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Full text of "Negro year book : a review of events affecting Negro life, 1941-1946"

NEGRO YEAR BOOK 



NEGRO YEAR BOOK 

A Review of Events Affecting Negro Life 
1941-1946 



JESSIE PARKHURST GUZMAN 

Director, Department of Records and Research 

Tuskegee Institute 

Editor 



VERA CHANDLER FOSTER 

W. HARDIN HUGHES 

Associate Editors 



Published by 

THE DEPARTMENT OF RECORDS AND RESEARCH 
TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE 

ALABAMA 



COPYRIGHT, 1947 



Composition, Printing and Binding 

FOOTE AND DAVIES, INC. 

ATLANTA, GA. 



PREFACE 

The Negro Year Book dates back to 1912 when the late Booker T. Washington, 
founder and first principal of Tuskegee Institute, gave $1,000 to publish the first 
edition as a service to the public. This sum was the residue of a fund donated 
for the purpose of collecting and circulating information favorable to the Negro. 
It was expected that there would be only one edition; however, the Negro Year 
Book met a wide and continued demand. The volumes published have been as 
follows: 1912; 1913; 1914-15; 1916-17; 1918-19; 1921-22; 1925-26; 1931-32; 
1937-38. 

Many agencies and educational institutions, as well as individuals, have used 
the Negro Year Book extensively as a reference volume. It is specially adapted for 
use in schools and other places where historical and sociological data on the Negro 
are needed, and has circulated abroad as well as in the United States. 

The late Monroe N. Work, founder of the Department of Records and Research 
and director from 1908 to 1938, was editor of each edition through 1937-38. The 
editions, 1912 through 1925-26, gave mainly an account of the achievements of 
the Negro. The last three editions have not only included achievements, but have 
also described and explained conditions. 

The 1947 Negro Year Book, the tenth edition, covers mainly events from 1941 
through 1946, with some historical background. In a few instances, data appear- 
ing in the 1937-38 edition have been brought up-to-date. It provides a compre- 
hensive view of events affecting the Negro in the United States, in Africa, in 
Europe and in Latin America. The present volume differs from all previous 
editions in one important respect. Specialists from various fields have made contri- 
butions to it; thereby adding a breadth of viewpoint and expression not previously 
realized. 

We wish here to pay tribute to Monroe N. Work, pioneer, who died on May 2, 
1945. When the Department of Records and Research was established, much of 
what was then known about the Negro was based on opinion, rather than on 
fact. In the day-by-day compilation of information and of periodically putting ic 
into succinct form so that people could become intelligently informed on what 
was happening in Negro life, Mr. Work performed an incalculable service. The 
Department which he established is still unique, though many agencies dissemi- 
nating information on the Negro have grown up in the 39 years since it began. 

Sincere appreciation is extended to our contributors for their part in making 
this volume possible. 

We also wish to express appreciation to Dr. Joseph R. Houchins, Specialist, 
Negro Statistics, Department of Commerce and to numerous other persons and 
agencies for furnishing needed data; to members of the staff of the Department of 
Records and Research especially Mrs. Marianna Rabb, Mrs. Vera C. Foster, and 
Miss Betty Jean Scoggins, student assistant; and to Dr. W. Hardin Hughes, special 
Associate in Research. 

THE EDITOR. 



CONTRIBUTORS 



ABBOTT, CLEVE L., B. S., South Dakota State College. Director, Department of 
Physical Education, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 

BASTIEN, REMY, graduate, Seminaire College, Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Secretary, 
the Haitian Bureau of Ethnology. Rockefeller Foundation Fellow at the 
Escuela Nacional de Antropologia de Mexico, Mexico City, Mexico. 

BROWN, JOHN S., JR., Ph. B., Brown University; M. A., Columbia University. 
Science teacher, Thomas Jefferson High School, Brooklyn, N. Y., retired for 
free-lance writing. Historian, Negro Actors Guild of America, poet and play- 
wright, New York City. 

BROWN, ROSCOE CONKLING, graduate, Howard University Medical School. Senior 
Health Education Specialist; Chief, Office of Negro Health; United States 
Public Health Service, Washington, D. C. 

Cox, OLIVER C., Ph. D., the University of Chicago. Associate Professor of Soci- 
ology and Head, Social Studies Division, School" of Education, Tuskegee Insti- 
tute, Alabama. 

DAVIS, ARTHUR PAUL, Ph. D., Columbia University. Professor of English, Howard 
University, Washington, D. C. 

DAWSON, CHARLES C., attended Tuskegee Institute, the Art Students League of 
New York and Chicago Art Institute. Free-lance painter and illustrator, Tus- 
kegee Institute, Alabama. 

FOSTER, VERA CHANDLER, A. B., Fisk University; M. A., University of Nebraska. 
Assistant in Research, the Department of Records and Research, Tuskegee 
Institute, Alabama. 

GOMILLION, CHARLES G., A. B., Paine College. Dean, School of Education, Tus- 
kegee Institute, Alabama. 

GUZMAN, JESSIE P., A. B., Howard University; A. M., Columbia University. 
Director, Department of Records and Research, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 

HOLSEY, ALBON L., student Atlanta University. Assistant to the President of Tus- 
kegee Institute, in charge of Public Relations. Secretary National Negro 
Business League for 28 years. Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 

HOOKER, EMILE NEWTON, Ph. D., Cornell University. Professor of Agricultural 
Economics, Hampton Institute, Hampton, Virginia. 

HUGHES, W. HARDIN, Ed. D., the University of California. Special Associate in 
Research, Pasadena, California. 

LAWRENCE, CHARLES R., JR., A. B., Morehouse College; M. A. 'Atlanta University. 
Instructor in Sociology, Fisk University. Research Staff Race Relations: A 
Monthly Summary of Events and Trends. Nashville, Tennessee. 

LEWIS, HAROLD O., A. B., Amherst College; A. M., Howard University. Analyst 
Foundation for Foreign Affairs. On leave from Howard University, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 

LOGAN, RAYFORD W., Ph. D., Harvard University. Professor of History and Head 
of the Department of History, Howard University, Washington, D. C. 

MOODY, HAROLD A., M. D., B. S., (Lond.). Founder and President, The League 
of Coloured Peoples, London, England. 

OTIS, JESSE ROGERS DELBERT, Ph. D., Cornell University. State Leader for Negro 
Work, Alabama Extension Servirp. Tnskegee Institute, Alabama. 



CONTRIBUTORS Continued 



REID, ROBERT D., Ph. D., University of Minnesota. Associate Professor of His- 
tory, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 

SMITH, HOMER. American Newspaper Correspondent, Moscow, USSR. 

SUTHERN, II, ORRIN CLAYTON. A. B., Western Reserve University. Associate 
Professor of Music and Director of Music, Dillard University, New Orleans, 
Louisiana. 

THOMAS, JULIUS A., A. B., Howard University; Graduate work, Columbia Univer- 
sity. Director, Department of Industrial Relations, National Urban League, 
New York City. 

WlESCHHOFF, HEINRICH A., Ph. D., University of Frankfurt, Frankfurt, Germany. 
African Curator, University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania. 

WRIGHT, CLARENCE WILLIAM, B. S., Wilberforce University; M. S., Ohio State 
University. Assistant Professor, Department of Anatomy, Meharry Medical 
College, Nashville, Tennessee. 

WRIGHT, RICHARD ROBERT, JR., Ph. D., University of Pennsylvania, L. L. D., 
Wilberforce University. Bishop, the African Methodist Episcopal Church; 
Executive Secretary, National Fraternal Council of Negro Churches, U. S. A.,. 
Wilberforce, Ohio. 



PART ONE 

THE NEGRO 
IN THE UNITED STATES 



TABLE of CONTENTS 

Preface v 

Contributors vi 

PART ONE: THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES 

Division Page 

I. POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 1 

Numerical Relationships. Urban-Rural Population. Ratio 
of Males to Females. Age Composition of the Population. 
Occupation and Industry. 

II. SOME INTKI i.KcruAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 15 

Persons Listed in Who's Who in America. Persons Ap- 
pointed to Positions in White Institutions of Higher Learn- 
ing, 1941-1946. Doctors of Philosophy and Other Earned 
Doctorates, 1937-1946. Persons Elected to Phi Beta Kappa, 
1937-1946. Persons Elected to Honor Scholarship Societies, 
1936-1946. Spingarn Achievement Awards. Inventions and 
Discoveries. First Negro Governor Appointed by the United 
States Government. Booker T. Washington Commemora- 
tions. George Washington Carver Day. American Mother 
of 1946. 

III. THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 34 

The Negro in the Natural Sciences. The Negro in the So- 
cial Sciences. 

IV. THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 54 

Elementary and Secondary Education. Educational Dis- 
crimination. Legal Efforts to Equalize Salaries of White 
and Negro Teachers. Federal Aid and Education. Some 
Basic Statistics Relating to the Education of Negroes. 
Higher Education for Negroes. Adult Education. 

V. THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK .AMONG NEGROES 109 

Background of "The Negro Church." Statistics on Negro 
Churches. Denominations Belonging to "The Negro 
Church." Denominations Having White and Negro Mem- 
bership. Negroes Connected with Auxiliary Church Organ- 
izations. Negro Chaplains. 

VI. THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY, 1941-1945 134 

World War II Affects the Economy of the Negro. Popula- 
tion Shifts and Employment. Workers in War and Non- 
War Industries. The Service Occupations. Negroes in the 
Skilled Crafts. Government Employment. Negroes in the 
Professions. Trade and Ccmmerce. Displacement in Agri- 
culture Negroes in the Labor Movement. Significant 
Government Action Affecting Negro Workers. The Negro 
Veteran in the Economy. Early Trends in Peace-Time 
Employment. 

VII. THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 153 

The Plantation System and Sharecropping. Farm Ten- 
ancy. The Negro as a Farm Owner and Manager. The 
Negro as a Farm Laborer. Trends in Agriculture. The 
United States Extension Service and the Negro. The Farm 
Security Administration and the Negro. The Tuskegee 
Institute Housing Program for Rural Betterment ^Mechan- 
ization in Agriculture. 

xi 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PART ONE: THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES (Continued) 

Division Page 

VIII. THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS 184 

Pre-War Status of Negro Business. Negro Banks. Credit 
Unions. Contracting. Cooperatives. Insurance Com- 
panies. The National Negro Business League. War Ex- 
periences and the Post-War Outlook. Study of Negro Busi- 
ness and Business Education. 

IX. THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES 197 

Racial Classifications Inexact. The Theoretical Aspects of 
the Race Problem and of Race Relations. Racism and the 
Race Problem. Inequalities and equality. Proposals Con- 
cerning Solution of the Negro-White Problem. The Prac- 
tical Aspects of the Race Problem and Race Relations. 
The Ku Klux Klan. The Columbians, Inc. Attitudes To- 
ward Klan-like Organizations. School Strikes. Methods 
for Improvement of Race Relations. Trends in Race Rela- 
tions. National Voluntary Agencies Concerned with Race 
Relations. 

X. RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1942-1946 232 

The Sojourner Truth Housing Riot. The Alabama Dry 
Dock and Shipbuilding . Company Industrial Riot. The 
Beaumont, Texas Riot. The Los Angeles "Zoot Suit" 
Riots. The Detroit Riot. The Harlem Riot. The Colum- 
bia, Tennessee Riot. The Athens, Alabama Riot. Rioting 
Involving Negro Soldiers. Riots That Did not Happen. 
Conclusions. 

XI. THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 258 

Political Status of the Negro in the South. The Poll Tax. 
Registration. The "White Primary." Efforts to Improve 
the Political Status of the Negro. Population of Voting 
Age.^The Negro and Political Parties. Growing Indepen- 
dence of the Negro Vote. Office-Holding by Negroes. 

XII. THE NEGRO AND CIVIL RIGHTS 292 

Residential Segregation. Discrimination on Public Con- 
veyances. Court Decisions Involving the Rights of Negro 
Citizens. Jury Service. The President's Committee on 
Civil Rights. 

XIII. LYNCHING CRIME 302 

Section 1, Lynching: Lynchings Decline. Definition of 
Lynching Difficult. Detailed Lynching Record, 1937-1946. 
Lynching by Location, by Race, by Causes, 1882-1946. 
Lynchings Prevented. The Punishment of Lynchers. 
Efforts for Anti-Lynching Legislation. American Crusade 
to End Lynching. 

Section 2, Crime: Crime Not Easily Defined. Some Statis- 
tics on Crime. Homicide. Juvenile Delinquency. Gen- 
eral Accompaniments and Causes of Crime. Negro Police- 
men and Crime Prevention. 

XIV. HEALTH AND HOUSING 320 

Section 1, Health: Vital Statistics. Selective Service Ex- 
aminations, Disqualifying Defects. Negroes in the Medical 
Professions. Negro Hospitals. National Negro Health 
Movement. 

Section 2, Housing: The Housing Problem. The Solution 
of the Housing Problem. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



xiii 



PART ONE: THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES (Continued) 



Division 
XV. 



XVI 



XVII. 



XVIII. 



XIX. 



XX. 



XXI. 



XXII. 



Page 

THE NEGRO AND WORLD WAR II , 349 

Some Difficulties Faced by Negroes as Participants in De- 
fense Industries. Some Difficulties Faced by Negroes as 
Participants in the Army. The Negro in the Army Air 
Forces. Various Activities of Negro Soldiers. The Wom- 
en's Army Corps. Negro Strength of the Army. Negroes 
at West Point. Gillem Report on Utilization of Negro Man- 
power. The Negro in the Navy. Naming and Launching of 
Ships. Negroes at the Naval Academy. Decorations and 
Citations. The American Red Cross. The USO USO 
Camp-Shows. Negroes Serve with UNRRA. The Negro 
Veteran. 

THE NEGRO PRESS 383 

The Function of the Negro Press. Historical Development 
of the Negro Press. The Negro Press During World War 
II. Survey of Negro Newspapers. Advertising and the 
Negro Market. Expansion in Coverage of News by the 
Negro Press. Press Associations. Press Awards. Negro- 
White Press Relations. The Negro Press as a Source of 
Historical and Sociological Data. Leading Negro Period- 
icals and Newspapers. Negro Newsgathering Agencies, 
Newspapers, Magazines and Bulletins. 

SOME OUTSTANDING NEGRO ATHLETES 405 

Tennis. Track and Field. Baseball. Football. Basket- 
ball. Boxing. 

THE NEGRO IN ART 409 

The African Heritage. Alain L. Locke's Influence on the 
Development of Negro Art. Early Pioneers in the Euro- 
pean Tradition. American Negro Artists. Museum of 
Negro Art and Culture at Tuskegee Institute. 

THE NEGRO IN Music 422 

Concert Artists. Educators- Artists- Arrangers-Composers. 
Conductors. The Negro, in Opera. Musical Organizations 
of Distinction. The Negro and Popular Music. Negro 
Musicians and the War Effort. 

NEGRO IN THE THEATRE, ON THE RADIO, AND IN MOVING PICTURES 439 
The Negro in the Theatre. The Negro on Radio Pro- 
grams. The Negro in Moving Pictures. Educational Films 
and Radio Scripts. 

NEGRO AMERICAN LITERATURE 456 

Negro Literature Characterized. Fiction, 1941-1946. 
Poetry, 1941-1946. Autobiography and Biography, 1941- 
1946. Miscellaneous Works, 1941-1946. Summary. 



DIRECTORY OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 

Educational Organizations. Organizations for General 
Advancement. Organizations for Economic Advancement. 
Organizations for Professional Advancement. Organiza- 
tions in the Interest of Women. College Fraternities. 
College Sororities. Secret Fraternal Orders. Young Men's 
Christian Associations. Young Women's Christian Asso- 
ciations. The National Urban League for Social Service 
Among Negroes. 



473 



xiv 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PART TWO: THE NEGRO IN AFRICA 

Page 

POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF NEGRO AFRICA 485 

Introduction. Some Basic Facts. Population of Africa. 

ETHIOPIA SINCE THE WAR 491 

Anglo-Ethiopian Agreements. Problems Confronting Ethio- 
pia. Ethiopia Claims Eritrea and Italian Somaliland. 
Great Britain's Proposals Regarding Ogaden and the Re- 
served Areas. 

LIBERIA IN THE WORLD OF TODAY 496 

Historical Background. Governmental Affairs. Reforms 
Needed. Liberia's Relations with the United States. 
Who's Who in the Liberian Government. 

THE AFRICAN IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA 503 

Population of the Union of South Africa. Race Relations 
and Disabling Acts of the Union of South Africa. Economic 
Conditions in the Union of South Africa. 

AFRICANS AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE 518 

The Theory of British Colonial Rule. Colonial Develop- 
ment and Welfare. West Africa and the Atlantic Charter. 
Nigerian Constitution. Gold Coast Constitution. Race 
Relations in Kenya. Race Relations in Southern Rhodesia. 
The Urbanized African. 

AFRICANS AND THE FRENCH UNION 531 

The Theory of French Colonial Rule. Eboue Policy. 
Brazzaville Conference. French Federal Union. Labor 
Legislation for French Territories in Africa. 



Division 
XXIII. 

XXIV. 



XXV. 



XXVI. 



XXVII. 



XXVIII. 



XXIX. 



XXX. 



XXXI. 



XXXII. 



XXXIII. 



XXXIV. 



AFRICANS AND THE PORTUGUESE EMPIRE 

Theory and Practice of Portuguese Colonial Rule. 



536 



THE BELGIAN CONGO 538 

Economic Development the Basis of the Belgian Policy. 
Congo Native Policy of 1943. Congo Advisory Council of 
1945. Belgian Attitude Toward the Congo. 

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA 541 

Agriculture. Mineral Resources. Secondary Industries. 
Competition for Land Between Europeans and Africans. 

THE AFRICAN AS A WAGE-EARNER 549 

Africa and the International Labour Organization. 
Africans and Labor Unions. Strikes in Africa. 

AFRICA AND THE GREAT POWERS 562 

African Peoples and the United Nations Charter. Disposi- 
tion of the Italian Colonies. The Future of the Anglo- 
Egyptian Sudan. 

THE UNITED STATES AND AFRICA 570 

American Relations with Africa Outlined. Recommenda- 
tions by the Committee on Africa, the War and Peace Aims. 
Resolutions by the Council on African Affairs. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



xv 



Division 
XXXV. 



XXXVI. 



XXXVII. 



PART THREE: THE NEGRO IN EUROPE 



A GKXKKAI. VIEW OF THE NEGRO ix EUHOPE 



Page 

.. 577 



Race and European Culture. The Negro in Germany. The 
Negro in France. The Negro in Britain. The Negro in 
Italy. The Negro in Spain. The Negro in Northern 
Europe. The Negro in Russia. Europe and the Negro 
Problem in the United States. 

OCCUPATIONAL STATUS AND OPPORTUNITIES .OF NEGROES IN 

BRITAIN 592 

A View of Vocational Opportunities. Some Organizations 
in Britain. 

STATUS AND OPPORTUNITIES OF NEGROES IN RUSSIA 595 

Economic, Political and Racial Equality in Russia. A 
View of Negro Participation. Native Negroes in Russia. 
Economic Crises Permanently Eliminated in Russia. 



PART FOUR: THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA 

XXXVIII. A GENERAL VIEW OF THE NEGRO IN LATIN AMERICA 603 

Historical Background. Population of the West Indies. 
Economic Conditions in the West Indies. Education in the 
West Indies. Health Conditions in the West Indies. Race 
Relations in the West Indies. Need of Social and Economic 
Reforms. The West Indies and World War II. Anglo- 
American Commission. Political Developments in the West 
Indies. The World Federation of Trade Unions the Hope 
of the West Indies. 

XXXIX. THE NEGRO IN HAITI 617 

Population. Health. Economic Status. Education. Poli- 
tics. Nationality, Race, Caste and Class Problems. Mili- 
tary Service and Participation of Haitians During World 
War II. A Literary and Artistic Note. 

PART FIVE: AN ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

XL. Ax ANNOTATED LIST OF BOOKS BY OR CONCERNING NEGROES IN 

THE UNITED STA'TES, IN AFRICA AND IN LATIN AMERICA, 

1938-1946 . 635 

Books Concerning the Negro in the United States. Books 
Concerning the Negro in Africa. Books Concerning the 
Negro in Latin America. 



Index .. 



.. 685 



DIVISION I 

POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS* 

By OLIVER C. Cox 
Tuskegee Institute 



NUMERICAL RELATIONSHIPS 
\umber and Rate of Increase of Negro 
Population in the United States 

Between the decennial censuses of 
1930 and 1940 the Negro population of 
the United States increased by 974,375 
or 8.2 per cent, a rate of increase some- 
what greater than that (7.2 per cent) 
for the total population. The increase 
in the total population for this decade 
has been limited by the sharp decrease 



in immigration. In 1940 the Negro 
population was 12,865,518 or 9.8 per 
cent of the total population of 131,- 
669,275. This proportion of the Negro 
population to the total population has 
remained practically constant for about 
twenty years. It was 9.9 and 9.7 per 
cent in 1920 and 1930, respectively. 
Table 1 indicates the percentage of 
Negroes in the total population and 
rate of increase by decennial periods 
since 1790. 



Table 1 

Negro Population in the United States as a Per Cent of the Total Population 
and Rate or Increase, 1790 to 1940 



Census Total 
Year Population 


Negro Per Cent Per Cent Increase 
Population Negro Total Negro 


1940 . . 131 669 275 


12 865 518 9 8 7.2 8.2 


1930 122 775 046 


11 891 143 97 16 1 13 6 


1920 105 710 620 


10 463 131 9.9 14.9 6.5 


1910 91 972 266 


9 827 763 10 7 21 11.2 


1900 75 994 575 


8 833 994 11 6 20 7 13.8 


1890 62 947 714 


7 760 000 12 3 25 5 17 6 


1880 50 155 783 


6 580 793 13 1 30 1 22.0 


1870 38558,371 


5 392,172 13.5 22.6 21.4 


1860 31 443 321 


4 441 830 14 1 35 6 22.0 


1850 23 191 876 


3 38 808 15.7 35 9 24.5 


1840 .... 17 069 453 


2 873 648 16 8 32 7 23 4 


1830 12 866 020 


2 328 642 18 1 33.5 30.5 


1820 9 638 453 


1 771 656 18 4 33 1 28 6 


1810 7 239 881 


1 377 808 19 36 4 32 9 


1800 5 308 483 


1 002 037 18 9 35 1 31 7 


1790 3,929,214 


757,208 19.3 


Population Increase by Regions, 
Divisions, and States 

The Negro population has had an 
uneven increase in the different areas 
of the country. It has been lowest in 
the South and highest in the West, the 
area to which Negro migrants have 
been most markedly attracted. On this 
the Census makes the following report: 
"The regional and divisional patterns 
of Negro population increase were quite 
different from those for the total popu- 
lation. In all three divisions of the 
South the Negroes showed a smaller 
proportional increase than the total 
population between 1930 and 1940, while 
in the divisions of the North and West 
their rates of increase were uniformly 
greater than those for the total popu- 
lation. The Negro population increased 


15.8 per cent in the North during the 
decade ... 5.8 per cent in the South, 
and 41.8 per cent in the West. These 
facts indicate that there was a large 
migration of Negroes during the 1930's 
from the South to the North and West, 
probably out of the rural areas in the 
South to the urban areas in other parts 
of the country. Over three-fourths of 
the Negro population (77.0 per cent) 
still lived in the South in 1940, but 
this represents a slight decrease from 
the proportion of 78.7 in 1930. The 
North had 21.7 per cent of the total 
Negro population in 1940, as compared 
with 20.3 in 1930, and the West had 
1.3 in 1940, as compared with 1.0 in 
1930." Table 2 presents the compara- 
tive population data by regions, divi- 
sions and States for 1930 and 1940. 



*Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census 



POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 

Table 2 
Negro Population of the United States By Regions, Divisions, and States, 

1930 to 1940 
(A minus sign ( ) denotes decrease) 



Region Division, 
and State 



Per Cent Negro in 
Total Population 



1940 



1930 



1940 



1930 



Per Cent 
Increase 

1930 to 

1940 



UNITED STATES ... 12,865,518 11,891,143 9.8 9.7 8.2 

REGIONS: 

The North 2,790,193 2,409,219 3.7 3.3 15.8 

The South 9,904,619 9,361,577 23.8 24.7 5.8 

The West 170,706 120,347 1.2 1.0 41.8 

THE NORTH: 

New England 101,509 94,086 1.2 1.2 7.9 

Middle Atlantic 1,268,366 1,052,899 4.6 4.0 20.5 

East North Central... 1,069,326 930,450 4.0 3.7 14.9 

West North Central ... 350,992 331,784 2.6 2.5 5.8 

THE SOUTH: 

South Atlantic 4,698,863 4,421,388 26.4 28.0 6.3 

East South Central... 2,780,635 2,658,238 25.8 26.9 4.6 

West South Central ... 2,425,121 2,281,951 18.6 18.7 6.3 

THE WEST: 

Mountain 36,411 30,225 0.9 0.8 20.5 

Pacific 134,295 90,122 1.4 1.1 49.0 

NEW ENGLAND: 

Maine 1,304 1,096 0.2 0.1 19.0 

New Hampshire 414 790 0.1 0.2 47.6 

Vermont 384 568 0.1 0.2 32.4 

Massachusetts 55,391 52,365 1.3 1.2 5.8 

Rhode Island 11,024 9,913 1.5 1.4 11.2 

Connecticut 32,992 29,354 1.9 1.8 12.4 

MIDDLE ATLANTIC: 

New York 571,221 412,814 4.2 3.3 38.4 

New Jersey 226,973 208,828 5.5 5.2 8.7 

Pennsylvania 470,172 431,257 4.7 4.5 9.0 

EAST NORTH CENTRAL: 

Ohio 339,461 309,304 4.9 4.7 9.7 

Indiana 121,916 111,982 3.6 3.5 8.9 

Illinois 387,446 328,972 4.9 4.3 17.8 

Michigan 208,345 169,453 4.0 3.5 23.0 

Wisconsin 12,158 10,739 0.4 0.4 13.2 

WEST NORTH CENTRAL: 

Minnesota 9,928 9,445 0.4 0.4 5.1 

Iowa 16,694 17,380 0.7 0.7 3.9 

Missouri 244,386 223,840 6.5 6.2 9.2 

North Dakota 201 377 0.1 46.7 

South Dakota 474 646 0.1 0.1 26.6 

Nebraska 14,171 13,752 1.1 1.0 3.0 

Kansas 65,138 66,344 3.6 3.5 1.8 

SOUTH ATLANTIC: 

Delaware 35,876 32,602 13.5 13.7 10.0 

Maryland 301,931 276,379 16.6 16.9 9.2 

District of Columbia.. 187,266 132,068 28.2 27.1 41.8 

Virginia 661,449 650,165 24.7 26.8 1.7 

West Virginia 117,754 114,893 6.2 6.6 2.5 

North Carolina 981,298 918,647 27.5 29.0 6.8 

South Carolina 814,164 793,681 42.9 45.6 2.6 

Georgia 1,084~,927 1,071,125 34.7 36.8 1.3 

Florida 514,198 431,828 27.1 29.4 19.1 

EAST SOUTH CENTRAL: 

Kentucky 214,031 226,040 7.5 8.6 5.3 

Tennessee 508,736 477,646 17.4 18.3 6.5 

Alabama 983,290 944,834 34.7 35.7 4.1 

Mississippi 1,074,578 1,009,718 49.2 50.2 6.4 

WEST SOUTH CENTRAL: 

Arkansas 482,578 478,463 24.8 25.8 0.9 

Louisiana 849,303 776,326 35.9 36.9 9.4 

Oklahoma 168,849 172,198 7.2 7.2 1.9 

Texas 924,391 854,964 14.4 14.7 8.1 



NUMERICAL RELATIONSHIPS 



Table 2 (Continued) 

Negro Population of the United States By Regions, Divisions, and States, 

1930 to 1940 

(A minus sign ( ) denotes decrease) 



Region, Division, 
and State 1940 


Per Cent Negro in Per Cent 
Total Population Increase 
1930 to 
1930 1940 1930 1940 


MOUNTAIN: 
Montana . 1 120 


1 256 02 02 10 8 


Idaho 595 


668 0.1 2 10 9 


"Wyoming 956 


1 250 04 06 23 5 


Colorado 12,176 


11,828 1.1 11 29 


New Mexico 4 672 


2 850 09 07 63 9 


Arizona 14,993 


10,749 3.0 2 5 39.5 


Utah 1 235 


1 108 02 02 11 5 


Nevada 664 


516 0.6 0.6 28.7 


PACIFIC: 
Washington 7 424 


6 840 04 04 85 


Oregon 2,565 


2,234 0.2 0.2 14.8 


California . 124 306 


81 048 18 14 53 4 






Counties in Which Negroes 
Constituted 50 Per Cent or 
More of the Total Population 

According to the Census reports: 
"There were 180 counties in the United 
States in 1940 in which Negroes con- 
stituted 50 per cent or more of the 
total population as compared with 286 
counties of this type in 1900. ... In 
accounting for the decrease of 106 in 
the number of 'majority-Negro coun- 
ties' emphasis should be placed on 
Negro migration, for the Negro resi- 
dents of these counties have had a 
comparatively high birth rate and 


practically all of the changes made in 
the boundaries of these counties have 
been of a minor character. 
"Although there has been a consider- 
able decline in the number of majority- 
Negro counties, the number of States 
in which they were found in 1940 in- 
cludes all of the States which had such 
counties in 1900 except Maryland. Of 
the total number of majority-Negro 
counties in 1940, Georgia had 46; Mis- 
sissippi, 35; South Carolina, 22; Ala- 
bama and Virginia, 18 each; Louisiana, 
15; Arkansas and North Carolina, 9 
each; Florida and Texas, 3 each; and 
Tennessee, 2." 



Table 3 

Number of Counties in Which Negroes Constituted 50 Per Cent or More of the 
Total Population, By States, 1900 to 1940 



STATE 


1940 


1930 


1920 


1910 


1900 


Total 


180 


191 


221 


264 


286 


Alabama 


18 


18 


18 


21 


22 


Arkansas 


9 


9 


11 


14 


15 


Florida 


3 


4 


5 


10 


12 


Georgia . . . 


46 


48 


58 


66 


67 


Louisiana , 


15 


16 


22 


25 


31 


Maryland 








1 


2 


Mississippi , 


35 


35 


34 


38 


38 


North Carolina 


9 


9 


12 


14 


18 




22 


25 


32 


33 


30 


Tennessee 


2 


2 


2 


2 


3 


Texas 


3 


4 


4 


8 


12 


Virginia 


18 


21 


23 


32 


36 



The majority-Negro counties have 
had a constantly decreasing percentage 
of the total Negro population. In 1900 
the 286 majority-Negro counties had 
45.9 per cent of the total Negro popu- 
lation of the United States; in 1940 
the 180 counties of this type had 20.5 
per cent. 



"Between 1930 and 1940," the Census 
reports, "the number of Negroes in 
177 identical majority-Negro counties, 
that is, counties in which the Negro 
population constituted 50 per cent or 
more of the total population in both 
1940 and 1930, increased from 2,541,543 
to 2,602,000, or 2.4 per cent." 



4 POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 

Table 4 

Negro Population of Counties in Which Negroes Constituted 50 Per Cent or 

More of the Total Population Both in 1940 and in 1930, By States 

(A minus sign ( ) denotes decrease) 



STATE 


Number of 
Counties 


NEGRO POPULATION 
1940 


1930 


Per Cent of 
Increase 


Total 


. . 177 


2 602 000 2 


541 543 


2 4 




18 


389 068 


380 863 


2 2 


Arkansas 


9 


193,308 


188 282 


2 7 


Florida 


3 


41 616 


39 875 


4 4 


Georgia 


46 


350,991 


365,234 


?, -9 


Louisiana ... 


14 


176,737 


165,815 


6 6 


Mississippi 


34 


729 713 


690 476 


5 7 


North Carolina 


8 


137,984 


134,345 


2.7 ' 


South Carolina 


22 


360 981 


353 555 


2 1 


Tennessee 


2 


39,543 


38,322 


3.2 


Texas 


3 


41,050 


40,982 


0.2 


Virginia 


18 


141,009 


143,794 


1.0 



"This rate of growth is remarkably 
low as compared with th'at for the 
Negro population of the South as a 
whole (5.8 per cent), and reflects the 
fact that the Negro pop^ation of 87 
of these counties (37 of which are in 
the State of Georgia) declined during 
the decade. In 48 counties, however, 
the rate of growth of Negroes exceeded 
that of the total Negro population of 
the South, and in 37 counties of this 
group the rate of growth of the Negro 
population was also higher than that 
of the Negro population of the United 
States as a whole (8.2 per cent)." 

Race and Nativity 

In 1940 the Negro population out- 
numbered the total foreign-born white 



population of the United States for the 
first time since 1880. There were 11,- 
419,138 foreign-born and 588,887 per- 
sons of other racial groups as com- 
pared with 12,865,518 Negroes. During 
the decade 1930 to 1940, foreign-born 
whites decreased 18.3 per cent, owing 
largely to the reduction in immigra- 
tion and the high death rate of the 
aged foreign-born population. Of the 
other races, mainly Indian, Chinese, 
Japanese and Filipino, the Japanese 
decreased by 8.6 per cent and the 
Indian, Chinese and Filipino increased 
by 0.5, 3.4, and 0.8 per cent, respec- 
tively. Table 5 gives the figures for 
1930 and 1940. 



Table 5 

Population By Race and Nativity for the United States, 1940 and 1930 
(A minus sign ( ) denotes decrease) 



RACE 



1940 



Increase 1930 to 1940 
Amount Per Cen , 



All Classes 


131,669,275 


122,775,046 


8,894,229 


7.2 


Negro 


12,865,518 


11,891,143 


974,375 


8.2 


White 


118,214,870 


110,286,740 


7,928,130 


7.2 


Native 


106,795,732 


96,303,335 


10,492,397 


10.9 


Foreign born 


11,419,138 


13,983,405 


2,564,267 


18.3 


Other Races 


588,887 


597,163 


8,276 


1.4 


Indian 


333,969 


332,397 


1,572 


0.5 


Chinese 


77,504 


74,954 


2,550 


3.4 


Japanese 


126,947 


138,834 


11,887 


8.6 


Filipino 


45,563 


45,208 


355 


0.8 


Hindu 


2,405 


3,130 


725 


23.2 


Korean 


1,711 


1,860 


149 


8.0 


All other 


780 


780 


8 


1.0 



Ever since about the end of the slave 
trade the Negro population has been 
predominantly native born. For many 
decades past, it has been over 99 per 
cent. There were, in 1940, 83,941 for- 
eign-born Negroes of whom 44,488 were 
males and 39,453 females. In 1930 and 



1940, the total population of the United 
States was 88.4 and 91.2 per cent 
native-born as compared with 99.2 and 
99.3 per cent, respectively, for Negroes. 
However, except for a decrease during 
the decade 1930 to 1940, the Negro 
foreign-born population has constantly 



NUMERICAL RELATIONSHIPS 



increased numerically since 1870. Ac- 
cording to the Census report: "The 
decline of 14.9 per cent which occurred 
in the foreign-born Negro population 
between 1930 and 1940 can be attrib- 
uted to mortality losses and to the 
depression. The effect of the depres- 
sion on the growth of the foreign- 
born Negro population is indicated by 
the fact that the number of Negro 
immigrant aliens admitted to the 
United States was smaller than the 
number of Negro immigrant aliens who 
left the United States. In the more 



prosperous twenties, the number of 
Negro aliens who entered the United 
States was far in excess of the number 
who departed, and the change in the 
direction of migration of Negro aliens 
noted in the thirties occurred despite 
the increasing restrictions against for- 
eign workers in the Caribbean." Most 
of the Negro immigrants into the 
United States are from the West Indies 
and Central America. Table 6 shows 
the number and rate of increase of the 
Negro foreign-born from 1870 to 1940. 



Table 6 

Foreign-Born Negro Population in the United States, 1870 to 1940 
(A minus sign ( ) denotes decrease) 



YEAR 


Foreign-born 
Negro Population 


Increase Over Preceding Censu 
Number Per Cent 


1940 


. 83,941 


14,679 
24,817 
33,464 
20,003 
357 
5,962 
4,372 


14.0 
33.6 
83.0 
98.4 
1.8 
42.5 
45.3 


1930 


98,620 


ID 20 


73,803 


1910 


40,339 


1900 


20 336 


1890 


19,979 


1880 


14 017 


1870 


9,645 



Like most immigrant groups, the 
Negro foreign-born tend to concentrate 
in urban centers mainly in the North. 
"At both the 1940 and the 1930 cen- 
suses approximately 93 per cent of 
the foreign-born Negroes were found 
in urban areas. In New York City, 
there were 48,418 in 1930 and 54,754 
in 1940." Despite their concentration, 
"some Negro immigrants were found in 



every State and in the District of 
Columbia in both 1940 and 1930." 

In 1940, 35.8 per cent of the foreign- 
born Negroes were naturalized citizens 
and about 12 per cent had their first 
papers, that is to say, had declared 
their intentions of becoming citizens 
of the United States. Table 7 shows 
the citizenship of Negro immigrants 
for selected States. 



Table 7 

Citizenship of the Foreign-Born Negro Population for Selected States, 1940 
(Includes States with 500 or more foreign-born Negroes) 



STATE 


Total 

Foreign-born 
Negro Population 


Naturalized 


First 
Papers 


No 
Papers 


Citizenship 
Not Reported 


United States 


83,941 


30,013 


10,035 


33,986 


9,907 


Total for Selected 


States.. 80,518 


28,516 


9,824 


33,255 


8,923 


California 


1 373- 


526 


140 


492 


215 


Connecticut 


1,069 


327 


144 


425 


173 


Florida ... . 


7 779 


1 138 


473 


5 263 


905 


Illinois 


1 261 


667 


118 


237 


239 


Louisiana 


502 


266 


37 


112 


87 


Maryland 


650 


253 


60 


129 


208 


Massachusetts 


7 547 


2 522 


681 


3 598 


746 


Michigan 


2 190 


1 157 


241 


484 


308 


New Jersey 


2 628 


1 086 


213 


792 


537 


New York 


51 286 


18 826 


7 265 


20 501 


4 694 


Ohio 


923 


400 


81 


207 


235 


Pennsylvania 


2 339 


1 064 


263 


509 


503 


Rhode Island . 


971 


284 


108 


506 


73 



6 



POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 



URBAN-RURAL POPULATION 
Urbanization 

Almost half, or 48.6 per cent, of the 



Negro population of the United States 
now live in urban communities; in 
1910 only 27.3 per cent lived in cities. 



Table 8 

Urban and Rural Population for Negroes and Native Whites for the United 

States, 1910 to 1940 



RACE AND 
NATIVITY 


Urban 


1940 
Rural 


Per Cent 
Urban 


Urban 


1930 
Rural 


Per Cent 
Urban 


Total Population 
Negro 


74,423,702 
6 253 588 


57,245,573 
6 611 930 


56.5 
48 6 


68,954,823 
5 193 913 


53,820,223 
6 697 230 


56.2 
43 7 


Native White 

Total Population 
Negro 


58,888,505 

54,304,603 
3 559 473 


47,957,227 

1920 

51,406,017 
6 903 658 


55.1 

51.4 
34 


52,109,746 

42,166,120 
2 684 797 


43,388,054 

1910 

49,806,146 
7 142 966 


54.6 

45.8 
27 3 


Native White 


40,263,101 


40,845,060 


49.6 


29,846,561 


38,539,851 


43.6 



Although the rate of urbanization of 
Negroes as Table 7 shows has been 
greater than that of either the total 
population or of the native whites, 
Negroes are still not so highly urban- 
ized as the latter groups. "There were," 
the Census records, "6,253,588 Negroes 
in urban places in 1940 and 5,193,913 
in urban places in 1930, an increase of 
1,059,675 persons, or 20.4 per cent. In 
rural-nonfarm areas, Negroes increased 
by 92,923 or 4.6 per cent. In spite of 
the fact that the rate of natural in- 
crease is much larger for rural-farm 
Negroes than it is for urban Negroes, 
the number of Negroes on rural farms 
actually decreased by 178,223 persons, 
or 3.8 per cent, between 1930 and 1940. 



These facts indicate that large num- 
bers of rural-farm Negroes migrated 
to the cities and towns in the last 
decade." 

In all three regions of the United 
States Negroes have been moving into 
urban communties. Among these, the 
urban South has had the largest nu- 
merical increase between 1930 and 1940, 
an increase of 649,793; the urban North 
followed with 367,308; and the urban 
West with 42,574. The percentage in- 
crease was 17.3, 21.9, and 42.9 respec- 
tively. Table 9 shows the increase or 
decrease in the Negro population of 
the United States, by regions, urban 
and rural, between 1930 and 1940. 



Table 9 
Urban and Rural Population for Negroes, United States and Regions, 

1930 to 1940 
(A minus sign ( ) denotes decrease) 



AREA 


1940 


1930 


Per Cent of 
Increase 
1930 to 1940 


United States . . . 


12 865 518 


11 891 143 


8 2 


Urban 


6,253 588 


5,193,913 


20.4 


Rural-nonfarm 


2,109,630 


2,016,707 


4.6 


Rural-farm 


4,502,300 


4,680,523 


3.8 


The North 


2 790 193 


2 409 219 


15 8 




2,495,637 


2,128,329 


17.3 


Rural-nonfarm 


220 893 


215,289 


2.6 


Rural -farm 


73 663 


65 601 


12 3 


The South 


9 904 619 


9,361,577 


5.8 


Urban 


3 616 118 


2 966 325 


21.9 


Rural-nonfarm 


1 866 909 


1 786 466 


4.5 


Rural-farm 


4421,592 


4,608,786 


4.1 


The West 


170 706 


120 347 


41 8 


Urban 


141 833 


99,259 


42.9 


Rural-nonfarm 


21,828 


14,952 


46.0 


Rural-farm 


7,045 


6,136 


14.8 



URBAN RURAL POPULATION 



"Almost half the Southern Negroes 
were on rural farms in 1940, 44.6 per 
cent as compared with 49.2 per cent 
in 1930. This was well over twice the 
proportion who were living in rural- 
non-farm areas in the South. Few rural 
Negroes were living on farms in the 
North and the West." 

One reason why Negroes are less 
urbanized than whites is that Negroes 
live mainly in the South, a compara- 
tively rural area. Negroes are more 
highly urbanized than the total popu- 
lation and more than the native whites 
in the North and West. In the South 
Negroes are slightly more urbanized 
than the native whites, and slightly 
less than the total population. A com- 
parison of the population by divisions, 
for 1940 also shows that Negroes are 
more highly urbanized than native 
whites. Table 10 presents these data. 





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POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 



The Cities 

In 1940 there were 315 cities in which 
there were 2,500 Negroes or more. 
Forty per cent of the Negro population 
of the United States and 80 per cent 
of the urban Negro population resided 
in these 315 cities. The proportion of 
the Negro populaton to the total popu- 
lation in these urban places ranged 
from 0.8 to 72.2 per cent; in 237 of 
these cities, however, Negroes were 
over 10 per cent of the population. 

Negroes have been moving increas- 
ingly into the larger cities. "Between 
1930 and 1940," the Census points out, 
"the number of urban places having 
2,500 Negroes or more increased from 
263 to 315 and the number of Negroes 
living in such places increased by 
966,866, or 23.1 per cent." The rate 
of increase for the Negro population 
in all urban places was 20.4 per cent 
or 2.7 per cent less. This "reflects 
movement from southern rural areas 
as well as ... from smaller cities to 
larger cities." 

Of the total number of urban places 
which had 2,500 Negroes or more in 
1940, 87 were in the North, 219 in the 



South, and 9 in the West. In the South, 
the total Negro population of these 
cities represented only 29.6 per cent 
of all Negroes in the South; "whereas, 
75.8 per cent of the total Negro popu- 
lation of the North and 61.2 per cent 
of the total Negro population of the 
West resided in urban places which had 
2,500 Negroes or more." 

In each region Negroes who lived in 
urban places with 2,500 Negroes or 
more represented a large proportion 
of the urban Negro population: in the 
North, 84.7 per cent; in the South, 81.1 
per cent; and in the West, 73.6 per 
cent. 

Of the eleven cities with over 100,000 
Negroes each, New York heads the list 
with a Negro population of 458,444; 
but this figure is only 6.1 per cent of 
the total population of the city, a 
smaller percentage than that of any 
of the other cities of this type. Mem- 
phis, Tennessee, had the highest per- 
centage of Negroes, 41.5 per cent. 
Moreover, these eleven cities increased 
in Negro population at a much faster 
rate between 1930 and 1940 than any 
of the other major groups of urban 
places. See tables 11 and 12. 



Table 11 

Negro Population in Groups of Urban Places, Classified According to Size of 
Negro Population for the United States, 1940 and 1930 



GROUPS OF URBAN PLACES 
BY NUMBER OF NEGROES 


Number of 
Places 


1940 

Negro 
Population 


Per Cent of 
Total Negro 
Population 
of the U. S 


Total 


315 


5 152 149 


40 


Places of 100,000 or more Negroes... 


11 


2 082 051 


16 2 


Places of 50,000 to 100,000 Negroes... 


9 


576,971 


4 5 


Places of 25,000 to 50,000 Negroes.. 


18 


656 570 


5 1 


Places of 10,000 to 25 000 Negroes 


56 


844 666 


6 a 


Places of 5,000 to 10,000 Negroes... 


70 


477 541 


3 7 


Places of 2,500 to 5 000 Negroes 


151 


514 350 


4 


Total 


263 


1930 

4 185 283 


35 2 


Places of 100,000 or more Negroes... 


7 


1 305 080 


11 


Places of 50,000 to 100,000 Negroes... 
Places of 25,000 to 50,000 Negroes 


8 

19 


622,489 
702 258 


5.2 

5 9 


Places of 10,000 to 25,000 Negroes.T.. 


...... 46 


706 122 


5 9 


Places of 5,000 to 10,000 Negroes... . 


67 


455 253 


3 8 


Places of 2,500 to 5,000 Negroes 


116 


394,081 


3.3 



Table 12 

Negro Population of Urban Places Which Had 50,000 Negro Inhabitants or 

More, 1940 







Per Cent 






Per Cent 






of 






of 




Negro 


Total 




Negro 


Total 


Urban Places 


Popula- 
tion 


Popula- 
tion 


Urban Places 


Popula- 
tion 


Popula- 
tion 


100 000 or more 






Detroit, Mich 


. 149,119 


9 2 


New York, N Y 


458 444 


6 1 


New Orleans, La 


. 149,034 


30.1 


Chicago 111 


277 731 


8 2 


Memphis, Tenn 


. 121,498 


41.5 


Philadelphia, Pa. 


... 250,880 


13.0 


Birmingham, Ala. . . . 


. 108,938 


40.7 


Washington D C 


187 266 


28 2 


St. Louis, Mo 


. 108,765 


13.3 


Baltimore. Md. 


. 165.843 


19.3 


Atlanta. Ga. 


. 104,533 


34.6 



URBAN RURAL POPULATION 



Table 12 (Continued) 



Urban Places 


Negro 
Popula- 
tion 


Per Cent 
of 
Total 
Popula- 
tion 


Urban Places 


Negro 
Popula- 
tion 


Per Cent 
of 
Total 
Popula- 
tion 


50,000 to 100,000 
Houston Texas . . 


. 86,302 


22.4 


Jacksonville, Fla. 
Richmond, Va. . 


61,782 
61 251 


35.7 
31 7 


Cleveland, Ohio 
Los Angeles Calif . . 


. . 84,504 
. . 63,774 


9.6 
4.2 


Cincinnati, Ohio 
Indianapolis, Ind 


55,593 
51 142 


12.2 

13 2 


Pittsburgh, Pa 


. . 62,216 


9.3 


Dallas, Texas 


50,407 


17.1 



Negro Migration, 1940-1944 

With the commencement of World 
War II, the extraordinary demand for 
labor in industries speeded up the 
movement of Negroes from the agri- 
cultural South to the urban centers 
of the North, South, and West. From 
a sample of ten congested areas, the 
Bureau of the Census concludes: "Ma- 
jor Negro migrations since the begin- 
ning of World War II have 'started in 
the South and terminated in war-boom 
cities regardless of geographical loca- 
tion. . . . From 1940 to 1944, Negro 
population movements usually started 



in the South and ended at industrial 
points such as Detroit, Norfolk, San 
Francisco, and Los Angeles, where 
Negroes could find employment in ship- 
yards, airplane factories, and other war 
activities." 

Before World War II the spectacular 
migration of Negroes was to the great 
metropolitan areas of the North; the 
significant movement into Southern 
cities was not so apparent. The out- 
standing fact concerning Negro migra- 
tion during World War II, however, 
was the movement into cities in the 
West. 



Table 13 

Resident Non- White Population for Ten Congested Production Areas, 

1940 and 1944 
(A minus sign ( ) denotes decrease) 



Area, Date of 1944 Census, and Race 



1944 



1940 



Increase 1940 to 1944 
Number Per Cent 



Charleston (S. C.) Areas, Total.. 
(March, 1944) 
Detroit-Willow Run Area, Total. 
(June, 1944) 
Hampton Roads Area, Total 
(May, 1944) 
IjOS \ngeles Area Total . . . . 


64.995 1 
, ... 259.490 1 
140,756 
... 147,763 


59,618 
176,552 
113,956 
128,039 


5,377 
82,938 
26,800 
19 724 


9.0 
47.0 
23.5 
15 4 


(April, 1944) 


134 519 


75 496 


59 023 


78 2 


Other non- white races 


13,244 


52 543 


39 299 


71 8 


Mobile Area Total . . . 


. . . 64.449 1 


51,678 


12 771 


24 7 


(March, 1944) 
Muskegon Area Total 


4.842 1 


1,893 


2,949 


155 8 


(June, 1944) 
Portland-Vancouver Area, Total.. 
(May, 1944) 
Negro 


... 14,145 
. . . 11,316 


7,465 
2,105 


6,680 
9 211 


89.5 
437 6 


Other non- white races 


2,829 


5,360 


2 531 


47 2 


Puget Sound Area Total 


18 756 


23 636 


1 880 


6 


(June, 1944) 
Negro 


9,792 


5 242 


4 550 


86 8 


Other non-white races 


8,964 


18 394 


9 430 


51 3 


San Diego Area Total 


9 675 


9 720 


15 


-0 5 


(March, 1944) 
Negro 


7 755 


4 444 


3 311 


74 5 


Other non- white races 


1 920 


5 276 


3 356 


63.6 


San Francisco Bay Area, Total... 
(April, 1944) 
Negro 


... 102,025 
64 680 


64,731 
19 759 


37,294 
44 921 


57.6 
227 3 


Other non- white races 


. . . 37,345 


44,972 


7,627 


17.0 



Separate figures for Negroes and persons of other non-white races are not available, 



10 



POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 



"In the 5 congested production areas 
in the West, the Negro population grew 
from approximately 107,000 in 1940 to 
about 228,000 in 1944, an increase of 
more than 113 per cent. . . . The 
largest absolute increase (59,000) oc- 
curred in the Los Angeles area, where 
the Ncg^o population grew from 75,000 
in 1940 to 134,000 in 1944." On the 
ether hand, "the rise in the total num- 
ber of Negroes in the 2 Northern and 
the 3 Southern congested production 
areas between 1940 and 1944 was from 
403,000 to 534,000 or 32 per cent." 



A final comparison of the recent 
movement of the Negro population 
awaits an enumeration in other parts 
of the country especially in the major 
urban areas of the North. Table 14 
concerns population movements before 
1940 but it is significant here as an 
indication that few Negroes born in 
the North ever live in the South, while 
Negro migration from the South tends 
to be permanent. However, the native 
white population tends to move in each 
direction between the North and the 
South in about equal numbers. 



Table 14 

Migration of the Native Negro Population and the Native White Population 

Between the North and the South, 1910 to 1940 

(Based on State of Birth Data) 

Region and Race 

Negro 1940 1930 1920 1910 

Born in the North and living in the South 1 .. 59,267* 52,338 44,536 39,077 

Born in the South and living in the North .. 1,443,943* 1,355,789 737,423 415,533 

Net gain of the North 1,384,676* 1,303,451 692,887 376,456 

Net gain of the South 

White 

Born in the North and living in the South 1 .. 2,016,212 1,821,678 

Born in the South and living in the North . . 2,013,036 1,931,799 

Net gain of the North 110,121 

Net gain of the South 3,176 262,306 297,017 

1P The North: New England, Middle Atlantic, East North Central, and West North 

Central Divisions. 

The South: South Atlantic, East South Central, and West South Central Divisions. 
*Includes Negroes and other non-white races. 



1,675,085 1,407,262 
1,412,779 1,110,245 



RATIO OF MALES TO FEMALES 
Males Out-Numbered 

For many decades Negro males have 
been out numbered by females and the 
ratio of males to females has been 
decreasing. In the United States, the 
number of Negro males to every 100 
Negro females declined from 97.0 in 
1930 to 95.0 in 1940. During these 10 
years the increase in the number of 
Negro males was nearly 150,000 less 
than the increase in the number of 
Negro females. Higher mortality rates 
among Negro males account for most 
of the sex difference in Negro popu- 
lation growth. The sex ratio at birth 
for Negroes is lower than that for 
whites, which is about 106 males per 
100 females, but the Negro sex ratio 
at birth is also above 100. At every 
age, and for both races, the mortality 
of males tends to be higher than that 
for females; thus an aging popula- 
tion will tend to have a lower sex ratio. 



Sex and Region 

Although the number of white males 
per 100 white females has also been 
declining, the white sex ratio has been 
consistently higher than that for Ne- 
groes. Moreover, except for the Moun- 
tain Division of the United States, the 
native white sex ratio is everywhere 
higher. 

The number of Negro males per 100 
Negro females is highest in the West 
and lowest in the South. This reflects 
the movement of Negroes, particularly 
Negro men, from the South to the 
West and also to the North. In the 
urban areas, however, females are 
more highly concentrated. In 1940, 
there were in the United States about 
88 Negro males to 100 Negro females 
living in urban communities, while for 
rural-farm communities the ratio was 
103. Table 15 shows the sex ratio for 
the total population of the United 
States, for Negroes, and native whites 
by area, 



AGE COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION 



11 



Table 15 

Urban, Rural-Nonfarm, and Rural Farm Population, By Sex, for Negroes and 
Native Whites, for the United States, 1940 



Area and 
Sex 


Total 
Population 


Negro 


Native 
White 1 


Males Per 100 Females 
Total Native 
Population Negro White 


Urban 


74,423,702 


6,253,588 


58,838,505 


95.5 88.1 94.5 


Male 


36,363,706 


2,929,423 


28,587,273 




Female 
Rural-Nonfarm. . 
Male 


38,059,996 
27,029,385 
13 757 516 


3,324,165 
2,109,630 
1,053,699 


30,251,232 
23,407,379 
11,867,146 


103.7 99.8 102.8 


Female 
Rural-farm .... 
Male 


13,271,869 
30,216,188 
15,940,370 


1,055,931 
4,500,683 
2,285,916 


11,540,233 
24,549,848 
12,983,114 


111.7 103.1 112.2 


Female 


14,275,818 


2,216,384 


11,566,734 





AGE COMPOSITION OF THE 

POPULATION 
The Aging Population 

The median age of the Negro popu- 
lation of the United States, like that 
of the total population, has increased 
between 1930 and 1940. In 1940 the 
median age for Negroes was 25.3 years 
as compared with 23.5 years in 1930. 
("The median age is that age which 
divides the population into two equal 
groups one-half being older, and one- 
half younger, than the median.") 

"The advance in the median age of 
the population in 1940 as compared 
with that in 1930 results chiefly from 
an increase in the proportions in the 
younger ages. Lower birth rates and 
lower death rates in the past decade 
have been major factors in bringing 
about these changes." In 1940 there 
were 57.7 per cent of the total Negro 
population over 21 years of age, while 
in 1930 there were only 54.9 per cent. 
For these same periods the Negro 
population under 5 years of age was 
9.7 and 10.3 per cent, respectively. 
Table 16 shows the age distribution 
of the population for Negroes and 
native whites for 1940. 



OCCUPATION AND INDUSTRY 

Place of Negroes 
in the Labor Force 

In March, 1940, (the date of the 
Census) Negroes represented 10.2 per 
cent of the nation's labor force; native 
white persons, 78.4 per cent; and for- 
eign-born whites 11.0 per cent of the 
total. Of these three groups, the per- 
centage of the Negro population 14 
years of age and over in the labor 
force is highest. As shown in table 
17, while 80.1 per cent of both Negro 
and foreign-born white males of this 
class are in the labor force, 37.8 and 
18.8 per cent of the females, respec- 
tively, are thus occupied. In fact, rela- 
tively speaking, Negro females are 
more highly represented in the labor 
force than the females of any other 
population group. This situation is 
also reflected in the percentage of 
females not in the labor force but 
engaged in housework. Only 41.9 per 
cent of the Negro females as compared 
with 57.0 per cent of the native-white 
females, and 68.1 per cent of foreign- 
born females, are engaged in their own 
housework. 



Table 17 

Per Cent Distribution of Persons 14 Years Old and Over, By Employment Status, 
Class of Worker, Race and Sex, for the United States, 1940 



Emp sr 


A 

Total 


II Classes 
Male 


Female 


Negi 
Male 


o 
Female 


Ra 

Native 
Male 


ce 

White 
Female 


Fc 
V 
Male 


ireign born 
Vhite 
Female 


Persons 14 years 
old and over 
In the labor force . . 
Not in labor force . . 
Engaged in own 
housework 
In school 


100.0 
52.2 
47.8 

28.6 
8.9 


100.0 
79.0 
21.0 

0.5 
9.1 


100.0 
25.4 
74.6 

56.7 

8.7 


100.0 
80.1 
19.9 

0.5 

7.7 


100.0 
37.8 
62.2 

41.9 

8.4 


100.0 
78.7 
21.3 

0.5 
10.4 


100.0 
24.8 
75.2 

57.0 
9.8 


100.0 
80.1 
19.9 

0.7 
1 


100.0 
18.8 
81.2 

68.1 
1.0 


Unable to work . . 
In institutions . . . 
Other and not 
reported 


5.2 
1.2 

3.9 


5.9 
1.5 

4.0 


4.6 

0.8 

3.8 


5.8 

2.8 

3.2 


7.2 
0.8 

4.0 


5.1 
1.3 

3.9 


3.8 

0.8 

3.8 


11.2 
1.9 

5.1 . 


7.7 
1.3 

3.1 



POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 



1 


ON 

i i 

i 

ft 

a 
a 
*8 

:': . . i 

o JS 

ii 

-8 
C 

X 

i la i 

i 
M 

i 


Number Per Cent Distribution 
SB; F_ T- """'a' F-* To., N ffi. F_to TJT-Sr re.,,. 


O f> 1C rH O O O O <M W 05 OC S^l CO t-. OV * 
OO C5 O OS OS OO t- O 1C * 03 CO ci rH rH rH 


ice occupations especially for females. 
As we should expect, a large propor- 
tion of Negro male workers are em- 
ployed as farm and industrial laborers. 


jooooiooioot- ^ ;-S 




rH rH US 


rH rH rH 1C 


SS3S3S23gS?S3SS 


?5il3BiSSililSII^ 


* TjT LC ic" ic rjT r^" co co" co N <M" TH" rH <M" 
co 


- co"r4'co"^"'ixro''^ooicoo"rri'ar'*'coo'V 


CO 


Table 18 shows the kinds of work 
or major occupations in which Negroes 
are employed. There is a concentration 
in domestic service and in other serv- 




S|||S|Sg|S|||||S 




co" 




rH CO" rH O O Si t- N O OO 03 t- * rH CO N" t^ 

co" 


oj rjT o TjT ic ic e<T ic ic c<T cT t-T ic" to c<T T t-^ 






^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 


^OirHrHW^COCO^^^W^^^I-C 


5" 1C O 1C O 1C O 1C O 1C O 1C O 1C O if r- WH 
3 rH r-< 7<l r . CO CO 'f ^ 1C 1C 1C ^. t- 1- (^ 



OCCUPATION AND INDUSTRY 



Table 18 

Major Occupation Group of Employed Negroes, 14 Years Old and Over (Except 
on Public Emergency Work) By Sex, for the United States, 1940 



Major Occupation 


Total 


Male 


Female 


Per Cent Distribution 
Total Male Female 


All occupations 


4,479,068 


2,936,795 


1,542,273 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


Professional workers 
Semi-professional workers .... 


109,836 
9,364 
666,695 

48,154 
79,322 

132,110 
464,195 
1,003,508 
522,229 

483,785 

296,527 
636,600 
26,743 


46,539 
6,773 
620,479 

37,240 
58,557 

129,736 
368,005 
85,566 
362,424 

413,574 

168,189 
623,641 
16,072 


63,297 
2,591 
46,216 

10,914 
20,765 

2,374 
96,190 
917,942 
159,805 

70,211 

128,338 
12,959 
10,671 


2.5 
0.2 
14.9 

1.1 
1.8 

2.9 
10.4 
22.4 
11.7 

10.8 

6.6 
14.2 

0.6 


1.6 
0.2 
21.1 

1.3 
2.0 

4.4 
12.5 
2.9 
12.3 

14.1 

5.7 
21.2 
0.5 


4.1 

0.2 
3.0 

0.7 
1.3 

0.2 
6.2 
59.5 
10,4 

4.6 

8.3 

O.S 
0.7 


Farmers and farm managers... 
Proprietors, managers, and 
officials except farm 


Clerical, sales, and kindred 


Craftsmen, foremen, and 
kindred workers 


Operatives and kindred workers 
Domestic service workers 


Service workers, except domestic 
Farm laborers (wage workers) 
and farm foremen 


Farm laborers (unpaid family 
workers) 


Laborers, except farm and mine . 
Occupation not reported 



Trend of Occupations 

Tables 19 and 20 show the trend of 
Negro employment by major industry. 
The significant movement of Negro 
workers is away from agriculture. In 
1910 there were 54.6 per cent of all 
Negro workers engaged in agriculture; 



in 1940 there were about 33.2 per cent. 
With the exception of personal service 
in which Negro females are highly 
concentrated, Negroes are fairly well 
distributed over the range of major 
industries. In each industrial group, 
however, Negroes are concentrated in 
the lower range of employment. 



Table 19 

Major Industry Group of Employed Negroes, 10 Years Old and Over, for the 
United States, 1910 to 1930 



Employment Status and 
Major Industry 


1930 
Number 


Per 
Cent 


1920 
Number 


Per 
Cent 


1910 
Number 


Per 
Cent 


All Industries 


5 503 535 


100 


4 824 151 


100 


5 192 535 


100 
















Agriculture 


1,987,839 


36.1 


2 133,135 


44 2 


2 834 969 


54 6 


Forestry and fishing 


31 732 


6 


31 375 


7 


33 776 


7 


Extraction of minerals 


74 972 


1 4 


73 229 


1 5 


61 129 


1 2 


Manufacturing and mechanical 
industries 


1 024 656 


18.6 


901,181 


18.7 


655 906 


12 6 


Transportation and communication 
Trade . 


397,645 
183,809 


7.2 
3.3 


312,538 
141,119 


6.5 

2.9 


256,098 
119,775 


4.9 

2.3 


Public service (not elsewhere 
classified) 


50,203 


9 


50 436 


1 


22 229 


4 


Professional service 


135,925 


2 5 


81 771 


1 7 


68 350 


1 3 


Domestic and personal service... 
Clerical occupations . 


1,576,205 
40.549 


28.6 
0.7 


1,063,008 
36.359 


22.0 
0.8 


1,121,251 
19.052 


21.6 
0.4 



14 



POPULATION AND POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS 



Table 20 

Major Industry Group of Employed Negroes 14 Years Old and Over (Except on 
Public Emergency Work) By Sex, for the United States, 1940 



Employment Status and 
Major Industry 


Total 


Male 


Female 


Per Cent Distribution 
Total Male Female 


Employed (except on emergency 


4,479,068 
1,484,914 
52,981 
142,419 
515,514 

200,191 
348,760 
68,117 
48,863 
1,292,524 

32,187 
176,685 
56,921 
58,992 


2,936,795 
1,238,301 
52,754 
141,261 
467,286 

196,762 
286,930 
56,309 
47,783 
243,700 

27,516 
84,014 
48,632 
45,547 


1,542,273 
246,613 
227 
1,158 
48,228 

3,429 
61,830 
11,808 
1,080 
1,048,824 

4,671 
92,671 
8,289 
13,445 


100.0 
33.2 
1.2 
3.2 
11.5 

4.5 
7.8 
1.5 
1.1 
28.9 

0.7 
3.9 
1.3 
1.3 


100.0 
42.2 
1.8 
4.8 
15.9 

6.7 
9.8 
1.9 
1.6 
8.3 

0.9 
2.9 
1.7 
1.6 


100.0 
16.0 

0.1 
3.1 

0.2 
4.0 
0.8 
0.1 
68.0 

0.3 
6.0 
0.5 
0.9 


Agriculture, forestry and fishery* 
Mining . 




Manufacturing 


Transportation, communication 
and other public utilities 


Wholesale and retail trade 
Finance, insurance, and real estate 
Business and repair services 
Personal services 


Amusement, recreation, and 
related services 


Professional and related services 
Government 


Industry not reported 





"Only about one per cent of all Negro workers is engaged in forestry and fishing. 



DIVISION II 



SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS 
OF THE NEGRO 

By JESSIE P. GUZMAN 
Tuskegee Institute 

When one examines scholastic and other distinctions as they relate to Negroes 
it is found that they cover a wide range, as these data presented below illustrate: 

PERSONS LISTED IN WHO'S WHO IN AMERICA 

"The standard of admissions to Who's Who in America divides the eligibles 
into two. classes: (1) those selected on account of special prominence in credit- 
able lines of efforts, making them the subjects of extensive interest, inquiry or 
discussion; and (2) those included arbitrarily on account of official position 
civil, military, naval, religious, or educational." 

On the basis of these standards, the names and occupations of Negroes 
appearing in the 1944-45 edition of Who's Who in America are as follows: 



*Abbott, Robert Sengstacke, Editor, pub- 
lisher. 

*Adams, Numa Pompilius Garfleld, Medi- 
cal Dean. 

Anderson, Marian, Contralto. 

Atwodd, Rufus B 1 ., College President. 

Bluford, Ferdinand D., College President. 

Bousfield, Midian O., Physician. 

Bontemps, Arna Wendell. Author. 

Braithwaite, William Stanley Beaumont, 
Author. 

Burleigh, Harry T., Singer, Composer. 
> Caliver, Ambrose, Educator. 
^ *Carver, George Washington, Educator, 
Scientist. 

*Clair, Matthew Wesley, Bishop. 

Clark, Eugene A., College President. 

Clark, Felton G., University President. 

Clement, Rufus E., University President. 

Cobb, James A., Lawyer. 

Cotter, Joseph Seamon, Author, Educator. 

Daniel, Robert Prentiss, College President. 

Davis, Benjamin Oliver, Army Officer. 

Davis, John Warren, College President. 

Dawson, William L., Congressman. 

De Berry, William Nelson, Clergyman. 

Demby, Edward T., Bishop, P. E. Church. 

Dent, Albert W., University President. 

*Dett, R. Nathaniel, Composer. 

Dogan, Matthew Winfred, President 
Emeritus, Wiley College. 

Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt, 
Editor, Author. 

Flipper, Joseph Simeon, Bishop. 

Fountain, William Alfred, Sr., Bishop. 

Frazier, Edward Franklin, Sociologist. 

Gandy, John Manuel, Educator. 

Grant, George Camron, College Dean. 

Gregg, James Edgar, Clergyman, Educa- 
tor. 

Handy, William Christopher, Composer. 

Harris, Abram L., University Professor 
(Economist). 

Harris, M. La Fayette, College President. 

Hastie, William Henry, Dean of Law. 

Hayes, Roland, Tenor. 

Haynes, Elizabeth A. Ross, Social Worker. 

Haynes, George Edmund, Sociologist. 

Hill, Leslie Pinckney, Educator. 

*Deceased 



Holmes, Dwight Oliver Wendell, College 
President. 

Houston, Charles Hamilton, Lawyer. 

Howard, Perry W., Mem. Rep. Nat. Com. 

Hubert, Benjamin Franklin, College Presi- 
dent. 

Hughes, (James) Langston, Author. 

Hurston, Zora Neale, Author. 

Imes, William Lloyd, Clergyman. 

Johnson, Charles Spurgeon, Educator. 

Johnson, Mordecai Wyatt, University 
President. 

Jones, David D., College President. 

Jones, Eugene Kinckle, Social Work. 

Jones, Gilbert E., Educator. 

Jones, Lawrence Clifton, Educator. 

Jones, Robert Elijah, Bishop. 

King, Lorenzo H., Bishop. 

King, Willis Jefferson, Bishop. 

Lane, James F., College President. 

Lanier, Raphael O'Hara, College Dean. 

Locke, Alain LeRoy, Professor Philosophy. 

Maynor, Dorothy, Soprano. 

Mays, Benjamin Elijah, College President. 

McCrorey, Henry Lawrence, Educator. 

McKay, Claude, Writer. 

Mitchell, Arthur W., Ex-Congressman. 

Moore, Herman Emmons, Judge. 

Murphy, Carl, Journalist. 

Murray, Peter Marshall, Gynecologist. 

Nelson, William Stuart, University Dean. 

Patterson, Frederick Douglass, President, 
Tuskegee Institute. 

Pickens, William, Government Official. 

Robeson, Paul, Concert Singer, Actor. 

Robinson, Bill, Dancer, Actor. 

Schuyler, George Samuel, Author, Jour- 
nalist. 

Scruggs, Sherman Dana, University Presi- 
dent. 

Shaw, Alexander Preston, Editor, Clergy- 
man. 

Shephard, James Edward, College Presi- 
dent. 

Still, William Grant, Composer. 

Terrell, Mary Church, Lecturer, Author. 

Trenholm, Harper Councill, College Presi- 
dent. 

Tobias, Channing H., Y.M.C.A. Secretary. 

Walton, Lester A., Diplomat, Journalist. 



15 



16 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 



Wesley, Charles Harris, University Presi- 
dent. 

White, Clarence Cameron, Violinist, Com- 
poser. 

White, Walter F., Author, Secretary 
N.A.A.C.P. 

Williams, Lacy K., Clergyman. 

Woodson, Carter Godwin, Author. 

*Work, Monroe N., Educator. 

Wright, Richard, Author. 

Wright, Richard Robert, Educator, 
Banker. 

Wright, Richard Robert, Jr., Bishop, 
Educator. 



*Deceased 

PERSONS APPOINTED TO POSI- 
TIONS IN WHITE INSTITUTIONS OF 
HIGHER LEARNING 1941-1946 

A number of Negroes have been ap- 
pointed to the faculties of outstanding 
white colleges and universities in the 
country during the past few years. 
Some of these appointments have been 
for definite periods; others are per- 
manent. A list of such persons is as 
follows : 

Anderson, Walter F., is the first 
Negro to receive an appointment as 
a departmental head. He began his 
duties on September 1, 1946, as Head 
of the Department of Music at Antioch 
College, Yellow Springs, Ohio. 

Arter, Miss Rhetta M., served as 
English Instructor at the Hudson Shore 
Labor School in the summer of 1943. 

Brown, Dr. Sterling A., was ap- 
pointed Visiting Professor of English 
at Vassar College for the first term 
of the academic year 1945-46, and to 
co-instruct with Dr. Arthur P. Davis 
a course in American Literature, 1946- 
47 at the New School for Social Re- 
search. 

Brown, Warren, in 1946, was ap- 
pointed to offer courses in Sociology 
and Anthropology at Hunter College. 

Buggs, Dr. Charles Wesley, is the 
first Negro to hold a full-time position 
on the faculty of Wayne University. 

Galloway, Dr. Nathaniel, was ap- 
pointed lecturer in Internal Medicine 
at the University of Illinois Medical 
School in 1946. He formerly taught 
Pharmacology at the University of 
Chicago. 

Clark, Dr. Kenneth, is on the faculty 
of Queens City College, New York City, 
in the Department of Psychology. 

Clark, Edgar R., introduced a course 
in folk music at the New School 
for Social Research, New York City. 

Clift, Dr. Virgil A., Professor of 
Education at A. and T. College, Greens- 



boro, N. C., was appointed Assistant 
Professor at Ohio State University dur- 
ing the summer of 1946, directing 
activities in Intercultural Education 
for graduate students. 

Coggs, Mrs. Pauline, has served as 
a part-time Assistant in the Depart- 
ment of Sociology, Anthropology and 
Social Work at the University of Wis- 
consin since September, 1945. 

Cuthbert, Dr. Marian, is an Instruc- 
tor in Sociology at Brooklyn College, 
New York City. 

Davis, Dr. Allison, in 1942, was ap- 
pointed Assistant Professor of Educa- 
tion at the University of Chicago with 
duties in both teaching and research. 
Drake, St. Glair, co-author of the 
volume, Black Metropolis, was ap- 
pointed, in 1946, to the faculty of 
Roosevelt College, Chicago, to special- 
ize in Social Anthropology. 

Foreman, Mrs. Madeline Clarke, for- 
merly teacher of Biology at Hampton 
Institute, is serving as head ef the 
Biology faculty at William Penn Col- 
lege, Oskaloosa, Iowa. She was ap- 
pointed in 1945. 

Gibson, Ralph, was appointed, in the 
fall of 1946, as Instructor of Elemen- 
tary Psychology at the University of 
Michigan. 

Griffin, Frank, was appointed in 1946 
to the Department of Business Ad- 
ministration, Seaton Hall College, So. 
Orange, N. J. 

Hammond, Dr. Francis M., was ap- 
pointed in 1946, head of the Depart- 
ment of Philosophy at Seaton Hall Col- 
lege, So. Orange, N. J. He formerly 
taught foreign languages at Southern 
University. 

