and organ,
among which is Poems Erotique.

Charlton, Rudolph von, pianist, born
in Norfolk, Va. Education: Hampton
Institute with R. Nathaniel Dett; the
Juilliard School of Music; the New
England Conservatory and the M. Mus.
degree from the University of Michi-
gan. Studied with Percy Grainger,
Dett, John Orth, Alton Jones, Matthay
and Joseph Brinkman. A member of
the faculty of Florida A. and M. Col-
lege in Tallahassee, Florida until 1942.
Director of Music, Prairie View Uni-
versity, Prairie View, Texas.

Clark, Edgar Rogie, composer, sing-
er. Education: Clark College, Atlanta,
Ga.; DePaul University, Chicago, Illi-
nois; Chicago Musical College; A.M.,
Columbia University. Studied with
Charles Hackett of the Juilliard School
of Music. Member of ASCAP. Pub-
lished Anthology, Negro Art Songs.
first volume of its kind.

Dawson, William Levi, composer,
conductor, born in Anniston, Ala. Sep-
tember 23, 1897. Education: Tuskegee
Institute; Washburn Institute, Topeka,
Kansas; Mus. B., Horner Institute of
Fine Arts, Kansas City, Mo.; Mus. M.,
American Conservatory of Music, Chi-
cago. Director of Music in Topeka and
Kansas City, and for three years was
first trombonist with the Chicago Civic
Orchestra. Conducted a band at the
Century of Progress Fair in Chicago
in 1933. Since 1931, has teen Director
of Music at Tuskegee Institute and Di-
rector of the Tuskegee Institute Choir
which has appeared at the Interna-
tional Music Hall, New York City; at
the HalJ of Fame, New York City on

the occasion of the unveiling of the
bust of Booker T. Washington, May 23,
1946; at Constitution Hall, Washing-
ton, D. C., in a benefit concert for the
United Negro College Fund; and in
concerts in the East and South. It is
also frequently heard on nation-wide
radio broadcasts. His compositions in-
clude: Negro Folk Symphony No. 1,
1931 and Scherzo, 1930, for orchestra;
Out in the Fields, Ain'-a-That Good
News, (a capella) ; Break, Break,
Break, (with orchestra) for chorus;
Trio in A, (violin, cello, piano) ; So-
nata in A, (violin and piano), cham-
ber music.

DeBose, Tourgee, pianist, educated
at Fisk University; Oberlin College;
Juilliard School of Music; L'Eco'e Nor-
male de Musique, Paris. Since 1919,
Head of the Department of Music at
Talladega College, Talladega, Alabama.
Was guest Professor of Music at South-
ern University, Baton Rouge, La., dur-
ing 1945-46. He received favorable
mention as a performer by Musical
America, The Etude, La Monde Musi-
cale, and other periodicals. He is
known as a Chopin interpreter.

Dett, Robert Nathaniel, composer,
born in Drummondsville, Ont. Canada,
October 11, 1882. Education: Student
of Oliver Willis Halsted Conservatory
of Music, Lockport, N. Y., 1901-03;
Mus. B., Oberlin Conservatory of
Music, Oberlin, Ohio, 1908; studied at
Columbia University, University of
Pennsylvania, American Conservatory
of Music, Chicago; Harvard Univer-
sity. Mus. D., Howard University,
1924; Oberlin College, 1926; Mus. M.,
Eastman School of Music, University
of Rochester, 1931.

Was church and social pianist, Niag-
ara Falls, N. Y., 1898-1903; Director
of Music, Lane College, Jackson, Tenn.,
1908-11; Lincoln Institute, Jefferson
City, Mo., 1911-13; Hampton Institute,
Hampton, Va., 1913-35. He took the
Hampton choir on a tour of the United
States, Canada and seven countries in
Europe. Was Director of the American
Choir, Station WHAM, 1930-31; Direc-
tor, Negro Community Chorus, 1933-
34; Director of Music, Bennett College,
Greensboro, N. C., 1937-42.

As a concert pianist, director, lec-
turer, arranger, Dr. Dett was equally
at home, but it is as a composer that
he is most famed. His Listen to the
Lambs, Barcarolle, and Juba Dance

EDUCATORS-ARTISTS-ARRANGERS-COMPOSERS

427

are integral parts of American music.
He was the first American to utilize
Negro folk tunes for classic develop-
ment. Among his other compositions
are: Album of a Heart, (verse) 1911;
The Magnolia Suite, (piano) ; In the
Bottoms, (suite for piano); The
Chariot Jubilee, (motets); America
the Beautiful, (chorus) ; Enchantment
Suite, (for piano) ; Cinnamon Grove
Suite, Tropic Winter Suite, The Order-
ing of Moses, (oratorio for 4 part mixed
chorus and orchestra) ; Bible Vignettes,
(piano). Of his Bible Vignettes one
critic, Glenn Dillard Gunn, says,
"These are highly original, and with-
out parallel in the literature of the
piano. They have melodic beauty and
rich harmonic variety and exploit the
technical resources of the instrument."
While Director of Music at Bennett
College, the anthems and motets that
he composed for women's voices mark
a milestone in his years of composi-
tion. The harmonic idiom is a new
one for him, although it is quite pos-
sible to notice the retention of the old
melodic line which is associated with
Dett. Some of his ideas are quite star-
tling. Among these compositions are,
When I Survey the Wondrous Cross,
So We'll Go No More A'Roving, The
Lamb, and ASCAP. It may well be
that the future will rest Dett's fame
on his latest works as time and choral
directors use them more frequently.

He received the Bowdoin prize, Har-
vard University, 1921, for the essay,
The Emancipation of Negro Music;
Francis Bott Prize, Harvard, 1920, for
Motet on a Negro Motive; Don't Be
Weary, Traveler; the Harmon first
award for creative achievement in
music, 1927. Author and editor of Re-
ligious Folk Songs of the Negro and
the Dett, Collection of Negro Spirit-
uals, (4 books) ; organized Musical
Art Society of Hampton Institute (800
members), 1919.

Dr. Dett spent the last days of his
life as a Musical Director for the
United Service Organization. Ameri-
cans, both white and Negroes, flocked
to his community sings, concerts and
lectures. They sang together, listened
together, played together. As a result,
new understandings and comradeships
among both civilians and soldiers were
established.

Dr. Dett was a past-President of the
National Association of Negro Musi-
cians, a member of ASCAP, The Music

Teachers' National Association, the
National Association of American Pub-
lishers and Composers and Conductors
and the Association of Music Teachers
in Negro Schools. He died at Battle
Creek, Michigan, October 2, 1943.

Diton, Carl, composer, born in Phila-
delphia, Pa., October 30, 1886. Protege
of Azalia Hackley. Education: Studied
at the University of Pennsylvania and
at Munich. Taught at Paine College,
1911-14; Wiley College, 1911-15; and at
Talladega College, 1915-18. Opened his
own studio in Philadelphia and later
in New York City. Harmon Award in
1929. In 1930, studied voice in the
Graduate Department of Juilliard
School of Music. Songs are published
by S'chirmer. At present conducts a
studio in New York City.

Francois, Clarens, pianist, composer.
Education: B. Mus. Northwestern Uni-
versity; graduate study at the Uni-
versity of Southern California at Los
Angeles. He has taught at Palmer
Memorial Institute, Sedalia, N. C.; in
the Public School system, Dayton,
Ohio; and served as Bandmaster for
the Navy at Chapel Hill, N. C., during
World War II.

Fuller, 0. Anderson, Jr., composer,
pianist, born September 20, 1904 at
Bishop College, Marshall, Tex., where
his father was Dean. Education:
Bishop College; New England Con-
servatory of Music; University of
Iowa, where he received the M.A. and
Ph.D. degrees. Has been Director of
Music at A. and T. College, Greens-
boro, N. C.; Prairie View, Tex., and is
Dean of Music at Lincoln University,
Jefferson City, Mo.

Gatlin, F. Nathaniel, clarinetist,
born at Gary, Ind. Education: Oberlin
Conservatory of Music; Northwestern
University, where he received the M.A.
degree. Studied under George Wain
and DeCaprio. Played for Enesco,
Kryl, Kinder and Stokowski. Has
taught at Bennett College, Greensboro,
N. C. Head of the Band Department
at Lincoln University, Jefferson City,
Mo., 1946.

Graham, Shirley, composer. Educa-
tion: Oberlin Conservatory of Music,
1934; Howard University; Institute of
Musical Art and Parisian Study. Has
alternated her time between music and
literature, trained and conducted com-
munity choruses and orchestras and
was supervisor of the Negro unit of

428

THE NEGRO IN MUSIC

the Federal Theatre which brought
the Swing Mikado to Broadway; opera,
Tom Tom, presented in Cleveland at
the Municipal Stadium, July 3, 1933.
Located in New York City, devoting
her time to writing.

Hagan, Helen, pianist, born in Ports-
mouth, N. H., 1893. Education: Won
the Lockwood Scholarship at the Yale
University School of Music in 1911.
Graduation soloist with the New Ha-
ven Symphony Orchestra. In 1912 was
awarded the Samuel Simmons Sanford
Fellowship for two years study abroad;
Schola Cantorum with Selva and
D'Indy. Has been on the faculty of
Bishop College.

Hall, Frederick D., composer, con-
ductor, arranger, born in Atlanta, Ga.,
December 14, 1896. Education: More-
house College; Chicago Musical Col-
lege, B. Mus.; Columbia University,
M.A. Fellowship, Royal Anthropologi-
cal Institute; Licentiate, Royal Acad-
emy of Music; Rosenwald Fellow;
General Education Board Fellow; Re-
search Grant from the Phelps Stokes
Fund. Formerly Director of Music,
Clark College, Atlanta, Ga., and Dil-
lard University, New Orleans, La. Di-
rector of Music, Alabama State .Teach-
ers' College, Montgomery, Ala.

Harreld, Josephine, pianist, born De-
cember 11, 1914 in Atlanta, Ga. First
lessons were with her father on the
violin; piano lessons with Hazel Har-
rison. Education: Spelman College;
Juilliard School of Music; the Insti-
tute of Musical Art; Pupil of Gordon
Stanley; piano study at the Mozarteum
Academy at Salzburg; M. A., Radcliffe
College. Has given a number of con-
certs in the United States. Lives in
Detroit, Michigan.

Harreld, Kemper, violinist, born in
Muncie, Ind., January 31, 1885. Edu-
cation: Chicago Musical College; Sher-
wood Music School; Frederickson Vio-
lin School, Chicago; S'terns Con-
servatory, Berlin, 1914. Serves on the
faculty of Morehouse College and of
Spelman College, Atlanta, Ga. Con-
ducted Atlanta University chorus on
a coast-to-coast broadcast in the Spring
of 1946.

Harris, Charles J., pianist, formerly
accompanist for Roland Hayes and au-
thor of a book describing experiences
as accompanist with Mr. Hayes. Edu-
cation: Chicago College of Music; New
England Conservatory of Music; Bos-

ton University. Holds position on the
faculty of the State A. and M. College,
Orangeburg, S. C.

Harrison, Hazel, pianist, born in La
Porte, Ind. Studied with Victor Heinz
in Berlin; then with Ferruccio Busoni.
Played with the Berlin Philharmonic
Orchestra. Studied with Percy Grain-
ger after another year in Europe.
Taught at Tuskegee Institute. Is a
member of the faculty of Howard Uni-
versity, Washington, D. C.

Howard, Wesley, violinist, born in
Springfield, Ohio. Reared in Richmond,
Ind. Education: New England Con-
servatory of Music; pupil of Winter-
nitz. During World War I was soloist
with the 809th Infantry Band in
France. Studied at L'Ecole Normale
and played first violin in the Orchestra
Symphonique. Was a member of the
Howard University faculty for six
years; taught one year at Talladega
College; was on the faculty of Hamp-
ton Institute, until the Music School
was discontinued, then became a mem-
ber of the faculty of Virginia State
College. Received the degree of Li-
centiate and Fellow of Trinity College,
London.

James, Willis Laurence, composer,
violinist, singer, conductor, born in
Montgomery, Ala. Has held positions
at Leland College, Baker, La.; Ala-
bama State Teachers College, Mont-
gomery, Ala.; Fort Valley State Col-
lege, Fort Valley, Ga.; Spelman Col-
lege, Atlanta, Ga. His compositions
for voice and chorus have been per-
formed by the NBC and CBS networks;
on the Firestone Hour, Bell Telephone
Hour and the Contented Hour. He is
an authority on Negro Folk Music.

Jones, Louis V 'aught, violinist, born
in Cleveland, Ohio. Education: Studied
with Joseph Balas ; at the New England
Conservatory with Felix Winternitz;
post-graduate work at the University
of Michigan. Has given numerous
concerts in Europe and the United
States. Further study with Solloway
in Budapest and Darrieux in Paris.
Since 1930 has been head of the Violin
Department, Howard University.

Kerr, Thomas, composer, pianist. As-
sociate Professor of Music at Howard
University. With Sylvia Olden-Lee,
forms a popular team of duo-pianists.

Lawson, Warner, pianist, choral di-
rector, born in Hartford, Conn. Edu-
cation: Early music study with his

EDUCATORS-ARTISTS-ARRANGERS-COMPOSERS

429

parents; A.B., Fisk University and
Yale University; M.A., Harvard Uni-
versity; piano study with Arthur
Schnabel in Germany. Has served on
the faculty of A. and T. College,
Greensboro, N. C., and at Fisk Uni-
versity. In 1942, was called to Howard
University as Dean of the School of
Music; 1943-44, Advisor to Lilla Belle
Pitts, then President of the Music Edu-
cators National Conference in S't.
Louis. Since 1943, President of the
Association of Music Teachers in Ne-
gro Schools.

Margetson, Edward H., composer, or-
ganist, born December 31, 1891, St.
Kitts, British West Indies. Education:
Columbia University. Associate of the
American Guild of Organists. Specialty
is Caribbean Sea songs. Organist and
choirmaster of the Church of the Cruci-
fixion, New York City. Among his
compositions are: Ronda Caprice, for
full orchestra; Echoes of the Carib-
bean; Ballade Valse Serenade, for
cello; and pieces for violin, piano, or-
gan and chorus.

Mayo, T. Curtis, organist, born in
Washington, D. C. Education: Oberlin
Conservatory of Music, M. Mus.; Asso-
ciate of the American Guild of Organ-
ists. Taught at LeMoyne College, Mem-
phis, Tenn., St. Augustine's College,
Raleigh, N. C.

McCabe, Charles, violinist, native of
Philadelphia, Pa. Teaches in the city
of Philadelphia, and gives concerts in
all parts of the United States.

Miller, James, pianist, arranger,
born in Pittsburgh, Pa., August 30,
1907. Education: Carnegie Institute
of Technology, M. Mus.; first Negro
music teacher in the public school
system of Pittsburgh. Has given re-
citals in the United States and pub-
lished arrangements for spirituals.
Organist, Bethesda Church, Pittsburgh.
Member of the Superintendent's Ad-
visory Council and of the Curriculum
Committee for Inter-cultural Educa-
tion in the Public Schools of Pitts-
burgh.

Nickerson, Camille, composer and
singer of Creole songs, born in New
Orleans, La. Education: Mus. B., Ober-
lin Conservatory of Music; studied
at Columbia University; at the Insti-
tute of Musical Art. Instructor at
Howard University. Author of Five
Creole Songs published by the Boston
Music Company. In 1944, gave a re-
'ital of Creole and Negro songs at the

New York Times Hall, accompanying
herself on the piano and the guitar.
The Creole songs were sung in the
Louisiana French patois, after being
explained first in English. Past-Pres-
ident of the National Association of
Negro Musicians.

Olden-Lee, Sylvia, pianist-accompan-
ist, coach. Education: Studied at
Howard University with Allen and
Cohen; at Oberlin Conservatory with
Frank Shaw. Taught at Talladega
College and at Dillard University.
Joint recitals with Carol Brice, Paul
Robeson; duo-piano concerts with
Thomas Kerr of Howard University.
Studied with Wittgenstein. Married
Everett Lee whom she accompanies.

Price, Florence B., composer, pianist,
born in Little Rock, Ark., 1888. Edu-
cation: Chicago Teacher's College;
University of Chicago; Chicago Music-
al College; New England Conservatory
of Music; American Conservatory of
Music. Winner of Wanamaker prize in
Symphony and Piano Compositions.
Member of ASCAP, Chicago Club of
Women Organists, Chicago Music As-
sociation, National Association of Ne-
gro Musicians, National Association
for American Composers and Con-
ductors.

Schuyler, Philippa Duke, composer,
pianist, born August 2, 1931, in New
York City. Because she had won the
8th consecutive prize in the New York
Philharmonic Society's notebook con-
test for young people, Philippa at the
age of eleven was barred from further
participation in the contest. This was
the first time in the history of the con-
test that a child was barred because
of brilliance. In the annual tourna-
ment for piano students held by the
National Guild of Piano Teachers, Phil-
ippa was awarded, for the 8th con-
secutive time, the highest honors, a
gold star, for her repertoire of twenty-
one pieces and the mark of "superior."
She first played for the Guild when she
was four years old. She had at that
time composed a dozen scales, 10
pieces, and knew by memory many
compositions by the masters. Just be-
fore her fourth birthday she played
Schumann and Mozart on two large
radio hook-ups.

She has appeared at the Lewisohn
Stadium concert with the Philharmon-
ic Orchestra in the dual role of com-
poser-pianist. The orchestra played
one of her compositions and then ac-

430

THE NEGRO IN MUSIC

companied her in the St.-Saens, Con-
certo in G Minor. A child prodigy,
Miss Schuyler is developing into a first
class musician.

Still, William Grant, composer, born
in Woodville, Miss., May 11, 1895.
Education: Wilberforce University;
Oberlin Conservatory of Music; New
England Conservatory. Received hon-
orary degrees as follows: Mus. M.,
Wilberforce University, 1936 and Mus.
D., Howard University. Player of vio-
lin, cello and oboe in orchestra, Co-
lumbus, Ohio, 1915. Later arranged
for well known orchestras and ar-
ranged and directed on the Deep River
Hour on Station WOR; composer of
theme song for the New York World's
Fair; conducted his own compositions
as guest conductor, Los Angeles Phil-
harmonic Orchestra, 1936. Received
2nd Harmon Award for the year's
greatest contribution to American Ne-
gro culture; Guggenheim Fellowship,
1934; Rosenwald Fellowship, 1939.

Among his compositions for full
orchestra are: Darker America; Afro-
American Symphony; Symphony in G
Minor; Dismal Swamp. For orchestra,
chorus, narrator and contralto, And
They Lynched Him on a Tree. For
small orchestra, Scherzo; Summer-
land; Blues; From the Black Belt;
Rising Tide. For piano solo, Three
Visions; Quit Dat FooVnish; A Desert-
ed Plantation; Seven Traceries. For
voice and piano, Winter's Approach;
Breath of a Rose; Twelve Negro Spir-
ituals; Rising Tide. For chorus, Three
Negro Spirituals. For ballet, La Guia-
blesse; Sahdji; Lenox Avenue. Ballet,
Miss Sally's Party. Orchestra suite,
Pages from Negro History. Orchestra
and baritone soloist, Plain-Chant for
America. Operas, Troubled Island; A
Bayou Legend; A Southern Interlude.

Suthern, II, Orrin Clayton, organist-
conductor, born Renovo, Pa., October
11, 1912. Education: Western Reserve
University; Cleveland Institute of Mu-
sic; Northwestern University; Colum-
bia University; student of Edwin
Arthur Kraft and of Carl Weinrich,
both Fellows of the American Guild
of Organists; History under Lang of
Columbia University. Has given con-
certs in all parts of the United States.
Taught at Tuskegee Institute, 1934-39;
Head of the Department of Music,
Florida A. and M. College, Tallahassee,
Fla., 1940-42; Head, Department of
Music, Bennett College, 1942-45; Head,

Department of Music, Dillard Univer-
sity since 1945.

Suthern first began to attract at-
tention as the youthful organist of St.
Andrew's Episcopal Church in Cleve-
land, Ohio, where his father was rec-
tor. When a student at Western Re-
serve University he entered and won
a contest under the auspices of the
Northern Ohio Chapter of the Amer-
ican Guild of Organists. For this
achievement he was awarded a certifi-
cate and a recital at the Youngstown,
Ohio, convention of the Guild. No
Negro organist had ever been so
honored. Through his affiliation with
Western Reserve University many
other musical and organistic honors
were extended to him. Arthur Quimby,
then Curator of Music at the Cleve-
land Museum of Art invited him to
play four Sunday evening recitals on
the great Museum organ. Later the
mighty instrument at Severance Hall,
home of the Cleveland Orchestra, was
to respond to his touch. When the fam-
ily moved to Chicago in 1933 his
father became rector of St. Thomas'
Episcopal Church, then a mission, and
Suthern took over the duties of organ-
ist and master of the choristers. After
playing a number of small engage-
ments, Suthern's big opportunity came
when an invitation to play the mam-
moth Skinner organ in Rockefeller
Chapel was extended him by the Uni-
versity of Chicago officials. As a result
of this engagement, succeeding years
brought annual invitations to play at
the chapel.

During the 1945-46 season two new
firsts have been added to the Suthern
record. In December, 1945, he was
soloist with the New Orleans Sym-
phony Orchestra, the first time a Negro
instrumentalist had played with a
white southern orchestra; and on Feb-
ruary 17, 1946, he was the first Negro
organist to perform over a CBS net-
work.

Thomas, Carlotta, organist, compos-
er, born in New York City. Protege
of Harry Burleigh. Education: Studied
languages and music at Columbia Uni-
versity; piano at Chatauqua and Sum-
mer School under Arnet Hutcherson;
also studied under many private teach-
ers. Became the first Negro woman
to pass the academic examination to
become an Associate of the American
Guild of Organists. Composer of

CONDUCTORS

431

numerous published choruses and is
a recitalist of distinction.

Tib os, Roy Wilfred, organist, pian-
ist, born August 20, 1888, Hamilton,
Ohio. Education: Fisk University,
1908; Mus. B., Oberlin "Conservatory of
Music, 1912; Mus. M., 1919, Oberlin
Conservatory of Music, being the first
person to receive that degree from that
institution Studied in Paris with Isa-
dore Philippe and in Vienna. Member
Pi Kappa Lambda and American Guild
ol' Organists. Was Professor of Piano
and Organist at the Howard University
Conservatory of Music since 1912.
Appeared as soloist with the National
Symphony Orchestra under Kindler.
Died at his home in Washington, D.
C., April, 1944.

Walker, George, pianist, born in
Washington, D. C. Education: Ober-
lin Conservatory of Music; Scholar-
ship to Curtis School of Music, Phila-
delphia, in piano, under Serkin and
composition under Scalero; studied
with Piatigorsky, Primrose, and Men-
ctti. Debut recital in Town Hall.
Soloist with Ormandy and the Phila-
delphia Symphony Orchestra; soloist
with the American Youth Orchestra
under the baton of Dean Dixon.

White, Clarence Cameron, composer,
violinist, born Clarkville, Tenn.,
August 10, 1880. Education: Howard
University, 1894-95; Oberlin Conserv-
atory of Music 1896-1901. Studied in
London under Samuel Coleridge-Taylor
1908-11 and under Raoul Lapana, Paris,
on a Rosenwald Fellowship, 1930-33.
Student Juilliard School of Music,
1940. Played in the String Players
Club under the direction of Coleridge-
Taylor. Honorary degree, M. A., At-
lanta University, 1928; Mus. D., Wil-
berforce University, 1933. Was teacher
in the Public Schools, Washington, D.
C., 1902-05; private studio, Boston,
1912-23; Director, Music, West Vir-
ginia State College, 1924-30, Hampton
Institute, 1932-35; Music Specialist,
National Recreation Association, New
York City, 1937-41. Awarded Harmon
Foundation Award, 1928; Rosenwald
Fellow Award, 1930; David Bispham
Award for Opera, 1933. Among his
compositions are Ouanga (opera in 4
acts), 1932; also composed numerous
pieces for violin and pianoforte, for
orchestra, band, pianoforte, organ,
voice, and violin technic; composed
many Negro spirituals, including Ban-

danna Sketches, From the Cotton
Fields, Cabin Memories.
Winkfield, Clyde, pianist, born June

9, 1918. Education: Chicago Musical
College and the University of Chicago.
Winner of the Civic Achievement
Award of the City of Chicago. Rosen-
wald Fellow for 1941. Pupil of Tre-
shansky. Soloist with the Detroit
Civic Orchestra; Pennsylvania Or-
chestra; American Concert Orchestra
and the National Youth Symphony
Orchestra.

Work, John W., composer. Educa-
tion: Fisk University; Yale Univers-
ity, Mus. B.; Columbia University, M.
A. ; Institute of Musical Art. Published
compositions for voice (solos, motets,
adaptations from Negro folksongs; pi-
ano solo, Sassafras; Appalachia (suite
of three pieces) ; Scuppernong, (suite
of three pieces). Articles published;
The School Chorus, New Educational
Magazine; Sweet Chariot Goes to
Church, Epworth Highroad; Modern
Music and Its Implications to the Lay
Listener, The Dillard Arts Quarterly;
Plantation Meistersinger, Motive, A
New American Musical Form, The
Music Quarterly. Published in 1940,
American Folk Songs. His festival
chorus, The Singers, won first prize
in competition held by the Fellowship
of American Composers when per-
formed May 9, 1946, by the Michigan
State Chorus and the Detroit Sym-
phony. Has been commissioned to
write an orchestra suite for the Sara-
toga Music Festival.

CONDUCTORS

Dixon, (Charles) Dean, conductor
of symphony orchestras, born January

10, 1915, New York City. Education:
Juilliard School of Music; further
study at Columbia University. Has
conducted the League of Music Lovers
Chamber Orchestra at a Town Hall re-
cital; the NBC Symphony Orchestra;
the New York Philharmonic Symphony
Orchestra at the Lewisohn Stadium,
New York City; the National Youth
Administration Orchestra. In 1939,
conducted the music for John Henry,
by Roark Bradford and Jacques Wolfe,
starring Paul Robeson and was Music-
al Director of the Shoestring Opera
Company; conductor of choruses, in-
cluding the American Peoples Chorus,
the Long Island University Chorus
and the Dean Dixon Chorus. During
the war, was a member of the Music

432

THE NEGRO IN MUSIC

War Council, which judged current
war songs. Conducts music apprecia-
tion courses for children and adults
in New York City; Newark, N. J.;
Jamaica, L. I. Conductor of the Amer-
ican Youth Orchestra, made up of
young people of the Negro and white
races, which made a successful debut
at Carnegie Hall on December 16,
1945, and gave the first performance
of Ulysses Kay's, Dance Calinda, on
January 10, 1946. Lectures extensively.
Has published articles in The Musical
Courier, Music World Almanac and The
Music Educators Journal.

Dunbar, Rudolph, clarinetist, born
in 1910, in British Guiana. Education:
Studied at the Institute of Musical
Art, New York City; has studied also
in Paris and in Leipzig. Has con-
ducted the Liverpool Symphony Or-
chestra; the National Symphony Or-
chestra in Royal Albert Hall, London,
presenting William Grant Still's, Plain
Chant for America, having previously
presented Still's Afr o- American Sym-
phony to British concert goers. He
was the first Negro to conduct the
London Philharmonic Orchestra and
the first since Samuel Coleridge-Taylor
to conduct the British Symphony Or-
chestra; Guest conductor, Hollywood
Bowl, 1946. Has published a text book
on clarinet playing. Makes his home
in London.

Johnson, Hall, choral conductor, ar-
ranger, composer, born March 12, 1888,
at Athens, Ga. Education: Knox In-
stitute, Athens, Ga.; Atlanta Univers-
ity; Allen University, Columbia, S. C.;
University of Pennsylvania, musical
course, 1910; Hahn School of Music,
Philadelphia; Institute of Musical Art,
New York City, 1923; studied theory
of music, violin, piano and other in-
struments; specialized in composition;
has made many transcriptions of Ne-
gro spirituals. Organized Hall Johnson
Choir, December, 1925, which has
toured the United States and furnished
background music for many musical
comedies and plays. Composed
Coophered, an operetta, a portrayal of
Negro life in the Southland, and has
arranged many spirituals in novel
form for vocal performance. His chorus
has appeared at Lewisohn Stadium
concerts and over the Columbia Broad-
casting System.

Thomas, A. Jack, teacher-composer
with studios in New York City and

Baltimore, born April 16, 1884, Pitts-
burgh, Pa. Education: National Con-
servatory of Music, Manila, P. I.; B.
M., Institute of Musical Art, 1914.
Bandmaster, 10th U. S. Cavalry;
Bandmaster, AEF; Director of Music,
Morgan College, 1924-1927. In Feb-
ruary, 1946 directed the all-white Bal-
timore Symphony Orchestra. Featured
on the concert was his own composi-
tion, "Etude en Noire."

THE NEGRO IN OPERA

Thie following materials indicate
chronologically the appearance of the
Negro in Grand Opera:

1872 The Colored Opera Company,
John Epista, Musical Director,
produced Eichberg's, "The Doctor
of Alcantara," in Lincoln Hall,
Washington, D. C., Februar^ 3
and 4.

1873 Same company at the Horticul-
tural Hall, Philadelphia.

1876 Juvenile Operetta Company, Nel-
lie Brown Mitchell, Producer, at
Boston, May 16 and 17.

1896 Bayreuth Festival, Austria, Lu-
ranah Aldridge participated in
the Festival prior to her singing
at the Royal Opera House, Covent
Garden in London.

1903 All Negro "Aida," Mme. Estelle
Pinckney Clough, "Aida"; George
L. Ruffln, Amonasro"; Theodort
Drury, "Rhadames"; New Yorh
City, May 11.

1912 Wellington Musical Union, New
Zealand, Hamilton Hodges, bari-
tone, sang "Mephistopheles" of
Gounod's, "Faust."

1926 Mme. Charlotte Wallace Murray,
Mezzo-soprano, sang the "Queen"
in "Deep River" of Harling and
"Katinka" in "Mikado" of Gilbert
and Sullivan, Institute of Musical
Art, New York City.

1930 Mme. Lillian Evanti sang "Lak-
me" and "Violetta" from "La
Traviata" at Nice, Turin, Palerno,
Milan.

1930 Mme. Caterina Jarboro, soprano,
sang "Aida" in Milan, Piccinni
Theatre.

1933 Mme. Caterina Jarboro and Jules
Bledsoe, baritone, sang "Aida"
and "Amonasro" respectively with
the Chicago Opera Company at
the Hippodrome, New York City,
July 22.

1934 Edward Matthews, baritone, sang
leading role in Virgil Thomson's
"Four Saints in Three Acts" in
New York City.

1941 National Negro Opera Company,
Mary Cardwell Dawson, Director
and Frederick Vajda, conducting,
produced "Aida" at the Syria
Mosque, Pittsburgh, Pa.

1942 National Negro Opera Company
produced "La Traviata," Mme.
Lillian Evanti sang role of "Vio-
letta" at the Watergate, Wash-
ington, D. C.

MUSICAL ORGANIZATIONS OF DISTINCTION

433

1942 Muriel Rahn appeared with all-
white cast in Mozart's "Abduction
from the Seraglio," ynder the
baton of Leon Barzin. Produced
by the National Orchestral Asso-
ciation, Carnegie Hall, New York
City.

1046 Todd Duncan, baritone, sang roles
of "Tanio" from "I Pagliacci"
and "Escamillo" from "Carmen"
with all-white opera company, at
the New York City Civic Center.
Camilla Williams, soprano, sang
title role in "Mme. Butterfly,"
New York City Civic Center,
May 15.

Ellabelle Davis sang title rolt
of "Aida" for Opera Nacionale,
Mexico City, in July.

MUSICAL ORGANIZATIONS
OF DISTINCTION

College Choirs

The best choral music comes not
from the churches, where it is expected
that the talent of the Negro for sing-
ing would be most clearly and unso-
phisticatedly manifested; but from
schools, where, for the most part mu-
sical ability is uncovered, trained, and
introduced to the public. Choral music
in churches is at an all time low due
to many factors, chief among which is
the evident reluctance of ministers
and trustee boards to spend money on
the music of the church. Consequent-
ly, young people who are prepared to
take positions as "Ministers of Music"
do not care to accept such positions.
Thus, the finest choral music is found
where there is the best financial re-
ward, namely, in the schools and col-
leges.

The choirs of selected schools have
been heard a number of times recently
as substitutes for the "Wings Over Jor-
dan" ensemble, which was on tour
abroad as part of the United Service
Organization's offering to soldiers.
They have also been heard frequently
on nation-wide broadcasting systems
in special programs. Some of the
groups heard to their great credit
and distinction are: The Tuskegee
Institute Choir, Tuskegee Institute,
Alabama, William L. Dawson, con-
ductor; The A. and T. Choir, Greens-
boro, N. C., Coleridge Braithwaite, con-
ductor; Tlie Atlanta University Chor-
us, Kemper Harreid, conductor; The
Fisk Jubilee Singers, Nashville, Tenn.,
Mrs. George Meyers, director, also the
Fisk University Choir, Dr. John Ohl,
director; The Xavier University Choir,
New Orleans, La., Robert Henry, con-
ductor; The Legende Singers of St.

Louis, Kenneth Billups, conductor.
Other organizations which have estab-
lished enviable reputations for them-
selves as a result of their singing;
over national hook-ups are: The Hamp-
ton Institute Choir and the Bennett.
College All-Girl Choir. The latter was
under the direction of R. Nathaniel
Dett until 1942 and Orrin Clayton
Suthern, II, from 1942 to 1945. The
Talladega College Choir, under the di-
rection of Frank Harrison, furnished
the music for the 1946 Conference of
the Congregational Church at Grinnell,
Iowa. The Southern University Choir,
conducted by J. Harold Brown, made
several trips during the Spring of
1946. The All-Girl Choir of Dillard
University and the Dillard University
Chorus under the direction of Orrin
Clayton Suthern, II, made an extensive
tour of East Texas singing three con-
certs in Houston alone. These singing;
groups have also appeared on the Na-
tional Broadcasting System outlet in
New Orleans. The Howard University
Choir under the direction of Warner
Lawson, in the Spring of 1946, toured
as far as Greensboro, N. C., giving a
number of programs.

Popular Ensembles

There are a number of popular en-
sembles on the air singing spirituals
and popular songs in a highly stylized
manner. Among these are:

Songs o/ the Soul a group of singers
from Mississippi who stress the rendi-
tion of songs of the Negro and of the
South. They represented Mississippi at
the New York World's Fair and are
the only independent group of singers
to represent Mississippi at Radio City
over the National Broadcasting System
network.

The Southernaires rank among the
great vocal ensembles of the air and
concert stage. Since 1929, their beau-
tiful, blended voices have attracted
audiences all over the country. Their
repertoire covers three centuries of
Negro music, including African chants,
spirituals, slave songs and Negro popu-
lar songs. However, they do not limit
their vocal music to this field, they
present classics and ballads as effec-
tively as the songs of the Negro. The
Southernaires are said to have nearly
2,000 songs in their repertoire.

Wings Over Jordan, Columbia Broad-
casting System sustaining program
organized and directed by the Rev.

434

THE NEGRO IN MUSIC

Glenn T. Settle, has for the past nine
years given thousands of concerts and
broadcasts.

Other groups singing spirituals are:
The Deep River Boys; The Golden
Gate Quartet; and in a more popular
vein, The King Cole Trio; The Chariot-
eers, The Delta Rhythm Boys, The Ink
Spots; and The Mills Brothers.

THE NEGRO AND POPULAR MUSIC

In popular music, Negro musicians
hold a very prominent place as com-
posers, arrangers, band leaders and
soloists, both vocal and instrumental.
An article in Down Beat for January
1, 1943, states that colored musicians
excel on all solo instruments.

Composers and Arrangers
Of Popular Music

Carpenter, Miliott, in collaboration
with Langston Hughes, poet, has pub-
lished a song entitled, America's
Young Black Joe. Besides this number
the latest tunes co-authored by him
include, Let Your Heart Play the
Part. Under the pen name, Jimmy
Fortune, he has three tunes, Album of
Broken Dreams, Cry Away Your Blues,
and We're Gonna Get Corny Tonight.
At the age of 15 he played Mendels-
sohn's concerto for piano and orches-
tra with the Philadelphia Concert Or-
chestra under the direction of Gilbert
Anderson.

Ellington, Duke (Edward Kennedy),
pianist, arranger, composer, band
leader, showman, was born April 29,
1899, Washington, D. C. He has
reached the top of his profession and
in 1943 celebrated 20 years in the
show business. As a composer of dance
music, he has no peer. His first com-
position was Soda Fountain Rag.
Among his many compositions are:
Black and Tan Fantasy, Three Por-
traits, Jack the Bear. Bluebells of Har-
lem, and with Billy Strayhorn, Cotton
Tail, Mood Indigo, Dusk, Jigwalk,
Main Stem, Day-Dream, Bird of Para-
dise, Chocolate Shake, Sherman Shuf-
fle, In a Mellow Tone, Five O'clock
Drag, The Sergeant was Shy, I Didn't
Know About You, Don't Get Around
Much Anymore, Perfume Suite, Blue-
topia, Do Nothin' Till You Hear From
Me, Sophisticated Lady, Dancers in
Love, a piano concerto of interesting
melodic appeal.

Among his latest compositions are:
Black, Brown, Beige, and New World

A-Coming based on Roi Ottley's book
of the same name.

Duke fcllington has been the recip-
ient of many honors. His orchestra
was selected in 1943 by Down Beat as
the favorite swing band of 1942, the
first time a colored orchestra had won
top place in the contest. "National
Ellington Week" was observed by the
popular music world to celebrate his
long career in popular music.

Handy, William C., composer and
publisher, was born November 11,
1873, at Florence, Alabama. At a very
early age he gave evidence of musical
talent, but was discouraged, both at
home and at school, from pursuing
a musical career. He was introduced
to the rudiments of music, however,
by his school teacher who taught him
to sing hymns as well as excerpts
from the masters. Having obtained a
cornet, he learned to play it before
either his father or teacher discovered
what he was doing. His keen sense
of rhythm was demonstrated in all
his performances. Handy's career has
been varied and unusual; but always
characterized by his special interests.
Early he was attracted to Beale Street,
Memphis. As member of a quartet he
made his way to Chicago by singing
and riding the rods on the train; after
two weeks' working at paving streets
in Evansville, Indiana, he joined the
Hampton Cornet Band. On August
4, 1896, he arrived in Chicago to play
with the W. A. Mahara's Minstrels.
After two years, he became director
of the second band of this group with
which he subsequently travelled all
over America.

In 1900 Handy was engaged to take
charge of the band, orchestra, and
vocal music at the A. and M. College,
Huntsville, Alabama. He remained
with the college two years, returning
then to the minstrel show, which
closed within a year.

His interest in the Blues as a music
form was first aroused as he sat in
a railroad station and heard a lowly
Negro pick out on his guitar the song,
Goin' Where the Southern Cross' the
Dog. His determination to write down
such tunes as music was made when a
local Negro band at Cleveland, Mis-
sissippi, played a few numbers at a
dance for which Handy's band had
been engaged and was showered with
more money than his own band would
receive for the whole engagement.

THE NEGRO AND POPULAR MUSIC

435

Out of his various experiences have
come more than one hundred composi-
tions, arrangements and books.1 The
most famous of his compositions,
The St. Louis Blues, is known the
world over. He is known as the Father
of the Blues, because he is the first
person who upon hearing the blues
realized their importance and wrote
them down. "It was under the strain
of bankruptcy and temporary blind-
ness that he gradually realized the im-
portance of the new music he had
created."

Pinkard, Maceo, composer, has writ-
ten the following compositions: Sugar
Blues, $weet Georgia Brown, Them
There Eyes, Here Comes the Show
Boat, I Offer You Congratulations, It's
Right Here for You, Is That Religion f
and Those Draftin' Blues.

Rene, Leon, composer, is known for
his compositions: When the Swallows
Come Back from Capistramo, Sleepy
Time Down South, Someone's Rocking
My Dream Boat, and / Lost My Sugar
in Salt Lake City.

Roberts, Lucky, is composer of the
popular, Moonlight Cocktail, written
more than 30 years ago under the title,
Ripples of the Nile, introducing swing
music for the first time. At the age
of 17 he composed, Junkman Rag, deal-
ing with the popular figure who walked
the street behind a pushcart calling
out "old rags, old clothes, old bottles
and junk today." Old scores of Mr.
Roberts are: Shy and Sly, Belter, Skel-
ter, Bon Ton, Bon Ton Buddy, and
Railroad Blues. Massachusetts is a re-
cent composition; and the score for 8t.
Louis Woman was written by him as
well as the score for a number of other
Broadway musicals.

Waller, Thomas W. (Fats), inter-
nationally known composer and band
leader, born in New York City May 21,
1904, began playing the organ and pi-
ano before he was 10 years old and
was a professional musician for 25
years. He first gained national fame
while playing over station WLW in
Cincinnati, later becoming a sustain-
ing artist for the Columbia Broadcast-
ing System. Son of a minister, he at-
tended DeWitt Clinton High School,
New York City. At 15 years of age he
was organist in a Harlem movie

aSee pp. 305-08 of Handy, W. C., Father
of the Blues, an Autobiography, New
York. Macmillan Co. 1941. 317 p.

house. After varied experiences in
the music world, he organized his own
bands, which were heard in many
night clubs in New York including
Connie's Inn, Famous Door and the
Yacht. Among the movies in which
he appeared were, Hurray for Love,
King of Burlesque, and Stormy Weath-
er.

Among his compositions are:
Squeeze Me, 1919; Senorita Mine, 1926;
I'm More Than Satisfied, St. Louis
Shuffle, 1927; Candied Sweets, Willow
Tree, Got Myself Another Jockey Now,
1928; Ain't Misbehavin', I've Got a
Feelin' I'm Fallin', Gone, My Fate
Is in Your Hands, Zonky, Honeysuckle
Rose, Black and Blue, How Jazz Was
Born, Dixie Cinderella, Sweet Savan-
nah Sue, Can't We Get Together,
Snakehip Dance, That Rhythm Man,
Off-time, Why Am I Alone with No One
to Love, 1929; Rollin' Down the River,
Blue Turning Grey Over You, Keep
a Song in Your Soul, Little Brown Bet-
ty, Prisoner of Love, 1930; I'm Crazy
'Bout My Baby, Heart of Stone, Take
It From Me, Concentratin' on You,
The Iceman Lives in an Ice House,
1931; Keepin' Out of Mischief Now,
Buddy, If It Ain't Love, Radio Poppa,
Broadcastin' Mamma, When Gabriel
Blows His Horn, Lonesome Me, Gotta
Be, Gonna Be Mine, Oh You Sweet
Thing, Strange As It Seems, That's
Where the South Begins, Angeline, My
Heart's at East, Sheltered by Stars, I
Didn't Dream It was Love, Old Yazoo,
1932; Aintcha Glad, Tall Timber, Sit-
tin' Up Waitin' for You, Doin' What
I Please, I've Got You Where I Want
You, Brother Ben, Handful of Keys,
1933; Swing on Mississippi, How Can
You Fail Me, Piano Pranks, 1934;
Numb Fumblin', 1935; Smashin'
Thirds, Stealing Apples, I Can See You
All Over the Place, The Panic is On,
Sugar Rose, 1936; Our Love Was
Meant to Be, Lost Love, Call the
Plumber In, Crazy 'Bout That Man of
Mine, The Short Trail Became a Long
Trail, Swingin' Hound, Any Day the
Sun Don't Shine, Lonesome One, 1937;
Inside This Heart of Mine, On Rainy
Days, Hold My Hand, I Got Love, Bluer
Than the Ocean Blues, I'm Gonna Fall
in Love, Cottage in the Rain, What a
Pretty Miss, Not There, Right Here,
Moonlight Mood, The Spider and the
Fly, Patty Cake, I Can't Forgive You,
1938; The Jitterbug Tree, 1939; The

436

THE NEGRO IN MUSIC

Joint is Jumping Happy Feeling Stay-
ing at Home, 1940; Mamacita, Blue
Velvet, 1941; Jitterbug Waltz, 1942.

In 1938-39 Waller appeared in the
British Isles, Scandinavia and on the
Continent. He died in 1943.
Band Leaders of Popular Music

Band leaders who have made places
for themselves in the field of popular
music are: Louis Armstrong; Count
Basic; Tiny Bradshaw; Cab Calloway;
Benny Carter; Billy Eckstine; Duke
Ellington; Ella Fitzgerald; Lil Green;
Lionel Hampton; Erskine Hawkins;
Eddie Heywood; Fletcher Henderson;
Horace Henderson; Earl Hines;
Claude Hopkins; Buddy Johnson;
Bunk Johnson; Louis Jordan; John
Kirby; Andy Kirk; Jimmie Lunce-
ford; Phil Moore; Don Redmon; Noble
Sissle; Art Tatum; Cootie Williams;
Teddy Wilson.
Negro Musicians and the War Effort

In September, 1943, two hundred
soldiers of the Aviation Engineers
of the 8th Battalion appeared in Lon-
don's Royal Albert Hall in a concert
for British War charities. Private
James McDaniel of Kansas City led
them through spirituals and the Bal-
lad for Americans, by Earl Hawley
Robinson. They also sang McDaniel's
I See Trouble in the Air, There Must
be a God Somewhere. Roland Hayes
flew to England just to appear on this
occasion with them.

The Blue Jackets Choir, a group of
men in the Navy, stationed at the
Great Lakes Naval Station, was heard
regularly every Sunday morning over
a coast-to-coast net work during the
war. Appearing with them was the
Double Quartet. This organization
contributed greatly to the building of
morale among members of the armed
forces.

Before a crowd of thirty-five thou-
sand persons in Comiskey Park, Chi-
cago, at the fourth Annual American
Negro Music Festival, the entire pro-
ceeds of which were turned over to
the Army and Navy Relief, the fol-
lowing artists appeared; Paul Robeson,
baritone; Dorothy Donegan, boogie-
woogie, pianist, the Southernaires and
Geraldine Overstreet, coloratura so-
prano.

Marian Anderson sang for service
men in army and navy hospitals; for
Wacs at Fort Oglethorpe, Georgia; at
the Lawson General Hospital, Atlanta,

Georgia; and has appeared in concert
of classical and semi-classical music
at Camp Stewart before enthusiastic
audiences.

Ruby Elzy gave an impromptu song
concert for soldiers at the only all-
Negro Post at Seattle, Washington.

W. C. Handy led a mammoth all-Ne-
gro civic and military parade down
Main Street, Memphis, Tennessee, to
Ellis Auditorium where a big war
bond rally was staged.

Graham Jackson of Atlanta, Ga.,
pianist and accordionist, sold over
$62,000,000 war bonds. A Chief Petty
Officer in the Navy, he was awarded
six bond citations by Secretary of
the Treasury, Henry Morgenthau. Be-
fore President Franklin D. Roosevelt's
death Chief Petty Officer Jackson had
played 22 command performances for
him, and was to have played the 23rd
at Warm Springs, Ga., on the visit
during which the President died. The
visible effect of the death of President
Roosevelt on Jackson, shown in the
picture of him playing Going Home as
the late President's body left Warm
Springs, has been made into one of
the outstanding pictures of 1945. He
has also played for President Truman.

Muriel Rahn sang at Camp
Shanks, Orangeburg, New York;
Camp Kilmer, New Brunswick, New
Jersey; Halloran Hospital and on va-
rious inter-racial programs including
the Inter-racial USO Committee at
the Y.W.C.A. in Brooklyn.

Paul Robeson sang at the Great
Lakes United States Naval Training
Station to 2,000 naval officers and en-
listed personnel. He also made a sur-
prise appearance at the Apex Smelt-
ing Company, Chicago, Illinois, and
sang for the Buddie Club on Boston
Common to a packed house of soldiers,
sailors, marines and Wacs. He sang
at a port of embarkation to mothers
and wives of boys who were sailing
overseas.

Band Leaders in

The United States Army

Negro chief musicians were first
authorized for the regular army as of
January 27, 1907, by authority of the
War Department. Among the band
leaders who figured prominently dur-
ing World Wa'r II are the following
persons :

Drye, Frank L., Captain, Air Corps,
born April 19, 1889, at Raleigh, N. C.;

THE NEGRO AND POPULAR MUSIC

437

tenure of service began July 15, 1942;
still on active duty, August, 1946.
Education: B. Mus., Conn School of
Music, Chicago; Graduate Study East-
man School of Music, Rochester, N. Y.
Commanded and conducted the 613th
AAF Band, Tuskegee Army Air Field
from July 15, 1942, to April 25, 1946.
Hospitalized April 25. His band trav-
eled in interest of all except two of the
War Loans during the war. He is
credited with participating in the
raising of more than $10,000,000 in
war bonds. Toured in Georgia, Florida,
Virginia, Alabama and made several
trips to Washington, D. C., playing at
the Watergate, Griffith Stadium and
at the Pentagon Building. Member and
cornet soloist, 9th United States Caval-
ry Band, 1909-12. His contributions
to civilian life include, Director, Rose
City Concert Band, Little Rock, Ar-
kansas, 1912-14; first trumpet, W. C.
Handy's Band, Memphis, Tennessee,
1914-15; bandmaster, Tuskegee In-
stitute since 1915 with leaves of ab-
sence to serve in both World Wars.

Downing, Alvin J., Lieutenant, born
July 19, 1916, at Jacksonville, Fla.
Education: A. B., Music, Florida A.
and M. College, Tallahassee, Fla. He
was inducted into military service in
1942. In civilian life Downing was a
teacher and band leader at Gibbs High
School, St. Petersburg, Fla., 1939-42.
Awarded Good Conduct Medal, Amer-
ican Defense, American Theater.
Served with the 613th AAF Band, Tus-
kegee Army Air Field, Tuskegee, Ala-
bama. Assumed Command of 613th
AAF Band when Band Commander
Frank L. Drye became ill April, 1946.

Hallowel, Harry H., Chief Warrant
Officer, born November 26, 1914, at
Van Buren, Ark., tenure of service ex-
tended over ten years in the Regular
Army. Education: Graduate, High
School; one year of college work; and
Army Music School. Has been an army
bandleader for four years. Period of
duty outside continental United States
includes 32 months overseas in the
Burma and India theaters of war be-
ginning May 28, 1942. Located at Fort
Benning, Ga., with 196th AGF Band,
also served with this band.

Montgomery, Jack, Chief Warrant
Officer, born September 16, 1916, at
Birmingham, Ala.; tenure of service
December 2, 1941 to April 14, 1946.
Education: B. Mus., Tuskegee Insti-

tute,«1939; diploma (U. S. Army Band-
leader Course), Army Music School,
Fort Meyer, Virginia, 1942. Director
of Army Reception Center Male Chorus
of forty voices, Fort Benning, Ga., De-
cember, 1941, to September, 1942;
Commanding Officer and Bandleader of
93rd Division Band, November, 1942
to January, 1946. Contributions to
civilian life include, Instructor of vio-
lin and stringed instruments (college)
and Instructor of Public School Music
(high school), Tuskegee Institute,
September, 1940, to December, 1941.
Tours of duty outside continental
United States include, Guadalcanal,
British Solomon Islands; Sterling
Island, Treasury Group; Hollandia,
Dutch New Guinea; Morotai, Nether-
land East Indies and Mindanao, Phil-
ippine Islands. Saw action, Northern
Solomons, April and May, 1944 and in
New Guinea, July, 1944, to February,
1945. Awarded Bronze Star Medal.

Moseley, James Orville B., Warrant
Officer, born September 21, 1909, at
Alcorn A. and M. College, Alcorn,
Miss.; tenure of service, 44 months.
Education: A. B., Morehouse College,
Atlanta, Ga., 1929; National Teachers'
Certificate, Chicago Musical College,
Chicago, Illinois, 1929; Mus. M., Uni-
versity of Michigan, 1946. Composed
words and music for The Tuskegee
Army Air Field Post song. Produced
many stage and radio shows. Contri-
butions to civilian life include Direc-
tor of Music, Soutttern University,
Scotlandville, La., 1932-40; Director of
Music, Tougaloo College, Tougaloo,
Miss., 1940-42; composer of 80 musical
numbers including the Morehouse Col-
lege Hymn, string quartet and one
symphony. Served with the 313th
Army Air Field Band, Tuskegee
Army Air Field, Tuskegee, Alabama;
771st Army Air Field Band at Myrtle
Beach, S'. C., G. A. A. A., Greenville,
S. C., Seymour Johnson Army Air
Field, Goldsboro, N. C. Worked
through the ranks from private to
Warrant Officer, Bandleader.

Tresville, Robert B., Chief Warrant
Officer, born September 23, 1891, at
Galveston, Tex.; tenure of service, 33
years; retired May 1, 1945. Educa-
tion: Public School System, Galveston,
Texas; War Department Commercial
School, Manila, Philippine Islands,
1919-20; Juilliard School of Music, New
York City, 1920-22; Army Bandlead-

438

THE NEGRO IN MUSIC

ers' School, Washington, D. C., i920-
22. Organized numerous Army Bands.
Citations in World War II for naval
cooperation in Pacific. Took the 24th
Infantry Band to the South Pacific
in 1942; returning to the United
States in 1943, organized the 435th
Army Air Force Band at MacDill Field,
Florida. Was one of the first Negro
band leaders, and between World War
I and World War II was one of the
four Negro band leaders in the Regu-
lar Army.

ADDENDA: Maynor, Dorothy, so-
prano, was born in Norfolk, Va., Sep-
tember 3, 1910. Education: B.S., Hamp-
ton Institute, 1933. She received her
first vocal lessons from R. Nathaniel
Dett. Toured Europe as a member of
the Hampton Institute choir; studied
voice with the Westminster Choir,
Princeton, N. J., and later under Wil-
fred Klamroth, John Alan Haughton
and others. In 1939 she made an in-

formal debut at the Berkshire Festival
after which Serge Koussevitzky pro-
claimed her "one of the finest singers
I have ever heard." After her New
York debut, critics placed her among
the leading concert singers of the day.
Has appeared with the New York
Philharmonic, the Boston, Philadel-
phia, Chicago, Cleveland, San Francisco
and Los Angeles Symphonic orchestras.
Was winner for 1940 of the Town Hall
Endowment Series Award for outstand-
ing performance; was chosen in 1940
by the Library of Congress to open
its festival commemorating the 150th
anniversary of the Emancipation proc-
lamation; in 1941, Hampton Institute
gave her its first annual Alumni Award
as it outstanding alumnus for 1940;
was soloist at the Washington Cathe-
dral in celebration of the 50th an-
niversary of the World Y. W. C. A. in
1944; Mus. D. was conferred upon her
in 1945 by Bennett College.

DIVISION XX

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATRE, ON THE RADIO AND
IN MOVING PICTURES

By JOHN S. BROWN
Negro Actors Guild of America

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATRE

Despite the World War, the Negro
has enjoyed an unusual period of ac-
tivity in drama. New York has seen
a procession of plays in which Negroes
have appeared receive the nod of ap-
proval from New York critics. Many
of these plays enjoyed long runs
on Broadway as well as on the road.

Plays having Negro characters are of
two main types: (1) plays by white
playwrights in which Negroes ap-
peared; (2) plays by Negro play-
wrights with a Negro-white cast or an
all-Negro cast.

Plays By White Playwrights
In Which Negroes Appeared

Anna Lucasta is a play by Philip
Yordan, a white writer, who is said to
have knocked vainly at the doors of
New York theatre producers. It had
its origin as an American Negro Thea-
tre production and its premiere in the
basement of the Harlem Public Li-
brary with Harry Wagstaff Gribble as
Director. Reviewers who saw the play
in Harlem wrote such favorable ac-
counts about it that it was brought to
Broadway and the Mansfield Theatre
by John Wildberg on August 30, 1944.

The story revolves around the beau-
tiful outcast daughter of the family,
who had fallen into a life of ill-fame,
and whose attempts at regeneration
are frustrated. The novelty in this
drama springs from the fact that the
play, originally written about a Polish
family for a Polish cast, is played by a
Negro company. There is no irrele-
vance in this, for the events of the
plot might relate to people of any
group. It, of course, is not a study
of the Negro, but some have rejoiced
in the thought that it is a proof of
the ability of Negro artists to success-
fully portray the story of any play,
regardless of race or color. Hilda
Simms, a 1943 Hampton graduate, gave
an exciting performance as Anna.
Howard Barnes said: "An all-Negro

cast brings perceptive acting and
eloquence to a straggling script in
"Anna Lucasta." John Chapman said:
"The actors of the -American Negro
Theatre play these people for all they
are worth, which is considerable; and
they do so with imagination and
restraint."

The play enjoyed a long run on
Broadway as well as on the road. The
cast consisted of: Theodora Smith, Ro-
setta LeNoire, Georgia Burke, John
Proctor, Frederick O'Neil, George Ran-
dol, Hubert Henry, Alvin Childress,
Alice Childress, Emory Richardson,
Hilda Simms, Canada Lee, John Tate,
Earl Hyman.

Bloomer Girl, a musical comedy
which speaks out sharply on the color
question, was produced in November,
1944. Richard Huey, Hubert Dilworth
and Dooley Wilson won great praise
from the critics. Dooley Wilson as
the runaway slave sang "The Eagle
and Me." The audience stopped the
show to applaud. Richard Huey sang,
"I Got a Song." Joan McCracken as
Topay sang, "I Never Was Born."

Cabin in the Sky, a fantasy in two
acts by Lyman Root, lyrics by John
LaTouche and music by Vernon Duke,
was opened at the Martin Beck Thea-
tre, October 25, 1940. It closed March
8, 1941. Ethel Waters played the lead
with her usual vocal skill and charac-
ter interpretation. The critics were in
accord on the excellence of Miss Waters'
acting and singing and praised her
for her genuine versatility in feeling
and technique. Katherine Dunham's
dancers, always artistic and pleasing
to the eye, did their part in lifting
the play into a musical fantasy that
was most delightful. Dooley Wilson
as the beloved and erring husband,
gives a performance that is right
from start to finish, and witty through-
out. The first act with its dialogue,
rich and varied, was splendid. The
second act, however, bogged down in
comparison.

439

440 THE NEGRO IN THE THEATER, RADIO, MOVING PICTURES

The main characters of the cast
were: Katherine Dunham, Louis Sharp,
J. Rosamond Johnson, Georgia Burke,
Ethel Waters, Rex Ingram, Dooley Wil-
son.

Carmen Jones. Probably the really
big theatrical event of the fall of 1944
was the opening of Carmen Jones at
the Broadway Theatre on November
26. Based on Bizet's opera Carmen,
it was a skillfully arranged and writ-
ten musical by Oscar Hammerstein II.
Billy Rose was the producer. Many
critics went into ecstasies over it and
it became popular over night.

The cast was largely composed of
young unknown amateurs, around
whose discovery cluster a number of
interesting stories. One instance may
well be given. Glenn Bryant, who
played "Husky Miller," the prize fight-
er, was on leave of absence from the
New York Police Department.

The music of the original opera was
practically untouched, save in a few
places. Mainly, Carmen Jones is the
original opera brought up to date with
a change of locale to a parachute fac-
tory in a southern town and to an
extravagant country club in Chicago.
Instead of the Seville of 1820 and its
cigaret factory where Carmen rolled
smokes for the dragoons of Alcala,
she is folding parachutes for the
United States Air Force in a town
in South Carolina. As a production
Carmen Jones was beautiful to behold.
The things Negroes are expected to do
in the theatre were conspicuously ab-
sent. The acting, dancing and singing
throughout were of a high order, which
indicated innate ability and careful
training.

Carmen Jones was portrayed and
sung by Muriel Smith, 20-year-old
Philadelphia mezzo-soprano. Muriel
Rahn alternated the role with Murie!
Smith until she left the cast. Inez
Matthews, understudy, then assumed
the role as a co-star. Among the
lyrics, "Dat's Love" is substituted for
the "Habenera." "Stan' Up and Fight"
is substituted for the "Toreador S'ong."
Everette Lee conducted the orchestra
of the play.

The cast consisted of: Napoleon
Reed, Robert Clark, George Willis,
Carlotta Franzell, Elton J. Warren,
Jack Carr, Luther Saxon, Napoleon
Reed, Muriel Smith, Inez Matthews,

Sibol Cain, Edward Roche, Carlos Van
Putten, Cosy Cole.

Deep Are the Roots was a play with
a mixed cast which somehow struck
the public fancy and enjoyed quite a
run on Broadway. The play was pro-
duced in the fall of 1945 at the Fulton
Theatre. The authors are Arnaud
d'Usseau and James Gow. The plot
revolves around the race problem as
it is known in the South. A Negro
soldier returns to his home and the
southern family for which his mother
has worked for many years. He is both
shocked and dismayed when he real-
izes that he and the younger daughter
of the family, played by Barbara Bel
Geddes with such skill and appeal,
have fallen in love. Knowing the dan-
ger he faces, he tries to avoid the out-
come but the older sister and the fa-
ther learn of it. For a time the safety
of the soldier is threatened, but his
decision to stay in the community and
work for the education of his people,
which is more vital than his love for
the girl, lessens the tense moment
and permits the play to end peacefully.

Gordon Heath as Brett Charles, the
soldier, gave a magnificent perform-
ance. His mother, Evelyn Ellis, as
Bella Charles, stirred one deeply with
the anxious fears for her son. Helen
Martin, as Honey Turner, did a fine
piece of acting, swaying between the
two forces in the drama, rushing to a
head-on collision.

The Duchess of Malfi. From the
early times of the minstrels down to
the present, white men have used
burnt cork to characterize Negroes.
The well-know*n Al Jolson, Eddie Can-
tor at one time, Amos and Andy and
others have won fame by this device.
It remained for the indefatigable Can-
ada Lee to turn the tables and make
up as a white man in the 17th century
in the revival of The Duchess of Malfi.
The leading man of the play left it
before it opened in Providence. In his
extremity, Jules Zeigler sought some
one to take his place. He decided Can-
ada Lee was the only one who could
do it. The part, however, was for a
white man. This difficulty was solved
by the Lydia O'Leary Company which
sent a make-up expert to apply the
special Lydia O'Leary grease paint.
She first applied a coat of grease paint
and then slightly darkened around the
eyes. The make-up was a success.

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATRE

441

Critics acclaimed the experiment, some
using the term, history-making. Lee
deserved the praise for he not only
essayed a white role but a difficult one
as well. What effect Lee's demonstra-
tion will have on future casting re-
mains to be seen. Perhaps it will re-
sult in helping establish the Negro
artist in better roles in mixed casts.

Early to Bed. The season of 1943-44
saw the comedy Early to Bed which
enjoyed a long run on Broadway. The
cast was white except Jeni LeGon, the
dancer and Bob Howard, the come-
dian. His piano playing and husky
singing have taken him to all the im-
portant theatres from coast to coast
and to Europe, and he carried a radio
commercial alone for two years.

Harriet, the life story of Harriet
Beecher Stowe, opened in October,
1944, with Helen Hayes playing the
star role. E'dna Thomas played the
role of Sukey. She previously ap-
peared in Lulu Belle, Porgy, Run LiV
Chillun, Stevedore and Orson Welles'
production of Macbeth. As acted by
Helen Hayes, the play carries one over
the conflicts preceding and leading up
to the writing of Uncle Tom's Cabin
that had such a direct influence in
creating sentiment against slavery.
Miss Thomas usually interprets her
roles sympathetically.

Lysistrata. On August 18, 1946, the
Belasco Theatre saw the presentation
of this classic play. This was a revival
under the direction of Light and Jelin.
The reviewers were rather unfriendly
in their criticism of the production,
some blaming the director, Mr. Light,
for faults which they pointed out. The
play closed after five performances.
The cast included: Pearl Gaines, Mil-
dred Smith, Etta Moten, Mercedes Gil-
bert, Fredi Washington, Leigh Whip-
per, Rex Ingram, Maurice Ellis, Em-
mett Wallace, John deBatile, Larry
Williams, Sydney Potter and Emory
Richardson.

Memphis Bound, was placed on the
boards with an all-Negro cast. The
story is about a show boat that ran
out of fund_s and was grounded for that
reason. To raise money for it, the
musical Pinafore was resurrected with
Bill Robinson playing the part of an
indolent pilot. As usual, he is the
life of the play, with his contagious
smile and nimble, rhythmic feet. He
is still the inimitable "Bojangles."

Robinson builds his famous stair dance
into the big moment of the show. He
is reported as having said this dance
came to him in a dream like many of
his dance numbers. One of his best
songs is "Growin' Pains," which he
dances with eight-year-old Timothy
Grace.

Avon Long plays second lead. It is
interesting to note the difference in
dance style between these two dancers.
Bojangles uses only his feet, Long uses
his whole body. Some of the other
artists were: Sheila Guys, Ida Jones,
Thelma Carpenter, Ada Brown, Delta
Rhythm Boys, Billy Daniels, Frank
Wilson, Ann Robinson and Edith Wil-
son.

On Whitman Avenue was remark-
able in several ways. It is the first
drama during 1941-46 that was pro-
duced by a Negro. Canada Lee, who
has demonstrated the possession of
varied talents from concert violinist,
jockey, prize fighter to interpreter of
difficult and unusual parts on the
stage, was the co-producer with Mark
Marvin. It dramatizes the theme of
social equality for the Negro. The ar-
gument within the play is intense and
many described the play as both
gripping and entertaining. Opening
at the Cort Theatre on May 9, 1946 it
enjoyed a considerable run. The plot
revolves around a family with a
daughter named Toni. She rents the
upper floor of their house to David
Bennett, a Negro Ex-Seabee, who had
saved the life of Toni's sweetheart in
the Pacific. When the family returns
home and discovers the racial identity
of the new tenants, they storm. The
neighbors join them. Here is material
for much poignant drama. The Ne-
groes give up the apartment and the
breakup of the Tilden family begins.
Toni leaves home and the mother be-
comes untrue. The whites were not
animated so much by hatred of the
Negroes as by the thought of the pos-
sible depreciation in value to their
property. The mixed cast with Canada
Lee in the leading role was: Augus-
tus Smith, Vivienne Baber, Richard
Williams, Abbie Mitchell, Martin Mil-
ler, Ernestine Barrier, Will Geer, Per-
ry Wilson, Kenneth Terry, Robert
Simon, Jean Cleveland, Stephen
Roberts, Joanna Albus, Hilda Vaughn,
Philip Clarke and Bettie Greene Little.

Othello. The announcement that
Othello with Paul Robeson in the lead-

442 THE NEGRO IN THE THEATER, RADIO, MOVING PICTURES

ing role would open on Broadway, New
York City, aroused a variety of emo-
tions and no little excitement. Tickets
were in great demand. The main topic
of discussion in some circles was, how
would the forthcoming play be re-
ceived. Some reverted to a discussion
of the first Negro to take this role,
Ira Aldridge, and noted his success
in Europe. The play with Robeson was
opened in the Shubert Theatre Oc-
tober 19, 1943, by the Theatre Guild.
Margaret Webster skillfully directed
it. Desdemona was played by Uta Ha-
gen, the wife of Jose Ferrer who had
the part of lago. All of the cast were
white except Robeson. It required all
of Robeson's varied experience, the
magic of his voice and physical pres-
ence, his simple dignity and restraint,
to make his characterization the his-
torical and epoch making event that
the audience witnessed. He brought
to the role a rich, simple, clarity which
hit its mark whether called on to por-
tray tenderness or jealousy. Even to
the violent scenes he brought the feel-
ing of quiet sincere, simple dignity
mingled with frustration. The ap-
plause was spontaneous. Some of the
headlines in the city papers such as:
"Guild's Othello a Triumph"; "Paul
Robeson a Striking Othello at the
Schubert"; "Majesty and Dignity
Illuminate Negro Paul Robeson's Oth-
ello"; and "Robeson Brings Moor to
Life in Othello"; give an indication
of the reaction of the reviewers to the
play.

Porgy and Bess was revived by
Cheryl Crawford at the 44th Street
Theatre, on September 13, 1943. The
play is from the book, Porgy by Dn-
Bose and Dorothy Heyward; the lyrics
by DuBose, Heyward and Ira Gersh-
win, and the music by George Gersh-
win. It is a folk opera revolving
around the life and love of Porgy, the
beloved cripple, who lives on Catfish
Row, with its noise, color and drama.
Some of the hit songs of the play are:
"Summer Time," "A Woman Is a
Sometime Thing," "I Got Plenty o'
Nuttin'" and "It Aint Necessarily
So." Todd Duncan, Etta Moten,
Georgette Harvey, Avon Long and
Warren Coleman won special acclaim.
The Eva Jessye Choir scored a hit
with its music. This was one of sev-
eral revivals of Porgy and Bess.

The cast consisted of Georgette
Harvey, Catherine Ayers, Musa Wil-
liams, Harriet Jackson, Edward Math-
ews, Avon Long, Jerry Laws, Henry
Davis, Alma Hubbard, William C.
Smith, George Randol, Todd Duncan,
Warren Coleman, Etta Moten, Kenneth
Konopka, Richard Bowles, Cowal Mc-
Mahon, Charles Welch, Charles Cole-
man, Catherine Ayers, Edward Tyler
and Dora Darcy.

Show Boat, with music by Jerome
Kern and book and lyrics by Oscar
Hammerstein II, was revived in 1946.
This time Kenneth Spencer took the
part created by the late Jule Bledsoe
and later played by Paul Robeson. The
outstanding song is "01' Man River,"
which Spencer's deep bass renders mag-
nificently.

South Pacific. This melodrama of
the Pacific by Howard Rigsby and
Dorothy Heywood was produced in the
Cort Theatre, December 29, 1943. Can-
ada Lee had the lead of Sam Johnson,
who is cast on an island controlled by
Japanese and peopled by natives.
Finding that, for the first time
in his life, his color is not against
him, he reacts accordingly. Frank Wil-
son played the Luluai. The natives
and native children were: Gordon
Heath, Kaie Dee, George Fisher, Ruby
Dee, Dedia Rosa, Gloria Robinson, Em-
muel Gillard, James Reason and Clyde
Goines. The play ran only five days.

Strange Fruit, appeared on Broad-
way after a great deal of discussion.
It was adapted from the novel of the
same name by Lillian Smith. The
story revolves around two families,
one white and one Negro, in a south-
ern community. The white boy, Tracy
Dean, falls in love with the college-
bred Negro girl, Nonnie Anderson,
with direful results to both of their
families. Jane White played the part
of the Negro girl in love with the
white boy very realistically and sym-
pathetically. She was supported by a
good cast. The reviewers directed
most of their criticisms of the play at
the craftsmanship of the writing and
felt that more concentrated drama
might have helped make a better play.

The Tempest came to the Alvin The-
atre in January, 1945, a Cheryl Craw-
ford-Margaret Webster production. This,
was not just another presentation of
Shakespeare. It was remarkable for
the presence of Canada Lee in the!

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATRE

443

cast portraying the monster Caliban.
John Chapman says: His part was
"most beautifully spoken; it is at once
fearsome and touching. It is one more
evidence that Mr. Lee is a thoughtful,
ambitious and resourceful actor."

Plays By Negro Playwrights With
A Mixed Or All-Colored Cast

The plays in this section are by
Negro playwrights, in some instances
have Negro producers and have all-
Negro or a mixed cast.

Beggar's Holiday marks a sort of
transition from the script by a white
author with a colored cast to a book
and lyrics by a white author with the
entire score by a Negro and a mixed
cast. This surely represents inter-
racial elements successfully and har-
moniously at work. To make the mat-
ter more complete, the Negro scenic
designer, Perry Watkins, is one of the
producers. The play opened December
26, 1946 at the Broadway Theater. It
is a new version of John Gay's The
Beggar's Opera and has been renamed
Beggar's Holiday. The book and lyrics
are by John LaTouche. The music is
by Duke Ellington. The mixed cast
mingles together in a hobo jungle on
the water front, as the hero tries to
escape the law. Duke Ellington has
provided delightful music for the lyrics
and some of them will be heard as
"hit" numbers. John LaTouche was
not so successful in remaking the old
story or in some of the lyrics. In spite
of this, and the slight sagging down
of the second half of the play, Beg-
gar's Holiday seems set 'for a long and
successful run. The cast consisted of:
Tommy Gomez, Archie Savage, Her-
bert Ross, Lucas Hoving, Albert Pop-
well, Marjorie Bell, Alfred Drake, Ma-
rie Bryant, Bernice Parks, Lavina
Nielsen, Leonne Hall, Tommie Moore,
Royce Wallace, Claire Hale, Nina
Korda, Malba Farber, Elmira Jones-
Bey, Enid Williams, Bill Dillard, Jack
Bittner, Gordon Nelson, Perry Brus-
kin, Archie Savage, Stanley Carlson,
Lucas Hoving, Perry Bruskin, Pan
Theodore, Douglas Henderson, Hy An-
zel, Lewis Charles, Avon Long, Jet
MacDonald, Dorothy Johnson, Zero
Mostel, Rollin Smith, Mildred Smith,
Paul Godkin, Majorie Bell.

Harlem Cavalcade, a Negro vaude-
ville show, assembled and produced by
Ed. Sullivan, opened at the Ritz Thea-

tre, May 1, 1942. It was staged by
Ed. Sullivan and Noble Sissle. The
nlusic was directed by Bill Vodery;
the dances by Leonard Harper. It ran
for 49 performances. The following
were the principals, many of them
well-known figures on the theatre
stage: Noble Sissle, 5 Cracker jacks,
Moke & Poke, Peters Sisters, Pops &
Louie, Tom Fletcher, Tim Moore, Ed-
ward Steele, Maud Russell, Hawley &
Lee, Una Mae Carlisle, Jesse Crior,
Monte Hawks, Garland Wilson, Johnny
Lee, Joe Byrd, Flournoy Miller, Aman-
da Randolph, The Gingersnaps, Jim-
mie Daniels, The Harlemaniacs, Red
& Curley, Winie & Bob Johnson and
Miller Bros. & Lois.

Native Son was the result of the col-
laboration of Paul Green and Richard
Wright, and is based on Richard
Wright's novel by the same name. It
is not of the conventional form of
drama in three acts, but consists of ten
scenes with a prologue and no inter-
mission. It opened on March 24, 1941,
at St. James Theatre and ran for 114
performances. It had a revival, Octo-
ber 23, 1942, at the Majestic Theatre,
running up a total of 97 performances.
The direction was in charge of Orson
Welles. It won top 4-star Broadway
rating.

The plot revolves around Bigger
Thomas, who is rebellious at his con-
dition as he vainly tries to adjust him-
self to the laws and prejudices of the
white man. He makes things at home
uncomfortable for his mother, brother
and sister. Later with companions, he
gets into trouble and accidently mur-
ders a white girl. For this he is tried
and condemned to die. The closing
scene shows Canada Lee as Bigger in
his cell gripping the bars as the hour
for his end nears. The Negro members
of the cast are: Canada Lee, Evelyn
Ellis, Helen Martin and Rudolph
Whitaker.

There is a large supporting white
cast. Lee made himself famous by his
portrayal of Bigger Thomas. Evelyn
Ellis as the mother, gives a fine sus-
taining performance.

Run Little Chillun was revived in
New York, August 11, 1943. This is
the Negro folk drama by the well-
known choir leader, Hall Johnson. It
was first produced in 1933. It was re-
ported that the New York revival was
supported by angels from among Hoi-

444

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATER, RADIO, MOVING PICTURES

lywood's artists. Clarence Muse staged
it and Hall Johnson directed the
music. Internal trouble developed and
it closed after 16 performances. The
cast was made up of 34 players. It
IB a Negro play by a Negro author
and a Negro cast. The play drama-
tizes that phenomenon wherein pro-
tests are made against extremely nar-
row Protestantism of southern Negroes
by cult leaders who offer a new and
more colorful form of worship.

St. Louis Woman. A great deal of
rumor and news talk preceded the ar-
rival in New York of St. Louis Woman.
The play by Arna Bontemps and
Countee Cullen which opened May 6,
1946 at the Martin Beck Theatre, is
from the novel "God Sends Sunday"
by Arna Bontemps. Cullen died be-
fore the show opened. Lyrics were
from the pen of Johnny Mercer and
the score was composed by Harold
Arlen.

While many Negroes objected to the
lead character, Delia Green, on the
score she was a harlot, the music and
the acting of the play carried it across
and made it a hit in spite of some
unfavorable notices. The music was
lilting and tuneful.

Two of the songs "Legalize My
Name" and "Come Rain or Come
Shine" were very popular. Special
credit is due Ruby Hill, who played
the lead, Pearl Bailey, the Nicholas
Brothers, Rex Ingram and Juanita
Hall.

Walk Hard was first produced at
the Library Theatre of the American
Negro Theatre. It is a drama by the
playwright, Abe Hill, who is also di-
rector of the theatre. During the sea-
son 1945-46, it was carried to Broad-
way by Gustav Blum, the producer.
The plot gives the boxer-hero a double
battle— to fight his opponent and win,
and to overcome the prejudice in the
world. It enjoyed a run of some
length.

The Negro and the Dance

African Dances and Modern
Rhythms, an interesting dance festival,
was held in Carnegie Hall, April 6,
1944 under the sponsorship of the
African Academy of Arts and Re-
search. The choreography was by
Asadata Dafora, who had previously
won acclaim with his dance dramas,
Kykundor and Zungura. The princi-
pals were Alma Sutton, Abdul Assen,

Dafora himself and the famous dancer,
Pearl Primus. On this occasion, the
opening narration was from the poem,
"Africa," by John S. Brown, and was
recited by Dorothy Peteferd.

Katherine Dunham fills a unique
place not only in New York but in the
theatrical world generally. Educated
as an Anthropologist, she specialized
in dances of the West Indies. She not
only presents her own shows, but often
trains dancing groups for other p'ays.
Robert Sylvester says, she "is the best
dancer in America today and has been
since the death of the great "Argen-
tinita." Born in Joliet, Illinois, she
has lectured at the Yale University
Graduate School and illustrated telling
points with her drummers and dancers.
While at Chicago University, she won
two fellowships from the Rosenwald
Foundation. These funds enabled her
to study the primitive dance of Ja-
maica, Martinique, Cuba, Trinidad and
Haiti. Her "Tropical Review" was
housed in the New Century Theatre
early in January, 1945. The chore-
ography and staging are by Katherine
Dunham herself. Some of the numbers
are: "Cuban Slave Lament"; "Rumba
with a Little Jive Mixed in"; "Ba-
hiana," a Brazilian song; "Promenade-
Havana 1910"; and "Barrel House," a
Florida swamp shimmy.

Michael Carter says of the perform-
ance: "Each scene is an individual
masterpiece in color and movement.
The skillful gyrations of the dancers,
tell a story by costumes, by action, by
rhythm, by the simplicity or the com-
plexity of their movements. In it all,
La Dunham stands out, not by play-
ing to the gallery, but because she is
the best dancer of them all." The Dun-
ham Company contained: Roger Ohar-
dieno, Lucille Ellis, Tommy Gomez,
Lavinia Williams, Laverne French,
Claude Marchant, Sylvilla Fort, Len-
wood Morris, Ora Lee, Gloria Mitchell,
Ramona Erwin, Eddy Clay, Andre
Drew, Richardena Jackson, Lawrence
Ingram, Vanoye Aikens, Delores Har-
per and native drummers.

Her 1946 contribution which opened
at the Belasco Theatre is called Bal
Negre. Critics say this play borrows
something from her "Caribbean Song,"
her "Tropical Review" and from her
first concert on the Labor Stage some
eight years ago.

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATRE

445

Bill "Bojangles'' Robinson is still un-
matched among tap dancers and he
makes his particular style of dancing
an art. His is net a dance of vigorous
motion and loud noises. It is an in-
fectious emphasis on the step itself
and he sees to it that the music is
subdued in order that each tap may be
easily discernible to the ear. Robinson
vaiies his dancing act by telling a few
jokes and all of them are as highly
polished as Bill's dance steps, which
are the last word in rhythm and
timing. In 1944, celebrating his sixty-
sixth birthday, he danced two and
one-half miles down the main thor-
ough-fare in Baltimore which was
lined with thousands of cheering spec-
tators. That night he appeared in a
benefit for the Good Samaritan Mutual
Benefit Association, Inc., before more
than 2,500 persons. At the conclusion
of the program Robinson auctioned off
the shoes he used to dance on the
street for $100 which he donated to a
paralytic convalescing in the Alice
Eva Hospital.

Pearl Primus. This artist's amazing
dance technique was developed in the
comparatively short period of three
years. Her dance history is interest-
ing. She was born in 1920 in Trinidad,
British West Indies. She attended
Hunter College in New York City, tak-
ing a pre-medical course. Finding she
did not have enough funds to study
medicine and realizing her Biology
major had not equipped her for work,
she went to the N. Y. A., and was put
in a dance unit. She had not done
any dancing before except the bit she
had in school. Then she won a
scholarship to the New Dance Group,
the low cost school sponsored .by
America's leading dancers.

She danced her way from the begin-
ners to the advanced classes so quickly
that her teachers reaMzed that this
was no run of the mill talent. They
felt the intense girl with the friendly
smile and the agile body had the mak-
ings of a fine artist. They arranged
auditions for her with Martha Graham
and Charles Weidman, both of whom
were impressed and offered her dance
scholarships. It was not long before
she began to compose her own dances:
Spirituals, jazz-blues, primitives, so-
cial themes. She -is working on a com-
position based on a poem called, "Our
Spring Will Come," by Langston

Hughes. Critics say that she has ter-
rific power, exuberance, ease and con-
trol. She is boldly original, astonish-
ing. In her dance to Strange Fruit in
which she expresed the agony of a
woman who has seen a lynching, she
rolls swiftly over the floor five times
like passion in a whirlwind. In Hard
Times Blues she executes a furious
leap into the air and while there as
if she has the power to stay there for
a week — she does a brilliant and pow-
erful tourjete (a turn and a kick).
Some Organizations Among
Negro Actors

The American Negro Theatre was
established on June 5, 1940. It has an
interesting history. Frederick O'Neal,
a young St. Louis actor, came to Har-
lem some years ago to develop a
dream. New York in 1937 was unre-
ceptive. It seemed that only non-
dramatic jobs were open. O'Neal de-
voted his nights and available cash, to
dramatic coaches. Later, a period with
the Rose McClendon Players helped to
bridge the gap. Still later, a series
of meetings with Abram Hill began
to shape his dream into a workable
form. Mr. Hill, who had writing and
directing experience in the Federal
Theatre behind him, and who had
helped to organize the Negro Play-
wrights Theatre, was an efficient col-
laborator from the start.

With an organization blueprint on
paper, six actors were invited to join
O'Neal and Hill. Growth was painful,
but it was sure. New plays selected and
intensively rehearsed were Strivers
Roic, Starlight. Coaches like Julia
Dorn and Doris Sorrel began giving all
their available time to the student
groups. Critics began to visit 135th
Street and return downtown with vivid
reports. When rehearsals started for
Anna Lucasta the American Negro
Theatre had put its fledgling years be-
hind it.

Under the present set-up all Ameri-
can Theatre members are pledged to
contribute a definite percentage of
their theatrical earnings, from what-
ever source. All receipts after expenses
are paid, are divided on an equalitarian
basis. Half of the profits go imme-
diately to the treasury, to cover the
cost of current experimentation and
production. The balance is divided
equally among the members of that
particular acting group, regardless of

446

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATER, RADIO, MOVING PICTURES

the importance of the roles they por-
tray. A year of apprentice work is
required before full membership is
granted. The period is divided into
eight-week units, and includes train-
ing in acting, diction and body-work.
Apprentices are admitted to produc-
tions on occasion. Hilda Simms, the
star of Anna Lucasta was still a com-
parative newcomer when she began
rehearsing the part. Admission to the
studio group is open to all who can
qualify, but the discipline becomes
rigid once the period of probation has
begun. Strict fines are imposed for
tardiness and absenteeism. Eventually,
the American Negro Theatre, which is
open to all actors, plans to build its
own theatre. Abe Hill is Director and
Frederick O'Neal, Personnel Director.
The Negro Actor's Guild of America
has done excellent work since the
guild's foundation in 1937. A member
of the Theatre Authority, headed by
Allen Corelli, the guild uses all funds
obtained from this source for the direct
welfare of indigent actors and ac-
tresses with "not one penny used for
operation expenses." It is devoted:

1. To uphold the honorable and sacred
tradition of the race.

2. To elevate, foster and promote good
fellowship and the spiritual welfare
of the Negro actors and actresses
connected with all branches of the
theatrical profession.

3. To create and develop better under-
standing between the laity and peo-
ple of the theatre.

4. To render service throughout the
country to the actor and actress in
time of illness and distress, and to
offer sympathetic interest and when-
ever possible, voluntary financial as-
sistance to' its members of the thea-
tre.

5. To champion and uphold the high
standards of decency on stage and in
other theatrical fields; and to ap-
pear and support those who adhere
to its standards.

6. To provide for the specific need of
Negroes in the particular circum-
stances arising from the nature of
theatrical conditions.

THE NEGRO ON RADIO PROGRAMS

For a long time, the Negro was un-
known on the radio except for very
minor appearances. Gradually this is
changing. Few scripts come from the
pens of Negroes partly because, to a
large degree, only a certain coterie
of well-known writers are employed to
write radio scripts generally. How-
ever, some very able Negro radio
artists are used on radio programs.

In fact, most of the well-known Ne-
gro singers and practically all of the
name bands and orchestras are heard
over the air from time to time.

The King Cole Trio, The Deep River
Boys, The United States Coast Guard
Quintet, The Eva Jessye Choir, The
Hall Johnson Choir, The Ink Spots,
The Charioteers, The Southernaires,
Golden Gate Quartet and others too
numerous to mention are radio artists.

Standing out as the most popular
of all Negro actors appearing regular-
ly on the radio is the comedian,
"Rochester" (Eddie Anderson), valet,
friend and general adviser to Jack
Benny.

Some Radio Programs on
Which Negroes Appeared in 1943

The Negro Division of the Alabama
Extension Service in Cooperation with
Tuskegee Institute has broadcast
since July 26, 1940, a series of monthly
programs. These broadcasts have dealt
with various phases of farm life in-
cluding production and marketing of
farm products, health, home-making,
etc. They originate in the Chapel of
Tuskegee Institute, and arejieard over
WAPI and WCOV. Transcriptions are
presented over Auburn Farm Network.
A chorus of community singers under
the direction of Mrs. Alberta Simms,
and the Tuskegee Army Air Field Post
Cadet Glee Club have furnished the
music.

The Black Napoleon of Haiti, a
dramatization of the life of Henry
Christophe with an all-Negro cast and
West Indian songs by the Golden Gate
Quartet, was presented over Columbia
on its New Horizons series.

Ben Carter, actor-agent, succeeded
in having a big all-Negro program
signed up for CBS, called the Blue-
berry Hill hour named after the beauti-
ful westside section where the major-
ity of the Negro stars and a number
of affluent citizens reside. Carter,
Mantan Moreland, and Ernest Whit-
man headed the program which in-
cluded choirs, bands, individual artists
and players of various kinds.

Cab Galloway and Dorothy Donegan
were top-notchers on WGN's Mutual
Broadcast program for Treasury Cen-
ter, on a coast to coast hook-up reach-
ing 204 stations in various cities.

Don Redman and his orchestra were
featured attractions over the Mutual
Network on Wednesdays and Satur-

THE NEGRO ON RADIO PROGRAMS

447

days and Sundays. A group of stellar
acts included Bill Bailey, tap dancer;
Maurice Rocco, the sensational Boogie
Woogie specialist; Buck and Bubbles,
Ada Brown, Tops and Wilda, and
Dolores Brown.

Over 100 Negro servicemen from
six branches of the armed forces were
featured on the radio at Hampton In-
stitute in Fighting Men, the nation-
wide victory broadcast sponsored by
the Negro Newspaper Publishers As-
sociation, in observance of National
Negro Newspaper Week. Their half
hour program was heard on a nation-
wide hookup, broadcast over the 200
stations of the Mutual network.
Dramatic highlight of the broadcast
was the first-hand description of sea
rescues in World War II by Chief
Boatswain's Mate, Maxie .Berry, in
charge at Pea Island, N. C., only all-
Negro Coast Guard station in the
country and Boatswain's Mate, John
Mackey, also of Pea Island. Acting
President R. O'Hara Lanier described
the wartime activities of Hampton
Institute and P. B. Young, Jr., Man-
aging Editor of the Norfolk Journal
and Guide, interviewed some of the
fighting men. The 28-piece Third
Band of the Anti-Aircraft Replacement
Center at Fort Eustis, playing the tra-
ditional songs of the Army and Navy,
the Air and Marine Corps, and the
Coast Guard, provided a musical back-
ground for the program which also in-
cluded vocal numbers by the Hamp-
ton Institute Naval School glee club
and the 80th Battalion choir of the
Seabees at Camp Bradford. Master
Sergeant Arthur E. Smith conducted
the band and the naval /trainees
sang under the direction of Charles
Flax of the college music faculty.
Charles H. Hawkins directed the Sea-
bee singers.

In a stirring plea for Negro equality
in the war, Kenneth Spencer highlight-
ed a radio show, Guide to Victory,
sponsored by the CIO Community coun-
cil, over station WLIB. Spencer acted
in dramatized incidents and made a
further plea for support of the Fair
Employment Practices Committee. The
program was handled by two Negro
commentators presenting the plight of
the Negro in the war plant, in em-
ployment offices, officers training
camps, and in southern army camps.

Station WGH in cooperation with
the Hampton Institute Extension Di-

vision sponsored a series of broad-
casts for 3 months known as the
Hampton Institute Forum of the Air.
Such topics as Education for Today
and Tomorrow, Crime and Delin-
quency, Music and Morale, Food and
Nutrition, Social Diseases and the
War, Post-war Education were dis-
cussed by prominent educators and
prominent specialists in various fields
of public welfare. Beginning in Jan-
uary, 1944, the series consisted of 20
broadcasts.

On the occasion of his 70th birth-
day anniversary, special tribute was
paid to W. C. Handy, composer of "St.
Louis Blues" and many other famous
blues, when an all-Handy repertoire
with dramatic highlights of his life
was presented on the second half of
the Roy Shield and Company radio
show over the National Broadcasting
Company's network. Nelson Olmstead,
NBC dramatic narrator, gave a running
story of how Handy came to write
the tunes.

In celebration of the same event, a
birthday testimonial dinner under the
auspices of the Negro Actors Guild of
America was given in his honor at-
tended by notable persons in and out
of the theatre.

Lionel Hampton was presented on
the program Soldiers of Production,
broadcast over WJZ and the entire
network. The program was officially
presented by the War Manpower Com-
mission. This was the initial appear-
ance of a colored band on the show.

Dorothy Mayrnor, soprano, made her
third appearance as the guest of Con-
ductor Andre Kostelanetz on the Coca-
Cola Company's Pause that Refreshes
hour via CBS. She has also appeared
as guest star over WGRC on the pro-
gram Carnival.

Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Dr. Frank
P. Graham, of the University of North
Carolina, Dr. F. D. Patterson of Tus-
kegee Institute, and Dr. Mordecai John-
son of Howard University were speak-
ers on a premier broadcast program
called My People originating from the
Mutual Network. Dr. G. Lake Imes,
originator of the program, acted as
master of ceremonies. The program
was staged in cooperation with the
Office of War Information.

For the first time in history Negro
War Correspondents were heard by
short wave direct from European and
African battle fronts recounting the

448

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATER, RADIO, MOVING PICTURES

graphic story of brave Negro troops
fighting for the "Four Freedoms" on
foreign soil. Presented under the
title, Negro Press — special edition —
the broadcast commemorated the 116th
anniversary of the Negro Press in
the United States and the close of
the fifth annual observance of Na-
tional Negro Newspaper Week. Heard
from London were William Dixon, one
of the Courier's war correspondents
and David H. Orro, representing the
Chicago Defender. Ollie Stewart, cor-
respondent for the Afro-American,
spoke from Algiers.

The vital role and sacrifices of New
York newspapermen in the war
were dramatized in an original 30-
minute radio play, Newspapermen at
War, by the Newspaper Guild of New
York which featured the radio world
premier of W. C. Handy's latest blues
song, "Go Get the Enemy Blues" with
lyrics by Langston Hughes and Geor-
gia Gibbs, as soloist.

Jubilee, a show produced and record-
ed by the War Department and short-
waved overseas, brought the great
luminaries of the world of music
to its microphones in answer to the
scores of request made by fighting
men overseas. Marian Anderson, the
Charioteers, Lena Home, the Mills
Brothers, Noble Sissle's Band, Nico-
demus, Jesse Cryer and Bother well-
known figures were heard on this pro-
gram.

Introducing a new radio program
portraying the patriotism of the Ne-
gro, KECA, Blue Network, was host
to a large crowd of colored and white
guests. The program entitled the
New World Theatre was dedicated to
Abraham Lincoln. The cast included
Hattie McDaniel, Lena Home, Clarence
Muse, Rex Ingram, Hazel Scott, the
Charioteers, Andrew Taylor, the Free
World Choir, composed principally of
Hall Johnson singers, led by Chancery
Reynolds.

Paul Robeson was presented by the
CIO on the Red Network stations of
the NBC in a dramatic story of a Ne-
gro worker's fight to win a war job
and use his skill for victory.

Hazel Scott appeared on a variety
show over WABC in place of the Peo-
ple's Platform.

The "Voice of Freedom" radio pro-
gram over station WMCA had Roy
Wilkins, editor of The Crisis, as guest

speaker. The program is sponsored
by Freedom House.

Ethel Waters, distinguished singer
and dramatic actress, played the lead-
ing role in a warm and moving story
on Columbia network's Radio Readers
Digest program. An unforgettable
character of the story was an humble
Negro woman whose neighborly phil-
anthropies have brought her great
contentment and much honor.

Jane White, Negro student of Smith
College, Northampton, Massachusetts,
appeared on an international program
sponsored by the British Broadcasting
Corporation. Taking the form of a
panel — students and educators in New
York and students and educators in
London participated. The program
was titled Answering You.

Outstanding stars of the Negro race
contributed their services to the Na-
tional Urban League's hour-long radio
program heard over the Columbia
Broadcasting System network in a
broadcast that told' the American
listening audience and the armed
forces abroad of the contributions of
Negro women to the building of Amer-
ica and to the defense of democracy.
The broadcast told the dramatic story
of Phillis Wheatley who was por-
trayed by the well-known actress Fredi
Washington. Mercedes Gilbert was
heard as Sojourner Truth and the
story of Harriet Tubman was enacted
by Edna Mae Harris. The program
ended with a pick-up of Negro women
serving their country in war zones
abroad. The Eva Jessye Choir and
the CBS orchestra furnished music.
The program is unique in that it is the
first time in the history of radio that
the accomplishments and achievements
of Negro women have been heard on
the air in story and fact.

Richard Huey of Bloomer Girl con-
ducted a sustaining program for many
weeks entitled, The Sheep and the
Goats. It was widely applauded.

One of the most popular radio
groups in western theatres of war
was a 28-member chorus from a port
battalion regiment which broadcast
regularly over the American Expedi-
tionary Station on Sundays. The
men's steady hours at the docks did
not leave much time for song rehears-
als, but the energetic chaplain was
able to arrange brief periods of re-
hearsals with the commanding officer.
Originator and assistant director of

THE NEGRO ON RADIO PROGRAMS

449

the chorus was 22-year-old Pvt. Musker
Belfrey, Jr., of Fort Worth, Texas.

The "S. S. Booker T. Washington's"
maiden voyage was dramatized over
the WABC with Juano Hernandez, as
Captain Mulzac, and doubling as one of
the crew. The "Booker T" as part of
a convoy carrying planes to an un-
known port is suddenly separated by
a terrific freezing storm from the
convoy. She almost loses her precious
cargo because her decks are covered
with ice until the skipper shows the
crew how these planes can bs saved,
with heroic acts being performed by
the crew. One colored member climbs
the mast in order to save the venture
and to quote one of the boys, "The
Washington has got to be better than
any ship that sailed the sea 'cause
our skipper is colored and the Hitler
forces at home have said it won't
work."

A Negro musician who fought in
Argonne Forest in the last war and
later toured the continent with Jim
Europe's He!l Fighters Band was one
of the Bridgeport, Conn., war workers
featured on the Soldiers of Production
program over the Blue Network.

Some Radio Programs on
Which Negroes Appeared in 1944

Marian Anderson, Contralto, has
sung on many radio programs. Some
of them were: NBC's Music America
Loves Best, and the Telephone Hour's
Great Artists Series.

Carol Brice, young contralto, made
her radio debut over NBC with the
Kansas City Philharmonic Orchestra.
Her singing was smooth, beautiful and
enchanting.

Brigadier General Benjamin 0.
Davis, assistant to the army's Inspec-
tor General and highest ranking Negro
officer in the army spoke from France
on the Army Hour over WMAQ-NBC.
General Davis described his inspec-
tion tour of Negro troops on the Con-
tinent.

The Alfred I. Dupont Award for dis-
tinctive programming, radio's most
coveted prize, was awarded in the
5,000 watt class to Station WMAZ in
Macon, Ga., which sponsored the week-
ly Fort Valley State College Radio
Series during 1943. The award citation
reads . . . "for . . . completeness in
constructive aid to education, public
service and patriotic morale building."

The Fort Valley College. Radio Series
has had a wide range, including Mar-
garet Walker, Negro poet; Robert
Bellaire, Far Eastern correspondent;
Agnes Smedley, China's revolutionary
correspondent; F. D. Patterson, Pres-
ident of Tuskegee Institute; musical
dramatizations by the Fort Valley
choir, assisted by the College Players
Guild, and other varied features
which have built up a wide audience.

Jimmy Britton sang on the RAAF's
weekly radio broadcast, Take Off Time.

Maurice Ellis portrayed the part of
a forest ranger on the Mr. District At-
torney broadcast because of the suit-
ability of his voice. The sketch was
called The Case of the Fire Monster,
and was broadcast over NBC. He was
seen in the Broadway production,
The Skin of our Teeth, and frequently
is heard over radio.

Lena Home appeared in a coast-to-
coast presentation of the program
Suspense.

Dr. B. E. Mays, President of More-
house College, appeared on the Chi-
cago Round Table radio broadcast
over Station WSB.

Major R. R. Wright made an address
over station WIP commemorating the
anniversary of the death of Crispus
A.ttucks who died «a hero's death de-
fending his country, March 5, 1770.

On radio drama series Stories of the
United Nations, sponsored jointly by
the Des Moines Public Library and the
Drake University School of Radio, the
story of the great American scientist,
George Washington Carver, based on
the recent book Zeorge Washington
Carver by Shirley Graham and George
Lipscombe was told.

Richard Wright, author of Native
Son and Etta Moten, star of Porgy
and Bess, in New York discussed Ed-
win Embree's 13 Against the Odds
over WQXR's program, Other People's
Business. Neil S'cott of Interstate
United Newspapers arranged the radio
discussion.

Walter White, Executive Secretary
of the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People, in a
nation-wide radio talk over CBS gave
an account of his 20,000-mile trip to
Great Britain, Ireland, North Africa
and Italy.

Well-known hymns and Negro spir-
ituals are sung by the noted all-Negro
choir on Columbia's Wings Over Jor-

450

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATER, RADIO, MOVING PICTURES

dan program, which is supervised by
the Rev. Glenn T. Settle, pastor of the
Cleveland, Ohio, Gethsemane Baptist
Church. The choir is directed by
Maurice Goldman.

Setting a new precedent in radio
broadcasts from army posts the Na-
tional Broadcasting Company and its
affiliated stations from coast to coast
featured a special half-hour program
commemorating the Third Annivers-
ary of the Tuskegee Army Air Field on
August 9, 1944. Among the guest
speakers were Major General William
O. Butler, Commanding General of the
Army Air Forces, Eastern Flying
Training Command, with Headquar-
ters at Maxwell Field, Montgomery,
Ala.; Colonel Noel F. Parrish, Com-
manding Officer of the Tuskegee Army
Air Field and Veteran combat pilots
of the celebrated squadrons trained
at Tuskegee. Special music was fea-
tured by the 613th Army Air Forces
Band under the direction of Captain
Frank L. Drye; and the Cadet Glee
Club of fifty voices, directed by Sgt.
Philip Medley. The program gave an
over-all picture of three years of train-
ing Negro pilots for the Army Air
Forces Training Command.

"Men 0' War," the theme song and
title of the navy's all-colored radio
program broadcast from the United
States Naval Training Center in Il-
linois was the only all-colored service
show presented weekly over a radio
network. The show had an amazing
variety of brilliant musical features.
There were sweet and torrid hits by
the swing band, spirituals and march-
ing songs by a 200-voice regimental
choir, martial music by a military
band, and songs in exciting and unique
arrangements by the octet and the quar-
tet. "Men O' War" also brought in-
formation about the navy. Each week
a colored recruit was selected to tell
the radio audience what he had seen,
heard and done in the navy and to
tell how he felt about it. The entire
production was written, produced and
presented by the colored personnel. E.
W. Hathcock, formerly director of
Music at Morris Brown College, At-
lanta, Georgia, was the Petty Officer
in charge of the band, music and en-
tertainment department. The script
writer and blue jacket announcer was
Thomas Anderson, who was Assistant
Director to Orson Welles in the Negro
Theatre in Harlem.

New York's first woman radio pro-
ducer, Barbara M. Watson, has the
hope of bringing more happiness into
the world through her program, / am
Your Nextdoor Neighbor.

Paul Robeson, noted actor and sing-
er, served as narrator for a two-way
short-wave broadcast that the Overseas
Branch of the United States Office of
War Information and the British
Broadcasting Corporation presented
jointly February 12, 1944, to com-
memorate the 135th anniversary of the
birth of Abraham Lincoln, sixteenth
President of the United States. In ad-
dition to serving as narrator Mr. Robe-
son sang, The Battle Hymn of the Re-
public. The original program was
short-waved over 10 stations out of
New York to North AJrica, Europe, the
Near East and South Africa, with
simultaneous relays through the
United Nations radio, Algiers and the
American Expeditionary stations in
North Africa.

Canada Lee, played the title role in
NBC's drama, George Washington
Carver. The play was included in the
network's Words at War series. Fred-
eric March, celebrated actor of screen
and stage was heard as the story-
teller. The radio play was adapted
from Rackham Holt's biography of
the famed scientist and scholar and
was presented as a salute to the birth-
day anniversary of the great emanci-
pator, Abraham Lincoln. The musical
setting was arranged by Juanita Hall,
prominent soprano and choral director,
and William Meeder, NBC organist.

As his personal contribution to the
National War Fund, Canada Lee made
an electrical transcription to be played
on 912 radio stations through the
country in connection with the Na-
tional War Fund nation-wide drive.

Butterfly McQueen (this is her real
name) appears in the Jack Benny
show as Rochester's niece, over NBC.
Her role is that of an American maid
and her comedy has proved to be one
of the program's highlights. She first
came to public notice as a comedienne
in George Abbott's Broadway produc-
tion Brown Sugar. Then she appeared
in Gone With the Wind as Prissy.

The National Urban League cele-
brated its 12th annual Vocational Op-
portunity Campaign by a special broad-
cast Salute to. Freedom over the NBC
network. This broadcast was designed
as part of the National Urban League's

THE NEGRO IN MOVING PICTURES

451

week-long campaign for inter-racial
unity. Frederic March was narrator.
H. V. Kaltenborn reported on the Ne-
gro's part in the total war picture.
Lloyd K. Garrison, distinguished law-
yer, member of the National War La-
bor Board and Dean of the University
of Wisconsin Law School, was guest
speaker. Hazel Scott, piano-playing
and singing star; John Kirby and his
band and the "Charioteers" furnished
music.

In 1944 in cooperation with the city-
wide Citizens Committee of Harlem,
WMCA broadcast a serialization of the
best seller, New World A-Coming, by
Roi Ottley, dramatizing the inner
meanings of Negro life with Canada
Lee as narrator. Later it included
other topics related to the Negro's
welfare. Many outstanding artists of
stage and screen have appeared on
the program, along with other prom-
inent personalities. Some of them
are : Maurice Ellis, Richard Huey, P. J.
Sidney Wright, Maxine Sullivan, Leigh
Whipper, Hazel Scott, Hilda Simms,
Josh White, Buell Thomas, Hester
Sondergaard, Paula Bauersmith, Mar-
ian Anderson, Muriel Smith, Clarence
Foster, Doris Block, Rosetta LeNoire,
Mary Lou Williams, Hilda Offley, Earle
Hyman, Laura Duncan, Ken Renard,
Hall Johnson Choir, Walter White,
Dr. Channing Tobias and Dr. Algernon
Block. Duke Ellington's composition,
New World A-Coming, was used on the
program, which was set for 26 weeks
as a sustaining program.

Dr. James E. Shephard, President
of North Carolina College for Negroes,
Langston Hughes, poet and novelist,
John Temple Graves, author and syn-
dicated columnist and Carey McWil-
liams author of Brothers Under the
Skin and other writings on minority
group problems appeared in a sym-
posium, Let's Face the Race Question,
a Town Hall Meeting of the Air pro-
gram, in February, 1944.

THE NEGRO IN MOVING PICTURES

From the beginning of the movies
and the talkies the roles assigned to
Negroes were only those which por-
trayed them as buffoons, as unintel-
ligent or subservient persons or as
servants. Of late, however, there has
been a trend toward giving Negroes
better roles. This trend has been due
to the fact that there has been a re-

volt among Negroes, led to a great ex-
tent by the National Association for
the Advancement of Colored People,
against being stereotyped; and also
to the fact that more and more Ne-
gro actors with superior talents and
training are entering the theatrical
field and are able to compete, because
of their qualifications, on an equal
basis with other actors.
Some Prominent Actors and
Actresses in Moving Pictures

Eddie Anderson (Rochester) has the
knack of "stealing the show." In The
Meanest Man in the World, he is the
man of all work, confidante, severest
critic and escape valve. Some of the
pictures he has appeared in are: Star
Spangled Rhythm. Dixie. What's Buz-
zin, Cousin f Broadway Rhythm.

Anne Brown sang in Warner Broth-
ers' Rhapsody in Blue, the biography
of George Gershwin.

Count Basie and his Band have ap-
peared in the following pictures: Choo
Choo Swing, Top Man, Crazy House.
Stage Door Canteen, Hit Parade of
1943, Reveille with Beverly, which also
featured Duke Ellington and his Band,
the Mills Brothers and others.

Twentieth Century-Fox Studios has
produced Crash Dive in which Ben
Carter is shown as a courageous mess-
man on a submarine, who rushes to
the defense of Tyrone Power in a crit-
ical moment.

Jesse A. Graves has been cast as one
of the 50 judges on the International
Tribune in None Shall Escape a body
trying Hitler for plunging the world
into war. Other films in which he
played include Jimmy Cagney's John-
ny Come Lately, Warner's Rhapsody
in Blue, Columbia's Is Everybody Hap-
py f and After Midnight.

By far the best role any Negro actor
has had in Hollywood films for a long
time is the one Rex Ingram plays in
Columbia's" Somewhere in Sahara, the
story of an American 28-ton tank and
its crew in the North African desert,
starring Humphrey Bogart. He has
also played in Cabin in the Sky and
Fired Wives.

Lena Home, most popular current
Negro movie actress, has appeared in
Panama Hattie, Cabin in the Sky,
Broadway Rhythm, Stormy Weather,
As Thousands Cheer, Two Sisters and
a Sailor and others. In Stormy Weath-
er she was given an opportunity to

452

THE NEGRO IN THE THEATER, RADIO, MOVING PICTURES

display much of her singing, dancing
and acting talent. Lena Home is
said to have drawn $3,000 for her work
in this picture. She made her screen
debut in 1938 in The Duke is Tops, an
all-colored movie, with Ralph Cooper.
Says Time in its January 4, 1943
issue: "Unlike most Negro Chant-
euses, Lena Home eschews the barrel-
house manner, claws no walls, con-
ducts herself with the seductive re-
serve of a Hildegarde. But when Lena
sings at dinner and supper, forks are
halted in mid-air. Flashing one of
the most magnificent sets of teeth
visible outside of a store she seethes
her songs with the air of a bashful
volcano. As she reaches the end of
Honeysuckle Rose ("When I'm tak-
ing sips from your tasty lips, seems
the honey fairly drips") her audience
is gasping." Miss Home was presented
the annual Page One Medal Award
by the New York Newspaper Guild as
the "Brightest Singing Star of 1943."

Miss Home was born in Brooklyn,
New York. At the ege of 16 she took
advantage of her mother's former pro-
fessional career — she was an actress
with the old Lafayette Stock Company
— and got a job in the chorus line o"
the Cotton Club in Harlem. After a
brief respite, she joined Noble Sissle's
orchestra as vocalist touring the
country for two years. Lou Leslie
signed her for a part in his Black-
birds. Then she was booked as vocal-
ist with Charlie Barnet's band. After
a few months on the radio, Miss Home
was booked for Cafe Society Downtown
in New York. Deciding to try her luck
on the West Coast, she arrived at the
time the Little Troc was being opene'd.
She got a booking into the new night
club, was accepted overnight and car-
ried on for six weeks. Then she was
booked into the Mocambo. An MGM
scout spotted her there and immediate-
ly signed her to appear in Panama
Hattie. She is under a seven-year con-
tract to MGM.

20th Century-Pox's Stormy Weather
co-stars Lena Home and Bill Robinson
and features Cab Galloway and his
band, Katherine Dunham and her
dancers, Fats Waller, Dooley Wilson,
Ada Brown, the Nicholas Brothers and
others.

Canada Lee in Lifeboat portrays a
ship-wrecked steward from a freighter.

Sybie Lewis appearing in Warner
Brothers Since You Went Away is
shown on the assembly line with the
stellar characters in a defense plant.

Sergeant Joe Louis, Lieutenant Ron-
ald Reagan and Sergeant Claude Turn-
er were used in the film version of
This is the Army.

Pigmeat Marham, famed funny-man
of the vaudeville stage, received his
first role under his screen acting con-
tract in Moonlight and Cactus a cam-
pus picture featuring the Andrew
Sisters.

Hattie McDaniel had a leading role
in the David O. Selznick Produc-
tion, Since You Went Away. Miss
McDaniel is featured in McLeod's Folly
a drama by Columbia Studios and ap-
peared in Warner Brothers musical
hit, Thank Your Lucky Stars, with
Jesse Brooks, Rita Christina and Wil-
lie Best.

Nina Mae McKinney completed a
role in Columbia's A Woman's Priv-
ilege starring Irene Dunne and Charles
Boyer. She appears also in Dark Wat-
ers, and Columbia's Together Again.

Florence O'Brien seen as the wife
of Dooley Wilson in Stormy Weather
played in a Jewish picture and spoke
Jewish dialogue, the first time a col-
ored girl has played such a part in
Hollywood.

Lillian Randolph, RKO star, is a
veteran of twenty-five films. She is
known for her homey, original char-
acter portrayal of Birdie on the Great
Gildersleeve air show since 1941. She
was signed out of a night club for the
role of Asia in RKO Radio's Little
Men. She received her first break as
an actress at the age of 18 in Lucky
Sambo when her sister, a member of
the cast, became ill. Coming to Hol-
lywood on a vacation trip she crashed
the movies unintentionally when a
producer saw her at a night club.
After her first stage appearance Miss
Randolph was in radio work and was
identified with a program known as
Lulu and Leander for a'most 3 yea-s.

Bill Robinson, born May 25, 1878,
leading tap dancer, the star of many
musical reviews, obtained his first
romantic lead in Stormy Weather.
a biography of his life. He is said to
have been paid $4,000 per week for his
work in this picture.

Hazel Scott, a favorite of New York's
Cafe Society, appears in Something to
Shout About and plays two nianos at

THE NEGRO IN MOVING PICTURES

453

once in a sensational sequence in Co-
lumbia's Tropicana. The number is
entitled White Keys and Black Keys.
Another number especially written for
Miss Scott in which she both sings
and plays is When the Caissons Go
Rolling Along. It is a take-off on the
marching song of the field artillery,
and is the center of a large all-Negro
sequence. Hazel Scott also appears
in Broadway Rhythm, in Rhapsody in
Blue, The Heat's On, and I Doo'd It.
She is said to have drawn $1,500 a
week for I Doo'd It and $4,000 per
week for Broadway Rhythm and May
West's Tropicana.

Kenneth Spencer has a good role in
Bataan produced* by Metro-Goldwyn-
Mayer.

Ethel Waters as the star, Eddie
"Rochester" Anderson, Lena Home,
Rex Ingram, Louis Armstrong, Ken-
neth Spencer, John W. "Bubbles" Sub-
left, Oscar Polk, Mantan Moreland.
Willie Best, Fletcher "Moke" Rivers,
Leon "Poke" James, Bill Barley, Ford
L. "Buck" Washington, Butterfly Mc-
Queen, Ruby Dandridge, Nicodemus
and Ernest Whitman were outstand-
ing in Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer's Cabin
in the Sky.

Leigh Whipper played in Ox-Bow In-
cident, The Vanishing Virginian and
other pictures. The distinguished role
in Warner Brothers Mission to Moscow
is perhaps the most important role
ever given to a Negro actor. Whipper
portrays Haile Selassie in the League
of Nations sequence. During the pro-
duction of the picture when Whipper
concluded his stirring speech to the
League's delegates urging them to
unite against Axis aggression, the
crowd on the set burst into spon-
taneous applause. Leigh Whipper was
born in Charleston, S. C. He was
educated at St. Paul's Academy,
Bethesda, Md., and at Howard Uni-
versity where he participated ' in
theatricals and graduated in law in
1898. In 1901 he joined the Georgia
Minstrels with whom he toured for
many years. Whipper has appeared in
at least 21 Broadway productions, the
most important of which are Steve-
dore, Emperor Jones, Marching Men,
and Of Mice and Men.

Arthur "Dooley" Wilson in Casa-
blanca revived Herman Hupfeld's
song As Time Goes By written in 1931
and made of it a sensational present-

day success. More than 300,000 copies
of the song have been sold* since
Wilson started singing it. Dooley Wil-
son was born in Tyler, Texas, sang
with the late James Reese Europe's
historic jazz band, and after Europe's
death formed his own band touring
from Paris to Casablanca and Port
Said. In recent years he has worked in
the Federal Theatre Project, playing
in the Show-Off, Androcles and the
Lion, and the Broadway production,
Cabin in the Sky. He has signed a
long-term contract with RKO Studios.
Fighting American portrayed by
Toddy Pictures Company is a full-
length picture of training of flyers
at the Tuskegee Army Flying Field
and the actual induction of Negro
women in all the phases of Army Mili-
tary Training from the recruit to
office personnel.

Warner Brothers Studio has pro-
duced, In This Our Life, adapted from
the novel by Ellen Glasgow in which
the young Negro actor, Ernest Ander-
son, played a dignified and forthright
role.

The historic film, The Negro Soldier,
was well received by audiences,
both white and Negro. It portrays
the heroic role of the Negro through-
out American military history. The
major portion of the film is given
over to shots of the Negro troops in
training camps through the country
from Fort Custer to Huachuca. A
thread of dramatic continuity is con-
veyed through a Negro mother who
reads a letter from her son at her
church service detailing his routine
from induction to his preparation for
Officers' School. The role of the moth-
er is played by Bertha Wolford and the
son by Lieutenant Norman Ford. Carl-
ton Moss acted as Technical Ad-
visor for the film. Several excellent
Negro composers and arrangers were
associated on the musical staff of the
production, including William Grant
Still, Phil Moore of Shoo Shoo Baby
fame, Calvin Jackson and Jester Hair-
ston.

RKO-Pathe newsreels national re-
leases included shots of the famous
99th Pursuit Squadron in action over
Italy as part of the Allied Advance
in that theatre of war. Part of a
continuity titled Allied Advance in
Italy the 99th shots are first of their
kind since America entered the war.

454 THE NEGRO IN THE THEATER, RADIO, MOVING PICTURES

EDUCATIONAL
FILMS AND RADIO SCRIPTS*

The films and scripts listed below
may be secured on a loan, rental or
purchase basis from the sources in-
dicated:

Radio Scripts

"The following radio scripts are dis-
tributed by the U. S. Office of Educa-
tion through its Script Exchange
Service which provides assistance to
groups studying radio writing, speak-
ing, acting, sound effects, and pro-
gram production. The scripts have
excellent value for intercultural edu-
cation. Volumes of scripts are loaned
for four weeks and single scripts for
three weeks. Inquiry should be made
to: U. S. Office of Education, Federal
Security Agency, Educational Radio
Script and Transcription Exchange,
Washington 25, D. C:

"Beyond the Call of Duty." The heroic
efforts of Negro citizens to do their
part to preserve liberty in the
present struggle is dramatized in
this script, written especially for
Race Relations Sunday, February
14, 1943, by Adele Nathan and
Blevins Davis.

"The Land of the Free." The prohibi-
tion of slavery in the Ordinance of
1787; the development of this idea
and its effect upon the history of
the United States.

"The Negro in the United States." This
program shows that the Negro, like
most of the other ethnic groups, has
been with us from the beginning.
It also shows the large part he
t has played in our artistic as well as

our economic life.

"Right of Racial Equality." (Let Free-
dom Ring series.)
"Right of Suffrage." (Let Freedom Ring

series.)

"Trial by Jury." (Let Freedom Ring
series.)

Transcriptions

Library of Congress. Afro -American
Spirituals, Work Songs, Ballads, Blues,
and Game Songs. Edited by Alan Lo-
max. Albums III and IV. Washington,
D. C. The Library of Congress, Ref-
erence Department, Division of Music.

United States Office of Education.
The Transcription Service of the U. S.
Office of Education is maintained to
serve schools and colleges, as well as
other institutions, organizations, or
radio stations, actively engaged in edu-
cation or in the promotion of public
morale. These transcriptions offer ex-
cellent teaching aids as well as in-
spirational and morale -building media.

*From "Sources of Instructional Ma-
terial on Negroes" by Dr. Ambrose Cal-
iver, U. S. Office of Education.

There are over 200 titles from which to
choose. The following have particular
interest. Full details and instructions
may be obtained from the U. S. Office
of Education, Federal Security Agency,
Educational Radio Script and Tran-
scription Exchange, Washington 25,
D. C.

"Freedom's People." This series of
30-minute, dramatized, educational pro-
grams deal with the Negro's partici-
pation in American life. They are in-
tended to serve the purpose of pro-
moting national unity and better racial
relations. They are well suited for
audiences ranging from the middle-
elementary grade level to the adult
level. Each of the programs of this
series, except No. B-108 is one hour in
length and occupies both sides of each
of two 16-inch transcriptions. Circula-
tion basis: Available either for loan or
for purchase. (Price: $1.50 per com-
plete program copy.) Program scripts:
The scripts of all eight of these pro-
grams are available in a single volume.
"Contributions to Music." (B-101)
"Contributions to Science and Discov-
ery." (B-102)

"Contributions to Sports." (B-103)
"Contributions to Military Service."

(B-104)

"The Negro Worker." (B-105)
"Contributions to Education." (B-106)
"Contributions to the Creative Arts."

(B-107)
"The Negro and Christian Democracy."

(B-108)

"The Negro in the United States." (A-
104.) This program tells the story
of the contribution of the Negro —
labor, artistic contributions, and
the part he played in bringing
public education to the South after
the War between the States. Pur-
chase only: three 12-inch transcrip-
tions.

Educational Films

Board of Missions, Presbyterian Church.
"Rise of a Race." 2 reels, 16 mm.,
silent. New York. 156 Fifth Avenue.
Tells the story of Presbyterian
missions in the South among Ne-
groes.

Educational Film Library Association.
"As Our Boyhood Is." 18 minutes,
16 mm., sound. $3. New York, 45
Rockefeller Plaza. An accurate ac-
count of the best in education for
• Negroes in rural areas with enough
indication of the worst to show that
while progress has been made, there
is much work yet to be done. Pro-
duced by the American Film Center
under a grant from the General
Education Board.

Garrison Film Distribution, Inc. "Amer-
ica's Disinherited." 3 reels, 16mm.,
sound. New York, 1600 Broadway.
Records the efforts being made to
aid sharecroppers.

Garrison Film Distribution, Inc. "If a
Boy Needs a Friend." 1 reel, 16
mm., silent. Pictures the friend-
ship which may develop between
boys of different races.

EDUCATIONAL FILMS AND RADIO SCRIPTS

455

The Harmon Foundation. "Africa." 16
mm., silent. Subjects available
thru the Harmon Foundation from
their Africa motion picture project
include: "Children of Africa"; "A
Day in an African Village"; "The
Story of Bamba"; "How an African
Tribe is Ruled"; "What a Mis-
sionary Does in Africa"; "Christian
Education in Africa"; "David Liv-
ingstone."

The Harmon Foundation. "Calhoun —
the Way to a Better Future." 1
reel, 16 mm., silent. $1.50. Docu-
ments the work of Calhoun School
among the rural Negro peoples of
Lowndes County, Alabama. Shows
the bleak monotony of the land
and the squalid living conditions of
the Negro population. A typical
p'antation school is shown; then
the work of a better school, par-
tially administered by Calhoun, is
treated; and finally the Calhoun
School itself is shown, with its
influence in improving the living
conditions of the people.

The Harmon Foundation. "Art in Ne-
gro Schools." 2 reels, 16 mm., silent.
$3. A general approach to the place
of art education in the general
scheme of preparing for a well-
rounded life. Indicates the develop-
ment in training in art expression
thru dramatics, music, dancing, and
the fine arts in several leading
Negro schools.

The Harmon Foundation. "Hampton
Institute — Its Program of Education
for Life." 3 reels, 16 mm., silent;
kodachrome, $10; black and white,
$4.50. This is an overall view of
the philosophy of Hampton showing
opportunities offered for work as
• well as study and preparation in
trades, agriculture, home econom-
ics, teaching, business, and the
like. Brief consideration is given
to historical aspects.

The Harmon Foundation. "The Negro
and Art." 1 reel, 16 mm., silent.
$1.50. This film presents in pictorial
record the combined efforts of the
foremost Negro artists of America
and depicts concrete . advancement
in Negro art and culture.

The Harmon Foundation. "Painting
in Oil." 1 reel, 16 mm., silent, koda-
chrome, $3. Demonstrations in still
life by Palmer Hayden, Negro
artist. Illustrates technics for
painting with oil.

The Harmon Foundation. "A Study of
Negro Artists." 4 reels, 16 mm., si-
lent. $4.50. This film presents in-
timate glimpses of a number of out-
standing Negro artists, showing
their places of work, their methods,
and some of their productions. Em-

phasizes that the Negro must first
earn his living and consider his
art avocational. Consideration is
given his opportunities to study
art.

The Harmon Foundation. "Xavier Uni-
versity— America's Only Catholic
College for Negro Youth." 1 reel,
16 mm., silent $1.50. Surveys in in-
formal journalistic style the range
of facilities and activities at
Xavier, including academic, athletic
and social.

The Harmon Foundation. "Y. W. C.
A., Harlem, N. Y." 1 reel, 16 mm.,
silent. $1.50. Shows the advantages
in training for economic usefulness
and the sports and recreation avail-
able at the Y. W. C. A. in the
center of New York's Harlem.

National Tuberculosis Association. "Let
My People Live." 16 mm., sound.
15 min. New York. 1790 Broadway.
Dramatization by an all-Negro cast
of the necessity for early diagnosis
and treatment of tuberculosis.

Office of War Information. "Henry
Browne, Farmer." 1 reel, 16 mm.,
sound. Produced by the Depart-
ment of Agriculture, this is a sim-
ple, down to earth story of a Negro
family in wartime — what they are
doing individually and collectively
to win the war.

Office of War Information. "Negro Col-
leges in Wartime." 1 reel, 16 mm.,
sound. 8 min. Wartime activities
carried on in America's Negro Col-
leges, from Army classes in auto-
mechanics to scientific experimen-
tation in laboratories.

Office of War Information. "The Negro
Soldier." 4 reels, 16 mm., sound 45
min. The film is an excellent con-
tribution to a fuller understanding
of the vital role of the Negro in
our democracy. It goes back into
the foundations of our Nation to
tell what the Negro has done for
his country and shows him in ac-
tion in all of the wars of the Re-
public from the War of Independ-
ence through World War II.

Southern Education Foundation. "The
Jeanes Teacher and Her Work." 1
reel, 16 mm.; 2 reels, 35 min., sound.
Washington, D. C., 726 Jackson
Place, N. W.

Teaching Film Custodians. "The Story
of Doctor Carver." 16 mm., sound.
10 min. New York; 25 West 43rd
Street. The story of a little slave
boy who became an outstanding
scientist.

U. S. Department of Agriculture. "The
Negro Farmer." 16 mm., sound. 30
min. Activities of the Extension
Service of the United States Depart-
ment of Agriculture among Negro
farmers in the South.

DIVISION XXI

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE

By ARTHUR P. DAVIS
Howard University

NEGRO LITERATURE
CHARACTERIZED

Though no definite break with the
past in literary matters occurred in
1941, the declaration of war in that
year did bring about a quickening of
Negro protest — a quickening which has
been reflected in every type of litera-
ture written by Negroes. This new
leaven of discontent has tended to give
some measure of unity and distinc-
tiveness to the Negro American litera-
ture of the 1941-46 period.

Because of the length of time in-
volved in this survey (and the re-
sultant large number of publications),
it is necessary to limit our appraisal
to three major fields: Fiction, poetry,
and biography. There has been added,
however, a fourth group labeled "Mis-
cellaneous Writings." Patently a catch-
all, this section makes no attempt at
completeness. It will simply try to
give a representative sampling of the
major works in fields other than the
three principal ones mentioned above.

A word more about the limitation of
scope — this resume will deal only with
the books by Negro authors published
in the period, not the magazine ar-
ticles; and these works will be pri-
marily those found in Mr. Arthur B.
Spingarn's yearly lists in The Crisis.

There will, of course, be some omis-
sions. Although they are excellent,
Spingarn's lists are not complete.
Moreover, several of the minor works
he has entered are not available even
in the Library of Congress. And there
are always other minor works which
escape all bibliographical compilers,
but which never fail to crop up after-
wards to plague the unfortunate critic
who has overlooked them.

Negro Literature As
American Literature

Because there is a constant tendency
to think of Negro American writing as
mere "Negro literature," a note of re-
minder would not be out of place here.

It is to be understood that the litera-
ture we are examining, although its
subject matter is predominately con-
cerned with the Negro's struggle for
equality, is not a tradition apart from
the main stream of American literary
development. It does not constitute a
unique cultural pattern. The Negro
writer, whether in 1760 or in 1941, is
an American and his work is Ameri-
can literature.

A brief comment on the background
of our period is necessary. In reality,
it would not be amiss to begin this
background discussion with a consid-
eration of the 1925 New Negro Move-
ment, because many of the best known
writers in this period began their ca-
reers during the New Negro Renais-
sance. Space, however, does not per-
mit such a long running start. It is
sufficient to state that that Movement
was more of a fad than a real literary
revival; and after its debacle, the Ne-
gro writer settled down in the late
thirties to a less exotic and a more
genuinely productive course.

General Trends Characterizing
Negro American Writing

By 1941 the following general trends
characterized Negro American writing:

(1) A tendency away from the emphasis
on poetry which had distinguished
Negro creative effort during- the
twenties and early thirties. Able
poets like McKay, Bontemps, Rich-
ard Wright, and Sterling Brown by
this time had turned either largely
or entirely to prose. Publication
of first-rate volumes of verse had
become extremely rare.

(2) A continued emphasis on the folk
element in Negro writing. The New
Negro rediscovered the importance
of folk material and gave it new
meaning. Since that period, both
poets and prose writers have found
the folk lode profitable and have
mined it continually.

(3) A new insistence upon documentary
social analysis particularly with ref-
erence to the race problem. The
influence of this trend was appar-
ent not only in the many scholarly
publications in the socio-economic
field, but in fiction as well.

456

FICTION: 1941-46

457

(4) A swing to the left. Many of the
best Negro writers came to see the
race problem as essentially prole-
tarian, and this conviction is ex-
pressed in their productions. In ad-
dition, the depression and the rise
of fascism at home and abroad
helped to promote this leftist trend.

(5) A much stronger emphasis on social
protest than had heretofore existed.
Negro literature has always been
primarily a protest literature, but
America's entrance into a war to
make democracy prevail became a
signal, as it were, for the Negro
writer to open the flood gates of
social protest.

There should be added finally that
Negro American writing by 1941 had
definitely passed its apprentice stage.
Though still weak in one or two areas,
notably the drama and biography, it
no longer needed to be apologetic. Ob-
jective, diversified, and capable, it had
become another important source
spring of the main stream of Ameri-
can literature.

FICTION: 1941-46

General Tendencies

The outstanding phenomenon in the
fiction of this period has been the rise
of a fast-growing school of hard-boiled
writers. The chief members of this
new school are Richard Wright, Wil-
liam Attaway (both of whom wrote in
this vein before 1941), Charles Offord,
Ann Petry, and Chester Himes.

This school specializes in depicting
the sordidness and the social degen-
eracy ono finds in the modern city
slum, particularly in the black ghettos
of these slums. Emphasizing the bru-
tality of a social order geared to pro-
duce Bigger Thomases, these writers
delineate in harsh detail the helpless-
ness of the victims and the warping
and distorting influence on their per-
sonalities wrought by this hostile so-
cial scheme. The writers of this group
say in effect: Here is what the preju-
diced American system does to the
Negro. All he asks is a chance to live
a decent normal life. America not only
denies him that chance, but it also
makes of him a brutal caricature of
humanity.

Primarily writers of social criticism
and protest, these hard-boiled novelists
make frequent use of so-called filth and
obscenity, a fact which has alienated
many Negro readers. The latter tend
to forget, however, that this objec-
tionable material is not inserted wholly
for sensational effect. Another weapon
in the arsenal of protest, it is used to

shock the American conscience into an
awareness of the inequalities and in-
justices in our system. Though not
"officially" Marxist, these writers have
been influenced by leftist sentiments
and leftist literature.