Harris, Dr. Abram, formerly of 
Howard University, was appointed, in 
1946, as Associate Professor in Eco- 
nomics at the University of Chicago. 
Henry, Dr. Warren E.. Head of the 
Department of Chemistry, Spelman 
College, Atlanta, Ga., was granted a 
leave of absence in 1944 to serve as 
staff member at the radiation labora- 
tory of Massachusetts Institute of 
Technology. 

Heslip, Mrs. Constance Ridley, since 
1931 has been a member of the faculty 
of the University of Toledo in the 
Department of Sociology. 

Hill, Mrs. Adelaide Cromwell, was 
named Instructor in Sociology at Smith 
College, Northampton, Mass., in 1945, 
and is the first Negro to receive ap- 
pointment on the faculty. Mrs. Hill is 



PERSONS APPOINTED TO POSITIONS IN WHITE INSTITUTIONS 17 



an alumna of Smith College, class of 
1940. She formerly taught at Hunter 
College, New York City. 

Huff, Atty. William Henry, was ap- 
pointed, in 1946, Associate Professor 
of Law in the Chicago Law School. 

Jones, Dr. W. M., Eye Specialist, is 
Director of the Eye Clinic at Billings 
Hospital, University of Chicago, and 
is also Opthalmologist, Department of 
Surgery, University of Chicago. 

KeJftey. Dr. George D., Director of 
the School of Religion, Morehouse Col- 
lege, was a professor at Andover 
Newton during the summer of 1944. 

Lwkc, Dr. Alain L.. Professor of 
Philosophy at Howard University, 
served in 1946 as Visiting Professor 
at the University of Wisconsin, teach- 
ing courses in the "Philosophy of the 
Arts and Values." Dr. Locke was also 
appointed Visiting Professor to the 
Graduate Faculty of Political Science 
of the New School for Social Research 
for the academic year 1946-47. 

Marr, Grace E.. graduate of Harlem 
Hospital and of Columbia University 
is Assistant in Microbiology at Teach- 
ers College, Columbia University. She 
was appointed in 1945. 

Martin, Dr. William H. of the Divi- 
sion of Education, Langston Univer- 
sity, taught in the summer session of 
Michigan State College. 

McMillan. Dr. Henrietta N., in 1946, 
was appointed English Instructor at 
Wilson Junior College, Chicago. She 
formerly was on the faculties of Spel- 
man College and Atlanta University. 

Palmer, Dr. Edward Nelson. Assist- 
ant Professor of Sociology at Fisk 
University, was appointed a member 
of the faculty of the University of 
Michigan for the 1946 summer session. 

Reddick. Dr. Lawrence D., curator 
of the Schomburg Collection, was ap- 
pointed to teach a course, "The Negro 
in American Life" at the New School 
for S.ocial Research, New York City. 

Reid, Dr. Ira DcA., Chairman, De- 
partment of Sociology, Atlanta Univer- 
sity, was appointed, in 1946, the first 
full-time Visiting Professor of Negro 
Culture and Education at New York 
University, School of Education. He 
c Iso served as Visiting Professor 
of Sociology at Haverford College, 
Haverford, Pa. 

Rollins. Mrs. Charlcmae, of the 
George Cleveland Hall Library, Chi- 
cago, in 1946, was appointed to teach 



a course in children's literature at 
Roosevelt College, Chicago. 

Starling, Dr. Marian W., was ap- 
pointed in 1946 to the English Depart- 
ment of Brooklyn College. 

Thurman, Dr. Howard, served dur- 
ing the summer of 1946 as Professor 
of Mysticism and Ethics at the Uni- 
versity of Iowa. 

Turner, Mrs. Edythe H., was named 
Assistant in the Departments of Sec- 
ondary Education and Home Econom- 
ics at Miami University, Oxford, Ohio, 
on a full-time basis in January, 1946. 

Turner, Dr. Lorenzo D.. formerly 
Professor of English at Fisk Univer- 
sity, was appointed Professor of Eng- 
lish at Roosevelt College, Chicago, in 
1946. 

Watkins, Dr. Mark Hanna, Professor 
of Anthropology and Sociology at Fisk 
University, served as Visiting Pro- 
fessor of Linguistics at the University 
of Chicago in 1945 and at the National 
University of Mexico. 

Whitby, Mrs. Beulah T., is Instruc- 
tor in Sociology at Wayne University, 
Detroit, Mich. 

Wiggins, Dr. Forest Oran, Professor 
of Philosophy at Louisville Municipal 
College, was appointed full-time in- 
structor in the Department of Philoso- 
phy, University of Minnesota, begin- 
ning September, 1946. 

Woodson, Harold W., was appointed, 
in 1946, Research Assistant in Biologi- 
cal Chemistry in the College of Medi- 
cine at the University of Illinois. 

Other appointments have been: Baker, 
Percy H., Black Mountain College, N. C.; 
Benjamin, Charles A. H., Sampson Col- 
lege, Geneva, N. Y. ; Brice, Carol, Black 
Mountain College, N. C.; Brown, Ray- 
mond, University of Akron, Akron, Ohio; 
Chandler, Edward, Roosevelt College, 
Chicago, 111.; Chase, William, Rutgers 
University, New Brunswick, N. J.; Dan- 
iels, Mrs. Maggie B., University of Wis- 
consin, Madison, Wis.; Diggs, Dr. Mary 
Huff, Hunter College, New York City; 
Duckery, Tannery G., University of 
Southern California at Los Angeles; Ellis, 
Wade, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 
Mich.; Fax, Mark Ashland, Black Moun- 
tain College, N. C.; Frazier, E. Franklin, 
New York School of Social Work, New 
York City and Sarah Lawrence College, 
Bronxville, N. Y.; Gear, Joseph T., Uni- 
versity of California at Berkeley; Golight- 
ly, Catherine C., Olivet College, Michigan; 
Golightly, Cornelius L., Olivet College, 
Michigan; Graham, Alyse, Roosevelt Col- 
lege, Chicago, 111.; Grant, Lestine, Samp- 
ton College, Geneva, N. Y.; Graves, Clif- 
ford L., Fenn College, Cleveland, Ohio; 
Harris, Mrs. Sammie Lee, Fenn College, 
Cleveland, Ohio; Hayden, Robert, Uni- 
versity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.; 
Hayes, Roland, Black Mountain College, 



18 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 



N. C.; Hinkson, Mary, University of 
Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.; Hinton, Dr. 
William A., Harvard Medical School and 
Simmons College, Boston, Mass.; Holmes, 
Eugene Clay, College of the City of New 
York, New York City; Heningburg, 
Alphonse, New York University, New 
York City; Jacobs, Marie, University of 
Connecticut, Storrs, Conn.; Jones, Mrs. 
Sybil, George Williams College, Chicago, 
111.; Kelsey, Dr. George D., Andover- 
Newton, Mass.; Lawrence, Jacob, Black 
Mountain College, N. C.; Listen, Sarah 
M., University of Connecticut, Storrs, 
Conn.; McMillan, Mrs. Henrietta Herod, 
Chicago Teachers College, Chicago, 111.; 
Martin, Alfred E., Hunter College, New 
York City; Pereira, Sara M., Penn Col- 
lege, Cleveland, Ohio; Riddle, Mrs. Estelle 
Massey, New York University; Sparling, 
Dr. Wilson, Brooklyn College, Brooklyn, 
N. Y.; Streator, Olive, Fordham Uni- 
versity, New York City; Sutler, Dr. Mar- 
tin, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 
Mich.; Weaver, Mrs. Robert C., Roosevelt 
College, Chicago, 111.; Woodruff, Hale, 
New York University, New York City. 

DOCTORS OF PHILOSOPHY*! 

AND OTHER EARNED 
DOCTORATES, 1937-1946 
Doctor of Philosophy 

1937 

Bright, William M., University of Illinois, 
Zoology. 

Carroll, Joseph C., Ohio State University 
History. 

Crawford, Charlotte E., Yale University 
English. 

Hawkins, Charles C., New York Univer- 
sity, Physical Education and Health. 

Huggins, Kimuel A., University of Chi- 
cago, Chemistry. 

Hunter, John M., Cornell University, 
Physics and Applied Chemistry. 

Jackson, Luther P., University of Chicago, 
History. 

Jackson, Reid E., Ohio State University, 
Education. 

Johnston, James H., University of Chi- 
cago, History. 

Julian, Anna J., University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Sociology. 

Lockett, John L., Rutgers University, 
Agriculture. 

Oak, Vishnu V., Clark University, Mass., 
Economics and Sociology. 

Robinson, William H., Boston University, 
Physics. 

Wallace, William J. L., Cornell Univer- 
sity, Chemistry. 

West, Harold D., University of Illinois, 
Chemistry. 

1938 

Armstrong, Byron K., University of Michi- 
gan, Education. 

Boyd, Lawrence E., University of Iowa, 
Education and Psychology. 

Brown, George W., London, History. 

Cox, Oliver C., University of Chicago, 
Sociology. 

Dean, William H., Harvard University, 
Economics. 

Drake, J. F., Cornell University, Educa- 
tion. 

Gant, Virgil Arnett, University of Illinois, 
Pharmacology. 



Goodlett, Carlton B., University of South- 
ern California, Psychology. 

Hansborough, Louis A., Harvard Univer- 
sity, Zoology. 

Harris, Nelson H., University of Michi- 
gan, Education. 

Hawkins, W. Lincoln, McGill University, 
Chemistry. 

Hill, Charles L., Ohio State University, 
Philosophy. 

Himes, Joseph S., Ohio State University, 
Sociology. 

Hunton, William A., New York Univer- 
sity, English. 

Lovell, John W., Jr., University of Chi- 
cago, English. 

Miller, E. H., Dijon (France), Romance 
Language. 

Moreland, Marc M., Toronto (Canada), 
Philosophy. 

Pierce, Joseph A., University of Michigan, 
Mathematics. 

Walls, Jean H., University of Pittsburgh, 
Student Personnel Administration. 

Wiggins, Forrest O., University of Wis- 
consin, Philosophy. 

Williams, Eric, Oxford (England), Eco- 
nomics and History. 

1939 

Banks, Floyd R., Jr., University of Penn- 
sylvania, Physics. 

Banner, Warren M., University of Pitts- 
burgh, Economics. 

Branson, Herman R., University of Cin- 
cinnati, Physics. 

Bush, Gow M., University of Iowa, 
Zoology. 

Cotton, Carol B., University of Chicago, 
Psychology. 

Davis, Frank G., University of Iowa, 
Economics. 

Dooley, Thomas P., University of Iowa, 
Biology. 

Eagleson, Halson V., Indiana University, 
Physics. 

Griffith, Booker T., University of Pitts- 
burgh, Zoology. 

Heningburg, Alphonse, New York Univer- 
sity, Education. 

Lawson, Hilda J., University of Illinois, 
English. 

Lawson, James R., University of Michi- 
gan, Physics. 

Lee, Harold F., Ohio State University, 
Education. 

Lee, James S., University of Michigan, 
Bacteriology. 

Lee, Maurice W., University of Chicago, 
Business. 

McGraw, Booker T., Harvard University, 
Economics. 

Perry, Rufus P., University of Iowa, 
Chemistry. 

Reddick, Lawrence D., University of Chi- 
cago, History. 

Reedy, Sidney J., Colorado State College, 
Education. 

Reid, Ira DeA., Columbia University, 
Sociology. 

Rivers, Gertrude B., Cornell University, 
English. 

Solomon, Thomas R., University of Michi- 
gan, Political Science. 

Wormley, Stanton L., Cornell University, 
English. 



*Dr. Harry W. Greene, West Virginia State College collaborated with this list. 
fSee previous Negro Year Books for data prior to 1937. 



DOCTORS OF PHILOSOPHY AND OTHER EARNED DOCTORATES 19 



1940 

Chapman, Oscar J., Ohio State Univer- 
sity, Education. 

Coleman, Edward M., University of South- 
ern California, History. 

Crooks, Kenneth B. M. f Harvard Univer- 
sity, Biology. 

Daniel, Vattel E., University of Chicago, 
Sociology. 

Davis, Toye G., Harvard University, 
Biology. 

Franklin, John H. f Harvard University, 
History. 

Gleason, Eliza A., University of Chicago, 
Library Science. 

Gore, George W., Columbia University, 
Education. 

Grant, Ernest A., Cornell University 
Agricultural Education. 

Harris, Ruth M., Columbia University, 
Education. 

Hazzard, James W., Cornell University, 
Biology. 

Higgins, Rodney J., University of Iowa, 
Political Science. 

Inge, Frederick D., New York University, 
Plant Physiology. 

Knox, Clinton E., Harvard University, 
History. 

Knox, Lawrence H., Harvard University, 
Chemistry. 

Loop, Anne, New York University, Edu- 
cation. 

Luvalle, James E., California Institute of 
Technology, Chemistry. 

McGuinn, Henry J., Columbia University, 
Sociology. 

Monroe, Clarence L. E., University of 
Pennsylvania, Bacteriology. 

Morris, Kelso B., Cornell University, In- 
organic Chemistry. 

Nyabonga, Prince Akaki K., Oxford Uni- 
versity (England), Philosophy. 

Quarles, Benjamin A., University of Wis- 
consin, History. 

Richards, Eugene S., University of South- 
ern California, Sociology. 

Smythe, Mabel Murphy, University of 
Wisconsin, Economics. 

Snowden, George, University of Indiana, 
Government. 

Strong, Samuel M., University of Chicago, 
Sociology. 

Tillman, Nathaniel P., University of Wis- 
consin, English. 

Walker, Alexander, University of Iowa, 
Political Science. 

Wall, Limas D., University of Michigan, 
Zoology. 

Woodson, Grace I., Ohio State University, 
Education. 

Wright, Marion T., Columbia University, 
Education. 

Young, R. Arliner, University of Penn- 
sylvania, Zoology. 

1941 

Alsup, Frederick W., University of Penn- 
sylvania, Zoology. 

Baker, T. Nelson, Jr., Ohio State Univer- 
sity, Chemistry. 

Bembry, Thomas H., Columbia Univer- 
sity, Chemistry. 

Blackwell, David H., University of Illinois, 
Mathematics. 

Brawley, James P., Northwestern Univer- 
sity, Education. 



Brown, Howard W., University of Penn- 
sylvania, Education. 

Canady, Herman G., Northwestern Uni- 
versity, Psychology. 

Carpenter, Marie, Columbia University, 
Education. 

Carruthers, Ben F., University of Illinois, 
Romance Language. 

Carter, William T., University of Michi- 
gan, French. 

Clark, Kenneth B., Columbia University, 
Psychology. 

Coleman, Robert, Columbia University, 
Education. 

Colson, Edna, Columbia University, Edu- 
cation. 

Daniel, Walter G., Columbia University, 
Education. 

Daniels, Walter T., Iowa State University, 
Engineering. 

Davis, Walter S., Cornell University, Ag- 
ricultural Education. 

Golightly, Cornelius L., University of 
Michigan, Philosophy. 

Henry, Warren E., University of Chicago, 
Chemistry. 

Hill, Carl M., Cornell University, Chemis- 
try. 

Johnson, Lula M., University of Iowa, 
History. 

Lee, J. Warren, University of Iowa, 
Zoology. 

Lloyd, Ruth S., Western Reserve Univer- 
sity, Anatomy. 

Phillips, Augustus C., Ohio State Univer- 
sity, Vocational Education. 

Simpson, Cohen T., University of Iowa, 
Inorganic Chemistry. 

Smith, John M., University of Iowa, 
Philosophy. 

Tate, Merze, Radcliffe College, Political 
Science. 

Upthegrone, Campbell, L., University of 
Southern California, History. 

Voss, Joseph E., University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Sociology. 

Watts, Frederick P., University of Penn- 
sylvania, Psychology. 

Williams, Joseph L., University of Penn- 
sylvania, Zoology. 

1942 

Beale, Robert S., Pennsylvania State Col- 
lege, Chemistry. 

Belton, W. Edward, Iowa State College, 
Chemistry. 

Booker, Walter M., University of Chicago, 
Physiology. 

Brazeal, Brailsford R., Columbia Univer- 
sity, Economics. 

Brooks, Daniel, University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Education. 

Brooks, Lyman, University of Michigan, 
Education. 

Bullock, Henry A., University of Michi- 
gan, Sociology. 

Cuthbert, Marion, Columbia University, 
Education. . 

Davis, Arthur Paul, Columbia University, 
English. 

Davis, William A., University of Chicago, 
Anthropology. 

Dawson, Earl E., University of Kansas, 
Education. 



20 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 



Dowdy, William W., Western Reserve 
University, Biology. 

Eason, Sarah M., Ohio State University, 
Spanish. 

Fauset, Arthur H., University of Penn- 
sylvania, Anthropology. 

Ferguson, Edward, Jr., University of Illi- 
nois, Zoology. 

Finley, Harold E., University of Wiscon- 
sin, Biology. 

Fuller, Oscar O., Jr., University of Iowa, 
Music. 

Gill, Robert L., University of Michigan, 
History. 

Gray, William H., Jr., University of Penn- 
sylvania, Education. 

Greene, Lorenzo T., Columbia University, 
History. 

Herod, Henrietta, University of Chicago, 
English. 

Hill, Henry Aaron, Massachusetts Insti- 
tute of. Technology, Chemistry. 

Holmes, Eugene C., New York University, 
Philosophy. 

Howard, Roscoe C., Cornell University, 
Zoology. 

Maxwell, U(cecil) S., Colorado University, 
Chemistry. 

McKinney, Richard I., Yale University, 
Religious Education. 

McLaurin, Dunbar S., University of Illi- 
nois, Economics. 

Morton, James T., Northwestern Univer- 
sity, Psychology. 

Perez, Raoul M., University of Chicago, 
Romance Languages. 

Posey, L. R., University of Michigan, 
Physics. 

Scott, J. Irving, University of Pittsburgh, 
Education. 

Spaulding, George H., University of Penn- 
sylvania, Chemistry. 

Steele, Algernon O., University of Chi- 
cago, Religious Education. 

Taylor, Ivan E., University of Pennsyl- 
vania, English. 

Towne, Myron B., University of Michigan, 
Chemistry. 

Tymes, James D., Boston University, 
Religious Education. 

Warren, Samuel E., University of Wis- 
consin, Economics. 

Wilkins, J. Ernest, Jr., University of Chi- 
cago, Mathematics. 

Williams, Marguerite, Catholic University, 
Geology. 

Woolridge, Nancy B., University of Chi- 
cago, English. 

1D43 

Bay ton, James A., University of Penn- 
sylvania, Psychology. 

Boyd, Theodore R., Radcliffe College, 
Romance Philology. 

Brown, Aaron A., University of Chicago, 
Education. 

Burch, Willa C., University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Education. 

Dedmond, Frederick H., University of 
Ottawa, French. 

Gloster, Hugh M., New York University, 
English. 

Graves, Artis P., University of Iowa, 
Zoology. 

Green, Harry J., Jr., Ohio State Univer- 
sity, Chemical Engineering. 

Hammond, Francis, Laval University 
(Canada), Philosophy. 



Henderson, James H. M., University of 
Wisconsin, Botany. 

Hooker, Emile, Cornell University, Agri- 
cultural Economics. 

Hypps, Irene C. M., New York University, 
Business Education. 

Jones, Clifton R., University of Iowa, 
Sociology. 

Jones, Edward A., Cornell University, 
French. 

Lee, Susie O., New York University, 
History. 

Lewis, W. A., London (England), Eco- 
nomics. 

Lyda, Wesley J., Indiana University, 
Education. 

Maxwell, U. S., Colorado University, 
Chemistry. 

Myster, Alonzo, Iowa State College, 
Vocational Education. 

Norris, Ernest M., Cornell University, 
Agricultural Education. 

Owens, Susie Lee, New York University, 
History. 

Pipes, William H., University of Michi- 
gan, English. 

Poag, Thomas Edward, Cornell Univer- 
sity, Drama and the Theatre. 

Redmond, Frederick H., Ottawa (Canada), 
Romance Literature. 

Rice, Madelein, Columbia University, 
History. 

Roberts, Harry J., Yale University, 
Sociology. 

Smith, Barnett F., University of Wiscon- 
sin, Biology. 

Stephens, Clarence F., University of 
Michigan, Mathematics. 

Taylor, Moddie, University of Chicago, 
Chemistry. 

1944 

Anderson, G. T., University of Chicago, 
History. 

Anderson, W. E., Colorado State College, 
Educational Psychology. 

Boyd, A. M., University of Michigan, 
Political Science. 

Brown, R. A., Catholic University, Latin. 

Carter, John H., University of Illinois, 
French. 

Clark, Mamie K., Columbia University, 
Psychology. 

Clift, Virgil A., Ohio State University, 
Education. 

Cooke, Anne M., Yale University, Theatre 
and Dramatic Criticism. 

Cotton, George Robert, Ohio State Uni- 
versity, Education. 

Dennis, Joseph H., Northwestern Univer- 
sity, Mathematics. 

Dent, Samuel George, University of Cin- 
cinnati, Chemistry. 

Drew, J. M., Harvard University, Voca- 
tional Guidance. 

Dudley, Leone B., Cornell University, 
Drama and Theatre. 

Ellis, W., University of Michigan, Mathe- 
matics. 

Gibson, William W., Ohio State Univer- 
sity, Zoology. 

Hogen, M. E., Marquette University, 
History. 

Johnson, Ras O., Columbia University, So- 
ciology and Economic Foundations of 
Education. 

Lloyd, Birtill Arthur, University of Illi- 
nois, Chemistry. 



DOCTORS OF PHILOSOPHY AND OTHER EARNED DOCTORATES 21 



Martin, William H., Ohio State Univer- 
sity, Education. 

Mells, H. F., University of Iowa, Music. 

Nixon, Alfred F., New York University, 
Biology. 

Nyabonga, Virginia S., University of Wis- 
consin, French. 

Otis, J. R., Cornell University, Agricul- 
tural Economics. 

Reddick, Mary I*, Radcliffe College, 
Biology. 

Roberts, S. O., University of Minnesota, 
Child Welfare. 

Shippen, Eliza P., University of Pennsyl- 
vania, English. 

Siegel, B. J., University of Chicago, An- 
thropology. 

Smith, B. F., University of Wisconsin, 
Zoology. 

Snowden. Frank M.. Jr., Harvard Univer- 
sity. Classical Philology. 

Van Dyke, Henry L., Michigan State Col- 
lege, Organic Chemistry. 

Webb, Arthur H., University of Illinois, 
Bacteriology. 

Williams, H. H., Cornell University, Or- 
namental Horticulture. 

Woods, Lloyd L., Kansas State College, 
Chemistry. 

Young, Marechal-Neil E., University of 
Pennsylvania, Sociology. 

1945 

Baker, Percy H., University of Michigan, 
Zoology. 

Boone, E. B., University of Michigan, 
Education. 

Boyd, William M., University of Michigan, 
History and Political Science. 

Brown, Ruth A., Catholic University, 
Latin. 

Carter, Marian E., Catholic University, 
French. 

Cater, Catherine, University of Michigan, 
English. 

Certaine, Jeremiah, Harvard University, 
Mathematics. 

Chavous, A. M., Ohio State University, 
Vocational Education. 

Collins, Leslie M., Western Reserve Uni- 
versity, American Culture. 

De Mond, Albert, Catholic University, 
Economics. 

Diggs, Ellen, University of Havana, An- 
thropology. 

Diggs, Mary H., Bryn Mawr, Social 
Economy. 

Diciguid, Lincoln, Cornell University, 
Chemistry. 

Fletcher, T. Thomas, New York Univer- 
sity, English. 

Ford, Nick Aaron, University of Iowa, 
English. 

Freeman, J. M., Cornell University, Agri- 
culture. 

Fuller, Joseph E., University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Mathematics. 

Gibson, Walter W., Ohio State University. 

Hardiman, M. Gordon, University of Iowa, 
French. 

Henry, William, University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Education. 

Jones, Virginia L., University of Chicago, 
Library Science. 

Lofton, Williston H., American Univer- 
sity, History. 

Macklin, A. G., Ohio State University, 
Secondary School Supervision and Ad- 
ministration. 



McBay, H. C., University of Chicago, 
Chemistry. 

McConnell, Roland C., New York Univer- 
sity, History. 

Martin, William Harris, Ohio State Uni- 
versity. 

Miller, J. Erroll, University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Political Science. 

Nelson, Bernard H., Catholic University, 
History. 

Palmer, N., University of Michigan, So- 
ciology. 

Parrish, Charles Henry, University of 
Chicago, Sociology. 

Reid, Robert D., University of Minnesota, 
History. 

Richardson, Harry V., Drew University, 
Philosophy and Rural Sociology. 

Richards, Mirion A., Iowa State College, 
Plant Physiology. 

Smythe, Hugh H., Northwestern Univer- 
sity, Anthropology. 

Stewart, William W., University of Ne- 
braska, Secondary Education. 

White, Booker T. W., Ohio State Univer- 
sity, Chemistry. 

Wood, Geraldine P., Radcliffe College, 
Biology. 

Wright, Leon P., Harvard Divinity School, 
Religion. 

1946 

Belcher, F. S., Jr., Yale University, 
Drama. 

Brooks, Stella, Cornell University, Eng- 
lish. 

Chambers, V. Murray, Cornell University, 
Entomology. 

Douglass, Joseph Henry, Harvard Univer- 
sity, Sociology. 

Edmonds, Helen Grey, Ohio State Univer- 
sity, History. 

Franks, Cleveland J., McKenley-Roosevelt 
University, Chemistry. 

Hill, Mozell C., University of Chicago, 
Sociology. 

Kelsey, George D., Yale University, Re- 
ligion. 

Lewis, Elsie M., University of Chicago, 
History. 

Lewis, Lillian Burwell, University of Chi- 
cago, Zoology. 

Lloyd, Raymond G., New York University, 
Economics and Social Studies. 

Mathews, Basil, Fordham University, 
History. 

Nelson, Margaret, Columbia University. 

Okongwu, Joel Nnodu, New York Univer- 
sity, Education. 

Reid, Joseph A., University of Michigan, 
Comparative Literature. 

Robinson, Lawrence Baylor, Harvard Uni- 
versity, Chemistry. 

Romm, Harry J., Iowa State College, 
Plant Morphology. 

Tatum, Elbert Lee, Loyola University, 
History. 

Williams, Edward B., Columbia Univer- 
sity, Economics. 

Doctor of Education 

1937 

Broadhead, John Henry, Temple Univer- 
sity, Psychology. 

Hamilton, Henry C., University of Cin- 
cinnati, Education. 

Wilson, Frank T., Columbia University, 
Education. 



22 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 



1938 

Bond, Frederick, New York University, 
English. 

Daniel, Virginia R., University of Pitts- 
burgh, Education. 

Moore, James A., University of Cincin- 
nati, Physical and Health Education. 

1939 
Browne, Rose B., Harvard University, 

Education. 
Duckrey, James, Temple University, 

Psychology. 
Johnson, Preston C., Temple University, 

Education. 
Redd, George N., Columbia University, 

Education. 

1940 

Hope, Edward S., Columbia University, 
Education. 

Kirkland, Madeline W., Columbia Univer- 
sity, Home Economics Education. 

Major, Anthony J., University of Pitts- 
burgh, Education. 

McGinnis, Frederick, University of Cin- 
cinnati, Education. 

Price, Joseph S., Harvard University, 
Education. 

Yeiser, Isabelle, Columbia University, 
Education. 

1941 

Turner, Alfred B., Pennsylvania State 
College, Industrial Education. 

1942 

DuValle, Sylvester H., New York Univer- 
sity, Chemistry (Education). 

Mitchell, Eva C., Columbia University, 
Education. 

Talley, Thomasine, Columbia University, 
Music and Music Education. 

1944 

McPheeters, A. A., University of Cincin- 
nati, Education. 

Whitehead, M. J., New York University, 
Education. 

1945 

Brett, T. Ruth, Columbia University, 
Guidance. 

Dorsey, James, Columbia University, 
Music and Music Education. 

Lawlah, M. Evelyn, Stanford University, 
Education. 

Partridge, Deborah C., Columbia Univer- 
sity, Education. 

Weaver, Harold D., Pennsylvania State 
College, Education. 

Young, Percy, Harvard University, Edu- 
cation. 

1946 

Alston, Melvin O., Columbia University, 
Teaching of Mathematics. 

Pierce, Juanita C., New York University, 
Health Education. 

Richardson, Archie G., Columbia Univer- 
sity, Education. 

Thomas, Ruth Marie, New York Univer- 
sity, English. 

Doctor of Science 

1940 

Drew, Charles R., Columbia University, 
Surgery. 



Doctor of Social Science 

1941 

Brown, Warren, New School for Social 
Research, Sociology. 

Doctor of Law 

1943 

Jefferson, Bernard S., Harvard Univer- 
sity, Law. 

PERSONS ELECTED TO PHI BETA 
KAPPA 1937-1946* 

1937 

Barksdale, Richard Kenneth, Bowdoin 
College. 

Carey, Ruthella Webster, Western Re- 
serve University. 

Darby, Alfred C., University of California 
at Los Angeles. 

Hodge, Dorothy Handley, University of 
Kansas. 

Nelson, Margaret, Hunter College. 

Scott, Laurabelle, Oberlin College. 

Thomas, Sarah E., Cornell University. 

1938 

Blackwell, David H., University of Illinois. 

Chase, Mary, Bates College. 

Davis, Charles Twitchell, Dartmouth Col- 
lege. 

Lewis, Alma, University of Cincinnati. 

Meaux, Edith, University of Southern 
California. 

Payne, Beulah, University of Kansas. 

Skinner, Daniel T., Harvard University. 

1939 
Barnes, Leroy Theodore, University of 

Pennsylvania. 

Black, Beatrice Y., Smith College. 
Curtis, Jeanne M., Mount Holyoke. 
Williams, S. Gertrude, Dickenson'College. 

1940 

Bullock, Mathew W., Jr., Bowdoin Col- 
lege. 

Clark, Felton G., Beloit Wisconsin College 
(Alumni). 

Wilkins, J. Ernest, Jr., University of 
Chicago. 

1941 

Ballard, Sylvanus A., University of Chi- 
cago. 

Clifford, Maurice, Hamilton College. 

Dickson, David W. D., Bowdoin College. 

Fairfax, Jean Emily, University of Michi- 
gan. 

White, Gladys M., Smith College. 

1942 
Childress, Gladys E., Colorado University. 

1943 

Curry, Virginia F., University of Kansas. 
Groves, Harry Edward, University of 

Colorado. 

McCleary, Beatrix, Vassar College. 
Nelson, Margaret, Hunter College. 
Redding, J. Saunders, Brown University 
(Alumni membership). 

1944 
Jackson, Elizabeth B., Pembroke College 

(Boston University). 

*See previous Negro Year Books for data 
prior to 1937. 



PERSONS ELECTED TO HONOR SCHOLARSHIP SOCIETIES 23 



1945 

Boyd, Evelyn, Smith College. 
Collins, Alma, University of California at 

Los Angeles. 
Reddick, Mary L., Radcliffe College. 

1946 
Teal, Goler, University of Pennsylvania. 

PERSONS ELECTED TO HONOR 
SCHOLARSHIP SOCIETIES 

1936-1946* 

Academy (honor) 

1938 Klugh, Lois, Simmons College. 
Alpha Chi Alpha (Historical) 

1938 Nelson, Margaret, Hunter College. 
Alpha Kappa Delta (Sociological) 

1937 Jackson, Mildred L., University of 

Illinois. 
Palmer, Edward, University of 

Michigan. 
Taylor, Joseph T., University of 

Illinois. 

1938 McPherson, J. Westbrook, Univer- 
sity of Omaha. 

Singleton, Marion Margaret, Uni- 
versity of Illinois. 

1939 Brown, Florence R. Beatty, Uni- 
versity of Illinois. 
Chandler, Vera, University of 

Nebraska. 
1941 Chivers, Walter R., New York 

University. 
Fairfax, Jean Emily, University 

of Michigan. 
Alpha Lambda Delta (National Freshman 

Honor Society) 
1938 Fairfax, Jean Emily, University 

of Michigan. 
Alpha Kappa Mu 

1942 Spaulding, George H., University 

of Pennsylvania. 
Alpha Omega Alpha (Medical) 

1942 Barnes, Leroy T., University of 

Pennsylvania. 
Artus (National Honorary Economics 

Society) 
1940 McLaurin, Dunbar, University of 

Illinois. 
Beta Alpha Psi (Accounting) 

1937 Camptteld, William L., University 

of Minnesota. 
Beta Kappa Chi (Natural Science) 

Payton, Noble F. 
Blue Key (National Honor Society) 

1938 Pollard, Fritz, Jr., University of 

North Dakota. 
Delta Sigma Rho (Forensic) 

1939 Lythcott, George L, Bates College 
Gamma Alpha (Graduate Scientific) 

1943 Henderson, James Henry M., Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin. 
Iota Sigma Pi (Chemistry) 

1938 Singleton, Marion Margaret, Uni- 
versity of Illinois. 
Kappa Delta Pi (Education) 

1938 Wilson, George, New Jersey State 

Teachers College. 

1940 Gore, Gorge, Columbia Univer- 
sity. 

Yeiser, Idabelle, Columbia Univer- 
sity. 
1941 Amos, Harold, Springfield College. 

*See previous Negro Year Books for data 
prior to 1936. 



1943 Groves, Harry Edward, University 

of Colorado. 
Hoppin, Erna V., State Teachers 

College, Trenton, N. J.* 
Whitehead, Mathew J., New York 

University. 

1946 Pierce, Juanita G., New York Uni- 
versity. 
Mortar Board 
1945 Johnson, Louise W., University of 

Pittsburgh. 
Omega Beta Pi (Premedical) 

1946 Cash, Ruth, University of Illinois. 
Omicron Nu (Home Economics) 
1938 Singleton, Marion Margaret, Uni- 
versity of Illinois. 
Phi Delta Kappa (Education) 
1942 Codwell, John E., University of 

Michigan. 

Cruter, Gilbert, Colorado Univer- 
sity. 
Dixon, Dean, Teachers College, 

Columbia University. 
Holmes, Wendell P., University of 

Colorado. 
Lanier, Raphael O'Hara, New York 

University. 
Wright, Stephen J., New York 

University. 
1943 Harvey, Martin L., New York 

University. 
Whitehead, Mathew J., New York 

University. 

1944_Chavous, A. M., Ohio State Uni- 
versity. 

Reedy, Sidney J., Colorado Col- 
lege. 
1946_Flood, J. Julius, University of 

Michigan. 
Phi Kappa Epsilon (Historical) 

1936 Brown, Florence R. Beatty, Uni- 
versity of Illinois. 
Phi Kappa Phi (National Scholastic Honor 

Society) 
1936 Kennedy, W. L., Pennsylvania 

State College. 

1938 Singleton, Marion Margaret, Uni- 
versity of Illinois. 
1939 Echols, Magnolia E., 
1940 Fairfax, Jean E., University of 

Michigan. 
Phi Mu Epsilon (Music) 

1937 Robinson, Mabel L., Boston Uni- 
versity. 
Phi Psi Chi (Psychological) 

1942 Nelson, Francis Edwina, Univer- 
sity of Illinois. 
Phi Sigma (Biological) 

1936 Alexander, Lloyd E., University of 

Rochester. 
1937 Beck, James T., 

Caruthers, Bertram, University of 
Kansas. 

1938 Caruthers, Percy, University 'of 
Kansas. 

1940 Wall, Limas D., University of 

Michigan. 
Webb, Arthur H., University of 

Illinois. 
1942 Ferguson, Edward, University of 

Illinois. 
Finley, Harold E., University of 

Wisconsin. 

1943 Henderson, James Henry M., Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin. 
Pi Delta Phi (French) 

1939 Carruthers, Ben F., University of 
Illinois. 



24 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 



1943 Jones, Edward Allen, Cornell Uni- 
versity. 

Pi Epsilon Theta (Philosophical) 
1938 James, Albert, University of 

Southern California. 
Pi Gamma Mu (Social Science) 

1936 Davis, Russell, Washburn College. 
1937 Darby, Alfred C., University of 

California. 
1938 Tate, Merze, Western State 

Teachers. 
1940 Higgins, Rodney C., University of 

Iowa. 
Jones, Clifton R., University of 

Iowa. 
Nipson, Herbert, Pennsylvania 

State College. 
Pi Kappa Lambda (Music) 

1936 Allen, William Duncan, Oberlin 

College. 

1943_Davis, Louise, Boston Conserva- 
tory of Music. 
1946 Knighten, Alleyne Joyce, Oberlin 

College. 

Pi Lambda Theta (Education) 
1936 Just, Margaret, Boston University. 
1945 Brooks, Stella B., Cornell Univer- 

Lawlah, Evelyn, Stanford Univer- 
sity. 
Thomas, Ruth Marie, New York 

University (Graduate Chapter) 
1946 Sheffield, Mrs. Helen, Columbia 

University. 
Pi Mu Epsilon (Mathematics) 

1938 Blackwell, David H., University 

of Illinois. 
Doxey, Hosea H., University of 

Nebraska. 
1943 Hodge, John Edward, University 

of Kansas. 
1944 Dennis, Joseph J., Northwestern 

University. 
Psi Chi (Psychological) 

1939 Brown, Robert Duane, University 

of Illinois. 
Sigma Delta Epsilon (Scientific for 

Women) 
1946 Lewis, Lillian Burwell, University 

of Chicago. 
Sigma Delta Pi (Spanish) 

1939 Carruthers, Ben P., Univeisity of 

Illinois. 

Sigma Kappa Phi (Foreign Language) 
1941 Nelson, Fannetta J. M., University 

of Pittsburgh. 
Sigma Pi Sigma (Physics) 

1940 Wiley, James T., University of 

Pittsburgh. 
1941 Baldwin, Thomas W., New York 

University. 
Sigma Xi (Scientific) 
1936 Alexander, Lloyd E., University of 

Rochester. 
Anderson, R. L., University of 

Pittsburgh. 
Buggs, Charles W., University of 

Minnesota. 
Carter, Margaret L., Pembroke 

College of Brown University. 
1937 Bright, William M., University of 

Illinois. 

Lockett, John L., Rutgers Univer- 
sity. 
Wallace, William J. L., Cornell 

University. 
West, Harold D., University of 

Illinois. 
1939 Dooley, T. P., University of Iowa. 



1940 Alsup, Fred W., University of 

Pennsylvania. 
Blackwell, David H., University of 

Illinois. 

Clark, Kenneth B., Columbia Uni- 
versity. 

Harris, H. H., University of Iowa. 
Inge, Frederick D., Ohio State 

University. 
Wall, Limas D., University of 

Michigan. 
1941 Bayton, James A., University of 

Pennsylvania. 
Finley, Harold E., University of 

Wisconsin. 

Mason. Clarence T., McGill Uni- 
versity. 
1942 Ferguson, Edward, University of 

Illinois. 
Spaulding, George H., University 

of Pennsylvania. 
Wortham, Joseph L., Ohio State 

University. 
1943 Dennis, Joseph J., Northwestern 

University. 

Henderson, James Henry M., Uni- 
versity of Wisconsin. 
1944 Lee, J. Warren, University of 

Iowa. 

Reddick, Mary L., Radcliffe Col- 
lege. 
1945 Boyd, Evelyn, Smith College. 

Dickerson, Charles E., Ohio State 

University. 

Julian, Dr. Percy L., Northwest- 
ern University. 
1946 Lewis, Lillian Burwell, University 

of Chicago. 

Munday, Reuben A., Amherst Col- 
lege. 

Romm, Harry J., Iowa State Col- 
lege. 
Sword and Shield (Sophomore Honor 

Society) 

1938 Dugger, Edward, Tufts College. 
Tau Beta Pi (Engineering) 

1943 Alexander, Walter Gilbert. 

Hubbard, Philip, University of 

Iowa. 
Tau Delta Pi (Social Science) 

1936 Davis, Russel, Washburn College. 

SPINGARN ACHIEVEMENT 
AWARDS*! 

In 1914, J. E. Spingarn, Chairman 
of the Executive Committee of the 
National Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People, established a 
gold medal to be given to the man or 
woman of African descent and Ameri- 
can citizenship, who during the year 
shall have made the highest achieve- 
ment in any field of human endeavor. 

Twenty-two awards were presented 
through 1936. Since 1936 the awards 
of the medal have been as follows: 

To Walter White, Secretary of the 



*No award was made in 1938. Dr. William 
A. Hinton who was chosen as the re- 
cipient of the award for his outstanding 
work in Syphilology found himself un- 
able to accept. 

tSee previous Negro Year Books for data 
prior to 1937, 



SPINGARN ACHIEVEMENT AWARDS 



25 



National Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People, the 23rd 
Award. 

"A graduate of Atlanta University, 
Walter White has been a valued and 
distinguished official of the National 
Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People since 1918 and its Ex- 
ecutive Secretary since 1931. The author 
of two novels, and of an authoritative 
study of lynching and its psychology 
entitled 'Rope and Faggot,' Mr. White 
has personally investigated forty-one 
lynchings and eight race riots, some- 
times at the risk of his life, often ob- 
taining evidence of great value in the 
presentation of these cases in law courts 
or that of public opinion. 

"In the last several years, he has de- 
voted himself unsparingly, with remark- 
able tact, skill and persuasiveness, to 
the pushing through Congress of the 
anti-lynching bill which, having passed 
the House, is now pending in the Sen- 
ate. It is the testimony of experienced 
Washington observers that no better job 
of legitimate championship of a bill has 
been done in Washington in years. Un- 
discouraged by the defeat of 1935, he 
succeeded in getting a vote of 277 to 119 
of April 15, last upon the Gavagan bill. 
"During all this time, Mr. White has 
carried a large share of the executive 
work of the association, presented its 
case in public innumerable times, and 
has had a considerable part in bringing 
to a successful issue in the Supreme 
Court some of the cases financed and 
sponsored by the NAACP. In zeal for 
and loyalty to his race, the Committee 
believes Mr. White to be surpassed by 
no one else." 

To Marian Anderson, world famous 
contralto, the 24th award. 

"Marian Anderson has been chosen 
for her special achievement in the field 
of music. Equally with that achieve- 
ment, which has won her world-wide 
fame as one of the greatest singers of 
our time, is her magnificent dignity as 
a human being. Her unassuming man- 
ner, which has not been changed by her 
phenomenal success, has added to the 
esteem not only of Marian Anderson as 
an individual but of the race to which 
she belongs." 

To Dr. Louis T. Wright, an outstand- 
ing medical and civil rights figure, the 
25th award. 

"He has been a consistent and per- 
sistent foe of every form of segregation 
and denial of opportunity and has 
played a major part in the establish- 
ment of a yardstick of medical pro- 
ficiency which has done much to change 
the attitude of both the white and 
Negro medical world and the public at 
large. 

"But Dr. Wright has not confined his 
efforts to important crusades for prin- 
ciples. He has made distinguished con- 
tributions to medical and surgical de- 
velopment. He was chosen as an out- 
standing authority to write the section 
on skull fractures in 'The Standard 



Treatment of Fractures,' edited by Dr. 
Charles L. Scudder. In that contribu- 
tion Dr. Wright broke new ground and 
successfully challenged and disproved 
the soundness of previously held the- 
ories on the treatment of skull frac- 
tures. 

"In his original work in the develop- 
ment of more effective treatment of the 
hookworm, on more successful methods 
of vaccination, and in other fields, he 
has pushed forward the frontiers of 
medical development. His distinguished 
work as a surgeon led to the color line 
being broken in the American College 
of Surgeons through his election as a 
fellow in 1934. During his service as 
a surgical director at Harlem Hospital 
in New York City he greatly improved 
standards and lowered the mortality 
rates. 

"As an officer in the United States 
Army during the World War his was 
one of the outstanding careers. 

"Scientist, public servant, indefatiga- 
ble and uncompromising fighter for 
complete justice and democracy in all 
avenues of life as well as in the field 
of medicine, Dr. Wright is a distin- 
guished citizen of America by any 
standards and without regard to race, 
creed or color." 

To Richard Wright, writer, the 26th 
award. 

"For his powerful depiction in his 
books, 'Uncle Tom's Children,' and 
'Native Son,' of the effect of proscrip- 
tion, segregation and denial of oppor- 
tunities to the American Negro. He 
has given to Americans who have eyes 
to see a picture which must be faced 
if democracy is to survive. The Award 
Committee salutes Mr. Wright as one 
of the most powerful of contemporary 
writers." 

To A. Philip Randolph, social think- 
er and worker, the 27th award. 

For organizing the Sleeping Car Por- 
ters under the Brotherhood of Sleep- 
ing Car Porters and securing recogni- 
tion for them; and because of his fear- 
less, determined mobilization of mass 
opinion that resulted in the President's 
issuing Executive Order No. 8802, which 
banned racial discrimination in defense 
industries and government work. 
To William H. Hastie, former Dean 
of the Howard University Law School, 
the 28th award. 

"William Henry Hastie is selected as 
twenty-eighth Spingarn medalist for his 
distinguished career as jurist and as 
uncompromising champion of equal jus- 
tice. Though young in years his record 
of achievement is notable measured by 
any standard, however absolute or high. 
"His scholastic career as honor grad- 
uate from Amherst College and as a 
Doctor of Juridical Science from the 
Harvard Law School has been con- 
tinued in quality of service in several 
capacities. His was a distinguished 
career as Assistant Solicitor of the De- 
partment of the Interior. He made a 
brilliant record as the first Negro to 
serve as Judge of a United States Dis- 
trict Court, serving in the Virgin Is- 



26 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 



lands. He established a high standard 
of scholarship and of service in the 
Virgin Islands. He established a 'high 
standard of scholarship and of service 
to mankind for the students during 
his period as Dean of the Law School of 
Howard University. 

"As Civilian Aide to the Secretary of 
War he refused to temporize with ra- 
cial bigotry, segregation or discrimina- 
tion. Men of lesser character and of 
greater selfishness would have closed 
their eyes to prejudice." 

To Dr. Charles R. Drew, Professor 
of Surgery at Howard University, the 
29th award. 

"Dr. Drew set up and ran the blood 
plasma bank in the Presbyterian Hos- 
pital in New York City which served 
as one of the models for the widespread 
system of blood banks now in opera- 
tion for the American Red Cross. 

"On October 1, 1940, Dr. Drew was 
appointed full-time medical director of 
the plasma project for Great Britain 
with the job of solving the many tech- 
nical problems which had arisen in this 
first great experiment in gross produc- 
tion of human plasma. As a final report 
at the end of the project a very com- 
plete summary of the organizational, 
technical, and medical problems that 
arose in this work was written. This 
report was published and served as a 
guide for the later developments in the 
United States for the U. S. Army and 
also for the armies of our allies. 

"When it was decided by the Ameri- 
can Red Cross to set up blood donor 
stations with the idea of collecting 
blood plasma for the American armed 
forces, Dr. Drew was appointed as the 
first director and set up the first col- 
lection unit with full time people in 
contradistinction to the largely volun- 
teer help used in the project for Great 
Britain. When the project had been 
successfully running for three months 
Dr. Drew resigned to go to Washington 
to take the Chair of Surgery at How- 
ard University." 

To Paul Robeson, internationally fa- 
mous actor, concert artist, and athlete, 
the 30th award. 

Mr. Robeson received the award for 
his outstanding achievements in the 
theatre, on the concert stage, and in 
the general field of racial welfare. The 
latest triumph in his long public career 
was his appearance in Margaret Web- 
ster's production of "Othello." 

Mr. Robeson has appeared in num- 
erous legitimate plays including "Em- 
peror Jones," "All God's Chillun," 
"Porgy," "Black Boy," "The Hairy 
Ape," and "Stevedore." In the films he 
has appeared in "Emperor Jones," 
"Showboat," "Saunders of the River," 
"King Solomon's Mines," "Jericho," and 
others. 

He gave his first concert performance 
as a singer in 1925, and made his first 
concert tour of America in 1929. His 
concert tours of Europe occurred in 
1926-28, 1931 and 1938, with a mem- 
orable tour of Russia in 1936. 

Mr. Robeson is a graduate of Rutgers 
College and Columbia University. He 



is a member of Phi Beta Kappa. He 
was a four-letter man at Rutgers and 
was All- American end on Walter Camp's 
team in 1918. 

To Thurgood Marshall, Counsel for 
the National Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Colored People, the 31st 
award. 

"For his distinguished service as a 
lawyer before the Supreme Court of the 
United States and inferior courts, par- 
ticularly in the Texas Primary Case 
which conceivably may have more far 
reaching influence than any other act 
in the ending of disfranchisement based 
upon race or color in the country; also 
in recognition of the unselfishness and 
courage which he has shown not only 
in this but in other cases for the right 
of Negroes to belong to trade unions, 
in his attack upon the Jim Crow travel 
system and unequal educational oppor- 
tunities, and for basic human rights 
and justice in the courts." 

INVENTIONS AND DISCOVERIES 

Negroes have applied their inventive 
talents to a wide range of subjects. 
These include: clothing, household 
furnishings, electrical devices, aero- 
nautics, chemical compounds, mechan- 
ical devices, metal work, psychological 
devices, and many others. Among the 
inventions and discoveries on which 
patents were secured during the period 
1936-1946 are the following: 

1936 

Lawson, Herbert, sued Pullman Com- 
pany charging that the air cooling and 
conditioning system that he invented 
was infringed upon by Pullman Com- 
pany. 

Raines, Dr. Morris A., Associate Pro- 
fessor of Botany at Howard Univer- 
sity, Washington, D. C., invented a 
device which makes the root system of 
plants visible throughout their entire 
growth. 

Redding, J. T., Wilkesboro, N. C., has 
invented a convertible auto seat which 
can be turned back and made into a 
full length bed. 

Rhodes, J. A., New York, President 
of National Robot Company, invented 
a very simple device for removing pig- 
eons from newly cleaned buildings. 

Smith, R. C., Oberlin, Ohio, invented 
an electrical reversible pressing comb. 
This is an improvement over others 
because the heat is steady, it elimi- 
nates smoke and grease and does not 
leave the ends of the hair harsh and 
brittle. 

StaUworth, Elbert, Americus, Ga., 



INVENTIONS AND DISCOVERIES 



27 



has invented several electrical house- 
hold appliances, among them an elec- 
trically heated commode for conveni- 
ence during illness and in homes lack- 
ing bathroom facilities; an alarm clock 
attachment which permits the opera- 
tion of an electrical machine on a 
time basis; an electric heater which 
affords a maximum of heat on a mini- 
mum of current. 

Timberlake, Jerry, Humboldt, Tenn., 
invented a power multiplier, which he 
calls a stepper-upper. His machine can 
produce 3 horsepower where one would 
be ordinarily, and it has no gears 
or belts. 

1937 

Allen, James Matthew, Smithfield, 
N. C., ex-Howard University student 
invented Radio Ace Unit, a device that 
looks like a fancy electric clock; it 
sits on the radio and tunes in pro- 
grams at whatever hour one wishes. 

Alston, Rolona, Washington, D. C., 
secured patent rights on a mechanical 
adjustable shirt. 

Chubb, Dr. Lewis W., Research Di- 
rector for Westinghouse laboratories, 
Pittsburgh, Pa., invented a device for 
use of polarized lights for eliminating 
headlight glare. 

Jones, Dr. William B., Springfield, 
Mass., granted patent on an improved 
dental impression tray which reduces 
the discomfort to patients and speeds 
up the work of the dentist. 

Lee, Arthur, assistant to a Newark, 
N. J. shipbuilder, invented a popular 
toy, a flying fish, known as "The China 
Clipper." 

Roberts, Walter, graduate of Car- 
negie Institute of Technology designed 
a gate for an intersection on Carnegie's 
campus. It has no bolts or fasteners. 
It is all welded. 

Robinson, "Doc" Elbert R. (died, 
1937, Chicago, 111., widely known as 
"Car Wheel" Robinson) is the inventor 
of many devices ; steeling wheels, over- 
head trolley, interlocking switch. Rob- 
inson first attracted public attention 
decades ago, when working as ma- 
chinist in a Chicago steel foundry. He 
discovered a process for making steel 
car wheels, flanged, which under his 
process could be made cheaper, were 
more durable and lasted longer than 
those made by the prevailing method. 
Other outstanding inventions were the 
overhead trolley, now universally used, 
and the interlocking switch, which en- 



ables cars to switch off the main track, 
and which is now also universally 
used. 

Sutton, John, born in San Antonio, 
Tex., invented process for production 
of rope and other fibre material from a 
rice by-product. 

Taylor, Richard, Chicago, 111., was 
granted a patent on June 22 on "La 
Tie," an instrument which he designed 
to facilitate the handling of sheet 
music. 

1938 

Belton, Dr. Waddle, dentist of Phila- 
delphia, Pa., built radio set costing 
$3,500 because of the many devices and 
gadgets he has put on it for receiving 
and transmitting messages here and 
abroad. 

Blauntia, Volono Hopi, Tulsa, Okla., 
has patented a three section window 
which eliminates window washing 
troubles. Each section of the window 
can be lowered on hinges so that one 
standing on the floor on the inside of 
the house can easily wash the window 
without getting outside. 

Bruner, Harvey, Birmingham, Ala., 
discovered a way of making paint and 
varnish from the sap of trees without 
using lead. 

Claiborne, Ernest L., Schenectady, 
N. Y., superintendent of service at the 
Hotel Van Curler, has invented a rack 
to contain 50 bound highway maps for 
the convenience of guests at the hotel. 
The maps are neatly indexed and route 
numbers are easily accessible. 

Crumble, James H., Brooklyn, N. Y., 
has invented an ever ready battery in 
his home-made electric generator. His 
device charges old batteries by a secret 
friction process, and the batteries in 
turn run the machine. Consequently, 
he has a machine which runs all the 
time, since there is always plenty of 
electricity to run it at no cost. 

Johnson, Paul E., Chicago, 111., is the 
inventor and manufacturer of twenty- 
seven lamps and other types of physio- 
therapeutic equipment for use by phy- 
sicians and in hospitals. 

Jones, Walter, a tenant farmer on a 
plantation near Greenville, Miss., has 
invented a machine to thin out cotton 
plants in a row, which he claims is 
more efficient than any on the market. 

Lee, Robert, Savannah, Ga., has been 
granted a patent for a safety attach- 
ment for automotive vehicles. The de- 
vice provides for blow-out control and 



28 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 



automatically prevents the sudden 
swerving which occurs in a blow-out 
in a front tire and arrests the shifting 
of the steering connections. 

Madison, Walter G., mechanical en- 
gineer and inventor of Ames, Iowa is 
the owner of the W. G. Madison Com- 
pany which makes and distributes the 
Eclipse Radiator Bracket which he in- 
vented to support any type of steam 
radiator. 

Spears, Edward, recent migrant to 
New York from Georgia, has patented 
a television set which can be sold for 
less than $100. 

Turner, William D., New York City, 
is the inventor of an automatic radio 
tuning device which operates on much 
the same order as an alarm clock. By 
its use it is possible to set the dial 
hours in advance for a particular pro- 
gram and have the machine automati- 
cally go on and off. 

1939 

Bowen, Henry, Portsmouth, Va., has 
invented a "fog sweeper" which uti- 
lizes both a strong beam of light and 
a high pressure lane of air which he 
claims will solve the age old problem 
of fog on land and sea. 

Burton, Gus, Orlando, Fla., invented 
a device which will enable airplane 
pilots to unload mail bags without 
stopping and without damage to the 
mail or merchandise so unloaded. 

Chopin, Arthur, Philadelphia, Pa., 
designed automobile inspection stick- 
ers for the State of Pennsylvania. 

Harris, Charles P., Fayetteville, N. 
C., has invented a device for changing 
coins in vending and similar .ma- 
chines. The invention, about the size 
of a brick, is inserted within the vend- 
ing machine and will handle any of the 
six coins in circulation in this coun- 
try. It automatically deducts the pur- 
chase price of the article and drops 
the change in a cup. 

Maxie, J. W., Langston University, 
Oklahoma, sophomore, has invented a 
device that is expected to eliminate 
the sheet music industry. It is claimed 
that the device will not only eliminate 
the turning of music pages during a 
musical performance and the possibil- 
ity of the music sheet being disturbed 
by the wind, but it will also eliminate 
the use of sheet music entirely. The 
invention permits a music perform- 
ance to be rendered in the dark, ex- 



cept for a small pilot light. It can be 
attached either to a piano or a music 
stand, and it can be operated by any- 
one. 

Page, Lionel F., Xenia, Ohio, has in- 
vented an auxiliary circulating device 
for hot water heaters designed to keep 
autos warm inside even when the en- 
gine is not running. 

Strickland, 0. S., Secretary-General 
Manager of the Universal Oil, Gas and 
Mining Company, Inc., a Negro oil com- 
pany of Shreveport, La., has perfected 
an electronometer, or oil field detector, 
which has proved to be ninety-seven 
per cent accurate in locating and de- 
fining metes and bounds of oil and gas 
fields. 

Thomas, Henry, Cleveland, Ohio, has 
secured patents on fluxes for brass, 
bronze, aluminum and stainless steel. 
"Flux Metal Purifier, Inc." was formed 
to make fluxes and other by-products of 
the process which it includes. 

Yancy, P. R., young minister, has 
invented an inkless pen that writes 
with water. The invention consists of 
a chemical compound discovered by 
Yancy which is placed in the hollow 
of an ordinary steel pen where it 
hardens and sticks fast to the metal. 
The compound lasts indefinitely; in 
order to use the pen it is only neces- 
sary to dip it in water. 

1940 

Gibson, John, Columbus, Franklin 
County, Tenn., has a patent on the 
body design for a locomotive that is 
faster and more economical to operate 
than any in use. 

Halo, William, of West Virginia, on 
April 7, 1925, obtained a patent on a 
plane "made to hover in the air, as- 
cend and descend vertically and be 
propelled along the ground as a 
wheeled vehicle either in a forward or 
a reverse manner." Fifteen years later 
there is much excitement over a "new 
type of airplane which rises perpen- 
dicularly without having to take off 
in the usual manner." 

Simmons, John, 18, Philadelphia, 
Pa., has built several radios. Recently 
he had created a job for himself by 
building a machine on which he plays 
recordings. He fills numerous engage- 
ments with his machine. 

1941 

Burton, Gus, Wadley, Ga., has pat- 
ented two types of models. One is an 



INVENTIONS AND DISCOVERIES 



29 



emergency device for airplanes when 
its landing wheels will not operate or 
are shot away; and a mail pick-up de- 
vice for airplanes. 

Dox, Thrash, artist of Philadelphia, 
Pa., in collaboration with a group of 
WPA project artists discovered the 
carborundum print process which is 
regarded as one of the most important 
developments in the technique of fine 
print reproduction. Because of this 
new process, printmakers and artists 
are able to widen the range of tone in 
black and white as never before. 

Ritnour, Charles G., Memphis, Tenn., 
has applied for a patent for a mechani- 
cal cotton-picker designed especially 
for tht 20-100 acre farmer of limited 
means. The picker operates on the 
same principal as a vacuum cleaner 
and will operate 10 hours on one gal- 
lon of gas. Mounted on pneumatic 
tires and weighing less than 150 
pounds, the picker can be operated by 
one man and will harvest about 650 
pounds of cotton a day, or about as 
much as three men will pick. 

Wheeler, Samuel, Muncie, Ind., has 
invented a device for laying concrete 
blocks that guarantee perfect block 
laying with mathematical precision 
and a saving of 40 per cent of mortar. 

1942 

Blair. Joseph N., Detroit, Mich., is 
reputed to be one of the most talented 
speed boat inventors in America. 

Dixon. William James, has invented 
a re-railer, which is used to replace 
cars on rails when they are derailed. 

1943 

Alleyne, Dr. Ernest P., Nashville, 
Tenn., has been granted a patent on 
a device which will take the place of 
six other instruments in obstetrical 
surgery. It is small enough to carry 
in the vest pocket. 

Burton, Gus, Savannah, Ga., carpen- 
ters' helper, has patented an invention 
for air fields which he believes will 
be instrumental in saving lives when 
disabled planes come in. The device is 
intended to provide a safe landing for 
planes when their retractable landing 
gear fails to work or in war times 
when planes return with their under- 
carriage shot away or damaged. 

Crichton, Frank D., Washington, D. 
C., invented a picture frame which 
changes pictures at the owners' will. 
Pictures are placed on a roll and when 



a new face or scene is desired the roll 
is turned and a new picture appears 
in the frame. Mr. Crichton is also in- 
ventor of an automatic flag staff. It 
contains ball bearings inside allowing 
the staff to revolve according to the 
cloth banner's whims and thus does 
not wrap around the pole to which it 
is attached. 

Janes, Clinton, instructor in Mathe- 
matics at A. and T. College in Greens- 
boro, N. C., has developed an instru- 
ment for the study of the motion of 
projectiles and artillery shells. The 
apparatus permits complete study of 
the physical principles underlying ar- 
tillery and small arms trajectories and 
laboratory determination of the range, 
height and velocity of projectiles as a 
function of angular elevation and other 
principles of such study. 

Kirkland, William, Jersey City, N. J., 
has invented a magnetic air .mine 
which will float mid-air, is invisible 
but will explode when contacted by 
enemy craft. Mr. Kirkland has also 
invented a new air pump which is in 
use at the arsenal where he is em- 
ployed. 

Redmond, Sidney D.. Jackson, Miss., 
invented a mine sweeper which patent 
examiners ruled was different from 
anything previously patented or 
known. 

Ruth, George A. P., Maryland, per- 
fected a new invention for charging 
auto batteries quickly. The gadget does 
away with the necessity of taking the 
battery to the charger, since it is port- 
able and independent of outside elec- 
tric currents. 

Walton, Dr. U. S., Memphis, Tenn., 
was granted on March 23, 1943 a pat- 
ent on an instrument for improving 
dentures. 

White, George. Washington, D. C., 
invented a device which when at- 
tached to an auto or airplane motor 
will propel the vehicle over mileage 
equivalent to that obtained from 123 
gallons of gasoline while using only a 
single gallon. 

1944 

Blair, Joseph N., Detroit, Mich., has 
announced the perfection of an aerial 
torpedo for long range bombing. 

Crumble, James H.. Brooklyn, N. Y., 
has invented a bicycle driving mecha- 
nism which is like a motorcycle oper- 
ated without gasoline. His bicycle op- 
erates by pedaling with a storage 



30 .SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 



spring as the gear driving power. It 
also operates without use of the spring. 
The invention contains exceptional ve- 
locity and driving power. It will travel 
uphill as easily as on a level stretch, 
anywhere a gasoline driven machine 
will operate. 

Durrcmt, Nancy Agnes, fifteen years 
old, of Washington, D. C., senior at 
Dunbar High School was acclaimed for 
her invention of a non-burnable me- 
tallic cloth. She was awarded a $2,400 
scholarship in The Third Annual Tal- 
ent Search sponsored by Westinghouse 
Electric Company. Along with 39 
other students, Miss Durrant is the 
first Negro to be among the 40 finalists. 
She has also invented a machine to 
crush old electric bulbs and has de- 
veloped a process for salvaging the 
tungsten filaments used in the elec- 
tric light. 

Edwards, Robert, Oklahoma City, 
Okla., invented a device for boxing 
cylinders. 

Huffstead, P. L., has invented a "tell 
the time round the world clock." It is 
about three feet in diameter and is 
equipped with large hour, minute, and 
second hands indicating the correct 
time in New York. Smaller clock dials 
placed equal distances from each other 
inside the circle of the larger clock 
show the time in the large cities in 
different parts of the world. 

Lewis, Charles Sinclair, janitor of 
El Paso, Tex., has perfected and pat- 
ented an invention which not only will 
save countless lives lost annually 
in highway accidents but also will be 
the means of conserving rubber. 

Parsons, James A., electrical engi- 
neer, has been granted patents for the 
determination of the silicon content 
of alloys. He is in charge of research 
and metallurgy for Durion Company, 
Dayton, Ohio. In 1943 at the Nine- 
teenth Exposition of Chemical Indus- 
tries, held at Madison Square Garden, 
New York City, products made pos- 
sible by the inventions of Mr. Parsons 
were displayed. 

Redmond, Dr. 8. D., and McCoy, Dr. 
A. H., Jackson, Miss., were granted a 
patent on their invention, a torpedo 
arrester and insulator. The object of 
the device is to prevent torpedoes and 
mines from exploding when they strike 



Ruth, William C. t Gap, Pa., con- 
verted his plant for farm tools into a 



war production plant by turning out 
sole plates for use on Navy mine 
sweepers, shear pins, trunnions and 
clamps for Army trucks. 

Schuler, Corporal Booker T., New 
York City, has invented a medical air 
ambulance kit that filled emergency 
medical equipment needs of an air 
evacuation Transport Squadron sta- 
tioned in the South Pacific. Schuler 
designed and made an original model 
of his kit, and finally out of scanty 
available supplies, manufactured by 
hand 40 units. 

Young, Fred W., Atlanta, Ga., has 
invented a coin wrapping machine 
which is automatic. 

1945 

Atkins, Dr. Cyril Fitzgerald and 
Brooks, Ulysses Simpson, members of 
the faculty of Johnson C. Smith Uni- 
versity, have discovered a new paper 
producing process for the manufacture 
of a very good corrugated shipping 
container from cotton stems ordinarily 
left standing in the fields after the 
cotton is picked. 

Blanton, John W., research engineer 
in thermodynamics and power plants 
in Buffalo, New York, helped to de- 
sign and build the first jet-propelled 
plane in America, the P-59, Air-Comet 
Fighter. After two years with Bell 
Aircraft, he took a position as Chief 
Thermodynamics Engineer for Fred- 
erick Flader, Inc., Buffalo, New York. 

Gary, Alvin C., Brooklyn, N. Y., has 
designed a mirror which will aid in 
parking cars in cramped spaces or at 
the curbs. Motorists will be able to 
observe remote fenders as well as near- 
by fenders avoiding striking fenders 
against objects. He also holds a patent 
on a pair of extractive pliers by means 
of which objects such as glass, tacks, 
etc., which become lodged beneath the 
surface of pneumatic auto tires may 
easily be extracted. 

Janes, Frederick, a native of Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio, has invented an auto- 
matic mobile refrigerator which makes 
it possible for service men in the South 
Pacific jungles to have fresh meat and 
vegetables on their menus. It is auto- 
matic to the extent that it requires no 
attention except that of providing gas- 
oline. 

Pierre, Leo, a Haitian student at 
Hampton Institute, Va., invented a 
combination tool which can be used 
to assemble and dismount machine 



BOOKER T. WASHINGTON COMMEMORATIONS 



guns and other mechanical equipment. 
Two other patents are pending one 
for a pocket machine gun, and another 
for an automatic magazine for machine 
guns. 

Snyde, Walter H., of Mt. Pleasant, 
S. C. f invented a power-driven caulker's 
chisel, doing the work formerly re- 
quired of four men working with mal- 
let and chisel to repair leaking boats. 

Turner, Joseph, Charleston, S. C., 
a "sealer" at the branch plant of the 
Carnegie Illinois Steel Corporation, is 
in charge of a mechanical chisel that 
removes scale from steel plates. The 
machine is operated by compressed air. 
Mr. Turner invented and perfected an 
attachment that cools the point of the 
chisel, hence preserving its temper and 
greatly lengthening its life. It reduces 
labor by half and doubles production. 

1946 

Schuler, Booker T., New York City, 
has invented a mouse trap that can 
catch and drown as many as a half 
dozen mice at a time. The trap is so 
arranged over a pail of water that 
when a mouse falls in the pail it 
drowns right away because there isn't 
enough room to swim around in. 

FIRST NEGRO GOVERNOR 

APPOINTED BY THE UNITED 

STATES GOVERNMENT 

The confirmation of William Henry 
Hastie as Governor of the Virgin 
Islands, a territory of the United 
States, makes him the first Negro Gov- 
ernor of the United States. 

Mr. Hastie was born at Knoxville, 
Tenn., November 17, 1904. He received 
the A. B. degree from Amherst College 
in 1925, the LL. B. degree from Har- 
vard University in 1930; S.J.D., 1933. 

He taught at Bordentown, N. J. 
Manual Training School in 1925-27, 
was admitted to the bar of the District 
of Columbia in 1931, beginning prac- 
tice with Houston and Houston, law- 
yers, of Washington, D. C. From 1930 
to 1937 he was a member of the fac- 
ulty of the Howard University School 
of Law; Assistant Solicitor of the 
United States Department of the In- 
terior, 1933-37; Judge of the District 
Court of the Virgin Islands, 1937-39; 
Dean of the Howard University School 
of Law, 1939; and Civilian Aide 
to the Secretary of War 1940-42. 
He is Vice-President of the National 
Lawyers Guild and a Director of the 



National Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People. 

Mr. Hastie was confirmed by the 
Senate on May 1, 1946, and was in- 
augurated on May 7, 1946, at Charlotte 
Amalie, Virgin Islands. 

BOOKER T. WASHINGTON 

COMMEMORATIONS 
The Booker T. Washington Stamp 

The first United States postage 
stamp to commemorate the life of a 
Negro was issued on April 7, 1940, at 
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. This 
stamp bears the likeness of Booker 
T. Washington, founder of Tuskegee 
Institute, and is of the 10-cent denom- 
ination. 

Over 200,000 stamps were sold, a 
record for the 10-cent "famous Ameri- 
can" series. Approximately 175,000 
"first day" philatelic envelopes were 
issued. 

Postmaster General James A. Farley 
made the first sales at Tuskegee In- 
stitute and delivered the Founder's 
Day address. 

The idea of issuing the Booker T. 
Washington stamp as one of the "fa- 
mous American" series originated with 
Dr. R. R. Wright, Sr., President of the 
Citizens and Southern Bank and Trust 
Company, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Booker T. Washington 
Elected to Hall of Fame 

On October 31, 1945, Booker T. 
Washington was elected to the Hall 
of Fame for Great Americans, which 
is located on the campus of New York 
University, in the tenth quinquennial 
election. He is the first Negro to be 
thus honored. 

On May 23, 1946, Gloria Davidson 
Washington, granddaughter of Booker 
T. Washington, unveiled the bronze 
bust, the work of Richmond Barthe, 
noted Negro sculptor, in the presence 
of a distinguished gathering of more 
than a thousand persons. Tuskegee 
Institute and Hampton Institute as- 
sumed responsibility for raising the 
$5,000 necessary for the erection of the 
bust. 

Below the bust was placed a bronze 
tablet bearing a quotation from an 
address which Dr. Washington de- 
livered before the Southern Industrial 
Convention in Huntsville, Alabama, on 
Columbus Day, 1899. It reads, "The 
highest test of the civilization of a 
race is its willingness to extend a 



32 SOME INTELLECTUAL AND OTHER ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NEGRO 



helping hand to the less fortunate." 

Speakers at the ceremony were Dr. 
Frederick D. Patterson, President of 
Tuskegee Institute ; Dr. James Rowland 
Angell, Director of the Hall of Fame; 
Dr. Emmett J. Scott, Secretary of Tus- 
kegee Institute during the lifetime of 
Dr. Washington; Dr. Harold O. Voor- 
his, Vice-Chancellor and Secretary at 
New York University; Dr. Jackson 
Davis, Associate Director of the Gen- 
eral Education Board and Dr. Ralph 
P. Bridgman, President of Hampton 
Institute. 

Dorothy Maynor, soprano, and the 
Tuskegee Institute Choir furnished a 
musical program for the ceremonies. 
The Hampton Institute Creative Dance 
Group appeared in a prologue with an 
original pantomimic interpretation of 
the educator's life. 

The mantle that covered the bust 
was presented to Mrs. Portia Washing- 
ton Pittman, only daughter of the 
great educator. 

A letter from President Harry S. 
Truman said in part: "Booker T. 
Washington has a living monument 
in Tuskegee Institute. Now he is num- 
bered among the immortal Americans 
in the Hall of Fame. In the years to 
come he will be an inspiration to every 
American who forges ahead, despite 
the obstacles his birth or origin may 
place in his way. We are proud to 
have an America that counts this man 
among its heroes." 

The Hall of Fame was established 
in 1899 at New York University and 
houses the busts of 77 famous Amer- 
icans, chosen since the first election 
in 1900. 

The names to be inscribed in the 
Hall of Fame are chosen every five 
years by a college of electors, "consist- 
ing of approximately one hundred 
American men and women of distinc- 
tion, representing every State of the 
Union and several professions." The 
busts and tablets are the gifts of as- 
sociations or individuals. 

Booker T. Washington 
Birthplace Memorial 

The plantation on which Booker T. 
Washington was born, known as the 
"Burrough's Farm," located at Hales 
Ford, Franklin County, Virginia, was 
purchased by the Booker T. Washing- 
ton Birthplace Memorial Association 
of which S. J. Phillips, Tuskegee In- 
stitute, Alabama, is President and Em- 



mett J. Scott, Washington, D. C., is 
Secretary. The Association plans not 
only to restore the log cabin_4n which 
Booker T* Washington was born but 
also as outlined in its charter, to 
establish a perpetual memorial "in 
commemoration of the life of Booker 
T. Washington, monuments and other 
similar markings at places connected 
with the life of Booker T. Washing- 
ton and to collect and distribute histor- 
ical facts and literature which are to 
serve as the purpose" of the new cor- 
poration. 

Other aspects of the planning are: 
A memorial museum showing the 
African background of the Negro in 
America, a consolidated elementary 
school, a regional vocation school, a 
radio station and the organizing of 
better workers' institutes throughout 
the country where there are large 
concentrations of the population. 

On March 16, 1946, the Virginia 
General Assembly voted an appropria- 
tion of $15,000 to be expended for the 
Booker T. Washington Birthplace 
Memorial for the erection of perma- 
nent buildings. 

Ground breaking ceremonies were 
held at the birthplace on April 5, 1946. 
The Association plans eventually to 
have a $2,000,000 memorial. 

Coin Honoring Booker T. 
Washington Authorized 

On August 7, 1946, President Tru- 
man signed a bill authorizing the 
minting of five million 50-cent pieces 
in honor of Booker T. Washington, 
the coins to be sold for $1.00 each to 
help establish a birthplace memorial. 
(See above.) Present at the signing 
of the bill by President Truman were 
S. J. Phillips, President of the Booker 
T. Washington Birthplace Memorial 
Association, and Dr. Emmett J. Scott, 
Secretary. The Booker T. Washington 
coin went on sale December 16, 1946. 

There have been some 50 memorial 
coins of the type authorized. The first 
was in 1892 for the Columbian Expo- 
sition and the most recent was in 1937, 
commemorating the Battle of Antie- 
tam. 

Under the premium price plan, the 
organization to be benefited designates 
banks or other agencies at which the 
coins may be bought. The face value 
goes to the government, the amount 
above that to the beneficiary. 

The coin was designed by Isaac 



AMERICAN MOTHER OF 1946 



33 



Hathaway and is the first one to be 
minted in honor of a Negro in Amer- 
ica; and the first to be designed by a 
sculptor of the Negro race. Mr. Hatha 
way is head of the Department of 
Ceramics, Tuskegee Institute. His 
model was accepted because it more 
nearly conformed to specifications than 
any other model submitted. 
GEORGE WASHINGTON CARVER 

DAY 

Saturday, January o, 1946, was pro- 
claimed by President Truman as 
George Washington Carver Day in 
commemoration of the achievements 
of this noted scientist. 

The text of the proclamation fol- 
lows: 

"Whereas it is fitting that we honor 
the memory of George Washington 
Carver, who contributed to the expan- 
sion of the agricultural economy of 
the nation through his diligent re- 
search as an agricultural chemist; and 
"Whereas by a joint resolution ap- 
proved December 28, 1945 (Public Law 
290, 79th Congress), the Congress has 
designated January 5, 1946, as George 
Washington Carver Day and has au- 
thorized and requested me 'to issue a 
proclamation calling upon officials of 
the Government to display the flag of 
the United States on all Government 
buildings on such day'; 

"Now, Therefore, I, Harry S. Tru- 
man, President of the United States of 
America, do hereby call upon the offi- 
cials of the Government to have the 
flag of the United States, displayed on 
all Government buildings on January 
5, 1946, in commemoration of the 
achievements of George Washington 
Carver. 

"In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto 
rset my hand and caused the seal of 
th<e United States of America to be 
rafllxed. 

"Done at the City of Washington, 
-this twenty-eighth day of December in 
-the year of our Lord nineteen hundred 
:and forty-five and of the independence 
<of the United States of America the one 
^hundred and seventieth." 
Mrs. Alma Illery of Pittsburgh, Pa., 
was the originator of the idea of 
George Washington Carver Day. She 
secured the support of high officials of 
the city of Pittsburgh and of the State 
of Pennsylvania and finally of Con- 
gressman Robert J. Corbett of Pitts- 
burgh who introduced the resolution 
into Congress. Mrs. Illery is an out- 
standing clubwoman, a leader of civic 
affairs and founder of the Achievement 
Clubs, Inc., a national organization. 
AMERICAN MOTHER OF 1946 
The Golden Rule Foundation selec- 
ted as the "American Mother of 1946" 
Mrs. Emma Clarissa Clement, 71-year- 



old mother of Louisville, Ky. In mak- 
ing the selection Mrs. David de Sota 
Pool, Chairman of the Mothers' Com- 
mittee, said: 

"In selecting her as the American 
mother for 1946, the committee gives 
'recognition not only to her great per- 
sonal qualities as a mother of children 
who are devotedly serving their coun- 
try and their people; as a partner in 
her husband's ministry in his lifetime; 
as a social and community worker in 
her own right; but it gives recogni- 
tion also and pays tribute to the great 
spirit of America. 

"Our Republic has struggled through 
many phases of national development 
to achieve the freedom, equality and 
brotherhood which must remain our 
goal as they are our slogans." 

The qualifications for the honor of 
being the American Mother for the 
year are: 

"First, she must be a successful 
mother as evidenced by the character 
and achievements of her individual 
children; 

"Second, she must embody- those 
traits most highly regarded in mothers 
concern for others, courage, patience, 
affection, kindliness, understanding, 
home-making ability; 

"Third, she must have an interest 
in social and world relationships, and 
must have been active in her own com- 
munity, or in some other service for 
public benefit; 

"Fourth, she must make friends and 
meet people easily, and be one who can 
take her place as a leader among moth- 
ers if considered for the American 
Mother." 

All seven of her children received 
degrees from Livingstone College, Sal- 
isbury, N. C., where she and her hus- 
band graduated in 1898; and are en- 
gaged in worthwhile pursuits. 

Mrs. Clement, widow of the late 
Bishop George Clinton Clement of the 
African Methodist Episcopal Zion 
Church, is the 12th mother selected 
since the beginning of the award in 
1935 and the first Negro woman to be 
so honored. She is the grand-daughter 
of a slave and was born in Providence, 
R. I. Her public services include work 
with the Young Women's Christian 
Association; the National Federation 
of Colored Women's Clubs; the Na- 
tional Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People; the Women's 
Societies of the African Methodist 
Episcopal Zion Church; Inter-racial 
Co-operation Committees and the 
American Field Army Cancer Society, 



DIVISION III 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 

THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES 
By CLARENCE W. WRIGHT 
Meharry Medical College 

THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 

By JESSIE P. GUZMAN 

Tuslcegee Institute 



The following is a partial survey of 
Negro genius and talent in the field 
of the sciences and is to be considered 
merely as a cross-sectional report. A 
more thorough survey would contain 
the names of many others who are 
entitled to recognition. 

THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL 

SCIENCES 
Bacteriology : 

Brown, Russell Wilfred was born at 
Gray, Louisiana, in 1905. Following 
his graduation from the high school 
department of Straight College, 1922, 
Brown entered Howard University 
where he received the B. S. degree in 
Natural Science in 1926. Subsequently, 
he received the degree M. S., in 1932, 
and the Ph. D. from Iowa State Col- 
lege in 1936. During his last three 
years at that institution, Brown was 
a Research Fellow in the Department 
of Bacteriology. The following are 
among his published research studies: 
Priopionic Acid Bacteria, Journal of 
Bacteriology, Vol. 26, pp. 393-417, 1933; 
Physiological Studies and Classifica- 
tion of Butyric Acid Butyl Alcohol 
Bacteria, Iowa State College Journal 
of Science, Vol. 2, p. 39, 1936; The 
Degradation of Heavy-Carbon Butyric 
Acid from the Butyl Alcohol Fermen- 
tation, The Journal of the American 
Chemical Society, Vol. 66, pp. 1812- 
1818, 1944; and Mechanism of the Butyl 
Alcohol Fermentation with Heavy Car- 
bon Acetic and Butyric Acids and Ace- 
tone, Archives of Biochemistry, Vol. 6, 
pp. 243-259, 1945. Dr. Brown is a mem- 
ber of several scientific societies: Phi 
Kappa Phi, Sigma Xi, and the Society 
of American Bacteriologists. He is Di- 
rector of the George Washington Car- 
ver Foundation, Tuskegee Institute, 
Alabama. 

Poindexter, Hildrus Augustus was 



born in Memphis, Tenn., in 1901. After 
graduation from the public schools of 
his native city, Poindexter had an ex- 
traordinary series of educational expe- 
riences. First, he entered Lincoln Uni- 
versity, Pennsylvania, graduating in 
1924 with the A. B. degree; then, after 
five years of study at Dartmouth and 
Harvard, he received the M.D. degree 
from the Harvard University Medical 
College in 1929. He was a General 
Education Board Fellow at Columbia 
University, 1929 to 1931, receiving the 
M. S. degree in 1930 and the Ph. D. 
degree in Bacteriology in 1932. 

From 1931 to 1934, Dr. Poindexter 
was Assistant Professor of Bacteriol- 
ogy, Preventive Medicine, and Public 
Health in the School of Medicine at 
Howard University, becoming head of 
his department in 1934, a position 
which he still holds. 

The following contributions of Dr. 
Poindexter to the medical journals are 
significant; Artificial Acidosis in Try- 
panosoma Lewisi, Journal of Experi- 
mental Medicine, 43: pp. 575-579, No- 
vember, 1931; Studies in Cultivation of 
Parasitic Intestinal Protozoa, Puerto 
Rico Journal of Public Health and 
Tropical Medicine, 7: p. 417, June, 
1932; Observations on the Defensive 
Mechanism in Equiperdum and Try- 
panosoma Lewisis Infections in Guinea 
Pigs and Rats, American Journal of 
Tropical Medicine, 13: pp. 555-575, No- 
vember, 1933; Tuchereria (Filia) Ban- 
crofti: Infection in Man with Unusual 
History and Case Report, Journal of 
Laboratory and Clinical Medicine, 19: 
pp. 864-869, May, 1934; and A Consid- 
eration of the Effects of Focal Infec- 
tion on the Susceptibility of Certain 
Endothelial-Limed Cavities, Journal of 
National Medical Association, 30: pp. 
54-57, May, 1938. 



34 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES 



35 



Biology : 

Buggs. Charles Wesley was born in 
Brunswick, Ga., in 1906. Having grad- 
uated from Morehouse College in 1928 
with the A. B. degree, Buggs entered 
the Graduate School of the University 
of Minnesota where he received the M. 
S. degree in 1931 and the Ph. D. in 
1934, at the University of Chicago. 
Subsequently, he accepted a profes- 
sorship and chairmanship of the Di- 
vision of Natural Sciences at Dillard 
University. While in this position, Dr. 
Buggs published a book entitled, Lec- 
ture Outlines and Syllabus on the Prin- 
ciples of Animal Biology. Dr. Buggs 
has attracted attention in the scientific 
world by his collaboration with other 
scientists in the following studies: 
Properties of Homogenized Herpes Vi- 
rus, Journal of Infectious Diseases, 58 : 
pp. 98-104, January-February, 1936; 
and Experimental Investigations in 
Hemorrhagic Encephalitis, Journal of 
Infectious Diseases, 62: p. 293, May- 
June, 1938. Other publications of 
which Dr. Buggs is author or joint- 
author are: The In Vitro Action of 
Streptomycin on Bacteria, Journal of 
American Medical Association, 130: pp. 
64-67; The Presence in Normal Serum 
of Inhibiting Substances Against Ba- 
cillus Subtilis. Science, 103: pp. 363- 
364, March 22, 1946; and Absorption, 
Distribution and Excretion of Strepto- 
mycin in Man, Journal of Clinical In- 
vestigations, 25: pp. 94-102, January, 
1946. 

Dr. Buggs, first Negro to hold a full 
time position on the faculty of Wayne 
University, where he has been since 
1943, has become a key figure in re- 
search on the treatment of wound in- 
fections and burns. So new are some 
of his discoveries which include a 
method of healing from the inside out, 
that officials at the university guarded 
them as a war secret. 

Nabrit, Samuel Milton, born in 1905, 
is a native of Macon, Ga., where he re- 
mained until the completion of his 
high school education. Subsequently, 
he did his under-graduate work at 
Morehouse College, Atlanta, Ga., re- 
ceiving the B. S. degree in 1925. At 
Brown University, Providence, Rhode 
Island, he received the M. S. degree in 
1928 and the Ph.D. degree in 1932. 
Among his published papers are the 
following: Differentiation of Fins of 



Fishes in Nine Days, Journal of Ex- 
perimental Zoology, 79: pp. 299-308, 
1938; Studies on Regeneration in Cen- 
tral Nervous System of Fundulus Here- 
toclitus Embryos, Anatomical Record, 
75: p. 119, December, 1939; and Fur- 
ther Studies on Regeneration in Fundu- 
lus Embryos, Biological Bulletin, 77: 
336, 1939. Dr. Nabrit was instructor 
in Biology at Morehouse College from 
1925 to 1927. Since 1928, he has had 
the rank of professor in the same in- 
stitution. 

Just, Ernest Everett was born in 
Charleston, S. C., in 1883. He received 
his early education in the city of his 
birth. Subsequently, Just attended the 
Industrial School of Orangeburg, (now 
South Carolina State College), Kim- 
ball Academy, New Hampshire, and 
Dartmouth College where he graduated 
with the A. B. degree in 1907, the only 
magna cum laude of his class. He re- 
ceived special honors in Zoology and 
History as well as membership in Phi 
Beta Kappa. The doctorate in Experi- 
mental Zoology was conferred upon 
him by the University of Chicago in 
1916. 

Just began his graduate studies at 
the Marine Biological Laboratory, 
Woods Hole, Massachusetts, in 1909, 
first in Marine Invertebrates and later 
in Embryology. In 1911 and 1912, he 
acted as Research Assistant in the sub- 
ject of fertilization and breeding hab- 
its in Nereis and the sea-urchin Ar- 
bacia. These studies focused his in- 
terest on marine eggs which became 
the center of many of his investiga- 
tions. His first paper (1912) was an 
interesting study in which he showed 
by an ingenious method that the plane 
of symmetry of development is de- 
termined by the polar bodies and the 
point of entrance of the spermatozoon 
in a meridian of the spherical egg of 
the annelid Nereis. This was followed 
by approximately fifty research pa- 
pers in the next twenty-five years 
dealing with fertilization and experi- 
mental parthenogenesis in marine 
eggs, in addition to a number of theo- 
retical contributions. In 1939, Dr. Just 
published two books: the first, Basic 
Methods for Experiments in Eggs of 
Marine Animals; the second, The Biol- 
ogy of the Cell Surface, and Manual. 
This latter brought together his work 
and thought in the fundamental field 
of cellular physiology. 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 



From 1907 to his death in 1941, Dr. 
Just was on the faculty of Howard 
University. In the meantime, he had 
spent twenty summers at the Ma- 
rine Laboratories, Woods Hole; had 
carried on studies in various labora- 
tories of Europe the Kaiser Wilhelm 
Institut fur Biologie in Berlin, the 
Sorbonne in France, Naple's Zoological 
Station, Italy where he was respected 
and honored for his scientific scholar- 
ship. 

Turner, Charles Henry was born 
February 3, 1867, at Cincinnati, Ohio. 
He is one of the earliest Negro scien- 
tists in America to make an impres- 
sion in the field of Zoology. He re- 
ceived the B. S. degree from the Uni- 
versity of Cincinnati in 1891, the 
M. S. degree from the same institution 
in 1892 and the Ph. D. degree from 
the University of Chicago, 1907. While 
at the University of Chicago, Dr. Turn- 
er collaborated with the noted neurol- 
ogist, his teacher, Dr. C. L. Herrick, 
on Synopsis of the Entomostraca of 
Minnesota, Geology and Natural His- 
tory Survey of Minnesota, p. 552, 1895. 
Among the numerous studies of Dr. 
Turner are: Morphology of the Avian 
Brain, Journal of Comparative Neurol- 
ogy, 1891; Psychological Notes on the 
Gallery Spider, Journal of Compara- 
tive Neurology 2: 95-110, 1892; Pre- 
liminary Notes on the Nervous System 
of the Genus Cypris, Journal of Com- 
parative Neurology 3: 35-40, 1892; 
Synopsis of North American Inverte- 
brates: Fresh Water Astrocoda, The 
American Naturalist, 1899. Some of 
his studies on animal behavior, which 
rank him among the best along this 
line, include: A Preliminary Note on 
Ant Behavior, Biological Bulletin 12: 
31-36, 1906; The Homing of Ants, 
Journal of Comparative Neurology and 
Psychology 17: 367-434, 1907; Do Ants 
Form Practical Judgments? Biological 
Bulletin 13: 333-343, 1907 and Experi- 
ments on Color-vision of the Honey 
Bee, Biological Bulletin 19: 257-79, 
1910. Dr. Turner died in 1923. 

Turner, Thomas Wyatt was born in 
Baltimore, Maryland, in 1877. After 
completing elementary and high school 
in his native city, he entered Howard 
University where he received the A. 
B. degree in 1901 and the M. A. in 
1905. Subsequently, he studied at 
Johns Hopkins University, Catholic 
.University of America, and Cornell 



University, receiving the Ph. D. degree 
from Cornell in 1921. In his profes- 
sional work, Dr. Turner has combined 
successful teaching and productive re- 
search. Among the institutions in 
which he has taught are: Tuskegee 
Institute, Howard University, and 
Hampton Institute. In 1945, he was 
retired from Hampton as Professor 
Emeritus of Biology. 

Much of Dr. Turner's research is 
of an applied nature. In 1918 and 1919, 
he was selected by the United States 
Department of Agriculture to investi- 
gate certain plant phenomena at Pres- 
que Isle, Maine. Among his much 
quoted research contributions are 
Studies of the Mechanism of the Phys- 
iological Effects of Certain Mineral 
Salts in Alternating the Ratios of Top 
Growth to Root Growth m Seed Plants, 
American Journal of Botany, Vol. 9, 
pp. 415-445, October, 1922; The Effect 
of Varying Nitrogen Supply on the 
Ratios Between the Tops and Roots in 
Flax, Soil Science, Vol. 21, pp. 303- 
306, 1926. Ten years of experiments 
in cotton breeding led Dr. Turner to 
the discovery of a strain of cotton 
which is practically pure for fine lock 
bolls. He found, also, that southern 
blight, suspected chiefly among* her- 
baceous plants and caused by sclero- 
tium rolfsil, will attack woody plants 
such as young apple trees. His studies 
on scotch broom (cytisus Scoparius) 
led to the development of methods for 
overcoming delayed germination in its 
seeds. 

Chemistry : 

Barnes, Robert Percy was born in 
Washington, D. C., in 1898. After grad- 
uating from high school, he studied 
at Amherst College, receiving his A. 
B. degree in Chemistry. In his Senior 
year at Amherst, he won a Phi Beta 
Kappa Key and was made Assistant 
in Chemistry. He then entered the 
Graduate School of Harvard Univer- 
sity and became a brilliant student in 
Organic Chemistry. After receiving 
the M. A. degree in 1930, he continued 
graduate work at Harvard and re- 
ceived the Ph. D. degree in 1933. 

Dr. Barnes has done extensive re- 
search on diketones. He is author 
and co-author of twenty or more re- 
search papers in leading scientific 
journals. Some of these are as fol- 
lows: The Tautomcrism of Alpha 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES 



37 



Diketones .1. Bendyl Phenl Diketones, 
Journal of the American Chemical So- 
ciety, Vol. 56, p. 211, 1934; The Sec- 
ond Order of Beckmann Rearrange- 
ment, Ibid., p. 1148; The Action of Al- 
kali on Certain Acylated Ketoximes 
.1., Effect on Structure and Configura- 
tion, Journal of the American Chem- 
ical Society, Vol. 57, p. 1330, 1935; and 
Steric Hindrance in Alpha Diketones 
Mcsitylbenslgloxal, Ibid., p. 937; Prep- 
aration and Properties of o-Bromo- 
phenylbenzylgly-oxalmethylation of Al- 
pha Diketones, Journal of the Amer- 
ican Chemical Society, Vol. 58, p. 1300, 
1936. Dr. Barnes is recognized as one 
of America's outstanding organic 
chemists. 

Calloway, Nathaniel 0. was born at 
Tuskegee Institute, Ala., in 1907, where 
he received his elementary and sec- 
ondary education. From 1926 to 1933, 
he was a student at the University of 
Iowa, receiving the B. S. degree in 
Chemistry in 1930 and the Ph. D. de- 
gree in Organic Chemistry in 1933. 
He was a Fellow in Chemistry during 
his graduate study at that institution. 
His doctoral dissertation, entitled, 
Condensation Reactions of Furfural 
and Its Derivatives, is considered sig- 
nificant. He collaborated with Dr. 
Henry Gilman in several original in- 
vestigations, the findings of which 
were published jointly in several of 
the scientific journals. Among the 
joint studies of Calloway and Gilman 
were: The Germicidal Action of Alky- 
lated Deroic Add, Proceedings of the 
Iowa, Academy of Science, Vol. 40, p. 
81, 1933; Friedel-Crafts Systhesis, The 
Chemical Review, Vol. 17, pp. 327-392, 
1935; and Reaction in the Presence of 
Metallic Halides 1 Unsaturated Ketane 
Formation as a Side Reaction in Fried- 
el-Crafts Alkalation, Journal of the 
American Chemical Society, Vol. 59, 
pp. 809-811, 1937. These and other 
important studies in this field have 
been incorporated in Dr. Henry Gil- 
man's two-volume edition on Organic 
Chemistry, which is used as a source 
book in many colleges and universi- 
ties. 

After completing his graduate work 
at the University of Iowa, Dr. Callo- 
way accepted an appointment at Tus- 
kegee Institute where he was Head 
of the Department of Chemistry from 
1933 to 1935. During the following 
four years he was a member of the 



faculty of Fisk University in the De- 
partment of Chemistry. In 1940, Dr. 
Calloway became Research Fellow in 
the Department of Pharmacology, 
University of Chicago and Assistant 
Instructor in that department in 1942. 
While carrying on his work at the 
University of Chicago, he studied 
medicine in the University of Illinois 
Medical School, Chicago, receiving the 
M. D. degree in 1944. Soon there- 
after, Dr. Calloway was appointed to 
the staff of the University of Illinois 
Hospital in Chicago, in charge of the 
ward of research medicine. He is 
especially interested in the applica- 
tion of chemistry to clinical endo- 
crinology. He^ has already made sub- 
stantial contributions to the field of 
endocrinology, significant among which 
is Some New View-Points Concern- 
ing the Functions and Properties of 
the Melanophore Hormone. In collab- 
oration with Doctors R. M. McCormack 
and E. M. R. Geiling of the University 
of Chicago he has recently undertaken 
Studies on the Chemistry of the Me- 
lanophore Hormone of the Pituitary 
Gland. 

Carver, George Washington, Agri- 
cultural Chemist, was born of slave 
parents in a one-room cabin near Di- 
amond Grove, Mo., about 1864, pos- 
sibly earlier. At the age of ten years, 
he was permitted by the Carvers, his 
former master and mistress, whose 
name he bore, to attend a small school 
for colored children at Neosho, a vil- 
lage eight miles distant. Subsequently, 
Carver went to Minneapolis, Kansas, 
where he completed his high school 
studies. After three years attendance 
at Simpson College, he entered Iowa 
State College of Agriculture and 
Mechanical Arts at Ames, graduating 
in 1894 with the B. S. degree, and a 
record of high scholarship in the vari- 
ous aspects of plant life and Agricul- 
ture. For two years more, Carver was 
a graduate student in the same insti- 
tution, having been placed in charge 
of the greenhouse of the Horticultural 
Department. He received his M. S. 
degree in 1896. Soon thereafter, he 
received an invitation from Booker T. 
Washington to become a member of 
the faculty at Tuskegee Institute, 
which he accepted. Here, during a 
period of forty-seven years, Dr. Carver 
carried on scientific and practical 
work in Agriculture of the highest 



38 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 



quality earning for himself and his 
institution recognition throughout the 
world. 

Immediately upon his arrival at Tus- 
kegee Institute, Dr. Carver became 
active in helping to solve the prob- 
lems of Agriculture, peculiar to the 
South, with a view to improving the 
wasteful and haphazard methods of 
farming which were almost every- 
where in evidence. He began to teach 
the farmers how to grow a better 
grade of cotton; how to have a more 
varied and palatable diet; how to 
make better use of their natural re- 
sources; how to diversify their crops 
profitably. To help the rural popula- 
tion of the South, he prepared and 
published for free distribution circu- 
lars, leaflets, and bulletins on such 
subjects as: Experiments with Sweet 
Potatoes; Saving the Sweet Potato 
Crop; Possibilities of the Sweet Po- 
tato Crop in Macon County, Ala- 
bama; How to Grow the Cow Pea and 
Forty Ways to Prepare it as a Table 
Delicacy; How to Grow the Tomato 
and 105 Ways of Preparing it for Hu- 
man Consumption; Saving the Wild 
Plum and 43 Ways to Save the Wild 
Plum Crop; The Canning and Preserv- 
ing of Fruits and Vegetables in the 
Home; and hundreds of other bulletins 
and leaflets of a very practical nature. 

A natural event in 1914 motivated 
the practical researches of Dr. Carver 
for awhile. The coming of the cotton 
boll-weevil from Mexico at that time 
threatened to destroy the major, al- 
most single, cash crop of the South. 
By the summers of 1915 and 1916, the 
boll-weevil's ravage had extended over 
large sections of Georgia, Alabama, 
Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida. 
Dr. Carver gave his attention to the 
possibility of developing other crops 
that might in time become permanent 
cash crops in Alabama and in other 
sections of the Cotton Belt. The sweet 
potato and the peanut, he thought, 
were better than most other crops 
for this purpose. The United Peanut 
Association of America, being con- 
vinced of the possibilities, and seek- 
ing aid from the Federal Government 
in the form of a protective duty 
against foreign peanuts, arranged for 
the appearance of Dr. Carver before 
the House Ways and Means Commit- 
tee in Washington. In his presentation 



to the Committee, he astonished its 
members by the following facts: 

The lowly peanut, Dr. Carver point- 
ed out, had already yielded about one 
hundred and forty-five different foods 
and other useful articles. These in- 
cluded ten kinds of milk, five kinds of 
punches blackberry, cherry, lemon, 
orange, and plum salted peanuts, two 
grades of flour, two grades of meal, 
five breakfast foods, novel flavorings 
for ice-cream, cakes, and various con- 
fections, nine wood stains, black ink, 
face cream, face powder, and four 
kinds of stock food. Since 1921, when 
this list of products from the peanut 
was demonstrated, numerous other dis- 
coveries by Dr. Carver have brought 
the total up to three hundred. Included 
in the newer list are: cheese, dyes, 
instant coffee, lard, linoleum, axle 
grease, printer's ink, shampoos, and 
oil for medical purposes. Dr. Carver 
also developed one hundred and eight- 
een products from the sweet potato. 
Among these are chocolates, caramels, 
dyes, flavorings, flour, ginger, meal, 
molasses, paste, rubber compounds, 
shoe polish, and wood-fillers. In addi- 
tion to the scientific products men- 
tioned above, eighty-five from the pe- 
can have been credited to the genius of 
Dr. Carver. To particularize his hun- 
dreds of scientific discoveries would 
require volumes. 

In 1939, Dr. Carver was awarded the 
Theodore Roosevelt Medal by the 
Roosevelt Memorial Association for 
distinguished achievement in science. 
The medal was presented with the 
following eulogy: 

"For the medal for distinguished 
service in the field of science, Mr. 
President, I have the honor to present 
not a man only, but a life, transfused 
with passion for the enlarging and en- 
riching of the living of his fellow 
man; a prolific inventor; a patient in- 
vestigator of the diseases of plants; 
a scientist, humbly seeking the guid- 
ance of God; a liberator, to men of 
the white race as well as the black; a 
bridge from one race to the other, on 
which men of good will may learn of 
each other and rejoice together in the 
opportunities and potentialities of 
their common country." 

Many other honors have come to this 
distinguished scientist. In 1916 he was 



THE NEGBO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES 



39 



elected a Fellow of the Royal Society 
for the Encouragement of Arts, Manu- 
factures and Commerce, London; in 
1923, he received the Spingarn Medal, 
an annual award given by the Na- 
tional Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People to the person 
of African descent making the highest 
achievement in a specific field of en- 
deavor for a given year; in 1928 Simp- 
son College conferred upon him the 
degree of Doctor of Science and in 1941 
the University of Rochester conferred 
upon him the same degree; in 1935 
he was appointed collaborator in the 
Bureau of Plant Industry, United 
States Department of Agriculture, Di- 
vision of Mycology and Disease Sur- 
vey; in 1941 also he was presented 
a silver plaque which carried with it 
an award of $1,000 by the Variety 
Clubs of America, naming him the 
outstanding humanitarian of 1940. 

The George Washington Carver 
Foundation came into being on Feb- 
ruary 10, 1940 when Dr. Carver do- 
nated his life's savings of $33,000 to 
establish it; and before his death on 
January 5, 1943 he bequeathed his en- 
tire estate to the Foundation making 
a total of approximately $60,000. In 
1938, the Trustees of Tuskegee In- 
stitute had set apart a brick building 
on the campus to house the George 
Washington Carver Museum, the price- 
less collections, laboratories, and office 
of Dr. Carver. The great scientist, 
supervised the setting up of the ex- 
hibits in the Museum where many of 
his discoveries and art productions are 
now preserved. Dr. Carver did more 
than any other Negro scientist to make 
known the scientific potentialities of 
his race. 

The research program of the Carver 
Foundation emphasizes two major 
areas of interest: (1) the utilization 
of agricultural wastes, which offer eco- 
nomic possibilities; and (2) the de- 
velopment of food products from agri- 
cultural resources with the point of 
view of creating new markets for such 
foods. 

The commercial program of the 
Carver Museum offers graduate stu- 
dents the opportunity to gain experi- 
ence by actually working on industrial 
problems. The program was initiated 
in September, 1944. Some of the proj- 
ects which the Foundation has investi- 
gated or has under investigation are: 



(1) the utilization of agricultural 
wastes for making pulp for paper- 
board, sponsored by a New York firm 
which manufactures package contain- 
ers, and carried on by Dr. C. T. Mason, 
a member of the Foundation; (2) re- 
search on ink, sponsored by the Parker 
Pen Company by Miss Gladys Wil- 
liams, under Dr. Mason's direction; 
(3) research on certain food products, 
sponsored by a food manufacturing 
company in Chicago and carried on 
by Miss Katheryn Emanuel under the 
direction of Dr. W. E. Belton of the 
Department of Chemistry and of the 
Carver Foundation. 

Dr. Belton and Mr. E. J. Jefferson 
of the Poultry Husbandry Department 
have also collaborated on research re- 
lating to poultry nutrition. 

Hall, Lloyd A. was born in Elgin, 
Illinois, in 1894. He is a graduate of 
Northwestern University, from which 
institution he received the Ph. C. de- 
gree in 1914 and the B. S. degree in 
1915. He was a Sanitary Chemist, De- 
partment of Health Laboratories, Chi- 
cago, 1915 to 1919 ; Chief Chemist, John 
Morrell and Company, Ottumwa, Iowa, 
1919 to 1921; President of Chemical 
Products Corporation, Chicago, 1921 to 
1924; Consultant for Griffith's Labora- 
tories, Chicago, 1925 to 1929; Chief 
Chemist and Research Director of the 
same corporation from 1929 to the 
present. Mr. Hall has published sev- 
eral papers having to do with the fol- 
lowing: Colloids and Emulsions; Pro- 
tein Hy droly sates ; Sterilization of 
Foods, Colloids and Enzymes; Chemo- 
therapeutic Products; and Food and 
Biological Chemistry. About seventy- 
five patents in the United States, 
Canada and Great Britain are in 
his name. He is a member of the 
three-man Illinois Foods and Stand- 
ards Commission; Fellow of the Ameri- 
can Institute of Chemists; member of 
the American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science; a member of 
the American Public Health Associa- 
tion; and charter member of the In- 
stitute of Food Technologists. During 
World War II, Mr. Hall served as a 
consultant in the subsistence develop- 
ment and research laboratories of the 
Quartermaster Corps of the United 
States Army. 

Julian, Percy L., born in Montgom- 
ery, Ala., in 1899, is one of America's 
foremost chemists. After graduating 



40 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 



from high school in his native State, 
he did his undergraduate study at 
DePauw University, graduating in 
1920 as valedictorian of his class and 
as Phi Beta Kappa orator. Julian then 
studied at Harvard University, receiv- 
ing the M. S. degree in Organic Chem- 
istry. Later, he went to Austria where 
he received the Ph.D. degree in Chemis- 
try at the University of Vienna in 
1931. While a student there, he first 
became interested in the soy bean, 
which was being imported to Germany 
for the manufacture of certain drugs, 
among them physostigmine. Julian 
noticed that despite considerable work 
over a seventy-year period, no one 
knew the exact chemical constitution 
of physostigmine nor why it caused 
the pupil of the eye to contract. 

After returning to America, Dr. 
Julian was made Research Professor 
at DePauw University in which posi- 
tion, with the assistance of Dr. Josef 
Pipl, a German scientist, and six stu- 
dent assistants, he carried on research 
having to do with the structure and 
synthesis of physostigmine. 

After much careful research he pre- 
sented two papers before the American 
Chemical Society i'n which he an- 
nounced a drug, the precursor of phy- 
sostigmine. While Dr. Julian's work 
on Corydalis has been of great interest 
to phyto-chemists, his work on the 
structure of physostigmine is con- 
sidered by his fellow scientists to be 
even more important. Chemists in 
many parts of the world Germany, 
France and Japan have praised his 
major researches in Chemistry. Karrer, 
in Switzerland, published in his 
Treatise on Chemistry a special ref- 
erence to Julian's scientific work. The 
annual reports of the Chemical Society 
of London gave liberal space to Julian's 
findings. Likewise in his new two- 
volume treatise, Organic Chemistry, 
Oilman devoted several pages to his 
contributions. 

After holding responsible positions 
in both white and Negro universities, 
Dr. Julian became a director of re- 
search and manager of the Fine Chemi- 
cals Department in the Soya Products 
Division of Glidden Company, Chicago. 
In this capacity, he discovered a new 
process for isolating and preparing 
commercially soy bean protein and 
hormones. Within a year's time, it is 
reported, he had converted a $35,000 



loss to a $135,000 profit. Recent pat- 
ents applied for by Glidden Company 
are in Dr. Julian's name. These deal 
with the isolation of pure protein from 
oleagenous seeds, the preparation of 
plastic materials, the making of cold 
water paints and the isolation of 
sterole from soy bean oil. Dr. Julian 
has prepared the way for the entrance 
of many Negroes into the field of in- 
dustrial chemistry. 

Knox, William Jacob was born in 
Bedford, Mass., in 1904. He received 
his B. S. degree from Harvard Uni- 
versity, 1925; M. S. from Massachu- 
setts Institute of Technology, 1929; 
and his Ph. D. degree from that insti- 
tution in 1935. Dr. Knox was instruc- 
tor at Johnson C. Smith University, 
1925-1928; Howard University, 1928- 
1934; Professor and Head of the De- 
partment of Chemistry, Agricultural 
and Technical College, Greensboro, N. 
C., 1935-1937; and Professor in Depart- 
ment of Chemistry, Talladega College 
since 1937. Two of his published papers 
are: Dissociation Constants and Ab- 
sorption Spectra. 

Dr. Knox supervised the work of a 
small group of Negro scientists at Co- 
lumbia University on the atomic bomb. 

Mathematics : 

Blackwell, David H. was born in Cen- 
tralia, 111., in 1919. After receiving 
the A.B., A.M., and Ph.D. degrees from 
the University of Illinois, he did ad- 
vanced work in Mathematics, 1941-42, 
as Rosenwald Fellow at the Institute 
for Advanced Study at Princeton, N. J. 
Dr. Blackwell has published original 
studies in some of the standard jour- 
nals of Mathematics. The following 
are some of his contributions: Idem- 
potent Markoff Chains, Annals of Math- 
ematics, Vol. 43, pp. 560-567, 1942; The 
Existence of Anormal Chains, The 
American Mathematical Society, Vol. 
51, pp. 465-468, 1945. 

Claytor, William Schieffelin was born 
in Virginia in 1908, where he received 
his early education. His undergrad- 
uate work was done at Howard Uni- 
versity, at which institution he ma- 
jored in Mathematics, receiving the 
B.S. degree in 1929. Later, at the 
University of Pennsylvania, after three 
years of graduate study in Mathe- 
matics and related studies, he received 
the Ph.D. degree. His paper, read be- 
fore the American Mathematical So- 
ciety in 1933, based on his doctorate 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES 



41 



dissertation under the title, Immer- 
sion of Peanian Continum in a Spheri- 
cal Surface, was later published in the 
official bulletin of The American Math- 
ematical Society, June-January, 1933 
edition. 

Having been granted a Rosenwald 
Fellowship for further research in 
Mathematics, Dr. Claytor engaged in 
post-doctoral studies, 1935-36, at the 
University of Michigan. Becoming in- 
terested in Topology, he did some spe- 
cial studies in this field, the results of 
which he published in some of the 
scientific journals. Two of these should 
be mentioned: Topological Immersion 
of Peanian Continum in Spherical 
Surface, Annals of Mathematics, Vol. 
35, pp. 808-835, 1934; and Continue 
Imbeddable in a Spherical Surface, 
Annals of Mathematics, Vol. 38, pp. 
631-646, 1937. 

Coleman, Robert, Jr. born in Texas 
in 1915, evidenced great talent and 
promise in Mathematics. At the 
age of seventeen, Coleman received 
the B.S. degree from Western Reserve 
University, the youngest student ever 
to graduate from that institution. His 
excellent and outstanding scholarship 
won for him the coveted Phi Beta 
Kappa Key. In 1940, Coleman was 
granted a Rosenwald Fellowship which 
enabled him to complete advanced 
studies in Mathematics at Columbia 
University. Here he received the Ph.D. 
degree in June, 1941. His doctor's dis- 
sertation was entitled, The Develop- 
ment of Informal Geometry. Cole- 
man's very promising career was 
brought to an end by his death in Los 
Angeles, California, November 21, 1941. 

Pierce, Joseph A. was born at Way- 
cross, Ga., in 1902. Upon graduating 
from Atlanta University where he re- 
ceived the A.B. degree in 1925, he be- 
gan his teaching career. After spend- 
ing four years as a classroom teacher, 
Pierce studied a year at the University 
of Michigan, majoring in Mathematics, 
and receiving the M.A. degree in 1930. 
For the following eight years, he 
taught in Wiley College. Returning to 
the University of Michigan, he com- 
pleted the requirements for the Ph.D. 
degree in Mathematics in June 1938. 
In 1940, Dr. Pierce, in collaboration 
with Professor Ralph A, Edmonson, 
also of Wiley College, wrote a textbook 
on Mathematics entitled, Introduction 
to College Mathematics With Applica- 



tions. In 1940, Dr. Pierce published 
A Study of a Universe of N-Finite 
Populations with Applications to Mo- 
ment Function Adjustment for Grouped 
Data, Annals of Mathematical Sta- 
tistics, Vol. II, pp. 311-334, 1940. Three 
years later, he published another study, 
Correction Formulas for Moments of 
Grouped Distribution of a Discreate 
Variate, Journal of American Statisti- 
cal Association, Vol. 38, pp. 57-62, 1943. 
His most recent contribution is en- 
titled On the Summation Progres- 
sions Useful in Times Series Analysis, 
Journal of American Statistical Asso- 
ciation, Vol. 39, pp. 387-389, 1944. Dr. 
Pierce is constantly engaged in pro- 
ductive research. He is now a member 
of the Atlanta University faculty. 

Wilkins, J. Ernest, Jr. is the young- 
est among the accomplished Negro 
mathematicians. After completing high 
school in Chicago, his native city, he 
entered the University of Chicago 
where he graduated with honors in 
1940 at the age of sixteen. In 
the three and a half years during 
which he was an undergraduate stu- 
dent there, he had completed a regular 
four year college course, had qualified 
for membership in Phi Beta Kappa, 
and had been selected as one of six 
ranking students in the National Math- 
ematics Contest sponsored by the 
Mathematical Association of America. 
Young Wilkins continued his graduate 
studies at the University of Chicago 
receiving his M.S. degree in 1941 and 
his Ph.D. in Mathematics in 1942. 
His doctoral dissertation was entitled, 
Multiple Integral Problems in Paramet- 
ric Form in the Calculus of Variations. 
As a Julius" Rosenwald Fellow, Dr. 
Wilkins continued the advanced study 
of this problem at Princeton Univer- 
sity in the Institute for Advanced 
Study. 



areas of Mathematics in which 
Dr. Wilkins has made substantial con ; 
tributions are Calculus and Geometry. ; 
His other contributions in the form of 
publications are as follows: On the 
Growth of Solutions of Linear Differ- 
ential Equations, The American Math- 
ematical Society, Vol. 50, pp. 388-394, 
June, 1944; A Special Class of Sur- 
faces in Protective Differential Geome- 
try, Duke Mathematical Journal, Vol. 
10, December, 1943; The First Cononi- 
cal Pencil, Duke Mathematical Jour- 
nal, June, 1943; and Definitely Self- 



42 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 



Conjugate Adjoint Integral Equations, 
Duke Mathematical Journal Vol. 11, 
March, 1944. 

[Dr. Wilkins is now working for the 
American Optical Company, New York 
City, as a research mathematician. 
Previous to this, he spent two years 
on the faculty of Tuskegee Institute 
and worked during the war with an 
atomic bomb group of scientists".* 

Woodard, Dudley Weldon, who re- 
ceived his Ph.D. degree in Mathematics 
at the University of Pennsylvania in 
1928, has made special contributions 
in his major field. His dissertation of- 
fered in partial fulfillment of the re- 
quirements for this degree was en- 
titled, Two Dimensional Analysis Situs 
With Special Reference to the Jordon 
Curne Theorem. While Professor of 
Mathematics at Tuskegee Institute he 
published a study, The Tuskegee Ge- 
ometry, which appeared in School 
Science and Mathematics, Vol. 13, p. 
400, 1933. He is also author of the 
textbook, Practical Arithmetic, which 
was published by Tuskegee Institute. 
Dr. Woodard is now devoting a large 
part of his research efforts to one of 
the unsolved problems of Topology; 
namely, the characterization of the 
H-dimensional manifold. He has pub- 
lished studies in line with the solution 
of these problems, among which should 
be mentioned: The Characterisation 
of the Closed N-Cell, Transactions of 
the American Mathematical Society, 
1937. 

Medicine : 

Drew. Charles Richard was born in 
Washington, D. C., in 1905. After com- 
pleting his primary and secondary edu- 
cation in Washington, he entered Am- 
herst College, where he achieved the 
Phi Beta Kappa key and the A.B. de- 
gree with honors in 1926. He then 
enrolled in the McGill University Medi- 
cal College, Montreal, Canada, major- 
ing in Surgery and receiving the 
M.D. degree in 1933. Subsequently, he 
studied at the College of Physicians 
and Surgeons, Columbia University, 
where he was awarded a doctorate in 
Medical Science. He also received at 
Johns Hopkins Hospital in 1941 a cer- 
tificate issued by the American Board 
of Surgeons, of which he is a member. 

Dr. Drew is author and co-author of 
numerous articles in the field of his 
special interest, among which are: 



Studies in Blood Preservation, Jour- 
nal of Laboratory and Clinical Medi- 
cine, 25: pp. 240-245, 1939; Studies in 
Blood Preservation, Journal of Ameri- 
can Medical Association, 112: pp. 2263- 
2271, 1939; Studies on the Preserva- 
tion of Placental Blood, American 
Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, 
70: p. 859, 1940; and Newer Knowl- 
edge of Blood Tranfusions, Bulletin 
of the New York Academy of Medicine. 
1941. 

Dr. Drew is recognized as an 
authority on the preservation of blood 
plasma for emergency transfusions. 
His dissertation for the D.Sc. degree 
in Surgery at Columbia University was 
on "Banked Blood." Soon after com- 
pleting his researches in this connec- 
tion, Dr. Drew received a call from 
London for help. This was in 1940 
when the German Luftwaffe blitzes 
were creating havoc in that city. Drew 
answered the call and accepted the 
position of Medical Supervisor in the 
Blood Plasma Division of the Blood 
Transfusion Association in New York 
in charge of the collection and prepa- 
ration of blood plasma for the British 
Army. In February of 1941, after a 
year of invaluable service in this ca- 
pacity, Dr. Drew was made Director of 
the Red Cross Blood Bank in New 
York City and Assistant Director of 
Blood Procurement for the National 
Research Council. In this position, he 
had charge of the collecting of blood 
plasma for use by the United States 
Army. 

Dr. Drew returned to Howard Uni- 
versity where he was soon promoted 
to a full professorship and made head 
of the Department of Surgery. In 1942, 
the American Board of Surgery made 
him an examiner and in the same year 
he was given the E. S. Jones Award for 
Research in Medical Science at the 
John A. Andrew Memorial Clinic at 
Tuskegee Institute. In recognition of 
his blood plasma work, he was awarded 
the much coveted Spingarn Medal. 
Hernandez, Rafael born of Spanish- 
speaking parents in Toa Baja, Puerto 
Rico, in 1897, is a talented scientist of 
varied interests and accomplishments. 
Dr. Hernandez obtained his first col- 
lege instruction in the field of Phar- 
macy at the University of Puerto Rico 
where he was granted a license to prac- 
tice this profession in 1919. Soon after, 
he came to the United States where 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES 



43 



his achievements have been widely 
recognized. Condensed to their briefest 
form, the account of the accomplish- 
ments of Dr. Hernandez, listed chrono- 
logically, are as follows: 

1925 Licensed to practice Pharmacy in 

the State of Michigan. 
1928 Received M.D. degree, magna cum 
laude, Meharry Medical College, 
Nashville, and licensed to practice 
Medicine by the Tennessee State 
Board. 

1930 Became Clinical Assistant, Neuro- 
logical Institute of New York. 
1931 Assistant in Neurology, Vander- 
bilt Clinic, Presbyterian Hospital, 
New York City. 

1936 Certified to practice Neurology by 
American Board of Psychiatry 
and Neurology. 

1937 Certified to practice Psychiatry 
by American Board of Psychiatry 
and Neurology. 

1940 Received Bachelor of Laws de- 
gree, Kent College of Law, Nash- 
ville. 
1941 Licensed to practice Law in the 

State of Tennessee. 

1942 Served as Major in the Medical 
Corps, United States Army, spe- 
to cializing his service as a Neu- 
ro-psychiatrist. In 1944, he com- 
1945 pleted a United States Army 
course in Electro-encephalography 
at Mason General Hospital, Brent- 
wood, New York. 

Dr. Hernandez, Chairman of the De- 
partment of Anatomy of the Meharry 
Medical College, is recipient of many 
awards for meritorious service to the 
United States. Chief among his scien- 
tific publications, frequently quoted by 
fellow scientists, are Lead Poison- 
ing, Psychiatric Quarterly, 6:1, pp. 
121-146, and II, pp. 319-355, 1932; and 
Acute Aseptic Meningitis, Journal 
National Medical Association, 27: p. 
115, August 1935. Dr. Hernandez has 
two textbooks to his credit: A Labora- 
tory Guide, to Microscopic Anatomy, 
1945, and Applied Neuro Anatomy, 
in process of revision. 

Johnson, Joseph Lealand was born 
in Philadelphia, Pa., 1895. After com- 
pleting his high school studies in the 
city of his birth, he entered Pennsyl- 
vania State College, graduating with 
the B.S. degree in 1919. Majoring in 
Physiology and Medicine at the Uni- 
versity of Chicago, he received the 
M.D. degree and the Ph.D. degree from 
that institution in 1931. The following 
partial list of his published contribu- 
tions indicate his research interests: 
Experimental Chronic Hyperparathy- 
roidism, Transactions of the Asso- 
ciation of American Physicians, 46 : pp. 
162-170, 1930; Experimental Chronic 



Hyperparathyroidism Osteitis Fibrosa 
Produced in Rats, American Journal 
of Medical Sciences, 183: pp. 761-768, 
June 1932; Experimental Chronic 
Hyperparathyroidism: Osteitis Fil)rosa 
Produced in Puppies, Ibid., pp. 169- 
175; Experimental Chronic Hyper- 
parathyroidism: Effects of Adminis- 
tration of Irradiated Ergosterol, Ibid., 
pp. 776-784. Other studies include: 
Endocrine System in Relation to Den- 
tal Problems, and Influence of Calcium 
Salts Upon Blood Sugar. Since 1931, 
Dr. Johnson has been a member of the 
faculty of the School of Medicine at 
Howard University. 

Lawless, Theodore Kenneth was born 
in New Orleans in 1892. He received 
the A.B. degree from Talladega Col- 
lege, 1914; the M.D. degree from North- 
western University, 1919, and M.S. 
from that institution in 1920. He has 
studied in Austria, Switzerland, Ger- 
many and France. During the year 
1919-20, Dr. Lawless was in charge of 
medical laboratories in Northwestern 
University. He has been extraordi- 
narily successful in the treatment of 
skin diseases. His attractive, well- 
equipped offices in South Side Chicago, 
in a Negro neighborhood, are con- 
stantly crowded with waiting whites, 
who constitute approximately 90 per 
cent of his patients. Not only patients 
but doctors in many parts of the world 
have sought his advice and help. The 
research laboratory at Chicago's Provi- 
dent Hospital was donated by Dr. Law- 
less. Here he lectures frequently to 
doctors, internes and nurses on Derma- 
tology. For more than twenty years, 
Dr. Lawless has taught and lectured 
in the Medical College of Northwest- 
ern University. 

Quinland, William Samuel was born 
in Antigua, British West Indies, in 
1885. Before leaving the West Indies, 
he began his higher education with a 
teacher's training course. Coming to 
the United States, Quinland's training 
record, briefly stated, is as follows: 
One year at Howard University, 1914- 
15; graduated from Oskaloosa College 
with B.S. degree; received M.D. from 
Meharry Medical College in 1919; did 
graduate study in Pathology and Bac- 
teriology, Harvard Medical School, 
1919-1922; and was Assistant in Path- 
ology, Peter Bent Brigham Hospital, 
Boston, 1921-22; was certified by the 
American Board of Pathology, 1937. 



14 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 



Since 1922, Dr. Quinland has been a 
member of the faculty of Meharry 
Medical College, where he is Pro- 
fessor of Pathology and Secretary to 
the Medical Faculty. 

Among Dr. Quinland's published con- 
tributions are: Two Cases of Carci- 
noma of the Kidney; One with Inva- 
sion of the Inferior Vena Cava and 
Right Heart, Boston Medical and Sur- 
gical Journal, 185: No. 13, 1921; Con- 
genital Malformation of the Intestine 
Artesia and Imperf orate Anus: A Re- 
port of Twenty-Seven Cases, Boston 
Medical and Surgical Journal, 187: No. 
24, 1927; Cancer of the Prostate A 
Clinical Pathologic Study of 34 Cases 
in Negroes, Journal of Urology, 50; 
No. 2, 1943; Carcinoma of the Esoph- 
agus, Journal of the National Medical 
Association, 27: p. 115, 1935; Report 
of Three Cases of Melano- Sarcoma in 
Negroes One With Massive Hemor- 
rhagic Cystic Degeneration of Liver, 
Journal of National Medical Associa- 
tion, 29: pp. 49-62, 1936; and Ster- 
coral Appendix in Negroes, Journal of 
National Medical Association, 32: pp. 
53-63, March, 1940. Dr. Quinland is 
widely recognized in the field of Path- 
ology. 

Bank's, Floyd R. was born in Phila- 
delphia, Pa., in 1913. Majoring in 
Physics, he graduated from Temple 
University in 1934. Three years later, 
he received the M.S. degree in the field 
of Physics at the University of Penn- 
sylvania. Banks was a Fellow in 
Physics during the year 1938-39 in the 
Graduate School of the University of 
Pennsylvania, receiving the Ph.D. de- 
gree at the end of that year. His doc- 
toral dissertation was entitled, The 
Measurement of Self-Diffusion by the 
Use of Radio-Active Indicators. This 
was the first time self-diffusion by 
radio-activity was done in zinc. 

Dr. Bank's problem was initiated in 
the General Electric Laboratories 
where he experimented under the 
guidance of Dr. Louis N. Ridenour of 
the Randall Morgan Laboratory of the 
University of Pennsylvania. He is au- 
thor and co-author of scientific papers 
explaining some original discoveries in 
Physics as follows: The Measurement 
of Self -Diffusion in Metallic Zinc, The 
American Physical Review, Vol. 57, p. 
1067, 1939; The Measurement of Self- 
Diffusion in Zinc. Single Crystals, The 



American Physical Review, Vol. 59, p. 
943, 1941. Recently, Dr. Banks ac- 
cepted a position as Research Asso- 
ciate of Radiation at the laboratories 
of the Massachusetts Institute of Tech- 
nology. 

Eagleson, Halson Vashon is a native 
of Bloomington, Ind. Born in 1903, he 
received his A.B. degree from the Uni- 
versity of Indiana in 1926. During his 
undergraduate course, he proved him- 
self an excellent student of Physics. 
The year following his graduation was 
spent in the Graduate School of the 
same institution from which he re- 
ceived the M.A. degree in Physics. In 
1939, Eagleson was awarded the Ph.D. 
degree in Physics by the University 
of Indiana. 

Among Dr. Eagleson's publications 
are the following: The Effect of Hu- 
midity on the Reverberation Period of 
a Room, The Indiana Academy of 
Science Proceedings, Vol. 40, p. 259, 
1930; A Simple Arrangement for Dem- 
onstrating or Photographing Diffrac- 
tion Effects, The Moreliouse Jour- 
nal of Science, Vol. 6, pp. 34-35, 1940. 
His most recent contribution was, An 
Experimental Method for Determining 
Coefficient of Sliding Friction, The 
American Journal of Physics, Vol. 13, 
pp. 43-44, 1945. Dr. Eagleson is Pro- 
fessor of Physics at Morehouse College, 
Atlanta, Ga. 

Imes, Elmer Samuel, born in Mem- 
phis, Tenn., in 1883, graduated from 
Fisk University in 1903, and from the 
University of Michigan in 1918 with 
the Ph.D. degree; did noteworthy re- 
search in the field of Physics. His 
doctoral dissertation, Measurement of 
the Near Infra-Red Absorption Spectra 
in Certain Diatomic Gases, estab- 
lished for the first time that the quan- 
tum theory could be extended to in- 
clude the rotational states of mole- 
cules. Imes' work was verified by other 
physicists and was found by them to 
be of practical use in industry. The 
German scholar, Arnold Sommerfeld, 
included Imes' studies in the German 
textbook, Atombau Und Spektrallinien, 
and stated therein that "the first im- 
portant results were obtained by Imee 
for HF, HC1 and HBr." Imes' in- 
vestigations include a joint study 
done with Dr. H. M. Randall, The 
Fine Structure of the Near Infra-Red 
Absorption Bands of Gases, HC1, HBr 
and HF" which was published in The 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATURAL SCIENCES 



Physical Review, Vol. 15, pp. 152-155, 
February, 1920. His doctor's disserta- 
tion had already appeared in Astro- 
physical Journal, Vol. 50, pp. 251-276, 
November, 1919. Dr. Imes died in 1941. 

The Negro Scientist 
In Industry 

Among other Negro scientists trained 
as chemists, chemical engineers and 
bacteriologists, who now hold impor- 
tant posts in industry, are the follow- 
ing: Thomas Mayo, Chief Chemist for 
B. Heller and Company in Chicago; 
Dr. Nelson Glover, Senior Bacteriolo- 
gist in the Chicago Department of 
Health Laboratories; Dr. Floyd Cooke, 
Research Chemist for the Corn Prod- 
ucts Refining Company, Argo, Illinois; 
Wilburn Moilison Process Supervisor 
for the American Maize Products Com- 
pany, Roby, Indiana; James Parsons, 
Chief Metallurgist for the Durion Com- 
pany, Dayton, Ohio; Emile Beekman, 
Plastics Consultant, New York City; 
Dr. Henry Hill, Vice-President in 
charge of Organic Research for the At- 
wood Corporation, Newtonville, Massa- 
chusetts; Dr. W. Lincoln Hawkins, Re- 
search Chemist, Westinghouse Electric 
Company, Schenectady, New York; Dr. 
James Du Valle, Research Chemist, 
Eastman Kodak Company, Rochester, 
New York; David Crosthwait, Re- 
search Engineer, C. A. Dunham Com- 
pany, Michigan City, Indiana; and 
Maurice Moore, Purchasing Agent, De- 
partment of Drugs and Chemicals, New 
York City. Negro scientists are doing 
a commendable job as harbingers of 
interracial good will. Even before 
World War II, there were approximate- 
ly 125 chemists employed in industry, 
a number which has increased to about 
250. 

Negro Scientists Contribute 
To The Atomic Bomb 

Among the several thousand physi- 
cists, chemists, mathematicians, re- 
search associates and laboratory as- 
sistants who were employed by con- 
tract in certain developments of the 
atomic bomb, the War Department re- 
leased the names of 12 Negro scien- 
tists. 

"Employed by the Metallurgical Lab- 
oratories of the University of Chicago, 
under contract to the Manhattan Dis- 
trict (on July 1, 1946, these labora- 



tories became known as the Argonne 
National Laboratories) were the fol- 
lowing: 

*Edward A. Russell, Chicago, Illi- 
nois. 

Moddie Taylor, Chicago, Illinois. 

Harold Delaney, Chicago, Ilinois. 

Benjamin Scott, Chicago, Ilinois. 

**J. Ernest Wilkins, Chicago, Illi- 
nois." 

Jasper Jeffries, Chicago, Illinois. 

"The following, employed by the 
S. A. M. Laboratories of Columbia Uni- 
versity, New York City, under contract 
to the Manhattan District, have a B.A. 
degree or better and have job classifi- 
cations of research associate or higher: 

George Sherman Carter, New York 
City. 

Clarence DeWitt Turner, New York 
City. 

Cecil Goldsburg White, Brooklyn, 
New York. 

George Warren Reed, Jr., Washing- 
ton, D. C. 

Sydney Oliver Thompson, Brooklyn, 
New York. 

William Jacob Knox, Jr., New York 
City." 

Negroes Listed in 
"American Men of Science"! 

There are included in the directory, 
American Men of Science, seventh edi- 
tion, the names of Negro scientists who 
have contributed to the advancement 
of pure science or who are found in 
the membership lists of certain na- 
tional societies as follows: 

Alexander, Professor Lloyd Ephraim, 
Embryology, Fisk University, Nash- 
ville, Tennessee. 

Anderson, Professor Russell Lloyd, Zool- 
ogy, Johnson C. Smith University, 
Charlotte, North Carolina. 
Baker, Professor Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
Organic Chemistry, Virginia State 
College, Ettrick, Virginia. 
Banks, Professor Floyd Regan, Jr., Phy- 
sics, Morgan State College, Baltimore, 
Maryland. 

Barker, Dr. Prince Patanilla, Neurolo- 
gy, Veterans Administration Facility, 
Tuskegee, Alabama. 

Blackwell, Dr. David Harold, Mathe- 
matics, Statistics Southern Univer- 
sity, Scotlandville, Louisiana. 
Branson, Professor Herman R., Bio- 
physics, Howard University, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Brown, Dr. Russell Wilfred, Bacteriolo- 
gy, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 
Buggs, Professor Charles Wesley, Bio- 
chemistry, Bacteriology, Zoology, Dil- 
lard University, New Orleans, Louis- 
iana. 

*Chemist; **Mathematician. 
fPrepared by the Editor. 



46 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 



Chase, Professor Hyman Yates, Zoolo- 
gy, Howard University, Washington, 
D. C. 

Cobb, Professor William Montague, 
Anatomy, Physical Anthropology, 
Washington, D. C. 

Cooper, Professor Stewart Rochester, 
Chemistry, Howard University, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Coruthers, Professor John Milton, Agri- 
culture, Prairie View College, Prairie 
View, Texas. 

Cox, Professor Elbert Frank, Mathe- 
matics, Howard University, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Crooks, Dr. Kenneth B. M., Biology, 
Parasitology, Happy Grove College, 
Hectors River, Jamaica, British West 
Indies. 

Crouch, Professor Hubert Branch, Zool- 
ogy, Kentucky State Industrial Col- 
lege, Frankfort, Kentucky. 

Cuff, Dr. John Reginard, Medicine, 
Nashville, Tennessee. 

Dailey, Dr. Ulysses Grant, Surgery, Chi- 
cago, Illinois. 

Davis, Dr. Toye George, Parasitology, 
West Virginia State College, Insti- 
tute, West Virginia. 

Derbigny, Dean Irving Anthony, Chem- 
istry, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 

Dooley, Dr. Thomas Price, Genetics, 
Cytology, Prairie View College, Prairie 
View, Texas. 

Dowdy, Professor William Wallace, Bi- 
ology, L4ncoln University, Jefferson 
City, Missouri. 

Eagleson, Professor Halson Vashon, 
Physics, Morehouse College, Atlanta, 
Georgia. 

Finley, Professor Harold Eugene, Pro- 
tozoology, Morehouse College, Atlanta, 
Georgia. 

Forbes, Dennis Arthur, Chemistry, 
Nashville, Tennessee. 

Green, Professor James Henry, Analyti- 
cal Chemistry, State N. I. A. and M. 
College, Orangeburg, South Carolina. 

Hall, Lloyd Augustus, Chemistry, Chief 
Chemist and Director Griffith's Labo- 
ratories, Chicago, Illinois. 

Hansborough, Professor Louis Arm- 
stead, Embryology, Howard Univer- 
sity, Washington, D. C. 

Harvey, Professor Burwell Towns, Jr., 
Chemistry, Morehouse College, At- 
lanta, Georgia. 

Hazzard, Professor James William, Jr., 
Morphological Zoology, Southern Uni- 
versity, Scotlandville, Louisiana. 

Henry, Dr. Warren Elliott, Physical 
Chemistry, Tuskegee Institute, Ala- 
bama. 

Hill, Dr. Carol McClellan, Organic 
Chemistry, A. and T. College, Greens- 
boro, North Carolina. 

Hill, Dr. Henry Aaron, Organic Chem- 
istry, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 

Hinton, Dr. William Augustus, Path- 
ology, Bacteriology, State Department 
of Health, Boston, Massachusetts. 

Howard, Professor Roscoe Conklin, Bi- 
ology, Virginia State College, Ettrick, 
Virginia. 

Hunter, Professor John McNeile, Phy- 
sics, Virginia State College, Ettrick, 
Virginia. 

Inge, Professor Frederick Douglass, 



Plant Physiology, Florida A. and M. 
College, Tallahassee, Florida. 

Jason, Dr. Robert Stewart, Pathology, 
Howard University, Washington, D. C. 

Jeffries, Professor Louis Freeman, 
Chemistry, Virginia Union Univer- 
sity, Richmond, Virginia. 

Johnson, Dr. Joseph Lealand, Physiolo- 
gy, Medicine, Howard University, 
Washington, D. C. 

Jones, Professor William Warren, 
Mathematics, Kentucky State College, 
Frankfort, Kentucky. 

Kennedy, Professor Wadaran Latamore, 
Dairy Husbandry, A. and T. College 
of North Carolina, Greensboro, North 
Carolina.. 

Kildare, Professor Albert Alexander, 
Physics, Lincoln University, Jefferson 
City, Missouri. 

Kittrell, Dean Flemmie P., Nutrition, 
Hampton Institute, Virginia. 

Knox, Professor William Jacob, Jr., 
Physical Chemistry, Talladega Col- 
lege, Alabama. 

Lawless, Dr. Theodore Kenneth, Medi- 
cine, Chicago, Illinois. 

Lawson, Professor James Raymond, 
Physics, Fisk University, Nashville, 
Tennessee. 

Lee, Professor James Summer, Bac- 
teriology, Protozoology, North Caro- 
lina College for Negroes, Durham, 
North Carolina. 

Lewis, Dr. Julian Herman, Pathology, 
Chicago, Illinois. 

Lu Valle, Dr. James Ellis, Physical 
Chemistry, Rochester, New York. 

McKinney, Professor Roscoe Lewis, 
Anatomy, Howard University, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Maloney, Professor Arnold Hamilton, 
Pharmacology, Howard University 
School of Medicine, Washington, D. C. 

Mack, Professor Jesse Jarue, Plant 
Physiology, Kentucky State Industrial 
College, Frankfort, Kentucky. 

Mason, Dr. Clarence Tyler, Chemistry, 
Dillard University, New Orleans, 
Louisiana. 

Maxwell, Professor U(cecil) Seymour, 
Biochemistry, Jefferson City, Mis- 
souri. 

Moore, Professor Paul Joaquin, Or- 
ganic Chemistry, West Virginia State 
College, Institute, West Virginia. 

Morris, Professor Kelso Bronson, Chem- 
istry, Wiley College, Marshall, Texas. 

Murray, Dr. Peter Marshall, Gynecolo- 
gy, New York City. 

Nabrit, Professor Samuel Milton, Mor- 
phology, Physiology, Morehouse Col- 
lege, Atlanta, Georgia. 

O'Hara, Professor Leon P., Physiology, 
Physiological Chemistry, Talladega 
College, Talladega, Alabama. 

Perry, Dean Rufus Patterson, Organic 
Chemistry, Langston University, 
Langston, Oklahoma. 

Pierce, Professor Joseph Alphonso, 
Mathematics, Atlanta University, At- 
lanta, Georgia. 

Poindexter, Professor Hildrus Augustus, 
Bacteriology, Parasitology, Howard 
University, Washington, D. C. 
Robinson, Professor William Henry, 
Mathematics, Physics, Tillotson Col- 
lege, Austin, Texas. 
Rolfe, Dr. Daniel Thomas, Physiology, 



THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 



47 



Meharry Medical College, Nashville, 
Tennessee. 

Simpson, Professor Cohen Thomas, Ana- 
lytical Chemistry, Montgomery, Ala- 
bama. 

Spaulding, Professor Major Franklin, 
Agronomy, Langston University, 
Langston, Oklahoma. 

Sumner, Professor Francis Cecil, Psy- 
chology, Washington, D. C. 

Talbot, Dr. Walter Richard, Mathe- 
matics, Lincoln University, Jefferson 
City, Missouri. 

Thornton, Professor Robert Ambrose, 
Physics, Talladega College, Talladega, 
Alabama. 

Turner, Dr. Thomas Wyatt, Botany, 
Hampton Institute, Virginia. 

Wall, Professor Limas Dunlap, Parasi- 
tology, Virginia Union University, 
Richmond, Virginia. 

Ware, Professor Ethan Earl, Zoology, 
Florida A. and M. College, Tallahas- 
see, Florida. 

West, Professor Harold Dadford, Bio- 
chemistry, Meharry Medical College, 
Nashville, Tennessee. 

Wilkerson, Dr. Vernon Alexander, Bio- 
chemistry, Howard University, School 
of Medicine, Washington, D. C. 

Williams, Professor Joseph Leroy, Zo- 
ology, Lincoln University, Pennsyl- 
vania. 

\Vilson, Professor Henry Spense, Inor- 
ganic Chemistry, Louisville Municipal 
College for Negroes, Louisville, Ken- 
tucky. 

THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL 
SCIENCES* 

Sketches of social scientists who 
have made outstanding contributions 
in their respective fields are given be- 
low. For a broader view of contribu- 
tions by others in the field of the So- 
cial Sciences see Part Five. 

Bunche, Ralph Johnson, Political Sci- 
ence, was born in Detroit, Mich., Au- 
gust 7, 1904. He received the A.B. de- 
gree from the University of California, 
1927; the A.M. degree from Harvard 
University in 1928 and the Ph.D. de- 
gree from the same institution in 1934. 
His post-doctoral work in Anthropol- 
ogy and Colonial Policy was done 
at Northwestern University, London 
School of Economics and the Univer- 
sity of Capetown, South Africa, 1936-37. 

He was Ozias Goodwin Memorial Fel- 
low at Harvard, 1929; and received a 
Rosenwald Fellowship to Europe, Eng- 
land, North and West Africa, 1931-32; 
the Social Science Research Council 
Post-doctoral Fellowship in Europe, 
South and East Africa, Malaya and 
Netherlands Indies, 1936-38. He was a 

*Sources: Who's Who in America, 
1946-47; Who's Who in Colored America, 
1941-44; Data in the Department of Rec- 
ords and Research, Tuskegee Institute. 



member of the staff of the Carnegie 
Corporations Survey of the Negro in 
America, Southern United States, 1939. 

Dr. Bunche has been Assistant in 
Political Science, University of Cali- 
fornia, 1925-27; Instructor in Political 
Science, Howard University, 1928-29, 
Assistant Professor, 1929-33, Assistant 
to the President, 1930-31, Associate 
Professor, 1933-38, Professor, 1938 and 
Head of the Department, 1939. He was 
Co-Director of the Institute of Race 
Relations, Swarthmore College, 1936; 
Senior Social Science Analyst in 
charge of research on Africa and other 
Colonial areas, British Empire Section, 
Office of Strategic Services, 1941-42; 
Deputy Chief, near East-Africa Section, 
1943; Chief, African Section, 1943. 
Represented the United States at the 
West Indian Conference, 1946; is a 
member of the Caribbean Commission 
and Chief, Division of Trusteeship, 
United Nations Organization, 1946. 

He is the author of "A World View 
of Race" 1936; and has contributed 
to numerous scientific journals and 
magazines. 

DuBois, William Edward Burgnardt, 
History and Sociology, was born at 
Great Barrington, Mass., on February 
23, 1868. He received the A.B. degree 
in 1888 from Fisk University, Nash- 
ville, Tenn., and from Harvard Uni- 
versity, in 1890. In 1891, he received 
his M.A. from Harvard and in 1895 his 
Ph.D. from the same institution. He 
has also studied at the University of 
Berlin. Honorary degrees conferred 
upon him are the LL.D. degree by How- 
ard University, Washington, D. C., in 
1930 and by Atlanta University, At- 
lanta, Ga., in 1938; the Litt. D. degree 
was conferred by Fisk University in 
1938; and the L.H.D. degree by Wil- 
berforce University, Wilberforce, Ohio 
in 1940. 

During his long and useful career, 
Dr. DuBois has been Professor of Greek 
and Latin, Wilberforce University, 
1894-96; Assistant Instructor, Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania, 1896-97; Profes- 
sor of Economics and History, Atlanta 
University 1897-1910; Director of Pub- 
lications, National Association for the 
Advancement of Colored People and 
Editor of the Crisis Magazine, 1910-32; 
Head of the Department of Sociology, 
Atlanta University, 1933-44; Editor of 
Atlanta University Studies, 1897-1911; 
Editor-in-Chief of the Encyclopedia of 
the Negro since 1933; Editor, Phylon 



48 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 



Quarterly Review, 1940-44; Director of 
Special Research, N. A. A. C. P. since 
1945; Fellow A. A. A. S.; Founder of 
the Pan-African Congresses. 

Besides belonging to numerous 
learned societies, Dr. DuBois was 
elected to the National Institute of 
Arts and Letters in 1944, being the 
first Negro so honored. The Liberian 
Government made him Knight Com- 
mander of the Liberian Humane Order 
of African Redemption. He was des- 
ignated by President Coolidge as spe- 
cial representative at the second in- 
augural of President King of Liberia 
with the rank of Minister Plenipoten- 
tiary and Envoy Extraordinary. 

Dr. DuBois is a prolific writer, con- 
tributing articles to the outstanding 
magazines and journals of the country. 
His books are well known and are used 
extensively as text and reference vol- 
umes. He is the author of The Sup- 
pression of the Slave Trade, 1896; The 
Philadelphia Negro, 1899; The Souls 
of Black Folk, 1903; John Brown, 
1909; Quest of the Silver Fleece, 1911; 
The Negro, 1915; Darkwater, 1920; 
The Gift of Black Folk, 1924 ; Dark Prin- 
cess, 1928; Black Reconstruction, 1935; 
Black Folk: Then and Now, 1939; Dusk 
of Dawn, 1940; Color and Democracy, 
1945; The World and Africa, 1946. 

For almost fifty years the voice of 
DuBois has been heard either from the 
platform or through his writings on 
matters pertaining to the development 
and status of the Negro, not only in 
the United States but the world over. 

Frazier, E. Franklin, Sociology, was 
born in Baltimore, Md., September 24, 
1894. He received the A.B. degree, 
cum laude, from Howard University, 
in 1916; the A.M. degree from Clark 
University, (Worcester, Mass.), in 
1920; the Ph.D. degree from the Uni- 
versity of Chicago in 1931. During the 
year 1920-21, he was Research Fellow 
at the New York School of Social 
Work; Fellow, American-Scandinavian 
Foundation to Denmark, 1921-22; Fel- 
low, Guggenheim Foundation to Bra- 
zil and West Indies, 1940-41; FeUow, 
A. A. A. S. In 1945, he was elected 
President of the Eastern Sociological 
Society, the first Negro so honored, 
and in 1946 he was named a member 
of its Executive Committee. 

During his career, Dr. Frazier has 
been a teacher at Tuskegee Institute, 
1916-17; at St. Paul School, Lawrence- 



ville, Va., 1917-18; the High School, 
Baltimore, Md., 1918-19; Livingstone 
College, Salisbury, N. C., 1922; More- 
house College, 1922-24; Director of the 
Atlanta School of Social Work, 1922- 
27; Professor of Sociology, Fisk Uni- 
versity, 1929-34; Professor and Head 
of the Department of Sociology, How- 
ard University since 1934; lecturer in 
the New York School of Social Work. 

Dr. Frazier is noted for his re- 
searches on the Negro family. Besides 
contributing to the leading sociologi- 
cal and current journals and maga- 
zines, he is the author of The Negro 
Family in Chicago, 1932; The Free 
Negro Family, 1932; The Negro Fam- 
ily in the United States, (Anisfielcl 
award for the best book in the field 
of race relations), 1939; Negro Youth 
at the Crossways, 1940. 

He is a militant leader in matters 
pertaining to the status of the Negro. 

Harris, Abram Lincoln, Economics, 
was born in Richmond, Va., January 
17, 1899. He received the A.B. degree 
from Virginia Union University in 
1922; the M.A. degree from the Uni- 
versity of Pittsburgh, 1924; and the 
Ph.D. degree from Columbia Univer- 
sity, 1931. 

He was a member of the Consumers 
Advisory Board, National Recovery 
Administration, 1934; was awarded the 
John Simon Guggenheim Fellowship, 
1935-36 and in 1943-44; the Simon Nel- 
son Patten Fellowship, American Acad- 
emy of Political and Social Science, 
1934. 

He was Instructor in Economics, 
West Virginia State College, 1924; 
Secretary, Minneapolis Urban League, 
1925-26; Assistant Professor of Eco- 
nomics, Howard University, 1927-28; 
Associate Professor, 1930-36, Professor, 
1936; and Head of the Department, 
1936-46. He was lecturer in Economics 
at the College of the City of New York 
in the summer of 1942. 

He is the author of the following 
volumes: The Black Worker, 1931 
(with Sterling D. Spero) ; The Negro 
as a Capitalist, 1936; and has con- 
tributed essays and articles to leading 
scientific journals, the Encyclopedia 
Britannica, and the Encyclopedia of 
the Social Sciences. 

Haynes, George Edmund, Sociology, 
was born in Pine Bluff, Ark., May 11, 
1880. He received the A.B. degree from 
Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn. ir 



THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 



49 



1903 and the A.M. degree from Yale 
University in 1904. He studied at the 
University of Chicago during the sum- 
mers of 1906 and 1907. In 1910 he was 
graduated from the New York School 
of Social Work and received the Ph.D. 
degree from Columbia University in 
1912. 