A serious charge against this school
has been that some of their more sen-
sational characters are simply neu-
rotic personalities and not necessarily
Negro characters. This false racialism,
adverse critics claim, tends to detract
from the depth of their books and the
message they wish to convey.

The works of this school, however,
have been immensely popular with
white readers particularly, and this
popularity has invalidated the long-
held belief that Negro writing must
pull its punches if it is to appeal to a
remunerative white audience. On the
contrary the success of these works
seems to point to a new stereotype:
The ultra-hard-boiled, ultra-sexy, ul-
tra-sensational Negro novel.

The Negro novelist now appears to
have three rather well-defined audi-
ences to which he can slant his work:
The "racial," the "liberal-protest," and
the "popular." A book, for instance,
like Micheaux's Case of Mrs. Wingate
(1945) seems designed primarily for a
Negro reading public. The hard-boiled
novels are obviously slanted to reach
the liberal element in both groups but
particularly in the white group. The
Foxes o/ Harrow (1946) by Yerby was
evidently written for popular consump-
tion without a "race" tag and with an
obvious eye on Hollywood.

One notes a very interesting omis-
sion in the fiction of this period. None
of it deals directly with the war. In
only two or three works does the war
effort enter at all and then only ob-
liquely. In all probability we are too
close to the event, and the Negro war
novel will come later. As the treatment
of the Negro service man was the out-
standing grievance of the colored press,
this novel may well have that theme.

Major Novels

Blood on the Forge (1941) by Wil-
liam Attaway is a novel of the hard-
boiled type, and it depicts with rough
realism the story of three Negro broth-
ers who leave rural Kentucky to go
to the steel mills in Western Penn-
sylvania. One of the first to describe
the impact of a highly industrialized
society on the Negro peasant mind,

458

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE

Attaway opens a comparatively new
and fruitful vein for the Negro novel-
ist. This is Mr. Attaway's second novel,
the first, Let Me Breathe Thunder, ap-
peared in 1939.

The White Face (1943) by Charles
Ruthaven Offord, a first novel, tells
the story of two Negro sharecroppers,
man and wife, who leave Georgia to
seek freedom in Harlem. Their subse-
quent hardships, their entanglement
with white law in a white world, and
their final tragic encounter with pro-
Nazi agents make a painfully violent
and sordid story. Highly exaggerated
and not always convincing, the novel
yet has a strong and pertinent mes-
sage for America. Typical of the
hard-boiled school of writing, it makes
a vigorous plea for a better under-
standing of the Negro peasants' dilem-
ma in the Black Metropolises of Amer-
ica.

The Raven (1944), a first novel by
Chancellor Williams, is a significant
work. Though over-written in parts,
it is an eloquent argument for a better
understanding of Poe's much publi-
cized peculiarities. Moreover, it tells a
fascinating story and gives an unusual
slant on Poe's sexual dilemma. The
book also credits Poe with much more
social consciousness and anti-slavery
sentiment than are historically asso-
ciated with him. Mr. Williams has not
written from a "racial" viewpoint. The
novel is the first of its kind— that is, a
fictionalized portrait of a world^ fa-
mous figure by a Negro American
writer.

l-f He Hollers Let Him Go (1945)
by Chester Himes is the toughest of
the hard-boiled novels. With a neu-
rotic character that is never fully de-
veloped, it runs the gamut of violence
and sex from lesbianism to attempted
rape. The novel has a message, but
somehow the message gets lost in the
sensationalism of the work, and the
reader gets only a partially-developed
study of frustration, superficially
tinged with race oppression. Like all
of the novels of its type, however, it
has been popular; it has therefore
helped to make liberal America more
conscious of the Negro's plight.

The Street (1946) by Ann Petry is
another promising first novel. It tells
the tragic story of the futile efforts of
a Negro mother to provide a decent
home in Harlem for her only son, a
nine-year-old "key" child. In the novel

116th Street is the antagonist, sym-
bolizing all the evil inherent in the
bad housing, the bad sanitation, the
violence, and the bestiality of segre-
gated slum living. In one sense, the
work is a New York version of Native
Son though milder and far less pow-
erful in its portrayal and in its mes-
sage. The book won the Houghton
Mifflin Fellowship Award for 1945.

The Foxes of Harrow (1946) by
Prank Yerby is a first novel that
has made the national best seller
lists and is being considered for
the movies. Full of action and color
and sex, this historical novel of
Old New Orleans pulls every romantic
stop on the fictional organ. For sheer
entertainment, this swift-paced story
of duels, loves, lusts, voodoo and quad-
roon mistresses in Old New Orleans
leaves very little to be desired. Al-
though the long arm of coincidence is
indeed long in the plot, although sev-
eral characters are not real and sev-
eral situations false, one can forgive
many such weaknesses in a book so
highly entertaining. In an effort not
to be "racial" in his slant, Mr. Yerby
has occasionally leaned over back-
wards, but for the most part he writes
objectively. The work naturally in-
vites comparison with Gone With the
Wind. The New Orleans of Yerby's
novel is far more colorful and romantic
than Miss Mitchell's Georgia, and
Yerby overlooks none of its possi-
bilities.

Jule (1946) by Georgie Wylie Hen-
ierson, the author of Ollie Miss (1935),
is the story of a Negro boy growing
up in Alabama. Running afoul of a
Negro-white love affair, he leaves the
South for more interesting adventures
among Negro society folk in New
York. After "improving" himself he
returns South to his first love. Having
no real message, the work is definitely
inferior to Ollie Miss.

Other Fiction

Though this is by no means a
blanket charge, much of the minor
fiction of this period, to put it bluntly,
is of a very inferior grade. Several
of the writers have an incipient mes-
sage but their lack of craftsmanship
has vitiated that message. Others real-
ly have nothing to say and the length
of their novels, many of them less than
two hundred pages long, is but addi-
tional proof of their inadequacy. But,

FICTION: 1941-46

459

as stated above, this is no blanket
charge. There are one or two works
not wholly guilty of these accusations.
Under the Cottonwood Tree (1941)
by Katheryn Campbell Graham, ac-
cording to its sub-title, purports to be
"a saga of Negro life in which the
history, traditions, and folklore of the
Negro of the last century are vividly
portrayed." The author knows consid-
erable folklore and folk custom, and
in her major figure she has the mak-
ings of an excellent character. Her
limited knowledge of craftsmanship
and technique, however, prevents her
from developing the really rich re-
sources she has at hand.

It Was Not My World (1942) by
Deaderick P. Jenkins is, as expressed
in the subtitle, "a story in black and
white that's different." Not really a
novel at all, the work is a series of
violent sketches attacking southern in-
justice. Seasoned with Marxist propa-
ganda, the book has a strong message,
but again like others in this group, it
loses out because of technical inept-
ness. Though faulty, it is a very in-
teresting work, and certain of its pas-
sages and episodes are franker than
any in the toughest of the hard-boiled
novels mentioned above.

Picketing Hell (1942), a "fictitious
narrative" by A. Clayton Powell,
Senior, is a strong attack on the clergy,
that is, the unworthy members of that
profession. With its wealth of homely
anecdotes and characterizations, the
book has a strong appeal, one imagines,
for the great masses of church-going
folk. The church is always good copy
for a Negro writer, and Powell's inti-
mate acquaintance with all types of
ecclesiastical wrong-doers and racke-
teers— male and female — helps the
book considerably. But his ignorance
of the fundamentals of novel writing
spoils some excellent material.

What's Wrong With Lottery (1943)
by Ruth Thompson Bernard is not a
work of fiction but a fanatically re-
ligious tirade against lottery and num-
bers. Crudely constructed of various
unrelated segments, it has in one of
these sections a badly-told, unrealistic
love story with the hero the victim of
the sin of lottery-playing.

From Jerusalem to Jericho (1943)
by Edward Gholson is a religious alle-
gory, retelling somewhat after the man-

ner of Pilgrim's Progress the story of
the Good Samaritan.

Flour Is Dusty (1943) by Curtis
Lucas is a very short and simply told
story of a murder, with love interest
added. The author, again, had many
good themes which he failed to de-
velop.

Her Last Performance (1944) by
Wade S. Gray is a brief and hopelessly
confused love story, told without
realism, plot structure, or adequate
characterization.

Cocoanut Suite (1944), a semi-auto-
biographical series of stories and
sketches by Corinne Dean, deals with
a young American teacher's experience
in Puerto Rico. Well-written and en-
tertaining, the work shows promise.
"Plantation Stain," the best story in
the book, appeared in The Crisis.

The Policy King (1945) by Lewis A.
H. Caldwell is the first novel by a Ne-
gro to treat in any serious way the
"numbers" racket, one of the most in-
grained customs of the Negro masses.
The author knows the racket and has
some insight into the psychology of the
types involved in it. The book, how-
ever, suffers from his inability to tell
an effective story. The numbers game
is an excellent study for both social
writer and novelist. Caldwell has ren-
dered a service in opening up the field.

Oscar Micheaux's three novels — The
Wind From Nowhere (1942), The Case
of Mrs. Wingate (1944) and The Story
of Dorothy Stanfleld (1946) — have
been reserved for the last for two
reasons: First, because they are the
most interesting novels of this group;
and, second, because they are fuller
and more provocative than the others.
Dealing with sensational themes such
as Negro-white marriage, the stage
type of woman, black Nazis, and the
Negro's shortcomings, these novels pre-
sent as few other works today the at-
titude, the thinking, the prejudices,
and to a certain degree the turn of
phrase of the Negro man-in-the-street.
Micheaux knows intimately the psy-
chology of the mass-Negro and he ex-
ploits it effectively in his novels. But
he too suffers from many technical de-
ficiencies. For this and other reasons
there has been a tendency among
critics to "dismiss" Oscar Micheaux
as a writer. This is unfortunate be-
cause he has a message. Incidentally,
he has also disproved that old belief
that Negroes do not buy books. All

460

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE

of his works have had tremendous
sales among Negroes.

POETRY: 1941-46
General Tendencies

Reviewing the contemporary Negro
poets and their works in 1936, Sterling
A. Brown pointed out the following
major tendencies:

(1) As lyrical poets they are more
"frankly personal," less restrained
and far less conventional than the
older poets.

(2) They have been influenced, of
course, by modern American poeti-
cal trends, standards and move-
ments like the "New Poetry Move-
ment," but many of them have re-
mained untouched and are still too
"bookish."

(3) In their "defense" or protest poems,
they have been more assured and
more self-reliant than their elders;
in combatting American hypocrisy,
they tend to be more ironic and
angry, eschewing for the most part
the humility of the older poets.

(4) The poets who work with folk ma-
terial no longer "accept the stereo-
typed view of the traditional dialect
writers"; they are not afraid of an
"honest portrayal of folk life." See-
ing the tragic as well as the piti-
ful, "they are much closer to the
true folk product than to the min-
strel song." And their laughter is
more often that of irony than of
buffoonery.

This appraisal may be applied with-
out serious modification to the poets
of the 1941-46 period. One should add,
however, that the greatest problem oi
the Negro poet now seems to be his
monotonous application to the Problem.
Over and over again he voices the same
protest in the same old way. Even
though understandable, this is regret-
table. Although the Negro poet, if he
is to be true to himself, cannot blink
at injustice, he must, for his own ar-
tistic health, find a new approach to
and a new treatment of the Problem.
There is grave danger, many critics
believe, of the protest muse becoming
sterile.

Incidentally, one notes that most of
the poets of this period write in what
may be called a "late-New Poetry"
style. Only two or three ever use
the ultra-modern symbolic style — the
"poem must not mean but be" manner.
Whether this is a fault or a virtue, one
hesitates to say. At least it keeps Ne-
gro American poetry intelligible to
all readers.

Major Poets

The winning of the "Yale Series of
Younger Poets Award" by Margaret
Walker with her first work, For My
People (1942), was a significant
achievement. Containing sonnets and
ballads as well as the more usual mod-
ern type of associational poem, Miss
Walker's work has the realism, the
directness, the controlled intensity and
a biblical surge of language uncom-
mon in American poetry. Throughout
her poems there is a strong feeling of
race. One of her recurring themes is
that of the Negro's longing for a re-
turn to his native home, the South,
and his inability to do so because of
oppression and violence. Her title-
poem is a probing, moving piece, which
makes excellent use of alliteration,
assonance, repetition and the chant
rhythm. Tremendously effective, it is
one of the great poems of the period.

Langston Hughes' Shakespeare in
Harlem (1942) is, according to his ex-
planatory note, a "book of light verse.
Afro-Americana in the blues mood,
poems syncopated and variegated in
the colors of Harlem, Beale Street,
West Dallas, and Chicago's West Side."
Though Hughes is always an interest-
ing and challenging writer, one gets
from this volume the impression of an
over-worked idiom. Langston Hughes
has a deep understanding of the folk
mind, but there is a certain monotony
in the blues form which he uses gen-
erously in this work.

In Freedom's Plow (1943), Hughes
has written another moving version
of his great poem, "Let America Be
America Again." A free verse piece,
excellently suited for public reading,
it was read over the Blue Network,
March 15, 1943, by Paul Muni. Jim
Crow's Last Stand (1943), a pamphlet
containing miscellaneous brief poems
by Hughes, has two excellent protest
pieces, "Bitter River" and "Good
Morning, Stalingrad."

Seven Poets in Search of an Answer
(1944), edited by Thomas Yoseloff, is a
poetic symposium in which the writers
wage a "kind of cooperative assault
upon the fascist horror darkening the
world." These seven anti-fascist poets
are: "Bodenheim, Joy Davidman,
Aaron Kramer, Alfred Kreymburg,
Martha Millet, Norman Rosten, and
Langston Hughes, the only Negro con-
tributor. The latter's contribution con-

POETRY: 1941-46

461

sists of ten poems, most of them spe-
cifica'ly anti-Jim crow in theme. A
few like "Good Morning, Stalingrad,"
tie in the Negro's faith in Russia with
his own problem.

The columnist-teacher-pcet Melvin B.
Tolson, in his first full-length publica-
tion, Rendezvous With America (1944),
makes a strong bid for recognition
as a m jor Negro American poet.
Though uneven as a writer, he has
produced better than average verse in
many of the poems in this volume.
Inclined to be diffuse and rhetorical,
inclined also to over-use the catalog
type of long poem, Tolson neverthe-
less has in his better pieces a strong
patriotic message and a strong and
lively imagination.

Robert E. Hayden, the a ithor of
Heart Shape in the Dust (1940), ap-
pears in Cross Section (1945), an an-
thology edited by Edwin Seaver. His
contribution is the long poem, "Middle
Passage," a dramatic and stirring ac-
count of the slave trade ending on the
Cinquez theme. A very able poem in
the modern style, it fulfills (in part,
of course) the promise of his first pro-
ductions.

A Street in Bronzeville (1945),
Gwendolyn Brooks' phenomenal first
work, evoked from the critics the kind
of acclaim Cullen's Color received in
1925. With a flair for probing beneath
the surface and saying the usual in
an unusual way, Miss Brooks has
freshness and contro'led intensity. She
has a sort of mocking contempt for
the cloister, and her poems chant a
full-blooded, strong-bodied life as she
describes the inhabitants of Bronze-
ville. Miss Brooks has a varied tech-
nique, making use of verse libre, the
sonnet form, and on occasion the
rhythmical pattern of free verse with
rhyme. Among the poems in the vol-
rrnn to catch the public's eye are the
"Ballad of Pearl May Lee" (which de-
scribes the bitterness of a black girl
whose man is lynched because of his
desire for white women) and "The
Sunday of Satin-Legs Smith" (the best
poem on this theme since Brown's
"Srorting Beasley"). No surface-poet,
Miss Brooks gives unforgettable pic-
tures of city slum living.

Owen Dodson's Powerful Long Lad-
der (1946), though disappointing in
some respects, is an interesting and
significant work. In its rhythms, in
its imagery, and in its symbolism,

Dodson's poetry is the most "modern"
in the period. Through most of Dod-
son's work runs an acute awareness
of color. His "Black Mother Praying,"
the most down-to-earth piece in the
book, expresses extremely well the
whole attitude of the American Negro
towards World War II and its back-
ground of injustice for colored people.
In all probability, the best poetry in
the work is the "Winter Chorus" from
the author's unpublished poetic drama,
The Divine Comedy.

Other Poets

It should be pointed out that the
poets we are to consider in this sec-
tion have in most cases a much better
command of their medium than the
"other" novelists. Their faults are
those of conventionality, didacticism,
and sameness; and, of course, there
are brilliant exceptions to each of these
shortcomings. Some of these poets
have overworked the racial-protest
theme; others are prone to fall back
on an outmoded poetic diction; and
still others make use of the definitely
old-fashioned minstrel tradition in dia-
lect verse. But several of these pub-
lications are surprisingly good first
works and promise much for the fu-
ture.

Among the latter sort is Arrows of
Gold (1941), an anthology of Catholic
verse from Xavier University. The
book is edited by Peter Wellington
Clark, who is also one of the principal
contributors. All of the poems orig-
inally appeared in the school paper,
The Xavier Herald. The volume is one
of the most promising collections to
come from a Negro college since Four
Lincoln University Poets in 1930. Al-
though the Church influence is nat-
urally very strong, although many of
the poems, like all school verse, are
bookish and derivative, Arrows o/
Gold is still a significant publication.

Psalms and Proverbs (1941) by Alice
Haden Merritt is a poetical version of
two books of the Bible. It is the kind
of thing that was done from the time
of Sternhold and Hopkins in 1562 down
to Isaac Watts in 1719. Mrs. Merritt's
versions have a certain facility. Some
are suitable for use as hymns.

Sepia Vistas (1941) by Alpheus But-
ler is a volume of conventional, deriva-
tive and escapist verse. In spite of the
title there is very little of race in these
pieces. There are, however, echoes of a

462

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE

tropical background, but they are not
positive enough to be of significance.

Golden Banners (1941) by Irene Ma-
rie Pektor is a book of conventional
but free-flowing verses on love, life,
religion, and above all on nature. It
has some echoes of the war, but they
are not very strong.

Ruby Berkley Goodwin's From My
Kitchen Window (1942) is a book of
facile verses on religion and love. In
"A Rendezvous With God" and in other
pieces, Miss Goodwin writes under the
influence of George Herbert, the seven-
teenth century Anglican poet. Although
she has a small number of protest and
dialect poems, she is at her best in
religious lyrics.

Whitecaps (1942) by Virgina Lee
Simmons is, in the words of Ann
Spencer, a book of "wraithlike and
pale" poems. One finds in it something
of the disillusionment which modern
youth feels in this war-torn era. Her
title-poem and "Shadows Fall on the
Temple of Edo" deal romantically with
African themes.

We Who Would Die and other
Poems, including Haitian Vignettes
(1943) by Binga Dismond is a very
promising and a very surprising first
volume. With a variety of pieces in-
cluding good strong protest poems, so-
phisticated modern love poems, and
some excellent verses on Haiti, this
volume is both rewarding and enter-
taining. Decidedly not the run-of-mine
first effort, the book has a unique
charm and appeal.

Sing, Laugh, Weep (1944) by the
"Scribes" (a group of St. Louis school
teachers and principals) is an uneven
compilation. The Scribes are Lorenzo
D. Blanton, Frederick W. Bond, Laura
Howard, Alice E. McGee, Arthur W.
Reason, and Ezra W. Turner. Among
the best pieces in the book are "Creep-
ing Joy" by Turner and "The Street
Called Petticoat Lane" by McGee. The
themes of the whole group are gen-
erally racial; many of them, however,
have been done too often. But the
work is of interest as an uncommon
venture in cooperative writing and
publication.

The Hills of Yesterday (1944) by
Aloise Barbour Epperson is a volume
of simple and heartfelt lyrics. Though
many of her poems are on conventional
themes, Miss Epperson's sincerity,
passion, and deep religious feeling in-

vest them with a certain dignity. But
she also has several realistic pieces
which show keen observation.

Recaptured Echoes (1944) by Odella
Phelps Wood is a first volume of short
pieces on the usual themes of love and
life, with racial and strong moralistic
overtones. The last six poems in the
book are for children.

The Greatest of These (1944) by
Howard Thurman is a thin but beau-
tifully printed and bound volume of
poems in free verse — really poetic med-
itations— on religious and metaphysi-
cal subjects.

Beatrice M. Murphy's Love Is a Ter-
rible Thing (1945) is a series of poems
describing with a certain intensity the
various stages of love from its first
glow to its final disillusionment.

William Lorenzo Morrison's DarJc
Rhapsody (1945) contains much deriv-
ative verse. The fact that his "To a
Brown-Skin Maiden" is a sepia version
of "La Belle Dame sans Merci" indi-
cates much concerning the volume.

Rhymes from the Delta (1945?) by
George Washington McCorkle is a vol-
ume of homespun verse — some in dia-
lect— on various themes. Occasional,
didactic, moral, elegiac, religious, and
racial, Mr. McCorkle's muse has also
done "goodwill" service in inter-racial
circles.

Onion to Orchid (1945) by Alice Hen-
rietta Howard contains both protest
and race-praising verses. Several pieces
laud race leaders. "At the Cross
Roads," the longest poem in the book,
is a free verse catalog of race achieve-
ment. One of her best pieces, "Booker
T. Washington," tells the life of the
educator very effectively in simple
ballad style.

James Farley Ragland's Rhymes of
the Times (1946) is chock-full of home-
ly pieces on all manner of subjects
from racial-protest and race-praising
to the joys of country living. Mr. Rag-
land knows thoroughly the Negro-in-
the-street, and he reflects the latter's
attitude toward life in his poems.
Strongly racial, these verses contain
also a good deal of solid folk humor.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND
BIOGRAPHY 1941-46

General Tendencies

In the field of biography, the Negro
writer has not been highly successful.
He has 'Tone much better in auto-

AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND BIOGRAPHY 1941-46

463

biography, but in both fields, he has
suffered from too close an adherence
to the race-praising, race-edification
tradition — a tradition which has in-
fluenced much of this sort of writing
from the beginning to the present time.
As a result, most Negro biographies
and autobiographies have tended to
give a better picture of the racial sit-
uation and racial obstacles successfully
overcome than of the personality of
their subjects, which of course is the
main purpose of biographical and au-
tobiographical writing.

During the late thirties, however, a
few Negro writers of autobiography,
under the influence of recent trends in
the field, broke away from the racial
stereotype. Chief among them were
Langston Hughes, Claude McKay, and
James Weldon Johnson. The major au-
tobiographical writers in the 1941-46
period show the same progressive ten-
dency away from the old tradition.
Some of the lesser writers, however,
still cling doggedly to it. Race, of
course must naturally play a large
part in the life story of any American
Negro. It is the skillful writer who
can use it adequately and yet not let
it obscure personality-portrayal.

Because there is so little biographi-
cal writing to be considered in this
period, there has been no attempt to
deal with it separately. One of the
important derelictions on the part of
the Negro writer has been his neglect
of this fruitful field.

Major Works

Father o/ the Blues (1941), an auto-
biography of William Christopher
Handy, edited by Arna Bontemps, is
not only the life story of an interest-
ing, lovable, and unique American
character; it also gives valuable pic-
tures of Old Beale Street, of Southern
living, of the music of yesteryear, and
of Tin Pan Alley from the inside. More
than a mere success story, Handy's
work helps us to understand an era.

Zora Neale Hurston's fiust Tracks
on a Road (1942) won for her the
Anisfield-Wolf Award for that year.
Obviously a "goodwill" book, it resorts
to race criticism rather than to the
traditional race-praising. Miss Hurs
ton's chapter, "My People!" is a good
example of this critical slant. A born
story-teller, Miss Hurston relates with
wit and gusto the narrative of her
successful and never-too-difficult strug-

gle with a friendly world— both white
and black.

No Day of Triumph (1942) by Jay
Saunders Redding is primarily a work
of social observation and commentary,
but it does have a large autobiographi-
cal segment. In this section Redding
has dealt with several provocative
themes, including the undemocratic at-
titude of middle-class Negroes, the
color problem within the Negro group,
and the frustration of colored students
in New England colleges. Brilliantly
written, the work was given the May-
flower Society of North Carolina Award
for that year. Redding is the first Ne-
gro author to be so honored.

John E. Washington's They Knew
Lincoln (1942) is an unusual bio-
graphical study. In his view of Lin-
coln through the eyes of the barber,
the White House messenger, the seam-
stress, and the other servants and sim-
ple people who knew the Emancipator,
Dr. Washington has made a modest
but unique contribution to the biogra-
phy of this great American. His chap-
ter on Mrs. Keckley is of supreme im-
portance. Moreover, the work con-
tains excellent pictorial matter and a
Lincoln letter never printed before.

Five French Negro Authors (1943)
by Mercer Cook is both literary com-
mentary and biographical study. The
five authors considered are Julian
Raimond, Charles Bissette, Alexandre
Dumas, Auguste Lacaussade, and Rene
Maran. Scholarly and penetrating, the
studies emphasize the "racial" attitude
of these Frenchmen of Negro blood.
Dr. Cook's approach and emphasis are
ones which are generally overlooked
or not stressed by white scholars who
have written on these men.

Richard Wright's Black Boy (1945)
is something quite new in Negro Amer-
ican autobiography. Making a complete
break with the old tradition referred
to above, it is the analysis of the feel-
ings of an obscure black boy (who
represents a million other black boys),
fighting his way out of hell to Chi-
cago and freedom. One of the strong-
est works yet written by a Negro
American, Black Boy has shocked many
readers — particularly Negro readers —
by its savage intensity. Many of the
latter have felt that the book is un-
necessarily bitter, that it is not real
autobiography, and that is over-drawn
in its violence. On the other hand

464

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE

there are probably just as many who
feel that Black Boy is the greatest au-
tobiography we have yet produced. It
was of course a "best seller."

"Early Days in Chicago" is a con-
tinuation of Black Boy which appears
in Cross Section (1945), an anthology
edited by E'dwin Seaver. Although less
sensational than the former work, it
has some penetrating studies of Ne-
gro slum life during a depression. In
addition, it has a section analyzing
Negro-white relationships in America
which is searching and provocative.

Era Bell Thompson's American
Daughter (1946) is like a breath of
fresh air after Black Boy, which it con-
sciously or unconsciously answers. The
autobiography of a Negro girl reared
in North Dakota, the book is much
more "American" than "racial"; it be-
longs just as much to pioneer litera-
ture as it does to Negro. But it is
also a "goodwill" book. Throughout
the work, Miss Thompson emphasizes
the essential friendliness and kindness
of all people, no matter the race, when
one gets to know them.

Other Autobiographical and
Biographical Works

Elizabeth Laura Adams' Dark Sym-
phony (1942) is a well-written and
fascinating little autobiography of a
black girl seeking solace and sister-
hood in religion. The work is a high-
ly revealing study of a sensitive and
almost saint-like character who has to
undergo many rebuffs because of her
race before she finds refuge in the
Catholic Church. Although told with
restraint, the work is none the less
effective because of that. The author
also touches on several themes which
Negro writers have not heretofore de-
veloped.

John Henry Paynter's Horse and
Buggy Days with Uncle Sam (1943)
deals with a comparatively new subject
in Negro autobiographical writing—
the government job in Washington. A
messenger at first and finally a clerk
in the Bureau of Internal Revenue,
Mr. Paynter knows the inner work-
ings of government from the em-
ployee's viewpoint. He also knows
thoroughly what it means to be a Ne-
gro in government, and he has an
interesting story to tell. His work,
however, would be far more effective
if he had used a simpler and more
straightforward style.

Meet the Negro (1943) by Karl E.
Downs contains sixty-one very short
biographies of the usual Negro
"greats" plus a few unusual and not-
so-weM-known subjects. Designed as
an "inter-racial" work, it has between
the various sections short discussions
on the "Basic Steps in Racial Good-
will."

"Inchiri Along" (1944) by Henry
Damon Davidson, the "principal,
founder and builder of Centerville
Industrial Institute" in Alabama, is
a success story that could be more
interestingly told. Mr. Davidson's con-
tact with Booker T. Washington, his
real attitude towards the Southern
whites holding the mortgage on the
school property, his determination to
cling to his barot — these and other
incidents would, if properly and fully
told, have improved this autobiogra-
phy considerably.

Adventures ivith Life (1945) by
Syble Byrd Everett is the autobiog-
raphy of a church and civic worker in
St. Louis. Because it is so personal
and restricted in scope, the work has
only local interest.

Great American Negroes (1945) by
Ben Albert Richardson is a collection
of neatly and simply told biographies
of the usual contemporary "greats."
All of the subjects are modern except
Crispus Attucks, and one naturally
wonders why he is included. The book
is probably useful as a quick reference
for Negro History or Achievement
Week data.

Amler Gold (1946), "an adventure
in autobiography" by A. H. Maloney,
the Professor and Chairman of the
Department of Pharmacology in the
Howard Medical School, is the success
story, somewhat too fully told, of a
man who has led an interesting and
useful life as a teacher, minister, and
physician. The first part of the work
is of unusual interest because it de-
scribes Dr. Maloney's boyhood expe-
riences in his native Trinidad.

MISCELLANEOUS WORKS: 1941-46
General Tendencies

As stated above, this section will be
a sort of catchall to include representa-
tive publications under the following
heads: Drama; Children's Literature;
Collections, Handbooks et al; Social
Commentary; and Other Works. The
object here is simply to give a fair

MISCELLANEOUS WORKS: 1941-46

465

sampling of the books that have been
most popular and most influential in
the various fields considered.

One notes immediately when consid-
ering this section the number and the
importance of the social works by Ne-
gro writers. The trend to scholarly
social commentary which was noted
in the later thirties is now in full
swing. The works which have poured
from the press during the 1941-46 pe-
riod are for the most part of first class
calibre. One is impressed by their dis-
passionate and objective tone, their
ability to see both sides, and their
militant forthrightness. Perhaps the
outstanding literary phenomenon of
the period is the unprecedented amount
and the unquestioned maturity of the
social writings found in it.

Another phenomenon of interest is
a similar growth in the field of chil-
dren's literature. Rare until the thir-
ties, children's publications since that
time have flourished like the prover-
bial bay tree. And what is of equal
significance, outstanding "adult" writ-
ers have become large producers in
the field.

During the period much scholarly
work on many varied subjects — a few
of them unusual — was done by Negro
American writers. In short all fields
save that of the drama showed a defi-
nite quickening and growth.

Drama

Though the experience of the Negro
has been the material for several
of America's best known plays, the
Negro playwright so far has contribu-
ted little to the national drama. In
the past, the Negro's place on the
stage has been rigidly limited to a
few stereotypes. If the Negro drama-
tist failed to follow in the beaten
path, he found no audience. The seri-
ous Negro playwright has thus been
denied the kind of apprenticeship in
the theatre necessary to encourage and
beget authorship. Except for musical
comedies, he has made few appear-
ances on Broadway. Forced to the
side streets of the "little" and ex-
perimental theatre, the Negro play-
wright has made a few advances there,
{but not rfearly enough.
It should be noted, however, that
the serious Negro "playwright's
theatre" is still very young. Although
he had attempted serious drama prior
to 1925, the Negro playwright for all

practical purposes began his career
during the New Negro Movement. He
is therefore still a relative newcomer
in the field; that accounts in part
for some of his difficulties.

In spite of this extenuating factor,
one is still shocked by the paucity of
dramatic material he finds in the pe-
riod. It is only fair to point out, how-
ever, that there is very little demand
for printed plays unless they have been
Broadway successes. For this reason,
several excellent Negro playwrights
have not yet appeared in print, save
in anthologies. For example, two of
our best contemporary plays — Divine
Comedy by Owen Dodson, and Big
White Fog by Theodore Ward — have
never been printed in toto but have
appeared only as excerpts in the Negro
Caravan,

At the same time the Negro has
been making tremendous strides on
Broadway as both actor and subject,
witness the popularity of such works
as Anna Lucasta and Deep are the
Roots. The theatre movement among
Negroes, as in the work of Abram Hill
and Powell Lindsay and (in the school
field) of Randolph Edmonds, John M.
Ross, and Anne Cooke, has also grown
rapidly. Unfortunately, however, this
review cannot consider these advan-
ces but must limit itself to the pub-
lished drama — the pitiably small part
of the Negro's dramatic contribution
that finds its way into print.

Many critics felt that the new field
of radio drama would present a fine
opportunity for the Negro dramatist.
The latter soon found, however, that
he was as stringently circumscribed on
the radio as he had been on the stage.
The radio drama normally uses the
Negro only for comic relief. When-
ever the serious Negro playwright
has been called upon, he has usually
been asked to write what Langston
Hughes caMs a "special occasion
script."

Hughes' Booker T. Washington in
Atlanta, appearing in Radio Drama
in Action (1945), edited by Erick Bar-
nouw, is such a script. It was prepared
by Mr. Hughes for Tuskegee and CBS
on the occasion of the issuance of
the Booker T. Washington stamp by
the Post Office Department.

The networks, according to Mr. Bar-
nouw, are shy of controversial scripts
on the Negro, but they do not mind

466

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE

programs on safe subjects like Booker
T. Washington and Carver — programs
which, stressing the "positive angle,"
emphasize Negro accomplishment with-
out attacking injustice.

In Radio Drama in Action, there also
appears The Negro Domestic by Roi
Ottley. This play comes from the New
World A' Coming series which began
on WMCA in March, 1944. The series
is not a radio adaptation of Ottley's
best seller, but it does attempt through
radio drama to give the book's general
themes and objectives. The series
won the Schomburg Award in 1945.

In 1941, American Scenes, edited by
William Kozlenko, published Fire and
Cloud, a radio version- of Richard
Wright's short story of a Negro bread
riot. It was adapted for the radio by
Charles K. O'Neill.

During the same year, Native Son, a
ten-act stage adaptation of Wright's
famous novel, appeared in book form.
The dramatic version was written by
Paul Green and Wright. As a Broad-
way production, the adaptation had
been eminently successful.

The Negro Caravan which appeared
in 1942 included a lengthy drama sec-
tion in which the following plays were
printed: Bad Man, a one-act melo-
drama by Randolph Edmonds; The
Seer, a one-act folk comedy by James
W. Butcher, Jr., Judgement Day, a one-
act folk comedy by Thomas D. Pawley,
Jr.; an excerpt from Divine Comedy,
a full-length play on the Father Di-
vine theme by Owen Dodson; and an
excerpt from Big White Fog, a full-
length play on the Garvey Movement
by Theodore Ward. With the exception
of Edmond's work, all of these plays
appear in print for the first time.

In 1942 there also appeared The
Land of Cotton and Other Plays by
Randolph Edmonds. The volume con-
tains in addition to the title-play four
one-act dramas: Gangsters over Har-
lem; Yellow Death; Silas Brown; and
The High Court of Historia. Feeling
that the Negro audience unschooled
in the traditions of the theatre needs
"simplicity, clear conflicts, broad char-
acterization, and obvious ideas" in its
plays, Mr. Edmonds has written with
this theory in mind. His title-play, a
four-act drama of social protest, deals
effectively with the theme of black and
white sharecroppers uniting to fight
injustice.

Children's Literature

The thirties, as stated above, saw a
new outburst of interest in children's
literature. Many of the well known
writers of juvenile literature like Jane
Shackleford, Charles Dawson, Gertrude
McBrown, Helen Whiting, and Effie
Lee Newsome were then beginning
their work. In addition there were
outstanding "adult" writers like Cul-
len, Hughes, Arthur Huff Fauset, Bon-
temps, and even Carter G. Woodson
producing books for children. Colored
illustrators also like Lois Jones, Daw-
son, Newsome, Laura Wheeler, and E.
Simms Campbell contributed their tal-
ents to children's publications.

There were several influences at
work during the thirties to create a
more insistent demand for a better
type of Negro child's book. Negro
libraries had increased in number;
many schools were adding courses on
the Negro. A city like Chicago, for
example, adopted for its elementary
schools an official list of books on the
Negro. In short there was a general
increase in liberalism throughout the
decade which was reflected in part by
the demand for a new type of treat-
ment of the race in children's books.

It_ was obvious that many of the
white writers of juvenile books had
not treated the Negro either sympa-
thetically or realistically. Many of
them still wrote in the "plantation
tradition" when depicting Negro char-
acters—the tradition of cotton patches
and cabins, of minstrel humor and
exaggerated laziness, of fantastic dress
and ridiculing names. The most super-
ficial glance at the two classics, LVl
Hannibal and Black Sambo will show
why Negro writers felt the urge dur-
ing the thirties to enter the field.
They were compelled to combat the
stereotype built up by the plantation
tradition type of book.

The children's books written in the
1941-46 period have attacked the
stereotype in two general ways: (1)
Through the use of realistic story and
illustration they have showed how
normally American is the average
everyday life of the average Negro
family; (2) They have tried to instill
race pride through emphasis on the
biographies of the great. Most of the
books in this period fall in one or the
other of these two classes. And of
course the authors designed their

MISCELLANEOUS WORKS: 1941-46

467

books to be read by white as well as
by Negro children.

One notes, however, that there are
several books without the racial tag
— books written for the general chil-
dren's market with entertainment only
as the objective. There are also sev-
eral Negro illustrators — among them
Ernest Crichlow, Elton Fox, Charles
Alston, Frank Nicholas, and Charles
Sebree — whose work for the most part
is in the non-Negro field. Both of
these are heartening signs of prog-
ress.

Golden Slippers (1941), edited by
Arna Bontemps, is an ""anthology of
Negro poetry for young readers." It
contains interesting and for the most
part well-chosen material, ranging
from folk songs down to contempo-
rary verse. Since the editor does not
specify the age level for his readers,
his phrase "for young readers" must
be interpreted broadly. The Hesitating
Blues by W. C. Handy would hardly
appeal to other than the teen-age
young.

Word Pictures of the Great (1941),
written by Elise P. Derricotte, Gen-
eva C. Turner, and Jessie H. Roy and
illustrated by Lois M. Jones, is a well-
constructed children's text, giving the
life stories of successful Negroes un-
der the following heads: Music, Art,
Literature, Education, Science and
Invention, and Benefactors. Designed
for children on the third grade level
and above, it has exercises and word
lists, and is in every way a modern
educational text.

The Wheel that Made Wishes Come
True (1941) by Octavia B. Wynbush,
with illustrations by George Greene,
is a delightful little story for younger
children of an inquisitive little boy's
trip to the land where the lost leaves
go, where the smoke rings go, and
where the snowflakes live.

My Lives and How I Lost Them
(1942) by Christopher Cat in collabora-
tion with Countee Cullen, carries on
the delightful whimsy started in the
Lost Zoo. The book, a charmingly told
story of all the usual things that
happen to cats, is another of Cullen's
sophisticated children's - books - for -
grownups. The drawings are by Rob-
ert Reid Macguire.

The Fast Sooner Hound (1942) by
Arna Bontemps and Jack Conroy is
the delightful story of a iong-legged,

lop-eared hound "who'd sooner run
than eat," and who could outrun the
Cannon-ball Express. Colorfully illus-
trated by Virginia Lee Burton, the
book has no "race" tag.

Hezekiah Horton (1942) by Ellen
Tarry has illustrations by Oliver Har-
rington, better known for his Bootsie
cartoons. It is the simple story of a
little Lenox Avenue boy who likes
automobiles.

Play Songs of the Deep South (1944)
by Altona Trent-Johns is a pioneer-
ing volume of twelve Negro "play
songs" and a lullaby. Containing for
each piece the words, the simply-ar-
ranged music, the directions for the
play or dance, and an illustration, this
little book of folk songs is ideal for
schools and for folk dancing groups.
The illustrations are by James A.
Porter.

Evangeline Harris Merriweather's
Stories for Little Tots: Revised (1944)
is a primer-type book for young chil-
dren, telling in simple language the
lives of famous Negroes from Attucks
to Roland Hayes.

My Happy Days (1944) by Jane Dab-
ney Shackleford contains excellent
photographs by Cecil Vinson. Pictures
and text deal with the home, school,
recreational and other activities of a
typical Negro family. It is a good
antidote for many of the caricatures
of Negroes found in the ridicule type
of book.

George Washington Carver, Scientist
(1944) by Shirley Graham and George
D. Lipscomb, tells dramatically the
high spots in the life of Carver. This
biography brings to life and heightens
certain events in Carver's career —
events which show his humility, his
ingenuity, his humor, and his "good-
will" philosophy.

We Have Tomorrow (1945) by Arna
Bontemps is a series of twelve biogra-
phies of young Negroes who have
been successful in unusual fields — that
is, in work not customarily done by
Negroes. Neatly told, these success
stories are a kind of it-can-be-done in-
spirational biography which the author
hopes "may prove to be the beginning
of a fulfillment of the American prom-
ise" for some young readers.

Call Me Charley (1945) by Jessie
Jackson is the full-length story of a
little colored boy whose servant par-
ents moved into a white district. The
problems he faced are realistically

468

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE

yet sanely and delightfully told. The
illustrations are by Doris Spiegal.

My Dog Rinty (1946) by Ellen Tarry
and Marie Hall Ets is the charming
story of an unlucky dog which finally
makes the front page headlines. De-
signed to offset the usual picture of
Harlem, the book is brilliantly illus-
trated with photographs of well known
places, scenes, and characters in that
section.

Paul Rolesan, Citizen of the World
(1946) by Shirley Graham is a biog-
raphy of the great singer written in
the dramatic and effective manner of
the Carver study. It contains many ex-
cellent photographs highlighting Robe-
son's career.

Collections, Handbooks et. al.

In 1942 The Negro Caravan, edited
by Sterling A. Brown, Arthur P. Davis,
and Ulysses Lee, was published, the
first comprehensive anthology of Ne-
gro writings since Readings from Ne-
gro Authors (1931) by Cromwell,
Turner, and Dykes. The work was de-
signed to do three things: "to present
a body of artistically valid writings
by American Negro authors, to present
a truthful mosaic of Negro character
and experience in America, and to col-
lect in one volume certain key literary
works that have greatly influenced the
thinking of American Negroes, and to
a lesser degree, that of Americans as
a whole." Covering the entire period
of Negro expression from 1760 to 1942,
the book contains a considerable num-
ber of pieces never before antholo-
gized.

In 1944 the Modern Library brought
out an Anthology of American Negro
Literature, edited by Sylvestre C. Wat-
kins. Confining his selections to four
main heads — short stories, essays,
autobiographies, and biographies — the
editor has limited these selections
largely to the authors who have come
into prominence since 1929. His main
purpose has been to give not the "tra-
ditional" Negro usually desired by
white readers, nor the "ideal" Negro
customarily demanded by the colored,
"but the true American of Negro par-
entage speaking his mind about his
problems." An able selection with good
biographical notes, printed in a pocket
size edition, this anthology fills a vital
need.

The Primer for White Folks (1945),
an anthology edited by Bucklin Moon,

contains articles by the following Ne-
gro writers: W. E. B. DuBois, Ted
Poston, Langston Hughes, Richard
Wright, Sterling A. Brown, Roi Ottley,
Earl Brown, Robert Weaver, Chester
B. Himes, and the colored members
of the Writers Project of Virginia.
These contributions on all manner of
subjects range in tone from the schol-
arly seriousness of DuBois' African
Culture to the satirical cleverness of
Poston's Revolt of the Evil Fairies.

Cross Section (1944), "a collection of
new American writing," edited by Ed-
win Seaver, contains works by Rich-
ard Wright, Robert Hayden, and
Gwendolyn Brooks. It is of signifi-
cance that each year more and more
Negro writers are taking their right-
ful places in "American" anthologies.

Though "creatively" edited by a
white man, B. A. Botkin's Lay My Bur-
den Down (1945) must be considered
Negro American literature. From the
two thousand or more interviews with
ex-slaves in the Rare Books Division
of the Library of Congress, Dr. Botkin
has compiled this collection. Breaking
entirely with the plantation tradition,
he gives a realistic, comprehensive,
and intensely interesting view of the
"peculiar institution" as seen through
the eyes of some of its graduates.

Florence Murray's The Negro Hand-
book (1942 and 1944) attempts to pre-
sent current factual information about
the Negro. The editor thinks of it as
a "sort of annual newspaper, without
editorial comment." A va'uable and
much-needed work, it has been the
only one of its kind since the Negro
Year Book of 1937-1938.

The Encyclopedia of the Negro
(1945), a preparatory volume with
reference lists and reports, edited
by W. E. B. DuBois and Guy B. John-
son, is really an "interval" work for
use until the complete four-volume
edition is completed. This latter will
be somewhat comparable to the Jew-
ish and Catholic encyclopedias. The
present volume, though obviously in-
adequate, is a student's guide to source
material and secondary authorities on
the Negro, and as such is a useful and
important work.

"Early Negro American Writings: A
Bibliographical Study" by Dorothy B.
Porter, published in The Papers of the
Bibliographical Society of America
(1945), contains a "preliminary check-

MISCELLANEOUS WORKS: 1941-46

469

list of the published writings of Amer-
ican Negroes, 1760-1835." The most
complete of its kind, this list is of
invaluable aid to the student of Ne-
gro American Literature. The work
also contains a scholarly and revea1-
ing discussion of the peculiar prob-
lems confronting the worker in the
field of early Negro bibliography. Mrs.
Porter also published in 1945, North
American Negro Poets a Bibliograph-
ical Checklist of their Writings, 1760-
1944, a most valuable work.

Social Commentary

Many of the works in this section
have been powerful voices in the
chorus of Negro protest. Though they
shade in political hue from the angry
red of Wright's 12 Million Black Voices
(1941) to the colorless tints of Logan's
A Negro's Faith in America (1946),
they are all trying to find a way out
of our peculiar American dilemma. It
is good to note, however, that with
but one or two exceptions, these works
are scholarly and objective. The ora-
torical rhetoric of the old-time Negro
pleader has given place to documented
and sober discussion, and as a result
the prptest-argument is far more con-
vincing. One also notes that in sev-
eral of these works, first-class white
and Negro scholars have collaborated,
another sign of the latters' coming of
age. It is necessary to repeat once
more that the following list is not
meant to be complete. It is a sam-
pling of the better known works from
as many angles or slants as possible.

12 Million Black Voices (1941), "a
folk history of the Negro in the United
States" by Richard Wright, is a text-
arid-picture volume of passionate pro-
test against the American treatment
of the black masses. The photography
by Edwin Rosskam is superb.

In contrast to Wright's work, Deep
South (1941) is an objective social and
anthropological study of caste and
class by Allison Davis and the two
Gardners, Burleigh and Mary. Using
the techniques customarily applied by
anthropologists to natives in "other
lands," the authors have made one of
the most complete studies of white and
black small town people ever pub-
lished.

In Sharecroppers All (1941) by Ar-
thur F. Raper and Ira DeAugustine
Reid, we have another case of two dis-
tinguished scholars — one white, the

other colored, and both Southerners —
collaborating to give with no magnolia
embellishments a picture of the eco-
nomic conditions and trends in the
South.

When Peoples Meet (1942), edited by
Alain LeRoy Locke and Bernhard J.
Stern, is a study of the meeting of
dominant and minority groups in va-
rious parts of the world in both the
past and present. With articles by
authorities as diverse as Charles Dar-
win and Ruth Benedict, it is a good
introduction to the study of group and
race conflicts.

Charles S. Johnson's Patterns of Ne-
gro Segregation (1943) discusses in
its first part the formal institutions,
the social conventions, the legal codes,
and the ideology supporting racial seg-
regation and discrimination. In the
second part, it gives the Negro's be-
haviour response to these twin evils.
The study covers twelve areas: three
counties in the rural South; five cities
in the urban South; two "border" cit-
ies; and two Northern cities.

Roi Ottley's popular New World A-
Coming (1943) is a good journalistic
account of the outstanding activities
and characters in Harlem. The book,
however, is more than a dramatic pic-
ture of Harlem life. It is also a strong
plea for the Negro's full share in
American democracy.

On Clipped Wings (1943) by William
H. Hastie, though only a twenty-six
page pamphlet, is a unique document.
Calm, forthright, factual, and blunt,
this little publication tells the "story
of Jim Crow in the Army Air Corps."
It is one of the strongest indictments
of the government's treatment of its
black personnel to come from World
War II.

What the Negro Wants (1944), ed-
ited by Rayford W. Logan, contains
penetrating articles by fourteen Ne-
groes who — according to the editor —
may be classed in the following man-
ner: four conservatives; five liberals;
?nd five radicals. The fourteen are:
Rayford W. Logan, W. E. B. DuBois,
Leslie Pinckney Hill, Charles H. Wes-
ley. Roy Wilkins, A. Philip Randolph,
Willard S. Townsend, Doxey A. Wilk-
erson, Gordon B. Hancock, Mary
McLeod Bethune, Frederick D. Pat-
terson, George S. Schuyler, Langston
Hughes, and Sterling A. Brown. Con-
sidering the diverse social viewpoints

470

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE

of the authors, the essays have a re-
markable unanimity concerning what
the Negro wants. The book is an ex-
cellent cross section of the best Negro
American thinking. It has an interest-
ing "Publisher's Introduction".

Black Gods of the Metropolis (1944)
by Arthur Huff Fauset is a scholarly
study of the Negro cults of the urban
North. In this work the author seeks
to probe beneath the superficial fact
and find out the "why" of these cults
and their possible ultimate effect on
both the Negro church and Negro
group as a whole. A pioneer study, it
opens a fruitful field for the social
anthropologist.

Robert C. Weaver's scholarly Negro
Labor; a National Problem (1945) dis-
cusses, first, the growth of Negro em-
ployment during the war and its sub-
sequent breakdown; second, the Ne-
gro's share in the economic life of this
nation; and, third, the economic fu-
ture of the Negro. The work also
makes a strong plea for a permanent
FEPC.

They Seek a City (1946) by Arna W.
Bontemps and Jack Conroy is a study
of Negro migration from the time of
the Underground Railroad down to
the present. Written for popular con-
sumption, it has many interesting side-
lights which should furnish material
for creative artists.

World War II brought the average
Negro a new interest in imperialism
and in the problem of dependent areas.
Two distinguished Negro scholars have
sought to strengthen this interest with
a good solid foundation of fact. Color
and Democracy (1945) by W. E. B.
DuBois is a survey of the status of
colonial peoples throughout the world.
Seeing in imperialism the real crux
of the world crisis, Dr. DuBois argues
strongly for freedom for dependent na-
tions. The Negro and the Post-War
World — A Primer (1945) by Rayford
W. Logan packs into a few pages a
comprehensive survey of the Negro
and his status in all parts of the globe.
Though designed for the high school
student and the layman, the book is
grounded on thorough scholarship and
is well documented. The last chapter
presents a few sound and democratic
suggestions relative to the foundation
of world peace.

Walter White's Rising Wind (1945)
is his report to the nation concerning
the Negro soldier abroad. A small

volume, it is a calm appraisal of the
American Army's few successes and
more numerous failures in the matter
of bringing democracy to its ranks.

Marching Blacks (1945) by A. Clay-
ton Powell, Jr., purports to be "an
interpretive history of the rise of the
black common man." It deals largely,
however, with Powell's own leader-
ship of the masses in Harlem. Its
principal message is a strong appeal to
all Negroes to leave the South.

Black Metropolis (1945), a monu-
mental study of Negro life in Chicago
by St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton,
gives one of the best all-around pic-
tures of the urban Negro we have yet
had. Analyzing the structure of the
Negro community both in itself and
its relation to the city as a whole, this
work has in it many lessons for white
America, many antidotes against fu-
ture Harlem and Detroit riots.

Written by Spencer Logan who at
the time was a sergeant in the Army,
A Negro's Faith in America (1946)
won the Macmillan Centenary Prize
in the non-fiction field for members
of the armed forces. A book of ap-
peasement, it makes some stringent
observations on Negro leadership.
Critics have found a number of Ser-
geant Logan's observations not only
unsound but in bad taste.

Other Works

A catchall within a catchall, this
last section will include works of spe-
cial interest which do not fall into
any of the above categories. Many of
them are not only books of an unusual
nature, but in a number of cases are
pioneering efforts in their respective
fields.

So You're Going to Fly (1941) by
James L. H. Peck is certainly a Negro
"first." In reality a popular textbook
on aviation, it deals in Part I with the
training of the flyer; in Part II with
certain aspects of our air defense of
interest to all citizens; and in Part
III with the business side of peace-
time flying. Written in a colloquial
style, the book contains a glossary of
aeronautical and popular war terms,
official photographs, and diagrams by
the author. Peck is also the author of
an earlier work, Armies with Wings.

The Biology of the Negro (1942) by i
Julian Herman Lewis is definitely a
pioneer work and the most complete
treatment of the subject yet published.

MISCELLANEOUS WORKS: 1941-46

471

The author states frankly that he "has
no thesis to develop or disprove," that
his work "pretends to be nothing other
than an arranged assembly of the ob-
served and reported facts concerning
the biology, including the pathology, of
the Negro." In this work, however, the
cold light of statistics and scientific
analysis takes the place of the racist
hocus-pocus so often associated with
studies of Negro health.

Cosmetology in the Negro (1944) by
Gerald Arthur Spencer deals with the
skin and scalp diseases prevalent
among Negroes. Written plainly and
with a minimum of medical termi-
nology, the book is designed to help
Negro beauticians understand some of
the problems of their profession. It,
too, is the first of its kind.

Dan Hurley's Original Handbook of
Harlem Jive (1944) was written to tell
students of Jive just what it is all
about. With a rather full glossary
"The Jive's Bible" and a Jive grammar
"The ABC of Basic Jive," Burley's
book is an unusual and original work
which has interest for the serious stu-
dent of language as well as for the
"hepcat."

Another unusual first volume from
this period has been the talented E.
Simms Campbell's Cuties in Arms
(1941), a volume of men's cartoons
with the sophisticated and spicy Camp-
bell touch.

The Small Home of Tomorrow
(1945) by Paul R. Williams, A.I.A.,
is a timely work containing over forty
plans for houses ranging in price
from $3,000 to $10,000. Included in
this volume are an "Architect's Note-
book of New Products" and a list of
"do's" and "don'ts" in building. All in
all, it is a very practical book for
those interested in post-war housing.
James A. Porter's Modern Negro Art
(1943) is a history of Negro art from
the colonial period down to the pres-
ent, from Scipio Moorhead (a contem-
porary of Phillis Wheatley) to Barthe
and Selma Burke. The volume con
tains eighty-five halftone plates of
Negro art from the work of early
skilled artisans down to the best of
the modern artists. This well-written
work treats a field which previously
had been barely touched by the Negro
scholar.

During the 1941-46 period, a con-
siderable number of doctoral disserta-
tions was published. Included among

them are the following works: Free
Negro Labor and Property Holdings in
Virginia, 1830-1860 (1942) by Luther
Porter Jackson; The Free Negro in
North Carolina, 1790-1860, (1943)
by John Hope Franklin; Isaac Watts:
His Life and Works (1942) by Arthur
P. Davis; Education and Marginality
(1942), a study of the Negro woman
college graduate by Marian Vera Cuth-
bert; The Education of Negroes in
New Jersey (1941) by Marion M. T.
Wright; The Treatment of the Negro
in American History School Textbooks

(1941) by Marie Elizabeth Carpenter;
The Southern Negro and the Public
Library (1941) by Eliza Atkins
Gleason; The Disarmament Illusion

(1942) by Merze Tate; The Reading
Interests and Needs of Negro College
Freshman Regarding Social Science
Materials (1942) by Walter G. Daniel;
Religion in Higher Education Among
Negroes (1945) by Richard T. Mc-
Kinney; and The Diplomatic Relations
of the United States with Haiti, 1776-
1891 (1941) by Rayford W. Logan.

The above list is by no means com-
plete and is not meant to be; it is of-
fered merely as a representative se-
lection. There is now, however, a full
list and a comprehensive treatment
of the subject in Harry Washington
Greene's Holders of Doctorates Among
American Negroes (1946) — another
"first."

This period saw also the publication
of two histories of Negro schools:
The History and Interpretation of Wil-
berforce University (1941), by Frede-
rick A. McKinnis and Howard Univer-
sity: Capstone of Negro Education
(1941) by Walter Dyson.

Eslanda Goode Robeson's African
Journey (1945), the story of her trip
to Africa with her son, is much more
than an interesting travelogue. A
trained anthropologist, Mrs. Robeson
has described the habits and the social
and economic customs of the native
groups she visited. The book raises
provocative questions about the treat-
ment of Africans by colonial powers
and about the future status of these
people. The work has many excel-
lent photographic studies of Africa and
Africans.

Careers in Safety (1945) by Herbert
J. Stack, Charles C. Hawkins, and
Walter Cutter is another example of
inter-racial collaboration. Dr. Hawkins

472

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE

is a Negro; his two associates are
white. This book also deals with an
unusual subject: "choosing a vocation
in the field of accident prevention."
It attempts to show the types of jobs
open in the field of safety work.

Sex and Race, Volume III (1944), by
J. A. Rogers is the last volume of a
trilogy giving a comprehensive study
of the problem of cross-breeding in
Europe and in the Americas. Volume
I appeared in 1940 and Volume II in
1942.

Among the several reprints and new
editions which came out in the period
are four of unusual interest. In 1941,
J. A. Rogers brought out the fifth edi-
tion of his well known From "Super-
man" to Man. In the same year Carter
G. Woodson published the seventh edi-
tion, revised and enlarged, of his
classic Negro in Our History, and the
eighth in 1945. In 1941 the Frederick
Douglass Historical and Cultural
League reprinted The Life and Times
of Frederick Douglass with a foreword
by Alain Locke. Carter G. Woodson
also edited in 1942 a four-volume edi-
tion of The Works of Frances J.
Grimke, a publication of great value
to the student of Negro history and
culture.

SUMMARY

The period from 1941-46, though one
of world strife, has in several respects
been fruitful for the Negro American
writer. As novelist and as writer
of autobiography, he has made the na-
tional best seller lists. He has won the
Yale Younger Poets Series Award, the
Houghton MifHin Literary Fellowship,
the Mayflower Society (of North Caro-
lina) Award, and the Macmillan Cen-
tenary Prize in the field of non-fiction.
The Negro writer has appeared in the
best "American" anthologies, and he
has collaborated in an impressive
number of instances with outstanding
white scholars and creative artists.
In the field of social commentary, he
has made a rich contribution to
American scholarship.

The medal, of course, has a reverse
side. There are still several impor-
tant areas which the Negro writer has
unaccountably slighted. To name the
more obvious — the field of biography,
as stated above; and yet there are
many excellent race subjects, contem-
porary and historical, simply begging
for treatment. There is also a great
need for new textbooks in history.
For too many years Carter Woodson's
work has carried the burden practical-
ly alone. Though the writers of social
commentary have made tremendous
advances during the period, we still
need scholarly and authoritative
source books on housing and popula-
tion. And the field of genealogy has
hardly been touched by the Negro
writer.

Very little work has been done on
the historical novel, very little in the
fields of travel-observation and person-
al-reminiscence, and, as stated above,
appallingly little in drama. As a mat-
ter of fact, there is yet no anthology
of full-length plays by Negro authors.
In the field of the detective story,
there has been no Negro publica-
tion since Fisher's Conjure-Man Dies
(1932). There has also been no out-
standing novel of social satire since
the New Negro Movement. The Negro
writer has been relatively weak in
the field of literary history and criti-
cism. Very few Negro scholar-trans-
lators have made use of that vast
reservoir of Caribbean and South
American, particularly the Cuban and
Brazilian, literature on and by Ne-
groes. And strangest of all, there has
been no important work of any kind
dealing with humor.

As one critic has said, "the ulti-
mate aim of Negro literature is to
destroy itself, to become an indivis-
ible part of American literature." The
Negro writer has made a good start in
that direction during the 1941-46 pe-
riod; but if he is to accomplish that
end, he must continue to broaden his
literary interests.

DIVISION XXII

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

Educational Organizations

Alpha Kappa Mu (Honor Society in Ne-
gro Colleges)
President, W. F. Maize, State Teachers

College, Fayetteville, N. C.
Organized: 1937, Arkansas State Col-
lege, Pine Bluff, Ark.

American Teachers Association (Formerly
the National Association of Teachers
in Colored Schools)
President, Walter N. Ridley, Virginia

State College, Petersburg, Va.
Organized: 1904.
Association of Business Officers in Schools

for Negroes
President, G. Leon Netterville, Southern

University, Scotlandville, La.
Organized: April, 1939, Howard Uni-
versity, Washington, D. C.
Association of Colleges and Secondary

Schools for Negroes

President, Dr. R. P. Daniel, Shaw Uni-
versity, Raleigh, N. C.
Organized: 1934, Atlanta University,

Atlanta, Ga.

Association of Deans of Women and

Advisers to Girls in Negro Schools

President, Dr. T. Ruth Brett, Tuskegee

Institute, Ala.

Organized: 1923, Washington, D. C.
Association of Social Science Teachers in

Negro Colleges
President, Dr. Merle Eppse, Tennessee

State College, Nashville, Tenn.
Organized: 1935, Johnson C. Smith Uni-
versity, Charlotte, N. C.
Beta Kappa Chi Scientific Society

President, Dr. V. J. Tulane, Howard

University, Washington, D. C.
Organized: 1923, Lincoln University, Pa.
Colored Intercollegiate Athletic Associa-
tion

President, John H. Burr, Howard Uni-
versity, Washington, D. C.
Organized: 1912.
Conference on Adult Education and the

Negro

President, Walter R. Chivers, More-
house College, Atlanta, Ga.
Organized: 1938, Hampton Institute, Va.
Conference of Officials of State Teachers

Associations
President, J. Rupert Picott, Richmond,

Virginia.

Organized: 1947, Lemoyne College, Mem-
phis, Tenn.
Conference of Presidents of Negro Land

Grant Colleges
President, Dr. L. H. Foster, Virginia

State College, Petersburg, Va.
Organized: 1923, Tuskegee Institute,
Ala.

Mid-Western Athletic Conference

President, R. B. Atwood, Kentucky

State College, Frankfort, Ky.
Organized: 1931, Kentucky State Col-
lege, Frankfort, Ky.

National Association of College Women
President, Mrs. Alice G. Taylor, 2556

McCulloh St., Baltimore, Md.
Organized: 1924, Washington, D. C.

National Association of Collegiate Deans
and Registrars in Negro Schools

President, George C. Grant, Morgan
State College, Baltimore, Md.

Organized: 1926, A. and T. College,

Greensboro, N. C.

National Association of Music Teachers
in Negro Schools

President, Warner Lawson, Howard
University, Washington, D. C.

Organized: 1936, Dillard University, New

Orleans, La.

National Association of Personnel Deans
in Negro Educational Institutions

President, Thomas E. Hawkins, Hamp-
ton Institute, Va.

Organized: 1935, Howard University,

Washington, D. C.

National Congress of Colored Parents and
Teachers

President, Mrs. C. P. Henry, 123 South
Queen St., Dover, Del.

Organized: 1926, Atlanta, Ga.
National Institute of Science

President, Dr. S. M. Nabrit, Atlanta
University, Atlanta, Ga.

Organized: 1943, Chicago, 111.
National Student Health Association

Executive Director, Dr. Paul B. Come-
ly, Howard University, Washington,
D. C.

Organized: 1940, Nashville, Tenn.
Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Confer-
ence

President, Dr. St. Elmo Brady, Fisk
University, Nashville, Tenn.

Organized: 1913, Morehouse College,

Atlanta, Ga.
Southwestern Athletic Conference

President, A. W. Mumford, Southern
University, Scotlandville, La.

Organized: 1920, Houston, Texas.

Organizations for General Advancement

Association for the Study of Negro Life
and History

Director, Carter G. Woodson, 1538
Ninth St., N. W., Washington, D. C.

Organized: 1915, Chicago, 111.
Council on African Affairs

Chairman, Paul Robeson, 23 West 26th
St., New York City

Executive Director, Max Yergan, 23
West 26th St., New York City

Organized: 1937, New York City
The Frontiers of America, Inc.

President, N. B. Allen, 107 N. Monroe
Ave., Columbus, Ohio

Organized: 1936, Columbus, Ohio
The John A. Andrew Clinical Society

Executive Secretary, Dr. Eugene H.
Dibble, Jr., Tuskegee Institute, Ala.

Organized: 1917, Tuskegee Institute,

Ala.
National Achievement Clubs, Inc.

Founder and President, Mrs. Alma
Illery, 2839% Wylie Ave., Pittsburgh,
Pa.

Executive Secretary, Mrs. Goldie Ham-
ilton, 2811 Breckenridge St., Pitts-
burgh, Pa.

Organized: 1944, Pittsburgh, Pa.

473

474

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL, ORGANIZATIONS

National Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People
President, Arthur B. Spingarn, 20 W.

40th St., New York City
Secretary, Walter White, 20 W. 40th

St., New York City
Organized: 1909, New York City
National Health Association
President, A. W. Dent, Dillard Univer-
sity, New Orleans, La.
National Negro Congress

President, Max Yergan, 307 Lenox Ave.,

New York City
Executive Secretary, Revels Cayton, 307

Lenox Ave., New York City
Organized: 1936, Chicago, 111.
National Recreation Association, (Bureau

of Colored Work)
Director, Bureau of Colored Work, E.

T. Attwell, 315 Fourth Ave., New

York City

Organized: 1906, Washington, D. C.
National Urban League

President, William H. Baldwin, 1133

Broadway, New York City
Executive Secretary, Lester B. Granger,

1133 Broadway, New York City
Organized: 1910, New York City
Southern Negro Youth Congress
President, Rose Mae Catchings, 526-28

Masonic Temple Bldg., Birmingham,

Ala.
Organized: 1937, Richmond, Va.

Organizations for Economic Advancement

Association of Colored Railway Trainmen
and Locomotive Firemen, Inc.
Grand President, S. H. Clark, 408 Gains-

boro Ave., N. W., Roanoke, Va.
Organized: 1912, Knoxville, Tenn.
Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters
International President, A. Philip Ran-
dolph, 217 West 125th St., New York
City

Organized: 1925, New York City
National Alliance of Postal Employees
President, Ashby B. Carter, 5633 So.

Wabash Ave., Chicago, 111.
Organized: 1913, Chattanooga, Tenn.
National Association for Negroes in

American Industry
President, David H. Sims, 716 S. 19th

St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Organized 1940, Philadelphia, Pa.
National Association of Negro Tailors,
Designers, Dressmakers and Dry
Cleaners, Inc.
President, W. S. Sparrow, 521 Columbus

Ave., Boston, Mass.

Executive Secretary, M. K. Tyson, Bur-
lington, N. C.

Organized: 1920, Burlington, N. C.
National Bankers Association

President, L. D. Milton, Citizens Trust

Co., Atlanta, Ga.
Organized: 1917, Louisville, Ky.
National Beauty Culturists' League, Inc.
President, Mrs. Cordelia Greene John-
son, 294 Forest St., Jersey City, N. J.
National Builders Association

President, W. H. Aiken, 158 Auburn

Ave., Atlanta, Ga.

Organized: 1923, Hampton Institute, Va.
National Negro Business League

President, A. G. Gaston, 5th Ave. and

16th St., N. Birmingham, Ala.
Organized: 1900, Boston, Mass.

National Negro Funeral Directors Asso-
ciation
President, Duplain Rhodes, 2616 So.

Claiborne St., New Orleans, La.
National Negro Insurance Association
President, Charles Greene, 148 Auburn

Ave., N. E., Atlanta, Ga.
Organized: 1921, Atlanta, Ga.
National Negro News Distributors Asso-
ciation
Chairman, Caroll M. Ellis, Chicago's

National News Co., Chicago, 111.
Organized: 1946, Chicago, 111.
National Society of Accountants

President, J. B. Blayton, 239 Auburn

Ave., Atlanta, Ga.
Organized: 1934, Atlanta, Ga.
National Technical Association, Inc.
President, William F. Thornton, 3207 So.

Parkway, Chicago, 111.
Organized: 1926, Springfield, 111.
Negro Newspaper Publishers Association
President, Frank L. Stanley, The Louis-
ville Defender, 418 So. Fifth St.,
Louisville, Ky.
Organized: 1940, Chicago, 111.
New Farmers of America
Administrative Executive Secretary, A.
W. Tenney, U. S. Office of Education,
Washington, D. C.

National Secretary, J. R. Thomas, Vir-
ginia State College, Petersburg, Va.
Organized: 1927, Virginia
United Beauty School Owners and Teach-
ers Association

President, Mrs. Marjorie Stewart Joy-
ner, Walker Bldg., Indianapolis, Ind.
Organized: 1947, Bethune-Cookman Col-
lege, Daytona Beach, Fla.

Organizations for Professional
Advancement

National Association of Business and Pro-
fessional Women's Clubs
President, Mrs. Sadye J. Williams, 236

Gates Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y.
National Association of Colored Graduate

Nurses
President, Mrs. Mabel K. Staupers, 1790

Broadway, New York City
Organized: 1908, New York City
National Association of Dental Hygienists
President, Mrs. Myrtle Mackall, Wash-
ington, D. C.

Organized: 1939, New York City.
National Bar Association

President, Earl B. Dickerson, 3501 So.

Parkway, Chicago, 111.
Organized: 1923, Des Moines, Iowa.
National Conference of Hospital Admin-
istrators
Chairman, William M. Rich, Lincoln,

Hospital, Durham, N. C.
Organized: 1937, Durham, N. C.
National Dental Association

President, Dr. R. H. Thompson, West-
field, N. J.

Organized: 1918, Buckroe Beach, Va.
National Medical Association

President, Dr. E. I. Robinson, 2510 S-

Central Ave., Los Angeles, Calif.
Organized: 1895, Atlanta, Ga.
Negro Actors Guild of America, Inc.
President, Noble Sissle, 1674 Broadway.

New York City

Administrative Secretary, Miss Mabel
A. Roane, 1674 Broadway, New York
City
Organized: 1936, New York City

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

475

Organizations in the Interest of Women

National Association of Colored Women,
Inc.

Acting President and Executive Secre-
tary, Mrs. Christine S. Smith, 1114
O St., N. W., Washington 5, D. C.

Organized: 1896, Washington, D. C.
National Association of Ministers' Wives

President, Mrs. Elizabeth Coles Bouey,
1827 Maplewood Ave., Richmond, Va.

Organized: 1941, Richmond, Va.
National Council of Negro Women, Inc.

Founder-President, Mrs. Mary McLeod
Bethune, 1318 Vermont Ave., N. W.,
Washington 5, D. C.

Organized: 1935, New York City.

College Fraternities

Alpha Phi Alpha

General President, Belford V. Lawson,
2001 Eleventh St., N. W., Washing-
ton, D. C.

Organized: 1906, Cornell University,

Ithaca, N. Y.
Kappa Alpha Psi

President, Augustus G. Parker, 2584 E.
55th St., Cleveland, Ohio.

Organized: 1911, University of Indiana,

Bloomington, Ind.
Omega Psi Phi

Grand Basileus, Col. Campbell C. John-
son, 1816 Twelfth St., N. W., Wash-
ington, D. C.

Organized: 1911, Howard Univei-sity,

Washington. D. C.
Phi Beta Sigma

National President, George A. Parker,
1922 13th St., N. W., Washington,
D. C.

Organized: 1914, Howard University,
Washington, D. C.

College Sororities

Alpha Kappa Alpha

Supreme Basileus, Mrs. Edna Over

Gray, 1039 Edmondson Ave., Balti-
more, Md.
Organized: 1908, Howard University,

Washington, D. C.
Delta Sigma Theta

Grand President, Mrs. Mae Wright

Downs, Box 121, Sewell, N. J.
Organized: 1913, Howard University,

Washington, D. C.
Iota Phi Lambda

President, Mrs. Mildred R. Miller, 10817

Greenbarry Ave., Cleveland, Ohio.
Organized: 1929, Chicago, 111.
Lambda Kappa Mu

Grand Basileus, Mrs. Rita L. D. Wil-

kins, 1226 Villa Place, Nashville,

Tenn.

Organized: 1937.

Phi Delta Kappa (Teachers' sorority)
Supreme Basileus, Mrs. Gertrude A.

Robinson, 596 Edgecombe Ave., New

York City

Organized: 1923, Jersey City, N. J.
Sigma Gamma Rho
Grand Basileus, Miss Ethel R. Smith,

5044 So. Parkway, Chicago, 111.
Organized: 1922, Butler University, In-
dianapolis, Ind.
Zeta Phi Beta

Grand Basileus, Mrs. L. W. Harrison,

1721 Warm St., Houston, Texas.
Organized: 1920, Howard University,

Washington, D. C.

Secret Fraternal Orders

Afro-American Sons and Daughters
T. J. Huddleston, 511 Calhoun Ave.,

Yazoo City, Miss.
American Woodmen

B. H. Graham, Box 987, Denver, Colo.
Daughter Elks, Grand Temple of,

Secretary, Mrs. Buena Kelley Berry,

1021 Motly Ave., Norfolk, Va.
Daughters of Isis, Imperial Court

Mrs. Sadie E. Barnes, 405 7th Ave.,

Newark, N. J.
Eastern Star, Order of,
Mrs. C. N. Pitts, 1221 Hunter St., N. W.,

Atlanta, Ga.
Elks of the World, Improved Benevolent

Protective Order

Grand Exalted Ruler, J. Finley Wilson,
1813 Vernon St., N. W., Washington,
D. C.

Good Samaritans, Independent Order of,
John H. Dale, Jr., 1269 Sumner Rd., S.

E., Washington, D. C.

Household of Ruth, Grand, (Oddfellows),
Most Worthy Grand Superior, Mrs.

Mary F. Hendley
Grand Recorder, Mrs. Elizabeth De-

laney, 30 15th St., Covington, Ky.
Grand United Order of Moses

Mrs. Irene Brannock, 1521 T. St., Wash-
ington, D. C.

Grand United Order of Oddfellows
Grand Master, Ernest D. Cooke
Grand Secretary, Jesse L. Nicholas, 12th

& Spruce Sts., Philadelphia, Pa.
King David, Imperial Order of,

Miss Mary M. Scott, 1411 W. Leigh St.,

Richmond, Va.
Knight Templars

Edward Delon Allen, 355 Owen St., De-
troit, Mich.
Knights of Peter Claver

President, Archie W. Armand, 2405

London Ave., New Orleans, La.
Knights of Pythias, Supreme Lodge
Secretary, J. Will Cooper, 4439 Lilli-

bridge Ave., Detroit, Mich.
Mystic Shrine, Ancient Egyptian Arabic
. Order of Nobles

Imperial Potentate, Raymond E. Jack-
son, Buffalo, N. Y.

Reindeer, Benevolent Protective Order of,
Beresford T. Callender, 106 Macon St.,
Brooklyn, N. Y.
St. Luke, Independent Order of,

Mrs. Hattie N. F. Walker, 902-4 St.

James St., Richmond, Va.
Tents, Grand United Order of,

Grand Matron, Mrs. J. B. Goldsboro,
116 Eagle St., Chester, Pa.

Young Men's Christian Association--
Locals Serving Colored Men and Boys
State and City — Branch
ALABAMA
Birmingham:

Colored Community Work Div., Cen-
tral Branch Y. M. C. A., 526 N. 20th
St.

*Data furnished by the National Council
of Y. M. C. A.'s.

476

DIRECTORY OP NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

Colored Division, Acipco Branch Y.

M. C. A., 16th St. and 30th Ave.
Colored Division, Stockham Branch

Y. M. C. A., Box 2592
Mobile:

Colored Branch Y. M. C. A., 504 St.

Anthony St.
ARKANSAS
Little Rock:

Geo. Washington Carver Branch,

1100 W. 9th St.
CALIFORNIA
Los Angeles:

28th Street Branch Y. M. C. A., 1006

E. 28th St.
Oakland:

North Oakland Branch Y. M. C. A.,

3716 San Pablo Ave., Emeryville
COLORADO
Denver:

Glenarm Branch Y. M. C. A., 2800
Glenarm Place

CONNECTICUT
Bridgeport:

Colored Wk. Div., Central Branch

Y. M. C. A., 651 State St.
DELAWARE
Wilmington:

Walnut Street Christian Assn., 10th

and Walnut Sts.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
Washington:

Twelfth Street Branch Y. M. C. A.,

1816 12th St., N. W.
FLORIDA
Miami:

646 N. W. 2nd Ave.
St. Petersburg:

2026 Melrose Ave., So.
GEORGIA
Atlanta:

Butler Street Branch Y. M. C. A., 22

Butler St., N. W.
Columbus:

Ninth Street Branch Y. M. C. A., 521

Ninth St.
ILLINOIS
Chicago:
Wabash Avenue Dept. Y. M. C. A.,

3763 S. Wabash Ave.
Maxwell Street Dept. Y. M. C. A., 1012

Maxwell St.
Evanston:

Emerson Street Dept. Y. M. C. A.,

1014 Emerson St.
Waukegan :

Y. M. C. A.-Y. W. C. A. Center, 314

Besley Place
INDIANA
Indianapolis:

Senate Avenue Branch Y. M. C. A.,

450 N. Senate Ave.
Muncie:
Willard Street Branch, 1431 E. Wil-

lard St.
IOWA

Des Moines:

Crocker Street Branch Y. M. C. A.,

1023 Crocker St.
KANSAS
Wichita:

Water Street Branch Y. M. C. A., 502
N. Water St.

KENTUCKY
Covington:

Geo. Washington Carver Branch, 1044

Greenup St.
LOUISIANA
New Orleans:

Dryades Street Branch Y. M. C. A.,

2220 Dryades St.
MARYLAND
Baltimore :

Druid Hill Ave. Branch Y. M. C. A.,
1619 Druid Hill Ave.

MICHIGAN
Detroit:

St. Antoine Branch Y.' M. C. A., 635
E. Elizabeth St.

MISSISSIPPI
Vicksburg:

Jackson Street Branch Y. M. C. A.,
Jackson and Walnut Sts.

MISSOURI
Kansas City:

Paseo Department Y. M. C. A., 1824

Paseo Blvd.
St. Joseph:

Colored Branch Y. M. C. A., 1621

Messanie St.
St. Louis:

Pine Street Dept. Y. M. C. A., 2846
Pine St.

NEBRASKA

Omaha:

2717 N. 24th Street

NEW JERSEY

Atlantic City:

Arctic Avenue Branch Y. M. C. A.,

1711 Arctic Ave.
Camden:

Hunton Branch Y. M. C. A., 1300 S.

6th St.
Hackensack:

Community Branch Y. M. C. A., Sec-
ond and Clay Sts.
Jersey City:

Community Branch Y. M. C. A., 514

Jackson Ave.
Montclair:

Washington Street Branch Y. M. C.

A., 41 Washington St.
Newark:

Court Street Branch Y. M. C. A., 153

Court St.
Orange :

Oak wood Department Y. M. C. A., 84

Oakwood Ave.
Plainfield:

Moorland Branch Y. M. C. A., 644

West 4th St.
Princeton:

Witherspoon Street Y. M. C. A., 102

Witherspoon St.
Red Bank:

West Side Branch Y. M. C. A., 141

W. Bergen Place
Summit:

Lincoln Y. M. C. A., 393 Broad St.
Trenton:

Colored Community Branch Y. M. C.
A., 40 Fowler St.

NEW YORK
Brooklyn:

Carlton Avenue Branch Y. M. C. A.,
405 Carlton Ave.

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

477

Buffalo:
Michigan Avenue Branch Y. M. C. A.,

585 Michigan Av«.
Mount Vernon:

West Side Branch Y. M. C. A., 258

So. Seventh Ave.
New York:

Harlem Branch Y. M. C. A., 180 West

135th St.
Rochester:
West Side Branch Y. M. C. A., 133

Adams St.
White Plains:

Martine Avenue Branch Y. M. C. A.,
29 Main St.

NORTH CAROLINA
Charlotte:

Colored Branch Y. M. C. A., 416 E.

2nd St.
Greensboro:

East White Oak Branch Y. M. C. A.,

95 llth St.
Hayes-Taylor Memorial Branch Y. M.

C. A., 1059 E. Market St.
Winston- Salem :

Patterson Ave. Branch Y. M. C. A.,
410 N. Church St.

OHIO
Akron:

Glendale Community Branch Y. M.

C. A., 80 W. Center St.
Cincinnati:

Ninth Street Branch Y. M. C. A., 636

West 9th St.
Walnut Hills Branch Y. M. C. A., 867

Altoona St.
(Lockland) :
Lockland Branch Y. M. C. A., 310 N.

Wayne Ave.
Cleveland:

Cedar Avenue Branch Y. M. C. A..

7615 Cedar Ave.
Columbus:

Spring- Street Branch Y. M. C. A.,

202 E. Spring- St.
Southside Branch Y. M. C. A., 2096

Parsons Ave.
Dayton:

Fifth Street Branch Y. M. C. A., 905

W. Fifth St.
Springfield:

Center Street Branch Y. M. C. A., 521

S. Center St.
Toledo:

Indiana Avenue Branch Y. M. C. A.,

669 Indiana Ave.
Youngstown:

W. Federal Street Branch Y. M. C. A.,
962 W. Federal St.

OKLAHOMA
Tulsa:

W. L. Hutcherson Branch Y. M. C.
A., 331 N. Greenwood St.

PENNSYLVANIA
Chester:

Colored Work Div., 7th and Edgmont

St.
Germanto wn :

W. Rittenhouse Branch Y. M. C. A.,

132 W. Rittenhouse St.
Harrisburg:
Forster Street Branch Y. M. C. A.,

628 Forster St.
Philadelphia:

Christian Street Branch Y. M. C. A.,
1724 Christian St.

Columbia Community Branch Y. M.

C. A., 1639 N. Broad St.
Parkside Community Branch Y. M.

C. A., 5924 Haverford Ave.
Pittsburgh:

Centre Avenue Branch Y. M. C. A.,

2621 Centre Ave.
Wilkes-Barre:

Southside Branch Y. M. C. A., 434 S.

Main St.
Wilmerding:

Patton Community House
TENNESSEE
Chattanooga:
J. A. Henry Branch Y. M. C. A., 793

E. 9th St.
Knoxville:

Cansler Branch Y. M. C. A., 208 E.

Vine St.
Memphis:

Colored Branch Y. M. C. A., 254

Lauderdale Ave.
Nashville:

Colored Branofc Y. M. C. A., 4th Ave.

North and Cedar Sts.
TEXAS
Beaumont:

College Street Branch Y. M. C. A.,

776 Neches St.
Dallas:

Moorland Branch Y. M. C. A., 2700

Flora St.
Fort Worth:

Colored Branch Y. M. C. A., 1600

Jones St.
Houston:

Colored Branch Y. M. C. A., 1217

Bagby St.
Port Arthur:

Colored Branch Y. M. C. A.
San Antonio:

Colored Branch Y. M. C. A., care of
Central Branch Y. M. C. A., 301 E.
Martin St.
VIRGINIA
Danville:

Watkin-Thompson Branch Y. M. C.

A., 333 N. Union St.
Lynchburg:

Hunton Branch Y. M. C. A., 511 Tay-
lor St.
Norfolk:

Hunton Branch Y. M. C. A., 440 E.

Brambleton Ave.
Richmond:

Colored Y. M. C. A., 214 E. Leigh St.
Roanoke :

Hunton Branch Y. M. C. A., 436

Gainsboro Road, N. W.
WASHINGTON
Seattle:
East Madison Branch Y. M. C. A.,

23rd and Olive Sts.
WISCONSIN
Milwaukee :

Booker T. Washington Branch Y. M.
C. A., 735 W. Walnut St.

Young Women's Christian
Association (Y. W. C. A.)

Negro Branches
Southern Region
ALABAMA
Birmingham:

8th Avenue Branch. 500 Eighth Ave.,
North.

478

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

Mobile:

Juliette Derricotte Branch, 552 St.

Francis St.
ARKANSAS
Little Rock:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 924 Gaines

St.
FLORIDA

Jacksonville:

A. L. Lewis Branch, 1215 Lee St.
Miami:

Murrell Branch, 1604 N. W. Third Ave.
GEORGIA
Atlanta:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 218 Boule-
vard, N. E.
KENTUCKY
Lexington:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 402 N. Up-
per St.
Louisville:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 528 South
Sixth St.

LOUISIANA
New Orleans:

1609 N. Robertson St.
NORTH CAROLINA
Asheville:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 3GO College

St.
Charlotte :

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 411 S. Bre-

vard St.
Durham :

Harriet Tubman Branch, 312 Um-

stead St.
High Point:

Mary Bethune Branch, 730 E. Wash-
ington St.
Raleigh:

Sojourner Truth Branch, 13 Ms Har-

gett St.
Winston-Salem :

Chestnut Street Branch, 219 E. Sixth

St.

OKLAHOMA
Oklahoma City:

300 North Stiles St.
Tulsa:

North Tulsa Branch, 621 E. Oklahoma

Place

SOUTH CAROLINA
Charleston:

Coming Street Branch, 106 Coming

St.
Columbia:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 1429 Park

St.

TENNESSEE
Chattanooga:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 924 E.

Eighth St.
Knoxville:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 702 Tem-
perance St.
Memphis:

Vance Avenue Branch, 541 Vance Ave.
Nashville:

Blue Triangle Branch, 436 Fifth Ave-
nue, N.

TEXAS
Austin:

East Austin Branch, 1210 Rosewood
Ave.

Beaumont:

Frances Morris Branch, 653 College

St.
Dallas:

Maria Morgan Branch, 3525 State St.
Fort Worth:

1916 Crump Street
Galveston :

Mary Patrick Branch, 2823 Avenue K
Houston:

Blue Triangle Branch, 1419 Live Oak

St.
San Antonio:

Pine Street Branch, 328 N. Pine St.
Waco:

Blue Triangle Branch, Earl & Cher-
ry Sts., E. Waco
VIRGINIA
Lynchburg:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 613 Monroe

St.
Newport News:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 842 Hamp-
ton Ave.
Norfolk :

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 729 Wash-
ington St.
Richmond:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 515 N. Sev-
enth St.
Roanoke:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 208 Sec-
ond St., N. E.
Eastern Region
DELAWARE
Wilmington:

Walnut Street Branch, 10th and Wal-
nut Sts.
MARYLAND
Baltimore:

Madison Avenue Branch, 2110 Madi-
son Ave.
NEW JERSEY
Atlantic City:

30 N. Ohio Ave.
Camden:

Frances Harper Branch, 822 Kaighn

Ave.
Jersey City:

House of Friendliness, 43 Belmont

Ave.
Newark :

Sojourner Truth, 52 Jones St.
Orange:

Oakwood Branch, 66 Oakwood Ave.
Plainfleld:

East Fifth Street Branch, 302 E.

Fifth St.
Trenton:

339 N. Montgomery St.
NEW YORK
New York:

Harlem Branch Y. W. C. A., 179 West

137th St.

PENNSYLVANIA
Germantown:

Germantown Branch, 6128 German-
town Ave.
Harrisburg:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 800 Cowden

St.
New Castle:

140 Elm St.
Philadelphia:

South west -Belmont Branch, 1605
Catherine St.

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

479

Pittsburgh:
Centre Avenue Branch, 2044 Centre

Ave.
Washington:

Lincoln Branch, 112 N. Lincoln St.
WEST VIRGINIA
Clarksburg:

Water Street Branch, 447 Water St.
Wheeling:

Blue Triangle Branch, 108 Twelfth
St.

Central Region

INDIANA
Indianapolis:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 653 N. West

St.
Muncie :

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 1301 E.
First St.

IOWA

Des Moines:

Blue Triangle Branch, 1407 Center St.
KANSAS

Kansas City:

Yates Branch, 644 Quindaro Blvd.
Wichita:

Mary B. Talbert Branch, 818 N.

Water St.
MICHIGAN
Detroit:

Lucy Thurman Branch, 569 E. Eliza-
beth St.

MISSOURI
Kansas City:

Paseo Branch, 1501 E. 19th St.
St. Joseph:

Blue Triangle Branch, 110 S. 13th

St.
St. Louis:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 2709 Lo-
cust St.

NEBRASKA
Omaha:

Northside Branch, 2216 North 22nd
St.

OHIO

Cincinnati:

West End Branch, 702 W. Eighth St.
Columbus:

Blue Triangle Branch, 690 E. Long

St.
Dayton:

West Side Branch, 236 S. Summit St.
Springfield:

Clark Street Branch, 134 W. Clark

St.
Youngstown:

Belmont Branch, 248 Belmont Ave.

Western Region

CALIFORNIA
Los Angeles:
Woodlawn Branch, 4260 Woodlawn

Ave.

San Diego:
Clay Avenue Branch, 2905 Clay Ave.

COLORADO
Denver:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 2460 Welton
St.

WASHINGTON
Seattle:

Phyllis Wheatley Branch, 102 21st
St., N.

Negro Centers

ARKANSAS
Fort Smith:

Margie K. Harrison Branch (Center),

N. Ninth & K Sts.
CALIFORNIA
Oakland:

West Oakland Center, 828 Linden St.
CONNECTICUT
Bridgeport:

Phyllis Wheatley Center, 237 John

St.

ILLINOIS
Chicago:

South Parkway Center, 4559 South

Parkway
MISSISSIPPI
Laurel:

Madison at Second

NEW YORK
Rochester:

Clarissa Street Center, 192 Clarissa

St.

WISCONSIN
Milwaukee:

738 W. Walnut St.

Affiliated Association (Independent)
WASHINGTON, D. C.

Phyllis Wheatley Y. W. C. A., 901
Rhode Island Ave., N. W.

Unaffiliated Association (Independent)
NEW JERSEY
Montclair:

Y. W. C. A., 159 Glenridge Ave.

The National Urban League
For Social Service Among
Negroes, Affiliates

ARIZONA
Phoenix:

Phoenix Urban League, 1202 E. Wash-
ington St.
ARKANSAS
Little Rock:

Urban League of Greater Little Rock,

914 Gaines St.
CALIFORNIA
Los Angeles:

Urban League of Los Angeles, 2510

South Central Ave.
San Francisco:

San Francisco Urban League, 1095

Market St., Room 202
COLORADO
Denver:

Denver Urban League, 2319 High St.
CONNECTICUT
Waterbury:

Pearl Street Neighborhood House,
Cor. of Hopkins and Pearl St.

480

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

DISTRICT OP COLUMBIA
Washington:

Washing-ton Urban League, 1538 New

Jersey Ave., N. W.
FLORIDA
Miami:

The Negro Service Council, 646 N. W.

Second Ave.
Tampa:

Tampa Urban League, 1615 Lamar

Ave.

GEORGIA
Atlanta:

Atlanta Urban League, 239 Auburn

Ave., N. E.
ILLINOIS
Chicago:

Chicago Urban League, 3032 South

Wabash Ave.
Springfield:

Springfield Urban League, 234 South

15th St.
INDIANA
Anderson:

Negro Welfare Association, 1100 West

14th St.
Port Wayne:

Wheatley Social Center, 421 East

Douglas Ave.
Gary:

Gary Urban League, 1448 Broadway,

Suite 5
Marion :

Carver Community Center, 1719 South

Florence St.
KENTUCKY
Louisville:

Louisville Urban League, 418 South

Fifth St.

LOUISIANA .

New Orleans:

New Orleans Urban League, 1010

Dryades St.
MARYLAND

Baltimore:

Baltimore Urban League, 2404 Penn-
sylvania Ave.
MASSACHUSETTS
Boston:

Urban League of Greater Boston, 22

Whittier St.
Springfield:

Dunbar Community League, Inc., 643

Union St.
MICHIGAN
Detroit:

Detroit Urban League, 208 Mack Ave.
Flint:

Urban League of Flint, 415 CIO Bldg.
Grand Rapids:

Brough Community Association, 554

Henry St., N. W.

MINNESOTA:

Minneapolis:

Minneapolis Urban League, 240 South

Fourth St.
St. Paul:

St. Paul Urban League, 402 Metro-
politan Bank Bldg.
MISSOURI
Kansas City:

Urban League of Kansas City, 1805
Vine St.

St. Louis:

Urban League of St. Louis, 3017 Del-
mar Blvd.
NEBRASKA
Lincoln:

Lincoln Urban League, 2030 T St.
Omaha:

Omaha Urban League, 2213 Lake St.
NEW JERSEY
Elizabeth:

Urban League of Eastern Union

County, 645 Elizabeth Ave.
Englewood:

Englewood Urban League, 34 E. Pali-
sade Ave.
New Brunswick:

New Brunswick Urban L-eague, 122

New St.
Newark:

New Jersey Urban League, 58 West

Market St.
NEW YORK
Albany:

Albany Interracial Council, 122 Sec-
ond St.
Buffalo:

Memorial Center and Urban League,

Inc., 155 Cedar St.
New York:

Urban League of Greater New York
Brooklyn Branch, 105 Fleet Place
Manhattan Branch, 202 W. 136th St.
White Plains:

White Plains Urban League, 240

Grove St.
OHIO
Akron:

Association for Colored Community

Work, 199 Perkins St.
Canton:

Canton Urban League, 819 Liberty

Ave., S. E.
Cincinnati:

Division of Negro Welfare, the Com-
munity Chest of Cincinnati and
Hamilton Co., 312 West 9th St.
Cleveland:

Cleveland Urban League, 8311 Quincy

Ave.
Columbus:

Columbus Urban League, 107 North

Monroe Ave.
Massillon:

Massillon Urban League, 113 Tremont

Ave., S. W.
Toledo:

Frederick Douglass Community Asso-
ciation, 201 Pinewood Ave.
Warren :

Warren Urban League, 727 South

Park Ave.
OKLAHOMA
Oklahoma City:

Oklahoma City Urban League, Y. W.
C. A. Bldg., 320 N. W. First St.

OREGON
Portland:

Portland Urban League, 6 S. W. Sixth

Ave.

PENNSYLVANIA
Philadelphia:

Armstrong Association, 1434 Lombard

St.
Pittsburgh :

Urban League of Pittsburgh, 1300
Fifth Ave.

DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

481

RHODE ISLAND
Providence:

Providence Urban League, 433 West-
minister St., Room 14

TENNESSEE
Memphis:

Memphis Urban League, 546 Beale
Ave.

TEXAS

Fort Worth:

Port Worth Urban League, 41 1M: East
Ninth St.

VIRGINIA
Richmond:

Richmond Urban League, 112 W.

Charity St.
WASHINGTON
Seattle:

Seattle Urban League, 326 Railway
Exchange Bldg., Second Ave. at
Cherry St.
WISCONSIN
Milwaukee:

Milwaukee Urban League, Cor. N.
9th and W. Pine Sts.

PART TWO

THE NEGRO IN AFRICA

483

DIVISION XXIII

POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF NEGRO AFRICA

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

INTRODUCTION

For eight years there has been no chronicle of the events affecting
the Negro in Africa— eight years which may justly be regarded as the
most fateful years in the recent history of Negro Africa. This fact has
placed a considerable burden on the compiler of this part. In view
of limited space, the material has been selected in such a way as to
present the most important aspects of recent African development.
Thus, some important events had to be ignored, and others treated
only casually. During the past eight years the African continent's
position in the affairs of the world has taken on new significance. It
has been the compiler's desire to take cognizance of this and to present
information about Africa in such a way as to give the reader that back-
ground which is necessary for an understanding of present-day condi-
tions. Thus, the title of this part may well have been The African
Negro of Today.

SOME BASIC FACTS

Independent Countries

Liberia
(Republic)

Total area: 43,000 square miles.

Population: Africans, 1,500,000; Amer-
ico-Ljberians, 15,000; Europeans, 300.
Density, 46.5.

Principal exports: Paissava, fibre, palm
kernels, rubber, gold.

Principal imports: Metal goods, ma-
chinery, textiles, food products.

Transport: Roads, some river naviga-
tion, air service.

Chief ports and towns: Monrovia, Bas-
sa, Harper.

Ethiopia
(Monarchy]

Total area: 350,000 square miles.

Population: 8,490,000. Density, 24.3.

Principal exports: Hides, skins, cof-
fee, grain, wax, civet, bananas, gold,
cotton.

Principal imports: Salt, cotton piece-
goods, cotton yarn, building mater-
ials, gasoline, sugar, glass, motor
cars and soap.

Transport: Railroad (Jibuti- Addis Ab-
aba); Roads (1,000 miles).

Principal cities: Addis Ababa, Dire
Dawa, Harar, Gondar, Debra Markos.

British Dominion

Union of South Africa
(Cape Province including Walvis Bay.
Natal. Transvaal, Orange Free State)
Total area: 472,494 square miles.
Population: Africans, 7,391,872; Euro-
peans, 2,003,857; Asiatics, 194,169.
Density, 20.3.

Principal exports: Sugar, maize, hides
and skins, gold, diamonds, citrus,
asbestos, bark, butter, grapes, wines,
meats, angora hair, ostrich feathers,
fish.

Principal imports: Machinery, food-
stuffs, motor cars, motor fuel, cotton
piece-goods, other textiles, furniture,
woolen piece-goods, wearing apparel,
chemicals.

Transport: Railways (13,244 miles);
Motor roads, (12,000 miles); Shipping;
Air Service.

Chief ports and towns: Pretoria, Cape
Town, Johannesburg, Durban, Port
Elizabeth, Bloemfontein, East London,
Pietermaritzburg.

Under Control of Great Britain

West Africa
The Gambia

(Colony and Protectorate)

Total area: 4,068 square miles.

Population: Africans, 213,000; Euro-
pean, 274; Asiatics, 90. Density, 52.7.

Principal exports: Peanuts, palm kern-
el, beeswax, hides and skins.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
cotton, bags, sacks, rice, flour.

Transport: Gambia River.

Chief ports and towns: Bathurst,
Georgetown.

Sierra Leone
(Colony and Protectorate)

Total area: 27,925 square miles.

Population: Africans, '1,766,613; Euro-
pean, 651; Asiatics, 1,216. Density,
63.3.

Principal exports: Cola nuts, ginger,
paissava, iron ore, chrome ore, palm
kernel, gold.

485

486

POLITICAL, DIVISIONS OP NEGRO AFRICA

Principal imports: Rice, flour, meats,
sugar, cotton manufactured goods,
petroleum, iron and steel goods.

Transport: Railways (227 miles from
Freetown to Pendembu; 83 miles
from Banya Junction to Makeni);
Roads, Coastal shipping.

Chief ports and towns: Freetown.

Gold Coast

(Gold Coast Colony and Ashanti —

Colonies; Northern Territories —

Protectorate)

Total area: 78,802 square miles.

Population: Africans, 3,264,697; Euro-
peans, 4,274. Density, 42.9.

Principal exports: Cocoa, gold, man-
ganese, diamonds, cola nuts, mahog-
any, palm kernels, rubber, copra, palm
oil.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
machinery, oils, petrol, iron and steel
goods, cement, tobacco.

Transport: Railways (365 miles from
Takoradi-to Kumasi-to Accra; 3 miles
Takoradi to Sekundi, 19 miles Tark-
wa to Prestea, 4 miles Aboso to Cin-
namon Bippo, 99 miles Huni Valley to
Kade); some 7,000 miles of motorable
roads, air service.

Chjef ports and towns: Accra, Kumasi,
Sekondi, Cape Coast.

Nigeria
(Lagos, Colony; Eastern, Western and

Northern Provinces, Protectorates)

Total area: 372,674 square miles.

Population: Africans, 20,035,922; Euro-
peans, 4,798. Density, 53.8.

Principal exports: Palm oil, palm
kernels, cotton lint, cocoa, mahogany,
tin ore, gold, ground nuts, hides and
skins, bananas, rubber, benniseed.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
iron and steel goods, fish, salt.

Transport: Railways (843 miles Lagos
to Kano and N'guru) 111 miles Minna
to Baro, 133 miles Zaria to Jos, 137
miles Zaria to Kaura Namoda, 27
miles Ifo Junction to Idogo, 569 miles
Port Harcourt to Kaduna.

Chief ports and towns: Lagos, Ibadan,
Kano, Abeokuta, Oyo, Iwo, Ogbom-
osho, Ilorin, Iseyin, Ede, Oshogbo,
Port Harcourt.

East Africa

British Somaliland (Somalia)
(Protectorate)

Total area: 68,000 square miles.

Population: Africans, 345,100; Euro-
peans, 68; Asiatics, 2,215. Density, 5.1.

Principal exports: Skins and hides,
gum, ghee.

Principal imports: Rice, dates, sugar,
textiles.

Transport: Roads.

Chief ports and towns: Berbera, Har-
geisa, Burao, Zeilah.

Kenya
(Colony and Protectorate)

Total area: 219,730 square miles.

Population: Africans, 3,253,698; Euro-
peans, 16,812; Asiatics, 57,135. Density
15.1.

Principal exports: Coffee, sugar, tea,
sisal, hides and skins, wattle bark,
pyrethrum.

Principal imports: Grain and flour,
tobacco, coal, cement, metal goods,
machinery, oil.

Transport: Railways (879 miles Mom-
basa to Kampala) 134 miles Nakuru
to Kisumu, 92 miles Voi to Kahe, 91
miles Konza to Magadi, 145 miles
Nairobi-Nanyuki, 27 miles Rongai to
Solai, 41 miles Leseru to Kitale, 48
miles Gilgil to Thomson's Falls, 43
miles to Kisumu-Butere Branch);
Roads, Shipping, Aviation.

Chief ports and towns: Nairobi, Mom-
basa, Kilindini, Nakuru, Kisumu.

Uganda
(Protectorate)

Total area: 93,981 square miles.

Population: Africans, 3,536,267; Euro-
peans, 2,100; Asiatics, 18,800. Density,
37.8.

Principal exports: Cotton, coffee, hides
and skins, sugar, rubber, tea, ivory.

Principal imports: Cotton goods, metal
goods.

Zanzibar and Pemba
(Protectorate)

Total area: 1,020 square miles.

Population: Africans, 186,466; Euro-
peans, 278; Asiatics, 47,884. Density,
213.9 (for Zanzibar).

Principal exports: Cloves, copra.

Principal imports: Rice and grain, cot-
ton piece-goods, petrol, tobacco, tea.

Transport: Roads (242 miles).

Chief ports and towns: Zanzibar.

Nyasaland
(Protectorate)

Total area: 37,000 square miles.
Population: Africans, 1,682,456; Euro-
peans, 1,738; Asiatics, 1,851. Density,

45.6.

Principal exports: Tobacco, tea, cotton.
Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,

machinery, metal goods, motor

spirits.
Transport: Railways (126 miles Chipoka

to Port Herald), Roads (3,733 miles);

Lake shipping.
Chief towns: Zomba, Blantyre, Limbe,

Cholo, Lilongwe, Mlanje, Port Herald,

Fort Johnston.

Southern Africa

Northern Rhodesia

(Protectorate)

Total area: 290,320 square miles.
Population: Africans, 1,372,235; Euro-
peans, 13,846; Asiatics, 421. Density,

4.8.
Principal exports: Copper, zinc, cobalt,

vanadium, corn (maize), tobacco,

wood.
Principal imports: Machinery, coal,

building material, tobacco.
Transport: Railways (507 miles), Roads

(7,000 miles).
Chief towns: Lusaka, Broken Hill,

Livingstone, Fort Jameson, Aber-

corn, Ndola, Mufulira.

SOME BASIC FACTS

487

Southern Rhodesia
(Self-governing Colony)

Total area: 150,333 square miles.

Population: Africans, 1,311,000; Euro-
peans, 58,870; Asiatics, 5,670. Density,
9.0.

Principal exports: Gold, chrome ore,
asbestos, coal, maize, tobacco.

Principal imports: Foodstuffs, cotton
piece-goods, machinery, metal goods,
chemicals.

Transport: Railways (1,360 miles),
Motor roads (1,658 miles).

Chief cities: Salisbury, Bulawayo, Um-
tali, Gwelo, Gatooma, Wankie, Fort
Victoria, Que Que.

Basutoland
(Colony)

Total area: 11,716 square miles.

Population: Africans, 560,536; Euro-
peans, 1,434; Asiatics, 341. Density,
48.0.

Principal exports: Wool, mohair,
wheat, sorghum, cattle.

Principal imports: Blankets, ploughs,
clothing, tin ware.

Transport: Railways (16 miles), Roads.

Chief towns: Maseru.

Bechuanaland
(Protectorate)

Total area: 275,000 square miles.

Population: Africans, 257,064; Euro-
peans, 1,899; Asiatics, 3,793. Density,
0.9.

Principal exports: Dairy products, cat-
tle, sheep, goats, hides and skins.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods.

Transport: Railways (394 miles), Roads.

Chief towns: Maf eking (in Union), Se-
rowe, Kanye.

Swaziland
(Colony)

Total area: 6,704 square miles.

Population: Africans, 153,270; Euro-
peans, 2,740; Asiatics, 705. Density,
23.0.

Principal exports: Slaughter cattle,
butter fat, hides and skins, tobacco.

Principal imports: Flour, wearing ap-
parel, hardware, tobacco.

Transport: Motor Roads (329 miles).

Chief towns: Mbabane.

Under Joint British
And Egyptian Control

Anglo-Egyptian Sudan
(Condominion)

Total area: 967,500 square miles.
Population: Africans, 6,342,277; Euro-
peans, 500. Density, 6.5.
Principal exports: Cotton, gum, sesame,

senna leaves, groundnuts, dates, hides

and skins.
Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,

tea, machinery, metal ware, timber,

coffee, wheat, flour.
Transport: Railways (1,991 miles),

Motor roads, River shipping.
Chief ports and towns: Khartoum,

Omdurman, Wadi Haifa, Merowe, El
Darner, Atbara, Port Sudan, Suakin,

Kassala, El Obeid.

Under Control of France

French West Africa
(Federation Government General)

Total area: 1,844,166 square miles.

Population: Africans, 15,675,068; Euro-
peans, 28,255; Asiatics, 6,992. Density,
8.5.

French West Africa consists of the
following colonies:

Senegal

Total area: 77,730 square miles.

Population: Africans, 1,659,774; Euro-
peans, 6,600. Density, 21.4.

Principal exports: Peanuts, turtles,
hides and skins, peanut oil, gums.

Principal imports: Cotton goods, food
stuffs, metal work, coal.

Transport: Railways (615 miles), Motor
roads, River shipping.

Chief ports and towns: St. Louis, Kao-
lak, Dioubel, Thies.

French Guinea

Total area: 96,886 square miles.

Population: Africans, 2,060,927; Euro-
peans, 3,600; Asiatics, 1,000. Density,
21.3.

Principal exports: Gold, hides, bananas,
palm kernels, animal wax, orange
oil.

Principal imports: Cotton fabrics,
metal goods, motor oil, wines, motor
cars, machinery, Phosphatic fertiliz-
ers.

Transport: Railways (386 miles),
Roads (5,297 miles).

Chief ports and towns: Conakry, Kan-
kan, Kindia, Mamou, Kouroussa,
Labey, Boke.

Ivory Coast

Total area: 180,802 square miles.

Population: Africans, 3,973,425; Euro-
peans, 3,784; Asiatics, 5,940. Density.
22.0.

Principal exports: Palm kernels, cacao,
coffee, cabinet wood, bananas, cotton.

Principal imports: Cotton fabrics,
wines, metal goods, automobiles.

Transport: Railways (594 miles), Roads
(11,130 miles), Shipping.

Chief ports and towns: Abidjan, Bing-
erville, Port Bouet, Grand Bassam,
Assinie, Grand Lahou, Ouagadougou,
Bobo-Dioulasso.

Dahomey

Total area: 41,302 square miles.

Population: Africans, 1,288,115; Euro-
peans, 1,013. Density, 31.2.

Principal exports: Palm kernels, palm
oil, cotton, maize, dried fish.

Principal imports: Cotton goods, metal
goods, tobacco, petrol.

Transport: Railway (431 'miles), Roads
(2,711 miles).

Chief ports and towns: Porto Novo,
Cotonou, Save.

French Sudan

Total area: 590,966 square miles.

Population: Africans, 3,632,073; Euro-
peans, 3,000. Density, 6.2.

Principal exports: Peanuts, cattle, gum,
kopak, skins, cotton, wools, sisal,
kariti, wax.

488

POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF NEGRO AFRICA

Principal imports: Cotton goods, food-
stuffs, automobiles, motor spirits,
building materials, sugar, salt.

Transport: Railway (760 miles), Roads,
River shipping.

Chief towns: Bamako, Sikasso, Segou,
Gao, Timbuktu, Djenne, Mopti.

Mauritania

Total area: 323,310 square miles.

Population: Africans, 370,389; Euro-
peans, 375. Density, 1.1.

Principal exports: Peanuts, castor
beans, gum, hides.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
tobacco.

Transport:

Chief Towns:

Niger

^otal area: 499.410 square miles.

Population: Africans, 1,809,076; Euro-
peans, 500. Density, 3.6.

Principal exports: Peanuts, hides,
castor beans.

Principal imports: Cotton piecegoods,
tobacco, wines, machinery.

Transport:

Chief towns: Niamey, Zinder.

Dakar and Dependency

Total area: 60 square miles.
Population: Africans, 117,929; Euro-
peans, 9,000. Density, 2,115.4.
Principal exports: Trans-shipping.
Principal imports: Trans-shipping.

French Equatorial Africa

(Colony consisting of Gdbun. Middle

Congo, Ubangi-Shari, Chad}

Total area: 959,256 square miles.

Population: Africans, 3,418,066; Euro-
peans, 4,949. Density, 3.6.

Principal exports: Timber, rubber,
palm oil, copper, zinc, ivory.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
metal goods, wines, tobacco.

Transport: Railways (318 miles), Roads
(1,200 miles), River and coastal ship-
ping.

Chief ports and towns: Brazzaville,
Pointe-Noire, Baneui, Fort Lamcy,
Port Gentil, libreville.

French Somaliland
(Colony)

Total area: 8,492 square miles.
Population: Africans, 44,420; Europeans,

1,971; Asiatics, 4,200. Density, 5.9.
Principal exports: Coffee, hides, salt.
Principal imports: Cotton goods, cattle,

coal, sugar.
Transport: Railways (Djibouti-Addis

Ababa, 485 miles), Shipping.
Chief port: Djibouti.

Under Control of Belgium

Belgian Congo

Total area: 899,702 square miles.

Population: Africans, 10,046,731; Euro-
peans, 29,735. Density, 11.2.

Principal exports: Palm oil, palm
kernels, copal, cotton, copper, dia-
monds, rubber, coffee, cocoa, ivory,
fibre, cobalt, tin, manganese.

Principal imports: Cotton goods, ma-
chinery, metal goods, food stuffs, to-
bacco.

Transport: Railways (3,106 miles).

Roads (53,775 miles), River shipping

(6,279 miles), Air service.
Chief ports and towns: Leopoldville,

Elisabethville, Matadi, Port Francqui,

Stanleyville.

Under Portuguese Control

Portuguese Guinea

Total area: 13,944 square miles.

Population: Africans, 424,590; Euro-
peans, 1,419. Density, 30.6.

Principal exports: Rice, wax, seeds.

Principal imports: Cotton goods.

Transport: Roads (1,863 miles), Coastal
and River shipping.

Chief ports and town: Bissau, Bolama,
Cacheu, Bubagne.

Angola and Cabinda
(Portuguese West Africa)

Total area: 487,788 square miles.

Population: Africans, 3,020,626; Euro-
peans, 58,698; Asiatics, 18,957. Den-
sity, 6.4.

Principal exports: Coffee, maize, dia-
monds, sugar, wax, coconut.

Principal imports: Textiles, coal, food-
stuffs.

Transport: Railways (1,442 miles),
Roads (22,708 miles).

Chief ports and towns: S. Paulo de
Loanda, Benguela, Mossamedes, Lo-
bito, Malange, Huambo.

S. Tome and Principe

Total area: 597 square miles.

Population: Africans, 59,470*; Euro-
peans, 995; Asiatics, 112. Density,
101.4.

Principal exports: Cocoa, coffee, coco-
nut, copra, palm oil, cinchona.

Principal imports: Textiles, foodstuffs.

Transport: Railways (10 miles), Roads
(189 miles), Shipping.

Mozambique
(Portuguese East Africa)

Total area, 297,654 square miles.

Population: Africans, 5,043.052; Euro-
peans, 27,438; Asiatics, 10,596. Den-
sity, 17.1.

Principal exports: Sugar, maize, cot-
ton, copra, sisal, gold, peanuts.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
machinery, building materials, food-
stuffs.

Transport: Railways (860 miles), Roads
(2,500 miles).

Chief ports and towns: Lourenco Mar-
ques, Beira, Chinde, Tete, Qxielimane.

Under Control of Spain

Spanish Guinea

(Continental Guinea, Rio Muni,
and Fernando Po)

Total area: 10,040 square miles.

Population: Africans, 119,573; Euro-
peans, 955.

Principal exports: Cocoa, coffee, veg-
etables, wood.

Principal imports: Textiles, foodstuffs.

Transport: Shipping.

Chief ports and towns: Santa Isabel,
Bata, Elobey.

SOME BASIC FACTS

489

Formerly Under Control of Italy

Eritrea

Total area: 15,754 square miles.

Population: Africans, 621,000; Euro-
peans, 55,000. Density 42.9.

Principal exports: Gold, pearls, salt.

Principal imports: Cotton goods, food,
metal goods, machinery, fuel, oil.

Transport: Railways (333 miles), Roads.

Chief ports and towns: Asmara, Mas-
sawah, Assab, Cheren.

Italian Somaliland

Total area: 194,000 square miles.

Population: Africans, 1,010,800; Euro-
peans, 1,668; Density, 5.2.

Principal exports: Sesame oil, gum,
hides, butter, cotton and cotton seed
oil, resin, kapok, fruit, bananas.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
sugar, rice, tea, coffee, metal goods,
machinery, oils, tobacco, wines, tim-
ber.

Transport: Railways (70 miles), Roads
(6,000 miles).

Chief ports and towns: Mogadiscio,
Kismayu.

Mandates Under
British Administration

Togo

Total area: 13,041 square miles.

Population: Africans, 370,227; Euro-
peans, 54. Density, 28.4.

Principal exports: Palm oil, palm
kernels, cocoa, cola nuts.

Principal imports: Cotton goods, salt,
tobacco.

Cameroon

Total area: 34,081 square miles.

Population: Africans, 857,227; Euro-
peans, 448. Density, 25.2.

Principal exports: Bananas, palm
kernels, palm oil, cocoa, rubber.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
metal goods, oils, fish, rice, tobacco.

Transport: Motor roads (200 miles),
plantation railways.

Chief ports and towns: Buea, Victoria,
Tiko.

Tanganyika

Total area: 360,000 square miles.

Population: Africans, 5,214,800; Euro-
peans, 9,345; Asiatics, 33,784. Density,
14.5.

Principal exports: Sisal, cotton, coffee,
peanuts, hides and skins, copra, grain,
sesame, beeswax, ghee, diamonds,
gold.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
iron and steel goods, foodstuffs, ma-
chinery, building materials, oils.

Transport: Railways (273 miles Tanga-
Moshi-Arusha, 775 miles Dar-es-Sa-
laam-Kigoma, 236 miles Tabora-
Mwanza, 93 miles Manyoni-Kinyan-
giri), Lake shipping, roads.

Chief ports and towns: Dar-es-Salaam
Tanga, Tabora, Arusha, Moshi, Do-
doma.

Mandate Under Administration
Of the Union of South Africa

South-West Africa

Total area: 317,725 square miles.

Population: Africans, 327,110; Euro-
peans, 30,677. Density, 1.0.

Principal ^exports: Diamonds, vanadi-
um, tin, butter, hides, karakul.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods,
foodstuffs.

Transport: Railways (1,133 miles),
Motor roads (1,774 miles).

Chief ports and towns: Windhoek,
Tsumeb, Luderitz Bay, Walvis Bay
(belongs to Union).

Mandates Under
French Administration

French Togo

Total area: 33,700 square miles.

Population: Africans, 763,360; Euro-
peans, 383; Asiatics, 53. Density, 22.6.

Principal exports: Palm kernels, cocoa,
ginned cotton, copra, corn.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods.

Transport: Railways (242 miles), Roads.

Chief ports and towns: Lome, Anecho.

Cameroon

Total area: 161,200 square miles.

Population: Africans, 2,606,273; Euro-
peans, 3,227. Density, 16.1.

Principal exports: Peanuts, palm oil,
almonds, hides, timber, cocoa, coffee,
ivory.

Principal imports: Cotton goods, metal
goods.

Transport: Railways (314 miles), Roads
(3,105 miles), Coastal shipping.

Chief ports and towns: Yaounde, Dou-
ala, Kribi, Campo, Garoua.

Mandate Under
Belgian Administration

Ruanda-Urundi

Total area: 20,152 square miles.

Population: Africans, 3,381,882; Euro-
peans, 1,404; Asiatics, 714, Density,
167.9.

Principal exports: Cotton, coffee, hides,
tin, gold.

Principal imports: Cotton piece-goods.

Transport: Roads (1,747 miles).

Chief towns: Usumbura, Astride.

490

POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF NEGRO AFRICA

POPULATION OF AFRICA

TERRITORIES

AREA

AFRICANS

EUROPEANS

ASIATICS

TOTAL

DENSITY

BRITISH

3,802,600

59,442,918

2,154,663

367,984

61,965,556

16.2

FRENCH

4,022,784

36,199,988

1,666,159

11,192

37,877,339

9.4

BELGIAN

919,854

13,428,613

31,139

714

13,460,466

14.6

PORTUGUESE .

799,983

8,547,738

88,550

29,665

8,665,953

10.8

SPANISH

133,780

1,000,519

65,615

1,066,134

7 9

EX-ITALIAN...

889,112

2,425,025

151,844

2,576,869

2.9

INDEPENDENT

776,000

27,249,000

59,300

27,308,300

35.2

TOTAL

11,344,113

148,293,801

4,217,270

409,555

152,910,626

13.4

DIVISION XXIV

ETHIOPIA SINCE THE WAR

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

ANGLO-ETHIOPIAN AGREEMENTS

Anglo-Ethiopian Agreement

And Military Convention of 1942

The Italian conquest of Ethiopia was
of short duration. Five years after
Emperor Haile Selassie was expelled
from his country, he re-entered his
capital of Addis Ababa with detach-
ments of British forces and accom-
panied by patriot bands of his own
people on May 5, 1941. While Ethiopia
remained for a while an "Enemy Oc-
cupied Territory," in 1942 Great Brit-
ain concluded an Anglo-Ethiopian
Agreement and Military Convention
with the Ettiperor, thus formally rec-
ognizing Haile Selassie as the sov-
ereign ruler of Ethiopia and admitting
his country to membership in the Unit-
ed Nations.

According to the Agreement of 1942,
Great Britain held far-reaching control
over Ethiopia's external as well as in-
ternal affairs — a control which then
was deemed justified because of Ethi-
opia's unsettled conditions and on ac-
count of the Axis threat to the Allied
position in the Near East. This agree-
ment which expired on October 25,
1944, gave to the representatives of
the British government not only unpre-
cedented influence upon the adminis-
trative and judicial branches of the
Ethiopian government, but the Ethio-
pian army in the process of modern-
ization, was commanded by British
officers. In return, the British gov-
ernment gave some financial assistance
to Ethiopia.

Anglo-Ethiopian
Agreement of 1944

Upon the initiative of the Ethiopian
government this agreement was sub-
stituted by the Anglo-Ethiopian Agree-
ment of 1944 which went into effect
on December 19, 1944, and is to ex-
pire in December, 1946.

The latter Agreement provided that
whereas changed circumstances re-
quired modification of the Agreement
of January 31, 1942, it was considered
inopportune to negotiate a permanent
treaty while the war was still going on.

The new agreement was to remain in
force for two years after which time
either party might give three months'
notice to terminate it.

The main provisions, as published
in the British White Paper (Cmd G,
584), are as follows:

"Article 3 — The Imperial Ethio-
pian Government will retain or ap-
point British or other foreign per-
sons of experience and special
qualifications to be advisers of of-
ficers of their administration and
judges as they find necessary. The
Government of the United King-
dom will assist the Imperial Ethio-
pian Government in finding suit-
able persons of British nationality
whom they may desire to appoint.
'•Article 6 — The Government of
the United Kingdom will make
available to the Imperial Ethio-
pian Government a military mis-
sion which shall be a unit of the
military forces of His Majesty the
King under the command of the
Head of the Mission. It shall be
called, 'The British Military Mis-
sion to Ethiopia'. . .

"The British Military Mission
shall be withdrawn during the cur-
rency of this agreement if, after
consultation between the High
Contracting Parties, either so de-
sires and gives notice to the other
to this effect. If any such notice
is given the Mission shall be with-
drawn three months after the date
of receipt of notice.

"Article 7— In order as an Ally
to contribute to the effective prose-
cution of the war, and without pre-
judice to their underlying sov-
ereignty, the Imperial Ethiopian
Government hereby agrees that,
for the duration of this Agree-
ment, the territories designated
as the Reserved Area and the
Ogaden shall be under British Mil-
itary Administration."
With regard to the territories re-
maining under British cpntrol, it
was verbally agreed but confirmed by
letter that "wherever in the Reserved
Area and the Ogaden the British flag

491

492

ETHIOPIA SINCE THE WAR

is flown by the British Military Ad-
ministration, the Ethiopian flag will
be flown beside it under the same con-
ditions. Wherever in the Reserved
Area and the Ogaden the Ethiopian
flag is flown on Ethiopian Govern-
ment offices, the British flag will be
flown beside it under the same condi-
tions."

PROBLEMS CONFRONTING
ETHIOPIA

Since then Ethiopia has been con-
fronted with two major problems:
The first is that of internal readjust-
ment, not only with respect to over-
coming the results of occupation and
war, but also to reorganize the country
along modern lines. The second prob-
lem affects Ethiopia's external posi-
tion, primarily th'e demand for an ex-
tension of her borders so as to secure
for the land-locked country an outlet
to the sea.

Internal Reconstruction

Regarding internal improvement,
Norman Bentwich wrote in Ethiopia,
Eritrea and Somaliland (1945) : "Much
has been done during the past four
years for the advancement of order
and law in the country, for the im-
provement of its agricultural produc-
tion, for the starting of industries, for
education and social services. Besides
the British officials, British non-of-
ficials, notably teachers of the British
Council and Christian Missions, and
doctors and social workers of the
Friends' Ambulance Unit and a few
American teachers, are playing a part
in this reconstruction. The Emperor
has had also the help of the United
States Government, which has sup-
plied— or promised to supply — him
with four aeroplanes for internal com-
munication, and with silver for the
coinage of dollars, in accordance with
a Lease-Lend agreement."

Since the restoration of the Emperor
a centralized civil administration has
been reestablished. In this the Emper-
or has had the help of a few British ad-
visers. He has restored the Ethiopian
Parliament, which has advisory func-
tions, and the Council of Ministers,
with which he consults on all impor-
tant executive matters. He is buiMing
up a central system of government and
taxation in the provinces. The army
and police force were reorganized with
the support of British military ad-

visers. The judicial administration
has been completely reformed, by the
establishment of a High Court with
permanent professional judges who ex-
ercise jurisdiction over all persons,
foreigners as well as Ethiopians, and
also over officials who transgress the
law. A criminal code based on the
traditional law of Ethiopia has been
promulgated.

Education

Some improvement in the education-
al system is noticeable. In Addis
Ababa as well as other towns, there
were 81 elementary schools in 1944.
But only one secondary school exists
in the capital for the training of ad-
ministrators, civil servants and teach-
ers. A few technical schools have also
been founded.

With respect to education, Norman
Bentwich, after a visit to Ethiopia,
stated in October of 1944: "It is one
of the wise measures of the Ethiopian
Government to use all the foreign
elements who can help in reconstruc-
tion. The girls' school of the Empress
is directed by an English head-mis-
tress, and amongst the mistresses are
a Greek and an Armenian. Every-
where I went I found boys and girls
ardent to learn, in order to make up
for lost years when they were exclud-
ed from the schools by the Italians.
Pupils come from all classes; the
children of peasants are mingled with
the children of the Rases, being chosen
for their capacity by the local of-
ficials. Besides the modern schools,
there are a number of the old kind
which teach only in the Amharic or
other Ethiopian vernaculars. The Em-
peror has also instituted a college for
the modern education of priests of the
Coptic Church. Another notable enter-
prise is the introduction in some of
the provincial towns of a kind of com-
munity center for adult education, in
order to give the people knowledge of
agriculture, hygiene and simple crafts.
"Americans have begun to help in
the cultural work; a few American
Negro teachers have arrived, and are
now working in the Government
schools. Another is the editor of a
weekly English paper, the Ethiopian
Herald, which is published in Addis
Ababa, and gives the outer world in-
formation of what is happening. Re-

PROBLEMS CONFRONTING ETHIOPIA

493

cently, a monthly English journal, the
Ethiopian Review, has been started."1

Economy

The post-war orientation of Ethio-
pia's economy was analyzed in an ad-
dress, Ethiopian Commerce and Indus-
tries Since the Re-conquest — Future
Possibilities, by A. D. Bethell, former
British Adviser on Commerce to the
Ethiopian Government, before a joint
meeting of the Royal African Society
and the Royal Empire Society in 1944,
published in United Empire (vol.
XXXV, 1944, pp. 199-204). Mr. Bethell
estimates that Ethiopian imports, even
without improvement of present-day
living standards, will reach about £3,-
000,000, whereas exports in 1944 still
because of war orders, will fall so as
to leave the country with an unfavor-
able trade balance of £1,000,000. This
deficit, if foreign loans are to be avoid-
ed, must be met by expanding Ethio-
pia's output of potential export prod-
ucts, such as hard woods, hides, bees-
wax, coffee, cotton, tea and tobacco
Exploitation of minerals — iron, wolf-
ram, tungsten, asbestos, mica has long-
range possibilities, but appears of lit-
tle value in solving the immediate
problems because of the capital re-
quired for mining development.

In uninformed quarters exaggerated
importance was given to the fact that
on September 7, 1945, the Sinclair Oil
Company of New York announced that
it had acquired the exclusive right to
develop oil resources on over 350,000
square miles of Ethiopian territory.
Since thus far there is no assurance
of oil resources in commercial quanti-
ties, this agreement is largely mean-
ingless and the company's agreement
to expend certain sums in promoting
welfare, health, and educational serv-
ices of the country and to contribute
toward the training of Ethiopian sub-
jects in the United States is far from
realization.

Of no small importance in Ethiopia's
process of modernization is the United
States' Economic Mission whose work
began in May, 1944.

Currency System

Important for the economic develop-
ment of the country has been the
establishment of a fixed currency sys-
tem which was established by the

Abyssinia Association, Pamphlet No 21,
March, 1945.

Currency and Legal Tender proclama-
tion of May 23, 1945. The Maria The-
resa dollar, which had been the tra-
ditional currency of the country, was
replaced by the Ethiopian dollar di-
vided into 100 cents. The value of
this new monetary unit is to equal
5.52 grains of fine gold, or 40.25 United
States cents. Paper notes have been
issued for denominations of 1 dollar
to 500 dollars in denominations as
follows: 1, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 500. There
also exists a .50 cents silver coin and
copper coins for 1, 5, 10 and 25 cents.
This new currency, paper and coin, has
been made in the United States for
the State Bank of Ethiopia, which has
the sole right of issuing currency.

Article 4 of the Proclamation pro-
vides that "it shall be the duty of
the State Bank of Ethiopia to estab-
lish and maintain a currency fund
consisting of gold, silver and foreign
currency bank balances of prime se-
curities readily convertible into for-
eign currencies or bank balances to a
minimum extent of 75% of the said
fund and Imperial Treasury obliga-
tions to a maximum extent of 25%
of the said fund. . . ."

The London Economist (April, 1945)
commented that "The advantages
claimed for the new currency are, first,
that it provides a single currency in
the country; secondly, that it will
have a high reserve; and thirdly, that
sufficient notes and coinage will in the
future be available to meet the needs
of the people." The Journal continues
that "the issue of the new currency
may be taken as a mark of Ethiopia's
aspirations for economic independ-
ence. . . ."

Heparation Claims From Italy

Ethiopia has the hope that her in-
ternal economy will be strengthened
by reparations from Italy. In a spe-
cial memorandum which was sub-
mitted to the Council of Foreign Min-
isters in October of 1945, she demands
a total of £184,746,023. This sum is
specified as follows: (1) £26,813,155
represents the "cost to the Imperial
Treasury of resisting aggression"
which sum is said to cover the pay
for the Ethiopian forces for ten
months, supplies, equipment and
clothing for troops, purchase of arms
and the cost of twelve aircraft de-
stroyed. (2) £25,402,868 representing
the total of "Imperial rights and rev-

494

ETHIOPIA SINCE THE WAR

enue seized by the Italians during oc-
cupation." (3) £132,530,000 is the total
for personal claims covering the dam-
ages in losses to persons and institu-
tions. The major part constitutes a
claim of £100 per person for the 760,-
300 persons killed. Other claims in-
cluded are £5 per head for 5,000,000
cattle looted or slaughtered; £1 per
head for 7,000,000 sheep and goats;
£5 each for 1,000,000 horses and mules;
£10 each for 700,000 camels. £2,000,000
is claimed for destruction of religious
institutions.

External Problems

Two border questions are confront-
ing Ethiopia. The first affects the fu-
ture status of the former Italian
colony of Eritrea and Italian Somali-
land; the second, the Ethiopian terri-
tories of Ogaden and the Reserved
Areas, which are still under British
Military Administration.

ETHIOPIA CLAIMS ERITREA AND
ITALIAN SOMALILAND

Italian colonies: The Government of
Ethiopia has officially put forth its
claim for the annexation of the whole
of Eritrea and Italian Somaliland. In
a memorandum submitted to the Coun-
cil of Foreign Ministers during their
London Conference in October, 1945,
the Ethiopian government stated that,
"in claiming the return of Eritrea and
Italian Somaliland to the Empire, Ethi-
opia is seeking not reparations against
Italy but simply the rectification of
a wrong which for sixty years has
deprived Ethiopia of the oldest part
of the Empire and of access to the
sea." The memorandum offers a brief
historical review which is believed to
demonstrate that both Eritrea and
Somaliland intermittently have formed
part of the Ethiopian Empire since the
second and first millenium before
Christ.