Dr. Haynes was Secretary, Colored 
Men's Department, International Com- 
mittee, Y.M.C.A., 1905-08; Professor of 
Social Science, Fisk University, Nash- 
ville, Tenn, 1910-20; Special Assistant 
on Negro Economics to the Secretary, 
United States Department of Labor, 
1918-21; Co-founder and former Execu- 
tive Director, National Urban League 
for Social Service Among Negroes; 
Special Adviser on Negro Work, Inter- 
church World Movement of North 
America, 1920-22; Member of the Presi- 
dent's Unemployment Conference, 1920- 
21; Consultant on Work Among Natives 
in South Africa, International Survey 
of the Y.M.C.A., 1930; Secretary, De- 
partment of Race Relations, Federal 
Council of Churches of Christ in Amer- 
ica, 1922 to January 21, 1947. He is the 
originator of Race Relations Sunday 
and of the Inter-racial Clinic; Founder 
and first Secretary of the Association 
of Negro Colleges and Secondary 
Schools and formerly Vice-Moderator 
and First Vice-President of the Home 
Board of the Congregational Christian 
Churches. 

His publications include, The Negro 
at Work in New York City, 1912; The 
Negro Newcomer in Detroit, Mich., 
1917; The Trend of the Races, 1922; 
articles, American Negro Economic 
Life, in The Encyclopedia Britamiica, 
1929 and 1939, and Book of the Year, 
1938, 1939. Negroes, in the Social 
Work Year Book, 1935 and 1939; Along 
the Interracial Front, 1945. Co- Author: 
Studies in Cotton-Growing Communi- 
ties. No. 1, Alabama, 1933; Studies in 
Cotton-Growing Communities, No. 2, 
Arkansas, 1935 and The Clinical Ap- 
proach to Race Relations. How to Pro- 
mote Interracial Health in your Com- 
munity, 1946. He has also contributed 
to numerous journals and magazines. 

Jackson, Luther Porter, History, was 
born at Lexington, Ky., July 11, 1892. 
He received the A.B. degree in 1914 
from Fisk University, the A.M. degree, 
1922, from Columbia University and 
the Ph.D. degree from the University 
of Chicago, 1937. Since 1922, he has 



been Professor of History at Virginia 
State College, Petersburg, Va. 

In civic and educational circles Dr. 
Jackson has been active and influential. 
He is founder and President, Virginia 
Voters League, Petersburg, Va.; Secre- 
tary, Civic Education, Virginia Asso- 
ciation for Education, State Teachers 
Association; State Chairman, Better 
Civic Participation, Negro Organiza- 
tion Society and the Association for 
the Study of Negro Life and History; 
State Director, Civil Liberties, Virginia 
State Association of Elks; Member, 
Virginia World War II History Com- 
mission since 1944; Board of Directors, 
Southern Regional Council and Execu- 
tive Committee, Virginia State Con- 
ference, N.A.A.C.P. 

Besides lecturing widely on the his- 
tory of the Negro and on civic partici- 
pation, he has contributed historical 
articles to magazines and newspapers; 
has been columnist since 1942 for the 
Norfolk Journal and Guide and is the 
author of the following volumes: Free 
Negro Labor and Property Holding in 
Virginia, 1830-1860; A History of the 
Virginia State Teachers Association- 
The Virginia Negro Soldier and Sailor 
in the American Revolution; Negro 
Officeholders in Virginia 1865-1895; The 
Voting Status of the Negro in Virginia 
(annual handbook, since 1942, Virginia 
Voters League). 

Johnson, Charles Spurgeon, Sociol- 
ogy, was born at Bristol, Va., on July 
24, 1893. He received his A.B. degree 
from Virginia Union University, Rich- 
mond, Va., 1917; the Ph.B. degree from 
the University of Chicago in 1918. 
Virginia Union conferred the honor- 
ary degree, Litt. D. upon him in 1928 
and in 1941 Howard University con- 
ferred the L.H.D. degree. 

He was awarded the William E. 
Harmon gold medal for distinguished 
achievement among Negroes in Science 
for the year 1930; in 1945, he received 
the Chicago University alumni cita- 
tion in recognition of his public serv- 
ice to the community, the nation and 
humanity. In the same year he was 
made President of the Southern Socio- 
logical Society. In 1946 he was one of 
the twenty educators on the American 
Commission who went to Japan to 
formulate a new educational program 
for that country. He was the American 
Member of the Commission appointed 
by the League of Nations to investi- 
gate forced labor in Liberia, 1930; Sec- 
retary of the Committee on Negro 



50 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 



Housing, President Hoover's Confer- 
ence on Home Building and Home 
Ownership, 1931; Trustee of the Delta 
Cooperative Farm; Trustee, Julius 
Rosenwald Fund, Bethune-Cookman 
College, Encyclopedia of the Negro, 
Schomburg Negro Collections (New 
York Public Library) ; Director, South- 
ern Rural Division of the Negro Youth 
Study for the American Youth Com- 
mission and Council on Education; 
Chairman, American Missionary Asso- 
ciation Division, Board of Home Mis- 
sions; Director, Race Relations Pro- 
gram, American Missionary Associa- 
tion; Co-Director, Race Relations Pro- 
gram, the Julius RosenwaM Fund; 
Secretary-Treasurer of the Sociological 
Research Association, 1943-44; Member 
of the Sociology Committee of the 
Tennessee Valley Authority, 1934; 
Member of the Executive Committee, 
Southern Commission on the Study of 
Lynching and of the Southern Soci- 
ological Society; Member of the Presi- 
dent's Committee on Farm Tenancy 
and of the Technical Committee on 
Tenancy; Member, Executive Commit- 
tee, Southern Policy Committee; Mem- 
ber, Advisory Board of the National 
Youth Administration of Tennessee; 
Member of the Executive and Planning 
Committee, 1940 White House Confer- 
ence on Children in a Democracy; 
Member, Editorial Board, American 
Sociological Review. 

Dr. Johnson's activities in the field 
of Sociology have been many and 
varied. He was Director of Research 
and Investigations, National Urban 
League, 1921; Editor, Opportunity, 
1923-29; and has been Director, De- 
partment of Social Science, Fisk 
University, 1928-1946; Director of the 
Institute of Race Relations, Swarth- 
more College since 1933; was elected 
President of Fisk University in the 
fall of 1946. 

Besides his connections with various 
organizations, Dr. Johnson has written 
the following volumes: Editor, Ebony 
and Topaz, 1927; Co-author: The Ne- 
gro in Chicago, 1922; Race Relations, 
1923; The Collapse of Cotton Tenancy, 
1935. Author: The Negro in American 
Civilization, 1930; Economic Status of 
the Negro, 1933; Shadow of the Plan- 
tation, 1934; Preface to Racial Under- 
standing, 1936; The Negro College 
Graduate, 1936 (Anisfield Award, 
1938). Growing Up in the Black Belt. 



1941; Statistical Atlas of Southern 
Counties, 1941; Patterns of Negro Seg- 
regation, 1943; To Stem This Tide, 
1943; Education and the Cultural Proc- 
ess, 1944. 

His contributions to scientific and 
other current journals and magazines 
have been numerous. Dr. Johnson is 
one of the leading authorities in Amer- 
ica in the field of Race Relations. 

Locke, Alain Leroy, Philosophy, was 
born in Philadelphia, Pa., on Septem- 
ber 13, 1886. He was graduated from 
the Philadelphia School of Pedagogy 
in 1904 and received his A.B. degree 
from Harvard University in 1907. He 
was Rhodes Scholar from Pennsyl- 
vania at Oxford University (England), 
1907-10. He studied at the University 
of Berlin, 1910-11; and received his 
Ph.D. degree from Harvard University 
in 1918. 

Dr. Locke has been connected with 
Howard University since 1912 as As- 
sistant Professor of Philosophy and 
Education, 1912-16 and Professor of 
Philosophy since 1917. He was statis- 
tician of the New Jersey Semi-Cen- 
tennial Commission of the Negro, 1912- 
14 and Personnel Officer and Instruc- 
tor, War Aims, Howard U.S.A.T.C., 
1917-18. In 1943, he was Inter-Amer- 
ican Exchange Professor to Haiti, and 
in 1946 was elected President of the 
National Adult Education Association, 
the first Negro so honored. 

Besides being a member of a number 
of learned societies Dr. Locke has writ- 
ten numerous articles for leading 
journals and magazines. He is the 
author of Race Contacts and Inter- 
racial Relations. 1916; The New Negro, 
1925; The Negro in America. 1933; 
Frederick Douglass, a Biography of 
Anti-Slavery. 1935; The Negro and His 
Music, 1936; Negro Art Past and 
Present. 1937; The Negro in Art, 1941; 
Co-Author, When People Meet: A Study 
in Race and Culture Contact, 1941; 
Editor, Plays of Negro Life, 1927; 
Bronze Booklet Series-Associates in 
Negro Folk Education, 1937. 

"His philosophical writings include, 
The Problem of Classification in 
Theory of Value; Values and Impera- 
tives in American Philosophy: Today 
and Tomorrow. His studies on the phi- 
losophy of value axe regarded as orig- 
inal contributions in a highly contro- 
versial field." 

Dr. Locke has also made a notable 



THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 



51 



contribution to the aesthetic side of 
Negro life as a critic of outstanding 
note and as a patron of the fine arts. 

Logan, Rayford W., History, was 
born in Washington, D. C., January 7, 
1897. He received the A.B. degree from 
Williams College in 1917; the A.M. 
degree from Harvard University, 1932; 
and the Ph.D. degree from the same 
institution in 1936. He is a member 
of Phi Beta Kappa, and was made 
Commander of tlie National Order of 
Honor and Merit of the Republic of 
Haiti. He is also a member of the 
Advisory Committee of the Coordi- 
nator of Inter-American Affairs, re- 
mained a number of years in Europe 
as Secretary and Interpreter of the 
Pan-American Congresses and has 
served as Secretaire-adjoint of the 
Pan-American Association. 

He has been Head of the Department 
of History and Government, Virginia 
Union University, 1925-30; Assistant to 
the Editor of The Journal of Negro 
History, 1932-33; Head of the Depart- 
ment of History, Atlanta University, 
1933-38; Professor of History, Howard 
University, 1938-42; and Head of the 
Department of History, Howard Uni- 
versity since 1942. 

The writings and publications of Dr. 
Logan include: Editor of The Attitude 
of the^ Southern White Press Toward 
Negro' Suffrage, 1932-1940, 1940; The 
Diplomatic Relations of the United 
States with Haiti, 1176-1891, 1941; The 
Operation of the Mandate System in 
Africa, 1919-1927, With am Introduction 
on the Problem of Mandates in the 
Post-War World, 1942; What the Negro 
Wants, 1944; The Negro and the Post- 
War World, 1945; The Senate and the 
Versailles Mandate System, 1945. 

He is not only known for his contri- 
butions to scientific journals and mag- 
azines, but is considered an authority 
on Latin-American problems. 

Reid, Ira DeA. f Sociology, was born 
in Clifton Forge, Virginia, July 2, 1901. 
He received the A.B. degree from 
Morehouse College, 1922; A.M., Uni- 
versity of Pittsburgh, 1925; Ph.D., 
Columbia University, 1939; London, 
1939. Instructor, Texas College, 1922- 
23; Douglas High School, Huntington, 
West Virginia, 1923-24; Industrial Sec- 
retary, New York Urban League, 1925- 
28; Director of Research, National Ur- 
ban League, 1928-34; Professor of Soci- 
ology, Atlanta University, 1934-44; 
Consultant, Social Security Board, 



1936-41; Chairman, Department of So- 
ciology, Atlanta University, 1944 ; 
formerly Associate Executive Director 
of the Southern Regional Council, At- 
lanta; Visiting Professor of Sociology, 
School of Education, New York Uni- 
versity, 1946 ; Visiting Professor of 
Sociology, Haverford College, Pennsyl- 
vania, 1946 . Author: Adult Education 
Among Negroes, 1936; The Urban Ne- 
gro Worker in the United States, 1938 ; 
Negro Membership in American Labor 
Unions, 1930; The Negro Immigrant, 
1939; In a Minor Key, 1940; and, with 
Arthur Raper, the volume, Sharecrop- 
pers All, 1941. Editor of Phylon, The 
Atlanta University Review of Race and 
Culture, 1944. 

Articles published have appeared in 
the following journals: Phylon, The 
Virginia Quarterly, Social Forces, Op- 
portunity, Crisis, International Journal 
of Religion, Journal of Negro Educa- 
tion, and others. 

Wesley, Charles Harris, History, was 
born in Louisville, Ky., December 2, 
1891. He received his A.B. degree from 
Fisk University in 1911, his M.A. degree 
from Yale University in 1913. He was a 
student at The Guilde Internationale, 
Paris, 1914 and at The Howard Uni- 
versity Law School, 1915-16. The Ph.D. 
degree was conferred by Harvard Uni- 
versity in 1925. 

In 1928, he received the honorary de- 
gree, D.D., from Wilberforce Univer- 
sity; the degree LL.D. from Allen 
University in 1932, from Virginia 
State College in 1943 and from Mor- 
ris Brown University in 1944. 

He held positions at Howard Uni- 
versity as follows: Instructor in the 
Teaching of History, 1913; Instructor 
in History, 1914-18; Assistant Profes- 
sor of History, 1918-19; Associate Pro- 
fessor of History, 1919-20; Professor 
and Head of the Department of His- 
tory, 1921-42; Director of the Summer 
School, 1937; Acting Dean, College of 
Liberal Arts, 1937-38; Dean of the 
Graduate School, 1938-42. Since 1942 
he has been President of Wilberforce 
University, Wilberforce, Ohio. 

He was Guggenheim Fellow, London, 
1930-31; and received a Grant-in-Aid, 
Social Science Research Council, 1936- 
37. 

He is the author of the following 
studies: Negro Labor in the United 
States, 1850-1925, 1927; Richard Al- 
len: Apostle of Freedom, 1935; The 



52 



THE NEGRO IN THE SCIENCES 



History of Alpha Phi Alpha, 1930; re- 
vised editions, 1935 and 1942; The 
Collapse of the Confederacy, 1938; A 
Manual of Research and Thesis Writ- 
ing for Graduate Students, 1941: Edi- 
tor, The Negro in the Americas, 1940; 
Contributor to What the Negro Wants, 
1944. 

Besides contributing to scientific 
journals and magazines, Dr. Wesley 
has lectured widely on various phases 
of the history of the Negro. 

Woodson, Carter Godwin, History, 
was born at New Canton, Buckingham 
County, Va., on December 19, 1875. 
He studied at Berea College (Ky.), for 
two years and at La Sorbonne, Paris. 
He received the A.B. degree from the 
University of Chicago in 1907, the A. 
M. degree from the same institution 
in 1908 and the Ph.D. degree from Har- 
vard University in 1912. The honor- 
ary degree, LL. D., was conferred or 
him by Virginia Stats College in 1939. 

During his distinguished career, Dr. 
Woodson has been teacher in the high 
schools of Washington, D. C., 1909- 
18 and Principal of Armstrong Man- 
ual Training High School, Wash- 
ington, D. C., 1918-19; Dean of the 
School of Liberal Arts, Howard Uni- 
versity, 1919-20; Dean at West Virgin- 
ia Collegiate Institute, W. Va., 1920-21; 
Executive Director of the Association 
for the Study of Negro Life and His- 
tory; President and Chairman of the 
Board of the Associated Publishers, 
Inc., Washington, D. C.; Founder and 
Editor since 1916 of the Journal of 
Negro History, and of the Negro His- 
tory Bulletin, 1937. In 1925 he found- 
ed Negro History Week. 

Dr. Woodson is considered an au- 
thority on the history of the Negro. 
His outstanding publications are: The 
Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, 
1915; A Century of Negro Migration. 
1918; History of the Negro Church. 
1921;!F7ie Negro in Our History, 1922; 
Negro Orators and Their Orations. 
1925; Negro Owners of Slaves in the 
United States in 1830, 1925; Free Ne- 
gro Heads of Families in the United 
States in 1830, 1925; The Mind of the 
Negro as Reflected in Letters During 
the Crisis, 1925; African Myths. 1928; 
Negro Makers of History, 1928; The 
Rural Negro, 1930; The Negro Profes- 
sional Man and the Community, 1934; 
The Story of the Negro Retold, 1935; 
The African Background Outlined. 



1936; African Heroes and Heroines, 
1939. Joint author: The Negro Wage 
Earner, 1930; The Negro as a Business 
Man; Editor, The Works of Francis J. 
Grimke, 1942 and other volumes. 

Dr. Woodson has perhaps done more 
than any single individual to collect, 
preserve and publish the historical 
records of the Negro by making people 
generally interested in the Negro's 
background and in stimulating and 
training others to do scholarly re- 
search in the field of Negro history. 

Work, Monroe Nathan, Editor, Bibli- 
ographer, was born in Iredell County, 
N. C., August 15, 1866. He graduated 
from the Chicago Theological Seminary 
in 1898, received the Ph.B. degree 
from the University of Chicago, 1902 
and the A.M. degree from the same 
institution in 1903. In 1928, he received 
the William E. Harmon first award 
consisting of a gold medal and $400 
for scholarly research and educational 
publicity. In 1942, he received the 
University of Chicago Alumni citation 
in recognition of his forty years of 
public service. Howard University con- 
ferred upon him the honorary degree, 
D.Litt, in 1943. 

During his long and useful life, Mr. 
Work served as Professor of Pedagogy 
and History at the Georgia State In- 
dustrial College, Savannah, Ga., 1903- 
08; was founder and Director of the 
Department of Records and Research, 
Tuskegee Institute 1908-38, from which 
he issued nine editions of the Negro 
Year Book. He was retired in 1938 
and became Director Emeritus of the 
Department of Records and Research. 
In 1928, his Bibliography of the Negro 
in Africa and America, was published, 
which is the most extensive biblio- 
graphical reference ever issued on mat- 
ters pertaining to Negro life. 

From 1938 to 1943, Mr. Work worked 
continuously on another and more 
comprehensive bibliography of world- 
wide scope and from the point of view 
of the contact of races and cultures, 
entitled, A Bibliography of European 
Colonization, and the Resulting Con- 
tacts of Peoples, Races, Nations and 
Culture. His death prevented his com- 
pleting this work. 

A valuable and unique collection of 
sociological and historical material, 
Is that in the Department of Records 
and Research at Tuskegee Institute, 
Alabama, where a systematic day by 



THE NEGRO IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 



53 



day record of what is happening in 
the life of the Negro is kept, and 
where information is furnished to 
persons not only in the United States 
but all over the world. Besides con- 
tributing to sociological and other 
journals, Mr. Work was interested in 



all problems relating to the Negro 
and was particularly interested in 
lynching statistics, which he meticu- 
lously kept. 

He died at Tuskegee Institute on 
May 2, 1945. 



DIVISION IV 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 

By W. HARDIN HUGHES 
Pasadena, California 



ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY 
EDUCATION 

Educational Equalization 
A National Problem 

In a nation pledged to equal oppor- 
tunity for all, the existence of edu- 
cational imbalance anywhere becomes 
a serious problem. This is especially 
true at a time when opportunities not 
only to rise but even to enter the var- 
ious spheres of economic, cultural, and 
civic life are increasingly conditioned 
by educational status. Only by equal- 
izing educational opportunity and by 
providing the normal conditions for 
effective incentive can we insure the 
other kinds of opportunity so essential 
to democratic living. While each com- 
munity and State can do much to re- 
duce the imbalances that now exist, 
the ultimate problem of equalization 
is a national one. 

Educational Problem 
Greatest in Rural America 

In rural America, and especially in 
that part of it which lies south of 
the Mason and Dixon Line, the prob- 
lem is greatest. There are between 
12,000,000 and 13,000,000 children of 
school age born in the rural regions 
of America. Considerably more than 
half of these children, approximate- 
ly 7,500,000, were born in the rural 
South, on the farms and in the villages 
and towns of less than 2,500 popula- 
tion. These constitute three-fourths of 
all the children of the South. 

In the Southern Region, according 
to the United States Census Reports, 
the excess of birth rate over death rate 
has been sufficient to insure a continu- 
ing surplus of population. Especially 
is this true in the Cotton Belt of the 
South and in wide areas of the south- 
ern Appalachians. Within the South, 
however, there is a constant migration 
from rural to urban centers. The 
streams of migrating people sweep on 
into other States and, eventually, into 
other and distant regions. It has 



been pointed out by students of popu- 
lation that each generation more than 
3,000,000 people born in the South 
move to other States than those in 
which they were born. All parts of the 
South have contributed their share to 
the out-of-state movement. The bear- 
ing of these facts on the problem of 
equalizing opportunity is obvious. 
When millions of southern migrants, 
whether white or Negro, become citi- 
zens of other States in which the peo- 
ple are better educated, they find 
themselves at a disadvantage in com- 
petition for work and positions in 
which there are educational require- 
ments. For them, public education, 
by its regional imbalances, has reduced 
their relative status and opportuni- 
ties. 

Mobility of population, however, has 
not been sufficient to counter-balance 
the effects of human fertility in the 
South. Referring to the 1940 United 
States Census Report, we find a much 
higher ratio of school-age children to 
the general population in the South 
than in any other considerable section 
of the country. Of the 17 States hav- 
ing 250 or more children, ages five to 
seventeen years, per 1,000 population, 
13 are Southern States. In four of 
these Alabama, Mississippi, North 
Carolina, and South Carolina there 
are more than 270 children of 
school age per 1,000 population, South 
Carolina leading the list with 296. 
When we compare this number with 
197 in Illinois, 193 in New York, 178 
in California, and with an average of 
227 in the entire nation, we can com- 
prehend the gravity of educational 
load in the South. Not only are there 
more children in each 1,000 population 
to be educated, but the number of 
adults to support the educational load 
is inversely affected. 
Variation in Ability of 
States to Support Education 

Variation in economic ability to sup- 
port education is even more striking 
than imbalance in educational load. 



r>4 



ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION 



55 



If the two variables were parallel 
and in the same direction, the prob- 
lem of equalization would be simpli- 
fied; but since load and ability are 
inversely related, the difficulty of the 
problem is thereby multiplied. Almost 
without exception, the areas richest in 
number of school-age children are 
poorest in amount of wealth and in- 
come. 

The eight States of the Union in 
which income per school-age child is 
least listed in ascending order are 
Mississippi, South Carolina, Arkansas, 
Alabama, North Carolina, Georgia, 
New Mexico, and Kentucky. Next 
above these, in ascending scale, are 
Tennessee, Louisiana, Oklahoma, West 
Virginia, North Dakota, Virginia, and 
Texas. Only one of the thirteen States 
usually designated as Southern, name- 
ly, Florida, is outside the group of 
sixteen in which the financial ability 
to support education is least. 

Florida, although superior to twelve 
other Southern States in this respect, 
had in 1940 an income per school-age 
child of only $2,094, which is 83 per 
cent of the average for the entire 
nation. This, however, is large in 
comparison with approximately 37 per 
cent each for Alabama, Arkansas, and 
South Carolina, and 28 per cent for 
Mississippi. For the thirteen States 
in which Florida stands highest, the 
median ability to support public edu- 
cation is only 50 per cent of the na- 
tional norm. It should be noted in this 
connection that the financial ability 
to support education in these South- 
ern States is a wide variable three 
times as great in the richest as in the 
poorest. 

Variation in Effort of 
States To Support Schools 

In the South, as in other regions of 
the United States, the effort made by 
the several States to support educa- 
tion is a variable. In the light of data 
published by the National Industrial 
Conference Board for the year 1940, 
we make the following observations: 



In terms of per cent of their total in- 
come which goes to the support of 
their public schools in thirteen South- 
ern States, the financial effort to sup- 
port education in these States is 
fairly representative of the country 
at large. On this basis, five States 
Virginia, Florida, Arkansas, Georgia, 
and Tennessee are somewhat below 
the average for the forty-eight States, 
the index numbers for effort in the 
five being 81, 84, 92, 95, and 98, re- 
spectively. The financial effort of Tex- 
as and Louisiana is represented by an 
index of 105 each in comparison with 
100 for the nation as a whole. 

The remaining six States of this 
Southern group, in ascending order ac- 
cording to effort Alabama, North 
Carolina, South Carolina, Mississippi, 
West Virginia, and Oklahoma have 
effort indexes of 107, 111, 111, 133, 133, 
and 144, respectively. While three of 
these States Mississippi, West Vir- 
ginia, and Oklahoma stand high on 
the scale of financial effort, it is not 
correct to conclude that the Southern 
States are characterized by extraor- 
dinary effort. More than a third of 
these States, in fact, are not up to the 
average degree of effort of the other 
States of the nation. To thirteen 
Western and Mississippi Valley States 
belong the credit for greatly exceeding 
the normal degree of effort in support- 
ing their public schools. The median 
index of effort for this group of non- 
Southern States is 130 as compared 
with 105 for the thirteen Southern 
States indicated above. 

Variation In Educational 
Expenditures by States 

The wide variation in expenditures 
for public elementary and secondary 
schools, together with the per cent 
of total income spent for public edu- 
cation in the several States, may be 
seen in table 1. It will be noted that 
the States which support a dual 
system of segregated schools, with few 
exceptions, spend the least for class- 
room instruction. 



56 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



Table 1. 

Comparative Expenditures For Public Elementary and Secondary School 
Education 1939-1940. 



Expenditure Per 
Average "Stand- 
ard Classroom" 
for the Year 


State 


Per Cent of 
Income Spent 
for Education 


Expenditure Per 
Average "Stand- 
ard Classroom" 
for the Year 


State 


Per Cent of 
Income Spent 
for Education 


$4150 
3592 
3281 
2535 
2454 
2374 
2364 
2271 


New York 
California 
New Jersey 
Connecticut 
Massachusetts 
Rhede Island 
Nevada 
Illinois 


2.61 
2.64 
2.88 
1.89 
2.20 
2.02 
2.21 
2.30 


1526 
1520 
1503 
1495 
1395 
1382 
1378 
1316 


Iowa 
Kansas 
New Mexico 
Idaho 
"Texas 
Nebraska 
Vermont 
*West Virginia 


3.15 
3.63 
4.27 
3.34 
2.71 
3.09 
2.46 
3.43 


2248 
2245 
2168 
2100 
2056 
2042 
1909 
1895 


*Delaware 
Washington 
Arizona 
Michigan 
Pennsylvania 
Ohio 
Wisconsin 
Oregon 


1.90 
2.63 
3.55 
2.30 
2.49 
2.43 
2.63 
2.53 


1291 
1256 
1255 
1222 
1221 
1107 
1046 
922 


"Florida 
"Louisiana 
"Missouri 
Maine 
"Oklahoma 
South Dakota 
"South Carolina 
"North Carolina 


2.15 
2.71 
2.55 
2.20 
3.69 
4.14 
2.86 
2.84 


1820 
1793 
1778 
1772 
1769 
1754 
1742 
1595 


Wyoming 
New Hampshire 
Minnesota 
Indiana 
Colorado 
Montana 
Utah 
*Maryland 


3.16 
2.24 
3.10 
2.69 
2.95 
3.30 
3.63 
1.78 


910 

862 
819 
800 
748 
' 732 
509 
448 


North Dakota 
"Virginia 
"Georgia 
"Tennessee 
"Alabama 
"Kentucky 
"Arkansas 
"Mississippi 


3.41 
2.09 
2.45 
2.51 
2.74 
2.45 
2.37 
3.41 








1600 


United States 


2.57 



Sources: American Council on Education Report, 1944 and National Conference Board 

Record, 1941. 

*States in which Negro-White Segregation prevails. 



Problem Increased By 
Dual System of Education 

Still further complicating the prob- 
lem of equalization in education, is 
the dual system of segregated schools 
in the South. This system, doubly en- 
forced by law and by mores even less 
flexible than law, exists throughout 
the Southern and Border States and 
in the District of Columbia. Approxi- 
mately four-fifths of all Negroes in 
the United States have had access to 
none other than segregated schools 
for their public education. To thou- 
sands of Negroes in the South, not 
even segregated schools have been 
available. 

How important, then, that we con- 
sider the extent .to which equality of 
opportunity is provided in the general 
set-up and practices of this bifurcated 
system. Not only do the recent de- 
cisions of the courts suggest the wis- 
dom of such consideration, but the 
interests of all, in the long run, re- 
quire thtot we concern ourselves more 
seriously with the problem of equaliza- 



tion. Since there is, as many informed 
citizens in the South believe and as 
all comparative surveys show, a gen- 
eral tendency to make provision for 
white children first, to the neglect 
of Negro children, the facts should 
be carefully examined with a view to 
bringing practice more nearly in line 
with the American democratic creed. 

EDUCATIONAL DISCRIMINATION 

Educational Discrimination 
As Seen By Southern Editor 

In an editorial of the Jackson, Mis- 
sissippi, Daily News of June 4, 1942, 
the general fact of educational dis- 
crimination in the South is fairly 
stated as follows: 

"There has been deliberate neglect 
of school facilities for Negroes in Hinds 
County and in all counties throughout 
the state, and in the South generally. 
. . . This negligence has been quite 
bad enough in Jackson, but in the rural 
portions of the county, where we have 
a white population of only 5,331 as 
compared with a Negro population 
of 24,094, school facilities for Negro 
children are pitifully inadequate. . . . 



EDUCATIONAL DISCRIMINATION 



Despite the fact that our enrollment 
of educable children is 43 per cent 
white and 57 per cent Negro, the Negro 
schools get only 9 per cent of the 
budget and white schools get 91 per 
cent. This is not only shameful, but 
in flagrant violation of decisions of the 
United States Supreme Court." 
While discrimination is known to 
be great in matters pertaining to the 
education of Negroes throughout many 
States of the South, the discrimina- 
tion is not equally great everywhere. 
But first let us get the general pic- 



ture by examining the comparative 
expenditures per standard classroom 
unit in the segregated schools of the 
South. Table 2, derived from data in 
Public School Expenditures, by Norton 
and Lawler and published by the 
American Council on Education in 
1942, reveals significant imbalances. 
While the correlation between ex- 
penditures and excellence in education 
is not perfect, it is nevertheless posi- 
tive and significant. 



Table 2. . 

Percentage Distribution of Classroom Units According to Levels of Current 
Expenditures in Public Elementary and Secondary Schools, 1939-1940 





1 


2 


3 


4 


5 






"Northern" 


17 Southern 


Southern 


Southern 


Expenditure Level 


United States 


States 


States 
&D.C. 


States 
&D. C. 


States 
&0. C. 










White 


Negro 


$60006099 . . . 


.08 


.13 








55005999 


.03 


.08 








50005499... 


.12 


.19 








4500-^1999 


.40 


.62 


.02 


.03 




40004499 . . . 


5.33 


8.56 


.00 


.00 




.'{5003999 


3.77 


5.86 


.16 


.21 




30003499 . . 


6.93 


9.75 


2.36 


2.48 


1.51 


2500-2999 


9.76 


14.79 


1.48 


1.57 


1.17 


200) 2499.. 


12.78 


17.91 


4.33 


4.95 


2.26 


1500-1999 


16.59 


18.97 


12.69 


15.93 


2.00 


10001499.. 


19.47 


13.04 


30.07 


36.62 


8.13 


500999 


19.26 


9.73 


34.93 


35.70 


32.36 


499 


5.49 


.27 


14.06 


2.56 


52.59 


Total Per Cent... 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


Median 


$1674 


$2224 


$1015 


$1160 


$476 



Source: Public School Expenditures by John K. Norton and Eugene S. Lawler, 

American Council on Education, 1944. 

Explanation: By "classroom unit" is meant: Thirty children enrolled in elementary 
or grammar school with twenty-seven in average daily attendance; or twenty-seven 
enrolled in high school, with twenty-five in average daily attendance. Read as follows: 
.08 of 1.00 per cent of the standard classroom units in the United States cost $6,000 
or more per unit; while the median expenditure per standard classroom in the United 
States was $1,674. The other columns are to be read in the same way. 



The contrasts in support of schools 
for white and Negro schools are appal- 
ling. It will be noted in columns 4 and 
5 of table 2, for example, that the 
median expenditure per standard 
classroom unit in schools for white 
children is $1,160 as compared with 
$476 for Negro children. Only 2.56 
per cent of classrooms in the white 
schools fall below the $500 cost level 
while 52.59 per cent of the classrooms 
for Negro children are below this level. 
By totaling the appropriate numbers, 
it will be noted that 61.8 per cent of 
classrooms for white children cost 



$1,000 or more per classroom unit 
while only 15.1 per cent of the class- 
rooms for Negro children are at this 
cost level. 

In table 3 may be seen the thirteen 
Southern States ranked according to 
the median expenditure for each per 
standard classroom unit. The ratio of 
imbalance for each State is also given. 
In column 1 of the table, it will be 
noted that Texas ranks first in median 
expenditure per unit as indicated by 
$1,395 in contrast with Mississippi's 
$448. 



r,s 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



Table 3. 

Southern States Ranked According to Expenditures Per Standard Classroom 
Unit, School Year, 1939-40 



1 

Median Expenditure 
Per Unit 


2 
Median Expenditure Per Classroom Unit In White 
and Negro Schools Compared 


3 

Difference Between White 
and Negro Expenditure Per 
Classroom Unit 


White and Negro Schools 
Combined 


White Schools 


Negro Schools 


State 


Dollars 


State 


Dollars 


State 


Dollars 


State 


Dollars 


Tex. 
W. Va. 
Fla. 
La. 
Okla. 
S. C. 
N.C. 
Va. 
Ga. 
Tenn. 
Ala. 
Ark. 
Miss. 


1395 
1316 
1290 
1255 
1220 
1022 
942 
876 
819 
807 
748 
508 
448 


Fla. 
Tex. 
La. 
W. Va. 
S. C. 
Okla. 
N.C. 
Va. 
Ga. 
Ala. 
Tenn. 
Miss. 
Ark. 


1478 
1469 
1376 
1323 
1294 
1220 
962 
951 
945 
840 
821 
784 
577 


W. Va. 
Okla. 
Tex. 
Tenn. 
N.C. 
Fla. 
Va. 
S. C. 
La. 
Ga. 
Ala. 
Ark. 
Miss. 


1250 
1221 
724 

676 
599 
598 
548 
432 
352 
321 
303 
265 
154 


Okla. 
W. Va. 
Tenn. 
Ark. 
Va. 
Ala. 
Ga. 
Miss. 
N.C. 
Tex. 
S.C. 
Fla. 
La. 


1 

73 
145 
312 
403 
537 
624 
630 
695 
745 
862 
880 
1024 


Median 

State 


942 


Median 

State 


962 


Median 
State 


548 


Median 
State 


624 



Source: Public School Expenditures in the United States by John K. Norton and 
Eugene S. Lawler, American Council on Education, 1944. 



These figures are for white and 
Negro classrooms combined. The range 
of expenditure per classroom unit in 
the Negro schools of these Southern 
States, as will be noted in section 2 
of the table, is much greater. West 
Virginia with a median expenditure 
of $1,250 contrasts sharply with Mis- 
sissippi's $154. In other words, West 
Virginia, during the normal school 
year 1939-40, paid eight times as much 
as Mississippi for each Negro class- 
room unit. Other striking comparisons 
may be seen in the same column. Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, 
for example, spent less than half as 
much as West Virginia per unit, while 
Alabama spent only one-fourth as 
much. 

Not only is there a wide variation 
in the expenditures for Negro educa- 
tion in these States, but the ratios of 
imbalance between expenditures for 
Negro and white classrooms are sig- 
nificant. Only one State of the thir- 
teen, Oklahoma, as can be seen in sec- 
tion 3 of table 3, had equalized ex- 
penditures for Negro and white class- 
rooms. In Mississippi during the same 
period, 5.1 times as much was paid per 
white classroom unit as per Negro 



unit; while the median State, Ar- 
kansas, spent 2.2 times as much per 
white as per Negro classroom. 

The following significant statement 
is quoted from Norton and Lawler's 
Unfinished Business in American Edu- 
cation: "In the United States there 
are 1,723,642 children of average daily 
attendance in 80,946 classroom units 
which are supported at a level of less 
than $600 a year. The seventeen states 
which maintain separate schools for 
white children and Negroes contain 
92 per cent of such classroom units; 
in the other 31 states only 8 per cent 
are found. 

"The classroom units costing less 
than $600 a year in the United States 
are accounted for as follows: 

"1. Sixty-nine per cent (44,993 class- 
room units with an attendance of 
1,270,881 children) are for Negro 
children in the seventeen states 
maintaining dual school systems. 
"2. Twenty-three per cent (18,250 
classroom units with an attend- 
ance of 383,981 children) are for 
white children in the seventeen 
states with dual systems. 
"3. Eight per cent (6,703 classroom 
units with an attendance of 68,780 
children) are for children in the 
31 states which do not maintain 
dual school systems." 



EDUCATIONAL DISCRIMINATION 



59 



Imbalance In Salaries for 
White and Negro Teachers 

The variables in teachers' salaries 
are no less conspicuous than the vari- 
ables in total school expenditures. In 
Table 4, comparisons for white and 
Negro teachers in eleven Southern 
States are given. For the pre-war 
year, 1939-40, it will be noted in table 
4, the salaries of white and Negro 
teachers in the public schools of these 
States were $910 and $504, respective- 
ly. The ratio of white to Negro salar- 
ies ranged from practically 1.0 in 
Oklahoma to 3.5 in Mississippi, the 
median ratio for the eleven States ap- 



proximating 1.8. In other words, the 
average white teacher in these States 
received a salary 80 per cent greater 
than that of the average Negro teach- 
er. A careful survey of salary differ- 
entials in the Southern States reveals 
that approximately $25,000,000 annual- 
ly would have to be added to the sal- 
aries of Negro teachers to bring them 
up to the level of salaries received by 
white teachers. If, however, both sal- 
aries and teaching loads had been 
equalized, more than $30,000,000 would 
have been required in addition- to the 
amount actually spent for public edu- 
cation in the Southern States. 



Table 4. 
Comparative Salaries of White and Negro Public School Teachers, 1939-1940 



Annual Salaries 







White and Negro Salary 


White Teachers 


Negro Teachers 




State 


Dollars 


State 


Dollars 


State 


Dollars 


La. 


1193 


Okla. 


971 


Okla. 


27 


Tex. 


1153 


Tex. 


667 


Ark. 


263 


Fla. 


1147 


N.C. 


645 


N.C. 


265 


Okla. 


998 


Va. 


608 


Va. 


300 


S.C. 


953 


Fla. 


583 


Ala. 


466 


N.C. 


910 


La. 


504 


Tex. 


486 


Va. 


908 


Ala. 


408 


Ga. 


498 


Ga. 


901 


Ga. 


403 


S.C. 


562 


Ala. 


874 


S.C. 


391 


Fla. 


564 


Miss. 


821 


Ark. 


375 


Miss. 


586 


Ark. 


638 


Miss. 


235 


La. 


689 


Median 




Median 




Median 




State 


910 


State 


504 


State 


486 



Difference Between 



Source: Data in Report of Southern States Work-Conference on School Administra- 
tive Problems, 1941. 



Comparative Teaching Loads 
In White and Negro Schools 

Comparing the actual numbers of 
children enrolled in the classes of 
white and Negro teachers, we find 
that the white teacher, on the average, 
had a teaching load only 81 per cent 
as heavy as the Negro teacher. In 
Louisiana, the difference in load was 
greatest, being 66 per cent as great for 



the white teacher as for the Negro. It 
will be noted in table 5 that the av- 
erage number of children enrolled in 
the Negro classroom of that State was 
14 greater than the average number 
in the white classroom. Referring to 
table 4, we find that the average sal- 
ary of the white teacher in Louisiana 
.was more than twice that of the Negro 
teacher. 



60 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



Table 5. 
Comparative Teaching Loads in White and Negro Schools 1939-1940 



Number of Children Per Teacher 







Teacher's Load 


White Teacher 


Negro Teacher 




State 


Number 


State 


Number 


State 


Number 


La. 


27.5 


Okla. 


27.0 


Okla. 


2.0 


Tex. 


27.5 


Fla. 


32.1 


Fla. 


3.8 


S. C. 


27.9 


Tex. 


34.6 


N.C. 


4.3 


Fla. 


28.3 


Va. 


36.8 


Va. 


5.6 


Okla. 


29.0 


S. C. 


38.1 


Tex. 


7.1 


Ga. 


31.2 


N. C. 


38.2 


Ga. 


8.3 


Va. 


31.2 


Ga. 


39.5 


S. C. 


10.2 


Ala.' 


31.7 


La. 


41.8 


Ark. 


10.3 


N. C. 


33.9 


Ala. * 


42.3 


Ala. 


10.6 


Miss. 


34.0 


Ark. 


44.3 


Miss. 


13.5 


Ark. 


34.3 


Miss. 


47.5 


La. 


14.3 


Median 




Median 




Median 




State 


31.2 


State 


38.2 


State 


8.3 



Source: Data in Report of Southern States Work-Conference on School Administrative 
Problems, 1941. 



Comparative Values of School 

Plants for White and Negro Children 

In eleven of the Southern States for 
which data were available, the ratios 
of imbalance in values of school plants 
for white and Negro children are 
great. The comparative inequalities 
may be seen in table 6. It should be 
noted that Louisiana, a State in which 
the value of school plant per white 
child is relatively high for the South, 
has the lowest rank of all in the mat- 
ter of equalizing school plants for 
white and Negro children. The value 
of school plant per white child in this 
State is 6.7 times the value per Negro 



child. Excepting Kentucky, every 
State of this group has provided from 
2.4 times to 6.7 times as liberally for 
white school plants as for Negro school 
plants, the median State providing 3.8 
times as well for white children as for 
Negro children. It will be noted that in 
these eleven Southern States, an esti- 
mated $265,463,860 would be required 
to equalize the Negro school plants to 
the level of the white school plants. 
Furthermore, it should be said that 
even this amount spent for equaliza- 
tion would not make the Southern 
States school plants equal' to the aver- 
age of the country as a whole. 



Table 6. 

Comparative Values of Public School Plants and Amounts Needed to Equalize 
For Whites and Negroes, 1940 



Value Per Child Enrolled 


Value of School Plant 


Amount Needed to 




Ratio of White to Negro 


Equalize for White and 


White 


Negro 




Negro 


State 


Dollars 


State 


Dollars 


State 


Ratio 


State 


Dollars 


Fla. 


269 


Ky. 


118 


Kv. 


1.2 


Ky. 


918,803 


Tex. 


243 


Tex. 


72 


Va. 


2.4' 


Ark. 


9,253,000 


La. 


227 


Va. 


58 


N.C. 


3.0 


Va. 


12,762,520 


S. C. 


172 


Fla. 


54 


Tex. 


3.4 


Ala. 


22,065,000 


N.C. 


164 


N.C. 


54 


Ark. 


3.6 


Fla. 


22,673,900 


Miss. 


162 


La. 


34 . 


Ga. 


3.8 


Ga. 


26,188,200 


Va. 


142 


Ga. 


34 


Ala. 


4.8 


N.C. 


30,045,600 


Ky. 


139 


S. C. 


33 


Fla. 


4.9 


S. C. 


30,129,540 


Ga. 


129 


Ark. 


31 


S. C. 


5.2 


La. 


33,199,900 


Ala. 


116 


Miss. 


28 


Miss. 


5.8 


Tex. 


38,131,900 


Ark. 


111 


Ala. 


24 


La. 


6.7 


Miss. 


40,095,500 


Median 




Median 




Median 




11 States 




State 


162 


State 


34 


State 


3.8 


Combined 


265,463,860 



Source: Data in Report of Southern States Work-Conference on School Administrative 
Problems, 1941. 



EDUCATIONAL DISCRIMINATION 



(il 



Imbalances in Training 

For White and Negro Teachers 

The comparative quality of educa- 
tion provided in white and Negro 
schools is affected by the training of 
white and Negro teachers in the 
schools of the South. Whether we 



consider the per cent of teachers who 
have completed four or more years of 
college study or the per cent who have 
less than two years of college educa- 
tion, the differences are greatly in 
favor of the white teachers. In tables 
7 and 8, the comparative educational 
status of teachers is shown. 



Table 7. ' 
Comparative Education of White and Negro Public School Teachers, 1940 



Had Completed 4 or More Years of College 





Difference in Percentage of White 


White Teachers 


Negro Teachers 


and Negro Teachers in This Respect 


State 


Per Cent 


State 


Per Cent 


State 


Per Cent 


N. C. 


83.5 


Okla. 


65.8 


W. Va. 


16.2 


S.C. 


74.5 


W. Va. 


60.1 


Okla. 


4.2 


Tex. 


73.9 


N. C. 


55.9 


Tenn. 


4.3 


Okla. 


70.0 


Tex. 


54.3 


Ark. 


11.1 


Miss. 


62.2 


Tenn. 


37.8 


Va. 


14.0 


La. 


58.5 


Va. 


34.6 


Tex. 


19.6 


Fla. 


52.7 


La. 


28.9 


Ga. 


25.6 


Ala. 


51.9 


Fla. 


25.7 


Fla. 


27.0 


Va. 


48.6 


S.C. 


22.3 


N. C. 


27.6 


Ga. 


47.7 


Ga. 


22.1 


La. 


29.6 


W. Va. 


43.9 


Ark. 


20.6 


Ala. 


33.3 


Tenn. 


42.1 


Ala. 


18.6 


Miss. 


52.1 


Ark. 


31.6 


Miss. 


9.1 


S.C. 


52.2 


Median 




Median 




Median 




State 


52.7 


State 


28.9 


State 


25.6 



Source: Data in Report of Southern States AVork -Conference on School Administrative 
Problems, 1941. 



Table 8. 
Comparative Education of White and Negro Public School Teachers, 1940 



Had Completed Less Than 2 Years of College 



White Teachers 


Negro Teachers 


and Negro Teachers in This Respect 


State 


Per Cent 


State 


Per Cent 


State 


Per Cent 


Okla. 


0.5 


Okla. 


0.6 


Okla. 


0.1 


N. C. 


0.9 


Tex. 


3.0 


Tex. 


0.4 


Tex. 


2.6 


W. Va. 


3.3 


Ark. 


3.7 


La. 


3.1 


N.C. 


5.2 


Va. 


4.0 


Va. 


5.3 


Va. 


9.3 


N.C. 


4.3 


Ala. 


6.0 


Tenn. 


19.9 


W. Va. 


5.6 


S.C. 


6.9 


Fla. 


25.4 


Tenn. 


6.5 


W. Va. 


8.9 


Ark. 


32.2 


Fla. 


8.1 


Ga. 


10.3 


La. 


32.8 


Ala. 


29.6 


Miss. 


11.0 


Ala. 


35.6 


La. 


29.7 


Tenn. 


13.4 


S.C. 


40.4 


S.C. 


33.5 


Fla. 


17.3 


Ga. 


48.7 


Ga. 


38.4 


Ark. 


28.5 


Miss. 


84.7 


Miss. 


73.7 


Median 




Median 




Median 




State 


6.9 


State 


25.4 


State 


6.5 



Source: Data in Report of Southern States Work-Conference on School Administrative 
Problems, 1941. 



62 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



LEGAL EFFORTS TO EQUALIZE 

SALARIES OF WHITE AND 

NEGRO TEACHERS 

Equalization Suits 
In Maryland 

In November, 1939, Maryland be- 
came the testing ground in a legal 
battle destined eventually to outlaw 
on Federal Constitutional grounds the 
whole system whereby Negro teachers 
in the public schools of the Southern 
and Border States had been paid lower 
salaries than whites for the same kind 
of educational services. While this dis- 
criminating practice was general in the 
South, Maryland was the only State 
in which discriminating salary sched- 
ules were maintained by statute. Over 
a considerable period of time, how- 
ever, the Negro teachers and princi- 
pals of Maryland had been petitioning 
the legislature to repeal the discrimi- 
nating statutes and to pass a law pro- 
viding for equal salaries. 

Equalization Suit In 
Montgomery County, Maryland 

In 1936, attorneys for the National 
Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People were requested by the 
Negro teachers and principals to take 
the necessary legal action to remove 
the discrimination. The first case was 
in the form of a petition for a writ 
of mandamus filed in the Circuit Court 
of Montgomery County in the latter 
part of 1936 on behalf of William 
Gibbs, a Negro teacher-principal, to 
require the Board of Education of 
Montgomery County to equalize his 
salary with the salaries of white em- 
ployees of like qualification. 

An examination of the records of 
the Board of Education of the county 
and the scale of salaries revealed that 
white high school teachers were re- 
ceiving maximum salaries of $1,571, 
as compared with $859 for colored 
teachers, or a difference of $712; and 
that white elementary teachers were 
receiving maximum salaries of $1,362 
as compared with $631 for colored ele- 
mentary teachers, or a difference of 
$731. Incidentally, these proportional 
differences in Montgomery County at 
that time were fairly representative 
of the differences in other counties of 
Maryland; but much less than those 
prevailing in the Southern States more 



distant from the border. This case was 
settled by an agreement with the 
County Board to equalize salaries. 

Equalization Suit In 
Calvert County, Maryland 

A second effort at equalization was 
made in Calvert County, Maryland, in 
November, 1937, and here as in Mont- 
gomery County, the legal case was set- 
tled out of court through an agree- 
ment by the Board of Education to 
equalize salaries. While further ac- 
tions in other parts of the State were 
in the offing, they were withheld pend- 
ing the approaching meeting of the 
legislature in which it was hoped sal- 
aries would be equalized by statute. 
Instead, the legislature increased the 
salary scale for white teachers, but 
refused to do anything about the Negro 
salaries, thereby increasing the differ- 
ential. 

Thereupon, action for an injunction 
was filed in the District Court of the 
United States for the District of Mary- 
land by Walter Mills, plaintiff, for an 
injunction to restrain the State Board 
of Education from distributing the 
"Equalization Fund" of Maryland be- 
cause of the discriminatory salary 
schedules in the Maryland code. Mo- 
tion to dismiss was filed by the State 
officials. After argument, Judge W. 
Calvin Chestnut rendered an opinion 
on March 1, 1939, that the complaint 
should be dismissed unless the County 
Board of Education was a party. 

The opinion of Judge Chestnut 
marked the first court opinion on the 
point of discrimination in teachers' 
salaries. This case also marks the first 
trial on the merits of such considera- 
tion and the decision is the first of 
its kind. The purpose of the plaintiff 
was to have the salary schedule in the 
statutes of Maryland declared uncon- 
stitutional and to secure an injunc- 
tion. 

The groups backing the contest for 
equalization of salaries pointed out 
that the differential of a half-million 
dollars in Maryland alone was a seri- 
ous economic handicap not only to the 
Negro teachers, but to Negro citizens 
generally. The point was emphasized 
that the equalization in Montgomery 
County alone had brought an addition 
of some thirty thousand dollars an- 
nually into the pay envelopes of Negro 



LEGAL EFFORTS TO EQUALIZE SALARIES 



63 



teachers and that a subsequent survey 
disclosed that this money went into 
purchase and improvement of homes, 
the education of children, and the im- 
provement of the teachers themselves 
through advanced training. 

Equalization Suit In 

Anne Arundel County, Maryland 

In November of the same year, Wal- 
ter Mills sought in the District Court 
an injunction to restrain the Board of 
Education of Anne Arundel County 
and George Fox, County Superintend- 
ent of Schools, "from making any dis- 
tinction solely on the grounds of race 
or color in the fixing of salaries paid 
white and colored teachers and prin- 
cipals in the schools of Anne Arundel 
County." The jurisdiction of the Fed- 
eral Court was sought under the so- 
called Civil Rights statutes, title 8, sec- 
tions 41 and 43. 

In the decision of the court, favor- 
able to the plaintiff, Judge Chestnut 
declared: "The court is not determin- 
ing what particular amounts of sal- 
aries must be paid in Anne Arundel 
County, either to white or colored 
teachers individually, nor is the Board 
in any way to be prohibited by the 
injunction in this case from exercis- 
ing its judgment as to the respective 
amounts to be paid to individual teach- 
ers based on their individual qualifi- 
cations, capacities and abilities. It is 
only enjoined from discrimination in 
salaries on account of race or color." 

Following the decision of the United 
States District Court in Mills vs. Anne 
Arundel County Board of Education, 
all cases pending in the State courts 
of Maryland to compel equalization of 
teachers' salaries were dismissed with 
the stipulation that equal salaries 
would be paid beginning with the 
school year 1940-1941. The decision 
rendered by Judge Chestnut was hailed 
everywhere by the believers in Consti- 
tutional rights as having far-reaching 
significance in that it provided a 
standard and precedent not only for 
the State of Maryland but for other 
Southern States as well. 

Suit For Equalization 
In Norfolk, Virginia 

A case similar to that of Mills' had 
been filed in the State courts of Vir- 
ginia in 1939, but was denied. An 



appeal was prepared, but was not car- 
ried out by reason of the fact that the 
petitioner was dismissed by the School 
Board of the City of Norfolk before 
the appeal became perfected. As a 
result, the case became moot. Imme- 
diately, however, a new case was filed 
in the United States District Court, 
as the Mills' case had been, on behalf 
of Melvin O. Alston against the same 
defendants as in the previous case. To 
this suit the Board of Education filed 
a motion to dismiss chiefly on the 
grounds that Alston had signed a con- 
tract to teach during the year 1940- 
1941 for the alleged discriminatory 
salary and by so doing had waived 
any right to object to the unconstitu- 
tional basis upon which the salary 
was fixed. After a full day's argu- 
ment, February 12, 1940, the court 
sustained a motion to dismiss, basing 
its decision upon the "sanctity of con- 
tract," holding that one who had vol- 
untarily accepted the benefits of a con- 
tract could not question the constitu- 
tionality of its inception. 

Against this view, counsel for Alston 
argued, in vain, that where two types 
of salary contract are offered one for 
white teachers and another for Negro 
teachers the acceptance by a Negro 
of the latter, where he has no choice 
as to the former, is not an election or 
waiver as to the benefits of. the former. 
The tenor of this argument was that 
there can be no choice when the Negro 
is told that his only alternative is to 
accept the only contract offered him 
solely because of his race and color, 
or refuse to accept the position at all. 

The case was then appealed by the 
National Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People to the Federal 
Circuit Court of Appeals, where the 
decision rendered by that court char- 
acterized the differentials in salaries 
paid white and colored teachers in the 
Norfolk public school system as "dis- 
criminatory" and in violation of the 
Fourteenth Amendment to the Consti- 
tution of the United States. Hereupon, 
the School Board of the City of Norfolk 
carried the case to the United States 
Supreme Court, which refused to re- 
view the decision of the Circuit Court 
of Appeals. This refusal on the part 
of the Supreme Court coupled with the 
seeming willingness of the defendants 
to accept the refusal as final and to 
settle with the Negro teachers without 



64 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



further litigation apparently brought 
to a successful conclusion another 
phase of the struggle of Negroes in 
Virginia for equal rights in educa- 
tional matters. 

The decision in the Alston case, 
while strictly applicable only in Nor- 
folk, had a persuasive effect on many 
other communities in Virginia. Almost 
immediately, petitions to obtain the 
application of benefits of the decision 
in other communities were filed by the 
teachers of Richmond, Newport News, 
Roanoke and other cities and counties 
in Virginia. 

Louisiana Teacher 
Wins Salary Suit 

Miss Edna M. Lee, who had been 
dismissed by the Jefferson Parish 
School Board following her suit for 
salary equalization, was restored to 
her position with full pay from the 
date of dismissal. In handing down the 
decision, District Judge L. Robert Ri- 
vardo also ordered that she be paid 
legal interest for the accumulated 
salary. In the salary suit filed in Fed- 
eral Court,_JMarch 27, 1943, Miss Lee 
charged that although she had been 
employed by the system since Jan- 
uary, 1934, her salary at its highest 
was only $675 a year. White teachers 
were receiving no less than $880 a 
year. The principal of her school, the 
Kenner Colored School, was receiving 
$960 a year as compared with $2,000 
received by white principals. Mean- 
while, to circumvent the salary suit, 
the School Board on May 6, 1943, 
abolished the salary schedule and 
adopted a resolution implying equal- 
ity, by making qualifications, experi- 
ence and ability the only require- 
ments. 

General Effects Of 
Equalization Suits 

Within the four or five years follow- 
ing the Maryland and Virginia deci- 
sions, other court opinions similar in 
nature were rendered in various parts 
of the South. By the end of 1943, the 
campaign for teacher pay" equalization 
had reached eleven of the thirteen 
Southern States and in most of these 
States the local Boards of Education 
were attempting to follow the man- 
dates of the law as a result of court 
action. In many places, however, the 



transition was taking place gradually 
even in those districts which were 
directly involved in the suits. Some 
time was usually allowed by the courts 
for the equalization to be completed. 
In North Carolina, $2,700,000 was set 
aside to eliminate the pay differen- 
tial, the goal to be reached in the fall 
of 1945; while in Virginia, 26 of the 
100 counties had equalized salaries or 
would do so by 1943-44, and plans had 
been adopted for such equalization in 
19 other counties. 

The South Carolina legislature, in 
1943, empowered local trustees to set 
salaries on the basis of work done 
and its value to the districts. The 
Legislature of the State also authorized 
a 15 per cent increase in salaries for 
all teachers, and the State Board in- 
creased the maximum salary for Negro 
teachers from $60 to $75 a month. This 
top salary for Negroes compared with 
$100 for whites. 

In Texas, the city of San Antonio 
was already paying Negro and white 
teachers on the same scale; and School 
Boards in Austin, Dallas, Wichita 
Falls, Palestine and certain other cities 
and counties had formulated plans for 
the equalization of salaries in from 
three to five years. Georgia had not 
yet equalized salaries, but a suit was 
pending against the Atlanta Board of 
Education; nor had Alabama begun a 
definite plan for equalizing the sal- 
aries of Negro and white teachers in 
the public schools of the State. In Ar- 
kansas, six counties had begun equali- 
zation programs and a suit was pend- 
ing against the Little Rock Board of 
Education a suit which, in 1945, was 
won by the Negro teachers of the 
State. 

In Mississippi, the differential in 
teacher salaries was decreasing slowly, 
white teachers receiving an average of 
$90 a month for eight or nine months, 
and Negro teachers, $55 a month for 
six to eight months. Mississippi's Ne- 
gro teachers, however, were being 
warned against filing suit for the 
equalization of salaries. In a confer- 
ence of principals of Negro Schools 
held at Jackson College in October, 
1943, State Superintendent of Educa- 
tion J. S. Vandiver expressed the be- 
lief that a resort to court action would 
mean the loss of friendship of those 
whom, he declared, had given full evi- 
dence of their sympathetic interest in 



LEGAL EFFORTS TO EQUALIZE SALARIES 



65 



Negro education and progress of the 
race. Pointing to the advancement ob- 
tained in salaries since his election, 
eight years before, Superintendent Van- 
diver set forth a plan to be presented 
to the State Legislature, which, if 
adopted, would go into effect in July, 
1944, advancing salaries of Negro 
teachers to $480 per year in an eight 
months' school term. This plan, how- 
ever, has not been adopted. 

Equalization Suit In 
Tampa, Florida 

A typical scheme to avoid paying 
Negro teachers as much salary as 
white teachers receive, under like con- 
ditions, was revealed in an equaliza- 
tion suit in Tampa, Florida, in the 
spring of 1943. The Hillsborough 
County School Board, involved in the 
suit, contended that lower salaries for 
Negroes were justifiable for the fol- 
lowing reasons: (1) it costs the Negro 
teacher less to acquire the qualifica- 
tions to teach; (2) living costs for 
Negro teachers are less than for white 
teachers; (3) the principle of supply 
and demand should be taken into ac- 
count since more Negro teachers are 
available; (4) Negro teachers in Hills- 
borough County are in the highest 
income brackets in their race, while 
white teachers are in the lowest 
bracket; and, finally, (5) under the 
new schedule, it was claimed, no dis- 
crimination was really made because 
each teacher received salary in pro- 
portion to her worth to the system. 
This worth of the teacher was deter- 
mined, it was claimed, by a rating 
technique in which three classifica- 
tions were used Al, A2 and A3. 
Teachers qualifying for Al rating re- 
ceived highest salaries while teachers 
in the A3 classification received the 
lowest salaries. It was pointed out, in 
criticism of the administration of the 
scheme, that almost all white teachers 
were in the Al category while the 
teachers in A3 were almost exclusively 
colored. Federal Judge John W. Hol- 
land, as expected, upheld the conten- 
tion of the Negro plaintiffs that they 
were discriminated against in the mat- 
ter of salaries. 

Equalization Suit In 
Charleston, South Carolina 

In February, 1944, a consent order 
permanently enjoining the Charleston 



city school authorities from discrimi- 
nating between white and Negro teach- 
ers in pay schedules was signed by 
Federal District Judge J. Waites War- 
ing in Charleston. It was provided in 
this order that 50 per cent of the 
differences be met at the beginning of 
the 1944-45 school term in September 
and that salaries be fully equalized 
at the beginning of the 1946-47 school 
term, beginning in September, 1946. 
Under this order, a Negro teacher re- 
ceiving $50 a month on the unequalized 
basis would receive $75 a month for 
the 1944-45 and 1945-46 school terms, 
but at the beginning of the 1946-47 
term she would receive $100, that is, 
if the salary of the white teacher 
under similar circumstances was $100 
as formerly. 

Equalization Suit In 
Little Rock, Arkansas 

The fight of Negro teachers in Little 
Rock, Arkansas, for equal salaries was 
carried to the United States Circuit 
Court of Appeals for the Eighth Dis- 
trict in May, 1945. The Little Rock 
teachers had filed their original suit 
in the United States Court for the 
Eastern District of Arkansas in Sep- 
tember, 1942. They charged that Negro 
teachers with the same training and 
experience, performing essentially the 
same duties, were being paid less than 
white teachers and that the differen- 
tial was due solely to race and color. 
On March 10, 1944, Judge Trimble de- 
cided against the Negro teachers and 
gave judgment for the defendant 
School Board. It was from this deci- 
sion that the Negro teachers appealed 
to the Circuit Court of Appeals and 
obtained a reversal of the decision 
of the lower court. After the decision, 
all salaries in the Little Rock city 
schools were increased, but the sal- 
aries of Negroes were increased most. 
This was the first case of the kind 
to be carried to the Appellate Court. 

Equalization Suit In 
Newport News, Virginia 

In May, 1945, Judge Sterling Hutche- 
son of the Federal District Court ren- 
dered an opinion in the case of the 
Negro teachers in the Newport News 
school system against the Newport 
News School Board in which he said 
the Board had not complied with the 



(16 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



order of the Court to equalize salaries 
of white and Negro teachers and that 
an order would be prepared charging 
the Board with contempt of court. The 
original case was instituted in the Fed- 
eral District Court in 1942. Following 
hearing of the testimony, an order of 
the Court was entered in January, 
1943, enjoining any differential, based 
solely upon race or color, in payment 
for services rendered. Failure of the 
Newport News Board to comply with 
this order resulted in a further suit 
filed in May, 1944, to force compliance, 
and it was in consequence of this suit 
that Judge Hutcheson rendered his 
latest decision. The failure of the 
Board to comply with the earlier de- 
cisions of the court entailed consid- 
erable expense to the Newport News 
district: To its own lawyer, $6,000; to 
law attorney for teachers, $3,000; to 
court costs, $1,000; and to back pay 
for the Negro teachers, $21,000. 

Southern Editorial Comment 
On Court's Decision In 
Newport News Equalization Case 

Commenting on the opinion rendered 
by Judge Hutcheson in the Virginia 
equalization case, the Newport News 
Press, May 28, 1945, editorially de- 
clared: "The decision is just another 
episode in the progress of democracy 
toward the higher reaches. It is an- 
other step towards equality of treat- 
ment under the law of a segment of 
our people that, in some places in the 
South, constitutes fifty per cent of the 
population, and locally, as much as 
thirty-five per cent. It is another in- 
stance of government in a Southern 
community being forced to do some- 
thing that it could have done far bet- 
ter out of its own initiative. How 
long," the editorial continues, "will 
it take the South to realize that it is 
being held back by reason of its re- 
sistance to improvement in the eco- 
nomic and social status of the Negro? 
. . . Education or, rather, the lack 
of it lies at the root of all the de- 
ficiencies that beset the South." 

Equalization Suit In 
Jefferson County, Alabama 

In May, 1945, a decision handed 
down by Judge T. A. Murphee of the 
United States District Court, Birming- 
ham, Alabama, declared "unlawful and 



unconstitutional" salary differentials 
based on race. The suit ending with 
this decision mea'nt that beginning 
with the September term of school in 
Jefferson County, Negro and white 
teachers' salaries should be equalized 
and based on individual qualifications. 
The opinion was rendered in the case 
of William J. Bolden, Principal of the 
Leeds School. The decree cited decisions 
by other Federal Courts which establish 
the principle that the Fourteenth 
Amendment prohibits any discrimina- 
tion because of race. Dr. John E. 
Bryan, Superintendent of Jefferson 
County public schools, agreed that the 
decision was fair and that no appeal 
would be made. He gave assurances, 
furthermore, that it was the intention 
of the School Board to be fair to Negro 
teachers and "not to discriminate 
against them." 

The new salary schedule proposed 
immediately by the Jefferson County 
Board of Education, however, was dis- 
criminatory in that pay was based 
upon classification of teachers trained 
in "accredited" colleges and those 
trained in "approved" institutions. 
While this kind of classification seems 
to apply equally to Negro and white 
teachers, there is a difference. The 
Alabama State training institutions 
for Negro teachers were not on the 
"accredited" list at the time most of 
these teachers were receiving their 
training, while the State colleges for 
the training of white teachers have 
long been "accredited." About 80 per 
cent of the Negro teachers in Jefferson 
County were trained in "non-ac- 
credited" colleges; while most of the 
white teachers were trained in "ac- 
credited" colleges. A year after the 
court decision was handed down, the 
Negro teachers of Jefferson County 
were expressing their dissatisfaction 
because of the fact that discrimination 
was still practiced against them. The 
minimum salary of whites and Negroes 
had been equalized, but not the maxi- 
mum salaries. 

Equalization Of Salary Decisions 
In Columbia, South Carolina And 
Greenville, South Carolina 

In June, 1945, United States District 
Judge Waring rendered a similar de- 
cision concerning the equalization of 
salaries of Negro and white teachers 
in Columbia, South Carolina, and in 



FEDERAL AID AND EDUCATION 



67 



the Richland County School District 
No. 1 of that State. While the order 
was not to become effective until April 
1, 1946, it required that whatever sal- 
aries were arranged should be retro- 
active to the beginning of the school 
year, 1945-46. The Greenville, South 
Carolina, School Board anticipating a 
similar court order, adopted in August, 
1945, a salary schedule based on 
ratings achieved by teachers under a 
new re-certification plan, thus remov- 
ing salary differentials, based on race 
and color, from the Greenville city 
system. 

North Carolina First State 
To Equalize Salaries 

In the summer of 1944, North Caro- 
lina took the final step toward elimi- 
nating the differences in salaries of 
Negro and white public school teach- 
ers. At its June meeting of that year, 
the State Board of Education ap- 
proved plans for completing the equali- 
zation with surplus funds expected at 
that time to be on hand during the 
1944-45 school year, thus fulfilling a 
pledge made a decade before to the 
Negroes of North Carolina. While 
court decisions in other States seemed 
necessary to bring about the equaliza- 
tion of salaries, no such court action 
in North Carolina was resorted to. 
Negro teachers and the State Govern- 
ment chose to bring about equalization 
under an agreement covering a period 
of years. 

When the Advisory Budget Commis- 
sion met in the fall of 1942 to draw 
up the 1943-45 appropriations bill, it 
was proposed to the Commission that 
it recommend the. wiping out of the 
differential during the 1943-45 bien- 
nium. The Commission favored adop- 
tion of the war bonus to all State em- 
ployees and voted to leave for the 1945 
General Assembly the final step in re- 
moving the differential in teacher sal- 
aries. Governor Broughton maintained 
that the State could no longer ignore 
the final step, since revenues had be- 
come sufficient to finance the under- 
taking. The Governor's judgment pre- 
vailed and the North Carolina prac- 
tice, with respect to equalization of 
Negro and white teachers' salaries, has 
become an example to the States 
throughout the South. 



Trend In Equalization 
Of Salaries 

No attempt has been made in the 
foregoing accounts to include all court 
contests for the equalization of sal- 
aries. Those given, however, are typi- 
cal and indicate clearly the general 
trend. In the light of precedents now 
well established, any State or Board 
of Education can be reasonably cer- 
tain, in advance of costly suits, as to 
what the final decisions of the Fed- 
eral Courts will be. It is to be ex- 
pected, however, that certain States 
and communities will lag in carrying 
out the dictates of the Federal Courts. 
Many subterfuges will, in all proba- 
bility, be resorted to before anything 
approaching equalized salaries will be- 
come common in the South. 

FEDERAL AID AND EDUCATION 

Federal Aid To 
Education Needed 

While many of the comparisons 
made concerning educational imbal- 
ances in the public schools are in terms 
of 1940 data, and pertain to a "nor- 
mal" pre-war period, the imbalances at 
the beginning of the post-war period 
are equally great. Most of the States 
have increased their expenditures for 
education, but none of them have done 
so to the extent of the inflation of 
prices in general. Education, like 
many other things, was rationed dur- 
ing the war years. Teachers were 
drawn from the classroom into more re- 
munerative employment; school build- 
ings and equipment were allowed to 
deteriorate; and the efficiency of 
schools was correspondingly lowered. 
The inequalities of educational oppor- 
tunity in the public schools still pre- 
vail. 

How to secure more balanced and 
equitable opportunities for Negro and 
white children is still a major prob- 
lem in America and especially in the 
States of the South. While several 
States in this region can increase their 
effort, thereby providing somewhat 
more liberally for the support of their 
public schools, Federal aid must be 
secured before the South can equalize 
educational opportunities even at the 
levels of support now prevailing. 



68 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



Legislation For Federal 
Aid To Education 

As we have seen, communities differ 
in their abilities to support education. 
Complicating the problem of financing 
the schools is the fact that children 
and the means for educating them tend 
to be locally separated. The States in 
which the proportion of children to 
the adult population is greatest are, 
with minor exceptions, the States in 
which the average incomes are small- 
est. These and other facts equally 
significant explain, in large measure, 
why the expenditures for elementary 
and secondary schools in the South 
are relatively small. Invariably, the 
smaller the amount of educational 
funds in the South, the greater the 
probability that Negro children will 
get less than their legitimate share. 

Within recent years, several meas- 
ures for the Federal aid of education 
have been considered by various com- 
mittees in Congress. In 1945 and 1946, 
there were bills pending in both the 
House of Representatives and in the 
Senate calling upon the Government 
to allocate considerable funds an- 
nually to the support of public educa- 
tion, based on a formula that would 
give the poorest States the greatest 
share of the funds. One of these bills 
(S-637), introduced by Senator Lister 
D. Hill (D) Alabama, and Senator El- 
bert D. Thomas (R) Utah, in 1943, pro- 
vided that $200,000,000 of the funds 
to be appropriated would go to pay- 
ment of teachers' salaries and that 
$100,000,000 would be apportioned to 
the several States on the basis of need. 

This, no doubt, was a meritorious 
bill and ' one which, in its original 
form, could probably have been passed 
by the Senate. An amendment, pro- 
posed by Senator William Langer (R) 
North Dakota, however, caused the bill 
to be sent back to the Senate Com- 
mittee on Education. The amendment 
reads as follows: "Provided, That there 
shall be no discrimination of the bene- 
fits and appropriations made under the 
respective provisions of this act, or in 
the state funds supplemented thereby 
on account of race, creed or color." 

Regardless of what should have been 
done, it is evident that the phase, "or 
in the state funds supplemented there- 
by," is in conflict with the doctrine 
of States rights and could, therefore, 



be counted upon to jeopardize the en- 
tire bill. It is significant that the Sen- 
ators who voted for the amendment 
28 Republicans and 12 Democrats 
were, with one or two exceptions, 
known opponents of the bill, who really 
wanted it killed and who seized upon 
the "no discrimination" clause as a 
smoke screen for their action. 

Southern opposition to Federal aid 
for education is usually motivated by 
two fears: First, the fear that States 
rights will be interfered with; and, 
second, that racial segregation in the 
public schools will be abolished by 
Federal control. Northern reaction- 
aries frequently play upon these fears 
to defeat measures that would espe- 
cially benefit the South. There was 
nothing in the bill, however, concern- 
ing non-segregation in the schools of 
the South. The bill contained careful 
and detailed provisions requiring that 
wherever there are separate schools 
the Negro's share of all the money 
appropriated under this bill should 
be not less than the Negro's percent- 
age of the population. Needless to say, 
the Langer amendment was sufficient 
to send the bill back to the Senate Com- 
mittee on Education, where it has re- 
mained. There are some indications 
that the friends of the bill will have 
it brought out for reconsideration. 

SOME BASIC STATISTICS 

RELATING TO THE EDUCATION 

OF NEGROES * 

Years Of School 
Completed 

The 1940 Census did not secure data 
directly on the number of "illiterate" 
persons in the United States. The 
nearest approach to this information 
is available in the data for the num- 
ber of years of school completed. There 
were, at this date, 10 per cent of the 
total Negro population, 25 years old 
and over, who had completed no school 
years, as compared with 1.3 per cent 
for native whites. The percentage of 
Negro males with no school years 
completed was higher than that for 
females: 11.2 and 8.8, respectively. 
The relative percentages for native 
whites were 1.3 and 1.5, respectively. 



*Prom Section on Population by Dr. 
Oliver C. Cox. 



SOME BASIC STATISTICS RELATING TO EDUCATION 



69 



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70 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



The median number of years of 
school completed by Negroes and na- 
tive whites, twenty-five years old and 
over, in 1940, were 5.7 and 8.8 respec- 
tively. However, there were, in this 
age group, 41.3 per cent of the Negroes 
who had completed less than 5 years 
of school as compared with 7.4 per 



cent for native whites. One and two- 
tenths per cent of the Negroes had 4 
years or more of college, while 5.4 per 
cent of the native whites were included 
in this category. Table 9 presents this 
data. Somewhat similar information 
is shown for the States in Table 10. 



Table 10. 

Years of School Completed By Negroes and Native Whites, 25 Years Old and 

Over By States: 1940 



STATES 


NEGRO 


NATIVE WHITE 


Median 
Years 


Per Cent with 


Median 
Years 


Per Cent with 


Less than 
Five years 


No 

School Years 


Less than 
Five years 


No 
School Years 


Alabama 


4.5 
7.4 
5.2 
8.3 
8.5 
7.6 
6.1 
7.5 
5.2 
4.2 
7.4 
7.7 
7.6 
8.0 
7.9 
6.2 
3.9 
7.8 
5.8 
8.0 
7.6 
8.4 
4.7 
7.2 
7.9 
8.0 
7.8 
8.1 
7.2 
7.3 
7.8 
5.1 


54.1 
23.8 
46.8 
16.1 
15.8 
20.7 
36.5 
21.8 
46.8 
58.6 
23.8 
20.3 
22.5 
18.0 
19.3 
36.5 
60.9 
18.5 
38.1 
18.4 
21.4 
14.4 
52.5 
27.4 
22.0 
15.6 
19.3 
16.0 
25.3 
27.0 
17.3 
47.8 


13.8 
5.0 
8.6 
3.5 
4.4 
5.6 
9.5 
3.7 
10.5 
14.1 
6.2 
4.3 
5.2 
4.7 
4.9 
9.7 
21.3 
4.8 
6.6 
7.8 
3.9 
3.1 
11.7 
6.1 
6.8 
3.5 
5.7 
7.4 
5.6 
7.8 
3.7 
11.2 
3.3 
5.3 
6.8 
4.6 
5.6 
10.2 
15.6 
3.3 
8.6 
8.0 
2.7 
2.3 
11.8 
5.1 
. 8.7 
4.3 
6.1 


8.2 
9.6 
8.1 
10.8 
9.4 
9.1 
8.9 
12.1 
9.5 
8.4 
9.2 
8.8 
8.6 
8.8 
8.8 
7.9 
8.2 
9.6 
8.1 
10.7 
9 
8.7 
, 8.9 
8.4 
9.1 
8.9 
10.7 
9.1 
8.8 
8.2 
9.0 
8.1 
8.5 
8.8 
8.5 
9.6 
8.6 
8.8 
8.7 
8.7 
8.0 
9.3 
10.7 
9.3 
8.3 
10.0 
7.9 
8.5 
9.9 


16.3 
9.0 
15.3 
3.6 
6.5 
2.1 
6.7 
2.5 
8.3 
16.6 
4.1 
4.5 
6.0 
3.3 
4.5 
17.0 
21.9 
4.6 
13.8 
2.3 
4.7 
4.4 
10.3 
8.2 
4.3 
4.2 
3.6 
3.4 
4.1 
23.2 
3.2 
18.9 
6.4 
4.4 
11.6 
3.8 
5.5 
4.4 
18.0 
5.0 
17.6 
12.6 
3.4 
4.9 
15.6 
3.8 
14.0 
6.3 
4.3 


3.1 
1.6 
2.2 
0.5 
1.3 
0.4 
1.0 
0.4 
1.4 
2.9 
0.5 
0.6 
0.7 
0.4 
0.6 
3.3 
8.0 
1.2 
2.6 
0.5 
0.6 
0.5 
2.0 
1.2 
0.5 
0.4 
0.6 
0.7 
0.7 
7.0 
0.8 
3.9 
0.7 
0.6 
1.8 
0.5 
0.8 
0.8 
3.1 
0.5 
3.2 
3.0 
0.6 
1.3 
3.4 
0.5 
2.5 
0.6 
0.8 




Arkansas 


California 


Colorado 


Connecticut 
Delaware 


District of Columbia 
Florida 


Georgia 
Idaho . 


Illinois 


Indiana. 


Iowa 


Kansas 


Kentucky 


Louisiana 


Maine 


Maryland. 


Massachusetts 


Michigan 


Minnesota... . 


Mississippi. . . 


Missouri 


Montana. .. 


Nebraska 


Nevada 
New Hampshire 
New Jersey 


New Mexico. 


New York 
North Carolina 


North Dakota 


Ohio 


7.4 
7.0 
8.3 
7.1 
7.6 
3.9 
7.3 
5.8 
6.1 
8.4 
8.0 
5.0 
8.1 
6.5 
7.5 
7.9 


24.4 ' 
28.9 
16.2 
25.6 
23.2 
62.4 
18.3 
40.1 
36.4 
15.5 
15.7 
48.2 
18.5 
33.6 
21.6 
20.1 


Oklahoma 


Oregon . . . 


Pennsylvania . . . 


Rhode Island 
South Carolina 


South Dakota 


Tennessee 
Texas 


Utah 


Vermont 
Virginia 


Washington 
West Virginia 


Wisconsin 
Wyoming 





Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1940. 



SOME BASIC STATISTICS RELATING TO EDUCATION 



71 



School Attendance 

As shown in Table 11 the number 
and percentage of Negroes under 20 
years of age attending school has been 



constantly increasing. In 1900, 31 per 
cent of the Negroes 5 to 20 years of 
age were attending school; in 1940, 
this percentage more than doubled, 
64.4. 



Table 11. 

Negroes 5 to 20 Years of Age Attending School For the United States 

1900 to 1940 



Year 


Total Number 


Attending School 


Number 


Per cent 


1940 


4,188,500 
4,128,998 
3,796,957 
3,677,860 
3,499,187 


2,698,901 
2,477,311 
2,030,269 
1,644,759 
1,083,516 


64.4 
60.0 
53.5 
44.7 
31.0 


1930 


1920 


1910 . 


1900 





Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1940. 



Statistics Of Education Of 
Negroes 1941-42 And 1943-44* 

"This is a brief summary of informa- 
tion on public elementary and sec- 
ondary education of Negroes in 17 
Southern States and the District of 
Columbia for the years 1941-42 and 
1943-44. 

"The outstanding features of these 
statistics are: 

"1. Enrollments have decreased at 
both elementary and secondary levels. 
The secondary enrollments show a de- 
cline due to the boys entering the 
Army and the ease with which both 
boys and girls could secure employ- 
ment during war years. 

"2. The length of school term in- 
creased from approximately 157 to 164 
days, an average of 7 days between 
1941-42 and 1943-44. 

"3. The percentage of the total num- 
ber of pupils who were in high school 
grades decreased from 11.4 per cent 
to 10.9 per cent of the enrollment. 

"4. Although there was a decrease 
of 21 per cent from 1941-42 to 1943-44 

*Prepared by David T. Blose, Associate 
Specialist in Educational Statistics, Re- 
search and Statistical Service, U. S. Of- 
fice of Education. 



in the number of Negro pupils enrolled 
in the 12th grade, there was a de- 
crease of only 9 per cent in the num- 
ber of pupils graduating from high 
school, showing an increase in the 
holding power of the Negro high 
school. 

"5. There has been a slight increase 
in the number of teachers. Coupled 
with the decline in enrollment, the 
pupil-teacher load decreased from an 
average of 37 to 35. 

"6. Teachers' salaries have increased 
approximately 50 per cent since 1939- 
40. The per cent of increase being 
greater in the separate schools for 
Negroes than in the separate schools 
for white pupils or in schools for all 
pupils. 

"7. The total value of property for 
schools for Negroes reported by 10 
States increased during the biennium 
from approximately $95,000,000 to $99,- 
000,000. This increase in value and the 
decrease in enrollment account for the 
increase in the value of property per 
pupil. 

"8. The statistics in the accompany- 
ing tables show a general improvement 
in educational opportunities for Negro 
children." 



72 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



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78 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



Secondary Schools Approved By 
The Southern Association Of 
Colleges And Secondary Schools* 

At its meeting of March 25-28, 1946, 
in Memphis, Tennessee, the Executive 
Committee of the Southern Association 
of Colleges and Secondary Schools ap- 
proved the secondary schools listed 
below: ,J( 

ALABAMA: 

Drewry Practice High School, Tal- 

ladega (1933) 

Mobile County Training School, Pla- 
teau (1934) 

Oakwood College H. S. Huntsville 

(1946) 

Rosedale High School, Homewood 

(1946) 

Snow Hill Institute, Snow Hill (1946) 

Southern Normal School, Brewton 

(1939) 

State A. & M. Institute, High School 

Department, Normal (1931) 

State Teachers College, High School 

Department, Montgomery (1931) 

Trenholm High School, Tuscumbia 

(1946) 

Tuscaloosa Industrial High School, 

Tuscaloosa (1943) 

Tuskegee Institute High School, Tus- 

kegee (1931) 
FLORIDA: 

Booker T. Washington High School, 

Miami (1940) 

Dorsey High School, Miami (1946) 

Dunbar High School, Ft. Myers (1941) 

Florida A. & M. Experimental High 

School, Tallahassee (1942) 

Lincoln High School, Tallahassee 

(1942) 

Stanton High School, Jacksonville 

(1931) 
GEORGIA: 

Athens High and Industrial School, 

Athens (1946) 

Ballard Normal High School, Macon 

(1933) 

Booker T. Washington High School, 

Atlanta (1932) 

Cedar Hill High School, Cedartown 

(1946) 

Center High School, Waycross (1946) 

Douglass High School, "Thomasville 

(1946) 

Emery Street High School, Dalton 

(1942) 

Fair Street High School, Gainesville 

(1946) 

Gillespie-Selden High School, Cordele 

(1939) 

Hubbard Training School, Forsyth 

(1946) 

Boggs Academy, Keysville (1942) 

Moultrie Negro High School, Moul- 

trie (1942) 

Risley High School, Brunswick (1932) 

Spencer High School, Columbus 

(1941) 

Statesboro Industrial High School, 

Statesboro (1946) 

Howard Warner High School, New- 
nan (1946) 

*Source: The Southern Association Quar- 
terly 10:272-75 My'46. 



KENTUCKY: 

Attucks High School, Hopkinsville 
(1936) 

Central High School, Louisville (1932) 
Douglass High School, Henderson 
(1943) 

John G. Fee Industrial High School, 
Maysville (1935) 

Lincoln High School, Paducah (1936) 
Lincoln Institute, Lincoln Ridge (1937) 
Oliver Street High School, Winches- 
ter (1934) 

Paul Laurence Dunbar High School, 
Lexington (1931) 

Rosenwald High School, Madisonville 
(1942) 

State Street High School, Bowling 
Green (1942) 

Western High School, Paris (1946) 
Western Junior-Senior High School, 
Owensboro (1933) 

William Grant High School, Coving- 
ton (1932) 

LOUISIANA: 

Gilbert Academy, New Orleans (1935) 
Sacred Heart High School, Lake 
Charles (1940) 

Southern University, High School De- 
partment, Scotlandville (1937) 
Xavier University, High School De- 
partment, New Orleans (1937) 

MISSISSIPPI: 

Alcorn A. & M. College, High School 
Department, Alcorn (1936) 
Harris High School, Meridian (1946) 
Mary Holmes High School, West 
Point (1943) 

Southern Christian Institute, High 
School Department, Edwards (1931) 
Tougaloo College, High School De- 
partment, Tougaloo (1931) 

NORTH CAROLINA: 

Allen High School, Asheville (1940) 
Atkins High School, Winston -Salem 
(1931) 

Booker T. Washington High School, 
Rocky Mount (1935) 
G. W. Carver High School, Kannap- 
olis (1946) 

Darden High School, Wilson (1942) 
Dillard High School, Goldsboro (1937) 
Dunbar High School, Lexington (1940) 
E. E. Smith High School, Fayette- 
ville (1937) 

Henderson Institute, Henderson (1946) 
Highland High School, Gastonia 
(1946) 

Hillside Park High School, Durham 
(1931) 

Immanuel Lutheran College, High 
School Department, Greensboro (1937) 
James B. Dudley High School, Greens- 
boro (1936) 

Jordan-Sellars High School, Burling- 
ton (1937) 

Lincoln Academy, Kings Mountain 
(1934) 

Mary Potter High School, Oxford 
(1932) 

Orange County Training School, 
Chapel Hill (1941) 

Palmer Memorial Institute, Sedalia 
(1931) 

Second Ward High School, Charlotte 
(1937) 

Stephens-Lee High School, Asheville 
(1936) 

Washington High School, Raleigb 
(1934) 



SOME BASIC STATISTICS RELATING TO EDUCATION 



79 



Washington High School, Reidsville 
(1936) 

William Penn High School, High 
Point (1936) 

Williston Industrial High School, Wil- 
mington (1937) 

Joseph Charles Price High School, 
Salisbury (1937) 

SOUTH CAROLINA: 
Avery Institute, Charleston (1933) 
Booker Washington High School, Co- 
lumbia (1933) 

Carver High School, Spartanburg 
(1946) 

Pinley High School, Chester (1936) 
Sterling High School, Greenville 
(1945) 

Sumter High School, Sumter (1945) 
Voorhees N. & I. School, Denmark 
(1933) 

TENNESSEE: 

Austin High School, Knoxville (1934) 
Holloway High School, Murfreesboro 
(1942) 
Howard High School, Chattanooga 

Immaculate Mother High School, 
Nashville (1945) 

Langston High School, Johnson City 
(1945) 

Pearl High School, Nashville (1941) 
Swift Memorial Junior College, High 
School Department, Rogersville (1933) 
TEXAS: 

Anderson High School, Austin (1933) 
Booker T. Washington High School, 
Houston (1933) 

Booker T. Washington High School, 
Wichita Falls (1936) 
Charlton-Pollard High School, Beau- 
mont (1935) 

Central High School, Galveston (1933) 
Central High School, Jefferson (1937) 
I. M. Terrell High School, Fort Worth 
(1934) 

Kilgore High School, Kilgore (1941) 
Phyllis Wheatley High School, Hous- 
ton (1933) 

Phyllis Wheatley High School, San 
Antonio (1933) 

St. Peter Claver High School, San 
Antonio (1942) 

Weldon High School, Gladewater 
(1942) 



VIRGINIA: 

Armstrong High School, Richmond 
(1933) 

Booker T. Washington High School, 
Norfolk (1932) 

Christiansburg Industrial Institute, 
Cambria (1942) 

D. Webster Davis High School, 
Ettrick (1941) 

Dunbar High School, Lynchburg 
(1936) 

Frances DeSales High School, Rock 
Castle (1940) 

George P. Phenix Training School, 
Hampton (1933) 

Hayden High School, Hayden (1945) * 
Huntington High School, Newport 
News (1931) 

Jefferson High School, Charlottesville 
(1942) 

Lucy Addison High School, Roanoke 
(1940) 

Maggie L. Walker High School, Rich- 
mond (1942) 

Manassas High School, Manassas 
(1941) 

Parkes-Avon High School, Alexan- 
dria (1942) 

Peabody High School, Petersburg 
(1933) 

St. Paul's High School, Fredericks- 
burg (1945) 



Private High Schools 
And Academies, 1945-46 

Table 18 lists the private high 
schools and academies and gives some 
statistics concerning them for the 
school year 1945-46. It will be noted 
that the total enrollment for the 
schools listed in all departments is 
18,727; while the total enrollment of 
pupils in the high school departments 
only is 10,478. These schools have a 
total of 825 teachers. 



80 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 









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SOME BASIC STATISTICS RELATING TO EDUCATION 



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Alabama State Teachers College*. . 
Atlanta University 
Fisk University 
Hampton Institute 
Houston College for Negroes* 
Howard University 
Lincoln University (Missouri)* 
North Carolina A & T College 
North Carolina College for Negroes 
Prairie View State College* 
Tennessee State College* 
Tuskegee Institute 
Virginia State College for Negroes* 
Xavier University 


1 


tGraduate courses offei 
JNot reported. 
*Public. 
Source: The Journal o 



84 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



Professional Schools 

Statistics for the professional schools 
for Negroes are shown in table 20. 
The following professional curricula 
are presented: Law, 3; social work, 
2; medicine, 2; dentistry, 2; phar- 
macy, 2; library science, 2; journalism, 



1; nurse training, 9; veterinary medi- 
cine, 1. It is to be observed that almost 
the entire burden of professional edu- 
cation for Negroes is carried by the 
privately controlled institutions, and 
that the enrollment for 1945-46 was 
1,799. 



Table 20f. 
Professional Schools and Departments 



Name of Institution 


Location 


President or Head 
of Department 

1946 


No. of Student 
Enrolled 

1945-46 


Schools of Dentistry: 
College of Dentistry, Howard University 


Washington, D. C 


Russell A. Dixon .... 


129 


Meharry Dental College 


Nashville, Tennessee . . . 


M. Don Clawson. . . . 


128 


Schools of Journalism: 
School of Journalism, Lincoln University 

Schools of Law: 
Law Department, Howard University 


Jefferson City, Missouri 
Washington, D. C 


Armistead S. Pride . . 
George M. Johnson. . 


15 

88 


Law Department, North Carolina College for Negroes . 


Durham, North Caro- 
lina 


A. L. Turner 


13 


School of Law, Lincoln University 


Jefferson City, Missouri 


Scovel Richardson . . . 


15 


Schools of Library Science: 
Atlanta University 


Atlanta, Ga 


Rufus E. Clement. . . 


25 


North Carolina College for Negroes 


Durham, N. C 


James E. Shepherd. . 


5 


Schools of Medicine: 
College of Medicine, Howard University 
Meharry Medical College 


Washington, D. C 
Nashville, Tennessee. . . 


Mordecai W. Johnson 
M. Don Clawson. . . . 


267 
235 


Schools of Nurse Training: 
School of Nurse Training, Florida A. & M. College 
School of Nurse Training, Hampton Institute 
School of Nurse Training, Howard University 


Tallahassee, Florida. . . 
Hampton, Virginia 
Washington, D. C. 


William H. Gray .... 
Ralph P. Bridgman . . 
Mordecai W. Johnson 


76 
47 
62 


School of Nurse Training Meharry Medical College 


Nashville, Tenn 


M. Don Clawson 


104 


School of Nurse Training, Oakwood College 


Huntsville, Alabama . . . 


F. L. Peterson 


12 


School of Nurse Training, Prairie View State College. . 
School of Nurse Training, Piney Woods Country Life 
School 


Prairie View, Texas 
Piney Woods, Missis- 


E. B. Evans 


50 


School of Nurse Training, Stillman Institute 
School of Nurse Training, Tuskegee Institute 

Schools of Pharmacy: 
College of Pharmacy, Howard University 


sippi 
Tuscaloosa, Alabama . . 
Tuskegee Institute, 
Alabama 

Washington, D. C 


Lawrence C. Jones. . 
A. L. Jackson 

F.D.Patterson 
Chauncey I. Cooper. 


5 

20 

61 
92 


College of Pharmacy, Xavier University 


New Orleans, Louisiana 


Lawrence F. Ferring . 


76 


Schools of Social Work: 
Atlanta School of Social Work 


Atlanta, Georgia 


Forrester B. 




School of Social Work, Howard University 


Washington, D. C 


Washington 
Inabelle Burns Lind- 


159 


Schools of Veterinary Medicine: 
School of Veterinary Medicine, Tuskegee Institute. . . 


Tuskegee Institute, 
Alabama 


say 
F. D. Patterson 


85 
30 


Total 






1799 











fPrepared by the Editor. 

Source: Questionnaires sent to the various schools and colleges. 



Negro Colleges And Universities 

A significant finding of the survey 
of the enrollment in Negro colleges and 
universities in the fall of 1945, was 
that it had reached the highest point 
in the history of these 117 institu- 
tions. The total enrollment for the 
fall term, 1945-46, was approximately 
43,878* students. This number is about 



ten per cent greater than that in 1941- 
42, the previous peak year. It is im- 
portant to observe that the more re- 
cent peak has been attained despite 
the fact that the male enrollment was 
still below normal. All indications are 
that the enrollment for 1946-47 is very 
much greater than the year before in 
practically every Negro college and 
university. 



l The enrollment of Atlanta University is not included in this number. 



HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES 



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by the Edit 
dited by regional 
ited by regional a 
regional accrediting 
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Land Grant Colleg 
Questionnair 
pp. 185-210; 



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86 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



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HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES 



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THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 




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HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES 



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90 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



Seminaries And Departments 
Of Theology 

Table 22 indicates that there are at 
least 40 Seminaries and Departments 
of Theology. An analysis of these 
schools, 1945-46, indicates that the 
Baptists lead with 20 institutions; 



African Methodist Episcopal, 8; Pres- 
byterian, 3; Non-Sectarian, 2; Catholic, 
1; Disciple, 1; Seventh Day Adventist, 
1; African Methodist Episcopal Zion, 
1; Methodist, 1; Colored Methodist 
Episcopal, 1; and Protestant Epis- 
copal, 1. 



Table 22f. 
Theological Seminaries and Colleges Having Departments of Theology, 1945-46 



Name of Institution 


Location 


Denomination 


President or Head 
of Department 


No. of 
Students 
Enrolled 


Allen University 


Columbia, South Carolina 


A. M. E 


Samuel R Higgins 


13 


American Baptist Theological Seminary 
Benedict College 


Nashville, Tennessee 
Columbia, South Carolina 


Nat. Baptist 
Baptist 


Ralph W.Riley.. .. 
J. A. Bacoats 


57 

16 


Bishop College 


Marshall, Texas 


Nat. Baptist 


Joseph J Rhoads 


19 


Bishop Payne Divinity School 


Petersburg, Virginia .... 


P.E ' 


Robert A Goodwin 


19 


Butler College . . 


Tyler, Texas 


Baptist 


M K Curry Jr 


15 


Conroe N. & L College 


Conroe, Texas .... 


Baptist . 




52 


Daniel Payne College 


Birmingham Alabama 


A. M. E 


T E Harper 


24 


Florida N. & I. College 


St. Augustine, Florida 


Baptist 


JohnL Tilley 


18 


Friendship Junior College 


Rock Hill, South Carolina 


Baptist... 


James H. Goudlock 


21 


Gammon Theological Seminary 


Atlanta, Georgia 


Meth. 


John W Haygood 


72 


Howard University 


Washington, D. C. 


Non-Sect 


William Stuart 










Nelson. 


37 


Howe Institute 


Memphis Tennessee 


Baptist 


Chas T Epps 


50 


Immanuel Lutheran College 


Greensboro, North Caro- 
lina 


Lutheran 


H. Nau... 




Johnson C. Smith. .. 


Charlotte, North Carolina 


Presb 


C H Schute 


no 


Kittrell College 


Kittrell, North Carolina 


A. M. E.. 


E. F. G. Dent 


6 


Lampton Theological Seminary 
Lane College... 


Jackson, Mississippi 
Jackson, Tennessee . . . 


A. M.E 
C. M. E. 


S. L. Greene, Jr..., 
A. C. Bailey 




Leland College 


Baker, Louisiana 


Baptist 


J M Frazier 


jV 


Lincoln University 


Lincoln University, 










Pennsylvania 


Presb 


Horace Mann Bond 


18 


Livingstone College 


Salisbury, North Caro- 










lina 


A. M. E. Z 


Wm. J. Trent 


24 


Mary Allen College 


Crockett, Texas 


Baptist 


G. L. Prince 


12 


Morehouse College 


Atlanta, Georgia 


Nat. Baptist . . 


George D. Kelsey 


17 


Morris College 


Sumter, South Carolina 


Nat Baptist 


J P Garrick 


lQ 


Morris Booker Memorial College 
Morris Brown College 


Dermott, Arkansas 
Atlanta, Georgia 


Baptist... 
A M E 


W. L. Purifoy. '.'.'. '.'. 
W. A Fountain, Jr 


22 
45 


Natchez College 


Natchez, Mississippi 


Baptist 


W. L. Nelson 


5 


Oakwood College . . 


Huntsville Alabama 


7th Day Adv 


F L Peterson 


50 


Prentiss N. & I. Institute 


Prentiss, Mississippi . 


Non-Sect. 


J. E. Johnson 


6 


Quindaro College . 


Quindaro Kansas 


A M E 




32 


Selma University 


Selma, Alabama 


Nat. Baptist 


Wm. H Dinkins 




Shaw University . . . 


Raleigh North Carolina 


Nat Baptist 


Robert P Daniel 


52 


Shorter-Flipper-Curry College . . 


North Little Rock, 








Simmons University 


Arkansas 
Louisville, Kentucky 


A. M.E 
Miss Baptist 


S. S. Morris, Jr 
M. B. Lanier 




Southern Christian Institute 


Edwards, Mississippi . . . 


Disciple . ... 


John Long 




St. Augustine's Seminary. . . . 


Bay St. Louis, Mississippi 


Catholic 


Joseph Busch 




Stillman Institute 
Virginia Theological Seminary 
Virginia Union University 
Western Baptist Seminary 


Tuscaloosa, Alabama .... 
Lynchburg, Virginia 
Richmond, Virginia 
Kansas City, Missouri . . . 


Presb 
Nat. Baptist 
Nat. Baptist 
Baptist 


S.V.D 
A. L. Jackson 
W. H.R.Powell.... 

J.Malcus Ellison.... 
Clement Richardson . 


46 
2 
15 
16 
30 


Wilberforce University 


Wilberforce, Ohio 


A M E. 


Charles H Wesley 


16 












Total 








889 













fPrepared by the Editor. 

Source: Questionnaires received from the various seminaries and colleges. 

(N) No reports received. 



HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES 



91 



Summarized Characteristics Of 
Students In Negro Colleges 

From the National Survey of the 
Higher Education of Negroes, pub- 
lished by the United States Office of 
Education in 1942, we have the fol- 
lowing summary concerning the char- 
acteristics of Freshmen and Seniors 
enrolled in colleges for Negroes. The 
survey included 27 selected institu- 
tions as follows: Arkansas had 3 in- 
stitutions participating; Alabama, Dis- 
trict of Columbia, Florida, Louisiana, 
North Carolina, South Carolina and 
Tennessee, 2 each; and Georgia, Ken- 
tucky, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, 
Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Texas, Vir- 
ginia, West Virginia, 1 institution 
each; 13 were public institutions and 
14 were private; 24 offered courses for 
4 years and 3 offered courses for 2 
years. 

The data concerning student per- 
sonnel indicated: 

1. "That occupational groups in the 
general population are dispropor- 
tionately represented in the college 
population. There is a greater in- 
cidence of the following occupa- 
tional groups in the college popula- 
tion (according to occupations of 
fathers) than in the general popu- 
lation: professional, business, cler- 
ical, skilled labor, personal and do- 
mestic service; and a small inci- 
dence of the following occupational 
groups: farming, semi-skilled labor 
and unskilled labor." 

2. "That students in Negro colleges 
are drawn predominately from 
homes of low socio-economic level. 
Fully two-thirds of the fathers of 
seniors and three-fourths of the 
fathers of freshmen are in the fol- 
lowing occupational groups: skilled, 
semi-skilled, and unskilled labor, 
farming, and personal and domestic 
service. The median reported in- 
come of parents among seniors is 
$1,048 per year and among fresh- 
men $852 per year." 

3. "That students in Negro colleges 
are drawn largely from Southern 
urban public schools. Eighteen per 
cent of the freshmen and 17 per 
cent of the seniors attended rural 
elementary schools and only 11 per 
cent of the freshmen and 12 per 
cent of the seniors attended rural 
secondary schools." 

4. "That a large proportion of stu- 
dents in institutions for the higher 
education of Negroes supplement 
whatever assistance they receive 
from their parents by contributing 
to their own self-support and by re- 
ceiving aid from the college or other 
sources. Among the seniors, 81 per 
cent report having earned some of 
their college expenses and 69 per 
cent report having earned one- 



fourth or more of their expenses; 
52 per cent report having received 
some scholarship aid. 

5. "That students in institutions for 
the higher education of Negroes 
perform throughout the range of 
standardized psychological and 
achievement examinations. 

6. "That neither the entering fresh- 
men nor the end-of-the-year seniors 
in institutions for the higher edu- 
cation of Negroes are well informed 
with respect to Negro affairs. 

7. "That students in Negro colleges 
are enrolled largely in arts and 
science curricula with relatively 
little representation in other fields. 

8. "That students in Negro colleges 
are preparing predominantly to en- 
ter the teaching profession" (but) 
"that a large proportion of the sen- 
iors who are prepared to teach re- 
gard teaching as a temporary or 
'stepping stone' occupation. That 
the ultimate occupational choices 
of freshmen and seniors are pre- 
dominantly in the professional and 
semi-professional fields. 

9. "That seniors in Negro colleges ex- 
press an intention to attend non- 
segregated graduate institutions and 
segregated (Negro) professional in- 
stitutions. 

10. "That there is a significant rela- 
tionship among both freshmen and 
seniors between the place of ele- 
mentary and secondary schooling 
and performance on the tests ad- 
ministered. On each of the tests 
administered, the highest median 
scores are those of freshmen and 
seniors who had attended Northern 
elementary and secondary schools, 
the lowest those of freshmen and 
seniors who had attended South- 
ern rural schools. Intermediate po- 
sitions are held by freshmen and 
seniors from border-state schools, 
southern private schools, and 
southern urban public schools. 

11. "That there is a significant rela- 
tionship among both freshmen and 
seniors between the type of sec- 
ondary school attended and par- 
formance on the objective tests ad- 
ministered. On each of the tests 
the median scores of students who 
attended non-segregated secondary 
schools are significantly higher than 
those of the students who had at- 
tended segregated schools. 

12. "That there is a significant rela- 
tionship between the occupation of 
fathers and the performance of stu- 
dents on the tests administered." 

Quality Of Educational Facilities 
Provided By Negro Colleges 

In the summary volume of the Na- 
tional Survey of Higher Education of 
Negroes, published in 1943, the twenty- 
five representative institutions com- 
prising the study were scored in 
terms of the institutional pattern de- 
veloped by the North Central Asso- 
ciation of Colleges and Secondary 



92 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



Schools. Two important implications 
are indicated as follows: "The first 
is that in terms of the measures here 
used, colleges for Negroes in general 
are below par in practically every area 
of educational service in faculty com- 
petence, organization, and conditions 
of service; curriculum and instruc- 
tion; student personnel; administra- 
tion; and financial support and ex- 
penditure. This means that potential 
talent is going undeveloped, and that 
the nation is being deprived of valu- 
able contributions for lack of adequate 
higher educational facilities. 

"The second implication is that there 
are pronounced individual differences 



among institutions, and that, in gen- 
eral, colleges which rank high on cer- 
tain significant items also rank high 
on others. There is every indication 
that Negroes and their institutions 
have the potentialities for develop- 
ment equal to those of other groups 
and institutions provided adequate fa- 
cilities are made available." 

The summary ratings for the 
twenty-five representative institutions 
are indicated in table 23. A median 
of 50 on any item would indicate a 
rating just as good no better and no 
worse than that of the average col- 
lege in the North Central Association. 



Table 23. 

Percentile Rankings of the Median Institutions On Given Items; and the Highest 
and Lowest Percentile Reached Among the 25 Institutions Studied 



Item 



Faculty 

Doctor's degrees 5 

Master's degrees 4 

Graduate study 1 

Graduate training in teaching subjects 1 

Educational experience 1 

Learned Societies 

Memberships 1 

Meetings 1 

Programs 16 

Form of organization 12 

Faculty meetings 3 

Student-faculty ratio I 

Salaries 1 

Tenure 1 

Teaching Load 5 

Recruitment and Appointment 2 

Housing 

Curriculum 

General Education 1 

Advanced Education 

Professional and Technical Education 1 

Organization 1 

Instruction 

Administrative concern 

Student scholarship 

Instructional and curricula adjustment 

Student Personnel Service 

Admission 

Orientation 

Counseling procedures , 

Financial aid 

Housing and boarding 

Placement 1 

Administration 

General control 1 

Academic administration 

Administration of special activities 24 

Financial Expenditure and Support 

Education expenditure per student I 

Stable income per student 1 

Debt per student 5 



Lowest 



Median 



Highest 



05 



Source: National Survey of the Higher Education of Negroes, U. S. Office of Educa- 
tion, Washington, D. C., 1942. 



HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES 



93 



Selected Recommendations 
Of Survey Specialists 

From the recommendations of the 
Survey specialists the following rec- 
ommendations are selected: 

1. "That higher educational institu- 

tions for Negroes project a con- 
tinuing study of the socio-econom- 
ic factors in the life of their re- 
gions, states, and local communi- 
ties; and that they apply the find- 
ings and conclusions of such study 
to their educational programs. 

2. "That higher educational institu- 

tions for Negroes begin an aggres- 
sive attack on the problem of de- 
fining their purposes in the light of: 
(a) the needs of the students they 
enroll; (b) the socio-economic fac- 
tors of the area they serve; (c) the 
types of institutions they are; and 
(d) the principles of democracy 
upon which they and our nation 
are founded. Furthermore, that 
proceedings be instituted for pe- 
riodic re-examination of their pur- 
poses in order that they may be 
kept dynamic and current. 

3. "That colleges for Negroes assume 

leadership in improving the health 
status of Negroes: (a) Through 
improved health education and 
services for their students; (b) by 
developing leaders in health edu- 
cation and service; and (c) by par- 
ticipating in civic activities de- 
signed to improve the health status 
of Negroes in their immediate com- 
munities and regions. 

4. "That colleges for Negroes provide 

comprehensive programs of voca- 
tional guidance for their students, 
based on personnel, institutional, 
occupational, and community stud- 
ies; that the program of occupa- 
tional preparation be characterized 
by thoroughness, and be in line with 
the exacting demands of modern 
times; that the program of occupa- 
tional preparation attempt to de- 
velop in the students flexibility, im- 
agination and dependability; and 
that the base of occupational choices 
be widened for the students to in- 
clude, in addition to the traditional 
vocations, consideration of the new- 
er occupations in aviation, radio, 
agro-biology, chemurgy, motion pic- 
tures, photography, refrigeration, 
and the many service occupations, 
for example. 

5. "That colleges utilize the most mod- 

ern diagnostic techniques in order 
to identify student deficiencies and 
individual differences; that they in- 
stitute procedures for remedying 
these deficiencies; that they adapt 
their curriculum and instructional 
practices to the educational level 
and capabilities of the students 
they enroll; and that they provide 
for the education of faculty mem- 
bers in the application of modern 
personnel techniques and the ap- 
propriate use of the results. 

6. "That colleges for Negroes empha- 

size education for home and family 



living, including especially instruc- 
tion in sex hygiene and marriage, 
refinement, good manners, and cul- 
ture; that they provide a home- 
like atmosphere for the purpose of 
instilling good taste and apprecia- 
tion for order and beauty; and that 
special care be exercised in the 
selection of teachers in order that 
a good proportion may have, in 
addition to high intellectual at- 
tainments, a deep sense of obliga- 
tion to promote among their stu- 
dents high standards of integrity, 
morality, and culture. 

7. "That institutions for Negroes re- 

frain from offering graduate and 
professional work in any given field 
until general and specific condi- 
tions are sufficiently satisfactory to 
assure results of acceptable stand- 
ard; that institutions considering 
themselves qualified to offer gradu- 
ate and professional work examine 
critically and objectively the need 
for such work in their areas, and 
explore the possibilities of coopera- 
tion with other institutions before 
launching a program of graduate 
and professional instruction. 

8. "That these colleges cooperate with 

other colleges in their areas with 
a view to developing union library 
lists on the Negro and race rela- 
tions and arrange inter-library 
loans for the use of persons desir- 
ing to study the subject; and that 
those colleges which have not al- 
ready done so inaugurate the scien- 
tific study of the Negro and other 
races and their contributions to 
American and world culture as a 
part of the regular curriculum of- 
fering. 

9. "A concluding recommendation has 

to do with action by state and 
Federal governments. As education 
increasingly becomes a matter of 
public concern, deriving its support 
from the Federal and state gov- 
ernments, it becomes imperative 
that public policy and practice re- 
garding it shall be guided by the 
principle of equal opportunity for 
each citizen, and by unselfish in- 
terest in the national welfare. It 
is only by such an approach that 
we can be sure of finding, conserv- 
ing, and developing the best of our 
human resources for the common 
good. It is recommended, therefore, 

(a) That, where necessary, state 
authorities take steps to insure 
that equalization funds of their 
state reach the source for which 
they are intended. 

(b) That states take steps now to 
provide equality of educational 
opportunity on both the college 
and pre -college levels. 

(c) That those states which are 
temporarily providing out-of- 
state scholarships for Negroes 
to secure advanced, graduate, 
and professional instruction, the 
amount granted be sufficient o 
cover the excess expenses of 
students, and that the total an- 
nual appropriation for such pur- 



94 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



poses be large enough to cover 
all legitimate demands for 
scholarships. 

(d) That the states, the higher in- 
stitutions for white persons, and 
the Federal Government cooper- 
ate in increasing the benefits 
to Negroes of Federal grants, 
particularly for adult education 
and research and experimental 
purposes. 

(e) That the Federal Government 
participate in developing high- 
grade university education for 
either the Negro or white races 
or both wherever in the coun- 
try it cannot be done from other 
public or private sources. 

(f) That competent Negroes be 
utilized increasingly in formu- 
lating educational policies and 
administering educational pro- 
grams on a local, state, and na- 
tional basis." 

Negro Students Enrolled 
In Northern Institutions 

A study of eight nationally known 
institutions of higher learning in the 
North showed, in 1940, a combined en- 
rollment of 1,253 Negro students. Only 
200 of these, enrolled chiefly in gradu- 
ate and professional courses, were 
from the South. At the same time, 
approximately twenty times as many 
Negroes from the North were en- 
rolled in Negro colleges of the South. 
An analysis of the numbers and status 
of Negroes in northern institutions 
raises many questions. 

Northern Negroes In Southern 
Negro Colleges 

First, as asked by the National Sur- 
veyors, "Why do such large numbers 
of Negroes go South to attend Negro 
colleges while relatively few southern 
Negroes go North, and these mainly 
for graduate and professional train- 
ing? Is the answer to be found in the 
nature of the Negro's position as a 
minority group so that, given such a 
position, only the Negro college can 
offer a satisfactory undergraduate ex- 
perience? Or have northern institu- 
tions been unmindful of their responsi- 
bility for providing an adequate and 
satisfying educational opportunity to 
all qualified students in the area the 
institution purports to serve? Or have 
the Negro colleges sought the north- 
ern student because of the superior 
educational and cultural background 
which frequently enables him to take 
a place of leadership among Southern 
students who have had poorer eco- 



nomic and educational opportunities?" 

In the reports of the graduate and 
professional Negro students from the 
South attending the Northern insti- 
tutions, there was emphasis on the 
financial problems encountered. Some 
of these students had received South- 
ern State scholarships provided be- 
cause graduate courses were not avail- 
able to Negroes within their own 
States. The amount of the scholarship 
was usually small. "Will the develop- 
ment of graduate and professional 
courses in Negro colleges," ask the 
surveyors, "reduce still lower the num- 
ber of Negroes who leave the South 
for graduate training? If so, will there 
be a danger of institutional in-breed- 
ing in the faculties of Negro colleges? 

As yet, only four higher educa- 
tional institutions for Negroes, How- 
ard University, Fisk University, Tal- 
ladega College, and North Carolina 
State College for Negroes, have been 
accredited by the Association of Amer- 
ican Universities. "For the most part, 
the Negro colleges are now unable to 
offer advanced academic training that 
approximates the standards main- 
tained by large Northern universities. 
Yet the number of Northern Negroes 
who went to Negro colleges was more 
than three times as great as the com- 
bined enrollment of Negro students 
in the eight nationally recognized 
Northern universities studied." These 
and other facts mean that the Negro 
colleges, which with few exceptions 
are poorly equipped, are educating not 
only southern Negroes but thousands 
of northern Negroes as well. 

A further question must be raised 
with reference to the responsibility 
for the support of Negro colleges. 
"With few exceptions, the Negro col- 
leges are located in Southern States 
which rank low in economic resources. 
For the most part, these states have 
been unable to provide adequate facil- 
ities for either white or Negro col- 
leges. Yet these poorly equipped and 
financially handicapped institutions 
are carrying a major responsibility 
in the higher education of Northern 
as well as Southern Negroes." 

Furthermore, the Survey continues, 
"the choice of Negro colleges on the 
part of such large numbers of Negro 
youth should not lead to the uncritical 
assumption that Negroes necessarily 
prefer segregated institutions, or that 



HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES 



95 



an adequate support of Negro colleges 
is in itself the solution of the prob- 
lems of higher education of Negroes. 
At present, there are many factors 
which enter into the choice of Negro 
colleges by Northern youth. Some of 
these factors are due to the failure of 
Northern institutions to provide for 
Negro youth the opportunity to enjoy 
a satisfying college experience. Other 
factors lie in the economic and occu- 
pational limitations to which Negroes 
are subject, and still others are in- 
herent in, or concomitants of, the so- 
cial organization of a bi-racial society." 

Beginnings of Court Action 
To Secure Higher Educational 
Opportunities In State Institutions 

Prior to 1930, organized effort and 
court action invoking the ^Fourteenth 
Amendment in matters pertaining to 
educational opportunities for Negroes 
were limited almost exclusively to the 
elementary and secondary school lev- 
els. Provisions for collegiate, graduate, 
and professional privileges for Negroes 
in State schools had received little 
attention. Although the Southern 
States were providing some measure of 
undergraduate instruction for Negroes 
at the college level, not one of them 
was providing either graduate or pro- 
fessional training. 

During the 1930's, several suits were 
brought against public institutions of 
higher learning because of their re- 
fusal to admit qualified Negro stu- 
dents. Probably the first suit seeking 
to compel the admission of a Negro 
student to a southern university was 
brought in Durham, North Carolina, in 
April, 1932. Here the effort was to 
secure the admission of Thomas Hol- 
cutt to the School of Pharmacy of the 
University of North Carolina. Hol- 
cutt's application had been denied 
on the ground that "the separation of 
the races in its (North Carolina's) 
schools and educational institutions 
has always been, and now is, the fixed 
policy of the State. That policy has 
been established by its constitution, 
its laws, and the uniform practice of 
its people." Holcutt proved a poor 
choice for a test case, however, due to 
his lack of the necessary qualifica- 
tions for admission. No attempt was 
made, therefore, to appeal to a higher 
court. 



Similar disposal of the case of Miss 
Alice Carlotta Jackson of Richmond, 
Virginia, a graduate of Virginia Union 
University and for some time a student 
in Smith College, Massachusetts, was 
made in 1935. Miss Jackson had made 
application to the Department of Grad- 
uate Studies at the University of 
Virginia for admission to pursue ad- 
vanced work in French. The applica- 
tion was denied on the ground that 
"the education of white and colored 
persons in the same schools is con- 
trary to the long established and fixed 
policy of the Commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia." 

Provisions For Out-Of-State 
Scholarships 

A year later, the Virginia Legisla- 
ture passed a law binding the State 
to pay the tuition of Negro students of 
Virginia who are compelled to go to 
other States for Law, Medicine, 
Pharmacy, etc., which are not provided 
for Negroes within the State. Vir- 
ginia and Kentucky have granted dif- 
ferential scholarships since 1936. Mis- 
souri had, in 1921 and again in 1929, 
passed out-of-State scholarship laws. 
Maryland followed with like provisions 
in 1933. By 1938, out-of-State scholar- 
ship laws had been enacted by eight 
Southern and Border States. 

Every Southern State except Missis- 
sippi is now providing graduate edu- 
cation for Negroes under a system of 
"differential scholarships" that grew 
out of the Gaines decision in 1938. 
In most cases these scholarships make 
up the difference it would cost Negro 
students to study in the State's white 
institutions and their expenses at an- 
other college where racial segregation 
is not required. 

North Carolina has developed a 
number of graduate courses for Negro 
students at its State schools for Ne- 
groes and maintains an unlimited ap- 
propriation to cover courses not of- 
fered. In addition, it spent $22,000 to 
send students out of the State in 1945. 
In 1946, 170 students applied for schol- 
arships. Virginia spent, for 377 stu- 
dents, $75,000 in 1945 including 35 
medical and dental scholarships. Geor- 
gia spent $25,000 in 1945 assisting 678 
students. In 1946, 358 students were 
assisted in the State and 17 out of the 
State. Most of Georgia's Negro stu- 



96 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



dents are enrolled at Atlanta Univer- 
sity. Kentucky in 1946 appropriated 
$30,000. Negro students may receive 
grants up to $350 a year. An average of 
60 students yearly have full-time 
scholarships and about 140 take sum- 
mer work annually. Arkansas is work- 
ing under a $12,500 biennial appropria- 
tion that enables about 100 Negro 
students to take professional and grad- 
uate work. Alabama, in 1945, ap- 
propriated $25,000 for "differential 
scholarships" for whites and Negroes; 
89 grants were made in 1945 to Ne- 
groes. No whites have applied. Florida 
appropriated $10,000 in 1946 to finance 
95 Negro students approved for gradu- 
ate scholarships. South Carolina State 
Agricultural and Mechanical College 
for Negroes is beginning its own grad- 
uate school. Louisiana began a $50,000 
annual "differential scholarship" plan 
in 1946. 

It should be pointed out, however, 
that the scholarships thus provided 
are inadequate both as to numbers 
and amounts available for the purpose. 

Case Of Donald Murray Against 
The University Of Maryland 

In May, 1935, Donald Murray, a Ne- 
gro resident of Baltimore and a gradu- 
ate of Amherst College, applied for 
admission to the Law School of the 
University of Maryland. His appli- 
cation was declined by the University 
officials. Murray then sued in the Bal- 
timore City Court for a writ of man- 
damus to compel the University au- 
thorities to admit him. He contended 
that his exclusion, solely because of 
race and color, was a violation of the 
Fourteenth Amendment. Commenting 
on the suit, the Baltimore Evening 
Sun of May 6, 1935, stated: "The Ne- 
gro who has brought suit to force 
his way into the Law School of the 
University of Maryland may cost the 
State a lot of money before the thing 
is over." This statement was a true 
forecast for many States in the South. 

The Court granted the writ ordering 
Murray's admission as a law student; 
but the University carried the case 
to the Court of Appeals in Maryland. 
In the meantime, Murray was ad- 
mitted to the University of Maryland 
on September 25, 1935, where he grad- 
uated from the Law School with a 
creditable record in June, 1938. In 



October, 1936, Calvin Douglas, another 
Negro, was admitted to the University 
of Maryland Law School. Douglas 
graduated in 1940. 

Immediate Effects 
Of the Murray Case 

The effects of the decision in the 
Murray case were significant. Intensi- 
fication of efforts to secure graduate 
and professional educational oppor- 
tunities for Negroes in the segregated 
school States was immediate. There 
was an increase in the number of 
Negro applicants for admission to 
the Universities of Maryland, Virginia, 
and Missouri. Almost simultaneously, 
in five Southern States the National 
Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People launched an aggres- 
sive campaign against the discrimina- 
tion in universities supported at pub- 
lic expense. Commenting on the move- 
ment, the Norfolk Journal and Guide 
stated in August, 1935: "Theoretically 
it looks like a movement to get Negro 
students admitted to State universi- 
ties. Legally, the action takes that 
form. But realistically, it is a move- 
ment to procure for colored people 
educational opportunities which they 
are now denied and to remove a dis- 
crimination which denies the same 
privileges under law that other citi- 
zens enjoy." 

Case Of Lloyd Gaines 

Vs. University of Missouri, 1938 

One of the most important and far- 
reaching cases in the Negro's fight 
for full citizenship status was that of 
Lloyd Gaines vs. University of Mis- 
souri. Gaines was a young Negro with 
excellent academic qualifications who 
attempted to enter the University of 
Missouri Law School, but was refused 
admittance solely because of his race 
or color. Asserting that his refusal 
was a denial by the State of Missouri 
of the equal protection of the laws in 
violation of the Fourteenth Consti- 
tutional Amendment, he brought ac- 
tion for a writ of mandamus to com- 
pel the University to admit him. He 
was urged by the University officials to 
accept a scholarship, that the State 
was willing to offer, for study outside 
the State of Missouri. This he refused 
to accept. The University thereupon 
defended on the ground that the Negro 



HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES 



97 



university (Lincoln University) of- 
fered a law course which was then in 
preparation and which would be ready 
in the very near future. The lower 
court as well as the Supreme Court 
of Missouri dismissed the petition for 
mandamus. The Federal Supreme 
Court, however, in a clear-cut decision 
held the action of the University of 
Missouri to be a denial of due process. 
The majority opinion, seven to two, 
written by Chief Justice Hughes, em- 
phasized the following points: "The 
basic consideration is not as to what 
sort of opportunities other States pro- 
vide, or whether they are as good as 
those of the State of Missouri, but 
as to what opportunities Missouri 
itself furnishes to white students and 
denies to Negroes solely upon the 
ground of color. The admissibility of 
laws separating the races and the en- 
joyment of privileges afforded by the 
State rests wholly upon the equality 
of the privileges which the laws give 
to the separated groups within the 
State. The question here is not of 
a duty of a State to supply legal train- 
ing which it does supply, but of its 
duty when it does supply such train- 
ing to furnish it to the residents of 
the State upon the basis of an equality 
of right. By the operation of the 
laws of Missouri, a privilege has been 
created for white law students which 
is denied to Negroes by reason of their 
race alone. The white resident is af- 
forded a legal education within the 
state. The Negro resident, having the 
same qualification, is refused this 
and must go outside the state to obtain 
it. That is the denial of the equality 
of legal right to the enjoyment of the 
privilege which the State has set up 
and the provision for the payment of 
tuition fees in another State does not 
remove the discrimination. 

"The equal protection of the laws is 
'a pledge of the protection of equal 
laws.' Manifestly, the obligation of the 
State to give the protection of equal 
laws can be performed only where its 
laws operate, that is within its own 
jurisdiction. It is there that the equal- 
ity of legal right must be maintained. 
That obligation is imposed by the 
Constitution upon the States severally 
as governmental entities each respon- 
sible for its own laws establishing 
the rights and duties of persons within 
its borders. . . . We find it impossible 
to conclude that what otherwise would 
be unconstitutional discrimination, with 
respect to the enjoyment of opportuni- 
ties within the State, can be justified 



by requiring resort to opportunities 
elsewhere. 

"Here the petitioner's right is a per- 
sonal one. It was as an individual that 
he was entitled to the equal protection 
of the laws, and the state was bound 
to furnish him within its borders fa- 
cilities for legal education substantial- 
ly equal to those which the state there 
afforded for persons of the white race, 
whether or not other Negroes sought 
the same privileges." 

Decision In Gaines Case 
A Major Precedent 

This opinion of the Federal Supreme 
Court, rendered December 12, 1938, is 
a land mark in the history of Negro 
educational rights in the United States. 
It is important because of its far- 
reaching implications for the higher 
education of Negroes everywhere and 
especially for graduate and profes- 
sional education in the South. The 
effects have been wide-spread. Here 
and there a variation from the tradi- 
tional pattern has resulted and in 
many States the increased problems, 
resulting from the decision, have been 
seriously considered. 

It is significant in this connection 
that, even before the Gaines case was 
concluded, a Negro, as we have al- 
ready mentioned, was graduated from 
the Law School of the University of 
Maryland, after being admitted on a 
lower court order, and there was neith- 
er a race riot nor even discrimination 
against him during his period of study 
there. The student paper of the Uni- 
versity of Missouri is reported to have 
stated editorially, immediately after 
the Supreme Court decision, that there 
was no good reason why Gaines or any 
other qualified Negro should not be 
admitted to the University. Further- 
more, a poll of student and official 
opinion in several universities of the 
South indicated that the majority 
would not object to the admission of 
Negroes to their institutions. And, 
recently, such polls of college student 
opinion have shown more liberal at- 
titudes than ever before. 

Increasing Awareness Of 
Equalization Problem In The South 

There is clearly an increasing aware- 
ness of the problem of equalization of 
educational opportunities in the South. 
Although pledged to separate schools, 
I the Southern States are beginning to 
I see the necessity of providing better 
facilities for graduate and professional 



98 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



training of Negroes. North Carolina 
began serious study of the problem 
while the Gaines case was still under 
litigation. A commission appointed 
for the purpose quickly recommended 
that "some satisfactory plan for pro- 
viding graduate and professional edu- 
cation shall be determined by the Leg- 
islature of 1939 and that substantial 
funds be appropriated for the pur- 
pose." This resulted in the establish- 
ment of a Graduate School and a Law 
School at the North Carolina College 
for Negroes at Durham in September, 
1939. Maryland followed with similar 
action the same year by the purchase 
and incorporation of Morgan College, a 
privately owned Negro institution, in- 
to the State system and by the develop- 
ment of graduate instruction there for 
Negro students. Virginia, about the 
same time, also established a Gradu- 
ate School at its State College for Ne- 
groes. 

From that time on, several States 
of the South have become more liberal 
in providing out-of-state scholarships. 
These, however, represent an unsatis- 
factory attempt to equalize educational 
opportunities at the higher levels. 
Scholarship grants do not always in- 
clude the differential between the fare 
from the student's home to the State 
university which will not receive him 
and his fare to the institution which 
will. Scholarships do not include any 
differential in case of increased living 
expenses outside the State and are 
frequently subject to conditions and 
restrictions not imposed upon white 
students taking the same kind of work. 
In some States, there is not even 
enough money provided by the home- 
State to pay tuition fees for all the 
qualified Negro students who apply 
for scholarships. 

Herman Sweatt Vs. The 
University of Texas 

Herman Sweatt, a graduate of Wiley 
College at Marshall, Texas, and a grad- 
uate student at the University of 
Michigan prior to becoming a postal 
employee, applied for admission to 
the Law School of the University of 
Texas in the early part of 1946. As 
was to be expected, since the Univer- 
sity of Texas had never admitted Ne- 
gro students not even to correspon- 
dence courses, Sweatt's application was 
denied. Almost immediately, Presi- 



dent T. S. Painter of the University 
sought a ruling from Attorney-Gen- 
eral Grover Sellers in the matter. 

The Attorney-General began his 
opinion with acceptance of the "wise 
and long continued policy of segrega- 
tion of races in the educational insti- 
tutions of the state." He referred to 
the Constitution of the State of Texas 
as being the legal basis for segrega- 
tion in the schools. He avoided, how- 
ever, the point that the passages of 
the Constitution which provide for 
separate facilities in every instance 
specify that such facilities shall be 
equal. Governor Stevenson of Texas 
also ignored the "equal" which accom- 
panies all references to "separate" 
when he proposed a one-teacher "law 
school at Prairie View College, a state 
school for Negroes." The State Legis- 
lature, also, gave no consideration to 
this constitutional requirement when, 
very soon after, it raised Prairie View 
College on paper to the status of a 
university. 

In May, 1946, Sweatt took his case 
to the Federal District Court at Austin. 
The Attorney-General, defending his 
ruling, argued that Sweatt should 
have made his application to the State 
A. and M. College (white) which 
would provide for his legal education 
at Prairie View. In June of the same 
year, Federal Judge Roy C. Archer 
granted Sweatt an interlocutory writ 
for admission to the University of 
Texas, but suspended it for six months 
to give the State an opportunity to 
establish a law school for Negroes. 

On December 17, 1946, in Judge 
Archer's crowded courtroom, Thurgood 
Marshall of Washington, counsel for 
the NAACP, argued that the issue was 
whether the State had complied with 
the court's order. Judge Archer de- 
cided A. and M. College had until Feb- 
ruary 1, 1947, to establish its Prairie 
View Law course; otherwise Sweatt 
would be admitted to the University of 
Texas. Marshall announced, however, 
that he would appeal to a higher court. 
The State, he said, could not comply by 
the date set. "It would have to have 
65,000 law books and it cannot get 
them by the first of February," he 
told Judge Archer. "It would have to 
have ten full Professors and four 
Associate Professors to have a school 
equivalent to the University of Texas 
Law School." 



HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES 



99 



Oklahoma Court Denies 
University Entrance To 
Ada Lois Sipuel 

On January, 14, 1946, Ada Lois 
Sipuel, honor student of Langston Uni- 
versity, applied for admission to the 
School of Law of University of Okla- 
homa. Having been denied admission 
on account of race and color, Miss 
Sipuel brought suit against the Univer- 
sity in the District Court of Cleveland 
County on April 6, 1946. In all major 
respects this case was similar to that 
of Gaines vs. Missouri and Sweatt vs. 
Texas. The opinion rendered by Judge 
Ben T. Williams, however, was differ- 
ent. Despite a section of the brief of 
Attorney-General Hansen, counsel for 
the University, which acknowledged 
that separate schools for Negroes in 
Oklahoma are "inadequate and unfair" 
and that sending Negroes out of the 
State for education does not comply 
with the Supreme Court decision in 
the Gaines case, Judge Williams up- 
held the action of the University in 
refusing to admit Miss Sipuel. 

The action of the University officials 
in denying Miss Sipuel's admission to 
the Law School had been justified by 
Dr. Roy Gittinger, Dean of Admis- 
sions, in the following statement: 

"Title 70, Sections 452 to 464, of the 
Oklahoma Statutes, 1941, prohibits col- 
ored students from attending the 
schools for whites in Oklahoma, includ- 
ing the University of Oklahoma, and 
makes it a misdemeanor for school of- 
ficials to admit colored students to 
white schools; to instruct classes com- 
posed of mixed races; and to attend 
classes composed of mixed races. 

"The Board of Regents has specifical- 
ly instructed the President of the Uni- 
versity of Oklahoma to refuse admission 
to Negroes, giving as a basis of their 
decision, the Statutes of Oklahoma." 

Conference Of Deans Of 
Southern Graduate Schools 
On Graduate Work For Negroes 

During the summer of 1945, the Con- 
ference of Deans of Southern Graduate 
Schools, financed by the General Edu- 
cation Board and attended by both 
white and Negro educators, held a 
series of five meetings to study the 
problems of graduate work for Ne- 
groes. An important feature of these 
meetings was the drawing up of state- 
ments by the Negro educators them- 
selves regarding the whole problem of 
Negro education in the South. While 
willing to discuss temporary expedien- 



cies, these educators insisted that such 
expediences should be recognized as 
definitely temporary. The following 
are some of the facts, summarized by 
Dean W. D. Funkhouser of the Uni- 
versity of Kentucky, brought out in 
the conferences: 

1. "It developed for example that there 

is not a single Negro institution in 
the United States in which a stu- 
dent can secure a doctor's degree. 

2. "That very few Negro institutions in 

the South can offer even the mas- 
ter's degree except in a very lim- 
ited number of fields. 

3. "The monies allotted to Negro in- 

stitutions in most of the Southern 
states are far below any propor- 
tionate figure based on relative 
Negro and white populations. 

4. "A prominent Negro librarian at one 

of the meetings made the statement 
that no college could be expected 
to do creditable undergraduate 
work, much less graduate work, 
unless it had at least 25,000 to 30,000 
titles in the library. On the basis 
of this factor alone, and this is 
merely a quantitative and not a 
qualitative standard, there are not 
more than a half dozen Negro in- 
stitutions in the South which could 
honestly be recommended for gen- 
eral graduate instruction. 

5. "In fact, it would seem that most 

Negro colleges do not have more 
than one-tenth the library facili- 
ties of the white colleges in the 
same area. 

6. "In spite of these handicaps, how- 

ever, there is no question that 
many Negro graduate schools are 
doing very creditable work." 

Negro Educators Believe States 
Will Eventually Conform To 
Gaines Decision 

Continuing, Dean Funkhouser said 
he was convinced "that practically 
all Negro educators . . . base their hopes 
and expectations (concerning higher 
education for Negroes) directly and 
confidently on the Gaines decision. 
They point out that the Supreme 
Court ruling leaves only two choices 
either to admit Negroes to State 
institutions or to set up for Negro in- 
stitutions within the state, opportuni- 
ties equal in all respects to those pro- 
vided for white students, and they 
argue that this dual system of edu- 
cation would entail a financial burden 
which most Southern States could not 
bear." 

Position of Negro Educators 
Relative to Temporary Expedients 

The position taken by the Negro 
educators of the Conference, relative 
to temporarily expedient measures 



100 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



was, as stated by Dean Funkhouser, as 
follows: 

1. "Out of State Aid. In general, out 

of state aid seemed to be accept- 
able as a means of providing as- 
sistance for the next few years; 
but many objections were made to 
the practice, chiefly on the grounds 
that the remuneration was not 
sufficient to meet actual expense 
or to compensate for dislocation 
and inconvenience. 

2. "Regional Institutions. There was 

almost unanimous objection to the 
suggestion (which seemed to meet 
with the entire approval of many 
white educators) that states make 
arrangements to set up first class 
graduate and professional schools 
for Negroes to serve a wide area. 
The chief protest is, of course, that 
it does not conform to the Gaines 
Supreme Court decision. Negro ed- 
ucators seemed not impressed by 
the fact that many white students 
are compelled to go to out-of-state 
institutions to secure professional 
and other training not available 
within their own state, and receive 
no state aid whatsoever. 

3. "Choice of Institutions. There was 

some disagreement on this point. 
The majority seemed to feel, how- 
ever, that Negro students would 
prefer to attend institutions with- 
in their own state if satisfactory 
facilities were offered. This was 
based on the idea that expenses 
would be less, local interests would 
be maintained, and the students 
would be encouraged to stay in 
their own communities to serve 
their own people. 

4. "Increased Support for State Negro 

Institutions. This was acceptable 
but apparently viewed with some 
suspicion as a permanent solution 
because of the general impression 
that such support will never be 
sufficient to make the Negro in- 
stitution as strong as the institu- 
tion for the white students. 

5. "Dual Facilities. While the situa- 

tion which exists, for example, at 
the North Carolina State College for 
Negroes, where members of the fac- 
ulties of Duke and the University 
of North Carolina assist in the 
teaching at the Negro institution, 
is often quoted as a great help in 
providing a high quality of instruc- 
tion and making possible more ex- 
tended curricula, nevertheless, the 
general sentiment expressed by 
most Negro educators was that 
this does not satisfy their desires. 
Most of them stated that they do 
not consider this an acceptable 
solution of the problem of graduate 
instruction even where it is pos- 
sible." 

Resolutions Adopted By 
Conference Of Deans Of 
Southern Graduate Schools 

The following resolutions adopted 
by the Conference of Deans of South- 



ern Graduate Schools, October 29, 1945, 
after the series of meetings, are sig- 
nificant: , ! j { 

1. "It is our strong conviction that 

every properly prepared graduate 
student, white or Negro, should 
have access to competent graduate 
instruction. 

2. "With the information now before 

us, we recognize that the graduate 
programs for Negroes are far from 
adequate. We are glad to note 
the considerable improvements 
made in recent years, but we wish 
to urge that better support be pro- 
vided for both public and private 
institutions, so that the facilities 
shall be substantially equal to those 
for white students. 

3. "We recommend that the compensa- 

tion for Negro instructors be the 
equivalent of that for white in- 
structors of ,equal attainments as 
measured on the basis of prepara- 
tion and actual competence. 

4. "We favor the development of 

strong regional graduate schools, 
in which fields of special interest 
may be emphasized. For the Ne- 
groes, regional centers seem to of- 
fer, from the academic standpoint, 
the most immediate and effective 
relief. 

5. "As a temporary expedient, we favor 

out-of-state aid in the form of 
scholarships. 

6. "We recognize also that the prob- 

lems are complex; that they may 
differ widely from one region to 
another and that no simple or easy 
solution may be expected. We be- 
lieve that each Southern state 
should be encouraged to work out 
its problems in whatever ways are 
best suited to the local and region- 
al needs and folkways, and at the 
same time be willing to learn from 
its neighbors. 

7. "These meetings have further 

strengthened our conviction that 
some plan of accreditation of all 
graduate work is greatly needed 
and is long overdue. 

8. "We have found that there is great 

need for more factual information. 
We recommend that studies similar 
to the one on senior colleges for 
Negroes made in Texas in 1941 be 
carried out in those states in which 
no recent surveys have been made. 

9. "We have been impressed with the 

effectiveness and integrity of the 
plans now being tried in North 
Carolina, Texas, and Alabama, and 
suggest that these plans should be 
carefully studied by the other 
southern states." 

The Southern Governors And 
Higher Education For Negroes 

The Governors of the Southern 
States, in their conferences within re- 
cent years, have given significant at- 
tention to the problem of higher edu- 
cation for Negroes in the South. In 
the following words, the report of the 



HIGHER EDUCATION FOR NEGROES 



101 



Committee on Regional Education of 
the Southern Governors' Conference 
in January, 1945, declared: 

"The Supreme Court of the United 
States has ruled unequivocally that ev- 
ery state must maintain equal educa- 
tional facilities within its borders, if 
demanded, to all citizens who are sim- 
ilarly qualified. The Negro's need and 
eligibility for higher education are 
steadily growing, and we desire and 
must meet that need and that eligibil- 
ity." 

A four-fold problem facing the 
Southern States was then discussed 
by the committee: 

"First, our states are lacking in the 
availability of higher education to their 
citizens at the public expense. 

"Second, the present disparity of 
higher education offerings to whites and 
Negroes, in face of growing demands 
by both for increased educational op- 
portunity, is common among the Con- 
ference states, all of which practice 
segregation of the races." (The Con- 
ference states are: Alabama, Arkansas, 
Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, 
North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Car- 
olina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia.) 
"Third, the states of the Conference 
have limited resources which preclude 
individual effective attack of the prob- 
lem. 

"Fourth, the demands for education 
in certain fields will always be in num- 
bers too limited for each state to pro- 
vide economically for them within its 
borders." 

What is needed, then, according to 
the Committee report, "is the estab- 
lishment and maintenance of equal 
educational facilities within state 
borders," in accord with the Supreme 
Court ruling; but the solution offered 
by the Committee is increased "utiliza- 
tion of higher educational facilities 
outside state boundaries." 

This solution was recommended by 
the Committee on the grounds that it 
is "not new," since twelve States have 
for some time been employing this ex- 
pedient. These States include those 
among which, according to the Com- 
mittee, "the present disparity of high- 
er education offerings to whites and 
Negroes ... is common. Two admin- 
istrative devices for providing higher 
education for Negroes have been em- 
ployed: First, the states have granted 
scholarships to individual students for 
education not provided within state 
borders. Second, the states have con- 
tracted with Bother state governments 
and their agencies to provide higher 
education at specific costs to certain 
numbers of students." 

In order to extend such practices as 



these in the South, in an expanded 
program of establishment and main- 
tenance of higher education "on a re- 
gional basis," the Committee stated 
that several actions must be taken 
by individual States. First, "it will 
be necessary for each state to de- 
termine its present and probable high- 
er education needs and desirabilities." 
Second, "each state must conclude if 
and when each specific need or desira- 
bility can be met at its own institu- 
tions." Third, "in planning to meet 
such of its needs and desirabilities at 
its own institutions, each state should 
consider and, insofar as practicable, 
take into account the possibility of 
providing for similar needs and de- 
sirabilities of other state governments 
within the region." Fourth, "each 
state should, at institutions of higher 
learning in other states, preferably 
within the region of the Conference, 
attempt to provide for the needs and 
desirabilities which it is unable to 
meet within its own boundaries." 
Fifth, "each state should cooperate 
with the other Conference states in 
attempting to provide somewhere 
within the region such programs as 
rjo state is able to undertake alone." 
The Committee, however, did not 
indicate how these proposals of con- 
tinued and expanded programs of out- 
of-state education will conform with 
the Supreme Court's ruling that equal 
educational facilities for all persons 
similarly qualified, must be main- 
tained within state boundaries. 

The United Negro College Fund 

The organization of the United Ne- 
gro College Fund in 1943 marked the 
beginning of a new method of fund- 
raising for Negro colleges. This was 
probably the first time in history that 
any colleges white or Negro had 
banded themselves together for such 
a purpose. Most private Negro col- 
leges were founded and, to a very 
great extent, supported by religious 
groups. In their earlier history, a 
considerable part of their support, es- 
pecially for buildings, came from 
wealthy philanthropists and special 
foundations. Also, in recent years, the 
alumni of Negro colleges have con- 
tributed small but increasing amounts. 

The United Negro College Fund 
grew out of a serious concern on the 
part of educational authorities about 



102 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



the financial condition of the private 
Negro college. In a survey of higher 
education for Negroes published by the 
United States Office of Education in 
1943, it was disclosed that the income 
of private Negro colleges had de- 
creased 16 per cent between 1930 and 
1938, and that the income from private 
gifts to these institutions had de- 
creased 50 per cent during the period. 
There were two main reasons for this. 
First, it was no longer possible to se- 
cure large gifts from philanthropic 
foundations for current support; since 
they were either concentrating on spe- 
cial projects in the field of Negro 
education or were being gradually 
liquidated. Second, there had been a 
disturbing decrease in the number and 
size of gifts from the long-time friends 
of Negro education. 

President Frederick D. Patterson of 
Tuskegee Institute in an article in the 
Pittsburgh Courier, January 30, 1943, 
called attention to the plight of the 
colleges and suggested that they should 
cooperate in an annual fund-raising 
project. He said, in part: "Private 
colleges for Negroes have carried the 
brunt of our educational effort for 
the better part of this experience. 
They still educate, to the extent of 
their means, nearly 50 per cent of 
those who receive college training. 
They have provided the bulk of the 
educational leadership administering 
to colleges both public and private. 
. . . These Negro institutions may well 
take a cue from the general program 
of organization which seems to involve 
most charitable efforts today. Various 
and sundry drives are being unified 
with a reduction in overhead for pub- 
licity and in behalf of a more pur- 
poseful and pointed approach to the 
giving public. The idea may not be 
new here but it seems most propitious 
at this time that the several institu- 
tions pool the small moneys which 
they are spending for campaign and 
publicity and that they make a united 
appeal to the national conscience." 

This article evoked widespread com- 
ment, and after a series of conferences 
of college presidents, directors of sev- 
eral foundations, and other educa- 
tional authorities, the United Negro 
College Fund was organized in Oc- 
tober, 1943, with twenty-seven mem- 
bers. The Fund was incorporated un- 
der the membership corporation laws 



of New York State in April, 1944. The 
purpose of the Fund as set forth in 
its charter is as follows: 

"To aid the cause of higher educa- 
tion for members of the Negro people 
in the United States, its territories, 
possessions and dependencies, by con- 
ducting solicitations and campaigns for 
securing donations, bequests, devices 
and gifts for the benefit and aid of 
colleges and similar institutions of 
higher education, located or operating 
within the United States, its territories, 
possessions or dependencies, the educa- 
tional facilities and services of which 
are predominantly offered to and 
availed of by members of the Negro 
people, said colleges and institutions 
being organized and operated exclu- 
sively for educational purposes or for 
educational purposes combined with re- 
ligious, charitable or scientific pur- 
poses, and not for private profit, no 
part of the net earnings of which 
colleges or institutions enures to or is 
payable to or for the benefit of any 
private shareholder or individual and 
no substantial part of the activities of 
which colleges and institutions is car- 
rying on propaganda, or otherwise at- 
tempting, to influence legislation." 

The first campaign of the United 
Negro College Fund was carried on 
in the spring of 1944. An analysis of 
the results indicate that 75 per cent 
of the money raised came from per- 
sons who had not previously made 
donations to help support the higher 
education of Negroes. It was also 
found that Negroes themselves had 
contributed somewhat more than 13 
per cent of the funds raised. Dona- 
tions came from large corporations and 
labor unions, churches of all creeds, 
fraternities, lodges, social clubs from 
Southerners as well as Northerners. 
Approximately $113,000 was contrib- 
uted by private foundations. A total 
of $901,812.18 was raised in 1944. This 
was short of the $1,500,000 which had 
been set as a goal. 

In 1945, a total of $1,069,000 was 
raised through campaigns throughout 
the nation. This was approximately 
two-thirds of the $1,550,000 set as a 
goal. Several significant facts were 
disclosed by an analysis of the second 
annual campaign: 

1. There were 25,000 more persons who 
gave in 1945 than in 1944. 

2. Approximately 90 per cent of those 
who contributed in 1944 repeated in 
1945. 

3. Foundations contributed $196,000 in 
1945 as compared with $113,000 in 
1944. 

4. Negroes increased their contributions 
50 per cent over 1944. Of the amount 



ADULT EDUCATION 



103 



contributed by Negroes, $50,000 came 
from servicemen overseas. 

5. Gifts from corporations increased 50 
per cent over 1944. 

A supplementary benefit from the 
experiment in cooperative fund-raising 
was in the form of better understand- 
ing between the white and Negro par- 
ticipants. National leaders, both Ne- 
gro and white, in all walks of life 
loaned their names and influence to 
the program. Many of these leaders 
after their experience in the first cam- 
paign volunteered their services for 
the second and the third. The national 
goal set for the 1946 campaign was 
$1,300,000; of this amount, $904,372.75 
was raised. 

How 1945 donations were used: 

Sixteen institutions painted, deco- 
rated, and repaired structures, walks 
and grounds, and improved classroom 
buildings and dormitories. These struc- 
tures had showed signs of enforced 
neglect during the war years. 

Fifteen institutions augmented their 
staffs with teachers in education, nat- 
ural and social sciences and in many 
other fields of study. Special courses 
were developed for returning veterans. 

Twelve institutions were able to add 
much needed books to their libraries 
and also to employ additional staff 
members in order to improve this 
basic service. 

Eighteen institutions gave moderate 
increases in salary to faculty and staff 
in order to retain qualified personnel 
and bring the salaries more nearly in 
line with present-day requirements. 

Thirty-two institutions were relieved 
of the heavy responsibility of search- 
ing for operating funds on a year- 
round basis. Nearly all of these in- 
stitutions were able to balance their 
budgets as a result. 

Six institutions purchased supplies 
and equipment of various kinds. Many 
had not been able to make replace- 
ments during the past several years. 

Five institutions either established 
or improved their health facilities for 
students. 

Ten institutions made additional 
funds available to deserving students. 

The United Negro College Fund, 1946 
Campaign 

The chairman of the National Ad- 
visory Committee for the 1946 cam- 
paign was: John D. Rockefeller, Jr. 
National headquarters are at 38 East 



57th Street, New York City, William J. 
Trent, Jr., Executive Director. 