Better authenticated than these
vague episodes of dynastic history are
those sections of the memorandum
dealing with more recent events. It
is recalled that prior to the conquest
of Ethiopia, the British miltiary au-
thorities approved of and distributed
to the Eritreans a proclamation by the
Ethiopian Emperor which read:
"Whether on this side or other side
of the Mareb (the frontier river be-
tween Ethiopia and Eritrea) join in
the struggle by the side of your Ethio-

pian brothers. Your destiny is strictly
bound up with that of the rest of
Ethiopia. . . ." Another proclamation
by the Emperor which was also dis-
tributed by British forces, read: "I
have come to restore the independence
of my country, including Eritrea and
the Benadir (Italian Somaliland)
whose people will henceforth dwell
under the Ethiopian flag."

Among other statements, the memo-
randum recalls that at the time of
signing the Anglo-Ethiopian Agree-
ment, 1944, the British representative
delivered to the Ethiopian Emperor "a
note in which Ee stated that the Brit-
ish Government views with sympathy
Ethiopian aspirations in regard to
Eritrea and access to the sea." This
assurance was renewed when the Ethi-
opian Emperor met the British Prime
Minister in Cairo during February,
1945. Also the United States "In the
persons of President Roosevelt, Secre-
tary of State Hull and officials of the
Department of State have formulated
similar statements of attitude."

The most convincing sections of the
memorandum are those which estab-
lish Ethiopia's need for free access to
the sea. Not only did Ethiopia's inland
position prove fatal to the country's
defense against the Italian aggressor,
but "in time of peace the lack of ac-
cess to the sea has constituted a crush-
ing burden upon the economy" of the
country. It is explained that "by rea-
son of the fact that all her exports
must be shipped from foreign ports,
Ethiopia is deprived of her foreign
exchange. The consequence is that to-
day Ethiopia is no longer in a posi-
tion to buy or sell where she pleases,
and has been compelled to reduce to
a minimum her purchases of foreign
merchandise and services which must
be paid for in currencies which she is
called upon to surender."

At the time this memorandum was
submitted to the Foreign Ministers in
London, Addis Ababa demonstrations
were organized by the Ethiopico-Eri-
trean Unity Association demanding
that Eritrea be united with Ethiopia.
The Somali living in the capital went
to the Imperial Palace and shouted:
"We don't want Trusteeship; we want
to be united to our mother-land Ethio-
pia— we want Haile Selassie." These
demonstrators also visited the lega-

GREAT BRITAIN'S PROPOSALS REGARDING OGADEN

495

tions of the major powers and sub-
mitted formal appeals there.

The major powers seem generally
agreed that once the problem of the
disposition of Italian colonies is set-
tled, Ethiopia should be given an out-
let to the sea via Eritrea. But there
seems very little inclination to ac-
cede to Ethiopia all that she has asked
for nor does the cession of Italian
Somaliland to Ethiopia secern to find
support in any quarter. What precise
form the partitioning of Eritrea will
take is still doubtful, but that the port
of Assab will come into Ethiopian
control seems rather likely.

GREAT BRITAIN'S PROPOSALS

REGARDING OGADEN AND

THE RESERVED AREAS

Ogaden: Unofficial quarters had sus-
pected that British insistence upon
keeping the Ethiopian district of Oga-
den and the so-called Reserved Areas
under British Military Administration
was designed to bring about the estab-
lishment of a greater Somaliland, com-
bining under one administration Brit-
ish Somaliland, Italian Somaliland and
Ogaden, sometimes called Ethiopian
Somaliland. At the first Conference of
the Foreign Ministers in Paris, the
British Secretary of Foreign Affairs
made a proposal for the union of these
territories, based on the grounds that
they are inhabited by ethnically simi-
lar peoples and asked that this whole
area be placed under British trustee-
ship administration.

Naturally the Ethiopian government
did not take kindly to such a sugges-
tion. The Emperor stated that "Ethio-
pia could not admit that any question

should arise concerning the return to
her of territories comprising the Ethi-
opian-Ogaden province, which was a
purely war-time measure, contributed
as an ally and without compensation
to the effective prosecution of the war
and should no more fall within the
scope of the peace conference than
similar war-time contributions of ter-
ritories made by other allies."

African Transcripts No. 10, 1946, pp.
109-10 comments on this problem as
follows: "There can be little doubt that
the creation of a greater Somaliland
. . . has much to recommend itself to
those who like to see the reestablish-
ment of ethnic groups in Africa. But
how such a combined territory should
be administered will present a difficult
problem. As long as the philosophy
predominates that trust areas are real-
ly 'belonging' to the administering au-
thority, one can hardly advocate ad-
ministration by any one power. On
the other hand, the suggestion that all
three territories be placed under the
direct administration of the Trustee-
ship Council of the United Nations will
hardly strike a sympathetic cord in
Great Britain, which would be asked
to relinquish its jurisdiction over the
Somaliland Protectorate. Empire strat-
egists would hardly consent to such a
move at a time when the British posi-
tion on the northern entrance of the
Red Sea begins to weaken. Thus it
does not appear very likely that Soma-
liland unification is to be considered
very seriously."

There cannot be the slightest doubt
regarding the question of Ethiopia
sovereignty in the Ogaden area. Any
possible change must have the volun-
tary consent of Ethiopia.

DIVISION XXV

LIBERIA IN THE WORLD OF TODAY

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

In 1947 a century will have passed
since the founding of the Negro Re-
public of Liberia. Although the coun
try, now the size of the State of Ohio,
was first settled by American Negroes
in 1822, it was not before 1847 that
its statehood was formally recognized
by the then major powers. Since those
days Liberia's history has not been
uneventful. The settlers had to estab-
lish themselves in a country inhabited
by African tribes which did not always
submit themselves willingly to the rule
by others, and many uprisings shook
the foundations of this new State. Li-
berians had to defend themselves
against the encroachments of European
powers which did not take kindly to
the founding of an independent State
by Negroes. A large section of Liberia
had to be surrendered to both Great
Britain and to France. The country
passed through many financial crises,
its internal affairs became subject to
investigation by the League of Na-
tions. But Liberia succeeded in main-
taining its national existence against
the many attempts to reduce its status
to that of a colony. Although most of
these attacks were unprovoked, Libe-
rians are to some degree responsible
for some of the criticisms which have
been leveled against her.

Elements in the Population

The internal structure of Liberia is
complicated by the fact that there are
two essentially different elements in
the population; namely, some 15,000
so-called Americo-Liberians, the de-
scendants of some 20,000 Negro immi-
grants; and the Natives, totaling more
than 1,500,000. Whereas the first, in
habiting the coastal counties, maintain
an American tradition which their fa-
thers brought to Africa a century ago,
the Natives, occupying the provinces
of the hinterland, continue their life
along traditional African lines. The
former constitute the ruling element
in the country and only small numbers
of the educated Africans, often called
the "civilized natives," have succeeded

in joining the ranks of those who may
be called the aristocrats.

GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS

The Constitution of the country is
modelled on that of the United States
and thus the government is based on
the principle of separation of powers.
There exists an elective legislature,
Legislature and Senate, an elected
President and an appointed Supreme
Court. But the major participants in
governmental affairs are almost ex-
clusively members of the Americo-
Liberian group who live in the coastal
towns. Like America, Liberia has a
two party system, but with rare ex-
ceptions the same party, the True
Whigs, have had control. Occasionally
an opposition party has come into ex-
istence, such as the Democratic Party
in 1943, but in elections opposition
parties have not done well.

One of the reasons that an opposition
party has a difficult time in establish-
ing itself is the existence of the Sedi-
tion Law of 1933, which was enacted
during the administration of President
Barclay and which was even strength-
ened in 1945 under President Tubman.
According to this law, any criticism
of the President or the government's
policy towards Natives is punishable
with imprisonment of from three to
seven months and confiscation of prop-
erty.

Americo-Liberians
Control Government

The fact that the government of
Liberia is strictly controlled by a small
group of Americo-Liberians has been
strongly criticized in recent years.
Liberians themselves are often sensi-
-tive with respect to such criticism and
are liable to accuse as prejudiced those
who criticize.

Mrs. Paul Robeson, who may well
te regarded as safe against such accu-
sations, writes in African Journey,
1945 p. 8, "Liberia was to be the coun-
try where freed Negroes were to be
really free, and were to help their Afri-
can brothers. And what happened? In
time the freed Negroes, Americo-Libe-

496

REFORMS NEEDED

497

rians as they are called, followed the
pattern of other colonial peoples — ex-
ploiting and enslaving the Africans,
the Liberians. Considering the high
purpose for which this black colony
was founded, and the brave democratic
principles upon which this now so-
called republic is supposed to rest, the
backwardness, poverty and lack of
franchise among the subject Liberian
people as against the wealth and offi-
cial corruption among the ruling
Americo-Liberian citizens makes a
shameful picture — a disgrace to the
'Republic' and to the United States
which sponsors it."

Another American Negro, Dr. George
W. Brown, states in The Economic His-
tory of Liberia (1944, pp. 213-14) : "The
Land of Liberty definitely fails to
justify the modest hopes of strong
sympathetic friends . . . Accusations
of extortions, bribes, petty grafting,
court and legal corruption, flagrant
abuses against the persons and prop-
erty of individuals by soldiers or minor
officials, misappropriation of funds,
and 'selling out the country' continue
to revive among the unsavory charges
made within and against the Re-
public."

There are hopeful signs, however,
that a new policy is in the making.
President W. V. S. Tubman, who took
office in 1944, appears to be taking
some strides towards reform. Al-
though his election was accompanied
by charges that it "was the most par-
tial, the most unfair, the most brazen-
ly corrupt,"1 the new President is said
to make "strenuous efforts toward
winning the confidence of the masses
and so toward eventually integrating
them into the country's civic and so-
cial stream as citizens of Liberia."2

REFORMS NEEDED
In Politics

During the presidential campaign,
Mr. Tubman had pledged himself as
favoring the improvement of the polit-
ical status of the Liberian Natives and
for bringing them into active partici-
pation in the conduct of national af-
fairs. The second session of the for-
tieth legislature, early in 1945, adopted
by joint resolution a constitutional
amendment revising the representa-

JThe Weekly Mirror, May 7, 1943.
2Report from Liberia, Council on African
Affairs, June 1945.

tional system and extending the rights
of universal adult suffrage to the whole
country. This amendment grants to
each of the three provinces of the
hinterland the right to send one rep-
resentative to the national legislature.
In order to insure the democratic elec-
tion of these legislators, all citizens of
these territories who have attained
the age of twenty-three years and who
are owners of a hut on which they pay
the hut tax are invested with the right
or' suffrage.

In evaluating this concession to the
Liberian Natives, it is necesary to
remember that the 3 provincial mem-
bers who will be representing more
than 1,000,000 African-Liberians will
have for all practical purposes, an im-
potent voice in shaping policies in op-
position to the 21 county legislators
who represent the 12,000 to 15,000
Americo-Liberians. Nor does the con-
stitutional amendment grant senatorial
representation to the hinterland prov-
inces.

This point of view appears to be
taken by the Liberian opposition party.
Its mouth piece, the Weekly Mirror
(May 11, 1945) in an editorial com-
ment entitled, "On the Right Road But
Doesn't Go Far Enough," contends that
this reform falls short of the aim of
equal representation of both provinces
and counties set forth by the Demo-
cratic Party during the last presiden-
tial campaign. The Mirror states fur-
ther, "Forever and a day cease the
effort to make wards out of our Native
population and forthwith extend to
every man and woman in the republic
full rights of citizenship. . . . What
right have we, who are struggling with
all" our faults and shortcomings to
learn self-government, to shut out of
the schoolroom our blood brothers and
our sisters on the ground that they
do not know what we are trying to
learn. . . . Furthermore, this question
of self-government has been used from
time immemorial as a smoke screen
behind which the strong hide their
pilfering of the weak. Every person,
tribe, or nation has the inherent ability
to govern itself and does govern itself
until prevented by the encroachment
of others. . . . The amazing oppor-
tunity of Liberia is to give her Native
population the chance to give the colo-
nial powers in_West Africa an oracular
demonstration of how well and how

498

LIBERIA IN THE WORLD OF TODAY

quickly the Natives may be expected
to shoulder the responsibilities of self-
direction in government."

In Education

There is little disagreement regard-
ing the need for reforms if Liberia is
to meet the challenge of the twen-
tieth century. Not only is it impera-
tive that the political structure of
the republic be overhauled, but even
more so the economic and social pat-
tern. In his inaugural address Presi-
dent Tubman expressed awareness for
this need. It is noteworthy that two
aspects were emphasized particularly;
namely, education and agriculture. He
stated regarding education, "One of
the greatest demands of the present
time, and one vitally essential to our
national existence, is the removal of
illiteracy from within our borders. We
shall, therefore, endeavor to provide
the best possible standard of education
for our people. We shall endorse the
principles of liberal appropriations for
the purpose of education in its gen-
eral and broadest aspects — vocational
as well as agricultural. . . . We favour
agricultural, mechanical and industrial
education. We shall, therefore, seek to
establish District Experimental Sta-
tions in districts, and secondary agri-
cultural and mechanical schools in sev-
eral counties. I am inclined to a sys-
tem of education in which all of the
schools would be classified into three
divisions; viz., Elementary, Interme-
diate and College Preparatory. . . ."

In Agriculture

The part of his speech dealing with
agriculture reads: "The surest test of
national independence and stability
lies in the ability of a people to sus-
tain themselves, and this ability must
come principally from the product and
yield of the soil which can only be ...
operated by industry, skill and finance.
... It is our hope to make arrange-
ments that would improve agriculture,
refine and stimulate production, facili-
tate the exchange of agricultural prod-
ucts and relieve the farmers by tech-
nical and financial assistance upon
sound business security arrangements;
Taut behind these efforts must be the
sympathetic and co-operative support
of the farmers and of the people in
general."

That the agrarian reform is well
under way is shown by the fact that

the budget of the Bureau of Agricul-
ture has been increased substantially
and with the assistance of a United
States Government expert, Charles E.
Trout, it is hoped that agricultural
methods will be improved, that land
will be better utilized and that new
crops will be introduced.

There cannot be any doubt that def-
inite signs of economic and social up-
lift are noticeable in Liberia. But it
will be a hard and long pull before
Liberians will be able to satisfy even
modest expectations, and there is no
justification for the optimism as ex-
pressed in the mouthpiece of the gov-
ernment. Following the election of
President Tubman this paper, The Af-
rican Nationalist (August 7, 1943) ex-
pressed the belief that during this new
administration Liberia would rise so
as to "excel in grandeur, power and
excellence ancient Rome." Neither does
it seem realistic to write: "Our rich
fertile soil upturned by ploughs and
agricultural machinery, thus trebbling
at least our production of foodstuffs.
Our mountains and hills containing
precious metals will be tunnelled, and
deep shafts sunk to extract the billions
worth of minerals which have been
discovered; when employment would
be available to every man, woman and
child for the asking, at wages that
will leave a comfortable margin to lay
aside for sickness and the rainy day;
when the coffers of the Republic will
be filled with Liberian gold, and we
would then be in position to seek no
more loans from foreigners or their
Governments."

This is wishful thinking in the ex-
treme. The hard fact is that Liberia
is still a poor country, that it needs
foreign help to develop its resources,
and that foreign help is available only
at a price which does not he^p to fill
"the coffers of the Republic." It is
furthermore a fact that recent eco-
nomic improvements have been made
possible, at least partially, by the re-
newed interest that the United States
has expressed in Liberia.

LIBERIA'S RELATIONS WITH
THE UNITED STATES

In the past the United States' rela-
tion to Liberia had been that of a
well-to-do person to a distant and poor
relative. But owing to Liberia's stra-
tegic position on the African West

LIBERIA'S RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES

499

Coast, that country was drawn more
prominently into good relations with
the United States. When France fell
in 1940 and the danger that Dakar
might fall into unfriendly hands be-
came a distinct possibility, Liberia be-
came of considerable strategic im-
portance to the United States. This
interest of the United States, only
feebly felt in the past, appears to
have had a marked effect not only on
Liberia's external position, but even
more so on its internal development.

Pan American Airways
Sign Contract

In July 1941, Pan American Air-
ways signed a contract with the Libe-
rian Government obtaining the right
to operate in Liberia; and in an addi-
tional agreement the company received
a ten-year lease on Roberts Field,
where a modern land-plan field was
created. At the same time an excellent
seaplane base was installed at Fisher-
man Lake.

Defense Areas Agreement

Athough Liberia remained neutral in
the early part of the war, it authorized
the entry of American troops into the
country and in March, 1942, Liberia
and the United States signed the De-
fense Areas Agreement (United States,
Executive Agreement Series 275) which
provided among other things that, "the
Government of Liberia has granted the
Government of the United States in
this emergency the right to construct,
control, operate and defend at the sole
cost and expense of the latter and
without charge to the Republic of
Liberia, such military and commercial
airports in the Republic as in con-
sultation with the Government of the
Republic of Liberia may mutually be
considered necessary; and the right
also to assist in the protection and de-
fense of any part of the Republic which
might be liable to attack during the
present war, said grant to include the
right to construct access roads from
Monrovia to the airport at Roberts
Field on the Farmington River and
the seaplane facilities at Fisherman
Lake in the County of Grand Cape
Mount."

Article 2 of the agreement states
that Liberia shall retain "sovereignty
over all such airports, fortifications
and other defense areas as may be
established" by the United States Gov-

ernment. It is also promised that the
United States is to "withdraw all mili-
tary forces" six months after the term-
ination of the war.

Lend-Lease Agreement Signed

On June 8, 1943 the United States
and Liberia signed a lend-lease agree-
ment, known as the Principles Apply-
ing to Mutual Aid for Defense (United
States, Executive Agreements Series
324) according to which the United
States "will continue to supply the
Government of the Republic of Liberia
with such defense articles, defense
services and defense information as
the President of the United States of
America shall authorize to be trans-
ferred or provided."

President Roosevelt Visits Liberia

The close relations between the
United States and Liberia were out-
wardly indicated by President Roose-
velt's visit to Liberia when he re-
turned home from the Casablanca Con-
ference in 1943 and by President Bar-
clay's return visit accompanied by
President-elect W. V. S. Tubman.

Liberia Enters World War II

Liberia entered into the war on Jan-
uary 24, 1944 when the Liberian legis-
lature declared war against Germany
and Japan and on April 10th of that
year the country affixed its signature
to the United Nations Declaration, the
thirty-fifth signatory to do so.

The United States Constructs
Modern Port Near Monrovia

Prior to this the United States and
Liberia had entered into yet another
agreement that provided for the con-
struction of a modern port in Monrovia
(Construction of a Port and Port
Works, Executive Agreement Series
411). Although this agreement, was
signed on December 31, 1943, its pub-
lication was withheld until November,
1944. The agreement provides that
the United States will construct a
port and port works in the vicinity
of Monrovia. Whereas the Liberian
government will contribute the land,
the United States will undertake the
construction with lend-lease funds.
Some $15,000,000 have been made
available thus far. The agreement pro-
vides further that the port, which is
to be a free port, shall be administered
by an American company until the

500

LIBERIA IN THE WORLD OF TODAY

time that the loan for construction
will be amortized. Article 6 states:
"When amortization of the cost of the
port, port works and access roads shall
have been fully completed, operating
control and ownership of all installa-
tions constructed from funds made
available by the Government of the
United States of America under the
Mutual Aid Agreement of June 8, 1943,
shall pass to the Government of the
Republic of Liberia."

Of special significance is Article 7
of this agreement which states: "The
Government of the Republic of Liberia,
upon request, will grant to the Gov-
ernment of the United States of Amer-
ica the right to establish, use, main-
tain, improve, supplement, guard and
control, in part or in their entirety,
at the expense of the Government of
the United States of America, such
naval, air and military facilities and
installations at the site of the port,
and in the general vicinity thereof, as
may be desired by the Government of
the United States of America in the
South Atlantic.

"The Government of the United
States of America undertakes to re-
spect, in the future as in the past,
the territorial integrity, sovereignty,
and political independence of the Re-
public of Liberia."

Construction is in the hands of the
Raymond Concrete Pile Company of
New York. It is expected that the
port will be completed in 1947.

The United States Economic and
Health Missions to Liberia

But United States relations to Li-
beria were strengthened in other ways.
In November, 1944, the Foreign Eco-
nomic Administration sent to the West
African republic an economic mission,
consisting of six experts, headed by
Earl Parker Hanson, in order to assist
Liberia in her economic development.
The Public Health Service of the Fed-
eral Security Agency dispatched a
health mission consisting of eleven
Negro physicians, engineers, ento-
mologists and nurses, headed by
Senior Surgeon John B. West, former
health officer in New York City. This
mission hopes to develop a health and
sanitation program there. Other agen-
cies of the United States government
have given their support to Liberia.
The Division of Cultural Relations of
the State Department has made grants

to improve nursing education, the
Geological Survey made a survey of
the country's iron-ore resources, the
Department of Agriculture loaned an
expert in order to assist in a program
or' improved agricultural methods.

Generally speaking, Liberians have
welcomed these renewed interests on
the part of Americans. The pro-gov-
ernment newspaper African Nationalist
(August 13, 1944) in an editorial cele-
brating the 97th anniversary of Li-
beria's independence, states: "The big
hand which the United States is hand-
ing out to us today has opened up
new vistas of national progress which
were undreamt of by the wildest opti-
mist ninety-seven years ago."

But in an earlier issue (July 1, 1944)
the same newspaper expressed a warn-
ing to its own countrymen: "The
question of promoting the economy of
this republic so that we may hold a
comfortable place among prosperous
nations is one which is primarily the
business of us who are citizens of the
country. Strangers may assist us, and
we may welcome their help now and
at any time in the future, but no
matter how much assistance we may
receive from our alien friends, noth-
ing would take the place of our own
efforts."

The Firestone Company In Liberia

Liberian economic life appears to be
further strengthened by American con-
cerns operating in Liberia. The Fire-
stone Company established its rubber
plantation in Liberia in 1926. Although
the events leading up to the establish-
ment of this American enterprise were
not without friction and some Libe-
rians remain in opposition to the vari-
ous agreements into which the gov-
ernment entered, it is generally held
that the Firestone rubber enterprise
has proved a very productive venture
for Liberia. Thus, President Tubman
in his inaugural address stated: "The
Firestone Plantations Company, the
largest industrial organization in Li-
beria, foreign or domestic, has been,
and still is, of great economic assist-
ance to Liberia and her people. They
employ more than 20,000 Liberians,
assist Liberian planters in many ways.
... We therefore give to this Com-
pany our expressions of the Nation's
gratitude."

But this positive attitude did not
prevent the President from also draw-

WHO'S WHO IN THE LIBERIAN GOVE'RNMENT

501

ing attention to "certain of the per-
sonnel of this Company" who "regard
themselves and the Company as sepa-
rate and distinct national entities
over-awing and over-lording every-
body and everything."

The Lansdell K. Christie Concession

Now another American firm appears
to enter the Liberian scene. On Au-
gust 27, 1945 the Liberian government
entered into an agreement with Lans-
dell K. Christie of New York granting
him a concession for the exploitation
of the iron ore in the Bomi Hill area
of Liberia. During December, 1945
and January, 1946, both Houses of the
Liberian Legislature discussed and ap-
proved this agreement which was
signed into law by President Tubman
in January, 1946.

The Liberian government thus grants
to the concessionaire the right to ex-
plore and prospect a territory of some
25,000 acres "lying within a radius
of forty miles from the p!ace known
as Bomi Hills." It gives him the right
to construct a railroad from the port
of Monrovia to the concession area
and to maintain a hydro-electric plane,
a radio station, a telephone system,
as well as a smelting plant, if that
should be desirable. The concession is
to remain in force for eighty years.

In return for these rights, the con-
cessionaire agrees to pay to the Libe-
rian government certain fees. Aside
from those small sums to be paid
while prospecting is going on, the con-
cessionaire will pay a rent of five cents
per acre for the land selected and will
pay an additional five cents for each
ton of ore shipped.

Just as the Firestone agreement had
caused a great deal of opposition in
Liberia, so has the Bomi Hill Agree-
ment. Although Liberian law requires

that the Legislative proposals of the
government are published prior to the
sitting of the Legislature, this agree-
ment was held rather confidential and
few persons outside the Legislature
were permitted to acquaint themselves
with its details. The objections to
the agreement appear very well sum-
marized in a petition which was signed
by fifty-seven Liberian citizens and
submitted to the Legislature on Jan-
uary 15, 1946. The petition states, that
the petitioners are: (1) "aggrieved
over the fact that the Agreement . . .
was not published by the State De-
partment as required by the law . . .
approved January 18, 1912"; (2) "op-
posed to the liberal terms offered the
Concessionaire, especially the right to
install radio and telegraph stations
and hydro-electric plants for his ex-
clusive use, the infinitesimal royal
rate"; (3) "opposed to the granting
of a concession ... to one man";
(4) "opposed to the life of the conces-
sion for eighty years."

The merits and demerits of the Min-
ing Concession will be evaluated some
time in the future when its effects
upon Liberia's economy have become
obvious. But it is regrettable that the
Liberian government did not give an
opportunity to its people to discuss it.
It moreover prosecuted some of those
who opposed the government's action.
Thus, a Monrovian Magistrate, one of
the signers of the petition was in-
formed by the President two days after
the petition had been submitted, that,
because the Magistrate had "engaged
in activities of a political nature that
tend to affect Government policy of
development," he was requested to
hand in his resignation as of the fol-
lowing day. Others who signed the
petition were treated in a similar
way.3

Who's Who In The Liberian Government

President :

Hon. William V. S. Tubman— born
in 1895, graduated from Cape Palmas
Seminary, Cuttington Institute and
Liberia College. Attorney. Served
as Collector of Internal Revenue of
Maryland County from 1919 to 1922.
Senator from 1923 to 1931 and then

3Weekly Mirror, January 25, 1946.

again from 1934 to 1937. Assistant
Justice of the Supreme Court from
1937 until he was elected President
in 1944.

Vice-President :

Hon. Clarence L. Simpson— born in
1896, graduated from College of West
Africa and Liberia College. Attorney.
Served as Collector of Customs from
1924 to 1926 and as County Attorney

502

LIBERIA IN THE WORLD OF TODAY

from 1926 to 1928. Was Secretary
General of Post Office, 1928 to 1931 and
acting Postmaster General in 1931.
Served as Speaker of the House of Rep-
resentatives from 1931 to 1934 when he
was appointed as Delegate to the
League of Nations. Elected Vice-Presi-
dent in 1944. Secretary of the Treas-
ury in President Barclay's Cabinet
from 1932 to 1940, and in 1943 as Head
of the Liberian Delegation to the
United Nations Conference on Food.

Secretary of State:

Hon. G. L. Dennis— born 1896, grad-
uated from College of West Africa in
1915. Received Honorary Degree of
Doctor of Laws from Emporia College,
U, S. A. Professor of Biology, College
of West Africa and later appointed
Vice-President of the College and Pres-
ident of the Board of Trustees. Served
as' Belgian Consul. Served as Secre-
tary of the Treasury in President Bar-
clay's Cabinet from 1932 to 1943 as
Head of the Liberian Delegation to
the United Nations Conference on
Food.

Secretary of the Treasury:

Hon. William E. Dennis— born in
1904, graduated from Liberia College
1925. Attorney. Previous service in
Treasury as Chief Clerk.

Attorney General:

Hon. Abayomi Cassell— born in 1906,
graduated as Dux from Liberia Col-
lege in 1926. Attorney. Served as
Clerk of First Judicial Circuit after
which he retired to practice law. Ap-
pointed Revenue Solicitor in Depart-
ment of Justice in 1939 and resigned
in 1940 to become one of the defense
lawyers in the famous Sedition Case.

Secretary of the Interior:

Hon. S. David Coleman — born in
1895, graduated from College of West

Africa. Attorney. In 1924 served as
Solicitor General in President King's
Cabinet and functioned as Legal Ad-
viser to Colonel T. Elwood Davis, Spe-
cial Commissioner and Military Com-
mander during the civil disobedience
in Grand Bassa County. Later, As-
sistant Secretary of State and Senator
for Montserrado County. Retired from
the Senate and resumed legal practice.

Secretary of Public Instruction:

Hon. J. W. Pearson, graduated from
Cuttington Collegiate and Divinity
School, Harper, Cape Palmas. Entered
Protestant Episcopal Ministry and be-
came Archdeacon of the Protestant
Episcopal Church in Liberia. Served
in House of Representatives of the
Republic for two terms 1931 to 1939.
Resigned from the Senate in that year
because of his opposition to the Rev-
enue Code and the Bill proposing a
reduction in the salaries of Judges of
the Courts.

Secretary of War:

Hon. William H. Tyler — Wealthy
farmer, and Brigadier General in the
Liberian Army. Served in the House
of Representatives from 1931 to 1943.
Was at one time Acting Speaker of the
House. Was recently elected to the
Senate whence he was called upon to
enter the Cabinet as Secretary of War.

Under Secretary of Slate:

Hon. C. T. O. King— born in 1906,
son of Ex-President C. D. B. King.
Graduated from Liberia College in
1928. Acted as Junior Aide to his
father. Major of the Liberian Army,
he is also a member of the Bar and
Counsellor of the Supreme Court. At
the time of his appointment he was
County Attorney for Montserrado
County.

DIVISION XXVI

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

POPULATION OF THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

Table 1.
Growth of the Population, 1904-1936

Year

Total

European

Non-European

Average
% increase annual

1904

5,157,824
5,973,394
6,928,580
9,589,898

Estin

11,068,500

1,116,806
1,276,242
1,519,488
2,003,857

ated Mean Population,
2,300,000

4,059,018
4,697,152
5,409,092
7,586,041

1944

8,768,500

2.07
1.49
2.19

1911
1921

1936

1944

Table 2.
Distribution of the Population, 1936

Europeans

Natives

Asiatics

Coloured

Total

URBAN:
Cape

503,997

219,229

10 198

356 368

1 089 792

Natal

145,510

127,920

113,549

12,493

399 472

Transvaal
Orange Free State . .
Union

566,066
91,813
1,307,386

696,737
103,988
1,147,874

21,820
29
145,596

37,591
8,455
414,907

1,322,214
204,285
3,015,763

RURAL:
Cape

287 577

1 826 341

310

325 880

2 440 108

Natal

45,039

1,425,709

70,112

6,136

1 546,996

Transvaal
Orange Free State..
Union

254,690
109,165
696,471

1,747,643
449,122
5,448,815

3,673
74J095

13,250
9,488
354,754

2,019,256
567,775
6,574,135

Total . .

2,003,857

6 596 689

219 691

769 661

9 589 898

Table 3.
Distribution of the Native Population in 1936

Urban areas (towns) 390,395

Urban Locations 355, 167

Rural suburbs (towns) 11,305

Rural Townships :. . 35,845

Native Townships 31,794

Farms (European owned) 2,053,440

(Asiatic or Coloured) 26,946

Companies owned 101,417

Government 13 ,932

Native Areas: Crown Reserves 2,420,348

Mission Reserves 114,135

Tribal Farms 134,424

Native owned lands 143, 110

Crown lands 24,632

Alluvial Diggings 150,371

Mine Compounds 386,858

Industrial compounds 113,736

Municipal compounds 36,058

Construction compounds 43 , 195

Other Areas 9,626

Total 6,596,689

The present (1945) estimate of the Native population of the Union is 7,630,500.

503

504

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

Table 4
Comparative Table of Population

Showing Europeans and Africans of the Union, Witwatersrand and
Johannesburg in 1921, 1936, 1941.

Area and Race

Census
1921

Census
1936

Census
1941*

Europeans:

Union, All Areas
Union, Urban
Witwatersrand
Johannesburg & Suburbs

1,519,488
847,508
231,111
152,597

2,003.857
1,307,386
402,223
257,671

2,188,200
1,500,000
498,000
300,000

Natives (both sexes):

Union, All Areas
Union, Urban
Witwatersrand
Johannesburg & Suburbs

4,697,813
587,000

278,274
118,138

6,596,689
1,141,642
570,726
229,122

7,250,700
1,230,000
650,000
270,000

Natives Females (all ages):

2,315,416

3,284,038

3,617,400

Union, Urban
Witwatersrand
Johannesburg & Suburbs

147,293
28,806
13,479

356,874
107,286
60,992

425,000
133,000
75,000

*Estimated.

Table 5.
Estimates of Mean Population, 1943, 1944

Year

Natives

Asiatics

Coloured

Europeans

Totals

1943...
1944

7,503,500
7,630,500

245,000
249,200

874,009
888,800

2,265,090
2,300,090

10,888,509
11,068,599

RACE RELATIONS AND DISABLING

ACTS OF THE UNION OF

SOUTH AFRICA

The Union of South Africa is a
plural community, where 2,000,000
Europeans have succeeded in segregat-
ing and disenfranchising not only
more than 7,000,000 Africans but also
1,000,000 persons of mixed blood and
Indians. Color bar legislation affects
every aspect of South African life.

Policy of Segregation Determines
Public and Private Life

South African public and private
life is determined by the policy of
segregation, which is ostensibly de-
signed to recognize the differences of
origin and tradition of the African
and the European sections of the South
African population and "to set these
differences in an economic and social
framework within which each may re-
tain its distinctive character without
serious modification by contact with
the other." M. Ballinger, who repre-
sents African interest in the South

African Parliament, aptly characterizes
this policy by stating that "its ideologi-
cal inspiration is the supposed virtue
of pure cultures and the right of every
race to make its own contribution to
the sum total of our civilized in-
heritance. By those who support this
thesis, it is argued that justice de-
mands the preservation of both the
European and the African cultures . . .
and that this can best be done — can
only be done — by a policy of ... sepa-
ration. According to this policy, there
must be separate areas within which
each culture can not only maintain
its integrity but may develop accord-
ing to its own genius — along its own
lines, in common South African par-
lance. Such a policy visualizes two
mutually independent communities
each with its own territorial basis,
each with paramountcy of interests
and opportunities in its own area and
a corresponding place of secondary
importance in the area claimed by the
other."1

'South African Affairs Pamphlets Nov. 4,
1944.

RACE RELATIONS AND DISABLING ACTS OF THE UNION

505

This policy is applied throughout
South Africa, but it is not applied
justly. There are two different com-
munities not side by side, but one
which enforces its will upon the other.
Politically, socially, and economically
European society is supreme. What has
Veen termed "parallel development"
is in reality synonymous with politi-
cal, social, and economic discrimina-
tion against non-Europeans, not only
in everyday affairs, but also in the
laws of the country. Although many
official attempts are made to justify
this policy of discrimination as being
made "in the interest of the Native
population," actually it is based upon
the fear of "black engulfment." The
Europeans who consider South Africa
as their home are afraid that even the
faintest amelioration of segregation as
it relates to Africans or Non-Euro-
peans may potentially endanger their
own position.

Attitude of South African Whites
Toward the Color Policy

It is necessary to point out that the
attitude of South African whites to-
wards the color policy is not uniform.
While it is difficult to associate any
special group of Europeans with any
definite Native policy, it is approxi-
mately correct to state that rural
Europeans are more out-spoken pro-
ponents of racial segregation than ur-
ban dwellers. Generally speaking th?
Afrikaners, as the descendants of the
Boers want to be called, are more in-
sistent on color-bar legislation than the
British elements in the country. These
are generalizations which have to be
understood as such. The different po-
litical parties are definitely white and
favor color bar policies, although the
largely Afrikaner-controlled^ National
ists (Herenigde Party) are advocating
stricter terms of segregation than the
United Party which is largely, but by
no means exclusively, British sup-
ported. Also the South African Labor
Party adheres to a strict enforcement
of such a policy.2

During the war, ministers of the
South African government such as Jan
Christian Smuts, Jan Hofmeyr and the
late Colonel Deneys Reitz gave the
impression that they championed a
liberalization of existing color-bar leg-

JSee African Transcripts, Nov. 2, 1945,
pp. 50-55.

islation. Smuts in an address, "The
Basis of Trusteeship," which was wide-
ly circularized by government agen-
cies, attacked segregation as identical
with the Nazi theory of a "master
race," branded as outrageous the prev-
alent attitude that only Europeans and
not the Africans counted or were
worth counting, and advocated close
contact between the various ethnic
groups, stating that "isolation has gone,
and I am afraid segregation has fa'len
on evil days too." At a later date, ad-
dressing Coloured groups in Cape
Town, Smuts reiterated that policy by
saying that "it will be a great moment
in our history when all races, includ-
ing coloured peoples, can feel them-
selves members of this great com-
munity of ours, of which future South
Africans will be proud." Such speeches
appear to have been motivated by
war-time expediency. When in March,
1945, the South African Assembly de-
bated South Africa's color problem,
Smuts stated that "it was fixed policy
to maintain white supremacy. ... It
had been so for the past 300 years,
during which Europeans had kept their
race pure, and this was something of
which the country had reason to be
proud. ... In view of the fact that
the Europeans had maintained their
position for the past 300 years, there
was no reason to fear a sudden change
now. Matters were indeed improving
and working in the opposite direc-
tion."3 Regarding this statement of
the Prime Minister, the Cape Standard
(March 20, 1945), the mouthpiece of
the Non-European, correctly remarked
that all of the previous promises had
been forgotten and that the South
African slogan again is "maintaining
white supremacy."

Native Land Acts

Basic Disability of Africans

The basic disability of Africans is
the policy of separate areas for Euro-
peans and Africans as first established
in the Native Land Act of 1913. The
provisions of this Act were amended
and somewhat improved by the Native
Trust and Land Act of 1936, which
establishes a South African Native
Trust with the duties to acquire land
for African settlement, to develop such
land, to promote agriculture and care
for the general well-being of Africans.

3Cape Times, March 15, 1945

506

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

But this act also fixes the amount of
land that the Trust may secure, name-
ly 7J4 million morgen. If all of this
land were purchased, Africans, con-
stituting three-fourth of the popula-
tion, would only have 13 per cent of
the land of the country.

African Representation of
Natives Act Establishes
Political Status of Africans

The political status of the African is
established by the Representation of
Natives Act of 1936. According to this
Act, Africans of the Cape Province,
voting on a separate register, elect 3
out of 153 European representatives
to the House of Assembly. All Afri-
cans of the Union elect 4 out of 44
members to the Senate. "For the pur-
pose of this election, the country is
divided into 4 electoral areas: Natal,
the Transvaal and Free State as one,
The Transkeian Territories, and the
rest of the Cape Province. The Sena-
tor for the Transkei is elected by the
Transkeian Territories General Coun-
cil. For the other areas they are
elected, not directly by the Bantu
(African) taxpayers, but by an Elec-
toral College which consists of recog-
nized chiefs, Native Advisory Boards,
and Bantus (African) elected by tax-
outside a location (African settlements,
payers on European farms or living
new towns). Each of these is called
an electoral unit and the units make
up the Electoral College of the area.
Each unit has as many votes as there
are taxpayers in the area of that unit.
Thus a chief might have 6,000 votes,
or a Native Advisory Board in a
town of 500."

"The Act also provides for a Native
Representative Council, which consists
of twenty-two members. Of these the
Chairman is the Secretary of Native
Affairs and the five Chief Native Com-
missioners are ex-officio members. The
Government appoints four Bantu (Af-
rican) members and the remaining
twelve are elected in much the same
way as the Senators are — three for
each electoral area. The Council meets
once a year in Pretoria and its func-
tions are advisory. Any bills affecting
the Bantu (African) population which
the Government intends introducing
into Parliament must first be sent to

the Council for its opinion and ad-
vice."4

In an article in the African World
(May, 1946), Senator Edgar H. Brooks,
representing the Africans of Natal and
Zululand in the Union Senate, makes
the following critical observations:
"And yet all is not well with the Rep-
resentative Council. ... Its own mem-
bers are at times frustrated and dis-
satisfied. It canalises anti-Govern-
mental feeling so effectively as to make
it difficult for any member to be an
active supporter of the Government,
that it asks for the moon, that it
passes too many resolutions, and that
it is never satisfied.

"While some of these criticisms may
be exaggerated, there is undoubtedly
an element of truth in some of them.
Before asking ourselves why this
should be the case, we should do the
members of the Council the justice to
point out that they have never been
non-co-operative as Gandhi would use
that term, have never boycotted meet-
ings or refused to work the machinery,
have only very rarely been personally
discourteous, and have never defied
the authority of the Chair. If they
have asked for much, they have never
asked for anything that is inherently
unreasonable.

"Many of the points urged against
them are implicit in a Constitution
which gives them unlimited rights to
talk and no rights to act, which gives
them influence without responsibility
or executive authority. And this situa-
tion can only be remedied by altering
the Constitution of the Council.

"As to tactics, opinion may legiti-
mately differ as to whether the wiser
course would have been to accept the
present situation of the Africans as a
starting-point, to work steadily for-
ward on concrete issues year by year,
to disarm criticism, to turn enemies
into friends, to 'stoop to conquer,' to
win confidence slowly and steadily; or
alternately, to use the Representative
Council as a forum, a sounding-board
for opinion, and through it to formu-
late clearly and definitely and fully
the needs and aspirations and ideals
of the African people. Much is to be
said for either method. Senators and
members representing the Africans
have had to face the same decision.

*Marquard, L... The Native in South Af-
rica. 2nd ed. rev. by J. Lewin, 1944, 60 p.

RACE RELATIONS AND DISABLING ACTS OP THE UNION

507

In the writer's opinion the former
method would in the circumstances of
South Africa have been the wiser and
much the more fruitful one, and would
have reaped dividends sooner than the
second. But opinions differ on this,
and it would have demanded a degree
of restraint, wisdom, and patience
perhaps hardly to be expected from
any elected deliberative assembly. The
tone has now been set, and the Repre-
sentative Council has come to be an
articulation of the natural opposition
of an under-privileged race to the
policies of a Government of the privi-
leged.

"That the articulation should not
take place is not to be expected. On
the other hand it is hardly to be ex-
pected that a Government, depending
mainly on the European vote, and well
aware that anything it does for the
Africans is liable to be exploited by
Nationalist speakers, should welcome
constant and embarrassing criticism.
In the circumstances, the one positive
line that can be taken appears to be to
give the Representative Council some
functions and responsibilities other
than criticism. The Government could
probably venture to take the risk of
giving the Council executive and not
, merely advisory functions with regard
to the spending of the money in the
South African Native Trust Fund, and
to make alterations in procedure which
would allow a responsible Executive
of the Council itself to present and
defend such action as has met with its
approval. The time is ripe for an in-
crease of numbers, which should en-
able the Council to adapt itself better
to a change in system such as is pro-
posed above.

"Reference has been made to the
fact that the Parliamentary represen-
tatives themselves have had to choose
between the tactics of winning good
will and of presenting challenging
ideals. Divergencies of method and
emphasis have been more noticeable
among them than among the Repre-
sentative Councillors, yet the seven
have managed to maintain a consid-
erable amount of unity, based largely
on identity of ultimate ideals and on
a sense of responsibility to their huge
constituency. Last year Mrs. Bal-
linger, the eloquent and capable M. P.
for Cape Eastern, was unanimously
elected as leader of the group.

"In the House the three representa-
tives have made a great name for them-
selves and their cause, and have been
listened to with much attention and
respect. They have also made enemies,
as was to be expected. No fault can
be found with their clear and forceful
articulation of the case for the Afri-
cans. On the other hand they have
annoyed enough people to make an in-
crease of their numbers a very un-
likely contingency.

"The Senators have had to face a
quieter, less partisan, and less pas-
sionate body, yet they have had diffi-
culties of their own, for the Senate
when they entered it was at a very
low ebb. The infusion into it of a
group of men, with a definite and spe-
cific duty, and anxious to make a suc-
cess of their job, has, it is not too
much to say, revolutionized the life
of the Senate and added much to its
prestige. Quantity is not quality, but
it is perhaps significant that the Sen-
ate Hansard today occupies three or
four times the space that it did in
1936.

"Nonetheless, the Senate is the Sen-
ate and not the centre of Parliamen-
tary attention and publicity. Hence
the claim to have the Africans in all
Provinces represented in the House
of Assembly is bound to be made, and
is from any impartial point of view
unanswerable.

"Will the Union Parliament ever
agree to have Africans representing
their fellow-countrymen? It is the
most logical and justifiable of requests,
yet so strong is feeling on such mat-
ters in the Union that he would be a
brave man who would prophesy this
happening in his lifetime. Yet the new
legislation for Indian representation
will not only strengthen the numbers
of those fighting the Colour Bar; it
may bring the day nearer when the
races will be represented by men of
their own race. If and when the Un-
ion concedes it to Indians, it will be
hard to refuse it to Africans.

"It should be noted that the Govern-
ment has begun to use representatives
of the Africans as members of policy-
forming Committees and Commissions.
One is a member of the Native Affairs
Commission, and other bodies on
which they serve are the Food Council,
the Maize Board, and the Social and
Economic Planning Council. One is

508

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

Chairman of the Government's Uni-
versity Committee.

"Much more could be said of the
actual and potential representation of
Africa on provincial and municipal
bodies, but perhaps what has been said
will suffice to indicate at any rate in
some measure the opportunities, com-
plexities, disappointments, and possi-
bilities of African representation in a
country where much of past history
and tradition has been against it."

Urban Area Act Separates African
And European Settlements

The position of those Africans who
have moved into the towns of South
Africa and are finding employment
there is controlled by segregation
which is legalized in the Native Urban
Areas Act of 1923, amended in 1937.
According to the provisions of this
Act, African and European settlements
are to be separated, the former mov-
ing into so-called locations, often far
removed from the places of employ-
ment.

Pass Laws Objectionable
To Africans

Most objectionable to the Africans
are the Pass Laws, which not only ap-
ply to the country as a whole but
consist of different laws in different
areas. Passes, of which there are
many different kinds, are, in general,
identification cards or papers which
are issued by a government official or
an employer and are required to be
carried by the Africans at all times.
If an African should go from one
place to another, he must have a pass,
or if his work requires him to stay
in an European settlement after the
hour fixed for Africans as curfew hour,
he needs still another pass. An Afri-
can without his pass issued for a
proper occasion, is subject to arrest,
and, since traveling without a pass is
a criminal offense, he can be fined or
sent to prison.

The original object of the pass laws
was, it is usually stated, to control
the movements of the African and to
protect settlers against vagrants and
stock thieves; but in recent years
other motives have been decisive in
retaining and even extending the pass
system. It serves to underline the
segregation policy and to keep the Af-
rican socially and politically in an in-
ferior position. It also serves eco-

nomic ends, in that a farmer in need
of labor could, and does, force Afri-
cans to remain on his farms by re-
fusing to issue passes which the Afri-
can would need in order to look for
work at another place.

Even those Africans who by virtue
of high educational qualifications are
exempt from carrying a certificate, do
not feel that their "elevated" status
is of any avail, inasmuch as when
questioned by an official, they must
produce proof of their exceptional
status, which in practice is not very
different from showing a pass.

Pass law violations are numerous.
In 1936, 62,000 Africans were arrested
for not being in possession of a pass,
and between 1939 and 1941 no less
than 297,659 Africans came in conflict
with the law over this violation. Ac-
tual offenses against the numerous
pass-law regulations must have been
many times this number. As Sir John
Harris puts it: "The pass laws super-
imposed upon mass poverty have ac-
centuated native discontent, thousands
of natives are being hurtled into prison
for pass law offenses which have not
the remotest connection either with
crime or even with any desire to com-
mit an offense. At the same time, the
revenue benefits to the tune of £500,000
per annum."5

During the war, as a defense meas-
ure, the enforcement of pass laws was
somewhat relaxed in the Rand mining
districts. But when in March, 1944,
Mr. D. Molteno, representing Africans
of the Western Cape Province in the
House of Assembly, made a strong
plea for the abolition of the pass laws,
Major Piet van der Byl, the Minister
of Native Affairs, declared that no
alternative had been found for the pass
system. He stated that the aim of the
pass laws was to protect a large sec-
tion of the African people who were
unsophisticated when they came into
contact with the machinery of civiliza-
tion.

Africans Call For
Abolition of Pass Laws

Following this parliamentary debate,
Africans called for an Anti-Pass Laws
Campaign. Dr. A. B. Xuma, President
General of the African National Con-
gress, released a statement, which con-

5The Anti- Slavery and Aborigines Protec-
tion Society, 1938, p. 13.

RACE RELATIONS AND DISABLING ACTS OP THE UNION

509

tained these paragraphs: "Pass Laws
serve no good purpose for both White
and Black; they are simply an instru-
ment of oppression and repression in-
tended to retard the progress of the
African. They restrict his freedom of
movement and therefore his ability to
sell his labour at the highest market.
They militate against the African be-
coming skilled as he may not wait for
a job for more than 12 days after leav-
ing one before taking another, since
after such a period an African must
either leave the area or be arrested
when found in the area without a
contract of service. A Pass-bearing Na-
tive is not recognized as a worker un-
der the industrial Conciliation Act
and thus his Trade Unions cannot be
recognized or registered. He is thus
denied the right of collective bargain-
ing under the Act. For a Pass-bearing
Native strike and breach of contract
are criminal offenses. Pass Laws are
factories of crime because tens of
thousands of Africans are convicted
each year under the Pass Laws and
come in contact with seasoned crim-
inals at police cells and awaiting trial.
Experienced criminals may also be ar-
rested under Pass offenses. In this way
many first offenders under the Pass
Laws are initiated into criminal ca-
reers through such contacts. For ex-
ample, in 1939 alone 101,309 Natives
were convicted under the Pass Laws.
Perhaps three to ten times that num-
ber were accosted by the police under
the pass regulations."

"With our faith in humanity, we
appeal in the name of democracy.
Christianity and human decency, to all
fairminded people, lovers of justice and
fair play of all races and colours to
sign the petition lists for abolition of
pass laws and circulate them among
others for signature and actively sup-
port the Anti-Pass Campaign in every
possible way."6

During the 1944 session of the Na-
tives' Representative Council, a motion
to request the abolition of the pass
laws was accepted unanimously and a
deputation representing Africans from
all parts of the Union went to Cape
Town in June 1945 in order to present
their demands to Parliament and to
the Government. But the Acting Prime
Minister, Prime Minister Smuts was
in San Francisco, refused to see this

"Bantu World, March 25, 1944.

delegation and demonstrations con-
demning pass-laws were stopped by po-
lice forces and the leaders of the dem-
onstration found themselves in the
Magistrate's Court.

"Civilized Labour Policy"
Prohibits Africans From
Becoming Skilled Workers

There are several laws on the stat-
ute books of the Union preventing
Africans from participation in the
country's economy in so far as they
prohibit their becoming "skilled"
workers, because, as it is explained,
their inferior mentality does not per-
mit them to do such complicated tasks
as blasting, engine-driving and other
skilled mechanical work. The laws
regulating these phases of African life
are commonly referred to as the "Civi-
lized Labour Policy." It should be
noted, however, that Africans actually
do all of those jobs which they are
supposedly unequipped to do, but since
the law does not recognize such activi-
ties on the part of the African, he does
not receive the pay of the skilled
worker. It is important to point out
that the European workers in South
Africa are very insistent on the per-
petuation of such discriminatory re-
strictions. They fear the potential
competition of the African worker, so
that now many European trade unions
are insisting on the maintenance of
such laws because they want to make
sure that the jobs with high wages are
reserved for European workers.

The "Colour Bar" Act

The basis of the "civilized labor pol-
icy" is the Mines and Works Act of
1911, substantially amended in 1926,
and commonly referred to as the
"Colour Bar" Act. Under this Act,
certificates for almost all skilled work
may be granted to Europeans, Cape
Coloured, Mauritius Creoles, St. Helena
persons, but not to Africans. Similar
discrimination occurs in other indus-
trial legislation. There are several Acts
regulating African Labour, genera'ly
known as the "Masters and Servants
Laws." The many individual laws
which have been passed from time to
time are all designed to give an em-
ployer effective control over his Afri-
can worker and to make it possible
for "masters" to prosecute their
"servants" in a criminal court for a
breach of contract. "Such a breach

510

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

may be insubordination, refusal to
carry out a specified piece of work,
absence without leave, carelessness
when in charge of stock and a variety
of other things. Among Europeans,
breach of contract is a civil and not
a criminal offense. Contracts of less
than one year need not, under these
laws, be made in writing, and the ab-
sence of a written contract is a very
serious cause of dispute between mas-
ters and servants and probably leads
to most of the many cases that now
come before the courts."7

Native Policy

Margaret Ballinger evaluates the
Union's policy towards Africans as fol-
lows: "AD Union politics are Native
Affairs. This is a thesis which most
European South Africans are likely to
find startling. It is easier for Euro-
peans in South Africa to think of the
population of this country in terms of
the 2,000,000 of their own race than
in those of the 10,500,000 of all races;
and there is a common illusion that
Native Affairs are something apart
from the main stream of South Afri-
can life, a sectional interest providing
a happy hunting ground for intellect-
uals and philanthropists."

It is obvious that in a country where
ever-increasing numbers of non-Euro-
peans are drawn into the industrial
centers, where they are destined only
to form the country's proletariat, they
will become politically more articu-
late. Thus the Cape Standard (Feb-
ruary 2, 1943) mouthpiece of the non-
Europeans in South Africa, stated
their position as follows: "We want
full democratic rights. Give our men
and women the vote when they turn
twenty-one. Let them sit in the House
of Assembly and in the Senate, and
let them aspire to the very highest
offices in the land. Do away with the
Colour Bar Act, the White Labour Pol-
icy, and all other Acts, which differen-
tiate against us on the grounds of
colour. Let us enter the skilled trades
and civil services. Let us send our
children to any school we like, and let
us have equality in hospitals and all
other social services. This is democ-
racy. This is what we want, and not
any 'special' treatment as if we were
'permanent' children with a 'perma-

TMarquard, K, The Native in South Af-
rica. 2nd ed. rev. by .T. T.ewin. 1944. 60 p.

nent' commission to reconcile us with
a 'permanent' herrenvolTc"

In describing the situation Dr. F.
E. T. Krause, a European who was
a former Judge-President of the Orange
Free State, says: "The black man is a
prisoner in the land of his birth, even
though he does not happen to be de-
tained behind iron bars or locked up
in unhygienic and over-crowded prison
cells." To this The Bantu World (Feb-
ruary 26, 1944) adds editorially: "But
the friends of liberty and justice are
increasing in numbers; for sane men
and women have come to realize the
fact that 'every human being has a
right to develop and to enjoy all the
opportunities that a Divine Providence
has vouchsafed him, and the only
restriction the law should impose is
that in the exercise of his rights he
should not hinder or prevent his fellow
human beings from doing the same'."

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN THE
UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

The Union African
And Labor Unions

As a result of the so-called "Civilized
Labour Laws" the Africans are pre-
vented from forming effective Labor
Unions which might help them to im-
prove their economic position and un-
der these laws they are forbidden to
strike, since absence from work would
constitute a criminal offense. This dis-
ability of the African to improve his
economic condition is further compli-
cated by the Industrial Conciliation
Act. This Act, originally passed in 1924,
gave legal status to trade unions both
as to their right to exist as duly con-
stituted bodies and to their right to
function as bargaining agencies in
trade disputes. By this Act and its
subsequent amendments of 1930 and
1937, the right of workers to organize
unions was restricted to those defined
as, "employees." In defining this cate-
gory, the act specifically excluded as
employees all persons whose contract
oc service or labor was regulated by
the various Masters and Servants
Laws, thus prohibiting all union ac-
tivities to workers of African descent.
During the war, limited recognition
of the African's right to engage in
union activities was accorded and is
affirmed by the circular letters of the
Labour Department, saying that "Na-
tives may ,be organized into separate

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

511

bodies functioning under the aegis of
a registered union, but if this proce-
dure is adopted it must be clearly un-
derstood that the Native member of
any such separate body could not in
any way be member of a registered
union."

Labor Unions With African
Membership Refused Registration

The question of African participa-
tion in unions came to a legal dispute
when the Sweetworkers Union applied
for a declaration of rights entitling
Africans to become members of regis-
tered, or European trade unions. The
Labour Department refused to register
the union on the grounds that fifty
Africans were included in the mem-
bership of the union. The Sweetwork-
ers Union took this question to the
Cape Town Supreme Court for a de-
cision. In presenting to the court the
case for the African workers, the Na-
tional Secretary of the Union stated
that "there was nothing in the Indus-
trial Conciliation Act which excluded
Africans living and working in the
Cape from the definition of employee."
He said further: "The Union was reg-
istered on a membership which in-
cluded Africans with full knowledge
of the Department of Labour. ... It
would be irregular for the union to
exclude members who abided by all
the terms of the union's constitution."

The Supreme Court found that the
union could not be registered, since it
included in its membership Africans
who could not be deemed "employees"
as defined by the Industrial Concilia-
tion Act. Mr. Justice Newton-Thomp-
son, who rendered the judgment stated
that "there is nothing in the Act which
would prevent Natives who are not 'ex-
cluded Natives' from being regarded
as 'employees' and therefor trade un-
ions of which they are members would
be a trade union as defined in the Act."
Of course such a statement is of theo-
retical importance only. As African
Transcripts (No. 8, 1946, pp. 62-63)
states: "Until such time as the defini-
tion of 'employee' in the Industrial
Conciliation Act is rewritten so as to
remove the clause which requires that
the vast majority of Union Natives
be classified as 'servants' rather than
as 'employees', the present judgment,
in so far as it will admit any con-
siderable body of Natives to member-

ship in White Unions, is only so much
legal shadow-boxing."

African Trade Unions
Without Status

In 1942 the Smit Committee stated
that there were some 33 African Trade
Unions in Johannesburg and several
others in other South African towns.
But none of these Unions, although
not unlawful, have status; they exist
de facto, but not de jure. "In practice
the officers of a union may and do
approach the Department of Labour
and employers on behalf of their mem-
bers. They make representations for
instance, about the underpayment of
wages or about other conditions of
work prescribed by determination un-
der the Wage Act, and for many years
they have given evidence on behalf
of their members before the Wage
Board. The fact, however, that the
unions are not officially registered,
handicaps them in dealing with em-
ployers, who have been known to say,
'We will recognize you when the De-
partment of Labour does'."8

Following a prolonged period of la-
bour unrest, many quarters in South
Africa suggested that "Native Trade
Unions" should be recognized as bar-
gaining agencies. To this suggestion,
the Johannesburg branch of the So-
ciety of Friends of Africa (Report
1945, p. 11-12) states: "There is con-
siderable misunderstanding with re-
gard to this matter. Many otherwise
well-meaning people seem to think
that recognition of 'Native Trade Un-
ions' implied status for Africans as
workers similar to that given to Euro-
peans and certain other classes of non-
Europeans in terms of the Industrial
Conciliation Act. It is nothing of the
kind. Recognition of 'Native Trade
Unions' is a suggested via media which
involves the passing of special legisla-
tion that will in effect operate as dis-
criminatory as between those who are
at present covered by the Industrial
Conciliation Act and Natives whose
terms of contract and place in the so-
cial, economic and political structure
of the country prevents them from be-
ing recognized as employees in terms
of the Industrial Conciliation Act.
Moreover, if 'Native Trade Unions' are
given statutory recognition they can
operate only on a colour basis which

8L. Lewin, Race Relations XI, 1942, p. 111.

512

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

is bound to have serious and some, at
present, unforeseeable consequences."

This paper states that what is nec-
essary to keep as an objective is the
". . . recognition of the Native in
terms of the Industrial Conciliation
Act as an employee, clear. This re-
quires an amendment to the Act and
certain other adjustments which will
be opposed by organized employer, ag-
ricultural and mining interests. So far
no Minister of Labour has been pre-
pared to introduce the necessary Bill
to amend the Act. Nevertheless most
of the employers, outside of agricul-
ture and mining, and a majority of
European Trade Unions are agreed
that an amendment of the Act is much
preferable to placating interests op-
posed by offering discriminatory legis-
lation such as is implied in recogni-
tion of 'Native Trade Unions'."

Strikes By Natives
Not Permitted

That the African is still far from
having reached that goal is demon-
strated fry the fact that many African
strikers have been arrested, punished
or put to hard labor, whereas Euro-
pean strikes have been permitted. A
case not lacking its comical side may
be offered as an examp^. "The efforts
which have been in progress over the
last few years to secure improvements
in the wages and conditions of living of
the workers engaged in coal delivery
h^-ve bsen recorded from time to time
in the reports of this Office. These
reached a new stage early in June of
this year when the failure of the
workers to negotiate an increase in
tt'eb- wage rates resulted in a strike
and the arrest under War Measure 145
cf some 800 strikers, and the subse-
quent concession of arbitration by the
Minister of Labour.

"It was originally intended that the
workers engaged in coal delivery
should be covered by Wage Determi-
nation 70: Commercial and Distribu-
tive Trades. Unfortunately, a weak-
ness in the construction of the De-
te'-mination enabled employers to
evade it. Subsequently a new Determi-
nation (No. 91) specifically covering
Timber and Coal was gazetted. This
Determination provided for a mini-

mum wage of 26/ — (26 shillings)}
per week, which, with a cost of living
arowance of 5/ — per week and a 'dirt
allowance' of l/2d. (1 shilling, 2
pence) per week, gave total weekly
earnings of 32/2d. Under this Deter-
mination, the workers in the trade se-
cured substantially what they would
have secured under Determination 70
before the revision of that Determina-
tion recorded in our last Report.
Determination 70 provided for a mini-
mum weekly wage of 27/8d. in the Wit-
watersrand area which, with 5/ — cost
of living allowance, gave total weekly
earnings of 32/8d. But when Deter-
mination 70 was revised to give 35/ —
per week minimum wage in this area,
carrying a cost of living allowance of
G/ — per week, making a weekly total
of 41/ — , it was natural that the coal
delivery employees should seek a cor-
responding adjustment in their condi-
tions of employment.
750 African Coal Delivery Workers
Request Imprisonment With Leaders

"But, in their efforts to get the em-
ployers to revise Determination 91
along the lines of the revision of De-
termination 70, the officials of the
African Coal Delivery Workers' Union
met with many rebuffs and, in some
instances, with point blank refusals to
negotiate. A minority of employers
were sympathetic and prepared to fol-
low the lead of the commercial em-
ployers, although they were not pre-
pared to concede the £3 (pounds) per
week minimum wage demanded by the
Union's officials. Eventually the Union
presented an ultimatum to the em-
ployers. Before its expiration, how-
ever, the Secretary and the Treasurer
of the Union, Messrs. D. Koza and A.
Motau, were arrested for inciting to
Strike. This action of the authorities,
which they believed to be inspired by
the Department of Labour, inflamed
the African Coal Delivery workers who
stopped work, marched in a body to
police headquarters at Marshall
Square, Johannesburg, where the two
arrested officials of their Union were
lodged awaiting trial, and asked to be
arrested and confined with these two
officials. The police acceded to this re-
quest reluctantly, being aware that the

fEditor's Note: These wages in terms of
U. S. money are as follows: 1 pence (d)
= 2.03 cents; 1 shilling- (s) = 24% cents:
1 pound (£) = $4.8665.

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

513

arrest of approximately 750 African
Coal Delivery workers faced them with
a problem of accommodation and feed-
ing that seemed beyond their capacity
to meet. The men were duly arrested,
charged in terms of War Measure 145
with breaking the law by striking and
lodged in two underground halls ad-
jacent to the ordinary detention cells.
These halls were fenced with iron
grills and guarded by warders."

". . . Before the trial began, Mr.
Berrange succeeded in getting the De-
partment of Justice and Labour to
agree to the release of all the accused
on their own recognizance. For the
trial itself, one of the underground
halls that had been used as a cell
while the men were in custody, was
cleared and turned into a temporary
court. On the -opening day of the case,
preparations for the Court began at
5:30 a. m. with the ticketing of the
accused with numbers. Inevitably with
735 accused, many of whom had a
very imperfect knowledge of the two
official languages (Afrikaans and Eng-
lish), names and numbers got mixed,
with the result that the Court failed
to get under way until long after its
appointed time. On the resumption of
the trial, some days later, the same
situation arose. On this day, when the
Court was eventually constituted,
twenty-five of the accused failed to an-
swer to either name or number. Five
were accounted for as being sick, one
was reported as having been arrested
for being drunk, while several others
were stated to be on their way to the
Court. The Public Prosecutor pro-
ceeded to ask for a remand of the case
and the summary arrest of those of the
accused who had failed to appear and
for whose absence there was no ac-
ceptable excuse. While he was doing
this, several of the missing men drifted
in and took their places with the
crowd, while others were reported as
waiting outside to be checked and
labelled with numbers. By this time
it was becoming clear to most of the
spectators that the proceedings were
tending to become farcical. The De-
fense objected most strongly to the
request of the Prosecutor for a remand
of the case claiming that this proce-
dure was designed simply to further
the interests of the employers who
were above all things anxious to get
their workers back on to the job. The

Magistrate pointed out that it would
always be possible for the Defense to
make the same appeal when the case
should be resumed since, with over 700
accused it was very unlikely that they
would ever all be there and that, thus
in effect, the case "would be likely
never to come on. The Defense took
up the line that this was a mere
travesty of justice under which these
men would resume their ordinary
avocations but with a case always
hanging over their heads to curb such
freedom of action as they have.

"Fortunately at this point in the ar-
gument the tea interval supervened to
relieve the increasing sense of tension.
During the interval the legal men came
together to see what order could be
got out of the situation. The outstand-
ing factors in the situation at this
point were (a) the already announced
decision of the Department of Labour
to grant arbitration, (b) the urgent
need on the part of the employers of
their labour force, the strikers having
chosen to abandon work in the midst
of one of tne sharpest cold snaps of
Johannesburg's high veld winter and
(c) the clear indication that our judi-
cial machinery is not designed to cope
with mass trials and that it was likely
to break down under the pressure of
this one in which the legal representa-
tives of the workers were determined
to give their clients the fullest service
possible.

"In these circumstances, events be-
gan to move with bewildering rapidity
and when the Magistrate resumed his
seat on the Bench, the Public Prose-
cutor intimated that he had been or-
dered to close his case. Defending
counsel interpreted this as tantamount
to an invitation to the Magistrate to
declare the accused not guilty. With
due solemnity this was done and was
conveyed to the accused through the
interpreters who had been stationed
at intervals among the serried squat-
ting ranks of coal delivery workers
extending right back into the gloomy
recesses of the temporary court. Then,
with no show of haste, but with some
stretching and yawning, the accused
got up from the granolithic floor on
which they had been squatting. On
the faces of some were grins that
promised to broaden into smiles of
derision, saying as plainly as words
could have done, 'Don't these white

514

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OP SOUTH AFRICA

people look funny when they dispense
justice.' Sharp words of command
from police and warders brought them
to attention. At the double they
trooped out to complete the formalities
that would make them free to go and
deliver coal for employers who were
being inundated with frenzied requests
for supplies from consumers unpre-
pared for the rigors of the season."

Wage Increases in the South
African Gold Mines

The Report of the Mine Natives'
Wages Commission, published March
24, 1944, was the basis for the govern-
ment's grant of wage increases to Na-
tive African mine workers effective as
of April 1, 1944.

Throughout 1943 the Wages Com-
mission investigated the living costs
of African mine-workers and their
families in order to establish a base
for a fair wage. The Chamber of
Mines had contended that in wage fix-
ing it must be recognized that the
Rand miries employed only Natives
normally living on the reserves of the
Union or on Native lands in adjacent
territories and that, therefore, their
earnings at the mines were supple-
mented, or vice versa by the income
derived from these lands. The Com-
mission conducted its own investiga-
tion to determine the validity of the
Chamber's claim, and it found with
respect to the Transkeian Territories
that the dependents of those Natives
employed by the mines had "been liv-
ing very much below the bread (or
mealie) line" and instead of contribut-
ing to the self-sufficiency of the re-
serves, made it necessary to import
large quantities of mealie in order to
maintain even this sub-standard liv-
ing. The annual income which can be
earned from the reserve farm does not
exceed £17.15.2, and when the earnings
of the mineworker (£30.12-0) are
added, the total family income is
£9.4.10 below the expenditure for mini-
mum existence as estimated by the
Commission.

Furthermore, the Chamber of Mines
argues that the added working costs
represented by the wage increase would
shorten the life of the gold industry
by making the mining of low grade
ore unprofitable. The extension of the
life of the gold mines naturally con-
cerns the Union seriously, since the
gold industry is eminently responsible

for maintaining the country's public
^and private income. The Commission,
in acknowledging this fact, pointed out
that the unfortunate lot of the large
body of Native workers had to be con-
sidered and that the system of un-
skilled labor had to be regarded as
the basis of the industry's economic
position. The Commission also re-
viewed the report of the Low Grade
Ore Commission of 1930-32 which had
suggested that the high grade ore
mines contribute to an equalization
fund which would enable the low grade
ore mines to raise the wages of Native
workers. This report appears not to
have been embodied in the present
Commission's recommendations.

The Government, considering the
recommendations of its Commission
and the objections raised by the Cham-
ber of Mines, announced a wage in-
crease of 4d. and 5d. per shift for Na-
tive surface and underground workers
respectively and time and a half for
overtime and Sundays. The announced
wage increase represents a scaling
down of the Commission's wage recom-
mendation and the lopping off of recom-
mended cost of living and equipment
allowances. In the statement revealing
the government's proposals, General
Smuts said: "The Government recog-
nizes that . . . the imposition of such
a burden on the industry, involving as
it does an increase in working costs
of more than 7d. per ton milled, would
have very serious consequences for the
industry and the country. . . . The
Government therefore considers it to
be appropriate that the Gold Realiza-
tion Charges which have since 1940
been collected . . . should be made
available to meet this situation." This
refund to the gold industry is expected
to meet in full the estimated increased
wage bill of £1,750,000 during the first
twelve months.

European miners on the Rand also
have demanded increased pay. In view
of restricted mining operations, the
Executive Committee of the Union
voted on September 28, 1944, to accept
the compromise proposal of the Trans-
vaal Chamber of Mines in lieu of the
thirty per cent raise they were seek-
ing.9 The settlement provides no direct
benefits to the workers but instead the
Chamber has agreed to make an im-
mediate payment of £25,000 to the Un-

9Cape Times, September 28, 1944. •

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

515

ion and five annual payments of £100,-
000 beginning October 1, 1944. The
fund so created will be administered
by a joint board representing the
Union and the Chamber of Mines and
will be expended on projects, such as
housing and the development of co-
operatives, which are considered bene-
ficial to the Union's members.

In dealing with the European
miners, the Chamber adopted the at-
titude that the shortage of both Af-
rican and European labor, difficulties
in procuring supplies, and quota re-
strictions imposed on production
placed the mines in a position where
they were unable to meet the demands
of the mine workers. The acceptance of
the compromise proposal of the Cham-
ber of Mines by the Executive Commit-
tee of the Mine-Workers Union on Sep-
tember 28, 1944, involved the Union in
an agreement not to "make any claim
for a general increase in wages . . .
until existing conditions undergo a
material change." "On their part, the
Gold Producers Committee pledges "to
maintain the existing minimum wage
scale (etc.) . . . unless and until com-
pared with the existing position, there
has been very material alteration op-
erating to the disadvantage of the min-
ing industry."10 The rank and file of the
Union membership has not reacted fa-
vorably to the action of the Executive
Committee, being greatly disappointed
in not receiving direct benefits from
the settlement of their wage griev-
ances, and the dissatisfaction threatens
to create a schism in the ranks of the
European mine workers.

Famine in South Africa

The rural reserve areas of South
Africa, in particular the Ciskei and
Transkei regions, have this year been
affected more severely by famine and
drought than at any time since 1927."
Although some sources indicate that
land restrictions and various economic
and civil barriers are the underlying
causes of the present critical situation,
unusually bad weather conditions, al-
most no rain for two years, together
with general world shortage of food
because of the war, are acknowledged
as contributing factors.

In July, mealie stocks were not ex-
pected to last until December and as

10Cape Times, September 28, 1944.
"Bantu World, July 14, 1945.

a result, mealie rations were reduced
to three-quarters of a pound per person
per day. This and the meat from the
carcases of dead cattle — which were
plentiful — was the food available to
keep the population's diet "above the
nutritional danger line."12 Acting to
meet the situation, the Government set
up an emergency pre-school feeding
scheme which, because of the fact that
"the necessary basic ingredients, such
as mealie meal, soya beans and milk
powder, do not exist in the required
quantities," could not be extended to
children of school age and the adult
native population. However, immedi-
ate steps were being taken to make
available a consignment of rice from
Portuguese East Africa, ". . . when it
will be seen whether, or not the natives
are prepared to supplement their
mealie diet with rice, which is a new
food to them."13

Animals were dying on an unprece-
dented scale; ten per cent of the cattle
were already dead from starvation, in
July; seventy per cent of those left
were expected to die; and it was esti-
mated that the remaining thirty per
cent would be unable to pull the
ploughs to prepare the land for plant-
ing when the rains did come. In this,
however, one encouraging "bright
spot" was found, ". . . nature in its
terrible form of a death-bringing
drought is solving drastically the root
problem of overstocking."14 Sheep
losses were considerable, although not
as heavy as cattle losses which in Au-
gust were estimated at £500,000 in the
four districts of East London, Komgha,
Peddie and King William's Town. "In
other words," commented the Cape
Standard (August 7, 1945), ". . . God
is supporting the Government's scheme
for the 'Rehabilitation of the Re-
serves' by a merciless delimitation of
the stock which the African people
refused to kill under the 'Second
Nangquause Scheme.' " To take the
place of oxen during the emergency
period the Government began negotia-
tions with the Defense Department to
provide tractors and the necessary
ploughs. In August, eighteen tractors
were on the way and sixteen pumping
plants had arrived and were being in-

"Ibid, July 28, 1945.

13Cape Times, July 20, 1945.

"Cape Times, July 14, 1945.

516

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

stalled in the southern districts of the
Ciskei without water.

Although the situation in the Ciskei
was growing steadily worse, the Native
Affairs Department was satisfied that
even on their reduced rations the na-
tives "appear to be coming out on what
they are getting."15 The same opti-
mism, however, was not revealed in a
report from the Middledrift District
where Dr. R. T. Bokwe, Assistant Dis-
trict Surgeon, described the natives as
victims of "an insidious but certain
process of starvation (usually politely
termed 'malnutrition') . . ,"16 Depend-
ent upon what food they could obtain
from their small holdings of drought-
devastated land and from what they
could purchase with the bare living
wages earned at the mines in Johan-
nesburg, everywhere could be heard
the dramatic cry of Siyalamba (we
are starving). Mealie was available at
a price ranging from £1 a bag up-
wards; beans were virtually unobtain-
able even at 9d. to Is. a pound; dead
cattle-meat was plentiful but there was
no kaffir-corn (except "... as kaffir-
beer in some Municipal-controlled beer
halls"), no milk, no green vegetables
or potatoes or rice. The two hundred
cooking centres which the government
had set up throughout the Ciskeian
drought area were providing young
children with one meal of mealie-meal
gruel a day, but this affected only a
small section of the starving popula-
tion. Realizing this, the Native Affairs
Department "prevailed upon the Food
Control Department to release some
quantities of beans, rice and condensed
milk for sale to African families. . . .
A .lorry loaded with these commodi-
ties goes from location to location and
attempts to serve populations of some
forty to fifty thousand people." Dr.
Bokwe considered the problem beyond
the control of a "mere department of
State. It is now a National prob-
lem . . ." and contrary to the belief
that the current drought was an "Act
of God" the present starvation of the
people is an "Act of Man." In his work
to see that the distribution of food
was not limited to young children, Dr.
Bokwe proposed setting up small com-
mittees in each location to consist of
the Headman, the Teacher and one

"Cape Times, August 10, 1945.

African Outlook, November 1, 1945.

other to recommend any person or fam-
ily it felt was deserving of assistance.

In view of the "prevailing feeling of
uncertainty among the public about the
Union's food position" a statement on
the maize situation was issued by Mr.
J. G. N. Strauss, Minister of Agricul-
ture, who in estimating the needs that
will have to be met, calculated that
". . . by February, the requirements of
rural natives will decline as green
mealies become available. Other prod-
ucts could, of course, be grown much
sooner after rain has fallen, but
through force of habit natives, unfor-
tunately, still rely on maize. . . . Con-
sumption so far and the estimates for
the coming months . . . amount to 11,-
500,000 bags. Against this, supplies
available for the season as a whole are
11,250,000 bags. The Government's con-
trol measures have, therefore, been ef-
fective; and with continued strict econ-
omy it is confidently expected that the
country will just about manage until
the next crop, though not without great
inconvenience and some genuine hard-
ship."17

With prospects for the next crop
growing increasingly grim, notwith-
standing the government's confident
expectations, the Cape Branch of the
South Africa Red Cross acted in an
effort to alleviate some of the hardship
already evident among the Native of
the Ciskei. Three thousand pounds of
soup-mix and powdered milk were sent
as an emergency measure "entirely
supplemental to government relief"
and "intended to reach those who have
not benefited by the official meas-
ures. . . ."18

In spite of General Smuts' promise
that "we shall do our best to see that
the people of this country are properly
fed," no governmental relief measures
for the adult population were forth-
coming. To aid in this respect, there-
fore, a volunteer agency has been es-
tablished in Cape Town to help secure
food and money for stricken families,
with many contributions coming from
a large group meeting in New York
recently under the sponsorship of the
Council on African Affairs. At a re-
lief rally held on January 7, 1946, in

"Cape Times, November 10, 1945.
18Cape Times, November 16, 1945.

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA

517

which Miss Marian Anderson and Paul
Robeson participated, a resolution was
drafted and addressed to General
Smuts, protesting the refusal of the
South African Government to "co-oper-

ate with our relief efforts by granting
free entrance to shipments of relief
foodstuffs."19

19News release of Council on African Af-
fairs, January 11, 1946.

DIVISION XXVII

AFRICANS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

THE THEORY OF BRITISH
COLONIAL RULE

The British aim for the colonial em-
pire has been reiterated time and time
again, namely, the maximum of self-
government within the Empire at the
earliest practicable time. Self-govern-
ment, in contrast to independence, it
is argued, is to the real advantage of
the colonial territories in Africa as
well as in the interest of the world.
The "splinterization" of the colonial
empire into some forty independent
but small States is regarded as detri-
mental to world peace.

This policy has often been expressed
by official spokesmen of the British
government and was restated on July
9, 1946 in a debate of the British
House of Commons, when the Colonial
Secretary of the present Labor govern-
ment stated that it is British policy
"to develop the colonies and their re-
sources in such a way as to enable
their peoples speedily and substantial-
ly to improve their economic and so-
cial conditions and as soon as may be
practicable to attain responsible self-
government."

The way of gaining self-government
is explained as gradual association of
Africans with the government of the
territories, particularly by adding Afri-
can representatives to the legislative
councils. As Lord Hailey, British .colo-
nial expert, explains in Britain and
Her Dependencies (1943, p. 42): "If
the further development of self-gov-
ernment is~to follow the normal course
prescribed by British tradition, the
next stages would be to enlarge the
franchise, to withdraw the nominated
or official elements in the legislature,
to remove the exercise of restrictions
on its lawmaking authority through
the use of the veto or the 'reserved'
powers, and finally to place it in full
control of the executive functions of
government through its own minister."

At the present time the British con-
trolled territories of Africa have the
following types of legislative Councils:

1. No Legislature: Basutoland, Bechu-
analand, Swaziland, British Somali-
land, Northern Territories of the
Gold Coast, Northern Province of
Nigeria (for this latter territory the

constitution proposals for Nigeria
may bring a change in status soon).

2. Legislatures but no elected Members:
Nyasaland, Tanganyika, (2 Africans
appointed), Uganda (3 Africans ap-
pointed), Zanzibar (1 African ap-
pointed), Gambia.

3. Legislature with nominated and
elected members, but a majority of
official members: Kenya (2 Africans),
Northern Rhodesia, Nigeria (15 Afri-
cans of which 4 are elected), Sierra
Leone (3 elected Africans).

4. Legislature with unofficial African
majority: Gold Coast.

In evaluating the importance of
these legislative bodies, it should be
kept in mind that the decisions of the
legislature can be overruled by the
Governor, who in all cases retains the
authority to veto decisions of the
Council.

In discussing the development of
self-government in the British terri-
tories of Africa, a distinction has to
be made between two types of terri-
tories; namely, those which have an
almost exclusive African population
such as Gambia, Sierra Leone, Gold
Coast, Nigeria, Somaliland, Uganda,
etc. and those with a large African
population and a small, but articulate
European element such as Kenya,
Northern Rhodesia, and to a lesser de-
gree Nyasaland. The mandate of Tan-
ganyika as well as the self-governing
colony of Southern Rhodesia, although
different in political status, fall into
this latter category.

In the purely African territories, po-
litical advance has been more note-
worthy, because the population is polit-
ically better trained and more articu-
late. Although the political develop-
ment appears still out of step with the
aspirations of the local African leader-
ship, by comparison with other sec-
tions of British Africa, the Gold Coast
and Nigeria are outstanding.

COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT AND

WELFARE

Colonial Development and
Welfare Act of 1940 Expanded

Beginning April 1, 1946, the British
Government will spend £120,000,000 for
a ten year period on Colonial Develop-
ment and Welfare. This Act will ex-
pand the Colonial Development and
Welfare Act of 1940 which allocated

518

DEVELOPMENT AND WELFARE

519

annual sums of £5,000,000 for develop-
ment and £500,000 for research for ten
years beginning in 1941. The new Act
will extend the grant period from 1951
to 1956 and will be more than double
the rate of expenditure.

Purpose of Funds Allocated to

Colonial Development and Welfare

The British Colonial Secretary in
speaking about this fund said: ". . .
the sum proposed in the Bill was not
intsnded to be the sole and permanent
support of all the social requirements
of the whole of the colonial Empire.
In the long run the social standard
of a country depended upon its own
resources and upon the skill and en-
eigy of its people. It would be neither
right nor healthy for Britain to at-
tempt to maintain from the efforts of
her own people the social standards of
colonial territories. The aim of the
Bill was to give the colonies the help
they must have if they Were to start
the process of social development for
themselves. The sum which the House
was being asked to approve was not
the only source upon which the col-
onies could draw for that purpose.
During the war many colonies had
built up considerable balance of their
own, which in many cases had been
lent to His Majesty's Government for
war purposes free of interest. . . .
There was also in some colonies the
possibility of raising internal loan
capital for national expenditures. It
was only if we would get sufficient
assistance from private capital that a
full measure of development would be
possible, because the resources of both
the colonial governments and His
Majesty's Government here would be
fully allocated on the national develop-
ment side. So the Government would
welcome the introduction of private
capital."

Colonel Stanley, while inviting pri-
vate investors to participate in colo-
nial development gave this warning:
"To all those, in this country or else-
where, who wish to and thought of
investing after the war in productive
work in the colonies, he would say
that he did not believe that there
would be an opening after the war
for the "get rich quick" type of pri-
vate investors, people who were pre-
pared to face losses, but, in turn, ex-
pected for it staggering profits. There
would be opportunity for a reasonable

dividend and for reasonable security.
The private capitalist, if he invested
in colonial territories had no right to
expect, and could not expect, any privi-
leged position; he had a right to and
would expect, and, he hoped, get a po-
sition of equity and fairness, but he
had no right to ask for more than that.
Again, he would have to come into the
territory as a partner, and not as a
master. There could be no question
in the future of private enterprise ac-
quiring, as in the past they had some-
times done in some corners of the Co-
lonial Empire, what was almost a dom-
inant position, from which they at-
tempted to threaten the authority of
the Government itself."

The Colonial Secretary continued
that he believed ". . . there would be
a growing opportunity to private in-
vestment from capital inside the ter-
ritories. It was obviously desirable
that the people of the territories
should be linked, through their capital
contributions, with the industries of
their own country. They had undoubt-
edly growing resources at their com-
mand for such purposes, but there
were certain difficulties in the way at
the moment of any large-scale private
investment. The first was that the
ordinary capitalist in many of the
colonial territories today expected
much too big a return on his available
capital and was apt to find that the
only productive brands of industry
which would give a return of that kind
were the old-fashioned industry of
money-lending. He would have to go
through a period of education, so that
he would be prepared to accept a
smaller return and a less risk in the
more reputable forms of industrial pro-
duction."

In this speech Colonel Stanley also
pointed to the possibility that the Gov-
ernment might consider the establish-
ment of colonial development com-
panies, run by the colonial govern-
ments. "Those would be able to pro-
vide capital and managerial experience
to assist the local investor, and to en-
ter into partnership with the investor
from outside, not with, the idea of itself
forever going into industrial businesses
and running those industries, but with
the idea of filling this gap, of giving a
start, and of gradually being able to
pass over to the private investor in
the colony both the capital burden and

520

AFRICANS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE

the managerial responsibility in the
industries. . . ."

The British Secretary of State for
the Colonies despatched on November
12, 1945 (date of publication as a
Command Paper is December 12, 1945)
a circular addressed to the Colonial
Governments, referring to the alloca-
tions of funds for colonial development
as provided for by the Act. The Act,
permitting the amount of £120,000,000
to be spent in colonial areas, can be
utilized at any time within the ten
year period, subject to a maximum of
£17,500,000 to be allocated in any one
year. The Act also provides that "the
maximum assistance towards Colonial
research shall not, in the aggregate,
exceed £1,000,000 in any financial
year."

The Colonial Secretary is emphatic
in stressing that these financial con-
tributions to be made from the Im-
perial Exchequer are "a real burden
on the United Kingdom taxpayer" and
that "in spite of the manifold difficul-
ties confronting the United Kingdom
on all sides, the additional effort nec-
essary to provide the funds set aside
under the Colonial Development and
Welfare Act will be gladly made be-
cause of the desire to see Colonial de-
velopment and welfare advanced, but
it is equally expected that the Colo-
nial Dependencies will play their part
in the joint effort, as it is indeed in
their own interests to do. Rates of
taxation vary considerably from one
Colonial territory to another, and it
is important that direct taxation borne
mainly by the richer members of the
community should be reviewed, if this
has not been done recently, so as to
insure that local revenues are making
an adequate and fair contribution to-
wards the cost of the development and
advancement of the territory."
Allocation of Funds

The allocation of funds falls into
three groups. Of the total sum of £120,-
000,000, £23,500,000 have been set aside
for schemes to be administered cen-
trally by the Colonia^ Office. Research
(£8,500,000), Higher Education (£4,500,-
000), Training Schemes for the Colo-
nial Service (£2,500,000) constitute the
most important items of this group.
£85,500,000 have been allocated to the
Colonial Territories and £11,000,000
form a General Reserve for such sup-
plementary allocations as may become
necessary during the next ten years.

African territories will absorb each
£54,000,000 with Nigeria receiving the
largest share; namely, £23,000,000.

Allocations for African territories
are as follows:

West Africa

Gambia £ 1,300,000

Sierra Leone 2,600,000

Gold Coast 3,500,000

Nigeria 23,000,000

£30,400,000
East Africa

Somaliland 750,000

Kenya 3,500,000

Uganda 2,500,000

Tanganyika 5,250,000

Zanzibar 750,000

East Africa— General 3,500,000

£16,250,000
Central Africa

Nyasaland 2,000,000

Northern Rhodesia 2,500,000

Central Africa— General . 1,000,000

£ 5,500,000
South Africa

High Commission terri-
tories 2,500,000

Total for African ter-
ritories £54,650,000

WEST AFRICA AND THE ATLANTIC
CHARTER

In August, 1943, a West African
Press Delegation representing the four
British territories in West Africa made
an official visit to Great Britain. On
that occasion they drafted a memo-
randum on post-war reconstruction of
the colonies and protectorates of Brit-
ish West Africa. This memorandum
was issued under the title, "The At-
lantic Charter and British West Af-
rica." Some essential parts follow:

"Mr. Winston Churchill has declared
that the present war is being fought
'to revive the stature of man.' Appre-
ciating this declaration, the Colonies
and Protectorates of British West Af-
rica have cooperated with and stood
by Britain at this critical phase of
world history. We have contributed our
manpower, our resources, and our
money to support and win this modern
war. Time will tell whether this is ap-
preciated. But plans are being made
for post-war reconstruction, not only
in Britain and among the allied na-
tions but also in certain sections of the
British Colonial Empire. . . .

NIGERIAN CONSTITUTION

521

"We have listened attentively to the
orations of our leaders on war and
peace aims. We have read the declara-
tion of policy contained in the Atlantic
Charter. The undersigned, in fact,
asked the Prime Minister whether this
historic document was applicable to
the British Colonial Empire, and he re-
plied that the provisions made therein
were not inconsistent with the declared
Colonial Policy of His Majesty's Gov-
ernment.

"But it has become clear to us in
British West Africa that unless we
make known our feelings and aspira-
tions we may be left in the lurch in
the post-war days to come. Quite re-
cently, we were moved by a statement
of Dr. Haden Guset, MP, reported in a
London paper, that England stands for
clem oracy and is defending its ' cause
today, but the democracy is not for
England alone. It is also for Africa. We
of the Labour Party are out for the
best possible conditions for the largest
possible number, whether white, black
or otherwise. In short, the freedom
and liberty and all rights and privileges
to be derived from and enjoyed under
democracy are also for all African peo-
ple. But it is the duty of the Africans
themselves to get together now and
hammer out unceasingly what they
want for Africa.

"Colonel The Rt. Hon. Oliver Stanley.
Secretary of State for the Colonies, re-
cently made it clear, in speaking of
the future of the colonies, that 'We
should be ready now for the develop-
ments which are bound to take place
after the war. . . . We have got to
think things out in advance and to be
ready for them when they come. Other-
wise we will have nothing but a series
of make-shifts, of improvisations and
of half measures, which can only re-
sult in chaos.'

"What sort of changes are desired in
British West Africa? Mainly constitu-
tional reforms which embody social,
economic, and political programmes of
reconstruction which will 'revive the
stature of man.' Such reforms would
no more than compensate our loyalty
and the moral and material support we
are giving in this war.

"British spokesmen, official and un-
official, have declared the aim of British
Colonial Policy to be the progressive
evolution of self-governing institutions
in the various territories of the Colo-
nial Empire, with full self-government
as the ultimate objective. They claim
to be exercising Trusteeship for their
colonial wards; and Trusteeship has
been defined to mean the paramountcy
of the interest of the African when it
clashes with that of the non-African.
Now a new political conception of Part-
nership is gaining precedence, imply-
ing equalitarian rights which, presum-
ably, can be defined to mean fraternal-
ism in the realm of government.

"The definition given to Colonial Pro-
tectorates gives the impression that the
period of tutelage from political adoles-
cence to maturity is not intended to
be perpetual. Therefore, to prolong
'protectorate' status indefinitely would
be inconsistent, as inconsistent as the

connotations of 'Colonial status' with
the conception of fraternal partner-
ship.

"Convinced that factors of capitalism
and imperialism have stultified the
normal growth of these territories, the
framers of this Memorandum believe
that it is now necessary for them to
evolve into full-fledged democratic
states. We believe that only through
the crystallization of democracy in the
social, economic, and political life of
the territories concerned can they pro-
gress a pace with other units of the
British Empire; and we are confident
that full control of the essential means
of production and distribution by the
indigenous communities of the terri-
tories will effectively promote social
equality and communal welfare.

"Basing our claims upon the declara-
tion of Clause 3 of the Atlantic Charter
that the signatories thereto respect the
right of all people to choose the form
of Government under which they may
live, we put forward the following pro-
posals:

"1. Immediate abrogation of the 'Crown
Colony' system of Government and
administration in the Colonies of
British West Africa.

"2. The substitution therefor with rep-
resentative Government (i.e., in-
ternal responsible self-government)
for a period of ten years.
"3. The introduction of full responsible
Government for a period of five
years.

"This procedure would enable the dif-
ferent territories to become independent
and sovereign political entities, aligned
or associated with the British Common-
wealth of Nations. As autonomous com-
munities they would be equal in status,
and in no way subordinate to any unit
of the Commonwealth in any aspect
of their domestic or external affairs,
although united by common allegiance."

NIGERIAN CONSTITUTION

The struggle of West Africans for
a new status of the colonial organiza-
tion became apparent when on March
5, 1945, the British Secretary of State
for the Colonies released a White Pa-
per on "Proposals for the Revision of
the Constitution of Nigeria" (Cmd
6599). On the same day the White
Paper was presented by Nigeria's Gov-
ernor, Sir Arthur Richards, to the
Nigerian Legislative Council, then in
session at Lagos:

The proposals of the Governor pro-
vided for an extension of the Legisla-
tive Council to those parts of Nigeria,
such as the Northern Provinces, which
heretofore had not been represented
in that body, and for a change in the
composition of the Council from one
in which official representatives held
a majority to one with a majority of
unofficial representation. Such con-
stitutional changes were said to be

522

AFRICANS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE

motivated by the desire "to promote
the unity of Nigeria; to provide ade-
quately within that unity for the di-
verse elements which make up the
country; and to secure greater par-
ticipation by Africans in the discus-
sion of their own affairs."

The basis for the reorganization is
the establishment of Regional Coun-
cils for the Northern, Western, and
Eastern Provinces. Whereas in the
Western and Eastern Provinces single-
chambered Houses of Assembly are
to be created, in the Northern Prov-
inces, where well organized states
exist, the Regional Council would con-
sist of a House of Chiefs and a House
of Assembly.

The Houses of Assembly in the
Western and Eastern Provinces would
consist respectively of fourteen and
thirteen official members and fifteen
and fourteen unofficial ones who are
partially nominated by the Governor
after consultation with Africans (eight
and five) and partially selected by
Native authorities (seven and nine).
The House of Assembly for the North-
ern Provinces follows the same pat-
tern; it is to be composed of nineteen
official and twenty unofficial members,
of whom fourteen are to be selected
by Native authorities and six to be
nominated by the Governor. The House
of Chiefs would follow the pattern
previously established by the annual
Chief's Conference. At the beginning
all of the thirteen First-class Chiefs
are invited, and of the twenty-nine
Second-class Chiefs, who are grouped
provincially, ten, that is one of each
group, will be invited annually.

These Regional Councils, while act-
ing primarily as electoral colleges for
the Legislative Council, would in
a limited way constitute provincial
advisory councils. The Legislative
Council which heretofore did not
legislate for the Northern Provinces,
should become the Central Legisla-
ture for the whole of Nigeria and
is to be composed of twenty official
and twenty-nine unofficial members.
Four of the latter representing bank-
ing, shipping, industry and commerce,
and mining will be nominated by the
Governor. The remaining twenty-five
will be selected according to the fol-
lowing plan: Four emirs (chiefs) to
be nominated by the House of Chiefs,
Northern Provinces; two chiefs, to be

nominated by the Governor from
among the three chiefs who are mem-
bers of the House of Assembly, West-
ern Provinces; five from the Northern
Provinces to be nominated from their
own body by the unofficial members
of the House of Assembly; four from
the Western Provinces, to be nomi-
nated by the unofficial members of
the House of Assembly from their own
body; and five from the Eastern Prov-
ince to be nominated by the unofficial
members of the House of Assembly
from their own body; one member to
be elected from the municipal area of
Calabar, three to be elected in Lagos,
and one representing the Colony (the
districts surrounding Lagos), to be
nominated by the Governor after con-
sultation with the Native authorities.
"The Governor would have a cast-
ing vote only, and the Council would
thus have an unofficial majority of
twenty-nine to twenty, and, on the as-
sumption that the four members rep-
resenting banking, shipping, industry
and commerce and mining would as
at present be Europeans, an African
majority of twenty-five to twenty-four.
The Governor would be provided un-
der the Constitution with the usual
reserve powers to be exercised, if nec-
essary, in the interests of public faith,
public order, and good government."

Although the Nigerian Legislative
Council debated the new proposals on
March 23, 1946 and endorsed them ex-
cept for a few minor amendments,
Nigerians in general do not take too
friendly to them. It appears that al-
most all of the trade unions, political
parties, professional organizations, and
tribal unions are unanimous in their
demand that the African members of
the Legislative Council did not repre-
sent the wishes of Nigerians. Even
political groups which otherwise are
not too harmonious in their relations,
agree in their criticism of the consti-
tutional proposals.

Nigerian criticism appears well crys-
tallized in a paper "The Nigerian Con-
stitution, Proposals for Reform," by
H. 0. Davies, former Secretary Gen-
eral of the Nigerian Youth Movement.1
Among the objections the following ap-
pear to be most prominent:

1. Paragraph 3 of the proposals state
that the new constitution was de-
signed "to secure greater participa-
tion by Africans in the discussion

1West African Review, May, 1945.

GOLD COAST CONSTITUTION

523

of their own affairs." "Discussion,"
writes Mr. Davies, "seems to be the
crux of the matter. There is neither
the intention nor the pretension to
secure greater participation by the
Africans in the direction, manage-
ment, or control of their own af-
fairs." He continues: "No attempt
is made to democratize . . . bureau-
cratic rule or make it sensitive to
public opinion. The public have no
say in the selection, mediately or
immediately of the head of Depart-
ment or his deputy. Yet the latter
is the technical expert, the legisla-
tor, and the executive. . . . He formu-
lates policy, he legislates it, and af-
terwards administers it. When he
makes the policy, he does not con-
sult the public, for he is not respon-
sible to them. In the legislative
Council he is supported by the official
majority (see below) . . . and as an
executive he is irresponsibly backed
by the law and all its sanctions." Mr.
Davies believes that "this bureau-
cratic Leviathan" must be brought
"under the influence of ... respon-
sible public opinion."

2. The unofficial majority of the Legis-
lative Council as well as that of the
Regional Councils is questioned and
is regarded as one in name only. Ob-
jections center primarily around the
role of the chiefs or natural rulers
who are to be unofficial representa-
tives; namely, the four Emirs from
Northern Nigeria and the two Chiefs
of the Western Provinces. These
chiefs, it is claimed, are in reality
government officials, appointed by
and under the control of the govern-
ment.

3. Aside from the position of the chiefs,
the representation of unofficials in
the Regional and the Legislative
Councils is subjected to criticism,
since it "is not an outcome of a
natural division of the country on a
basis of population, revenue, or other
criterion," as H. O. Davies remarks.
On the contrary, he continues, "it is
a system whereby the number of
European officials and merchants
available are first determined, and
the chiefs and the African represen-
tatives arranged to give a majority
of one to oppose them." It is felt
that some criterion must be found
"for grading the Native Authorities
so that each unit will be entitled
to send forth one representative to
the Regional and one to the Central
Legislative."

4. The procedure according to which the
representatives are to be selected is
attacked by many groups. Of the
twenty-five Africans to sit on the
Legislative Council, only four (those
representing the municipalities of
Lagos and Calabar) are elected, and
all of the others are to be nominated
in the manner outlined above.

5. Numerous other objections are
raised regarding:

a. The veto power of the governor;

b. The representation of vested
European interests such as bank-
ing, shipping, industry and com-
merce, mining;

c. The renunciation of the secret bal-
lot;

d. The non-extension of municipal
status to such towns as Abeo-
kuto, Ibadan, Warri, Onitsha, Be-
nin, Port Harcourt, Enugu Ka-
duna (it is also demanded that
representative governments be in-
stituted in these towns and that
coun -6 rfpresented in the various

e. Non-representation of Africans in
the executive branches of the gov-

Approval of' the Richards Constitu-
tion has come from Omo N'oba N'Edo
Akenzua II, the Oba of Benin, who de-
c.ared when welcoming the Acting
Chief Commissioner in his town:
"... I believe the Richards political
and constitutional reform for Nigeria
is, without mincing words, the best
that Nigeria can have at the present
moment. While foreseeing the danger
i placing power, as in Germany, in
the hands of political fanatics, the
new Richards Constitution has pre-
pared the way for the gradual and
natural growth of the people in the
art of democratic self-government Al-
though it is generally admitted that
democracy is the best form of govern-
ment, one may say that democracy
based more or less on the tradition
of a people is the best form of gov-
ernment; a careful, critical, and scien-
tific study of the governments of the
democracy-loving nations of the world
may reveal that their democracies are
built more or less on their own tradi-
tions and customs.

"In view of this Sir Arthur Richards
and our legislators may be congratu-
lated for their keen foresight in giving
Nigeria this new constitution which
seems to be most practical politics."2

GOLD COAST CONSTITUTION

Unlike Nigeria, the Gold Coast Con-
stitution was not presented as "pro-
posals," but as a fait accompli. On Oc-
tober 5, 1944 the new Constitution
affecting primarily the Legislative
Council was announced in the British
House of Commons and it became ef-
fective on March 29, 1946. There was
™!f comment in the African press
Although many observations were
made, on the whole the announcement
was taken as a step in the right direc-
tion.

The Legislative Council, which here-
:ofore had a majority of officially nom-
2Daily Service, April 25, 1945.

524

AFRICANS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE

inated members, will in the future have
a majority of unofficial African mem-
bers. The Council will be composed
of thirty voting members, six of whom
are official and twenty-four unofficial,
of which eighteen will be elected. Five
of these, called Municipal Members,
are to be elected by ballot in Accra (2),
Cape Coast (1), Sekoudi-Takoradi (1),
Kumasi (1); four will be elected by
the Ashanti Confederacy Council (Ash-
anti did not have any representation
under the Old Constitution) ; and nine,
representing the two provinces, East-
ern (5) and Western (4), will be
elected by the Joint Provincial Coun-
cil. The Governor, who no longer has
a vote, will act as President of the
Council, but he has the authority to
veto decisions of the Legislative Coun-
cil "in the interest of public order,
public faith, or good government."

RACE RELATIONS IN KENYA

Difference Between Professed
Principles and Practice
By British Government

In 1923 the British government es-
tablished its policy in Kenya with the
following words: "Primarily, Kenya
is an African territory and His
Majesty's Government think it neces-
sary definitely to record their con-
sidered opinion that the interests of
the African natives must be paramount
and that if, and when those interests
and the interests of the immigrant
races should conflict, the former should
prevail. Obviously the interests of the
other communities, European, Indian
or Arab, must severally be safe-
guarded. Whatever the circumstances
in which members of these communi-
ties have entered Kenya, there will be
no drastic action or reversal of meas-
ures already introduced, such as may
have been contemplated in some quar-
ters, the result of which might be to
destroy or impair the existing interests
of those who have already settled in
Kenya. But in the administration of
Kenya, His Majesty's Government re-
gard themselves as exercising a trust
on behalf of the African population,
and they are able to delegate or share
this trust, the object of which may be
defined as the protection and advance-
ment of the native races. It is not
necessary to attempt to elaborate this
position; the lines of development are
as yet in certain directions unde-

termined, and many difficult problems
arise which require time for their solu-
tion. But there can be no room for
doubt that it is the mission of Great
Britain to work continuously for the
training and education of the Afri-
can towards a higher intellectual, moral
and economic level than that which
they had reached when the Crown as-
sumed the responsibility for the admin-
istration of this territory. At present,
special consideration is being given to
economic development in the native re-
serves, and within the limits imposed
by the finances of the Colony all that
is possible for the advancement and
development of the Africans, both in-
side and outside the native reserves,
will be done."

But in 1944 the Fabian Colonial Bu-
reau in a pamphlet called Kenya,
White Man's Country? evaluated Brit-
ish policy in the following words:
". . . History, I think, teaches us one
lesson at any rate — that great empires
may be founded, but cannot be perma-
nently based, on political cant and so-
cial hypocrisy. However good our in-
tentions, if our practice is not in ac-
cordance with our principles, it is the
practice which will hunt us down in
the long corridors of history. And so-
cial shame and political dishonesty
cannot be confined to specific and lim-
ited departments of national life. If
we are politically dishonest with our-
selves in Kenya, we shall not long
remain politically honest with our-
selves in London, and while individ-
uals and societies may persist and even
for some time flourish by being dis-
honest to others, if they are not honest
with themselves, the inexorable logic
of facts will rapidly hunt them down
and justly destroy them.

"In Kenya our professed principles
and our political practice have contra-
dicted each other ever since the begin-
ning of the century. For forty years
the interests of three million Africans
have been sacrificed to those of a
handful of Europeans. To say that the
Kenya Government during those years
has administered the country in the
interests of the African people or
treated their prosperity and progress
as 'a sacred trust' would be a hypo-
critical lie. Kenya has during that
time been consistently governed in the
interests of its white population, and
the well-being of three million Afri-

RACE RELATIONS IN KENYA

525

cans has been sacrificed for that of
20,000 Europeans, whenever and wher-
ever they conflicted.

"It is not the settlers, but the sys-
tem, economic and political, and the
Government which maintains that sys-
tem, on whom the blame for this situa-
tion must rest. The settlers are not
the villains but the victims of a per-
nicious policy which has attempted
successfully to turn Kenya, which has
barely sufficient good land and re-
sources to maintain its native popula-
tion, under present conditions, into
what is called a white man's country.
The evil began when the Government
recklessly alienated to white settlers
large areas of land in the Kenya High-
lands, ruthlessly dispossessing African
tribes where this was necessary for
their purpose. That the policy has
failed in its object is proved by the
facts given in this pamphlet; the num-
ber of farmer-settlers is still after 40
years under 2,000; of the land alien-
ated to them only a small area had
been cultivated; the economic exploita-
tion has had negligible results when
measured in products.

"Neither the settlers nor the
eminent openly admit the failure of
the policy, though every now and again
they do so tacitly. At intervals new
settlement schemes are started with
the object of increasing the European
population and so of really making
Kenya a white man's country. The
scheme for settling soldiers on the
land after the last war was typical.
Money is spent, land sold, promises
made, and white men are induced to
settle on farms in the Highlands. The
result has been consistently failure,
despite the fact that the white immi-
grant has been given a privileged eco-
nomic and political position in the
country and his interests are in prac-
tice treated as paramount."

Attitude of Kenya Europeans
Toward Kenya Africans

Kenya Europeans regard such state-
ments as unjust accusations. They will
point out that what prosperity is found
among the Kenya Africans has been
the result of their contact with the
Europeans. Africans would "still be
savages." This attitude is well ex-
pressed by Christopher J. Wilson in
a booklet called, One African Colony
(London, 1945). Mr. Wilson, who once

represented Africans in the Kenya
Legislative Council, writes (pp. 4-5) as
follows: "The fact is that the East
African has hitherto failed to develop
the mental and moral character which
would justify his being placed in au-
thority over his fellow Africans to
the extent implied by democratic self-
government for the colony as a unit.
And I can find no evidence, either from
past history or present experience, to
demonstrate that the African will de-
velop the necessary qualities within
any predictable period. If this is so, as
I am compelled by the evidence to be-
lieve, then the phrase 'self-government
at the earliest possible date' loses all
practical meaning.

"This is a hard saying; but it is
better to work from hard facts than
to toy with pleasant dreams. Whatever
may be our hopes for the future de-
velopment of African character, our
immediate policy must be based on
present facts and past history. History
has clearly demonstrated, and it is
confirmed by present experience in
those parts of the world where Afri-
cans are in power, that the African
has not yet shown those qualities
which would justify us in allowing
him to assume uncontrolled authority
'over his fellow Africans; that is, if we
intend that the mass of the natives for
whom we now accept responsibility
shall be ruled according to what we
assume to be minimum principles of
honesty and justice.

"This plain statement may displease
and distress many sincere and well-
meaning friends of the African; but
it will be difficult for its truth to be
denied by those who have had first-
hand experience of African native ad-
ministration. In Kenya, where con-
siderable and increasing authority is
given to African subordinates to carry
out the work of native administration,
there are constantly recurring com-
plaints by Africans of acts of injustice
and corrupt practices on the part of
these subordinate African officials, and
it is the continual anxiety of British
Administrative officers to check and
prevent such acts and practices. In
other territories, where the policy of
indirect rule is carried further, the
greater responsibility placed upon the
African official increases the danger
and the degree of the abuse of au-
thority. In those few countries where

526

AFRICANS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE

African rule is supreme we see the
results of these defects in African
character at their ultimate worst."

Inter- territorial Organization
Proposal With Racial Equality
Clause Rejected

The question of the relationship be-
tween Africans and Europeans came
to the fore when in December, 1945,
the British Government made pro-
posals for an Inter-territorial Organi-
zation of the British Territories of
East Africa; namely, Kenya, Tan-
ganyika and Uganda (Colonial No.
191). In order to bring about some
administrative coordination the pro-
posal called, among other provisions,
for a "Central Legislature" which
should be composed of official and un-
official members. In securing the un-
official members, "racial equality" be-
tween Africans, Europeans and Indians
was proposed. Although the British
Government had stated that there ap-
peared no "logical alternative to
equal representation," Kenya and Tan-
ganyika settlers objected strenuously
to what they called "the racial equal-
ity clause," although, according to this
plan more than 11,000,000 Africans
would have been represented by the
same number of representatives as
some 30,000 Europeans. The Euro-
peans finally rejected the Government's
proposals, stating that they believed
"that no basis of racial representation
can be found at present." Kenya Afri-
cans, on the other hand, approved the
proposals. The Kenya African Union
"resolved to acknowledge the impar-
tial motive contained in the far reach-
ing proposals . . . which refute the
racial domination of a minority." It
added, "Racial harmony and under-
standing in East Africa entirely rest
on the acceptance of the principle of
equality between the races."

The Kipande System

Among the many practices of racial
discriminations against Kenya Afri-
cans none appears as repulsive to Afri-
cans as the Kenya equivalent of the
South African pass laws, here known
as the Kipande System. A conference
of the Kenya African Union, in de-
manding its immediate withdrawal,
called the Kipande System "an affront
to the dignity and freedom of the loyal
African people."

Mwalimu, Nairobi African weekly,
in a series of editorials discussed the
Kipande System calling for its aboli-
tion. In the issue of June 12, 1946 we
read: "The origin of Kipande dates
back to the year 1921. At that period,
after the first Great War, many Euro-
pean veterans of the war decided to
settle in Kenya. They obtained farms
and experienced some difficulty in ob-
taining labourers. The shortage of la-
bourers was due to insufficient induce-
ment because the pay offered in the
European farms was very low. The
Africans preferred to stay in their Re-
serves and cultivate their own sham-
bas. Some European farmers saw that
they could not carry on their work
without the help of the African la-
bourer, and so were prepared to pay
attractive wages in order to induce the
African to come out of his Reserve
and work for him. The majority of
the Europeans did not like this, be-
cause if they had to pay high wages,
their income would not allow them to
live luxurious lives and maintain their
high standard of living.

"But the African had to find some
money to pay the Government poll tax.
He was untrained in modern ways of
cultivation. And he could not cultivate
large patches of land and earn suffi-
cient money from the sales of his pro-
duce. So the African offered himself
for employment. But he only went to
the Bwana (master) who was willing
to pay better wages, and thus the ma-
jority of the Europeans suffered. The
settlers did not like the spirit of com-
petition which they were now being
forced into. And so they sought ways
and means of controlling the wages
of the African labourer. And this is
how the Kipande was considered as
being the only answer.

". . . that the principal object of
the Kipande is the limitation of labour
wages, and the desire to keep them at
a level which makes the employer get
the maximum benefit from the task
performed by his labourer. Kipande
ties a man down to his job because he
cannot leave unless his Bwana gets a
substitute or is willing to dispense
with his services. He cannot change
his job as often as he likes because
he will be suspected as being an un-
desirable person. His wages are regu-
lated because he cannot be offered
higher wages than that which appears

RACE RELATIONS IN SOUTHERN RHODESIA

527

in his Kipande. He cannot change his
Kipande because his thumb prints have
been taken and he would sooner or
later be detected.

"Now let us briefly examine why the
Kipande is a barrier to our freedom.
No African is free to move about any-
where without a Kipande. He is liable
to be challenged in his district, in his
location, and even in his own house.
In town it is even worse. No African
can walk about with his wife and fam-
ily without being molested and ar-
rested and sent to the Police Sta-
tion even in the middle of the day if
he has no Kipande on his person. To
an outsider, this may appear strange
and even fabulous. But it is a fact.
We ourselves have been harassed
many times. Policemen have entered
our houses and demanded that we
should produce our Kipandes."

RACE RELATIONS IN SOUTHERN
RHODESIA

Race Relations Based on
Policy of Segregation

Race relations in Southern Rhodesia
are based on a policy of segregation,
or as it is called on "parallel develop-
ment." This so-called self-governing
colony, self-governing as far as the
small European community of 60,000
is concerned, models its policy regard-
ing Africans on that of the Union, but
has as yet not gone to the same ex-
tremes as the Union.

It is important to point out that al-
though Southern Rhodesia has a Con-
stitution which grants to the colony in-
ternal self-government, the British
government has the right to approve or
disapprove of any laws which would
subject Africans to any conditions, lia-
bilities or restrictions to which per-
sons of European descent are not also
subjected or made liable. Unfortunate-
ly, the British government has not
made use of this right, so that the
position of Africans in Southern Rho-
desia is not substantially better than
that of their racial brethren in the
Union. As Empire (March-April, 1946)
remarks, the British government "have
allowed these discriminatory laws to
go through year after year. It might
be argued that it is not easy, after
this record of supine acquiescence in
evil, for the British Government now
to start disallowing further legislation
of the same sort. Yet the coming to

power of a Labour Government ought
to rule out such arguments. It is still
absolutely within the power of the
British Government to refuse assent to
discriminatory laws. There can be no
excuse for a Labour Government fol-
lowing without question along the
weak paths of its predecessors."
Meaning of Parallel Development

The official policy is expressed as one
of parallel development, one for Afri-
cans and the other for Europeans. This
policy was outlined in a White Paper
in 1941. It was stated that there were
three possibilities; namely, (1) The
European may become like the Afri-
can, termed as backward and gen-
erally indolent. (2) The African may
except for color become like the Euro-
pean. (3) The European may deterio-
rate and tend to become more like the
African and the African may advance
to this reduced European standard.
Confronted with this choice, which is
of course a debatable one, the Gov-
ernment selected alternative (2) and
believed that that goal could be ex-
pressed in a policy of segregation, so
as to leave the European undiluted.

Segregation Policy Most
Clearly Expressed in Land
Apportionment Act

Segregation policy is most clearly
expressed in the dividing of the land.
This was done in Southern Rhodesia
by the Land Apportionment Act of
1931, as amended in 1941. The Act
divided the colony's land, 96,000,000
acres into four major areas, each scat-
tered all over the country: (1) Euro-
pean Area, consisting of both alienated
and unalienated land, and amounting
to nearly 49,000,000 acres; (2) Native
Reserves consisting of 21,000,000 acres;
(3) Native Area, some 8,000,000 acres,
of previously unoccupied land in which
individual Africans may settle; (4)
Unassigned Area of almost 18,000,000
acres, which is now unsuitable for
use but may be allocated to either or
both groups later. Thus the 60,000
Europeans control actually more land
than the 1,500,000 Africans and the
quality of the European held land is
at that the best land in the colony.

The land Act is only now being
applied, so that "Africans are finding
themselves ordered off land on which
they have lived for years and has now

528

AFRICANS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE

been sold by a former owner to a new
European owner."3

Pass Laws

Like the Union of South Africa,
Southern Rhodesia has its pass laws,
introduced in 1914 by a law requiring
the registration of all Africans. Em-
pire (March-April, 1946) summarizes
the pass regulations as follows: "Un-
der the provisions for registration of
Natives, all Natives in a town, except
those living on their employers' prem-
ises are to be segregated. Each town
will appoint a Town Pass Officer and
a Registrar of Natives. Natives seek-
ing employment or visiting must have
a pass, and they may only absent them-
selves from their locations between
9 p. m. and 5 a. m. if they have writ-
ten permits.

"Perhaps the most brutal feature in
this Act is the scale of penalties laid
down for offenses against the registra-
tion laws. A Native who is absent from
the location between 9 p. m. and 5 a. m.
may be fined £2 or imprisoned for
one month; for a second offense the
fine is raised to a maximum of £5
and a period of imprisonment of 3
months. If a pass or certificate is used
by other than the lawful holder, or
even if a Native mutilates any pass
or certificate, he may be fined up to £5
or imprisoned up to 3 months for the
first offense, or fined up to £10 and
imprisoned up to 6 months for the sec-
ond offense. When one thinks of the
climate of Southern Rhodesia and the
miserable clothing of the majority of
unskilled Native workers, one wonders
indeed where they are to carry all
these certificates or how it is possible
for them not to be 'mutilated.'

"The wretched results of penalties
for this kind of offense are already
well known in Southern Rhodesia. In
May, 1944, a question was asked in the
British Parliament: 'Whether the num-
ber of offenses and imprisonments un-
der the Southern Rhodesian pass laws
.relating to Africans is diminishing.'
The reply was: 'The number of con-
victions under the Southern Rhodesian
Native Passes Act in 1938 was 13,272
and 1939, 19,890. The figures for prose-
cutions from 1940-1942 show some in-
crease.' In other words, about one per
cent of the whole African population

3Rev. E. P. Pagret, in Race Relations, XII,
1945, p. 44.

was convicted in one year under this
Act."

THE URBANIZED AFRICAN
Committee Investigates Condition
Of Employed Africans

The position of the urbanized Afri-
can was made subject to an investiga-
tion in 1945 and was published as a
report of the Committee to Investigate
the Economic, Social and HealtJi Con-
ditions of Africans Employed in Urban
Areas in Southern Rhodesia.

The Committee's investigations ex-
tensively covered urban centers in
Southern Rhodesia. Over 120 witnesses
from both the European and African
populations were heard in Bulawayo,
Gatooma, Gwelo, Que Que, Salisbury,
Selukwe and Umtali. In addition to
oral testimony the Committee received
and considered a large number of
memoranda which furnished added
data from which to formulate recom-
mendations. Furthermore, the Commit-
tee was exceedingly fortunate in hav-
ing as a check on their work the Re-
port on a Survey of Urban African
Conditions prepared independently by
the Reverend Percy Ibbotson. Mr.
Ibbotson also gave generously of his
time in appearing as a witness before
the Committee.
Prevailing Wage Scale For Africans

In preparing the section of the re-
port dealing with wage problems the
Committee acknowledged their consid-
erable debt to Mr. Ibbotson's report.
From the statistics he collected on
26,494 town dwelling Africans, it was
revealed that 21.7 per cent were re-
ceiving only cash wages for their labor.
Those who were provided with both
food and accommodations in addition
to cash wages comprised 65.9 per cent
of those studied. The remaining 12.4
per cent were given either food or ac-
commodations as part of their wage.
The cash wages paid to 15.7 per cent
of the urban Natives investigated was
less than £1 per month and of these
5 per cent received neither food nor
accommodations in addition to cash.

The examination of wage scales pre-
vailing under the Industrial Concilia-
tion Act showed these rates to be de-
ficient and particularly so in the case
of married workers. In the building
trades in Salisbury, the Midlands and
Umtali, the minimum monthly rate for
Africans was 26s. (l^d. per hour)
plus food and accommodations. How-

THE URBANIZED AFRICAN

529

ever, when these were provided, em-
ployers were permitted to deduct 8s.
for the value of food issued. In Bu-
lawayo, minimum rates in the same
industry were 47s. 8d. plus 4s. cost of
living allowance. This higher cash
rate is largely offset by failure to pro-
vide either food or accommodations.
The extent to which these wage stand-
ards fail to assure the maintenance
of even minimal living standards is ap-
parent when the wages earned are
compared to the minimal income of
4.15s. Od. necessary for a family of
four as calculated by Mr. Ibbotson. In
view of the glaring inadequacy of wage
standards the Committee recommended
that before the scope of the Industrial
Conciliation Act is extended to other
Africans and before existing wage
agreements under the Act are re-
viewed, that an advisor representing
African interests be appointed.

Possibility of Wage Differentials
Considered For Married and
Single Workers

The second wage problem considered
by the Committee was the possibility
of providing a wage differential for
married and single workers. In view
of the numerous social and health ad-
vantages to be obtained from promot-
ing family living in urban areas, the
Committee approached employers re-
garding the economic advisability of
encouraging family life by paying
higher wages to heads of families. Al-
though many employers readily ad-
mitted that married workers were gen-
erally more stable and better pro-
ducers, the majority still retained the
opinion that "we pay a man for the
value of the work he does, we are not
concerned with his wife and family."
After considering various means of
economically supporting family living
as an urban pattern, the Committee
recommended that the Government
make inquiries into the subject of pay-
ing marriage allowance from public
revenues.

Competition of Juveniles and
Transients With Urban Workers

A final recommendation regarding
wages attempts to eliminate one of the
most widespread causes for low wages
in Africa: namely, the competition
which juveniles and transient visitors
from the reserves offer to the perma-
nent urban workers. The wages at

which transients and juveniles are en-
gaged range between 5s. and 12s. 6d.
per month. In the Committee's opinion
such wages are only possible where the
position involves "so little work as to
be sheer waste of labor and ineffi-
ciency . . ." or where ignorance leads
a raw recruit to accept such pay or
where a visitor is set only to making
a particular sum to pay an immediate
obligation such as a tax. To render
the employment of such workers un-
profitable and thereby protecting the
wage standards of urban Natives, the
Committee proposes the establishment
of a minimum wage of 20s per month
for all Africans including women and
juveniles.

Those Southern Rhodesians who are
supporting legislation designed to ex-
tend the already too severe segrega-
tion policy of the territory, may be
advised to re-read with care the sec-
tion of the Report dealing with the
social problems of urban areas. After
a brief but exce.lent review of the
artificial social structure which has
characterized urban Africans in the
past the Committee pointedly states re-
garding the effects of segregation:

Necessity For Provision and
Maintenance of Homes

"Segregation has not only tended to
suppress family life, but to place most
strenuous obstacle's in the way of those
who have sought to set up homes in
urban areas and the consequence ram-
ify into every field of the economic,
industrial, moral and social order. . . .
The European, by his demand for la-
bour, is responsible for uprooting the
old traditional standards of African
life; on him, therefore, devolves the*
responsibility of re-creating new stand-
ards. . . . The Committee, therefore,
feels that it cannot over-emphasize the
paramount importance of focusing
Urban Native policy on the provision
and maintenance of homes."

Women's Hostels Needed

Other social measures recommended
are the provision of hostels for women
to provide accommmodations for the
large number of women now flocking
to urban areas and the extension of
educational facilities with free com-
Diilsory education for all Africans be-
tween the ages of eight and fifteen
years. The latter would be expected

530

AFRICANS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE

to reduce the problem of juvenile de-
linquency.

Recommended Solutions For
Health and Other Social Problems

As in the case of many social mal-
adjustments, numerous health prob-
lems have their roots in the absence
of family life and the poor conditions
offered to families in urban areas. Mal-
nutrition is more prevalent among
bachelors than among the married.
The high incidence of venereal dis-
eases is traceable to limited oppor-
tunity for establishing legitimate sex-
ual unions. Over-crowding and mal-
nutrition are the prime contributors
to the spread of tuberculosis which oc-
curs with such frequency that one
medical witness termed it "one of the
commonest diseases." As solutions to
these problems the Committee offered
many excellent recommendations:

1. The treatment of tubercular patients
be transferred from Government hos-
pitals to "farm type sanitariums"
where patients would live in "village
like" surroundings.

2. A balanced minimum scale of rations
be adopted and made obligatory for
all employers to issue these rations
to all Africans employed in urban
and commonage areas.

3. The institution of municipal eating
houses in locations and towns. The
meals served would be carefully com-
pounded and cooked, containing high
protective value and sold at subsi-
dized prices.

4. Community feeding schemes should
be connected with educational cen-
ters. All children should receive free
milk and a mid-day meal. In select-
ing menus attention should be paid
to the educational value of teaching
the Africans what they should eat.

5. In view of the considerable evidence
as to the value of Kaffir beer in pre-
venting malnutrition, and in view

of the high prices charged in mu-
nicipal beer halls which tend to limit
its consumption, the Committee rec-
ommends that legislation be passed
so that the maximum selling price
could not exceed 25 per cent on cost
of manufacture.

6. That local authorities when expend-
ing beer hall profits should take
primary cognizance of the need for
subsidized food and milk schemes
to combat malnutrition.

Adequate Housing a Necessity

The final problem equaling in im-
portance those previously discussed, is
the provision of adequate housing. In
all towns and locations, accommoda-
tions were found to be over-crowded,
unsanitary and ill-suited to family liv-
ing. The three recommendations pro-
posed by the Committee would, if
adopted, go a long way to break the
bottleneck in housing:

1. The present practice of making short
term loans at 4% per cent to mu-
nicipalities for house construction be
revised to provide for sub-economic
loans covering a thirty-year period.

2. Africans should be employed in
house construction.

3. A central committee should be set
up to pool information and recom-
mend a standard type of building.

In concluding their report the Com-
mittee gives the following interesting
interpretation of the significance of
their findings:

"To some it may appear that the
Committee has over-portrayed a dis-
ordered and confused world in which
there is a constant struggle with dis-
ease, poverty, industrial difficulties and
social disorganization. The realities of
what is so unconcernedly called 'the
Native Problem' require to be faced
not only by those who hardly give a
thought to the problem and react with
prejudice, but also by those whose
humanitarian assumptions lead them
astray into wishful thinking."

DIVISION XXVIII

AFRICANS AND THE FRENCH UNION

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

THE THEORY OF FRENCH
COLONIAL RULE

The theory of French colonial rule
has always been determined by a de-
sire to establish a Greater France
which would include as integral parts
the metropolitan area as well as all
overseas possessions. The French Con-
stitution of 1848 stated that colonies
are French territory in the same way
as the metropole and enjoy the same
position in public and private law. The
people inhabiting these territories
were and still are regarded as future
Frenchmen, even though of a different
skin color, Frenchmen nevertheless.
France considered it her duty to assist
the Africans along a path which would
ultimately give them status as French-
men in the cultural, social, and politi-
cal sense of the word. The object of
French colonial policy has been one
of assimilation in that the French an-
ticipate for their African colonies an
evolution which will result in eventual
suffrage and citizenship rights for all
her African subjects. It must be em-
phasized that this is the theory of rule
as applied before World War II.1

EBOUE POLICY

This policy was subjected to criti-
cism by Felix Eboue, a Negro, who be-
came Governor General of French
Equatorial Africa. On November 8,
1941, he issued to his administrative
officers a "General Circular on Native
Policy" from which a few pertinent ex-
cerpts follow: "Any attempt to create
or re-create a society in our (Euro-
pean) own image, or even in con-
formity with our mental habits, is
bound to fail. The natives have habits,
laws, a homeland of their own which
are unlike ours. We shall not ensure
their happiness by applying to them
the principles of the French Revolu-
tion, which is our Revolution, or the
Napoleonic Code, which is our Code,
or by substituting our government of-
ficials for their chiefs, because our of-
ficials will think instead of the na-
tives, but they will neither think for

'See also H. A. Wieschhoff, Colonial Poli-
cies in Africa. African Handbooks 5, 1944.

them, nor express their viewpoint.

"On the contrary, we shall ensure
the mental equilibrium of the natives
if we treat them, so to speak, from the
inside, not as isolated and interchange-
able individuals, but as human beings
with traditions, as members of a fam-
ily, a village or a tribe capable of
progress within their own environment
but very probably lost if they are re-
moved from it. We shall concentrate
on developing their consciousness of
their own dignity and responsibility
and on ensuring their prosperity, thus
providing at the same time for their
moral and their material progress; but
we shall do this within the framework
of the natives' natural institution. If
these institutions have deteriorated as
a result of contact with us, we shall
reorganize them, under new forms nec-
essarily, yet sufficiently close to the
natives to preserve their attachment
to their country, and to encourage
them to demonstrate their ability to
manage their own affairs. Then fur-
ther steps can be taken. Briefly, we
shall restore to the native what no
man can be deprived of without harm;
we shall make him no illusory gifts,
but we shall restore to him the deep-
est meaning of life and the desire to
perpetuate it."

"Lyautey has shown us the way. Let
us listen to his quotations from Lanes-
san, his first teacher in colonial af-
fairs: 'In every country there is an
organized leadership, an elite. The
great mistake for a European nation
which enters such a country as a con-
queror is to destroy this leadership.
Deprived of this organization the
country becomes a prey to anarchy.
You have to govern with the mandarin,
and not against the mandarin. The
Europeans do not have numerical supe-
riority and cannot substitute them-
selves for the natives. But they must
guide them.' And Lyautey himself
adds: 'Consequently, it is imperative
not to interfere with any tradition,
not to change any custom. In every
society, there is a leading class, born
/or leadership and without which noth-
ing can be accomplished. It must be
drawn into the orbit of our interests.'

531

532

AFRICANS AND THE FRENCH UNION

"Guided by such a principle, we shall
have, first of all, to consolidate or
reinstate and, in all cases, to promote
the political institutions of the natives.
jLet me make this clear: Political cus-
toms are not to be considered as some-
thing fixed and immutable. Our aim
is not to perpetuate museum curios.
It is obvious that customs change and
will change, and that it is not our pur-
pose to make them sterile and stag-
nant. What we must do is penetrate
the depth of their meaning and con-
sider them as no less essential than
the tradition and the feeling from
which they originated. This tradition
is that of the country or the tribe;
this feeling is that of the homeland.
To deprive the natives of these two
driving forces of human life would
be to take from them without any com-
pensation. It would be as absurd as
to take away from a French peasant
his field, his vineyard, his cows and
his vegetable garden and to make of
him just another chain-worker whose
job is to handle the products of an
industralized countryside.

"Our Aim is not to create, by con-
tact with us, a mob of proletarians,
more or less ill-clothed, more or less
able to speak the French language; it
should be the creation of an elite, be-
ginning with the elite of the chiefs
and notables who, entrusted by us with
the personal responsibility of power,
will progress in the face of difficulties,
will apply themselves to the task and
thereby gain a deserved pre-eminence
in their country to the benefit of their
country."