The participating colleges were: At- 
lanta University, Atlanta, Georgia; At- 
lanta University School of Social Work, 
Atlanta, Georgia; Benedict College, Co- 
lumbia, South Carolina; Bennett Col- 
lege, Greensboro, North Carolina; Be- 
thune-Cookman College, Daytona Beach, 
Florida; Bishop College, Marshall, Tex- 
as; Clark College, Atlanta, Georgia; 
Dillard University, New Orleans, Louis- 
iana; Fisk University, Nashville, Ten- 
nessee; Gammon Theological Seminary, 
Atlanta, Georgia; Hampton Institute, 
Hampton, Virginia; Howard University, 
Washington, D. C.; Johnson C. Smith 
University, Charlotte, North Carolina; 
Knoxville College, Knoxville, Tennes- 
see; Lane College, Jackson, Tennessee; 
LeMoyne College, Memphis, Tennessee; 
Lincoln University, Chester County, 
Pennsylvania; Livingstone College, Sal- 
isbury, North Carolina; Morehouse Col- 
lege, Atlanta, Georgia; Morris Brown 
College, Atlanta, Georgia; Paine Col- 
lege, Augusta, Georgia; Philander Smith 
College, Little Rock, Arkansas; Sam- 
uel Houston College, Austin, Texas; 
Shaw University, Raleigh, North Caro- 
lina; Spelman College, Atlanta, Geor- 
gia; Talladega College, Talladega, Ala- 
bama; Texas College, Tyler, Texas; 
Tillotson College, Austin, Texas; Touga- 
loo College, Tougaloo, Mississippi; Tus- 
kegee Institute, Tuskegee Institute, 
Alabama; Virginia Union University, 
Richmond, Virginia; Wiley College, 
Marshall, Texas; and Xavier University, 
New Orleans, Louisiana. 

ADULT EDUCATION 
Increasing Need 
For Adult Education 

There is no field of public education 
that needs greater extension and im- 
provement than the general field of 
adult education. This is especially true 
with respect to the needs of the adult 
Negro population. Practically nowhere, 
however, do we find provisions at all 
comparable with these needs. In the 
South, the meager programs for adult 
Negro education are chiefly remedial 
aiming primarily at the problem of 
illiteracy. The general picture of the 
situation has been presented by Dr. 
Charles H. Thompson of Howard Uni- 
versity as follows: 

"The educational deficiencies of the 
nation, revealed so strikingly during 
the war through the rejection of se- 
lectees for educational reasons, have 
called attention to the lack of educa- 
tional provisions for a great part of 
our population. Upward of 2,000,000 
men have been rejected because they 
did not have an education equivalent 
to the fourth grade, and the 1940 



104 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



census has revealed that almost 3,000,- 
000 persons 25 years old and over have 
never been to school, and that some 
10,000,000 are functionally illiterate. 
These facts pose a serious problem of 
cultural development. 

"Naturally, the situation among the 
Negroes is much worse than in the 
nation as a whole. Six or seven times 
as many Negro selectees as white have 
been rejected for educational reasons. 
In fact, more Negro selectees have 
been rejected for educational reasons 
than for health causes. While only 3.7 
per cent of the total population 25 
years old and over have had no school- 
ing, there are 10 per cent of the Ne- 
groes in this age group; and while 
13.5 per cent of the population in this 
age group in general are functional 
illiterates less than five years of 
schooling some 41.3 per cent or 2,- 
780,186 Negroes in this age group are 
found in this category. Thus, if adult 
education confined itself to remedial 
instruction alone, it would have a tre- 
mendous task as far as Negroes are 
concerned. 

"But adult education is not con- 
cerned exclusively, or even primarily, 
with remedial instruction to develop 
functional literacy. It is concerned, 
primarily, with the broad cultural de- 
velopment of the people in many dif- 
ferent ways. It is concerned with the 
implementation of the principle that 



education is a continuous process 
throughout life, and assumes in gen- 
eral that formal schooling at least to 
the point of functional literacy has 
been completed. Thus in view of the 
fact that even Negroes who have had 
the benefit of considerable formal 
training have been educated for the 
most part in inferior schools, with all 
the deficiencies which such a situation 
implies, increases the complexity of 
the problems as far as they, as a group, 
are concerned. 

"What is even more important than 
lack of formal schooling on the part 
of a large part of our population, how- 
ever, is the cultural poverty of many 
sections of our country and a large 
part of our population. Many sections 
of the country are not only culturally 
backward, but do not have adequate 
resources, either material or spiritual, 
with which to attempt to remedy this 
condition. And most significant for 
the problem under consideration here, 
some 80 per cent of the Negro popula- 
tion live in these areas, and in many 
instances, either because of law or 
custom or both are denied full access 
to the meager opportunities which may 
be available. Furthermore, significant 
is the fact that in many areas where 
cultural opportunities are available, we 
find that a large group of our popula- 
tion does not take advantage of 
them." 



Table 24. 

Selective Service Registrants Rejected Because of Educational Deficiencies 
(May Through December, 1942) 



1 


2 


3 


White Rejectees 


Negro Rejectees 


Difference Between White and 
Negro Percentage 


State 


Per Cent 


State 


Per Cent 


State 


Per Cent 


Okla. 


1.3 


Va. 


0.3 


Tenn. 


-6.1 


Ala. 


1.5 


Okla. 


1.6 


Okla. 


0.3 


Miss. 


1.9 


Tenn. 


4.6 


Tex. 


1.6 


W. Va. 


2.1 


Ark. 


8.0 


Va. 


3.1 


S. C. 


2.2 


S. C. 


8.7 


Ark. 


5.1 


La. 


2.2 


W. Va. 


10.1 


S.C. 


6.5 


N. C. 


2.4 


Tex. 


10.2 


Fla. 


7.6 


Ark. 


2.9 


Fla. 


11.5 


W. Va. 


8.0 


Va. 


3.4 


La. 


11.8 


La. 


9.6 


Fla. 


3.9 


N. C. 


14.2 


N.C. 


11.8 


Ga. 


4.6 


Miss. 


15.1 


Miss. 


13.2 


Tex. 


8.6 


Ala. 


19.2 


Ala. 


17.7 


Tenn. 


10.7 


Ga. 


25.6 


Ga. 


21.1 


Median 




Median 




Median 




State 


2.4 


State 


10.2 


State 


7.6 



Source: Report of Office of Surgeon General, Vital Records Division, February, 1943. 



ADULT EDUCATION 



105 



Adult Education Programs 
In Negro Colleges 

A survey of adult education pro- 
grams carried on in Negro colleges 
during the year 1944-45 is reported by 
William M. Cooper in the Journal of 
Negro Education, Summer Number, 
1945. 

Among the best balanced programs 
reported were those at A. and T. Col- 
lege, Bethune-Cookman College, Blue- 
field State College, Florida A. and M. 
College, Fort Valley State College, 
Hampton Institute, Kentucky State 
College, Prairie View State College, 
Southern University, Tuskegee Insti- 
tute, Virginia State College and West 
Virginia State College. 

Negro Colleges Reporting Programs* 

A. & T. College 1, 2, 

Albany State College 1, 2, 

Arkansas A. & M. College . . 1, 2, 

Atlanta University 1, 4 

Bennett College 1, 2, 

Bethune-Cookman College ... 1, 2, 

Bluefleld State College 1, 2, 4 

Cheyney Teachers College 1, 2 

Clark College 1 

Coppin Teachers College 1, 2 

Dillard University 1, 2 

Dunbar Junior College 1 

Elizabeth City State Teachers 

College 1, 2 

Fisk University 1, 2, 4 

Florida A. & M. College 1, 2 

Fort Valley State College 1, 2, 3, 4 

Georgia State College 1, 2, 3 

Hampton Institute 1, 2, 3, 4 

Howard University 1 

Jackson College 1, 2 

Jarvis Christian College 2 

Johnson C. Smith University. 1, 2 

Kentucky State College 1, 2 

Knoxville College 1, 2, 4 

LeMoyne College 1 

Louisiana Normal 1, 2 

Louisville Municipal College.. 1 

Miles Memorial College 1 

Morehouse College 1 

Morris College 1, 2 

Norfolk Division, Virginia 

State College 1, 2 

North Carolina State College. 1, 2 

Okolona Industrial School 1, 2 

Paine College 1, 2 



Philander Smith College 1, 2 

Prairie View State College. ... 1, 2, 3, 4 

Shaw University 1, 2 

South Carolina State College. 2 
Southern Christian Institute.. 1, 2 

Southern University 1, 2, 4 

Storer College 1, 2 

Stowe Teachers College 1, 2 

Talladega College 1, 2 

Texas College 1, 2 

Tillotson College 2 

Tuskegee Institute 1, 2, 4 

Virginia State College 1, 2, 3 

Voorhees Junior College 1, 2 

West Virginia State College.. 1, 2, 4 

Wilberforce University 1, 2 

Xavier University 1 

*1 Classes on and off campus; 2 Con- 
ferences, Institutes, etc.; 3 Home Study 
Courses; and 4 Radio Programs. 

Adult Education Under 
Public School Auspices 

Negro participation in adult educa- 
tion programs under public school aus- 
pices in the Southern States varies 
widely from city to city. A survey by 
Dr. George N. Redd published in the 
Journal of Negro Education, Summer 
Number, 1945, shows the inadequacy 
of such programs in 38 cities of 19 
States and the District of Columbia. 
The States included in the survey have 
a total Negro population of 10,040,968. 
The total Negro population in the 
cities studied is 1,974,257. 

"Twenty cities of 60,000 or more 
population which are located in states 
maintaining by law separate schools 
for Negroes, and Washington, D. C., 
report adult education programs for 
Negroes under public school auspices. 
The Negro population in these cities 
ranges from 15,121 in Tulsa, Okla- 
homa, to 187,226 in Washington, D. C. 
In Table 25, the facts concerning 15 
of these cities are summarized. Eight 
cities not listed in the table reported 
no provision for adult education pro- 
grams for Negroes. The Department 
of Education in nine cities did not 
respond to the request for informa- 
tion." 



106 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



Table 25. 

Negro Participation in Adult Education Programs in 15 Cities 

1943-44 



City 


Total 
Population 


Negro 
Population 


Enrollment in 
Adult Programs 


Approximate 
Annual Costs 


Atlanta 


302,288 


104,533 


1,900 


$60,000 




859,100 


165,843 


1,884 


30,000 


Birmingham 


267,583 


108,938 


661 






128,163 


36,404 




1,083 




60,185 


23,347 




4 000 




173,065 


61,782 




2,200 


Knoxville 


111,580 


16,094 


221 


4,000 




319,077 


47,158 


400 


15,000 


Mo ntgomery 


78,720 


34,535 


75 


1,000 


Norfolk . 


144,332 


45,893 


618 




Oklahoma City 


204,424 


19,344 


400 


1,875 


Richmond 


193,042 


61,251 


1,031 


9,000 


St Louis 


816,048 


108,765 


950 


14,122 


Washington D C 


663,091 


187,226 


2,032 




Winston-Salem 


79,815 


36,018 


150 


2,500 












Totals 


4,400,523 


1,057,131 


10,322 


$144,780 













Source: Journal of Negro Education, Summer Number, 1945, p. 315. 



The following conclusions of the sur- 
vey indicate the general inadequacy 
of adult education programs for Ne- 
groes: 

1. "Although state education authori- 
ties in most states maintaining by 
law separate schools for Negroes and 
whites possess the legal authority to 
organize and administer adult edu- 
cation programs for both racial 
groups under public school auspices, 
there has been very little activity 
outside of the Federally-aided pro- 
grams in vocational education. 

2. "The programs for Negroes which 
are sponsored through the public 
school systems of cities are organized 
chiefly around evening school classes 
of various kinds. With the possible 
exception of these in the larger cen- 
ters of Negro population, these 
classes are inadequate and are fail- 
ing to meet the educational needs 
of Negroes in urban centers. 

3. "The prevailing tendency is to con- 
fine adult education programs for 
Negroes to the removal of illiteracy 
and the development of simple voca- 
tional skills. The broad areas of 
learning such as parent education, 
personal and community hygiene, 
creative and recreative arts, which 
are of a nature to contribute to the 
enrichment of adult life in the home 
and in the community, are generally 
lacking. 

4. "Where opportunities for adult edu- 
cation are available to Negroes, 
either through state or city pro- 
moted programs, the quantity and 
quality are not equal to those of 
whites; the only possible exception 
being Washington, D. C., which re- 
ports that 'identical courses are of- 
fered for both groups and with equal 
opportunities for advancement.' 

5. "As a whole, the quality of adult 
education programs for Negroes is 



best in the large centers of Negro 
population in the border cities. It 
lessens in quantity and quality as 
the Negro population becomes ex- 
ceedingly small or as it approaches 
numerical equality with that of the 
whites.' 

Adult Education In Public 
Libraries And Museums 

The various ways in which public 
libraries and museums are being used 
in adult education programs for Ne- 
groes have been described by Dorothy 
G'. Williams, Graduate Library School, 
University of Chicago. Her report, 
from which the following statements 
are taken, was published in the Journal 
of Negro Education, Summer Number, 
1945. 

"Unfortunately, public library facili- 
ties are most limited in the very sec- 
tions of our country where they are 
most needed. Thirty-five million peo- 
ple in the United States have no public 
library within reach; 600 of the 3,100 
counties are without a single public 
library within their boundaries. The 
South, and within it the Negro, is par- 
ticularly poorly provided with public 
library facilities. In 1944 the South had 
only 802 of the 7,100 public libraries in 
the United States; only 121 of these 
802 gave service of any kind to Negroes. 
Only 2,323,971 Southern Negroes one 
Negro in four have access to public 
library service. 

"A questionnaire survey, made in 
February, 1945, of 104 public libraries 
representative of various sizes and re- 
gions supplied the data for the study. 
In those libraries to which Negroes are 
admitted on the same basis as are 
other patrons, Negroes have the oppor- 
tunity of sharing the adult education 



ADULT EDUCATION 



107 



programs and facilities which have 
been made generally available, although 
the extent to which they have actually 
done so cannot be documented, since 
these libraries do not normally keep 
their records of use on the basis of 
racial groupings. A few Northern li- 
braries, however, have made special 
efforts to attract Negro interest. The 
Adult Education Office of the Cleveland 
Public Library employes a full-time field 
worker assigned to work with colored 
groups. 

"The Montclair Public Library in New 
Jersey has consciously attempted to 
draw Negroes into its program through 
enlisting volunteer workers to spread 
'interpretation,' making quantity pur- 
chases of material by and about the 
Negro, and accelerating its work with 
Negro groups, particularly with Negro 
churches. Apart from such overall ef- 
forts, many libraries have programs and 
exhibits on Negro themes, such as ex- 
hibits at the Main Building during Ne- 
gro History Week, as in Baltimore, St. 
Louis, and Los Angeles; discussions, 
lecture series and reading courses on 
Negro life and history and on race rela- 
tions, such as the 1944 panel discussion 
series 'One Human Race One America' 
in Detroit; and art exhibits, as that of 
'Negro American Life' prepared by the 
Council Against Intolerance in America 
and shown in the main library build- 
ings in Newark, Wilmington, Washing- 
ton and Chicago. 

"In addition to the work at the main 
library, large public libraries outside 
the South normally have branches lo- 
cated in Negro neighborhoods which 
have adult education programs of vary- 
ing quantity and quality aimed directly 
at Negroes. The content of these pro- 
grams is largely concerned with aspects 
of Negro life and history and with race 
relations and the programs are some- 
times attended by mixed audiences. 
The 135th Street Branch of the New 
York Public Library, the George Cleve- 
land Hall Branch in Chicago, the 
Schoolcraft Branch in Detroit, and the 
Vernon Branch in Los Angeles are 
among the branch libraries which have 
particularly extensive and effective 
programs. 

"In the South, the picture is generally 
dismal, with such random exceptions 
as the excellent program of the in- 
dependently organized Richard B. Har- 
rison Library in Raleigh, the work with 
the adult blind done at the Auburn 
Branch in Atlanta, and the statewide 
reference service to Negro adults in 
Louisiana provided through the Louis- 
iana Library Commission by a trained 
Negro libi-arian with offices on the 
campus of Southern University. 

"Museums follow a pattern similar to 
that of libraries in relation to adult 
education for Negroes. Institutions out- 
side the South make their facilities 
fully available and likewise do not 
keep their records of use by racial 
groups. Similarly, also, their exhibits 
and programs include Negro themes, as 
the showing at New York's Museum of 
Modern Art during 1944 of two Negro 
exhibitions, 'Young Negro Art,' the 
work of students at Hampton Institute 



and a Jacob Lawrence show. Inter- 
estingly enough, Negro artists have 
shown their work and have also won 
prizes in museums in all regions, in- 
cluding the annual Tri-County Exhibi- 
tion at the High Museum in Atlanta, 
the Biennial Exhibitions at Washing- 
ton's Corcoran Gallery of Art and the 
yearly Open Competition at the Museum 
of Fine Arts in Boston. 

"In the South, Negroes are permitted 
equal access to a few museums, such as 
the Valentine Museum in Richmond, 
Virginia and the Witte Memorial Mu- 
seum in San Antonio, Texas. Some 
Museums, such as the High Museum in 
Atlanta, make special provisions to ac- 
commodate Negroes through invitations 
to Negro groups for special Gallery 
Tours. More commonly, Negroes are 
not permitted access of any kind." 

Project For Adult 
Education Of Negroes 

In cooperation with the American 
Association on Adult Education and 
the National Conference on Adult Edu- 
cation and the Negro, the United States 
Office of Education is sponsoring a 
project on Adult Education, the gen- 
eral purpose of which is to raise the 
educational level of the large number 
of Negroes whom the Selective Service 
System and the 1940 Census described 
as functionally illiterate. The begin- 
ning of the project was financed by a 
grant of $23,910 from the Carnegie 
Corporation of New York and has as 
its Director, Dr. Ambrose Caliver, 
United States Office of Education Spe- 
cialist in the Higher Education of 
Negroes; and as Associate Director, 
William M. Cooper, Secretary-Treasur- 
er of the National Conference on Adult 
Education and the Negro. 

The first phase of the project con- 
sisted of a conference held in the 
United States Office of Education in 
June, 1946. Participating in the con- 
ference were 61 representatives of col- 
leges and universities, governmental 
agencies, city school systems, State 
departments of education, adult and 
other educational associations, the 
American Library Association, the 
Elks, the National Fraternal Council 
of Negro Churches, the Y.M.C.A. and 
Y.W.C.A. These groups and others not 
represented at the conference endorsed 
the over-all project and indicated their 
interest in further participation. 

The second phase of the project was 
an Institute on Adult Education of 
Negroes held at Hampton Institute, 
August 12 through September 14, 1946. 
The Institute was conducted on a com- 



108 



THE NEGRO AND EDUCATION 



bination institute-workshop plan, with 
lectures, discussions, demonstrations, 
field trips, group conferences, and in- 
dividual research and reports. The 
purpose of the Institute was to prepare 
personnel for the training and super- 
vision of teachers of adults in the 
fundamental processes; to demon- 
strate the effectiveness for civilian use 



of certain teaching techniques de- 
veloped by the Army; to collect and 
evaluate resource materials for the 
teaching of adults; and to formulate 
a tentative curriculum and instruc- 
tional guide on the elementary level 
for teachers of Negro adults. Plans 
were also formulated for regional in- 
stitutes in the summer and fall of 1947. 



DIVISION V 

THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 

By R. R. WRIGHT, JR. 
Bishop, the African Methodist Episcopal Church 



BACKGROUND OF "THE NEGRO 
CHURCH" 

Negroes Constitute the Earliest 
And Largest Number of Modern 
Heathen Converts 

The full story, of how the pagan 
American Negro slave forbidden to 
read and write became Christian, is 
yet to be told. Suffice it to say that 
Negroes constitute the earliest and 
perhaps the largest number of so- 
called heathen converted to Christian- 
ity in modern times and their conver- 
sion has been so thorough that very 
little is left of their original religion 
in their present conscious religious ac- 
tivities. The local church grew up 
among them as a place of assembly 
for song, prayer and preaching, and 
general social contact. 

Negro Denominations the 
Result of Need For Larger 
Church Participation 

Denominational organizations were 
started because Negroes wanted larger 
participation than the organized 
churches then allowed them. The first 
local churches were formed fn the 
latter half of the eighteenth century 
in Virginia, Pennsylvania, Georgia, 
New York and Maryland. In 1816, the 
African Methodists elected a bishop 
to preside over the denomination; and 
in 1820, the African Methodist Zion 
Church did the same. Both patterned 
their organizations after the Methodist 
Episcopal Church of which they had 
formerly been members. 

The Title, "The Negro Church" 
Only a Convenient Designation 

There is no general religious body 
or denomination designated as "The 
Negro Church." Denominations are 
called, "Baptist," "Methodist," "Afri- 
can," "Primitive," "Holiness," etc., but 
none are called "Negro." Nor is there 
any single local church, so far as is 
known, called "Negro." Local churches 
are designated as "First," "Second," 
"Third," or named after Bibical char- 
acters, such as "St. James," "St. Paul," 
"St. Thomas," "St. Peter"; after great 



Christian leaders among Negroes, as 
"Richard Allen," "Varick," "Brown," 
"Bryan," "Ward," "Turner," "Hood," 
"Holsey"; also after local characters, 
such as "Miller," "Williams," "Collins," 
and the like. A large number bear the 
names of places named in the Bible; 
namely, "Mt. Zion," "Mt. Hebron," 
"Mt. Sinai," "Mt. Olive," "Mt. Carmel," 
"Bethel," "Shiloh." There are in Amer- 
ica churches with designations "Ger- 
man," "Greek," "Syrian," "Ukranian," 
"Norwegian," "Danish," and hundreds 
of other names, but no "Negro Church." 
The term, however, is a convenient 
way to designate a segment of the 
Christian Church according to the pat- 
tern of racial segregation, emphasizing 
the racial rather than the historical 
and theological background of denomi- 
nations. Thus it tends to emphasize 
the fact that Negroes have a more 
fundamental religion than is expressed 
by the terms Catholic, Baptist, Protes- 
tant, Methodist, Episcopalian, Presby- 
terian; for these historic divisions had 
European, not African origin. Trans- 
planted from Europe, they have a his- 
tory of bitterness, born of separations, 
misunderstandings, persecutions, and 
of hair-splitting Biblical interpreta- 
tions in which Negroes took no part. 
Negroes merely inherited their denom- 
inational names. As a result, Negroes 
do not have the bitterness against 
Jews which millions of so-called Chris- 
tians have, both in Europe and Amer- 
ica. The Africa-derived Negro has no 
consciousness of Jews killing Jesus, 
or the economic battles fought in 
Europe against Jews. On the contrary, 
mutual experience of mistreatment as 
minorities here in America has brought 
Negroes and Jews into close fellow- 
ship, notwithstanding a grave theoreti- 
cal theological difference. Nor do Ne- 
gro Protestants have suspicion and 
hatred against Catholics such as is 
held by many white churchmen. There 
are no wars of the Reformation, or 
Inquisition in their racial memory. 
In fact, liberal views of Catholics to- 
ward Negroes are drawing Negroes 
daily into their fold particularly in 
the large cities. Tirades against Jews 



109 



110 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



or Catholics are not heard in Negro 
Churches. 

Theoretical Theological Differences 
No Barrier to Racial Unity 

Three main purposes for which all 
' Negro denominations work, bring Ne- 
groes together: (1) They worship God 
in their own way, a God who is the 
Father of Negroes also. (2) They en- 
courage and inspire Negroes to live the 
good life which includes improvement 
in morals, social life, education, 
health and housing, politics, business, 
recreation, as well as worship. In this 
task, the most dynamic idea of "get- 
ting to heaven," has undoubtedly been 
the greatest motivating force for bet- 
ter living on earth. (3) The Negro 
Church preaches practical Christian 
brotherhood, and strives to have the 
Negro included in that brotherhood. 
It does not matter what their theo- 
retical theological differences are, all 
Negro Churches easily unite to urge 
the rest of America to accept the Ne- 
gro as a Christian brother and to give 
him economic, political, civic and so- 
cial justice. Thus the Negro Church 
has laid the spiritual foundation for 
many fraternal, business, civic and 
political movements. 



STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES 

There are no complete statistics of 
Negro Churches, for the simple fact 
that most of them do not keep accu- 
rate records. This is common knowl- 
edge to the special agents of the United 
States Census Bureau who gather the 
facts concerning Negro religious bodies. 
The United States Census is, however, 
our best authority. Membership in 
bodies that are required to make a 
per capita financial report to a central 
authority with power to remove the 
pastor, are apt to report the minimum 
number of members, while those 
churches which have no such respon- 
sibility may report the maximum mem- 
bership. 

In 1906, 36,563 Negro churches were 
reported; in 1916, 39,592; in 1926, 42,- 
585; and in 1936, 38,303. In 1936, there 
were 256 religious bodies in the United 
States; 59 were denominations having 
Negro churches; 33 were exclusively 
Negro, that is, had no churches except 
Negro churches, and 26 had one or 
more Negro churches among so-called 
white churches. The 59 denominations 
that have Negro membership are 
shown below: 



STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES 



111 



2 

I 

tj 

.5 






fflsl 

HP! 

50 = 



en ^oo 



: 23 



12*1 
aa w " 



OO *M C OO 



irooec 



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is 



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tO CO r-T CO s"co" Ui 



1-1 ^ t- o o 



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SS8 



; ; 

:^? : 



Mill 



- 



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g 
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SJJ^jg 

^S1J5.S 



ula 



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xcl 



Source: Table 3, pp. 850-854, 
(1) Membership as denned by 
(2) Figures are to be used wit 
(3) Ratio not shown where nu 
*-Thene bodies have Negro me 



112 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 





S 

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Males per 
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CO OS CO 03 

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co ^H os os -<f ^i o i-i os exi 


ijll 

:a-^ a 




Total Number 
of Churches in 


Denominations 
Wholly or 
in Part Negro 


i 


CO OS g CO 


2 | S - 8 8- - 


S. Census of Rel 
particular denon 
ic consideration 
r of females is le 

;rs exclusively. 






DENOMINATION 


f : 
\5 

f! 

3-3 
B 

Jl 
f" 


Churches of the Living God: 
*Church of the Living God, Chris- 
tian Workers for Fellowship . . . 
*Church of the Living God, "The 
Pillar and Ground of Truth" . . 

Congregational and Christian 
Churches 
Disciples of Christ 


ll { 3 1. 1 i 

i nil 


Source: Table 3, pp. 850-854, U. 
(1) Membership as defined by the 
( 2) Figures are to be used with di 
(3) Ratio not shown where numb< 
*-These bodies have Negro memb 



STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES 



113 






Males per 
100 



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114 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 







i s 








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5 


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l.i il 


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Total Number 
of Churches in 


!J| 

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Oi t>- t> ^ ^ O rH 


2iifi 








.g ** : : : : 1 8 


^4*11 






DENOMINATION 


j s i iii i s i 

iy 

ill II it i 

ssp-^^g'i Its -2S 1 ao- 
p | :|A .2o-^ 

rtoo 02 HP 

* # 


Source: Table 3, pp. 850-854 
(1) Membership as denned by 
(2) Figures are to be used wit 
(3) Ratio not shown where nu 
*-These bodies have Negro m< 



STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES 



115 



3*3 



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116 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



In 1936, there were 256 denomina- 
tions reporting 199,302 local churches. 
Of these, there were 59 denominations 
having 128,309 local churches wnich 
had 38,303 Negro members. Approxi- 
mately 20 per cent of the total number 
of churches were Negro churches in 
these 59 denominations. There was one 
Negro church for approximately every 
320 Negroes in America, as compared 
with one church for approximately 
every 650 persons in America. The 
number of Negro churches reported by 
the United States Census decreased 
from 42,585 reported in 1926 to 38,303 
-in 1936 or 4,282, chiefly because of 
the decrease of rural churches. How- 
ever, the total number of churches in 
America in 1926 was 232,153 which 
showed a decrease of 32,852 in 1936. 

Membership 

Membership of the Negro Church 
was reported at 5,660,618, slightly over 
10.0 per cent of the total church mem- 
bership of the United States. The Ne- 
gro population in 1930 was 11,891,143 
or 9.7 per cent of the total population, 
while that for 1940 was 12,865,518, or 
8.2 per cent of the total population 
of the country. 

The Negro Church membership in- 
creased from 5,203,487 in 1926 to 5,- 
660,618 in 1936 or 457,131, an increase 
of approximately 8.8 per cent. The 
whole church membership in the 



United States increased from 54,576,- 
346 in 1926 to 55,807,366 in 1936, an in- 
crease of 1,231,020 members, or 2.4 per 
cent. The increase of the Negro church 
membership was over 37 per cent of 
the entire increase of the church mem- 
bership in America from 1926-1936. 

The Census of 1936 showed that less 
than half of the Negroes were church 
members, at least 7,000,000 not belong- 
ing to any church. 

The largest membership of the Ne- 
gro churches is found in the South. 
In the order named, they are: Georgia, 
Alabama, Texas, North Carolina, Mis- 
sissippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, 
Virginia and Arkansas. The following 
Northern and Southern States have 
over 100,000 Negro members each: 
Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Florida, New 
York, Illinois, Ohio. However, in the 
States of Georgia, Alabama, Missis- 
sippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, Ar- 
kansas, Kentucky and Tennessee the 
Negro church membership does not 
comprise 50 per cent of the Negro 
population of these States, and no 
Northern State has half of the Ne- 
groes as church members. In Ohio, 
Negro membership is about 40 per cent 
of the Negro population; in Illinois 
and New York approximately 25 per 
cent. Table 3 shows the membership 
of Negro churches ranked by States, 
1936 and 1926. 



STATISTICS ON NEGRO CHURCHES 



117 



Table 3. 
Membership of Negro Churches, Ranked By States : 1936, 1926. 



STATES 


If 


36 


1S 


26 




Number 


Rank 


Number 


Rank 


TOTAL 


5,660,618 




5,203 487 














Ueorgia . 


629,028 


1 


538 093 


2 




585 733 


2 


557 231 


1 


Texas 


464,937 
434 951 


3 
4 


351,305 
431 333 


6 
3 


Mississippi 


415,182 
330 990 


5 

g 


348,425 
248 797 


7 
g 


South Carolina 


330,479 
308 779 


7 
g 


405,614 
378 742 


4 
5 


Arkansas 
Pennsylvania 


217,123 
216 020 


9 
10 


201.240 
177 532 


10 
12 


Tennessee 


212,223 


11 


226 823 


g 


Florida 


196 394 


12 


190 893 


11 


New York 


171,118 


13 


114 543 


16 


Illinois 


170 153 


14 


137 131 


13 


Ohio 


147,327 


15 


119 529 


15 


Kentucky 


107 005 


16 


127 126 


14 


Missouri 


90,648 


17 


82 207 


18 


New Jersey 


89 646 


18 


71 221 


20 


Oklahoma 
District of Columbia 


82,861 

77 187 


19 
20 


68,379 
72 382 


21 
19 


Maryland 
Indiana 


69,312 
59 610 


21 

22 


97,025 
49 704 


17 
22 


Michigan - 


57 589 


23 


46 231 


23 


West Virginia 


38 989 


24 


32 754 


24 


California 
Kansas 


36,562 
29 081 


25 
26 


25,763 
28 292 


26 
25 


Massachusetts 


22 051 


27 


13 882 


27 


Delaware 


18 468 


28 


12 459 


28 


Connecticut 


14 275 


29 


10 593 


29 


Colorado . 


6 495 


30 


6 188 


31 


Iowa ' 
Nebraska 


6J134 
4 746 


31 
32 


8,577 
5 163 


30 
32 


Rhode Island '. . 
Wisconsin 


4^333 
3 914 


33 
34 


3,465 
3 699 


35 
34 


Minnesota 
Arizona 


3,763 
2 401 


35 
36 


3,702 
2 199 


33 

37 


Washington 


1 754 


37 


2 280 


36 


New Mexico 


1 080 


oo 


710 


39 


Oregon. . . 


754 


39 


832 


38 


Utah . .. 


485 


40 


269 


41 


Wyoming . . . 


270 


41 


398 


40 


Idaho 


221 


42 


205 


43 


Montana 


218 


43 


228 


42 


Maine. . 


206 


44 


45 


47 


Fouth Dakota. \ 


128 


45 


142 


44 


Nevada 


95 


46 


46 


46 


New Hampshire 


70 


47 


63 


45 


North Dakota . . 


10 


48 


27 


48 


Vermont 





















Source: United States Census of Religious Bodies. 1936. 



Urban and Rural Churches 

Forty-three and seven-tenths per 
cent (43.7) of the Negroes of America 
in 1930 were in the cities. The rural 
church membership constituted 64.7 
per cent or nearly two-thirds of the 
Negro church members, while 54.3 per 
cent of the Negroes live in the rural 
districts. Almost half of the Negro 
population, 48.6 per cent, lived in the 
cities in 1940, but the Church has not 
made adequate provisions to cope with 
the problems of church membership, 



although the average city church has 
219 members and is twice as large as 
the average church in the rural dis- 
tricts, which has 109 members. The 
largest proportion of non-church Ne- 
groes is in the cities. 

Much of the decrease in Negro 
church members is due to migration 
and the lack of planning on the part 
of city Negro churches to take care of 
the migrating membership. Nor has 
there been adequate planning for rural 
churches. In hundreds of communi- 
ties the churches have been aban- 



118 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



doned and sold, because the few peo- 
ple left have been unable to support 
or carry on the work of the church. 
The demand for trained preachers is 
so great and the number so few that 
the rural churches have most inade- 
quate leadership. 

Sex in Negro Church Membership 

In 1936, Negro churches reported 2,- 
013,977 male members and 3,329,044 fe- 
male members. The sex of 317,597 
members was not reported. The report 
showed that there were approximately 
60 Negro males to every 100 Negro 
females in the churches. The churches 
of the nation reported 78.5 males to 
every 100 females. In the Negro race 
as a whole in 1930 there were 97 Ne- 
gro males to every 100 Negro fe- 
males, and in 1940 the ratio was 95 
males to 100 females. No Negro de- 
nomination having 5,000 members re- 
ported having as many as 70 male 
members to 100 female members. 
There is, therefore, a decided predomi- 
nance of Negro women in the Negro 
churches. 

Value of Negro Churches 

In 1936, 34,250 Negro churches re- 
ported 34,896 edifices valued at $164,- 
531,031 or $4,804 per church. The ex- 
penditures of 37,308 churches were 
$27,802,469, averaging about $745 per 
church. A value of $119,960,281 was 
reported for 11,847 urban churches, 
while 22,403 rural churches reported 
property values of $44,571,250. There 
were 6,285 churches reporting parson- 
ages valued at $12,392,842, an average 
of $1,972 each. 

The total expense of 37,308 Negro 
Churches was $27,802,469. Pastors sal- 
aries were $11,918,216; other salaries 
$2,812,307; repairs and improvements, 
$2,570,012; paid on church debts ex- 
cluding interest, $2,840,270; other cur- 
rent expenses including interest, $3,- 
529,135; local relief and charity, $770,- 
074; home missions, $475,640; foreign 
missions, $343,972; general headquar- 
ters, $1,123,440; all other purposes, $1,- 
419,403, an average of $745 per church. 
The largest amount reported expended 
by Negro churches was $2,246,783 in 
Alabama, followed by Texas, with $2,- 
134,573. For their churches in North 
Carolina, Negroes spend $1,853,913; in 
Georgia, $1,799,426; in Mississippi, $1,- 
604,719; in Virginia, $1,454,105; in 
Pennsylvania, $1,358,964; in South 



Carolina, $1,319,691; in Louisiana, $1,- 
286,244; in New York, $1,171,181; in 
Illinois, $1,035,928; in Tennessee, $1,- 
012,501. The District of Co'umbia paid 
the largest per capita, $3,275. 

The Sunday School 

There were 2,424,800 Sunday School 
scholars and 390,454 Sunday School of- 
ficers and teachers reported in 1936 by 
35,021 Negro churches. The average 
number of scholars was 64 per church. 
In urban centers, 12,513 churches re- 
ported 172,209 officers and teachers, 
and 1,217,961 scholars, an average of 
97 scholars per church; while 22,508 
Negro rural churches reported 217,547 
officers and teachers, and 1,206,839 
scholars or an average of 54 scholars 
per rural Negro church. 

DENOMINATIONS BELONGING TO 
"THE NEGRO CHURCH" 

Information concerning the denomi- 
nations listed by the United States 
Census of 1936, as belonging to the 
"Negro Church," is taken from the 
Bureau of the Census Religious Bodies 
1936, published in 1941; the Year Book 
of American Churches for 1945 by Ben- 
son Y. Landis, Editor; and the latest 
published reports and written informa- 
tion furnished by executives of the 
respective denominations. Information 
concerning some of the denominations 
follows: 

The African Methodist 
Episcopal Church 

The African Methodist Episcopal 
Church started in Philadelphia, Pa., in 
1787. The denomination was formed in 
Philadelphia in 1816 and' extended 
throughout the North before the Civil 
War, after which it made large progress 
in the South. Since 1887, it has also 
operated in Africa. Churches, 7,265. In- 
clusive membership, 868,735 (1942). 
Membership 13 years of age and over, 
667,035. African and foreign member- 
ship, 100,000. Estimated total member- 
ship, 968,735 (1942). General Confer- 
ence, quadrennial. Officers: Chairman, 
Bishops' Council, Bishop R. C. Ransom, 
Wilberforce, Ohio. Secretary, Bishops' 
Council, Bishop Noah W. Williams, 4423 
Enright Avenue, St. Louis, Mo. Episco- 
pal Districts as follows: 

1st. District, Philadelphia, New Jer- 
sey, New York, New England, Dela- 
ware, Bermuda and maritime confer- 
ences, Bishop R. R. Wright, Jr., Wil- 
berforce, Ohio and Bishop S. L. Greene. 

2nd District, Baltimore, Virginia, 
North Carolina, Western North Caro- 
lina, Bishop G. W. Baber, Detroit, Mich., 
and Bishop J. H. Clayborn, Little 
Rock, Ark. 

3rd District, Ohio, Pittsburgh, North 



DENOMINATIONS BELONGING TO "THE NEGRO CHURCH" 119 



Ohio, West Virginia, Bishop Reverdy 

C. Ransom, Wilberforce, Ohio. 

4th District, Indiana, Chicago, Illi- 
nois, Northwestern Michigan and On- 
tario, Bishop J. A. Gregg, 1150 Wash- 
ington Blvd., Kansas City, Kans. 

5th District, Missouri, Kansas, Colo- 
rado, Nebraska, North Missouri, South- 
west Missouri, California, Southern 
California, Puget Sound, Bishop Noah 
Williams. 

6th District, Georgia, Southwest 
Georgia, Atlanta, Macon, South Geor- 
gia, Augusta and Americus, Bishop W. 
A. Fountain, 242 Boulevard, N. E., At- 
lanta, Ga. 

7th District, Palmetto, South Caro- 
lina, Columbia, Northeast South Caro- 
lina, Piedmont, and Central South Car- 
olina, Bishop F. M. Reid, Columbia, 
S. C. 

Sth District, Mississippi, Northeast 
Mississippi, East Mississippi, Central 
Mississippi, North Mississippi, North- 
west Mississippi, North Louisiana, 
Central Lousiana, Louisiana, Bishop S. 
L. Greene, 1900 Ringo St., Little Rock, 
Ark. 

9th District, Alabama, North Ala- 
bama, Central Alabama, East Alabama, 
South Alabama, West Alabama, Bishop 

D. Ward Nichols, Birmingham, Ala. 
10th District, Texas, Central Texas, 

Northeast Texas, West Texas, South- 
west Texas, North Texas, Southeast 
Texas, East Texas, Mexico, Rio Grande 
Valley, Bishop G. B. Young, Waco, 
Texas. 

llth District, Florida, East Florida, 
South Florida, Tampa, Central Florida, 
West Florida, Northeast Florida, Or- 
lando, Bishop H. Y. Tookes, Jackson- 
ville, Fla. 

12th District, Arkansas, West Arkan- 
sas, Central Arkansas, East Arkansas, 
Northeast Arkansas, Central Oklahoma, 
Northeast Oklahoma, Oklahoma, Bish- 
ops G. W. Baber and J. H. Clayborn. 

13th District, Tennessee, East Ten- 
nessee, , West Tennessee, Kentucky, 
West Kentucky, Bishop R. R. Wright, 
Jr., Wilberforce, Ohio. 

14th District, Liberia, Sierra Leone, 
Nigeria, Gold Coast, Bishop J. H. Clay- 
born, Little Rock, Ark. 

15th District, Cape Colony, Orangia, 
Natal, Swaziland and Southwest Af- 
rica, Bishop Frank M. Reid, Columbia, 
S. C. 

16th District, Cuba, Bahama, Wind- 
ward Islands, Jamaica, Guiana, Santa 
Domingo, Haiti, South America, Bishop 
J. A. Allen, Cleveland, Ohio. 

17th District, Transvaal, Zambessis, 
Central Africa, Belgian Congo, Bishop 
G. W. Baber, Detroit, Mich. 
The African Methodist 
Episcopal Zion Church 

This" church was started in New York, 
"Mother Zion Church," in 1796. The 
New York and several churches broke 
away from the Methodist Episcopal 
Church and organized in 1821, setting 
up its own first conference in Philadel- 
phia. Churches, 2,252. Inclusive mem- 
bership, 489,244 (1940). Membership 13 
years of age and over, 382,316. Exten- 
sive missionary work is done in West 
Africa. Bishops of the Church are as 
follows: 



Bishop P. A. Wallace, (retired) 1392 
Dean Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Bishop B. G. Shaw, 1210 Charles St., 
North Birmingham, Ala., Box 537; 
Western North Carolina, Blue Ridge, 
North Alabama, Georgia, South Geor- 
gia. 

Bishop W. J. Walls, 4736 So. Park- 
way, Chicago, 111.; New York, New Eng- 
land, Western New York, Indiana. 

Bishop J. W. Martin, 4550 So. Michi- 
gan Blvd., Chicago, 111.; Michigan, 
Ohio, Cape Fear. 

Bishop C. C. Alleyne, 5861 Haverford 
Avenue, Philadelphia, Pa.; Philadelphia, 
Baltimore, New Jersey, East Tennes- 
see and Virginia, Tennessee, South 
America. 

Bishop W. W. Matthews, 9 Logan Cir- 
cle, N. W., Washington, D. C.; Central 
North Carolina, Arkansas, North Ar- 
kansas. 

Bishop E. L. Madison, 2838 Centre 
Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pa.; North Caro- 
lina, Albemarle, Virginia, Allegheny 
(deceased 1946). 

Bishop W. C. Brown, 527 E. Jefferson 
Blvd., Los Angeles, Calif.; Southwest 
Rocky Mountain, Oregon, Washington, 
Missouri, Kentucky, California. 

Bishop W. W. Slade, 410 E. 1st Street, 
Charlotte, N. C.; South Carolina, Pee 
Dee, Louisiana. 

Bishop Buford F. Gordon, 527 Carmel 
Street, Charlotte, N. C.; West Alabama, 
Florida, South Florida, West Tennes- 
see, Mississippi, South Mississippi. 

Bishop F. W. Alstork, 622 Keefer 
Place, N. W., Washington, D. C.; Ala- 
bama, Central Alabama, Cahaba, South 
Alabama. 

Bishop E. B. Watson, 1624 N. E. Sth 
Street, Oklahoma City, Okla., Texas, 
Oklahoma, Liberia, West Gold Coast, 
East Gold Coast, Nigeria. 
The African Orthodox Church 

Organized in 1921 by George Alexan- 
der McGuire, a former priest in the 
Protestant Episcopal Church, with or- 
ders through Archbishop Vilatte of the 
Assyrian Jacobite Apostolic Church. 
This body is autonomous and inde- 
pendent but was associated in the be- 
ginning with the Marcus Garvey Move- 
ment. Churches, 32. Inclusive member- 
ship, 5,200 (1942). Membership 13 years 
of age and over, 3,943. Officers: 
Patriarch, Archbishop William Ernest 
Robertson (James I), 112 W. 129th 
Street, New York, N. Y. Primate West- 
ern Prov., Archbishop Edmund R. Ben- 
nett, 388 Halsey Street, Brooklyn, N. 
Y. Secretary, Rev. W. R. Miller, 496 
Putnam Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y. Treas- 
urer, Theodore Bacchus, 773 Home 
Street, New York, N. Y. 
The African Union First Colored 
Methodist Protestant Church 
U. S. A. and Canada 

A Negro body formed in 1805 out of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church. It 
became a denomination in 1813. 
Churches, 36. Inclusive membership, 2,- 
597 (1944). Membership 13 years of age 
and over, 2,454 (estimated). Confer- 
ence, annual. Headquarters, 702 Poplar 
Street, Wilmington, Del. Officers: Gen- 
eral President, Rev. J. W. Brown. Sec- 
retary Supervisor, Rev. T. E. Bolden, 
808 Tatnal Street, Wilmington, Del. 



120 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



The Apostolic Methodist Church 

Organized in 1932, with the polity 
of federated Congregationalism, and the 
Bible as the pure and complete work 
of God. Churches, 2. Inclusive mem- 
bership, 31 (1936). Membership 13 years 
of age and over, 27. Officers: Pastor 
Elder, E. H. Crowson, Loughman, Fla. 
Lay Elder, F. B. Ames, Zepher Hills, 
Fla. 

The Apostolic Overcoming 
Holy Church of God 

Organized in Alabama in 1916. Evan- 
gelistic in purpose. Churches, 200. In- 
clusive membership, 8,000 (1942). Esti- 
mated membership 13 years of age and 
over, 7,200. Officer: Bishop W. T. 
Phillips, 1070 Congress Street, Mobile, 
Ala. 
Christ Sanctified Holy Church 

Organized in 1903 at West Lake, La., 
from among members of a Negro Meth- 
odist Church. Churches, 32. Inclusive 
membership, 831 (1944). Membership 13 
years of age and over, 831. Conference 
meets annually. Headquarters, So. Cut- 
ting Avenue, East Spencer and Ren- 
shaw Streets, Jennings, La. Officers: 
Rev. Dempsey Perkins, President, 2203 
Poplar Street, Beaumont, Texas. Ex- 
ecutive Secretary, Mrs. Mary A. Paul, 
714 Orange Street, Box 555, Jennings, 
La. 

Church of Christ, Holiness, U. S. A. 

This body was organized by a colored 
Baptist preacher as a holiness group 
in 1894. Churches, 135. Inclusive mem- 
bership, 11,751 (1944). Membership 13 
years of age and over, 9,170. Officers: 
Senior Bishop, Rev. C. P. Jones, Los 
Angeles, Calif., Recording Secretary, M. 
R. Conic, 862 E. Princess Anne Road, 
Norfolk, Va. National Convention, an- 
nual. 

Church of God and Saints of Christ 

A Negro body organized in Kansas 
by William S. Crowdy, who taught that 
the Negro people are descendants of 
the ten lost tribes of Israel. His fol- 
lowers consequently observe the Old 
Testament feast day, use Hebrew names 
for the months and are sometimes 
called "Black Jews." Churches, 213. In- 
clusive membership, 37,084 (1936). Mem- 
bership 13 years of age and over, 26,711. 
Officers: Bishop H. Z. Plummer, Belle- 
ville, Va., P. O. Box 187, Portsmouth, 
Va. 

Church of God in Christ 

Organized in Arkansas in 1895, by 
C. C. Jones and C. H. Mason, who be- 
lieved there was no salvation without 
holiness. Incorporated 1897. Churches, 
2,000. Inclusive membership, 300,000 
(1944). Membership 13 years of age 
and over, 250,000. National convoca- 
tion, annual. Headquarters, 958 So. 5th 
Street, Memphis, Tenn. Officers: Senior 
Bishop C. H. Mason, 1121 Mississippi 
Avenue, Memphis, Tenn. 
Church of the Living God (Christian 
Workers For Fellowship) 

A body founded by William Christian 
at Wrightsville, Ark., in 1889. Its dis- 
tinctive characteristics are believers' 
Baptism by immersion, foot-washing and 
the use of water in the sacrament. It 
is also organized along fraternal order. 



lines. Churches, 6. Inclusive member- 
ship, 120 (1944). Membership 13 years 
of age and over, 120. Officers: Chief, 
John W. Christian, 1050 Woodlawn 
Street, Memphis, Tenn. Assistant Chief, 
Walter Christian, 1050 Woodlawn Street, 
Memphis, Tenn. General Assembly, 
quadrennial. 

Church of the Living God, Pillar 
And Ground of the Truth 

Membership in Oklahoma. Churches, 
119. Inclusive membership, 4,838 (1936). 
Membership 13 years of age and over, 
4,460. Officers: Bishop A. W. White, 
3938 Aspen Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Churches of God, Holiness 

A body organized by K. H. Burrus 
in Georgia in 1914 in the interest of 
Holiness doctrines. Churches, 35. In- 
clusive membership, 5,872 (1936). Mem- 
bership 13 years of age and over, 4,377. 
Headquarters, 170 N. W. Ashby Street, 
Atlanta, Ga. Officers: Bishop K. H. 
Burrus. Corresponding Secretary, B. M. 
Andrews. 

Colored Baptist Primitive 

This group of Negro Baptists is op- 
posed to all forms of church organiza- 
tion. It has no general organization. 
Churches, 1,009. Inclusive membership, 
43,897 (1936). Membership 13 years of 
age and over 42,135 (estimated). Sta- 
tistical officer: Rev. W. Scott, 2712 22nd 
Avenue, Tampa, Fla. 

Colored Cumberland 
Presbyterian Church 

In 1869, the Negro churches of the 
Cumberland Presbyterian Church were 
set apart by the General Assembly with 
their own ecclesiastical organization. 
Churches, 121. Inclusive membership, 
30,000 (1944). Membership 13 years of 
age and over, 20,000. Officers: Mod- 
erator, Rev. O. F. Bishop, Lewisburg, 
Tenn. Statistical Clerk, J. I. Hill, P. O. 
Box 595, Mt. Enterprise, Texas. 

The Colored Methodist 
Episcopal Church 

In 1870, the General Conference of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 
approved the request of its colored 
membership for the formation of their 
conference into a separate ecclesiasti- 
cal body. Churches, 4,400. Inclusive 
membership, 382,000 (1944). Member- 
ship 13 years of age and over, 321,000.' 
General Conference, quadrennial. Offi- 
cers: Secretary, Prof. W. A. Bell, 141^ 
Auburn Avenue, N. E., Atlanta, Ga. 
Bishops of the Church are as follows: 
Bishop C. H. Phillips (Emeritus) 10838 
Drexel Avenue, Cleveland, Ohio; Bishop 
R. A. Carter, 4408 Vincennes Avenue, 
Chicago, 111.; Bishop J. Arthur Ham- 
lett, 2112 N. Fifth Street, Kansas City, 
Kans.; Bishop H. P. Porter, 252 Mid- 
dleton Street, Jackson, Tenn.; Bishop 
J. H. Moore, 664 Vance Avenue, Mem- 
phis, Tenn.; Bishop W. Y. Bell, Holsey 
Institute, Cordele, Ga.; Bishop C. L. 
Russell, 1843 S Street, N. W. Washing- 
ton, D. C.; Bishop Luther Stewart, Box 
375 or llr Liberty Street, Hopkinsville, 
Ky.; Bishop F. L. Lewis, 108 Leroy 
Street, Shreveport, La.; Bishop R. L. 
Young. Box 1043, Meridian, Miss. 



DENOMINATIONS BELONGING TO "THE NEGRO CHURCH" 121 



The Colored Methodist 
Protestant Church 

(See African Union First Colored 
Methodist Protestant Church). 
Fire Baptist Holiness Church 

Organized, 1898 in Atlanta, Ga., as 
a Holiness Association. Membership, 
13 years of age and over 5,838 (esti- 
mated). Churches, 300. Inclusive mem- 
bership, 6,000 (1940). General Council, 
annual. Headquarters, 556 Houston 
Street, Atlanta, Ga. Officers: Bishop 
W. E. Fuller, 556 Houston Street, At- 
lanta, Ga. General Secretary, Rev. E. 
Y. Bowman, 556 Houston Street, At- 
lanta, Ga. 
Free Christian Zion 
Church of Christ 

Organized 1905, at Redemption, Ark., 
by a company of Negro ministers asso- 
ciated with various denominations, with 
polity in general accord with that of 
Methodist bodies. Churches, 37. Inclu- 
sive membership, 2,478 (1944). Member- 
ship 13 years of age and over, 2,286. 
The House of God, The Holy Church 
Of the Living God, The Pillar and 
Ground of Truth, House of 
Prayer For All People 

A group organized by R. A. R. John- 
son in 1918. Churches, 4. Inclusive 
membership, 200 (1936). Membership 13 
years of age and over, 75 (estimated). 
House of the Lord 

Organized in 1925 in Detroit, Mich., 
by W. H. Johnson. Churches, 4. In- 
clusive membership, 302 (1936). Mem- 
bership 13 years of age and over, 302 
(estimated.) 

The Independent A. M. E. 
Denomination 

Organized in Jacksonville, Fla., 1907 
by twelve elders who withdrew from 
the A. M. E. Church. Churches, 12. 
Inclusive membership, 1,000 (1940). 
Membership 13 years of age and over, 
905 (estimated). Conference, annual. 
Headquarters, Valdosta, Ga. Officers: 
Financial Secretary, Dr. J. P. Green, 
77 So. Concord Street, Charleston, S. 
C., General Missionary Secretary, Dr. 
G. W. Jones, R. F. D. 3, Box 56, Live 
Oak, Fla. 
Kodesh Church of Immanuel 

Founded in 1929 by Rev. Frank Rus- 
sell Killingsworth from among a group 
withdrawing from the African Metho- 
dist Episcopal Zion Church. Churches, 
9. Inclusive membership, 562 (1936). 
Membership 13 years of age and over, 
354. General Assembly, quadrennial; 
also, Annual Assembly. Officers: Su- 
pervising Elders, Rev. R. F. Killings- 
worth, 1509 S Street, N. W., Washing- 
ton, D. C., Rev. J. W. Harty, 24 Bluff- 
ington Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pa. 
The Latter House of the 
Lord Apostolic Faith 

Organized, 1936 in Georgia, basically 
Calvinistic. Churches, 2. Inclusive 
membership, 29 (1936). Membership 13 
years of age and over, 26. 
National Baptist Convention 
Of America 

This body of Baptists, sometimes 
called "Boyd Baptists," withdrew from 
the National Baptist Convention, U. 



S. A., under the leadership of Dr. R. F. 
Boyd of Nashville, Tennessee in 1916. 
Churches, 7,286. Inclusive membership, 
2,352,339 (1944). Membership 13 years 
of age and over, 2,117,091 (estimated). 
Officers: President, Rev. G. L>. Prince, 
2610 Avenue L, Galveston, Texas. Cor- 
responding Secretary, Rev. W. Grimble, 
2635 Second Street, Alexandria, La. 
Field Secretary, Rev. A. L. Roach, 1062 
Parkside Road, N. E., Cleveland, Ohio. 
Treasurer, Rev. A. A. Lucas, 5109 
Farmer Street, Houston, Texas. 
National Baptist Convention, 
U. S. A., Incorporated 

The National Baptist Convention was 
organized in 1880 at Montgomery, Ala. 
The Convention meets annually in Sep- 
tember. Churches, 24,460. Inclusive 
membership, 4,021,618 (1944). Member- 
ship 13 years of age and over 3,700,078. 
Officers: Dr. D. V. Jemison, President, 
1605 Lapsley Street, Selma, Ala. Dr. 
J. M. Nabrit, Secretary, 862 Lauderdale 
Street, Memphis, Tenn. Dr. Roland 
Smith, Statistician, 239 Auburn Ave- 
nue, N. E., Atlanta, Ga. State Conven- 
tions affiliated with the National Bap- 
tist Convention: 
Alabama 

National Baptist State Convention. 
President, Dr. D. V. Jemison, 1605 
Lapsley Street, Selma, Ala. Secre- 
tary, Dr. U. J. Robinson, 256 N. 
Franklin Street, Mobile, Ala. 
Arkansas 

Regular Arkansas Missionary Baptist 
Convention. President, Dr. J. R. Jam- 
ison, 214 Noil Street, Morrillton, Ark. 
Secretary, Rev. W. L. Purifoy, 106 
Cross Street, Forest City, Ark. Con- 
solidated Baptist State Convention of 
Arkansas. President, Dr. J. F. Clark, 
810 E. 17th Street, Pine Bluff, Ark. 
Secretary, Dr. N. Nicholas, 900 Capi- 
tol Avenue, Little Rock, Ark. 
California 

Western Baptist State Convention. 
President, Rev. W. P. Carter, 1907 
10th Street, Santa Monica, Calif. 
Secretary, Dr. J. W. Davis, Monrovia, 
Calif. 

Connecticut 

Connecticut Baptist Missionary Un- 
ion. President, Dr. F. W. Jacobs, 26 
Buckingham Street, Bridgeport, Conn. 
Secretary, Rev. J. B. Pharr, 142 Hen- 
ry Street, New Haven, Conn. 
District of Columbia 
The Baptist Convention of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia and Vicinity. Presi- 
dent, Dr. W. C. Bulloch, Washington, 
D. C. Secretary, Rev. W. B. Opey, 
938 Westminster Street, N. W., Wash- 
ington, D. C. 
Florida 

General Missionary State Convention 
of Florida. President, Dr. J. N. 
Stokes, 732 Marion Street, Deland, 
Fla. Secretary, Rev. R. H. Whitaker, 
383 Spruce Street, Daytona Beach, 
Fla. 
Georgia 

General Missionary Baptist Conven- 
tion of Georgia. President, Dr. L. A. 
Pinkston, 239 Herndon Bldg., Atlanta, 
Ga. Secretary, Dr. Nathan Roberts, 
520 W. Henry Street, Savannah, Ga. 



122 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



Illinois 

Baptist General State Convention of 
Illinois. President, Rev. J. I* Horace, 
729 Oakwood Blvd., Chicago, 111. Sec- 
retary, Rev. M. D. Dickson, 804 State 
Street, Peoria, 111. 

Indiana 

General Baptist State Convention of 
Indiana, Inc. President, Rev. D. G. 
Lewis, 1610 Monroe Street, Gary, Ind. 
Secretary, Dr. John A. Hall, 219 
Boulevard, N. W., Indianapolis, Ind. 

Iowa 

Iowa, South Dakota, Nebraska and 
Minnesota Association. President, 
Rev. G. W. Robinson, 1009 W. 12th 
Street, Des Moines, Iowa. Secretary, 
Rev. R. H. Reynolds, 2810 Seward 
Street, Omaha, Neb. 

Kansas 

Institutional Baptist Convention. 
President, Rev. J. W. Hayes, 805 
Mathewson Street, Wichita, Kans. 
Secretary, Rev. James Scott, 404 
Fourth Street, Osawatomie, Kans. 

Kentucky 

General Association Colored Baptists 
in Kentucky. President, Dr. A. H. 
Ballew, 2222 W. Chestnut Street, 
Louisville, Ky. Secretary, Rev. G. A. 
Hampton, 427 W. Chestnut Street, 
Louisville, Ky. 

Louisiana 

Louisiana Baptist State Convention. 
President, Dr. F. M. Boley, 431 W. 
Madison Street, New Orleans, La. 
Secretary, Rev. W. H. Buckner, Box 
254 Wilson Street, Franklin, La. 

Maryland 

United Baptist Missionary Conven- 
tion of Maryland. President, Rev. W. 
D. Yerby, 1110 Edmondson Avenue, 
Baltimore, Md. 

Michigan 

Wolverine State Baptist Convention. 
President, Rev. E. L. Todd, 4174 llth 
Street, Ecore, Mich. Secretary, Rev. 
W. R. Mathews, 515 Rosedale Street, 
Detroit, Mich. 

Mississippi 

East Mississippi State Convention. 
President, Rev. I. L. Pettus, 1903 31st 
Avenue, Meridian, Miss. Secretary, 
Rev. A. H. Hardaway, R. F. D. 1, 
Box 6, Meridian, Miss. General Mis- 
sionary Baptist Convention of Mis- 
sissippi. President, Rev. H. H. 
Humes, 1530 Alexander Street, Green- 
ville, Miss. Secretary, Rev. W. M. 
Walton, 529 Redbud Street, Green- 
ville, Miss. 

Missouri 

Missouri Baptist State Convention. 
President, Rev. R. C. Clopton, 2951 
Dayton Street, St. Louis, Mo. Secre- 
tary, Rev. C. B. Johnson, 505 Monroe 
Street, Jefferson City, Mo. 

Nebraska 

New Era Baptist State Convention. 
President, Rev. F. C. Williams, 1407 
N. 22nd Street, Omaha, Neb. 



New Jersey 

Afro-American Baptist State Conven- 
tion of New Jersey. President, Dr. 
C. L> Aiken, 137 Edgewater Avenue, 
Pleasantville, N. J. Secretary, Rev. 
Charles P. Harris, 1283 E. 2nd Street, 
Plainsfield, N. J. 

New York 

Colored Baptist Convention of the 
State of New York. President, Dr. 
G. H. Sims, 131 W. 131st Street, New 
York, N. Y. Secretary, Rev. J. O. 
Jones, 160-18 108 Avenue, Jamaica, 
N. Y. 

Ohio 

Ohio Baptist General Association. 
President, Rev. Charles H. Crable, 
2223 E. 43rd Street, Cleveland, Ohio. 
Secretary, Rev. A. W. Jackson, P. O. 
Box 62, College Hill, Ohio. Ohio Bap- 
tist State Convention. President, Rev. 
J. F. Walker, 5240 Beresford Avenue, 
Cincinnati, Ohio. Secretary, Rev. N. 
L. Shaw, 2622 E. 63rd Street, Cleve- 
land, Ohio. 

Oklahoma 

Oklahoma Missionary Baptist State 
Convention. President, Dr. E. W. 
Perry, 511 E. 3rd Street, Oklahoma 
City, Okla. Secretary, Rev. W. K. 
Jackson, P. O. Box 831, Ardmore, 
Okla. 

Pennsylvania 

Pensylvania State Convention. Presi- 
dent, Rev. L. G. Carr, 5519 W. Grand 
Avenue, Philadelphia, Pa. Secretary, 
Rev. T. R. Washington, 3837 German- 
town Avenue, Philadelphia, Pa. 

South Carolina 

Baptist Educational and Missionary 
Convention of South Carolina. Presi- 
dent, Dr. H. H. Butler, Drawer 749 
Hartsville, S. C. Secretary, Rev. L. 
C. Jenkins, 1012 Harden Street, Co- 
lumbia, S. C. 

Tennessee 

Tennessee Baptist Missionary and 
Educational Convention. President, 
Dr. S. A. Owens, 761 Walker Avenue, 
Memphis, Tenn. 

Texas 

Texas Baptist State Convention. 
President, Rev. S. T. Alexander, 2705 
Flora Street, Dallas, Texas. Secre- 
tary, Prof. W. M. Butler, Rt. 3, Box 
140, Tyler, Texas. Baptist Missionary 
and Educational Convention of Texas. 
Vice-President, Rev. T. M. Chambers, 
Sr., Box 902, Dallas, Texas. Secre- 
tary, Prof. M. E. Butler, 1401 W. 
Grand Avenue, Marshall, Texas. 

Virginia 

Goodwill Baptist State Convention of 
Virginia. President, Dr. C. C. Scott, 
1005 N. 4th Street, Richmond, Va. 
Secretary, Dr. W. L. Ransome, 1507 
Decatur Street, Richmond, Va. 

West Virginia 

West Virginia Baptist State Conven- 
tion. President, Rev. S. A. Abrams, 
E. Beckley, W. Va. Secretary, Rev. 
E. T. Browne, 215 Ellis Street, Blue- 
field, W. Va. 



DENOMINATIONS HAVING WHITE AND NEGRO MEMBERSHIP 123 



National Baptist Evangelical Life and 
Soul Saving Assembly of U. S. A. 

Organized in 1921 by A. A. Banks as 
a charitable, educational and evangeli- 
cal organization. Churches, 451. Inclu- 
sive membership, 59,742 (1944). Mem- 
bership 13 years of age and over, 48,137. 
Assembly, annual. Headquarters, 124 
Broadway, Boise, Idaho. Officers: Ex- 
ecutive Capt., Rev. A. A. Banks, Sr. f 
124 Broadway, Boise, Idaho. 

National David Spiritual Temple of 
Christ Church Union (Inc.) U. S. A. 

Founded in 1921 by the Most Rev. 
David Wm. Short, who was originally 
a Baptist minister. Proclaims the 
"orthodox Christian spiritual faith." 
Churches, 30. Inclusive membership, 
15,898 (1944). Membership 13 years of 
age and over, 15,034. Temple, annual. 
Headquarters, 1115 W. Cherry Street, 
Milwaukee, Wis. Officers: President 
and Founder, Senior Bishop David Wm. 
Short, 1115 W. Cherry Street, Milwau- 
kee, Wis. Evangelist-Sister Bertha H. 
Riley, Financial Secretary, 813 Osage 
Street, Leavenworth, Kans. 

Reformed Methodist Union 
Episcopal Church 

Organized in 1885 at Charleston, S. C. 
among persons withdrawing from the 
African Methodist Episcopal Church. 
The doctrines were generally those of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church. 
Churches, 43. Inclusive membership, 3,- 
000 (1942). Membership 13 years of 
age and over, 3,000. General Confer- 
ence, annual. Headquarters, Charles- 
ton, S. C. Officer: Bishop J. R. Priv- 
lane, 45 Kenny Street, Charleston, S. C. 

Reformed Zion Union 
Apostolic Church 

Organized in 1869 at Boydton, Va., by 
Elder James R. Howell of New York, 
a minister of the A. M. E. Zion Church 
with the doctrines of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church. Churches, 52. In- 
clusive membership, 3,000 (1943). Mem- 
bership 13 years of age and over, 2,000. 
Officers: Bishop Rt. Rev. G. W. Taylor, 
South Hill, Va. Recording Secretary, 
Professor D. T. Jones, Boydton, Va. 

Triumph the Church and Kingdom 
Of God in Christ 

Organized in 1902 in Georgia by Elder 
E. D. Smith, emphasizing sanctification 
and the second coming of Christ. 
Churches, 400 (estimated). Inclusive 
membership 30,000 (estimated), (1940). 
Membership 13 years of age and over, 
30,000 (estimated). International Re- 
ligious Congress, quadrennial. Head- 
quarters, 4212 3rd Avenue, No., Birming- 
ham, Ala. Officer: Bishop C. C. Cole- 
man, 808 Elmer Street, Biloxi, Miss. 

Union American Methodist 
Episcopal Church 

In 1813, a Union Church of Africans 
was incorpoi-ated in Delaware and made 
up of Negro members of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church of Wilmington, Del. 
In 1850, a division occurred and the 
main body changed its name in 1852 as 
above. Churches, 71. Inclusive mem- 
bership, 9,369 (1936). Membership 13 
years of age and over, 7,919 (estimated). 



United American Free 
Will Baptist Church 

A body which set up its organization 
in 1901. Though ecclesiastically dis- 
tinct, they are in close relations with 
the Free Will Baptists. Churches, 350. 
Inclusive membership, 75,000 (1944). 
Membership 13 years of age and over, 
66,000. General Conference, every 3 
years. Headquarters, 215 E. North 
Street, Kinston, N. C. Officers: Mod., 
Rev. E. M. Hill, Lagrange, N. C. Gen- 
eral Financial Secretary, Prof. H. R. 
Reeves, Ayden, N. C. 
United Holy Church of America, Inc. 

Organized in 1896 at Method, N. C. 
Ordinances of baptism by immersion 
and the Lord's Supper are observed. 
Churches, 275. Inclusive membership, 
25,000 (1944). Membership 13 years of 
age and over, 24,000, (estimated). Con- 
vocation, quadrennial. Headquarters, 
305 W. 140th Street, New York City. 

DENOMINATIONS HAVING WHITE 
AND NEGRO MEMBERSHIP 

Most denominations of Negro 
churches were the outgrowth of the 
larger denominations. Many churches 
are still a part of the mother denomi- 
nations, although the Negro member- 
ship may be served in separate local 
churches by Negro pastors. According 
to the United States Census of 1936 
there were 2G denominations, not ex- 
clusively Negro, but having Negro 
churches and Negro members. We do 
not, however, have any statistics of 
the Negroes who belong to local 
churches which have both Negro and 
whites in their membership. A few 
of these are known to be in the larger 
cities and many in rural communities 
and small towns where the Negro popu- 
lation is very small too small to form 
a special group church. Some denomi- 
nations of mixed membership follow: 

American Church Institute 
For Negroes 

This corporation was authorized in 
1906 by the Board of Missions "to pro- 
mote the cause of education of Ne- 
groes in the Southern States." It is a 
general Church institution and al- 
though it operates in the field of Do- 
mestic Missions, it is not administered 
through that department, but enjoys 
the status of "a separate body to re- 
port directly to the Presiding Bishop 
and Council." It also makes its report 
at one of the Mass meetings arranged 
by the National Council during the 
triennial sessions of General Conven- 
tion. Congregations, including mis- 
sions, 668; number of communicants, 
64,000. Headquarters, 82 Devonshire 
Street, Boston, Mass. Officers: Presid- 
ing Bishop, Treasurer and Acting Di- 
rector, Louis J. Hunter. Director, Rev. 
Cyril E. Bentley, B. D. Secretary and 
Assistant Director, M. M. Millikan. 



124 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



Congregational Christian Churches 

Made up of the Congregational 
Churches which date back to the Pil- 
grim Fathers and early settlers of New 
England and the Christian Churches, 
which united in 1931. Churches (1945) 
5,836. Members, 1,130,824. National 
Council of Congregational Churches, 
Moderator (1945), President Roland 
Bridges. Assistant Moderators, Dr. 
Charles S. Johnson, Fisk University, 
Nashville, Tenn.; Pres. R. H. Stafford, 
Rev. A. G. Walton, Chaplain E. C. 
Weed. Negro membership in colored 
churches, 232 (1945). Inclusive member- 
ship with the exception of a few con- 
gregational churches in some northern 
cities.. 21,181. 
The Evangelical United 
Brethren Church 

Headquarters, 1602 Grand Avenue, 
Dayton, Ohio. "Has no work among 
colored folk of America. No colored 
membership. We have a strong mis- 
sionary work among colored folks of 
Sierra Leone, West Africa." 
Lutheran Synodical Conference 

Headquarters, 3558 So. Jefferson Ave- 
nue, St. Louis, Mo. Rev. Karl Kurth, 
Executive Secretary. Incorporated in 
the State of Missouri. In "a few iso- 
lated cases, Negroes are members of 
the white churches. The Lutheran 
Synodical Conference of North America 
offers the following tabulation: Congre- 
gations, 83. Members, 12,070. These 
figures are confined only to four 
Lutheran synods." 
The Methodist Church 

The largest number of Negroes found 
outside of an exclusively Negro denomi- 
nation are in the Methodist Church. 
It is said that among the first Ameri- 
can converts of John Wesley were Ne- 
groes who spread the Wesleyan move- 
ment among Negroes in the West In- 
dies and on the mainland. When the 
Methodist Church was formed by the 
merger of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, the Methodist Episcopal 
Church^- South and the Methodist 
Protestant Church in Kansas City, Mo., 
in 1939, most of the churches of Ne- 
groes were put in the Central Jurisdic- 
tion and under the supervision of Ne- 
gro bishops and general officers. Some 
few isolated churches in the North, 
such as St. Mark's in New York City, 
remained in the geographical jurisdic- 
tion into which they would naturally 
fall, since they were not members of a 
colored conference. The Methodist 
Church is reported to have had 41,067 
churches in 1944; inclusive membership, 
8,046,129. Membership 13 years of age 
and over, 7,400,000 (estimated). In 1936 
there were 193,761 Negro members or 
little less than 2.5 per cent of the total 
membership. In 1944, the total Negro 
membership was 347.076 1 . In the Meth- 
odist Church there is no discrimination 
on account of race with regard to sal- 
aries of bishops, or representation in 
the General Conference. But Negroes 
hold their Jurisdictional Conference to 
elect their bishops and officers. There 

dumber reported by Dr. Edgar Love, 
Superintendent of Negro Work, Board of 
Missions and Church Extension. 



are also separate schools for Negro 
members, though Negroes are not ex- 
cluded from other Methodist schools 
and large numbers attend such insti- 
tutions as Northwestern, Drew and 
Boston Universities. Connectional Staff 
of the Central Jurisdiction are as fol- 
lows: 

Dr. Edgar A. Love, Superintendent of 
Negro Work, Board of Missions and 
Church Extension, New York, N. Y. 

Miss Vivienne Newton, Field Worker, 
Woman's Division of Christian 
Service, Board of Missions and 
Church Extension, New York, N. Y. 

Dr. M. S. Davage, Secretary for Ne- 
gro Institutions, Board of Educa- 
tion, Nashville, Tenn. 

Rev. J. A. Green, Assistant Secretary, 
Board of Education, Nashville, 
Tenn. 

Mr. J. H. Touchstone, Associate Sec- 
retary, Board of Lay Activities, 
Chicago, 111. 

Dr. J. W. Golden, Associate Secre- 
tary, Board of Evangelism, Nash- 
ville, Tenn. 

Dr. A. R. Howard, Field Worker, 
Board of Temperance, Washington, 
D. C. 

Dr. N. J. Crolley, Associate Secretary, 
Board of Pensions and Relief, Chi- 
cago, 111. 
Bishops of the Central Jurisdiction are: 

Columbus Area, Bishop Edward W. 
Kelly, Sr., 4106 Enright Avenue, St. 
Louis, Mo. 

Baltimore Area, Bishop Alexander P. 
Shaw, 1206 Etting Street, Baltimore, 
Md. 

Atlantic Coast Area, Bishop Lorenzo 
H. King, (deceased). 

New Orleans Area, Bishop R. N. 
Brooks, 631 Baronne Street, New 
Orleans, La. 

Liberia, West Africa, Bishop Willis 
J. King of Atlanta, Ga. 

Bishop Robert E. Jones (retired), 
Waveland, Miss. 

The Presbyterian Church 
In the United States 

"One of the Synods of our General 
Assembly is composed entirely of Ne- 
groes. The name of this Synod is 
Snedecor Memorial." General Assem- 
bly, annual. Officers: Moderator, Dr. 
Thomas K. Young, 587 S. Belvedere St., 
Memphis 4, Tenn. Statistical Clerk - 
Treasurer, Rev. E. C. Scott, 1120 
Liberty Bank Bldg., Dallas 1, Texas. 
The Presbyterian Church in 
The United States of America 

In 1938 the Negro work in the Pres- 
byterian Church, U. S. A., secured its 
first Negro Secretary in the person of 
Rev. A. B. McCoy, D.D., with head- 
quarters at 201 Ashby Street, N. W., 
Atlanta, Ga. There are 548 enterprises, 
including 342 churches and preaching 
stations; 17 parishes and community 
centers; 3 day schools; 20 summer con- 
ferences; 150 community Sunday 
Schools; 14 Presbyterial Leagues; 1 an- 
nual workers' conference; and 1 publi- 
cation. The staff of 153 includes 113 
pastors receiving mission aid; 8 staff 
members; 20 lay workers; 12 teachers. 
The average congregational member- 



DENOMINATIONS HAVING WHITE AND NEGRO MEMBERSHIP 125 



ship is 69, the largest is TOO 2 . Negro 
members of National Board of Missions: 
Rev. Jesse B. Barber, Lincoln Univer- 
sity, Chester, Pa.; Rev. Hapley B. Tay- 
lor, 1715 1st Street, N. W., Washington, 
D. C.; Member of headquarters staff: 
Rev. A. B. McCoy, Secretary, Depart- 
ment of Missionary Operation, 201 Ash- 
by Street, N. W., Atlanta, Ga. Negro 
members of field staff: Rev. Frank C. 
Shirley, 522 Beatty Ford Road, Char- 
lotte, N. C.; Rev. G. Lake Imes, 1940 
Druid Hill Avenue, Baltimore, Md.; 
Rev. C. W. Talley, 1213 Market Street, 
Cheraw, S. C.; Rev. H. R. Pinkney, 595 
Dudley Street, Memphis, Tenn. There 
are approximately 300 Negro mission- 
aries. 
The Protestant Episcopal Church 

Originally the Church of England 
which was transplanted to America by 
the English colonists. The American 
churches withdrew from the English 
church during the Revolutionary War 
and became the Protestant Episcopal 
Church, in 1789. Churches, 7,894. In- 
clusive membership, 2,227,524. Member- 
ship 13 years of age and over 1,501,777. 
Negro churches, 708. (This number in- 
cludes rural and urban congregations, 
independent parishes and missions.) 
Negro members (1945), 64,000. The work 
of the Church among Negroes in the 
United States is different in the North 
from that in the South, with regard 
to the ratio of Negroes touched. Some 
parishes in the northern cities have 
more Negroes in them than all the Ne- 
gro Episcopal churches in four or five 
of the southern dioceses put together. 
In St. Philip's Church, New York City, 
for instance, there are 3,194 communi- 
cants, while in the dioceses of Alabama, 
Florida, Mississippi, South Carolina 
and Western North Carolina combined, 
there are 2^07 Negro communicants. 
The growth and development of wOrk 
in the Episcopal Church among Negroes 
has been largely in northern cities with 
the exception of the diocese of South 
Florida, which has 3,529 communicants. 
In October, 1942, the National Council 
instituted a new approach to the pro- 
motion of Negro work by the appoint- 
ment of a Bi-racial Sub-committee on 
Negro Work to function as a board of 
strategy to be set up in the Division 
of Domestic Missions. The Rev. Bravid 
W. Harris, then Archdeacon in the 
diocese of Southern Virginia, was ap- 
pointed as the first Secretary for Negro 
Work on July 1, 1943. On June 1, 1945 
the Rev. Tollie L. Caution succeeded 
to the position when Rev. Harris was 
elevated to the bishopric. The first 
job of the Secretary for Negro Work 
was to survey the present work and 
study the needs, encouraging a sound 
financial program through budget and 
"Every Member Canvass method," and 
to assist churches in securing more 
adequate facilities to do an effective 
job. Recruiting young people for the 
work of the Church is done through 
the Life and Work Conference, held 
each spring at Fort Valley College Cen- 
ter, Fort Valley, Georgia. The Na- 
tional Council in 1943 adopted a state - 



2 Data furnished by Rev. A. B. McCoy, 
D.D.. Secretary, Negro Work. 



ment of principles of fellowship of 
equality covering all their work with 
Negroes 3 . 

Roman Catholic Missions Among the 
Colored People and the Indians 

The need of an organized national 
effort to preserve the Faith among the 
Catholic Negroes and Indians was 
voiced by the American Bishops at the 
Second Plenary Council. It was, how- 
ever, the Third Plenary Council, in 
1884, which actually effected the con- 
stitution of a permanent Commission 
for this object. According to its plan, 
the Commission was to consist of a 
Board of Directors composed of three 
members of the Hierarchy, assisted by 
a secretary. Its funds were to be de- 
rived from an annual collection which 
the Bishops of the Council ordered to 
be taken up in every church in the 
United States on the First Sunday of 
Lent. These acts of the Council were 
formally approved by the Holy See and 
the Commission began to function im- 
mediately. 

During the sixty years of its exist- 
ence the Commission has assisted, to 
the full extent of its resources, prac- 
tically every Indian and Negro mission 
in the United States, including Alaska. 
Some have required help only in their 
infancy, while others have been de- 
pendent upon it, at least in part, during 
this entire period. The Commission has 
supported the Bureau of Catholic In- 
dian Missions in Washington, which in 
turn has rendered invaluable services 
to the Catholic Indian schools. Before 
the creation of other agencies for the 
home missions, the Commission assisted 
missionary work among the Mexicans of 
the Southwest. Its scope is, however, 
the maintenance and development of 
religious work among the Negroes and 
Indians of the United States. 

"According to the figures compiled by 
the Commission for Catholic Missions 
among the Colored People and the In- 
dians, dated January, 1946, there were 
313,877 Catholic Negroes, representing 
a gain of 16,789 over the 1940 total of 
296,998, but these figures admittedly do 
not indicate the whole gain, since the 
report was based only on statistics sup- 
plied by those dioceses which receive 
financial assistance from the Commis- 
sion. 

"In 1928, there were 175 missions for 
Negroes in the United States. (The 
term mission refers to both "resident" 
and "out" mission, so long as a church 
is established there.) By 1941, this 
number had grown to 332, or a gain of 
157, as reported by Dr. Gillard in 'Col- 
ored Catholics in the United States.' 
p. 131." In 1946, reports give 387 mis- 
sions. "This is a gain of 55 since 1941, 
and a grand total gain of 212 since 
1928." 

"These missions are located in nine 
different areas comprising the whole 
country. The West, South Central, 
South Atlantic, and East South Central 
sections have by far the greater num- 
ber of churches for Negroes, these three 

3 Data furnished by Rev. Tollie L. Caution, 
Secretary for Negro Work. 



126 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



sections alone having 289 or the total 

of 387 missions." 

The Board of Directors are: 

His Eminence, Dennis Cardinal 
Dougherty, Chairman, Archbishop 
of Philadelphia, Pa. 
His Eminence, Francis Cardinal Spell- 
man, Archbishop, New York, N. Y. 
His Excellency, Most Reverend Mich- 
ael J. Curley, D.D., Archbishop of 
Baltimore and Washington. 
Secretary, Rev. J. B. Tennelly, S.S., 
D.D., 2021 H Street, N. W., Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

The Salvation Army 

This is a religious body operating in 
98 territories of the world, preaching 
the gospel of Christ in 102 languages 
and ministering in practical ways to 
emergency needs of humans, regardless 
of race or creed. Since the basic Chris- 
tian beliefs of the organization pre- 
clude any discrimination against man- 
kind, the Army's global network of re- 
habilitation services seeks to help all 
men and women help themselves. These 
services include industrial homes where 
men can rebuild their characters, hos- 
pitals for unmarried mothers, free or 
low cost lodging houses, nurseries for 
working mothers, fresh air camps, boys 
clubs. Such services are adapted to the 
general mores of an area. Negro Sal- 
vationists have their own local groups 
directed by Negro Salvation Army of- 
ficers through which they promote the 
on-going activities of The Salvation 
Army. 

During World War II ... at least 
20 Salvation Army operated USO clubs 
were established at Negro military 
posts. The Red Shield Club Hotel in 
Harlem, the world's largest Negro com- 
munity in the heart of New York City, 
is an outstanding operation. ,Here six 
floors of recreational facilities have 
served 631,691 Negro servicemen and 
women since its opening December 18, 
1944. Headquarters, 120-130 W. 14th 
Street, New York City 4 . 

The Seventh-day Adventists 

This denomination operates in 413 
countries of the world. The present 
membership is some 600,000 communi- 
cants. Of this number, 207,000 are lo- 
cated in North America. The colored 
membership in North America is 19,018. 
The colored membership in Africa and 
the West Indies is 90,000. In the year 
1944, colored conferences were organized 
and staffed by all colored officers. These 
conferences affiliate with the parent or- 
ganization (white) in union confer- 
ences and in the General Conference. 
The executive officers of these confer- 
ences are known as Presidents. There 
are 234 colored churches scattered in 
forty-two States. Headquarters: Ta- 
koma Park, Washington 12, D. C. Offi- 
cers: Rev. G. E. Peters, Secretary, 
North American Colored Department 5 . 

4 Data furnished by Commissioner Donald 
McMillan, National Secretary, U. S. A. 
5 Data furnished by Rev. G. E. Peters, 
Secretary, North American Colored De- 
partment. 



The United Presbyterian Church 

Headquarters, Pittsburgh, Pa. Negro 
church officials (denominational), none. 
Ministers, 13; Elders, 94; Congrega- 
tions, 14; communicants, 1,200. Foreign 
missionaries are being sought for the 
Sudan. Rev. Suder Q. Mitchell of Phil- 
adelphia is a member of the Board 
elected by the General Assembly. Board 
of Christian Education, Member of 
Board, Dr. Frank T. Wilson, Lincoln 
University, Chester, Pa. Field Direc- 
tors, Rev. Shirley, Rev. Imes, Rev. 
Talley and Rev. Pinkney, who also 
serve on the Board of Christian Edu- 
cation. They have a joint responsibility 
to the two Boards. 

NEGROES CONNECTED WITH 

AUXILIARY CHURCH 

ORGANIZATIONS 

The American Bible Society 

Organized in 1816. Headquarters, 
Bible House, 57th Street and Park Ave- 
nue, New York, N. Y. Daniel Burke, 
LXi.D., President. General Secretaries: 
Rev. Eric M. North; Rev. Frederick W. 
Cropp; Frank H. Mann; Rome A. Betts; 
Rev. Robert T. Taylor. The purpose 
of this organization is the distribution 
of the Bible in the Americas. Millions 
of Bibles have been distributed. Work 
began among colored people in 1860. 
Special agency among colored people of 
the South was started in 1901 with 
Rev. John P. Wragg of Atlanta, Ga., as 
Agency Secretary. In 1920, the work of 
this agency was broadened to include 
all Negroes in the United States. Sub- 
agencies were established at Atlanta, 
Ga., Charlotte, N. C., Cleveland, Ohio, 
Memphis, Tenn. and Houston, Texas. 
The sub-agencies were designated "di- 
visions" in 1929. In 1945, the office of 
the Charlotte Division was moved to 
Richmond and this Division is now 
known as the Richmond Division. In 
1929, by request of Dr. Wragg, in con- 
nection with an annuity endowment 
gift, the agency was named the William 
Ingraham Haven Memorial Agency 
Among the Colored People of the 
United States. The Negro Secretaries 
are: Atlanta Division, Rev. D. H. Stan- 
ton, 56 Gammon Avenue, S. E., Atlanta, 
Ga. ; Richmond Division, Rev. Oscar D. 
Carson, St. Luke Bldg., 902 St. James 
Street, Richmond, Va.; Cleveland Divi- 
sion, Rev. V. C. Hodges, 5424 Woodland 
Avenue, Cleveland, Ohio; Dallas Divi- 
sion, Rev. H. L. Thomason, 1914 Main 
Street, Dallas, Texas. Field workers: 
Rev. Ralph E. Austin, 1211 Kearney 
Street, N. W., Washington, D. C. ; Rev. 
E. A. Mays, 35 E. Wacker Drive, Chi- 
cago, 111. Member of Board of Man- 
agers: Dr. Channing H. Tobias, New 
York City. Advisory Board: Bishop C. 
C. Alleyne, Rev. O. Clay Maxwell, 
Bishop C. H. Phillips, Bishop R. R. 
Wright, Jr. 

The American Sunday School Union 

The field work of this society has for 
its purpose, "to establish and maintain 
Sunday Schools." The work among 
Negroes is carried on in the South At- 



NEGROES AND AUXILIARY CHURCH ORGANIZATIONS 



127 



lantic District, comprising the States of 
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mis- 
sissippi and Florida. There is one mis- 
sionary each in Alabama, Georgia and 
Mississippi, as follows: T. W. Patter- 
son, Mississippi; W. P. Jackson, Ala- 
bama; T. J. Crawford, Georgia. Their 
reports for 1945 include 2 schools or- 
ganized, having 6 teachers and 62 
scholars; 5 schools reorganized, having 
10 teachers and 130 scholars. Schools 
visited or aided numbered 211, having 
485 teachers and 7,085 scholars. The 
total number of schools active part or 
all of the year, 142; new members 
added 177; Home Department members 
secured, 17; number of professed con- 
versions, 87; group-gatherings, 25; num- 
ber Daily Vacation Bible Schools, 8; 
number field visits, 6,312; miles trav- 
eled, 20,082; sermons and addresses de- 
livered, 441; prayer meetings estab- 
lished, 20; young people's societies 
formed, 5. Officers: Belding B. Slifer, 
President; John H. Talley, Recording 
Secretary and Treasurer; Elliott D. 
Parkhill, D.D., Secretary of Missions, 
1816 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia 3, 
Pa. 
Baptist World Alliance 

The two Negro conventions are mem- 
bers of the Baptist World Alliance; 
namely, The National Baptist Conven- 
tion, U. S. A., Incorporated and the 
National Baptist Convention of Amer- 
ica. Members of the Executive Com- 
mittee are: Dr. J. M. Nabrit, 682 S. 
Lauderdale Street, Memphis, Tenn.; 
Dr. D. V. Jemison, 1695 Lapsley Street, 
Selma, Ala.; Mrs. S. W. Layten, 764 S. 
23rd Street, Philadelphia, Pa.; Dr. G. L. 
Prince, Mary Allen College, Crockett, 
Texas. 

Board of National Missions 
Evangelical and Reformed Church 

This Board supports a number of 
inter-racial projects. The Rev. John R. 
Harris performs full-time inter-racial 
work under the auspices of the Seat- 
tle, Washington, Council of Churches. 
Mr. Stanley A. Whittaker works under 
the Oakland, California Council of 
Churches. Other inter-racial work done 
is at Evansville, Ind., Louisville, Ky., 
Chicago, 111,, Trenton, N. J., in Michi- 
gan under the Michigan Council of 
Churches and at Caroline Mission and 
Fellowship Center, St. Louis, Mo. Head- 
quarters: 1720 Chouteau Avenue, St. 
Louis, Mo. 

The General Commission On 
Army and Navy Chaplains 

The appointment of Protestant Chap- 
lains in World War II was only on the 
recommendation of the General Com- 
mission of Army and Navy Chaplains. 
This commission was composed of rep- 
resentatives of nearly every denomina- 
tion. Negro membership was as fol- 
lows: National Baptist U. S. A., Dr. 
W. H. Jernagin, 1341 Third Street, 
Washington, D. C., Chairman. Na- 
tional Baptists of America, Dr. E. W. 
White, 848 Edmondson Avenue, Balti- 
more, Md., Chairman. African Metho- 
dist Episcopal Church, Bishop R. R. 
Wright, Jr., Box 8, Wilberforce, Ohio, 
Chairman. African Methodist Episco- 
pal Zion Church, Bishop C. C. Alleyne, 



1715 W. Montgomery Avenue, Philadel- 
phia, Pa., Chairman. Colored Methodist 
Episcopal Church, Bishop C. L. Russell, 
1843 S Street, Washington, D. C., Chair- 
man. 

The Federal Council of Churches 
Of Christ in America 

Negro denominations affiliated with 
the Federal Council of Churches of 
Christ in America are: National Bap- 
tist Convention, Inc.; African Metho- 
dist Episcopal Church; African Meth- 
odist Episcopal Zion Church; Colored 
Methodist Episcopal Church. Officers: 
President, Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam; 
Vice-President, Dr. Benjamin E. Mays; 
General Secretary, Samuel McCrea 
Cavert. Headquarters, 297 4th Avenue, 
New York 10, N. Y. 

The International Council of 
Religious Education 

Negro denominations affiliated with 
the International Council of Religious 
Education are: African Methodist 
Episcopal Church; African Methodist 
Episcopal Zion Church; Church of 
Christ (Holiness), United States of 
America; Colored Methodist Episcopal 
Church; National Baptist Convention 
of America; National Baptist Conven- 
tion United States of America (In- 
corporated). Headquarters, 203 N. Wa- 
bash Avenue, Chicago 1, 111. 

Missionary Education Movement of 
The United States and Canada 

Negro members of the Board of Man- 
agers: Mrs. Beulah A. Berry, Home 
and Foreign Missionary Department, 
A. M. E. Church; Mrs. David H. Sims, 
Woman's Missionary Society of the A. 
M. E. Church; Mrs. Abbie C. Jackson, 
Woman's Home and Foreign Missionary 
Society, A. M. E. Z. Church; Mrs. 
Creola B. Cowan of the Christian Edu- 
cation Department, A. M. E. Church; 
Mrs. Edna B. Bronson, Sunday School 
Publishing Board, National Baptist 
Convention, U. S. A., Inc.; Mrs. Louis 
Jefferson, Staff artist. Headquarters, 
156 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 

National Fraternal Council 
Of Negro Churches 

This organization was founded in 
1934 as a clearing house for the ac- 
tivities of the Negro churches for the 
improvement of civil, economic, indus- 
trial and general social conditions in 
America, particularly as they affect the 
Negroes and for the promotion of world- 
wide Christian Brotherhood. It is in- 
terdenominational and non-partisan. 
The organization operates through the 
Washington Bureau and six commit- 
tees. The Washington Bureau, 1934 
llth Street, N. W., Washington, D. C., 
Rev. W. H. Jernagin, Director, is the 
churches' "watchdog" on national legis- 
lation which affects Negroes in par- 
ticular. Committees are as follows: 
Evangelism and Worship; Education; 
Health and Housing; Race Relations; 
Industrial and Economic Relations; Ag- 
ricultural and Rural Life; Urban Life; 
Family Life; Recreation and Amuse- 
ments; Publication and Publicity; Pro- 
gram; Africa and Peace; Labor; Busi- 
ness. Officers: Bishop J. H. Clayborn, 



128 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



President, 1800 Marshall Street, Little 
Rock, Ark.; Bishop R. R. Wright, Jr., 
Executive Secretary, Box 8, Wilber- 
force, Ohio. 

National Religion and 
Labor Foundation 

Headquarters, 106 Carmel Street, 
New Haven, Conn. Officers: Francis J. 
McConnell, Honorary President; Thorn- 
ton W. Merriam, Kermit Eby, Chair- 
men. Negro members: William S. Nel- 
son; A. Phillip Randolph, Bishop R. R. 
Wright, Jr. 

A Program For the Training of 
The Negro Rural Ministry 

On November 27, 1944 at the invita- 
tion of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, a pre- 
liminary conference of rural leaders 
was held in New York City to consider 
the question of better training for the 
Negro rural ministry. Attention was 
called to the extensive program of rural 
religious work which the Home Mis- 
sions Council of North America was 
already conducting for the improve- 
ment of in-service rural ministers. In 
the course of its deliberations, the fol- 
lowing statement was unanimously 
adopted by the Conference: 

1. "That the Conference has approved 
in principle, and with enthusiasm, 
the project for developing a well co- 
ordinated movement for better train- 
ing of Negro rural ministers and for 
the development of the Negro rural 
church as a more constructive com- 
munity force. 

2. "That the Conference has requested 
the Phelps-Stokes Fund to act as 
sponsor of the project. 

3. "That the Conference has appointed 
a Committee, with power to add to 
its number, to advise with the 
Phelps-Stokes Fund as to develop- 
ment of the plan, including such 
matters as decisions regarding a field 
center, staff, budget, program of 
work, raising of funds, etc. The Com- 
mittee consists of Messrs. Jones, 
Reisner, Ellison, Dawber. 

4. "That the Conference has empha- 
sized the importance of preventing 
duplication of effort by cooperating 
with existing agencies and institu- 
tions interested in the improvement 
of the status of Negro rural min- 
isters." 

In subsequent meetings of the Ad- 
visory Committee, it was agreed that 
the Home Missions Council and the 
Phelps-Stokes Fund would co-ordinate 
their activities. The Phelps-Stokes 
Fund would devote itself primarily to 
the establishment of a rural church 
department in selected schools for the 
training of new rural pastors, and the 
Home Missions Council would continue 
and extend its in-service training pro- 
gram. The two efforts were to be com- 
bined in a joint program to be known 
as "A Program for the Training of 
the Negro Rural Ministry." 

The joint program was initiated on 
June 1, 1945. In the Advisory Com- 
mittee meeting of September 15, 1945, 
Prof. Ralph A. Felton, head of the 
Rural Church Department of Drew 
University, who was largely responsi- 
ble for setting up the Home Missions 



Council's religious extension program 
and for training workers for both 
phases of the program, was engaged 
to serve as Educational Director and 
Consultant for the program. The pres- 
ent organization of the program is as 
follows: An Advisory Committee, com- 
posed of representatives of the Phelps- 
Stokes Fund and the Home Missions 
Council of North America; An Execu- 
tive Committee, which carries out the 
actions of the Advisory Committee and 
supervises and directs the field pro- 
gram; the Field Office at Tuskegee In- 
stitute, Alabama, under Dr. Harry V. 
Richardson, which directs the workers 
in the joint program; the Chairman 
and Consultant, President J. A. Ellison, 
Virginia Union University, Richmond, 
Va., and the Educational Director and 
Consultant, Professor R. A. Felton, 
Madison, N. J. 

As of May 31, 1946 Rural Church De- 
partments have been set up as follows: 
Shaw University, School of Religion, 
Raleigh, N. C. ; Morris Brown College, 
Turner Seminary, Atlanta, Ga. ; Lane 
College, Phillips Seminary, Jackson, 
Tenn. ; Fisk University, Department of 
Religion and Philosophy, Nashville, 
Tenn.; Wilberforce University, Payne 
Seminary, Wilberforce, Ohio; Florida 
Normal College, School of Religion, St. 
Augustine, Fla. ; Bishop College, De- 
partment of Religion, Marshall, Texas; 
Lincoln University Seminary, Lincoln 
University, Pa.; Virginia Union Uni- 
versity, School of Religion, Richmond, 
Va.; Gammon Theological Seminary, 
Atlanta, Ga. (Expected to begin Sep- 
tember 1, 1946.) 

In 1945, thirty-three institutes were 
held for pastors and fifteen for rural 
church women. The total attendance at 
the 1945 institutes numbered 1201 pas- 
tors and 1208 women. 6 
Student Volunteer Movement 
For Christian Missions 

Headquarters: 156 Fifth Avenue, New 
York, N. Y. Miss Agnes Carter Epps, 
Secretary. 

United Stewardship Council of the 
Churches of Christ of the United 
States and Canada 

Representatives of Negpoes on this 
Council are as follows: Rev. D. V. 
Jemison, 1605 Lapsley Street, Selma, 
Ala.; Rev. W. H. Jernagin, 1341 3rd 
Street, N. W., Washington, D. C., both 
representatives of the National Baptist 
Convention and Mr. J. H. Touchstone, 
239 Auburn Avenue, N. E., Atlanta, Ga., 
a representative of the Methodist 
Church. 

World Conference on Faith and Order 

Bishop S. L. Greene is a member of 
the Faith and Order Continuation Com- 
mittee. Bishop James A. Hamlett of 
the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church 
and Bishop S. L. Greene were official 
delegates to the World Conference on 
Faith and Order at Edinburgh in 1937. 
Representatives: Bishop S. L. Greene, 
D. W. Nichols and A. J. Allen. 

"Source: Annual Report for year ending 
May 31, 1946 by Dr. Harry V. Richardson, 
Executive Secretary. 



NEGROES AND AUXILIARY CHURCH ORGANIZATIONS 



129 



World Council of Churches 
(The American Committee) 

Headquarters, 297 4th Avenue, New 
York, N. Y., Henry Smith Leiper, Ex- 
ecutive Secretary. The Negro members 
of the American Committee are as fol- 
lows: Principal, Bishop S. L. Greene, 
3612 Calhoun Street, New Orleans, La. 
Alternates, Bishop A. J. Allen, 2195 E. 
89th Street, Cleveland, Ohio; Bishop D. 
Ward Nichols, 209 Edgecombe Avenue, 
New York, N. Y. 
World's Sunday School Association 

Headquarters, 156 Fifth Avenue, New 
York, N. Y. Negro members, Rev. 
J. W. Eichelberger, Jr.; Rev. Julian 
Smith and Dr. A. M. Townsend. 

World's Young Women's 
Christian Association 

Headquarters, 17th and K. Streets, 
Washington, D. C. Mrs. Robert W. 
Claytor of Grand Rapids, Michigan, a 
Negro, is one of the United States 
World's Y. W. C. A. Council Members, 
of whom there are twelve for the 
United States. 

The Young Men's Christian Associations 
Of the United States of America 
(The National Council of) 

Headquarters: 347 Madison Avenue, 
New York, N. Y. In 1853, only two 
years after the founding of the first 
North American Associations in Mon- 
treal and Boston, a colored Associa- 
tion was organized in Washington, D. 
C. A second followed at Charleston, 
South Carolina in 1866, and a third in 
New York City in 1867. The first stu- 
dent Association among colored men 
appeared in 1869 at Howard University. 
The 1876 Convention at Toronto voted 
to make "a special effort during the 
coming year among the colored people 
of the South, and that the International 
Committee be instructed to send a rep- 
resentative or representatives among 
them." The Convention accepted work 
among colored young men as one of 
several projects for which $20,000 was 
sought and $11,274 pledged, during the 
meeting. The securing in 1890 of Wil- 
liam A. Hunton, for two years the first 
paid colored Y. M. C. A. executive at 
Norfolk, Virginia as the first national 
leader for the colored work, marked the 
real foundation for national organiza- 
tion and advance. The work of Hunton 
was particularly effective in the col- 
leges. In 1898, Jesse E. Moorland 
joined the International Committee staff 
to organize colored Associations in the 
cities. 

Notable gifts from certain philan- 
thropists set a new precedent and es- 
tablished a new standard. The first of 
these was George Foster Peabody 
whose provision of a building at Co- 
lumbus, Georgia, in 1907 was followed 
by the contribution of John D. Rocke- 
feller, Sr. for a similar purpose in 
Washington, D. C. Most notable of all 
was the unprecedented generosity of 
Julius Rosenwald in giving $25,000 to 
any city in the United States that 
would raise an additional $75,000 for a 
Y. M. C. A. building for colored men 
and boys. Mr. Rosenwald's offer was 



made on December 28, 1910. In all, 25 
cities availed themselves of the Rosen- 
wald beneficence, and buildings were 
dedicated between 1912 and 1933, the 
original cost of land, buildings and 
equipment aggregated $5,815,969. The 
Rosenwald benefactions amounted to 
$612,000. Local Negro populations con- 
tributed the sum of $472,558 and $4,- 
731,411 was contributed from other 
sources. 

The Inter-racial Commission, whose 
achievements played a helpful part dur- 
ing the period after the close of World 
War I in creating better understanding 
between the white and colored com- 
munities of the South was first or- 
ganized as a part of the work of the 
National War Work Council of Y. M. 
C. A.'s and financed from its funds. 

The basic policy underlying the ex- 
perience of the Young Men's Christian 
Association thus far in its service for 
Negroes has been the conviction that 
the most practicable way by which to 
advance the spirit of cooperation and 
beneficial service among those con- 
cerned lay in the direction of separate 
but equal accommodations. But at the 
Secretaries Study Institute, the Lay- 
men's Conference and the Quadrennial 
Conference of the Colored Work De- 
partment in session at Bordentown 
Manual Training School, Bordentown, 
N. J., in July 1942, the Conference rec- 
ommended and requested the National 
Board of Young Men's Christian Asso- 
ciations (1) To appoint a commission 
to devise ways and means of eliminat- 
ing the discriminatory practice among 
Negroes in the Y. M. C. A. and (2) To 
appoint a second commission to study 
and plan the present and postwar pro- 
gram of the Young Men's Christian 
Associations with colored men and boys. 
The meeting of the Y. M. C. A. Re- 
search Council held on July 7 and 8, 
1942 at Poughkeepsie, N. Y. decided to 
undertake a study of the situation. 
The results of this study are published 
in "Negro Youth in City YMCA's, A 
Study of YMCA Services Among Negro 
Youth In Urban Communities," New 
York. National Council of YMCA's. 
1944. 80 p. 

In 1942, the number of colored asso- 
ciations reporting was 63. The number 
of members reported was 59, 453. T 

The Young Women's Christian 
Associations of the United 
States of America 

Headquarters, 600 Lexington Avenue, 
New York, N. Y. Seven Negro members 
of the National Board are as follows: 
Mrs. Robert W. Claytor, Grand Rapids, 
Mich.; Mrs. A. Maurice Curtis, Patter- 
son, N. J.; Mrs. William M. Cuthbert, 
Pittsburgh, Pa.; Mrs. Nathaniel Dil- 
lard, Richmond, Va. ; Mrs. Leonora P. 
John, New York, N. Y.; Mrs. Edward 
S. Lewis, New York, N. Y.; Mrs. Rich- 
ard L. Martin, Jersey City, N. J. Eight 
members of the National Professional 
Staff are: Mrs. Louise P. Cochran, 
Miss Mamie E. Davis, Miss Irene Har- 
ris, Miss Dorothy Height, Miss Roberta 
Maupin, Mrs. Sallie Parham, Miss Es- 

r Data furnished by R. W. Bullock. 



130 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



telle Thomas, Mrs. Yolanda B. Wilker- 
son. Of five officers of the National 
Y. W. C. A. Convention, one is a Ne- 
gro, Mrs. Jesse Heslip of Toledo. There 
are 85 Negro branches of the Y. W. 
C. A.; 5 centers; 1 independent af- 
filiated association; 1 independent un- 
affiliated association and joint Y. M. 
C. A. and Y. W. C. A. 

The Young Women's Christian Asso- 
ciation adopted a thirty-five point pro- 
gram recommending the inclusion of 
colored women in the "main stream of 
association life" and calling for an end 
of racial separation in community Y. 
W. C. A.'s throughout the country at 
its seventeenth National Convention in 
Atlantic City in 1946. 

NEGRO CHAPLAINS 
Early Negro Chaplains 

Henry M. Turner (commissioned 16 
November, 1863) First Regiment In- 
fantry (U. S. Colored Troops); Wil- 
liam H. Hunter (commissioned 10 Oc- 
tober, 1863) Fourth Regiment Infan- 
try (USCT) ; James Underdue (com- 
missioned 22 June, 1864) Thirty-ninth 
Regiment Infantry (USCT); William 
Warring (no date given for commis- 
sion, resigned 20 May, 1865) One Hun- 
dred and Second Regiment Infantry 
(USCT); Samuel Hamson (commis- 
sioned 8 September, 1863, resigned 14 
March, 1864) Fifty-fourth Massachu- 
setts Regiment Infantry (colored)'; 
William Jackson (commissioned 10 
July, 1863, resigned 14 January, 1864) 
Fifty-fifth Massachusetts Regiment In- 
fantry (colored) ; John R. Bowles (no 
date for commission, resigned 12 June, 
1865) Fifty-fifth Massachusetts Regi- 
ment Infantry (colored). 8 

Another reference is to Samuel Ham- 
son of Pittsfield, Massachusetts: "He 
was refused pay as a chaplain, because 
of his color." 9 

Also found in the History of the 
Fifty-fourth Regiment by Emilio is the 
statement: "At a meeting of the offi- 
cers on the 24th October, 1864 the 
Rev. James Lynch, a colored man was 
elected chaplain of the Fifty-fourth. 
He was subsequently commissioned, 
but not mustered." 

Herbert Aptheker gives the follow- 
ing information concerning Lemuel 
Haynes: "Among those at Lexington 



"Source: A History of the Negro Troops 
in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-65 by 
George W. Williams, Harper & Bros., pp. 
143-44. 

9 Source: History of the Fifty-fourth Regi- 
ment of Massachusetts Volunteer Infan- 
try, 1863-65 by Louis F. Emilio, 2nd ed., 
Boston Book Co.. pp. 149-50. 



and Concord in April 1775, were at 
least, the following Negroes . . . 
Lemuel Haynes, native of West Hart- 
ford, Conn., and destined to be a fa- 
mous theologian and minister for white 
congregations of New England (and, 
at long last, to have his portrait dis- 
played in November, 1939, in the mu- 
seum at Bennington, Vermont) . 10 



Negro Chaplains in World War I 

Name and Denomination 

Adams, James B., Bapt. 

Amiger, William T., Bapt. 

Arnold, FranK R., M. E. 

Bell, William Y., C. M. E. 

Bowen, John W. E., Jr., M. E. 

Brice, John, Presb. United. 

Brown, Andrew D., M. E. 

Brown, Frank W., M. E. 

Brown, Julian L., Bapt. 

Carter, Louis A. (Capt.), African Bapt. 

Casper, Alfred G., A. M. E. 

Carver, Monroe S., Bapt. 

Christian, Ellis A., P. E. 

demons, John T., Cong. 

Collins, Henry M., A. M. E. 

Davis, Thomas E., A. M. E. 

Dinsmore, Elbert S. M., A. M. E. 

Greene, Richard A., A. M. E. 

Hamilton, Eugene H., Cong. 

Hatwood, A. Huntingdon, A. M. E. 

Hill, John Acton, A. M. E. 

Isom, Charles T., Bapt. 

Jefferson, Robert W., M. E. 

Jefferson, Matthew M., Bapt. N. 

Jenkins, Lincoln C., Bapt. 

Johnson, Berryman H., Bapt. 

Love, Edgar A., M. E. 

McAllister, Reuben N., Meth. N. 

McDonald, Frederick D. L., A. M. E. 

McGee, Lewis A., A. M. E. 

Means, Needham M., A. M. E. 

Miller, Clifford L., Cong. 

Morris, Robert G., M. E. 

Newman, Allen D., Bapt. 

Ovletrea, John W., A. M. E. 

Parker, George C., M. E. 

Parks, Cornelius G., A. M. E. 

Prioleau, George W. (Major), A. M. E. 

Rankin, Arthur E., Presb. 

Robeson, Benjamin C., A. M. E. Z. 

Robinson, Uriah J., Bapt. 

Rogers, Hugh A., Bapt. 

Rosedom, George A., National Bapt. 

Scott, Oscar J. W. (Capt.), A. M. E. 

Shirley, Frank C., Presb. N. 

Simpson, James T., A. M. E. 

Singleton, George A., A. M. E. 

Snowden, Isaac C., A. M. E. 

Stark, George S., Presb. N. 

Thomas, Alexander W., A. M. E. 

Thomas, George A., M. E. 

Trigg, Charles Y., M. E. 

Wallace, Thomas W., A. M. E. Z. 

Williams, Noah W., A. M. E. 

Woolfolk, Elkin O., M. E. 

Wright, Elmer M., P. E. 

Yergan, Max, Cong. 

10 Source: Essays in the History of the 
American Negro by Herbert Aptheker, 
International Publishers, New York, 1945, 
p. 102. 



NEGRO CHAPLAINS 



131 



Negro Chaplains in U. S. 
Army in World War II 

Negro Chaplains on Active Duty 

Name and Denomination 

Anderson, Richard, Presb., USA. 

Barrett, Walter D. S., A. M. E. Z. 

Beasley, Louis J., Cong. Chr. 

Blackwell, Frank A., Meth. 

Blakeley, Ulysses B., Presb., USA. 

Blakeney, Linson L., Presb., USA. 

Blue, David C., A. M. E. 

Bowser, George G., A. M. E. 

Boyd, Cauthion T., Jr., Ch. of God. 

Brewer, David L., N. Bapt., USA. 

Bright, Sylvester R., N. Bapt., USA. 

Brooks, Theodore H., N. Bapt. USA. 

Bruce, Leonard L., A. M. E. 

Bryant, Robert A., Bapt. Nat. 

Bussey, Reuben T., A. M. E. 

Carter, Julius C., A. M. E. 

Clay, William A. L., N. Bapt., USA. 

Cooper, Rufus A., A. M. E. Z. 

Crocker, William B., N. Bapt., USA. 

Daniels, Theodore R., N. Bapt., USA. 

Davis, Booker T., Presb., USA. 

De Veaux, John A., A. M. E. 

Downs, John A., A. M. E. 

Durden, Lewis M., N. Bapt., USA. 

Edden, James A., P. E. 

Ellis, Cassius M. C., Bapt., NCA. 

Ellis, Leonard A., Presb., USA. 

Faulkner, Matthew C., Disc. 

Felder, De DeLeon, A. M. E. 

Fisher, Charles, Cong. Chr. 

Ford, Drue C., N. Bapt., USA. 

Ford, Theodore P., Bapt., NCA. 

Gaithers, Chalmers F., Bapt., USA. 

Gibson, Elmer P., Meth. 

Gibson, Ford, A. M. E. 

Gibson, Mark W., Presb., USA. 

Grau, William C., Cath. 

Griffin, James C., N. Bapt., USA. 

Grimmett, Ervin E., A. M. E. Z. 

Hall, Douglass F., N. Bapt., USA. 

Hall, Junious E., Meth. 

Handy, John W., Jr., Meth. 

Hankerson, Elijah H., N. Bapt., USA. 

Harkness, Davis S., Meth. Chr. 

Harris, Ellsworth G., Meth. 

Harrison, Ernest L., Meth. 

Hayden, Gerald L., A. M. E. 

Hodge, Charles B., N. Bapt. USA. 

Hogarth, Melbrune R., P. E. 

Hopson, Brannon J., N. Bapt., USA. 

Hughes, Christopher C., A. M. E. 

Hunter, Charles S. H., Jr., A. M. E. 

Jefferson, Millard F. f Meth. Epis. Cld. 

Jenkins, Warren J., A. M. E. 

Jenkins, Pliny W., Meth. 

Johnson, Andrew L., A. M. E. 

Johnson, Simeon T., A. M. E. 

Jones, Hubert C., Meth. 

Lewis, Alexander L., Presb., USA. 

Lewis, Samuel A., Luth. Un. 

Long, Norman G., Meth. 

McWilliams, Alfred L., Meth. Epis. Cld. 

Marshburn, Furney N., N. Bapt., USA. 

Maxwell, Alphonse, Meth. 

Mayo, James A., P. E. 

McNair, Elisha B., Meth. Epis. Cld. 

Middleton, Joseph R., Meth. 

Morgan, Clifton, Ch. of God. 

Murray, James H., P. E. 

Owens, Theodore R., A. M. E. Z. 

Peak, Sanford N., N. Bapt., USA. 

Percy, John S., Bapt. S. 

Powe, Alphonse S., Presb., USA. 



Pruden, Joseph D., N. Bapt., USA. 
Richmond, Clarence H., Presb., USA. 
Robinson, Douglass, A. M. E. 
Ross, Paul G., A. M. E. 
Saunders, Robert J., Bapt., NCA. 
Scott, Osborne E., N. Bapt., USA. 
Sessions, Girard F., A. M. E. 
Sideboard, Henry Y., Meth. Epis. Cld. 
Smith, Albert L., Presb., USA. 
Smith, Theodore R., Bapt., NCA. 
Smith, Forrest M., A. M. E. 
Stokes, James E., Presb., USA. 
Stroud, Lamar A., A. M. E. 
Sutterfield, Winnett E., Bapt. S. 
Swann, Melvin C., A. M. E. 
Wactor, James W., A. M. E. Z. 
Walker, Charles C., Cong. Chr. 
Walker, James A., A. M. E. 
Warley, Exley H., A. M. E. 
White, Frank L., N. Bapt., USA. 
White, Kenneth, A. M. E. 
Whittington, Maxwell S., P. E. 
Woods, General R., A. M. E. 

Negro Chaplains Reverted to Inactive 
Status October, 1946 

Name and Denomination 

Albert, Theodore R., Meth. 

Alexander, Lloyd M., P. E. 

Alexander, Lorenzo A., N. Bapt., USA. 

Alexander, Robert H., A. M. E. 

Allen, George E., N. Bapt., USA. 

Anderson, Robert S., N. Bapt., USA. 

Armstrong, John W., A. M. E. 

Ateca, Mitchell C., N. Bapt., USA. 

Austin, F. H., N. Bapt., USA. 

Austin, Ralph E., N. Bapt., USA. 

Bain, John C., Meth. 

Baker, Roosevelt A., Bapt., NCA. 

Bakerville, Lewis A., P. E. 

Bell, William L., A. M. E. 

Bennett, Lorenzo D., A. M. E. 

Blake, Charles O., A. M. E. 

Blalock, Charles W., N. Bapt., USA. 

Booze, Harry C., Meth. 

Bowden, Henry J. C., P. E. 

Bowman, John W., Cath. 

Briggs, Emmanuel L., Meth. 

Brinkley, William S., Presb., USA. 

Brown, Frank R., A. M. E. 

Brown, James R., A. M. E. 

Brown, Julius T., Jr., N. Bapt., USA. 

Brown, Lorenzo Q., Meth. 

Brown, Richard T., N. Bapt., USA. 

Bryan, Joseph D., Bapt. S. 

Bunton, Henry C., Meth. Epis. 

Burt, C., Douglass, Reg. Bapt. N. 

Byrd, Charles E., Bapt., NCA. 

Calvin, James C., Meth. 

Carr, Joseph M., Bapt., NCA. 

Cash, William L., Jr., Cong. Chr. 

Carroll, Edward G., Meth. 

Carty, Denzil A., P. E. 

Caution, Gustave H., P. E., B. 

Chapman, Herman B., Bapt., NCA. 

Charles, Harold E., A. M. E. 

Cherry, Charles A., Bapt., NCA. 

Clanton, John H., N. Bapt., USA. 

Clement, James A., A. M. E. Z. 

Clement, Theodore S., A. M. E. 

Goby, James E., N. Bapt., USA. 

Cole, Joseph R., Meth. Epis. 

Colvin, William J., A. M. E. 

Conyers, William M., Meth. 

Cousin, Lee A., A. M. E. 

Covington, George E., Presb., USA. 

Cox, James A., N. Bapt., USA. 

Cox, Lafayette C., N. Bapt., USA. 



132 



THE CHURCH AND RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG NEGROES 



Crawford, Robert, Jr., N. Bapt., USA. 
Crichlow, Luther W., S. D. A. 
Crowell, Arthur R., A. M. E. 
Crump, Alfonso W., Meth. 
Dandridge, William H., C. M. E. 
Darnell, Milner L., Meth. Cld. 
Dickerson, William A., N. Bapt., USA. 
Diggs, Franklin B., Presb., USA. 
Diggs, Hyason V., Bapt., NCA. 
Diggs, Thomas O., A. M. E. Z. 
Dixon, Nelson H., A. M. E. 
Dokes, Robert B., N. Bapt., USA. 
Douglass, Julius T., Presb., USA. 
Dungee, John R., Presb. Un. 
Dunston, Alfred G., Jr., A. M. E. Z. 
Dyer, Jacob A., N. Bapt., USA. 
Edwards, John H., P. E. 
Eichelberger, Lewis Z., Bapt., NCA. 
Evans, Lorenzo J., Disc. 
Falconer, John B., Bapt., NCA. 
Ferry, Russell A., N. Bapt., USA. 
Fortune, Allen E., Presb. Un. 
Freeman, Edward W., N. Bapt., USA. 
Frierson. Theodore R., Meth. 
Gantt, Edward W., A. M. E. Z. 
Gardner, William E., N. Bapt., USA. 
Gibson, Crober C., A. M. E. 
Giles, Samuel H., A. M. E. 
Golden, Charles F., Meth. 
Grady, James C., A. M. E. 
Grant, James A. G., Sr., Cong. Chr. 
Gray, William R., Jr., N. Bapt., USA. 
Green, William T., Jr., N. Bapt., USA. 
Greenfield, Curtis O., A. M. E. 
Greer, Samuel D., Ch. of Chr. 
Gross, Robert H., A. M. E. 
Guilbeau, Samuel F., A. M. E. 
Hacker, Colman L., Meth. Epis. Cld. 
Harrington, Joseph H., N. Bapt., USA. 
Harris, Thomas J. R., Presb., USA. 
Hawk, Charles N., N. Bapt., USA. 
Hawkins, Howard P., Meth. Cld. 
Heacock, Roland T., Cong. Chr. 
Hendrieth, Marlin J., A. M. E. 
Hewlett, Everett A., Presb., USA. 
Hicks, Elder B., Bapt. N. 
Hightower, William H., A. M. E. 
Hill, Rufus L., N. Bapt., USA. 
Holder, Oscar E., P. E. 
Holland, Simmie P., A. M. E. Z. 
Holliday, Craranza A., N. Bapt., USA. 
Howard, Arthur R., Jr., Meth. 
Howard, James F., A. M. E. 
Ho well, Cajus B., A. M. E. 
Hunt, Isaiah H., A. M. E. 
Hurley, James R., A. M. E. 
Jackson, Clarence E., N. Bapt., USA. 
Jefferson, George W., A. M. E. 
Jenkins, John J., A. M. E. 
Jenkins, Thomas A., Presb., USA. 
Jennings, Melvin L., Assem. of God. 
Johnson, Darneal F., Bapt. Nat. 
Johnson, Harvey E., Cong. Chr. 
Jones, Bennie J., N. Bapt., USA. 
Jones, Carl M., N. Bapt., USA. 
Jones, Nathaniel S., N. Bapt., USA. 
Jones, Warren C., Presb., USA. 
Jones, William L., Bapt., NCA. 
Jones, William O., N. Bapt., USA. 
Kemp, Andrew J., N. Bapt., USA. 
Kennedy, Cordell H., Presb., USA. 
Kidd, Paul E., A. M. E. 
King, Ralph R., A. M. E. 
Lee, Robert H. C., A. M. E. Z. 
Lewis, George F., Disc. 
Lissimore, Joseph H., A. M. E. 
Little, Harlee H., A. M. E. Z. 
Loyd, Gil B., N. Bapt., USA. 
Lowe, Matthew A., A. M. E. 
Malone, Van Joseph, Sr., Bapt., NCA. 



Martin, Argalius E., Meth. 
Martin, Granville H., Bapt. Nat. 
Mattison, Ernest N., Meth. 
May, Carlos M., A. M. E. 
Mayfield, Spurgeon J., Cong. Chr. 
McAdams, Elliot L., Presb., USA. 
McClellan, William E., A. M. E. 
McDonald, Isaac I., P. E. 
McGee, Charles L., Presb., USA. 
McGee, Lewis A., A. M. E. 
McLaughlin, Elmer A., A. M. E. 
Merri weather, Moses C., Meth. 
Middleton, Richard T., P. E. 
Morris, James D., N. Bapt., USA. 
Muldrow, William H., A. M. E. 
Murray, Allen L., A. M. E. 
Nash, Wesley B., A. M. E. 
O'Neal, Edmund J., A. M. E. Z. 
Outlaw, Guy D., N. Bapt., USA. 
Owen, Samuel A., Bapt. Nat. 
Parham, Thomas D., Jr., Presb., USA. 
Parker, Arthur W., Bapt. Nat. 
Parker, Raymond W., Presb., USA. 
Penn, Robert E., Bapt. S. 
Perkins, William M., N. Bapt., USA. 
Perry, Cyrus W., Meth. 
Pierce, Isaiah B., A. M. E. Z. 
Pierson, Cato H., Meth. 
Pogue, King D. S., Presb., USA. 
Pointer, Ira A., Meth. 
Points, Isaac B., Meth. 
Powell, Robert B., N. Bapt., USA. 
Pritcheett, Charles G., N. Bapt., USA. 
Ray, Douglas M., Meth. 
Reddick, King D., N. Bapt., USA. 
Reeves, John L., A. M. E. 
Rhone, Sandy D., A. M. E. 
Rice, Deual C., N. Bapt., USA. 
Robinson, Edgar L., Luth., MS. 
Robinson, Hughes A., Cong. Chr. 
Robinson, Luther H., Luth., MS. 
Scott, William A., N. Bapt., USA. 
Shaw, Alvia A., A. M. E. 
Skelton, Robert E., Meth. 
Smith, Daniel L., A. M. E. 
Smith, Frank A., Meth. Epis. Cld. 
Smith, James H., Bapt., NCA. 
Smith, James L., Presb., USA. 
Smith, Robert J., Bapt. N. 
Smith, William A., N. Bapt., USA. 
Snoddy, Chester A., Bapt. S. 
Spears, Augustus G., Meth. 
Spears, Clifford B., Disc. 
Stanmore, Levi L., N. Bapt., USA. 
Stemley, Carey D., Meth. 
Stephens, Fred E., A. M. E. 
Stewart, James E. t A. M. E. Z. 
Strother, William C., Jr., Meth. 
S wisher, Marion P., N. Bapt., USA. 
Tarter, Charles L., Presb., USA. 
Taylor, Ennis L., Meth. 
Taylor, Paul L., Presb., USA. 
Terrell, Hubert C., A. M. E. 
Thigpen, Lee A., Jr., Meth. 
Thomas, Alonzo L., Bapt. S. 
Thomas, Charles W., N. Bapt., USA. 
Thompson, Ernest E., N. Bapt., USA. 
Thornton, Henry E., A. M. E. 
Tibbs, Albert J., N. Bapt., USA. 
Truscott, David L., Disc. 
Tunstall, Charles A., N. Bapt., USA. 
Walker, Henry W. B., Bapt. Nat. 
Ward, Beverly M., Presb., USA. 
Washington, Arthur G., Cong. Chr. 
Washington, L. Barnwell, Presb., USA. 
Washington, Sullus B., A. M. E. 
Watkins, Charles T., A. M. E. 
Webb, James S., A. M. E. 
Wesley, John R., A. M. E. Z. 
Wharry, Fore C., Meth. 



NEGRO CHAPLAINS 



133 



White, Albert M., A. M. E. 
White, Greene H., A. M. E. 
White, Walter S., A. M. E. 
Wilkins, William A., P. E. 
Williams, Albert R., Bapt. N. 
Williams, Arthur D., Meth. 
Williams, Clifton S., A. M. E. 
Williams, George W., Meth. 
Williams, Kenneth R., N. Bapt., USA. 
Williams, Peter C., A. M. E. 
Williams, Samuel J., Bapt., NCA. 
Williams, Thaddeus E., Bapt., NCA. 
Wilson, Alpheus T., Meth. 
Winthrop, Charles R., Presb., USA. 
Wright, Giles R., Meth. Cld. 
Wynne, Otis J., N. Bapt., USA. 
Yancey, George R., N. Bapt., USA. 
Zeigler, Daniel J., A. M. E. 

Under Order to Be Relieved 

Name and Denomination 

Home, Henry P., N. Bapt., USA. 
Shaw, Frank S., A. M. E. 
Titus, Phylemon, Meth. 



Churchmen Tour War 
Fronts 

Bishop John A. Gregg of the African 
Methodist Episcopal Church toured the 
South Pacific in 1943, visiting Negro 
units in the interest of morale. As 
representative of the Fraternal Council 
of Negro Churches in America Bishop 
Gregg visited war zones in Italy, India, 
Australia and Africa in 1944. 

Rev. William H. Jernagin, Baptist 
leader, toured the Southwest Pacific 



visiting Negro chaplains and soldiers 
in 1945 under the auspices of the 
Fraternal Council of Negro Churches 
in America. 

Negro and White Churchmen 
Cooperate in Vermont Plan 

In 1944, the Rev. A. Ritchie Low, 
pastor since 1932 of the Congregational 
Church, Johnson, Vermont, conceived 
the idea of putting race relations on a 
friendly Christian basis. His idea was 
to bring Negro children from Harlem 
to the hills of Vermont and use them 
as ambassadors of good will. They 
would be children from nine to twelve 
years of age and would live as guests 
in white homes for two weeks. Dr. 
Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., pastor of 
the Abyssinian Baptist Church, one of 
the largest and best organized Protes- 
tant Churches in the United States, 
with a membership of over 10,000, was 
asked to cooperate. This he did. The 
children selected were cordially and 
graciously received and entertained by 
these families of the Green Mountain 
country. The Vermont experiment in 
race relations was more than a success. 
It was mutually helpful to the partic- 
ipating .children and to the families 
receiving them. In 1944 79 children 
were involved; 89 in 1945; and 100 in 
1946. 



DIVISION VI 

THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945 

By Juuus A. THOMAS 
National Ur'ban League 



WORLD WAR II AFFECTS THE 

ECONOMY OF THE NEGRO 
The Impact of World War II on the 
National Economy Causes Changes 

The five-year period, 1941 to 1945 
inclusive, must be recorded as extreme- 
ly significant in terms of economic 
change and advancement in the Ne- 
gro's long struggle for a greater meas- 
ure of economic security. While sub- 
stantial progress on several fronts was 
achieved during the decades prior to 
Pearl Harbor, it was the war and its 
impact upon the total economy that 
precipitated many changes, the full ef- 
fects of which may not be realized for 
many years. 

Four Important Developments 
Characterize War Period 

In the main, this period was char- 
acterized by four important develop- 
ments the migration of almost a mil- 
lion Negroes from farms and agricul- 
tural communities to northern, south- 
ern, and western industrial centers; an 
increase of some 600,000 in the number 
of Negroes employed in manufacturing 
industries; the enrollment of almost 
700,000 Negroes in the labor move- 
ment; and the induction of 1,150,000 
Negroes into the Armed Forces. 

Executive Order 8802 Issued and 
F. E. P. C. Committee Appointed 

Attending these major upheavals in 
the economic destiny of the Negro pop- 
ulation, many other forces were fever- 
ishly at work to give substance and 
encouragement to a nation-wide drive 
for real equality of opportunity for all 
Americans. The President of the 
United States in June, 1941, issued an 
Executive Order (8802)- which reaf- 
firmed the national policy of non-dis- 
crimination because of race, color, 
creed, or national origin. A Fair Em- 
ployment Practice Committee was ap- 
pointed to implement the Order. Not 
since the Emancipation Proclamation 
had a Chief Executive issued a direc- 
tive of such scope affecting racial prac- 



tices in any phase of our national 
life. As the end of the war approached 
and the authority of the F. E. P. C. 
was curtailed, a vigorous campaign 
was launched to obtain favorable Con- 
gressional action on legislation that 
would permanently ban discrimination 
in employment on account of race or 
religion. 

Government, Public and Private 
Agencies Assisted Movement of 
Negroes Into War Industries 

Before the issuance of Executive Or- 
der 8802, the activities of other govern- 
ment and private agencies, together 
with the increasing shortage of labor, 
had accelerated the movement of Ne- 
groes into war industries in many sec- 
tions of the country. The Labor Sup- 
ply Division of the Council of Na- 
tional Defense and its successor, the 
Minorities Service Division of the War 
Manpower Commission, had made note- 
worthy beginnings in breaking down 
barriers to greater use of Negro work- 
ers during the early stages of the war. 
The National Urban League, an inter- 
racial social work agency with local 
affiliates in the principal industrial 
centers, had succeeded in placing Ne- 
gro workers in many war plants dur- 
ing the same period. The cumulative 
result of these efforts, plus the imple- 
mentation of the Executive Order 
(8802) enabled thousands of Negroes 
to secure employment in industries 
which had not used them to any great 
extent before the war. 

Paralleling and complementing the 
work of these forces were many other 
contributory factors which cannot be 
disregarded. Progressive labor unions, 
both C. I. O. and A. F. of L., began to 
re-examine their membership policies 
and procedures with a view of 
strengthening the war-time demand for 
the adoption of non-discriminatory 
hiring practices in the industries in 
which they exercised bargaining rights. 
Inter-racial groups, church groups, 
civic organizations, and miscellaneous 



134 



POPULATION SHIFTS AND EMPLOYMENT 



135 



organizations whose pre-war activities 
were confined largely to cultural and 
social aspects of racial discrimination 
joined in the fight to eliminate dis- 
crimination in war employment. 

The end result of these efforts has 
been reported in preceding paragraphs. 
The remainder of this section will en- 
deavor to analyze many of these de- 
velopments, evaluate their implica- 
tions, and suggest next steps in ad- 
vancing the position of Negroes in the 
national economy. 

POPULATION SHIFTS AND 

EMPLOYMENT 
Negroes Primarily Rural 
Dwellers in the South 

There is a distinct correlation be- 
tween the geographic location of any 
group of people and the kind of em- 
ployment they will be able to obtain. 
Since the first boat load of Negro 
slaves landed in this country in 1619, 
Negroes have been primarily rural 
dwellers. As farm laborer, tenant 
farmer, farm owner, they have been 
hopelessly lashed to the agricultural 
economy of the South. Despite the 
migration which began shortly after 
the turn of the Century, two-thirds 
of the Negro population resided in the 
South in 1940. The majority of this 
number lived on the farms and in the 
rural towns of the South. 

The movement' cityward was accel- 
erated during and after World War I 
but abruptly halted during the Depres- 
sion. The Federal Census for 1940 
reported a total Negro population of 
12,865,518. Of the total, slightly less 
than ten million (9,904,619) still lived 
in the South. The movement to the 
city had made slight inroads on the 
southern rural population since 44.7 
per cent of the total Negro population 
in the South still resided on farms. 
Nevertheless, the cumulative effects of 
past migration had increased the Ne- 
gro urban population to 6,253,586 or 
48.8 per cent of the total. Almost 90 
per cent of the Negro popu!ation liv- 
ing in the North and West were city 
dwellers in 1940. 

Negro Migration During 
World War II 

Few observers of war-time shifts in 
the Negro population have been able 
to agree on the extent of such shifts, 
and no doubt exact information must 
await the next Federal Census. It is 



apparent, however, that the migration 
did not get under way until well after 
the first year of the war. This was 
due in part to the fact that large-scale 
use of Negro workers in many war 
industries did not begin until the white 
labor supply was almost completely 
exhausted. Moreover, many employers 
refused to employ any significant num- 
bers of Negroes in the plants which 
they operated before the war but con- 
centrated them in government-built 
war plants. Since most of these plants 
were not in production until almost a 
year after the war began, Negro work- 
ers had relatively few opportunities 
in war production until early in 1943. 

The pattern of World War II migra- 
tion was very similar to that of World 
War I except for the fact that a much 
larger number of Negroes moved to 
West Coast cities to work in aircraft 
and shipbuilding plants in the Los An- 
geles, San Francisco, Portland, and 
Seattle areas. It is reliably estimated 
that between 150 and 200 thousand 
Negroes went to the West Coast be- 
tween 1942 and 1945, and present indi- 
cations are that a large percentage of 
the total will remain in this area. 

The extent of Negro migration to 
several important industrial areas was 
revealed in a recent Census Bureau 
survey of congested production cen- 
ters. 1 

During the war years, extensive in- 
creases have been recorded in other 
cities including Cleveland, Philadel- 
phia, Baltimore, Washington, Chicago, 
Newark, New York City, St. Louis, At- 
lanta, and New Orleans. 

Economic Implications of Migration 

The economic implications of these 
population shifts are clearly obvious. 
The Negro worker, drawn by the 
magic of war jobs at wages which ex- 
ceeded anything he had experienced 
before, tasted a new freedom freedom 
from penury and penny pinching. De- 
spite many unsupported assertions that 
the new prosperity would be squan- 
dered in good times and free spend- 
ing, the Research Company of Amer- 
ica 2 reported that 75 per cent of 3,000 
Negro families surveyed in Washing- 
ton, Baltimore, and Philadelphia held 
War Bonds and war savings of con- 
siderable volume. 



Division on Population. 
2 Unpublished report, Consumer Study of 
Negro Families in Three Urban Com- 
munities 1945. 



136 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945 



Equally important is the fact that 
many migrant war workers had an op- 
portunity to learn new skills while im- 
proving those they were unable to use 
before the war. Whether or not the 
post-war period will bring a reversal 
of this trend remains to be seen. Such 
sample studies as have been made in a 
number of war-swollen communities 
indicate that the vast majority of these 
migratory workers do not intend to 
return to their former home communi- 
ties. It is safe to conclude that the 
Negro is again "going to town" and 
leaving behind him the drab, depress- 
ing insecurity of life as an underpaid, 
exploited farm hand. 

WORKERS IN WAR AND NON-WAR 
INDUSTRIES 

Unemployment Among Negroes 
Almost Disappears During 
World War II 

Almost 1,000,000 Negroes we're added 
to the work force between 1940 and 
1944, the Bureau of Labor Statistics 
reported in January, 1945. The num- 
ber of employed men increased from 
2,900,000 to 3,200,000, and the number 
of employed women increased from 
1,500,000 to 2,100,000. During the same 
period, 700,000 Negroes had been in- 
ducted into the Armed Forces. By the 
middle of 1945, the number of Negroes 
in the Armed Forces had reached a 
million, and inductions were continu- 



ing although at a reduced rate. Un- 
employment among Negroes almost dis- 
appeared, although there was ample 
evidence of underemployment in sev- 
eral sections of the nation, particularly 
in the agricultural South. 

Distribution of Workers in 
War and Non-War Industries 

The vast majority of these new 
workers were employed in war and 
war-related industries and accounted 
for slightly more than 8 per cent of 
the total workers in war production. 
A substantial number of Negro work- 
ers found new jobs in service occupa- 
tions other than domestic service, and 
there was a substantial increase in the 
percentage of Negro workers engaged 
in occupations which excluded or se- 
verely restricted their employment be- 
fore the war. 

The most significant increase oc- 
curred in the manufacturing and me- 
chanical industries. The Federal Cen- 
sus of Occupations (1940) reported 
657,000 Negroes, about 5 per cent of 
the total employment in manufactur- 
ing occupations. The Division of Re- 
view and Analysis of the Committee 
on Fair Employment Practice reported 
1,256,000 Negroes employed in manu- 
facturing industries in July, 1944. The- 
distribution of Negro workers in man- 
ufacturing and mechanical industries 
was as follows: 



Table 1 
The Manufacturing and Mechanical Industries 



All Manufacturing 

Munitions 

All Other Manufacturing 



Total Labor 
Force 

16,500,000 
9,500,000 
7,000,000 



Non-White* Per Cent 



1,256,000 
693,000 
563,000 



7.6 
7.3 
8.0 



The distribution and percentage of 
Negro workers in important divisions 
of war and non-war industries were 



reported by the Division of Review and 
Analysis as follows: 



Table 2 
The Munitions Industries 

Industry Total . Negro Per Cent 

Aircraft , 2,100,000 116,000 5.5 

Shipbuilding 1,700,000 192,000 11.3 

Ordnance and Communications Equipment 1,900,000 122,000 6.4 

Basic Metals and Rubber 1,000,000 103,000 10.3 

Other Munitions and Metallic non-Munitions.. 2,800,000 160,000 5.7 

Totals 9,500,000 693,000 7.3 

*The term "non-white" includes all workers not classified as white. Negroes con- 
stitute approximately 96 per cent of the total. 



WORKERS IN WAR AND NON-WAR INDUSTRIES 



137 



Table 3 
All Other Manufacturing 

Industry Total 

Lumber and Furniture 900,000 

Stone, Clay and Glass 400,000 

Textile Apparel & Leather 2,400,000 

Food and Tobacco 1,500,000 

Paper and Printing 900,000 

Other Manufacturing 900,000 



Totals 7,000,000 



Negro 

108,000 
24,000 
94,000 

219,000 
73,000 
45,000 

563,000 



Per Cent 
12.0 

6.0 

3.9 
14.6 

8.1 

5.0 



Conference Called to Study 
Excessive Absenteeism Charge 

The performance of Negro war 
workers was the subject of much spec- 
ulation throughout the war period. 
From some sources one got the im- 
pression that they were indo'ent, in- 
efficient, unstable and unadjustable. 
"Guilty of excessive absenteeism" be- 
came a crime for which Negroes were 
easily convicted without benefit of 
trial or jury. The situation became 
so "serious" in the summer of 1943 
that a conference was called in Chicago 
to consider methods that might prove 
fruitful in dealing with it. Prominent 
leaders of several well-known national 
welfare, labor and inter-racial organi- 
zations participated in the conference. 
As a result of these deliberations, a 
nation-wide campaign was initiated to 
urge Negroes to hold their jobs 
through efficient work and regular 
work habits. 

It is difficult if not impossible to 
evaluate the effectiveness of this effort. 
High rates of absenteeism were ob- 
served in many war industries during 
the war, and government agencies and 
labor unions worked assiduously to 
keep workers on the job. Frequent 
studies were made to determine the 
causes of absenteeism, but none of 
them revealed any specific factor that 
could be isolated. New industrial 
workers were found to be more fre- 
quent offenders than older experienced 
workers. Transportation difficulties 
were responsible for the problem in 
many areas, particularly where war 
plants were constructed in small com- 
munities far removed from regular 
street car and bus service. The strain 
of war tensions was too much for many 
workers, and they were forced to take 
time off at intervals. Notwithstanding 
these well known facts, Negroes came 
in for a disproportionate share of 
criticism. 



National Urban League 
Makes Survey of War 
Workers in Industry 

The National Urban League under- 
took to get the facts about the war 
record of Negro workers, not for 
the purpose of refuting unsupported 
charges, but in order to discover tech- 
niques and personnel practices that 
had served to minimize absenteeism 
among Negro and other workers. The 
League approached the problem with 
the belief that absenteeism is no more 
a racial characteristic than is any hu- 
man trait. 

Three hundred industries employing 
approximately 150,000 Negro workers 
were selected for the laboratory to be 
used for the inquiry. These industries 
represented a good cross-section of war 
production activity and were located 
in 25 States and 120 towns and cities. 
The management of these plants was 
requested to cooperate with the Urban 
League by answering a few questions 
regarding their experiences with Negro 
workers. Among the questions raised 
in the inquiry were: 

1. Have Negro workers performed 
satisfactorily at the various levels 
of employment in your plant? 

2. Will you indicate any specific 
difficulty you have encountered 
in the use of Negro workers? 

Results of First Survey By 
National Urban League 

The results of this inquiry were re- 
ported by the National Urban League 
February 1, 1944. 3 It is noteworthy 
that in 215 of the 300 plants, manage- 
ment said it was satisfied with the 
performance ofc Negro workers. In S 
plants, management reported that they 
were not as good as white workers, and 
in 50 plants, Negro workers were de- 
scribed as fairly satisfactory. 

Performance of Negro Workers in 300 
War Plants. Department of Industrial 
Relations, National Urban League, Feb- 
ruary 1, 1944. 



138 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL, ECONOMY 1941-1945 



The difficulties reported by manage- 
ment were listed as follows: 

In 67 plants, Negroes had a higher rate 
of absenteeism than other workers; in 
21 plants, the employment of Negroes 
had produced race friction; in 13 plants, 
the rate of worker turn-over was higher 
for Negroes; and in 11 plants, Negroes 
were described as having a "chip-on- 
the-shoulder" attitude and being "over- 
aggressive." The majority of the re- 
spondents reported that no special prob- 
lems had arisen in their plants. 
Six months after the completion of 
this inquiry, the plants reporting ex- 
cessive absenteeism among Negro 
workers were visited by National and 
local Urban League staff members for 
further study of the problem. In 37 
plants, management reported that this 
was no longer a serious problem and 
attributed the improvement to better 
adjustment of the workers after great- 
er familiarity with new jobs. In the 
remaining plants, there were contribu- 
tory causes which were affecting Ne- 
gro and white workers in about the 
same degree. 

Second Survey Made By National 
Urban League On Upgrading and 
Employment of Women 

A second survey 4 of the performance 
of Negro workers was begun in 1944 
to determine, among other things, the 
extent of upgrading and the number 
of Negro women employed in the 300 
laboratory plants. Complete informa- 
tion on these points was provided by 
252 plants employing approximately 
100,000 Negroes. Of this total, 18,435 
were classified as skilled workers; 30,- 
500 as semi-skilled; and 49,389 as un- 
skilled. Nearly 100 of the 250 plants 
reported the employment of Negroes in 
technical, professional, clerical, and 
supervisory jobs. The significance of 
these figures cannot be fully appre- 
ciated without reference to the pre- 
war employment picture in these 
plants. Before the war, less than 15,- 
000 Negroes were on the payrolls of 
the entire group of industries, and 
only 28 plants reported the use of Ne- 
groes in jobs other than unskilled 
labor. From this study, it must not be 
concluded that the rate of advance- 
ment for Negroes in war industries 
generally was as rapid as the report 
indicates. While some training and 
upgrading was undertaken in many 

4 Unpublished Report-Performance of Ne- 
groes in 300 War Plants, National Urban 
League. 



plants, the vast majority of Negroes 
in war production were holding un- 
skilled jobs. 

Between 200 and 300 thousand Ne- 
gro women found jobs in essential in- 
dustries during the war. In the main, 
they represented the last reservoir of 
domestic labor to be tapped by our 
expanding war economy. In some sec- 
tions, particularly in the East, Mid- 
West, and extreme West, Negro women 
obtained employment as assemblers, 
operators, welders, and riveters in air- 
craft, communication equipment, and 
precision instrument industries. There 
was likewise a substantial increase in 
the employment of Negro women in 
textile and garment producing indus- 
tries. The 252 laboratory plants studied 
by the Urban League employed only 
2,564 Negro women before the war, 
but at peak production, this number 
had been increased to 28,531. They 
were distributed according to skills 
in the following manner: skilled, 3,- 
445; semi-skilled, 7,639; unskilled, 17,- 
447. 

Employers Agreed Capabilities of 
Workers Cannot Be Measured By 
Racial Factors 

All in all, the Negro worker made 
impressive gains in many manufactur- 
ing industries during the war. In addi- 
tion to the numerical gains, the op- 
portunity to secure training and ac- 
quire skills was enjoyed to a greater 
degree than at any time in the na- 
tion's history. It is important to 
realize, too, that the majority of em- 
ployers are agreed that the racial 
factor is an unreliable yardstick by 
which to measure the capabilities of 
workers. This fact, firmly and indis- 
putably established, can exert tre- 
mendous influence on post-war employ- 
ment patterns in industry. 

THE SERVICE OCCUPATIONS 
Negro Workers Fill Service Jobs 
Vacated By White Workers 

During the war years, there were 
some minor changes in the position 
of Negro workers in the service occu- 
pations, but there was little reason for 
the near hysteria that accompanied re- 
ports that Negroes were deserting the 
domestic service field. What is more 
nearly the case is the fact that white 
women workers who had previously 
worked in many service jobs found em- 
ployment in the manufacturing indus- 



NEGROES IN THE SKILLED CRAFTS 



139 



tries in much larger numbers than Ne- 
gro women. Moreover, many jobs in 
restaurants, soda fountains, and other 
service establishments were vacated by 
both white women .workers and young 
men entering the Armed Forces, thus 
broadening employment opportunities 
for Negro workers. No accurate esti- 
mate of the total number of workers 
involved in these shifts has been made, 
but the appearance of Negroes in new 
jobs in this field was frequently ob- 
served. 

Negro Women Engaged in 
Domestic Service Occupations 

In 1940, there were 917,942 Negro 
women engaged in domestic service oc- 
cupations, according to the Federal 
Census of Occupations. These workers 
were distributed as follows: 

Northeastern States 132,745 

North Central States 73,915 

Southern States 696,042 

Western States 15,240 

In the Southern States, Negro wom- 
en composed 81 per cent of the total 
number of women found in this occu- 
pational category. In the Northeast, 
they were 26.2 per cent; in the North 
Central, 15.9 per cent; and in the 
West, 10.8 per cent. Negro women ac- 
counted for 46.6 per cent of all women 
engaged in domestic service in 1940, 
the percentage having increased 10 per 
cent since 1930. 

A growing dislike for employment in 
domestic service has been observed for 
many years. It is due mainly to the 
lack of standards for the occupation, 
long working hours, and pitifully low 
wages. Despite the fact the wages were 
increased by as much as 300 per cent 
in some areas during the war, many 
women, particularly younger women, 
accepted employment in the field only 
as a last resort. 

Efforts to Organize Domestic 
Workers Unsuccessful 

Efforts to organize domestic workers 
received some attention during the pe- 
riod, but it cannot be reported that 
any substantial progress was made. In 
Baltimore, Maryland, a local union was 
formed with some 250 members. Con- 
tracts were actually negotiated with 
some employers. Because of the usual 
difficulties in providing adequate union 
structure for reaching larger numbers 
of workers in the field, the union was 
short-lived. In New York City, a simi- 



lar effort had been launched prior to 
1940. Union conditions were obtained 
for day workers and part-time workers 
much more easily than for regular 
workers. At one time, several hundred 
domestic workers were enrolled in Lo- 
cal 149 of the Building Service Em- 
ployees Union (AFL), but membership 
in this local declined steadily in the 
early days of the war, and it was" sub- 
sequently disbanded. 

Domestic Service a Blind 
Alley Occupation 

A discussion of future employment 
trends in this occupation is usually 
flavored with the bold fact that do- 
mestic service is a blind alley occupa- 
tion, too closely identified with the 
work patterns of the slavery period. 
Ambitious young women will continue 
to steer clear of it as long as any other 
type of employment is available. The 
remedies for this situation are not easy 
to discover. In some sections, a 
genuine effort has been made to regu- 
larize and dignify household employ- 
ment to make it attractive. Wages 
have been increased far above the pre- 
war level, but the tendency now is to 
scale downward rather than hold the 
line. In the face of these uncertain- 
ties, it is virtually impossible to an- 
ticipate the course of events which 
may affect the future of domestic em- 
ployment. 