BRAZZAVILLE CONFERENCE

Before his sudden death Eboue
was in a position to put his stamp
on French colonial planning. On Jan-
uary 31, 1944, the French Committee
on National Liberation opened a con-
ference in Brazzaville for the discus-
sion of future French Policy in Africa.
It was here that the nucleus for the
concept of the French Federal Union
was established and the colonial ad-
ministrators who met in Brazzaville
forthwith drew up recommendations
for the reorganization of the French
colonial empire. Regarding the politi-
cal organization of the French colonies
the Conference stated that:

"1. It is desirable and even indispensa-
ble that the colonies be represented
in the future Assembly whose task

will be to draw up the new Con-
stitution of France.

"2. It is indispensable to ensure that
the colonies be represented in the
central government in Metropolitan
Prance in a much more compre-
hensive and much more effective
manner than in the past.

"3. In any case, the new body to be
created, Colonial Parliament or,
preferably Federal Assembly, must
fulfill the following purposes: Pro-
claim and guarantee the indissolu-
ble political unity of the French
world — respect the regional life and
freedom of each of the territories
members of the bloc, composed of
France and her colonies (of 'French
Federation,' if this term is accepted,
in spite of the objections which
may be raised against it). With
this view it will be necessary to
define, with great accuracy and pre-
cision, the power reserved to the
central authority or federating body
on the one hand, and those allotted
to the colonies, on the other hand."

Eboue's Policy Adopted
By Brazzaville Conference

With reference to the organization
of African society, the coaference
adopted Eboue's policy. It stated:

"The traditional political institutions
should be maintained, not because of
their intrinsic value, but because they
provide a framework, through the me-
dium of which municipal and regional
life can be expressed even now, as fully
as possible. The Administration must
follow and control the functioning of
these institutions, so as to direct their
evolution towards a rapid accession of
the natives to political responsibility."

FRENCH FEDERAL UNION

French Federal Union New Concept
Of Colonial Organization

France's new concept of the organi-
zation of her empire is that of the
French Federal Union. As Free France
(April 1, 1945) explains: "A Federal
Union of French nations, in which
North Africa, Black Africa, Madagas-
car, and Indo-China, together with
European France would constitute so
many Federations with a very large
measure of political and economic au-
tonomy. Their respective populations
would enjoy the rights of a national
citizenship, with local Councils or Par-
liaments and, in addition, a Union
citizenship, common to all. The latter
would mean election to a Parliament,
sitting at Paris of two types of rep-
resentatives: Deputies in numbers pro-
portional to the populations of the
various Federations and deputies rep-
resenting the nationalities."

The new philosophy underlying

LABOR LEGISLATION FOR FRENCH TERRITORIES

533

French colonial policy has been ex-
pressed by Jean de la Roche as fol-
lows: "One of the characteristics of
the French conception, as opposed to
British and Dutch ideas, is that, in
conformity with the tendency of as-
similation, it seeks to include in its
new Constitution the whole French
domain. But in reading the recom-
mendations of Brazzaville and the ar-
ticles and speeches published both in
the official and the private press, it
is clear that the importance of the doc-
trines of subjection and of autonomy
will be greatly modified by the fact
that the legal relations of France and
her colonies will in the future rely
on a spirit of cooperation rather than
on the fact of subordination. The main-
tenance of a single supreme authority
will be tempered by wide local fran-
chises, which will be allowed to de-
velop freely."

The concepts of the French Union
are interpreted more authoritatively
by Henri Laurentie, Director of Politi-
cal Affairs in the Ministry of Overseas
France. In Renaissances (October,
1945) he states that the prime objec-
tive of the French Union is the estab-
lishment of "equality and liberty in
the moral and political order." He ex-
plains further: "Whatever may be the
diversity of their territorial status, the
Union will grant all its members the
same status within the Union. A joint
effort toward social equality will thus
be made possible and it will become
the moral foundation of the Union."

New Concepts of Federal Union
Embodied in New Constitution

These new concepts of a French
Union, emanating from the Brazzaville
Conference have been embodied into
the new French Constitution. Although
this Constitution was rejected by the
French people, there was no debate
over the colonial provisions and it
may be regarded as certain that in any
new constitution the text dealing with
the French overseas territories will
remain essentially the same. The Con-
stitution defines the French Union
with the following words: "France
forms, together with her overseas terri-
tories on the one hand and with asso-
ciation of states no the other hand, a
union formed by free consent. All the
component parts of the Union are
equal irrespective of race and origin."

Three types of representative bodies
will constitute the legislative branches
of the Union:

1. The National Assembly. Overseas
territories will elect deputies to the
National Assembly and this Assem-
bly will have sole power to make
laws which are to be applicable both
to France and the overseas terri-
tories.

2. Consultative Council of the French
Union. This body will be composed
of delegates of local assemblies over-
seas and in metropolitan Prance.
This Council, which has advisory
functions only, will be consulted on
matters pertaining to the Union.

3. Local Assemblies. These will deal
with the affairs of local territories
and will be composed of delegates
elected on the basis of adult suffrage.

This framework will no doubt inte-
grate more closely metropolitan France
and the former colonial areas. But
for a correct evaluation, one must not
forget that this framework is a theo-
retical one only. To what degree Afri-
cans will be permitted to participate
in the affairs of the Union and to what
extent they will be permitted to de-
velop along their own lines still re-
mains to be seen.

LABOR LEGISLATION FOR FRENCH
TERRITORIES IN AFRICA

On June 18, 1945, France issued a'
Decree regulating labor conditions for
French West Africa, French Equato-
rial Africa, French Cameroons, Togo-
land and Somaliland.

The Decree establishes the right of
Africans to choose their work freely
and charges the administration with
the responsibility of seeing that that
right is respected and is exercised un-
der conditions favorable to the gen-
eral interest, the welfare of the work-
ers, and social progress. The Decree
is very detailed and the following
resume of its provisions should pro-
vide sufficient detail for an understand-
ing of its purposes.
Resume of Decree Regulating
Labor Conditions

Recruiting and contracts of employ-
ment— Governors may by order forbid
or restrict recruiting and issue regu-
lations to control it. The employers
are responsible for all expenses in-
curred in the recruitment of a worker
and his family and their subsequent
repatriation. The labour inspector, for
his part, is instructed to see that as
far as possible labour is recruited from
the same ethnic group for a single
undertaking.

534

AFRICANS AND THE FRENCH UNION

A worker may be hired for a definite
or indefinite period of time (this period
limited to one year if the worker is
without his family and to two years if
he is accompanied by his family), with
the provision that the unjustified break-
ing of either of these contracts gives
the other the right to damages.

Provisions are made for single and
collective labor contracts (the latter
concern contracts with trade unions
or any group of workers with the head
of the administrative district acting as
their representative). A single con-
tract may be drawn up for one worker
or all workers recruited at the same
time, and must include all the neces-
sary particulars as to "the employer
and the worker: The place, nature, and
duration of the work to be performed;
the rate of wages, which must be at
least equal to the minimum rates in
force; the time of payment; the na-
ture and quantity of rations to be pro-
vided; housing conditions; advances of
wages arranged for at the time of en-
gagement and the manner of repay-
ment; special clauses relating to can-
cellation of the contract; and. the ar-
rangements made at the place of em-
ployment for members of the worker's
family who are not in the service of
the employer." Failure to observe the
terms of collective agreements or in-
dividual contracts of employment may
give rise to judicial proceedings in-
stituted by the employer, the worker,
or the representatives of the trade
union or association, or, if there is
no trade union, by the labour inspector
or his substitute on behalf of the
worker only.

Conditions of Employment — Certain
conditions are fixed by the Decree and
are to be amplified by Orders of the
governor, who may make provisions
more advantageous than those set
forth in the Decree.

Employment of women and young
persons — The Decree forbids the hir-
ing of young persons under the age
of 14 with the exception that children
between the ages of 12 and 14 may be
hired for "light work in agriculture or
domestic service, subject to authoriza-
tion by the head of the administrative
district. . . ." The Decree also stipu-
lates that a woman worker is to be
given 10 consecutive weeks maternity
leave (which may be extended to 12
weeks), for which her contract of em-
ployment may not be broken by the

employer and that she is entitled to
free medical care and subsistence al-
lowance for herself and child.

A further provision states that the
authorities may "require a medical ex-
amination to be made of women and
young persons to make sure that they
are not performing work beyond their
strength, and may order that any wom-
an or young person shall be given work
consonant with his or her strength,
or, if no such work is available, that
he or she shall leave the undertaking."

Hours of work and Holidays — An
eight hour day is provided for and can
only be extended in "exceptional emer-
gency work" by Order of the Governor,
"provided the working week does not
exceed 48 hours."

It is also provided that "the worker
must be allowed 24 consecutive hours'
rest a week . . . and that he is en-
titled to a holiday Of 10 days on full
pay after a year's employment by the
same employer, on condition that he
has worked at least 240 days during
the year." If the contract is for two
full years, the entire holiday may be
held until the expiration of the con-
tract, but payment of compensation for
the holiday cannot be substituted.

Remuneration — Wages by week, job
or piece may not be less than the mini-
mum fixed by Order of the Governor,
which is issued after consultation with
the labor inspector. The principle of
equal pay for equal work (men and
women) is recognized, and it is further
stipulated that wages must be paid in
legal currency, and that all payments
in kind are forbidden.

Fines against workers are also for-
bidden and it is noted that the only
deductions that may be made from
wages, not to exceed one-quarter of the
cash wages earned during the month,
are for advances made to the worker.

Daily food rations are to be fur-
nished by the employer "the composi-
tion of which is fixed by Order of the
Governor," or he may replace these
rations in whole or in part, by a food
allowance on the authorization of the
head of the administrative district.

Pensions — The right to a pension
after a certain number of years of
service is recognized and an "Order
will determine the conditions for eligi-
bility for a pension, its amount, and
methods of payment, as well as the
amount of the employer's contribu-
tion." Until this Order is issued a pen-

LABOR LEGISLATION FOR FRENCH TERRITORIES

535

sion fund is established by the Decree,
from a reserve made up of employer's
contributions proportionate to the total
wages paid.

Protection of the Family — This sec-
tion provides for a matrimonial fund
(dowry, etc.) for unmarried workers
(male) to be set up by Order of the
Governor. The fund will be made up
of contributions both from employer
and employee.

The Decree also states that members
of the worker's family are "entitled to
a dwelling and a plot of land" and
that "any food grown there will be
the property of the worker." There
will also be a system of family allow-
ances for all classes of wage earners
having legitimate children. There is
a further stipulation that there are
to be separate camps for unattached
women and for single men.

Medical Care — The Decree provides
for the services of a doctor or medical
assistant for undertakings of an aver-
age of 1000 workers (average number
of workers does not include wives and
children) and a doctor for an under-
taking of 1500 workers. In mines, the
average is lowered to 500 workers per
undertaking and for all undertakings
of 100 workers, a Native nurse ap-
proved by the labor inspector must
be available.

Any undertaking employing more
than 100 workers must have a hospital;
for less than 100 workers, medical
equipment and supplies, and for less
than 20 only first aid-kit.

The employer is required to furnish
medical care and medicine free of
charge to a worker and his family. He
must provide food for the sick worker
but not wages unless mentioned other-
wise in the working contract. The em-
ployer is also required to pay the ex-
penses of treatment and hospitaliza-
tion of his workers in official health
centers for a maximum period of
thirty days. Permanent incapacity or
death of the worker is to be compen-
sated either to the worker in case of
incapacitation or to the legally recog-
nized dependents in case of death.

Industrial Accidents — The Decree
reads that "Except in the case of mis-
conduct on the part of the worker, any
accident arising out of, or, in the
course of employment and resulting
in even temporary incapacity gives the
victim the right to compensation,
whatever the cause of the accident."

The specific amounts of compensation
of temporary, permanent disabilities
and death are also mentioned in this
section. It is further provided that the
head of the administrative district
must be notified regarding all serious
cases and that employers are required
to carry industrial accident insur-
ance (Workers accident compensation
claims are not liable to transfer or at-
tachment).

"Economats" (an establishment
where the employer directly or in-
directly sells or advances goods to
workers in his undertaking)1 — These
establishments are subject to authori-
zation and closure by the Governor
and are to be operated under the super-
vision of the labor inspector. In deal-
ing in these establishments the worker
is protected by the following provi-
sions: They must not be forced to deal
there; it must be a non-profit estab-
lishment; only cash sales are allowed;
the price of goods must be clearly
marked; and the accounts must be
kept separately from those of the rest
of the undertaking.

Records — This provision is con-
cerned with the keeping of the names,
positions, wages etc. of all workers in
an undertaking by both the head of
the administrative district and the em-
ployer, with both sets of records open
to each. It also provides for the is-
suance of a work card to each em-
ployee stating his identity, and all the
information contained in the work
books of the employer.

Inspection and Arbitration — Labor
relations are supervised by the labor
inspector and in each administrative
district by the head of the district.
An advisory committee is also set up
to function under the labor inspector,
composed of an equal number of em-
ployer and employee representatives.
The employee representatives are ap-
pointed by the Governor "from the most
representative trade union," wherever
that is possible, and all members are
appointed for not more than five years.
Women technical advisors are to be
consulted concerning the employment
of women and young persons.

Arbitration boards set up by Orders
of the Governor will make decisions
concerning the interpretation of con-
tracts, their validity and execution,
and they will also make the final de-
cisions in suits which do not involve
more than 1,000 francs.

DIVISION XXIX

AFRICANS AND THE PORTUGUESE EMPIRE

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

THEORY AND PRACTICE OF
PORTUGUESE COLONIAL RULE

In Colonial Policies in Africa (Afri-
can Handbooks No. 5, 1944, p. 105),
Portuguese Colonial Policy is summa-
rized in the following words: "Un-
fortunately there is no dispute for the
statement that the Portuguese colonies
are the most backward in Africa, a
statement which embraces all aspects
of Native colonial development; eco-
nomic improvement and trade, social
and political betterment, establishment
of medical and educational facilities,
and, above all, the elimination of
abuses inflicted upon the Native popu-
lation. Although these abuses are not
officially sanctioned, they are far too
excessive to be ignored in any evalua-
tion of the stated policy. And we may
add, that at a time when colonial poli-
cies will be judged, if not by the letter
then by the spirit of the Atlantic Char-
ter, errors of omission are as serious
as those of commission. That Portugal
puts into actual practice the policy
which she has so nobly expressed in
words, and thereby gives her Native
population the equipment with which
to face the twentieth century, is still
far from having been accomplished."

A. Q. Maisel in Africa, Facts and
Forecasts (1943, p. 261) is more devas-
tating in his criticism. He states:
"Any improvement in native condi-
tions in these Portuguese regions must
arise either from a change in sov-
ereignty or a change in the govern-
ment of Portugal itself."

Colonial Act of 1935 Basis of
Portuguese Colonial Rule

The basis of Portuguese colonial rule
is the Colonial Act of 1935. The posi-
tion of the Africans is outlined in the
second part of the Act. It states:

"15. The State guarantees the protec-
tion and defense of the natives of
the colonies, in accordance with the
principles of humanity and sov-
ereignty, the provisions of this Part
and the international conventions
which are at present in force or
may come into operation. The co-
lonial authorities shall prevent and
punish in accordance with the law
all abuses against the persons and
property of natives.

"16. The State shall establish public in-
stitutions and encourage the crea-
tion of private institutions, in both
cases Portuguese, to uphold the
rights of natives or to render them
assistance.

"17. The law guarantees to the natives,
in the terms stated therein, the
ownership and possession of their
lands and crops, and this principle
must be respected in all the con-
cessions granted by the State.

"18. The labour of natives in the serv-
ice of the State or in that of ad-
ministrative bodies shall be pro-
hibited.

"19. The following shall be prohibited:

(1) All systems under which the
State undertakes to furnish na-
tive labourers to any enter-
prises working for their own
economic development;

(2) All systems under which the
natives in any territorial area
are compelled to furnish labour
to the said enterprise for any
consideration.

"20. The State may only compel natives
to labour on public works of gen-
eral benefit to the community, in
occupations the proceeds of which
will be enjoyed by them, in execu-
tion of judicial decisions of a penal
nature or for the fulfillment of
fiscal obligations.

"21. The system of contracting native
labour shall be based on individual
liberty and on the right to a fair
wage and assistance, the public
authorities intervening only for
purposes of supervision.

"22. Attention shall be paid in the colo-
nies to the stage of evolution of
the native people. There shall be
special statutes regarding natives
which, under the authority of Por-
tuguese public and private law,
shall establish for them juridical
rules in keeping with their individ-
ual, domestic and social usages
and customs, provided that these
are not incompatible with morality
and the dictates of humanity.

"23. The State shall ensure in all its
overseas territories liberty of con-
science and the free exercise of the
various religions, subject to the re-
strictions necessitated by rights
and interests of the sovereignty of
Portugal, the maintenance of pub-
lic order and consonance with in-
ternational treaties and conven-
tions.

"24. Portuguese Catholic missions over-
seas, being an instrument of civili-
zation and national influence, and
establishments for the training of
staffs, for service therein and in
the Portuguese Padroado, shall
possess juridical personality and
shall be protected and assisted by
the State as educational institu-
tions."

THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PORTUGUESE COLONIAL RULE

537

Native Policy Directed
Toward Assimilation

Portuguese colonial policy is di-
rected towards full assimilation of the
African. The absence of an outspoken
racial policy, and the absence of racial
discrimination, is theoretically condu-
cive to such a policy, but the African
is still regarded as ill-prepared. Thus
the fostering of African traditional life
is discouraged, African languages are
slowly but systematically superseded
by Portuguese, and everything possible
is done to imbue the African with
Portuguese cultural ideals. This is not
accomplished very rapidly since the
individual Portuguese is not too ag-
gressive in his cultural mission and
often is himself assimilated by African
life and culture.

Work the Motto of Portuguese
Colonial Policy

But aside from such general state-
ments, the motto of Portuguese colo-
nial policy seems to be to make the
African work. Upon this the colonial
administrators have insisted and in
this respect a great many abuses have
occurred which cannot be harmonized
with the ideals of the Colonial Act.
These abuses have been only too fre-
quent. It is with references to these

that the Portuguese Minister of Colo-
nies, Vierira Machado stated in Lou-
renco Marques on August 17, 1942:
"The Native must be protected against
abuses and provided with an adequate
diet, housing, assistance in case of
sickness, and decent clothing. It is
essential to raise the moral and physi-
cal standards of the Natives by teach-
ing them improved methods of pro-
duction and educating them to new
needs, while at the same time pro-
viding the means of satisfying such
needs; otherwise we shall have a dis-
satisfied and rebellious population."

But he reiterated at the same time:
"We must impress upon the Native
the idea that he must work and give
up idleness and vice if we wish to ex-
ercise a protecting and colonizing in-
fluence. If vagrancy and crime are
punishable offenses for whites, we can-
not condone them for blacks. If we
apply to the white man who lives on
the work of a woman an epithet so
derogatory that we have had to borrow
it from a foreign language, we cannot
tolerate such conduct on the part of
the Native. If we want to civilize the
Native, we must teach him to accept
the elementary moral principle that no
one has the right to live without work-
ing."

DIVISION XXX

THE BELGIAN CONGO

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, THE
BASIS OF THE BELGIAN POLICY

It has frequently been stated thai
Belgium has no colonial policy with
respect to the Belgian Congo. If colo-
nial policy were to be defined as a
policy primarily aimed at the political
advancement of the Africans, then
such a statement may be largely cor-
rect, but to date Belgium has no spe-
cific plan regarding the ultimate politi-
cal status of the Congo. Rather her
chief concern has been an efficient and
scientific development of the mineral
and agricultural resources of the
country. In pursuance of this policy
liberal encouragement has been given
to the Africans, and it is believed that
by drawing the Africans as laborers
into the Congo's industry they will im-
prove their standards of living and
thus will gradually become adjusted
to modern conditions. As M. Q. de
Vleeschauwer, Belgian Minister of Col-
onies during the war, stated, the Bel-
gian policy is to strive "to ameliorate
the life and conditions of the Native
inhabitants by developing both in-
dividuals and groups and organizing
the great expanse of the country ma-
terially and economically. The pursuit
of moral and social well-being is close-
ly linked with the development of ma-
terial well-being, the one being the
mainstay of the other."

In accordance with this program
the Belgians have devoted much atten
tion to the improvement of African
health, the establishment of housing
and hospitals and great awareness for
African welfare in general. Urbanized
Africans, those living in "extra-tradi
tional townships" (centres extra-con
tumiers) have been given better care
than similar groups in other parts o
Africa Thus, in contrast to the Union
of South Africa, where Africans ar
debarred from becoming skilled work
ers, in the Belgian Congo African
work as clerks, railway employees, lo
comotive drivers, chauffeurs of trucks
and as first class mechanics in almos
all industries. And according to Afr
can standards they are comparativel
well paid.

In their desire to develop the coun-
try, the Belgians, as wise industralists,
have realized that well-fed, well-housed,
well-trained, and contented Africans
make better and more efficient laborers
than those who are ill-cared for. In
this connection it is not unimportant
to point out that in contrast to many
other industrial undertakings in other
parts of Africa, Belgian industry has
been established with a view to the
future and it has been recognized that
there is a definite relation between
the expansion of the industry and
available human resources.

Such Industrial establishments, as
the Union miniere du Haute Katanga,
the chief copper-mining company, for
example, have attempted with consid-
erable success to stabilize their labor
supply by inducing their employees to
bring their wives and families (not
normally favored in other African in-
dustries). They quartered their work-
ers in attractively located brick-and-
cement houses and at the same time
supplied them with many of the amen-
ities of European life. Under govern-
ment regulation the food provided is
normally superior to that offered Afri-
can workers elsewhere. In order to
secure a well-trained labor supply for
the future, the companies provide
good educational facilities and of
course, maternity services. Thus, any
contrast of the living standards of
Africans in the Belgian copper belt
with those of Africans employed in the
adjacent copper mines in Northern
Rhodesia are generally favorable to
the Belgians.

The policy of economic development
is not only pursued in industrial areas,
but is carried into the, agricultural
sections by the compulsory cultivation
of specified crops. African growers are
obliged, by threat of penal sanctions,
to cultivate a fixed amount of land
with crops specified by the authorities
according to local needs and local con-
ditions, thus expanding the cultiva-
tion of subsistence crops and some ex-
port crops, chiefly cotton, and, to a
lesser extent, coffee. Although such a
forced procedure is often regarded as
a hardship on the African, authorities

538

CONGO NATIVE POLICY OF 1943

539

claim that this travail educatif, or ag-
ricultural education, has transformed
many a backward section of the Bel-
gian Congo into a comparatively pros-
perous territory. The criticism leveled
against this system points out that if
it paid the African to grow these
crops, compulsion should no longer be
necessary. This criticism appears to
be particularly valid in view of the
fact that some companies hold monop-
olies in some specified zones for the
marketing of African grown produce
which they buy at prices fixed by the
government. Thus the charge that
compulsory production serves only
private interests has never effectively
been refuted.

CONGO NATIVE POLICY OF 1943

With respect to the administration
of Africans, the Congo initiated a new
policy in 1943. At that time an in-
creased amount of local administra-
tion was entrusted into the hands of
traditional chiefs, subject to the con-
trol exercised by Belgian administra-
tors. The chief was regarded as the
middle man who, as the official an-
nouncement put it, became a link be-
tween African and European organiza-
tions. While the chief retained some
judicial authority, he was primarily
responsible for the local enforcement
of Belgian policy, such as the develop-
ment of organizations for production,
and the supervision of educational and
medical work. Under this new policy,
Africans, while permitted to follow
their traditional life and while in the-
ory associated with their own admin-
istration under their own customary
law, were, in reality, under the com-
plete control of Belgian officialdom.

Belgian officials interpret the Congo
Native policy as follows: "The fact is
that the natives are associated with
their own administration and with
'their own laws when they follow their
customs of tribal life and when they
leave their ancestral homes to live a
more individualistic life in new cen-
ters, they are given an appropriate
form of self-administration. Conform-
ing to the conception that colonization
must be made in the interest of the
natives, the Belgians intend to pursue
progressively the emancipation of their
native people. By emancipation is
meant the chance of conducting them-
selves independently of the mother
country. But the Belgians believe that

a durable autonomy must begin from
the bottom, that is to say the educa-
tion of the small cells of colonial ter-
ritory. . . . The natives also administer
their own laws. Justice is meted out
by native tribunals according to their
tribal law. The designed judges can-
not, however, apply customs which are
contrary to public order; neither can
they enforce customs which contravene
legislature brought about in the in-
terest of native welfare. . . . The rapid
evolution of a new country like the
Congo brings about situations com-
pletely strange to the old framework
of the tribes. One sees natives of
different origin mingling together in
the industrial and commercial centers
and missions. These gatherings have
been organized under a separate form
of 'extra-custom centers,' special njative
communities and towns, where the
state selects the chief, picks his coun-
cil, and these administer the com
munity not according to any one tribal
custom but by common tribal princi-
ples. A white official assists them with
his counsel. Under this system, Leo-
poldville has an extra-custom center
of 50,000 natives, while Elisabethville
has an equally important community.
There are many more with smaller
populations. Each day brings added
proof of the success of the venture
and gives great hope for the future."1

CONGO ADVISORY COUNCIL OF
1945

In evaluating such official Belgian
announcements it must not be for-
gotten that they were made during
the war when references to the "asso-
ciation" of Africans with government
were made by all colonial powers. In
reality, the political advancement of
Africans in the Belgian Congo has
been slow. In July, 1945, the Belgian
government established for the Congo
an Advisory Council to discuss such
governmental matters as may be sub-
mitted to the Council by government
agencies. This council of some forty-
five members will include eight per-
sons who are to represent the African
population. But these will not be Afri-
cans; since the decree establishing the
Council states that these eight persons
should be selected from retired offi-
cials, from missionaries, from the

ade Vleeschauwer, Belgian Colonial Pol-
icy, Belgian Information Center, New
York, 1943, pp. 27-28.

540

THE BELGIAN CONGO

members of the "Commission for the
Protection of the Natives," and from
the Africans themselves. Thus, the
native population of 10,000,000 may
have some 2 or 3 representatives on
this Council, whereas the 30,000 Euro-
peans of the colony will have 22 repre-
sentatives, not counting the official gov-
ernment members.

BELGIAN ATTITUDE TOWARD
THE CONGO

There can be little doubt that Bel-
gian Colonial policy is basically un-
changed. Major emphasis is placed on
economic development and in that
respect European settlers and "colo-
nists" are accorded a prominent posi-
tion. In spite of many "idealistic"
statements, the Congo is managed like
a huge industrial establishment, sub-
sequent to the needs of the metro-
politan country. Belgian attitude to-
wards the Congo appears well ex-
pressed in a speech delivered by
Pierre Orts, Belgian Minister Plenipo-
tentiary, who in discussing his expe-
rience in the Trusteeship Committee
of the United Nations stated: "Unfor-
tunately, the spirit of these interna-
tional meetings was hostile to the Co-
lonial Powers. Thirty-five nations, in-
cluding the United States, Soviet Rus-
sia and her satellites, the Latin Ameri-
can countries, and the Arab states,
were downright hostile to the owner-

ship of colonies — so much so, that they
were even unwilling to use the word
'colony.' Unfortunately, also . . . the
Preparatory Commission and the As-
sembly itself aggravated the Charter
by going beyond its text.

"At the general meeting of United
Nations Organization, therefore, the
Belgian delegate thought it necessary
to point out that the natives of Ru-
anda-Urundi, like those of the Congo
and of other colonies, had no political
aspirations, and that if Colonial Pow-
ers withdrew the result would be a
return to savagery. But this call to
reality was fruitless, and the next dele-
gate expressed the hope that all de-
pendencies would soon take their
places among the United Nations."
That must have been indeed a repell-
ing thought to one who feels that "the
Charter would suppress the pre-emi-
nence of the white race, and thus mark
the opening of a new chapter in the
history of the colonies." Mr. Orts de-
clared further that ". . . the tendencies
apparent at San Francisco and the
United Nations Organization meeting
in London called for vigilance from
the Colonial and Mandatory Powers.
To avoid difficulties, therefore, the Co-
lonial and Mandatory Powers should
adopt as their rule: The Charter, the
whole Charter, but nothing beyond."2

2African World, June 1946.

DIVISION XXXI

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

In the past, African economic life
was self-sufficient, although often near
the mark of minimum existence. With
European penetration the continent's
economy became more and more inte-
grated with that of Europe and the
world. Basically it has remained an
agricultural area although in a few
territories mining industries have
come into existence and as a result
of the war secondary industries have
been developed in some territories.

AGRICULTURE

The former self-sufficiency of Afri-
can communities has been seriously af-
fected by the European sponsored en-
couragement of such productions as
were most needed by the industrial na-
tions of Europe and America. (For de-
tails see The Food Resources of Africa,
African Handbooks No. 3, 1943.) In a
paper, The Economic Development of
Africa, Sir Alan W. Pirn evaluates
this situation with the following
words: "Agricultural activities have
taken the dual form of increasing the
production of previously existing nat-
ural staples such as the palm oil,
ground nuts, and hides, of West Africa
and establishing new industries such
as the cocoa of West Africa, and the
sisal, coffee, and tea of East Africa.
The production of the earlier natural
staples and of some new products in-
cluding cocoa are examples of native
initiative, but in the main the new
crops have been the fruit of European
enterprise and capital. The result of
this concentration on certain types of
exports has been to make these terri-
tories dependent on a very limited
number of raw materials and there-
fore peculiarly susceptible to the vaga-
ries of the world markets more espe-
cially to the disparity between the
prices of raw materials and of manu-
factured goods."

Development of One-Crop
Cultivation Disastrous

The development of cash-crop or
one-crop cultivation, mostly without
any guidance and control, has often
had disastrous affects upon Africans.
In years when such products as cocoa,
peanuts, and maize were in demand,

African growers extended and intensi-
fied their production, only to discover
that a period of comparative prosperity
was followed by one of depression.
Their goods were either not market-
able at all or only marketable at great-
ly depressed prices. Furthermore,
those who had turned to cash-crop
cultivation became more and more de-
pendent on imported food products for
which prices remained more or less
stable. It is now generally realized
that this trend should be reversed and
that the African territories should
achieve a certain degree of self-suffi-
cient economy, in order to become eco-
nomically balanced.

Fear of African Competition

In areas in which Europeans com-
pete with Africans, many obstacles are
met in bringing African agriculture
up to European standards. The fear
appears to exist that Africans trained
in European agricultural methods
might become unwanted competitors
and that by producing more efficiently,
the Africans will be less inclined to
seek employment on European planta-
tions. In some territories African pro-
duction is controlled. Thus in pre-
war times there was a maize control
board operating in Southern Rhodesia
which set one quota and price level
for African produce and another for
European, the prices not necessarily
being based on qualitative differences.
In Nyasaland where Europeans grow
tobacco there was considerable agita-
tion against African tobacco growers.
Coffee growing by Africans was pro-
hibited altogether in Kenya, while in
Tanganyika the European coffee plant-
ers succeeded at least in curtailing
African competition by claiming that
African coffee growers did not take
proper care of their plants and there-
fore were apt to infect European es-
tates with their pests.

Conservation and Development
Of the Land Needed

One of the most fundamental prob-
lems of African agriculture is the con-
servation and development of the land.
Although much has been said about
the over-cultivation and over-grazing

541

542

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

of the land and about the effect which
it has on soil deterioration, few posi
tive steps have been taken to correc
these deplorable conditions. The tra
ditional methods of African agricul
ture are in need of revision in terms
of modern and scientific methods
Since agriculturists everywhere are
traditionally minded, it will be some
time before the African peasant will
be ready to adopt new methods of
cultivation.

MINERAL RESOURCES

Although Africa is far from being
surveyed geologically, there is a great
variety of minerals.1 The importance
of the mineral resources for the eco-
nomic development in Africa has been
stated by Pirn: "So far as has
been ascertained up to the present,
they (mineral resources) are mainly
concentrated in a few territories, more
especially the Belgian Congo, Northern
Rhodesia, and the Gold Coast, but the
raw materials necessary for the es-
tablishment of heavy industries, coal
and iron, are at present only repre-
sented by the coal of Enugu in Ni-
geria and the iron of Sierra Leone
widely separated from each other. The
copper mines of the Belgian Katanga
and of Northern Rhodesia are served
by the Wankie coal mines in Southern
Rhodesia and though there has been
a good deal of mention lately of the
exploitation of coal in Portuguese East
Africa those mines are even further
removed from the main possible future
industrial areas. Apart from the cop-
per of the Belgian Congo and Northern
Rhodesia, mineral development has
hitherto been mainly directed to gold,
and a large proportion of the deposit*
worked up to the present have been
short term propositions. The same
description applies to the tin mines
of Nigeria so far as is known up till
now. A long term policy such as that
worked out for the Gold Mines on the
Rand (Union of South Africa) is
therefore difficult to envisage. In Brit-
ish Territories mineral production has
been left to European private enter-
prise except for the Government coal
mines at Enugu. In the Belgian Congo
the State has played a large part
both in finance and control. Native
participation has in the main been

1Por details consult The Mineral Re-
sources of Africa, African Handbooks No.
2, 1943.

confined to unskilled labour, though
an advance towards a share in the
more skilled branches of industry has
been noticeable more especially in the
Belgian Congo. In the French terri-
tories, mining on primitive lines has
been left largely in African hands."
Exploitation of Mineral Resources
By European Powers Criticized

In recent years there has been a
great deal of criticism regarding the
exploitation of mineral resources by
European powers. Rita Hinden in an
article The Challenge of African Pov-
erty (p. 58) writes: "Minerals are one
of Africa's most precious assets, yet
the mines are almost always operated
by European capitalist companies,
which pay dividends to their overseas
shareholders, heavy remunerations to
their directors, as likely as not the
lion's share of their taxes to the Brit-
ish Exchequer, royalties to venerable
but functionless companies, and enor-
mous wages to local European em-
ployees. What remains for the Afri-
can workers and for the African Ex-
chequers are the crumbs from the
rich man's table."

In accordance with such arguments
the viewpoint is growing that in the
future a fair share of the profits and
royalties from industrial enterprises
should accrue for the development of
social services within the colony.

Africans themselves are increasingly
opposing the exploitation of their ter-
ritories' mineral resources. This op-
position was highlighted in Nigeria
where in March, 1945, the Nigerian
Government proposed a new minerals
and mining ordinance which was to
amend and consolidate existing min-
eral and mining legislation. The car-
dinal provision of the new bill was the
vesting of property rights of all min-
erals in Nigeria and the mandated
territory of British Cameroon and con-
trol over these rights in the British
Crown.2 The African newspapers,
( West African Pilot and Daily Service)
protested against the provisions of the
bill, primarily on legal grounds. It is
argued that the territory of Nigeria
(outside the colony of Lagos) is a
protectorate in alien territory under
British protection and consequently
the assignment of mineral property
to the Crown is unconstitutional. The

See Gazette Extraordinary, Supplement
No. 4, January 17, 1945.

SECONDARY INDUSTRIES

543

status of the protectorate is determined
by the treaties between the British
Crown and the Native African States
and these treaties define the rights of
the protecting power as trustee over
protectorate lands. As these treaties
pertain only to commercial relations,
general pacts of friendship between
the contracting parties and the sup-
pression of the slave trade, it is con-
cluded that these treaties do not grant
to Great Britain any rights which can
be construed as justifying the vesting
of mineral property in the Crown.

Therefore it is demanded that "the
mineral resources of Nigeria should
be vested in the people of Nigeria.
There is no earthly reason why any-
one should assume that a government
in which they hardly have any voice
should have all of the rights. ... In
our opinion . . . the Nigerian govern-
ment is just another name for the
British government in Nigeria." (Daily
Service, February 8, 1945).

Although the major objections raised
by the Nigerian press have revolved
around questions of ownership, the ex-
ploitation of mineral resources under
a licensed-leasing system has also
aroused opposition. Writing very pessi-
mistically of this system, the Daily
Service (January 24, 1945) says, "If
enacted into law it will virtually oust
Africans from the mining profession."
The West African Pilot (January 26,
1945) supplements this complaint by
stating: "The people of Nigeria be-
come perplexed when they realize the
fact that they are relegated by their
trustees to the unenviable position of
users only of the surface of the soil
of their God-given lands, without any
right or claim to the minerals which
are under the surface of their lands,
while Europeans, Syrians, Lebanese,
and non-Africans have been granted
licenses by virtue of which they dig
and take away minerals worth mil-
lions of pounds year in and year out."

Similar arguments are set forth in
other African territories. There can
be little doubt that if the social serv-
ices in the colonies are to be improved,
a fair share of the profits and royal-
ties from industrial activities should
be retained in the colonies. It is of
course anomalous that the mining com-
panies registered in London pay the
major part of the taxes to the Im-
perial Government; receipts deriving

from taxation of profits should go to
the colonies directly.

SECONDARY INDUSTRIES

Development of Secondary
Industries Essential

It is generally recognized that if
African dependencies are to be im-
proved economically, it will be neces-
sary to introduce some secondary in-
dustries. A reasonable amount of in-
dustrialization would help the pre-
dominantly agricultural economy of
Africa in that the dependencies would
free themselves from the comparative-
ly expensive imports of European-
manufactured goods. Since during the
war some goods normally imported
from abroad were no longer available,
some local industries have been de-
veloped, and their beneficial effects
upon African economy is already no-
ticeable. It is felt that the further
development of secondary industries is
essential to the African colonies in
order to secure a more balanced in-
ternal economy, for any price depres-
sion, which most seriously affects the
producers of raw materials, will be
partially off-set if the raw materials
necessary for local consumption can
be produced locally at lower produc-
tion costs. It is obvious that an in-
dustrial development must be care-
fully planned if the establishment of
secondary industries for prestige pur-
poses only is to be avoided. In terri-
tories with large populations, the prob-
lem should be simple; but in smaller
and less populated areas, the inter-
relation between consumption poten-
tialities and production demands a
careful investigation. It is, of course,
incomprehensible why an African ter-
ritory, producing large quantities of
palm oil, should export oil to be manu-
factured into soap and then have this
product sent back for sale. Any local
soap factory could have produced this
soap without the additional cost of
shipping or without the added com-
paratively high European wages.

War Aids Movement Toward
Industrialization

Contingencies of wartime foreign
trade have set many African territories
on the march toward industrialization.
Although such developments are most
apparent in the Union of South Africa,
Southern Rhodesia, and the Belgian
Congo, other sections of Africa have

544

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

been affected by the factors necessitat-
ing mills and factories to process Afri-
ca's raw materials. Shortages of im-
ported civilian goods required the pro-
duction of substitutes in almost all
African territories. Noteworthy de-
velopments have taken place in the
manufacture of textiles, glassware, pot-
tery, metal goods, and other products.

Cotton Textile Mills Opened

The opening of cotton textile mills
has been reported from Southern
Rhodesia, Uganda, Angola, and Mozam-
bique. Thus, two factories were estab-
lished in Bulawayo, Southern Rho-
desia, one producing underwear and
the other cotton piece goods. The out-
put of the underwear factory, it is
estimated, will be sufficient to supply
both of the Rhodesias and Nyasaland,
while the cotton goods which the other
factory plans to turn out annually rep-
resents about twenty-five per cent of
Southern Rhodesia's pre-war imports.
At Jinja, Uganda, mills have been
opened with textile machinery released
by the British Board of Trade. The
market for these mills will be the
twelve million Africans in East Africa,
who before the war bought Japanese
merchandise. The elimination of this
country from the African market will
offer opportunities for the new African
textile industry. The Portuguese gov-
ernment has announced the establish-
ment of spinning and weaving mills
in Angola and Mozambique.
Wool Factory Opened

Although the Union of South Africa
has long been a leading world pro-
ducer of wool, only a negligible quan-
tity has been manufactured locally.
Now, however, a wool factory has been
opened at Uitenhage producing woolen
goods for the African market.

Glass Factory and
Pottery Works Opened

To meet the acute shortage of glass
table wear and crockery cooking uten-
sils, a glass factory has opened in the
Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and pottery
works in Kenya and Uganda. Using
scrap glass as raw material, the Sudan
factory has been able to attain a daily
production of four hundred coffee cups,
saucers and drinking tumblers. Efforts
are being made to discover glass sands
in the Red Sea hills which will assure
a supply of raw materials for future
operations. The newly established

Kenya pottery has proved to be oT
good quality, and the Post-War Indus-
trial Planning Commission of the
Colony expects the industry to survive
the war emergency.

Metal Products Manufactured

Considerable progress in the manu-
facture of metal products has been
made in the Belgian Congo and South-
ern Rhodesia. In fact, the former
colony, cut off from all trade relations
with Belgium, has been forced to in-
dustralize on broad lines. The elec-
trical and machine shops of the Congo
have manufactured such metal prod-
ucts as copper wire, small tools and
agricultural implements and in addi-
tion have been assembling metal
barges.

Other Industries Develop

Industrial development in Southern
Rhodesia has probably exceeded that
of the Congo. The wide variety of
products now being made in Southern
Rhodesia include crusher jaws, cast
iron pipe, valves, aeioplane parts in
aluminum alloy, shoes and dies for the
mines, and fabricated structural steel
which can now compete in price with
the imported product.

A long list of minor industrial de-
velopments can be cited for other
African territories: Soap making fac-
tories (Gold Coast, Nigeria, Sierra
Leone, French West Africa) ; silk mills
(French West Africa, Belgian Congo) ;
tanneries (Nigeria, Anglo-Egyptian Su-
dan, Sierra Leone, Southern Rho-
desia) ; chemicals (sodium sulphate
and quinine from the Belgian Congo
and mining explosives and cattle dip
from Southern Rhodesia) ; shoe fac-
tories (Belgian Congo, Union of South
Africa); furniture (Sierra Leone,
Southern Rhodesia, Union of South
Africa) ; chocolate and cocoa butter
(Nigeria, Gold Coast, Sierra Leone) ;
starch (Belgian Congo, Sierra Leone) ;
sugar refineries (Nigeria, Ruanda-
Urundi, Mozambique); tobacco pro-
cessing (Nyasaland, Northern Rho-
desia, Southern Rhodesia, Nigeria,
Gold Coast, Sierra Leone) ; food pro-
cessing including creameries and de-
hydrating factories (French West and
French Equatorial Africa, Belgian
Congo, Sierra Leone, Kenya, Southern
Rhodesia, Angola); rope making (Bel-
gian Congo, Sierra Leone) ; prefabri-
cated houses (Southern Rhodesia);

COMPETITION FOR LAND

545

and medical wadding and gauze (Bel-
gian Congo). In addition to the in-
dustries enumerated above which are
organized on European lines there has
been a marked stimulation of Native
crafts of which cloth-making is out-
standing.

There are definite signs that the in-
dustrialization of Africa on a moderate
scale is going to continue in the fu-
ture. Due to the training African sol-
diers have received while in the Army,
Africa will have a larger reservoir of
skilled labor than ever before. If these
are to be employed in keeping with
their training, a continuation of the
industrial program is a necessary re-
quirement. How far the competition
of foreign manufacturers will interfere
with such a development remains to be
seen.

Industrial Development Should Be
In Harmony With Local Traditions

Sir Alan Pirn regards industrializa-
tion "the most efficient means of rais-
ing the standards of living as labour
in general is much more productive
in secondary and tertiary than in pri-
mary industries." But he believes that
the industries "should as far as pos-
sible be in harmony with local tradi-
tions or else the new industries may
be socially disruptive." He writes:
"The types to be encouraged would
mainly depend on the character and
extent of the local resources both hu-
man and material. The conditions nec-
essary for the establishment of heavy
industries do not appear to be present
in Central Africa and the chief oppor-
tunities seem to be in the direction
of processing and of the lighter in-
dustries to meet day to day require-
ments in which labour costs are of
most importance."

At this stage of development, Sir
Alan Pirn believes that emphasis on
small scale industries carried on by
individual craftsmen, or groups of
craftsmen is better than large scale
industries. He writes: "There are
strong social reasons for encouraging
local craft industries as the best
method of industrializing Africa at this
present stage of creating a few large
manufacturing centres. They would
enrich and add to village life and com-
munal activities by providing the much
wanted alternative or supplementary
activities, unlike large manufacturing

centres which accelerate the breaking
up of that life and are likely to weaken
the position of agriculture."

COMPETITION FOR LAND

BETWEEN EUROPEANS AND

AFRICANS

In many parts of Africa, particu-
larly those in which Europeans have
settled, the shortage of land is one
of the most crucial problems facing
the African. Some 50 years ago the
African had a great surplus of land
which was not used to its best and
fullest advantage, according to Euro-
pean standards; for African economy
was based on the frequent rotation of
fields for gardens and pasture, a sys-
tem requiring extensive acreage. In
the competition between Europeans
and Africans for land, both groups
were in need of the same type of land
suitable for agricultural and pastural
purposes. Invariably this competition
ended in the defeat of the Africans,
who had to content themselves with
the least desirable sections.

Alienation of Land in The
Union Of South Africa

In the Union of South Africa the
alienation of African land has reached
greatest proportions. Although Euro-
peans constitute only 20 per cent of
the population, of which only one-third
live on farms, they control better than
87 per cent (or 415,000 square miles)
of the land, while non-Europeans, con-
stituting approximately 80 per cent
of the population, are left with less
than 13 per cent (or 58,000 square
miles) of the land. At that, this latter
figure includes improved conditions
resulting from the native Land Act
of 1936.

Alienation of Land in
Southern Rhodesia

Similar conditions prevail in South-
ern Rhodesia with a population of
about 1,300,000, of which about 60,000
are Europeans. The Land Apportion-
ment Act of 1930 divided the 96,000,-
000 acres of the Territory as follows:
47,176,000 acres of the best land were
given to Europeans; 21,600,000 acres
remained as Native reserves in the
hands of the African population; 7,-
500,000 acres are known as Native
area, set aside for settlement of de-
tribalized Africans; and 17,800,000
acres of unassigned land are still to
be allocated to either group.

546

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

Alienation of Land in
Northern Rhodesia

In Northern Rhodesia, where the
European population is about 10,000
and the African 1,365,000, more than
half of the country's acreage has been
set aside for non-African settlement
and mining. Although the largest part
of this land is as yet not used by
Europeans, future needs are being an-
ticipated.

Alienation of Land in Kenya

Although the extent to which Afri-
can land was expropriated in the
Union of South Africa cannot be dupli-
cated anywhere in Africa, Kenya ap-
proaches Union standards. Out of a
total area of 225,000 square miles,
about 11,000 square miles have been
alienated. That does not appear to be
an excessive figure, but if one takes
into consideration that the greatest
part of Kenya is unsuitable for human
habitation, the percentage takes on a
different meaning. Sir Alan Pirn has
pointed out that only some 61,000
square miles are useable so that some
20,000 Europeans control 11,000 square
miles and some 3,000,000 Africans oc-
cupy 50,000 square miles. Thus the
"Native Lands" — as they are called —
are overcrowded. The area inhabited
by the Kikuyu tribe, for instance, has
an average density of 28.3 per square
mile. In view of the fact that this is
only an average density and in view
of the fact that it is considerably
higher in the more desirable areas of
the reserves, this situation is truly
serious.

On the other hand, Europeans do
not utilize the land they have re-
served for them. In 1934, according
to Lord Hailey's African Survey (p.
743), 6,543,360 acres of land had ac-
tually been alienated and of this, 1,405,-
036 were unoccupied. The remaining
5,138,324 acres were held by 2,027 oc-
cupiers, giving an average of 2,534
acres per occupier. But only 274 acres
per occupier, or about 11 per cent of
the whole, was actually under cultiva-
tion.

In the pamphlet, Kenya: White
Man's Country? published by the Fa-
bian Colonial Bureau in 1944, we read
these comments: "The alienation of
11,000 square miles of good land in
the midst of a dense native population
has naturally caused endless trouble.
It is now generally admitted that

many grave blunders were made. The
apparently empty lands were found in
the end not to have been really empty
but only to have appeared so owing to
native methods of cultivation. It soon
appeared that the administration had
underestimated the extent to which
natives could assert claims to the ap-
parently empty lands of the highland
area; it was at all events clear that by
recognizing native occupation only
over land in actual cultivation and by
allowing grants to be made over that
used for grazing, Europeans had been
permitted to acquire land in a manner
that was beginning to cause hardship
to the tribes concerned. To quote an
expression subsequently used, the
alienation process rapidly 'got out of
hand.'

"There is a long history of trouble,
misunderstanding and conflict in the
handling of the Kenya land situation.
Areas which were proclaimed native
reserves were not in fact reserved and
alienations continued to be made in
them. The limits of European occupa-
tion were not clearly defined in the
first instance. Cattle-owning tribes
were deprived of essential pasture and
watering places. Tribes were moved off
one area and settled in another claimed
by other tribes. By the 1920's the
Africans had lost their belief in the
good faith of the Government and were
conscious of a deep feeling of inse-
curity and hostility. Different Com-
missions of Inquiry recognized this
feeling, admitted in varying degree its
justification and urged the necessity
for restoring a sense of security — at
least as far as tenure in the native
reserves was concerned. The need for
an inquiry into the adequacy of the
existing reserves was also admitted.
The famous Kenya Land Commission
of 1933 was, therefore, set to work,
but its recommendations brought little
satisfaction to the Africans. The Com-
mission 'clearly felt itself precluded
from making any recommendation
which would involve a material reduc-
tion in the area which Europeans had
desired to see reserved. Their report
appears to have proceeded on the as-
sumption that the highland area which
they were instructed to define was one
to which Europeans had a claim as of
right.' "

COMPETITION FOR LAND

547

Alienation of Land in
British West Africa

In British West Africa alienation
of African land has progressed with-
out much friction. Settlers are absent
and the companies concerned in the ex-
ploitation of the natural resources are
only interested in securing compara-
tively small tracts of land. In all of
the British. West Coast territories,
Africans continue to hold their land
in accordance with traditional law, the
governments having reserved only the
rights to alienate such land as may be
necessary for public purposes. If land
should be required for commercial or
industrial enterprise, special ordi-
nances are passed, arranging for the
lease of the land for a fixed period of
years. Under such agreements, conces-
sions have been granted to the mining
companies for the establishment of
the gold and manganese mines in the
Gold Coast, of tin mines in Nigeria
and of rubber and oil-palm plantations
by the United Africa Company (12,400
acres) in Nigeria. There is no land
shortage in these sections of Africa.

Alienation of Land in
The French Territories

Since outside of French North Af-
rica, there are no large numbers of
French settlers in the French terri-
tories of Negro Africa, the French are
not as a rule confronted with a land
problem of the kind to be found in
Kenya. In the past, the French pur-
sued large scale alienation of land in
favor of companies which ruthlessly
exploited colonial territories, particu-
larly French Equatorial Africa. Now
that the ill-fated concession policy has
come to an end, there no longer exists
any serious land problem. The French
Government nevertheless is greatly
concerned about a land policy en-
deavoring to introduce land laws
analogous to those in force in France
proper. By a decree of November 15,
1935 the French government has
legally resolved all questions pertain-
ing to land, declaring that all land not
occupied by Africans automatically be-
came state land. Likewise, the govern-
ment has retained the right to grant
concessions for the exploitation of
natural resources. But all these gov-
ernment rights, irrespective of the
legal implications which they may in-
volve, have thus far had little effect
on the Africans who feel secure in

their land holdings in these territories.
It should be noted that the land situa-
tion in French North Africa, particu-
larly in Algeria, where the Frenchman
is competing with the Native for his
land, is similar to that in Kenya and
Southern Rhodesia.

Alienation of Land in
The Belgian Congo

The land problem in the Belgian
Congo is, generally speaking, not se^ri-
ous due to the fact that there are vast
unused areas of land which are con-
sidered unsuitable for European set-
tlement. The Belgian Congo grants
concessions to European companies,
but this concession policy has not been
excessive. In 1937 a total area of about
5,275,000 hectares* out of a total area
of 235,000,000 hectares had been alien-
ated. In granting concessions, areas
held by Africans are normally exempt
unless the concessionaire can come to
a direct agreement with the African.
Such transactions, however, must be
approved by the authorities in order to
protect the African landholder against
unfair dealings. As an additional safe-
guard against exploitation, the African
has the right to contest the evidence
of the transaction for a period of two
years. But in spite of these protective
clauses, the African land rights are
not always safeguarded. African land
has never been delimited, so that if
concessions are granted, long disputes
over land rights within a concession
area often arise, and the African in
most cases, the sufferer. A case in
question is the Huileries du Congo
Beige, a subsidiary of Lever Brothers,
which secured a concession of 750,000
hectares in the western sections of the
Belgian Congo. Within the concession
area was a great amount of land held
by Africans, the boundaries of which
had never been defined. After the con-
cession was granted, the Africans con-
tinued as before to use the land and
its usufruct which they had always re-
garded as theirs. The Huileries
charged, however, that the Africans
were trespassing on their property.
After a long dispute, a settlement was
reached which secured results desirable
to the company; namely, that the Afri-
cans be allowed to collect the palm-
oil fruit in company territory with
the provision that they must sell it to

*Editor's Note: One hectare equals 2.47
acres.

548

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

the company at prices fixed by the
Government. There can be little doubt
that here, as in other territories, such
a land policy limiting the rights of
the African has as its chief objective
the forcing of Africans into the em-
ployment of European enterprises.
While in this particular instance the
African was not directly employed by
the company, he became, in a modified
for;m, a share cropper.

Land Problem Summarized

In the recently published Fabian Co-
lonial Essays (p. 55), the land problem
is summarized as follows: "It is dis-
honest, when discussing the availabil-
ity of land in the settler countries, to
talk in terms of total square mileage.
There are enormous arid, barren
wastes in these territories. The good
land is divided up with preposterous
inequity between a few hundred or a
few thousand of European settlers on
the one hand, and millions of African
peasants on the other. The results

have been inevitable and obvious.
Crowded into the reserves, their cattle
increasing, but still uneducated in bet-
ter methods of agriculture and the
preservation of the soil, still unpro-
vided with irrigation facilities, the
Africans are rapidly sucking dry the
fertility of even what they have. . . .
So fertility dwindles and soil erosion
is today pointed to, with graving
alarm, as one of the major problems."

Paris Conference of 1945

Makes Recommendation Concerning

Alienation of Agricultural Lands

The importance of the land question
for peoples in colonial areas has been
recognized by the International Labour
Organization. The Paris Conference of
1945 recommended to "the competent
authorities" that they should consider
"the control of the alienation of agri-
cultural land to non-agriculturalists so
as to ensure that such alienation takes
place only when it is in the best in-
terest of the territory."

DIVISION XXXII

THE AFRICAN AS A WAGE EARNER

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

AFRICA AND THE INTERNATIONAL
LABOUR ORGANIZATION

Many abuses which only a decade
ago were everyday occurrences in the
handling of Africans as laborers have
been greatly ameliorated by the ac-
tivities of the International Labour
Organization. Although the organiza-
tion has no right to enforce its recom-
mendations by spotlighting various
deplorable conditions, it has substan-
tially helped in improving them. Of
particular importance in this respect
is the Social Policy in Dependent Ter-
ritories Recommendation adopted in
Philadelphia in 1944 and the Supple-
mentary Provisions adopted in Paris
in 1945. But even before the Interna-
tional Labour Organization had these
Recommendations adopted by its mem-
ber nations, it succeeded in recom-
mending some Conventions, greatly
benefitting African as well as other
Colonial laborers.

Forced Labour Convention

In 1930, the Forced Labour Conven-
tion was adopted. According to this
Convention "all work or service which
is exacted from any person under the
menace of any penalty and for which
the said person has not offered him-
self voluntarily" was to be prohibited.
Certain exceptions had been provided
for; namely, compulsory military serv-
ice, normal civic obligations, convict
labour, labour to meet special emer-
gencies and minor communal services.
With two notable exceptions; namely,
Portugal and the Union of South Af-
rica, all African powers ratified this
Convention, although some powers,
notably France and Belgium made cer-
tain reservations.

Forced Labor During World War II

Unfortunately during the war forced
labor even for private purposes was
reintroduced in a few territories; In
a 1946 report entitled, "Proposed In-
ternational Labour Obligations in Re-
spect of Non-Self-Governing Terri-
tories," the International Labour Office
notes (p. 16): "During the war forced
labour for private employers was au-
thorized for certain purposes in Ni-

geria, Kenya and Tanganyika, while
in Northern Rhodesia a conscript la-
bour force under Government control
was made available to farmers. The
forced labour used in the Nigerian tin
mines has already been abolished. It
has now been decided that in the other
territories no further men will be com-
pulsorily recruited for private employ-
ment after 31 December 1945. Forced
workers actually in contract will be
required to complete their contract
periods, but the whole system will be
liquidated not later than 30 Septem-
ber 1946. On 30 September 1945, the
number of forced workers in employ-
ment in Kenya was 18,765; and in
Tanganyika 29,450. The same date has
been fixed for the end of compulsion
in Northern Rhodesia. As regards the
particular crops involved, the decision
is that forced labour for private em-
ployers shall cease by 30 September
1946 in the cases of sisal and of essen-
tial food-stuffs for local consumption,
and by 31 March 1946 for all other
purposes."

Recruiting Convention

In 1936, the Recruiting of Indigenous
Workers Convention was adopted. It
prohibits "all operations undertaken
with the object of obtaining or supply-
ing the labour of persons who do not
spontaneously offer their services at
the place of employment or at a pub-
lic emigration or employment office or
at an office conducted by an- employ-
ers' organization and supervised by
the competent authority."

Of all States concerned with Africa
only Great Britain has ratified this
Convention. Regarding the recruiting
of laborers in the African territories
administered by States which did not
ratify this Convention, the Interna-
tional Labour Office (op. cit.) writes:
"In the Belgian Congo the Government
at one time assisted recruiting opera-
tions. The organization of recruiting
is among the functions entrusted to
the Labour Office which was set up
by Order of 16 November 1922,
but this Office was concerned with
the engagement of workers for public

549

550

THE AFRICAN AS A WAGE EARNER

works. Secondly, Native authorities
were expected to assist in recruiting
and received bonuses for the recruits
supplied. A Circular of 29 March 1938,
however, deprecated the payment of
bonuses and provided that if given they
should go to community funds. Fur-
thermore, instructions of the Minister
for the Colonies dated 13 July 1932
forbade the practice of allowing Gov-
ernment officers to accompany recruit-
ing agents. It was specifically stated
in these instructions: 'As regards re-
cruiting, the rules safeguarding free-
dom of choice of workers must be
scrupulously respected. Apart from
energetic and continuous propaganda
of a general character addressed to the
Natives, so as to make them under-
stand that it is in their interest to in-
crease their capacities of production
and consumption, any intervention by
the administration must be forbidden.'

"The legal situation regarding the
intervention of chiefs in recruiting has
been summarized as follows: 'A chief
who sends his Natives to accept em-
ployment in an undertaking situated
at a greater distance than 25 kilo-
metres (i. e., the distance constituting
a recruiting operation) and who re-
ceives remuneration for this will come
under the application of the Decree
and be treated as a recruiter.'

"Necessarily, the wartime legislation
permitting the compulsion of labour
has overriden these instructions, but
will presumably cease to operate with
the cessation of emergency production.
At the same time the standards of
administrative safeguards appear to be
in harmony with the Convention, al-
though the recruiting agent is not def-
initely required to act solely as the
agent of specified employers. The basic
legislation, which dates from 1922, re-
quires recruiting agents to obtain per-
mits which under an amendment
passed in 1940, are issued by the au-
thorities in the district of recruiting
on the recommendation of the authori-
ties in the district of employment. Be-
fore forwarding recruits to the place
of employment the agent is required
to conclude a provisional contract of
engagement, which offers certain guar-
antees to the worker, but which does
not impose on him the obligations of
the final contract. No worker may be
recruited or engaged unless medically
certified as fit for the proposed employ-

ment. From the time the worker
leaves his village the recruiting agent
is required to provide for his travel-
ing expenses and for his maintenance
during the journey. The care taken
of the recruited worker during the
journey and in his acclimatization to
employment have won a high reputa-
tion for the principal employers in the
Belgian Congo.

"In the case of France, the question
of the degree of intervention of Gov-
ernment officials in recruiting opera-
tions has been answered differently in
different circumstances. A Cameroons
Decree of 1925 declared that 'an ad-
ministrative authority shall not inter-
vene in the recruiting of workers des-
tined for private persons or private
undertakings, except to supervise' the
conditions of recruiting. It was later
emphasized, however, that this 'non-
intervention prescribed by the law
should never be carried as far as ab-
stention.' A later Decree of 7 January
1944, while enunciating the worker's
right to choose between employment
and independent production, laid down
as a requirement the performance of
the social duty of labour. The 1945
African Labour Code has repealed this
legislation as well as many of the la-
bour laws in other African territories,
under which recruiting was carried on.
The new Code regulates conditions of
engagement and of employment in de-
tail. It does not, however, provide for
recruiting except in so far as the act
of engagement is part of recruiting
operations and except by establishing
the worker's right to free traveling ex-
penses for himself and his family on
engagement and repatriation. Further
provisions will presumably be made
by local orders as the Code makes the
local Governors responsible for estab-
lishing the means of supervising en-
gagements.

"Under Italian rule there was no
special legislation concerning recruit-
ing. The Government sought to pro-
vide an adequate labour supply by the
settlement of workers under contracts
of a crop-sharing character and by
intervention through the Native au-
thorities.

"The Portuguese Native Labour Code
of 1928 made detailed provision for
the regulations of recruiting. Subject
to certain exceptions, every person de-
siring to recruit workers was required

AFRICA AND THE INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION 551

to hold a license, which might be re-
fused or cancelled under certain cir-
cumstances. The provisions attempt-
ing to define the degree of interven-
tion open to the administrative au-
thorities are exceedingly detailed. In
particular, the authorities are forbid-
den (1) to recruit Native workers for
private employment; (2) to accom-
pany recruiting agents in their re-
cruiting tours; (3) to supply the
agents with police or other public em-
ployees during their recruiting opera-
tions; (4) to require the agent to pay
any fee not authorized by law or any
bonus to themselves, their subordi-
nates or tribal chiefs; (5) to act in
any other way constituting coercion
of the workers or an infringement of
the liberty of action granted to agents.
On the other hand, the Code lays down
the moral obligation 'to procure the
means of subsistence by labour' and
reserves the Government's right to
'exercise benevolent supervision and
tutelage' in respect of work under con-
tracts of employment.

"In the case of the Spanish terri-
tories on the Gulf of Guinea, the only
information in the possession of the
Office, apart from that relating to the
Treaty between the Spanish territories
and Nigeria, may be out of date. For
some time, however, regulations of
1906 have empowered an official body'
the Curadoria Colonial, to assist in re-
cruiting operations, while under a De-
cree of 21 June 1927 the official Cham-
ber of Agriculture of Fernando Po was
authorized through its agents to re-
cruit workers from the mainland of
Spanish Guinea."

Contracts of Employment
Convention

In 1939, the International Labor Con-
ference adopted the Contracts of Em-
ployment (Indigenous Workers) Con-
vention. Contract labor, a severely
criticized aspect of African labour con-
ditions, often brought about situations,
indistinguishable from actual slavery.
According to some practices an African
affixed his signature or mark to a con-
tract which he could not read but
which forced him to stay in employ-
ment fcr a given period of time. Par-
ticularly notorious was contract la-
bour in the Spanish-controlled island
of Fernando Po, with its large Euro-
pean-owned estates. These estates se-

cured their labor supply on the main-
land, often by methods reminiscent of
old slave days. Such workers when
signed up for five years were bound
to violate some of the trick clauses
of the contract. Infringements of the
contract were, brought before the local
courts which invariably punished the
Africans by extending the contract, de-
priving them of their small pay, or by
various other arbitrary decisions, near-
ly always benefitting the European
enterpriser.

Such abuses are controlled by this
Convention which provides protection
to workers in the case of contracts for
six months and more. Thus far only
Great Britain has ratified the Conven-
tion, but the Labour Office states that
"the principles of the Convention are
generally admitted and it is doubtful
whether any detail would call for mod-
ifications in legislation contrary to the
policies of States concerned."

Penal Sanctions Convention

In 1939, the Penal Sanctions Conven-
tion, closely related to the Contract
Employment Convention, was accepted
by the International Labour Confer-
ence. In the past workers under con-
tract were, often unjustly, penalized
for (a) any refusal or failure to com-
mence or to perform services stipu-
lated under contract; (b) any neglect
of duty or lack of diligence; (c) ab-
sence without permission or valid rea-
son; and (d) desertion. The Conven-
tion provides that all penal sanctions
for such breaches of contract shall be
abolished progressively and as soon as
possible, and that all penal sanctions
for such breaches by a non-adult per-
son be abolished immediately.

Thus far only Great Britain has
ratified it, although so far not all
British territories of Africa have ap-
plied this Convention to the letter. Re-
garding other African territories, the
International Labour Office makes the
following observations: "Penal sanc-
tions exist in the Belgian Congo. They
have been held to be necessary in order
to repress acts considered contrary to
the public interest. These acts include,
not only refusal to comply with obli-
gations imposed on the worker by
Labour legislation, agreement or cus-
tom, but also serious or repeated of-
fenses against labour discipline or
against the rules of an undertaking.

552

THE AFRICAN AS A WAGE EARNER

Moreover, there is a system of civil
sanctions which, providing for the
grant of compensation by one party to
another, may lead to coercive deten-
tion in order to obtain compensation
or restitution ordered by the court. In
cases connected with contracts of em-
ployment, fines may be inflicted or im-
prisonment in lieu of payment of fines.
If an action is harmful both to the
public interest and the private -inter-
ests of some individual, penal sanc-
tions and civil sanctions may both be
imposed. For example, wilful breach
of contract has been considered to
effect not only the interests of the em-
ployer but also those of the public.

"A widespread system of penal sanc-
tions is also ,to be found in the Union
of South Africa, where large numbers
of Africans are employed from Mo-
zambique and from the British South
and Central African dependencies. A
number of offenses constituting breach
of contract and leading to fine or im-
prisonment are contained in the spe-
cial legislation applicable to the em-
ployment of Native Africans on mines
and works, in the provincial masters
and servants legislation and in spe-
cial legislation, such as that relating
to Natives engaged for agricultural
work in return for farming privileges
Typical provincial legislation is that
of the Cape Province, which provides
that a servant is liable on conviction
to a fine of £1 or in default of payment
to a maximum term of imprisonment
of one month for a number of offenses,
including failure to commence service
without lawful cause, absence without
leave, and neglect of duty. For more
serious offenses which include deser-
tion, a fine of £3 may be imposed or
imprisonment for two months without
the option of a fine. For Native la-
bourers on mines and works, the Na-
tive Labour Regulation Act of 1911
provides for the imposition of a fine
of £2 on conviction for neglect of
duty, intoxication during working
hours, refusal to obey lawful orders,
abusive language, or breach of rules
prescribed for order, discipline or
health. A fine of £10 or, in default
of payment, imprisonment for two
months may be imposed on conviction
for desertion, absence without leave,
failure to enter or carry out service,
wilful injury or danger to persons or

property, and the improper accept-
ance of advances.

"In the French African territories,
although penal sanctions in the sense
of a penalty imposed simply on ac-
count of failure to fulfill a contract
of employment were unknown, the
penal legislation and the system of
coercive detention in the event of fail-
ure to fulfill the directions of a court
or to pay compensation for failure to
fulfill a civil obligation meant that in
practice the worker was bound by
something approaching a penal system.
In 1945, African Labour Code repeals
much of the existing legislation. It
nevertheless provides that the non-
execution by an African of civil judg-
ments pronounced against him in re-
gard to the hire of his services may
render him liable to coercive detention
for a period not exceeding one month.
The fact of failure may be established
by a public official on verbal complaint
alone.

"The Portuguese Native Labour Code
makes provision for penal sanctions
for a certain number of offenses in-
cluding breach of contract and disci-
plinary offenses. The first group in-
cludes refusal to work, negligence or
lack of diligence and absence from
employment without the employer's
permission. The penalty for such of-
fenses may involve imprisonment for
a year. A similar penalty is attached
to disciplinary offenses, which include
disobedience of legal orders, fomenting
or attempting to foment disturbances
in work places, and habitual drunken-
ness. Other acts for which penal sanc-
tions may be applied include failure
to make good wilful loss or damage
caused to the employer or his prop-
erty, failure to accept deductions from
wages as permitted by the authorities,
and other misdemeanors of a public
character. In addition, a penalty of
hard labour for not more than 160
days may be inflicted for any infringe-
ment of the Code for which no special
penalty is prescribed. Moreover, em-
ployers are entitled to claim compen-
sation by means of deductions from
wages for any expenditure in which
they may be involved as a result of
workers leaving their employment or
committing wilful damage."

AFRICA AND THE INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION 553

Social Policy in Dependent
Territories Recommendation,
1944 and 1945

Any detailed discussion of the Rec-
ommendations adopted at the Phila-
delphia and Paris Labour Conferences,
referred to above, would be too lengthy
for reproduction here. The Interna-
tional Labour Review (Vol. 50, July
1944, pp. 25-26) has summarized the
1944 Philadelphia Conference thus:
"The general principles mark: (1) the
broad aims of policy in dependent ter-
ritories; (2) the importance of eco-
nomic policy in laying the foundations
of social progress; (3) the general
purposes of social policy; (4) the ne-
cessity of associating the peoples of
the dependent territories in the fram-
ing and execution of measures of social
progress. The minimum standards re-
affirm, in the first place, certain gen-
erally accepted standards of policy,
such as the suppression of slavery and
opium-smoking. The next draw atten-
tion to past decisions of the Interna-
tional Labour Conference primarily af-
fecting dependent territories — for ex-
ample, those on the prohibition of
forced or compulsory labour, the regu-
lation of recruiting, the regulation of
certain special types of contracts of
employment, and the suppression of
penal sanctions for labour offenses.
Succeeding provisions cover questions
relating to the employment of children
and other young persons, linking these
questions with the general aim of the
progressive development of broad sys-
tems of education. A section on the
employment of women similarly con-
tains certain principles of labour regu-
lation and subordinates these princi-
ples to the aim of the raising of the
status of women. General guiding prin-
ciples are next included concerning re-
muneration, health, housing and social
security. A succeeding section aims
at the prohibition of colour and re-
ligious bars and other discriminatory
practices. This is followed by a gen-
eral statement on the principle of la-
bour inspection. Finally, the minimum
standards lay down policies for the
protection and development of indus-
trial organizations and of cooperative
organizations."

Since the Philadelphia Conference
did not have time to consider all of
the provisions submitted by the Office,
it was agreed that the work be con-

tinued at the Paris Conference in 1945.
African Transcripts (No. 6, 1945, pp.
193-195) evaluates the Paris Confer-
ence as follows: "The Committee of
the International Labour Conference
entrusted with forming the Recom-
mendation on Minimum Standards of
Social Policy in Dependent Territories
(Supplemental Provisions) have suc-
cessfully accomplished their task and
propose that the Conference adopt a
Recommendation which is substantial-
ly the same in all its essential fea-
tures as the preliminary draft pre-
pared by the I. L. O. While this out-
come is above all a tribute to the skill-
ful preparatory work of the Colonial
Section of the I. L. O., the results of
the Committee's deliberations could
have been much less favorable to de-
pendent peoples, had the Committee
failed to secure the progressive leader-
ship displayed by the Workers' dele-
gates and the Government representa-
tives of Mexico and the United States.
"Following its organization, the Com-
mittee devoted a session to discussion
of the steps taken by various States'
Members to apply the Philadelphia
Recommendation on Social Policy in
their respective dependencies and to a
consideration of general questions re-
lating to the advancement of social
policy measures. During this session
several matters of general interest to
colonial people were discussed. The
Nigerian Workers' Member expressed
his concern over the possible implica-
tions contained in the phrase, 'depend-
ent territories.' He challenged any in-
terpretation of this phrase which im-
plied that the people of these areas
were in any way inferior and thereby
unfitted for democratic procedure.
Supporting this view, the Chilean
Workers Member questioned the ad-
visability of distinguishing between
any peoples of the world and drew at-
tention to the principle of the equality
of all peoples laid down at San Fran-
cisco. The Employers Member from
France also considered the phrase un-
fortunate and in violation of the spirit
of French policy which seeks to em-
phasize that the ties between the
metropole and France overseas are
based on material and sentimental in-
terests and not upon a feeling of supe-
riority on the part of one and in-
feriority on the part of the other. The
Representative of the Secretary Gen-

554

THE AFRICAN AS A WAGE EARNER

eral of the I. L. O. sought to impress
upon those who had just spoken that
Uie standards to be considered for de-
pendent areas were not considered as
standards for inferior peoples, but
were an attempt to secure recognition
of the special responsibility which
States had for advancing the well
being of certain peoples. Dependent
status instead of inferring inferiority
of position merely recognizes that in
the conduct of international affairs
certain territories depended on the
metropolitan country.

"Related to the previous question
was the demand by the Nigerian, In-
dian and French Cameroon Workers
members that steps be taken to broad-
en the representation of dependent
areas at I. L. 0. sessions. After various
delegates had pointed to the existence
of organized labor and organized em-
ployer groups in such territories and
to the prominent part which colonial
labor departments and labor inspecto-
rates were playing in advancing the
social welfare in the dependencies, the
committee adopted a resolution re-
questing the Selection Committee, or
any other appropriate committee of
the I. L. 0., to explore the possibility
of including representatives of the
aforementioned bodies among the dele-
gates to future sessions of the Inter-
national Labour Conference.

"Probably the most important point
raised during the preliminary discus-
sions pertained to the advisability of
transforming the Philadelphia Recom-
mendation into a more binding in-
strument through its adoption as a
Convention. While no conclusion was
reached on this question by the end
of the session it was later decided, on
a motion of the Australian Govern-
ment, to request the Governing Board
of the I. L. O. to place on the agenda
of the next General Session the ques-
tion of minimum standards of socia'
policy to dependent territories suitable
for a Convention.

"When the Committee approached
the problem of considering the com-
position of the Recommendation which
it would propose for adoption by the
conference, a notable degree of unani-
mity on the content of the various ar-
ticles appeared to exist among the
delegates. The only attempt to alter
the preliminary draft prepared by the
I. L. 0. in consultation with States

Members to the extent of deleting an
entire section arose over Section 2, re-
lating to the labor aspects of land
policies. Both the British employer
Member and the French Government
Member, who proposed the removal of
the section, were quick to underscore
the fact that their opposition was not
motivated by a disagreement with the
moral sentiments underlying the text
of this section. The British desire to
have the matter withdrawn arose from
the feeling that due to the complexi-
ties and difficulties surrounding land
problems the matter was not a proper-
one for discussion by the conference.
The French delegate explained that
his government believed the question
to be outside the competence of the
International Labour Conference on
the basis of its interpretation of the
powers of this body as pertaining only
to labar questions, and to this they
considered land problems in depend-
encies to be only indirectly related.
Furthermore, France had already
adopted at Brazzaville certain well de-
fined land policies for application in
their overseas territories. Minor sup-
port to these objections was given by
the Government Member from South
Africa who felt that the complexity
of land problems might lead the Con-
ference to propose fragmentary solu-
tions, whereas an over-all and well
integrated solution to these questions
was needed. When a vote was taken
the combined support of the Govern-
ment Members • from Australia, Bel-
gium, United Kingdom, Mexico, United
States and the Workers Members from
Britain, Chile and Nigeria defeated
the motion for deletion and in the final
draft the Section appears in substan-
tially the same form as in the pre-
liminary text.

"Relatively major diversity of opin-
ion arose over Article 6 of Section 1,
proposing the establishment of the
principle that equal pay be granted for
equal work and that no discrimination
in these matters on the basis of race,
religion or sex be tolerated. In an-
swer to a question by the French Em-
ployers Members as to the meaning
of equal work, the Committee voted
to define the phrase as equal wages for
work of equal value rather than equal
pay for work of equal effort. Strong
opposition to the article was then of-
fered by the Government Member from

AFRICA AND THE INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION 555

the Union of South Africa who at
some length pointed out that the in-
stitutions of African society presented
great contrasts to those of Europe and
America, and therefore the adoption
of the article ran great risk of inter-
fering with Native custom which de-
spite the impact of Western civiliza-
tion remains in considerable vigor. The
British Employers Member pointed
out that while he did not offer an ob-
jection to the article in principle, that
as yet the practice of equal pay for
equal work had not been adopted in
the United Kingdom. Should the Con-
fereme therefore espouse this princi-
ple the British Government would not
be in a position to apply it in their
dependencies before it was made ap-
plicable in the metropolitan area. In
the event that the Royal Commission
which is now examining this question
for the United Kingdom would report
favorably, then the British Govern-
ment would undoubtedly approve its
application in the dependencies. In
opposition, two arguments were ad-
vanced. Workers Members from Aus-
tralia, Belgium and Prance argued that
it would be a grievous error in policy
if respect for Native custom would
be made the basis for keeping workers
in a state of inferiority. The United
States Government Member supported
the article by pointing to certain sec-
tions of the United Nations. Charter
in which is displayed the great im-
portance which the nations place on
the principle of non-discrimination on
the basis of race, religion and sex. At
the conclusion of discussion the ar-
ticle was adopted with a slight amend-
ment clarifying the meaning of the
equal pay for equal work formula by
including the phrase 'equal wages for
work of equal quantity and equal qual-
ity.'

"Aside from the disputes on these
two matters the consideration of other
sections proceeded quite smoothly, and
the amendments offered to the various
sections can be easily summarized as
revolving around two rather funda-
mental questions of policy. One ques-
tion arising repeatedly in the discus-
sion of various articles of the Recom-
mendation concerned the degree to
which their wording should make their
application explicitly binding on the
States Members concerned. The second
question which frequently troubled the

Committee was the latitude to be per-
mitted in applying the articles of the
Recommendation on the basis of differ-
ences in the stages of cultural develop-
ment among peoples in dependent ter-
ritories. Illustrative of the first point
was the frequent attempt on the part
of some delegates to mitigate the bind-
ing force of the articles by the inser-
tion of such phrases as 'when and
where conditions justify it/ 'as far as
practicable,' and 'with due regard to
the stage of social and economic de-
velopment of the people concerned.'
Since legislators always proceed on the
assumption that the majority can be
counted on to comply with the regula-
tion even were it not placed on the
statute books, and therefore in the
main laws are required to compel the
obedience of only a small minority of
the anti-social, it is as a general prin-
ciple unwise to state an enactment in
such a form that those for whom it
is intended are in a position to use
discretion in determining whether it
is applicable to their conduct. The
weakness of including qualifying
phrases in the articles of the Recom-
mendation was expressed by the Aus-
tralian Workers delegate as likely to
lead to ambiguity and to delays in the
proper application of rules and prin-
ciples. Speaking in the same vein the
British Workers Member stated that
the phrase 'as far as practicable' ap-
peared too frequently in the Office's
text and constituted something like a
suggestion that the principles to which
it referred need not be applied.

"Underlying tne problem of the lati-
tude in applying the Recommendations
which must be allowed for the varying
stages of development of colonial peo-
ples is the question of responsibility
which colonial powers have for foster-
ing changes in Native cultures which
will advance these communities toward
equal status with the so-called civi-
lized Nations. The solution of this
problem is to be found only in de-
veloping a set of principles defining
the conditions under which a Colonial
power is justified in protecting Native
custom from the forces of change, and
also those situations in which such
protection cannot be considered to har-
monize with the welfare of the popula-
tions of dependent areas. It is also
necessary to recognize that these con-
ditions very frequently cannot be

556

THE AFRICAN AS A WAGE EARNER

merely qualitative in their definition
but must also include some quantita-
tive expression as to the amount of
change which is advisable within a
given period of time. Realizing that
these are questions for which no uni-
form principles have been devised for
guiding policy makers, it is readily
understandable that differences of
opinion on the part of delegates were
certain to arise.

"From the amendments offered to
the articles and from the discussion
which these moves elicited, one secures
the impression that on the two ques-
tions just noted the delegates tended
to arraign themselves into conserva-
tive and progressive blocs. In almost
all instances the backbone of the pro-
gressive group were the Workers Mem-
bers. Frequently supporting these were
the Government Members from Mexico
and the United States. Dividing his
support more evenly between the two
was the Belgian Government repre-
sentative. The most consistent propo-
nent .of the conservative viewpoint
was the Government Member from
South Africa. He was generally aided
by the employers Members and quite
frequently by the Government Mem-
bers from the United Kingdom and
France. Although the alignment of the
delegates frequently fell in the manner
just indicated and in this sense justi-
fies the naming of progressive and con-
servative blocs, it is necesary to stress
again that unanimity of opinion was
more characteristic of the Committee's
meetings than diversity."

AFRICANS AND LABOR UNIONS

"As the African becomes oriented
to his situation as a wage earner, the
value of labor organizations becomes
more apparent, but only in recent
years and in certain areas have unions
made progress among African labor.
Although unions have been organized
in British West Africa for some time,
legislation granting legal recognition
to workers' organizations has been en-
acted only since the beginning of
World War II. In Nigeria under the
provision of this legislation ninety
unions had been registered by the end
of 1943. Membership in registered
unions totalled approximately 30,000
or around 16 per cent of workers em-
ployed in European enterprises, al-
though one union leader gives an esti-

mate more than double this figure. A
federation has also been organized, and
the first convention of the Federated
Trade Unions are being organized with
the number and size of the organiza-
tions related to the industrial develop-
ment of the territory.

"Labor in East Africa has as yet
failed to recognize the advantages to
be secured through unionism. Uganda
has only one Native labor union and
Tanganyika, despite important planta-
tion and mining developments, remains
without any organization of African
workers. In the Union of South Africa
the organized status of Native Labor
was not recognized until 1943 and then
only to a limited degree. Previous to
this date Africans were not permitted
to join White unions and neither the
original Industrial Conciliation Act of
1934 nor its amendments passed in
1937 recognized organizations of Na-
tive workers as coming within the
meaning of the Act. The change has
involved the inclusion of Native un-
ions under the provisions of the above
Act and has not opened White unions
to African membership.

"The path of organized labor in
Africa is strewn with many obstacles.
At present union activities very nat-
urally reveal the African's inexperi-
ence as a unionist. Attention has been
drawn to the inept character of labor
leadership, the dictatorial attitude
adopted in relations with employers,
and the too frequent yielding to the
temptation to exploit their position for
personal gain. Other criticisms apply
to the rank and file of labor. The
principle of collective action has not
won the degree of acceptance common
among workers of older industrial
countries. The Natives are not well
versed in democratic practices which
are the foundation for successful
functioning of union machinery. Class
interest and the solidarity of the
workers are not as yet adequately de-
fined or recognized in the thinking of
most Africans.

"The existence of separate organiza-
tions for Europeans and Africans is
a break in labor solidarity detrimental
to effective action by labor in dealing
with employers. It is generally as-
sumed that labor as a class has com-
mon interests, and a split in its ranks
on the "basis of race turns the labor-
management equation into an unfor-
tunate triangle. The antagonism be-

STRIKES IN AFRICA

557

tween the groups which apparently
rests on racial issues is much more
deeply rooted. The White worker has
enjoyed a monopoly over the well-paid
positions, and he recognizes that Na-
tive unions may threaten all the ad-
vantages which he now holds. Those
labor organizations in promoting the
interests of Africans will not only
attempt to open all positions to free
competition regardless of race but may,
if successful in their demands for im-
proved wages for unskilled Native
labor, make it impossible for industry
to continue present European wage
levels. As a choice between employers
and their African co-workers, they fre-
quently elect to side with the former
;as representing the lesser of two evils.
Employers are able to use differences
in the interests of White and Native
workers to defeat the demands of both
groups. It is also possible to interpret
Native unionism as offering certain
safeguards to the position of European
labor and it is undoubtedly true that
some White workers view the organiza-
tion of African labor with favor in-
stead of distrust. Assuming that Na-
tive unions will secure wage increases
for their members which will remove
existing wage differentials between
African and White workers, the latter
may reasonably feel more secure in
their jobs with the 'element of price
eliminated and competition based en-
tirely upon general educational attain-
ments and technical training which
they have the greater opportunity to
secure.

"Another side of the problem of or-
ganized labor is the relationship of
governmental activity to the develop-
ment of unionism. The wisdom of en-
acting legislation which will define the
legal status, of labor unions and regu-
late their activities cannot be denied.
However, it is necessary to keep in
mind that the majority, if not all, of
these laws are created by legislative
assemblies in which Africans have at
best inadequate representation and
little opportunity of effectively express-
ing either the opinion of the public
or the view of the groups to be con-
trolled by the act which is not in ac-
cord with the best traditions of demo-
cratic government. Furthermore, the
recently created departments of labour
in British dependencies may by over
zealous action retard rather than pro-

mote the growth of the union move-
ment."1

STRIKES IN AFRICA

With the expansion of industrializa-
tion and the dependence of more and
more Africans on these industries for
the earning of their livelihood, it be-
comes unavoidable that the notoriously
underpaid African should attempt to
improve his lot by means of strikes.
There are now few major industries in
Africa which have not experienced a
strike by Africans and there are few
territories in which strikes have not
occurred. In the following, reference
shall be made to a few of the most
significant strikes:

Strike in the Copperbelt
Of Northern Rhodesia

In 1940, the average wage for Afri-
cans at the copper mines of Northern
Rhodesia was 12s. 6d. per month for
surface work and 22s. 6d. a month for
underground work. The average Euro-
pean wage was at that time over £40
per month, but many European la-
borers were receiving up to £70 per
month. For an evaluation of these
wage differences it must be kept in
mind that "besides all the unskilled
work, the Africans are doing a con-
siderable amount of skilled and espe-
cially semi-skilled work. Some of them
hold blasting certificates, handle pneu-
matic drills, drive electric haulers, as-
.sist shaft-sinking, drive lorries, and
take charge of trucks. They may be
paid a special bonus, ranging from
2s. 6d. to 4s. a week for such work.
The Africans are well aware of the
value and importance of their work,
more especially as some of the Euro-
peans are inclined to slack and to leave
the major share of all hard work to
the Africans. Many Europeans are
simply supervisors. . . . The Africans
challenged the mine management to
allow them to work a competitive shift
against the Europeans in order to dem-
onstrate who really produces the cop-
per."2

When in March 1940, the European
mine-workers at the Nkana and Mu-
fulira mines called a strike in support
of certain demands regarding rates of

1Noon, J. A., in African Handbooks, No.
6, 1945.

2J. Lewin, The Colour Bar in the Copper
Belt, South African Institute of Race Re-
lations, 1941, pp. 4-5.

558

THE AFRICAN AS A WAGE EARNER

pay and conditions of work, the Gov-
ernment intervened. The strike was
settled by agreement on nearly all the
matters at issue. The strikers secured
most of their demands and the rest
were submitted to arbitration.

A day after the European strike
came to an end, the African workers
at the same mines, numbering about
15,000 declared a strike, demanding
higher wages. The mine management
offered an increase of 2s. 6d. per month,
but the Africans who were demanding
more went on strike. When some 3,-
000 strikers tried to prevent some 150
men who had remained at work from
drawing their pay and the police tried
to stop them, it caused disturbances
in which 17 Africans were killed and
65 wounded. As a result of this the
men returned to work, accepting the
original offer.

Strike in Nigeria

In recent times the African strike
which has received most prominent at-
tention even outside the African conti-
nent was the strike in Nigeria which
lasted from June 22 to August 7, 1945.
The African Civil Servants Technical
Workers' Union in association with
sixteen other unions of workers of
the transportation and communications
trades demanded that retroactive to
April 1, 1944, they be paid a minimum
daily wage of 2s. 6d. and that higher
Cost of Living Allowances, varying be-
tween £1 and £3 per month be granted
to salaried employees. The Govern-
ment refused to make any concessions
because it was stated that "an increase
in money wages will not secure any
betterment in the conditions of living
unless plentiful supplies of goods and
food are available on which the in-
creased wages can be spent."

Union officials found their position
as potential leaders of a strike which
the Government regarded as illegal, in-
creasingly untenable. On the after-
noon of June 21st, the date set for
calling the strike, the leaders at-
tempted to secure from the rank and
file of the membership permission to
delay this action. But they, having
been brought to a determination to
strike, repudiated their officials who
were either dismissed or permitted to
resign. Into the breach jumped Mr.
Michael Imoudu, who as President of
the Railway Workers Union had been
in detention for the duration of the

war under defense regulations and who
was released only after the end of the
European phase of the war. Rallying
the leaderless group of workers, the
General Strike was called as of mid-
night June 21, 1945 and it continued
until August 7th, when in the face of
the Government's refusal to negotiate
until work was resumed, Mr. Imoudu
and other leaders persuaded their men
to return to their posts and put their
trust in the good faith of the Govern-
ment.

Following the strike, negotiations
between the unions and the Govern-
ment began, but they soon reached an
impasse over the amount of Cost of
Living Allowance to be awarded to the
workers. The Government proposed an
increase of 20 per cent, whereas the
union demanded 50 per cent. (It
should be understood that these in-
creases were not to affect the total
wage, but that portion known as Cost
of Living Allowance (COLA first made
in 1942). Both parties agreed to sub-
mit the question to the British Colo-
nial Office which, in turn, appointed
a Commission of Enquiry.

Like other African strikes this Nige-
rian strike had its political side. It
was not only a strike for securing bet-
ter economic conditions, it was at the
same time a demonstration for the as-
pirations of politically articulate Nige-
rians, a cause particularly cham-
pioned by the newspapers of the Zik
Press controlled by N. Azikiwe.

On July 5, 1945, two weeks after the
strike began, the Government gazetted
Government Notice 776, embodying the
enactment of Regulations No. 19 of
1945 under the Emergency Powers
(Defense) Acts of 1939 and 1940, and
the Nigeria Defense (Press) Regula-
tions of 1945. These regulations re-
stored more stringent controls over the
press which had originally been cre-
ated as war measures. On the grounds
that the reporter of the West African
Pilot and the Daily Comet had misrep-
resented statements made by the Pub-
lic Relations Officer to the Press on
July 5, 1945, Sir Gerald Whitely, the
Officer Administering the Government
of Nigeria, on July 7, 1945 banned the
publication of both papers. Mr. Azi-
kiwe succeeded in circumventing the
ban on the two "Zik" papers from
Warri to Lagos. Seven days after the
conclusion of the strike, the Pilot and

STRIKES IN AFRICA

559

the Comet were permitted to resum
publication.

The suppression of the Pilot and th
Comet was only the first of a series o
difficulties which the Zik's Press hav
encountered in operating their news
papers since the period of the genera
strike. On December 13, 1945 the Gov
eminent cancelled its contracts with
the company for the publication of al
Government announcements. This ac
tion involved not only the Lagos paper
(Pilot and Comet) but also the East
ern Nigerian Guardian (Port Har
court), Nigerian Spokesman (Onit
sha), and the Southern Nigeria De
fender (Ibadan). Following an error
in reporting the address of the Gover
nor to the Legislative Council in the
issue of the West African Pilot of De
cember 11, 1945, Sir Arthur Richards
exercising his powers as President of
the Council, barred the Press repre-
sentative of the Pilot from sessions of
the Legislative Assembly until a suit-
able apology was furnished. This was
done on January 9, 1946 and reporters
from the newspaper were permitted to
return to the press table on January
23, 1946. When Zik's Press forwarded
their application and fee for the re-
newal of their Class B wireless privi-
leges through which they were able
to provide their papers with Reuters
service, the application was returned
and the wireless service terminated.
Upon requesting an explanation of this
action, the Press was officially in-
formed that it had violated regulations
by falsely accrediting Reuters with be-
ing the source of information for cer-
tain items published during the Gen-
eral Strike.

It is extremely difficult to appraise
objectively the justice of actions taken
by the Nigerian Government against
the Zik group of newspapers since,
after reading the explanatory mate-
rial pro and con, it would appear that
neither party is setting forth a com-
pletely frank and open account. Mr.
Azikiwe has stated his side of the con-
troversy at considerable length in a
pamphlet, Suppression of the Press in
British West Africa. The Government
has offered no explanation for can-
celling its advertising contracts with
Zik's Press and has been generally
silent on other issues with the excep-
tion of its refusal to renew the wire-
less license, where a statement of

cause was published on the demand of
Mr. Azikiwe.

While an objective appraisal of the
controversy is impossible, the reaction
of the West African Press to the con-
flict between Zik and the Nigerian
Administration is worthy of note. The
Nigerian Eastern Mail (February 23,
1946), after stating that it had not
always seen eye to eye with the edi-
torial policy of the Zik group of news-
papers, and after expressing honest
doubt regarding the position of Azi-
kiwe on several of the matters at is-
sue concludes: "In the circumstances,
morally, as an African and a lover of
freedom especially the freedom of the
press, we have no option but to en-
dorse the appeal of Zik's Press and
to send our own small mite in protest
against what appears to be unjust and
tyrannous persecution of one whose
undoubted talents command the ad-
miration of all West Africans.

"For some time our government has
shown an extraordinary capacity for
doing the tactless thing, the thing that
will cause the greatest public ill-feel-
ing, last manifested in the scandalous
attempt of his Excellency in his Lagos
address in December to bully and ter-
rorize Government workers who might
feel justified in calling a strike. The
tone of our Government seems to be
becoming harshly autocratic and con-
temptuous of public opinion."

The Gold Coast Observer (February
15, 1946) links the retaliatory action
of the Government against the Zik
newspapers to the growth of Nigerian
nationalism: "Nigeria, like the Gold
Coast, must have its growing pains,
and the share of the Government in
that growth is to put up with it— with
the living sense of growth. To strain
the political machine to the point of
penalizing a Colonial newspaper from
participating in any benefits and
sources of enlightenment that the Gov-
ernment has in its power to offer,
seems to us directly to hasten the day
of the 'pupils' becoming 'students.'

". . . We believe that to avoid creat-
ng African Stalins the best course in
British colonies might be not to an-
agonize popular leaders. It never pays
n the long run."

Uganda Strike

Different motives were underlying
he strike in Uganda in January of
1945. Here also, economic and political

560

THE AFRICAN AS A WAGE EARNER

considerations were blended. The
strike which started on January 8,
1945 when laborers of the Public
Works Department at Masaka did not
return to work, spread over many sec-
tions of the country and was accom-
panied by riots which resulted in the
death of several Africans. Following
the re-establishment of order the gov-
ernment appointed Sir Norman Whit-
ley, Chief Justice of Uganda, to make
an inquiry into the problems under-
lying the strike. The results of this
were published in a Report o/ the Com-
mission of .Inquiry into the Disturb-
ances which Occurred in Uganda dur-
ing January 19J5. This report which
is of course an official report, stresses
the point that the economic factors,
such as inflation and the delay in mak-
ing cost of living wage adjustments
were of minor importance. The perti-
nent political factors behind the riots,
the report explains, revolve around
the twin points of discontent, namely,
the conduct of Native administration
which was prevalent among certain
elements of the African population and
the intrigue existing among the min-
isters of the Kabaka of Buganda. Un-
der the hereditary principle by which
the selection of Native rulers is de-
termined, two classes, which have at-
tained new importance in African so-
ciety, are left without adequate repre-
sentation in the Native system of Gov-
ernment. These classes are the peas-
ants and the intelligentsia, the latter
of which consists of school teachers,
clerks, and holders of minor posts in
the Colonial Government. The incon-
sistency between their political posi-
tion and their socio-economic status is,
therefore, a constant irritation. The
educated African particularly is aware
of the fact that the selection of chiefs
on a hereditary basis fails to guarantee
that the person most fitted for the post
is chosen, and therefore the office of
chief has tended to lose its prestige
and the incumbent to lose his author-
ity in the eyes of a considerable por-
tion of the Native population. In view
of the evidence which he had collected
on this point, the Commissioner was
disposed to believe that the members
of these two classes participated more
or less actively in the disturbances.

The intrigue among the ministers
of the Kabaka which the Commis-
sioner believes to be the most impor-
tant political factor behind the dis-

turbances, may be traced to the re-
gency which ruled during the minority
of Mutesa, the present Kabaka of Bu-
ganda. Kulubya, the Omuqanika or
treasurer of Buganda, was one of three
regents who ruled in the place of the
Kabaka between 1939 and 1942. The
Government of the regency was ex-
tremely capable, firm and impartial in
policy and thereby gained the resent-
ment of many less scrupulous and self-
seeking chiefs and office holders.
Shortly after the Kabaka attained his
majority, the Katikire or prime min-
ister, also one of the regents, resigned
and was succeeded in office by Samwari
Wamala who had served efficiently as a
saza chief. In the Commissioner's
opinion the new prime minister failed
to measure up to the duties of his new
office. Conscious of hi« shortcomings
and in fear of being replaced by Kulu-
bya, who had retained the office of
treasurer and was the strong man of
the Government, he actively plotted the
overthrow of his rival. It is quite pos-
sible that following the failure of the
Katikire to achieve this end through
representations presented to the Ka-
baka from the Lukiko (Council) and
the saza chiefs, he fomented the Jan-
uary riots as a last hope for securing
Kulubya's dismissal. Supporting this
opinion is the fact that the severity
of the disturbances declined following
the Kabaka's announcement of the
treasurer's resignation.

If there was any doubt regarding
the political implications in the Bu-
ganda strike^they were removed when
on September 5, 1945, Martin Luther
Nsibirwa, Katikiro (Prime Minister)
of Buganda was assassinated. He, like
others, was regarded by anti-British
elements of the African population as
a Quisling, selling out the land and
minerals of their country to British
interests.

Strike in Liberia

With the walkout of Liberian work-
ers employed by the Raymond Con-
crete Pile Company and the United
States Navy constructing the port and
harbor of Monrovia, on December 15,
1945, Liberia experienced its first
strike. Here the strike issue was a
wage difference between employees
hired locally and foreign workers who
had been brought into the country for
the port development (see also division
on Liberia). In seeking adjustment in

STRIKES IN AFRICA

561

the wages paid to local and foreign
workers, the Liberians contended that
the wage differential should not exceed
the 20 per cent allowances for overseas
service. Instances in which existing
wage scales violated this principle
were cited. A foreign employee driv-
ing a Euclid truck was said to receive
$2.08 per hour, whereas the Liberian
driver was paid only $1.25 per day.
While no Liberian technician received
above $300 per month, foreign time-
keepers and general clerks were paid
the same amount as a beginning wage.
Another aspect of the wage dissatisfac-
tion arose in connection with payment
for overtime. Overtime pay according
to Liberian law begins after an em-
ployee works in excess of forty-eight
hours a week. The striking Liberians
charged that local labor had worked as
high as eighty-four hours without ad-
ditional compensation for the excess
time, whereas foreign workers regu-
larly received added pay in their "al-
ready fabulous salaries" whenever
their hours exceeded the legal work-
week.

Other issues involved in the strike
included the provisions for medical
care, the absence of accident insur-
ance, and the denial of canteen privi-
leges to Native workers. The Liberians
stated that the company provided med-

ical attention for them only for in-
juries received in connection with
their work. Imported workers, how-
ever, were given attention for any and
all complaints except venereal disease.
Also cited by the workers was the Jim-
Crow policy followed in the company's
camp hospital. The canteen operated
by the company sells merchandise
which, according to an agreement be-
tween the company and the Govern-
ment, is imported free of duty. For-
eign employees, who were alone per-
mitted to patronize the canteen, were
thus able to effect considerable savings
in their purchases, while the Liberians,
paid on a lower scale to start with,
were denied this opportunity.

The reported terms of settlement in-
clude a 25 per cent rise in wages, the
payment of time and a half for over-
time, insurance coverage based on
American rates, improved medical at-
tention, and the privilege of purchas-
ing goods at the canteen. Furthermore,
on the conclusion of twelve months'
service a vacation is to be allowed.
One of the strike leaders, Mr. Morris
Massaquoi, was engaged by the com-
pany as a public relations officer in the
hope that labor relations may be im-
proved and further difficulties settled
before the strike stage is reached.

DIVISION XXXIII

AFRICA AND THE GREAT POWERS

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

AFRICAN PEOPLES AND THE
UNITED NATIONS CHARTER

The Charter of the United Nations
which was adopted at San Francisco
on June 26, 1945 establishes princi-
ples which in the future will govern
the administration of politically de-
pendent, or so-called non-self-govern-
ing territories. It must be obvious that
those chapters of the Charter dealing
with non-self-governing territories are
the result of compromises between the
viewpoints of those powers holding
colonies and those without colonies,
and that therefore, it will be easy to
point to many shortcomings, particu-
larly if the Charter's provisions should
be compared with those ideals and
principles which many had hoped
would be recognized in a new world
charter. Consequently, there are some
who regard the Charter's colonial prin-
ciples as too advanced and others who
deplore it for not being progressive
enough.

Any general evaluation of the ar-
ticles dealing with the non-self-govern-
ing territories must emphasize the fact
that members of the dependent terri-
tories had no official representation
and consequently had no opportunity
to express their own opinion affecting
their future. Although realizing that
the admission of non-sovereign States
would present some legal apd techni-
cal difficulties, it must nevertheless be
recognized that the non-representation
of colonial peoples has given them a
moral right to regard the charter as
something which is forced upon them.
Thus they will not feel that obligation
towards the charter which may be held
by those who were fully recognized
partners.

The colonial provisions of the Char-
ter fall into two parts, namely, those
embodied in Chapter XI and those of
the Chapters XII and XIII.
Provisions Concerning Colonial
Areas in General

Chapter XI of the Charter contains
the "Declaration Regarding Non-Self-
Governing Territories" in general
which is applicable to all non-in-
dependent territories of Africa. Ralph

J. Bunche (The Department of State
Bulletin Vol. XIII, 1945, p. 1040) states
that this declaration "is a unique in-
ternational instrument in that it con-
stitutes, in effect, an international
charter of colonial administration.
This chapter applies to a!l dependent
territories of members of the United
Nations. States responsible for the
administration of dependent territories
undertake to base their policies of ad-
ministration upon certain fundamental
principles. The paramountcy of the
interests of the inhabitants of the ter-
ritories was recognized for the first
time in an international agreement.
The administering authorities accept
the obligation to promote the political,
economic, social and educational ad-
vancement of the inhabitants and the
development of their free political in-
stitutions, and to recognize their po-
litical aspirations. Chapter XL fur-
ther incorporates a formal commit-
ment on the part of administering
states to submit to the Organization
(United Nations) information on the
economic, social, and educational con-
ditions in the territories under their
control."

To this may be added that the word-
ing of the two articles of this chapter
is essentially in accordance with state-
ments which have been made by offi-
cials of colonial powers, so that this
"declaration" may be regarded as more
or less the common denominator of
these policies to which the major
powers have in theory adhered in the
past. Reference to "self-government,"
"the political aspirations of the peo-
ple," "the progressive development of
their free political institutions," will
easily te harmonized with the pro-
fessed policies of all colonial powers,
particularly so when interpreted in
the light of the qualifying sentence of
Article 73 (b) which reads, "according
to the particular circumstances of each
territory and its peoples and their
varying stages of advancement." For
an evaluation of these provisions it
is not without significance that during
the deliterations at San Francisco
there was a wide area of disagreement
regarding the political objective for

562

AFRICAN PEOPLES AND THE UNITED NATIONS CHARTER

563

non-self-governing territories. Where-
as some nations insisted that "inde-
pendence" or "self-determinations"
should be proclaimed as the ultimate
political goal, others, particularly the
colonial powers, took a strong stand
against it. Thus the word "independ-
ence" does not appear in the final
drafting of this chapter.

Provisions Concerning Trusteeship

Chapters XII and XIII of the Charter
establish an International Trusteeship
System which, according to Article 77,
may apply to (a) territories held un-
der mandate of the League of Nations
(in Africa: Tanganyika, Ruanda-
Urundi, Cameroon, Togo, South West
Africa) ; (b) territories which may be
detached from enemy States as a re-
sult of the second World War (in Af-
rica: the former Italian colonies;
namely, Italian Somaliland, Eritrea,
Libya) ; (c) territories voluntarily
placed under the system by States re-
sponsible for their administration.

The trusteeship principle is rightly
regarded as a continuation of the man-
dates principle as established after the
first world war. It is generally felt that
it is, however, an improvement on the
latter. As Bunche (op. c#.) states:
"The new system preserves the princi-
ple of international responsibility for
the trust territories which will be cre-
ated, while making entirely realistic
provisions for security needs.

"The trusteeship system has an elas-
ticity which the mandates system
lacked. . . . Each trust territory under
the newr system will be administered
according to an agreement which has
been tailored to the individual circum-
stances and needs of that territory.
This is in recognition of the very
great diversity characteristic of the de-
pendent territories with respect to
population, resources, geographical lo-
cation, and stage of advancement of
the people.

"The new system also makes pos-
sible-the transfer of colonies to the
trusteeship system by the voluntary
action of the metropolitan state. No
such possibility existed in the man-
dates system.

"The Trusteeship Council, function-
ing under the authority of the General
Assembly, is designed to be a more
important and effective organ than the
Permanent Mandates Commission of
the League. It is designated as a prin-

cipal organ of the United Nations Or-
ganization. Its membership will be
composed of official representatives of
states, and it should prove better
equipped than was the Mandates Com-
mission to deal with the political prob-
lems which constitute so large a por-
tion of the problems of the trust terri-
tories.

"The prestige and authority of the
Trusteeship Council should certainly
be greater than that enjoyed by the
Mandates Commission, and its recom-
mendations should carry correspond-
ingly more weight. Moreover, article
81 of the Charter provides that the
Organization itself may be designated
as the administering authority in trus-
teeship agreements. In that event the
Trusteeship Council, acting on behalf
of the General Assembly, would
shoulder direct responsibility of ad-
ministration.

"In the trusteeship system more em-
phasis is placed on the positive pro-
motion of the welfare of the inhabi-
tants of the trust territories than un-
der the mandates system. The new
system introduces periodic visits by
representatives of the Organization to
the trust territories, which was not
possible under the old. The power to
accept and examine petitions, oral as
well as written, which was practiced
by the mandates system with respect
to written petitions but Which was not
included in the Covenant of the League
of Nations, is formalized in the
Charter.

"The trusteeship system also pro-
vides that equal economic and commer-
cial opportunities must be extended to
the nationals of all members of the
United Nations unless this prejudices
the economic and social advancement
of the inhabitants of the trust terri-
tories. No such qualification was made
in the mandates system.

"Finally, the General Assembly of
the United Nations is given important
functions which were not attributed to
the Assembly of the League of Na-
tions in connection with the mandates.
In addition, under article 87 (d) new
functions relating to the trusteeship
system may be given to both the Gen-
eral Assembly and the Trusteeship
Council."

It must be realized, however, that
there may be a cleavage between the
words of the charter and the transla-

564

AFRICA AND THE GREAT POWERS

tion of these words into reality. Al-
though with the exception of the Un-
ion of South Africa all the other man-
datory powers have agreed to the
transfer of their mandates to the Trus-
teeship System of the United Nations,
the condition under which the colonial
powers are willing to do so are such
as to leave unchanged the fundamental
relationship between mandate and
mandatory power. As African Tran-
scripts (March, 1946) stated: "None of
these countries (unmandatory powers)
expect that the transfer of the man-
dated territories from the supervision
of the League of Nations to the juris-
diction of the United Nations Organi-
zation will involve any fundamental
change. The Charter itself (Articles
77.2, 79, 80, 81) grants to the present
mandatory powers in connection with
'the states directly concerned' the
right to determine the terms under
which the mandates will be trans-
ferred to the United Nations Organiza-
tion. Indications are that the terms
under which the transfer will be
agreed to by the present mandatory
powers are such as to perpetuate the
present position of the mandated terri-
tories."

France, in expressing her readiness
to submit Togo and Cameroon to the
United Nations Organization made the
important proviso that this transfer
"shall not entail for the population
concerned any diminution in the
rights which they enjoy by reason of
their integration into the French Com-
munity:' The British attitude is not
very dissimilar. In a debate in the
House of Commons (January 23, 1946)
the British Prime Minister stated that
the draft terms of trusteeship as sub-
mitted by Great Britain "are based,
generally speaking, on the mandates,
but revised to bring them into con-
formity with the provisions of the
United Nations Charter." Elaborating
on the status of the people in the Brit-
ish held mandates, the Prime Minister
said: "They are, however, and will con-
tinue to be 'British protected persons'
of exactly the same status as are the
inhabitants of any British Protectorate
not under mandate or Trusteeship."

The present mandatory powers are
insisting on "undivided responsibility"
for the mandated territories and the
welfare of the people inhabiting them.
They insist on drafting the trusteeship
agreements in such a way as not to

jeopardize the rights previously held.
Thus, General Smuts, speaking before
the South African House of Assembly
on February 7, 1946, stated: "No man-
dated territory, no conquered territory,
no new territory of any kind will come
under the jurisdiction of the Trustee-
ship Council, except by agreement be-
tween those concerned. Without such
agreement between the Powers con-
cerned no changes will be made."

Such emphasis on the terms of the
trusteeship will be regarded as eva-
sions of the trusteeship principle. But
Smuts' statement reflects the situation
as it actually exists at this time. Irre-
spective of any idealistic considera-
tion, it is a fact that the mandatory
powers are determining the future
status of the mandates. The agree-
ments for Tanganyika, British Togo
and British Cameroon as published in
July of 1946 cannot be regarded as any
improvement over the mandates sys-
tem.

South West Africa and
Annexation

Under the trusteeship provisions the
Union of South Africa, mandatory
power in South West Africa, feels even
justified to withhold this territory
from trusteeship. At the San Francisco
Conference the Union's delegate gave
notice to the Trusteeship Committee
that the Union's government intended
to demand the termination of the pres-
ent mandate over South West Africa
and would incorporate this territory
into the Union. Although such an an-
nouncement was not at all in order,
inasmuch as neither the Committee
nor the Conference had any jurisdic-
tion regarding such requests, the step
was made in order to bring pressure
on the Committee, so as to find a for-
mula under which the status of former
mandates may be changed.

Since then South Africa has pressed
this point time and time again. It is
claimed that conditions in South West
Africa differ from those in other Afri-
can mandates and, moreover, that the
inhabitants of the territory would
favor annexation. There is no doubt
that the small European minority of
South West Africa would be inclined
to support territorial fusion, but the
African majority, the most important
element in the territory has not had
an opportunity to express an opinion.
Although the Union's representatives

AFRICAN PEOPLES AND THE UNITED NATIONS CHARTER 565

claim that the Africans endorse the
policy of annexation, such a claim
must remain doubtful until the time
when an unbiased and uncontrolled
check of African opinion has been
made. Thus far the Union government
has not found it advisable to permit
a sampling of opinion by even those of
its own nationals such as members of
the South African Institute of Race
Relations which enjoys a high reputa-
tion of objectivity. Such an attitude
on the part of the Union government
naturally gives rise to suspicion with
respect to the data which will be pre-
sented by Union officials. It would in-
deed be surprising if in view of the
color bar policy of the Union the
Ovambo and related tribes of South
West Africa would willing'y submit
themselves to a policy of racial dis-
crimination.*

Africans' Attitude Toward
Colonial Provision of United
Nations Charter.

Africans, as far as they express their
opinions in the African press, are not
too positive with respect to the new
colonial provisions of the Charter. As
has been stated above, the fact that
they were not consulted in the matters
which affect them so vitally, has been
regarded as an indication that they
could not expect too much. Thus, on
the days of the opening of the San
Francisco Conference, April 25, 1945,
an editorial in the West African Pilot
stated: "We are pessimistic because
there is no new deal for the black
man. . . . We are worried about San
Francisco because colonialism and eco-
nomic enslavement of the African are
to be maintained. . . . We shall not be
happy until the worM is rescued from
its half slavery and half freedom. God
grant this miracle happens at San
Francisco."

And then again on June 4, 1945 the
Pilot made the following editorial com-
ment on the closing of the San Fran-
cisco Conference. "Last Saturday, the
curtain fell at the World's Security
Conference at San Francisco and his-

*Editor's Note: The United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly on December 14, 1946 dis-
approved the Union of South Africa's
proposal to annex South West Africa
and requested South Africa to submit a
United Nations trusteeship agreement
for the territory. It thus was a "denial"
of South Africa's proposal for annexa-
tion of South West Africa territory.

tory has been made. Whether or not
the United Nations Charter which, ac-
cording to Mr. Stettinius, would be
'strong in powers to prevent aggres-
sion and develop economic and social
conditions which will reduce the
causes of war' this generation and, per-
haps, generations yet unborn will testi-
fy. The fate of the League of Nations
is still a living testimony of the inter-
national vaccinations of the great
powers.

"We the unrepresented millions have
sat and watched the 'power polities' of
the plutocrats. An almost unsubcon-
scious revival of a litany of diplo-
matic platitudes like 'trusteeship,'
'welfare of colonial peoples,' 'strategic
bases,' 'game of discovering formula,'
have featured the discussions at San
Francisco. Annexation by force, cruci-
fixion of member states, and warring
among states of the United Nations,
Soviet Russia demanding the right of
self-determination for colonies — these
are some expedients of the conference.

"We have watched, but not like
dumb driven cattle. We have regis-
tered our strongest protest at the de-
termination of our destinies without
our representation. The representa-
tive of the African Academy of Arts
has asked for independence for Ni-
geria and coloured leaders have de-
manded independence for the colonies.

"It is a matter of the greatest con-
cern that we colonial people should be
ignored with such impunity by the
supermen in whose hands sway the
rod of empire. But any critical ob-
server of the signs of the times could
predict with sufficient accuracy ,that
the hour is at hand when the views,
wishes and aspirations of the depend-
ent peoples could no longer be disre-
garded without serious repercussions.
If the dream of the United States
Secretary of State, Mr. Stettinius, is
to come to pass, then the coloured
races must be reckoned with, at no
distant date at the conference tables
of the greats and the near-greats."

The Daily Service (May 26, 1945)
gives forth with the same cry: "The
irrepressible die-hard Tories seem to
have won a spectacular victory at San
Francisco and the world has once more
returned to terrific -scramble for colo-
nial territories and spheres of influ-
ence. San Francisco has succeeded in
laying the foundation for another

566

AFRICA AND THE GREAT POWERS

world war. New life has been infused
into predatory imperialism. . . . The
War which . . . was fought to re-
establish freedom of man has now
turned into one won for the acquisition
of further territories. . . . Were we not
even officially informed at one time
that colonies would not be discussed
at San Francisco? The friction at
Frisco is an ominous sign and may
be the beginning of a future rupture
in international affairs."

One month after the last session of
the San Francisco Conference, the
Daily Service (July 23, 1945) stated
in an editorial ". . . It yet remains to
be seen whether the Frisco Conference
is not in fact a fiasco, since the funda-
mental factors essential to its success
have been flagrantly ignored.

"The people of the Colonies are yet
to be convinced that the Atlantic
Charter is not in reality, Atlantic
Chatter, since there have been many
contradictory and conflicting state-
ments about its purpose. One thing
has, at least, been made clear; the
Charter will not be applicable to the
people of the Colonies. In other words,
the colonials have no guarantee of
security, liberty and freedom as the
so-called civilized people of the United
Kingdom and other parts of Europe,
America, Russia, China and others. . . .

"All conferences, meetings, agree-
ments, and other efforts for lasting
peace in the world must necessarily
fail, unless they are based strictly on
justice, absolute justice and fair play
for all."

THE DISPOSITION OF THE
ITALIAN COLONIES

Before the War, Italy controlled three
territories in Africa^ namely, Libya,
Eritrea and Italian Somaliland. (Dis-
counting naturally the short-lived Ital-
ian control of Ethiopia). Since the
defeat of Italy, it has been obvious
that Italy should not retain the control
over these territories, although there
are some who have advocated the re-
turn to Italy of those colonies acquired
before Mussolini's ascent to power.

When the United Nations Charter
was drafted, it was very generally as-
sumed that the Italian colonies would
become trust territories which in the
wording of Article 76, were to be es-
tablished "to further international
peace and security." The major pow-

ers, the United States, the Soviet Un-
ion, Great Britain, and France, charged
with the primary responsibility of
drafting the peace agreement with
Italy appear to agree in general that
the Italian colonies be placed under
the Trusteeship Council to be or-
ganized under the United Nations. But
there is far-reaching disagreement as
to which power should exercise the
immediate control over the territories.
In the course of the two Paris meet-
ings of the Foreign Ministers of the
four major powers, different proposals
have been made. The United States
originally advocated a collective trus-
teeship under the direct administra-
tion of the Trusteeship Council. This
proposal which took mild cognizance
of Ethiopia's aspirations with respect
to Eritrea (see Ethiopia Since the
War), also provided that Libya be
given independence within ten years.

Great Britain recommended imme-
diate independence for the whole of
Libya, the establishment of a united
Somaliland (namely, the bringing to-
gether of British Somaliland, Italian
Somaliland and the Ogaden region of
Ethiopia) to be placed under British
Trusteeship administration. These rec-
ommendations provided Ethiopia's ex-
pansion in Eritrea so as to give that
Empire an outlet to the sea. In advo-
cating immediate independence for
Libya, the British Government was said
to be motivated by a pledge given to
the Senussi (inhabitants of the east-
ern section of Libya) during the war.

The French, fearful that any basic
change in Italian colonies might set
a bad example for the restless popula-
tion of the adjacent French terri-
tories, advocate a return of the Italian
colonies to Italy, but in keeping with
the trend of the times, are willing to
have them under Italian trusteeship
administration. Collective trusteeship,
as proposed by the United States,
does not recommend itself to France
who is none too enthusiastic about
trusteeship, and an independent Libya
France views with suspicion as a dan-
gerous precedent and one not at all
conducive to the political tranquility
of French North Africa.

The Soviet Union originally de-
manded a sole trusteeship over the Tri-
politanian region of Libya, but later
submitted a formula according to which
the Italian territories — Tripolitania,
Cyrenaica (both parts of Libya),

THE FUTURE OF THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN

567

Eritrea and Italian Somaliland — would
be placed under dual trusteeship. The
chief administrator should be a mem-
ber of the four major powers (a Rus-
sian in Tripolitania, presumably an
American in Cyrenaica, a French in
Eritrea and a British in Somaliland),
assisted by an Italian in each case and
advised by a council composed of mem-
bers of interested powers, the whole
to function under the United Nations.
When this formula was unacceptable,
the Soviet Government finally advo-
cated the placing of Italian colonies
under an Italian administered trustee-
ship, thus accepting more or less the
original French formula.

The major powers later offered some
further amendments to their proposals,
hoping to narrow down their differ-
ences, but no compromise could be
found. During the July meeting
(1946), it became obvious that the
disposition of the Italian colonies
proved to be one of those problems for
which the Foreign Ministers could not
find a plan acceptable to all, and it
was therefore proposed to postpone
the settlement of this problem for an-
other year.

The draft agreement adopted by the
Foreign Ministers on July 3, 1946 pro-
vides that:

"1. Italy renounces all right and title
to her territorial possessions in Af-
rica.

"2. Pending their final disposal, said
possessions shall continue under
their present administration (name-
ly, British Military Administration) :
"3. Final disposal of these possessions
shall be determined jointly by the
four principal Allied Powers within
one year of the coming into force
of the present treaty (with Italy),
in the manner laid down in the joint
declaration of today's date (July 3,
1946) by the four principal Allied
Powers."

The text of the draft of the joint
declaration follows:

"1. The Council of Foreign Ministers of
of the Governments of the United
States, the United Kingdom, the
U. S. S. R. and France agree that
they will, within one year from the
coming into force of the peace
treaty with Italy bearing this day's
date, jointly determine the final dis-
posal of Italy's territorial posses-
sions in Africa, to which by said
treaty Italy renounces all right and
title.

"2. Final disposal of Territories con-
cerned shall be made by the four
powers in accordance with one or
any combinations of the following
solutions, whether applicable to the
whole or to any part of the terri-
tories concerned, as may appear in

the light of the views of the in-
habitants or in the view of other
interested Governments: (1) In-
dependence, (2) Incorporation in
neighboring territory, (3) Trustee-
ship, to be exercised either by the
United Nations as a whole or by
any one of the United Nations in-
dividually.

"3. In the event of the four powers
being unable to agree to a solu-
tion . . . the matter shall be re-
ferred to the General Assembly of
the United Nations for a recom-
mendation and to take appropriate
measures for giving effect to it,
bearing in mind the pledges given
to the Senussi by His Majesty's
Government of the United Kingdom
during the war.

"4. The deputies of the Foreign Minis-
ters shall continue to consider the
question of the disposal of former
Italian colonies in Africa and are
empowered to dispatch a commis-
sion of inquiry . . . with a view to
ascertaining the views of the local
inhabitants and to supplying the
deputies with the necessary material
on which to base a recommenda-
tion to the Council of Foreign Min-'
isters regarding the ultimate solu-
tion of the question."
It is, no doubt deplorable, that no
final decision has been reached, but it
is better to postpone a final settlement
than to accept a compromise which
would not only satisfy nobody, but
would violate those principles which
the United Nations Charter estab-
lished for the disposition of ex-enemy
colonial territories. The recognition of
postponement as the lesser of two
evils, cannot, however, relieve the
feeling of disquietude regarding the
diplomatic attitude exhibited by the
four powers, and since there is but
little reason to assume that national
policies of the major powers will
change fundamentally during the next
year, there is but scant assurance that
the four powers will succeed then
where they failed before.

THE FUTURE OF THE ANGLO-
EGYPTIAN SUDAN

The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan is a Con-
dominium, under the joint control of
Great Britain and Egypt. This control,
first instituted in 1899, was re-affirmed
in the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936.

In 1945 the Egyptian government
gave notice of its desire to replace the
1936 treaty by another one, which
should not only end British military
occupation of Egypt's strategic points,
but should also alter the status of the
Sudan. Egypt desired to bring about
the "unity of the Nile Valley," and

568

AFRICA AND THE GREAT POWERS

on May 9, 1946 both countries formally
opened discussions aiming at the draft-
ing of a new treaty.

Egyptian demands that the Sudan
should become a part of the Kingdom
of Egypt are opposed by the British.
The attitude of the British government
was set forth by the British Foreign
Secretary who stated in the House of
Commons on March 26, 1946: "His
Majesty's Government looks forward
to the day when the Sudanese will
be able finally to decide their political
future for themselves. It is not pro-
posed by His Majesty's Government
to influence their eventual decision in
any way. His Majesty's Government
have no object in the Sudan other than
the true welfare of the Sudanese," and
he added: "The welfare of the Suda-
nese cannot be secured unless a stable
and disinterested administration is
maintained in the Sudan. The object
of such an administration must be to
establish organs of self-government as
a first step towards eventual inde-
pendence." Therefore, the British For-
eign Minister concluded that his gov-
ernment found it advisable "that no
change should be made in the status
of the Sudan as a result of treaty re-
visions until the Sudanese have been
consulted through constitution chan-
nels."

Egypt cannot claim any deep rooted
ethnic relationship to the Sudan. While
the northern provinces of the Sudan
are Mohammedan and Arab in cul-
tural orientation, it is no more Egyp-
tian than Syria, Iraq or Transjordan.
The southern provinces, on the other
hand, are non-Moslem and African in
cuHure. Historical evidence will not
at all support Egyptian demand for
"unity." During the better part of the
last century Egyptians exploited and
sold into slavery the inhabitants of
the northern Sudan, just as these
treated with cruelty and contempt the
Africans of the south. But disproving
Egyptian "rights" to the Sudan does
not mean an advocacy of continued
hegemony of Great Britain in the af-
fairs of the Sudan. The key to the
political solution of the Sudan must
be the attitude of the local population.
What do the inhabitants of the Su
dan desire? It must be realized that
.of the total population of 6,500,000
not more than 100,000 are politically
articulate; the great majority of them
keep on living in their traditional way

and this includes almost all of the
2,500,000 inhabiting the south. Those
Sudanese who are concerned about the
political status of the country are as
a rule supporting the Self-Rule move-
ment. "Sudan for the Sudanese" is an
accepted slogan among most of the
educated, who are organized in the
"Graduates' General Congress," an or-
ganization which originally combined
those who had the privilege of an edu-
cation, although the Congress is said
to have been thrown open to all. Con-
gress ranks are now divided with re-
spect to the Sudan's relation to Egypt,
some favoring closer relations called
unions and others insisting on "amal-
gamation." As the London Economist
explains: "Sudanese draw a distinc-
tion between 'amalgamation' and 'un-
ion'. They see the latter as compatible
with the self-government which they
all desire. Opinion is divided, however,
as to the form that union should take.
The western Sudanese, led by the
wealthy Sayyid Sir Abdel Rahman el
Mahdi Pasha, speak through the Umma
or Nationalist party, which wants 'a
union in which the two partners en-
joy internal and external autonomy' —
apparently a bond of the type that
links Syria and the Lebanon, and
amounts to total independence. The
rival Ashigga party, based on the
orthodox Moslems of the north and
east, is led by the Sudan's other grand
old man, the devout Sayyid Sir Ali el
Mirghani Pasha, and would like a
'union with Egypt under the Egyptian
crown.' Its plan, if examined, reveals
that a crown connection of a tenuous
type is envisaged. The proposal seems
to be a reflection of the party's fear
that total home rule might end in
leadership of orthodox members of the
faithful by a Mahdist. Though the
parties have produced one joint reso-
lution they show, for the present, no
real unity of view. Opinion is shifting
from one to another of the many per-
mutations and combinations that the
word 'union' can be made to cover."

In evaluating the Sudan situation
African Transcripts (No. 8, 1946, p. 73)
states that "a fair solution of the
Sudan problem cannot lie in the sub-
mission of six million people to the
rule of a small intelligentsia, but
neither is it to be found in the per-
petuation of the present system. It
cannot be said that Condominium af-

THE FUTURE OF THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN

569

fairs have been handled badly during
the last decade, but it may reasonably
be doubted whether from now on train-
ing in self-government should be con-
tinued by powers with strategic inter-
ests and who, national interests being
what they are, might subordinate the
political aspirations of the local popu-
lation to their own national affairs."
Therefore, the same journal in an
earlier issue (No. 7, 1946, p. 40)
stated: "There appears to be an ap-
propriate alternative in offering the
territory to the control of the Trustee-
ship Council (of the United Nations),
because such a body, if functioning as
is hoped, may best guarantee the con-
tinued advance towards Sudanese self-
government."

This is also the view of The World
Today (June 1945, p. 285) which stated
that, "It is most unlikely that de-
pendence on Egypt, even if it were ac-
ceptable to the bulk of the Sudanese,
would be more than a transitory phase.
It is difficult to see what advantages
it would confer, and it would almost
certainly be thrown off sooner or later.

If, on the other hand, Sudanese dele-
gates press for a completely inde-
pendent Sudan State, few will chal-
lenge the principle. The main point
of difference would rest on the rapidity
with which it can be brought about.
The Sudanese would probably claim
that independence could be granted
earlier than the British consider ad-
visable. If the Sudanese err on the
side of excessive haste, the British are
just as likely to err on the side of ex-
cessive caution.

". . . the Sudan should be regarded
as an interim trusteeship for which
the British and Egyptian Governments
are jointly responsible to the United
Nations. Any major dispute between
the parties to the Condominium should
be referred to the Trusteeship Council
for settlement, and this body should
also be authorized to see that sufficient
progress is made towards Sudanese
independence. It should make recom-
mendations if it considers that the
'time-table' referred to above should
be accelerated or retarded in the in-
terests of the Sudanese."

DIVISION XXXIV

THE UNITED STATES AND AFRICA

By H. A. WIESCHHOFF
University of Pennsylvania

AMERICAN RELATIONS WITH
AFRICA OUTLINED

American relations with Africa were
outlined in 1943 by Henry S. Villard,
Chief of the African Division of the
United States Department of State
(The Department of State Bulletin,
August 21, 1943, IX, pp. 103-109). In
an address to the Chatauqua Institute,
he stated among other things: "We
reserve to ourselves full liberty of dis-
cussion on such important questions
affecting the advance of mankind. But
in fairness to the colonial powers who
are our allies, and for the sake of
greater unity in war and peace, we
would do well to reflect that we have
minorities in territories under the
United States flag who call for self-
government. Even though many Amer-
icans may agree with them, we would
scarcely welcome being advised by our
allies to hasten the grant of self-
government wherever it is asked. If
we consider how thorny are the prob-
lems in our own territories, we will
be less hasty in reaching conclusions
about Africa.

"No doubt the governing powers
would welcome our participation in
international bodies or regional coun-
cils, should they be set up, specifically
to aid in the development of Africa
for the benefit of African people. As
I have just pointed out, the oppor-
tunities for improvement in living
standards, in education, health, and
agriculture are practically without
end. The governing powers have de-
veloped their colonies with limited co-
lonial revenues. Granted that these re-
sources have not permitted as rapid
development as the British people — or
as you and I — might wish, it is worth
noting that the British Parliament re-
cently voted to make available, over the
next 10 years sums which may amount
to 55,000,000 pounds or more for the
development of the British colonies.
That is only a drop in the bucket of
appropriations which Africa could ab-
sorb, but it is a start.

"If we wish to obtain benefits from
the development of Africa, in the in-
terest of all peoples — including the na-

tives themselves — capital must be sup-
plied for various purposes and from
various sources; philanthropic, com-
mercial, and perhaps international.
The proof of our sincerity in fulfilling
hopes awakened during these years of
war will lie in our willingness to con-
tribute to and invest in the future of
Africa.

"I have mentioned the Treaty of St.
Germain, signed in 1919, and known
as the revising convention of previous
acts on Africa. One of the provisions
of the St. Germain treaty was that an-
other international conference should
be held 10 years after the treaty had
gone into effect. The purpose of the
second meeting would be to introduce
such modifications as experience
might have shown to be necessary. In
the decade before the outbreak of the
present war, the nations were ob-
viously too preoccupied with matters
nearer home, for no one ever sug-
gested the calling of that second con-
ference.

"So much has been said and written
about colonial problems, so promi-
nent has been the discussion about
Africa's raw materials, that another
meeting of the nations interested in
Africa at some future date seems like-
ly. As presently distributed among the
powers, the colonial dependencies pre-
sent questions which must be settled,
particularly those relating to strategic
and economic advantages.

"The continent of Africa is bound
to play a prominent part in any system
of international security which may be
devised for the future. At Dakar the
presence of an American naval mission
under Vice-Admiral William Glassford
is testimony to the importance of the
Atlantic routes and to our cooperation
with the French in making them safe
for travel. Such a strategic locality as
Liberia has been shown to be vital to
the defense -of this hemisphere. Our
traditional policy of the open door, if
applied uniformly to all colonial areas,
is one which we confidently expect will
aid in removing sources of economic
conflict and contribute to the advance-
ment of the native. If raw materials
are made accessible to all on a basis

570

RECOMMENDATIONS ON AFRICA, THE WAR AND PEACE AIMS 571

of non-discrimination, one of the
fundamental excuses for conquest by
force will be destroyed and a real
'step will be taken toward a peaceful
world."

RECOMMENDATIONS BY THE

COMMITTEE ON AFRICA, THE

WAR AND PEACE AIMS

Unofficially American interests in
African affairs has been formulated by
several groups. The earliest was that
of the Committee on Africa, the War
and Peace Aims, which in 1942 was
organized by the Phelps-Stokes Fund
and which published a report under
the title, "The Atlantic Charter and
Africa from an American Standpoint."
This Committee made the following
recommendations :

"That the goal of ultimate self-gov-
ernment should be definitely accepted
in every colony, and that the con-
trolling governments should show
themselves both willing and eager to
fit the African people for larger and
larger participation in their own af-
fairs both through 'indirect rule' and
through direct representation in gov-
ernment councils.

"That every effort should be made
to secure the best public opinion of
the African population when any
changes in governmental control or
policy are contemplated.

"That in every colony steps should
be immediately taken to provide ade-
quate native representation in the
Legislative Council (or what corre-
sponds to it), including some African
members elected directly, or by quali-
fied African electors, or by Tribal
Councils, and that such membership
should steadily increase with the years.

"That immediate steps should be
taken to throw open more positions in
the Civil Service in every colony to
competitive examinations in Africa —
making ability and not color the basis
of choice — looking forward to the time
when most Civil Service posts shall
be held by Africans.

"That the word 'guardianship' is
better than trusteeship as applied to
an African territory under Mandate
control as it rightly implies that the
relationship is not permanent but has
as its purpose the fitting of the ward
for self-government as soon as his edu-
cation and experience permit.

"That the Mandate ideal of the vital
importance of native rights, welfare,
and development should be applied in
all African territory controlled by
European powers and should be
adopted by the independent African
states.

"That all European colonies in Af-
rica should be willing, even when they
continue under separate European ad-
ministration, to submit to interna-
tional inspection and report.

"That it is a matter of vital im-
portance that all forms of racial dis-
crimination based on the Nazi 'Her-
renvolk' idea should be eliminated,
and that instead of looking upon dif-
ferent races as 'superior' or 'inferior'
they should rather be considered as
'advanced' or 'retarded.'

"That all forms of industrial color-
bars are as indefensible in Africa as
they are in the United States, and that
such as exist should be eliminated.

"That the improvement of the eco-
nomic status of native Africans is a
matter of prime importance and one
which must be approached from many
sides.

"That special attention should be
given to the fundamental problem of
land to make sure that Africans have
adequate land of a good quality for
all their needs, and that this land is
not alienated from them in the in-
terest of Europeans, Americans, or
privileged Africans, and that the na-
tive farmers be protected from the de-
struction of their own lands by the
effective demonstration of proper prac-
tices in land use.

"That everything possible be done
through governmental controls to pre-
vent the exploitation of the mineral,
water, plant, animal, and soil re-
sources, by the adoption of a sound
conservation policy looking to the fu-
ture as well as the present welfare
of the inhabitants.

"That, as agriculture is the primary
occupation of the overwhelming ma-
jority of Africans and largely the
basis of their economic security,
everything possible should be done to
improve methods and practices of land
management and of soil and crop con-
ditions by education and action in such
fields as scientific agriculture, fores-
try, and irrigation.

"That there is need in every colony
of larger emphasis on education di-

THE UNITED STATES AND AFRICA

rectly related to the needs of the peo-
ple, and on training for effective lead-
ership in education, family life, medi-
cine, agriculture, the ministry, public
life, economic and industrial planning,
and other fields.

'That social anthropology should be
studied more, thereby making more
satisfactory the adjustments between
Western and African cultures.

"That education should be based on
the vernacular supplemented in its
latsr stages by the European language
of the nation concerned, and that in
addition to the conventional forms,
various attempts at mass education
through radio, motion picture, etc.
should be adopted.

"That everything possible should be
clone by voluntary corporate action
and by the adoption of wise govern-
mental controls to prevent the exploi-
tation of the African in industry; to
give him a larger wage; and to provide
for him better housing and recrea-
tional facilities.

"That the principles of self-develop-
ment and of cooperation are both
highly important, so that everything
should be done to encourage the Afri-
can to develop his own capacities, and
to aid him in this development and
in the improvement of native condi-
tions through various forms of inter-
racial cooperation — valuable to white
and black alike.

"That in view of many serious de-
fects in our treatment of the Negro
in the United States, we should ap-
proach the problems of race relations
in Africa with humility, but with the
confident belief that as they have been
and are steadily improved here and in
some parts of Africa, so will they be
steadily improved in all parts of Af-
rica under the impact of Christian and
humanitarian ideals.

"That the Government of the United
States, being already a party to many
treaties and conventions dealing par-
ticularly with Africa and the protec-
tion of its native people, has assumed
certain responsibilities which it cannot
escape; and should not only continue
to participate actively in international
conferences but also in other projects
dealing with Africa.

"That American financial and busi-
ness interests with investments in
Africa should be especially careful to
see that African labor is treated fairly

as to methods of employment, wages,
living conditions, etc.

"That the people of the United States
should be willing, both through philan-
thropic and missionary societies, to
devote more attention and more finan-
cial aid to Africa than in the past.

"That our Government should stand
ready to unite with other nations in
some world organization (including a
Mandates System) which will promote
collective security and see to it that
the provisions of the Atlantic Charter
are duly implemented so as to protect
the interests of Africans, who should
be given some form of representation
in connection with the Peace Confer-
ence.

"That it should also be willing to
aid in such ways as the Government
of Liberia may desire, in improving
its social-welfare activities, especially
in matters of health, education, and
agriculture."

RESOLUTIONS BY THE
COUNCIL ON AFRICAN AFFAIRS

At a Conference of the Council on
African Affairs in April 1944, the fol-
lowing resolution was adopted:

"Whereas, the African people are
allied with the progressive forces of
the world in the fight to overthrow
fascism, which victory they recognize
as the first essential to their own prog-
ress toward liberty, and as entailing
as President Roosevelt has pointed out,
victory over 'all the forces of oppres-
sion, intolerance, insecurity, and in-
justice which have impeded the for-
ward march of civilization.'

"Centrally important in such a vic-
tory is the abolition of the inferior
social, economic and political status of
dependent peoples in Africa and
throughout the world.

"The essential requirement for ac-
complishing this is now provided in
the form of close international collabo-
ration toward democratic goals as rep-
resented by the Moscow, Cairo and
Teheran agreements, which collabora-
tion can and must supplant the former
imperialist rivalries and conflicts
which have particularly characterized
the European penetration and domina-
tion of Africa.

"Such collaboration and harmony
are essential to the raising of the
living standards and social well-being
of the African and other dependent

RESOLUTIONS BY THE COUNCIL ON AFRICAN AFFAIRS

573

peoples, and these advancements are
in turn essential to the economic se-
curity of America and the world in
the trying period of economic readjust-
ment following the war; therefore,
be it

"RESOLVED, that the government
of the United States should set the
pace and standard for promoting poli-
cies of mutual aid in mutual self-inter-
est by taking the initiative in securing
international agreements and estab-
lishing effective international machin-
ery for securing the social, economic
and political advancement of the Afri-
can and other colonial peoples, consist-
ent with the Atlantic Charter and
other declarations of the United Na-
tions and with the requirements for
achieving world security and peace.

"It is essential to the success of
such international collaboration in the
interest of dependent peoples, first,
that these peoples themselves partici-
pate fully in the planning and execu-
tion of developmental programs of
every nature, and second, that all such
programs in both principle and prac-

tice be directed in a systematic man-
ner toward the achievement of self-
government and the right of self-de-
termination by these peoples.

"This international agency must,
further, guarantee that the interests of
the majority of the people are in prac-
tice as well as in theory regarded as
paramount in settling the future of the
Italian colonies, mandated territories,
or other jurisdictional problems, and
also in the functioning of any regional
organizations.

"This Conference of Negro and white
Americans, with representatives of the
peoples of Africa and the British West
Indies also in attendance, calls upon
the government of the United States
to take the leadership in promoting
these policies and programs, as a guar-
antee that the fruits of victory shall
be shared equally by all peoples."

Many other resolutions have been
adopted by other groups in America
testifying to the fact that more and
more Americans are becoming aware
of their responsibilities towards Af-
rica.

PART THREE

THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

575

DIVISION XXXV

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

By HAROLD O. LEWIS
Howard University

RACE AND EUROPEAN CULTURE

Race consciousness and thinking in
terms of race are integral elements in
European culture. This tendency, how-
ever, to divide the human race into
different "superior" and "inferior"
groups is of fairly recent origin, play-
ing no significant role in the thinking
of the European peoples before the
end of the eighteenth century. Prior
to that, conflicts and rivalries were
based upon caste, class, or religion.
Throughout the Middle Ages the Jews,
for example, were persecuted on re-
ligious and not upon racial grounds.
Race Consciousness
And Imperialism

The introduction of race conscious-
ness as a force influencing the think-
ing and behavior of the people of
Europe was a result of the develop-
ment of imperialism and nationalism
in the modern State. Most of the Euro-
pean States at one time or other were
engaged in the conquest and exploita-
tion of non-white peoples. In reality,
the success of these encroachments
upon other peoples has been due to
the possession by Europe of a tech-
nology capable of producing instru-
ments of violence — guns and later
aeroplanes and tanks — superior to any
at the disposal of the non-industrial-
ized areas attacked. But confronted
with customs and modes of behavior
alien to the European pattern, western
thought began to assume that its supe-
riority in technical skills — derived of
course from fortuitous historical cir-
cumstances and from a synthesis of
materials acquired, to a surprising de-
gree, from non-European sources — was
one aspect alone of an absolute physi-
cal, moral, and intellectual supremacy
over all peoples of different customs
and contrasting physical appearance.

This concept of "inferior" and "supe-
rior" peoples first achieved a wide-
spread significance at a time when the
institution of slavery was under at-

tack. Prior to this, slaves were usually
differentiated as being of inferior so-
cial status but there was no considered
attempt to judge them as biologically
inferior. When the defenders of slavery
were forced to counter the arguments
of the abolitionists about the essential
equality of man, the former began to
seek to show that the slaves were not
as good as their masters. To achieve
this, they elaborated many of the erro-
neous notions which constitute con-
temporary racial philosophy. The race
legend persisted after the emancipa-
tion of slaves though as Arendt1 has
observed:

"It is highly probable that thinking
in terms of race would have disappeared
in time together with other irresponsible
opinions of the nineteenth century, if
the 'scramble for Africa* and the new
era of Imperialism had not exposed
Western humanity to new and shocking-
experiences. Imperialism would have
necessitated the invention of racism as
the only possible 'explanation' and ex-
cuse for its deeds, even if no race-
' thinking ever had existed in the civi-
lized world."

Racism And Nationalism

This tendency to differentiate people
on the basis of race characteristics
was strengthened by the development
of nationalism, "a consciousness of the
distinctive character of nations." In
its extreme forms, nationalist senti-
ment identified nation with race.
Consequently, race became a force seek-
ing to differentiate Frenchmen from
Germans; Anglo-Saxons from Slavs;
Nordics from Latins. Although it is
generally recognized by all reputable
students of the development of Euro-
pean civilization that there is no basis
for identifying nationality and race
and that there are no pure races, these
fallacious conceptions have crept into
the thinking of many people of
Europe. For our purposes, it is impor-
tant to note that while this racial men-
tality is not directed against the Ne-

1"Race Thinking Before Racism," The Re-
view of Politics, VT, 1944, p. 73.

577

578

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

gro, the pattern of thought in terms of
race is present.

Peculiar Ideas
About Negroes

While there is no prejudice against
Negroes in most parts of Europe, many
peculiar ideas about them are held in
wide circles. In the first place, the
term, Negro, has a literal connotation
— black — and consequently those Ne-
groes who deviate from that norm are
considered to be South Americans, Chi-
nese, East Indian or members of any
other group which possesses the same
physical features as the Negroes being
evaluated.

Before the war, American motion pic-
tures enjoyed widespread circulation
in Europe. From this source has come
an impression about the frivolousness
and childlike qualities of the Negro.
Also the belief conveyed by the
"movies" that Negroes are peculiarly
gifted as dancers or singers is strength-
ened by the fact that entertainers were
the only Negroes ever seen by many
Europeans in the period before the
war. Pseudo-scientific notions as to a
special susceptibility to tuberculosis
or as to extraordinary sexual pro-
clivities have also characterized the
attitude of many about the Negro. In
most instances, however, these notions
have not developed into stereotypes be-
cause there is no "Negro Problem" as
a basis on which these myths could
flourish.

An understanding of the Negro's
position in Europe requires much more
than a catalogue of personalities who
have achieved prominence in artistic,
academic and — in the case of France —
political fields. To limit the treatment
in this way would be tantamount to
a disregard for the complex forces
which motivate human behavior and
explain the reactions of one ethnic
group to persons drawn from other
cultures. That the Negro is more gen-
erally accepted in Europe than in the
United States or the Union of South
Africa is largely due to the fact that
in Europe he is numerically insignifi-
cant. Consequently, there exists no
problem of the adjustment of the Ne-
groes to the dominant national popula-
tion of the European States. It is par-
ticularly important to note that in only
a few instances has the Negro become
a sumcient threat on the labor market

of any European country to justify the
use of race prejudice by anti-labor
forces as a means of splitting the labor
movement. His position has ranged
from full acceptance to tolerance, de-
pending upon the complex of forces
and traditions which dominate the va-
rious European countries.

THE NEGRO IN GERMANY

Nazism and the Negro

The German people are now paying
the penalty of twelve years' subservi-
ence to a system of power based upon
the Nazi race theory which although
directed mainly against the Jews and
Slavs, classified the Negro with other
Untermenschen. Even before the Nazis,
ultra-nationalistic groups criticized the
"depravity" of Negro artists. As early
as the Franco-German War of 1870-71,
the "savagery" of French colonial
troops was described in the widely
read novels of Detled von Liliencron.
An awareness of the Negro came in
even more intensified form as part of
the anti-French propaganda during the
occupation of the Rhineland by French
colonial troops. Attacks against the
Senegalese appeared in the German
press, in songs, and even in texts used
in some of the German schools.

Within the limited confines of the
circle of German intellectuals un-
tainted by nationalism, there was an
appreciation of the contributions of
Negro intelligentsia. Dr. Ernest E. Just,
for example, was well known for his
work at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institut
in Berlin. German exchange professors
of liberal persuasion who had served
in American universities were aware
of the "Negro Problem" in the United
States.

When the Nazis came to power in
1933, it has been estimated that there
were approximately 2,000 Negroes in
all of Germany. Most of them were
entertainers, though some had been
absorbed into occupations. Few meas-
ures were directed against the Negro
by the Nazis. Beginning with the de-
cree issued by Frick after the forma-
tion of a Nazi government in Thur-
ingia in 1932, the Nazis banned Negro
entertainers throughout the Reich after
1933. It was stated officially that Ne-
gro art was degenerate, degrading and
in violation of German spirit. Also
the Entailed Farm Legislation, ErlhoJ-
ffesetzgelunff, provided th-at all persons

THE NEGRO IN GERMANY

579

were ineligible to share in its benefits
who had Jewish ancestors or fore-
fathers with "colored" blood. This
legislation aimed to create an elite
among the German peasantry as a
nucleus of strength for the Nazi re-
gime. The slogan, Blut und Boden
(Blood and Soil) was the basis of a
ridiculous ideology which limited the
inheritance to a single heir, of farms
between 7.5 hectares (one hectare
equals 2.47 acres) and 125 hectares.
In one instance a person was declared
ineligible because it was discovered,
after investigation, that a grandfather
of the applicant had married a mu-
latto woman in Curacao.

Several Negroes remained in Ger-
many throughout the recent war, but
testimony varies as to the treatment
they received. It has been reported
by some sources that no special dis-
abilities were imposed upon them as
Negroes. On the other hand, more re-
cent reports indicate discrimination
in employment and insults and scorn
heaped upon them. There is one in-
stance of a colored girl being sterilized
by the Nazi authorities because she
had lived with a white German in de-
fiance of a decision of the local Party
officials. It is probable that in the ab-
sence of any directive from the Party
headquarters, the treatment received
by Negroes depended upon the attitude
of the local Party functionaries.

Nazi Propaganda And
The "Negro Problem"

During the war, the attitude of the
Nazis about the "Negro Problem" in
the United States varied. The Propa-
ganda Ministry's directives changed
with the demands of psychological war-
fare. At the time of the Detroit riot,
the German domestic and foreign
broadcasts stressed the contradiction
between the expressed aims of the
United States in the war and their
treatment of the Negro at home.
Schwarze Korps, the organ of Waffen
SS, the militarized echelons of the no-
torious Schu'tz Staffel, carried a full
page photograph of two policemen
clubbing a Negro during the riot. The
caption read, "Democracy in Amer-
ica?" The propaganda line changed,
however, after Negro troops entered
into combat. The German people were
warned against the semi-apes and the
black beasts who were being un-

leashed against them. For some un-
known reason, particularly violent
blasts were directed against Negro
airmen although their activity seems
to have been limited almost exclusively
to the Italian front.

In some instances the Nazi propa-
ganda machine wilfully distorted the
plight of the Negro in the United
States. In one outstanding case, a
German newsreel showed Negroes
frantically picking cotton at the point
of a gun held by a white man. Actual-
ly, the Propaganda Ministry had taken
some scenes from an American picture
of a cotton picking race and changed
it to portray forced labor.

Recent Safeguards Against
Racism in Post-War Germany

Post-war Germany is keenly aware
of the disastrous consequences of ra-
cialism. Consequently, considerable at-
tention is devoted to the erection of
safeguards for all races. The program
of the United Socialist Party, Die So-
zialistische Einheits Partei, a merger
of the Communist and Social Demo-
cratic Parties in the Soviet zone of
Germany, calls for "equality of all
citizens before the law without differ-
ence of race and sex" and demands the
"sharpest struggle against race hatred
against other people." The Liberal
Democratic Party, Die Liberal-Demo-
l:ratische Partei, representing the most
conservative elements, urged consid-
eration for human dignity regardless
of race and class, age and sex; the
Christian Democratic Union, Christ-
Uch-Demokratische Union Deutsch-
lands, demands similar safeguards and
the Sozialdemokratische-partei, which
remains independent of Communist
connections in the western zones of
Germany, demands "protection of the
criminal law against race hatred."
This tendency to erect safeguards
against the resurgence of racism seems
most pronounced in the Soviet zone
where a program of indoctrination is
carried on against racial intolerance.
Neuer Weg (New Way), a periodical
of the Communist Party, contained an
article entitled, "The Form of Ra-
cism." It states that the rapid re-
covery and the welfare of the nation
demand a purging of racism from the
thinking of the German people and
insists that the German people must
learn that man is a social being who

580

A GENERAL, VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

belongs to this or that class, to this or
that nation and to this or that state.
These facts determine his behavior
and not blood or race, the article
states.

Opportunistic Attitudes
Toward Negroes

The War Department's directive
to discontinue shipment of colored
personnel to the European theatre,
highlights the entire problem of the
position of the Negro soldier in Ger-
many. Reports by returning veterans
indicate that they received better
treatment from the German people
than their white compatriots although
there are reports from other reliable
sources that the average German's
attitude toward the American soldier
is completely opportunistic and is de-
termined by the amount of food that
he can get from a soldier and not by
the soldier's color. It appears that
many Germans have learned of the
prejudice which divides white and Ne-
gro soldiers and exploit this feeling
for personal gain. An important ex-
ception to this condition, however, in
represented by the German youth
most of whom are rabid Nazis holding
to the racial theories with unrelenting
fanaticism. Fraternization of German
women with Negro soldiers, however,
has caused more concern among white
American troops than it has among
the Germans. But the birth of the
first offspring of a Negro soldier and
a German mother in January, 1946,
nine months after the entrance of oc-
cupation troops into Germany, was
deemed important enough to be re-
ported in Suddeutsche Zeitung, one
of the approved papers in the Ameri-
can zone of occupation. Another Ger-
man paper published a report of the
discovery of an abandoned mulatto in-
fant. Since the abandoning of infants
is a common occurrence in Germany,
the abandoning of this particular baby
must have been considered news be-
cause of its color.

THE NEGRO IN FRANCE

At present, the second post-war Con-
stituent Assembly is discussing a new
constitution for France. The first draft,
rejected by a plebiscite in June of
1946 because of middle class objections
to economic provisions and to the pro-
posed abolition of the second chamber,

ontained one of the most advanced
charters of human liberties in the
world. These provisions are discussed
here because it is reasonably certain
that similar ones will be included in
the new draft of the constitution which
is to be ready for presentation to
the French people in September of
1946, if the views of the Left parties
prevail.2

The French Tradition
Of Racial Equality

Protection of and definition of the
rights of man were delineated in the
first 39 articles of the draft Constitu-
tion. Article 26 provided for the right
to employment without prejudice on
account of a man's religion, color or
racial origin. Article 39 condemned
any attempt to place anyone in a po-
sition of economic, social or political
inferiority because of color or racial
origin. There was also a general guar-
antee of equality of rights for all
citizens without distinction of creed
and color and it was made a criminal
offense to discriminate between cit-
izens on these grounds.

These elaborate safeguards, unques-
tionably in part a reaction against
the racial policy of the Nazis, are also
in keeping with the French tradition
of racial equality. The absence of
color prejudice in France is as much
a cultural factor as prejudice itself is
elsewhere. The French Revolution
with its emphasis on liberty and
equality and its abolition of caste re-
mains a vital force in French society
and the intellectual tradition of ra-
tionalism is the antithesis of the emo-
tional unscientific ideology on which
race prejudice is built.

It is important to note, however,
that to some degree the very disavowal
of color prejudice is an instrument of
imperialist domination. The French,
confident in the innate superiority of
their culture, believe that anyone,
whatever the color of his skin, can be
raised to a position of honor and
power if indoctrinated with the French
cultural tradition. A conscious effort

3Recent reports of the debates on the new
Constitution indicate that the clerical
MRP (Mouvement Republicain Populaire)
is opposing the liberal provisions on em-
pire reform and probably is also against
such liberal statements on the rights of
man as were contained in the first draft
of a new Constitution.

THE NEGRO IN FRANCE

581

is made, therefore, to indoctrinate the
elite of the colonies with the French
language and education; to convert
them into champions of the system and
thus to deprive the masses of educated
leaders. To this end, there is no seg-
regation in the school systems of the
French colonies. All children of the
same class are educated together, re-
gardless of race, to produce a group
useful to the administration and for
the perpetuation of French ideas. That
this policy has paid dividends is in-
dicated by the role of some prominent
colonials in the period before the last
war. M. Diagne, for example, the first
Senegalese elected to the French
Chamber of Deputies, was appointed
High Commissioner for the recruiting
of troops in Africa. Later he became
Under-Secretary of State for the Col-
onies. He played his most nefarious
role, however, as defender of forced
labor used by rubber companies in the
French Congo. This happened at the
International Conference on Forced
Labor at Geneva in 1928. Other col-
onial, while not playing the scandal-
ous role of Diagne, accepted positions
of responsibility in the French colonial
system and thus were parties to the
exploitation of millions of less fortu-
nate Negroes. Among such persons
was Jules Alcandre, a judge in Paris
and for eleven years a member of the
Colonial administration. There were
also approximately 2,000 to 3,000 other
Negroes in Government service in
France.

Treatment of Negroes
Under Nazi Rule

Reports from France indicate that
the Nazis did not pursue any consist-
ent policy of persecution of the 15,000
to 20,000 Negroes in Paris during the
Occupation. On the one hand, there
is the case of the Haitian, Dr. Devieux,
who was congratulated by a Nazi
after the completion of the Haitian's
orals in medicine. Some sources state
though that the Vichy Government
enacted a decree in 1940 requiring aU
ministers and high officials to be white
Frenchmen. It is further reported that
Senator Lemery of Martinique, erst-
while Minister of Justice under
Doumergue, and Gratien Candace of
Guadeloupe, former Vice-President of
the Chamber of Deputies and head of
the French Merchant Marine, were

both expelled from office as the result
of Nazi pressure. It appears also that
the Nazis tried to ban Negroes from
the first class coaches in the Paris
subway, from the stage, and for a time
prohibited them from crossing into
German occupied France. One ex-
planation of the Nazi failure to im-
pose many special sanctions upon Ne-
groes in France, as given by a long-
time resident of Paris, is that the Hit-
ler authorities sought to pave the way
for a projected invasion of Africa by
gaining the reputation for "good"
treatment of French colonials in
France. Some indication of the Nazi
concern with the "Negro Problem" in
its broad aspects is found in the re-
port that the Germans attempted,
unsuccessfully, to force Rene Maran,
world famous author of Batouala, to
write a critique on the Negro in the
United States. It appears, that in
most instances the French Negro suf-
fered no special disabilities, a fact con-
firmed by the remark of the same Rene
Maran, when shouldered aside by a
white American soldier: "This never
happened to me under the Nazis."

French Negro in
Post-war France

It is in the political field that the
influence of the French Negro will be
most felt in post-war France. This is
due to a series of colonial reforms
which have resulted in an increase in
representation for all French colonies.
All colonies previously represented in
the Chamber of Deputies, elected
European and native delegates to the
Constituent Assembly of October, 1945.
Martinique, Guadeloupe, Reunion and
Guiana were made Departments by a
law of March 19, 1946. The draft
Constitution rejected in the June, 1946,
elections, though there is a possibility
that the extension of colonial fran-
chise will be incorporated in the sec-
ond draft, provided that each colony
have a single election list for both
Europeans and native voters in con-
trast to the present distinction drawn
between citizens and non-citizens. It
also called for the creation of a
Council of the French Union to con-
stitute another chamber. In this body,
which does not seem to have a reason-
able chance for acceptance in its
present form, 90 of the 270 delegates
were to come from the colonies. They

582

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

were almost entirely unrepresented in
the pre-war Senate.

In view of the finely drawn balance
among the MRP (Mouvement Repub-
licain Populaire), the Catholic Party,
with 1GO seats in the Assembly; the
Socialists with 115 seats; and the Com-
munists with 146 seats, the increase
in colonial representation may well
give it a balance of power in the regu-

larly elected Chamber of Deputies.
Current evidence seems to suggest that
the Negro deputies may swing the bal-
ance in favor of the Left parties be-
cause of the fact that those parties
favor a more liberal colonial policy.
The increase in colonial representa-
tion, without the proposed reform of
the franchise, is substantial as indi-
cated below:

1936
Chamber

Constituent
Assembly

Future Na-
tional Body

Metropolitan France

598

527

568

Tunisia and Morocco

Algeria

French West Indies,
Reunion and Guiana

Indo-China

-a

Other Colonies

Total

618

586

657

-a. Undetermined.

In the old Chamber, only 2 or 3
Negroes possessed seats while in the
present Constituent Assembly there
are at least 15. Even under the pro-
posed new Constitution, however, in
the case of the African colonies, only
about 300,000 out of a total population
of 31,000,000 would have enjoyed the
right of voting. The war and the
Nazi Occupation seem to have changed
the attitude of many French intellec-
tuals and representatives from the
French colonies. They seem to be
thinking much more in terms of co-
lonial reform and less in terms of
French nationalism. It was feared by
some elements in left-Wing French
political circles that the enlarging
of colonial representation in the
Chamber was a De Gaullist device for
strengthening his position, since the
majority of the Negroes possessing the
right to vote in the colonies were pet-
ty colonial officials. On the other
hand, the tendency of many of the co-
lonial deputies elected to the first Con-
stituent Assembly, to join the ranks
of the Leftist Parties seems to counter
that fear. As a matter of fact, this
trend has lead MRP (Mouvement Re-
publicain Populaire) to favor two types
of citizenship; one for France and the
other for the French Union, i. e.,
France plus the empire.

List of Negro Deputies in the
First Constituent Assembly

Apithi, elected from Togo-Dahomey
on the French Nationalist ticket.

Bissol, Leopold, Communist Party
member from Martinique; editor of
the Party organ, Justice. He was a
member of the Municipal Council in
Martinique.

Cesaire, Aime, Communist Party
member; former member of the faculty
of Lycee Schoiler and Mayor of Fort
de France. Cesaire is one of the most
active proponents of fundamental re-
form of the French colonial system
and delivered several brilliant speech-
es on that question in June of this
year.

Diallo, Yacine, delegate from Sudan-
Niger and member of the Socialist
Party.

Eboue, Madame Eugenie, a member
of the Socialist group in the Assembly
from Guadeloupe and wife of the fa-
mous colonial Governor, Felix Eboue;
born in Cayenne, French Guiana in
1895 of a family active in the colonial
administration. She and her husband
were instrumental in turning the
French African colonies in support of
General de Gaulle.

Lamine-Gueye, leader of the So-
cialists of French West Africa and
one of the early adherents to the De
Gaullist Movement. He has enjoyed a
long career in the French colonial
service as a lawyer, Attorney-General
for 'Martinique and Mayor of Dakar.

Manga-Bell, elected on an independ-
ent ticket from the Cameroons.

Monnerville, Gaston, a deputy from
Guiana since 1932 and' practicing at-
torney in Paris, holds degrees in both

THE NEGRO IN BRITAIN

583

Literature and Law. He was Under-
secretary of State in the third and
fourth Chautemps governments of
1937 and 1938 and from 1936 has
been high in the circles of the Radical
Socialist Party. M. Monnerville was
anti-Vichy from the outset, refusing to
vote for Petain in July, 1930. After
the German occupation he became a
member of the Maquis, the French
Underground, and has been decorated
for conspicuous bravery in the fight
against the Nazis.

Raseta, elected on a Nationalist tick-
et from Madagascar; Negro member
of the French General Confederation
of Trade Unions delegation to the
World Trade Union Congress in Sep-
tember, 1945.

Senahor, Leopold Sedar, a delegate
for Senegal-Mauritania. Senghor be-
longs to the Socialist group in the
Chamber of Deputies and was a mem-
ber of the Constitutional Committee
which drafted- the Constitution re-
jected by the French people in the
referendum of June, 1946.

TcMvaya, Conservative (USDR), Ga-
bon^ Middle Congo.

Sissoko, Sudan-Niger, member of the
rightist bloc in the Chamber.

Valentino, Paul, member of the
Chamber from Guadeloupe where he
had been a member of the Provincial
Assembly and editor of the newspaper,
Le Peuple. He was imprisoned on
Devil's Island because of his vigorous
resistance to the Vichy regime and
was liberated in 1943 through the in-
tervention of General Giraud. Valen-
tino was the leader of the group op-
posed to the Vichy policies of Admiral
Robert, Commissioner for Guadeloupe
and Martinique. After an abortive
revolt against Robert, Valentino was
forced into hiding. He is active in
Socialist Party circles in the Constit-
uent Assembly.

Maran, Rene, is by far the most
outstanding of the many Negroes who
have contributed to the intellectual
life of France. His reputation is based
not only upon the literary excellence
of his works, all of which have a pro-
nounced ethical basis, but also upon
his unflagging efforts to improve the
lot of his oppressed brethren in the
French colonial empire. Batouala, the
novel of native life under French im-
perialist rule in Africa, which won the
coveted Goncourt Prize in 1921 has

been translated into eight languages.
Betes de la Brousse, (Jungle Beasts),
Peines de Coeur (Heart Aches), Kongo
and others have combined with Bat-
ouala to make Rene Maran one of the
foremost novelists of modern France.
Unlike many other black Frenchmen
of colonial origin, Rene Maran has not
permitted the prestige of belonging
to the elite of France to blunt his
awareness of the essential dignity of
all men. He possesses a keen aware-
ness for and understanding of the
problems of the American Negro, in-
terests quite unique, for many of the
French colonials say they are not Ne-
groes but Frenchmen.

THE NEGRO IN BRITAIN
White Supremacy
And Imperialism

The position of the estimated 10,000
Negroes in the British Isles is on the
whole superior to that of the American
Negro but infinitely worse than that of
their counterparts in France. Actually,
in Cardiff and Newcastle, however,
where substantial Negro communities
exist, the pattern of segregation ap-
proximates that in the United States
although it is not buttressed by the
sanction of law. In Britain it is pos-
sible to see in clear perspective the
use of racism as an ideological instru-
ment of imperialism. The British Em-
pire much more so than the French
has been constructed upon the basis
of complete separation of the white and
Negro populations of the colonies. This
social dichotomy with its implication
of "inferior" and "superior" peoples
has not been limited in its influence
to the colonial areas but has been
transmitted to the mother country by
returning personnel of the colonial
administration and also popularized by
the ruling class as a rationalization
for imperialist domination of colonials.

The British ruling class has always
been extremely sensitive to "racial"
developments in the Empire and any
threat to white supremacy in the col-
onies is interpreted as a threat to the
prestige of the English races. In the
1890's, for example, C. H. Pearson
wrote a book entitled, National Life
and Character, in which he declared
that colored people must be excluded
from white countries because if al-
lowed to enter trades they were bound

584

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

to oust their white competitors al-
though politically and morally they
never became real members of a white
community. The significant fact about
this book is that while the point of
departure was the "racial" situation
in Australia, the author's plea was di-
rected to the mother country as well.
The savage suppression of the Jamai-
can insurrection of 1865 brought sim-
ilar hypocritical support for the Em-
pire. Carlyle, Tennyson, Kingsley,
Ruskin, and Dickens rallied to the de-
fense of the Governor, aligning them-
selves with those who believed that
any sort of treatment was good enough
for the "damned niggers" who had
dared to rise against the white popu-
lation.

The innumerable instances of this
type in which his Majesty's Govern-
ment has felt constrained to justify
mass murder of colonials by assertions
of the racial mission of the English-
man have served to strengthen the be-
lief of the English people in the in-
ferority of the colored peoples. For
only through such a belief can the
actions of their government be squared
with the Christian morality to which
the lower middle class Englishman, in
particular, renders such ardent lip
service.

Race, Class and Opportunity*

The position of the Negro in Eng-
land depends in some degree upon
the class to which he belongs. The
fact that many Negro artists and mem-
bers of the professions are accepted
while workers are segregated in the
seaport towns is a reflection of the
caste organization of English society
which with its emphasis on social and
economic position more readily accepts
Negroes who have attained "position"
in the social hierarchy.

Dr. C. Belford Clarke is one of the
outstanding English diagnosticians
while Dr. Theophilus Scholes and Dr.
Harold Moody are highly respected as
general practitioners. Dr. Albert Kagwa
of Uganda is House Surgeon of London
Hospital Annex and Thomas Fowell
Bostem is Dental Officer of the county
borough of Newport Isle of Wight.

John Payne of California and Leslie
Hutchinson are nouular singers: Ar-

*For a further presentation of "Occupa-
tional Status and Opportunities of Ne-
groes in Britain," see Division XXXVT.

thur Lewis is a member of the faculty
of the London School of Economics;
Una Marson, a director of programs for
BBC; Stella Thomas is a barrister.

A high percentage of the colonials
who come to England for university
education are Negroes. They associate
fully with people in university circles
and often marry English women, al-
though this intermarriage is disliked
by many of the English people. It is
significant to note that the Secretary
of State for Colonies in a dispatch
printed in a West Indian paper openly
advanced this association with white
women as one reason for the establish-
ment of a West Indian University; it
would keep West Indian students away
from the English woman.

Forms of Discrimination

Most of the Negro students are
aware of the subtle forms of discrim-
ination employed against them. A sur-
vey of the rooming houses made sev-
eral years ago indicates that 40 per
cent of the proprietors questioned, ex-
pressed a specific unwillingness to
accept colored students and a greater
number refused to take Negroes than
East Indians, for example. It is also
generally felt that the Colonial Office
attempts to keep all colonial students
under close surveillance as indicated
by the establishment of special hostels,
such as Aggrey House and Victoria
League in which the Negroes can be
segregated. Among the university
students, however, there seems to have
been an improvement in their attitude
toward their colonial classmates.
Proof of this is seen in the election of
Cameron Tudor, West Indian Negro,
to the coveted position of President of
the Oxford Union.

During the war over 8,000 West In-
dians were recruited for service in
England. In spite of the fact that
most of them had volunteered, they
were subjected to the color bar in
hotels and restaurants; were given
the humblest jobs in the armed serv-
ices and fraternization with them was
actively discouraged by the British
authorities. Members of WAAF
(Women's Auxiliary Air Force) were
told "that though they were to be po-
lite to the colored colonials, they were
on no account to fraternize." In Feb-
ruary, 1946, the resentment engen-
dered by the discrimination to which

THE NEGRO IN BRITAIN

585

they had been subjected lead to a
serious riot at Blackbush Aerodrome,
Surrey, involving Jamaican members
of the RAF and other personnel sta-
tioned at Blackbush awaiting demobil-
ization.

At the beginning of the war there
were no Negro commissioned officers in
the British armed services but after
some agitation they were admitted to
the RAF, and Arundel Moody, son of
Dr. Harold Moody, head of the middle
class League of Coloured Peoples, was
admitted to officer training. N. R. Jun-
ior of Jamaica, sub-Lieutenant in
the Reserve, became the first Negro
ranking officer in the British navy.

Discriminatory Practices
Affected By War Conditions

Another departure hastened by the
war, was the appointment of several
advisers on race relations among whom
were Leary Constantine, well known
cricket player from the East Indies,
who had resided in Lancashire for
fifteen years. He became Welfare Of-
ficer in the Ministry of Labor, to work
among the colonials employed in war-
time industry. Constantine achieved
Empire-wide publicity following the
refusal of a London hotel to grant him
accommodations. The incident provoked
discussion in the House of Commons.
Ivor Cummings of Sierra Leone was
the first colonial appointed a*s a Wel-
fare Officer under the Colonial Office.
In 1942, he was placed in charge of 19
hostels for colonials of which 5 were
for students and 7 each for seamen and
industrial workers. Flight Lieutenant
P. L. U. Cross, of the West Indies, was
assigned to the Colonial Office as Ad-
visor on Military Problems and Phil-
lip Cox, born in India of a West In-
dian father and an East Indian moth-
er, became adviser to Colonial Students.
He was on the staff of the Director
of Colonial Students under the Colonial
Office.

Observers have pointed out that the
role of these advisers is similar to
that of their counterparts in the United
States. They are possessed of no
administrative power and have served
mainly as buffers against the rising
protests over the treatment to which
colonials were subjected in time of
war.

The status of Negroes in Cardiff
and Liverpool is indicative of what

happens when a relatively large num-
ber of non-whites is concentrated in a
small area of England. For example,
the Bute Town area of Cardiff is peo-
pled almost exclusively by West Afri-
cans, West Indians, white wives and
half caste children. This community
of approximately 6,500 inhabitants,
the largest permanent colored com-
munity in the British Isles, is sepa-
rated from the rest of the town, geo-
graphically and socially. The marital
opportunities and the social contacts
of the men are limited to women of the
"poor" class; educational and occupa-
tional opportunities are meager and
the cost of living is excessive. During
the war, an attempt to construct a
segregated housing project was blocked
by the United Committee of Coloured
and Colonial Peoples. The Colonial Of-
fice, however, moved into the area
establishing a Colonial Centre under a
Jamaican, Balfour H. Brooks-Smith,
in an effort to ease the growing re-
sentment against discriminatory prac-
tices. The situation, is still dangerous
with a possibility of a recurrence of
the riots following the first World War.

Meaning of "Superior"
And "Inferior"

The complete acceptance of Negroes
and other colored peoples in the Brit-
ish Isles cannot be achieved until the
basis of colonial administration is
changed to include the subject peoples
of the empire as citizens with rights
equal to those possessed by any white
British subject. Only in that way
will it be possible to remove the basis
for color" prejudices both at home and
abroad. The basis is the division of
The Empire population into "inferior"
(ruled) and "superior" (ruling). So
far, there is no indication that the
Labour Government is honestly think-
ing of changing this situation. The
whole question was broached by Ar-
thur Creech Jones, a member of the
Colonial Labour Advisory Committee
of the Trade Union Congress and at
present an Under-Secretary of State
for the Colonies. In an article appear-
ing in the September number of the
Transport and General Workers Rec-
ord for 1944, Mr. Jones stressed the
need for basic changes in the status
of the colonials. The Labour Party,
however, has been much more cautious

586

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

on this problem. In a pamphlet en-
titled, The Post-War Policy of the
Ltabor Party with Reference to the
African and Pacific Colonies, color-bar
policies were condemned but political
rights for the Africans were promised
for the dim future and even this dis-
cussion showed more concern for
the population (white) at the time
when self government was to be dis-
cussed than interest in the colonials.

THE NEGRO IN ITALY

Race Prejudice Not an Integral
Part of Italian Culture

In 1938, 'the Italian Fascist Gov-
ernment launched an anti-Semitic,
anti-Negro program which sought to
accommodate Fascist ideology to the
"racialism" of National Socialism
and also aimed to justify the conquest
of Ethopia in terms of a racial mis-
sion of the Italian people.3 The fail-
ure of this program to achieve any
widespread response from the popu-
lace, plus the fact that Mussolini had
never deemed it expedient to employ
"racialism" as an instrument of con-
trol before, but had actually stated
that race is a feeling, not a reality,
seems to furnish conclusive proof that
race prejudice has not been an in-
tegral part of Italian culture. There
are several historical circumstances
which appear to account for the lack
of color consciousness among the Ital-
ian people. In the first place, Italy
is preponderantly Catholic. According
to the Census of 1931, out of a popu-
lation of 41,000,000, all except 150,000
returned themselves as Catholics. This
means that a racial criterion has never
superseded the religious as the basis
for judging individuals or groups; a
person's religious affiliation has tra-
ditionally been more important than
the color of his skin.

In the second place, the Italians
have been long inured to racial inter-
mixture and hence would not rebel
against the addition of new elements
of different cultural background. The
very divergence of physical types in
Italy itself would tend to minimize
the importance of color as a basis for
differentiating ethnic groups.

3P. M. Snowden. "Race Propaganda in
Italy," Phylon, Vol. 1, No. 2, 1940.

THE NEGRO IN SPAIN
Race Policy Similar to
Other Catholic Countries

The attitude of the Spanish people
toward race is similar to that of other
Catholic countries in which the medi-
eval freedom from race prejudice has
never been destroyed. The undimin-
ished influence of the Catholic Church
has perpetuated religion and not race
as the basis for social distinction.

In spite of the validity of this gen-
eral observation, the framers of the
Spanish Constitution of 1931 envisaged
the development of racial prejudice by
the anti-Republican forces as one in-
strument for attacking the Republic.
Consequently, article 25 of that docu-
ment provided that "race, descent, sex,
social class, wealth, political ideas,
or religious beliefs, shall not be consid-
ered the basis of privilege in public
law." The overthrow of the Republic
in 1939 came after three years of hero-
ic resistance by the anti-Fascist forces
among which were some 200 Negroes
including Thaddeus Battle, Sterling
Rochester, Captain Oliver Law, Lieu-
tenant Walter Garland, and Dr. Don-
awa. These men were members of the
famous Abraham Lincoln Brigade
which consisted of American Negroes
and whites who dedicated their lives
to fight. against German and Italian
Fascism.

The ideology of Spanish Fascism
does not contain the concept of race
as an instrument of policy, largely be-
cause there is no basis for it in Span-
ish culture. Furthermore, a racial
policy would interfere with Franco's
plans to restore Spanish cultural su-
premacy in Latin America where large
Negro and Indian groups live. It is in-
teresting to note, in this connection,
that two Negro girls from Dutch
Guiana have been studying at the
Spanish University of Santander on
fellowships granted by the Franco
Regime.

THE NEGRO IN NORTHERN
EUROPE

Race Policy Influenced
By Imperialism

Both the Netherlands and Belgium
are more aware of the color question
than the Scandinavian States by vir-
tue of the fact that the two former

THE NEGRO IN RUSSIA

587

countries are imperialist powers rul-
ing over many black subjects. The
form of imperialist control, in a large
degree, has determined the racial at-
titudes of these two peoples. The
Dutch, for example, have been more
inclined toward a policy of assimila-
tion than the Belgians who have
opposed higher education for any of
the colonials; and, as a result, the
only Negroes in Belgium before the
war were colored American entertain-
ers and seamen from the colonies.
Although there were no evidences of
race prejudice, it is interesting to
note that the Negro Americans were
consideied as far superior in intelli-
gence and initiative to the Belgian
colonials. This, of course, cannot be
considered as objective praise for the
Negro American, but only as a ra-
tionalization for Belgian oppression
of the black colonial.

Of the 2,000 to 4,000 Negroes in the
Netherlands before the war, several
had achieved prominence in intellec-
tual circles. Dr. J. F. E. Einar of
Dutch Guiana was a librarian at the
National Museum of Anthropology, and
two Communist authors had attained
recognition in literary circles. Albert
Heldman of Paramaribo was the author
of The Dollar Dictator and The Quiet
Plantation; and A. de Kom of, Slaves
of Suriname. Rudolf van Lier was a
poet of some importance.

Also, it has been reported that there
are approximately 50 Dutch Guiana
born physicians in the Netherlands,
from 50 to 100 Guianese school teach-
ers in the schools and many Negro
Dutch employed in the Social Security
Office. Many of these persons are
members of the Suriname Association,
an organization for the protection of
the interests of Dutch Colonials.
Permeation of Democratic Practice

The Scandinavian countries are
thoroughly permeated with the ideals
and practices of democracy; a condi-
tion due, in a large degree, to a high
standard of living, advanced social
legislation, and to a population with
a high degree of political sagacity.
Having lost their tropical possessions
years ago, it has not been necessary for
these S'tates to develop any racial ra-
tionalization for the control of subject
peoples. Consequently, there is no
race prejudice in Scandinavia.

In Sweden, during the war, a law
was passed making it a crime to abuse
Negroes, Jews, or Catholics in public,
or in writing, or to breed hatred or
contempt against any group of human
beings because of their race or re-
ligion. This comprehensive law was
not initiated to protect the less than
100 Negroes out of a total population
of 7,000,000 Swedes, but was directed
against Nazi sympathizers made bold
by the initial gains of the Germans in
the last war.

In the city of Copenhagen, there are
reported to be 200 permanent residents
of Negro extraction, most of whom
came to Denmark in 1917 when the
Virgin Islands were sold to the United
States by Denmark. The most prom-
inent member of this colony is Mr.
Lewis Larcheveant, the owner of one
of the largest restaurants in the Dan-
ish capital.

Before the war, Negro musicians
were extremely popular in Scandina-
via and, exchange restrictions permit-
ting, they will be welcomed just as
enthusiastically again. An issue of a
Danish newspaper for August, 1946,
quotes a theatre manager as having
a contract with Marian Anderson,
Duke Ellington, and a group of Negro
dancers from England for appearance
in Denmark. A recent concert by the
Harlem Dancers in Copenhagen would
indicate that the pre-war influx of
Negro entertainers is to be repeated.

Prior to the war, colonial students
were required to finance their educa-
tion in the Dutch universities; but
since the revolt in Indonesia, the Gov-
ernment has granted 123 scholarships
to the people of that area. Two-thirds
of the total was granted to non-whites.
It appears that this step may serve
as a precedent for similar Government
action in the Dutch West Indies, thus
permitting some members of the low
income groups to acquire the benefits
of higher education at the expense of
the State.

THE NEGRO IN RUSSIA*
Complete Equality of All Races

The complete equality of all races
is an integral element in the beliefs
and attitudes fostered by the Govern-
ment of the Soviet Union. Over 170

*See Division on Status and Opportuni-
ties of Negroes in Russia, for a further
discussion.

588

A GENERAL, VIEW OP THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

different nationalities of many varied
racial stocks live within the borders
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics, and consistent and energetic
efforts have been made to improve the
economic and social positions of each
group and to encourage cultural self-
expression. This approach to the prob-
lem of nationality and race is unique
among the nations of the world. Gen-
erally, the dominant nationality at-
tempts to impose its culture upon
minority national groups instead of
pursuing the policy of mutual accom-
modation practiced in the Soviet Un-
ion.

Protection for all cultural or "racial"
groups is guaranteed by the Soviet
Constitution which provides that:

"Equal rights for citizens of
USSR, irrespective of their nation-
ality or race, in all spheres of
economic, state, cultural, social,
and political life, shall be an irre-
vocable law."

This is not only a statement of
principle, but the penalties to be in-
voked for any violations are severe:

"Any direct or indirect limita-
tion of these rights, or conversely,
any establishment of direct or in
direct privileges for citizens on ac-
count of their race or national ex-
clusiveness or hatred and con-
tempt, shall be punished by law."
Similar guarantees are provided for
the election of deputies, "irrespective
of race, nationality, and religion."

This rational attitude of the people
of the Soviet Union represents a de-
cided break with the old cultural tra-
dition of the Czarist Empire. The
Romanovs actively encouraged preju-
dice against the Jews and ordered
periodic pogroms against them. Fur-
thermore, in certain sections of the
Empire, Negroes had been held in
slavery. They had been imported into
the Georgian section of the Caucasus,
at the time when that territory was
still under Turkish rule, and were in-
herited by Russian landholders when
the region was conquered by the
Slavs.

At present, there is a Negro colony
in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Re-
public which has become fully inte-
grated with the other people of that
region. Bashir S'hamba, a member
of that group of several hundred Ne-
groes, was made a member of the Dis-

trict Committee of the Communist
Party of Tbilisi in 1942.

Negroes Play Important
Roles in Russia

In all of the Soviet Union, there are
not more than 1,000 Negroes, including
indigenous and foreign born. Many
of the latter are from the United
States and have come to play impor-
tant roles in the Soviet system. One of
them was appointed to the Moscow
City Council in 1945 after having
achieved fame in a case involving the
expulsion of two white Americans
who had insulted him. Lloyd Patter-
son of Hampton Institute was em-
ployed at one time as a designer of
sets in the Meyerhold Theatre; Mrs.
Margaret Glasgoe worked for three
years in an auto plant at Stalingrad;
John Sutton was an agricultural expert
for over 6 years; Wayland Rudd has
won acclaim as a musician.

The testimony of Paul Robeson as
to the absence of race prejudice in
the Soviet Union carries special
weight because of his frequent visits
to, and extensive travel throughout,
the country. He has been quoted as
saying, "Everywhere I went, I found
the same welcome, the same warm in-
terest, the same expression of sincere
comradeship toward me . . ." His son
remained in the Moscow schools for
several years.

It is a matter of record that Ne-
groes fought in the Red Army during
the last war together with members
of other "racial" groups, all of whom,
with the exception of the few recruits
to General Vlassov's Army, defended
their country with unimpeachable
heroism. One explanation of the al-
most superhuman resistance of the
Red Army to the Wehrmacht is found
in the Order of the Day, celebrating
the 24th Anniversary of the Red Army.
It stated:

"The Red Army is free of racial
hatred. It is free of such a de-
grading feeling because it has been
based upon a spirit of racial equal-
ity and respect for the rights of
other peoples."

EUROPE AND THE NEGRO
PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES
Europe Criticizes
The United States of America

The attempt of the United States to
assume moral leadership in the post-

EUROPE AND THE NEGRO PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES 589

war world is increasingly handicapped
by the growing awareness among the
European peoples of the American
treatment of its Negro minority. This
chink in the ''shining armor of right-
eousness," which the United States
now wears, is being exploited by the
Soviet Union and by the Communist
Party press and radio of all of the
European States where Communism is
a legal movement. A list of items
broadcast from Moscow is most reveal-
ing: Moscow Soviet Home Service,
July 23, 1946, the beating and blinding
of a Negro veteran in South Carolina;
August 2, 1946, report on the lynching
of 4 Negroes in Georgia; June 24 and
25, 1946, violence against Negroes in
Mississippi. Similar programs were
carried by the Moscow Soviet Euro-
pean Service in French and several
other languages.

Coverage of the Negro problem is
found in Land of Folk, Country and
People, the daily organ of the Danish
Communist Party. On successive days,
Bilbo was quoted as demanding that,
"all red-blooded Anglo-Saxons in Mis-
sissippi use every means at their dis-
posal to prevent Negroes from voting."
The comment of the paper was, "A
pretty little picture of the trend of
thought in the circle, which Church-
ill in his Fulton (Missouri) speech
urged to stand watch for western De-
mocracy and our Christian culture."

In an interesting article in the same
paper entitled, The Race Problem m
the Theatre, mention is made of Deep
Are the Roots and Strange Fruit, and
the hope is expressed, "that these plays
will accomplish their mission, namely,
to help the whites to a reasonable at-
titude about Negroes."

Anglo-American Contradictions

Often, British and American spokes-
men lay themselves open to attack be-
cause of their lack of understanding
of the contradictions in their own so-
cieties. For example, the American
General, John Lee, was taken to task
by Izvestia for statements made at a
reception in Bristol, England. The
General had declared that Britons and
Americans must be patient with the
Russians because they lag behind the
Ang^-Saxons in "the customs of civil-
ization." The Izvestia commentator
suggested that the descendants of the
slaves shipped from Bristol to the

United States had not improved their
position overmuch and, in. confirma-
tion, cited the inflammatory state-
ments of Bilbo and the beating up of
a Negro veteran. The implication was
clear to all readers and to the listen-
ers of the broadcast from Moscow. How
can the general speak about civiliza-
tion as long as such happenings are
tolerated in his own country?

The most telling indictment of the
treatment of Negroes in the United
States was made by Ilya Ehrenburg,
the famous Soviet correspondent, who
visited the United States in June, 1946.
His sketch, In America, was printed
in full in Izvestia, was broadcast in
two installments on the Moscow Radio,
was produced in Land og Folk and
in Osterreichische Zeitung, publication
of the Red Army in Austria. An edi-
tion of the latter paper carried a pic-
ture of the Funeral March held in
Washington to protest the lynching
of 4 Negroes in Georgia. It is reason-
able to assume that similar publicity
of this type has been carried by the
Communist Press in other countries.

The following summary of Ehren-
burg's sketch is included for two
reasons: First, because of the wide
circulation which it has received in
Europe; and secondly, because it is
written by someone who possesses a
perspective lacking even to Negroes in
the United States.

Other Impressions
Made on Europeans

To Ehrenburg America is a mixture
of all nationalities bound together by
the fact they are Americans. He notes
with surprise, however, that in spite
of the multi-national character of the
United States, "united by a young
patriotism," there is no national
equality. America has established a
hierarchy of races.

"The English, Scotch, and Irish
comprise the aristocracy. They are
followed by the Scandinavians and
Germans, then the French and
Slavs. A great deal lower are the
Italians, and much lower the Jews
and Chinese. Even lower than that
are the Puerto Ricans. And finally,
at the bottom of the stairs, the Ne-
groes."

590

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN EUROPE

Of particular interest is the evalua-
tion of the Negro's position in the
North:

"The New Yorkers like to em-
phasize the liberalism of the
North: 'Our grandfathers fought
against slavery.' In any southern
town one can see memorials to the
soldiers * of the southern army.
They are memorials to the defeat-
ed. In this war which shook Amer-
ica the southerners were defeated.
More often than not, however, it
seemed to me that they are memo-
rials not to the defeated but to the
victors, because the South not only
preserved the principles of slavery,
it even succeeded in innoculating
it in the North to a certain degree.
Indeed, in New York . . . one can-
not throw out a Negro from a res-
taurant, but if he thinks of insist-
ing he will be told that the empty
tables are reserved."
"Harlem is a Negro ghetto," says
Ehrenburg,". . . dirty, poor, miserable
— and yet gay."

When Ehrenburg was asked what
part of the United States he wished
to visit, he chose the South because
he believed one could only understand
the "Negro Problem" by going there.
His description of Mississippi is
worthy of quoting at length:

"In Mississippi the Negroes com-
prise half of the entire popula-
tion and half of the population is
therefore deprived of the right
to vote. This is managed quite
cynically and is well known to all
Americans in the south as well as
the north. In Mississippi, I re-
member how indignant some
journalists were with the Yugo-
slavs People's Front Government
for depriving of the right to vote
about 200,000 persons who collab-
orated with the Germans. The
same American journalists think it
quite natural that millions of
American Negroes, amongst them
those who fought in the war for
America's freedom, have no right
to vote. I would like to ask my
American readers: What is fairer
— to deprive people with black
consciences of the right to vote or
people with black skins?"
Ehrenburg found little of the highly
popularized American standard of liv-

ing in Mississippi but much of "the
black misery of the Black."

"The land belongs to the whites. They
lease it to the blacks. The renters are
to pay half of the cotton yield to the
landowners. . . . The little cash the
Negro receives he may spend in the
little shops belonging to these very
masters. Let it look juridically like
a lease; in reality it is nothing but
slavery. And the owner of the land
patrols his plantation, shouts at the
Negro, orders him about, and conducts
himself like a king or a god."
Of Bilbo, Ehrenburg has this to say:

"The leader of the slaveowners, is
Senator Bilbo, a red-haired, red-nosed
demagogue who attracts his audience
by improper ancedotes and frenzied
appeals to keep the blacks in check.
He drinks whiskey at home and milk
in public."

The Soviet writer is convinced that
ultimately racialism will be crushed
in. the United States but he warns
that all must realize "how deep this
disease has gone, how far it has
penetrated into the minds of the aver-
age American."

American Foreign Policy Questioned

Europeans, particularly those who
have suffered directly from the disas-
trous effects of Nazi racialism, find it
difficult to reconcile the platitudes of
American foreign policy, as they are
"applied" to other parts of the world,
with the treatment which the Negroes
receive in the United States. The
European people are even more aware
of the contradictions in this situation
— democracy abroad, segregation at
home — than are the American Ne-
groes. For the latter's perception is
dulled somewhat by their culturally
derived indoctrination with American
nationalism.

Whatever the aims of the Soviet
Union may happen to be in stressing
racial segregation in the United States,
the contrast between its position and
that of Great Britain on the same
question is significant. The London
Daily Worker, the organ of the Eng-
lish Communist Party, has reported
that the British Broadcasting Com-
pany recently suspended a broadcast,
American Letter, by Alstair Cook, just
as he was beginning a characteriza-
tion of Senator Bilbo. The official
reason for this action was considera-
tions of policy.

It would seem as though the most
potent factor making for a change in
the general attitude of Europe toward

EUROPE AND THE NEGRO PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES 591

the Negro is the American Army of
Occupation. White Americans of liber-
al persuasion who have been a part
of that army have stated that the
average white American soldier is
much more concerned about fraterniza-
tion of Negroes and white women than
he is about denazification. Many, with
the implied approval of higher author-
ities, are carrying on a consistent cam-
paign of indoctrination which must be
reminiscent of the German Propaganda

Ministry. An excellent example of the
effects of this indoctrination is seen in
a letter written by a Dane about a
disturbance involving American Ma-
rines and Danish civilians. The writer
stated "that perhaps one of the Ne-
groes had a knife; this only served to
teach the Danes that a Negro problem
existed. They are wilder than we are."
The writer was Superintendent of the
Danish Bus Service with the American
Army in Bremerhaven.

DIVISION XXXVI

OCCUPATIONAL STATUS AND OPPORTUNITIES
OF NEGROES IN BRITAIN

By HAKOLD A. MOODY*
London, England

A VIEW OF VOCATIONAL
OPPORTUNITIES

In spite of the degrading circum-
stances under which the Negro was in-
troduced to the British people and the
obstacles which he subsequently en-
countered, the Negro in Britain has
made substantial progress. In many
fields of human endeavor, he has dem-
onstrated abilities and achievement of
no mean order.

Negro Seamen

First, may be mentioned the seamen
who are the oldest and most numerous
of the Negro community. The largest
influx of this group came after World
War I, when they were actually en-
couraged to settle down in Britain.
Later, however, especially during the
years of depression, efforts were made
to get rid of them. The intervention
of the League of Coloured People as-
sisted in establishing their right as
British citizens thereby enabling them
to remain. It is not yet clear as to
how much this group will increase, if
at all, as a result of World War II.
So far there is no evidence of difficul-
ties arising on matters pertaining to
the employment of Negro seamen.

Negro Professional Artists

There have always been a consider-
able number of professional artists able
to earn their livelihood in a respectable
manner on the stage. Many have been
very successful. More recently, how-
ever, there has come into prominence
a new group of film artists securing
lucrative incomes and, incidentally,
providing seasonal employment for
qualified individuals. With the growth
of the film industry in England, there
will probably be further development
in this type of occupation for Negro
artists. Among the Negro stars who

*Editor's Note: Dr. Harold A. Moody
died at his home in Peckham, England
on April 24, 1947, in the midst of estab-
lishing- a cultural center in London for
colored peoples of the world.

have come into prominence, Robert
Adams stands out for his performance
in Men of Two Worlds, followed by
Perto Posuka and his Ballets Negres,
which has had a successful run. Men-
tion should be made of Edric Connor
who had a long run of performances
on the British Broadcasting Company
in Serenade in Sepia. In 1946, Connor
gave two excellent recitals at Wigmore
Hall.

Negro Industrial Technicians

During the war, a considerable num-
ber of Negro technicians were brought
over from the West Indies to work in
the Royal Ordnance Factories. With
the closing-down of these factories at
the end of the war, most of these tech-
nicians returned to their homeland. A
small number remained in England to
secure extra training for technical
work. Nevertheless, it must be recog-
nized that the opportunity for securing
remunerative employment will become
increasingly limited.

Mention should be made of clerical
possibilities in the technical field, es-
pecially for young Negro women. More
girls have secured clerical positions
than ever before. The probabilities of
opportunity for qualified persons in the
clerical aspects of this occupation are
considerable although the number of
girls adequately trained is small. Prac-
tically the only other occupational out-
look for the Negro girl is in the field
of domestic service where there is an
increasing demand, but there is an un-
willingness on the part of the girls to
choose this field.

Negro Doctors

The Negro doctors in England have
been especially successful. They are
generally liked by their patients and
are by no means confined to service
in the poorer areas. Far more white
people than colored are counted among
their patients. In this independent
field, the Negro is able to show him-
self to good advantage.

592

SOME ORGANIZATIONS IN BRITAIN

593

Negro Nurses

The same holds true for women in
the field of nursing. At one time it
was difficult to secure admission to
hospitals as probationer nurses but the
League of Coloured Peoples took up the
possibilities with the London County
Council and hospitals opened their
doors to student nurses. Soon it was
possible to fill places with some excel-
lent candidates and as a result the field
widened. It is probable that as long~as
the present dearth of nurses continues
Negro student nurses will be welcomed
for training. Nevertheless, there are
still a few hospitals that refuse to ad-
mit them.

New Vocational Interests
Among Students

With the new thirst for educational
development and demands for self-gov-
ernment hastened by World War II,
there has been a large influx of stu-
dents from Africa and the West Indies.
It is very interesting to observe the
new and increasing trends of thought
among them. Before the war, students
came mostly to drift into the fields of
Medicine and Law with only a few
brilliant exceptions, who entered the
field of Sociology, Commerce and Eco-
nomics. Today young men and women
are preparing themselves to take full
charge of the affairs in their own lands.

The Government too has assisted in
stimulating this interest by awarding
scholarships and securing admission
to suitable schools for students inter-
ested in the new fields. Already there
are a few scholars of whom the Negro
people can be justly proud. The fol-
lowing should be mentioned: Dr. W.
Arthur Lewis, Lecturer and Examiner
in Economics at the London School
of Economics and Political Science;
Dr. E. E. Williams lecturing at an
American University; Dr. Malcolm E.
L. Joseph-Mitchell, who in addition to
holding an appointment in the Depart-
ment of Inland Revenue in England
has held important offices in the serv-
ice of the Government; and Dr. C. O. J.
Mathews employed in an Advisory ca-
pacity with the I. L. 0. in Canada.
Other members of the Negro race hold-
ing administrative appointments in-
clude Mr. Learie N. Constantino, the
world famous cricketer whose work in
the Government Welfare Department

was recognized by the award of an
M. B. E., in the New Year honors.

Negroes in the Military Forces

Members of the Military Forces in
1939 first had the barriers removed
from the King's Regulations which, un-
til that time, had prevented them from
attaining commissions. Since then sev-
eral Coloured men have obtained the
commissioned rank, some reaching the
rank of Major, and have otherwise
done magnificently. The Royal Air
Force has decided that the barrier
should be removed permanently and
it is confidently hoped that the two
other Forces will follow suit. On the
whole, conditions are much better for
the Negro in Britain than formerly but
it must be recognized that there is still
a long way to go before it can be said
that no prejudice exists.

SOME ORGANIZATIONS IN
BRITAIN

The League of Coloured Peoples

The League of Coloured Peoples has
done a great deal of work since its
formation. The arousing of the con-
sciousness of the British people to the
injustice experienced by the Coloured
peoples in this country is largely due
to the activities of this organization.

One barrier after another has been
successfully attacked. Admission to
hospitals and colleges; admission to
the Commissioned ranks of the Forces;
the Seamen in Cardiff; resolutions on
Mass Education in 1931, leading up to
the Government's Report on Mass Edu-
cation of 1938; "A Charter for Col-
oured Peoples," a report on Race Re-
lations and the Schools are only some
of the highlights of the activities of
this organization founded by Harold
A. Moody in 1931.

The West African Students' Union

The West African Students' Union
has also functioned for many years
but has hitherto catered almost en-
tirely to West African peoples. Never-
theless, efforts are now being made for
its further development and its Gen-
eral Secretary has been touring West
Africa in an effort to collect funds.
A committee set-up by the late Dean
of Westminster has also launched a
campaign for funds to help in realizing

594

OPPORTUNITIES OF NEGROES IN BRITAIN

the objectives of this Union. This or-
ganization will play an increasingly
important role in furthering the best
interests of the African in Britain.

The West Indian Students' Union
And the Pan-African Federation

The West Indian Students' Union
and the Pan-African Federation are
both recent organizations and it is yet
impossible to say to what extent and
exactly what part they will play in the
future. The last mentioned held a suc-
cessful Pan-African Congress in 1945
which Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois attended
as a representative of the National
Association for the Advancement of
Coloured People.

Advisory Committee For Negro
Colonials in Britain

The Government which, prior to the
formation of the League of Coloured
Peoples, had done very little in a direct
way, has built-up an entirely new de-
partment which is playing an impor-
tant and effective part in the develop-
ment and welfare of the Negro Colo-
nial in Britain. This new department
is under the capable leadership of Mr.
J. L. Keith, O. B. E., who is assisted
by Ivor G. Cummings, Esq., of West
Africa. Its Advisory Committee has
done a very good piece of work in or-
ganizing and opening a number of
hostels to house students.

DIVISION XXXVII

STATUS AND OPPORTUNITIES OF NEGROES IN RUSSIA

By HOMER SMITH
Moscow, USSR

ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND
RACIAL EQUALITY IN RUSSIA

The Negro likes Russia for her belief
in racial equality and Russia likes the
Negro. Upon arriving in Russia,
whether to work in any profession or
trade for which he is qualified or only
as a vacation visitor, the Negro — par-
ticularly the Negro from America —
finds himself suddenly thrust into an
entirely new and different world— a
promised land, as it were. He finds all
doors wide open to him, with welcome
written on all thresholds and on all
faces. No Black Belts, Harlems or
other ghettos based on nationality,
race or color are to be found. No
second class citizens exist; no color
caste practices; no racial discrimina-
tion; no Jim Crow segregation. The
badge of color, the Negro soon finds
out, instead of being a disadvantage to
him, becomes an advantageous badge
which, if anything, has been known to
tip the scales in his favor, but never
to his disadvantage.

In Russia, the Negro finds absolute
and even, constant and unwavering
economic, political and racial equality,
not only for himself, but for all of the
more than fifty different nationalities
which comprise Russia's heterogeneous
population. Besides, he finds all these
rights and equalities implemented in
the fundamental law of the country,
the Soviet Constitution, which pro-
claims, guarantees and enforces com-
plete equality for all nationalities and
races and full equality before the law
for all citizens. In addition, the Soviet
Constitution makes it a crime punish-
able by law to propagate racial preju-
dices and animosities against any race
or nationality. In brief, the Negro
finds in Russia in the fullest measure
the answer to the question: "What
does the Negro want?"

Undoubtedly, the newly-arrived Ne-
gro has read much about, and knows
of, the great economic revolution in
progress in vast Russia. He finds the
cordiality and hospitality of the Rus-

sian people a refreshing and welcome
contrast to the discrimination, segre-
gation and other frustrations which
he left behind in his own country.

Naturally, therefore, many of them
spend their first few days enjoying
the friendly atmosphere by making
several rounds of the barber shops and
public bathhouses, the theaters and
moving picture houses, the parks, and
clubs, the cafes and restaurants, the
hotels and dance places, and after hav-
ing made acquaintances and friends
in many apartment houses and homes
where he has been welcomed with open
arms, the Negro then settles down to
the economic side of life. Equality fol-
lows him onto the job; he finds no
"job ceiling;" he gets the job for which
he came here and for which he is quali-
fied; he is paid equal wages for equal
work. "First to be fired, last to be
hired" does not haunt him. He is fully
and equally covered by all of the bene-
fits of the job — promotions, sick leave
with pay, vacations with pay, pre-
miums, trade union membership, etc.
His psychological transformation is
complete; hfs race pride increases; his
chest expands appreciably; his head
is held higher. All his frustrations
have disappeared.

Russians First Knew
American Negroes Intimately

Russians have the highest respect
for Negroes; Negroes respect Russians.
And there is an unusual amount of
understanding among Negroes and
Russians. It might with truth be said
that this understanding is the outcome
of mutual respect.

It was only during the past ten or
fifteen years that Russians came to
know Negroes at first hand. Of course,
the wealthy and influential Negro,
George Thomas, prior to the Russian
Revolution was close to the Czarist
court and aristocratic circles and op-
erated Moscow's well-known Aquarium
Summer Garden. Jack Johnson, the
boxing champion, spent some time

595

596

STATUS AND OPPORTUNITIES OF NEGROES IN RUSSIA

here, and in earlier days there have
been individual Negroes living in Rus-
sia, but these usually hobnobbed only
with Russian elite, aristocrats and in
tellectuals. The Negroes who came to
Russia during the past fifteen years
came to work in Russian industry and
agriculture alongside the plain Rus-
sian men and women. Of course, Paul
Robeson, Marian Anderson and Cater-
ina Jarboro captivated the country in
the realm of music and song.

A VIEW OF NEGRO
PARTICIPATION

Skilled American Negroes
In Russia

The first highly-skilled American Ne-
gro to arrive on the Russian scene was
Robert Robinson, who was engaged
about in the early 1930's by the Soviet
Government to come to Russia and
help to train Russian youth — boys and
girls — in the highly-skilled trade of
tool-making at the then building Stal-
ingrad Tractor Works. Robinson had
learned his trade well at Ford's Motor
Works in Detroit, and the Russians
highly-valued him and his skill and
he soon became a favorite among
them. The Russians showed what they
thought about "racism" when two pre-
judiced white Americans insulted and
assaulted Robinson at Stalingrad.
These men were put on trial and found
guilty and ordered out of the country.
After the Stalingrad Tractor Works
had passed through its period of
"growing pains" and began producing
tractors, Robinson was invited to come
and work in the giant Moscow Ball-
Bearing Plant, where high-precision
skill is an absolute necessity. Here
again he was assigned to training
young Russian workers, and he has
given the plant about three dozen
highly-skilled machine tool-makers. He
has been cited innumerable times bv
the Plant's Administration as an out-
standing specialist and for his many
inventive innovations. Whenever there
is some technical difficulty at the plant,
Robinson is always turned to for ad-
vice and assistance in solving it. The
population of the ward in which the
plant is located elected him in 1934
as one of their deputies to the Moscow
City Council. The plant also sent
Robinson to study in one of the city's
engineering schools and he recently
graduated as a mechanical engineer,

his diploma thesis having been tank
construction, which he upheld with
flying colors before a commission of
experts.

Shortly after Robinson's arrival in
Russia, a group of eleven American
Negro agricultural specialists arrived
at the invitation of the Soviet
Government to help in putting the
country's cotton culture on its feet.
In this group were men trained at
such colleges as Tuskegee, Wilber-
force, Iowa State, Virginia State Col-
lege, A. and T. College of North Caro-
lina. Their assignment was the im-
provement of Soviet cotton agriculture,
both scientifically and mechanically,
with their headquarters in Tashkent,
Soviet Central Asia, in the heart of
Russia's cotton growing district. Some
of them spent most of their time in
the laboratories of the Central Plant
Selection Station in Tashkent, while
others devoted their labors to working
in branch field laboratories and in the
mechanization shops. Included among
these agricultural workers were John
Sutton, an agricultural chemist and a
former understudy of Dr. George
Washington Carver; George Tynes,
specialist in poultry husbandry;
Charles Young, Jr., son of the late
Col. Charles Young. While in Russia,
Sutton made the valuable discovery
of making twine and rope from rice
straw.

Richard Williams of Columbia Uni-
versity, where he studied under the
electrical wizard, Steinmetz, is at pres-
ent working as an electrical engineer
at the rebuilding of the great Zaparo-
zhye Aluminum Works, which the Ger-
mans wrecked. He was for ten years
chief electrical mechanical engineer
for the Dalton Manufacturing Com-
pany and later for the Schlick Razor
Company in Old Greenwich, Conn.
Williams' first assignment in Russia
was as an electrical maintenance en-
gineer at the giant Magnitogorsk Met-
allurgical Works in the Urals. He later
worked on a hydroelectrical construc-
tion job in the valley of the Ferghana
river in Uzbekistan. Williams is cred-
ited with having discovered, through
close observation and experiments,
while working for the Continental
Fire Insurance Company in New York
City, that skyscrapers sway minutely
in high winds, although this is unob-
servable to the naked eye. This dis-

A VIEW OF NEGRO PARTICIPATION

597

covery was later confirmed by archi
tects and engineers using highly-sensi
tive precision instruments.

Negroes in the Theatre
And Moving Pictures

In Soviet theatrical and moving pic
ture circles, Wayland Rudd, is well
known. He is at present an actor in
the famous Stanislavsky Theatrica
Studio. Rudd has taken part in many
Soviet-made films, including O'Hen
ry's Alias Jimmy Valentine, Mark
Twain's Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry
Finn, Jules Verne's Fifteen Year Old
Captain, and many others. He gradu-
ated from the Moscow Institute of
Theatrical Art as a theatrical director.
He was on Broadway in America in
Porgy, Bloodstream, and The Sentinel,
and was for several years a member
of Jasper Deeter's Hedgerow Theater
in Philadelphia. Rudd is often called
upon for consultation when American
plays are being staged in Russia, his
latest consultation having been given
during the staging in Moscow of Lil-
lian Hellman's The Little Foxes.

By far the veteran of all foreign
Negroes living in Russia is an Amer-
ican Negro woman, Madam Coretti
Arle-Titz. She has lived in Russia
both under the Czar and under the
Soviets. Madam Arle-Titz is well — and
widely-known on Russia's concert
stage as a talented and popular singer.
Slie sings in Russian, English, Spanish
and French. When a young girl, she
sang in the choir of the Abyssinian
Baptist Church in New York City.
Madame Arle-Titz, who has given con-
certs all over Russia, is a graduate of
the St. Petersburg (now Leningrad)
and Moscow Conservatories of Music.
She was a close friend of the late noted
Russian writer, Maxim Gorky. Her
husband is Professor Boris Titz, well-
known professor of the piano in the
Moscow Conservatory of Music.

Negroes in Other
Fields

Another American Negro woman,
Miss Vivienne France, spent some time
in Russia working as consultant in
the anthropophysical laboratory in the
University of Moscow. She is a gradu-
ate of Columbia University and was
formerly Dean of Women at North
Carolina State College and Head of

the History Department in LeMoyne
College, Memphis, Tennessee.

The well-known journalist-writer,
Eugene Gordon, formerly of the Boston
Post, spent several years on the edi-
torial staff of the Moscow Daily News.
While in Moscow he was elected to
membership in the Soviet Writers'
Club, the country's leading literary
club.

Both of the announcers on the Amer-
ican broadcast program of Radio Mos-
cow were until recently Negroes —
Lloyd Patterson, New York born
Hampton graduate, and Mrs. Williana
Burroughs, former New York City
school teacher. They were chosen be-
cause their enunciation ajid pronunci-
ation were found to be most typically
American. Unfortunately, Patterson
died during the late Soviet-German
war and Mrs. Burroughs died in 1945
while on a trip to America.

One of the most highly-respected
American names in Russia is that of
Paul Robeson. Robeson is lionized
whenever he comes to Moscow, and his
records are regularly included in radio
broadcast programs. Whenever Robe-
son arrives in Moscow it is always an-
nounced in the newspapers, which is
a very unusual honor. Robeson natur-
ally— aside from his great art as an
actor-singer — appeals to the Russian
people. He is the type of artist who
does not shut himself up in the ivory
tower of his art, isolated from the
common people. Robeson takes an
active part in the struggles and trials
and tribulations of his own people
and of all other progressive peoples.
Therein is the reason for his irresist-
ible appeal and popularity in Russia,
where Russian artists also take an
active part in public and social life
as deputies to the Supreme Soviet,
the Moscow Soviet, the District Sov-
iets, and take patronage over various
social institutions.

Marian Anderson and Caterina Jar-
boro made tremendous and indelible
impressions on the Russian public,
who saw in these great artists the
finest singers America has ever sent
to Russia. Music critics exhausted
their vocabulary of adjectives in praise
of their profound and finished mastery
of the vocal art. One music critic re-
minded Russian singers that they had
much to learn from Marian Anderson,
and there was preliminary talk of cast-

598

STATUS AND OPPORTUNITIES OF NEGROES IN RUSSIA

ing Jarboro in the role of Aida at Mos-
cow's great Bolshoi Theatre.

The highest ranking Negro in Rus-
sia in 1946 was Dr. Robert C. Weaver,
Ph.D. (Harvard), and former war-time
Black Cabinet member in charge of
Negro training and employment in
the Office of Production Management
and the War Production Board and
later Director of Negro Manpower
Service on the War Manpower Com-
mission. Dr. Weaver served in Russia
in the highly responsible position of
Reports Officer on the UNRRA Mission
to the Ukraine. This position carried
diplomatic status, which meant that
Dr. Weaver was the only Negro in
Russia with diplomatic rank. During
the absences of the Chief of the Mis-
sion, Marshal MacDuffie, and the Dep-
uty Chief, Paul White, Dr. Weaver,
as next senior ranking officer, was
often in charge of the Mission and
responsible for all of its work and ac-
tivities and distribution of its supplies
worth tens of millions of dollars. Dr.
Weaver prepared the Ukraine Mis-
sion's report for presentation to the
United Nations Relief and Rehabili-
tation Administration Council meet-
ing which was held in Geneva, Switz-
erland, in the summer of 1946. Amer-
ican and British correspondents who
visited the UNRRA Ukraine Mission's
headquarters in Kiev frankly admitted
that " 'Doc' Weaver is the dynamo and
brains of the Mission."

NATIVE NEGROES IN
RUSSIA

There is a group of native Negroes
living in the Soviet autonomous So-
cialist Republic of Abkhazia on the
eastern Black Sea coast. Most of them
live in Ochimcheri District between
Sukhumi and the Turkish border, but
there are others scattered about in
the nearby mountainous region. They
have been living here for many gen-
erations, first under the Georgian and
Russian Czars and later under the
Soviets. Their exact number is not
known. They speak the Akhazian
language, have long ago absorbed the
culture and customs of the region,
and the Census counts them as Abkhaz-
ians. Due to the widespread inter-
mingling of the blood of the many
nationalities living in the region, they
are fast losing their Negroid features
and are developing into a type more

in common with the other local na-
tionalities. Instead of opposing, Rus-
sia encourages intermarriage. How-
ever, the very old members of this
group (some of them are more than
100 years old) still retain their Ne-
groid features. Historians believe they
were brought here through Turkey and
Persia as slaves from Abyssinia, and
the older members distinctly resemble
Abyssinian types rather than other
African types. These Negro-descent
Russian citizens are engaged in agri-
culture on collective and State farms,
along with many other nationalities,
their main crops being tea, citrus
fruit, tobacco, vineyards, and tung
trees. The climate of the region is
subtropical. The Negroid citizens have
complete economic, political and so-
cial equality with all other citizens,
many of them having held, and are
holding, high public office.

ECONOMIC CRISES PERMANENTLY
ELIMINATED IN RUSSIA

In discussing Russia's hospitable
and hearty attitude toward Negroes,
many persons are inclined lightly to
dismiss the question by saying: "Oh,
well, there are so few Negroes in
Russia; if there were a lot of them,
things would be different." But the
matter is not so simple as all that. In
the first place, Russia has a Socialist
form of society, where production is
for use and not for profit. Everything
is planned, and economic crises and
mass unemployment, which would
create a sharp and bitter struggle
for jobs, are unknown and considered
impossible of ever occurring. It is
firmly believed in Russia that there
will always be jobs for all, that instead
of workers hunting for jobs, there will
always be jobs hunting for workers.
Ten Negroes or ten thousand Negroes
in Russia would make no difference
in the attitude of the Russian people
toward the Negro. There are many
millions of dusky-skinned, high-visi-
bility national minority peoples al-
ready living in Russia — Uzbeks, Tart-
ars, Tadjiks, Armenians, Turkmens,
etc, — but their presence in millions
has not in the least been detrimental
to their enjoyment of full equality,
nor have the majority Russian people
developed any signs of racial pre-
judice or animosity toward them.
Those persons who so lightly raise

ECONOMIC CRISES PERMANENTLY ELIMINATED IN RUSSIA 599

the "theory of numbers" in support of
their contention that "if there were a
lot of them, things would be different,"
may be quite right as regards America,
South Africa, and some other capital-
ist, competitive economy countries. But
their "theory" can hardly be applicable

to Socialist Russia, where economic
crises, struggles for jobs and unem-
ployment have been permanently
liquidated. Indeed, many Russians
have been heard to ask: "Why don't
more of your people come over here
to work and live with us?"

PART FOUR

THE NEGRO IN
LATIN AMERICA

DIVISION XXXVIII

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

By RAYFORD W. LOGAX
Howard University

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The principal West Indian islands
form a magnificent arc stretching from
the eighty-fifth meridian southwest of
Florida to approximately the sixtieth
meridian at the eastern end of Vene-
zuela. They thus make the Caribbean
a \;Hual inland sea except for the
Yucatan Channel on the west and the
vitally important strategic and com-
mercial passages between the islands.
Immediately to the north of the arc
are the Bahama Islands and some
eight hundred miles to the northeast
of the Bahamas is Bermuda. Close
under the arc is Jamaica and a short
distance off the coast of Venezuela are
three Dutch West Indian islands. On
the mainland of South America, ad-
joining Venezuela where Trinidad al-
most touches it are the three Guianas,
British, French, and Dutch.

Early History of the West Indies

The history of the We»t Indies is
colorful, romantic, and depressing. Co-
lumbus made his first landfall in 1492
at Watling Island (San Salvador) in
the Bahamas. The first permanent
white settlement in the Western World
was established before the end of the
century at what is now Ciudad ' Tru-
jillo, capital of the Dominican Re-
public. From the middle of the six-
teenth century to the end of the Na-
poleonic Wars, the Caribbean was "The
Focus of Envy," "The Cockpit of In-
ternational Rivalry," the favorite pre-
serve of the most famous buccaneers
from Hawkins to Bluebeard.

Spain at first had "legal" title to
all these lands by virtue of her treaty
of Tordesillas of 1494. But the other
European powers refused to recognize
this bilateral partition of the Western
World, and Spain's commitments in
Europe made it impossible for her ade-
quately to defend her colonial prizes.
The Habsburg kings of Spain had to
fight against the rebellious Dutch and
defend the Catholic Church and the
Holy Roman Empire from Turk and

Protestant. At the very moment of
the discovery of the Western World,
Spain expelled two elements of the
population, the Jews and the Moors,
who might have contributed greatly
to preserving the Spanish preponder-
ance.

Caribbean Map At End
Of Napoleonic Wars

By the end of the Napoleonic Wars,
1815, the political map of the Carib-
bean had been fixed as far as Euro-
pean rivalries were concerned. Eng-
land had acquired most of the spoils —
Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Bar-
bados, the Bahamas, and Bermuda, the
Windward Islands, the Leeward Is-
lands, British Guiana and British Hon-
duras. The French had managed to
salvage Martinique and Guadeloupe
(and dependencies), the northern part
of St. Martin and French Guiana. The
Dutch, who at one time had threatened
even British naval supremacy, had
managed to hold on to the apparently
almost worthless islands of Curacao,
Aruba, Bonaire, St. Eustatius, Saba,
the southern part of St. Martin, and
Dutch Guiana. Denmark held on to
three small islands in the northeast.
Spain held only Cuba, Puerto Rico, and
Santo Domingo, the eastern two-thirds
of the island of Hispaniola.

The western third of Hispaniola,
which had become the French colony
of Saint Domingue at the end of the
seventeenth century, was now the in-
dependent republic of Haiti. On Jan-
uary 1, 1804, the ex-slaves of the
French colony, aided by some freemen,
yellow fever and international rival-
ries, had proclaimed the independence
of the first nation in the Caribbean, the
first Latin American nation, the sec-
ond republic in the Western Hemis-
phere. During the second quarter of
the nineteenth century Haiti attempted
to rule over Santo Domingo, but in
1844 the Dominican Republic was able
to liberate itself. Spain reasserted her
sovereignty briefly during the Ameri-

603

604

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

can Civil War, but the Republic re-
gained independence when Spain saw
that the North would be victorious.

United States Made Changes
In Caribbean Map

It remained for the United States
to make the final and most important
changes in the map of the Caribbean.
Cuba, as a result of the Spanish
American War, became the third in-
dependent nation, but a protectorate of
the United States. Puerto Rico fell
into the lap of the United States. In
1903, President Theodore Roosevelt
"took" the Panama Canal Zone from
Colombia. Investments by United
States capitalists in the era of "Dollar
Diplomacy" kept pace with the conse-
quent increasing strategic importance
of the Caribbean.

Two world wars have now dramati-
cally revealed that the security of the
United States depends in large meas-
ure upon her preponderance in the
West Indies. During the first, marines
occupied Haiti (1915), the Dominican
Republic (1916), and the United States
purchased the Virgin Islands from
Denmark in 1917. The marines were
withdrawn from the Dominican Re-
public in 1924 and from Haiti in 1934.
In the latter year the United States
relinquished the right under the Platt
Amendment to intervene in Cuba for
the preservation of independence and
orderly government. But in 1940, more
than a year before the United States
entered the second world war, the
United States leased for ninety-nine
years air and naval bases in Bermuda,
the Bahamas, Jamaica, Antigua, St.
Lucia, Trinidad and British Guiana.
Anglo-American cooperation was fur-
ther recognized by the establishment
of the Anglo-American Caribbean Com-
mission on March 9, 1942. The United
States blockaded the Vichy forces in
Martinique and Guadeloupe and sent
troops to aid in the defense of the oil
refineries in the Dutch islands of Cu-
racao and Aruba. Puerto Rico became
a formidable air base. In a very large
measure the Caribbean is today an
"American Lake."

POPULATION OF THE
.WEST INDIES

Changes in Racial Composition
Of Population

Not only has the political map of
the West Indies undergone these sig-

nificant changes since the Spanish dis-
coveries, but the racial composition
has likewise been transformed. What-
ever may have been the number of
Arawak and Carib Indians who in-
habited the islands, today they have
been virtually exterminated. The Span-
iards did not settle in large numbers
in the islands, especially after news
came of the discovery of vast quanti-
ties of precious metals in Mexico and
Peru. The climate kept any consid-
erable number of Englishmen, French-
men, Dutchmen, Danes or other Euro-
peans from taking up permanent resi-
dence. The wholesale importation of
Negro slaves from Africa to work on
sugar, coffee, and other plantations
eventually made the West Indies al-
most a new Negroland. East Indians
and Javanese constitute about one-
third of the population of Trinidad,
two-fifths of British Guiana and al-
most one-half of Dutch Guiana.

It is almost impossible, however, to
arrive at any accurate estimate of the
racial composition of the islands. Apart
from the question of race as a scien-
tific label, less white blood is required
in the West Indies for a person to be
white than in the United States. Es-
pecially in *Cuba, the Dominican Re-
public and Puerto Rico, thousands of
persons are considered white there
who would be called colored in the
United States. Estimates of the col-
ored population in Cuba and Puerto
Rico range from one-third to one-half.
Although the Dominican Republic has
tried to convince the outside world
that it is a white country, practically
all visitors have concluded that its
population is about two-thirds of
mixed blood and almost one-fifth more
of Negro blood. The other islands with
the exception of the tiny Dutch island
of S'aba are predominantly Negro and
colored — in the Caribbean more em-
phasis is placed upon the distinction
than in the United States. The Dutch
islands off the coast of Venezuela, for
example, are about ninety per cent
Negro and colored. Haiti is overwhelm-
ingly black with a small percentage
of mulattoes.

POPULATION OF THE WEST INDIES

605

Areas and Distribution
Of Population

Practically all these islands are
overpopulated, as the following table
indicates.1

Area and Population of Islands of the West Indies

Area in Square Miles Population

Independent Nations

Cuba

Haiti (2)

Dominican Republic

American

Puerto Rico •-.'

Virgin Islands

British

Bermuda

Bahamas

Barbados

Jamaica (including small islands)

Trinidad and Tobago

Windward Islands

Grenada, with Carriacou

St. Lucia

St. Vincent and Dependencies

Dominica

Leeward Islands

Antigua, Barbuda and Redonda

St. Kitts-Nevis, with Anguilla

Montserrat

Virgin Islands

British Guiana

British Honduras

French

Martinique

Guadeloupe ;' ' "

French Guiana

Dutch

Curacao Territory— Island of Curacao, Aruba, Bonaire, St. Eustatius,

Saba, southern part of St. Martin

Dutch Guiana (Surinam)

44,164
10,000
19,332

3,435
132

4,375
166

4,846^
1,980

233
150
304

170^
152

32^

67
89,480

385

583

34,740

384
50,000

4,776,824
3,500,000
1,969,773

2,020,378
24,876

33,428

68,846

200,674

,250,000

535,499

87,805
76,174
61,349
53,686

42,789

39,746

13,332

6,720

361,754

62,512

241,000

304,239

42,643

130,000
177,980

(2) Editor's Note: See also Division XXXIX for population of Haiti.

Over-Population of Islands

Practically all these islands are over-
populated and the population is in-
creasing. Cuba and the Dominican
Republic are relatively fortunate since
they have a population density of only
about 100 per square mile. Haiti, on
the other hand, has a population den-
sity of 350 per square mile in terms
of total land and probably more than
450 in terms of arable land. Puerto

aThe figures are taken from The West
Indies Year Book (London, New York and
Montreal, 1945), except for the Nether-
lands West Indies and the French West
Indies. Those for the Netherlands West
Indies are based upon information given
by authorities in the islands in 1946;
those for the French West Indies upon
Raye R. Platt et al., The European Pos-
sessions in the Caribbean Area (New
York, 1941).

Rico's population density is about 590
per square mile, and that of Barbados
more than 1,000.

In the three independent nations and
in Puerto Rico particularly, where the
Catholic religion is powerful and where
consequently birth control has made
little headway, this problem of over-
population is likely to become worse,
at least temporarily. Emigration is
not likely to afford any considerable
relief in the near future. No inde-
pendent nation has opened its doora
to Negro migration on a large scale.
British and French Guiana, the appar-
ently sparsely inhabited possessions,
do not have much land suitable for
settlement. Finally, during recent
years there has been a movement from
the rural areas to the urban centers.

606

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN THE
WEST INDIES

General Distribution of
Poverty Among Negroes

Generally speaking the Negroes of
the West Indies are at the bottom of
the ladder economically. There are,
of course, some exceptions. Some Ne-
groes are wealthy and university edu-
cated. Moreover, there are many poor
whites especially in Cuba, the Domini-
can Republic and Puerto Rico. As
Professor Rupert Emerson once point-
ed out, with respect to the last named,
there is so much poverty that it can
not all be distributed among Negroes
only.

Since most Negroes were brought
to the islands as slaves, it is easy
enough to understand why they are at
the bottom. Moreover, when the slaves
were freed, no real effort was made
to provide them with the means of
gaining a livelihood. Above all there
was no widespread distribution of land
among the freedmen. They became in
large measure a landless proletariat.
Today vast plantations are owned by
white individuals or corporations. Ja-
maica has about one-half of its total
area in 1,400 estates. In St. Vincent
more than one-half of the privately
owned land is in thirty plantations.
Martinique was owned almost in its
entirety by one thousand families. In
1938 more than one-third of the total
area of Puerto Rico was included in
thirty-five estates. Cuba is notorious
for its vast plantations, mostly owned
by American sugar corporations.

Haiti was the only country where
any large scale distribution of land
was carried out. But the destruction
of the machinery on most of the plan-
tations, the small size of the plots
made necessary by the large popula-
tion, and the hostility of the rest of
the world prevented this first modern
attempt to give freedmen an oppor-
tunity to earn a living where they
best knew how — on the land — from be-
ing a success. The Dominican Repub-
lic in recent years has been more suc-
cessful in its agrarian program be-
cause it has more fertile land and a
smaller population. Land is being re-
claimed from even the sides of moun-
tains for state-supported agricultural
developments.

Wages and Incomes Incredibly Low

But whether the Negro be a small
farmer or a worker on a plantation,
his income and wages are incredibly
low by American standards. This low
income and wage usually prevail in
an agricultural economy. One can best
understand the situation by consider-
ing the import of the statement that
the "South is a colony of the North"
in the United States. The South sells
its cotton and other farm products at
low prices to the North and buys back
manufactured articles at high prices.
The prices of southern goods are low
in part, at least, because of the low
wages paid to the workers. The prices
of northern goods are high largely
because of the high wages paid to the
factory workers. This, in brief, is the
"arithmetic of imperialism."

On rubber plantations in Haiti op-
erating under the auspices of the
United States Government, workers are
paid thirty cents a day, the minimum
wage. Here, as in many other in-
stances, the minimum wage is the
maximum wage. In Puerto Rico, short-
ly before the war, the average annual
income for farm laborers was less than
$120. Twenty-five cents a day is gen-
erally accepted as the average wage
for laborers in the British West In-
dies. In Cuba, where wages on the
sugar plantations are higher, the work-
er gets his pay only during the cut-
ting and grinding season — the zafra —
which may last four months. The zafra
is somewhat longer in the Dominican
Republic. President Hoover told the
bitter truth when, after a visit to the
Virgin Islands, he publicly announced
that the United States had acquired
"an effective poor house." Even though
wages in some instances have risen as
a result of the war, the increased cost
of living has prevented any consid-
erable improvement in the standard of
living. The West Indian Islands, as
far as most Negroes are concerned,
are a gigantic poor house.

Meager Wages in the Trades

Wages in the trades are a little
higher, but the added cost of living
in urban centers keeps these workers
poverty-stricken. The needlework in-
dustry in Puerto Rico is notorious as
a "sweat shop." Domestics may aver-
age ten dollars a month throughout
the islands. Negroes are usually rele-

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN THE WEST INDIES

607

gated to the lowest paid jobs. There
is a tendency, for example, in Cuba
and the Dominican Republic to employ
Negroes or light mulattoes in the bet-
ter white collar positions. In Cuba,
however, where the "fifty per cent law"
of President Grau San Martin in 1933
required the employment of at least
that percentage of Cubans in certain
basic industries, many Negroes were
employed as drivers of street cars and
busses. But few were employed as
conductors because, it was alleged, the
white passengers resented the closer
personal contact.

These low wages obviously make it
well-nigh impossible for the workers
to buy many manufactured articles
since most of them are imported from
countries of high labor costs, espe-
cially the United States. In this con-
nection it is necessary lo destroy a
common fallacy which asserts that
thirty cents a day will go much far-
ther in the West Indies than in the
United States. A moment's reflection
will make it clear that this statement
is true only with respect to goods pro-
duced by labor at thirty cents a day.
But thirty cents a day will go no
further in the West Indies for the
purchase of a radio made in the United
States than will thirty cents a day
in the United States. If the radio cost,
say, thirty dollars, the West Indian
would have to pay one hundred units
of thirty cents just as an American
would. (No consideration, for the sake
of simplicity, is given to added costs
of transportation and tariff charges,
which in some instances are high.)
The meaning of this "arithmetic of
imperialism" becomes clearer when
one realizes that it would take the
wages of one hundred days for the
West Indian to buy a radio while it
would take the wages of only six days
for an American who earns five dol-
lars a day. Further, many Americans
have recently received an increase in
their hourly wage equal to the daily
wage of many West Indians.

Financial Status of Workers Better
In Netherlands West Indies

The Netherlands West Indies pro-
vide a pleasing contrast to this general
poverty. Curacao and Aruba have two
of the largest oil refineries in the
world. The oil companies, whatever
their reasons may be, pay their "pick
and shovel men" about fifty cents an

hour. As a consequence, these workers
are able to buy many articles manu-
tured in the United States. The writer,
who visited these islands during the
summer of 1946 was amazed to find
the vast difference between the stand-
ard of living of the people, about nine-
ty per cent of whom are Negroes, and
that of most other Negroes in the
West Indies. Even in these Dutch Is-
lands, however, there was a ceiling on
the job opportunities for Negroes.

Industrialization Needed
But Difficult

These islands, however, furnish
proof of the need for industrialization
if the widespread poverty is to be
eradicated. But most of the islands
will find it difficult to engage in any
large scale industrialization because
they are lacking, so far as is known,
in coal, iron ore, oil and the means
for producing extensive hydroelectric
power.

The diversification of agriculture
has also been proposed as a means
of alleviating the poverty. But the
principal need is for the production
of more food crops for home consump-
tion. Even if there were an increase
in agricultural products for export,
the low prices paid would not ma-
terially improve the situation. Unless
the inhabitants of rich nations like
the United States are willing to pay
higher prices for their coffee, bananas,
sugar and other commodities, diversi-
fication of agriculture will be no
panacea.

Nor is the tourist trade likely to
be the solution. There are simply not
enough tourists to add any consid-
erable income to all the islands. More-
over, the tourists would spend their
money for personal services which are
notoriously paid low wages and for
basketry and needlework which they
would want to purchase at bargain
prices. A modicum of improvement
would result from an expansion of
animal husbandry, fishing, and the di-
vision of the big landed estates. Many
competent economists assert, how-
ever, that the sugar industry can op-
erate profitably only with large planta-
tions.

608

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

EDUCATION IN THE WEST INDIES
Schools Inadequate and
Poorly Attended

Since the islands are, generally,
gigantic poorhouses, provisions for
education are inadequate. Illiteracy
ranges from eighty per cent in Haiti
down through about forty per cent in
Trinidad to three per cent in the high-
ly fortunate Dutch West Indies. The
following figures show the percentage
of the total population registered in
the primary schools in the British
West Indies: Bermuda, 15; Bahamas,
20; Jamaica, 13; Trinidad and Tobago,
16; Barbados, 14; Leeward Islands, 16;
Windward Islands, 16; British Guiana,
16; British Honduras, 15. These figures
include white as well as colored stu-
dents. The situation is about the same
in the French West Indies.

At first sight these percentages do
not seem alarmingly low since about
twenty per cent is usually considered
the proportion of the total population
that should be in the elementary
schools. But, first, average attendance
except in Bermuda where it is about
eighty-five per cent is only about two-
thirds of the registered enrollment.
Second, the vast majority of the stu-
dents are in the first four grades.
Third, a very considerable.number are
taught in one-room schools by poorly
trained teachers. In brief, facilities for
education are probably not quite so
good as those in the most backward
States in the United States.

Except in Bermuda, however, there
is generally no segregation in the pub-
lic schools. But a kind of segregation
prevails in the private schools since
few Negroes are able to attend them.
Finally, there are proportionately
more government-aided denominational
schools than there are in the United
States.

Small But Select Enrollments
In Secondary Schools

Since so few children attend school
beyond the fourth grade, there is nat-
urally a rather small enrollment in
the secondary schools. The quality of
teaching is, however, generally much
better tfian it is in the elementary
schools. A very considerable number
of West Indian students who go to
colleges and universities in the United
States, the United Kingdom and
France, hold their own with the best
students trained in the best secondary

schools in those countries. Even if
due allowance is made for the fact
that these West Indian students are
largely a select group, it is clear that
the secondary education is superior to
that in many of the States in the
United States.

West Indian University Needed

There are also several colleges in the
British West Indies. But Codrington
College in Barbados is the only insti-
tution in the British West Indies
where the degree of an English uni-
versity, Durham, can be obtained un-
der conditions of residence and exami-
nation. Although some scholarships
are available for professional and
graduate study abroad, there is ob-
vious need lhat the long discussed
West Indian University be established
as soon as possible. The need is all
the more urgent because of the un-
usually heavy enrollment in British,
Canadian and American universities.

Elementary and Government
High Schools in Dutch Area

The Dutch West Indies provide ele-
mentary education for all without seg-
regation and with mixed teaching
staffs. About 20,000 out of 24,000 stu-
dents are taught by Catholic Brothers
and Sisters. These are not parochial
schools like those in the United States
— they are government schools like the
others with an added course in re-
ligion. There is some criticism be-
cause of this preponderant role of the
Church. Tuition is charged in the high
school, which corresponds roughly to
grades seven through ten, but chil-
dren of the poor do not pay. Peter
Stuyvesant College which goes through
approximately the Junior College in
this country prepares students for pro-
fessional and graduate work in Hol-
land. Obviously, only the children of
the very well-to-do can usually pursue
this higher education. The insular au-
thorities definitely oppose higher edu-
cation in the United States for the
islanders.

Backward Status of
Puerto Rican Schools

Puerto Rico, like the British and
French West Indies, has an elementary
system about on the level of the back-
ward States in the United States. Out
of 493,618 children of elementary
school age, 326,480 are in the first eight

EDUCATION IN THE WEST INDIES

609

grades. This number is about sixteen
per cent of the total population. But
about sixty per cent of the students
are on a half-day basis. The schools,
especially in the rural areas, leave
much to be desired both with respect
to facilities and to the training of the
teachers. Some idea of the small num-
ber who finish the elementary grades
is seen in the fact that in 1944 only
10,320 were enrolled in the last two
years of high school and 32,500 in the
seventh, eighth and ninth grades. By
contrast, while 9,000 were in private
pay elementary schools, there were
2,800 in private high schools. Con-
siderable progress has been made in
reducing illiteracy from seventy-five
per cent in 1900 to about twenty per
cent today. The University of Puerto
Rico is the only university in this
West Indian colony providing profes-
sional and graduate training.

Superior Schools in the
Virgin Islands

The Danes introduced compulsory
education in their West Indies in 1841.
Today education is compulsory in the
Virgin Islands for every child between
six and fifteen unless he or she has
completed sooner the sixth grade.
Graduates of high schools are generally
admitted to colleges in the United
States without examination. Scholar-
ships facilitate education abroad for a
small number. A teachers' training
institute prepares teachers for the pri-
mary grades. The public school sys-
tem provides many of the facilites ob-
tainable in the best schools in the
United States such as nursery schools,
free lunches, nurses, and medical
services.

It is only natural that the United
States, especially during t the war
years, has been able to spend more
for education in her colonies than has
England or France. The English Gov-
ernment has announced plans for ex-
panding education especially on the
elementary level.

Public Education in Haiti
Retarded By Small Revenue

Public education in Haiti, on the
other hand, is still retarded by the
very small revenue at the disposal of
the Government. Even if every cent
of the total revenue of about six mil-
lion dollars were spent on elementary
education, there would be available

only about $10.00 per capita for the
600,000 children who should be in the
elementary schools. This would leave
nothing for secondary and higher edu-
cation. Haiti is a striking example of
the relationship between the poverty
of a country and its inadequate educa-
tional facilities.

Many of the "best families" send
their children to private (usually
Catholic) schools. The University has
faculties of Law, Medicine (including
Dentistry and Pharmacy), Engineering
and "Philosophy." There is little oppor-
tunity for advanced study in the social
sciences. The University of Haiti, like
those in other Latin American nations,
is not on a par with the best in the
United States.

Education Free and Compulsory in
The Dominican Republic and Cuba

The Dominican Republic has made
enormous strides under the dictator-
ship of General Trujillo toward the
eradication of illiteracy. Much of his
success has been due to the fact that
the Dominican Republic has one-half
the population of Haiti and twice the
revenues. Education is free and com-
pulsory. Before long, illiteracy should
be practically wiped out so far as chil-
dren born in the past few years are
concerned. There is, of course, no seg-
regation in the public schools, but as
elsewhere the number of white chil-
dren in private schools and in the
University of Santo Domingo is much
larger than the proportion to the total
population.

Cuba reveals something of the same
situation. Education is free and com-
pulsory; illiteracy should soon be no
longer a major problem for children
born in recent years; there is a dis-
proportionate number of white chil-
dren in private schools and in the Uni-
versity of Havana.

General Attempt to Adapt
Curricula to Popular Needs

Both the colonial powers and the
independent republics realize the neces-
sity for adapting their curriculum to
meet the needs of the people. More
progress has been made in Haiti per-
haps than elsewhere. Despite the in-
vidious differences made in favor of
agricultural and trade schools during
the period of the American Occupation,
the Republic has continued to give
more emphasis to this type of educa-

610

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

tion than it did prior to the interven-
tion. The English Government has an-
nounced that it will give more atten-
tion to vocational training in the fu-
ture. The oil refineries in the Nether-
lands West Indies have set an excellent
example for the training by industry
of craftsmen that it needs. In the
three republics, however, there are
still too many young men training for
the law. The students in the Univer-
sity of Haiti and especially of Cuba
frequently play a more active role in
politics than do students in the United
States.

HEALTH CONDITIONS IN THE
WEST INDIES

Health Situation Deplorable

Just as poverty has retarded educa-
tion, just so it has created a deplorable
health situation. Malnutrition is wide-
spread, for contrary to a popular belief
most of these islands do not produce
enough food to supply the population.
This is especially true in the islands
where there are large sugar planta-
tions. It is almost incredible that
smoked fish is imported into many
of the islands. At one time Haiti im-
ported butter from Denmark. Rice and
kidney beans, bananas and plantains
are the main staple of diet for most
of the people, and rice is generally
imported except in the Dominican Re-
public which now has an export crop.
It is not uncommon for peasants to
suck a sugar cane stalk in order to
get a little added energy. The con-
sumption of coffee and rum is high
for the same reason. A piece of meat
is about as rare throughout the year
as it was during the recent meat fam-
ine in the United States. It is difilcult
to keep good milch cows in these sub-
tropical regions. Canned milk, usually
from the United States, is drunk by
those who can afford to buy it. The
American Oil Company in the Dutch
island of Aruba, furnishes powdered
milk to the students in its trade
schools and reports excellent results.

Malnutrition and Disease
Susceptibility

In brief, malnutrition deriving from
lack of adequate food crops and the
inability, because of low wages, to pur-
chase imported foodstuffs, makes many
West Indians peculiarly susceptible to
certain diseases such as tuberculosis.

'uerto Rico is notorious for its high
uberculosis rate. Other diseases com-
mon throughout the West Indies are
nalaria, hookworm, yaws and vene-
real diseases. The incidence of these
diseases is increased by primitive sani-
ation. Especially appalling is the
small number of houses that have
either flush toilets or adjacent toilets
of any kind. Although the sun is fre-
quently referred to as the principal
'doctor," the tropical rains add to the
ncidence of many diseases. The Neth-
erlands West Indies again reveal a
happy contrast. The workers are paid
wages that permit them to buy im-
ported foodstuffs. The absence of rain,
except for a brief period, as much as
the traditional Dutch habit of cleanli-
ness, keeps down many diseases — ma-
laria, for example, is virtually un-
known. But there is a surprisingly
large number of houses even in the
cities of Willemstad, Oranjestad and
San Nicolas without inside toilets.

Organized Efforts to Prevent Disease

The International Health Board of
the Rockefeller Foundation has during
recent years spent large sums espe-
cially for the draining of swamps that
are the breeding grounds of malaria.
The medical officers of the United
States Marine Corps in Haiti laid the
foundations for a public health pro-
gram that has been furthered by the
training in the United States of a num-
ber of physicians in public health pro-
grams. Cooperative clinics in Cuba, a
kind of group hospitalization plan,
have brought medical services to many
who would otherwise have been de-
prived of them. The School of Tropi-
cal Medicine of the University of
Puerto Rico, aided by Columbia Uni-
versity and the Rockefeller Founda-
tion, has added greatly to the effective-
ness of the treatment of tropical dis-
eases. But fundamentally the health
of the West Indies will be improved
by the prevention rather than by the
cure of diseases.

RACE RELATIONS IN THE
WEST INDIES

Race Relations Belter
Than in the United States

However deplorable the economic,
educational and health conditions may
be in the West Indies, they reveal one
glaring superiority over the United

RACE RELATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES

611

States, namely, in race relations. Some
persons have exaggerated this supe-
riority, especially with respect to Cuba
and the Dominican Republic, by assert-
ing that there is no race prejudice in
them. There are, indeed, few manifes-
tations of race prejudice in public
places. Race discrimination is pre-
vented by law or Constitution. But
both republics have private clubs that
are limited to white members. The
existence of the justly famous Negro
Club Atenas in Havana is evidence
that Negroes feel that they are not
welcome in certain quarters, for the
writer believes that Negroes do not as
a rule voluntarily segregate them-
selves. In the Negro Republic of Haiti,
the Hotel Sans Souci does not admit
colored guests. Hotel 1829 in the Vir-
gin Islands until early in 1946 simi-
larly barred Negro guests. Puerto
Rico, where American influence is
strongest, has the worst record of ra-
cial segregation. Elsewhere racial seg-
regation as such is virtually unknown
in public places.

There is, however, a nexus between
race and class that all too often results
in racial discrimination. Most Negroes
simply do not have the money which
permits them to eat in first-class res-
taurants, go to first-class theatres, stay
in first-class hotels. For example, dur-
ing 1942, the writer went every day
for a month to the Florida restaurant
in Havana. The only colored persons
who came there were three strolling
musicians. The visitor to Cuba or the
Dominican Republic can not fail to ob-
serve that the clientele of the best
establishments are largely white and
that the color becomes darker as one
goes down in the scale.

Moreover, there are a few establish-
ments in Cuba where Negroes defi-
nitely are not welcome. As a distin-
guished colored Cuban remarked in
1942: "We can go wherever we please,
but there are some places where we
know that we are not wanted, and so
we don't go." American Negroes living
in States that have a civil rights law
prohibiting discrimination in public
places are familiar with this device.
After a number of years the pattern
of an exclusively white clientele be-
comes so fixed that a Negro is likely
to be denied service.

Americans Responsible For
Racial Discrimination in
Some Public Places

It is obvious that the influence of
Americans is most largely responsible
for these cases of what amounts prac-
tically to racial discrimination in some
public places. But the exclusion of
Negroes from private clubs is by no
means confined to those countries that
have come under American influence.
In the opinion of some students, the
upper-class Spaniard is perhaps even
more prejudiced in his private affairs
than is the American. In Cuba, they
sometimes draw the line against
Cubans, be they white or black. The
Netherlands West Indies also have a
few private clubs from which Negroes
are barred. Nowhere, so far as the
writer knows, is there any discrimina-
tion in public transportation. The gen-
eral absence of segregation in public
schools has already been noted.

Class System Among Negroes
Based On Color

One of the most distressing problems
in the West Indies is the class system
among Negroes based largely on color.
The Negro Republic of Haiti has a
very bad record in this respect. In-
deed, the January, 1946 revolution
was in part a determination on the
part of the "black elite" to gain power
from the "mulatto elite." Although
the regime of President Lescot was
not entirely a mulatto group — Presi-
dent Lescot, for example, was brown
skin — and although the new regime is
not exclusively black, the color ques-
tion was made the principal issue in
the election of the new president.
While the question of color is not so
acute elsewhere as it is in Haiti, it is
nevertheless a problem of serious pro-
portions in most of the West Indies.

Class Not Caste Causes
Inter-racial Problem

The problem is one of class and
not of caste. Black men have risen to
the highest positions in all the is-
lands, except Cuba, to which mulattoes
have attained. But it is more difficult
for them to do so. The reason again
is easily understandable. During the
period of slavery there was a much
larger percentage of black people
among the slaves than there were mu-
lattoes and there were more free mu-
lattoes than there were free Negroes.

612 A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

Moreover, in many instances white of-
ficials and employers have preferred
mulattoes in the higher positions
where they are closely associated in
their work. Because of the advantages
that generally accrue from a lighter
color, there is a natural desire to marry
a lighter person so that the children
may have these advantages. Finally,
the "black elite" is not necessarily
more interested in the black masses
than is the "mulatto elite."

Because of the small number of
Jews, Chinese, East Indians, and
Syrians they do not generally consti-
tute a grave problem. There is, how-
ever, some anti-Semitism among Ne-
groes and some feeling against other
peoples who have gained more wealth
and social position than have many
Negroes. Some Dominican Negroes
consider themselves superior to Hai-
tian Negroes and some Dutch West
Indian Negroes consider themselves
better than English West Indian Ne-
groes. On the whole, however, rela-
tions between and among the various
peoples of the West Indies are more
friendly than they are in most parts
of the United States. There is an' al-
most complete absence of group con-
flicts based on race. Intermarriage is
not prohibited by law and, while it is
not common between Negroes and
whites, it is generally not frowned
upon.

NEED OF SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC
REFORMS

"Even in normal times the standard
of living in many of the islands of
the Caribbean is precariously low."
This conclusion opens the foreword of
The Caribbean Islands and the War,
prepared by the United States Section
of the Anglo-American Caribbean Com
mission and published by the Depart
ment of State, 1943. The foreword
continues: "For the past 50 years com
missions appointed by the various gov-
ernments to investigate social and eco-
nomic conditions in the Caribbean, as
well as philanthropic foundations and
private investigators, have been pub
lishing disconcerting, and sometimes
shocking, reports as to conditions in
many of the islands. As a result of
some of these investigations, remedia
or palliative measures have been taken
but for the most part the area stil
remains a social and economic anachro

nism in a progressing Western Hemis-
phere."

THE WEST INDIES AND
WORLD WAR II

World War II Contributed
To Sub-Standard Living

The war naturally made it more
difficult, at least temporarily, to main-
tain even the normal sub-standards of
living. The Axis powers, fully aware
of the dependence of the West Indies
upon food imports, almost disrupted
shipping in the Caribbean. Subma-
rines also sank a large number of
tankers plying between Venezuela and
the Dutch islands of Curacao and
Aruba and fired upon a number of is-
lands. In the first six months after
Pearl Harbor the Allies, moreover, had
to transfer some of their larger ships
from the Caribbean to other theatres.
Early in 1942, according to the report
mentioned in the preceding paragraph,
"the Caribbean found itself faced by
famine in a few sections and poten-
tial famine in many others."

Prices rose sharply as a consequence
of the decrease in supply, increased
costs in the United States, Great Brit-
ain and Canada from which most of
the goods were imported, increases in
shipping costs, increases in demand
resulting from an expanded purchas-
ing power, and war time priorities
which aggravated the decreased supply.
The construction of American bases
in Bermuda, the Bahamas, Jamaica,
Antigua, St. Lucia, Trinidad and Brit-
ish Guiana offset much of the unem-
ployment resulting from the war. But
Jamaica was hard hit by the lack of
shipping for bananas, many of which
had to remain to rot in the fields. The
Bahamas suffered greatly from the loss
of the tourist trade as did many other
islands, especially Haiti. Cuba, the
Dominican Republic and Haiti found
sugar piling up in warehouses because
bags imported from the even cheaper
labor areas of the Far East were al-
most unobtainable. Puerto Rico's un-
employment situation in 1942 was
worse than that in the United States
at the depth of the depression in 1933.

West Indies Contributed to War Effort

Despite the opportunities thus pro-
vided for propaganda by the enemy,
the West Indies contributed notably to
the war effort. Although official re-

ANGLO-AMERICAN COMMISSION

G13

ports have not been made public, the
British West Indies Year Book for
1945 stated that the War Office had
announced early in 1944 that a con-
tingent of fighting troops from the
Colonies would shortly be moved to
an active theatre of operations. The
Year Book also stated that a large
number of decorations and awards had
been conferred upon West Indians. The
occupation of the French West Indies
by the Vichy representatives pre-
vented any considerable number from
there from participating in the fight-
ing elsewhere, but some individuals are
known to have served with distinction
in the European zone.

Laborers, especially from Jamaica,
helped to relieve the shortage in the
United States. Other British West In-
dians found work in the critically im-
portant oil refineries of the Nether-
lands West Indies. An expansion of
the oil production in Trinidad and a
tremendous increase in bauxite ex-
ported from the Guianas were the ma-
jor contributions of the British West
Indies to the strategic materials. Oil
executives are not greatly exaggerat-
ing when they say that the high oc-
tane gasoline sent from Curacao and
Aruba supplied more than half the
bombers that devastated Europe.

Haiti, Cuba, and the Dominican Re-
public vied with each other in being
the first to declare war on the Axis
after Pearl Harbor. All three made
available air bases and allowed Ameri-
can warships to use their ports freely.
They expanded their exports as much
as possible. Indeed, the expansion of
rubber production in Haiti to help
meet the needs of the United States
and her allies was the major economic
reason for the revolution of 1946.
Many food crop plots were turned over
to the rubber plantations. When syn-
thetic rubber production had expanded
in the United States and the end of
the war was in sight, the rubber pro-
gram in Haiti was abruptly discon-
tinued with resultant unemployment
aggravated by the reduction in the al-
ready inadequate home production of
food.

ANGLO-AMERICAN COMMISSION

The war once more brought into
sharp focus the "social and economic
anachronism" that still exists in the
West Indies. Dire necessity made the

United States and Great Britain act
promptly. They established on March
9, 1942 the Anglo-American Caribbean
Commission. The six members were to
"concern themselves primarily with
matters pertaining to labor, agricul-
ture, housing, health, education, social
welfare, finance, economics, and re-
lated subjects in the territories under
the British and United States flags
within this territory, and on these mat-
ters will advise their respective Gov-
ernments." Political matters were
thus excluded from the scope of the
Commission's activities which were to
be of an advisory nature only.

The Anglo-American Caribbean Com-
mission was expanded in December,
1945 into the Caribbean Commission
which includes the Governments of
France and the Netherlands. At the
first session at Barbados, March 21-30,
1944, representatives of ten British
colonies and American colonies and
one observer each from Canada and
the Netherlands adopted recommenda-
tions that formed the basis of a joint
statement by the United States and
the United Kingdom. It was the first
international conference in which there
was direct participation by representa-
tives of non-self-governing areas. The
second session met at St. Thomas,
Virgin Islands, February 21 to March
13, 1946. This second session, like the
first, adopted a number of recommen-
dations on such subjects as agricul-
tural diversification, industrial diversi-
fication, trade within the Caribbean and
transportation, health education and
exchange of health information, nutri-
tion with special reference to school
lunch programs, quarantine, plant and
animal quarantine, research (especially
the role of the Caribbean Research
Council), tourism, local crafts, socio-
logical surveys, and a conference of
soil scientists. Among the members of
the Caribbean Commission at its St.
Thomas meeting were Madame Eboue,
the widow of the former governor-gen-
eral of French Equatorial Africa, and
Dr. Ralph J. Bunche, Professor of Po-
litical Science in Howard University
on leave as Acting Chief, Division of
Dependent Area Affairs, United States
State Department.

At the present time the extent to
which these laudable recommendations »
will be carried out rests primarily with
the metropolitan countries — France,

614

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

the Netherlands, the United Kingdom
and the United States. Until the colo-
nies of the West Indies become self-
governing, Negroes there can have
little to do with any program for their
own betterment.

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN

THE WEST INDIES
New French Constitution
A Disappointment

France, so far, is the only one of
these four colonial powers that has
drawn up a general constitution
that provides for the administration
of its colonies. The Constitution of
September 28, 1946, approved by the
people on October 27, 1946 is a distinct
disappointment to those who hoped
that France would grant substantial
equality to her colonies. The French
West Indies, as in the past, are treated
as departments in the sense that they
elect deputies on the same basis of rep-
resentation as do the departments in
metropolitan France. But the repre-
sentation of "Black France" in Africa
is so small that it, together with the
deputies from the French West Indies,
can exercise little influence in the Na-
tional Assembly which alone has the
right to vote laws. While the colonies
in West Indies and Africa have an
unspecified percentage of one-half of
the representatives of the Assembly
of the French Union, this body has
only consultative and advisory powers.

The French West Indies have long
enjoyed universal suffrage which now
includes women and has for many
years sent Negroes to the French legis-
lative bodies. But so long as the colo-
nies are ruled by a legislative body in
France in which colonial subjects have
only a small voice, the right to elect
members of the legislative branch of
the colonial legislature has little sig-
nificance.

Recent Dutch Policy in
Netherlands West Indies

The French Constitution is so dis-
appointing that perhaps one should not
expect too much with respect to the
Netherlands West Indies. The Queen
on December 6, 1942, announced her
intention to hold a conference in which
Holland, Indonesia, Curacao Territory
(which includes all the Dutch West
Indian Islands) and Dutch Guiana
would participate for the purpose of es-

tablishing a new "partnership." At the
end of the war, the Indonesians who
had suffered from exploitation com-
parable to that in the West Indies
launched a revolution which had been
further inspired by Japanese propa-
ganda against the white powers. Hol-
land and Britain were too weak to
subdue the revolutionists and in an
agreement announced on November 19,
1946, Holland granted virtual inde-
pendence to the major East Indian
islands. Leaders of the autonomy
movement Curacao told the writer in
the summer of 1946 that they had
faith that the Queen would hold the
conference as soon as the settlement
had been reached with Indonesia. But
many careful observers are afraid that
the "partnership" will be between two
independent entities, Holland and In-
donesia, and two dependent areas,
Curacao Territory and Dutch Guiana.
True partnership can not rest upon
such inequality.

Virtual Self-Government
Granted to Jamaica

England in 1944 mnde the most sig-
nificant step in the recent political
history of the Caribbean when she
granted Jamaica virtual self-govern-
ment. The insular Government con-
sists of a Governor appointed by the
Crown, a Privy Council, a Legislative
Council, and a House of Representa-
tives. The Privy Council which con-
sists of four officials and two nomi-
nated unofficial members advises the
Governor on judicial matters. The
Executive Council, which is the prin-
cipal instrument of policy, consists of
three officials and two unofficial mem-
bers of the Legislative Council nomi-
nated by the Governor and five mem-
bers of the House of Representatives
elected by that body. The Governor
presides over this body and has a cast-
ing but not an original vote. Although
in general he is bound to accept the
advice of the Executive Council, he
may in certain circumstances reject it
and report his reasons to the Secretary
of State for Colonies. The Executive
Council is responsible for the prepara-
tion of the budget and the initiation
of all financial measures, a power
which in the United States rests with
the House of Representatives.

The Legislative Council consists of
five official members and not less than

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE WEST INDIES

615

ten unofficial members defined as per-
sons not holding any office of emolu-
ment under the Crown in Jamaica.

The House of Representatives con-
sists of thirty-two members, ejected
for five years, upon an adult spfrage
"without poll tax," as English colonial
officials take delight in telling Ameri-
can audiences. The powers of this
House of Representatives are the crux
of the extent to which self-government
has been granted.

If any bill is passed by the House
of Representatives in two successive
sessions and has been sent on to the
Legislative Council at least one month
before the end of the session and has
been rejected by the Legislative Coun-
cil in each of those two sessions,
that bill, on its rejection for the
second time by the Legislative Coun-
cil, shall, unless the House of
Representatives otherwise resolve, be
presented to the Governor for his
"assent," meaning approval. If the
Governor approves, or if he reserves
it for His Majesty's approval and
the latter approve, the bill thereupon
becomes law. This procedure is subject
to the stipulation that one year shall
have elapsed between the date of the
second reading in the first of the ses-
sions and the date on which it passes
the House in the second of its sessions.
In England, if the House of Commons
approves a measure under comparable
circumstances, the King has no power
to withhold his assent. But in Jamaica
the Governor may, in certain circum-
stances, if he deems it expedient in
the interest of public order, public
faith or good government, declare that
any measure introduced in either
house has the force of law. Most im-
portant of all, "when a bill is presented
to the Governor for his assent, he may,
according to his discretion, declare that
he refuses to approve it." Consequently,
one can hardly assert that Jamaica
is a fully self-governing colony.

At the first election of the House
of Representatives on December 14,
1944, the Jamaica Labor Party, led by
Mr. Alexander Bustamente, gained 21
votes, the People's National Party, led
by Mr. Norman W. Manley, both col-
ored, 5. The other constituencies re-
turned 5 independent candidates. Since
then a People's National Party has
been transferred to labor. The new
Constitution was formally proclaimed

in effect on January 9, 1945. At the
end of five years it is to be reviewed
for further expansion of self-govern-
ment.

Jamaica Constitution a Yardstick
Of Self -Government

This Jamaica Constitution provides
a yardstick for the measurement of
self-government in the other West In-
dian colonies. Adult suffrage exists
only, in addition, in the French West
Indies already discussed, Puerto Rico
and the Virgin Islands. Barbados, for
example, in 1938 out of a total popula-
tion of 193,082 allowed only 6,381 to
vote. In 1946, only about 6,000 out of a
total population of some 125,000 in the
Netherlands West Indies had the right
to vote. In all these instances there
were, of course, some white voters.
Since the Governors of both the Brit-
ish and the Netherlands West Indies
possess effective veto powers, the pow-
ers of the Executive Council and of
the Legislative Council have little
meaning.

Jesus T. Pinero, First
Puerto Rican Governor

The United States has taken two
steps, neither of which is as important
as those put into effect by the French,
the English or the plans of the Dutch.
In Puerto Rico the United States has,
for the first time, appointed a Puerto
Rican, Jesus T. Pinero, as Governor.
The entire Cabinet, also for the first
time, is composed entirely of Puerto
Ricans. But articulate Puerto Ricans
demand statehood, independence, or
complete self-government within the
American empire. Statehood is unlike-
ly in view of the large Negro popula-
tion. Independence is aleatory because
of the economic disadvantages that
would ensue. A larger degree of au-
tonomy which would permit Puerto
Rico to enjoy the economic benefits of
membership in the American empire
would seem to some to be the best im-
mediate program for Puerto Rico.

William Henry Hastie Appointed
Governor of Virgin Islands

President Truman appointed an
American Negro, Mr. William Henry
Hastie, Dean of the Law School of
Howard University and former Fed-
eral judge in the Virgin Islands, Gov-
ernor of those islands. Both these steps
were acclaimed as minor gestures to-

616

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

ward self-government, but neither can
be considered equal to the advances
made by the Jamaica Constitution of
1944.

Two Other Possibilities For Political
Advancement in West Indies

Two other possibilities for political
advancement remain to be considered.
One is West Indian federation and the
other is progress under the Charter
of the United Nations.

Federation would be easier for the
English colonies alone than for the
other colonies and the three independ-
ent republics because of questions of
language, race, and religion. Federa-
tion would have many advantages from
the point of view at least of adminis-
trative economy. But federation with-
out a larger degree of self-government
would mean little for the Negroes of
the West Indies.

Trusteeship Rejected By
West Indians

Trusteeship is rejected by practically
all West Indians, French, British, and
Dutch. As far as the United States is
concerned, it is not even discussed for
Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands.
But even if trusteeship is not con-
sidered, Chapter XI of the Charter of
the United Nations deserves considera-
tion. This chapter contains the words
"sacred trust" which are found in
article 22 of the Covenant of the
League of Nations, but not in the
Chapters XII and XIII, which deal
with the trust areas. Chapter XI pro-
vides that the colonial powers shall
send information to the Secretary-Gen-
eral "for information purposes, subject
to such limitation as security and con-
stitutional considerations may require,
statistical and other information of a
technical nature relating to economic,
social, and educational conditions." It
was agreed in London in February,

1946, that the Secretary-General is to
include a summary of this information
in his annual report to the General
Assembly. The value of this proce-
dure Wjill be determined by the extent
to which a summary of the discussions
in the General Assembly inspire public
opinion to demand improvement of the
conditions thus exposed.

Limited Power of the International
Labor Office and the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization

Two other international agencies
merit consideration. One is the Inter-
national Labor Office and the other is
the United Nations Educational, Sci-
entific and Cultural Organization.
Neither of these organizations has any
power to intervene in the domestic af-
fairs of any nation, including their
colonies. They may submit recom-
mendations just as may the Caribbean
Commission.

THE WORLD FEDERATION OF

TRADE UNIONS— THE HOPE

OF THE WEST INDIES

Finally, the World Federation of
Trade Unions is seeking to develop
an international organization in which
only representatives of trade unions
may effect progress for the great
masses of people in all parts of the
world. While this international organi-
zation will speak only for labor, it will
not attempt to intervene in the local
jurisdiction of trade unions. If, how-
ever, local trade unions become power-
ful enough to gain collective bargain-
ing and the other constructive rights
of labor in the United States, they may
become the agencies by which the
masses of the people in the West In-
dies may eliminate the "social and
economic anachronism" of the West
Indies. Otherwise, it should not be sur-
prising that the disinherited masses
may turn to Communism.

DIVISION XXXIX

THE NEGRO IN HAITI

By REMY BASTIEN
Petionville, Haiti

During the period 1939-1946 which
this division proposes to survey, impor-
tant events occurred in Haitian life,
principally in the political sphere.
Statistical information may prove de-
ficient in many aspects due to lack
of published reports and accurate cen-
sus in Haiti — i.e., demography, dis-
eases, and economy. We will study
separately the essential developments
of this period with something of an
historical background when necessary
for the understanding. Since Haiti
uses the metrical system, we will use
it here for certain statistics and, un-
less otherwise specified, all currency
will be given in the Haitian gourde
which is approximately 5:1 dollar,
U. S. A.

POPULATION

Ethnical Considerations

The population of Haiti has suffered
no noticeable change in number due
to immigration or emigration. Its rate
of increase is the same or only slightly
higher as a result of hygienic
measures. Haiti is a Republic con-
sisting of from ninety to ninety-five
per cent so-called "pure" Negroes with
a small percentage of mulattoes and
whites. Some good studies have been
compiled and published by Haitian
scholars dealing with the ethnical con-
stituents of Haitians of today: Price-
Mars, L'Afrique Noire et Ses Peuples
(1942) and Evolution Stadiale du Vo-
dou by Denis et Duvalier (1944).
Both recapitulate the heterogeneous
origin of the slaves brought to the
French Colony of Saint-Domingue,
from Senegal to Madagascar. Members
of different tribes — of Sudan, Guinea
or Congo — of non-understandable lan-
guages, with varied customs and be-
liefs, under the leadership of the Da-
homean, fused their tribal religions
into the Vodou and later adopted
Catholicism and used the Creole lan-
guage of many French colonists. Un-
fortunately, up to this time, it has not
been possible to carry on researches

in physicial anthropology in an effort
to determine whether or not somatic
traits of the ethnical groups, men-
tioned above, subsist in certain Hai-
tian regions. Such efforts may prove
futile since much blood mixture has
occurred since the eighteenth century,
perhaps erasing sub-racial traits. In
any case, it would be interesting to
undertake an anthropological survey
of Haitian countrymen and the mu-
latto.

Population and Vital Statistics

Concerning the census in Haiti, we
have been dealing up to this time with
approximate numbers. But in 1942 the
United States offered to Haiti the serv-
ices of Chester W. Young, a specialist,
"for statistical work over a period of
several years." Lacking qualified as-
sistants and a governmental bureau,
Mr. Young's work of necessity had to
be slow. He began by compiling old
sources. In March, 19431 Young
reached an approximate round number
of 3,000,0002 inhabitants in Haiti; the
best sources being the Catholic clergy
birth and death records, plus a number
of followers proclaimed by less popular
sects: Wesleyan, Methodist, Adventist,
etc. The numbers for 1941 are the
following: Catholics in 115 parishes,
2,663,000; non-Catholics, 56,474, total-
ing 2,719,474.

Data obtained in 1942 indicate for a
round 3,000,000 population the follow-
ing rates of birth, death, and marriage
in Haiti: Births, 44,805, or 14.9 per
cent; deaths, 12,416 or 4.1 per cent;
and marriages, 3,298 or 1.1 per cent.
Such percentages explain the rapid in-
crease of the Haitian population which
is now after 140 years, eight times
what it was in the beginning of Hai-
tian independence in 1805. At that
time, after the bloody massacres and
battles against the French and between

Journal of the Inter-American Statistical

Institute, Vol. 1-3, pp. 21-25.

3West Indian Year Book, 1945, gives 3,-

500,000.

617

618

THE NEGRO IN HAITI

political factions, the Negro and mu-
latto population of 1789 of 480,000 in-
habitants3 dropped to 375,000 according
to Humboldt — a number very near to
the 380,000 given by the census or-
dered by the Independence hero, Dessa-
lines, in 1805. The infant mortality
rate is not accurately known but is, in
all probability, high due to lack of
hygienic conditions, miscarriages re-
sulting from untimely work of preg-
nant women, and inadequate diet. The
low marriage rate is explained by the
system of natural union or placage,
which rests upon a certain economic
basis. This system, however, is not to
be confused with mere concubinage or
an extramarital union.

Haitian population is about 83 per
cent rural and only 17 per cent urban4,
as follows: Rural, 2,590,000; urban,
510,000; a total of 3,000,000. The aver-
age rural family contains six members.

The Problem of Over-Population

The density of population is now one
of Haiti's chief problems. The agree-
ment reached in December, 1942 by
the Dominican-Haitian Boundary Com-
mission, at work intermittently since
1929, deprived Haiti of more than
1,000 square kilometers5, reducing the
territory to a mere 26,000 square
kilometers, which immediately puts it
in the class with El Salvador as one
of the two smallest American Repub-
lics. Haiti, however, is far ahead as
the more densely populated, with 115
inhabitants per square kilometer (or
nearly 300 per square mile). Since a
large part of Haiti is desert or semi-
desert, the countrymen crowd into
small valleys or plains, in hamlets of
some 100 to 500 inhabitants. One fam-
ily constitutes what is called a "habi-
tation." Outside eight or nine princi-
pal cities, totaling at the maximum
350,000, the other urbes are only mod-
erately sized villages with a large ma-
jority of agricultural population. To
summarize: The average density of
the rural folk is much higher than
the general average given for the total

3Moreau de St. Mery, "Description de la

Partie Prancaise de Saint Domingue,"

1, 285. 1797.

Evaluation of Dantes Bellegarde in "La

Nation Haitienne" quoted by C. W.

Young-, loc. cit.

6A kilometer is equal to 3,280.8 feet, or

0.621 of a mile.

area of Haiti and may reach 175 per
square kilometer.6

It is understandable that with such
a population problem, immigration
must play a small role in Haitian de-
mography. In 1937, the apparent solu-
tion to the super-population — immigra-
tion problem was disturbed by the re-
turn from Cuba and the Dominican Re-
public of more than 30,000 Haitians,
engaged in those countries as sugar-
cane plantation workers. This re-
sulted from Fulgencio Batista's decree
in Cuba and Trujillo's cold-blooded
massacre of 12,000 border-living Hai-
tians. About the same time, emigra-
tion started in Europe due to the Nazi
persecution of Jews and non-Nazi peo-
ples. The policy of the Haitian gov-
ernment toward the refugee was a
friendly one; but no lands were avail-
able for agricultural settlements and
only a few Germans, Poles, and Aus-
trians came to Haiti. These estab-
lished themselves in Port-au-Prince,
principally, where they are trying, at
times successfully, to work in small
industries such as sisal weaving, ma-
hogany carving, or in the butcher's
trade.

Immigration

The immigration of Caucasian races
has been almost negligible in Haiti.

Since the Constitution of 1805 for-
bade white people to possess estates in
Haiti, very few have tried to live in
the country despite the fact that there
has been no antagonistic attitude on
the part of Haitians toward them. The
Constitution of 1918, imposed by the
United States on Haiti during the Ma-
rine Occupation, suppressed the ar-
ticle denying right of property to
whites. Favored by the protection and
security given by the Occupation
(1915-1934), the number of foreigners,
the great majority of whom were of
Caucasian stock, i.e., Italian, Syrian,
French, German, etc., increased from
a round number of 2,000 in 1910 to
3,000 in 1930.7 We can be sure even
in the absence of published statistics,
that since 1939 the number of resident
foreigners, chiefly American officials
have increased. Immigration on any

Estimation of the Haitian Delegation to
the Inter-American Demographic Con-
gress, Mexico City, Oct. 1943.
7Inter-American Statistical Year Book,
1942. Macmillan. New York. Nationali-
ties not specified.

HEALTH

619

considerable scale, however, has slight
possibilities in Haiti. There are some
Chinese immigrants engaged in laun-
dry work and in the restaurant busi-
ness, while the Italians are generally
shoemakers and jewelers. Syrians are
shopkeepers or wholesalers and re-
tailers, while the majority of the
French are clergymen or nuns. (Of
the number, 668, there were a few
Canadians and Spaniards in 1930). Ne-
gro immigration has been insignificant,
during the past seven years, and has
never been successful since the days
of President Boyer (1818-1843) when
governmental policy tried to improve
Haitian agricultural methods and to
constitute a "middle class" with the
help of American Negroes. Although
13,000 of them came to Haiti, the plan
failed. During the Geffrard reign
(1859-1867) the idea was attempted
again, and 2,000 American blacks from
the Southern States were established
in the cotton-growing Artibonite river
region, but without real success.

Attitude Toward Immigrants

The Government seldom expressed
a hostile attitude towards immigrants
except in regard to land property, and
only this as a protection against the
establishment of latifundia and its
logical consequence, servitude. Sy-
rians were temporarily expelled from
Haiti two or three times before 1915.
But in 1935, in order to protect Hai-
tian enterprise, retail business was
closed to "anyone who was not a Hai-
tian d'origine." That measure, if it
had worked, might have affected prin-
cipally the Syrians. The law was
modified in January, 1939, and finally
suppressed by a Decree-Law of Jan-
uary 13, 1943. President Lescot's Con-
stitutional Amendments of June 2,
1935, permit the holding of public of-
fices by foreigners who have become
naturalized Haitians; but only after
a 10-year residency in the country.
The presidency is accessible only to
citizens "born of a Haitian-born fa-
ther."

We can expect better demographic
data of Haiti in the future from the
foundation, the "Societe d'lnvestiga-
tions Statistiques et Demographiques,"
established in 1945, whose aims are
"to encourage the collection of na-
tional statistical data essential to the
study of economic, social and cultural
matters."

HEALTH

Magnitude of the Health Problem

Along with the over-population prob-
lem, the health problem of the Haitian
people is of major importance. During
the 1939-1946 period, it received in-
creased attention; but its solution is
far from being reached. The princi-
pal components of the problem are:
Lack of hygienic conditions among the
rural population resulting from illit-
eracy and ignorance; insufficient num-
ber of doctors; inabilty to provide
more rural clinics; lack of communi-
cation facilities; inadequate diet; low
economic status of the peasant; and
the retarding effect of the medicine
man or bocor in the country. As a re-
sult, yaws, tuberculosis, malaria, and
other ills undermine the health of a
very high per cent of the population-
lowering their working capacity and
production. Superficial observers stamp
the peasant with "laziness," when the
characteristics observed are too fre-
quently a result of ill health. The
health care of the Haitian people is
under the direction of the National
Service of Hygiene and the American
Sanitary Mission, plus some private
hospitals and a small number of free
clinics whose personnel work without
remuneration from the government.
There are ten governmental hospitals.

Housing is poor in the country and
among the common people of the
cities. The countrymen build straw-
covered houses in the plains as well
as in the mountains with little or no
ventilation. The floor is batten earth
and most of these people have no beds.
Contamination is easy and prevalent.
The slums in Port-au-Prince, near the
harbor, have been areas of pestilence.
They were partly cleaned during the
Vincent presidency (1930-1941) but far
from completely. In other cities, the
slums remained the same.

Non-Existence of Rural
Health Facilities

As for sanitation — in the country,
facilities are almost nonexistent. In
the t towns, insufficient drainage sys-
tems and high prices hamper the in-
troduction of the so-called "modern
comforts" — the cheaper latrines being
in use for more than 90 per cent of
the houses. The number of showers
is increasing, but small familial pools
or "bassins" are still common. The

620

THE NEGRO IN HAITI

newer sections of Port-au-Prince in-
habited by wealthy families, however,
show ^all the architectural improve-
ments for comfortable living. The Na-
tional Service of Hygiene has in-
creased the number of visits by its
agents to private houses and is requir-
ing more persistently that the people
observe precautions against mosquitoes
and other infectious insects. In order
to improve the efficiency of that serv-
ice, more than a dozen inspectors were
sent, in 1942-1943, to Puerto Rico on
fellowships to study sanitation for a
period of some four months. The prin-
cipal cities received some of these in-
spectors upon their return and a true
campaign of sanitation was under-
taken by Dr. Jules Thebaud, head of
the National Service of Hygiene. Pub-
lic indifference or lack of enthusiasm
jeopardized the desirable results of
that effort. The task is not an easy
one, however, since Haitian cities are
generally built on the flat plains of
the coast — unhealthy areas where
drainage is not easy and swamps are
abundant. A natural result is a high
malaria frequency. In Port-au-Prince,
however, special care has checked the
incidence of that disease. In the
Petit-Goave region, where the Rocke-
feller Foundation worked against it,
and in the Plain of Les Cayes, the
prevalence of malaria is approximately
70 per cent and 80 per cent, respec-
tively. The increase of banana culture
since 1935 under the monopoly of the
Standard Fruit Company is said to be
responsible for an increase of malaria
in certain sectors; for example, Saint-
Marc, Petit-Goave, and the western
point of the southern peninsula, as
the banana tree favors the growth of
larvae between its leaves.

The Government distributed quinine
at a very low price to the people until
the sources of quinine were cut off in
1942 by the war in the Pacific. Agrono-
mist, Andre Mangones, proposed in the
same year the cultivation of a variety
of quinine in Haiti, but the project
was not considered, since atabrine was
obtained in sufficient quantity. The
same writer advocated a project for
milk control at Port-au-Prince, aiming
at pasteurization of the food brought
from the country; but this received
no attention. Women, mounted on
small donkeys, continue to ride,
through Port-au-Prince streets selling
milk, which is often contaminated.

Tuberculosis a Major
Social Problem

Tuberculosis, if not a "first" dis-
ease, presents a social problem in the
cities which is difficult of solution.
It is considered a disease to be
ashamed of and, is therefore, more
deadly than any other one. Citizens
.may not admit its presence, and, as a
result, the hospital statistics are in-
complete. In any case, Bulletins of
the Service National d' Hygiene esti-
mate that from 24 per cent to 26 per
cent of deaths registered in the hos-
pitals result from tuberculosis. Since
a majority of the victims come from
the country, this percentage — it may be
higher — is a fair estimate. In 1942
Dr. Edouard Roy, Jr., a specialist in
tuberculosis, who had returned from
Ita'y and the United States, under-
took with the help of the government
a program against the disease. The
plan included the collection of funds
for the construction of a sanatorium
of 100 beds on the slopes of Hospital
Hill, south of Port-au-Prince. Inten-
sive propaganda convinced the people
that tuberculosis is curable and not
"shameful." The collection of funds
took a very fashionable turn when
some of the wealthy people subscribed
$500 (United States currency) per
bed. The Tuberculosis Sanatorium, the
first in Haitian medical history, was
pompously inaugurated and blessed
by the Archbishop of Port-au-Prince
in the presence of President Lescot
and his cabinet in 1944. One wonders
to what extent it will be useful or
even available to the common peo-
ple, as long as hospitalization is very
expensive.

Poor Adaptation to Climate

We can observe in relation to tuber-
culosis that the Haitian peasant has
little adaptation to the climate. As
we noted before, the houses are the
same in hot plains as they are in high
valleys and mountains, where the
weather is subject to swift changes.
Because of his low economic level, the
peasant has not been able to provide
himself with suitable special garments.
He clothes himself in the same fashion
everywhere. He goes barefooted and
unprotected against hookworm. Hook-
worm is considered, along with ma-
laria and yaws, one of the morbid
"triad" of Haiti. In 1935. according

HEALTH

621

to Dr. Camille Lherisson*, 26 per cent
of the rural population examined in
one sector was affected by it. It is
probable that the percentage is even
higher since certain mountainous sec-
tions of Haiti are difficult to investi-
gate because of their inaccessibility.
Zones free of the disease are flat, salty
and quite rare. In order to fight
against hookworm, but also because
of a "decency complex," peasants were
asked to wear shoes or sandals, at
least when coming to town. Violation
of this requirement is punishable by
jail sentence. The government, per-
haps, wishes to avoid the idea on the
part of foreigners and visitors that
Haiti is a country of barefooters. But
dramatically enough, prisoners can be
seen in their red-and-white-striped
clothes and barefooted, going through
Port-au-Prince on their way to per-
form work at some high governmental
or military official's private house
which is under construction.

The Prevalence of Yaws

Yaws has a long and painful history
in Haiti. It appeared as early as 1509,
seventeen years after the arrival of
Columbus9 presumably brought over
from Africa by the slaves. During all
the French colonial period (1697-1803)
plan, as the disease is known in Haiti,
was frequent. The prevalence of the
disease was due to many causes. Liv-
ing conditions were bad; slaves were
generally crowded into communal
houses; the diet was inadequate and
of poor quality, slaves were often re-
duced to eating snakes and insects
The Negroes during the eighteenth
century developed a kind of vaccina-
tion against yaws by innoculating the
children so that they could not con-
tract the disease later.10 After the in-
dependence of Haiti in 1805, medical
care was slight, and up to 1915, with
the American Occupation, no broad
effort was undertaken to check the in-
creasing spread of yaws. Leyburn
writes: "An American, Dr. Paul Wil-
son, in 1922, first called yaws the pri-
mary physical curse of Haiti. ... By
1931, the Public Health Service had

""Diseases of the Peasants of Haiti,"
American Journal of Public Health, XXV,
No. 8, 1935.

°M. G. Levacher, "Guide Medical des An-
tilles," 1847, quoted by Leyburn, p. 275.
10Labat, "Nouveau Voyage aux lies de
1'Amerique." Paris, 1762.

given in twelve years 2,655,386 injec-
tions. Progress has been swift, but
the fight against yaws is one which
has to be waged continually."11 In
spite of all improvements, the percent-
age (78 per cent) of the population
affected by yaws was not much lower
when in 1943 a branch of the American
Sanitary Mission started a broad-scale
program against the disease. Doctors
Dwinelle and L. Dudley did an excel-
lent job with the means at their dis-
posal. The extent and results of their
activities may be seen in the following
statistics:

Number of clinics for the treatment
of yaws, 9; monthly average of cures,
1,000; percentage of the rural popula-
tion affected, 80 per cent; cases regis-
tered from March to December, 1943,
141,320; injections, 208,877; cases reg-
istered, January to September, 1944,
175,881; injections, 217,712; cases reg-
istered, October, 1944 to September,
1945, 117,654; injections, 403,706; cases
registered, October, 1945 to December,
1945, 46.287; injections, 123,615; cases
registered, January to February, 1946,
38,574; injections, 101,040.

Penicillin was used, but it seems that
better results were obtained with
Marpharsan and Subsalicylate of Bis-
muth. Statistics for pestilencial dis-
eases in the Americas for 1940-1943,
published in 1946 by the Haitian Bu-
reau of Public Health, give the follow-
ing: Smallpox, yellow fever, rickets —
no cases registered. Poliomyelitis:
Two cases in 1943 — no fatalities.

In resume, the health situation in
Haiti for the period 1939-1946 received
more attention than ever before, with
hopes of better results for the coming
years — especially for yaws and ma-
laria. In 1942, a governmental decree
pretended to require all medical stu-
dents before receiving their degrees
(instruction in medicine is practically
gratis in the National faculty) to com-
plete a one-year period of field prac-
tice among the countrymen. The meas-
ure, in spite of its patriotic character
and value, was not well understood
and provoked strong protests. It is
doubtful whether it ever worked suc-
cessfully.

Although the Army budget repre-
sents for the years we are surveying
an average of 25 per cent of the Na-

"Leyburn, James G. The Haitian People,
p.. 275. 1941. Yale University Press.

C22

THE NEGRO IN HAITI

tional Budget, the Public Health Serv-
ice received only 9 per cent of it, rep-
resenting less than $600,000 a year for
3,000,000 inhabitants, i. e., 20 cents
per capita.

ECONOMIC STATUS

Economic Problems

Haiti is known as one of the poor-
est, if not the poorest, of the Ameri-
can Republics. With a large popula-
tion whose resources are mainly agri-
cultural and with but few industrial
possibilities which result in tremen-
dous import-activity — such as textiles,
flour, soap, dried fish — Haitian eco-
nomy is static and will be until some-
thing (an increase in industry) is
added to augment her production or
lighten, relatively, the burden of im-
portation. If the natural oils, coconut
for instance, could be used for soap
fabrication; if cooperative fisheries
cculd exploit the richness of Haitian
coasts; or, if textile mills could use
Haitian cotton, their products could
be cheaper than the imported ones and
at the same time such activity would
call for Haitian laborers.

Certain aspects of this theory have
been put into operation. In 1944, the
Government of Lescot entered into an
agreement with private businessmen
for the establishment of the first cot-
ton textile mill with a capacity pro-
duction of 3,000,000 yards per year.
A small fishing cooperative was
founded, and efforts were made in the
agricultural field to improve methods
and introduce new crops. Although
the War had accelerated the latter
measure, it caused serious mistakes
which will be explained later.
The Land and the People

Despite the fact of land distribution
by Petion and Boyer (1807-1843), it
is estimated that half of the Haitian
territory belongs to the State — i.e.,
about 13,000 square kilometers. When
mountainous areas unfit for cultiva-
tion and desert lands are subtracted,
less than 10,000 square kilometers
ready for cultivation remain.

We must remember that the rural
population is estimated at around 2,-
500,000 which gives us one square
kilometer for each 250 inhabitants.
This arable land produces enough
agricultural goods to give a low yearly
income of about $75.00 per capita to
the . countryman, besides small earn-

ings from basketry, ceramics, poultry,
and husbandry. The main crops are
maize, millet, manihot and vegetables
— a great part of which is for sale at
the town markets at a relatively low
price. Coffee, the basic export prod-
uct of Haiti, is not cultivated on any
great scale. In the coffee lands each
countryman has around his house a
few plants growing in a nearly wild
state.

The Rural Population

The rural population is an agricul-
tural one. When the fields must be
sowed, the men of a village gather
and in a group clean them and sow
them. This community effort is called
a coumbite. The women go to the mar-
ket accompanied by the young girls,
covering long distances over bad
trails. Boys are initiated into agricul-
ture at an early age. The possession
of two fields far apart often induce
a peasant to have two wives, which
practice, of course, is in complete dis-
agreement with the Church. Fre-
quently, however, this practice is not
based on immorality but rather on
necessity. While the peasant builds
his house with little expense, he must
buy many imported articles, such as
textiles for his clothes, soap, tools, etc.
The plough is practically unknown in
Haiti; the hoe is the chief tool. The
peasant is ignorant of the principles
of rotation and only when constant
cropping reduces the production of a
field does he let it rest for some years.
Meanwhile, he cleans another patch of
land or uses one formerly in use. De-
forestation is a grave danger to Hai-
tian rural, and consequently, national
economy. The irrigation system of co-
lonial times fell into oblivion, and
areas at that time green with sugar
cane are now covered by dusty xero-
phytic brushes among which a few
goats wander.

The National School of Agriculture

The fight for the improvement of
Haitian agriculture began really in
1924 with the foundation of a Na-
tional School of Agriculture, better
known as the S. N. P. A. (Service Na-
tional de la Production Agricole). The
first step in developing the school was
the training of agronomists and other
specialists. There were at the begin-
ning many blunders and much bluff-
ing, and the so-called American ex-

ECONOMIC STATUS

623

perts earning high pay were too fre-
quently ignorant. In spite of all, 63
students received their degrees in
agronomy and 116, the title of rural
teachers.12 Propaganda was begun
among the peasantry to explain the
disastrous results of deforestation.
The cultivation of existing crops was
encouraged by bonuses and the dis-
tribution of tools. This innovation was
already in progress when in 1939, with
World War II, came the coffee drop to
eleven cents (United States currency)
per kilo. (In 1929 coffee sold for 55
cents a kilo). The French market
closed; the economy of Haiti received
a severe blow. Employees' paychecks
suffered reductions of from 20 to 30 per
cent, until 1943. When the United
States entered the war, Haiti was in a
very bad economic condition, with lit-
tle hope. In 1941 hope came, but dis-
asters followed.

Increased Production and Commerce

The Government policy was the in-
troduction of new plants whose prod-
ucts could be exported: Coriander,
chilli-pepper, soya, derris, Bulgarian
anise; and to increase the cultivation
of existing ones — sisal was among the
more important, along with banana,
rice, millet, and vegetables. Commerce
with the United States increased, as
the following round numbers in dol-
lars indicate:

Export Import

1939 . . $5,000,000 1939 . . $3,000,000

1940.. 5,000,000 4,000,000

1941.. 6,000,000 7,000,000

1942.. 5,000,000 6,000,000

1943.. 5,000,000

1944.. 6,500,000

1945.. 6,500,000

After 1943 Haitian Export stood high
and the Budget was increased. But the
balance was not enough in favor of
exportation and the economic situa-
tion of the rural population grew
worse than ever.

Two companies or Societies were at
work: The J. G. White Company, con-
cerned chiefly with communications
improvements, i. e., roads, bridges and
harbors; and the S. H. A. D. A. (So-
ciete Haitiano-Americaine de De-
veloppement Agricole) established in

12David, Jean P., Les Contributions du
S. N. P. A. & E. R. a 1'Agrriculture Hai-
tienne, Bulletin 29 of the S. N. P. A. &
E. R., Port-au-Prince, 1944.

1941, backed by the Export-Import
Bank of Washington which aimed "to
serve as the instrument of agricul-
tural diversification and social welfare
in the rural areas.13 Both were sup-
posed to give work to Haitians, to the
countrymen especially. Shortly before
the S. H. A. D. A. started working,
President Lescot, in a speech delivered
to the Gonaives region peasants, told
them that soon they would have "in-
digestion from too much work." The
promise took form in a big crypto-
stegia project for lastex production.
To that end nearly 100,000 hectares of
land were scorched, without consid-
eration for the countryman, his family
and his fields — giving place to the new
strategic plant.

On September 24, 1942, the Govern-
ment increased the minimum pay of
workers from twenty cents (United
States currency) to thirty cents a day.
The measure was not well received by
American companies, but it worked.
The cryptostegia project was an utter
failure, resulting in the near-starva-
tion of thousands of peasants. The
attitude of the S. H. A. D. A. white
officials was, furthermore, haughty
and entirely unfair toward their work-
ers. In the southern peninsula, the
sacking and destruction of fields, gen-
eral disorders, and high disease rate
among the laborers were results of in-
adequate administration.. This condi- .
tion was revealed to the Haitian peo-
ple in a report written by a young
agronomist, Lassegue, which report
the Government kept secret. However,
S. H. A. D. A. was more fortunate in
its lumber project.

Five Year Economic
Development Plan

In 1943, the Government of Presi-
dent Lescot studied a Five Year Plan
for Economic Development. Lescot, in
a public address at Cap-Haitien on
October 17, 1945, sketched the project
as follows: Forestation, irrigation, new
roads, development of cattle raising,
new crops, and the foundation of new
villages in order to diminish the over-
population in certain zones by bring-
ing families upon newly irrigated sec-
tions. The center of the project was
the central northern region of Haiti,
but works were to be developed in
many other parts of the country. The

18Inter-American Affairs, 1942. New York.
1943.

624

THE NEGRO IN HAITI

project, the cost of which was esti-
mated at $10,000,000 required an ar-
rangement between Haiti and the
United States concerning the payment
of the Public Debt in such a way as
to permit Haiti to use the surplus in-
come for its own advancement. The
political events of January, 1946 frus-
trated the accomplishment of Lescot's
quinquennial plan. The same fate was
reserved for the building of a cotton
textile mill, the foundations of which
were destroyed by the revolutionary
mobs of January, 1946.

War Effects on Industry

Under the stress of necessity, the
War cutting down the importation of
certain goods and increasing prices,
a number of small industries started
in Haiti with the help of the Service
National de la Profession Agricola.
But lack of sufficient husbandry did
not permit big scale development in
dairy and meat products. However,
meat importation was reduced con-
siderably as can be seen in the fol-
lowing figures:

Year
(Average for) Kilos

Value

1926-1936 814.201 889.513 gourdes
(5 to a dollar)

1936-1941 231.99 312.919 gourdes
(5 to a dollar)

We have no statistics at hand for the
period 1942-1946, but it is certain the
importation was not higher than that
of the last period quoted above.

Soap was fabricated in small quan-
tities. The industry of sisal and ma-
hogany goods developed to the point
where a proletarian nucleus began to
emerge in the cities.

The coastal shipping by Haitian
small steamboats, locally built, has
grown rapidly since 1941. Since that
time, they have performed regular
cargo service between Cuba and the
Dominican Republic.

A new road was opened between
Port-au-Prince and Cap-Haitien, and
between the capitals of the two repub-
lics— Port-au-Prince, Haiti and Ciudad
Trujillo, Santo-Domingo.

Haitian Budget, 1939-1946

.The figures for the Budget from
'1939 to 1946 are as follows: (Haitian

budget works from October 1 to Sep-
tember 30 of the next year).

1939-1940 Gourdes: 29,188,991.81

1940-1941 29,188,991.81

1941-1942 29,189,000.00

1942-1943 27,336,814.26

1943-1944 27,528,000.00

1944-1945 35,991,000.00

1945-1946 36,680,600.00

We observe for 1944-1946 a notable in-
crease (about 1.6 millions United States
currency) as compared with the aver-
age for 1939-1944. Keeping only to
figures, that would mean a big im-
provement in Haitian economy. Ex-
port values were high on such items
as sugar, sisal, cotton, coffee, oils; the
internal income doubled between 1941
and 1944; the external debt for the
1922-1923 A and B obligations and the
J. G. White Contract passed from 62.5
millions of gourdes in 1941 to 53.3 in
1945. But one must not forget that
prices of imported goods, aside from
the activity of black marketeers, were
very high. When certain regions of
Haiti were starving, Lescot permitted
the export of food, in increasing quan-
tity, by his relatives. Many officials
built their fortunes thanks to the War
and at the expense of the Haitian
masses. A lack of honesty and sin-
cerity in Lescot's policy deprived him
of doing far more than he could have
done in order to improve the economic
situation of Haiti.

EDUCATION

Education and French Culture

Haitians are proud that their coun-
try is the only American Republic in
which the official language is French.
The fine culture, French culture of
the Haitian elite, enriched by Greek
and Latin, is acknowledged by scholars
everywhere. There are plenty of poets;
but what about the non-elite portion
of the population which represents
more than ninety-five per cent of 3,-
000,000 inhabitants? Only a few of this
large majority can either understand
or speak French with any degree of
readiness. Their language, Creole,
does not allow them (without long
studies) to handle the much dreamed-
of elite ornament, French. Aside from
the problem of insufficient schools,
roads, hospitals, doctors, and teachers
— because of lack of money — Haiti is
confronted with a more serious prob-

EDUCATION

625

lem in education, namely, bi-lingual-
ism. Haiti, a democracy in name, has
its laws written in French which nine-
tenths of its population cannot under-
stand and read. Official duties require
the knowledge of French, and if out-
side the elite caste a very few can af-
ford secondary schools and an average
education, key-governmental positions
are accessible only to the elite mem-
bers. But, one will say, rural educa-
tion is delivered in French. How near-
ly true is this statement?

Lack of Proper Teacher Preparation
And Pay A Hindrance to
Rural Education

In 1931, after President Vincent's
rural education reform, there was re-
vealed the lamentable state of the
schools: Illiteracy of many teachers
who were performing their duties with
little or no enthusiasm because of
sickness resulting from famine-pay,
frequently under $6.00 a month; no
benches; no desks; no maps. In 1939,
the number was raised to 456 better
equipped schools and the teachers were
given better training and a minimum
salary of $6.00 a month.

Problem of School Attendance

Another problem is the one of at-
tendance. In 1931 there were 17,679
pupils registered in the rural schools,
but only 4,022 attended.14

The reason is not too difficult to un-
derstand. Rural population is scat-
tered among small villages or familial
habitations in mountainous parts, val-
leys and interior plains of Haiti. With
only 456 schools, the boys and girls
in most of the villages and hamlets
have to walk long distances to reach
the nearest school. But boys and girls
are not free of work. All hands are
needed, and as soon as they are eight
years of age they start helping their
fathers in the fields, taking care of
the cattle and cover many kilometers
with the women on their way to and
from the town's markets. It is easy
to see that the inadequate, if any,
knowledge of French learned by a
country boy during irregular attend-
ance at school, is swiftly cancelled by
the constant use of Creole at home.
Approximately 90 per cent of illiteracy,
according to a 1946 evaluation of Roger

""L'Oeuvre d'education rurale du gouv-
ernement du President Vincent," Port-au-
Prince, 1936.

Dorsainvil of the Department of Public
Education, is the result. This is the
highest rate of illiteracy in the Ameri-
can Republics. The Haitian people,
however, should not bear the blame
for their illiteracy. It should lie,
rather, upon the officials who are re-
sponsible. Why, one might ask, since
Creole is the true language of Haiti
and understood by all, is it not taught
to the people? Creole was, and is,
stigmatized a patois, i.e., something in-
elegant, uncivilized. But linguists
proved that the said "patois" was a
full-fledged language with its own
grammar and fitted to answer the
basic requirements as any other lan-
guage. It was a giant step when some
clear minds recognized that fact and
started fighting for Creole education
in the country and among the masses.

Need For Instruction in
The Native Language

The name of Christian Beaulieu who
died in 1943 will not be forgotten by
the Haitian people. Graduated from
Columbia University, Beaulieu was
really the first, after small isolated
movements from priests of various
sects, to propose something in educa-
tion concrete and well-thought out.
For four years he fought for his idea
and died too soon to see his victory.
His plans which Dr. Price-Mars re-
viewed skillfully in a leaflet published
in 194315 consisted, not only in the
teaching of reading in Creole to the
masses but in the writing and print-
ing of a small popular encyclopedia
including sections on arithmetic, nat-
ural sciences, agriculture, husbandry,
history of Haiti, hygiene, civics, etc.
The technique of the reading method
was so conceived as to enable the
countryman to learn French in a more
simplified way.

The program received little attention
from the Government. About the same
time, another method based on Dr.
Frank E. Laubach's theories — the use
of vernacular language to teach illit-
erate peoples — was introduced. In 1943,
Laubach himself came to Haiti. Les-
cot's Government made a lot of noise
about the program. Experiments start-
ed with good results. A small news-
paper was regularly printed in Creole,
and centers for literacy opened. The
slow progress of these efforts can bet-

15"Le Probleme de 1'Analphabetisme et sa
solution," Port-au-Prince.

626

THE NEGRO IN HAITI

ter be understood by looking at the
average $600,000 of the Public Educa-
tion Department Budget, which must
be expended for faculties, colleges and
rural schools.

Primary Education
Made Compulsory

On January 10, 1942, under Lescot,
a law carrying out Article Eleven of
the National Constitution, made pri-
mary education compulsory for chil-
dren from 7 to 14 years of age. And
that education is free, but Haiti lacks
sufficient schools. Before Lescot, in
October, 1940, an apprenticeship train-
ing center was opened near Port-au-
Prince in connection with the School
of Agriculture.

It can be seen that more attention
is paid to questions related to the
rural population, because aside from
its number, it represents the true
Haiti and its sufferings. When one
considers the 90 per cent illiteracy of
Haiti, discussions about the value of
Greek and Latin in education become
of minor importance. On the other
hand, in spite of the War, Lescot es-
tablished, with the help of Canadian
priests, seven new primary schools in
the Southern Department. His plans
were also to include the construction
of a new College for Girls and of a
University Center where provincial
students could live at Port-au-Prince.
Teachers' paychecks were also in-
creased, the minimum pay passing
from $6.00 to $16.00 a month for pri-
mary schools, and from $30.00 to $40.00
a month minimum for colleges.

Haitian Students Receive American
Fellowships and Scholarships

Another important development in
education was the speedy increase,
with the War and the Good Neighbor
Policy, of scholarships in Haiti. Be-
tween 1941 and 1946, 345 Haitian stu-
dents received fellowships and scholar-
ships, chiefly in the United States, for
studies in agronomy, pedagogy, medi-
cine, social sciences, economy, etc. The
will to obtain scholarships and the in-
crease of American business interests
in Haiti requiring clerks, stimulated
the study of English in the country.
A Haitian-American Institute for In*
ter-cultural Exchange was founded and
free English courses taught.

"Anti-Superstitious Campaign"

An important fact related to the
"moral education" of the Haitian peo-
ple occurred between 1941 and 1942.
The Catholic clergy, tired of the un-
tiring activities of Vodou priests and
of Vodou practices, started a crusade
designated as the "Anti-Superstitious
Campaign." A Vodou priest, who is
entirely different from a &ocor or a
"medicine man" whose activities are
truly evil, was stamped under the same
bocor etiquette, and the whole Haitian
folk religion declared diabolic with a
medieval roughness and lamentable
lack of what we could call "Ethnologi-
cal Spirit." The clergy was not in
sufficient numbers and the fall of
France in 1940 cut off all further supply
of young missionaries. Nevertheless,
the campaign claimed for itself deci-
sive successes in the northern, central
and southern regions of Haiti. The
capital, Port-au-Prince, was to have
been caught by a concentric movement
at the end of the Crusade. There were
public penances, auio-da-fes and vio-
lences in many cases. Treasures of
archaeological (since pre-Columbian
stoneworks are said to be inhabited by
spirits in Vodou belief), historical and
artistic interest disappeared or were
destroyed. It seems clear now that the
Government, after a first approval,
withdrew. As priests one Sunday were
announcing the coming of the crusade
upon Port-au-Prince, disorders were
provoked in various churches by the
firing of pistols. In February, 1942,
the campaign was stopped and in De-
cember of the same year Lescot and
the Archbishop of Port-au-Prince, in
the presence of a dense crowd, put
Haiti officially under the protection of
the Virgin of Perpetual Help. The
crusade was a failure. Vodou continued
to be practiced and will be until per-
suasion, schools and clinics in sufficient
numbers teach the countrymen that
their loas are not responsible for their
misfortunes, their sicknesses, or suc-
cesses in cropping.

Vincent, among his spectacular reali-
zations, built and provided with some
thousands of volumes, public libraries
in the principal cities of Haiti, includ-
ing a National Library at Port-au-
Prince which was beautifully or-
ganized and clean. With the coming of
Lescot in 1941, all were closed except

POLITICS

627

the National Library which continued
to grow.

Founding of the Bureau
Of Ethnology

In October, 1941, an official Bureau
of Ethnology was founded. Its aims
were to preserve archaeological re-
mains in Haiti, study folk customs,
and by means of lectures and publica-
tions teach the public about them.
Thanks to the activity of that organi-
zation headed by the late Jacques
Roumain, the opinion of Port-au-Prince
changed regarding Vodou as satanic
and shameful. There were public per-
formances of ritual dances and songs,
and they were judged interesting as
well as artistic.

A private Institute of Ethnology
headed by Dr. Jean Price-Mars was
also founded, and since 1941 courses
in sociology, general anthropology and
archaeology have been given to a small
),rroup of enthusiastic students. There
ure some good studies on ethnology
published by both organizations.

In resume, the decisive step upward
in the Haitian educational system is
the practice of teaching in Creole —
which if followed with tenacity can be
the means of integrating more than
three-fourths of its population into the
active life of the country, and conse-
quently make easier the work of hy-
gienic and agricultural improvements,
and morality.

POLITICS

Since 1804, the date of its Independ-
ence, Haiti's political status has been
that of a Republic — except when Dessa-
lines, the liberator, crowned himself
Emperor and stated that he was the
"only noble" of Haiti, and when fifty
years later, big-headed Soulouque took
the title of Faustin the First. The jails
were often full and firing squads busy
whenever a distinction was not estab-
lished between defenders of liberty and
professional revolutionists; troubles
were endemic; and outside, imperial-
ism and "Big Stick" policies were in
vogue. But in 1939 things were differ-
ent.

Stenio Vincent As President

Stenio Vincent had been elected nine
years before (1930) by the best demo-
cratic votes Haiti had ever cast.
Hearts were full of hope: Vincent was
an ultra-nationalist and the country,

occupied since 1915 by Marine forces,
was eager to prove its capacity of self-
government in liberty and order. The
elections proved the people could
make good use of their rights, choos-
ing the best as their representatives;
but the presidential choice soon re-
vealed itself to be a nightmare.

In August 1934, as a result of Roose-
velt's policy, Marine forces withdrew
from Haiti. Vincent proclaimed him-
self the second Liberator and less than
one year after, a plebiscite ratified his
Constitution of 1932. Afterwards it
was modified by a pseudo-referendum
populaire in 1939, and finally in 1944
Lescot added a few touches.

Provisions of Revised Constitution

According to that revised Constitu-
tion, all Haitians 21 years old have
political rights except in cases of
idiocy, etc. The Haitian women, aged
30 years, can be elected Deputy, Sena-
tor, or member of the City Council.
The Deputies, thirty-seven in num'ber,
are elected by universal vote, in the
same way as the Mayors and their as-
sistants. Of the twenty-one Senators,
eleven are named by the Deputies fol-
lowing a very complicated pattern:
Two lists of candidates are submitted,
one by the Electoral College and the
other by the President himself. Four
Senators are elected for two years,
four for four years, and three for six
years, making a total of eleven. But
the remaining ten are simply chosen
by the President who give him a
literal control by obligation of obedi-
ence from the Senate. If to this we
add that the President is Chief of all
Armed Forces, we see that Democracy
is a mere word in Haiti. When the
War came in 1939 it served as a good
excuse to cancel all elections. In 1944,
Lescot with his constitutional revi-
sions, announced elections of Senators,
Deputies and Mayors for a period ex-
tending to one year after the end of
the War. At that time women were
promised the right to hold these
charges. Deputies and Senators al-
ready in office and happy about the op-
portunity of remaining longer in
power became more and more obedient
and servile in order to avoid being
"fired" — a constant threat hanging
over their heads.

Since 1939 there has been practically
no elective office-holding in Haiti ex-
cept when Vincent elected himself life-

628

THE NEGRO IN HAITI

senator with a monthly salary of
$500. All important posts in justice,
education and public works were dis-
tributed by Vincent, but he changed
the members of his cabinet. Lescot
did not make such changes except in
the Foreign Department which saw
three ministers under his reign — the
last one being Gerard Lescot, elder
son of the President. In 1945 Lescot
created a new Ministry of Education
in order to lighten the burden resting
on Maurice Dartigue, Minister of Agri-
culture and Public Education — two
jobs requiring each full time and
great capacities.

General View of the Political
Situation, 1939-1941

In 1939, Vincent after nine years
of despotic power which violated the
Constitution by firing opposing sena-
tors, jailed and killed by torture free-
writing newspapermen; persecuted
Communists; wasted national income
or divided it among favorites — was
nearly overthrown in 1938 by a mili-
tary complot, provoked by the hu-
miliating settlement of the 12,000
border-living Haitians massacred by
Trujillo.16 Vincent, who asphalted ten
kilometers of road and use<T to throw
coins to the mob as he passed by — the
demagogic Vincent, sick and old,
faced another grave problem: WAR.
After hostilities began in Europe, cof-
fee— the blood of Haitian commerce —
was not even worth a wooden nickel.
In 1941, instead of applying for a third
presidential term, perhaps judging
that eleven years were enough, he
passed the power over to Elie Lescot,
former Ambassador in Ciudad Trujillo
and Washington.

Elie Lescot, the New President

Lescot was born in 1883 in northern
Haiti. He received 56 votes against
only 2 in opposition at the April 15th
election. On May 15, 1941, he took
charge. Lescot's discourses to the peo-
ple had been full of promises of hon-
esty, patriotic love ... "I am ready to
lay my life down for the happiness of
my people." He was quite a "histrion."
That was proved when on December
8, 1941, he declared war on Japan one
or two hours before the United States

16Lescot allowed, in August 21, 1941, by
Agreement with the Dominican Republic,
Haitian laborers to cross the frontiers
and be employed in that country again.

did. From that moment Lescot's policy
was clear: "Please Washington and I
am saved." It was right that Haiti
should have to contribute to the anti-
fascist struggle, but the necessities of
a people sick to the point we have
described and on actual verge of
starvation must be considered before
blind concessions are given for stra-
tegic maneuvers — which, conducted
carelessly, resulted in failure and a
surplus of misery. It is true that in
exchange Lescot received the construc-
tion of a small drydock, tanks, guns,
planes, and something more useful, a
sanitary mission for the fight against
yaws.

In spite of all, the figures for ex-
portation were high but life became
difficult in Haiti, as everywhere, due to
the rise of prices. Besides that, Les-
cot's policy became a model of nepo-
tism— sons, nephews, cousins, little
cousins, and friends of all of them re-
ceived well-paying jobs. For personal
advantages, Lescot gave rights to
capitalistic companies incompatible
with national interests. At a time
when the Atlantic Charter, Democracy,
Freedom, Teheran, and other headlines
of the order were in vogue, Haitian
newspapermen who tried to find their
application in Haiti were thrown into
jail to be taught that such words when
used by "small fry" were a calamity
for the people. Lescot was balancing
a full-fledged dictatorship of fascist
color.

Military Complot

In April, 1944, the National Assem-
bly, always ready to please the chief,
extended his term of office to May 15,
1951. The War was chosen as a scape-
goat, and Lescot accepted the exten-
sion with a spirit of self-sacrifice for
the progress of the people. But the
people were tired of the farce. During
the same year, 1944, in July, a mili-
tary complot against Lescot's life
failed. Half a dozen people were shot
and the situation was brought under
control. Lescot began playing the
Mecene, inviting famous writers — An-
dre Maurois, Andre Breton, Henri
Thorez, etc. — as guests of the Haitian
people. The President's cordiality and
humor were vaunted broadly — if not
his policy. On January 7, 1946, the
end came. Lescot was overthrown by
a true mass revolution inflamed by
the unjust jailing of a young editor.

NATIONALITY, RACE, CASTE AND CLASS PROBLEMS

629

The jailing provoked a general strike.
The army killed some defenseless
manifestants; but Lescot was forced to
resign. A military triumvirate took
over the power and on May 12th elec-
tions were held for deputies and sena-
tors. It seems that the army did not
keep a neutral attitude and sabotaged
the popular will for free elections.
On August 13, Dumarsais Estime,
former Secretary of State and of Pub-
lic Education in which he showed good
administrative qualities, was elected
President of Haiti. Now Haiti faces
the same problems we have been study-
ing, plus numerous others — principally
of caste and class — created by the
January Revolution.

NATIONALITY, RACE, CASTE AND
CLASS PROBLEMS

Nationality problems are scarcely
known in Haiti now. At the outbreak
of the War, some young people born
of German fathers and married to
black or mulatto women, in spite of
their racial descent, declared them-
selves to be and acted effectively, as
Nazis. A few Italians followed in the
same way. They were put in a prison
fort where they received decent treat-
ment. A number of "pure" Germans
were put under arrest and their prop-
erties sold publicly (let us say that
"Lescot and Company" bought the best
of the lot at low prices).

Of racial problems there is much to
say, despite the fact that Haitians are
all of the same race. Inter-racial segre-
gation was due to the fact that Ameri-
cans who were stationed in Haiti dur-
ing the occupation and after, kept
from social contacts with Haitians,
having their own clubs where Haitians
were not admitted. In 1941, with the
advent of the War, they were ordered
to mix socially with the Haitians.

To understand actual race problems
in Haiti, a brief historical review is
necessary. By 1760, the French colony
of Saint Domingue was in full develop-
ment in spite of the Seven Years War.
Plantations were numerous and slaves
were constantly imported to answer the
high demands for more workers. But
the descendants of the first settlers
of the colony, outlaws, pirates, and
political refugees, had grown rich;
noblemen of France came and also ac-
quired properties. The first settlers,
by having relations with their slave
women, created the mulatto.

Free Negroes and Mulattoes
As Landowners

In Paris such social equality was
considered a danger for the colony's
security, and segregation started. Mu-
lattoes and Negroes were subjected to
innumerable humiliations, such as spe-
cial clothing; special locations in pub-
lic places, churches and theaters; pro-
hibition of wearing swords and other
weapons, etc. Despite all these hin-
drances they had enough money to edu-
cate their children in France; and
they tried to erase traces of their Afri-
can origins by marrying white.

When 1789 came and the subsequent
revolution in Saint Domingue, Negro
landowners of all skin shades asked
for equal rights. The mass of the
slaves scon followed, and under the
leadership of ex-slaves, as well as black
landowners, won liberty for Haiti in
1804. In order to unite the new Re-
public, Dessalines, in the Constitution
of 1805, decided that all Haitians
would be called "blacks," trying in that
way to destroy the skin classification
of mulattoes, griffe, quarteron, etc. It
was an ingenious idea.

Soon the cultural superiority of the
free-blacks of colonial times weighed
in the balance. Educated Negroes, as
well as mulattoes were needed for gov-
ernmental offices. Educational facili-
ties being very limited in the new
Haiti, those who had official titles pos-
sessed greater possibilities for educat-
ing their sons. The mass of ex-slaves
were too busy, by necessity, working
in the fields to give much attention
to creating a new class.

Meaning of Elite

Education, personal fortune, and
skin color constituted the characteris-
tics of the Haitian elite which became
rather a caste than a class. Birth de-
cided whether one would be classed
with the common people or with the
elite. The work of the latter was non-
manual. Elite members studied medi-
cine, law or engineering — law being
the most popular since it leads to
political positions.

Recently the word elite came to
mean the mulattoes, whose political
action as the directing class of Haiti
failed to give the country a stable
economy and organization. Education
was no longer a quasi-monopoly, and
brilliant young scholars from the peo-
ple were being neglected for offices in

630

THE NEGRO IN HAITI

favor of mulattoes who were not al-
ways capable. Lescot's government was
said to be mulattophile ; scholarships
were frequently given to mulattoes —
whether or not qualified. Between
1939 and the January, 1946 revolution,
"la question de couleur" (the color
problem) was a constant source of dis-
turbance. When the Revolution came,
of the seventy mushroom-grown politi-
cal parties, many, if not the majority,
were demanding rights for the peo-
ple, for the blacks, asking for a black
President. Some extremists urged a
general bourgeois massacre — the word
"bourgeois" pointing to the directing
class, among which were many blacks.
On the other hand., the elite was in
decadence. Commerce and capital were
in the palms of foreigners, Americans,
Syrians, and newcomers who had
adopted the Haitian nationality for
business advantages. Haiti's society
needed a reform and a thoroughgoing
one. A proletariat was on the march
and was not protected against exploi-
tation. Sugar, sisal, mahogany indus-
tries in or near the principal cities
employed thousands of workers not or-
ganized into syndicates, with little so-
cial security and ridiculously low
salaries.

Social Security

Although 100,000 Haitian workers
were operating the strategic plant proj-
ects— cryptostegia for latex and sisal
principally — Haiti was not represented
in Montreal in July, 1943 at the meet-
ing of the Inter-American Conference
on Social Security. The Convention
aimed at "facilitating and developing
the cooperation of the Social Security
administrations and institutions."17 At
the beginning of 1944, officials of the
International Labor Office visited Haiti
to explore possibilities of implement-
ing the provisions of the 1943 legisla-
tion and establishing a Bureau of So-
cial Security.18

Social considerations to the worker
were increasing. The Revolution ac-
celerated those considerations since
their necessity could now be freely dis-
cussed. It is too early, as we have al-
ready mentioned, to see the ultimate
effect of the Revolution upon the
Haitian social structure. There will
be, no doubt, some mistakes, but cer-
tainly good will also result.

"Inter-American Affairs, 1943.
18Ibid.( 1944.

MILITARY SERVICE AND

PARTICIPATION OF HAITIANS

DURING WORLD WAR II

Officially, no member of the Haitian
Army, called Garde d'Haiti, was sent
to War. Undoubtedly some Haitians
living in the United States, France or
England fought for the United Na-
tions' cause. Because of the War, how-
ever, the Haitian Army was increased
from about 3,000 to over 5,000 men. A
small aerial corps and coastal navy
force were created, and new weapons
received.

As we are speaking of the Army,
let us describe summarily its role in
Haitian life. Even if the Army is ma-
terially as clean as one can imagine,
its spirit is a good example of im-
morality and rottenness. The Army,
which performs also the functions of
police, is well known for its cruelty
and sadism in torturing prisoners. The
national jail in Port-au-Prince which
was closed to newspapermen, was a
center of starvation, immorality and
sickness, to a degree which one living
in psuedo-democratic Haiti could not
imagine. The money for the diet of
the prisoners was taken by the officers
for themselves and they could after
a few years of administration build
luxurious villas and drive big, shining
Buicks. And it was the same in all
the branches of that corps. Practically,
the Army was becoming a mercenary
group without any interest in national
problems, but whose function was to
keep order at any cost. For that job
the officers received exceptionally high
salaries as compared with those of
teachers.

It was a current opinion in Haiti
that no Revolution was possible as
long as the Army was on the side of
the regime. But instead of a bloody
revolution, impossible in Haiti because
the only existing weapons are in the
Army's hands— it was a combination
of passivity, strikes and a cohesion
of all beliefs which overthrew Lescot's
dictatorship.

A LITERARY AND ARTISTIC
NOTE

In 1943, Philippe-Thoby Marcelin,
Haitian poet and novelist, received the
Pan-American Novel Prize with his
work "Canape-Vert" which describes
the life of a peasant couple in a hamlet
near Port-au-Prince.

A LITERARY AND ARTISTIC NOTE

631

In 1944, Dewitt Peters, an American
painter, founded a center of Art in
Port-au-Prince. The institution, which
had little official help at the beginning,
met a not anticipated enthusiasm.
True Haitian painting began, and
dozens of young people with talent
were discovered, receiving the best of
encouragement. They came from the

elite as well as from the people, and
worked in excellent spirit at the
Centre.

Haitian canvases, the artists of
which at times did not know how to
read or write, were shown with great
success at the Whyte Gallery in Wash-
ington and the American-British Art
Center in New York.

PART FIVE

AN ANNOTATED
BIBLIOGRAPHY

DIVISION XL

AN ANNOTATED LIST OF BOOKS BY OR CONCERNING

NEGROES IN THE UNITED STATES, IN AFRICA

AND IN LATIN AMERICA

1938-1946

By JESSIE P. GUZMAN
Tuskegee Institute

Nearly 600 books on or relating to
the Negro are annotated in this divi-
sion. The books are listed under three
headings — "Books concerning the Ne-
gro in the United States"; "Books con-
cerning the Negro in Africa"; and
"Books concerning the Negro in Latin
America."

The books on the United States are
classified under the following sub-
jects: "Art," "Biography and Auto-
biography," "Children's Literature,"
"Church and Religion," "Drama,"
"Economic Conditions," "Education,"
"Folklore," "History and Travel,"
"Literature," "Music," "Novels on or
Relating to the Negro in the United
States," "Poetry," "Politics and Suf-
frage," "Post War and Peace Plans,"
"Race Problem and Race Relations,"
"Racial Characteristics and Racial
Differences," "Social Conditions,"
"Sport," "Youth."

The books on Africa are c'assified
under two subjects: "Books Discuss-
ing the History and Problems of
Africa," and "Novels Concerning Afri-
can Life."

The books on the Negro in Latin
America are unclassified.

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO

IN THE UNITED STATES
Art

*Locke, Alain, (Ed.), The Negro in
Art. A Pictorial Record of the Ne-
gro Artist and of the Negro
Theme in Art. Washington, D. C.
Associates in Negro Folk Educa-
tion. 1940. 224 p. Part I pre-
sents "the whole range of the work
of the Negro artist from landscape
and figure painting to still life and
abstract design." Part II shows
"how incomparably broader the
field of Negro art is than the work
of the Negro artist merely." It in-

*Indicates known Negro authors,
flndicates the volume is evaluated in the
division, "Negro American Literature."

dicates "the deep and sustained in-
terest of artists generally in the
Negro subject." Part III, "The An-
cestral Arts," presents "African Art
and its Regional Styles."

The Negro Artist Comes of Age. A
National Survey of Contemporary
American Artists. Albany Institute
of History and Art, January 3rd
through February 11, 1945. 48 p.
An exhibit of the work of thirty-
eight painters and sculptors, with
a short biographical sketch and a
statement showing where their work
has been exhibited.

f*Porter, James A. Modern Negro Art.
New York. Dryden Press. 1943. 272
p. Begins with Negro artisans and
artists whose lives ante-dated the
last quarter of the 19th century.
The author has related Negro art to
general trends, events and periods
in American cultural history from
the mid-eighteenth century to the
present time.

Subject Index to Literature on Negro
Art. Selected from the Union Cata-
logue of printed Materials on the
Negro in the Chicago Libraries.
Federal Works Agency. Works Proj-
ects Administration. Chicago, 111.
Chicago Public Library Omnibus
Project. G.p.No. 65-1-54-273 (3).

1941. 52 p. (Mimeographed) Con-
tains references to literature on Ne-
gro art, as well as references de-
picting the Negro's ancestral Afri-
can background.

Biography and Autobiography1

f*Adams, Elizabeth Laura. Dark Sym-
phony. New York. Sheed and Ward.

1942. 194 p. The autobiography of
a Negro girl who became a member
of the Catholic Church. A part of
her story is the analysis of the
spiritual world in which she lives.

lFor other biographies and autobiogra-
phies by Negroes see division, "Negro
American Literature."

635

636 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

* Alexander, Sadie T. M. (Ed. and
Comp.). Who's Who Among Negro
Lawyers. Philadelphia. National Bar
Association. 1945. 38 p. Contains
brief biographical sketches giving
essential data.

*Bontemps, Arna. We Have Tomor-
row. Boston. Houghton Mifflin Co.
1945. 131 p. The successful stories
of twelve young Negro Americans
who "are doing what couldn't be
done— until they did it."

Borth, Christy. Pioneers of Plenty.
The Story of Chemurgy. Indianap-
olis. New York. The Bobbs-Merrill
Co. 1939. 303 p. Chapter XII deals
with Dr. George Washington Car-
ver, "First and Greatest Chemur-
gist."

Clark, Glenn. The Man Who Talks
with the Flowers. The intimate
Life Story of Dr. George Washing-
ton Carver. Saint Paul, Minn. Mac-
alester Park Publishing Co. 1939.
64 p. Glenn Clark tells the story
of how he met and was influenced
by Dr. Carver.

Cooper, Alice Cecilia and Palmer,
Charles A. Twenty-Modern Ameri-
cans. New York. Harcourt, Brace
and Co. 1942. 381 p. Included is a
sketch of George Washington Car-
ver, Agricultural Scientist, entitled,
"Making something out of Nothing."

f*Davidson, Henry Damon. "Inching
Along" or The Life and Work of an
Alabama Farm Boy. An Autobiog-
raphy. Nashville, Tenn. National
Publication Co. 1944. 177 p. Deals
mainly with the work done by the
author in founding and maintain-
ing the Centerville Industrial Insti-
tute, Centerville, Alabama.

*Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt. Dusk of
Dawn. An Essay Toward an Auto-
biography of a Race Concept. New
York. Harcourt, Brace and Co. 1940.
334 p. This is Dr. Du Bois' auto-
biography. However, of it, he says,
"I have written then what is meant
to be not so much my autobiography
as the autobiography of a concept
of race, elucidated, magnified and
doubtless distorted in the thoughts
and deeds which were mine."

Embree, Edwin R. 13 Against the
Odds. New York. The Viking Press.
1944. 261 p. Here are told stories
of accomplishment of 13 Negro
Americans, eleven men and two
women. Exemplifying success in

different fields, they have achieved
their positions in spite of the un-
remitting handicap of prejudice.

*Fauset, Arthur Huff. Sojourner
Truth. God's Faithful Pilgrim.
Chapel Hill. University of North
Carolina Press. 1938. 187 p. When
over forty years of age Sojourner
Truth, born a slave and deprived of
the barest rudiments of formal edu-
cation, began to devote all of her tal-
ents and energies to the fight for the
freedom of her race. Here is re-
lated her remarkable story.

Foner, Philip S. (Ed.) Frederick Doug-
lass. Selections from his writings.
International Publishers. New York.
1943. 95 p. A sketch of the life of
Frederick Douglass and selections
from his speeches on four subjects —
Slavery, The Civil War, Reconstruc-
tion, The Democratic Spirit.

Foster, William Z. Pages from a
Worker's Life. New York. Interna-
tional Publishers. 1939. 314 p. This
autobiography is important because
the workers of this country are in
a large part Negroes. What the au-
thor has to say is of significance
for them.

*Graham, Shirley. Paul Robeson, Citi-
zen of the World. New York. Julian
Messner. 1946. 264 p. Shows Paul
Robeson as singer, actor, athlete,
scholar, and humanitarian. Seldom
are so many talents lodged in one
individual and seldom is one indi-
vidual able to use all of them for
the benefit of others.

*Graham, Shirley and *Lipscomb,
George D. Dr. George Washington
Carver, Scientist. New York. Julian
Messner. 1944. 248 p. A well writ-
ten biography of Dr. Carver by two
young Negro writers.

Guthrie, Woody. Bound for Glory. New
York. E. P. Dutton and Co. 1943.
428 p. Tells the story of America's
working millions — their loves, fears,
and passions. Here you meet all
kinds of people: Negro; Japanese;
Chinese; the prejudiced; the tol-
erant; all struggling toward the
same goal.

Gysin, Brion. To Master, A Long
Goodnight. New York. Creative Age
Press. 1946. 276 p. A historical nar-
rative of the life of Josiah Henson,
who was the model for Uncle Tom
of Harriet Beecher Stowe's novel.

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 637

Hagedorn, Hermann. Americans: A
j^vUK of Lives. New York. John Day
Co. 1946. 392 p. Among other
sketches it contains stories about
Booker T. Washington and George
Washington Carver.

f*Handy, W. C. Father of the Blues.
New York. The Macmillan Co. 1941.
317 p. An autobiography of the man
who has contributed much not only
to American music, but who has in-
fluenced the music of the world by
his compositions.

Harlow, Alvin F. Joel Chandler Har-
ris. (Uncle Remus) Plantation
Storyteller. New York. Julian Mess-
ner. 1941. 278 p. This biography of
the writer of the Uncle Remus
stories is as fascinating as the
stories are themselves.

Helm, McKinley. Angel Mo' and Her
Son. Boston. Little, Brown and Co.
1942. 289 p. The biography of Ro-
land Hayes, though it is written in
the first person by the author.

Hilton, Ronald (Ed.) Who's Who in
Latin America. A Biographical Dic-
tionary of Notable Living Men and
Women of Latin America. Third
Edition, Revised and Enlarged.
Part II, Central America and Pan-
ama. Stanford University, Calif.,
Stanford University Press. 1945.
103 p. Six other parts of Who's Who
in Latin America are to be prepared.
Qualifications for admission to Who's
Who in Latin America is residence,
not nationality.

Holt, Rackham. George Washington
Carver. Garden City, N. Y. Double-
day, Doran and Co. 1943. 342 p. The
most extensive biography of the sci-
entist of Tuskegee Institute that has
been written to date.

Huff, Warren and Huff, Edna L. W.
(Eds.) Famous Americans. Second
Series. Los Angeles, Calif. Charles
Webb and Co. 1941. 641 p. A sketch
of George Washington Carver by
Monroe N. Work is included here.

*Hughes, Langston. The Big Sea.
New York. London. Alfred A. Knopf.
1940. 335 p. This is Langston
Hughes' autobiography.

f*Hurston, Zora Neale. Dust Tracks
On a Road. Philadelphia. London.
New York. J. B. Lippincott Co. 1942.
294 p. The autobiography of Zora
Neale Hurston told with the gift
that Miss Hurston has for story
telling.

McCulloch, Margaret C. Fearless Ad-
vocate of the Right. Boston. Chris-
topher Publishing House. 1941. 279
p. The story of Francis Julius Le
Moyne, benefactor of Le Moyne Col-
lege, Memphis, Tennessee.

Miller, Basil. George Washington
Carver. God's Ebony Scientist. Zon-
dervan Publishing House. Grand
Rapids, Michigan. 1943. 166 p. The
facts for this volume were gathered
from the resources of Tuskegee In-
stitute, from both records and per-
sons who knew the scientist.

Newcomb, Covelle. Black Fire. A
S'tory of Henri Christophe. New
York. Toronto. Longman's Green
and Co. 1940. 275 p. A biographi-
cal sketch of Henri Christophe, the
remarkable figure who played such
a dominant role in Haitian history.

Pickard, Kate E. R. The Kidnapped
and the Ransomed. New York. Ne-
gro Publication Society of America.
1941. 315 p. Originally published in
1856, this is a reprint from the
first edition. It is the story of Peter
Still as narrated by him to Kate
Pickard. A vivid picture of the sys-
tem of slavery and a scenic view of
the moral codes and family ties of
master and slave.

Preher, Sister Leo Marie. The Social
Implications in the Work of Blessed
Martin De Porres. New York. Blessed
Martin Guild. 1941. 161 p. A scien-
tific study of the work Martin per-
formed in order that the social im-
port of his activities may be ascer-
tained.

f*Richardson, Ben. Great American
Negroes. New York. Thomas Crowell
Co. 1945. 223 p. Tells the story
of twenty-one Negroes who have
achieved success in various fields
of endeavor — Popular Music; The
Orchestra; Classical Music; Singers;
The Theatre; Boxers; Track Stars;
Education; Science and Invention;
Literature; The Church; Politics;
The Military.

Stidger, William L. The Human Side
of Greatness. New York. London.
Harper and Brothers. 1940. 231 p.
Contains the life stories of 17 Amer-
icans. A sketch of the life of Ro-
land Hayes, tenor, -is among them.

f*Thompson, Era Bell. American
Daughter. Chicago. The University
of Chicago Press. 1946. 301 p. This
autobiography of a Negro girl born

638

BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

in a town in Iowa gives an intimate
insight into the life of a Negro
family. It is also the story of her
struggle to secure an education, and
then security through employment.

Turner, B. Alfred. From a Plow to
a Doctorate. So What? Hampton
Institute, Hampton, Va. The author.
1945. 89 p. Part One is an abridged
autobiography. Part Two presents a
plan for assisting deserving students
who have promise of scholarship and
leadership.

Ulanov, Barry. Duke Ellington. New
York. Creative Age Press. 1946. 322
p. This biography of one of the
most important figures in the field
of jazz music in addition to discuss-
ing his outstanding musical talents,
lists every phonograph record the
Duke has ever made.

Van Deusen, John G. Brown Bomb-
er. The Story of Joe Louis. Phila-
delphia. Dorrance and Co. 1940.
163 p. Here is described in simple
terms the rise to world renown, as
a boxer, of a man who has reflected
credit to his race, to his country,
and to the sport over which he rules.

Vehanen, Kosti. Marian Anderson, A
Portrait. New York. London. Mc-
Graw-Hill Book Co. 1941. 270 p.
This biography of the great singer
is written by the man who was her
accompanist and travelled with her
for ten years on tours throughout
Europe, South America and the
United States.

Villard, Oswald Garrison. John Brown
1800-1859. A Biography Fifty Years
After. New York. Alfred A. Knopf.
1943. 738 p. A revised edition of
the life of John Brown first pub-
' lished by the author in 1910. The
purpose is to set forth "the essen-
tial truths of history as far as as-
certainable, and to judge Brown, his
followers and associates in the light
thereof."

Von Abele, Rudolph. Alexander H.
Stephens. New York. Alfred A.
Knopf. 1946. 337 p. Biography of
the outstanding southern statesman
and Vice-President of the Confed-
eracy, this book is also a study of
the psychology of leadership.

*Walls, William Jacob. Joseph Charles
Price. Educator and Race Leader.
Boston. Christopher Publishing
House. 1943. 568 p. The story of
the man who forms the link in the

leadership of the Negro in America
between Frederick Douglass and
Booker T. Washington. He was not
only an advocate for his people but
a churchman, and an educator, hav-
ing raised funds for the foundation
of Livingstone College.

'^Washington, Booker T. Up From
Slavery. An Auto-biography. Gar-
den City. New York. Doubleday,
Doran and Co. 1945. 330 p. Latest
printing of this famous auto-biogra-
phy by the founder of Tuskegee In-
stitute. It has become a part of the
great literature of the world.

*Washington, John E. They Knew
Lincoln. New York. E. P. Dut-
ton and Co., Inc. 1942. 244 p.
These stories and anecdotes are by
old Negroes who knew, loved and
remembered Abraham Lincoln. They
were collected over a long period of
years, and are authenticated by dili-
gent research.

f*Wright, Richard. Black Boy. New
York and London. Harper and Bros.
1945. 228 p. The story of the child-
hood and youth of the author as it
was lived in the South. It tells how
insecurity, poverty, fear, prejudice,
injustice hounded him until he final-
ly escaped not only to another sec-
tion of the country but to a better
way of life.

Yenser, Thomas (Ed.)' Who's Who in
Colored America. A Biographical
Dictionary of Notable Living Per-
sons of African Descent in America.
1941 to 1944 (sixth edition). Who's
Who in Colored America. 2317 New-
kirk Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. 606 p.

Yost, Edna. Modern Americans in
Science and Invention. New York
and Toronto. Frederick A. Stokes
Co. 1941. 270 p. Chapter X is
about George Washington Carver,
"The Wizard of Tuskegee."

Children's Literature2

Bannerman, Helen. The Story of Lit-
tle Black Sambo. Philadelphia. Da-
vid McKay Co. 1940. 25 p. The
adventures of Little Black Sambo
when he met four tigers in the
jungle. At the back of the book is
a phonograph record complete with
music sound effects and color.

Barrows, Harlan H., Parker, Edith P.,
Parker, Margaret T. Southern Lands.

2For other books for children by Negro
authors see division, "Negro American
Literature."

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES

639

New York. Chicago. San Francisco.
Silver Burdett Co. 1941. 296 p. This
textbook in geography gives a view
of Latin America, Africa, Australia
from the point of view that the
daily life of the pupils is related
not only to the natural environment
of their homes but also to that of
places throughout the world.

Beim, Lorraine and Jerrold. Two is
a Team. New York. Harcourt Brace
and Co. 1945. 58 p. A little white
boy and a little colored boy, the
same size and the same age were
playmates. They wanted a coaster
but could not agree about how it
should be made, so each made his
own. They decided to have a race
down the hill to see which coaster
was the better. On their way down
they ran into three people and did
a lot of damage, which they had to
repair. They decided to do this by
building a wagon together. Thus
by cooperating they found they had
a better coaster than each could
have separately.

*Bontemps, Arna (Comp.) Golden
Slippers. An Anthology of Negro
Poetry for Young Readers. New
York. London. Harper and Bros.
1941. 220 p. These poems are suit-
able for young as well as adult read-
ers. They were selected to enter-
tain, and deal with many things —
stealing kisses, washing dishes, rainy
days, incident in Baltimore, etc.

Booth, Erma Rideout. Nyarga's Two
Villages. New York. Friendship
Press. 1945. 126 p. The life of Af-
rican boys and girls as it is lived in
the villages of the pleasant open
country of Central Africa.

By Christopher Cat in Collaboration
with *Countee Cullen. My Lives and
How I Lost Them. New York. Lon-
don. Harper and Bros. 1942. 160 p.
The autobiography of Christopher
Cat who has already lost eight lives
and is now living his ninth and last
one. The story of his lost lives is
full of wit and humor.

"Cannon, Elizabeth Perry and *Whit-
ing, Adele. Country Life Stories.
Some Rural Community Helpers.
New York. E. P. Dutton and Co.
1938. 95 p. Social study stories
written for pupils on the elementary
level in small rural schools dealing
with persons and things in their
daily life.

*Carrigan, Nettie W. Rhymes and Jin-
gles for the Children's Hour. Bos-
ton, Mass. Christopher Publishing
House. 1940. 57 p. The beauties of
every day life are presented in a
graceful and easy manner in these
poems which are suitable for chil-
dren of all ages.

Cat, Christopher and *Cullen, Countee.
The Lost Zoo. (A Rhyme for the
Young, But not too Young.) New
York. London. Harper and Bros.
1940. 72 p. This story, part in verse
and part in prose, is about all of the
animals who for one reason or an-
other had failed to get aboard Noah's
Ark.

Darby, Ada Claire. Jump Lively,
Jeff! Philadelphia, New York. 1942.
280 p. The story of Jefferson Davis
Hichman who lived in "old St. Jo"
that pleasant town on the Missouri
river. Jeff keeps himself and his
family on the jump with his many
lively and ambitious projects.

t*Derricotte, Elsie Palmer, *Turner,
Geneva Calcier, *Roy, Jessie Hail-
stalk. Word Pictures of the Great.
Washington, D. C. Associated Pub-
lishers. 1941. 280 p. Stories of the
lives of famous Negroes written es-
pecially for children. Achievements
in the field of Music, Literature, A,.,
Education, Science and Invention,
and Benefactors are presented with
a foreword in each field. At the
end of each story is an exercise.

Evans, Eva Knox. Key Corner. New
York. G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1938.
206 p. A delightful tale based on
the author's experience in a Negro
country community, this book about
Johnnie Heath and Carmichael Carr
and their new teacher has especial
appeal to youthful readers.

Faulkner, Georgene and Becker, John.
Melindy's Medal. New York. Julian
Messner. 1945. 172 p. Melindy's
grandmother was a wonderful story
teller and she liked to tell how
great grandfather, Mo, won his
medal in the Civil War; how grand-
father, William, won his medal in
the Spanish- American War; and how
Melindy's father won his medal in
the first World War. Her only re-
gret and Melindy's too was that Me-
lindy was a girl and could not win
a medal "for bravery in the field of
honor." But Melindy did win a
medal for "just pure bravery." How
she did it makes an exciting story.

640 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

Gedo, Leopold. Who is Johnny f New
York. Viking Press. 1939. 242 p.
Jani, a little Negro boy, born in
Hungary, sets out to find his long
lost father. During his travels he
finds in Budapest, Rudi, a red-head,
who plays a harmonica and Sandro,
an Italian boy, who had travelled
with a circus in Vienna. These boys
stuck together until they came to
the Olympic Games in Berlin where
Jani found his long lost brother who
brings him to his father in America.

*Harris, Evangeline E. Little Tot's
Story of George W. Carver. Family
Publishing Co. Terre Haute, Ind.
1940. 19 p. A story for children in
the primary grades.

*Harris, Evangeline E. Our Family.
Evangeline E. Harris. Terre Haute,
Ind. 1938. 32 p. Three stories told
by a father to his children as they
sit around their fireside, entitled:
"Sammy's Christmas," "Booker T.
Washington," "Paul L. Dunbar."

f*Jackson, Jesse. Call Me Charley.
New York. Harper and Bros. 1945.
156 p. The story of how Charley
meets the American race problem as
most Negro children have to do.

*Kalibala, E. Balintuma and Davis,
Mary Gould. Wakaima and the Clay
Man. New York. Longmans Green
and Co. 1946. 145 p. Authentic
folktales of the Baganda Tribe of
East Africa, with amusing illustra-
tions.

Le Grand. Saturday for Samuel. New
York. Greystone Press. 1941. 46 p.
What happened when Samuel, Clara-
bel, his Lttle sister, and Maw and
Paw went to town on Saturday to
buy groceries.

Mayer, Edith H. Our Negro Brother.
New York. Shady Hill Press. 1945.
31 p. A volume for children of ele-
mentary school age, 8 to 14, which
tells the story of a few well-known
Negroes at different periods of our
history. Its purpose is the promo-
tion of racial understanding.

McGavran, Grace W. Mpemgo of the
Congo. New York. Friendship Press.
1945. 127 p. The story of a little
boy named Mpengo and his sister,
Ekila, who live in the Congo Coun-
try.

Newell, Hope. Steppin and Family.
New York. London. Toronto. Ox-
ford University Press. 1942. 198 p.
How a boy who wanted to become a

tap dancer achieved his ambition.
The setting is in Harlem.

*Newsome, Effie Lee. Gladiola Gar-
den. Poems of Outdoors and Indoors
for Second Grade readers. Washing-
ton, D. C. Associated Publishers.
1940. 167 p. These poems are beau-
tifully illustrated by Lois Mailou
Jones.

Nolen, Eleanor Weakley. Plantation
on the Potomac. New York. Thomas
Nelson and Sons. 1941. 103 p. As
brother and sister, Norman and
Betsy, ten year old twins, visit the
plantation home of their Aunt Belle.
Reluctant to go because they did not
care to leave Williamsburg, they are
entranced by plantation life and only
the fact that their family has been
increased by another set of twins
makes leaving easy.

Novikoff, Alex. Climbing Our Family
Tree. How Living Things Change
and Develop. New York. Interna-
tional Publishers. 1945. 96 p. Clever-
ly illustrated, this introduction to
evolution, the story of life from
one-celled animals to modern man,
is a Young World Book.

*Shackelford, Jane D. The Child's
Story of the Negro. Washington,
D. C. Associated Publishers. 1938.
219 p. Written for pupils of the
elementary grades, this book en-
deavors to help them appreciate the
traditions, aspirations and achieve-
ments of the Negro. All of the ma-
terial is motivated.

f*Shackelford, Jane D. My Happy
Days. Washington, D. C. Associated
Publishers. 1944. 121 p. A photo-
graphic study of the real life of a
happy boy in a home where he has
the companionship of an intelligent
sister and where his parents guide
them in their studies, their recrea-
tion, their work in the home and in
their contacts with persons and
things.

Sharpe, Stella Gentry. Tobe. Chapel
Hill. University of North Carolina
Press. 1939. 121 p. Tobe, a six year
old Negro boy, lives on a farm in
North Carolina with his five broth-
ers, two sisters, his mother and fa-
ther. The story of the year round
farm life of Tobe and his family —
the animals, the garden, the fields,
the woods, Hallowe'en, Christmas,
Thanksgiving makes interesting
reading.

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 641

Tarry, Ellen. Janie Belle. New York.
Garden City Publishing Co. 1940.
28 p. The story of a little sick col-
ored baby that was found in a rub-
bish can, taken to a big hospital,
operated on by "Doctor Great, Doc-
tor Big and Doctor Little," and
named and cared for by Nurse
Moore.

Wagner, Mabel Garrett. Billy Bates.
New York. Friendship Press. 1946.
54 p. Billy Bates moves from Ar-
kansas to San Francisco with his
family where his father, formerly a
handy man, became an industrial
worker. Billy's whole life was trans-
formed by this change of residence.

Church and Religion

Bell, Juliet O. and Wilkins, Helen J.
Interracial Practices in Community
Y. W. C. A.'s. New York. National
Board, Y. W. C. A. 1944. 116 p.
This study assumes: "1. That all
women and girls are welcome to
share in the full life of the Asso-
ciation; 2. The Y. W. C. A. is an
interracial organization built upon
respect for the dignity and worth
of human personality regardless of
race; 3. The Association is a fel-
lowship of women and girls of all
races who participate on equal
terms in joint enterprises having
values for all."

*Borders, William Holmes. Seven
Minutes at the "Mike" in the Deep
South. Atlanta, Ga. Morris Brown
College Press. 1943. 62 p. These
are radio sermonets, delivered over
WAGA, Atlanta, Ga.

Directory of Negro Baptist Churches
in the United States. Prepared by
Illinois Historical Records Survey
Division of Community Service Pro-
grams. Works Projects Administra-
tion. Chicago, Illinois. Illinois His-
torical Records Survey. Illinois Pub-
lic Records Project. February, 1942.
2 vols. Contains the names of more
than fifteen thousand congregations
with names of the pastor, and the
location of the churches.

*Drake, St. Clair. Churches and Vol-
untary Associations in the Chicago
Negro Community. Report of Offi-
cial Project 465-54-3-386 conducted
under the auspices of the Work
Projects Administration, Horace R.
Cayton, Superintendent. Chicago,
111. December, 1940. 314 p. One of
the studies made in Chicago as a

part of a larger program to study
exhaustively various phases of a
modern community.

f*Fauset, Arthur Huff. Black Gods of
the Metropolis. Negro Religious
Cults of the Urban North. Philadel-
phia. University of Pennsylvania
Press. London. Humphrey Milford.
Oxford University Press. 1944. 126 p.
A study of five Negro religious cults
in Philadelphia.

Georges, Norbert (Comp.). With
Blessed Martin de Porres. Favorite
Stories from the Torch. 1935-1944.
New York. Blessed Martin Guild.
1944. 231 p. Contains selection of
articles on Blessed Martin and his
work, which have appeared in issues
of the Torch.

Gillard, John T. Colored Catholics in
the United States. An investigation
of Catholic activity in behalf of the
Negroes in the United States and a
Survey of the present condition of
the Colored Missions. Baltimore.
Josephite Press. 1941. 298 p. In-
formation is given concerning the
number of Negro Catholics in the
United States, their churches, per-
sonnel, schools, social welfare and
race relations.

Inventory of the Church Archives of
New Jersey. Baptist Bodies. Sev-
enth Day Baptist Supplement. Pre-
pared by the Historical Records Sur-
vey. Division of Professional and
Service Projects, Work Projects Ad-
ministration. Newark, N. J. His-
torical Records Survey. August,
1939. 161 p. This is a brief but
comprehensive treatise of the Sev-
enth Day Baptists.

Inventory of the Church Archives of
New Jersey: Baptist Bodies. Pre-
pared by the Historical Records Sur-
vey, Division of Women's and Pro-
fessional Projects. Works Progress
Administration. Newark, N. J. The
Historical Records Survey. Decem-
ber, 1938. 289 p. The volume con-
tains information on the names, ad-
dresses and organization of the New
Jersey' Baptist Churches.

Jones, Rufus M.; Lauboch, Frank;
Moseley, J. Rufus; Jones, E. Stanley;
Clark, Glenn; Judd, Walter; Magee,
John G. ; Shoemaker, Samuel M.;
Daily, Starr; Vereide, Abraham;
Harding, Glenn; *Thurman, How-
ard. Together. New York. Nash-
ville. Abingdon-Cokesbury Press.

642 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

1946. 125 p. "From startlingly dif-
ferent backgrounds (these men)
speak as one in heralding a resur-
gence of spiritual life that can weld
the varied peoples of earth into a
real brotherhood of Christ."

*McKinney, Richard I. Religion in
Higher Education Among Negroes.
New Haven. Yale University Press.
1945. 165 p. The author presents
"historical and contemporary prob-
lems of religion among Negroes in
American Higher Education." It
deals with the religious and social
attitudes of Negro students, and
gives a critical evaluation of ad-
ministrative attitudes, the teaching
of religion, the influence of the
churches, the programs of the Chris-
tian Associations and the religious
work done through college chapel
and counselling programs.

Negro Youth in City Y. M. C. A.'s. A
Study of Y. M. C. A. Services among
Negro youth in Urban Communities.
New York. Bureau of Records,
Studies and Trends. National Coun-
cil of Young Men's Christian Asso-
ciations. 1944. 80 p. This report
deals with the availability and dis-
tribution of services of city Young
Men's Christian Associations among
Negro youth.

Parker, Joseph I. (Ed.) Directory of
World Missions. Missionary Boards,
Societies, Colleges, Cooperative Coun-
cils, and other agencies related to
the Protestant Churches of the
World. New York. London. Inter-
national Missionary Council. 1938.
255 p.

*Pawley, James A. (Comp.). The Ne-
gro Church in New Jersey. Works
Progress Administration. Emergency
Education Program. Hackensack, N.
J. 1938. 51 p. Intended to be used
as a medium for securing a brief
outline of the founding, the strug-
gles and the achievements of the
Negro Church in New Jersey.

*Polk, Alma A. Listen Youth. Pitts-
burgh, Pa. 1946. "A Manual for
Adult Leadership of the Yo\ing Peo-
ple's Conference, Women's Mission-
ary Society of the African Methodist
Episcopal Church."

Preece, Harold and Kraft, Celia. Dew
on Jordan. New York. E. P. Button
& Co. 1946. 221 p. The folk religion
of various sects and cults in the
Southern hill country and elsewhere,

where the people know more "about
the Seige of Jericho than about the
Seige of Stalingrad."

*Ransom, Reverdy C. and *Robinson,
James H. Year Book. 1939-1940
Edition of Negro Churches. A rec-
ord of religious activities of Ameri-
can Negroes, and Inter-racial co-op-
eration through the medium of the
church, with statistics and records
of Negro life and achievements.
Philadelphia, Pa. A. M. E. Book
Concern. 221 p.

Stroup, Herbert Hewitt. The Jehovah's
Witnesses. New York. Columbia
University Press. 1945. 186 p. First
hand observation of the activities
both public and private of this re-
ligious sect.

Y. W. C. A. 1945. New York. Na-
tional Board Young Women's Chris-
tian Associations. 1946. 43 p. A
brief summary recording month by
month some of the work done by
the Y. W. C. A. during 1945.

Drama3

.Barnouw, Erik (Ed.) Radio Drama
1 in Action. Twenty-five plays of a
changing world. New York. Farrar
and Rinehart, Inc. 1945. 397 p. Con-
tains a script by Langston Hughes
entitled, "Booker T. Washington in
Atlanta;" one by Roi Ottley entitled,
"The Negro Domestic"; and one by
William N. Robson, entitled, "Open
Letter on Race Hatred."

Bond, Frederick W. The Negro and
the Drama. The Direct and Indirect
Contribution which the American
Negro has made to Drama and the
Legitimate Stage, with the under-
lying Conditions Responsible. Wash-
ington, D. C. Associated Publishers.
1940. 213 p. Beginning with the
backgrounds of Negro drama the
author progressively shows the de-
velopment of Negro drama from the
period of mimicry up to the present.

d'Usseau, Arnaud and Gow, James.
.Deep Are the Roots. New York.
Charles Scribner's Sons. 1946. 205
p. The love story of a Negro soldier
and a white girl in the post-war
period.

Green, Paul and *Wright, Richard.
Native Son. (The Biography of a
Young American.) A play in Ten
Scenes. New York and London.
Harper and Bros. 1941. 148 p. A

3For other dramas by Negroes see divi-
sion, "Negro American Literature."

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES

643

play based on the novel by the same
name.

Hammerstein, Oscar II. Carmen Jones.
New York. Alfred A. Knopf. 1945.
139 p. Based on Meilhac and Ha-
levy's adaptation of Prosper Meri-
mee's Carmen. It is a musical play
with an all-Negro cast. The setting
is a parachute factory in a southern
town.

Lewis, Kate Porter. Alabama Folk
Plays. Chapel Hill. University of
North Carolina Press. 1943. 152 p.
Three Negro comedies and two plays
concerning poor whites.

Richardson, Thomas. Place: America.
(A Theatre Piece.) Based on the
History of the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored Peo-
ple. New York. National Association
for the Advancement of Colored
People. 1940. 51 p.

Rodman, Seldon. The Revolutionists.
A Tragedy in Three Acts. New York.
Duell, Sloan and Pearce. 1942. 193
p. Deals with the revolt of the
slaves of Haiti.

*Rosemond, Henri Ch. Haiti Our
Neighbor. (A Play in Two Acts and
Twelve Scenes). Brooklyn, N. Y.
Haitian Publishing Co. 1944. 95 p.
A vivid melodrama of the internal
life of Haiti, based on facts con-
cerning the struggle for independ-
ence.

Ryerson, Florence and Clements, Colin.
Harriet. A Play in Three Acts. New
York. Scribner's Sons. 1943. 212 p.
Based on the life of Harriet Beecher
Stowe, author of "Uncle Tom's
Cabin."

Economic Conditions

Belfrage, Cedric. South of God. New
York. Modern Age Books. 1941.
346 p. The story of Claude Williams
and his work among white and
black workers and especially among
the miners and the Southern Farm-
ers Tenant Union in Arkansas. It
is more, it is the story of a martyr
who remained unshaken when his
beliefs were assailed though it
meant poverty and suffering — even
death.

*Bontemps, Arna and *Conroy, Jack.
They Seek a City. Garden City, New
York. Doubleday, Doran and Co.
1945. 266 p. The story of Negro
migration within the United States.
Here migration is divided into four
periods: (1) That which took place

via the Underground Railroad, as a
means of escape from slavery. (2)
That which took place after Eman-
cipation when the freedmen went
North seeking opportunities. (3) Mi-
gration during World War I when
thousands of Negroes went to large
northern centers to take the place
of foreigners and others. (4) Migra-
tion during World War II again to
cities to fill the shortages of indus-
try caused by the lack of man power
and by speeded up production.

Bullock, B. F. Practical Farming for
the South. Chapel Hill. University
of North Carolina Press. 1944. 510
p. The purpose of this handbook
is to meet the needs of those per-
sons— rural teachers, supervisors,
principals, preachers, social workers,
who though working among rural
people have the "city pattern of
thinking," because they have not had
the advantage of rural training dur-
ing their period of preparation.

*Cayton, Horace R. and Mitchell,
George S. Black Workers and the
New Unions. Chapel Hill. University
of North Carolina Press. 1939. 467
p. A study of the economic status
and industrial position of Negroes
as industrial laborers and of their
participation in labor unions. It is
divided into five sections.

Huberman, Leo. The Truth About
Unions. New York. The Pamphlet
Press. A Division of Reynal and
Hitchcock. 1946. 87 p. This pamph-
let is divided into four parts en-
titled as follows: Part I, Why Un-
ions? Part II, Union Structure;
Part III, What About—; Part IV,
"For the Extension of Democracy."

Hullinger, Edwin Ware. Ploughing
Through. The Story of the Negro in
Agriculture. New York. William
Morrow and Co. 1940. 60 p. A brief
and fully illustrated account of the
Negro as a farmer, and of his vital
part in the National farm program.

Infield, Henrik F. Cooperative Com-
munities at Work. Dryden Press.
New York. 1945. 201 p. With so
many peoples having been dislocated
by the war the world problem of
rehabilitating them is facing most
governments. The author feels that
the merits of group settlement
should be part of the preparation
work of post-war resettlement plan-
ning. The F. S. A., Cooperative Cor-

644 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

poration Farms and other F. S. A.
projects are described and analyzed
together with other cooperative ef-
forts.

Labor Fact Book (1). Prepared by
Labor Research Association. New
York. International publishers. 1945.
208 p. Information on the Negro in
Labor Unions, in the armed forces,
health, housing, on railroad, dis-
crimination and court decisions.

Labor Unionism in American Agricul-
ture. Bulletin No. 836. Washington,
D. C. U. S. Govt. Print. Off. 1945.
455 p. A valuable study showing the
origins, developments, problems and
accomplishments of unionism among
farm workers in various parts of
the United States.

Mezerik, A. G. The Revolt of the South
and West. New York. Duell, Sloan
and Pearce. 1946. 290 p. The re-
volt spoken of in this volume is
that of the South and West against
the East, which they blame for
denying the rest of the country a
fair opportunity. High cost of liv-
ing, low wages, poor educational and
health facilities are all blamed on
the East.

Morris, Richard B. Government and
Labor in Early America. New York.
Columbia University Press. 194G.
557 p. "An original and comprehen-
sive work which discusses the lega1
and social status of free and bound
labor in Colonial days."

Northrup, Herbert R. Organized Labor
and the Negro. New York. London.
Harper and Bros. 1944. 312 p. The
author analyzes the labor situation
as it relates to Negroes participating
in labor unions in America. He
presents first a general picture as
it relates to the major labor unions;
namely, the American Federation of
Labor and the Congress of Industrial
Organizations and then discusses
the status of Negro labor in the
various types of industries in rela-
tion to organized labor within these
industries.

O'Donnell, Cyril. Recent Trends in the
Demand for American Cotton. A
Supplement to the Journal of Busi-
ness of the University of Chicago.
January, 1945. Studies in Business
Administration. Vol. XV, No. 1.
Chicago. University of Chicago
Press. 1945. 53 p. A study which
should be valuable to private and

public organizations which influence
and determine policy with respect
to the production and distribution
of American cotton; and to others
who manufacture and sell cotton
products.

Raper, Arthur F. Tenants of the
Almighty. New York. Macmillan
Co. 1943. 403 p. The third socio-
logical study made by the author
of Greene County, Georgia. Begin-
ning "with the story of the Indian,
of the first white settlers, self-suffi-
cient frontier farmers, slavery, war
and reconstruction, wage hands and
sharecroppers, time merchants and
populists, 'weevil-free' land and
boom times, boll weevil and defla-
tion and hard years," he launches
into the unified Farm Program and
what it has meant not only to the
people but to the land.

Raper, Arthur F. and *Reid, Ira DeA.
Sharecroppers All. Chapel Hill.
University of North Carolina Press.
1941. 281 p. This book states that
the term sharecroppers should not
be confined to the inclusion of those
persons who work on farms only and
contribute their labor, receiving in
return a share of the crop; but
should include that large class of
workers in factory, downtown offices,
chain-store clerks, salesmen, insur-
ance agents, taxi drivers, filling-sta-
tion operators, casual laborers, do-
mestic servants and thousands of
other workers tied down by low
wages, insecurity and lack of oppor-
tunity. "A sharecropper shares in
the risk without sharing in the con-
trol." White and black alike are
caught in this share-cropping sys-
tem which covers the South.

Stigler, George J. Domestic Servants
in 'the United States 1900-1940. New
York. National Bureau of Economic
Research. Occasional Paper 24:
April, 1946. 44 p. The study takes
up: "The Number of Servants, 1900-
1940"; "The Characteristics of Ser-
vants"; "The Wages and Hours of
Servants"; and "Factors Affecting
the Income of Servants."

* Stuart, M. S. An Economic Detour.
A History of Insurance in the Lives
of American Negroes. New York.
Wendell Malliet and Co. 1940. 349
p. An authentic and comprehensive
history of the economic struggles
and achievements of the American

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES

645

Negro. It provides a rich source
of important information regarding
the Negro that has not been obtain-
able previously in book form.

*Styles, Fitzhugh Lee. How to T)e
Successful Negro Americans. A
Guide to Success in Life and Busi-
ness for Negroes in America. Bos-
ton. Christopher Publishing House.
1941. 102 p. The author believes
that "there are thousands of Negroes
in this country today who actually
are obscessed with the conviction of
defeat, whereas, the truth is if only
they could rid themselves of such
devastating notions, the mere re-
moval of this handicap would cata-
pult them to happiness and success."

Weaver, Herbert. Mississippi Farmers,
1850-1860. Nashville. Vanderbilt Uni-
versity Press. 1945. 139 p. This is
an analysis of the economic struc-
ture of the agricultural population
of Mississippi ten years prior to the
Civil War, showing that as much at-
tention was given to the growing
of corn and livestock in Mississippi
as to the growing of cotton.

f*Weaver, Robert C. Negro Labor. A
National Problem. New York. Har-
court Brace and Co. 1946. 329 p.
Tells what has happened to Negro
Labor during the war years and also
what racial problems will face both
workers and management in the
post-war period. It brings out also
the occupational changes which have
occurred in Negro labor and em-
phasizes the significance of such is-
sues as full employment and the
problem of union seniority. It also
indicates the importance of the Fair
Employment Practices Committee
for the improvement not only of
Negro labor but of racial under-
standing.

Wilson, Charles Morrow. Corn Bread
and Creek Water. The Landscape
of Rural Poverty. New York. Henry
Holt and Co. 1940. 309 p. Erosion
and drought, tenancy and migration,
education, conservation, relief — the
plans, the arguments, and the sta-
tistics, which bear upon them — all
the features of the complicated and
much discussed "farm problem" are
contained in this volume.

Education

The Advisory Committee on Educa-
tion, Report of the Committee. Feb-
ruary, 1938. Washington, D. C.

Govt. Print. Off. 1938. 243 p. Deals
with the problems of Federal rela-
tionships to State and local conduct
of education. America is committed
to the social theory that all chil-
dren of the country regardless of
economic status, race, or place of
residence are entitled to an equi-
table opportunity to obtain a suitable
education. This theory has never
been realized in practice. "The Com-
mittee is convinced that the Federal
Government must continue and ex-
pand its efforts to improve and en-
large the social services, including
education at the same time fostering
and preserving the strength of local
democratic action."

Alexander, Fred M. Education for the
Needs of the Negro in Virginia. The
John F. Slater Fund Studies in Edu-
cation of Negroes.' Number 2. Wash-
ington, D. C. Southern Education
Foundation, Inc. 1943. 297 p. A
study concerned with certain sig-
nificant social, economic, and educa-
tional conditions of the Negro and
their implications for the improve-
ment of his education.

Americans All. Studies in Intercul-
tural Education. Sponsored by the
Department of Supervisors and Di-
rectors of Instruction of the National
Education Association. The National
Council of Teachers of English. The
Society for Curriculum Study. Na-
tional Education Association. Wash-
ington, D. C. 1942. 385 p. A plea
for the betterment of interracial and
intercultural relations in the youth
of America.

Beust, Nora E. and Foster, Emery M.
Statistics of Public-School Libraries
1941-42. Biennial Surveys of Educa-
tion in the United States 1938-40 and
1940-42. Volume II, Chapter VIII.
Federal Security Agency. U. S. Office
of Education. Washington. Govt.
Print. Off. 1945. 54 p. "This study
was undertaken with a view to ob-
taining some factual information re-
garding the status of the public
school library during the school year
1941-42."

*Caliver, Ambrose. Education of Teach-
ers for Improving Majority — Minor-
ity Relationship. Course Offerings
for Teachers to learn about Racial
and National Minority Groups.
Washington, D. C. U. S. Govt. Print.
Off. 1944. 64 p. The point of view

646 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

of this pamphlet is that improving
human relationships is primarily
an educational job which can be
accomplished only by "providing ac-
curate knowledge about different
races and groups, developing under-
standing and appreciation of these
groups and improving attitudes of
different individuals, races, and
groups toward one another."

*Carpenter, Marie Elizabeth. The
Treatment of the Negro in American
History Textbooks. Menasha, Wis.
George Banta Publishing Co. 1941.
137 p. The thesis of this disserta-
tion is that writers of textbooks
dealing with American history have
hot used the findings of historical
scholarship in giving the Negro a
"well balanced and informing"
treatment. This neglect, the author
thinks, may be * due partly to atti-
tudes held by these writers and his-
torians toward the Negro and partly
because of their desire to exclude
controversial material. She makes
recommendations for a "well-round-
ed treatment not only of the Negro
but of American history in general."

*Colson, Edna Meade. An Analysis of
the Specific References to Negroes
in Selected' Curricula for the Educa-
tion of Teachers. Bureau of Publi-
cations. Teachers College. Colum-
bia University. New York. 1940.
178 p. This dissertation has three
purposes: (1) To provide specific
information in selected fields of
knowledge which can be used in the
selection and presentation of instruc-
tional material on the Negro; (2)
To present recommendations, grow-
ing out of the data secured, which
will assist institutions for teacher
education in making proper curricu-
lum provision for understanding the
Negro-white situation in the United
States; (3) To contribute to the
betterment of race relations in
America.

*Daniel, Walter Green. The Reading
Interests and Needs of Negro College
Freshmen Regarding Social Science
Material. Bureau of Publications.
Teachers College. Columbia Univer-
sity. New York. 1942. 128 p. Pre-
sents a study of the general social
science reading interests of students
at Howard University and an ap-
praisal of their needs.

Du Bois, Rachel Davis. Build To-
gether Americans. New York. Hinds,
Hayden and Eldredge. 1945. 270 p.
From twenty years experience, the
author reports "upon concrete pro-
grams, tested in more than 100
schools, for using the assembly as
a nucleus to integrate school and
community activities, for follow-up
classroom discussions, and for social
occasions, which give young people
opportunity to practice new attitudes
of good will."

Dunbar, Ralph M. and Foster, Emery
M. College and University Library
Statistics, 1939-40. Biennial Survey
of Education in the United States
1938-40. Volume II, Chapter VI,
Federal Security Agency. U. S. Of-
fice of Education. Washington. Govt.
Print. Off. 1943. 105 p. This volume
presents "basic statistical data on
the libraries of the institutions of
higher education in the United
States and its outlying parts."

*Dyson, Walter. Howard University.
The Capstone of Negro Education.
A History: 1867-1940. Washington.
The Graduate School, Howard Uni-
versity. 1941. 553 p. A documentary
history of Howard University, the
most outstanding university for Ne-
groes in the United States, written
by one of its professors of History.

Gibson, Joseph E. and Others. Missis-
sippi Study of Higher Learning.
1945. 402 p. Chapter XIV deals with
the "Development of Negro Educa-
tion" and shows the status, the
needs, the deficiencies, the proposed
re-organization, and recommenda-
tions for the higher education of
Negroes in Mississippi.

*Gleason, Eliza Atkins. The Southern
Negro and the Public Library. Uni-
versity of Chicago Press. Chicago,
111. 1941. 218 p. The aims of this
investigation are: "(1) To define the
legal basis of free public library
service for Negroes in the South;
(2) To identify all institutions of-
fering permanent public library serv-
ice to Negroes, thereby establishing
the extent of library coverage for
the group; (3) To revise figures of
total library coverage in the South;
(4) To identify the governmental
type of the public libraries offering
service to Negroes and to determine
to what extent one type may offer
wider opportunities for service than

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 647

another; (5) To review the admin-
istration and services of the library
units maintained for Negro library
service; and (6) To determine to
what extent the library facilities of
private secondary schools and insti-
tutions of higher learning for Ne-
groes supplement the regularly or-
ganized and publicly supported pub-
lic library facilities provided for the
groups."

*Gore, George W. Jr. In-Service Pro-
fessional Improvement of Negro
Public School Teachers in Tennes-
see. Contributions to Education No.
786. Bureau of Publications. Teach-
ers College, Columbia University.
New York. 1940. 142 p. "Pictures
the present status of the Negro
teachers and the supervisory prac-
tices and teacher education facili-
ties available to them in Tennessee,"
with an evaluation of the findings in
the light of present standards.

f*Greene, Harry W. Holders of Doc-
torates among American Negroes.
Boston. Meador Publishing Co. 1946.
275 p. Pertinent economic and so-
cial factors are included in this edu-
cational study of Negroes who have
earned the doctorate, 1876-1943.

*Harris, M. LaFayette. The Voice in
the Wilderness. Boston. Christopher
Publishing House. 1941. 149 p. The
result of the stimulating effect of
the scholarship of Dr. Robert M.
Hutchins, then President of the Uni-
versity of Chicago. "The author con-
tends that education must include
the whole person, and not just the
mind. To include the whole person,
it must include those basic factors
which compose the major drives of
choice and action."

* Harris, Ruth Miriam. Teachers' So-
cial Knowledge and its Relation to
Pupils' Responses. A study of Four
St. Louis Negro Elementary Schools.
Teachers College, Columbia Univer-
sity Contributions to Education, No.
816. Bureau of Publications. Teach-
ers College, Columbia University,
New York. 1941. 89 p. The major
assumption of this dissertation is
that the "understanding that teach-
ers have of the communities in
which they do their teaching is an
important factor in the integration
of their pupils' lives into their com-
munities, and in the pupils' whole
social adjustment."

Herlihy, Lester B. Statistics of Non-
public Elementary and Secondary
Schools 1940-41. Biennial Survey of
Education in the United States, 1940-
42. Volume II, Chapter IX. Fed-
eral Security Agency. U. S. Office
of Education. Washington, D. C.
Govt. Print. Off.. 1945. 28 p. A
summary presenting the second com-
prehensive review of elementary and
secondary private and parochial
schools issued by the Office of Edu-
cation.

Hughes, Raymond M. and Lancelot,
William H. Education: America's
Magic. Ames, Iowa. The Iowa State
College Press. 1946. 189 p. Each
State of the Union is examined with
reference to the ideal of universal
education. Vital educational prob-
lems of America are also discussed.

*Johnson, Charles S. The Negro Col-
lege Graduate. Chapel Hill. Univer-
sity of North Carolina Press. 1938.
399 p. An extensive study of the
objective records of college and pro-
fessionally trained Negroes in the
United States. The basis of interpre-
tation of this study "is that educa-
tion for Negroes in America is one
of the instruments of their accultura-
tion and that the higher learning
and professional proficiency achieved
are evidences not only of their
changing social and economic status,
but of their increased integration
into American life."

Morgan, Charles T. The Fruit of this
Tree. The Story of a Great Ameri-
can College and Its Contribution to
the Education of a Changing World.
Berea, Ky. Published by Berea Col-
lege. 1946. 269 p. This history of
Berea College synchronizes three his-
torical works about the college.

Morphet, Edgar L. (Ed.). Building a
Better Southern Region through
Education. A study in State and Re-
gional Cooperation. Tallahassee, Fla.
Southern States Work-Conference on
School Administrative Problems.
1945. 418 p. Represents the co-
operative work of 14 States in the
Southern Region and is an attempt
"by a large group of educational
leaders from an entire region to
view the organization and adminis-
tration of education in terms of its
relation to the resources of the re-
gion and the potential development
of those resources."

648 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

Norton, John K. and Lawler, Eugene
S. An Inventory of Public School
Expenditures in the United States.
A Report of the Cooperative Study
of Public School Expenditures.
Washington. American Council On
Education. 1944. 2 Vols. These two
volumes form "a definitive study of
inequalities in the financial support
of public elementary and secondary
education in the United States."

Swint, Henry Lee. The Northern
Teacher in the South 1862-1870.
Nashville, Tennessee. Vanderbilt
University Press. 1941. 221 p. A
story of th,e role which the northern
teachers played in the education of
Negroes in the South during the
period 1862-1870, the organizations
instrumental in sending these teach-
ers to the southern area, and the
reaction of the southerners to the
presence of these teachers.

Voorhees, Oscar M. The History of
Phi Beta Kappa. New York. Crown
Publishers. 1945. 372 p. The of-
ficial historian of Phi Beta Kappa
gives the story of the Society as
well as the history of the separate
Chapters.

Warner, W. Lloyd; Havighurst, Robert
J.; Loeb, Martin B. Who Shall be
Educated f The Challenge of Un-
equal Opportunities. New York.
London. Harper and Bros. 1944. 190
p. "Describes how our schools,
functioning in a society with basic
inequalities, facilitate the use of a
few from lower to higher levels but
continue to serve the social system
by keeping down many people who
try for higher places. The teacher,
the school administrator, the school
board, as well as the students them-
selves, play their roles to hold peo-
ple in their places in our social struc-
ture."

*Whiting, J. L. Shop and Class at
Tuskegee. A definitive Story of the
Tuskegee Correlation Technique
1910-1930. Boston. Chapman and
Grimes. 1941. 114 p. A story of the
correlation between cultural and vo-
cational subjects as related by one
who was for 20 years Industrial Arts
Education Adviser at Tuskegee In-
stitute.

Folklore

Bennett, John. The Doctor to the
Dead. Grotesque Legends and Folk
Stories of Old Charleston. New

York. 1946. 260 p. A few of these
stories were collected from former
slaves, but most of them are from
Negroes of the first free generation.

Botkin, B. A. (Ed.) A Treasury of
American Folklore. Stories, Ballads
and Traditions of the People. New
York. Crown Publishers. 1944. 932
p. Contains 500 stories and 100
songs of America's legendary heroes
and strong men told "as the people
tell them, in the glorious virile,
earthy American language."

Bowman, James Cloyd. John Henry.
The Rambling Black Ulysses. Chi-
cago. Albert Whitman and Co.
1942. 288 p. The mythical, John
Henry, weighing forty pounds at
birth, grows into a tradition as well
as an inspiration. This recent story
of his adventures is interwoven
with many songs and tales of the
old South. The art work is done by
Roy La Grone.

*Hurston, Zora Neale. Tell My Horse.
Philadelphia. J. B. Lippincott Co.
1938. 301 p. An intimate story of
voodoo in Jamaica and Haiti by one
who herself took part in the rites.

Kennedy, Stetson. Palmetto Country.
New York. Duell, Sloan and Pearce.
1942. 340 p. This volume on Ameri-
can folkways in the "deepest South,
Florida and the southern portions
of Georgia and Alabama, presents all
of the people: Crackers, Negroes,
American tourists, Latin Cigar-
makers, conch-fisherf oik ; Greek
sponge-divers, cowhunters, farmers,
backwoodsmen."

Roberts, William F. Dixie Darkies.
Negro Stories — Mule Tales— Race
Relationships. Boston. Bruce Hum-
phries, Inc. 1942. 150 p. Tales of
Negro life in the South, told by one
who spent his boyhood on a planta-
tion in Central Mississippi.

Tallant, Robert. Voodoo in New Or-
leans. New York. Macmillan Co.
1946. 247 p. "A complete and au-
thentic history of voodoo worship
in New Orleans."

History and Travel

Civil War and Reconstruction

Aptheker, Herbert. Essays in the His-
tory of the American Negro. New
York. International Publishers. 1945.
216 p. Based on original research,
the author shows the role the Negro
has played in various phases of
American history as follows: "Ne-

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES

649

gro Slave Revolts in the United
States, 1526-1860"; "The Negro in
the American Revolution"; "The
Negro in the Abolitionist Move-
ment"; "The Negro in the Civil
War."

Aptheker, Herbert. The Negro in the
Civil War. New York. Interna-
tional Publishers. 1938. 48 p. Says
the author, "For two hundred years
the American Negro people waged a
persistent struggle against the dia-
bolical system of chattel slavery,
which was devised and continued
for their super-exploitation. And
they eagerly grasped the oppor-
tunity offered by the Civil War to
accentuate their struggles."

Blied, Benjamin J. Catholics and the
Civil War. Milwaukee, Wis. 1945.
161 p. A cross-section of Catholic
opinion and action during the period
of the Civil War is given in this
volume of essays.

Bragg, Jefferson Davis. Louisiana in
the Confederacy. Baton Rouge, La.
Louisiana State University Press.
1941. 341 p. "In this study of
Louisiana's Civil War history, Mr.
Bragg deals particularly with the
struggle to cope with the tragic
problems created by the destruction
of property, scarcity of specie and
provisions, and the division of ter-
ritory. The author also develops
the inter-relationships and conflicts
with the Federal-occupied portion of
the state."

Calendar of the John C. Dancy Corre-
spondence, 1898-1910. Detroit, Michi-
gan. The Michigan Historical Rec-
ords Survey Project. 1941. 27 p.
A compilation of original source ma-
terials relating to John C. Dancy,
Negro teacher, politician, orator and
journalist.

Craven, Avery Odelle. The Coming of
the Civil War. New York. Charles
Scribner's Sons. 1942. 491 p. The
approach to and the interpretation
of the Civil War are given a new
slant in this volume. The author
states that the war came not from
differences as such but from dis-
torting of differences between sec-
tions of the country and because of
the generation of emotions concern-
ing these distortions. It is a new
evaluation of the part which slavery
played in the Civil War struggle.

DeForest, John William. A Volunteer's
Adventures. A Union Captain's Rec-

ord of the Civil War. New Haven.
Yale University Press. 1946. 237 p.
DeForest's version of the Civil War,
based on his letters and articles,
edited with notes by James H.
Croushore.

t*Du Bois, W. E. B., Johnson, Guy B.
Encyclopedia of the Negro. New
York. Phelps-Stokes Fund. 1945.
207 p. A "Preparatory Volume with
Reference Lists and Reports." The
reference material is brought down
through 1942, and is divided into
three parts as follows: I, Alpha-
betical List, with Notes on Major
Subjects, and Bibliographical Sug-
gestions. II, Library Resources for
Negro Studies in the United States
and Abroad. Ill, Bibliography of
Bibliographies Dealing Directly or
Indirectly with the Negro.
Dunham, Chester Forrester. The Atti-
tude of the Northern Clergy Toward
the South. 1860-1865. Toledo, Ohio.
Gray Co. Publishers. 1942. 258 p.
This study seeks to discover the
ideas, opinions, convictions and at-
titudes that northern preachers held
during the period 1860-1865.

Gray, Wood. The Hidden Civil War.
The Story of the Copperheads. New
York. Viking Press. 1942. 314 p.
There existed in the North individ-
uals and groups of persons who did
not wish to war against the South
during the Civil War. They held
different views concerning what
should be the national policy during
this period of crisis. This is the
story of these individuals and
groups.

Horn, Stanley F. The Army of Ten-
nessee. A Military History. Indian-
apolis. New York. Bobbs-Merrill Co.
1941. 503 p. A comprehensive his-
torical study. One of the interest-
ing stories in this volume of par-
ticular interest to Negroes is the
account of what happened when
General Pat Cleburne, who was born
in Ireland and who grew up in the
British Isles, proposed to recruit
Negroes as soldiers for the army of
the Confederacy.

Lane, Brother J. Robert. A Political
History of Connecticut During the
Civil War. Washington, D. C. 1941.
321 p. The political development in
the State of Connecticut during the
Civil War.

Milton, George Fort. Abraham Lin-
coln and the Fifth Column. New

650

BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

York. Vanguard Press. 1942. 364 p. I
The relentless struggle that Abra-
ham Lincoln was compelled to wage
against the Union's secret and ma-
lignant foes at home. There is a
parallelism between the foes that
were boring from within during
that struggle and those that were
sympathetic with the enemies of
America during World War II.

Milton, George Fort. Conflict. The
American Civil War. New York.
Coward-McCann Inc. 1941. 433 p. A
concise history of the Civil War,
with its military, economic and so-
cial consequences by a noted his-
torian.

Ramsdell, Charles W. (Ed.). Laws
and Joint Resolutions of the Last
Session of the Confederate Congress
(November 7, 1864— March 18, 1865).
Together with the Secret Acts of
Previous Congresses. Durham, N.
C. Duke University Press. 1941.
183 p. A nearly complete set of the
hitherto unpublished laws of the
Confederacy.

Randall, J. G. Lincoln and the South.
Baton Rouge, La. Louisiana State
University Press. 1946. 161 p. The
author presents Lincoln as one who
knew and understood the South and
lauds his plan for peace as being
"just and promising."

Robinson, William M., Jr. Justice in
Grey. A History of the Judicial
System of the Confederate States of
America. Cambridge, Mass. Har-
vard University Press. 1941. 713 p.
A complete judicial history of the
Confederate States covering the or-
ganization and operation of the
courts, the military tribunals, and
the Department of Justice.

*Taylor, Alrutheus Ambush. The Ne-
gro in Tennessee, 1865-1880. Wash-
ington, D. C. The Associated Pub-
lishers. 1941. 306 p. Shows the role
played by the Negro in the political,
social and economic life of Tennes-
see and the forces and factors which
tended to impede or support him in
this effort.

General and Miscellaneous References

Adamic, Louis. A Nation of Nations.
New York. London. Harper and
Bros. 1945. 399 p. The theme is
that America is not a "white Anglo-
Saxon-Protestant civilization strug-
gling to preserve itself against in-
filtration and adulteration by other

civilizations brought here by hordes
of foreigners and Negroes but a
new civilization . . . owing much
... to the mixture and interplay
of our peoples, the plenitude of our
resources, and the skills which all
of us — Britons, Irishmen, French-
men, Scandinavians, Slavs, Jews,
Negroes, agnostics — have brought
here in the past three hundred
years."

Aptheker, Herbert. The Negro in the
American Revolution. New York.
International Publishers. 1940. 47 p.
The activities of the American Ne-
gro in a war for freedom. The au-
thor states that the motivating force
in the history of the American Ne-
gro has always been his determined
effort to be free. This has per-
meated his actions, his policies, his
efforts, his music and his religion.

*Coles, Howard W. The Cradle of
Freedom. A History of the Negro in
Rochester, Western New York and
Canada. Volume One. Rochester, N.
Y. Oxford Press, publishers. 1942.
164 p. In compiling this volume the
author used not only rare illustra-
tions but also rare materials.

*Dreer, Herman. The History of the
Omega Psi Phi Fraternity, 1911 to

1939. Published by the Fraternity.

1940. 331 p. This history of a fra-
ternity among Negro college men
tells of the founding of the organi-
zation, its expansion, the develop-
ment of the administrative offices,
the Omega program, the grand con-
claves and trends as it faces the fu-
ture.

Easterby, J. H. (Ed.). The South
Carolina Rice Plantation. As re-
vealed in the Papers of Robert F.
W. Allston. Chicago. University of
Chicago Press. 1945. 478 p. "The
documents include personal and
business letters of the planter and

• his family, overseers' and factors'
reports, lists of slaves and slave bills
of sale, account-books, doctors' bills,
order for supplies, diaries, etc. They
begin in 1810 . . . and end in 1868."

*Eppse, Merle R. A Guide to the Study
of the Negro. Nashville 2, Tenn.
National Publication Co. 1943. 181
p. A manual which suggests vari-
ous sources and activities by which
the history of the Negro may be-
come a more vivid and worthwhile
subject for study in schools on the
high school and college level, and

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES

651

is intended for use in connection
with the text book by the author,
entitled, "The Negro, Too, in Ameri-
can History."

*Eppse, Merle R. The Negro, Too, in
American History. Nashville, Tenn.
National Publication Co. 1943. 591
p. The author presents "a continu-
ous story of constructive contribu-
tions of the Negro" to American
culture.

*Eppse, Merle R. and *Foster, A. M.
An Elementary History of America
including the Contributions of the
Negro Race. Nashville, Tenn. Na-
tional Publication Co. 1943. 350 p.
Purposes to supplement text books
which trace the development of our
national life without due regard to
the part which the Negro has played.

Firestone, Clark B. Flowing South.
New York. Robert M. McBride and
Co. 1941. 263 p. This book is the
result of five thousand miles of river
travel covered in five vacations in
1930, 1937, 1938, 1940 and 1941 in
the heart of America visiting St.
Paul, Memphis, Vicksburg, Natchez,
New Orleans. Many interesting ex-
periences with Negro people are re-
lated here.

*Hershaw, Fay McKeene. Memories
of East South America. Boston.
Meador Publishing Co. 1940. 144 p.
This is an account of a trip taken
by the author with a friend to
Buenos Aires in 1938.

*Hershaw, Fay McKeene and *Collins,
Flaurience Sengstacke. Around the
World with Hershaw and Collins.
Boston. Meador Publishing Co.
1938. 151 p. A book showing the
authors' journey around the world.
It is interestingly illustrated by
photographs.

Hesseltine, William B. The South in
American History. New York. Pren-
tice-Hall, Inc. 1943. 691 p. A re-
vision of the author's, "History of
the South" published in 1936. It
essays a synthesis of the South's
role in American History and a
brief synopsis of Southern develop-
ment. It covers material from
"Planting the Southern Colonies" to
"The New Deal and the New South."

The Howard University Studies in the
Social Sciences. Washington, D. C.
Howard University. 1938. 188 p.
Contents: Africa and the Rise of
Capitalism by *Wilson, E. William

and Negro Disfranchisement in Vir-
ginia by *Martin, Robert E.

*Jackson, Luther Porter. Negro Office-
Holders in Virginia, 1865-1895. Nor-
folk, Va. Guide Quality Press. 1945.
88 p. Information in this volume
was obtained from descendants of
these officeholders living in Virginia
and other States; from older citi-
zens, white and Negro, personally
acquainted with them; from secre-
taries of institutions of learning of
which fifteen were graduated; from
court clerks; and from various man-
uscripts and printed materials.

King, Lloyd W. A Suggestive Outline
for the Study of the Negro in His-
tory. Missouri State Board of Edu-
cation. Special Bulletin. Jefferson
City, Mo. Mid-State Printing Co.
1941. 109 p. An attempt "to reveal
the unique place occupied by the
Negro race in the history of civiliza-
tion," and was made available to the
schools of Missouri in order that
they might correlate as much of it
as possible with their history
courses.

The Negro in Virginia. Compiled by
Workers of the Writer's Program
of the Works Projects Administra-
tion in the State of Virginia. New
York. Hastings House. 1940. 380 p.
The story of Negroes in Virginia
which begins with their arrival in
" a Dutch Man of Warr" and ends
with a survey of their condition
as city dwellers.

Robert, John Clarke. The Tobacco
Kingdom. Plantation, Market, and
Factory in Virginia and North Caro-
lina. 1800-60. Duke University Press.
Durham, N. C. 1938. 386 p. This
volume should be interesting to all
persons interested in the tobacco in-
dustry, whether as cultivators, mar*
keters, manufacturers, economists or
historians, as it relates the story
of tobacco during the first six dec-
ades of the eighteen hundreds.

9&nd Division. Summary of Operations
in the World War. Prepared by the
American Battle Monuments Com-
mission. Washington, D. C. United
States Govt. Print. Off. 1944. 45 p.
In this booklet the active service
of the 92nd Division in World War
I is treated. It deals only with
front-line infantry operations. The
main features of the volume are:
Organization, and Service from ar-
rival in the A. E. F. until Septem-

652 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

ber 25; Meuse Argonne Offensive;
Marbache Sectro and Woevre Plain
Operation and Subsequent Service.
It contains a valuable appendix, in-
dex and operation maps.

Rutledge, Archibald. Home by the
River. Indianapolis, Ind. New York.
Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1941. 167 p. Af-
ter an absence of forty-four years
the owner of a plantation home,
"Hampton," returns to restore it.
This is the story of how he did it;
and of the people who helped him.
It is also a story of past and present
plantation life.

75 Years of Freedom. Commemoration
of the 75th Anniversary of the Proc-
lamation of the 13th Amendment to
the Constitution of the United States.
The Library of Congress. December
18, 1940. 118 p. The contribution of
the American Negro to American
culture was the theme of a series
of exhibits and concerts in the
Library of Congress on December
18, 1940 commemorating the Thir-
teenth Amendment to the Constitu-
tion, which ended slavery in the
United States. The whole program
of festival music, the exhibit of
graphic arts and the exhibit of
books, manuscripts, broadside, music,
portraits and other illustrative ma-
terials are shown in this volume.

*Turner, Zatella R. My Wonderful
Year. Boston. Christopher Publish-
ing House. 1939. 117 p. Miss Tur-
ner records here impressions of her
life in England and her visit on the
Continent as a result of being the
recipient of the fourth Alpha Kappa
Alpha Sorority Foreign Fellowship.

*Voorhis, Harold Van Buren. Negro
Masonry in the United States. New
York. Henry Emmerson. 1940. 132
p. This volume has two parts. Part
One deals with "Unrecognized" Ne-
gro Masonry, and Part Two deals
with Recognized Negro Freemasonry.

*Washington, Booker T. The Story of
the Negro. The Rise of the Race
from Slavery. New York. Peter
Smith. 1940. 2 vols. This book was
originally published in 1909. This is
a reprint of the original volumes,
and is "a simple, straight story of
what the Negro himself has accom-
plished in the way of attaining to
a higher civilization."

*Williamson, Harry A. The Prince
Hall Primer. Rev. Ed. New York.
H. A. Williamson. 1946. 60 p. Con-

tains questions and answers about
Prince Hall Freemasonry from its
beginning up to the present time.
*Woodson, Carter G. The Negro in
our History. Washington. Asso-
ciated Publishers. 1945. 691 p. This
eighth revised edition of the Negro
in our History, a standard work on
Negro History, has been brought up
to date and includes a brief chapter
on the second World War.

Slavery

Aptheker, Herbert. American Negro
Slave Revolts. New York. Columbia
University Press. 1944. 409 p. An
extended history of the revolt of
American slaves. The author does
more than give the history of these
revolts that took place. He discusses
the whole background which sheds
a greater light upon and gives a
better understanding of slave up-
risings.

Aptheker, Herbert. The Negro in the
Abolition Movement. New York. In-
ternational Publishers. 1941. 48 p.
An investigation of the role which
the Negro played in trying to free
himself from slavery.

Bennett, Whitman. Whittier, Bard of
Freedom. Chapel Hill. University
of North Carolina Press. 1941. 359
p. The role which Whittier played
in the anti-slavery movement is
shown here. "He was the epitome
of the most reputable middle class
convictions of his era. He defied
established society on one ground
only — that of Negro slavery; but for
that issue he would fight to the last
ditch."

Booker, George W. The Slave Busi-
ness. Scotch Plains, N. J. Flanders
Hall. 1941. 53 p. The story of the
slave trade of modern times. Its
thesis is that slavery is still spon-
sored by men who claim to be the
most civilized human beings in the
world. That imperialistic exploita-
tion of native people is as much a
slave business as when Africans
were chained and transported from
their native lands to foreign soil.

fBotkin, B. A. Lay My Burden Down.
Chicago. University of Chicago
Press. 1945. 285 p. A collection of
slave narratives made from a "selec-
tion and integration of excerpts and
complete narratives from the Slave
Narrative Collection of the Federal
Writers' Project."

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 653

Buckmaster, Henrietta. Let My Peo-
ple Go, The story of the under-
ground railroad and the growth of
the abolition movement. Harper and
Bros. New York. London. 1941.
398 p. Not only is the struggle of
the Negro for freedom portrayed in
this volume but revolutionary im-
pulses as imperative as those which
freed the colonists from British sup-
pression are depicted.

Clark, Blanche Henry. The Tennessee
Yeomen 1840-1860. Nashville, Tenn.
Vanderbilt University Press. 1942.
200 p. The planter class, the poor
white and the slave in southern life
are well known from numerous ac-
counts written concerning them.
Though it is well known that there
was a large non-slave holding mid-
dle class, not too much has been
recorded concerning that group, es-
pecially of the farmers and small
planters. This volume emphasizes
the non-slave portion of the agricul-
tural society in Tennessee.

Clark, Calvin Montague. American
Slavery and Maine Congregational-
ists. A Chapter in the History of
the Development of Anti-slavery
Sentiment in the Protestant Churches
of the North. Bangor, Me. Published
by the author. 1940. 198 p. What
the Congregational churches and
their leaders said and did regarding
slavery, from the beginning down
to the Emancipation Proclamation.
The opinions held among these
churchmen run all the way from
those who were apologists for slavery
to those who were extreme aboli-
tionists.

Clark, Glenn (Ed.). The World's
Greatest Debate. Saint Paul, Minn.
Macalester Park Publishing Co.
1940. 214 p. The author has brought
together three debates of three sep-
arate periods and has unified them
into a whole. He discovered that
the great debates between Madison
and Henry over the adoption of the
Constitution ; of Webster and Haynes
over the Western Lands; and of Lin-
coln and Douglas over Squatter Sov-
ereignty were not three separate de-
bates but are in reality one Great
Debate that might have occurred on
one platform in one evening.

Coleman, J. Winston, Jr. Slavery
Times in Kentucky. Chapel Hill.
University of North Carolina Press.
1940. 351 p. An account of the life,

manners and customs of slavery as
it existed in this Border State. Hav-
ing few, if any large plantations,
slavery was not as profitable here
as it was in the lower South. There-
fore, the institution was more do-
mestic than commercial. It did, how-
ever, become a center for the slave
trade.

Curtis, Ann L. Stories of the Under-
ground Railroad. New York. Island
Workshop Press Co-op, Inc. 1941.
115 p. Here are related the brave
deeds of men and women, boys and
girls who risked fines and imprison-
ment, community censure and bodily
harm in aiding slaves to escape.
These stories are suitable for young
people as well as for grown-ups.

Foner, Philip S. Business and Slavery.
The New York Merchants and the
Irrepressible Conflict. Chapel Hill.
University of North Carolina Press.
1941. 356 p. The ante-bellum North
believed that it was possible to save
the country from the horrors of
Civil War and struggled for many
years to stave off the threatened dis-
solution of the Union. The business
men of the North were linked by
economic and social ties to the South
and whenever any policy threatened
to disrupt these ties they entered
politics in order to prevent such dis-
ruption. However, they zealously
supported the armed forces of the
United States hoping that war would
accomplish what peace could not.

Foner, Philip S. (Ed.). Thomas Jef-
ferson. Selections from His Writ-
ings. International Publishers. New
York. 1943. 94 p. The selections
from Jefferson's writings included
here are those dealing with "World
Affairs"; "Democracy"; "Slavery";
"Religion"; "Education"; and "Sci-
ence."

*Franklin, John Hope. The Free Ne-
gro in North Carolina 1790-1860.
Chapel Hill. University of North
Carolina Press. 1943. 271 p. An ex-
amination of the legal status of the
Free Negro, his place in the eco-
nomic life of North Carolina, and
also his social and religious life.

*Greene, Lorenzo Johnston. The Ne-
gro in Colonial New England 1620-
1776. New York. Columbia Univer-
sity Press. 1942. 404 p. The role
of the Negro in Colonial New Eng-
land from a general point of view
is the purpose of this dissertation.

654 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

There is a survey of the slave trade
and sale in New England followed
by a discussion of the social, politi-
cal and economic repercussions of
such activities upon the institutions
of New England.

*Hamilton, Jeff. My Master. The In-
side Story of Sam Houston and His
Times. By his former slave Jeff
Hamilton as told to Lenoir Hunt.
Dallas, Tex. Manfred, Van Nort and
Co. 1940. 141 p. These recollections
as related by an ex-slave more than
one hundred years old show a keen-
ness of insight that is as unusual
as it is revealing.

*Jackson, Luther P. Free Negro La-
bor and Property Holding in Vir-
ginia, 1830-1860. New York. D. Ap-
pleton Century Co. 1942. 270 p.
Shows the types of work in which
free Negroes were engaged and the
extent of the property, including
slaves, owned by them during the
period 1830-1860.

Klingberg, Frank J. An Appraisal o/
the Negro in Colonial South Caro-
lina. A study in Americanization.
Associated Publishers. Washington,
D. C. 1941. 180 p. The story of the
Negro's part in the building of South
Carolina, as seen through the re-
ports of the Society for the Propaga-
tion of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.

Klingberg, Frank J. Anglican Human-
itarianism in Colonial New York.
Church Historical Society. Phila-
delphia, Pa. 1940. 295 p. A study
of the progress of the humanitarian
attack developed by the Society for
the Propagation of the Gospel and
its allied societies as it relates to
Indians and Negroes in the Colony
of New York.

Morton, Louis. Robert Carter of
Nomini Hall. A Virginia Tobacco
Planter of the Eighteenth Century.
Williamsburg, Va. Colonial Wil-
liamsburg, Inc. 1941. 332 p. Here
one finds an account of foundries,
textile factories, grain mills, ships
that plied up and down the Chesa-
peake and the Virginia rivers. Here
is also an account of white workers
as well as Negro slaves who worked
on the plantations.

The Narrative of *James Roberts. Sol-
dier in the Revolutionary War and
at the Battle of New Orleans. Chi-
cago. Printed for the author. 1858.
Hattiesburg, Miss. The Book Farm.
1945. 32 p. An autobiographical

sketch of a slave. It ends with the
admonition to all Negroes, "Should
this country ever again engage in
war with any nation, have nothing
whatever to do with the war; avoid
being duped by the white man — ."

Nuermberger, Ruth Ketring. The
Free Produce Movement. A Quaker
Protest Against Slavery. Historical
Papers of the Trinity College His-
torical Society. Series XXV. Dur-
ham, N. C. Duke University Press.
1942. 147 p. This is an account of
an organized effort to boycott goods
produced by slave labor.

Palmer, George Thomas. A Conscien-
tious Turncoat. The Story of John
M. Palmer 1817-1900. New Haven.
Yale University Press. 1941. 297 p.
John M. Palmer known as a "turn-
coat" from coast to coast because he
was born and reared in a slave state
but became a vehement abolitionist.
A Southerner, he became a major
general in the Union Army. A
hereditary Democrat, he helped in
founding the Republican party.
Elected a Republican governor of
Illinois, he switched back to the
Democratic party. He fought for
social reform and radical labor legis-
lation though a lawyer of means
and respectability. Says his biog-
rapher, he believed in Abraham Lin-
coln's advice, "Stand with anybody
that is right . . . Part with him
when he goes wrong."

Pennington, Edgar Legare. Thomas
Bray's Associates and Their Work
amon& the Negroes. Worcester, Mass.
American Antiquarian Society. 1939.
95 p. Thomas Bray, an Englishman,
early became interested and active
in various societies for the reforma-
tion of manners, for the revival of
church discipline among the clergy
and for the reform of prison condi-
tions. Out of his efforts grew the
Society for Promoting Christian
knowledge; the Society for the Prop-
agation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts; and Doctor Bray's Associates,
which had for its purpose the "erect-
ing of schools for instructing the
young children of Negro slaves in
the Christian religion and sucti of
their parents as show themselves in-
clineable." This volume is an ac-
count of the success and failures of
such efforts for the enlightenment
of slaves in the American colonies.

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 655

Robert, Joseph Clarke. The Road
from Monticello. A study of the
Virginia Slavery Debate of 1832.
Durham, N. C. Duke University
Press. 1941. 127 p. A summary of
the causes and consequences of the
debate, evidence concerning the eco-
nomic interests in the institution of
slavery possessed by the members
of the House of Delegates, and rep-
resentative selections from newspa-
pers and pamphlets, rarely available.

Russell, Charles Edward. A Pioneer
Editor in Early Iowa. A Sketch of
the Life of Edward Russell. Wash-
ington, D. C. Ransdell Incorporated.
1941. 78 p. Besides showing the
struggles of a pioneer in the news-
paper business, this volume is val-
uable because this pioneer editor
championed the cause of the Negro
slave, believing that no human be-
ing is inferior to another.

Scliuman, Henry (Ed.). Dr. Daniel
Drake's Letters on Slavery to Dr.
John C. Warren, of Boston. Re-
printed from the National Intelli-
gencer. Washington, April 3, 5 and
7, 1851. New York. Schuman's. 1940.
69 p. These letters are pro-slavery
and the writer expresses his opin-
ions on many phases of the slavery
question including colonization.

Shugg, Roger W. Origins of Class
Struggle in Louisiana. A Social His-
tory of White Farmers and Laborers
during Slavery and after 1840-1875.
Louisiana State University Press.
University, La. 1939. 372 r>. "Un-
dertakes to discover in the Old South
the origins of the powerful class
movements which resulted in the
agrarian revolts of the nineties and
in more recent conflicts which have
swept Louisiana and the rest of the
South."

World War II

Beecher, John. All Brave Sailors. The
Story of the SS Booker T. Washing-
ton. New York. L. B. Fischer. 1945.
208 p. The story of Captain Hugh
Mulzac, the first Negro Captain com-
missioned by the United States Mer-
chant Marine and of the officers and
crew, made up of whites and Ne-
groes who worked under him, and
were proud of it.

Butcher, Harry C. My Three Years
with Eisenhower. New York. Simon
and Schuster. 1946. 911 p. In this
personal diary the author who lived

intimately with General Eisen-
hower gives the highlights of each
day in the General's life from the
invasion of North Africa to the dis-
integration of the German army
forces. Negro troops are mentioned
a number of times in the recital.

Pictorial History. -Forty-sixth Field
Artillery Brigade. Army of the
United States. Atlanta, Ga. Army
Press. 1942. 134 p. A story of the
46th Artillery Brigade which came
into being on February 10, 1941.
This was the first time in the his-
tory of the United States that a unit
as large as a Brigade was formed
completely of colored troops.

Report by the Supreme Commander to
the Combined Chiefs of Staff on the
operations in Europe of the Allied
Expeditionary Force 6 June 1944 to
8 May 1945. Washington 25, D. C.
U. S. Govt. Print. Off. 1946. 123 p.
The story of the campaign against
fortress Europe by General Eisen-
hower crystallizes all of the news
that has come from the press, the
radio and moving pictures about this
great historical event.

Schoenfeld, Seymour J. The Negro in
the Armed Forces. His Value and
Status — Past, Present, and Potential.
Washington, D. C. Associated Pub-
lishers. 1945. 84 p. The bases for
this volume are the observations and
experiments which the author con-
ducted in the course of his duties
aboard ship as a Lieutenant Com-
mander. This evidence shows "that
the Negro is the equal of his white
comrades in intelligence, skill and
courage when afforded correspond-
ing opportunities for education and
participation."

Selective Service as the Tide of War
Turns. The 3rd Report of the Di-
rector of Selective Service 1943-1944.
Washington, D. C. Govt. Print. Off.
1945. 666 p. In Part II, Section 2,
Special Problems of Selective Serv-
ice, "Racial Minorities and Selective
Service" is discussed. In Part IV,
Appendices: Documents and Sta-
tistics, "Negroes and Selective Serv-
ice" is discussed.

Selective Service in Peacetime. First
Report of the Director of Selective
Service 1940-41. Washington, D. C.
Govt. Print. Off. 1942. 424 p. Chap-
ter XVIII discusses "Induction
Quotas and Credits" and Chapter

656 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

XIX discusses "Race Relations and
Racial Discrimination especially
with Reference to Negroes." There
are a number of enlightening tables
and charts.

Selective Service in Wartime. Second
Report of the Director of Selective
Service 1941-1942. Washington, D. C.
Govt. Print. Off. 1943. 674 p.
Chapter XIII deals with "Negroes
and Selective Service." There are a
number of enlightening tables and
charts.

f*White, Walter. A Rising Wind. Gar-
den City, New York. Doubleday
Doran and Co. 1945. 155 p. A report
made by the Secretary of the Na-
tional Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People on his tour
of the European theater of war. It
contains first hand information con-
cerning what Negro troops were do-
ing and what was happening to
them.

Literature

Anderson, George K. and Walton, Edna
Lou. This Generation. A Selection
of British and American Literature
from 1914 to the Present with His-
torical and Critical Essays. New
York. Scott, Foresman and Co.
1939. 975 p. Shows the "dominant
moods, manners, and content of
British and American Literature
from 1914 to the present." Sterling
Brown is included here under the
subject, "American Revolutionists."

*Brewer, J. Mason (Ed.). Humorous
Folk Tales of the South Carolina
Negro. Orangeburg, S. C. The South
Carolina Negro Folklore Guild. 1945.
64 p. These folktales cover a wide
range. Social types, such as farm-
ers, teachers, preachers; and a va-
riety of folktale types — tall tales,
jests, humorous mistakes, noodles,
clever retorts, tricksters tricked, etc.

t*Brown, Sterling A.; *Davis, Arthur
P.; *Lee, Ulysses. (Eds.). The Ne-
gro Caravan. New York. Dryden
Press. 1941. 1082 p. An anthology
of the writings of American Ne-
groes. It covers the entire period
of Negro expression from the writ-
ings of Phyllis Wheatley and Jupi-
ter Hammon to the current fiction
of Richard Wright.

f*Burley, Dan. Dan Burley's Original
Handbook of Harlem Jive. Dan
Burley, Amsterdam News. New
York. 1944. 158 p. In the preface

the author states, "This volume is
intended as a guide and handbook
designed primarily to give students
of Jive, and those who would like
to 'be in the know' on this newest
and most popular addition to the
modern American dialect, an idea of
what it is all about."

*Dykes, Eva Beatrice. The Negro in
English Romantic Thought, or A
Study of Sympathy for the Op-
pressed. Washington, D. C. Asso-
ciated Publishers. 1942. 197 p. It is
the purpose of this study to ascer-
tain from the great bulk of poetry
and prose of the eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries any sym-
pathetic attitude toward the Negro
and also to find out reasons for this
attitude.

*Johnson, John H. and *Burns, Ben
(Eds.). The Best of Negro Humor.
Chicago. Negro Digest Publishing
Co. 1945. 106 p. There are sixteen
topics, each with a number of hu-
morous sketches.

*Lawson, Victor. Dunbar Critically
Examined. Washington. Associated
Publishers. 1941. 149 p. "This es-
say aims at an evaluation of the
poetry and prose of Paul Laurence
Dunbar, in an attempt to find his
place in American letters and espe-
cially among the authors who fol-
lowed an impulse similar to his."

Molohon, Bernard (Comp.). Voices of
Democracy. A Handbook for Speak-
ers, Teachers, and Writers. Wash-
ington, D. C. Govt. Print. Off. 1941.
84 p. Brings together memorable
expressions on liberty and democracy
by philosophers, statesmen and
writers of all times. It contains also
a list of persons who have spoken
out for democracy as well as a list
of books for further reading.

Roark, Eldon. Memphis Bragabouts.
New York. London. McGraw-Hill
Publishing Co. 1945. 224 p. Short
stories presenting a profile of Mem-
phis, Tennessee of the history, peo-
ple, folkway, and its characters, ec-
centric and attractive, who periodi-
cally come to town.

Stewart, Donald Ogden (Ed.). Fight-
ing Words. New York. Harcourt,
Brace and Co. 1940. 168 p. A num-
ber of writers make this volume.
Among the discussions are: the
"Craftsmanship and Direction of
the Modern Novel"; an essay on

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 657

"Tempo in Fiction"; "Sophisticated
Verse and the Hell With It";
"Widening the means of communi-
cation between the writer and the
Audience"; "The Position of the Ne-
gro in Literature"; "The Richness
of Folksay and Folksong in Ameri-
can Life"; "The Writers Relation to
Politics."

Warfel, Harry R. and Orians, G. Har-
rison. American Local-Color Stories.
New York. American Book Co.
1941. 842 p. There are sixty-three
stories by thirty-eight authors con-
tained in this volume. Among them
is Charles W. Chestnutt.

* Washington, E. Davidson (Comp.).
Quotations of Booker T. Washing-
ton. Tuskegee Institute. Tuskegee
Institute Press. 1938. 37 p. These
quotations were compiled by the
younger son of the founder of Tus-
kegee Institute.

Music

American Negro Songs. A Comprehen-
sive collection 230 folk songs, , re-
ligious and secular, with a foreword
by John W. Work. New York.
Howell, Soskin and Co. 1940. 259 p.
The foreword discusses "Origins,"
"The Spirituals," "The Blues," "Work
Songs," "Social and Miscellaneous"
songs. The songs with music are
then presented.

Arlen, Harold and Koehler, Ted. Amer-
icanegro Suite. New York. Chap-
pell and Co. 1941. 70 p. Four spir-
ituals, a dream and a lullaby make
up this group of songs.

Bakeless, Katherine Little. Story-
Lives of American Composers. New
York. Frederick A. Stokes Co. 1941.
288 p. A story of the growth of a
national American music beginning
with that of the Indian up to the
important contributions of the Ne-
gro. The life stories of fifteen im-
portant American composers are
given including that of William C.
Handy.

Browning, Alice C. (Ed.). Lionel
Hampton's Swing Book. Chicago, 111.
Negro Story Press. 1946. 160 p. A
summary of the origin and develop-
ment of swing music, with pictures
and notes about outstanding swing
personalities.

Buchanan, Annabel Morris (Comp.).
American Folk Music. Native Folk
Music Found in America including
Anglo-American, Indian, Negro, Cre-

ole, Canadian, Mexican and Spanish-
American, and a small amount from
German, Norwegian, Hungarian and
Portuguese sources. Ithaca, New
York. National Federation Publica-
tions and Business Office (Music
Clubs Magazine). 1939. 57 p.

Clark, Edgar Rogie (Comp.) Negro
Art Songs. New York. Edward B.
Marks Music Corporation. 1946. 72
p. This album for voice and piano
is an anthology of songs by con-
temporary Negro composers.

Coleman, Satis N. and Bregman,
Adolph. Songs of American Folk.
New York. John Day Co. 1942. 128
p. According to the authors this is
a sampling of authentic American
songs that represent the "folk" ele-
ment that are good to sing. They
feel that one of the greatest fields
of usefulness for these songs is with
boys and girls of high school age.

Downes, Olin and Siegmeister, Elie.
A Treasury of American Song. New
York. Howell, Soskin and Co. New
York. 1940. 351 p. These songs
range from the early hymns of the
American colonists to the modern
blues and jazz classics. There are
almost 200 of them recorded here.*

Ewen, David. Men of Popular Music.
Chicago. New York. Ziff-Davis Pub-
lishing Co. 1944. 213 p. Sketches
of King Oliver, Louis Armstrong,
W. C. Handy, Meade Lux Lewis,
and Duke Ellington are included.

Goffin, Robert. Jazz. Garden City, N.
Y. Doubleday, Doran and Co. 1944.
254 p. "Jazz is a serious, critical
book on the American phenomenon
of hot jazz, written by an acknowl-
edged authority in the field and
covering every aspect of its history
from the yesterday of the African
Congo to the today of the jazz con-
certs at the Metropolitan."

*Handy, W. C. (Ed.). Unsung Ameri-
cans Sung. New York. Handy
Brothers Music Co. 1944. 236 p.
Memorializes in song some of those
Americans whose lives and works
have played a significant and de-
termining role in the long and event-
ful history of colored Americans,
such as Crispus Attucks, George
Washington Carver, Phyllis Wheat-
ley, Thaddeus Stephens, Booker T.
Washington, etc. The songs are ac-
companied by biographical notes,
and there are added other songs

658 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

from the literature of the Negro,
such as the Aframerican Hymn, The
Memphis Blues.

*Handy, W. C. W. C. Bandy's Col-
lection of Negro Spirituals. For
Mixed Voices, Male Voices, also Vo-
cal Solos with Piano Accompani-
ment. New York. Handy Brothers
Music Co. 1938. 116 p. There are
thirty-two spirituals in this collec-
tion.

Jackson, George Pullen. White and
Negro Spirituals. Their Life Span
and Kinship. New York. J. J. Au-
gustin. 1943. 351 p. Traces 200
years of untrammeled song making
and singing among our country folk,
with 116 songs as sung by both
races.

*Johns, Altona Trent. Play Songs of
the Deep South. Washington, D. C.
Associated Publishers. 1944. 33 p.
There are fifteen play songs beau-
tifully illustrated by James A. Por-
ter.

Kramer, Worth (Arranger). Wings
Over Jordan. Favorite Spirituals of
1939. Philadelphia. Rodeheaver,
Hall-Mack Co. 1940. 31 p. There
are ten spiritual arrangements in
this pamphlet. They were selected
as the most popular by the listen-
ing audience of the "Wings Over
Jordan" program.

Loesser, Arthur. Humor in American
Song. New York. Howell, Soskin,
and Co. 1942. 178 p. A panorama
of American musical humor in a
single volume. It contains "minstrel
songs, college songs, 'barber-shop'
ballads, parlor pleasantries, Army
and Navy ditties."

Parrish, Lydia. Slave Songs of the
Georgia Sea Islands. New York.
Creative Age Press. 1942. 256 p.
The dances, work songs, religious
chants, burying music of the Geor-
gia Island Negroes are carefully
transcribed in this work, which
covers the effort of more than 20
years.

Scally, Sister Mary Anthony. Negro
Catholic Writers 1900-43. Detroit,
Mich. Walter Romig & Co. 1945.
152 p. A brief biographical sketch
of each writer is given. This is
followed by a list of the writings of
each author.

*Thurman, Howard. Deep River. An
Interpretation of Negro Spirituals.
Mills College, Calif. The Eucalyptus

Press. 1945. 39 p. There are four
meditations which are "the result
of reflexions upon the insights that
are implicit in the texts of the
songs." These are preceded by a
section on backgrounds.

Novels On Or Relating to the
Negro in the United States4

Novels Concerning Lower
Class Negroes

Allen, Glenn. Boysi Himself. New
York. Samuel Curl, Inc. 1946. 265
p. The story of Boysi, the privi-
leged cook in the Gates family.

f*Attaway, William. Blood on the
Forge. A novel. New York. Double-
day, Doran and Co. 1941. 279 p.
This story is of the Negro in steel.
It is about the "Moss boys, Big Mat,
Melody, and Chinatown, who for-
sake a starving farm in the Ken-
tucky hills during the First World
War for the big quick money of-
fered by the mills in the war-boom-
ing steel towns of Pennsylvania.
They find a bleak and brutal land,
as alien as another world," and they
are destroyed by it.

Bell, Ed. Tommy Lee Feathers. New
York. Farrar and Rinehart. 1938.
308 p. The setting of this story is
Tennessee, Negrotown, where Tom-
my Lee, the colored football hero
lives. It is also the story of his
mother, the leading revivalist of
Marrowbone, who loved him too
much; of Lury, the "high-yellow"
who loved him too little; of sister
Never-Die and her "fatherless" chil-
dren; of Witherspoon Rawls "in-
shoance insomnia"; of Doctor Fleet-
wood and his practical joke, and of
the many other colorful characters.

f*Caldwell, Lewis A. H. The Policy
King. Chicago. New Vista Publish-
ing House. 1945. 303 p. This is a
fictitious story of Jerry Marshall,
policy king, from his early youth
until he was sent to a Federal prison
for operating the policy game.
Though not authenticated, this
method of gambling is supposed to
have been brought to the United
States by way of New Orleans, short-
ly after the Civil War.

Cowley, Malcolm (Ed.). The Portable
Faulkner. New York. Viking Press.
1946. 756 p. "Selections from four

4For other novels by Negroes see division,
"Negro American Literature."

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 659

volumes of stories and complete epi-
sodes from five novels, arranged as
a chronological picture of Faulk-
ner's Mythical County in Missis-
sippi."

*Gilbert, Mercedes. Aunt Sara's Wood-
en God. Boston. Christopher Pub-
lishing House. 1938. 271 p. A first
novel. Herself an actress, the author
brings to the story the drama of
life as it is played by many Negro
families in the South. It is the story
of many Negro boys balked by pov-
erty, the color line, and weakness
born of conceit and fear.

Kuhl, Arthur. Royal Road. New York.
Sheed and Ward. 1941. 189 p. "The
story of a Negro who suffers about
all that a Negro can suffer from
white man's law. He knows abject
poverty and is mangled by the ma-
chinery of charitable relief." Ac-
cused of a crime he did not com-
mit, he is convicted to bring pres-
tige to some small party hack, and,
by the same process of law, is exe-
cuted.

Matthews, Harold. River-Bottom Boy.
New York. Thomas Y. Crowell. 1942.
354 p. Burden's mother and father,
Luella and Pentacost, took him and
his two sisters to New Orleans, leav-
ing the river bottom plantation be-
cause they could never get ahead
growing cotton. The city destroys
them all, and Burden in trying to
get back to the plantation is killed
by a train.

Meade, Julian R. The Back Door. New
York. Toronto. Longmans, Green
and Co. 1938. 310 p. The social
problems of poverty, disease and
racism form the basis for this novel
of the South. It is the story of
Mary Lou and Junie who were un-
able to accumulate even a few dollars
ahead with which to pay either the
law or the preacher to marry them.

Murray, Chalmers S. Here Come Joe
Mungin. New York. G. P. Putnam's
Sons. 1942. 316 p. This story is
about the Gullah Negroes of the Sea
Islands off the coast of South Caro-
lina shortly after the Civil War.
Joe Mungin, the main character, has
universal appeal. We see him as
"man at work, in his cups, in love,
fighting to hold his own and wrest-
ing a living from his surroundings."

Peeples, Edwin A. Swing Low. Bos-
ton. Houghton Mifflin Co. 1945. 293

p. Willy Mack, born and reared in
the country, came to Atlanta at
the insistence of his wife, Amy, who
was born in the city. She wanted
the kind of life the city afforded.
Settling in Billiard Alley where pov-
erty, shame, violence, kindness, and
deceit existed side by side, Willy
Mack experiences a little of the good
but most of the evil that slum life
brings. At last he and Amy are
driven by events back to the farm
in the country.

Wheaton, Elizabeth Lee. Mr. George's
Joint. New York. E. P. Button and
Co. 1941. 375 p. George had a weak-
ness for beer and gambling joints.
He also liked to beat his wife, An-
nie. Run out of one Texas town into
another, George established himself
in the "Big Spoon," until he again
beats Annie, is jailed and has to
seek refuge in Houston where he
plans to start another joint and send
for Annie.

Novels Concerning Poor Whites

*Attaway, William. Let Me Breathe
Thunder. New York. Doubleday,
Doran and Co. 1939. 267 p. A novel
by a Negro writer concerning whites.
Step and Ed accustomed to precari-
ous living became attached to Hi
Boy, a little Mexican boy of ten;
and they all made their way to

' Yakima, on the Western Coast by
way of a boxcar. For a short while
they got along well on Sampson's
ranch, then Step becomes involved
with Anna, Sampson's daughter,
and they start again "looking for a
job of work."

Baker, Charles H., Jr. Blood of the
Lamb. New York. Toronto. Rine-
hart and Co. 1946. 275 p. A novel
about Florida Crackers. The leading
character is Lane Gudger, a preacher
who believed that God would not
bother him about keeping the sev-
enth Commandment, if he kept the
other nine.

Collier, Tarleton. Fire in the Sky.
Boston. Houghton, Mifflin Co. 1941.
459 p. Lolly was born in a one-
room, dirt-floored cabin in Georgia.
Her story is that "of the working
woman and the discriminations
against her, of her career from a
southern lumber camp to the splen-
dor of a luxury hotel in Chicago."

660

BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

Elam, Samuel M. Weevil in the Cot-
ton. New York. Frederick A. Stokes
Co. 1940. 231 p. In order to keep
itself in power, the political machine
of a small town commits crimes on
white women with their coopera-
tion, blames the crimes on Negroes,
punishes the Negroes and in this
way become heroes because they
have wiped out a widespread crime
wave of Negroes against whites.

Novels Concerning Race Mixture

Caldwell, Erskine. A House in the
Uplands. New York. Duell, Sloan
and Pearce. 19.46. 238 p. The story
of "the sorrow Grady brings to his
lovely wife, whose affection he
spurns for the sultry charms of the
quadroon."

Faulkner, John. Dollar Cotton. New
York. Harcourt, Brace and Co. 1942.
306 p. A story of the Mississippi
delta country. There is the poor
farmer who becomes a plantation
owner; "mammy" by whom he has a
half-white son; his wife, who hates
"niggers"; his profligate children;
the uncertainties of cotton itself;
immorality; and a lynching. There
is kindness as well as cruelty. The
subtitle could well be, The Rise and
Fall of a Cotton King.

Harris, Mark. Trumpet to the World.
New York. Reynal and Hitchcock,
Publishers. 1946. 242 p. Tells the
love story of a Negro boy and a
white girl in the State of Georgia.

Heth, Edward Harris. Light Over
Ruby Street. New York. Smith &
Durrell. 1940. 294 p. Aggie's idea
of sparing her near-white daughter
the squalor of Ruby Street was to
secure for her a "flat away from
Ruby Street, a Frigidaire in the
dining-room, a nickel victrola in
the parlor . . . Julee was white . . .
Julee would become a lady of class."
Juleje, however, had other plans, for
she was in love with Juvenile Bates,
unmistakably Negro.

Joseph, Donald. Straw in the South
Wind. New York. Macmillan Co.
1946. 297 p. The story revolves
around a prominent white citizen
and his Negro mistress, and the
reaction of the citizen's wife to the
situation.

Shearing, Joseph. The Golden Violet.
The Story of a Lady Novelist. New
York. Smith and Burrell. 1941. 321

p. The setting is Jamaica. It is the
story of the love of a white woman
for a half-caste.

Smith, Lillian. Strange Fruit. New
York. Reynal and Hitchcock. 1944.
371 p. The love of a white man for
a Negro girl. The setting is a small
southern town. What happens as a
result of this unsanctioned affair is
"Strange Fruit."

Steen, Marguerite. The Sun is My
Undoing. New York. Viking Press.
1941. 1176 p. This comprehensive
novel of the African slave trade
gives a picture not only of how
slave traders operated from England
and of the manner in which slaves
were captured, but vividly describes
the middle passage, and the distri-
bution of slaves. Here is shown also
how the slave trade controlled the
destiny of persons in England, Af-
rica and the West Indies.

Novels Concerning Southern
Plantation Life

Beverly — Giddings, A. R. Larrish Hun-
dred. New York. WTilliam Morrow
and Co. 1942. 282 p. A novel of the
landed gentry in Virginia — of "Lar-
rish Hundred" an area which took
its name from the original grant
made by the crown to one hundred
families, of whom only two re-
mained. One was prosperous, up-
right, respected. The other semi-
vagabond, undisciplined, reckless,
immoral; a cunning poacher living
by making devastating raids on the
marshes of neighbors. The story
deals not only with the intimate
life of these white families but also
with the intimate life of their Ne-
gro retainers. To tell the story of.
one is to know the story of the other.

Harris, Bernice K. Sweet Beulah
Land. Garden City, N. Y. Double-
day, Doran and Co. 1943. 389 p.
The love of Alicia Donning, daugh-
ter of landed gentry, for Lan Holt,
a homeless tramp, whom she tries
to remold from a free, unsophisti-
cated man of nature into the pat-
tern of her class. An interesting
story of class against class; of
wealth against poverty, of white
against black.

Kirkbridge, Ronald. Winds Blow
Gently. New York. Frederick Fell.
1945. 313 p. The Jordans, a devout
Quaker family, leave their Penn-
sylvania home and move to South

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 661

Carolina to a rundown plantation
swarming with Negro help who
make less than a dollar a day for
12 hours work. They are appalled
at the condition of the Negroes and
set about trying to raise the gen-
eral standard, both social and eco-
nomic, among them. Father Jordan
is killed when he tries to prevent
the tarring and feathering of Boe
Garry, a Negro youth, whom he sent
North to learn new farming methods
so he could help his own people.
This does not run the family away.
They remain to see the town grow
into a community that permitted
Negroes to organize into unions, to
earn enough to purchase adequate
clothing and food and to attend
school. They show the way to diver-
sification of crops and to new uses
of crops and farm by-products.

Nisbet, Alice. Send Me An Angel.
Chapel Hill, N. C. University of
North Carolina Press. 1946. 122 p.
Story about Delilah, an humble
southern field hand and washer-
woman, who had been careless and
free with her love in her youth.

Ramsey, Robert. Fire in Summer. New
York. Viking Press. 1942. 266 p.
The story of a poor white man whose
hatred of Negroes consumed him.
They took "the living right out of
a man's mouth." He thought, "Even
the Negroes on the chain gang have
work while the poor white man is
laid off when the appropriation for
WPA stopped."

Richards, Robert. I Can Lick Seven.
Boston. Little, Brown and Co. 1942.
312 p. Going back to his Missis-
sippi plantation after the Civil War,
"a Confederate officer finds the re-
construction of his life and the se-
ductiveness of women more formid-
able than the cruelty of war." This
story is about planters, poor whites
and Negroes.

Welty, Eudora. Delta Wedding. New
York. Brace and Co. 1946. 247 p.
Deals with plantation life in the
Mississippi Delta country.

Novels Concerning the Race Problem
in the United States

Carter, Hodding. The Winds of Fear.
New York. Toronto. Farrar and
Rinehart. 1944. 278 p. Says the
author, "It is principally through
the South that the winds of fear are
rushing today. The winds are cre-

ated and are fed by the hate and
suspicion and intolerance that are
the unhappy heritage not only of
Carvel City but of many, many
places and many peoples. For these
are the causes and not the results of
fear."

Coates, Robert M. The Bitter Season.
New York. Harcourt, Brace and
Co. 1946. 180 p. The lonely life men
lead within themselves, with World
War II as the setting. A lonely Ne-
gro sailor is portrayed.

Cobb, Irvin S. Glory, Glory, Halle-
lujah! Indianapolis. New York.
Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1941. 61 p. Taken
from Irvin S. Cobb's Autobiography,
"Exist Laughing." It is about a
post-war mass meeting in honor of
a war hero of the first world war
at which he spoke.

*Cuthbert, Clifton. The Robbed Heart.
New York. L. B. Fischer. 1945.
219 p. The story of "a restless
young man of Manhattan whose
quest for happiness in Harlem led
him beyond the color line."

Edmunds, Murrell/ Red, White and
Black. Twelve stories of the South.
New York. Bernard Ackerman, Inc.
1945. 154 p. These stories "which
reveal the cancer eating at the heart
of democracy" are from all sections
of life in the South — "the little peo-
ple," radicals, Negroes, mill work-
ers, and domestic servants.

Edmunds, Murrell. Time's Laughter
in Their Ears. New York. The
Beechhurst Press. 1946. 220 p. The
story of Charlie who went from a
southern town to a northern college
and returned to find himself re-
garded with suspicion by the towns-
people who not only did not know
what to make of an educated Negro,
but certainly not of one who spoke
of trade unionism, decent wages and
cooperation between whites and Ne-
groes.

Gibson, Jewel. Joshua Beene and God.
New York. Random House. 1946.
238 p. "The story of a Texas
messiah; folksy, humorous and as
American as a flapjack." Chapter 3
is entitled, "The Mob Strikes."

Gollomb, Joseph. Up at City High.
New York. Harcourt, Brace and Co.
1945. 217 p. Jeff Bennett, Negro,
left the small Wisconsin town where
he was born and brought up, to
enter famed City High School in
New York City. The city and school

6G2

BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

he found were racked with preju-
dices and conflicts. This is the story
of how he fought with fists and
brain in extra-curricular activities
as well as in the classroom to break
through the racial prejudices that
prevent progress and cooperation.
Greer, Genevieve. The Aristocrat. New
York. The Vanguard Press. 1946.
236 p. Of all the people in the
world Dan Blake, aristocrat, found
that only in Abe, Negro, can he
place complete trust. Between them
there is neither humility nor pre-
tention— only friendship, utter and
absolute.

Halsey, Margaret. Some of My Best
Friends Are Soldiers. New York.
Simon and Schuster. 1944. 207 p.
The stand taken against prejudice
by three volunteer workers in the
canteen in New York, during World
War II.

*Henderson, George W. Jule. New
York. Creative Pf-ess. 1946. 234 p.
Being born and bred in the back-
woods of Alabama did not prevent
Jule from wanting to be somebody,
even as his mother had inspired him
to be. His flight to New York after
a fight with Boykin Key, his white
rival for the affections of Bertha
Mae, his experiences in Harlem, his
final return for his sweetheart, all
make up the story of this novel of
Negro life.

Jenkins, Deaderick J. It Was Not My
World. Los Angeles, Calif. The Au-
thor. 1943. Deals with socio-economic
conditions in the South; exposes
secret romances between whites and
Negroes, the exploitation of Negroes
and the rise to power of politicians
whose appeal is through people's
prejudices.

Kendrick, Baynard. Lights Out. New
York. William Morrow and Co.
1945. 240 p. This story is about a
soldier, blinded in World War II,
who conquers both physical and
mental blindness. He learns to be-
come "a useful normal citizen, capa-
ble of work, laughter and love."
Kimbrough, Edward. Night Fire. New
York. Rinehart & Co. 1946. 343 p.
This novel is about Mississippi and
is built around Ashby Pelham, aris-
tocrat; Temp, his Negro friend, and
Laurel, whom he loved. The prob-
lems of the South are shown through
this story by a Mississippian.

Le Blanc, Doris Kent. Dear to This
Heart. New York. G. P. Putnam's
Sons. 1942. 282 p. The story of
the Chester family who lives in
Avenel, a little town in Mississippi —
of Tim and Tony, the twins, and of
John, the little cripple that May and
Charlie Chester took to their hearts.
It is also the story of the family
retainers, the gardener, the nurse,
the cook.

Lee, Mildred. The Invisible Sun. Phila-
delphia. The Westminster Press.
1946. 307 p. The influence of the
work of a Baptist preacher among
people both white and Negro in a
small backward southern town is
the theme of this first novel.

Lewis, K. Quinn. We Go This Way
But Once. Philadelphia. Dorrance
and Co. 1943. 355 p. The scene of
this novel is the Missouri Ozarks
and the adjoining fertile lands of
the 'boot heel of southeast Missouri.
Fiction and history are blended in
the romance between a girl from
the hills and a young man from the
swamps, and with their experiences
with sharecroppers, floods and lynch-
ings.

f*Lucas, Curtis. Flour is Dusty. Phila-
delphia. Dorrance and Co. 1943.
166 p. Jim Harrell, Negro, was born
in the clutches of southern tradi-
tion. He fought those who op-
pressed him then fled North. Here
he also found discrimination every-
where and he fought to change it.
What he achieved is the story of
the novel.

McCullers, Carson. The Heart is a
Lonely Hunter. Boston. Houghtou
Mifflin Co. 1940. 356 p. Gives a
glimpse of human struggle and of
human valor. This is the story of
John Singer, the deaf mute, of Bene-
dict Copeland, the Negro doctor,
and of others who, like them, were
seeking for an "unrealized goal."

*McGee, Alice E. Black America
Abroad. Boston. Meador Publishing
Co. 1941. 289 p. This narrative
centers around Mary Ann Tillman,
a refined intelligent midwestern
girl who had one great obsession —
a desire to travel in Europe and
study among the German people be-
cause of their scientific achieve-
ments. History, geography and ro-
mance are interwoven in this story

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 663

of Mary Ann's Adventures in Nazi
Germany, just before Munich.

Means, Florence Crannell. Great Day
in the Morning. Boston. Houghton
Mifflin Co. 1946. 183 p. A realistic
and sympathetic story of a girl from
St. Helena, an island off the South
Carolina Coast, who reaches her goal
of nurse-training after spending a
year at Tuskegee Institute.

Means, Florence Crannell. Shuttered
Windows. Boston. Houghton Mifflin
Co. 1938. 206 p. Life in the sea-
islands of South Carolina, as viewed
by a sixteen-year-old girl from Min-
ne. polis.

Miers, Earl Schench. Big Ben. Phila-
delphia. Westminster Press. 1942.
238 p. This is a novel based on the
life of Paul Robeson. Says the au-
thor: "I should like it to be the story
of a struggle for a high goal in our
own America — the right of a mem-
ber of any minority to be treated
with the dignity which God be-
queathed to all men."

fTetry, Ann. The Street. Boston.
Houghton Mifflin Co. 1946. 436 p.
This first novel is the result of the
things the author saw and heard
during the six years she worked and
lived in Harlem.

Sumner, Cid Ricketts. Quality. In-
dianapolis. New York. Bobbs-Merrill
Co. 1946. 286 p. The struggle of
"Pinkey" (with curly, brown hair,
born in Liberty Grove, Mississippi
and educated in a nurse training
school in Boston, where she was
mistaken for white) to "find her
place in a world that won't give her
the things that are hers by the basic
law of the land."

Swados, Felice. House of Fury. Gar-
den City, New York. Doubleday,
Doran and Co. 1941. 263 p. Social
disadvantages of reformatories are
brought out in this story. Negro
and white girls were at the same
reformatory but were kept in sepa-
rate dwellings. The sex-hungry white
girls were always making up vulgar
stories about the Negro girls and
the Negro girls were always angry
because they did not have the privi-
leges the white girls had.
Sylvester, Harry. Dearly, Beloved.
New York. Duell, Sloan and Pearce.
1942. 262 p. The work of Jesuit
priests among the fishermen and
farmers of southern Maryland.

Though the labor of the priests is
three hundred years old, they have
done and can do little to help the
age-old conflicts between white and
black in the area.

*Wood, Odella Phelps. High Ground.
New York. Exposition Press. 1945.
209 p. Deals with the problems of
the Negro in America revolving
mainly around two characters, Jim
Clayton and his wife, Marthana. It
begins with World War I and ends
with present-day conditions.

*Wright, Richard. Uncle Tom's Chil-
dren. New York and London. Har-
per and Bros. 1938. 384 p. There
are five stories in this volume as
follows: I, "Big Boy Leaves Home";
II, "Down by the Riverside"; III,
"Long Black Song"; IV, "Fire and
Cloud"; V, "Bright and Morning
Star."

Novels Concerning Slavery, the Civil
War and Reconstruction

Crabb, Alfred Leland. Lodging at the
Saint Cloud. A Tale of Occupied
Nashville. Indianapolis. New York.
Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1946. 255 p. This
story about the Civil War contains
sketches not only of outstanding
war figures, but of the role that Ne-
groes played in the espionage sys-
tem of the South.

Darby, Ada Claire. Look Away,
Dixie Land! New York. Toronto.
Frederick A. Stokes Co. 1941. 339
p. A girl's strong love of her home
and her friends, in conflict with
loyalty to her country, is the theme
of this novel. Family retainers play
.their role in the story.

Gaither, Frances. Follow the Drinking
Gourd. New York. Macmillan Co.
1940. 270 p. "The story of the life
and death of an ante-bellum planta-
tion, from the day of its founding
on the Alabama river until the day,
a generation later, when its slaves
began to hear the songs of the Abo-
litionists calling them to freedom."

Miller, Helen Topping. Dark Sails:
Tale of Old St. Simon. Indianapolis.
New York. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1945.
256 p. Tells about the settlement of
St. Simon's Island, a Georgia out-
post, during the colonial period.
Among the settlers sent out by the
Georgia Trust Company were Chris-
topher Delanay and his daughter, a
sprinkling of gentlemen adventur-
ers, and the scourings of Debtors'

664 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

prisons for whose plight Oglethorpe
had pity. T

Robert, W. Adolphe. Brave Mardi
Gras. A New Orleans Novel of the
60's. New York. Bobbs-Merrill Co.
1946. 318 p. The setting is New
Orleans just before and during the
Civil War. Faithful Negroes are in-
cidentally a part of the story.

Robertson, Constance. Fire Bell in the
Night. New York. Henry Holt and
Co. 1944. 352 p. Concerning the
underground railroad movement in
upstate New York in the days be-
fore the Civil War. A number of
historical characters and historical
facts are woven into this novel con-
cerning slavery.

Schachner, Nathan. By the Dim
Lamps. New York. Frederick A.
Stokes Co. 1941. 577 p. A panorama
of the culture of the New Orleans
of the Day of the Creole aristocrats,
feudal planters, merchant traders,
Federal soldiers, slaves, steamboat
captains, gamblers, prostitutes and
carpetbaggers is revealed in this
novel. Incidents and characters
drawn from unpublished diaries and
manuscripts make this story power-
ful and realistic.

Sims, Marion. Beyond Surrender.
Philadelphia. J. B. Lippincott Co.
1942. 492 p. The story of the con-
dition of life in South Carolina im-
mediately after the Civil War— the
breaking down of social classes, the
rise of the sharecropping system, the
political upheaval — are told in this
novel.

Street, James. Tap Roots. New York.
Dial Press. 1942. 593 p. There were
in the South many Unionists, Abo-
litionists and slavery haters. Union
sentiment was stronger in East Ten-
nessee than in many parts of New
York. This story has as its setting
one of the most famous Free States,
Jones County, Mississippi.

Weld, John. Sablath Has No End. A
novel of Negro Slavery. New York.
Charles Scribner's Sons. 1942. 329 p.
Quash had the reputation of being
a "bad nigger" and a runaway, but
Webb Montgomery said, "No nig-
ger's bad if he's kindly and justly
treated."

f*Yerby, Frank. The Foxes of Har-
row. New York. The Dial Press.
1946. 534 p. This romantic, his-
torical novel with setting in New

Orleans, is highly descriptive of the
clash of races and strife of warfare
between 1825 and the Civil War.

Poetry5

*Borders, William Holmes. Thunder-
bolts. Atlanta, Ga. Morris Brown
College Press. 1942. 50 p. A collec-
tion of sermonic poems. Says the
author, "A preacher must be a poet."

Braman, Constance Lee (Comp. & Ar-
ranger). The Negro Sings. Negro
Recreation Program. Jacksonville,
Fla. Work Projects Administration
of Florida. Professional and Service
Division Statewide Recreation Proj-
ect. 1940. 55 p. Brief biographical
sketches and excerpts from the works
of the best known Negro writers,
with a few sketches by other than
Negro writers.

f*Brooks, Gwendolyn. A Street in
Bronzeville. New York and London.
Harper and Bros. 1945. 57 p. These
are poems of contemporary Negro
life in a large city, of matters that
make up the substance of living —
"The mother"; "Mrs. Martin's Book-
er T."; "Sadie and Maude"; and
the long poems, "The Sundays of
Satinlegs Smith"; and the "Ballad
of Pearl May Lee."

*Brooks, Walter Henderson. The Pas-
tor's Voice. A Collection of Poems.
Washington, D. C. Associated Pub-
lishers. 1945. 391 p. Completing
sixty-eight years in the Christian
ministry and serving sixty-three of
these in one church, is the record
of Dr. Brooks. He often expressed
himself in verse throughout those
years.

Chapin, Katherine Garrison. Plain-
Chant for America. New York. Har-
per and Bros. 1942. 140 p. Contains
"And They Lynched Him on a Tree."

f*Clark, Peter Wellington (Ed.). Ar-
rows of Gold. Selected poems from
the Deep South. An Anthology of
Catholic Verse from "America's
First Catholic College for Colored
Youth." New Orleans, La. Zavier
University Press. 1941. 85 p.

*Coleman, Edward Maceo. Creole
Voices. Poems in French by Free
Men of Color. First published in
1845. Washington, D. C. Associated
Publishers. 1945. 130 p.

*Cotter, Joseph S., Sr. Collected
Poems of Joseph S. Cotter, Sr. New

6For other poems by Negroes see divi-
sion, "Negro American Literature."

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES

665

York. Henry Harrison. 1938. 78 p.
Mr. Cotter has been elected teacher
and principal in the Louisville, Ken-
tucky School system for the fiftieth
year.

*Ford, Nick Aaron. Songs From the
Dark. Boston. Meador Publishing
Co. 1940. 40 p. There are twenty-
one poems in this volume by the
author of "The Contemporary Negro
Novel."

f*Hughes, Langston. Shakespeare in
Harlem. New York. Alfred A.
Knopf. 1942. 124 p. A book of light
verse — "blues, ballads and reels to
be read aloud, crooned, shouted, re-
cited and sung." These poems are
the first published by the author
since 1932.

*Langford, Ruth Welles. Moods and
Memories. Boston. Christopher Pub-
lishing House. 1941. 77 p. These
poems, as the title indicates, deal
with such things as "Joy," "Spring,"
"Dreams," "Hills," "Disappointment,"
"Quiet," "Angels," "Moonlight,"
"Wishes."

f*Murphy, Beatrice M. Love is a Ter-
rible Thing. New York. Hobson
Book Press. 1945. 65 p. This book
of poems "presents a composite pic-
ture of a woman's love life, starting
with her first love, and describing
the stages."

*Porter, Dorothy B. North American
Negro Poets. A Bibliographical
Checklist of their Writings 1760-
1944. Hattiesburg, Miss. The Book
Farm. 1945. 90 p. An expansion of
the Schomburg checklist published
in 1916. Includes primarily works
by Negro authors born in the United
States, but there are a number of
works by West Indian poets who
have lived for a long time in the
United States.

Taggard, Genevieve. Long View. Har-
per and Bros. New York. London.
1942. 113 p. Four poems entitled
"To the Negro People" are included
in this volume.

*Turner, Lucy Mae. 'Bout Cullud
Folkses. New York. Henry Harri-
son. 1938. 64 p. There are 38 poems
in this volume written by the grand-
daughter of Nat Turner, of slave re-
bellion fame.

Walden, Henry Thoreau. Walderis
Wanderings. Philadelphia. Dorrence
and Co. 1940. 149 p. These poems
on Negro life are written in dialect

and deal with a wide variety of sub-
jects.

f*Walker, Margaret. For My People.
New Haven. Yale University Press.
1942. 58 p. The title of this volume
comes from the first poem in the
book, "For My People." Miss Walker
writes of the things she has seen
and felt as she moved among her
people in Birmingham, Meridian,
New Orleans, Chicago.

Weaver, Edwin E. The American. New
York. Exposition Press. 1945. 63 p.
This book is divided into four parts.
Part One introduces the American
Indian; Part Two, the American Ne-
gro; Part Three, the American
White Man; Part Four, The Spirit
of Three Men. The spirit of these
poems is that all sections of Amer-
ica are equally the land of the free
and the home of the brave for all
people regardless of race.

Politics and Suffrage

Beard, Charles A. The Republic. Con-
versations on Fundamentals. New
York. Viking Press. 1943. 365 p.
The Dean of American historians
presents here political discussions
through the medium of conversa-
tions with real and imagined per-
sons. Of particular interest from
the point of view of the rights of
Negroes are the chapters on "De-
mocracy and Rights under the Con-
stitution," "Lincoln Exemplifies Con-
stitutionalism," "Rights of American
Citizens."

*Darton, Andrew W. Citizenship in
Wartime. New York. Fortuny's.
1940. 47 p. This volume contains
six essays directed to youth on vari-
ous topics which will help them to
think seriously about the obligations
of citizenship.

Gaer, Joseph. The First Round. New
York. Duell, Sloan and Pearce.
1944. 478 p. The story of the CIO
Political Action Committee. This
volume attempts, to give answers to
such questions as: How justified
was the abuse or praise given the
Political Action Committee during
the 1944 Presidential campaign?
What were the events that led up
to formation of the committee? Who
were the people or organizations
that gave it prominence and what
were the sources of its strength?
Finally, what is the outlook for its
future?

666 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA '

Halloway, William Vernon and Smith,
Charles W., Jr. Government and
Politics in Alabama. University Sup-
ply Store. University, Alabama.
1941. 210 p. A description of the
government of Alabama dealing not
only with its political aspects but
also with current problems.

*Logan, Rayford W. (Ed.). The At-
titude of the Southern White Press
Toward Negro Suffrage 1932-1940.
Washington, D. C. Foundation Pub-
lishers. 1940. 115 p. A survey of
the attitude of the southern press
toward Negro suffrage made with-
out comment, approval or rebuttal.

*Logan, Rayford W. The Senate and
Versailles Mandate System. Wash-
ington. Minorities Publishers. 1945.
112 p. An analysis of the attitude
of the United States Senate toward
the World War I Mandates, showing
the views of both Democrats and
Republicans from 1917 to 1920.

Nelson, Bernard H. The Fourteenth
Amendment and the Negro Since
1920. Washington, D. C. Catholic
University of America Press. 1946.
185 p. "The study is an attempt to
examine the interpretation and ap-
plication of the Fourteenth Amend-
ment between 1920 and 1943 to de-
termine its effectiveness in protect-
ing the rights and privileges of the
Negro citizen" and "to determine
the impact of these developments
upon the interpretation and appli-
cation of the Amendment in matters
affecting the Negro."

Smith, Samuel Denny. The Negro in
Congress 1870-1901. Chapel Hill.
University of North Carolina Press.
1940. 160 p. A survey of the careers
of the twenty-two Negroes who
served in the United States Congress
during and immediately after the
reconstruction period. The author
also evaluates their achievements.

Post War and Peace Plans

*Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt. Color and
Democracy: Colonies and Peace.
New York. Harcourt, Brace and Co.
1945. 143 p. Scrutinizes post war
plans from the point of view of the
colored races and of colonials. Here
are discussed problems which pre-
sent themselves as barriers to de-
mocracy, thus preventing perma-

. nent peace. It is a challenge to the
control of civilization by the white
race.

*Logan, Rayford W. The Negro and
the Post-War World. A Primer.
Washington. Minorities Publishers.
1945. 95 p. "This is the first attempt
to explain in simple language that
a high school student can under-
stand the basic facts about the Ne-
gro in Africa, the Colonial West In-
dies, the Pacific Islands, Latin Amer-
ica and the United States."

* Stephens, P. A. Lasting Peace and
Democracy. New York. F. Hubner
& Co., Inc. 1946. Ill p. A doctor,
interested in civic affairs and in se-
curing peace, has written a treatise
appealing to peoples of the world
for cooperation between nations,
races and individuals.

Walker, Eric A. Colonies. Cambridge.
(England). At the University Press.
1944. 168 p. The author shows that
colonies may no longer be thought
of except in terms of their depend-
ence upon the strong powers since
new inventions in communication
and defense have eliminated what-
ever self sufficiency they may have
had in the pre-war period. He in-
dicates the policies of the chief
colonizing powers toward other pow-
ers and toward their own colonial
people and discusses the problems
attending the liberation of the colo-
nies.

Race Problem and Race Relations

*Adams, Frankie V. Soulcraft.
Sketches on Negro-White Relations
Designed to Encourage Friendship.
Atlanta, Ga. Morris Brown College
Press. 1944. 65 p. Personal expe-
riences of the author with the ra-
cial situation in the South and her
reactions to them.

Alland, Alexander and Wise, James
Waterman. The Springfield Plan.
New York. Viking Press. 1945. 136
p. A photographic record of how
the Springfield Plan operates to dis-
pel racial and religious intolerance
and to promote understanding and
a cooperative spirit among the peo-
ple of Springfield, Massachusetts.

Alpenfels, Ethel J. Sense and Non-
sense About Race. New York.
Friendship Press. 1946. 46 p. "This
pamphlet is a primer of scientific
tri^th for all who wish to know the
essential facts about race."

Becker, John. The Negro in American
Life. New York. Polygraphic Com-
pany of America. 1944. 56 p. An

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 667

illustrated booklet sponsored by the
Council Against Intolerance in
America. It tells about some of the
Negro men and women who have
made great contributions to the
common welfare of America.

Bell, Juliet O. and Wilkins, Helen J.
Interracial Practices in Community
Y. W. C. A.'s. A study under the
auspices of the Commission to
gather interracial experience as re-
quested by the Sixteenth National
Convention of the Y. W. C. A.'s of
the U. S. A. New York. National
Board Y. W. C. A. 1944. 116 p. An
objective account of the interracial
practices of the Y. W. C. A. based
upon evidence gathered by two staff
members of the National Board, one
Negro, one white.

Benians, E. A. Race and Nation in the
United States. Cambridge. Univer-
sity Press. 1946. 48 p. A lecture
delivered by the Master of St. John's
College, Cambridge, which is "a brief
and vivid account of the intermin-
gling of the peoples in the making
of ... an entirely new nation
based not upon racial foundations,
but upon a political idea, the liberal
notion of freedom."

*Bricknell, Marguerite E. and McCul-
loch, Margaret C. Guide to Informa-
tion About the Negro and Negro-
white Adjustment. Memphis, Tenn.
Brunner Printing Co. 1943. 39 p.
Contains guides to information on
books, periodicals and manuscripts;
to libraries and university centers of
research, to philanthropic founda-
tions and learned societies; to gov-
ernmental agencies; to action and
propaganda associations.

Boas, Franz. Race and Democratic So-
ciety. New York. J. J. Augustin,
publishers. 1945. 219 p. This vol-
ume published posthumously, by
Ernest P. Boas, is a collection of
the papers and addresses directed
at lay audiences by Dr. Boas setting
forth the view that "an understand-
ing of the culture and behavior of
man under conditions fundamentally
different from our own, can help us
to a more objective and unpreju-
diced view of. our own lives and our
own society."

Brameld, Theodore. Minority Prob-
lems in the Public Schools. A Study
of Administrative Policies and Prac-
tices in Seven School Systems. New

York. Harper and Bros. 1946. 264 p.
A realistic analysis relating com-
munity problems to educational
practice. One of the Bureau for In-
tercultural Education Publication
Series.

Brown, Francis J. and Roucek, Joseph
S. One America. The History, Con-
tributions, and Present Problems of
our Racial and National Minorities.
New York. Rev. ed. Prentice-Hall,
Inc. 1945. 717 p. In the preface
the authors state that so many so-
cial changes have taken place in the
life of minority groups in America
especially in their life during these
eight years to World War II that
"it is necessary to describe these
changes and to appraise them in the
light of their potential continuance
in the postwar period." The mate-
rials have been brought up-to-date
and in several instances have been
completely rewritten.

Buck, Pearl S. American Unity and
Asia. New York. John Day Co. 1942.
140 p. The theme is "freedom for all"
wherever located in Europe, Asia,
Africa, America.

Chatto, Clarence I. and Halligan,
Alice L. The Story of the Spring-
field Plan. New York. Barnes and
Noble. 1945. 201 p. A complete, of^
ficial account of what Springfield,
Massachusetts has done to solve its
religious, racial and related hatreds
during the period of five years.

Dabney, Virginius. Below the Potomac.
A Book About the New South. New
York and London. D. Appleton-Cen-
tury Co. 1942. 332 p. A story of
what is happening in the South at
the present time in politics, in eco-
nomic conditions, in race relations,
in education, in public opinion.

Daniels, Jonathan. A Southerner Dis-
covers the South. New York. Mac-
millan Co. 1938. 346 p. An account
of what the author, then editor of
the News and Observer in Raleigh,
N. C., saw on the trip which he
took through the South. What he
saw, heard and felt makes a fascinat-
ing story. He also gives suggestions
for creating a better South.

de Huszar, George B. (Comp.). Anato-
my of Racial Intolerance. New York.
H. W. Wilson Co. -1946. 283 p. The
volume is divided into four parts
as follows: "What Race Is"; "Gen-
eral Discussion"; "Causes of Race

668

BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

Prejudice"; "Remedies for Race
Prejudice."

Directory of Agencies in Race Rela-
tions. National, State, Local. Chi-
cago. Julius Rosenwald Fund. 1945.
214 p. The purpose of assembling
the material in this volume is to
find out "more about the total pic-
ture" of the efforts of organizations
that are working "on the side of
unity, democracy, and better under-
standing."

Dreiser, Theodore. America is Worth
Saving. New York. Modern Age
Books. 1941. 292 p. "The author
analyzes here the relationships be-
tween peace and democracy and also
the inevitable effects of war. He
reviews the historical relations be-
tween Britain and America, between
England and its Empire, and be-
tween the Empire and Europe. He
writes of the significance for us of
what is going on in China, Japan,
and Russia. He examines the life of
the Common man in warring coun-
tries and in neutral ones. He does
not take it for granted that England
is a democracy in the American
sense, and he indicates the true
democratic goal of our national ef-
fort. He names the enemies of that
effort at home and abroad, cutting
through and under the current atti-
tudes and agreements and slogans
that have been known as 'isolation-
ism,' 'appeasement,' or 'aggressive
foreign policy.' He calls upon his
fellow-Americans to remember the
principles of the Declaration of In-
dependence and the Constitution of
the United States."

Embree, Edwin R. American Negroes.
A Handbook. New York. John Day
Co. 1942. 78 p. A summary of all
that bears on the Negro and his re-
lations to American life. It outlines
his development since the first Afri-
can slaves landed at Jamestown in
1619, showing his adjustment to his
new environment, his contributions
in music, the dance, art, literature
and zest for living. It also shows
prejudices and discriminations prac-
ticed against him.

Gallagher, Buell G. Color and Con-
science. New York. Harper and Bros.
1946. 244 p. The former President
of Talladega College has "endeavored
to bring the tangled problems of
color caste under the scrutiny of an
unsentimental ethical religion."

Goodman, Jack (Ed.). While You
Were Gone. A Report on Wartime
Life in the United States. New
York. Simon and Schuster. 1946.
625 p. Chapter IV deals with "What
We Did About Racial Minorities"
by Carey McWilliams.

Graves, John Temple. The Fighting
South. New York. G. P. Putnam
Sons. 1943. 282 p. The author ana-
lyzes the South as he presents what
he considers its good and its bad
points. He touches the sacred and
the not so sacred. He discusses
areas charged with emotional quali-
ties regardless of who is viewing
them — the white South, the South
of the Negro, the white North or
Negroes in the North.

Halsey, Margaret. Color Blind. A
White Woman Looks at the Negro.
New York. Simon and Schuster.
1946. 163 p. Based on experience
in an inter-racial canteen during the
War, Color Blind is witty and hu-
morous, yet a practical approach to
the achievement of better race re-
lations.

Hartley, Eugene. Problems in Preju-
dice. New York. King's Crown
Press. 1946. 124 p. This volume
seeks to discover and evaluate the
common sources from which racial
and cultural prejudices spring, and
is based on the behavior of college
students in test situations. The stu-
dents of Bennington, College of the
City of New York, Columbia, Prince-
ton and Howard University were the
subjects.

Height, Dorothy I. America's Promise
— The Integration of Minorities.
New York. The Woman's Press.
1946. 24 p. One of the conclusions
of this booklet is that integration
"depends upon the growing appre-
ciation of persons of all races and
religions as individuals of equal
worth."

Height, Dorothy I. (Ed.). The Core
of America's Race Problem. New
York. The Woman's Press. 1945.
31 p. Discusses segregation as it op-
erates against Negroes in America
from many points of view.

Height, Dorothy I. Step by Step with
Interracial Groups. New York. The
Woman's Press. 1945. 56 p. This
is a guide for persons who are in-
terested in developing programs in
inter-racial relationships.

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES

669

Hercules, Eric E. L. Democracy Lim-
ited. Cleveland, Ohio. Central Pub-
lishing House. 1945. 183 p. A pres-
entation of one of America's greatest
problems — Negro-white relationships.
The author discusses the problem
from many viewpoints — political,
economic, social and national.

Herskovits, Melville J. The Myth of
the Negro Past. New York. Harper
and Bros. 1941. 374 p. "The author
contends that attempts to meliorate
the interracial situation in the
United States have been handicapped
by a failure to appreciate the Ne-
gro's past in its true light." This
has been true of Negroes as well
as of whites.

f* Johnson, Charles S. Pattern of Ne-
gro Segregation. New York. Lon-
don. Harper and Bros. 1943. 332 p.
A study concerned with the current
sociological aspects of the pattern of
racial segregation and discrimina-
tion with particular reference to the
Negro in the United States. Areas
selected for intensive study were:
the rural South, namely, Bolivar
County, Mississippi; Poinsett Coun-
ty, Arkansas; Johnston County,
North Carolina. The urban South,
namely, Nashville, Tennessee; Rich-
mond, Virginia; Birmingham, Ala-
bama; Atlanta, Georgia; Houston,
Texas. The border area, namely,
Baltimore, Maryland; Indianapolis,
Indiana. The urban North, namely,
Chicago, Illinois; New York City.

*Johnson, Charles S. and Associates.
To Stem This Tide. A Survey of
Racial Tension Areas in the United
States. Boston. Chicago. Pilgrim
Press. 1943. 142 p. This volume is
concerned with factual data dealing
with tension areas in industry, in
rural communities, on public car-
riers, in housing, in politics, in con-
tact with law enforcement officers,
in the treatment of Negro soldiers,
in the matter of the morale of Ne-
groes and in the patterns of racial
etiquette. There is also a chapter
on what the problems of America
will be in the matter of racial ten-
sions when World War II is over.

Kennedy, Stetson. Southern Exposure.
Garden City, N. Y. 1946. 372 p. A
book about the South in three parts
by a southerner. The first part gives
the problem of the South and the
historical roots of its evils; the sec-

ond part exposes southern fascist
elements; the third part indicates
that the South is "ripe" for democ-
racy.

Kluckhorn, Clyde; Clinchy, Everett R.;
Embree, Edwin R.; Mead, Margaret;
Abernethy, Bradford S. Religion and
our Racial Tensions. Cambridge.
Harvard University Press. 1945.
106 p. Five chapters present the
materials of this book: "The Myth
of Race" ; "The Right to be Differ-
ent"; "Color and Christianity";
"How Religion has Fared in the
Melting Pot"; "Agencies of Inter-
Racial Cooperation."

Landry, Stuart Omer. The Cult of
Equality. New Orleans. Pelican
Publishing Co. 1945. 359 p. This
is a book that affirms the theory of
the inequality of the races.

Lee, Alfred McClung and Humphrey,
Norman D. Race Riot. New York.
Dryden Press. 1943. 143 p. This is
the story of the Detroit Race Riot,
by two persons who witnessed it.

Lerner, Max. Public Journal. Mar-
ginal Notes on Wartime America.
New York. Viking Press. 1945. 414
p. This is a collection of more than
100 pieces by a newspaper man of
PM, a New York newspaper. Con-
tains articles on "Negroes," "Race
Prejudice," "Detroit Race Riot."

f*Locke, Alain and Stern, Bernhard J.
(Eds.). When Peoples Meet. A Study
in Race and Culture Contacts. New
York. Progressive Education Associa-
tion. 1942. 756 p. A comprehensive
study of what happens when domi-
nant and minority groups meet — in
the past, in the present, in America,
and all over the world.

•{-"Logan, Spencer. A Negro's Faith in
America. New York. Macmillan Co.
1946. 88 p*. Tells frankly what one
Negro thinks of America, and how
he believes democracy can be
achieved for all. It received the first
prize in non-fiction given, by the
Macmillan Centenary Awards.

t*Logan, Rayford W. What the Negro
Wants. Chapel Hill, N. C. The Uni-
versity of North Carolina Press.
1944. 352 p. The fourteen Negro
leaders who present the case of the
Negro in America are: Mrs. Mary
M. Bethune, Sterling A. Brown, W.
E. Burghardt Du Bois, Gordon B.
Hancock, Leslie P. Hill, Langston
Hughes, Rayford W. Logan, Fred-
erick D. Patterson,' A. Philip Ran-

670 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

dolph, George S. Schuyler, Willard
S. Townsend, Charles H. Wesley,
Doxey A. Wilkerson, and Roy Wil-
kins.

Maclver, R. M. Civilization and Group
Relationships. A series of addresses
and discussions. New York. Harper
and Bros. 1945. 177 p. Minority
problems are considered from two
points of view — from the national
point of view and from the view
point of the intellectual and spiritual
effects within minority groups.

Malherbe, E. G. Race Attitudes and
Education. (Hoernle Memorial Lec-
ture). Johannesburg. South Afri-
can Institute of Race Relations.
1946. 29 p. Gives results of the
Army Education Services Attitude
Test showing the influence of edu-
cation on attitudes towards the Na-
tive, and emphasizes the importance
of adult education in attitude build-
ing, particularly in the field of
citizenship.

*Maloney, Arnold H.; *Maloney, Clar-
ence M. and *Maloney, Arnold H.,
Jr. Pathways to Democracy. Bos-
ton. Meador Publishing Co. 1945.
589 p. The purpose of this volume
is to render intelligible the voice of
oppressed peoples in their desire to
become self directive. It is the be-
lief of the authors that minorities
might well turn away from bitter
resentment and from self-commisera-
tion and join with forces making for
Democracy, because force has played
itself out as an historical device for
coping with tension, unrest and
belligerency.

Mangum, Charles S. Jr. The Legal
Status of the Negro. Chapel Hill.
University of North Carolina Press.
1940. 436 p. A review of the statutes
and cases concerning the relations
of the white and colored races since
the Civil War.

McMahon, Francis E. A Catholic Looks
at the World. New York. Vanguard
Press. 1945. 334 p. Chapter VIII
deals with the racial problem in
America as it relates to Negroes.
Says the author, "The Choice facing
America is not whether the Negroes
will or will not get those rights.
The real choice is whether we whites
will cooperate with the Negro in his
conquest of freedom, or whether we
shall cleave to our prejudices and
privileges at the expense of internal
peace and international respect."

*McKay, Claude. Harlem: Negro Me-
tropolis. New York. E. P. Button
and Co. 1940. 362 p. A story of
Harlem as seen through the eyes
of one who knows the area well and
who tells about it in a revealing
manner. He describes the "honky
tonks," and theatres; the games and
gambols, the steady rise of the peo-
ple in business and professional life.
Here also is told the story of Father
Divine and of Marcus Garvey, of
organized labor and many other
facts of interest to the reader.

McWilliams, Carey. Brothers Under
the Skin. Boston. Little, Brown and
Co. 1943. 325 p. The past history
of discrimination against the minor-
ity groups in this country — Negro,
Indian, Mexican, Japanese, Chinese,
Hawaiian, Puerto Rican, Filipino — is
traced. This situation is related to
the war effort and to the peacetime
world. The author feels that Amer-
ica will be at a decided disadvantage
in after-war councils of democratic
peoples because of the discrimina-
tion she now practices, and he pro-
poses a procedure by which the gov-
ernment can eradicate the problem.

More Than Tolerance. Suggestions to
Teachers on inter-group education.
Washington, D. C. Commission on
the Defense of Democracy through
Education. National Education As-
sociation of the United States. 1946.
32 p. This bulletin focuses "atten-
tion upon what schools can do to
build up group understanding with-
in the United States."

Myers, Henry Alonzo. Are Men Equal ?
An inquiry into the Meaning of
American Democracy. New York.
G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1945. 188 p.
In his first two chapters the author
outlines the general problem and in
the following three chapters traces
the development 'of the idea of
equality in this country. He con-
cludes . . . "The story of American
democracy is the discovery of new
ideals for personal freedom and of
the transformation of these ides is
into realities, into private rights ob-
tainable by all."

Myrdal, Gunnar. An American Dilem-
ma. The Negro Problem and Mod-
ern Democracy. New York. London.
Harper and Bros. 1942. 2 vols. This
is the most comprehensive report
on the Negro in America that has
ever been made. It is an encyclo-

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 671

pedic study which covers all of the
major phases of Negro life. The
underlying theme of these two vol-
umes is that America faces a dilem-
ma between what she professes and
what she practices. She declares for
democratic ideals, but indulges in
behavior which is grossly undemo-
cratic.

O'Hanlon, O. P. Racial Myths. River
Forest, 111. Rosary College. 1946.
32 p. This booklet discredits racial
myths relating to inheritance of
physical and psychological charac-
teristics and advocates abolition of
race segregation and discrimina-
tion.

f*0ttley, Roi. New World- A-Coming.
Boston. Houghton Mifflin Co. 1943.
364 p. This Life-in-America Prize
Book describes intimately and in
detail what is happening in Harlem
at the present time. The author feels
that for Black America a new day
is coming, not only because of de-
velopments in world conditions but
due to the fact that Negroes in
America are feeling more and more
akin to colored peoples the world
over. Hardly an aspect of Negro
life is neglected here.

Powdermaker, Hortense. Probing Our
Prejudices. A Unit for High School
Students. New York. Harper and
Bros. 1944. 73 p. An attempt not
only to help High School students
become aware of their prejudices,
but also to help them reduce their
prejudices. There are five chapters
with discussion questions at the end
of each.

f*Powell, A. Clayton, Jr. Marching
Blacks. New York. The Dial Press.
1945. 218 p. The story of the de-
velopment of group consciousness
among the Negro masses from 1562
up to the present time, by the first
Negro Congressman from the State
of New York.

*Powell, A. Clayton, Sr. Riots and
Ruins. New York. Richard R. Smith.
1945. 171 p. Dr. Powell discusses
factors which create what he calls
the riot atmosphere. Daily inci-
dents happen between whites and
Negroes which add fuel to the fire
of racial strife and hatred. When
riots break out not only do whites
and Negroes suffer materially and
psychologically, but retrogression
takes place in American progress.

The author believes that both whites
and Negroes can work out the dif-
ferences existing between them if
they put their minds to working
them out.

Race: Nation: Person. Social Aspects
of the Race Problem. A Symposium.
New York. Barnes and Noble. 1944.
346 p. "This symposium, compris-
ing ten monographs by internation-
ally known savants, both European
and American, probes the causes of
Nazi Totalitarianism and prescribes
the cure."

f*Redding, J. Saunders. No Day of
Triumph. New York. London. Har-
per and Bros. 1942. 342 p. A narra-
tive of how a college bred graduate
utterly confused with life starts out
in 1940 to try to find an answer that
would end this confusion and bring
to him an understanding. An auto
journey takes him through the back
country from Washington to New
Orleans. What he saw, heard and
felt is recorded here.
f*Rogers, J. A. Sex and Race. New
York. J. A. Rogers. 3 vols. The
sub-title of vol. I, published in 1940,
is "Negro-Caucasian Mixing in all
Ages and All Lands." The sub-title
of vol. II, published in 1942, is "A
History of White, Negro, and Indian
Miscegenation in the Two Amer-
icas." The sub-title of vol. Ill, pub-
lished in 1944, is "Why White and
Black Mix in Spite of Opposition."
*Shaw, Esther Popel. Personal Ad-
ventures in Race Relations. New
York. The Woman's Press. 1946.
24 p. Based on the author's experi-
ences, as a Negro in a white world.
It shows that "the practices of ra-
cial segregation and discrimination"
are . . . "costly, stupid and stultify-
ing."

Sickels, Alice L. Around the World
in St. Paul. Minneapolis. Univer-
sity of Minnesota Press. 1945. 262 p.
"Tells the story of progress (in race
relations) in one mid-western city,
where people of more than thirty
nationalities have learned to work
and play together." In a week-end
festival the whole community dances,
sings, eats together on the basis that
in becoming acquainted prejudices
will drop away and barriers dwindle.
Simon, Emily Parker. Strong as the
People. New York. Friendship Press.
1943. 165 p. This volume has for its

672 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

purpose the promotion of better race
relations. The question, "When do
we begin to be Americans," is a very
potent one. Its thesis is that many
groups and individuals have had a
share in making America, and its
future depends on what present day
Americans will make it.

Smith, Ruth. White Man's Burden:
A personal testament. New York.
Vanguard Press. 1946. 222 p. Miss
Smith tells how the trend of her
whole life was changed by the
chance meeting with Juliette Deri-
cotte at a Y. W. C. A. meeting. This
meeting led her to become a teacher
in a Negro school for girls in the
South. Not only did she teach the
students, but she shared their ex-
periences, even to the "Jim Crow"
sections of street cars and buses.

Stegner, Wallace and Editors of Look.
One Nation. Boston. Houghton Mif-
flin Co. 1945. 340 p. A survey of
racial and religious stresses in war-
time, with text and pictures record-
ing the violation of guaranteed
rights. Filipinos, Japanese, Chinese,
Mexicans, Indians, Negroes, Catho-
lics and Jews are the groups sur-
veyed.

*Stemons, James Samuel. As Victim
to Victims. An American Negro La-
ments with Jews. New York. For-
tuny's. 1941. 268 p. "The author
makes it plain that the principle of
give-and-take is imperative to any
placid adjustment of human rela-
tions; that it is as important to
Jews as to Negroes; and that it
represents the only hopeful approach
to the problems of proscribed and
persecuted minorities."

*Thomas, Jesse O. Negro Participation
in the Texas Centennial Exposi-
tion. Boston. Christopher Publishing
House. 1938. 154 p. A description
of the exhibit which Negroes dis-
played in the Hall of Negro Life
Building at the Texas Centennial Ex-
position held from June 6, 1936 to
November 31, 1936 in Dallas, which
told of the educational, cultural and
industrial development among Ne-
groes.

Thompson, Edgar T. Race Relations
and the Race Problem. A Definition
and an Analysis. Duke University
Press. Durham, N. C. 1939. 338 p.
There are ten chapters. Each is
by an outstanding scholar. The pur-

pose is "to organize a discussion
of race relations with special ref-
erence to the South in such a way
as to throw emphasis upon the rela-
tions rather than upon a particular
race."

A Thrilling Narrative from the Lips
of Sufferers of the Late Detroit Riot,
March 6, 1863 with the hair breadth
escapes of men, women and children,
and destruction of colored men's
.property, not less than $15,000. De-
troit, Michigan. Published by the
Author. 1863. Hattiesburg, Miss.
The Book Farm. 1945. 24 p.

Walker, Anne Kendrick. Tuskegee and
the Black Belt. A Portrait of a
Race. Richmond, Va. The Dietz
Press. 1944. 180 p. Part one of this
volume discusses the coming of
Booker T. Washington to Alabama
and the work of Tuskegee Institute.
Parts two and three deal with the
race problem in the South.

*Wesley, Charles H. (Ed.). The Negro
in the Americas. Public Lectures of
the Division of the Social Sciences
of the Graduate School, Howard Uni-
versity. Washington, D. C. The
Graduate School. Howard Univer-
sity. Washington, D. C. 1940. 86 p.
These lectures deal with the Negro
in the British West Indies, in the
French West Indies, in Spanish
America, in Brazil, in Haiti, in the
United States and Canada and with
the inter-relations of the West In-
dian Negro and the United States
Negro.

f* Wright, Richard. 12 Million Black
Voices. A Folk History of the Negro
in the United States. New York.
Viking Press. 1941. 152 p. This is
the story of that large number of
persons making up the majority of
the Negro population. Photographi-
cally illustrated, a glimpse of what
is qualitative and abiding in Negro
experience is shown — triumphs, de-
feats, gains — whether in the cotton
fields of the South or in the indus-
trial life of the North.

Racial Characteristics and

Racial Differences

Benedict, Ruth. Race: Science and
Politics. New York. Modern Age
Books. 1940. 274 p. In the first
section of this volume the author
has brought together what is scien-
tifically known about race; in the
second part the history of racism

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES

673

has been reviewed. In the last chap-
ter are answers to such questions
as: "Why is there an epidemic of
racism in the world today?" and,
"How could we stop the epidemic?"
Bonger, Willem Adriaan. Race and
Crime. Tr. from the Dutch by Mar-
garet Mathews Hordyk. New York.
Columbia University Press. 1943.
130 p. The theory of this volume is
that crime is a social and not a
biological phenomenon. The third
chapter, "Race and Crime. Case
Studies," discusses criminality
among various groups, including Ne-
gro ic<.

Dahlberg, Gunnar. Race Reason and
Rubbish. A Primer of Race Biology.
Tr. from the Swedish by Lancelot
Hogben. New York. Columbia Uni-
versity Press. 1942. 240 p. Deals
with the biological aspects of the
race problem. This discussion by a
leading authority on Human Gene-
tics and Medical Statistics gives a
peculiar piquancy to what he has to
say about the supposititious supe-
riority of the Nordic man.

Hooten, Earnest Albert. Crime and
the Man. Cambridge, Mass. Harvard
University Press. 1939. 403 p. Con-
tains the results of a twelve years'
survey of the anthropology of the
American criminal. Chapter IX
deals with "Negro and Negroid
Criminals and Civilians."

Klineberg, Otto (Ed.). Characteristics
of the American Negro. New York.
London. Harper & Bros. 1944. 409
p. A survey "of what is known about
Negro intelligence, personality, atti-
tudes, psychological differences, men-
tal diseases, with some suggestions
of the directions in which future
research might profitably be under-
taken."

*Lewis, Julian Herman. The Biology
of the Negro. Chicago. University
of Chicago Press. 1942. 433 p. "Dif-
ferentiating between biological and
environmental factors in disease,
the author examines the greatest
liabilities of the Negro — his exces-
sive morbidity and mortality rates
from heart disease, tuberculosis, and
syphilis. He suggests that the two
last mentioned diseases are more
virulent in Negroes because they are
four hundred or more years younger
in them than in white people. The
Negro's assets are his birth rate, his

physical stamina, and his resistance
to malaria, exanthemata and certain
surgical conditions."

Social Conditions

Alinksy, Saul D. Reveille for Radi-
cals. Chicago. University of Chi-
cago Press. 1945. 228 p. Written
from first hand personal experiences
of the author and his associates, this
volume tells how People's Organiza-
tions are built out of apathy and
disinterest to fiery power in the
hands of the people. It is the story
of how people of all races, nationali-
ties, religions, occupations, and ages
are banded together under their
own leadership fighting for their
ideal — Democracy.

Ames, Jessie Daniel. The Changing
Character of Lynching. Review of
Lynching, 1931-1941, with a Discus-
sion of Recent Developments in this
field. Atlanta, Ga. Commission on
Interracial Cooperation. 1942. 70 p.
Part I deals with the changing
character of mobs participating in
lynchings and the forces operating
to eliminate it from American life.
Part II indicates the complexities
involved in any definition of lynch-
ing. The appendix contains a de-
tailed report on lynching, 1931-1941,
by States and several pertinent
speeches made by persons on lynch-
ing.

Anderson, Sherwood. Home Town.
New York. Alliance Book Corpora-
tion. 1940. 145 p. A photographic
and verbal study of small town
life presented jointly by the author
and the photographers of the Farm
Security Administration.
Campbell, Marie. Folks Do Get Born.
New York. Rinehart & Co. 1946.
245 p. The story of the Negro gran-
ny— midwives of Georgia, who are
attendants at the birth of the ma-
jority of the rural population, both
white and black.

Child Care Facilities for Dependent
and Neglected Negro Children in
Three Cities. New York City, Phil-
adelphia, Cleveland. New York.
Child Welfare League of America.
June, 1945. 289 p. A study in three
large northern cities of recent
changes in community facilities for
the care of dependent and neglected
Negro children in pre-war years.
*Clark, Peter Wellington. Delta Shad-
ows. "A Pageant of Negro Progress

674 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

in New Orleans." New Orleans.
Graphic Arts Studios. 1942. 200 p.
A story in words and pictures of
what the Negro is doing and think-
ing in New Orleans at the present
time.

*Cobb, W. Montague. The First Negro
Medical Society. A History of the
Medico-Chirurgical Society of the
District of Columbia 1884-1939.
Washington, D. C. 1939. 159 p. An
account of the first Negro Medical
Society formed in America and
probably in the world.

Crum, Mason. Guttah. Negro Life in
the Carolina Sea Islands. Durham,
N. C. Duke University Press. 1940.
351 p. Deals with the social history
of the Negroes who live on the sea
islands and in the coastal region of
South Carolina where until recently
they were isolated both culturally
and geographically.

*Davis, Allison; Gardner, Burleigh
B.; Gardner, Mary R. Deep South.
A Social Anthropological Study of
Caste and Class. Chicago. Univer-
sity of Chicago Press. 1941. 558 p.
A study which describes the life of
Negroes and whites in a community
in the "deep South," that area which
includes South Carolina, Georgia,
Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and
Louisiana. It was made by a Negro
couple and by a white couple, who
lived for two years among the peo-
ple whose life is presented here.

t*Drake, St. Glair and *Cayton, Horace
R. Black Metropolis. A Study of
Negro Life in a Northern City. New
York. Harcourt, Brace and Co. 1945.
809 p. A sociological study of that
area of Chicago where Negroes are
concentrated and where they func-
tion almost independently of the sur-
rounding white communities. "Using
the objective, historical approach to
their materials the authors have ex-
amined the elaborate structure of
the South Side and dissected the
layers of culture and customs which
make it unique."

Drums and Shadows. Survival Studies
among the Georgia Coastal Negroes.
Athens, Ga. University of Georgia
Press. 1940. 274 p. This volume
represents an effort to delve into
certain aspects of the folk culture
of the Negroes of the Coastal region
of Georgia. Many communities in
and near Savannah were studied as

well as Darien, Sapelo Island, St.
Simons Island and St. Mary's.

*Duncan, Otis Durant. Social Research
on Health. New York. Social Sci-
ence Research Council. 1946. 168 p.
A report of the work group on re-
search in the social aspects of health
sponsored by the Southern Regional
Committee of the Social Science Re-
search Committee.

*Evans, William L. Race Fear and
Housing. New York. National Urban
League. 1946. 44 p. The effect on
the city of Buffalo, N. Y. of the seg-
regation and discrimination policy
of the Municipal Housing Authority.

*Frazier, E. Franklin. The Negro
Family in the United States. Chi-
cago. University of Chicago Press.
1939. 686 p. A "basic study of the
family in its two chief aspects — as
a natural human association and as
a social institution subjected to the
severest stresses and strains of so-
cial change." It is the first study of
the natural history of the Negro
family in the United States "which
epitomizes and telescopes in one
hundred and fifty years the age-long
evolution of the human family."

Graham, Mary Ruth. These Came
Back. A Study of Alabama Parolees.
Tuscaloosa, Ala. Bureau of Public
Administration. University of Ala-
bama. 1946. 104 p. Deals with the
persons released by the Alabama
Board of Pardons and Paroles in-
dicating who may or who may not
be released into society with some
assurance.

Health Problems in Negro Colleges.
Proceedings of the Second Regional
Conference of College Health Work-
ers, Nashville, Tennessee, April 5
and 6, 1940. New York. National
Tuberculosis Association. April, 1941.
78 p. The contents: "Business Meet-
ing"; "Relationships of the Physi-
cal Education Department to the
Student Health Program"; "Prob-
lems in Hygiene Teaching"; and
"Health Service Problems."

*Johnson, Charles S. and Associates.
Statistical Atlas of Southern Coun-
ties. Listing and Analysis of Socio-
Economic Indices of 1104 Southern
counties. Chapel Hill. University of
North Carolina Press. 1941. 355 p.
"Provides data by individual coun-
ties and significant classifications of
counties on population, economic or-

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 675

ganization, and social characteris-
tics, with particular reference to
the factor of education. Since many
of the statistics assembled are or-
ganized around the common school,
the compilation and classification
should prove valuable to school and
administrators, teachers, social work-
ers and public officials who are in-
terested in observing the relation-
ship between socio-economic factors
and educational factors in the or-
ganization of the life of different
areas."

Lumpkin, Katharine Du Pre. The
South in Progress. New York. Inter-
national Publishers. 1940. 256 p.
A portrait of the South in its eco-
nomic, political, social and cultural
aspects during the 1930's. No major
subject touching the social economy
of the South and the problems of
Southern people is neglected.

Minor, Robert. Lynching and Frame-
up in Tennessee. New York. New
Century Publishers. 1946. 95 p. A
story of the riot at Columbia, Ten-
nessee.

f*Murray, Florence (Comp. and Ed.).
The Negro Handbook 1944- A Man-
ual of Current Facts, Statistics and
General Information Concerning Ne-
groes in the United States. New
York. Current Reference Publica-
tions. 1944. 283 p. In the foreword
the editor states that "although the
primary object of the Handbook is
to give current information, it also
includes some historical matter, ref-
erences to which are useful in pres-
ent day affairs."

Percy, William A. Lanterns on the
Levee. Recollections of a Planter's
Son. New York. Alfred A. Knopf.
1941. 348 p. These recollections of
life in the Mississippi Delta coun-
try vividly present southern life
in its various aspects. The chapter
on "A note on Racial Relations"
presents the views of one who has
dealt with underprivileged planta-
tion Negroes.

Proceedings of the National Confer-
ence of Social Work. Selected Pa-
pers Seventy-First Annual Meeting
Cleveland, Ohio, May 21-27, 1944.
Published for the National Confer-
ence of Social Work. New York. Co-
lumbia University Press. 1944. 492
p. These papers directed the atten-
tion of the conference to pressing

problems of the war and of the
peace to come.

Report of the Ninth Annual New York
Herald Tribune Forum on Current
Problems. "The Challenge to Civili-
zation." The Waldorf-Astoria, Oc-
tober, 24, 25 and 26, 1939. New York.
Herald-Tribune. 1939. 256 p. George
Washington Carver spoke on this
forum program. His subject was en-
titled, "Chemistry and Peace."

Shay, Frank. His First Hundred
Years. New York. Ives Washburn,
Inc. 1938. 288 p. This account of
lynching traces its history from its
origin, revealing that lynching is a
national problem and that the vic-
tims are both white and Negro. The
author also traces the reasons for
and the results of the persistence of
lynching.

Social Work Year Book, 1945. A De-
scription of Organized Activities in
Social Work and in Related Fields.
Russell H. Kurtz, Ed. New York.
Russell Sage Foundation. 1945. 620
p. Includes a description of or-
ganized activities in social work and
related fields as they relate to Ne-
groes.

A Study of the Social Effects of Pub-
lic Housing in Newark, N. J. New-
ark Housing Authority of the City
of Newark. November 1944. 96 p.
"This study shows that public hous-
ing in Newark is paying dividends
to the entire community by improv-
ing the health and social life of re-
housed families and by relieving
suffering and unhappiness at a dollar
and cents saving to society at
large."

Vance, Rupert B. All These People.
The Nation's Human Resources in
the South. Chapel Hill. The' Uni-
versity of North Carolina Press.
1945. 503 p. This is a book about
the Nation in which a long time
view of the population trends of the
nation and the South is taken. Some
of the questions raised are: "To
what extent is the Nation's popula-
tion likely to maintain itself in the
future?" "What is the position of
the South — the seed bed of the Na-
tion— with the highest birth rate,
the lowest income and the greatest
rate of migration in the country?"
"To what extent does the Nation
possess unrealized human resources
in the South and how can they be
developed in terms of health, educa-

676 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

tion, skill, and future leadership?"
"How can we best employ our hu-
man resources in the agrarian econ-
omy and how are they making the
transition to the new industrial or-
der in the South?" "What is to be
our national population policy and
how does the South fit in?"
Warner, Robert Austin. New Haven
Negroes. A Social History. New
Haven. Yale University Press. 1940.
309 p. Explains the manners, cus-
toms and social position of present
day Negroes in New Haven.

Sport

Durant, John and Rice, Edward. Come
Out Fighting. New York. Duell,
Sloan and Pearce. 1946. 245 p. The
history of the ring, with foreword by
Quentin Reynolds, this is "the first
book about the ring to combine fast
moving prose and exciting pictures."

Fleischer, Nat. Black Dynamite. The
Story of the Negro in the Prize Ring
from 1782 to 1938. Vol. I. New York
City. C. J. O'Brien. 1938. 182 p.
The story of the Negro in the prize
ring is told from the time Joe Lash-
ley, the first Negro fighter, appears
in 1791, up to the early 1900's.

Fleischer, Nat. Fighting Furies.
Story of the Golden Era of Jack
Johnson, Sam Langford and their
Contemporaries. New York. C. J.
O'Brien. 1939. 282 p. The exploits
of colored fighters in the boxing
arena.

Fleischer, Nat. Jolting Joe. The
Amazing Story of Joe Louis and his
Rise to World Heavyweight Title.
"Homicide Hank," The Socking
Saga of Henry Armstrong. New
York. C. J. O'Brien. 1938. 165 p.
This is the story of "two kings of
pugilism."

Fleischer, Nat. The Three Colored
Aces. George Dixon, Little Choc-
olate," Joe Gans, "The Old Master,"
Joe Walcott, "The Barbados Demon,"
and several contemporaries. New
York. C. J. O'Brien. 1938. 314
p. Joe Gans was lightweight cham-
pion, George Dixon, Champion of
the bantams and featherweights and
Joe Walcott was champion welter-
weight.

*Henderson, Edwin Bancroft. The Ne-
gro in Sports. Rev. Ed. Washington,
D. C. Associated Publishers. 1939.
371 p. Some of the outstanding

athletes of the Negro race who have
achieved distinction in the various
types of sports.

Youth

*Atwood, J. Howell; Wyatt, Donald
W.; Davis, Vincent J.; Walker, Ira
D. Thus be Their Destiny. The
Personality Development of Negro
Youth in Three Communities. Pre-
pared for the American Youth Com-
mission. Washington, D. C. Ameri-
can Council on Education. 1941. 96
p. Shows how Negro boys and girls
grow up in three small cities and
towns of liberal tradition, in both
the North and the South; and how
the fact of being born a Negro af-
fects the developing personality of
a boy or girl.

*Davis, Allison and Dollard, John.
Children of Bondage. The Person-
ality Development of Negro Youth
in the Urban South. Prepared for
the American Youth Commission.
Washington, D. C. 1940. 299 p. The
authors reveal what it means to be
born a Negro by presenting the life
experiences of eight selected Negro
adolescents from the lower, middle
and upper classes.

*Frazier, E. Franklin. Negro Youth
at the Crossways. Their Personality
Development in the Middle States.
Washington, D. C. American Coun-
cil on Education. 1940. 301 p. This
is one* of a series of investigations
conducted concurrently in different
sections of the United States by the
American Youth Commission in or-
der to see "wherein Negro Youth
faced destructive problems in their
development as individual personal-
ities."

*Johnson, Charles S. Growing Up in
the Black Belt. Negro Youth in the
Rural South. Washington, D. C.
American Council on Education.
1941. 360 p. In this volume the
inner realm of the Negro's attitudes
toward race relationships in their
range of variation as they exist in
the black belt are revealed.

Kirkpatrick, E. L. Guideposts for
Rural Youth. Prepared for the
American Youth Commission. Amer-
ican Council on Education. Wash-
ington, D. C. 1940. 167 p. "The
programs here described suggest
practical steps that communities
can take to improve the situation
of rural youth: employment; voca-

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN AFRICA

677

tional education; general education;
recreation; religion; health; home
and family; unique older youth pro-
grams; and young people's coopera-
tion in well-balanced Community ac-
tivities."

Lister, Joseph J. and Kirkpatrick,
E. L. Rural Youth Speak. Detailed
analysis of the replies from rural
young people interviewed in a com-
prehensive survey by the American
Youth Commission. 1939. 96 p. A
mimeographed report of farm youth
primarily. Consideration is given to
their present status as well as to
the background and future possi-
bilities.

McGill, Nettie Pauline and Matthews,
Ellen Nathalie. The Youth of New
York City. New York. Macmillan
Co. 1940. 420 p. This study is the
result of interviews with nearly ten
thousand young people as to their
family background, education, rec-
reation, employment, and social life.
The results are analyzed and dis-
cussed with special reference to em-
ployment. The Negroes in Harlem
receive special attention.

Menefee, Louise Arnold and Chambers,
M. M. American Youth. An Anno-
tated Bibliography. Prepared for
The American Youth Commission.
Washington, D. C. American Coun-
cil on Education. 1938. 492 p. Chap-
ter XVII, "Negro Youth," contains
information on Social Problems of
the Negro; Interracial Understand-
ing; Interests and Attitudes of Ne-
gro Youth; Negro Education; Voca-
tional Adjustment of the Negro.

*The Social World of the Negro Youth.
Interviews with Southern Negro
Youth on Personal, Social and Ra-
cial Adjustment Experiences. Nash-
ville, Tennessee. Fisk University
Social Science Institute. 1946. 293
p. No. 5, Social Science Source
Documents.

Warner, W. Lloyd; Junker, Buford
H.; *Adams, Walter A. Color and
Human Nature. Negro Personality
Development in a Northern City.
Prepared for the American Youth
Commission. American Council on
Education. Washington, D. C. 1941.
301 p. A systematic study in which
the effects of color discrimination
upon personality are examined for
every shade of negroidness and for
every type of social position within
Negro society in Chicago.

Youth and the Future. The General
Report of the American Youth Com-
mission. Washington, D. C. Ameri-
can Council on Education. 1942. 296
p. Specific recommendations for
dealing with the complex of eco-
nomic, educational and social prob-
lems that will confront American
youth in the years to come are here
presented.

BOOKS CONCERNING THE
NEGRO IN AFRICA

Books Discussing the History
And Problems of Africa

The Atlantic Charter and Africa from
an American Standpoint. A Study
by the Committee on Africa, the War
and Peace Aims, the Application of
the "Eight Points" of the Charter
to the Problems of Africa and espe-
cially those related to the Welfare
of the African People Living South
of the Sahara, with Related Ma-
terial on African Conditions and
Needs. New York. Africa Bureau,
156 Fifth Avenue. 1942. 164 p.

Banks, Emily. White Woman on the
Congo. New York. Fleming H. Re-
vell Co. 1943. 192 p. A personal
record of pioneer missionary work
on the upper Congo before modern
means of transportation and com-
munication affected the whole struc-
ture of community life.

Booker, George W. What About Af-
rica? Scotch Plains, N. J. Flanders
Hall. 1941. 58 p. Gives an idea of
the sufferings of Africans under
white rule.

Bourdillon, Sir Bernard. The Future
of the Colonial Empire. London.
S. C. M. Press. 1945. 85 p. Some
of the problems that face the colo-
nial empire in Africa and some
methods that may help in solving
them.

Brett, B. L. M. Makers of South Af-
rica. Toronto. New York. Thomas
Nelson & Sons. 1944. 167 p. A his-
tory of the development of South
Africa as revealed in the life stories
of the men who played an important
part in moulding the destiny of the
country.

*Brown, George W. The Economic
History of Liberia. Washington, D.
C. Associated Publishers. 1941. 366
p. The result of extensive research
made by the author in Liberia, using
government records and official docu-

678 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

ments, visiting native towns, as well
as the Firestone Plantations Com-
pany.

Browne, G. St. J. Orde. Labour Con-
ditions in West Africa. London. His
Majesty's Stationery Office. 1941.
149 p. A report by the Labour Ad-
viser to the Secretary of State for
Colonies. Reports conditions in
Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Sierra
Leone, and Gambia.

Gary, Joyce. The Case for African
Freedom. London. Seeker and War-
burg. 1941. 128 p. The thesis is
that "Africa is a poor continent and
is steadily growing poorer, losing
forests, rainfall, soil"; and in order
to save it there needs to be organiza-
tions of native help, cooperative
groups, adult education, local indus-
try and attacks on poverty, back-
wardness and exploitation.

Childers, James Saxon. Mumbo Jumbo,
Esquire. A Book about the Two Af-
ricas. New York. London. D. Ap-
pleton Century Co. 1941. 421 p.
These are the two Africas the author
saw as he traveled from Capetown
in the south to Tangiers in the
northwest corner. One is the Africa
of cannibals, rogue elephants, witch
doctors, fever ridden swamps, pois-
oned arrows and man eating lions.
The other is the Africa of air-con-
ditioned trains, thriving business,
skyscrapers, night clubs, golf courses
and highways linking magnificent
cities.

Christian Action in Africa. Report of
the Church Conference on African
Affairs held at Otterbein College,
Westerville, Ohio, June 19-25, 1942.
New York. Africa Committee of the
Foreign Missions Conference of
North America. 1942. 200 p. Some
of the problems dealt with are:
Evangelism and building of the in-
digenous church; Christian educa-
tion; Christian literature; the min-
istry; rural life; relationships and
Muslims and the Roman Catholic
Church; and peace.

Cloete, Stuart. Against These Three.
A Biography of Paul Kruger, Cecil
Rhodes and Lobengula, Last King
of the Matabele. Boston. Houghton
Miffiin Co. 1945. 472 p. Lobengula,
African priest-king; Kruger, leader
of the Boers; Cecil Rhodes, empire
builder, each fought passionately
though independently for a way of j

life in which he believed. All lived
at the same time and hoped to occu-
py the same land.

Considine, John J. Across A World.
Toronto. New York. Longmans,
Green and Co. 1942. 400 p. A pic-
ture of the peoples of Asia and Af-
rica whose destinies are tied up in
World War II. It presents a con-
temporary picture of the world mis-
sion effort of the Catholic Church.

Cullen, Lucy Pope. Beyond the Smoke
that Thunders. New York. Oxford
University Press. 1940. 341 p. The
vivid and unusual experiences of the
author who worked as secretary for
six years in the Rhodesian copper
fields. It presents African supersti-
tions and beliefs.

Davis, Jackson, *Campbell, Thomas
M., Wrong, Margaret. Africa Ad-
vancing. A Study of Rural Educa-
tion and Agriculture in West Africa
and the Belgian Congo. New York.
The Friendship Press. London. In-
ternational Committee on Christian
Literature for Africa. 1945. 230 p.
The result of the tour of West Af-
rica and the Belgian Congo by the
authors made under the auspices of
the Foreign Missions Conference of
North America.

Davis, Jackson; *Campbell, Thomas
M.; Wrong, Margaret. Liberia.
(Chapter II of Africa Advancing, re-
printed as a pamphlet.) New York.
The Friendship Press. 1946. 20 p.
The material is descriptive of Li-
beria and makes suggestions for her
educational development.

Demaison, Andre. The New Noah's
Ark. New York. Macmillan Co. 1940.
294 p. Adventures in an old schoon-
er, along the coast of Africa, from
Gaboon to Guinea, of a young man
interested in collecting rare beasts
of all kinds.

Evans-Pritchard, E. E. Some Aspects
of Marriage and the Family Among
the Nuer. Livingstone, Northern
Rhodesia. The Rhodes-Livingstone
Institute. 1945. 70 p. "Among the
most stimulating analyses of African
life yet written."

Farson, Negley. Behind God's Back.
New York. Harcourt Brace and Co.
1941. 555 p. The result of a trip
made before World War II began,
across the Continent of Africa dur-
ing which the author sought every
kind of pertinent information. He

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN AFRICA

679

foresaw that the fate of Europe
might depend upon events there. He
writes an intimate, vivid study of
real life conditions.

Fitzgerald, Walter. Africa. A Social,
Economic and Political Geography of
its Major Regions. New York. E. P.
Button and Co. 1939. 499 p. Part I
deals with "The Physical Environ-
ment." Part II with "The People —
Immigrant and Native." Part III
with "Regional Studies."

Fortes, M. and Evans — Pritchard, E.
E. African Political Systems. Lon-
don. New York. Toronto. Oxford
University Press. 1941. 301 p. A
comparative study of political or-
ganization found in Africa and the
basic principles underlying these tra-
ditional forms of government.

Gatti, Ellen and Attilio. Here is
Africa. New York. Charles Scrib-
ner's Sons. 1943. 170 p. A person-
.ally conducted tour from French
Morocco, along the North Coast
through the Sahara and the Equa-
torial jungles to the Cape of Good
Hope. Illustrated, this narrative
presents also interesting people — the
Tuaregs, the Bushmen, the Giants
of Rwanda Urundi and the Zulus.

Graves, Anna Melissa (Ed.)-. Benve-
nuto Cellini Had No Prejudice
Against Bronze. Letters from West
Africans. Baltimore, Md. Waverly
Press. 1943. 176 p. These letters
were written by a student; a law-
yer; a mother; a school principal;
by founders of schools; a poet; a
priest.

Handbook of Liberia. New York. Li-
berian Consulate General Published
by Authority. 1940. 64 p. Gives
ready information on the history
and government, cities and towns,
geography and climate, the military,
transportation and communication,
agriculture, education, trade, com-
merce, hospitals, churches and fra-
ternal organizations.

Harley, George Way. Native African
Medicine. With Special Reference
to its Practice in the Mano Tribe
of Liberia. Cambridge, Mass. Har-
vard University Press. 1941. 294 p.
Presents the curative practices of
the Mano tribe which are wholly
overt or practical, those which are
magical, and those which combine
the two principles. The use of drugs,
the work of bone-setting and their
work in surgery are also discussed.

Hattersley, Alan F. Portrait of a
Colony. The Story of Natal. Cam-
bridge. The University Press. 1940.
233 p. The political and social life
of this British Colony as a whole,
which includes both colonial and na-
tive people.

Hayman, Arthur I. and Preece, Har-
old. Lighting Up Liberia. New
York. Creative Age Press. 1943.
279 p. A compendium of the lore,
the political problems and the social
problems of Liberia.

Hoernle, R. F. Alfred. South African
Native Policy and the Liberal Spirit.
Lovedale Press. Published on behalf
of the Phelps Stokes Fund of the
University of Cape Town. 1939. 190
p. Offers a point of view towards
an interpretation of the interracial
situation in South Africa. Lectures
I and II analyze present-day Native
Policy in the Union; lecture III is
an analysis of the "liberal spirit"
and the meaning of liberty; lecture
IV expresses the idea that liberal
ideals have to be re-examined and
re-thought in their application to
a society such as is found in South
Africa.

Hofmeyer, Jan H. Christian Princi-
ples and Race Problems. Johannes-
burg. South African Institute of
Race Relations. 1945. 31 p. Inaugu-
rates a series of lectures memorializ-
ing R. Albert Hoernle, former presi-
dent, who was an outstanding pro-
moter of the welfare of the under-
privileged people.

Huxley, Elspeth. East Africa. Lon-
don. Harrison and Sons. 19 — . 47 p.
The author feels that the greatest
problem in East Africa is how to
preserve for the use of future gen-
erations the only real resource that
Africa possesses, its good earth.
Other problems deal with the im-
pinging of European upon Native
culture.

James, S'elwyn. South of the Congo.
New York. Random House. 1943.
347 p. The result of close associa-
tion with blacks and whites which
revealed to the author "a drama of
seething conflicts on the vast stage
of the territory south of the Congo."

Kellersberger, Julia Lake. God's Ra-
vens. New York. Fleming H. Revell
Co. 1941. 207 p. The work of a
missionary to the Belgian Congo. It
is the story of how she and her

680 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

husband, a medical missionary, had
been fed and helped whenever they
were in need and how in turn she
had fed and helped those who were
suffering both in body and mind.

Kiewiet, C. W. De. A History of South
Africa. Oxford. At the Clarendon
Press. 1941. 292 p. A social and
economic history of South Africa.

Lambie, Thomas A. A Doctor Carries
On. New York. Fleming H. Revell
Co. 1942. 173 p. Activities of a
medical missionary in the Egyptian
Sudan close to the border of Ethio-
pia; of service to the British army
during the Ethiopian campaign and
the problems confronted in rounding
up Italian citizens and hostile bands.

Latouche, John and Cauvin, Andre.
Congo. Willow, White and Co. 1945.
194 p. This verbal and photographic
picture of the Congolese which at-
tempts to demonstrate to people
elsewhere in the world the way
peace is being created today with
harmony, patience, and collabora-
tion by white and black industrious
inhabitants of the Congo.

Lide, Alice Alison and Johansen, Mar-
garet Alison. Mystery of the Mahteb.
New York. Longmans, Green and
Co. 1942. 237 p. A tale of thirteenth
century Ethiopia, describing how
Amlak searches for and finds the
sign of "that which was lost" in
order that the tribes might rise
against the usurper and place the
rightful line on the throne.

Maisel, Albert Q. Africa. Facts and
Forecast. New York. Duell, Sloan
and Pearce. 1943. 307 p. A hand-
book on the past, present and future
of Africa. It shows also the changes
that are taking place in social and
economic relationships; foretells that
decisions made in regard to it by
world leaders will affect not only
Africans but the lives of the peo-
ples of the world.

Malinowski, Bronislaw. The Dynamics
of Culture Change. An inquiry into
Race Relations in Africa. Edited by
Phyllis M. Kaberry. New Haven.
Yale University Press. 1945. 171 p.
"This posthumous book represents
Professor Malinowski's considered
views on the African question; and
by extension, on the whole problem
of race where the white man has
moved into the territories occupied
by other men of a different color,"

Marais, Josef. Koos the Hottentot.
Tales of the Veld. New York. Al-
fred A. Knopf. 1945. 128 p. Koos,
the hero of this book, is a real char-
acter, a sheep tender, in that area
in the southern section of the Union
of South Africa known as "the Great
and the Little Karoo." The stories
and songs of this volume make de-
lightful reading.

Marwick, Brian Allan. The Swazi. An
Ethnographic account of the Natives
of the Swaziland Protectorate. Cam-
bridge. The University Press. 1940.
319 p. A detailed account of the so-
cial organization, social and eco-
nomic life, religion, magic, medi-
cine, political organization and legal
system of the Swazi.

Noon, John A. Labor Problems of Af-
rica. Philadelphia. University of
Pennsylvania Press. 1944. 144 p.
Gives a general view of the African
as a laborer and then separately dis-
cusses West Africa, Equatorial Af-
rica, East Africa and South Africa
in regard to the problems peculiar
to each.

*0jike, Mbonu. Portrait of a Boy in
Africa. New York. East and West
Association. 1945. 36 p. A very in-
teresting account of the life of an
African boy whose father had ten
wives. He describes his life in his
father's compound, in his Nigerian
Village compound, in his Nigerian
Village, his education, and finally
his break to study abroad.

*Orizu, A. A. Nwafor. Without Bitter-
ness. Western Nations in Post Wai-
Africa. New York. Creative Age
Press. 1944. 395 p. Prince Orizu,
educated in American universities,
comes from one of the strongest and
most advanced kingdoms in Nigeria.
He sets forth the problems that
face Africa in the post-war period,
traces the history of the continent,
analyzes its ethical and religious
traditions and sets forth its phi-
losophy.

*Phillips, Hilton Alonzo. Liberia's
Place in Africa's Sun. New York.
The Hobson Book Press. 1946. 156 p.
The story of Liberia told from the
observations and viewpoint of a lay-
man.

Prorok, Byron De. Dead Men Do Tell
Tales. New York. Creative Press.
1942. 328 p. Exciting adventure and
information concerning the past and

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN AFRICA

681

present of Abyssinia by an explorer
and trained archaeologist.

Rainier, Peter W. My Vanished Af-
rica. New Haven. Yale University
Press. 1940. 307 p. An autobiog-
raphy by the great-great-grandson
of the British Admiral for whom
Mount Rainier was named. Born in
Africa, he gives an exciting story
of his life, work and travels.

Report of Native Production and Trade
Corn-mission, 1944. Salisbury, S. Rho-
desia. C. S. R. 2-1945. 107 p. The
result of the work of commissioners
appointed to inquire into all econom-
ic and social aspects of present and
potential trade by and with the na-
tives of Southern Rhodesia.

Ritchie, J. F. The African as Suckling
and As Adult. (A Psychological
Study.) Livingstone, Northern Rho-
desia. The Rhodes-Livingstone In-
stitute, 1943. 61 p. The writer gives
some very early infantile experi-
ences of the African and his mental
reactions to them, with certain of
their effects on character and general
outlook.

*Robeson, Eslanda Goode. African
Journey. New York. John Day Co.
1945. 154 p. The journal which Mrs.
Robeson kept of her trip to Africa
in 1936. She saw much and tells
the reader about it not only in chal-
lenging words but in valuable pic-
tures.

Rosa, Guido. North Africa Speaks.
New York. John Day Co. 1945. This
book gives an insight into the lives
of the ordinary people of Algeria
and Morocco — merchant, shepherd,
potter, nomad chief, turbaned house-
painter, Senegalese guard at the
Sultan's palace, cobbler, barber, etc.

The Rhodes-Livingstone Journal. Liv-
ingstone, Northern Rhodesia. The
Rhodes-Livingstone Institute. A me-
dium for discussion of "man's prob-
lems in Central Africa, and what
is known about them, what research
is being done and needs to be done
on them, and how they are being
faced, are set out simply but with
scientific accuracy."

Schapera, I. Married Life in An Afri-
can Tribe. New York. Sheridan
House, 1941. 364 p. Marriage and
family life in the Kgatla tribe
of the Bechuanaland Protectorate,
South Africa is herein described.
Because this group has been exposed

for a century or more to Western
European civilization, the author in-
dicates not only details of modern
Kgatla life but ancient customs as
well, showing how they have sur-
vived or have been displaced and
reasons for the changes.
Schapera, I. Select Bibliography of
South African Native Life and Prob-
lems. Compiled for the Inter-univer-
sity Committee for African Studies
under the direction of I. Schapera.
London. Oxford University Press.

1940. 233 p.

Shepherd, Robert H. W. Lovedale,
South Africa. The Story of a Cen-
tury 1841-1941. Lovedale, C. P.,
South Africa. The Lovedale Press.

1941. 531 p. The story of the de-
velopment of Lovedale Missionary
institution from a small missionary
seminary to a large Christian Edu-
cational Center, acting as the In-
terpreter and mouthpiece of the
country's changing native policy.

Southern Rhodesia. Report of the So-
cial Security Officer. Part I. Social
Security. September, 1944. 137 p.

Southern Rhodesia. Report of the So-
cial Security Officer. Part II. So-
cial Services. October, 1944. 210 p.

Stuart, Mary. African Pattern. Let-
ters to an Administrator. London.
Edinburgh House Press. 1945. 100
p. These letters written by a mis-
sionary in Africa to an administra-
tor deal with problems in Africa in-
cluding education, religion, politics,
labor, etc.

Tracy, Hugh and Masinga, K. E. Chief
Above and Chief Below. A Musical
Play for Africans Based on a Zulu
Legend. Pietermaritzburg. Shuter
and Shooter. 1944. 95 p. One of the
age-old fertility myths common in all
folklore. It illustrates the parable
of the people who live upon the
earth, by the fruit of the earth,
through, working the earth.

Vroom, Eugen. The Hapless Boers.
Translated from the Dutch of Eugen
Vroom. Scotch Plains, N. J. Flan-
ders Hall. 1941. 43 p. The story
of the conquest of the Transvaal
Republic and the Orange Free State,
"the citizens of which were the
descendants of Dutch, French Hugue-
not and German settlers."

Wrong, Margaret. For a Literate West
Africa. The Story of a Journey in
the Interests of Literacy and Chris-

682

BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

tian Literature 1944-45. New York.
Friendship Press. 1945. 64 p. "The
running story" of the trip made by
Miss Wrong, Dr. Jackson Davis and
Mr. Thomas M. Campbell into cer-
tain parts of Africa with highlights
on literature, literacy and post-war
Africa.

Novels Concerning African Life

Knight, Brigid. Walking the Whirl-
wind,. New York. Thomas Y. Cro-
well Co. 1941. 543 p. The setting
of this novel is "a few hours' horse-
back ride from Capetown." Three
generations of life-loving, full-blooded
people march through this story —
Dutch, English and French — their
lives form a pageant of trading and
wars, droughts and slaves, trecks
and diamond mines and above all,
love and adventure.

LoCascio, Alfred, Jr. The Tom Toms
Speak. Boston. Meador Publishing
Co. 1940. 163 p. Stories of Africa,
of the Pacific, the West Indies and
the Far East. They are about the
yellow-skinned, the cinnamon, the
browns and the blacks.

Lyndon, Barre. Sundown. New York.
Toronto. Frederick A. Stokes Co.
1941. 254 p. "A novel of white men
and women against the backdrop of
empire in modern Africa." They are
held together by a common peril —
"a dark, furtive menace which whis-
pers across desert sands and thorn-
bush, and spans incredible miles by
habari, the inexplicable native tele-
graph" which operates without the
use of jungle drums.

Masefield, John. Dead Ned. The Auto-
biography of a Corpse who recov-
ered life within the Coast of Dead
Ned and came to what fortune you
shall hear. New York. Macmillan
Co. 1938. 289 p. After being hanged
for a crime he did not commit, then
brought back to life by a benefactor,
Ned Mansell sets out in a slaving
ship for further adventure on the
Coast of Dead Ned — the slave Coast
of Africa. A Negro prize fighter is
one of the characters in the story.

Millan, Sarah Gertrude. The Dark
God's. New York. London. Harper
and Bros. 1941. 296 p. The black
blood in the veins of Rev. Barry
Lindell drove him to ally himself
with his mother's people and work
to save them from the corrupt in-
fluence of the Nazi missionaries who

preached of a new life under a new
god— Hitler.

BOOKS CONCERNING THE
NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

Brown, Wenzell. Dynamite on our
Doorstep. Puerto Rican Paradox.
New York. Greenberg Publishers.
1945. 301 p. Written by one who
spent two years teaching in Puerto
Rican schools. Of the people he says,
"There's not enough food, not enough
clothing, not sufficient shelter. . . .
There's sickness and hunger, the
worst slums in the world, and nat-
ural beauty that takes your breath
away. But all things could be en-
dured, if there could only be —
hope."

Callcott, Wilfrid Hardy. The Carib-
bean Policy of the United States,
1890-1920. Baltimore. The Johns
Hopkins Press. 1942. 524 p. An
examination of the successful over-
seas program of the United States.

Colby, Merle. The Virgin Islands; A
Profile in Pictures. New York.
Duell, Sloan and Pearce. 1940. A
guide in pictures to the beauties of
setting and atmosphere of one of
the territories of the United States.

Courlander, Harold. Uncle Bouquoi of
Haiti. New York. William Morrow
and Co. 1942. 127 p. Rich and hu-
morous folk-tales from native story
tellers in the mountains of Haiti.

Davis, J. Merle. The Church in Puerto
Rico's Dilemma. New York. London.
International Missionary Council.
1942. 80 p. A Study of the Eco-
nomic and Social Basis of the
Evangelical Church in Puerto Rico.
"The purpose of this study is to as-
certain the position of the Evangeli-
cal Church in the face of an island
dilemma and the conditions by
which it may eventually become in-
digenous and financially indepen-
dent."

Davis, J. Merle. The Church in the
New Jamaica. New York. London.
International Missionary Council.
1942. 100 p. A Study of the Eco-
nomic and Social Basis of the
Evangelical Church in Jamaica. Its
purpose is to "try to adjust the
church to the economic and social
frame which the present position in
the island creates and to help chart
the future course which the church
may take."

BOOKS CONCERNING THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA

683

*Dean, Corinne. Cocoanut Suite. Bos-
ton. Meador Publishing Co. 1944.
102 p. A collection of fourteen short
stories about Puerto Rico and its
people — old and young, black and
white, rich and poor, literate and
illiterate, good and bad.

Evans, Luther Harris. The Virgin
Islands. From Naval Base to New
Deal. Ann Arbor, Michigan. J. W.
Edwards. 1945. 365 p. A descrip-
tion in some detail of "the govern-
ment of the Virgin Islands as it has
developed during the period of
American administration; to indi-
cate the more important policies
which have been followed by terri-
torial officials and by the government
in Washington, and to suggest a
limited number of recommenda-
tions concerning their future poli-
cies."

*Freyre, Gilberto. The Masters and the
Slaves. A Study in the Development
of Brazilian Civilization. New York.
Alfred A. Knopf. 1946. 537 p. A
complete translation from the Por-
tuguese of Casa Grande & Senzala,
cultural study of Brazil.

Garver, Earl S., and Fincher, Ernest
B. Puerto Rico Unsolved Problem.
Elgin, 111. Elgin Press. 1945. 110 p.
Presents the difficulties of the ad-
ministration of the Island by the
United States in the broader setting
of environment and culture. Begin-
ning with the story of its discovery,
the volume ends with "relief and
rehabilitation: 1933-1945."

Gilmore, Cecile. Inherited Husband.
New York. Samuel Curl. 1946. 286
p. A novel with its setting in Haiti.
The story is about the fear of the
"crazy, beautiful and cruel country"
which dominated the lives of Coles
Lacy, Marco, her husband, and her
small daughter, Melissa.

Jarvis, J. Antonio. The Virgin Islands
and their People. Philadelphia. Dor-
ranee & Co. 1945. 178 p. "This book
was prepared to satisfy the growing
demand for a reliable yet short ac-
count of the Virgin Islands and their
people."

Leyburn, James G. The Haitian Peo-
ple. New Haven. Yale University
Press. 1941. 342 p. A social history
divided into five parts: Part I deals
with "Caste and Class"; Part II,
with "Religion"; Part III, with "Sex
Relations and Home Life"; Part IV,

with "Politics and Economics"; Part
V, "Modern Haiti."

*Logan, Rayford W. The Diplomatic
Relations of the United States with
Haiti. 1776-1891. Chapel Hill. The
University of North Carolina Press.
1941. 516 p. The most intensive and
comprehensive analysis of the diplo-
matic relations that have existed be-
tween Haiti and the United States
for the period stated. It points out
the failure of the strongest Ameri-
can Republic to overawe one of the
weakest.

Montague, Ludwell Lee. Haiti and the
United States 1714-1938. Durham, N.
C. Duke University Press. 1940.
308 p. The whole course of Haitian-
American relations, extending over
more than two centuries is surveyed
here for the first time. The author
not only reviews diplomatic corre-
spondence, but considers the broader
aspects of American history as they
have affected American attitudes to-
ward Haiti.

Senior, Clarence. Self-determination
for Puerto Rico. New York. Post
War World Council. 1946. 29 p. An
analysis of Puerto Rico's political
status, this booklet advocates an
end to the colonial system and the
establishment of Puerto Rico's in-
dependence.

Stanley, Alexander O. Approach to
Latin American Markets. New York.
Dun and Bradstreet, Inc. 1945. 154
p. This trade study highlights the
major export problems and attempts
to solve them.

Thoby-Marcelin, Philippe and Marcelin,
Pierre. The Beast of the Haitian
Hills. New York. Rinehart & Co.
1946. 210 p. "Morin Dutilleul was
a city man who went to the country
to live." To prove he did not believe
in the old legends he cut down the
tree where the sacrifices to the gods
were always left. Fear of his grow-
ing belief in the old legends and
the gods, plus being the victim of
rum and superstition, Morin does not
escape violence and terror.

West India Royal Commission 1938-39.
Statement of Action taken on the
Recommendations. Presented by the
Secretary for the Colonies to Parlia-
ment by Command of his Majesty.
June, 1945. London. His Majesty's
Stationery Office. 1945. 108 p.

684 BOOKS ABOUT NEGROES IN U. S., AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA

West India Royal Commission Report.
Presented by the Secretary of State
of the Colonies to Parliament by
Command of His Majesty July, 1945.
London. His Majesty's Stationery
Office. 1945. 480 p. Recommenda-
tions by the Commission appointed
to investigate social and economic
conditions in Barbados, British
Guiana, British Honduras, Jamaica,
the Leeward Island, Trinidad, To-
bago and the Windward Islands.

*Williams, Eric. The Negro in the
Caribbean. Washington, D. C. The
Associates in Negro Folk Educa-
tion. 1942. 119 p. The West Indies
in the Caribbean area, are not only
discussed from the perspective of
their historic past, but from the
point of view of the problems of the
present in terms of their bearing for
the future. Economic conditions, the
land problems, education, health
education and political problems are
all presented.

INDEX

A. & T. College of North Carolina, 596

Abbott, Cleve L., athletic coach, educator ;
as contributor, vi, 405

Abbott, Robert S., publisher, editor, 385 ;
memorial scholarship, 394

Abraham Lincoln Brigade, 586

Absenteeism, 137, 138

Abyssinia Baptist Church, 133, 386, 597

Achievements, intellectual and other, 15-33

Ackerman, Garland L., 233

Actors, Negro, banned in Germany, 578 ;
organizations among, 445

Adams, Edward Q., reporter, 395

Adams, Elizabeth Laura, writer, 464

Adams, John Henry, Jr., illustrator, 415

Adams, Robert, British actor, 592

Aden, Alonzo, 421

Advertising, need of in business, 196 ; Ne-
gro market and, 389

Africa, the African as a wage earner in,
549-561 ; agriculture in, 541-542 ; books
discussing history and problems of, 677-
682 ; books on, 677-682 ; colonies in Ne-
gro, 485-488 ; competition in agriculture
of Europeans and Africans in, 541 ; con-
dominion in Negro, 487 ; disposition of
African colonies, 566-567 ; economic de-
velopment in, 541-548 ; and forced labor
during World War II, 549 ; independent
Negro countries of, 485 ; industries, in,
543-545 ; and the International Labor
Organization, 549-556 ; labor conferences
on, 553-556 ; and discrimination in labor
unions, 556-557 ; land problems in, 527-
528, 545-548; mineral resources in, 542-
543 ; monarchy in Negro, 485 ; and na-
tive system of government, 560 ; Negro
republic in, 485 ; novels concerning
African life, 682 ; political divisions of
Negro, 485-490 ; population of, 490, 496,
503-504, 540 ; problems of agriculture in,
541-542 ; protectorates in Negro, 485-488 ;
some basic facts of Negro, 485-490 ;
strikes in, 557-561 ; United Nations Char-
ter and, 562-569 ; urban socio-economic
problems of, 528-530; wages in, 557, 558
(see also Part Two, 485-573 for detailed
data)

Africa, British Empire and, 518-530 ; At-
lantic Charter, 520-521 ; colonial develop-
ment and welfare, 518-520 ; Gold Coast
constitution, 523-524 ; kipande system,
526-527 ; race relations in Kenya, 524-
527 ; revised Nigerian constitution, 521-
523 ; theory of British colonial rule, 518
(see also Africa; Union of South Africa;
Gambia ; Sierra Leone ; Gold Coast ; Ni-
geria : Somaliland, British ; Kenya ;
Uganda ; Zanzibar ; Pemba ; Nyasaland ;
Rhodesia, Northern ; Rhodesia, Southern ;
Basutoland ; Bechuanaland ; Swaziland)
Africa, French Union and, 531-535 ; aliena-
tion of land in, 547 ; Brazzaville con-
ference, 532 ; Eboue policy, 531-532 •
French Federal Union, 532-533 ; labor
legislation, 533-535 ; new concept of
colonial organization, 532-533 ; penal
sanctions, 552 ; theory of French colonial
rule, 531 ; (see also Africa ; Senegal •
Guinea, French ; Ivory Coast ; Dahomey ;
Sudan, French ; Mauritania ; Niger ;
Dakar ; Equatorial Africa, French ; Soma-
liland, French

Africa, Great Britain, and proposals regard-
ing Ogaden and reserved areas, 495 ;
recruiting convention ratified, 549

Africa, Great Powers and, 562-569 (see
also Africa ; Africa, British Empire and ;

Africa, French Union and ; Africa, Great
Britain and ; Africa, United States and)
Africa and the International Labor Organ-
ization, contracts of employment conven-
tion (indigenous workers), 551; penal
sanctions convention, 551 ; Portuguese na-
tive labor code in, 550-552 ; recruiting
convention, 549-551 ; recruiting of indi-
genous workers convention, 549-551 (see
also Africa, economic development in)
Africa, Portuguese Empire and, 536-540 ;
assimilation policy of, 537 ; native labour
code, 552 ; work the motto of, 537 (see
also Africa ; Guinea, Portuguese ; Angola ;
Cabinda ; San Tome ; Principe ; Mozam-
bique)

Africa, United States and, 570-573;
Liberian relations, 498-501 ; recommenda-
tions of Committee on Africa, the War
and Peace Aims, 571-572 ; relations out-
lined, 570-571 ; relations with Liberia,
498-501 ; resolutions of the Council on
African Affairs, 572-573 (see also
Liberia ; Africa, Great Powers and)

African Academy of Arts and Research, 444

African Civil Servants Technical Workers'
Union, 558

African Coal Delivery Workers' Union,
strike of, 512-514

African Dances and Modern Rhythms, 444 ;
principals of, 444

African-Italian campaign, 358-359

African Methodist Episcopal Church, 118-
119

African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church,
119

African Nationalist, 498, 500

African Orthodox Church, 119

African Transcripts, on Anglo — Egyptian
question, 568 ; on Ogaden question, 495

African Union First Colored Methodist
Protestant Church U. S. A. and Canada,
119

African World, 506

Afro-American, 385, 386, 388, 389, 399

Agriculture, displacement of Negroes in,
145-146 ; labor in, 153-166 ; mechaniza-
tion in, 145-146, 180-183 ; Negro in, 153-
183; trends in, 153-166

Aikens, Vanoye, 444

Air Medal, awards of, 377-378

Alabama Drydock and Shipbuilding Com-
pany riot, 233-234

Alabama Negro Press Association, 393

Alabama Public Service Commission, and
discrimination, 295 ; and segregation, 212

Albus, Joanna, 441

Alcandre, Jules, French judge, colonial ad-
ministrator, 581

Aldridge, Ira, actor, 442

Aldridge, Luranah, 432

Alexander & Company, 191

Alexander and Repass, 188

Alexander, John H., West Point graduate,
367

Alexander, Sadie T. M., lawyer, 285, 295,
301

Alexander, Virginia M., 295

Alexander, Will W., on segregation, 210

Allen, J. A., bishop, 119

Allen, James Matthew, 27

Allen, William Duncan, pianist-accompanist,
425

Alleyne, C. C., bishop, 119

Alleyne, Ernest P., physician, 29

Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority, Non-Partisan
Council of, 274

685

686

INDEX

Alston, Charles H., painter, 421, 467

Alston, Melvin O., 63

Alston, Rolong, 27

Alstork, P. W., bishop, 119

Amalgamation, 206

American Bible Society, 126

American Church Institute for Negroes,
123

American Civil Rights Union,, 227

American Council of Learned Societies, 398

American Council on Race Relations, 227,
229

American Crusade to End Lynching, 311

American Ethnological Association, -202

American Federation of Labor ; attitude
toward Negro membership, 147 ; Negro
membership in, 147

American Film Center, Committee on Mass
Education in Race Relations, 229

American Friends Race Relations Commit-
tee, 229

American Legion, 382

American Men of Science, Negroes listed in,
45-47

American Missionary Association, 250 ;
Race Relations Division, 230

American Mother of 1946, 33

American Negro Theatre, 445

American Newspaper Guild, 391

American Psychological Association, 202

American Red Cross, 379 ; blood plasma
bank of, 26, 379

American Sanitary Mission, 619

American Sunday School Union, 126-127

American Veterans Committee, 382

Ames, Jessie Daniel, 304

Amphibian truck companies, 363

Amsterdam News, 386, 388, 391, 399

AMVETS, 382

Anderson, Charles W., Jr., legislator, 281

Anderson, Ernest, actor, 453

Anderson, Marian, contralto, 203, 380, 422,
425, 436, 448, 449, 451, 517, 587, 596,
597 ; Spingarn Award to, 25

Anderson, Thomas, 450

Anderson, Trezzvant, as war correspond-
ent, 387

Anderson, Walter F., composer, organist,
16, 425

Angell, James Rowland, 32

Anglo-American Caribbean Commission, 612

Anglo-American Commission, 613-614

Anglo-Egyptian treaties, 567

Angola, basic facts of, 488

Anna Lucasta, 439, 445, 446; cast of, 439

Anti-discrimination laws, 150

Anti-lynching, efforts for, 310-311 ; federal
bills, 311 ; organizations and, 302

Anti-Semitism, among Negroes in West In-
dies, 612

Anzel, Hy, 443

Apithi, French deputy, 582

Apostolic Methodist Church, 120

Apostolic Overcoming Holy Church of God,
120

Archer, Roy C., 98

Arlen, Harold, composer, 444

Armstrong, Henry, boxer, 408

Armstrong, Louis, band leader, 436, 453

Army, comparison of Negro strength in
World Wars I and II, 367 ; difficulties of
Negroes in, 351-355 ; Negro nurses in,
during World War I, 367 ; Negro officers
in, 352, 365-366 ; officers in during World
War I, 367 ; Negro strength of, 365, 366-
367 ; officers in regular, 365-366 ; policy
toward Negro personnel in, 351-352 ; pre-
war strength of Negro military units,
351

Army Air Forces, discrimination in, 354-
355 ; enlisted men in, 358 ; Negro per-
sonnel of, 358 ; Negroes in, 354-358 ;
Officers in, 358

Arnall, Ellis, 273

Art, African influence in, 409-411 ; books

on, 635 ; Nazi attitude toward Negro,

578 ; Negro and, 409-421
Arter, Rhetta M., educator, 16
Artis, William, sculptor, ceramist, 421
Artists, American Negro, 412-421 ; in Eu-
ropean tradition, 412
Assen, Abdul, 444

Assimilation, Portuguese policy of, 537
Associated Publishers, Inc., 389
Association of Southern Women for the

Prevention of Lynching, 302
Athens, Alabama, riot of, 253-255
Athletes, Negro, 405-408 ; as ambassadors

of good-will, 405
Atkins, Cyril Fitzgerald, 30
Atlanta Daily World, 386, 388
Atlanta, Georgia, racial distribution of

homicides, 314

Atlanta Ministerial Association, 221
Atlanta University, 195 ; survey of Negro

businesses, 144-145
Atlantic Charter, 566 ; West Africa and,

520J-521
Atomic bomb, Negro scientists and, 40, 42,

Attaway, William, writer, 457, 458
Audit Bureau of Circulations, 389
Autobiography (see Literature)
Aviation, Negroes and, 354-358, 365-367
Ayers, Catherine, 442
Ayers, Harry M., 265
Azikiwe, Nnamdi, African leader, 558; on

suppression of African press, 559
Baber, G. W., bishop, 118, 119
Baber, Vivienne, 441
Bacteriology, 34

Badger, John Robert, columnist, 391
Bailey, Bill, dancer, 447
Bailey, Pearl, 444
Baker, Edward, newspaper man as war

correspondent, 387
Bal Negre, 444
Ballinger, Margaret, on South African

segregation policy, 504, 507 ; on Union's

policy toward Africans, 510
Baltimore Evening Sun, on Murray case, 96
Bankhead-Jones Farm Tenant Act, 178
Banks, A. A., religious leader, 123
Banks, Floyd R., physicist, 44
Banks, Negro, 185 ; list of, 187 ; war securi-
ties and, 185-186
Bannarn, Henry, sculptor, 421
Bannister, Edward M., painter, 413
Bantu World, 510
Baptist World Alliance, 127
Barbados, suffrage in, 615
Barclay, Edwin J., President of Liberia,

496, 499

Barkley, Alben W., 272
Barley, Bill, 453

Barnes, Albert C., 411 ; on Negro art, 410
Barnes, Howard, 439
Barnes, Robert Percy, chemist, 36, 37
Barnett Aden Gallery, 421
Barnett. Claude A., Director, Associated

Negro Press ; on Extension Service, 174 ;

as special assistant to the Secretary of

Agriculture, 285
Barrier, Ernestine, 441
Barrow, Joe Louis, heavy-weight boxing

champion, 408, 452
Barthe, Richmond, sculptor, painter, 31,

419-420

Baseball, Negroes and, 407
Basic, Count, pianist, orchestra leader, 436,

451

Basketball, Negroes and, 407 ,
Bastien, Remy, ethnologist, as contributor,

vi, 617

Basutoland, basic facts of, 487
Batista, Fylgencio, 618

INDEX

687

Battle, Thaddeus, 586

Beaulieu, Christian, simplified method for

teaching French, 625
Beaumont, Texas, riot of, 234-236

Bechuanaland, basic facts of, 487

Beekman, Emile, plastics consultant, 45

Beggar's Holiday, 443 ; cast of, 443

Belfrey, Musker, Jr., 449

Belgian Congo, 538-540 ; alienation of land
in, 547 ; basic facts of, 488 ; Belgian at-
titude toward, 540 ; Congo Advisory
Council, 539-540 ; Congo native policy,
539 ; economic policy in, 538-539 ; penal
sanctions in, 551 ; population of, 540

Belgians, racial policy of, 587

Bell, Marjorie, 443

Bell, Philip A., editor, 384

Bell, W. Y., bishop, 120

Belton, Waddie, dentist, 27

Bennett, Edmund R., archbishop, 119

Bennett, Gwendolyn, painter, 421

Ben^wich, Norman, on internal improve-
ment of Ethiopia, 492 ; on reconstruction
of Ethiopia, 492

Bernard, Ruth Thompson, writer, 459

Berry, Adam, 405

Best, Willie, 453

Bethell, A. D., on Ethiopian economy, 493

Bethune, Mary McLeod, leader, educator,
organizer, 281, 284, 285

Beveridge, Albert J., 201

Bibb, Joseph D., 191

Bibliography, (see Books by or concerning
Negroes and Literature)

Bikini Atoll, 390

Bilbo, Theodore G., British Broadcasting
Company suspends characterization of,
590 ; congressional investigation of, 270-
272; and Ku Klux Klan, 219; "Re-
patriation Bill," 207 ; Russian attitude
toward, 589 ; Russian correspondent's
impression of, 590

"Bill of Particulars," 385

Biography (see Books by or concerning Ne-
groes and Literature)

Biology, 35-36

Birmingham News, 262, 266

Birmingham Teachers' Association, on poll
tax, 263

Birth rate, trends of, 320-323

Bishop, O. F., religious leader, 120

Bissol, Leopold, French deputy, 582

Bittner, Jack, 443

"Black Cabinet," 285

Black, Hugo L., on forced confessions of
guilt, 299

Blackbush Aerodrome, riot at, 585

Blackwell, David H., mathematician, 40

Blair, Joseph N., 29

Blanche, Wilbert H., photographer, 395

Blanton, Carol, pianist, 425

Blanton, John W., 30

Blauntia, Volono Hopi, 27

Bledsoe, Jules, baritone, 423, 432, 442

Bloch, Emanuel H., 271

Block, Algernon, 451

Blondiau Collection, 410, 421

Blood plasma banks, 42, 379

Bloomer Girl, 439 f

Blount, Mildred, milliner, 195

Blue Jackets Choir, 436

Blum, Gustav, 444

Board of National Missions Evangelical and
Reformed Church, 127

Boas, Franz, on discovery of iron by Ne-
groes, 411 ; on race differences, 202-203

Bokwe, R. T., on starvation of Africans;
516

Bolden, Frank E.. newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387

Bolden, J. W., religious leader, 124

Bolden, William, 66

Bolen, David, 405

Boiling, Leslie, G., sculptor, 421

Bomi Hill Agreement, 501

Bonds, Margaret, pianist, 425

Bontemps, Arna W., writer, librarian, 444,
467, 470

Books, by or concerning Negroes, 635-684 ;
on Negroes in Africa, 677-682 ; on Ne-
groes in Latin America, 682-684 ; on
Negroes in the United States, 635-676

Borican, John, 405

Bostem, Thomas Fowell, British dental of-
ficer, 584

Boston Guardian, 385

Boswell Amendment, 267-268

Botkin, B. A., 468

Bousfield, Midian O., physician, 331

Bowen, Henry, 28

Bowles, Richard, 442

Boxing, Negroes and, 408

Boyd, R. F., religious leader, 121

Bradford, Elaine, 406

Bradshaw, Booker T., insurance executive,
190

Bradshaw, D. Wayman, reporter, 395

Bradshaw, Tiny, band leader, 436

Brazzaville Conference, 532

Brrce, Carol, contralto, 423, 449

Bridgman, Ralph P., 32

Briscoe, Sherman, reporter, 394

Britain, Negro in, 583-586 ; attitudes to-
ward colonial students, 584 ; discrimina-
tion against, 584-585

British Broadcasting iCompany, suspends
characterization of Senator. Bilbo. 590

British Distinguished Service Medal, award
of, 378

Britton, Jimmy, singer, 449

Brooks, Deton J., newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387

Brooks, Edgar H., on political status of
Africa, 506-508

Brooks Field, 376

Brooks, Gwendolyn, poet, 461

Brooks, Robert H., war hero, 376 ; first
member of armed forces to lose life at
Fort Stotsenburg, 363

Brooks, R. N., bishop, 124

Brooks, Ulysses Simpson, 30

Brooks-Smith, Balfour H., British welfare
officer, 585

Broughton, J. M., 67

Brown, Ada, actress, 441, 447, 452

Brown, Anne Wiggins, soprano, 423, 451

Brown, Delores, 447

Brown, Earl, reporter, 237, 395

Brown, Edgar G., leader. 271, 285

Brown, George W., on Liberia, 497

Brown, J. Harold, composer, conductor, 425

Brown, John S., Jr., poet, playwright, as
contributor, vi, 439, 444

Brown, J. W., religious leader, 119

Brown, Roscoe Conkling, health specialist,
as contributor, vi, 320

Brown, Russell Wilfred, bacteriologist, 34

Brown, Sterling A., educator, writer, 16,
468 ; on major tendencies of Negro poets,
460

Brown, Warren, sociologist, 16 ; on Negro
press, 398

Brown, W. C., bishop, 119

Brown, Wesley A., 375

Bruce, Blanche K., U. S. Senator, 283

Bruner, Harvey, 27

Bruskin, Perry, 443

Bryan, John E., 66

Bryant, Glenn, 440

Bryant, Marie, 443

Buck and Bubbles, 447

Buggs, diaries Wesley, biologist, 16, 35

Bullock, R. W., on Y. M. C. A., 129

Bunche, Ralph J., political scientist, 284,
285, 613 ; member Caribbean Commission,
285 ; on non-self-governing territories,

688

INDEX

562 ; sketch of, 47 ; on southern politics,
258-259, 265 ; on trusteeship, 563

Bureau for Intercultural Education, 230

Burke, Georgia, actress, 439, 440

Burke, Selma, sculptress, 421

Burleigb, Harry T., baritone, 423

Burley, Dan, writer, 471

Burr, James M., reporter, 395

Burroughs, Williana, radio announcer, 597

Burrus, K. H., bishop, 120

Burton, Gus, 28, 29

Business, conferences on,, 185 ; market, 185 ;
need of advertising in, 196; Negro in,
184-196 ; proprietorships, 184-185 ; pre-
war status of, 184-185 ; study of Negro
business and business education, 195i-
196 ; war experience and post-war out-
look, 194 ; unique enterprises, 194, 196

Bustamente, Alexander, Jamaican leader,
615

Butler, Alpheus, poet, 461

Butler, Jon K., milliner, 195

Byl, Piet van der, on pass laws, 508

Byrd, Joe, 443

Cabin in the Sky, 439 ; cast of, 440

Cabinda, basic facts of, 448

Cadet Nurses Corps, 334

Cain, Sibol, 440

Caldwell, Lewis A. H., writer, 459

Caliver, Ambrose, education specialist, 107,
285

Calloway, Cab, band leader, 436, 446, 452

Calloway, Nathaniel O., chemist, physician,
16, 37

Campanella, Roy, baseball player, 407

Campbell, all Negro crew on, 374

Campbell, Dick, theatrical manager, 380

Campbell, E. Simms, artist, illustrator, 420,
466, 471

Campbell, T. M., field agent, U. S. Exten-
sion Service, 176

Campbell, William A., major, Air Corps,
356

Candace, Gratien, colonial French official,
581

Cape Standard, on famine in South Africa,
515 ; on rights of Africans, 510

Capitol Press Club, 391, 394

Caribbean Commission, 613, 616

Caribbean Song, 444

Carlisle, Una Mae, 443

Carmen Jones, 440 ; cast of, 440

Carmichael, James V., 273

Carnegie Corporation of New York, 227 ;
and adult education project, 107

Carpenter, Elliott, composer, 434

Carpenter, Marie Elizabeth, 471

Carpenter, Thelma, 441

Carr, Jack, 440

Carson, Oscar D., religious leader, 126

Carter, Arthur M., newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387

Carter, Ben, actor-agent, 446, 451

Carter, Benny, band leader, 436

Carter, Elmer A., editor, 387

Carter, George Sherman, scientist, 45

Carter, Michael, on Dunham dancers, 444

Carter, R. A., bishop, 120

Carver, George Washington, agricultural
chemist, artist, 38-39, 203, 415, 449,
596 ; awards to, 38-39 ; George Washing-
ton Carver Day proclaimed, 33

Cassell, Abayomi, Attorney General, Liberia,
502

Caste system, 206

Caution, Tollie L., on Protestant Episcopal
Church, 125

Cayton, Horace, writer, 470

Cesaire, Aime, French deputy, 582

Chamber of Deputies, French, Negroes in,
581-583

Chamberlain, Houston Stewart, 200

Chaplains, 130-133 ; early, 130 ; to be re-
lieved, 133 ; reverted to inactive status,
131-133 ; in World War I, 130 ; in World
War II, 131

Chapman, John, 439, 443

Character test, 260-262

Charioteers, 434, 446, 448, 451

Charles, Lewis, 443

Charlton, Melville, organist, 426

Charlton, Rudolph von, pianist, 426

Chase, William Calvin, editor, 384

Chemistry, 36-40

Chestnut, W. Calvin, 62, 63

Chicago Bee, 388

Chicago Civil Liberties Committee, 250

Chicago Defender, 385, 388, 389, 390, 391,
394, 395, 399

Chicago, Illinois, enacts anti-discrimination
ordinance, 150 ; Negro office-holders in,
282-283

Children's literature, books on, 466-468 ;
638-641 ; discussion of, 466-468

Childress, Alice, 439

Childress, Alvin, 439

Chiles, Nick, editor, 385

Choirs, college conductors of, 433-434 ; out-
standing Negro, 433

Chopin, Arthur, 28

Christ Sanctified Holy Church, 120

Christian Council of Atlanta, 221

Christian, John W., religious leader, 120

Christian Recorder, 384

Chubb, Lewis W., scientist, 27

Church of Christ, Holiness, U. S. A., 120

Church of God in Christ, 120

Church of God and Saints of Christ, 120

Church of the Living God (Christian Work-
ers for Fellowship), 120

Church of the Living God, Pillar and
Ground of the Truth, 120

Church, Negro, and religious work among
Negroes, 109-133 ; amount of debt, 115 ;
attitudes toward Catholics, 109, toward
Jews, 109 ; background of, 109 ; books
on, 641-642 ; churchmen tour war fronts,
133 ; denominations belonging to, 118-
123 ; membership of, 116 ; membership
of by sex, 118 ; Negro and white church-
men cooperate in Vermont Plan, 133 ;
"The Negro Church," a convenient de-
signation, 109 ; purposes of, 110 ; statis-
tics on, 110-118 ; Sunday Schools, 118 ;
total expense of, 118; urban and rural,
117-118 ; urges social justice, 110 ; value
of, 118 ; value of edifices, 115 (see also
Denominations)

Church, R. T., 189

Churches of God, Holiness, 120

Civil Aeronautics Administration, 355

Civil Liberties Federation, 250

Civil Rights, the Negro and, 292-301 ; Pres-
ident's Committee on, 301

Civil Rights Bill, defeated in Oregon, 214

Civil Rights Congress, 271, 274

Civil Rights Law, in New York State, 215

Civil Service appointments, Negroes and,
286

Civil War and Reconstruction, books on,
648-650

"Civilized Labour Laws," 510

"Civilized Labour Policy," 509

Claiborne, Ernest L., 27

Clark, Edgar Rogie, composer, singer, 16,
426

Clark, Kenneth, psychologist, 16

Clark, Robert, 440

Clark, Tom C., 251, 271

Clarke, C. Belford, British diagnostician,
584

Clarke, Philip, 441

Class system, effect of, on Negroes in
Britain, 584; in West Indies, 611-612

Clay, Eddy, 444

INDEX

689

Clayborn, J. H., bishop, 118, 119

Clay tor, William Schieffelin, mathematician,
40, 41

Clement, Emma Clarissa, 33

Clurcland Call and Post, 386, 389

<'l,rclniKl Gazette, 383, 384

Cleveland, Jean, 441

Clift, Virgil A., educator, 16

Clinic, inter-racial, 223

Clough, Estelle Pinckney, 432 •

Club Atenas, 611

Coachman, Alice, 406

Coast Guard, Negroes in, 374, 447 ; quintet,
446

Codrington College, 608

Coggs, Pauline, social worker, 16

Cohen, Haskell, newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387 «

Cohen, Richard, 405

Cole, Cosy, 440

Coleman, C. C., bishop, 123

Coleman, Robert J., mathematician, 41

Coleman, S. David, Secretary of the In-
terior, Liberia, 502

Coleman, Warren, 442

Colonial Act of 1935, 536

Colonial Development and Welfare Act,
518-520

Colonial Rule, British theory of, in Africa,
518 ; French, 531

Colonization, plans of, 207

Colored American, 384

Colored Baptist Primitive Church, 120

Colored Cumberland Presbyterian Church.
120

Colored Methodist Episcopal Church, 120

Colored Methodist Protestant Church, 121

Colour bar, 586

"Colour Bar" Act, 509-510

Columbia, Tenn., riot of, 246-253

Columbians, Inc., 220-221 ; charter legal-
ized, 220

Combat troops, 359

Commerce, (see also Trade and Commerce)
143-145

Commission on Inter-racial Cooperation
302

Committee on Africa, the War and Peace
Aims, recommendations of. 571-572

Committee of Editors and Writers of the
South, 263

Committee on Home Front Unit, 246

Committee of Industrial Organizations 224
234, 242, 274; attitude toward Negro
membership, 147 ; Negro membership in,
146

Committee to Investigate Economic, Social
and Health Conditions of Africans Em-
ployed in Urban Areas in Southern
Rhodesia, 528-530

Committee for Justice in Columbia, Tenn.,
251

Common Council for American Unity, 274

Common Ground, 370

Common Ground for American Unity. 228

Communist Party, attitude of Negroes
toward, 280 ; platform of, 278

Congo Advisory Council, 539-540

Congregational Christian Churches, 124

Congressmen, Negro, 283-284 ; 286, 287

Connor, Edric, British actor, 592

Conroy, Jack, 470

Constantine, Learie N., cricketer, British
welfare worker, 585, 593

Constituent Assembly, French, Negroes and,
581-583

Consular service, Negroes in, 284

Contracting, 188

Cook, Alstair, 590

Cook, Mercer, writer, 463

Cooke, Anne, educator, 465

Cooke, Floyd, chemist, 45

Cooper, William M., educator, on adult
education, 105, 107

Cooperatives, 189

Copenhagen, Negro population of, 587

Corbett, Robert J., 33

Cornish, Samuel E., editor, 384

Cortor, Eldzier, painter, 421

Cost of living allowance, 512, 558, 560

Coumbite, 622

Council on African Affairs, 516 ; resolutions
by, 572-573

Council for Democracy, 230

Councilmen, 282, 283, 286, 287

County farm demonstration agents, 167-170
(see also Extension Service)

County home demonstration agents, 167-
170 (see also Extension Service)

Court decisions, on admission to white
state institutions, 96-99 ; on auxiliary
unions, 149 ; and educational oppor-
tunities, 297-298 ; involving rights of
Negroes, 296-299 ; relating to Negroes and
labor unions, 296-297 ; relating to restric-
tive covenants, 297 ; on segregation in
travel, 210 ; on teachers salaries, 61-67 ;
on travel, 298 ; on white primary, 268-
270 (see also U. S. Supreme Court deci-
sions)

Cox, Oliver C., sociologist, educator : as con-
tributor, vi, 1

Cox, Philip, British Colonial officer, 585

Craftsmen, Negroes as, 139-140

Crawford, Cheryl, 442

Credit Unions, 187-188

"Credo for the Negro Press," 392

Creole language, in Haitian educational
system, 627

Crichlow, Ernest, artist, 467

Crichton, Frank D., 29

Crime, 311-319 ; difficulty of definition, 311 ;
factors in, 316-319 ; forced confessions
of guilt, 299 ; leniency in cases of Negro
crimes against Negroes, 317 ; police and,
317 ; prisoners executed, 313-314 ; rates of
arrest, Negro and white, 311-312 ; sta-
tistics on, 311-315; types of offense, by
race and nativity, 312-313

The Crisis, 385, 390, 399 ; influence on art
419

Crite, Allan Rohan, painter, 421

Croix de Guerre, awards of, 378

Crolley, N. J., religious leader, 124

Cross. P. L. U., British colonial officer, 585

Crosthwait, David, research engineer, 45

Crowson, E. H., religious leader, 120

Crumble, James H., 27, 29, 30

Cryer, Jesse, 443, 448

Cuba, cooperative clinic of, 610 ; density
of population in, 605 ; education in, 609 ;
"fifty per cent law" of, 607 ; illiteracy
in, 609 ; ownership of plantations in,
606 ; race relations in, 611

Culin, Stewart, on Negro art, 410

Cullen, Countee, teacher, poet. 467 ; as
playwright, 444

Gulp, Edward, 405

Cummings, Ivor G., British welfare worker,
594 ; first British colonial welfare officer,
585

Cuthbert, Marian Vera, educator, 116, 431

Cutter, WTalter, 471

Dabney, Virginius, on segregation, 211, 295

Dafora, Asadata, dancer, 444

Dahomey, basic facts of, 487

Daily Comet banned, 558 ; resumes pub-
lication, 559

Daily Service, on Atlantic Charter, 566 ;
on San Francisco Conference, 565

Dakar and Dependency, basic facts of, 488

Dallas Express, 389

Dance, Negro and, 444-445

Dandridge, Ruby, 453

690

INDEX

Daniel, Constance E. H., 285

Daniel, Walter G., educator, 471

Daniels, Billy, 441

Daniels, Jimmie, 443

Darcy, Dora, 442

Darnaby, R. S., newspaper man, 395

Dartigue, Maurice, Haitian minister, 628

Davage, M. S., educator, 124

Davenport, Clarence M., West Point gradu-
ate, 367

David, Charles V. Jr., war hero, 376

Davidson, Henry Damon, writer, 464

Davies, Elmer D'., and Columbia, Tenn. riot,
251-252

Davies, H. O., on objections to Nigerian
constitution, 522-523

Davis, Allison, anthropologist, educator,
16, 469

Davis, Almena, editor, 393, 394

Davis, Arthur Paul, educator, writer, 468,
471 ; as contributor, vi, 456

Davis, Benjamin J., editor, fraternal leader,
384

Davis, Benjamin J., Jr., councilman, 395

Davis, Benjamin O., Sr., brigadier general,
351 ; observations on Negro morale,
353 ; award to, 377 ; on radio, 449

Davis, Benjamin O., Jr., colonel, 356 ; 367 ;
commander, 477th composite group, 358 ;
commander, 99th pursuit squardon, 356 ;
commander, 332nd fighter group, 357 ;
decorations of, 376

Davis, Dowdal H., newspaper man, 393

Davis, Ellabelle, soprano, 423, 433

Davis, Ernest J., Jr., West Point graduate,
367

Davis, Henry, 442

Davis, Jackson, 32

Davis v. State ex rel. Chavis, 269

Davis v. State ex rel. Cromwell, 269

Davis, T. Hoyt, on Negroes and Democratic
primaries, 299

Dawson, Charles C., painter, illustrator,
designer, engraver, 416-417, 421, 466 ;
as contributor, vi, 409

Dawson, William L., congressman, 279

Dawson, William Levi, composer, conductor,
426

Dean, Corinne, writer, 459

E«ean, Simpson P., 188

Dean, William H., economist, 284

Deans of Southern Graduate Schools, con-
ference of, 99-100

Death rates, by age, 326 ; by race, 326-329 ;
by sex, 326, 328; trend of, 320-323

de Batile, John, 441

De Bose, Tourgee, pianist, 426

"A Declaration of Negro Voters," 281, 282

De Coverly, Roy, correspondent, 390

Dee, Kaie, 442

Dee, Ruby, 442

Deep are the Roots, 440

Deep River Boys, 434, 446

Defense industry (see Industry)

De Joie, C. C., editor, 386

De Kom, A., Dutch author, 587

Delaney, Harold, scientist, 45

de la Roche, Jean, on new French colonial
policy, 532-533

Delta Phi Delta, 391

Delta Rhythm Boys, 434, 441

Democratic National Committee, 279

Democratic National Convention, Negro
delegates at, 279

Democratic Party, attitude of Negroes to-
ward, 279-280 ; efforts to win Negro vote,
279 ; platforms of, 278

Denis et Duvalier, '617

Dennis, G. L., Secretary of State, Liberia,
502

Dennis, William E., Secretary of the Treas-
ury, Liberia, 502

Denominations, 118-123 ; belonging to "The
Negro Church," 118-123 ; expenditures of,
115 ; having Negro churches, 110 ; with
Negro churches, 110 ; number exclusively
Negro, 110 ; reason for origin of Negro,
109; having white and Negro members,
123-126 (see also Church, Negro)

Dentists, 333 ; in armed forces, 333 ; num-
ber of, 333 ; number of employed, 333 ;
students in training, 333

Department of Agriculture, expert of, in
Liberia, 498, 500

Derricotte, Elise F., teacher, 467

Dessalines, as emperor, 627 ; called
Haitians "blacks," 629

Detroit Chronicle, 389

Detroit, riot of, 237-242

Detroit Tribune, 3i88

Dett, Robert Nathaniel, composer, 426-427

de Vleeschauwer, M. Q., on Belgian policy
in Africa, 538

Dewey, Thomas E., 278, 279

Dttagne, M., first Senegalese elected to
French Chamber of Deputies, 581

Diallo, Yacine, French deputy 582

Dillard, Bell, 443

Dilliard, Harrison, 405

Dilworth, Hubert, actor, 439

Discoveries and inventions, 26-31

Discrimination, 209-215 ; effects of war con-
ditions on, in Britain, 585 ; on air lines,
294 ; in the Army, 351-354 ; in Army
Air Forces, 354-355 ; of British colonials
in armed services, 584-585 ; in blood plas-
ma bank, 379 ; on buses. 295 ; in educa-
tion, 62-67 ; effort of NNPA to combat
392, 393 ; on elevators, 294 ; in hospitals,
336-337; in housing, 292, 294; in insur-
ance, 191 ; in Kenya, 524-527 ; in Navy,
370-371 ; and the Negro veteran, 381-
382 ; against Negroes in Britain, 583-585 ;
practices not in conformity with law,
294 ; on public conveyances, 294 ; on rail-
roads, 294 ; in Southern Rhodesia, 527-
528 ; in the Union of South Africa, 504-
510 (see also Kipande System and Pass
Laws)

Disease, environmental factors in, 320 326
328, 329 ; racial immunity to, 326

Disfranchisement, and congressional repre-
sentation, 263-264 ; poll tax and, 263 ;
Russian correspondent's description otf
Negro, 590 ; in the Union of South Africa,
504

Dismond, Binga, poet, 462

Distinguished Civilian Service Award, 378

Distinguished Flying Cross, awards of, 376-
377

Distinguished Service Cross, awards, 376

Distinguished Service Medal, awards of,
377, 378

Distinguished Unit Citation, awards of,
378-379

Diton, Carl, composer, 427

Dixon, (Charles) Dean, conductor, 431

Dixon, Frank, 267, 405

Dixon, Randy, newspaper man, as war cor-
respondent, 387

Dixon, William, reporter, 448

Dixon, William James, 29

Dobbs, John Wesley, 275

Doctor of Education, degrees of, 21-22

Doctor of Law, degree awarded, 22

Doctor of Philosophy, degrees of, 18-21

Doctor of Science, degree awarded, 22

Doctor of Social Science, degree awarded,
22

Dodson, Owen, poet, 461

Domestic service, efforts to organize work-
ers in, 139 (see also Service Occupations)

Dominican — Haitian Boundary Commission,
618

Donegan, Dorothy, pianist, 436, 446

INDEX

691

"Double V" slogan, 386

Douglas, Calvin, 96

Douglas, Helen Gahagan, on 92nd division,

354

Douglas, Larry, reporter, 395
Douglass, Aaron, painter, illustrator, 418
Douglass, Frederick, abolitionist leader,

editor, 384

Douglass, Herbert, 406
Douglass, Robert, portrait painter, 413
Down Beat, 434

Downing, Alvin J., array band leader, 437
Downs, Karl E., educator, 464
Dox, Thrash, artist, 29
Drake, Alfred, 443
Drake, St. Clair, writer, 16, 470
Drama, books on, 642-643 ; discussion of,

465-466 (see also Literature)
Drew, Andre, 444
Drew, Charles Richard, physician, 42 ; blood

plasma work of, 42 ; Spingarn award to,

Drucker, Peter, F., 182

Drye, Frank L., band leader, 436-437 ; 450

Du Bois, W. E. B., leader, writer, so-
ciologist, as columnist, •$&! ; as editor,
ftSTSv 468 ; on imperialism, **£•; on Negro
in Africa, 411 ; at Pan-African Confer-
ence, 594 ; at San Francisco Conference,
390; sketch of, >47 18.

The Duchess of Malfl,A40

Dudley, L., physician, health work of in
Haiti, 621

Duke, Charles S., 285

Duke, Dan, on Ku Klux Klan, 218

Duke, Vernon, 439

Dumbarton Oaks Conference, 390

Dump truckers, 362

Dunbar, Rudolph, clarinetist, conductor,
432 ; as war correspondent, 387

Duncan, Todd, baritone, 423, 433 ; in Porgy
and Bess, 442

Duncanson, Robert S., painter, 413

Durham Company, 444

Durham, John S., newspaper man, 395

Durham, Katherine, dancer, 439, 440, 444;
452

Durr, Robert, editor, 397

Durrant, Nancy Agnes, 30

d'Usseau, Arnaud and Gow, James, 440

Dutch, racial policy of, 587

Du Valle, James, chemist, 45

Dwindle, Dr., physician, health work of in
Haiti, 621

Dyson, Walter, educator, historian, 471

Eagleson, Halsoa Vashon, physicist, 44

Early to Bed, 441

Ebony, 399

Eboue, Eugenie, 613 ; French deputy, 582

Eboue, Felix, Governor General, French
Equatorial Africa, issues "General Cir-
cular on Native Policy," 531 ; policy of,
531-532 ; policy of adopted by Brazza-
ville Conference, 532

Economic conditions, books on, 643-644 ;
discussion of, 469-470 ; in the Union of
South Africa, 510-517 ; in the West In-
dies, 606-607 ; (see also Occupations and
Industry)

Economist, on Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 568

Economy, Negro veteran in, 150

Eckstine, Billy, band leader, 436

Editors (see Negro Press)

Edman, Marion, 222

Edmonds, Randolph, educator, 465, 466

Education, 54-108 ; basic statistics relating
to 68-82 ; books on, 645-648 ; and court
decisions, 297-298; equalization suits,
62-67 ; federal aid and, 67-68, rejections
of Negro selectees, 104 ; school attend-
ance, 71 ; trend in equalization, 67 ; years
of school completed, 68-70 (see also Edu-

cation, Adult ; Education, Elementary and
Secondary ; Education, Higher)

Education, Adult, 103-108 ; Federal project
for, 107-108 ; programs of, in Negro Col-
leges, 105 ; in public libraries and mu-
seums, 106-107 ; under public school aus-
pices, 105, 106

Education, Elementary and Secondary, 54-
82 ; approved high schools, list of, 78-79 ;
attendance, 58, 74, 76 ; comparative
teaching loads, 59-60, 71, 73, 75 ; com-
parative values of school plants, 60, 71,
76 ; discrimination in, 56-61 ; dual sys-
tem of education in South, 56 ; enroll-
ment, 71, 72, 74, 77 ; expenditures per
pupil, 76 ; grade distribution, 73 ; number
high school graduates, 74 ; number of
high schools, 77 ; number of one-teacher
schools, 77 ; number of pupils trans-
ported, 77 ; number, of teachers, 71, 72,
75 ; length of school term, 71, 77 ; pri-
vate high schools and academies, list of,
79-82 ; standard class room unit expendi-
tures, 57-58 ; statistics on, 71-78 ; teach-
ers salaries, 59, 62-67, 71, 75 ; training
of white and Negro teachers, 61

Education, Higher, 83-103 ; Conference of
Deans of Southern Graduate Schools, 99-
] 00 ; court suits and, 95, 96-99 ; enroll-
ment in colleges and universities, 83-90 ;
equalization problem in, 97-101 ; gradu-
ate enrollment of, 83 ; Negro colleges
and universities, data on, 84-89 ; Negroes
appointed in white institutions, list of,
16-18 ; out-of -State scholarships, 95-96 ;
northern institutions, Negroes in, 94, 95 ;
professional schools, 84, 90 ; proposals
for regional institutions, 100, 101 ; qual-
ity of facilities, 91, 92 ; southern col-
leges and northern students, 94 ; semi-
naries and departments of theology, 90 ;
southern governors and, 100-101 ; stu-
dents in Negro colleges, characteristics
of, 91; United Negro College Fund, 101-
103

Edwards, Robert, 30

Egan, Leo, 280

Eggleston, Edward, 205

Egypt, and Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 567-568

Ehrenburg, Ilya, on American Negro prob-
lem, 589-590

819th amphibian truck company, 363

821st amphibian truck company, 363

Einar, J. F. E., Dutch librarian, 587

Elevator, 384

Elite, French idea of, 532; in Haiti, 611,
612 ; in Haiti, meaning of, 629-630 ; in-
doctrination of, with French cultural
tradition, 581

Ellerbe, Mozelle, 406, 407

Ellington, Duke (Edward Kennedy), pianist,
arranger, composer, band leader, show-
man, 434, 436, 443, 451, 587

Ellington, Henry, first Negro circuit court
juror in Alabama, 299

Ellis, Evelyn, actress, 440, 443

Ellis, Lucille, 444

Ellis, Maurice, actor, 441, 449, 451

Ellis, Ray, 285

Ellison, James A., 356

Ellison, William, manufacturer, 195

Elsberry, Joseph D., 357

Elzy, Ruby, singer, 436

Empire, on pass laws, 528

Employment, 135-152, 381 ; conditions of,
in French territories in Africa, 533-535 ;
new fields for Negroes, 151-152 ; peace-
time wages of, 151 ; trends in peace-time,
151-152 ; (see also Occupations and In-
dustry)

Engineers, corps of, 362

Epperson, Aloise Barbour, poet, 462

Equalization suits, 62-67 ; effects of, 64-65 ;

692

INDEX

in Jefferson County, Ala., 66 ; in Little
Rock, Ark., 65 ; in La., 64 ; in Md., 62,
63; in S. C., 65, 66-67; in Tampa, Fla.,
65 ; in Va., 63-64, 65-66
Equatorial Africa, French, basic facts of,

488

Eritrea. 566, basic facts of, 489
Erwin, Ramona, 444

E-stime, Dumarsais, President of Haiti, 629
Ethiopia, 491-495 ; American Negro teach-
ers in, 492 ; Anglo-Ethiopian agreements,
491-492 ; basic facts of, 485 ; border prob-
lems of, 494-495 ; claims Eritrea and
Italian Somaliland, 494 ; claims Ogaden
area, 495 ; currency system of, 493 ; edu-
cation in, 492-493 ; internal reconstruc-
tion of, 492 ; post-war economy of, 493 ;
problems confronting, 492-494 ; repara-
tion claims from Italy, 493 ; since the
war, 491-495 ; Sinclair Oil Company in,
493 ; United States Economic Mission in,
493

Ethiopian Herald, 492

Ethiopian Review, 493

Ethridge, Mark, 263

Ets, Marie Hall, writer, 468

Eureka Lodge, 274

Europe, American Negro problem and, 588-
591 ; American treatment of Negro
criticized, 588-590 ; Anglo-American con-
tradictions, 589-591; general acceptance
of, Negro in, 577-591 ; peculiar ideas
about Negroes in, 578 ; race conscious-
ness in, 577 ; race and European culture,
577 ; racism and nationalism, 577-578

European theater, 359

Eva Jessye Choir, 442, 446, 448

Evangelical United Brethren Church, 124

Evans, George H., 300

Evans, Joseph H. B., 285

Evanti, Lillian, soprano, 424, 432

Everett, Charles, singer, 424

Everett, Syble Byrd, writer, 464

Ewell, Henry Norwood, 406

Executive ' Order 8802, 350; abolishing dis-
crimination in defense jobs, 134 ; effects
on Negro workers, 148-150

Executive Order 9346, 148

Executive Order 9708, 301

Extension Service, U. S., and the Negro,
166-176 ; supervisors of work with Ne-
groes, 175-176

Fabian Colonial Bureau, on British policy
in Kenya, 524-525

Fair Employment Practices Committee, 134,
150, 233, 234, 286, 447

Farber, Malba, 443

Farley, James A., 31

Farm Security Administration, 176-179

Farmer, William, 406

Farmers, Negro, handicaps of, 153

Farrow, William McKnight, painter, etcher,
416

Fascism, 586

Fauset, Arthur Huff, anthropologist, edu-
cator, 470

Fauset, Crystal Bird, 284

Federal Council of the Churches of Christ
in America, 127, 288, 302 ; Department
of Race Relations of, 223, 224

J.^ederal Council of Negro Advisers (see
"Black Cabinet")

Federal Security Agency, Public Health
Service, 501

Ferguson, Dutton R., 285

Ferrer, Jose, 442

Fiction, books of, 658-664 ; discussion of,
457-460 ; (see also Literature)

Fifteenth Amendment, 258

Firestone Company, 500

Fisher, George, 442

Fisk University, 399

Fitzgerald, Ella, band leader, 436

555th parachute infantry company, 357

Fleming, William, 246

Flemister, Fred, painter, 421

Fletcher, Etoy, 270

Fletcher, Tom, 443

Flipper, Henry O., West Point graduate,
367

Folklore, books on, 648

Folsom, James E., 267

Football, Negroes and, 407

Forced labor, Supreme Court decision on,
298

Ford, James W., Vice-Presidential candi-
date, 280, 395

Ford, Norman, 453

Foreign Economic Administration, 500

Foreman, Madeline Clarke, educator, 16

Forrestal, James, 370 ; confers with Negro
newspaper publishers, 372

Fort, Sylvilla, 444

Fort Huachucha, 331

Fort Valley State College, radio series of,
449

Fortune, T. Thomas, editor, 384, 395

41st engineers, 358

Foster, Vera Chandler, sociologist ; as con-
tributor, vi, 258, 349, 383

Fountain, W. A., bishop, 119

4-H Club agents, 169-170; (see also Ex-
tension Service, U. S.)

450th anti-aircraft artillery automatic
weapons battalion, 358

490th port battalion, 362

470th amphibian truck company, 363

477th composite group, 358

468th amphibian truck company, 363

467th amphibian truck company, 363

Fourteenth Amendment, 63, 66, 95, 96, 258

Fowler, James D., West Point graduate,

.» . • —
doY

Fox, Elton, 467

Fox, George, 63

France, Negro in, 580-583 ; absence of edu-
cational segregation in colonies, 581 ;
colonial reforms and, 581-582 ; deputies
in First Constituent Assembly, 582-583 ;
during post-war period, 581-583 ; French
tradition of racial equality, 580 ; in Gov-
ernment service, 581-583 ; in politics, 581-
583 ; treatment of, under Nazi rule, 581
(see also Africa, French Union and)

France, Vivienne, educator, 597

Francis, Henry M., West Point graduate,
367

Francois, Clarens, pianist, composer, 427

Franklin, Charles E., 285,* 386

Franklin, John Hope, educator, historian,
471

Franzell, Carlotta, 440

Fraternal Council of Negro Churches, U. S.
.A., National, 127-128, 133

Fraternal orders, secret, list of, 475

Fraternities, list of, 475

Fraternization, discouraged by British
authorities, 584 ; of Negro soldiers and
German women, 580

Frazier, E. Franklin, sociologist, 48, 243

Free Christian Zion Church of Christ, 121

Freedom's Journal, 383-384

Freelon, Allan R., painter, 418

Freeman, 385

French Cameroons, resume of labor legisla-
tion for, 533-535

French, Laverne, 444

French West Africa, resume of labor legis-
lation for, 533-535

Fry, Louis E., on rural housing, 179

Fuller, Meta Vaux Warrick, sculptress, 415

Fuller, O. Anderson, Jr., composer, pianist,
427

Fuller, W. E., bishop. 121

G. I. Bill of Rights, 150 ; (see also Service
Men's Adjustment Act)

INDEX

693

Gaines case, 95, 96-97, 297 ; discussion of,
96-97

Gaines, Lloyd, 96

Gallup Poll, on Negro political preferences,
280

Gambia, basic facts of, 485

Gardner, Burleigh, 469

Gardner, Mary, 469

Garvey, Marcus, 207 ; movement, 386

Gary, Alvin C., 30

Gatlin. F. Nathaniel, clarinetist, 427

Gay, Eustace, editor, 386

Gay, John, 443

Geddes, Barbara Bel, 440

Geer, Will, 441

General Commission on Army and Navy
Chaplains, 127

General Education Board, 195, 228

General service regiments, 362

George, Collins, newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387

George Foster Peabody Fund, 421

George Washington Carver Foundation, 39

Georgia Civic Political League, 274

Germany, Negro in, 578-580 ; Nazi treat-
ment of Negroes, 578-579 ; post-war safe-
guards against racism, 579-580 ; status
of, under Nazism, 578-579

Gerrymandering, 282

Gershwin, George, 442

Gershwin, Ira, 442

Geyer, Lee, 264

Geyer-Pepper Bill, 264

Ghetto, 339, 595 ; and crime, 316-317

Gholson, Edward, writer, 459

Gibbs, Georgia, singer, 448

Gibbs, William, 62

Gibson, Althea, 405

Gibson, John, 28

Gibson, Josh, baseball player, 407

Gibson, Ralph, educator, 16

Gibson Report, 353

Gibson, Truman K., Jr., lawyer, 285, 378

Gilbert. Mercedes, actor, 441, 448

Gillard, Emmuel, 442

Gillem Report on Utilization of Negro Man-
power, 367-369

The Gingersnaps, 443

Gittinger, Roy, 99

Glasgoe, Margaret, 588

Gleason, Eliza Atkins, librarian, 471

Glover, Nelson, bacteriologist, 45

Gobineau, Arthur de, 200

Godien, Frank D., newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387

Godkin, Paul, 443

Godman Field, 358

Gold Coast, basic facts of, 486 ; constitution
of, 523-524

Gold Coast Observer, on suppression of
African press, 559

Golden Gate Quartet, 434, 446

Golden Rule Foundation, 33

Gomez, Sebastian, painter, 412

Gomez, Tommy, 443, 444

Gomillion, Charles G., educator, sociologist ;
as contributor, vi, 292

Good Neighbor Policy, and Haiti, 626

Goodwin, Ruby Berkley, poet, 462

Gordon, Buford F., bishop, 119

Gordon, Eugene, newspaper man, 395, 597

Gordon, Walter, lawyer, 284

Gorleigh, Rex, painter, 421

Government, federal, policy toward train-
ing of Negroes, 349 ; Negroes employed
by, 140-141

"Graduates General Congress," 568

Graham, Frank P., 447

Graham, Katheryn Campbell, writer, 459

Graham, Shirley, composer, writer, 427-428 ;
467, 468

Graham, Shirley and Lipscomb, George,
writers, 449

Granger, Lester B., welfare leader, 349,
370, 378 ; on "The Negro in the Navy,"
369-374

Graves, Jesse A., actor, 451

Graves, John Temple, 451

Graves, Lemuel E., newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387

Graves, Louis, 405

Gray, Wade S., writer, 459

Great Britain, and the Anglo-Egyptian
Sudan, 567-568 ; discrimination against
Negroes in armed services, 585 ; Negro
artists in, 592 ; effect of class system
on Negroes in, 584 ; military service of
Negroes in, 593 ; Negro in, 592-594 ; Ne-
gro industrial technicians in, 592 ; Negro
nurses in, 593 ; Negro physicians in, 592 ;
Negro seamen in, 592 ; occupational sta-
tus of Negroes in, 584 ; occupations of
Negroes in, 592-593 ; organizations of
Negroes in, 593-594 ; status of Negroes
in Cardiff and Liverpool, 583, 585 ; stu-
dents from colonies in, 593 ; welfare de-
partment for colonials established in,
594 ; (see also Africa, Great Britain and
Europe, Negro in Britain)

Green, J. A., educator, 124

Green, J. P., religious leader, 121

Green, Lil, band leader, 436

Green, Paul, 443

Green, Samuel, and Ku Klux Klan, 217

Greene, Harry Washington, educator, as
collaborator, 18, 471

Greene, Percy, editor, 275

Greene, S. L., bishop, 118, 119

Greene, Victor Hugo, baritone, 424

Gregg, J. A., bishop, 119 ; war tour of, 133

Grey, Peyton, as war correspondent, 387

Gribble, Harry W., 439

Griffin, Frank, educator, 16

Griffo, Eveho, newspaper man, as war cor-
respondent, 387

Grovey v. Townsend, 269

Guam, riot on, 371, 373 ; clemency granted
rioters, 373

Guillaume, Paul, on Negro art, 410

Guinea, French, basic facts of, 487

Guinea, Portuguese, basic facts of, 488

Guinea, 'Spanish, basic facts of, 488

Gunther, Hans F. K., 200

Guys, Sheila, 441

Guzman, Jessie P., research director; as
contributor, vi, 15, 34, 302, 383, 635

Hagan, Helen, pianist, 428

Hagen, Uta, 442 .

Hailey, Lord, on British colonial rule, 518

Hairston, Jester, 453

Haiti, 610, 617-631 ; absence of nationality
problems in, 629 ; agricultural problems
in, 622-623; TJ. S. (Marine; Occupation
of, 604, 609, 610, 618, 621, 627 ; "anti-
superstitious campaign" in, 626 ; art in,
631 ; bi-lingualism in, 625 ; birth rate of,
617 ; budget of, 1939-1946, 624 ; Bureau
of Ethnology established in, 627 ; church
membership of, 617 ; class problems of,
629 ; class system in, 611 ; constitutions
of, 618, 627 ; Creole language in, 617,
624, 625 ; cryptostegia project in, 623 ;
death rate in, 617 ; density of population
in, 605 ; diseases of, 619-622 ; discrimina-
tion in, 611 ; distribution of land in, 606 ;
economic problems of, 622 ; education in,
609, 624-627; effects of World War II
on industry, 624; elite in, 624, 625,
629-630 ; Five Year Plan for Economic
Development proposed, 623-624 ; and Good
Neighbor Policy, 626 ; health problems
of, 619 ; housing in, 619, 620 ; illiteracy
in, 608 ; infant mortality in, 618 ; per
capita income in, 622 ; marriage rate in,
617 ; military complot in, 628 ; mulat-
toes in, 617, 629 ; participation in World

694

INDEX

War II, 630; politics in, 627-629; pop-
ulation problems of, 617-619 ; primary
education made compulsory in, 626 ; pro-
duction and commerce in, 623 ; race prob-
lems in, 629-630 ; (restriction on im-
migrants, 619; revolution in, 628-629,
630 ; size of family in, 618 ; standard of
living in, 619 ; suffrage in, 627 ; teach-
ers salaries in, 626 ; tuberculosis in, 620 ;
university of, 609 ; Vodou, practices in,
626, 627 ; yaws clinic in, 620

Haitian-American Institute for Intercul-
tural Exchange, founded, 626

Hale, Claire, 443

Hall, Charles B., lieutenant, 356

Hall, Chatwood, newspaper man, as foreign
correspondent, 387

Hall of Fame, 31, 32

Hall, Frederick D., composer, conductor,
428

Hall, Hattye, 406

Hall Johnson Choir, 446, 448, 451

Hall, Juanita, soprano, choral director, 450

Hall, Leonne, 443

Hall, Lloyd A., chemist, 39

Hallowel, Harry H., army band leader, 437

Halo, William, 28

Hamlett, J. Arthur, bishop, 120

Hammerstein II, Oscar, 440, 442

Hammond, Francis M., educator, 16

Han-mun, William B. Jr., 300

Hampton Institute, 31, 447

Hampton, Lionel, band leader, 436, 447

Handy. William C., composer, publisher,
434-435, 436, 447, 448, 463

Hanson, Earl Farker, economist, 500

Harlem Cavalcade, 443 ; cast of, 443

Harlem, riot of, 242-246

The Harlemaniacs, 443

Harleston, Edward A., portrait, figure
painter, 417

Harmon Foundation, influence on Negro
artists, 419

Harmon, Leonard R., war hero, 375

Harmon, U. S. S., 375

Harper, Delores, 444

Harper, Leonard, 443

Harper, William A., painter, 413, 421

Harreld, Josephine, pianist, 428

Harreld, Kemper, violinist, 428

Harriet, 441

Harrington, Oliver W., newspaper man, 251,
467 ; as war correspondent, 387

Harris, Abram Lincoln, economist, 16, 48

Harris, Archie, athlete, 406

Harris, Charles F., 28

Harris, Charles J., pianist, 428

Harris, Edna Mae, 448

Harris, Elmore, 406

Harris, Fred, photographer, 394

Harrison, Hazel, pianist, 428

Flarrison, Rowena, 406

Harty, J. W., religious leader, 121

Harvey, Georgette, actress, 442

Harvey, Martin L., minister, assaulted, 295

Hastie, William H., Governor, 244, 281,
469 ; appointed governor of Virgin Is-
lands, 615 ; first Negro federal judge,
284 ; first Negro governor appointed by
U. S. Government, 31, 285 ; on separate
aviation squadrons, 355 ; Spingarn Award
to, 25-26

Hatch Act, 271

Hathaway, Isaac, sculptor and ceramist,
32, 33, 415

Hathcock, E. W., musician, 450

Havana, University of, 609

Hawkins, Charles C., 471

Hawkins, Erskine, band leader, 436

Hawkins, W. Lincoln, chemist, 45

Hawks, Monte, 443

Ilawley and Lee, 443

Ilayden, Palmer, painter, 421

Hayden, Robert E., poet, 461

Hayes, L. J., 284

Hayes, Roland, tenor, 424, 436

Hayes, Vertis, painter, 421

Haynes, George Edmund, sociologist, 48.
49 ; on inter-racial clinics, 223-224

Health, 320-338

Heath, Gordon, actor, 440, 442

Heldman, Albert, Dutch author, 587

Henderson, Douglass, 443

Henderson, Fletcher, band leader, 436

Henderson, Georgie Wylie, writer, 458

Henderson, Horace, band leader, 436

Henry, Hubert, 439

Henry, Warren E., chemist, 16

Herbert, James, athlete, 406

Hernandez, Juano, 449

Hernandez, Rafael, physician, 42, 43

Herndon, Angelo, 280

Heslip, Constance Ridley, social worker, 16

Heywood, DuBose and Dorothy, 442

Heywood, Eddie, band leader, 436

Hill, Abe, playwright, theatre director, 444,
445, 446

Hill, Adelaide Cromwell, sociologist, 16

Hill, E. M., religious leader, 123

Hill, Henry, chemist, 45

Hill, Lister D., 68, 267

Hill, Ruby, actress, 444

Hill, T. Arnold, social welfare leader, 285

Hillsborough County School Board, 65

Himes, Chester, sociologist, writer, 457,
458

Hinden, Rita, on exploitation in Africa, 542

Hines, Earl, pianist, band leader, 436

Hinton, William A., physician, 18, 24

History and travel, books on, 648-656 ;
general and miscellaneous references,
§50-652

Hiyakawa, S. I., on Negro press, 239

Hodges, Hamilton, 432

Hodges, V. C., religious leader, 126

Hoffman, F. L., 205

Holcutt, Thomas, 95

Holland, John W., 65

Holsclaw, Jack D., 357

Holsey, Albon L., public relations execu-
tive, as contributor, vi, 184

Homicide, 248, 314^315 ; comparison of
Negro and white, 314-315 ; decrease of,
314 ; racial distribution of, in Atlanta,
314

Honor scholarship societies, Negroes elected
to, 23-24

Hooker, Emile Newton, agricultural
economist, educator ; as contributor, vi,
153

Hoover, Herbert, 606

Hopkins, Claude, pianist, band leader, 436

Horace Mann-Lincoln School, Neighborhood
Center, 224

Home, Frank S., 285

Home, Jasper C., first Negro grand juror
in Nashville, Tenn., 300

Home, Lena, actress, singer, 448, 449, 451-
452, 453

Hospitals, 336-338 ; approved, 336-337 ; and
health, 336-337 ; list of, 337 ; number of,
336

Houchins, Joseph R., specialist, Negro sta-
tistics, 285

The House of God, the Holy Church of the
Living God, the Pillar and Ground of
Truth, House of Prayer for all People,
121

House of the Lord, 121

Housing, 292-294, 320, 338-348; list of
permanent projects for Negroes, 342-348 ;
over-crowding in Negro homes, 339 ;
problems of, 338-339 ; program for rural
betterment, 179-180 ; public, available
for Negroes, 340-348 ; rental of and the
Negro, 339, 340; solution of problems

INDEX

695

of, 340-348 ; war-housing program, 340-
341

Houston Informer, 386, 388, 389

Houston, William H., 285

Houston, William L., political leader, 279

Hoving, Lucas, 443

Howard, Alice Henrietta, poet, 462

Howard, A. R., religious leader, 124

Howard, Bob, comedian, 441

Howard University, 338

Howard, Wesley, violinist, 428

Hubbard, Alma, 442

Hubert, Giles, 285

Huey, Richard, actor, 439, 448, 451

Huff, William Henry, lawyer, 17

Huffstead, P. L., 30

Hughes, Langston, poet, writer, lecturer,
280, 445, 448, 460, 463, 465; on radio,
451

Hughes, W. Hardin, educator, as contribu-
tor, vi, 54, 197, 302, 349

Hunter, Nell, 285

Huuton, Alphaeus, writer, 395

Hurston, Zora Neale, writer, 463

Hutcheson, Sterling, 65

Hutchinson, Leslie, British singer, 584

Hychew, Elgin, newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387

Hyman, Earl, 439

Ibbotson, Percy, on African urban condi-
tions, 528-529

Illery, Alma, clubwoman, originator, George
Washington Carver Day, 33

Imes, Elmer Samuel, physicist, 44

Imes, G. Lake, religious leader, 447

Imperialism, British racism and, 583-584 ;
and race policy, 586-587

Independent, 384

The Independent A. M. E. Denomination,
121

Indiana, anti-discrimination law, 150

Indianapolis World, 384

Individual differences, 202-205

Indonesia, revolution in, 614

Industrial Conciliation Act, 510

Industry, 349-350 ; absenteeism of Negroes
in, 137 ; difficulty of Negroes in defense,
349-350 ; distribution of Negroes in, 11-
14 ; Negro scientists in, 45 ; sex distribu-
tion in. 11-14 ; Negro in war and non-
war, 136-138

Informer and Sentinel, 389

Ingraham, Zell, painter, 421

Ingram, Lawrence, 444

Ingram, Rex, actor, 440, 441, 444, 448
451, 453

Ink Spots, 434, 446

Institute for American Democracy, 274

Insurance companies, 189-192 ; income of,
by years, 190

Intelligence, white and Negro, 201-202

Intensive segregation, 208

Inter-American Conference on social se-
curity, 630

Intercultural education, in New York City,
224

Inter-group education, workshops in, 225

Intermarriage, British attitude toward, 584 ;
not prohibited by law in West Indies,
612

International Council of Religious Educa-
tion, 127

International Health Board of the Rocke-
feller Foundation, 610

International T^abor Defense, 274

International Labor Office, limited power
of, 616 ; officials visit Haiti, 630

International Labour Organization, and
Africa, 549-556 ; conventions adopted by,
on African laborens, 549-553 ; recom*
mendations on social policy in depend-
ent areas, 549, 553-556

Inter-racial clinic, 223

Interstate United Newspapers, Inc., 389

Inventions and discoveries, 26-31

Iron, discovery of, 411

Irvis, Katherine Jones, 405

Italy, Negro in, failure of Fascist anti-
Negro program, 586 ; prejudice based on
religion rather than race, 586 ; proposed
disposition of colonies of, 566-567

Ives-Quinn -Law, 150, 215

Ivory Coast, basic facts of, 487

Izvestia, condemnation of American race
problem, 589

Jackson, Alice Carlotta, 95

Jackson, Beau (real name, Sidney Walker),
boxer, 408

Jackson, Calvin, 453

Jackson Daily News, 270 ; on educational
discrimination, 56, 57 ; on Negro par-
ticipation in Mississippi primary, 270

Jackson, Graham, pianist, accordionist, 436

Jackson, Harriet, 442

Jackson, James A. "Billboard," 195

Jackson, Jay, cartoonist, 395

Jackson, Jessie, writer, 467

Jackson, Leonard M., war hero, awards of,
376

Jackson, Luther P., educator, historian,
writer, 49, 274, 391

Jackson, May Howard, sculptress, 415

Jackson, Menelik, business man, 196

Jackson, Nell, 406

Jackson, Richardena, 444

Jamaica, laborers of in U. S., during World
War II, 613 ; political parties in, 615 ;
suffrage in, 615 ; virtual self-government
granted, 614-615

James, Leon ("Poke"), 453

James, Willis Laurence, composer, violinist
428

Jarboro, Caterina, soprano, 424, 432, 596,
597

Jeffries, Jasper, scientist, 45

Jemison, D. V., religious leader, 121

Jenkins, Deaderick F., writer, 459

Jernagin, William H., church leader, war
tour of, 133

Jessye, Eva, choir leader, 380

Johnson, Buddy, band leader, 436

Johnson, Bunk, band leader, 436

Johnson, Campbell C., col<ouel, selective
service executive, 285, 377

Johnson, Charles S., sociologist, educator,
469 ; as editor, 387 ; member educational
commission, 285 ; member UNESCO, 285 ;
sketch of, 49-50

Johnson, Dorothy, 443

Johnson, Ernest, newspaper man, 394

Johnson, Guy B., 468 ; on Negro and crime,
316-317

Johnson, Hall, conductor, arranger, com-
poser, 432, 443, 444

Johnson, J. Rosamond, musician, 440

Johnson, Jack, boxer, 595

Johnson, James Weldon, author, musician,
diplomat, editor, 384, 463

Johnson, Joseph Lealand, physician, 43

Johnson, Malvin Gray, painter, 421

Johnson, Max, newspaper man, as war cor-
respondent, 387

Johnson, Mordecai, college president, 447

Johnson, Paul E.. 27

Johnson, Reginald, 285

Johnson, Sargent, sculptor, ceramist, 418

Johnson, William H., painter, 421

Johnson, Winie & Bob, 443

Johnston, Joshua, painter, 413

Jones, Arthur Creech, 585

Jones, Claudia, editor, 395

Jones, Clinton, educator, 29

Jones, C. P., bishop, 120

Jones, Frederick, 30

Jones, Henry B., painter, 418

Jones, Ida, 441

696

INDEX

Jones, John, 406

Jones, J. M., Jr., newspaper man, as war

correspondent, 387
Jones, Lester M., on editorial policy of

Negro newspapers, 387

Jones, Lois Mailou, painter, 420, 466, 467
Jones, Louis Vaught, violinist, 428
Jones, Robert E., bishop, 124
Jones, Walter, 27
Jones, William B., dentist, 27
Jones, W. M., eye specialist, 17
Jones-Bey, Elmira, 443
Jordan, John Q., newspaper man, as war

correspondent, 387
Jordan, Louis, band leader, 436
Joseph E. Chapman, Jr., et al v. Primus

E. King, 269-270
Joseph-Mitchell, Malcolm E. L., British

government official, 593
Journal and Guide, 266, 386, 388, 389, 391,

394, 399

The Journal of Negro Education, 399
The Journal of Negro History, 399
Judges, Negro, 282, 283, 285, 286, 287
Julian, Percy L., chemist, 39, 40
Junior, N. R., first Negro ranking officer

in British navy, 585
Jury service, Negroes and, 299-301
Just, Ernest Everett, biologist, 35, 36, 578
Juvenile delinquency, 315-316
Kagwa, Albert, British physician, 584
Kane, Harnett T., 265
Kansas City Call, 386, 388
Kaye, Danny, 223

Keith, J. L., British welfare worker, 594
Kelly, Edward W., bishop, 124
Kelsey, George D., religious educator, 17
Kennedy, Stetson, 264 ; on white primary,

268
Kenya, alienation of land in, 546 ; basic

facts of, 486 ; race relations in, 524-527
Kern, Jerome, 442
Kerr, Louise, barred from library training,

297

Kerr, Thomas, composer, pianist, 428
Kersey, Joseph, sculptor, 421
Killingsworth, R. F., religious leader, 121
Kimble, Federick V. H., 356
King Cole Trio, 434, 446
King, Cornelius, 285
King, C. T. O., Under-Secretary of State,

Liberia, 502

King, Lorenzo H., bishop, 124
King, Primus E., 269
King, Willis J., bishop, 124
Kipande system, 526-527
Kirby, John, band leader, 436, 451
Kirk, Andy, band leader, 436
Kirkland, William, 29
Klineberg, Otto, 201-202
Knox, George L., editor, 385
Knox, William Jacob, Jr., chemist, 40, 45
Kodesh Church of Immanuel, 121
Konopka, Kenneth, 442
Korda, Nina, 443
Koza, D., 512
Krause, F. E. T., on unions policy toward

Africans, 510
Ku Klux Klan, 215-221, 248 ; attitudes

toward, 221 ; cardinal principle of, 217 ;

charter revoked in Kentucky, 218-219 ;

dissolved in New York, 219 ; Georgia's

suit against, 218; influence in politics,

216 ; membership of, 216 ; objectives of,

215 ; origin' of, 215-216 ; outlawed in

California, 218 ; periods of prominence,

215, 216, 217 ; relationship of present

and earlier, 220 ; status of in various

states, 217-220; and "white primaries,"

217

Kykundor, 444
Labor, active against Ku Klux Klan, 221 ;

the African and, 549-561 ; farm laborers,

157-162 ; from Jamaica during World
War II, 613

Labor movement, Negro membership in, 146-
148 (see also Labor Unions)

Labor Unions, court decisions relating to
Negroes and, 296-297 ; discrimination in,
148-150; in Africa, 556-557; in the
Union of South Africa, 510-514

La Guardia, Fiorello H., 245, 246

La Touche, John, 439, 443

Lamine-Gueye, French deputy, 582

Lancaster, Emmer Martin, business advisor,
185, 191, 193, 285 ; on contracts awarded
to Negroes, 188 ; on growth of Negro
banks, 186

Landis, Benson Y., 118

Lane, Jean, 406

Langer, William, 68

Langston Terrace housing project, 188

Lanier, R. O'Hara, educator, diplomat, 285,
381, 447

Lansdell K. Christie concession, 501

Larcheveant, Lewis, business man, Copen-
hagen, 587

Lassegne, on cryptostegia project, 623

Latifundia, 619

Latin America, books on, 682-684 ; a gen-
eral view of, 603-616 ; historical back-
ground of, 603-604

The Latter House of the Lord Apostolic
Faith, 121

Laubach, Frank E., on use of vernacular
language, 625

Laurentie, Henri, on new French colonial
policy, 533

Lautier, Louis R., newspaper man, 285 ;
admitted to Senate Press Gallery, 392

Law, Oliver, 586

Lawless, Theodore Kenneth, dermatologist,
43

Lawrence, Charles R., sociologist ; as con-
tributor, vi, 232

Lawrence, Jacob, painter, 420

Laws, Jerry, 442

Lawson, Clarence, sculptor, 421

Lawson, Herbert, 26

Leaders, Negro (see divisions for leaders
in various fields)

League for Industrial Democracy, 274

League for National Unity, 230

League of Coloured Peoples, 592, 593, .594

League of Women Voters, 273

Ledo Road, 364

Lee, Alfred M., and Humphrey, Norman,
237 ; on Detroit riot, 239

Lee, Arthur, 27

Lee, Canada, actor, 223, 281, 451, 452 ; in
Anna Lucasta, 439 ; in Duchess of Malfl,
440-441 ; in Native Son, 443, as a pro-
ducer, 441 ; on radio, 450 ; in the play,
South Pacific, 442 ; in The Tempest, 442

Lee, Edna M., 64

Lee, Everette, musician, 440

Lee, Johnny, 443

Lee, Ora, 444

Lee, Robert, 27

Lee, Ulysses, educator, writer, 468

Legion of Merit, awards of, 378

Legislation, anti-discrimination, 210

Legislators, Negro, 283-284, 286-287

Le Gon, Jeni, dancer, 441

Lemery, colonial French official, 581

Lend-lease, 499

Le Noire, Rosetta, 439

Lescot, Elie, President of Haiti, 611, 623,
628 ; -and "anti-superstitious campaign,"
626 ; and the color problem, 630 ; foreign
policy of, 628 ; quinquennial plan of, 623-
624

Lescot, Gerard, Foreign Minister of Haiti,
628

Lester, Clarence D., 357

Lewis, Arthur, British educator, 584

INDEX

697

Lewis. Carey. 895

Lewis, Charles Sinclair, 30

Lewis, Edmonia, painter, 413, 414

Lewis, F. L., bishop, 120

Lewis. Harold O., educator, political scien-
tist, as contributor, vi, 577

Lewis, Julian Herman, scientist, 470

Lewis, S.vbie, actress, 452

Lewis, Vinita, 285

Lewis, W. Arthur, British educator, 593

Lherisson, Camille, physician, health work
of in Haiti, 621

Liberalism, southern, 272

Liberia, 496-502, 570 ; agricultural needs of,
498 ; basic facts of, 485 ; defense areas
agreement, 499 ; discrimination in wages,
561 ; educational needs of, 498 ; elements
in population, 496 ; enters World War II,
499 ; exploitation in, 501 ; Firestone Com-
pany in, 500-501 ; geological survey in,
500 ; governmental affairs in, 496-497 ;
government officials of, 501-502 ; historical
background of, 496 ; the Lansdell K.
Christie concession and, 501 ; lend-lease
agreement, 499 ; and Pan-American air-
ways, 499 ; politics in, 496-498 ; popula-
tion of, 496 ; port construction agreement
with United States, 499-500 ; President
Roosevelt's visit to, 499 ; reforms needed
in, 497-498; and relations with United
States, 498-501 ; sedition law of, 496 ;
signs United Nations Declaration, 499 ;
strike in, 560 ; two party system in, 496 ;
United States Economic and Health Mis-
sions to, 500 ; wage differentials in, 560-
561

Liberty ships, naming and launching of,
375

Life, 240

Life expectancy, 320, 323-324

Light of Tyrell Credit Union, 188

Lipscomb, George D., writer, 467

Literacy test, 260-262, 265

Literature, Negro American, 456-472 ;
autobiography and biography, 462-465 ;
books on, 656-657 ; discussion of, 456-
472 ; characterized, 456-457 ; children's,
466-468 ; collections, handbooks, 468-470 ;
drama, 465-466 ; fiction, 457-460 ; poetry,
460-462 ; social commentary, 469-470
(see also Books by or concerning Negroes)

Little, Bettie Greene, 441

"Little Wagner Act," 215

Lockbourne Field, 358

Locke, Alain L., philosopher, critic, 17, 467 ;
influence on Negro art, 411-412 ; sketch
of, 50-51

Lodges (see Fraternal Orders)

Loeb, Charles H., newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387

Logan, Rayford W., educator, historian, as
adviser on foreign affairs, 391 ; as author,
471 ; as contributor, vi, 603 ; as editor,
469-470; sketch of. 51

Logan, Spencer, writer, 469-470

Lomax, Flora. 405

Lomax,- Lowell, 391

Long, Avon, dancer, 441, 442, 443

Long, John D., 272

Looby, Z. A., lawyer, 250-251, 253

Loomis, Homer, Jr., founder of Columbians,
220

Lord Hailey, 546

Los Angeles Sentinel, 386, 391

Los Angeles "Zoot Suit" riot, 236-237

Louisiana, poll tax repealed in, 263

Louisiana Weekly, 386

Louisville Defender, 386, 388, 389. 391

Love, Edgar A., religious leader, 124

Lovett. Edward, 285

Low, A. Ritchie, 133

Lucas, Curtis, writer, 459

Luuceford, Jimmie, band leader, 436

Lutheran Synodical Conference, 124

Lydia O'Leary Company, 440

Lynching, 302-311 ; causes of, 303 ; by
causes classified, 308 ; decline of, 302,
306-307 ; detailed record of, 304-305 ;
difficulties of definition, 303 ; editorial
opinion on, 302-303 ; prevented, 309 ;
punishment of lynchers, 310 ; by race,
306-307 ; by regions, 308-309 ; remedies
proposed, 303 ; Russian attitude toward,
589 ; by states, 306 ; by years, 306-308

Lysistrata, 441 ; cast of, 41

Mac Arthur, Douglas, 285

Mac Donald, Jet, 443

Macon County, Alabama, political sig-
nificance of proportion of Negroes in,
267-268

Madison, E. L., bishop, 119

Madison, Walter, G., engineer, 28

Magazines, Negro (see Periodicals, Negro)

Maisel, A. Q., on Portuguese rule in Africa,
536

Maloney, A. H., scientist, 464

Mandates, 390, 563, 564, 565, 566

Manetta, F., 201

Manga-Bell, French deputy, 582

Mankin, Helen Douglas, 270

Manley, Norman W., Jamiacan leader, 615

Maran, Rene, French author, deputy, 581

Marcantonio, Vito, 264

Marcelin, Philippe-Thoby, Haitian poet
novelist, 630

Marchant, Claude, 444

March-on-Washington Movement, 274, 281
350

Mare Island, Calif., mutiny at, 371. 373;
clemency granted mutineers on, 373

Margetson, Edward H., composer, organist
429

Marine, Negroes in, 373. 374

Maritime Commission, 234

Marr, Grace E., nurse, educator, 17

Markham, Pigmeat, actor, 452

Marshall, Thurgood, lawyer, 98, 244 : Spin
garn Award to, 26

Marson, Una, British radio program di
rector, 584

Martin, Fletcher P., editor, 386, 394 ; as
war correspondent, 387

Martin, Grau San, President of Cuba, 607

Martin, Helen, actress, 440

Martin, J. B., leader, 282

Martin, J. W., bishop, 119

Martin, Joseph W., 279

Martin, L. E.. editor, 386

Martin, William H., educator, 17

Martinique, 606

Marvin, Mark, producer, 441

Maslow, Will, on anti-discrimination legis
lation, 210-211

Mason, C. H.. bishop, 120

Mason, Winifred, costume jewelry maker,)
195

Mathematics, 40-42

Mathews. C. O, J., British government of-
ficial, 593

Matthews, Edward, baritone. 432. 442

Matthews, Inez, singer, 440

Matthews, Ralph, newspaper man. 391 394

Matthews, W. W., bishop, 119

Mauritania, basic facts of, 488

Maxie, J. W., 28

Mayo, Thomas, chemist, 45

Mayor's Commission on Conditions in Har-
lem, 243, 244

Maynor, Dorothy, soprano. 32. 380, 447
sketch of as concert artist. 438

Mayo, T. Curtis, organist, 429

Mays, B. E., college president. 449

McAlpin, Harry S., newspaper man, 394

McBrown, Gertrude, teacher, writer, 466

McCabe, Charles, violinist, 429

McCorkle, George Washington, poet, 462

698

INDEX

McCorvey, Gessner T., 267

McCoy, Andrew A., Jr., West Point gradu-
ate, 367

McCoy, A. B., religious leader, on Presby-
terian Churches, 124-125

McCoy, A. H., physician, 30

MoCracken, Topay, actor, 439

McCray, John H., editor, 272, 275

McDaniel, Hattie, actress, 448, 452

McDaniel, Jimmie, 405

McFarlin, Pruith, tenor, 424

McKaine, Osceola, political leader, 273, 275

McKay, Claude, writer, 463

McKenley, Herbert, athlete, 406

McKenzie, Louis, air-line representative, 194

McKinney, Nina Mae, actress, 452

McKinney, Richard T., college president,
471

McKinnis, Frederick A., 471

McKissack and McKissack, contractors, 188,
355

McLemore Brothers, mechanized farm of,
182-183

McLemore "Sizz Weeder," 182-183

McMahon, Cowall, 442

McMillan, Donald, on Salvation Army, 126

McMillan, Henrietta N., educator, 17

McQueen, Butterfly, actress, 450, 453

McWilliajns, Carey, 451 ; on the mores
and law, 210; on "Zoot Suit" riots, 236

Mead, James M., 264

Mechanization, displacement of labor by,
181-183 ; planning needed for, in agri-
culture, 145-146 ; social and economic
problems of, 183 ; in southern agricul-
ture, 180-183

Medal of Freedom, awards of, 378

Medal for Merit for Civilians, 378

Medical corps, 331, 362

Medicine, 42-44

Medley, Philip, musician, 450

Meeder, William, organist, 450

Mehlinger, Louis, 285

Memphis Bound, 441 ; cast of, 441

Mercer. John, 444

Meritorious Service Unit Plaque, awards
of, 378

Merritt, Alice Haden, poet, 461

Merriweather, Evangeline H., writer, 467

Methodist Church, 124

Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, 151 ;
and restrictive covenants, 293

Metropolitan Opera Company, 442

Micheaux, Oscar, writer, 457, 459 *

Michigan Chronicle, 386, 388

Migration, during World War II, 134, 135-
136 ; effects of Negro, on West, 212-215 ;
rural, 145-146 ; to war production areas,
145

Miller, Beulah, reporter, 395

Miller Brothers & Lois, 443

Miller, Doric, first Negro decorated for
heroism in Navy, World War II, 371,
375, 376

Miller, Flournoy, 443

Miller, James, pianist, arranger, 429

Miller, Loren, editor, 386

Miller, Martin, 441

Mills Brothers, musicians, 434, 448, 451

Mills, Walter, 62, 63

Milton, Lorimer D., banker, 284 ; on bond
purchases, 186

Milwaukee, Wis., passes anti-discrimination
ordinance, 150

Mine Natives' Wages Commission, 514

Ministry, rural Negro, program for the
training of, 128

Minnis, Howard, 405

Missionary Education Movement of the
United States and Canada, 127

Mitchell, Abbie, actress, singer, 441

Mitchell, Arthur W., congressman, case of,
298

Mitchell, George S., executive director,
Southern Regional Council, 265 ; on Ne-
gro veterans, 381-382

Mitchell, Gloria, 444

Mitchell, John, Jr., editor, 385

Mitchell, John W., field agent, U. S. Ex-
tension Service, 176

Mitchell, Suder Q., religious leader, 126

Mizelle, Ralph J., lawyer, 285

Mollison. Irvin C., first Negro federal judge
in continental United States, 285

Mollison, Wilburn, scientist, 45

Molteno, D., on abolition of pass laws, 508

Montgomery, Jack, army band leader, 437

A Monthly Summary of Events and Trends
in Race Relations, 255, 399

Moody, Arundel, admitted to officer train-
ing, RAF, 585

Moody, Harold A., physician, founder
League of Coloured Peoples, 584, 593,
594 ; as contributor, vi, 592

Moon, Bucklin, 468

Moon, Henry Lee, newspaper man, 285, 390

Moore, Fred R., editor, publisher, 384

Moore, George Anthony, reporter, 395

Moore, George Coleman, newspaper man,
as war correspondent, 387

Moore, J. H., bishop, 120

Moore, Maurice, chemist, 45

Moore, Phil, band leader, 436, 453

Moore, Tim, 443

Moore, Tommie, 443

Morale, Negro, NNPA tour on, 393; church-
men's tour in interest of, 133 ; in war-
time, 352-354

Moreland. Mantan, actor, 453

Mores, 209, 258

Morgan, Irene, 212 ; case of, 296, 298

Morris, Lenwood, 444

Morris, Newbold, on Negro market, 185

Morrison, William Lorenzo, poet, 462

Mortality, 320-329 ; causes of Negro, 324-
329 ; changes in rates of, 326-328 ; de-
cline of rate of Negroes, 324 ; infant and
maternal, 320-323 ; trend of age-specific,
324 ; and tuberculosis, 327-328

Mosloy, James Orville B., army band leader,
437

Moss, Carlton, 453

Mostel, Zero, 443

Motau, A., 512

Moten, Etta, actress, singer, 441, 442, 449

Motley, Archibald J., painter, 417

Moton Field, 355

Moton, Robert Russa, late President, Tus-
kegee Institute, 355

Moving pictures, educational films, 454-455 ;
Negro and, 451-454 ; stereotyping of Ne-
groes in, 451 ; prominent actors and
actresses in, 451

Mozambique, basic facts of, 488

Mulatto, 580; distribution of in Western
Hemisphere, 198 ; in Cuba and Dominican
Republic, 607; in Haiti, 604, 611, 612,'
617

Murphee, T. A., 66

Murphy, Beatrice M., poet, 462

Murphy, Carl, editor, publisher, 386

Murphy, John H., publisher, 385

Murray, Charlotte Wallace, mezzo-soprano,
432

Murray, Donald, case of, 96

Murray, Florence, editor, 468

Muse, Clarence, actor, 444, 448

Music, arrangers of, 425-431, 434 ; band
leaders of, popular, 436 ; books on, 657-
658 ; composers of, 425-431, 434 ; con-
cert artists, 422-425, 438 ; educators in,
425-431 ; Negro in, 422-428 ; organizations
of distinction, 433-434 ; popular, 434-436

Mussolini, Benito, 586

Mwalimu, on kipande system, 526-527

Myrdal, Gunnar, on Negro office-holding,

INDEX

699

282 ; on police and crime, 317 ; on race
problem, 199-200 ; on importance of suf-
frage, 258

Nabrit, Samuel Milton, biologist, 35

NAACP (National Association for the Ad-
vancement of Colored People), 228, 270,
393, 594 ; and admission to white state
institutions, 96, 98 ; and anti-poll tax bill,
273-274 ; and the Columbia, Tenn., riot,
250-251 ; and the Detroit riot, 238, 242,
338 ; and equalization suits, 62, 63 ; files
charges on behalf of Mississippi veterans,
271 ; and lynching investigations, 302 ;
organ of the, 385 ; political action resolu-
tion, 280-281 ; Spingarn Awards, 24-26 ;
and stereotyping Negroes in moving pic-
tures, 451

National Association of Colored Graduate
Nurses, 334

National Association of Real Estate Boards,
on residential segregation, 292

National Baptist Convention of America, 121

National Baptist Convention, U. S. A., Inc.,
121

National Baptist Evangelical Life and Soul
Saving Assembly of TJ. S. A., 123

National CIO Committee to Abolish Dis-
crimination, 224

National Colored Democratic Association,
279

National Committee to Abolish the Poll
Tax, 263, 264, 274

National Council of Negro Republicans, 279

National Council of Negro Veterans, 382

National David Spiritual Temple of Christ
Church Union (Inc.) U. S. A., 123

National economy, Negro in, 134-152 (see
also Occupations and Industry)

National Guard, 351

National Medical Association, 338

National Negro Business League, 192-194,
338 ; and war effort, 193-194 ; war-time
business clinics, 193-194

National Negro Congress, 274

National Negro Health Movement, 338

National Negro Health Week, 338

National Negro Insurance Association 190
338, 391 ; membership list of, 191-192

National Negro Newspaper Week, 391, 392,
447, 448

National Progressive Voters League, 274

National Religion and Labor Foundation, 128

National School of Agriculture, 622

National Service of Hygiene, 619

National Survey of the Higher Education
of Negroes, 91-94

National Urban League, 195, 228, 387, 448,
450, 479-481 ; organ of, 387 ; survey of
Negro businesses, 144-145 ; surveys of Ne-
gro war workers, 137-138

National Workers League, 233

Native Land Acts, 505, 506

Native Son, 443 ; cast of, 443

Native Urban Areas Acts, 508

Natural extinction, 205

Naval Academy, Negro midshipman at, 374

Navy, changing racial policy, 370-374; com-
missioned officers of, 373 ; "Guide to the
Command of Negro Naval Personnel" is-
sued by. 372; inter-racial policy before
Pearl Harbor, 370 ; morale of Negroes
in, 371-372 ; Negroes in, 369-375 ; Negro
nurses in, 334 ; Negro strength of, 371 ;
restrictions against Negroes lifted in, 373 ;
segregation abolished in, 373 ; strength
of the, 375

Navy Cross, awards of, 376

Navy and Marine Corps Medal, awards of,
oT8

Nazism, Negro, under, 578-579 ; propaganda
of and "Negro Problem," 579

Neely, Will V., as war correspondent, 387

Negro, employment during World War II,
134 ; in labor movement, 134 ; in national
economy, 134-152 ; status of, 200

Negro Actor's Guild of America, 446, 447

Negro Digest, 399 ; poll on Negro political
preferences, 279

Negro nationalists, 238

Negro Newspaper Publishers Association
(NNPA), 391-393, 447; African mission
of, 392 ; conferences of, with government
officials, 392-393 ; conference with Navy
officials, 372, 392 ; establishment of news
service, 393 ; needs of, 393 ; war ac-
tivities of, 392-393

Negro newspapers (see Negro Press)

Negro Playwrights Theatre, 445

Negro press, 239, 383-404 ; Audit Bureau of
Circulation, members of, 389 ; and ad-
vertising, 389-390, 448 ; associations of,
391-393 ; circulation of, Negro, 388, 389 ;
cooperation of in war efforts, 386 ; early
editors of, 384-385 ; editorial policy com-
pared, 387 ; expansion of news coverage
in, 390-391 ; fraternal papers, number
of, 384, 399-404 ; function of, 383, 398 ;
guild units of, 391 ; historical develop-
ment of, 383-386 ; honors and awards to,
393-395 ; list of, 399-404 ; microfilming
of, 398 ; and Negro grievances during
World War II, 386 ; news-gathering agen-
cies during World War II, 388 ; news-
gathering agencies of, listed, 399 ; non-
Negro reporters employed by, 396 ; num-
ber and location of, 388 ; ownership and
employees of, 388 ; present day editors
of, 386 ; during and after Reconstruction.
384-385; relations of, with white press.
395-398; religious papers, 384, 399-404;
during slavery, 383-384 : value of, for
historical and sociological data, 398-399 ;
White House correspondent, 392 ; during
World War I, 385-386 ; during World
War II, 386-388

"Negro Renaissance," 411-412 ; 456

Negro Voters and Veterans Association, 274

Negroes, connected with auxiliary church
organizations, 126-130 ; no bitterness
against Jews, 109 ; as converts to
Christianity, 109 ; discrimination of. in
industry, 349-350; new employment fields
of, 151-152

Nelson, Gordon, 443

Netherlands, Negro population of, 587

Netherlands West Indies, wages in, 610

New Jersey, anti-discrimination law, 150

New National Era, 384

New York Age, 384, 385, 386

New York City. Negro office-holders in, 282
283 ; race relations legislation and, 215

New York state, anti-discrimination enact-
ments of, 215 ; anti-discrimination law,
150

Newell, Lucy, 407

Newport News Press, on equalization case,
66

Newsome, Effie Lee, teacher, writer, 466

Newspaper Guild of New York, 448

Newspapers, African, 492, 493, 497, 498
500, 506, 510, 515, 526, 542, 543 558-
559, 565

Nicholas Brothers, 452

Nicholas, Frank, 467

Nichols, D. Ward, bishop, 119

Nicodemus, 448, 453

Nickerson, Camille, composer, singer, 429

Nielson, Lavinia, 443

Nieman Fellowship, 394

Niger, basic facts of, 488

Nigeria, basic facts of, 486 ; general strike
in, 558 ; labor unions in, 556 ; revised
constitution of, 521-523 ; strike in, 558-
559

700

INDEX

Nigerian Eastern Mail, on suppression of
the African press, 559

Nigerian Guardian, government contract
cancelled, 559

Nigerian Spokesman, government contract
cancelled, 559

95th engineer regiment, 363

999th field artillery battalion, 360

99th pursuit squadron, 355-356, 357, 453 ;
in action, 356 ; activated, 356

92nd division, 359 ; congresswoman evalu-
ates, 354 ; controversy over efficiency of,
353, 354 ; decorations awarded, 353 ;
white officer reports on, 353-354

969th field artillery battalion, 359, 360

97th engineer regiment, 363

96th engineer battalion, 363

93rd engineer regiment, 363

93rd infantry division, 364

Nixon v. Condon, 268

Nixon v. Herndon, 268

North Star, 384

North, the (see various divisions for data
on)

North Carolina Newspaper Network, 393

Northrup, Herbert R., 139

Novels, on Negro in the United States, 658-
664 ; concerning African life, 682 ; dis-
cussion of, 457-460 (see also Fiction ; and
Literature)

Nurses, 334-336 ; with Army Nurse Corps,
334 ; increase of, 334 ; in Navy, 334 :
number of graduate, 334 ; number in U.
S. Cadet Nurses Corps program, 334 ;
public health, 334 ; restrictions against
dropped, 334

Nursing, schools of, 336

Nuzum, Richard, 222

Nyasaland, basic facts of, 486

O'Brien, Florence, actress, 452

Occupation (U. S. Marine) of Haiti, 618

Occupations, 134-152 ; distribution of Ne-
groes by, 11-14 ; by sex, 11-14 ; trend of,
13 (see also National Economy, Negro in ;
Industry)

Office-holders, Negro, appointive offices and,
284-285 ; Negroes appointed as, 287-289 ;
Negroes elected as, 286-287 ; Negro, 282-
291

Offord, Charles, writer, 457, 458

Ogaden, 495

Ohardieno, Roger, 444

Olden-Lee, Sylvia, pianist, coach, 429

O'Neal, Frederick, 439, 445, 446

On Whitman Avenue, 441 ; cast of, 441

Open door policy, 570

Opera, Negro in, 432-433

"Operations crossroads," 390

Opportunity, 387, 399 ; influence on art,
419

Order of the Soviet Union, award of, 378

Ordnance companies, 362

Organizations, national, 473-481 ; education-
al, 473 ; for economic advancement, 474 ;
for general advancement, 473-474 ; list
of, 473-481 ; for professional advance-
ment, 474

Orro, David H., newspaper man, 387, 448 ;
as war correspondent, 387

Orts, Pierre, on Belgian attitude toward
colonies, 540

Othello, 441

Otis, Jesse Rogers Delbert, agricultural
specialist, as contributor, vi, 153

Ottley, Roi, newspaper man, writer, 390,
395, 451, 466, 469

Overstreet, Geraldine,' coloratura soprano,
436

Overstreet, H. A., on the "Negro Problem,"
199

Ownership, farm, 156-157

Oxley, Lawrence, government official, 285

Page, Lionel F., 28

Paige, Leroy Satchel, baseball player, 407

Painter, T. S., 98

Palmer, Edward Nelson, sociologist, 1 7

Pan-African Congress, 594

Pan-African Federation, 594

Pankey, Aubrey, baritone, 380, 424

"Parallel Development," in South Africa,
504-505 ; in Southern Rhodesia, 527

Pareja, Juan, painter, 412

Paris Conference, recommendation on land
alienation in Africa, 548

Paris Peace Conference, 390

Parks, Bernice, 443

Parrish, Noel F., 356

Parsons, James, metallurgist, 45

Parsons, James A., 30

Partisan Medal for Heroism, award of, 378

Partlow, Roy, baseball player, 407

Pass laws, 508, 509, 528 ; in Southern
Rhodesia, 528

Patterson, Frederick D., President, Tuske-
gee Institute, 32 ; and conference on
lynching, 303 ; on Extension Service, 174 ;
and National Negro Business League,
192 ; originates United Negro College
Fund, 102 ; presents award, 194 ; on
radio, 447, 449 ; and rural housing, 180 ;
as special assistant to the Secretary of
Agriculture, 285

Patterson, Lloyd, designer, announcer, 588,
597

Patterson, Robert P., 393

Payne, John, British singer, 584

Payne, William H., teacher, 223

Paynter, John Henry, writer, 464

Peacock, Eulace, 406

Pearson, C. H., on exclusion of Negroes,
583-584

Pearson, J. W., Secretary of Public In-
struction, Liberia, 502

Peck, James L. H., writer, 470

Pegler, Westbrook, on Negro press, 398

Pektor, Irene Marie, poet, 462

Femba, basic facts of, 486

People's Defense League, 274 •

People's Voice, 386, 389, 391

Periodicals, Negro, number during and after
Civil War, 384, 385 ; number in 1945,
388 ; circulation of, 389 ; outstanding,
399; list of, 402-404

Perkins, Dempsey, religious leader, 120

Perry, Chris J., editor, 384

Peteferd, Dorothy, 444

Peter Stuyvesant College, 608

Peters, Dewitt, painter, 631

Peters, G. E., religious leader, 126 ; on
Seventh-day Adventists, 126

Peters, Margaret, 405

Peters, Roumania, 405

Peters Sisters, 443

Peterson, Jerome B., editor, 384

Petry, Ann, writer, 457, 458

Phelps-Stokes Fund, 228, 571

Phi Beta Kappa, Negroes elected to, 22-23

Philadelphia Tribune, 384, 386, 388

Phillips, C. H., bishop, 120

Phillips, Elizabeth. B. Murphy, as war cor-
respond.ent, 387

Phillips, S. J., business man, 32

Phillips, W. T., bishop, 120

Phylon, 399

Physicians, 331-333 ; in armed forces, 331 ;
distribution of, 331-332 ; lowest ratio in
South, 331 ; number of, 331-333 ; prob-
lems of, 336-337

Physics, 44-45

Pickens, William, war bond executive, .186

Pierce, Joseph A., mathematician, 41 ; on
Negro business, 195-196

Pierce, Sam B., 407

Pierre, Leo, 30

Pilots, civilian, 355

INDEX

701

Pirn. Sir Alan W., on agriculture in Africa,
541 ; on industrialization of Africa, 545 ;
on mineral resources of Africa, 542

Pinero, Jesus T., first native Puerto Rican
governor, 615

Pinkard, Maceo, composer, 435

Pippin, Horace, primitive painter, 420

Pittman, Portia Washington, 32

Pittsburgh Courier, 386, 388, 389, 390, 391,
399

Plantation system, 153-163

Plato, Samuel F., contractor, 188

Plummer, H. Z., bishop, 120

Poetry, books of, 664-665 ; discussion of,
460-462

Poindexter, Hildrus Augustus, bacteriologist,
34

Police brutality, in Detroit riot, 240 ; in
Sojourner Truth riot, 233

Police, factor in Negro crime, 317-318

Policemen, Negro, need for, 318 ; southern
ci'ies employing, 319

Political Action Committee (CIO), 270,
277, 281

Political leagues, 274-275

Political parties, the Negro and, 277-280

Political status, Negro, 258-259 ; efforts to
improve, 273-275

Politics, Negro in, 258-291 ; books on, 665-
666 ; influence of Ku Klux Klan, 216 ;
Negro grievances and, 280 ; Negro power
in, 277, 278 ; vital issues to Negroes in,
281-282 (see also voting)

Polk, Oscar, 453

Poll tax, 262-265; abolition of, 263; argu-
ments for, 263 ; cumulative feature of,
262; federal anti-poll tax bills, 264-265;
fight to abolish, 263-265 ; purpose of, 262 ;
and voting, 263

Pops and Louie, 443

Population, distribution of races, 197 ; dis-
tribution of Negro and mulatto in West-
ern Hemisphere, 198

Population, Negro, 1-14 ; age composition
of, 11-12 ; change in migration direction,
9, 10 ; increase by regions, divisions and
states, 1-3 ; 'majority-Negro counties',
3-4 ; migration, 6-10 ; number and rate
of increase, 1 ; by occupation and indus-
try, 11-14 ; by race and nativity, 4-5 ;
rural-farm, 6, 7 ; rural non-farm, 6, 7 ;
sex ratios, 10-12 ; urbanization, 6-9 ;
urban-rural population, 7-10 ; voting age
and citizenship of the Negro, 275-277

Popwell, Albert, 443

Porgy and Bess, 442 ; cast of, 442

Port battalions, 362

Port Chicago, Calif., ammunition explosion
at, 271

Porter, Dorothy B., librarian, 468, 469

Porter, H. P., bishop, 120

Porter, James A., painter, 411, 413, 421,
467, 471

Portuguese Empire, and Africa, 536-540 ;
theory and practice of colonial rule in,
536-537 (see also Africa, and the Portu-
guese Empire)

Poston, Theodore R., newspaper man, 285,
395

Post-war and peace plans, books on, 666 ;
and employment, 151 ; Negro interest in,
281-282 ; Negro press on Negro, 392 ;
and the Negro veteran, 381-382 (For
Africa, see divisions XXIV, XXV,
XXVII, XXXIII, XXXIV; for Latin
American, see XXXVIII)

Posuka, Perto, British actor, 592

Potter, Sydney, 441

Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr., minister, con-
gressman, 386, 470 ; as councilman, 281 ;
and Vermont Plan, 133

Powell, Adam Clayton, Sr., minister, writer,
459

Powell, C. B., physician, editor, publisher,
279; 386

Powell, W. J., editor, 384

Prairie View College, proposed law school
at, 98

Pratt, Ellcot D., 146

Prattis, P. L., editor, admitted to Senate
press gallery, 392 ; on Negro areas of
camps, 352 ; on function of the Negro
press, 383

Prejudice, race (see various divisions for
effects of)

Presbyterian Church in the United States,
124

Presbyterian Church in the United States
of America, 124

Prescott, Patrick, judge, 279

President's Advisory Commission on Uni-
versal Training, 285

President's Committee on Civil Rights, 285,
301

Press, Negro (see Negro press)

Press, white, editorial opinion on lynching,
302-303 ; Negro columns in, 396-398 ; Ne-
gro reporters employed by, 395-396 ;
southern attitude toward Ku Klux Klan,
221

Price, Florence B., composer, pianist, 429

Price-Mars, Jean, 617, 627

Pride, Armistead S., educator, 398

Primus, Pearl, dancer, 444, 445

Prince, G. L., religious leader, 121

Principe, basic facts of, 488

Privlane, J. R., bishop, 123

Proctor, John, 439

Professions, Negroes and, 141-143 ; Negroes
in, 331-336 ; problems of Negroes in, 331

Progressive American, 384

Progressive Democratic Party, 272

Progressive Voters League, 270

Prophet, Elizabeth, sculptress, 418

Protest, Negro (see various divisions for
expressions of)

Protestant Episcopal Church, 125

Puerto Rico, density of population in, 605 ;
education in, 608-609 ; first native gov-
ernor of, 615 ; high tuberculosis rate in,
610 ; illiterarcy in, 609 ; ownership of
estates in, 606 ; political aspirations of,
615 ; racial segregation in, 611 ; suf-
frage in, 615 ; University of, 609-610 ;
wages in, 606

Putten, Carlos Van, 440

Quinland, William Samuel, physician, 43

Race, classifications inexact, 197

Race consciousness, in Europe, 577 ; and
imperialism, 577 ; and nationalism, 577-
578

Race problem, books on, 666-672 ; in Ger-
many, 578-580 ; practical aspects of, 209-
227 ; theoretical aspects of, 198-209 ; in
United States, 197-231 (see also Dis-
crimination and Segregation)

Race relations, books on, 666-672 ; in Cuba,
611 ; legal aspects of, 209 ; in Los An-
geles, Calif., 214 ; methods for improve-
ment, 133, 223-225 ; national voluntary
agencies concerned with, 227-231 ; in
northern cities, 215 ; Negro- white on
Pacific coast, 212-215 ; in Portland, Ore-
gon, 214 ; practical aspects of, 209-227 ;
press and, 395-398 ; proposals concerning
solution of, 205-209 ; in San Francisco,
Calif., 214 ; in Santo Domingo, 611 ; in
Seattle, Wash., 213 ; summary of trends
in, 225-227; theoretical aspects of, 198-
209 ; in Union of South Africa, 504-510 ;
in United States, 197-231 (see also Dis-
crimination and Segregation)

Race Relations Division, American Mis-
sionary Association, 230

Racial characteristics and racial differences,
books on, 672-07 3

702

INDEX

"Racial equality" clause rejected in Kenya,
526

Racism, 200-202 ; absence of in Spain, 586 ;
in Britain, 583-584 ; and British im-
perialism, 583-584 ; in Europe, 577-578 ;
post-war safeguards against in Germany,
579-580; Russian attitude toward, 596

Radio, educational scripts on Negroes, 454 ;
Negroes and, 446-451 ; script writing by
Negroes, 465-466

Radio programs, Negroes on, 446-451

Ragland, James Farley, poet, 462

Rahn, Muriel, soprano, actress, 380, 424,
433, 436, 440

Raines, Morris A., botanist, 26

Rainey, Joseph H., judge, 395

Raleigh, N. C., Negro election officials in,
266

Randol, George, 439

Randolph, A. Philip, labor leader, 280 ; as
editor, 385 ; and March-on-Washington
Movement, 350 ; as organizer of sleeping-
car porters, 280 ; in politics, 280 ; Spin-
garn Award to, 25

Randolph, Amanda, 443

Randolph, Lillian, actress, 452

Rankin, John, 270, 271

Ransom, Leon, lawyer, 253

Ransom, R. C., bishop, 118, 119

Raper, Arthur F., 469 ; on mechanization in
agriculture, 181, 183

Raseta, French deputy, 583

Reason, James, 442

Reason, Patrick, portrait painter, 413

Red & Ctirley, 443

Red Ball Express, 363

Redd. George N.. on adult education, 105,
106

Reddick, Lawrence D., curator, historian,
17 ; on race relations in West, 213

Redding, J. Saunders, writer, 463

Redding, J. T., 26

Redman, Don, band leader, 436. 446

Redmon, Sidney D., physician, 29, 30

Redmond, Pauline, 285

Reed, George Warren, Jr., scientist, 45

Reed, Napoleon, 440

Reed, Stanley, 269

Reformed Methodist Union Episcopal
Church, 123

Reformed Zion Union Apostolic Church,
123

Registration, 265-268

Reid, Frank M., bishop, 119

Reid, Ira DeA, sociologist, 17. 51, 285, 469 ;
on status of the Negro, 200

Reid, Robert D., educator, historian, as con-
tributor, vii, 258

Rejection, of Negro registrants, causes for,
329-331

Religious work, among Negroes, 109-133
(see also Church, Negro)

Rene, Leon, composer, 435

"Report of Trends in the Colored Press,"
386

Representation of Natives Act, 506

Republican National Committee, 279 ; Ne-
gro delegates at, 279

Republican Party, attitude of Negroes to-
ward, 279-280 ; efforts to win Negro vote,
279 ; platforms of, 278

Reserve officers, 351

Restrictive covenants, 293-294, 339 ; court
decisions and, 297

Revels, Hiram R., U. S. Senator, 283

Reynolds? Chancery, musician, 448

Rhodes, J. A., 26

Rhodesia, Northern, alienation of land in,
546 ; basic facts of, 486 ; strike in, 557 ;
wage differentials in, 557

Rhodesia, Southern, alienation of land in,
545; basic facts of, 487; Land Appor-
tionment Act in, 527-528 ; race relations

in, 527-528 ; urban socio-economic prob-
lems, 528-530

Richards, Sir Arthur, 521 ; bars African
press from Assembly, 559

Richardson, Ben Albert, writer, 464

Richardson, Emory, 439, 441

Richardson, Harry V., religious leader, on
training of the rural ministry, 128

Richardson, Mayme, soprano, 424

Richmond Planet, 384, 385

Rigby, Howard, 442

Riots, race, 232-257 ; of Alabama Drydock
and Shipbuilding Company, 233-234 ; in
Athens, Ala., 253-255 ; in Beaumont,
Texas, 234-236; at Blackbush Aerodrome,
585 ; in Columbia, Tenn., 246-253 ; in
Detroit, Mich., 232-233, 237-242; on
Guam, 373 ; in Harlem, 242-246 ; in lx>s
Angeles, Calif., 236-237 ; involving Ne-
gro soldiers, 255-256, 371 ; that did not
happen, 256 ; in United States, 232-257

Ritnour, Charles C., 29

Rivardo, L. Robert, 64

Rivers, Fletcher ("Moke"), 453

Rivers, Mark E., Jr., West Point graduate,
367

Rives, Richard T., 267

Roberts Field, 499

Roberts, George S., major, 356

Roberts, Homer B., 388

Roberts, Lucky, composer, 435

Roberts, Stephen, 441

Roberts, Walter, 27

Robertson, William Ernest, archbishop, 119

Robeson, Eslanda Goode, anthropologist,
471 ; on Liberia, 496

Robesion, Paul, athlete, baritone, actor,
leader, 281, 380, 425, 436, 448, 450, 517,
588, 596, 597 ; and American Crusade
to End Lynching, 311 ; in Othello, 441-
442; Spingarn Award to, 26

Robeson, Paul, Jr., 407

Robinson, Ann, 441

Robinson, Bill ("Bo jangles"), dancer, 223,
441, 445, 452

Robinson, "Doc" Elbert R., 27

Robinson, Gloria, 442

Robinson, Hilyard A., architect, 188, 355

Robinson, Jerome, 285

Robinson, Ray, boxer, 408

Robinson, Robert, technician, 596

Rocco, Maurice, musician, 447

Roche, Edward, 440

Rochester (Eddie Anderson), 446, 450, 451,
453

Rochester, Sterling, 586

Rockefeller Foundation, 229

Rockefeller, John D., Jr., 103

Rogers, Edith Nourse, 364

Rogers, J. A., historian, writer, 411, 472

Rollins, Charlemae, librarian, 17

Roman Catholic Missions Among the
Colored People and the Indians, 125

Roosevelt, Eleanor, 447

Roosevelt, Franklin D., 279-280, 392 ; and
federal appointments of Negroes, 284 ; in
Liberia, 499

Root, Lyman, 439

Rosa, Dedia, 442

Rose, Billy, 440

Rosenwald Fund, 229

Ross, Harold, business man, 196

Ross, Herbert, 443

Ross, John M., educator, 465

Roumain, Jacques, Haitian writer, 627

Rouzeau, Edgar T., newspaper man, 395 ;
as war correspondent, 387

Rowe, Billy, newspaper man, as war cor-
respondent, 387

Roy, Jessie H., teacher, writer, 467

Royal Air Force, 585 ; removes restrictions
against Negroes, 593

Rudd, Wayland, actor, musician, 588, 597

INDEX

703

Hun Little Chillun, 443

Rural rehabilitation program, 177

Russell, C. L., bishop, 120

Russell, Edward A., scientist, 45

Russell, Maud, 443

Russell, Nell Dodson, editor, 394

Russell Sage Foundation, 229

Rust cotton picker, 145

Russia, 595-599 ; American Negro agricul-
tural specialists in, 596 ; attitude toward
American race problem, 589-590 ; con-
stitution of and racial equality, 595 ;
economic crises eliminated in, 598-599 ;
economic system of, 598 ; equality in,
595-598 ; equality of races guaranteed by
constitution, 587-588 ; native Negroes in,
598; Negroes in, 587-588, 595-599; Ne-
gro actors in, 597 ; Negro colony fully
integrated in, 588 ; Negro population of,
588 ; respect for Negroes in, 595 ; serv-
ice of Negroes in Red Army, 588 ; skilled
Negroes in, 596-598

Russwurm, John B., editor, first Negro col-
lege graduate, 384

Ruth, George A. P., 29

Ruth, William C., 30

Sage, Parker, 233

Salvation Army, 126

Samuels, Clarence, 374

San Antonio Informer, 389

San Francisco Conference, 390, 562, 564,
565, 566

San Tome, basic facts of, 488

Sanders, James A., war correspondent, 387

Santo Domingo, agrarian program of, 606 ;
density of population in, 605 ; education
in, 609 ; illiteracy in, 609 ; massacre of
border living Haitians, 618, 628 ; race
relations in, 611

Savage, Archie, 443

Savage, Augusta, sculptress, 421

Savannah Tribune, 384

Saxon, Luther, 440

Scandinavia, anti-racism law in Sweden,
587 ; prevalence of democratic practices
in, 587

Scholarships, out-of-state, 95, 96, 98 ; posi-
tion of Negro educators on, 99-100 ; posi-
tion of deans of southern graduate
schools on, 100

Schomburg collection, 213

School strikes, 221-222

Schools of nursing, 336

Schuler, Booker T., 30, 31

Schuyler, Philippa Duke, composer, pianist,
429-430

Sciences, the Negro in, 34-53 ; natural
sciences, 34-47 ; social sciences, 47-53

Scisco, Allen, 406

Scott, Benjamin, scientist, 45

Scott, C. A., editor, 386

Scott, Emmett J., 32, 398

Scott, Hazel, pianist, singer, 448, 451, 452

Scott, Lloyd, 405

Scott, W., religious leader, 120

Scott, W. A., editor-publisher, 386

Scott, William Edouard, painter, 416, 421

Scottsboro case, 299

"Scribes," poets, 462

Seabees, Negro, 373 ; hunger strike of, 372

Seaver, Edwin, 468

Sebree, Charles, artist, 467

"Second-class citizenship," 392

Segregation, the basis of inter-racial po-
licies, 209-210; and blood plasma banks,
379 ; in Britain, 583-586 ; in education,
56 ; a national problem, 292-293 ; residen-
tial, 292-294 ; in 'Southern Rhodesia, 527-
528 : in Union of South Africa, 504-510 ;
in United States, 209-215 (see also Dis-
crimination ; Race Problem ; Race Rela-
tions)

Selassie, Haile, Emperor of Ethiopia, 491,
494

Selective service examinations, disqualify-
ing defects, 329-331

Sellers, Grover, 98

Selway, Robert, Jr., 358

Senate committee, on campaign expendi-
tures, 271

Senate War Investigating Committee, 271

Senegal, basic facts of, 487

Senghor, Leopold >Sedar, French deputy, 583

Sengstacke, John H., editor, publisher, 386,
391

Service Men's Adjustment Act, 150 (see
also G. I. Bill of Rights)

Service National de la Production Agricole,
622

Service National de la Profession Agri-
cola, assists Haitian industry, 624

Service occupations, Negroes in during
World War II, 138-139 (see also Domestic
Service)

Settle, Glenn T., originator, "Wings Over
Jordan" choir, 434, 450

784th tank battalion, 360

761st tank battalion, 360

777th field artillery battalion, 360

Seventh-day Adventists, 126

Shackleford, Jane, teacher, writer, 466, 467

Shamba Bashir, Russian district official,
588

Sharecropping, system of, 153-157

Shaw, Alexander P., bishop, 124

Shaw, B. G., bishop, 119

Shepherd, James E., college president, 451

Shores, Arthur, lawyer, 212

Short, David Wm,, religious leader, 123

Show Boat, 442

Sierra Leone, basic facts of, 485

Simmons, John, 28

Simmons, Virginia Lee, poet, 462

Simmons, William Joseph, and Ku Klux
Klan, 216

Simms, Alberta L., musician, 446

Simms, Hilda, actress, 439, 446, 451

Simon, Robert, 441

Simpson, Clarence L., Vice-President,
Liberia, 501-502

Simpson, William, portrait painter, 413

Sims, David H., bishop, 279

Sinatra, Frank, 223

Singleton, Minnie D., editor, 396

Sipuel, Ada Lois, case of, 99

Sissle, Noble, band leader, 436, 443, 448

Sissoko, French deputy, 583

614th tank destroyer battalion, 360

66th army air forces flying training detach-
ment, 355

Slade, Charles, 406

Slade, W. W., bishop, 119

Slavery, books on, 652-655

Smith, Albert A., painter, 421

Smith, Alfred E., 285

Smith, Augustus, 441

Smith, Ferdinand, labor leader, 245

Smith, Harry C., editor, 385

Smith, Homer, newspaper man, foreign cor-
respondent, as contributor, vii, 595

Smith, James W., 367

Smith, Lillian, 442

Smifh, Mildred, 443

Smith, Muriel, mezzo-soprano, 440, 451

Smith, Rollin, 443

Smith, R. C., 26

Smith, Theodora, 439

Smith, William C., 442

Smith v. Allwright, Election Judge, ct al..
269

Smuts, Jan Christian, 516 ; color policy of,
505

Snyde, Walter H., 31

Social conditions, books on, 673-677 ; dis-
cussion of, 469-470

704

INDEX

Social integration, 208-209

Socialist Labor party, 280

Socialist party, 280

Societe d' Investigations Statistiques et
Demographiques, 619

Societe Haitiano-Americaine de Developpe-
ment Agricole, established, 623

Sojourner Truth housing riot, 232-233

Soldiers, Negro, 358-364 ; activities of, 358-
364 ; in African-Italian campaign, 358-
359 ; in Alaskan department, 363 ; am-
phibian truck companies, 363 ; chemical
warfare, 361 ; in China, and India-Bur-
ma theaters, 363-364 ; combat troops, 359 ;
corps of engineers, 362 ; dump truckers,
362 ; 41st engineers, 358 ; in European
theater, 359-363 ; film of the, 453 ; 450th
anti-aircraft artillery automatic weapons
battalion, 359 ; fraternization of, 580-
591 ; general service regiments, 362 ; in-
fantry, 361 ; medical corps, 331, 362 ;
Nazi propaganda against, 579 ; 92nd divi-
sion, 359 ; ordnance, 362 ; in Pacific and
other theaters, 363-364 ; port battalions,
362 ; shipment to ETO discontinued, 580 ;
signal corps, 361 ; transportation corps,
362 ; truck companies, 363 (see also
World War II, Army, Army Air Forces)

Solomon, Sam B., business man, 274

Somaliland, resume of labor legislation for,
533-535

Somaliland, British, basic facts of, 486

Somaliland, French, basic facts of, 488

Somaliland, Italian, 566

"Songs of the Soul," 433

Sororities, list of, 475

Soulouque, as Faustin, the first, 627

South, the (see various divisions for data
on)

South Africa Red Cross, 516

South African Institute of Race Relations,
565

South Pacific, 442 ; cast of, 442

South West Africa, and annexation, 564-
565

Southern Association of Colleges and Sec-
ondary iSchools, 78

Southern Baptist Convention, 221

Southern Conference for Human Welfare,
230, 250, 263, 274

Southern Education Foundation, Inc., 230

Southern Negro Youth Congress, 270, 274

Southern Newspaper Syndicate, 386

Southern Nigeria Defender, government con-
tracts cancelled, 559

Southern Regional Council, 231, 250, 272,
274, 302

Southernaires, 433, 436, 446

Spain, Negro in, 586 ; religion, the basis of
social distinction, 586

Spars, Negro women in, 374

Spaulding, C. C., insurance executive, on
saving, 190

Spears, Edward, 28

Spencer, Gerald Arthur, writer, 471

Spencer, Kenneth, actor, in Show Boat, 442,
447, 453

Spingarn Achievement Awards, 24-26, 39

Spingarn, J. E., 24

Sport, books on, 676 (see also Athletes)

Springfield Plan, 224

St. Louis Board of Election Commissioners,
282

St. Louis, Mo., gerrymandering in, 282

St. Louis Woman, 444 ; cast of, 444 '

St. Vincent, ownership of plantations in,
606

Stack, Herbert J., 471

Stage, (see Theatre, Negro in)

Stallworth, Elbert, 26, 27

Standard of living (see Negro in National
Economy, Economic Development in

Africa, Economic Conditions in West In-
dies, Housing, Health, Agriculture)

Stanford, Theodore A., newspaper man, as
war correspondent, 387

Stanley, Carlson, 443

Stanley, Frank L., editor, 386, 393 ; on
function of Negro press, 383, 398 ; NNPA
president, 393 ; tour of, 393

Stanton, D. H., religious leader, 126

Starling, Marian W., educator, 17

Stars and Stripes, 361, 388

State Department, Division of Cultural Re-
lations, 500

States' rights, 63, 272, 311

Steele, Edward, 443

Stephens, James, assemblyman, 191

Stephenson, Gladys, 246, 247, 253

Stephenson, James, 246, 247, 253

Stern, Bernhard J., 469

Stetson, Kennedy, on poll tax, 264

Stevenson, Coke R., 98

Stewart, Luther, bishop, 120

Stewart, Ollie, newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387 ; as foreign corres-
pondent, 390 ; on radio, 448

Still, William Grant, composer, 430, 453

Stokes, Ora B., 285

Strange Fruit, 442

Strauss, J. G. N., on African maize situa-
tion, 516

Streator, George, reporter, 395

Strickland, O. S., 28

Strikes, in Africa, 557-561 ; not permitted
by natives in Union of South Africa, 512 ;
school, 221-223

Student Volunteer Movement for Christian
Missions, 128

Sublett, John W. ("Bubbles"), actor, 453

Sudan, Anglo-Egyptian, 567-569 ; attitude
toward Anglo-Egyptian controversy, 568 ;
basic facts of, 487 ; future of, 567-569

Sudan, French, basic facts of, 487

Suddeutsche Zeitung, on fraternization, 580

Suffrage, 258-259 ; books on, 665-666 ; extra-
legal methods of exclusion from, 265-266 ;
requirements for in South, 260-262 (see
also Politics)

Sullivan, Edward, producer, 443

Sullivan, Maxine, singer, 451

Sunday School Helper, 385

Sunday Schools, 118

Supreme Court decisions, United States, on
authority of states to regulate practices
of trade unions, 150 ; on educational op-
portunities for Negroes, 297 ; on forced
labor, 298 ; Gaines case, 96-97 ; on inter-
state bus travel, 212 ; relating to forced
confessions of guilt, 299 ; relating to Ne-
groes and labor unions, 296-297 ; relating
to voting, 298-299 ; on Scottsboro case,
299 ; on segregation and discrimination
in travel, 210, 298 ; on union obligations
to non-union employees, 149 ; on white
primary, 268, 269 (see also Court Deci-
sions)

Suriname Association, 587

Suthern, II, Orrin Clayton, organist, con-
ductor, 430 ; as contributor, vii, 422

Sutton, Alma, 444

Sutton, John, agricultural chemist, 27, 588,
596

Swaziland, basic facts of, 487

Sweatt, Herman, case of, 98

Swift, Jay, 407

Talmadge, Eugene, 273, 302

Talmadge, Herman, 273

Tanner, Henry Ossawa, painter, 414, 421

Tannenbaum, Frank, on Negro's accom-
modation to New World, 198-199

Tarrant. Leo, 406, 407

Tarry, Ellen, writer, 467, 468

Tate, John, 439

INDEX

705

Tate, Merze, educator, political scientist,

471

Tatum, Art, band leader, 436
Taylor, Andrew, 448
Taylor. Carl C., Wheeler, Helen W., and

Kirkpatrick, E. L., 157
Taylor, Glen H., 271
Taylor, G. W., bishop, 123
Taylor, Moddie, scientist, 45
Taylor, Richard, 27
Taylor, Robert R., 285
Tchivaya, French deputy, 583
The Tempest, 442

Tenancy, 155-156 ; causes for decline, 156
Tenant-purchase program, 178
Tennis, 405 ; Negro men and, 405 ; Negro

women and, 405
Terry, Edward P., 271
Terry, Kenneth, 441
Theatre, Negro in, 439-446 ; Negroes in

plu/s by Negro playwrights, 443-444 ; Ne-
groes in plays by white playwrights, 439-

443

Theodore, Pan, 443

Thomas, A. Jack, teacher, composer, 432
Thomas, Carlotta, organist, composer, 430
Thomas, Edna, actress, 441
Thomas, Elbert IX, 68
Thomas, George, business man, 595
Thomas, Henry, 28
Thomas, Julius A., social welfare leader ;

as contributor, vii, 134
Thomas, J. J., 274

Thomas, Stella, British barrister, 584
Thomason, H. L., religious leader, 126
Thompkins, William J., Recorder of Deeds,

285
Thompson, Charles H., educator, editor, on

adult education, 103-104
Thompson, Era Bell, as a writer, 464
Thompson, Frazier, 406
Thompson, M. E., 273
Thompson, Sydney Oliver, scientist, 45
Thrash, Dox, painter, 420
363rd quartermaster truck company, 363
332nd fighter group, 357 ; decorations

awarded, 357

333rd field artillery battalion, 359
320th barrage balloon battalion, 359
Thurman, Howard, religious leader, 17, 462
Tibbs, Roy Wilfred, organist, pianist, 431
Tide, on advertising and the Negro market,

389

Timberlake, Jerry, 27
Titz, Boris, Russian pianist, 597
Titz, Coretti Arle, singer, 597
Tobias, Channing H., director, Fhelps Stokes

Fund, 285, 301, 451
Togoland, resume of labor legislation for,

533-535
Toles, Edward, newspaper man, as war

correspondent, 387
Tolson, Melvin B., poet, 461
Tookes, H. Y., bishop, 119
Topeka Plaindealer, 385
Tops and Wilda, 447
Touchstone, J. H., religious leader, 124
Townes, C. L., 190
Track and field, 405-406 ; Negro men and,

405-406 ; Negro women and, 406-407
Trade and commerce, Negro in, 143-145
Transportation corps, 362
Transvaal Chamber of Mines, 514-515
Treaty of St. Germain, 570
Trent, William J., 103, 285
Trent-Johns, Altona, teacher, writer, 467
Tresville, Robert B., army band leader, 437
Tresville, Robert B., Jr., West Point gradu-
ate, 367

Trimble, T. C., 65
Trinidad, illiteracy in, 608
Triumph the Church and Kingdom of God

in Christ, 123

Tropical Review, 444

Trotter, William Monroe, editor, 385

Trout, Charles E., agriculturalist, 498

Truck companies, 363

Trujillo, Rafael, President of Santo Domin-
go, 618, 628

Truman, Harry S., 393 ; on Booker T. Wash-
ington, 32

Trusteeship, 565, 567, 569; and United
Nations Charter, 563-564 ; rejected by
West Indians, 616

Trusteeship Council, 563, 566

Tubbs, Vincent T., newspaper man, 387,
390, 391 ; as war correspondent, 392

Tuberculosis, mortality rate of, 327-328

Tubman, William, V. S., President of
Liberia, 496, 497, 498, 499, 500, 501

Tudor, Cameron, West Indian elected Pres-
ident of Oxford Union, 584

Turner, Clarence De Witt, scientist, 45

Turner, Claude, 452

Turner, Edythe H., educator, 17

Turner, Geneva C., teacher, 467

Turner, Hattie, 407

Turner, Joseph, 31

Turner, Lorenzo D., educator, 17

Turner, Thomas Wyatt, biologist, 36

Turner, William D., 28

Turner, W. E., missionary, 421

Tuskegee Army Air Field, 355-356, 453 ;
commanding officers of, 356 ; declared sur-
plus, 356 ; number of pilots trained at,
356 ; third anniversary of, 450

Tuskegee Civic Association, 274

Ttiskegee Institute, 31, 302, 338, 355, 446,
596 ; Department of Records and Re-
search, v, 52-53 ; housing program for
rural betterment, 179 ; museum of Negro
art and culture, 421

Tyler, Edward, 442

Tyler, George, agricultural specialist, 596

Tyler, William H., Secretary of War,
Liberia, 502

Uganda, basic facts of, 486 ; labor unions
in, 556 ; strike in, 559-560

Undertaking, 195

Underwriters Associations, list of, 192

Union American Methodist Episcopal
Church, 123

Union of iSouth Africa, 503-517 ; African
trade unions without status in, 513-512;
alienation of land in, 545 ; basic facts of,
485 ; "civilized labor policy," 509 ;
"Colour Bar" Act, 509-510 ; color policy
of, 504-517; economic conditions in, 510-
517 ; famine in, 515 ; labor unions in,
510-514, 556 ; labor unions with Africans
refused registration in, 511 ; living condi-
tions in, ,516 ; Native Land Acts, 505-506 ;
native policy in, 510 ; Native Urban Acts,
508 ; pass laws of, 508-509, 528 ; penal
sanctions in, 552 ; political status of
Africans in, 506-508 ; "parallel develop-
ment" in. 504-505 ; policy of political
parties, 505 ; population of, 503-504 ; race
relations and disabling acts of, 504-510 ;
strikes by natives not permitted in, 512 ;
wage increases in gold mines, 514-515 ;
wages of coal delivery workers in, 512 ;
wages in, 514

Unions, court decisions affecting Negroes in,
146-148, 149-150 (see also Labor Move-
ment)

United American Free Will Baptist Church,
123

United Holy Church of America, Inc., 123

United Mutual Life Insurance Company,
charted in New York, 191

United Nations Charter, 390, 565, 566, 567,
616 ; and Africa, 562-569 ; attitude of
Africans toward colonial provisions of,
565-566 ; and colonial areas, 562 ; and
Liberia, 499 ; and non-self-governing ter-

706

INDEX

ritories, 562 ; provisions concerning
trusteeship, 563-564 ; and self-governing
territories, 562-563

UNESCO (United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization),
285, 616

UNRRA (United Nations Relief and
Rehabilitation Administration), 558; Ne-
groes serving with, 380-381

United Negro and Allied Veterans, 382

United Negro College Fund, 101-103

The United Presbyterian Church, 126

USO (United Service Organizations), 380;
camp shows, 380

United States, books on the Negro in, 635-
672 ; employment service, 381, 382 ;
Housing Act, 340; Military Academy,
Negro graduates of, 365, 367 ; Naval
Academy, Negroes at, 375 (see also West
Point)

United States Public Health Service, 338

United States v. Classic, 269

United Stewardship Council of the Churches
of Christ of the United .States and
Canada, 128

Valentino, Paul, French deputy, 583

Van Buren, Lillian, 405

Vandiver, J. S., 64, 65

van Lier, Rudolf, Dutch poet, 587

Vann, Mrs. Robert, publisher, 386

Vaughn, Hilda, 441

Venereal disease, 329

Vermont Plan, 133

Veteran, Negro, 381-382 ; blinding of, in
South Carolina, 589 ; in the economy,
150-151 ; and employment, 381, 382 ; and
on-the-job training, 382 ; organizations
for, 382 ; problems of, 381 ; and vocation-
al training schools, 382

Vidal, Ted, furrier, 194

Villard, Henry S., on American relations
with Africa, '570-571

Vincent, Stenio, President of Haiti, 625 ;
builds libraries, 626 ; elected life senator,
627; as president, 627-628

Virgin Islands, American Negro appointed
governor of, 31, 615 ; education in, 609 ;
suffrage in, 615

Virginia State College, 596

Virginia State Teachers Association, 274

Vodery, Bill, musician, 443

Vital statistics, 320-329

Vodou, 626, 627

Voorhis, Harold O., 32

Voting, court decisions relating to, 298-299 ;
"Declaration by Negro Voters" on ; 281-
282 ; growing independence of Negro, 280 ;
importance of, 258; in the North, 258,
277 ; poll tax and, 263, 264 ; population
of voting age, 275-277 ; requirements for,
in the South, 260-262 ; in the South, 258,
263 ; strength of Negro, 277

Walden, A. T., lawyer, 275

Walk Hard, 444

Walker, A. Maceo, actuary, 190

Walker, George, pianist, 431

Walker, J. E., insurance executive, 192,
194

Walker, Margaret, poet, 449, 460

Walker, Sidney (Beau Jackson), boxer, 408

Walker, William O., editor, 386, 393, 394

Wallace, Emmett, 441

Wallace, P. A., bishop, 119

Wallace, Royce, 443

Waller, Thomas W. ("Fats"), pianist, com-
poser, band leader, 435-436, 452

Walls, W. J., bishop, 119

Walton, Lester B., editor, diplomat, 285,
385

Walton, U. S., dentist, 29

War bond program, insurance companies
and war bond purchases, 189-190 ; Negro
press and, 386 ; Negro banks and war

securities, 185-186 ; national Negro busi-
ness league and, 194 ; Prattis plan, 194

War correspondents, Negro, 447

War Manpower Commission, 234

Waring, J. Waites, 65, 66

Waring, Laura Wheeler, painter, illustrator,

Warren, Elton J., 440

Washington Bee, 384

Washington, Booker T., founder, Tuskegee
Institute, 203, 338 ; birthplace memorial,
32 ; coin authorized, 32-33 ; commemora-
tions, 31-33 ; elected to Hall of Fame, 31,
32 ; stamp issued, 31

Washington, Ford L. ("Buck"), 453

Washington, Fredi, actress, 441, 448

Washington, Gloria Davidson, 31

Washington, G. L., executive, 355-356

Washington, John E., writer, 463

Washington, Kenny, football player, 407

Washington, Leo, Jr., publisher, 394

Washington, Robert G., newspaper man, as
war correspondent, 387

Washington, Valores, 279

Waters, Enoc P., newspaper man, as war
correspondent, 387

Waters, Ethel, singer, actress, 448, 453 ;
in Cabin in the Sky, 439, 440

Watkins, Mark Hanna, anthropologist, 17

Watkins, Perry, scenic designer, 443

Watkins, Sylvestre C., 468

Watson, Barbara M., radio producer, 450

Watson, E. B., bishop, 119

Watson, George, war hero, first Negro to
win Distinguished Service Cross, World
War II, 376

Watson, William, 406

Waves, Negro women in, 374-375

Weaver, Maurice, 250, 253

Weaver, Robert C., economist, 281, 285, 350,
381, 470, 598

Webster, Margaret, 442

Webster, Milton P., leader, 284

Weekly Mirror, 497

Welles, Orson, 441, 443, 450

Welliver, Warman, on Negro soldier, 353-
354

Wells, James L., painter, 421

Werner, L. W., editor, 386

Wesley, Carter W., editor, 386

Wesley, Charles Harris, historian, educator,
51, 52

West Africa, British, alienation of land in,
547

West Africa, French, basic facts of, 487

West African Pilot, banned, 558 ; on colonial
provisions of United Nations Charter,
565 ; representative barred from legisla-
tive assembly, 559 ; resumes publication,
559

West African Students' Union, 593

West, Harriet M., major, 364 ; on Women's
Army Corps, 364

West Indies, American influence on race
discrimination in, 611 ; class system of,
611-612 ; discrimination, racial in, 611 ;
diseases in, 610 ; economic conditions in,
606-607 ; education in, 608-610 ; health
conditions in, 610 ; history of, 603 ; hous-
ing in, 610 ; illiteracy in, 608 ; indus-
trialization needed in, 607 ; intermarriage
not prohibited by law in, 612; malnutri-
tion in, 610 ; new French constitution
and, 614 ; over-population of, 605 ;
political developments in, 614-616 ; pop-
ulation of, 604-606 ; possibilities for
political advancement in, 616 ; poverty
in, 606-610 ; race relations in, 610-612 ;
recent EHitch policy in, 614 ; rejection of
trusteeship, 616 ; segregation in, 608 ;
standard of living in, 612 ; suffrage in,
614, 615 ; tuberculosis in, 610 ; wage dis-
crimination in, 606-607 ; wages in, 606-

INDEX

707

607 ; war service of West Indians in
Britain, 584-585 ; West Indian university
needed, 584, 608; and World War II,
612-613

West Indies, Dutch, granted virtual inde-
pendence, 614 ; illiteracy in, 608 ; stand-
ard of living in, 607

West, John B., physician, 500

West Point, Negroes at, 365, 367 (see also
U. S. Military Academy)

Whalen, James M., 282

Wheeler, Laura, artist, 466

Wheeler, Samuel, 29

Whipper, Leigh, actor, 441, 451, 453

Whitby, Beulah T., social worker, educator,
17

White, Alvin E., 394

White, A. W., bishop, 120

White, Cecil Goldsburg, scientist, 45

White, Charles, painter, 421

White, Clarence Cameron, composer,
violinist, 431

While, Elizabeth Catlett, sculptress, 421

White, George, 29

White, Jane, 442, 448

White, Josh, musician, 451

White, J. G. Company, in Haiti, 623

White, Portia, contralto, 425

"White primaries," 217, 268-273 ; court de-
cisions on, 268-270 ; historical back-
ground of, 268 ; unconstitutionality of,
268 ; participation of Negroes in, 270 ;
states' efforts to maintain, 272-273

White supremacy, 258, 259, 263, 266, 270,
272 ; as basis of British colonial rule,
583-584, 585 ; and Ku Klux Klan, 217 ;
effect of court decisions on, 270, 272-273

White, Walter, NAACF secretary, writer,
284, 390, 395, 451, 490; on Harlem
riot, 244 ; on temper of Negro voting,
280, 281 ; Spingarn Award to, 24-25 ; on
strength of Negro vote, 277 ; on war
tour, 449

Whitely, Sir Gerald, bans African news-

papers, 558-559
Siting, - '

Whiting, Helen, educator, 466

Whitman, Ernest, 453

Who's Who in America. Negroes listed in,

15-16
Wieschhoff, Heinrich A.. African curator ;

as contributor, vii, 485, 491, 496, 503,

518, 531, 536, 538, 541, 549, 562, 570
Wiggins, Forest Oran, philosopher, 17
Wilberforce University, 596
Wilkerson, Doxey, on Extension Service

Among Negroes, 168-173
Wilkins, J. Ernest, Jr., mathematician, 41,

42, 45, 203

Wilkins, Roy, editor, 448
Williams, Ben T., 99
Williams, Camilla, soprano, 425, 433
Williams, Chancellor, writer, 458
Williams, Cootie, band leader, 436 -
Williams, Dorothy G., on adult education,

106

Williams, E. E., educator, 593
Williams, Enid, 443
Williams, Frances H., 285
Williams, Harold S., first Negro to serve

on county grand jury, 301
Williams, Larry, 441
Williams, Lavinia, 444
Williams, Lilborn, 406
Williams, Musa, 442
Williams, Noah W., bishop, 118, 119
Williams, Paul R., architect, 188, 471
Williams, Richard, electrical engineer, 441,

596

Williams, Robert Moton, correspondent, 390
Williams, Roderick Charles, 354
Williamson, Joshua, 406
Willis, George, 440
Willkie, Wendell L., 393; awards, 393-394

Wilson, Arthur, 407

Wilson, Arthur ("Dooley"), actor, 439, 440,
452, 453

Wilson, Christopher J., on British develop-
ment of Kenya, 525-526

Wilson, Edith, 441

Wilson, Frank, actor, 441, 442

Wilson, Garland, 443

Wilson, Paul, physician, health work of in
Haiti, 621

Wilson, Perry, 441

Wilson, Theodore ("Teddy"), pianist, band
leader, 436

Wilson, T. B., political leader, 270

Wings Over Jordan, 433, 449

Winkfield, Clyde, pianist, 431

Wisconsin, anti-discrimination law, 150

Wolf, Arlene, on race relations, 225-227

Wolford, Bertha, 453

Women's Army Auxiliary Corps, 364

Women's Army Corps, 364 ; strength of
Negro women in, 364, 366

Women, Negro in Army, 364 ; in Spars,
374 ; in Waves, 374-375 ; organizations
of, listed, 475

Wood, Odella Phelps, poet, 462

Woodard, Dudley Weldon, mathematician,
42

Woodruff, Hale, painter, engraver, 418

Woodson, Carter Godwin, historian, editor,
writer, 52, 472

Woodson, Harold W., scientist, 17

Woodson, Howard D., 285

World War II, activities of Negro soldiers
in, 358-364 ; affects Negro economy, 134 ;
band leaders in, 436-438; books on, 655-
656 ; contracts awarded Negroes, 188 ;
decorations and citations, 375-379 ; em-
ployment of Negroes during, 134-152 ; in-
duction of Negroes in, 134 ; migration
during, 134 ; the Negro and, 349-382 ;
Negro infantrymen serve with white
troops in, 361 ; Negro morale during, 452-
454 ; Negro musicians and, 436 ; Negro
newsgathering agencies during, 388 ; the
Negro press during, 386-388 ; Negro war
correspondents during, 387, 398 ; officers
in, 358, 373 ; participation of Haitians
in, 630 ; rejections of Negro selectees for
educational reasons, 104 ; role of Negro
newspaper publishers association during,
392 ; West Indies and, 612-613 (see also
Army ; Army Air Forces ; Navy ; Soldiers)

Work, John W., composer, 431

Work, Monroe Nathan, editor, bibliographer,
v, sketch of, 52-53

Workshops in Inter-group Education, 225

World Conference on Faith and Order, 128

World Council of Churches (The American
Committee), 129

World Federation of Trade, 616

The World Today, on Anglo-Egyptian Sudan
question, 569

World Trade Union conference, 390

World's Sunday School Association, 329

World's Young Women's Christian Associa-
tion, 129

Wragg, John P., minister, religious leader,
philanthropist, 126

Wright. Clarence William, educator,
scientist, as contributor, vii, 34

Wright, Johnny Richard, baseball player,
407

Wright, Louis T., physician, Spingarn
Award to, 25

Wright, Marion M. T., 471

Wright, P. J. Sidney, actor, 451

Wright, Richard, writer, 280, 443, 449, 457,
463, 469 ; Spingarn Award to, 25

Wright, Richard Robert, Jr.. bishop, 118,
119; as contributor, vii, 109

Wright, Richard Robert, Sr., educator,
banker, 31, 186, 449

708

INDEX

VVynbush, Octavia B., writer, 467
Xuma, A. B., on pass laws, 508-509
Yancy, Francis, newspaper man, as war

correspondent, 387
Yancy, P. R., 28
Yerby, Frank, novelist, 457, 458
Yergan, Max, leader, 245
Yordan, Philip, 439

Young, Charles, West Point graduate, 367
Young, Charles, Jr., 596
Young, Chester W., statistical specialist,

617
Young, Claude, athlete, football star, 406,

407

Young, Fred W., 30
Young, G. B., bishop, 119
Young, III, John H., correspondent, 394
Young, Johnson, business man, 194
Young. P. Bernard, Jr., editor, 386, 387 ;

African tour of, 392 ; award to, 394 ; at

"operations crossroads," 390-391 ; on

radio 447

Young P. Bernard Sr., editor-publisher, 386 ;
tribute to, 394

Young, R. L., bishop, 120

Young, Thomas K., religious leader, 124

Young, T. W., newspaper man, as war cor-
respondent, 387

Younger, Dan Eddie, 408

Youth, books on, 676-677

Young Men's Christian Association, 129 ;
Negro branches of, 375-477

Young Women's Christian Association, 129-
130 ; Negro branches of, 477-479

Zanzibar, basic facts of, 486

Zeigler, Jules, 440

Zik press, and conflict with Nigerian ad-
ministration, 558-559 ; papers banned,
558-559 ; government contracts cancelled,
559 ; wireless service terminated, 559

Zungura, 444

HILL

REFERENCE
L1SKARY

ST. PAUL

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Full text of "Negro year book : a review of events affecting Negro life, 1941-1946"

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