NEGROES IN THE SKILLED CRAFTS 

Negro Craftsmen Decline 
Between 1920 and 1940 

In the main, the Negro craftsman 
has made most notable progress in the 
crafts associated with the building in- 
dustry. In 1940, 4.4 per cent of em- 
ployed Negro males were classified as 
skilled craftsmen, and 60 per cent of 
these workmen were in the building 
trades. As Dr. Herbert Northrup 
points out in his book Organized La- 
bor and the Negro (Harper & Bros., 
1944), the Negro building mechanic is 
predominantly a southern worker and 
has only recently appeared in other 
sections of the country in substantial 
numbers. Since 1920, the number of 
Negro skilled craftsmen has declined, 
both numerically and percentage-wise 
in most crafts. This has been true 
both in the North and the South. In 
the South there were 43,333 5 Negro 

5 Herbert Northrup, "Organized Labor 
and the Negro," Table 1-b, Page 19. 



140 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945 



mechanics in seven principal crafts 
(carpenters, painters, bricklayers, plas- 
terers, cement finishers, plumbers, elec- 
tricians) in 1920, and they constituted 
22 per cent of the total in that area. 
By 1940, this number had declined to 
40,046 or 15.2 per cent of the total. 
The Army and Navy Train 
Craftsmen to Meet War Needs 

The most glaring evidence of the 
decline in the ranks of Negro build- 
ing craftsmen was brought to light 
during the early stages of the war. 
The Selective Service System, in its 
analysis of skills found among in- 
ductees, revealed that while there was 
a serious shortage of specialists among 
all recruits, the situation was acute 
among Negroes. During one period, it 
was reported that in every thousand 
Negro inductees, there were 6 auto 
mechanics, 3 carpenters, less than one 
plumber, less than one electrician, and 
a negligible number of draftsmen, ma- 
chinists, welders, mechanics, linemen, 
etc. This deficiency among service 
men was met by initiating concen- 
trated training programs in most of 
these crafts. An engineer corps alone 
required 175 carpenters, 14 plumbers, 
8 machinists, 8 welders, and 48 me- 
chanics per 1,000 men. Since a large 
percentage of Negro service men were 
in engineer regiments, it is known that 
many Negroes received training in 
these crafts. 

Negroes in other branches of the 
service were likewise trained to meet 
the needs of a mechanical war. Line- 
men, telegraphers, auto mechanics, ra- 
dio operators, cooks and bakers were 
trained in signal corps, transportation, 
and quartermaster units. In the Air 
Corps, hundreds of Negroes were 
trained as mechanics, repairmen, and 
electricians, while the Navy trained 
machinists, mechanics, metal workers, 
and other specialists. 

In spite of the serious interruption 
of building construction during the 
war, it is probable that more Negroes 
received technical training while in 
the service than would have obtained 
such training under normal conditions. 
Whether or not these men will be able 
to find employment that will use these 
new skills is yet to be determined. 
In the past, the building trades have 
succeeded in limiting the number of 
apprentices in most crafts in order to 
restrict the number of skilled work- 
men. This procedure has worked to 



the disadvantage of ^Negroes, and in 
some crafts (electricians, plumbers), 
they have hardly made an impression. 

Post- War Opportunities For Skilled 
Workers Unprecedented 

The post-war period will usher in a 
new building boom to meet the urgent 
needs for additional housing. It has 
already been estimated that 1,500,000 
mechanics, on-site and off-site, will be 
needed by 1947. Should Negro workers 
be drawn into the field in the propor- 
tion that they bear to the total work 
force, at least 150,000 Negro mechanics 
could expect employment. Skilled me- 
chanics in many other fields will be 
needed as the economic picture shifts 
from war to peace. The telephone, elec- 
trical instrument, household appli- 
ance, furniture, among the light metal 
industries; the steel, auto and iron 
industries which turn out farm im- 
plements, automobiles, trucks, railroad 
cars, street cars, and buses, are ex- 
pected to boom for several years. The 
skilled Negro workers will have un- 
precedented opportunities in these 
fields. 

GOVERNMENT EMPLOYMENT 

Negroes Receive More and Better 
Jobs in Government Service 

Paralleling the sharp upward trend 
in the employment of Negroes in essen- 
tial war production, there was a de- 
cided increase in their employment in 
various branches of government serv- 
ice during the past five years. Not 
only was this increase numerically sig- 
nificant, but for the first time Negroes 
obtained employment in substantial 
numbers in clerical, technical, profes- 
sional, and supervisory classifications. 
Approximately 300,000 Negroes were 
on Federal payrolls at the peak of war 
operations in 1944, and they comprised, 
roughly, 12 per cent of all government 
civil workers. The Committee on Fair 
Employment Practice, following a sur- 
vey of Negro employment in Govern- 
ment Service 6 reported that 19.2 per 
cent of all departmental service em- 
ployees were Negroes. In 1938, Negro 
workers accounted for only 8.4 per cent 
of Federal workers in Washington, and 
9.8 per cent of all Federal workers. 

The War Time Employment of Negroes 
in the Federal Government. F.E.P.C., 
January 1945. Prepared by J. A. Davis, 
C. L. Golightly and I. W. Hemphill. 



NEGROES IN THE PROFESSIONS 



141 



The report further revealed that in 
the departmental service 49 per cent 
of all Negro employees were classified 
as clerical-administrative and fiscal; 
9.9 per cent as clerical-mechanical; and 
1.1 per cent as professional and sub- 
professional; while 39.6 per cent were 
crafts-protective and custodial. The 
change in the pattern of Negro em- 
ployment may best be appreciated by 
comparing these figures with those re- 
ported in a similar study by Lawrence 
Hayes in 1938. The Hayes report 
showed that 90 per cent of all Federal 
Negro employees in the District of 
Columbia were custodial; 9.5 per cent, 
clerical-administrative and fiscal or 
clerical-mechanical; and 0.5 per cent 
sub-professional or professional. 

Majority of Negro Government 
Workers Concentrated in 
War Agencies 

The vast majority of Negro govern- 
ment workers were concentrated in 
war agencies, the report revealed. Of 
the approximately 2,000,000 workers in 
these agencies, 231,458 or 12 per cent 
were Negroes. The War and Navy De- 
partments are credited with having 
employed the largest number of Ne- 
groes, but the employment and utiliza- 
tion of Negroes in the War Labor 
Board, the O.P.A., the War Production 
Board, and the War Manpower Com- 
mission achieved the highest utiliza- 
tion in terms of employment levels. 
The Executive Departments and field 
units of the Federal agencies ac- 
counted for fewer Negro workers and 
made less progress in the' utilization 
of their skills and abilities. Substan- 
tial gains were recorded in Negro em- 
ployment in practically all government 
agencies during the war including the 
Treasury and Post Office Departments 
which have always employed a good 
proportion of Negro government work- 
ers. The employment of increased 
numbers of Negro workers in govern- 
ment departments during a war does 
not represent any unusual departure 
from previous practices. However, the 
total number of such workers during 
World War II exceeded in quality 
anything that has happened in the 
past. This fact, therefore, poses a very 
serious question regarding future 
policies in government service. Can 
Negroes expect to secure jobs commen- 
surate with their qualifications in 'free 
competition with white workers? Will 



personnel officials responsible for se- 
lecting "one out of three" eligible 
civil service candidates consider with 
equal objectivity the qualifications of 
Negroes? With approximately 70 per 
cent of all Negro government em- 
ployees included among the unclassi- 
fied civil service workers, the answers 
to these questions are extremely impor- 
tant. Moreover, it is clearly obvious 
that much of the war-time progress in 
the employment of Negroes in govern- 
ment service resulted from the issu- 
ance and implementation of Executive 
Order 8802 and Executive Order 9634. 
These orders will become inoperative 
soon after termination of the war. 
What official action can be taken to 
insure democratic employment prac- 
tices in government in the years 
ahead? Only the future can answer 
this question, but it is safe to con- 
clude that without strong interven- 
tion on the part of top policy-making 
officials in government, the displace- 
ment of Negroes and the reduction of 
their numbers in the Federal service 
will be a distressing aftermath of the 
war's end. 

NEGROES IN THE PROFESSIONS 

Distribution of Negroes 
In the Professions 

Professional employment has long 
been the goal of the vast majority of 
Negroes who manage to continue their 
education through college. The rea- 
sons for the concentration of Negroes 
in the professions are not difficult to 
discover. The segregated schools have 
afforded employment opportunities for 
the largest number of college-trained 
Negroes while the ministry, medicine, 
dentistry, law, and, more recently, so- 
cial service have attracted most of 
the remainder. Virtually all of these 
professions can be successfully prac- 
ticed without sharp conflict with many 
prevailing racial patterns in most sec- 
tions of the country. Aside from that, 
they provide a certain measure of so- 
cial and community prestige not found 
in many other occupations. Moreover, 
there have been relativley few em- 
ployment opportunities in commerce 
and industry for ambitious Negro col- 
lege graduates. Because of the tre- 
mendous increase in the number of 
Negro college students and the prob- 
able increase in the number of Negro 
veterans who will be ab!e to pursue 



142 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945 



their educational objectives through 
college and into professional schools, 
this field will assume greater impor- 
tance after the war. 



In 1940, the Federal Census of Oc- 
cupations reported the distribution of 
whites and Negroes in major profes- 
sions as follows: 



Table 4 
Distribution of Whites and Negroes in Selected Professions by Sex 1940 



Profession 


Total 
Male Female 


White 
Male Female 


Negro 
Male Female 


Teachers (College) 


55,123 
260,324 
157,648 
69,370 
8,072 
135,091 
175,261 


20,097 
792,375 
7,715 
5,607* 
361,215 
** 

4,293 


53,664 
245,660 
153,388 
67,757 
7,931 
117,211 
174,123 


19,146 
739,797 
7,564 
5,467* 
353,701 
** 

4,251 


1,408 
14,169 
3,401 
1,471 
126 
17,487 
1,023 


941 
51,935 
129 
140* 
7,065 
** 

40 


Teachers (Other) .... 


Physicians & Surgeons . . 






Lawyers & Judges 



* includes female pharmacists, osteopaths and veterinarians. 

** Figures not available. 



Undoubtedly there were some 
changes in the distribution of Negro 
professionals during the war years, but 
such information as has been assem- 
bled does not indicate a significant 
departure from the situation as it ex- 
isted in 1940. The Army programs for 
increasing the number of professional 
personnel availafre for military serv- 
ice, particularly in the medical pro- 
fessions, enrolled a few Negroes, but 
the number was not sufficient to pro- 
duce any substantial increase in the 
total in this field. 

Serious Shortage of Negro 
Professional Workers 

Considering the question of Negro 
professional workers from the point 
of view of national needs as well as 
vocational opportunities, some conclu- 
sions may be drawn from the facts at 
hand. It is commonly held that too 
many Negroes desire to enter the teach- 
ing profession. If this statement were 
made on the premise that there should 
be a balanced distribution of profes- 
sional workers, it could be considered 
worthy of merit. On the other hand, 
if the supply of teachers and teachers- 
to-be is related to the need for teach- 
ers, it will be seen that there is yet a 
critical shortage in this field. This 
situation results from the fact that in 
the vast majority of segregated pub- 
lic schools the teacher load is con- 
siderably higher than it would be if 
national standards were observed in 
staffing these schools. It is reliably 
estimated that if the nation's educa- 
tional program were expanded to pro- 
vide something approaching equality 



of educational opportunity for every 
child, we would need almost a million 
additional teachers. This claim is 
made not because of the impoverished 
condition of education for Negroes but 
because of the unfortunate position of 
the nation's entire educational pro- 
gram. Although recognized during the 
war, little was actually done about 
the problem. It would not be surpris- 
ing, however, if the whole question of 
standards and teachers' compensation 
became a serious national issue within 
the next year. 

Undoubtedly one of the most critical 
gaps in the professional education of 
Negroes is the medical profession. As 
shown in Table 5, there were only 3,430 
Negro physicians and 1,611 Negro den- 
tists. Disparities in the number of Ne- 
groes engaged in other major profes- 
sions indicate a real need for hundreds 
of persons in the medical professions 
as well as in others with the possible 
exception of the ministry. 

Shortage of Semi-Professional 
Workers 

The semi-professional fields show a 
corresponding shortage of qualified Ne- 
groes, according to the Census. In 
1940 there were 79 Negro electrical 
engineers, 95 Negro civil engineers, 54 
mechanical engineers, 125 designers 
and draftsmen, 47 surveyors, 80 archi- 
tects, and 254 chemists and metallur- 
gists. During the five-year period cov- 
ered in this report, many hundreds of 
Negroes have been exposed to work 
experiences in war production and the 
Armed Forces which should stimulate 
greater interest in these important 



TRADE AND COMMERCE 



143 



fields. A major difficulty in the past 
has been the inability of Negro fam- 
ilies to send their children to schools 
offering training in these fields. In 
view of the liberal provisions of the 
G. I. Bill of Rights, this problem 
should be considerably relieved in the 
years immediately ahead. 

TRADE AND COMMERCE 

The Negro As a Wage-earner 
In the Total Labor Force 

Changes in the status of Negroes in 
the nation's vast commercial activities 
will be considered in two phases: the 
Negro a=? a wage-earner in the total 
labor force, and the Negro business 
owner-operator. Some improvement in 
the position of Negro wage-earners in 
this important field was noted between 
1940 and 1945 both in the number of 
workers and in the kinds of jobs held 
by them. It is doubtful, however, if 
this improvement was sufficient to 
make a decided difference in the gen- 



eral distribution of Negroes in the field 
as reported in the 16th (1940) Census. 
Of the 3,325,767 males employed as 
proprietors, managers, and officia's 
(except farm) only 37,240 or 1.1 per 
cent were Negroes in 1940. Of the 4,- 
360,648 males employed as clerical, 
sales, and kindred workers in trade 
and commerce, only 58,557 or 1.3 per 
cent were Negroes. The majority of 
Negro proprietors and managers aro 
owner-operators of businesses serving 
Negroes primarily, and a large pro- 
portion of workers in positions as 
salesmen, clerks, insurance agents, etc., 
are likewise employed in Negro-oper- 
ated enterprises. A brisk movement 
into service and sub-clerical jobs was 
noted in many communities due to 
induction of male workers into the 
armed forces and the transfer of white 
women workers to manufacturing oc- 
cupations in war industry. The un- 
favorable position of Negro male work- 
ers in this field is clearly shown in the 
following tables: 



Table 5 

Employed Proprietors, Managers, and Officials (Male) in Selected 
Commercial Fields by Race 1940 



Commercial Field 


Total 


White 


Negro 


Per Cent 
Negro 


"Wholesale Trade 


227 334 


222 779 


3 589 


1 6 


Manufacturing 


402 506 


401 366 


841 


2 


Transportation & Communication 


134 232 


133 343 


818 


6 


Eating & Drinking Places 


200,519 


191,402 


6,410 


3 2 


Retail Trades (except eating and drinking places) 
Finance Insurance Real Estate 


1,242,323 
174 668 


1,225,551 
173 647 


13,467 
907 


1.1 
5 


Construction 


113,898 


112,532 


1 339 


1 2 


Postmaster and Misc. Governmental Officials 


198,377 


197,541 


693 


0.3 



Table 6 

Employed Clerical, Sales and Kindred Workers (Male) in Selected 
Commercial Occupations by Race 1940 



Occupation 



Total 



White Negro Per Cent 
Negro 



Bookkeepers, Accountants etc 


447 606 


445 934 


907 


2 


Mail Carriers . 


119 246 


113 542 


5 642 


4 7 


Stenographers, Typists & Sec'ys 


68,805 


68,187 


467 


7 


Telegraph Operators 


31 554 


31 515 


35 


1 


Insurance Agents & Brokers 


226,061 


221,130 


4,744 


2 1 


Real Estate Agents & Brokers 


100,856 


99 716 


1 086 


1.1 


Shipping & Receiving Clerks 


200 669 


195 579 


4 915 


2 4 


Other Clerical & Kindred Workers 


1,256,689 


1,238,241 


16,470 


1.3 



144 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945 



If Negro male workers were virtually 
excluded from employment in trade and 
commerce before 1941, female workers 
were even worse off. The 1940 Census 
reported 423,320 women proprietors, 
managers, and officials (except farm) 
of whom 10,914 or 2.6 per cent were 
Negroes. Almost half of this total, 4,- 
853, were proprietors and managers of 
eating and drinking establishments. 



But the major disparity between em- 
ployment of Negro and white women 
is revealed in the Census report of 
clerical, sales and kindred workers. 
Of the total 3,156,982 women employed 
in the field, only 20,765, one-tenth of 
one per cent, were Negro women. By 
occupation, white and Negro women 
were distributed as follows: 



Table 7 

Employed Clerical, Sales, and Kindred Workers (Female) in Selected 
Commercial Occupations by Race 1940 



Occupation 



Total 



White Negro Per Cent 
Negro 



Bookkeepers Accountants Cashiers Etc 


448 359 


445 691 


2 127 


5 




51 454 


51 356 


92 


2 


Stenographers Typists & Secretaries 


998,081 


983 321 


4,110 


0.4 


Telephone Operators 


189 002 


188 667 


259 


1 




8 228 


8 220 


8 


1 


Other Clerical Workers 


690,379 


683,195 


6,549 


0.9 


Insurance Agents & Brokers ... . .... 


13,081 


12 066 


1 010 


7 7 


Other Saleswomen 


. ... 724,223 


717,080 


5,280 


0.7 



The war years saw an unprecedented 
demand for clerical and kindred work- 
ers, both in government and non-gov- 
ernment employment. Negro women in 
large numbers found opportunities in 
government employment primarily in 
the departmental services in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. In a few private in- 
dustries, Negro women obtained em- 
ployment as clerks, typists, and ste- 
nographers. When the war ended, there 
were at least five times as many Negro 
women in clerical occupations as there 
were before the war, but this increase 
scarcely affected the percentage of 
Negro women in the total employed in 
this field. 

The Negro Business Owner-Operator 

Improved economic conditions 
throughout the country are reflected 
to some extent by the increase in the 
number of Negro operators of small 
business establishments. Although spe- 
cific information regarding this growth 
has not been made available, a survey 
of 3,866 businesses owned and operated 
by Negroes, exclusive of insurance 
companies and bonds provides an in- 
formative body of data on this vital 
subject. This survey was conducted 
jointly by the National Urban League 
and Atlanta University and financed 
through a grant from the General Edu- 
cation Board. Negro businesses in At- 
lanta, Cincinnati, Houston, Memphis, 



Nashville, New Orleans, Richmond, Sa- 
vannah, and Washington comprised the 
3,866 concerns covered in the study. 
A smaller sample, 384 concerns, was 
selected for detailed analysis. 

Forty-eight per cent of all enter- 
prises surveyed were found to be serv- 
ice establishments; 42.5 per cent retail 
stores; and 9.5 per cent miscellaneous 
businesses. Distributed as to kinds of 
enterprises, the survey showed the ten 
most frequent businesses were as fol- 
lows: 

Restaurants 627 

Beauty Shops 600 

Barber Shops 404 

Grocery Stores 293 

Cleaning & Pressing 288 

Shoe Repair 130 

Undertakers 126 

Confectionaries 114 

Taverns 88 

Filling Stations 75 

Among other characteristics of these 
enterprises is the fact that they cater 
to Negro patronage primarily and are 
located in areas popu^ted almost en- 
tirely by Negroes. These concerns re- 
ported that close to 98 per cent of their 
patronage came from Negroes. The 
majority of all enterprises studied 
were owner-operated, one-man busi- 
nesses. About 85 per cent were single 
proprietorships, and 9 per cent part- 



DISPLACEMENT IN AGRICULTURE 



145 



porations, and less than one per cent 
were cooperatives. 

The most striking information ob- 
tained in this survey concerns the 
capital invested, the volume of busi- 
ness, and the training and experience 
of the operators. The median initial 
capital of retail stores was $543.73; of 
service establishments, $446.38; of mis- 
cellaneous businesses, "$999.50; and of 
all businesses, $549.50. The median an- 
nual volumes of business as reported 
by all businesses were: retail stores, 
$3,579.05; service establishments, $2,- 
496.66; miscellaneous businesses, $7,- 
245.26; all businesses, $3,260.01. 

The median educational achievement 
for operators of these enterprises was 
9.6 grades and the median business 
experience was 12 years. Eighty-one 
per cent of all business operators have 
had no business training. A total of 
11,538 persons were employed by 3,674 
concerns, of whom 11,194 were paid 
workers. 

Reference is made to this survey to 
point up a few pertinent observations. 
In the main, it must be admitted that 
Negroes have made only a meager be- 
ginning in business if judgment is to 
be based on the result of the study. 
The lack of capital and training for 
business and the racial practices found 
in most sections of the country have 
all but excluded Negroes from the 
main streams of American business 
and confined them almost exclusively 
to service establishments catering to 
Negroes. It is doubtful if successful 
business can be established and con- 
ducted within these limitations. Free- 
dom of enterprise in business must be 
the goal of the Negro entrepreneur, 
and he must fight for this just as he 
has fought for the right to work with- 
out discrimination. Until Negroes 
achieve this objective, they will not 
loom important in the nation's com- 
merce. The success of Negro-owned 
insurance companies has demonstrated 
the ability of well-trained Negroes to 
organize and operate business in com- 
petition with similar enterprises. But 
there is no reason why these companies 
should be limited to business among 
Negroes exclusively. It may be re- 
ported in concluding this section that 
Negroes are operating on the periphery 
of American commerce and must look 
to the future for a real chance in busi- 
ness. 



DISPLACEMENT IN 

AGRICULTURE 
Negroes Leave Rural Areas 
For Jobs in Industry 

Negro farm operators and farm la- 
borers were vitally affected by the 
economic upheavals of the war years. 
The number of persons who left the 
farms and rural areas to obtain better 
paying jobs is variously estimated at 
between 300,000 and 700,000. It is esti- 
mated that at the end of 1946 the num- 
ber had reached the million mark and 
was still mounting. 

Between 1940 and 1945, the number 
of white farm operators decreased by 
nearly 100,000. Negroes comprise 40.9 
per cent of all tenants in 1945 as com- 
pared with 35.0 per cent in 1940. They 
accounted for a larger percentage of 
all sharecroppers in 1945, 61.6 per cent 
compared to 55.3 per cent in 1940. It 
will be noted, however, that the per- 
centage of Negroes who were full own- 
ers increased from 20.9 per cent in 
1940 to 23.6 per cent of all Negro farm 
operators in 1945. The proportion who 
were tenant farmers dropped from 74.5 
per cent in 1940 to 72.3 per cent in 
1945 , while the number who were 
sharecroppers dropped from 44.0 per 
cent to 39.8 per cent of the Negro op- 
erators. 

Planning For Displacement of Farm 
Workers By Mechanization Needed 

Negroes have traditionally lived 
close to the land in much of the south- 
ern agricultural region. Often ex- 
ploited by large farm operators and 
restricted to marginal and sub- 
marginal land in some States, the 
struggle for a higher standard of liv- 
ing and a greater measure of security 
has been a hard and frequently fruit- 
less one. It would be expected that 
many Negroes discouraged by this 
seemingly hopeless and futile situation 
would prefer to move to more prosper- 
ous areas when the opportunity pre- 
sented itself. During and after World 
War I, this movement got under way. 
It was accelerated during World War 
II but failed to reach the 1917-18 pro- 
portions. Recent and anticipated de- 
velopments in agriculture are raising 
a number of questions regarding the 
Negro agricultural worker in the 
South. The Rust Cotton Picker and 
other advanced farm implements are 
expected to reduce the number of la- 



146 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945 



borers required for southern agricul- 
ture. Ellcot D. Pratt, writing in the 
New Leader said: "The production of 
3,000 to 5,000 cotton picking machines 
is not impossible by 1947. Since one 
of these machines can do the work of 
about 75 handpickers, we may soon 
have the problem of up to 500,000 un- 
employed cotton hands with the num- 
ber increasing within a few years." 
Mr. Pratt continues with this observa- 
tion: "The dumping of such large 
numbers of unskilled workers in the 
labor market is likely to thoroughly 
disturb the social situation in the 
South and its effects are sure to be 
felt in other parts of the country." 
He estimates that 50 per cent of the 
southern labor that will migrate to the 
northern industrial centers will be 
Negroes. 

The tragic fact about this probable 
development is that no official action 
has been taken to direct the re-set- 
tling of these workers. While several 
voluntary private organizations are 
working to improve the lot of southern 
agricultural workers, there has been 
little planning for the inevitable day 
when this labor will be no longer 
needed. As we consider the present 
plight of the harassed Negro farmer 
and farm laborer, the possibility of a 
drastic change in the pattern of south- 
ern agriculture makes his current posi- 
tion appear almost inconsequential. 

NEGROES IN THE LABOR 

MOVEMENT 

Negro Membership in Labor Unions 
Increased During World War II 

One of the most significant develop- 
ments of the period, 1941-1945, has 
been the movement of Negroes into the 



labor movement. It was reliably esti- 
mated that 1,250,000 Negroes were en- 
rolled in labor unions at peak war 
production. The importance of this 
change may best be recognized by com- 
paring this figure with estimates of 
other authorities in this field. Dr. Ira 
DeA. Reid 7 estimated the total Negro 
union membership at 110,000 in 1930. 
By 1935, the number of Negroes in the 
labor movement was estimated to be 
180,000. In 1940, the number of Negro 
union members was estimated at 600,- 
000. Thus the war years brought an 
increase of some 650,000 Negroes in the 
labor movement, while the total mem- 
bership in labor unions increased from 
8,500,000 in 1940 to 14,000,000 in 1945. 

Negro Membership in Various 
Labor Unions 

Numerous attempts have been made 
to determine the Negro membership 
of the various international and local 
unions in the Congress of Industrial 
Organizations (CIO), the American 
Federation of Labor (AFL), and the 
remaining independent unions. It can- 
not be said that these efforts have been 
too successful and only estimates are 
presently available. The CIO claimed 
500,000 Negro members in 1944, while 
the AFL estimated its Negro mem- 
bership at 650,000. An additional 100,- 
000 Negroes were believed to be mem- 
bers of independent unions not af- 
filiated with either of these bodies. 
The Labor Research Association re- 
ported in 1945 (Labor Fact Book No. 
7) 8 the following Negro union member- 
ship in major international unions: 

T "Negro Membership in American Labor 
Unions" Ira DeA. Reid. 
8 Labor Fact Book No. 7 Labor Research 
Association, Pages 73-74. 



Negro 



CIO Unions 

Steelworkers of America, United 

Automobile, Aircraft, Agricultural Implement Workers of America 

Marine & Shipbuilding- Workers of America, Industrial Union of 

Electrical, Radio & Machine Workers of America, United 

Packing-house Workers of America, United 

Mine, Mill & Smelter Workers, International Union of 

Clothing- Workers of America, Amalgamated 

Federal Workers of America, United 

Fur & Leather Workers Union, International 8,000- 

Transport Service Employees of America, United 

Maritime Union of America, National 

Textile Workers Union of America 

Food, Tobacco, Agricultural & Allied Workers Union of America 

Longshoremen's & Warehousemen's Union, International 

Retail, Wholesale & Department Store Employees of America 

Furniture Workers of America, United 

Woodworkers of America, International 

Transport Workers Union of America 

Farm Equipment & Metal Workers of America, United 

State, County & Municipal Workers of America 

Playthings, Jewelry & Novelty Workers Union 



Members 
95,000 
90,000 
40,000 
40,000 
22,500 
20,000 
15,000 
10,000 
10,000 
10,000 

8,500 

6,500 

6,000 
13,000 

6,000 

6,000 

3,000 

3,000 

3,000 

2,800 

2,500 



NEGROES IN THE LABOR MOVEMENT 



147 



AFL Unions 

Hodcarriers & Common Laborers 

Hotel & Restaurant Employees, etc 

Building Service Employees 

Maintenance of Way Employees, Bro. of , 

Meat Cutters & Butcher Workmen 

Railway Clerks & Freighthandlers 

Teamsters, Chauffeurs, etc 

Boilermakers & Iron Shipbuilders (Jan. 1944) 

Laundry Workers International Union 

Longshoremen's Association, International 

Garment Workers, International Ladies 

Tobacco Workers International Union 

Porters, Bro. of Sleeping Car 

Musicians, American Federation of 

Carmen of America, Bro. Railway 

Carpenters & Joiners, United Bro. of 

Bricklayers, Masons & Plasterers 

Printing Pressmen, International 

Cement, Lime & Gypsum Workers 

Pulp, Sulphite & Paper Mill Workers 

Painters of America, Bro. of 

Cigarmakers International Union 

Brick and Clay Workers, etc 

Glass Workers, Amer. Flint 



Negro Members 

55,000 

.35,000-40,000 

35,000 

25,000 

25,000 

12,000 

15,000 

14,000 

12,000 

10,000 

10,000 

9,100 

8,500 

4,500 

4,500 

3,000 

3,000 

3,000 

3,000 

2,000 

1,500 

500 

500 

400 



Other Unions 
United Mine Workers (now affiliated with AFL) 



50,000 



Attitude of the CIO Toward 
Negro Membership 

The mere fact of union membership, 
as important as it is, does not tell the 
whole story of Negro participation in 
the labor movement. There still re- 
mains the question of racial practices 
within the respective local unions af- 
filiated with various international CIO 
and AFL. Generally speaking, the CIO 
has been much more aggressive in 
protecting the rights of Negro mem- 
bers in the matter of promotions, up- 
grading, holding office and other privi- 
leges available to all CIO members. 
In many contracts, the CIO insists 
upon clauses barring discrimination 
against workers because of race or 
religion. Other measures adopted by 
the CIO in its fight against discrimi- 
nation include a national anti-discrim- 
ination committee composed of top CIO 
officials and directed by a Negro ex- 
ecutive. This committee has carried 
on a vigorous campaign designed to 
promote democratic practices in all 
CIO unions. The United Automobile 
Workers (CIO) has a similar com- 
mittee which develops and projects 
educational programs, in all U.A.W. 
locals and polices racial practices 
in local unions. The end result of 
the CIO's fight for equal treatment 
for Negroes has been a sharp increase 
in Negro employment in all industries 
covered by UAW-CIO contracts. 



Attitude of the AFL Toward 
Negro Membership 

Despite its larger Negro member- 
ship, the AFL has not dealt with the 
question of Negro participation with 
the same forthrightness. This is not 
to say that certain international and 
local AFL unions have not endeavored 
to treat Negroes fairly. In many in- 
stances, Negroes have enjoyed all 
membership privileges and have held 
important offices in local unions. Per- 
haps the chief criticism of AFL racial 
policies is its refusal or inability to 
ccpe with the problems of segregation 
and exclusion practiced by some of 
its important affiliates. Conspicuous 
among the unions whose practices 
leave much to be desired are the In- 
ternational Association of Machinists, 
which excludes Negroes from member- 
ship by ritual. The Asbestos Workers, 
Electrical Workers, Plumbers and 
Steamfitters, Flint Glass Workers, and 
Granite Cutters, although having no 
written provisions barring Negroes, 
manage to keep them out by tacit con- 
sent or other subterfuges. The Air- 
line Pilots, except in New York State, 
Masters, Mates and Pilots; Railway 
Mail Association; Wire Weavers Pro- 
tective Association; and Switchmen's 
Union exclude Negroes by constitu- 
tional or ritual provisions. In the 
more skilled crafts in the building 
trades, local union practices in some 



148 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945 



cities amount to near exclusion of Ne- 
gro workmen. Few Negroes are ap- 
prenticed in some crafts, and educa- 
tional officials in a number of cities 
declare they cannot offer Negroes 
training in certain crafts because of 
union opposition. The practices of 
these unions have had an adverse 
effect on the occupational aspirations 
of Negro youth who may have pre- 
pared to be skilled craftsmen in the 
building trades. 

Seven Unaffiliated Railroad 
Unions Exclude Negroes 

Seven unaffiliated railroad unions 
exclude Negroes by constitutional pro- 
vision: Locomotive Engineers; Loco- 
motive Firemen and Enginemen; Rail- 
road Trainmen; Railroad Yardmasters 
of North America; Railway Conduct- 
ors, Train Dispatchers' Association; 
and Railroad Yardmasters of America. 

The over-all effect of war-time ef- 
forts to use the entire work force was 
generally favorable for Negroes in 
their relations with organized labor. 
Many thousands of Negroes found em- 
ployment in organizable industries and 
were soon a part of the movement. 
Many unions which admitted Negroes 
grudgingly found it advantageous to 
liberalize their racial policies. How 
this development will affect post-war 
employment opportunities for Negro 
workers will not be decided until the 
reconversion process is further along. 

SIGNIFICANT GOVERNMENT 
ACTION AFFECTING NEGRO 

WORKERS 
Presidential Orders 8802 and 9346 

The role of Government in protect- 
ing the rights of Negro wage-earners 
was vastly expanded during the war 
years. First by the creation of special 
units to assist in removing barriers 
to the employment of Negroes in war 
production and later by Presidential 
Orders 8802 9 and 9346, 10 the weight of 
government influence was felt in many 
industrial centers as well as in govern- 

"Executive Order 8802 issued by Presi- 
dent Roosevelt June 25, 1941, to "re- 
affirm the policy of the U. S. that there 
shall be no discrimination in the employ- 
ment of workers in defense industries or 
government because of race, creed, color, 
or national origin." 

1( 'Executive Order 9346 revised and 
strengthened edition of 8802 issued by the 
White House in 1943. 



ment agencies. Although these steps 
were taken in order to end discrimina- 
tion against all racial and religious 
minorities, the majority of complaints 
were filed because of discrimination 
against Negroes. Undoubtedly the fa- 
vorable changes in the employment 
status of Negro workers must be cred- 
ited to the prestige of government in- 
tervention and implementation of the 
presidential orders referred to in this 
paragraph. 

How Executive Orders Were 
Received By Employers 

How government action was re- 
ceived by management, labor, and gov- 
ernment officials would require more 
elaboration than is possible in this re- 
port. Some employers and a few labor 
unions found the Executive Order just 
the thing to bolster their lukewarm 
opposition to discrimination against 
Negroes. The more alert employers 
proceeded immediately to let their em- 
ployees know that they intended to em- 
ploy Negroes in compliance with the 
Order. Several large industries em- 
ployed Negro personnel assistants to 
supervise and direct the recruitment 
and selection of Negroes for their 
plants. On the other hand, there were 
industries which succeeded in avoiding 
open criticism by employing a token 
number of Negroes. At peak war pro- 
duction the scarcity of labor was so 
acute, most employers were glad to 
get competent workers regardless of 
race or religion. 

How Executive Orders Were 
Received By Skilled Laborers 

Opposition to the employment of Ne- 
groes in skilled production jobs re- 
sulted in strikes and walkouts on the 
part of white workers in some indus- 
tries. Two instances of this kind illus- 
trate the effectiveness of government 
support for government regulations. 
When Negro workers in the Packard 
Motor Company's plant were upgraded 
and transferred to production jobs, 25,- 
000 white workers staged a seven-day 
walkout. Only the firm position of top 
UAW-CIO officials ended the strike, and 
not until the strikers were threatened 
with dismissal and expulsion from the 
union did they agree to return to their 
jobs. 

Another case which attracted nation- 
wide attention was the six-day tie-up 



GOVERNMENT ACTION AFFECTING NEGRO WORKERS 



149 



of Philadelphia's public transportation 
facilities. In compliance with the War 
Manpower Commission's instructions 
to train and employ Negro motormen 
and conductors to relieve the stringent 
labor shortage, the Philadelphia Trans- 
portation Company 11 selected eight Ne- 
groes and trained them for operators' 
jobs. They were scheduled to take 
cars out on August 1, 1944, when a 
protest strike of white operators and 
conductors was called. Government of- 
ficials responsible for settling the dis- 
pute refused to yield to the demands 
of the strikers and threatened to man 
the street cars with soldiers and draft 
all striking employees qualified for 
military service before the strike ended 
on August 7. There were other major 
disturbances, including the Alabama 
Dry Docks riots in 1943." In each of 
these instances as well as in other less 
publicized occurrences, prompt and 
vigorous action on the part of proper 
government agencies succeeded in re- 
storing order and returning Negroes 
to war jobs. 

Equally important in this connection 
were several court opinions and direc- 
tives issued by other government agen- 
cies including the War Labor Board 
and the National Labor Relations 
Board. 

Supreme Court Rules On 
Locomotive Firemen 

In December, 1944, the United States 
Supreme Court ordered a full trial of 
the Case of Seele and Tunstall, two 
Negro locomotive firemen, who sued the 
Southern and Louisville and Nashville 
Railroads to recover damages result- 
ing from their removal as firemen on 
hand-fired locomotives operated by 
these railroads. Two lower courts had 
disclaimed jurisdiction in this case 
which grew out of agreements between 
the Brotherhood of Locomotive Fire- 
men and 21 Southern railroads to em- 
ploy only union firemen on new stoker- 
fired locomotives. Negroes are not ac- 
cepted as members in this union, and 
the agreement reached between the 
railroads and the union would in 



""Another Philadelphia Story," by Julius 
A. Thomas and Reginald A. Johnson, 
OPPORTUNITY Magazine, published by 
the National Urban League, Fall issue, 
1944. 

12 "Race Conflict and Social Action," by 
Julius A. Thomas, OPPORTUNITY Mag- 
azine, October issue, 1943. 



time completely eliminate Negro fire- 
men. 

The decision of the Court was unani- 
mous in supporting the principle that 
a union having a contract with an em- 
ployer is obligated to protect the rights 
of non-union employees at least to the 
extent of seeing that they are not un- 
justly discriminated against because 
of race or color. This was an impor- 
tant decision inasmuch as it served to 
halt the wholesale dismissal of Negro 
firemen and established their right 
and that of other railroad workers to 
the protection of the union contract 
then in operation. 

California Courts Hit 
Auxiliary Unions 

In February, 1944, a California 
County Court enjoined the Marine Ship 
Company from discharging Negroes 
who refused to pay dues in an all- 
Negro auxiliary union. The Boiler- 
makers, Iron Shipbuilders, and Help- 
ers (AFL) had a closed shop agree- 
ment with the company and had re- 
quested dismissal of the non-dues pay- 
ing Negroes. Negroes, on the other 
hand, contended that their rights were 
abridged because they had no part in 
the bargaining and other processes con- 
ducted by the union. In January, 1945, 
the Supreme Court of California up- 
held the decision of the lower Court, 
thus placing upon the union the obli- 
gation of extending Negro members 
the same privileges and protection of- 
fered other members. The Brotherhood 
in its convention in 1944 voted to 
change the status of Negroes in aux- 
iliary unions and authorized them to 
elect delegates to the district councils 
and national conventions and to elect 
representatives for bargaining and 
grievance committees. 

U. S. Supreme Court Upholds 
New York Action Against 
Railway Mail Association 

Does the Railway Mail Association 
have the prerogative under New York's 
Civil Rights Laws to function as a 
bona fide labor union while denying 
membership to Negro clerks under the 
pretense of being a private fraternal 
organization? This question was de- 
cided in the negative by the State of 
New York and its action was appealed 
to the United States Supreme Court. 



150 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945 



In June, 1945, the Supreme Court ruled 
that the State of New York had the 
authority to regulate practices of trade 
unions within the State and approved 
the State's action declaring the Asso- 
ciation a labor union. The effect of 
this ruling was to nullify a provision 
in the Association's Constitution which 
restricted membership to "native 
American Indians and members of the 
Caucasian race." 

States Adopt Anti-Discrimination Laws 

Motivated by the wave of public sup- 
port for Federal anti-discrimination 
laws^efforts were made between 1941 
and 1945 to enact State legislation out- 
lawing discrimination in employment 
on account of race, color, creed, or 
national origin. In 1945, fifty-five State 
bills were introduced in nearly every 
northern industrial State. New York 
and New Jersey enacted FEPC laws 
while Indiana and Wisconsin passed 
two others. In California, Connecticut, 
New Mexico, Pennsylvania, Rhode Is- 
land, and Washington, similar laws 
were defeated by narrow margins, but 
proponents of the legislation plan to 
reintroduce bills outlawing discrimina- 
tion. 

The Ives-Quinn Law. The New York 
(Ives-Quinn) law forbids discrimina- 
tion because of race, color, creed, or na- 
tional origin. It establishes a five- 
member Commission to implement the 
law by receiving complaints, holding 
hearings, and issuing cease and desist 
orders enforcible in the Courts. The 
law is designed to prohibit discrimina- 
tion by labor unions as well as em- 
ployers. It became operative July 1, 
1945. 

The New Jersey Law. The New Jer- 
sey law is similar to the New York 
law except in the provisions for en- 
forcement. It provides that the As- 
sistant Commissioner of Education will 
administer the law and empowers him 
with authority to employ such addi- 
tional personnel as will be required to 
fulfill the intent of the law. 

The Indiana and Wisconsin Laws. 
The Indiana and Wisconsin laws, al- 
though designed to halt discrimination, 
are relatively inadequate compared 
with the New York and New Jersey 
laws. The Indiana law empowers the 
State Commissioner of Labor to in- 
vestigate discriminatory employment 
practices, to formulate educational 



programs, to eliminate such discrimi- 
nation and to recommend legislation 
to the Governor and General Assembly. 
The Wisconsin law is similar to the 
Indiana law and empowers the Wiscon- 
sin State Commission to investigate 
discrimination and take appropriate 
steps to curtail it. The State of In- 
diana appropriated $15,000 to imple- 
ment the law, while Wisconsin appro- 
priated $10,000 for similar purposes. 
Perhaps the best that can be said for 
these two laws under present circum- 
stances is that they were enacted to 
forestall action on stronger, more effec- 
tive legislation. Since the enactment 
of the Wisconsin law, the City of Mil- 
waukee has passed a City Ordinance 
with more enforcement powers than 
are found in the State law. A similar 
ordinance was enacted by the City 
Council of Chicago, Illinois. 

Support For Federal 
FEPC Organized 

It is much too early to evaluate the 
merits of this approach to a solution 
of the problem of discrimination in 
employment, but in the first six months 
after these laws became operative in 
New York and New Jersey, many im- 
portant industries and commercial es- 
tablishments announced that they in- 
tended to comply fully with the spirit 
and letter of the law. Thus Negroes 
and members of other minority groups 
customarily discriminated against by 
employers and labor unions prepared 
to look to the law for protection of 
their rights to employment. Renewed 
efforts to secure passage of Federal 
legislation to replace the war-time Ex- 
ecutive Order (8802) met with defeat 
during the 79th Congress, but the Na- 
tional Committee for a Permanent 
FEPC is organizing public support for 
favorable action on the legislation in 
the 80th Congress. 

THE NEGRO VETERAN IN THE 

ECONOMY 

Benefits Provided By the 
Service Men's Adjustment Act 
(G. I. Bill of Rights) 

Important for future consideration 
of the economic well-being of Negroes 
is the fact that slightly more than 
1,000,000 Negroes were inducted into 
the armed forces. Approximately 70 
per cent of these men came from the 
Southern and Border States. For many 



EARLY TRENDS IN PEACE-TIME EMPLOYMENT 



151 



Negro service men, the experiences of 
Army life represented the first sem- 
blance of economic security they had 
ever known. In addition, the training 
which they received and the orderly 
arrangement of day-to-day living habits 
had a profound effect upon their so- 
cial attitudes and habits. What this 
experience will mean in terms of peace- 
time living remains to be seen. It is 
probable, however, that thousands of 
Negro veterans will take advantage 
of the educational benefits provided 
by the Service Men's Adjustment Act 
(G. I. Bill of Rights). Under this 
act, the government guarantees every 
service man who was honorably dis- 
charged after ninety days of military 
service (or service connected dis- 
ability) at least one year's education, 
refresher or retraining course in any 
school he desires to attend. To obtain 
education or training beyond one year, 
if he was over 25 when inducted, the 
veteran must show that his education 
was interrupted by the war. If under 
25 years when inducted, the veteran 
may get up to four years education 
in any school he chooses, but the pe- 
riod of time will depend on length 
of military service. While in school, 
the Government will pay the veteran 
a substantial allowance of $60 a 
month, if single without dependents, 
and $90 a month if he has dependents. 
In addition, the government will pay 
tuition, cost of books, supplies, equip- 
ment, laboratory or other fees not ex- 
ceeding $500 a school year. 

Other benefits which in time may 
improve the economic outlook for vet- 
erans include guaranteed loans for 
business purposes, home buying, farm 
equipment or purchase up to $2,000. 
The first year's interest on the part 
of such loans up to $2,000 will be paid 
by the Government. Further benefits 
include unemployment allowances of 
$20 per week for 52 weeks if the vet- 
eran is unable to obtain employment, 
free medical and dental service, pen- 
sions, and the privilege of converting 
government life insurance policies. 

The combined effects of these bene 
fits become readily apparent. With 
almost 50 per cent of Negro males be- 
tween 18 and 37 entitled to one or 
more of these opportunities to im- 
prove their earning power by acquir- 
ing training or education, or by going 
into business, the outlook for many 



young men is much brighter than it 
has been in the past half century. 

EARLY TRENDS IN PEACE-TIME 
. EMPLOYMENT 

Employment of Negroes 
High But Earnings Lower 
Than War Level 

Chief among the fears entertained 
by most observers of the national eco- 
nomic scene was the belief that the 
period of reconversion would result in 
the displacement of millions of former 
war workers. Negro workers were ex- 
pected to suffer a disproportionate 
share of the temporary unemployment 
thus imposed because of their lack of 
seniority in industrial employment. 
Fortunately, most of these estimates 
proved inaccurate and employment 
continued at a level almost equal to 
the war-time peak. This favorable cir- 
cumstance enabled many displaced 
Negro workers to obtain peace-time 
employment, although earnings were 
somewhat lower than war levels. Re- 
cent surveys by government and pri- 
vate agencies estimated the total un- 
employment as of January 1946 at 2,- 
500,000 to 3,000,000 persons, of whom 
500,000 were Negroes. Should Negro 
workers return to industrial and other 
peace-time employment under condi- 
tions obtaining during the war, the 
outlook for continued work appears 
much brighter. 

Negroes Move Into New 
Employment Fields 

The movement of Negroes into new 
employment fields was accelerated dur- 
ing 1945 under the impact of anti- 
discrimination legislation and the de-, 
mand for democratic employment prac- 
tices throughout the nation. In New 
York and New Jersey, the number of 
Negro girls and women employed by 
the New York and New Jersey Tele- 
phone companies as clerks, typists, 
and switchboard operators rose from 
approximately 300 to well over 600. 
The Metropolitan Life Insurance Com- 
pany for the first time began to em- 
ploy Negro clerical workers in its 
home office. Most of the larger depart- 
ment stores in New York City began 
to employ qualified Negroes in a va- 
riety of jobs including clerks, sales- 
people, stenographers, etc. 

Outside of New York and New Jer- 
sey, the movement to expand job op- 



152 



THE NEGRO IN THE NATIONAL ECONOMY 1941-1945 



portunities for Negroes took on new 
momentum. Local Urban League 
branches in Philadelphia, Boston, 
Providence, Detroit, Cleveland, Pitts- 
burgh, Milwaukee, and other impor- 
tant cities initiated movements to 
break down barriers against Negro 
workers. Definite assurance that Ne- 
groes would be employed as switch- 
board operators were obtained in De- 
troit, San Francisco, Providence, and 
Milwaukee. The majority of the 21 
operating units of the Bell System 
began to consider serious^ the need 
for integrating more Negro workers 



in better jobs than they had formerly 
offered them. Simultaneously, many 
important industrialists were willing 
to admit that they intended to con- 
tinue the use of Negro wage-earners. 
The availability of more desirable em- 
ployment opportunities in business 
and industry will place squarely upon 
the shoulders of Negro youth the re- 
sponsibility of acquiring skills and 
work habits that will enhance their 
qualifications for employment. This 
development is by far the most impor- 
tant sequence to war-time employment 
of Negroes. 



DIVISION VII 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 

By JESSE R. OTIS AND EMILE N. HOOKER 
Tuskegee Institute and Hampton Institute 



THE PLANTATION SYSTEM AND 
SHARE-CROPPING 

After the slaves were freed, a source 
of cheap labor remained the basis for 
carrying on the cotton industry in 
the South. The system of share-crop- 
ping was the answer to cheap labor in 
that the mass of the recently-freed 
slaves knew nothing about managing 
a farm independent of direction. The 
South still labors under the effects of 
slavery and its consequential ills. The 
majority of Negro farmers are still 
ignorant of the best agricultural meth- 
ods. 

According to the 1940 census, about 
95 per cent of the Negro farmers in 
the nation lived and produced in the 
16 Southern States. (See table 1). The 
Negro in Agriculture, therefore, really 
means the Negro in the Agriculture of 
the South. The plantation system of 
the South has been built around the 
system of share-cropping. The preva- 
lence of this system and the ignorance 
of the Negroes and the poor whites 
who constituted the tenant labor for 
the system have given rise to a series 
of problems which have beset the agri- 
culture of the South until this day. 
Large absentee land holdings; the ab- 
sence of efficiently operated family- 
sized farms, and the dependence upon 
the one crop, cotton, have resulted in 
wholesale mining of soil resources and 
in a too generally impoverished peo- 
ple, thus causing the South to be 
labeled as the Nation's number one 
problem area. One thing is certain: 
the plantation system as it has been 
known in the South is fast disappear- 
ing. 

Handicaps of Negro Farmers 

As a farmer, the Negro is beset by 
many handicaps, namely: (1) too 
small farm units for efficient opera- 
tion; (2) inclination to raise certain 
crops only, without balancing the busi- 
ness of farming to take advantage of 
livestock and diversified income; (3) 



attempting to farm without the use of 
farm machinery common to the area. 
There are some Negroes who are going 
into the business of farming on a 
commercial basis mostly as intensive 
producers such as operators of broiler 
farms, truck farmers, and operators 
of riding stables. These farmers, how- 
ever, are not typical of the area. There 
are a few exceptions, two of which are 
the communities of Negro farmers 
near Princeton, Indiana, and Cassopo- 
lis, Michigan. 

The survival of bona fide Negro 
farmers, like all farmers in the na- 
tion, depends upon their ability to 
compete with efficient farmers in all 
areas who in time set the pace and 
fix the cropping system and types of 
farming for the area. 

Farm Operators, By Race, 

For the United States, 

By Regions, 1940 and 1930* 

"In 1930 there were 882,850 Negro 
farm operators in the United States, 
but in 1940 there were only 681,790, 
an absolute decrease of 201,060 and a 
relative decrease of 22.8 per cent in 
the 10-year period. Practically all, 
98.9 per cent, of this decrease occurred 
in the South, which lost 198,722 Negro 
operators in the intercensal decade. 
In each of the three regions of the 
country, however, the trend of Negroes 
away from the farms is proportionally 
very marked. There were 19.9 per cent 
fewer Negroes on farms in the North 
in 1940 than in 1930, and 16.3 per cent 
fewer in the West." (See Table 1-A). Of 
the 681,790 farm operators in 1940, 
17,410 were owners, 413 managers, and 
507,367 tenants. See Table 1-B for 
farms of Negro operators by tenure, 
number, acreage and specified value 
for the United States, 1900 to 1940. 



*From Section on Population, by Dr. 
Oliver C. Cox. 



153 



154 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



Table 1-A. 

Farm Operators, By Race, For the United States, By Regions: 1940 and 1930 

(A minus sign ( ) denotes decrease) 



RACE 


NUMBER OF OPERATORS 


INCREASE 
1930 to 1940 


1940 


1930 


Number 


Per Cent 


United States 
All classes 


6,096,799 
681,790 
5,377,728 

2,579,959 
8,898 
2,567,257 

3,007,170 
672,214 
2,326,904 

509,670 

678 
483,567 


6,288,648 
882,850 
5,372,578 

2,561,785 
11,104 
2,545,829 

3,223,816 
870,936 
2,342,129 

503,047 
810 
484,620 


191,849 
201,060 
5,150 

18,174 
2,206 
21,428 

216,646 
198,722 
15,225 

6,623 
132 
1,053 


3.1 

22.8 
0.1 

0.7 
19.9 
0.8 

6.7 
22.8 
-0.7 

1.3 
16.3 
0.2 


Negro 


White 

The North 

All classes . . . 


Negro 


White 


The South 

All classes 


Negro . . . 


White 


The West 
All classes 


Negro 


White 



Source: United States Bureau of the Census. 



FARM TENANCY 



155 



Table 1-B 

Farms of Negro Operators By Tenure Number, Acreage, and Specified Values, 
For the United States: 1900 to 1940 

(Data for 1940 and 1930 relate to April 1; for 1920 to January 1; for 1910 to 
April 15; and for earlier years to June 1) 



Tenure 



1940 



1930 



1920 



1910 



1900 



Total 


Number of farms 


681,790 
174,010 
413 
507,367 


882,850 
181,016 
923 
700,911 


925,708 
218,612 
2,026 
705,070 


893,370 

218,972 
1,434 
672,964 


746,715 
P) 
P) 
P) 


Owners 


Managers 


Tenants 


Total 


Land in farms (acres) 


30,785,095 
10,314,283 
153,601 
20,317,211 


37,597,132 
11,198,893 
249,072 
26,149,167 


41,432,182 
P) 

P) 
P) 


P) 
P 
P) 

( J ) 


38,233,920 
(') 
P) 

( J ) 


Owners 


Managers 


Tenants 

Total 
Owners 


Value of land and buildings (dollars) 


836,067,623 
251,328,726 
8,208,132 
576,530,765 


1,402,945,799 
334,451,396 
14,844,767 
1,053,649,636 


2,257,645,325 

( J ) 
P) 
P) 


P) 

P) 
P) 
P) 


396,145,262 
P) 
f 1 ) 
P) 


Managers. . . 


Tenants 
Total 


Value of buildings (dollars) 


224,388,138 
81,129,400 
1,998,971 
141,259,767 


340,409,360 
105,741,696 
4,023,544 
230,644,120 


P) 

P) 

P) 

P) 


P) 
P) 

P) 
P 


71,902,265 
P) 
( l ) 
P) 


Owners 
Managers 


Tenants 
Total . 


Value of implements and machinery (dollars) 


40,193,537 
15,671,208 
539,663 
23,982,666 


60,327,856 
19,784,411 
623,050 
39,920,395 


P) 

P 

P) 
P) 


P) 
P) 
P 
P) 


18,859,757 
P) 

P) 
P) 


Owners 


Managers 


Tenants 



(1) Not available. 

Source: Chapter III, Volume 3, General Report on Agriculture: 1940. 



FARM TENANCY 
Farm Tenancy Highest in the South 

Farm tenancy is highest in the 
South. Until 1935 a little more than 
one-half of all farmers in the South 
were tenants. According to the 1940 
census, 48.2 per cent of all farm oper- 
ators in the South were tenants. While 
the number of Negro tenants, was only 
34.96 per cent of the total number of 
all tenants, in the South, the per cent 
they were of Negro farmers was about 
1 V 2 times that for whites, 74.5 and 40.5 
per cent, respectively. In 1940, 56 per 
cent of all Negro farmers in Alabama 
were tenants as compared with 39 per 



cent for white tenants. About one-half 
of all tenants before 1935 were share- 
tenants and croppers. The per cent of 
Negro share-tenants and croppers of 
the total number of Negro farmers was 
about twice that for whites. In Ala- 
bama, for example, the proportions 
were fairly representative, as shown 
by the 1940 census: Negro share-crop- 
pers in that State were 26 per cent of 
all Negro farmers as compared with 
14 per cent for white share-croppers; 
Negro share-croppers were 46.7 per 
cent of all Negro tenants as compared 
with 32.2 per cent for white share- 
croppers. 



156 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



The per cent of tenancy in the South 
constantly increased until 1930, where- 
as in other sections of the nation it 
remained about constant. Since 1930 
it has decreased in the South, but still 
remains about constant in the other 
areas. (See Table 2). There are some 
exceptions, of course. In the Black 
Belt of Alabama the number of Negro 
tenants (mostly share-croppers) be- 
gan declining after the 1910 census. 1 
The same is true of certain areas of 
Texas. 

1 Otis, J. R. Changes in the Types of 
Farming in Alabama 1890-1940. 



The per cent of tenancy in the 
South Atlantic geographic division de- 
creased 5.9 points (12.3 per cent) from 
1930 to 1940; in the East South Cen- 
tral, 5.8 points (10.4 per cent); and 
in the West South Central 9.7 points 
(15.6 per cent). In the selected areas 
the per cent of tenancy in 1940 was 
about the same as in 1930. A certain 
per cent of tenancy is desirable, other- 
wise inexperienced young farmers 
without capital could never start farm- 
ing. 



Table 2. 

Trends in the Proportion of Tenancy in the 3 Southern and in Selected 
Geographic Divisions 1930, 1935, and 1940. (U. S. Census) 



Geographic Divisions 


Per Cent Tenants 


Per cent 1935 and 1940 
are of 1930 


1940 


1935 


1930 


1940 


1935 


1930 


Southern: South Atlantic . 


42.2 
50.1 
52.6 

14.6 
27.9 
42.2 
18.5 


46.3 
54.8 
59.5 

16.2 

29.4 
42.6 
21.2 


48.1 
55.9 
62.3 

14.7 
27.3 
39.9 
17.7 


87.7 
89.6 
84.4 

99.3 
102.2 
105.8 
104.5 


96.2 
98.0 
95.5 

110.2 
107.7 
106.8 
119.8 


100 
100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 


East South Central 
West South Central 

Selected: Middle Atlantic 


East North Central 
West North Central 
Pacific 





Causes For Decline in 
Southern Tenancy 

The decline in the number of tenants 
in the South since 1930 is due largely 
to the decline in the number of share- 
croppers. Three things have chiefly con- 
tributed to the decline: (1) the coming 
of the boll weevil; (2) the coming of 
the AAA; and (3) the increased use 
of modern farm machinery which has 
given the decline added impetus be- 
cause of the shortage of man power 
at a time when there was a demand 
for increased production of food, feed, 
and fiber crops. The use of machinery 
and new knowledge about the use of 
fertilizers and soil building crops have 
resulted in increased efficiency in farm 
production and greater incomes and 
profits to farmers. It is not likely that 
they will turn back to the old system 
which symbolized inefficiency and low 
income. 

As time passes it is reasonable to 
expect that tenancy in the South will 
continue to decline until the optimum 
per cent is reached, such as will give 



young inexperienced farmers without 
capital an opportunity to get started in 
the business of farming. 

Negro tenant farmers, like Negro 
farm owners, have the same unfor- 
tunate handicap the size of farm op- 
erated by them is about one-third to 
one-half the size of that operated by 
white farmers. It follows then that 
the investment in, and the income 
from, the smaller-sized farm business 
would bear the same relationship. The 
size of the farm operated is an index 
of the ability to manage. Negro agri- 
cultural leadership must become con- 
scious of this fact if Negro farmers are 
to adjust themselves to a system of 
farming that will enable them to raise 
their standard of living. 

THE NEGRO AS FARM OWNER 
AND MANAGER 

Farm ownership by Negroes has con- 
stantly increased since slavery. Mort- 
gage foreclosures during depressions 
have caused periodic declines in the 
number of farm owners, but the long- 



THE NEGRO AS A FARM LABORER 



157 



time trend has been constantly up- 
wards in contrast to the downward 
trend in the number of tenants since 
1930. Negro farm owners operate fam- 
ily-sized farms one-third to one-half 
the size of white owners, and use con- 
siderably less farm machinery. (See 
Table 3). The average size of farm 
for white owners in the Southern 
States in 1940 was 122.3 acres; for 



colored owners 58.7 acres. White part- 
owners operated farms averaging 342.1 
acres; Negro part owners operated 
farms averaging 68.3 acres. Part-own- 
ers operate larger-sized farms and are 
better farmers than full-owners. This 
is because they are, for the most part, 
young, progressive farmers who use 
more machinery and farm on a more 
modern basis. 



Table 3. 
Size and Value of Farms By Color of Operator in Southern States in 1940 

Size and Value of Farms 





All 
Operators 


Owners 


Part 
Owners 


mtiriiicjGrs 


All 

Tenants 


Croppers 


Sie: Acres of land in farm 
White operators 


145 8 


122 3 


342 1 


2126 3 


109 


58 9 


Non- white operators 


45.4 


58 7 


68 3 


479 3 


40 


30 2 


Value: Land and buildings 
White operators 


13818 


$3 697 


$7016 


141 230 


12 gig 


$1 545 


Non-white operators 


1,222 


1,403 


1 657 


20 562 


1 132 


1 049 

















Source: United States Bureau of the Census. 



The fact that Negro farm owners 
operate farms one-third to one-half the 
size of white owners implies the fact 
that the value of (investment in) their 
farms would bear the same relation- 
ship. Table 3 clearly points out this 
fact. It is also obvious that the in- 
come from these smaller farms would 
bear the same relation one-third to 
one-half less. 

Herein lies the answer to the many 
farm problems which are often spoken 
of in relation to the Negro in agricul- 
ture. It is the reason Negro farmers 
have a lower standard of living; it is 
the reason young Negroes born and 
reared on the farm refuse to remain 
there; it is the answer to the charges 
often made that Negroes are assessed 
more and pay more taxes than white 
farmers. It is the reason for many of 
the so-called Negro farm problems. 

Manager-operated farms in Southern 
States averaged 2126.3 acres for whites 
and 479.3 acres for the colored. Man- 
ager-operated farms are usually corpo- 
ration farms. The very best farm land 
to be found and high investments in 
machinery and operating equipment 
are specific means of identifying such 
farms. The number has been getting 
smaller since 1920 and the size larger 
as years pass. 



It is not likely that the number of 
corporation farms will increase in the 
next few years. Those that are now in 
operation will probably exist only un- 
til the South offers industrial oppor- 
tunities for investment by absentee 
land holders and insurance companies. 
Two things will curb any long-time 
tendency of expansion by corporation 
farming: (1) the family-sized farm 
owned and operated with efficient labor 
and adequate machinery; and (2) or- 
ganized labor which will increasingly 
make cheap labor impossible. 

THE NEGRO AS A FARM LABORER 
Number of Negro 
Farm Laborers 

Farm workers in the United States 
are customarily classified as owners, 
tenants, croppers and laborers. The 
gradual stages though which farmers 
pass in moving from the labor group 
to ownership is commonly referred to 
as the agricultural ladder. Taylor, 
Wheeler and Kirkpatrick 2 said the fol- 
lowing about the farm laborer as a 
group: "... the farm laborer occu- 

2 "Disadvantaged Classes in American 
Agriculture" by Carl C. Taylor, Helen 
W. Wheeler, and E. L. Kirkpatrick So- 
cial Science Report Number 8 Bureau 
of Agricultural Economics U. S. D. A., 
Washing-ton, D. C. 



158 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



pies the lowest rung on this ladder 
and is today finding it increasingly 
difficult to move up even to the next 
higher rung as share-cropper or ten- 
ant; the prospect of eventual land own- 
ership is scarcely within the realm of 
possibility for the great majority." 



This statement is of the greatest sig- 
nificance to Negroes, since in table 4 it 
is shown that the majority of Negroes 
fall in the labor and cropper groups; 
for whites this is just the reverse, as 
the majority of white farm workers 
are owners. 



Table 4. 
Negro and White Agricultural Workers in the South, By Tenure, 1940 



Tenure 


Number 


Per Cent 


Negro 


White 


Negro 


White 


Total* . 


1,148,392 
173,628 
64,684 
142,836 
299,118 
468,126 


2,821,822 
1,384,249 
189,667 
510,815 
242,173 
494,918 


100 
15.1 
5.6 
12.5 
26.0 
40.8 


100 
49.1 
6.7 
18.1 
8.6 
17.5 


Owners and Managers 
Cash tenants 


Other tenants except croppers 
Croppers 


Wage Laborers 



*Exclusive of unpaid family workers. 

Source: Data on owners, tenants, and croppers are from Sixteenth Census of the 
United States: 1940, Agriculture, Chapter 111, Volume 111, General Report on Agri- 
culture, table 3. They include a small number of non- whites other than Negroes. 
The data on wage laborers in agriculture are from the Sixteenth Census of the United 
States: 1940, Population Volume 111, Part 1, tables 62 and 63. 



Number and Distribution of Negro 
Wage Farm Laborers 

In table 5 the numbers of wage farm 
laborers are shown for different pe- 
riods. While the number of Negro 
wage laborers both in the nation and 
in the South declined, the proportion 



of Negroes in the farm labor force in- 
creased. This was because the number 
of white farmers declined more than 
Negroes. In 1945, Negroes amounted 
to about 29.6 and 53.2 per cent, re- 
spectively, of the number of hired farm 
laborers in the nation and in the South. 



Table 5. 

Number of Negro Wage Farm Laborers in the United States, and in the 
South, 1930, 1940, and 1945. 





1930 


1940 


1945 


United States 

Negroes. . . 


529,307 


483,785 


483,000* 


Whites 


2,008,038 


1,410,175 


1,150,000 


Total 


2,732,972 


1,924,890 


1,633,000 


Per cent Negroes 
South 


19.7 


25.1 
468,126 


29.6 
459,000* 


Whites 




494,918 


404,000 


Total 




965,464 


863,000 


Per cent Negroes 




48.5 


53.2 











"-Includes all non-whites, but in the South almost all non-whites are Negroes. 

Source: The figures for 1930 were taken from the Fifteenth Census of the United 
States: 1930, Population, Volume 4; those for 1940, from the Sixteenth Census of the 
United States 1940, Population Volume 111, Part 1, tables 62 and 63; Parts 2-5, table 
13; those for 1945 from Survey of Negroes and Negro Wag-e Rates in Agriculture, Re- 
port number 4, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, U. S. D. A., October, 1945. 



In tables 5 and 6 are shown the dis- 
tribution of hired farm workers by 
race and sex for March and May of 
1945. From these tables we note that 
the number of hired farm laborers is 
highly seasonal. The total numbers of 



hired laborers as well as the number 
of non-whites increased considerably 
from March to May. Apparently May 
is a peak period for the number of 
hired farm workers in the United 
States. 



THE NEGRO AS A FARM LABORER 



159 






I 



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160 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



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THE NEGRO AS A FARM LABORER 



161 





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<M 

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csi " C cN COCN IM IN ^ 5 "* esi co -i I-H 


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OS -l i-( 1-H i-l 


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1940. I 

work) and 
)f Negro fai 


el 

s| 

i E 


si 

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&. 

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a W 

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Source: Si: 
table 13. 
*-Note: Inclu 
**-The percent 



162 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



Income of Hired 
Farm Workers 

Income data for whites and Negroes 
may be seen in table 9. We note in 
this table that the weekly income of 
non-whites or Negroes was $8.60. 
Studies have indicated that, in the 



course of a year, most hired farm work- 
ers in the South worked for 6 months 
or less. Assuming a work period of 26 
weeks and an income of $8.60, the aver- 
age annual income of the Negro hired 
farm workers in the South as of May 
1945 was about $224; for whites, it was 
about $289. 



Table 9. 

Average Hourly, Daily, and Weekly Cash Wages, Average Hours and Days 

Worked during Week For Hired Farm Workers, By Race and Sex, United 

States and Major Regions, May 1945. f 



Area, race, and sex 


Cash wages earned 
May 20-26, 1945 
(on reporting farm) 


Time Worked 
May 20-26, 1945 
(on reporting farm) 


Hourly 


Daily 


Weekly 


Hours 
per day 


Days 
per week 


Hours 
per week 


United States 

White . 


Dollars 

.41 

.28 

.38 
.33 

.38 
.65 

.39 
.59 

.30 
.27 

.30 
.28 

.66 
.23 

.27 
.21 

.30 
.70 

.66 
.72 


Dollars 

4.00 
2.70 

3.70 
3.00 

3.60 
5.70 

3.80 
4.90 

3.20 
2.90 

2.80 
2.40 

2.80 
2.30 

2.70 
2.00 

6.10 
6.60 

6.10 
6.20 


Dollars 

19.80 
10.60 

18.20 
10.20 

21.60 
27.70 

22.20 
22.30 

18.10 
12.00 

18.40 
10.30 

11.10 

8.60 

11.10 
5.80 

33.70 
35.70 

34.00 
32.40 


Number 

9.8 
9.7 

9.8 
9.1 

9.7 

8.7 

9.7 
8.3 

10.7 
10.5 

10.8 

8.4 

9.6 
9.7 

9.7 
9.4 

9.2 
9.3 

9.3 
8.7 


Number 

4.9 
3.9 

4.9 
3.4 

5.9 
4.9 

5.9 

4.6 

5.6 
4.2 

5.6 
4.4 

3.9 
3.8 

4.2 
2.9 

5.5 
5.4 

5.5 
5.2 


Number 

48 
38 

48 
31 

57 
42 

57 

38 

60 
44 

61 
36 

38 
37 

40 

28 

51 
51 

51 
45 


Nonwhite 


Male 


Female . 


Northeast 
White 


Nonwhite 


Male 


Female 


North Central 
White 


Nonwhite 


Male 


Female 


South 
White 


Nonwhite 


Male 


Female 


%UAM& 

west 
White 


Nonwhite 


Male... 


Female . . . 





t-Excludes approximately 87,000 custom workers since the hire of machinery, equipment or workstock was included in 

their reported cash wages. 

Estimates based on data from enumerative sample survey of the Bureau of Agricultural Economics. 
Source: Survey of wages and wage rates in agriculture, report number 7. Feb- 
ruary 1946, Washington, D. C. 



TRENDS IN AGRICULTURE 



163 



TRENDS IN AGRICULTURE 
Number of Farms in the 
United States, 1910-1940 

The number of Negro farmers (all 
tenants and owners) in the United 
States was 14.5 per cent of all farm 
operators in 1910. In 1940 the number 
was 11.8 per cent. This was a decline of 
2.7 points (18. G per cent) in 30 years. 
In the Southern States, Negro farm- 
ers were 28.7 per cent of the total num- 
ber of farm operators in 1910, and 22.6 
per cent in 1940; a decline of 6.1 points 
(21.3 per cent) in 30 years. 

The total number of farm operators 
in the United States reached a peak in 
1920. For that reason, the year 1920 



is taken as a base. When the number 
in 1920 is used as a base the number 
of all farm operators in the United 
States declined 5.5 per cent from 1920 
to 1940. White farm operators declined 
2.2 per cent; Negro farm operators de- 
clined 24.3 per cent. (See Table 10). 
The number of farm managers declined 
46.9 per cent during the same period; 
all tenants declined 3.7 per cent; and 
croppers in the Southern States de- 
clined 3.5 per cent. The number of part 
owners increased 10.1 per cent, and full 
owners declined 8.4 per cent, while the 
per cent of tenancy remained about the 
same although it increased 11.2 per 
cent from 1920 to 1930. 



Table 10. 

Trends in the Number of Farms in the United States By Color and Tenure of 
Operators, 1910-1940. (Decennial Censuses) 





Number of Farms 


Per cent 1910, 1930, and 1940 are 
of 1920 


1940 


1930 


1920 


1910 


1940 


1930 


1920 


1910 


NO. FARMS (TOTAL) 


(000) 
6,097 

5,378 
719 

3,084 
615 
36 
2,361 
38.7 
541 


(003) 
6,289 

5,373 
916 

2,912 
657 
56 
2,664 
42.4 
776 


(000) 
6,448 

5,498 
950 

3,367 
559 
68 
2,455 
38.1 
561 


(000) 
6,362 

5,441 
921 

3,355 
594 
58 
2,355 
37.0 
* 


94.5 

97.8 
75.7 

91.6 
110.1 
53.1 
96.2 
101.6 
96.5 


97.5 

97.7 
96.4 

86.5 
117.6 
81.6 
108.5 
111.2 
138.2 


100 

100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 


98.6 

98.9 
98.9 

99.6 
106.3 
84.9 
95.9 
97.1 


By Color of Operators: 
White Operators 


Non-white Operators . 


By Tenure of Operators: 
Full Owners 


Part Owners 


Managers . 


All Tenants 


Proportion of Tenancy (%) 


Croppers (Southern States) 







*-Not available for 1910 census. 

From Table 10, it is observed that 
the number of farmers needed to pro- 
duce the food, feed, and fiber required 
was less in 1940 than in 1920. It is 
also to be noted that the number of 
Negro farm operators (percentage- 
wise) declined 11 times as much as 
did the number of white operators dur- 
ing the same period. The impact of 
war on migration from 1920 to 1940 
was not a noticeable factor. What then 
happened to the decrease in the num- 
ber of farm operators? And what was 
the reason for the decline in number? 
Before these questions are answered it 
is well to follow the course of reason- 
ing a bit further. 

Number of Farms in the 
Three Southern Geographic 
Divisions 1930-1940 

The decline in the number of farm 



operators in the South from 1930 to 
1940 was greater than that for other 
farming regions in the nation. During 
this period the average size of farm 
operated increased considerably due to 
the use of modern farm machinery and 
the jncrease in livestock production. 
Tractors increase the number of acres 
of land a farmer can work. Livestock 
production requires pasture. Both con- 
tribute to a larger-size farm. 

The number of farms decreased 3.7 
per cent from 1930 to 1940 in both the 
South Atlantic and East South Central 
Divisions. In the West South Central 
Division the number of farms de- 
creased 12.6 per cent during the same 
period. (See Table 11). 



164 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



Table 11. 

Trends of Geographic Divisions in the Number of Farms By Color and Tenure 
of Operators, 1930-1940. (Decennial Censuses) 



Geographic Divisions 


Number of Farms 


Per cent 1940 is of 1930 


1940 


1930 


1940 


1930 


South Atlantic Divisions 


1,019,451 
1,023,349 
964,370 

788,545 
230,906 
756,923 
266,426 
781,436 
182,934 

519,108 
64,553 
5,991 
429,799 

447,286 
61,134 
2,327 
521,602 

361,296 
90,920 
5,262 
506,892 


1,058,468 
1,062,214 
1,103,134 

760,089 
298,379 
741,255 
320,959 
840,785 
262,349 

467,100 
72,830 
8,964 
509,574 

398,594 
67,754 
2,888 
593,978 

325,989 
84,408 . 
5,505 
687,231 


96.3 
96.3 
87.4 

103.7 

77.4 
102.1 
83.0 
92.9 
69.7 

111.1 
88.6 
66.8 
84.3 

112.5 
90 2 
80.6 
86.3 

110.8 
107.7 
95.6 
73.8 


100 
100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 


East South Central Division 
West South Central Division 
1) By Color of Operator: 
South Atlantic; White 
Non-white 
East South Central; White 
Non-white 


West South Central; White 
Non-white 


2) By Tenure of Operators: 
South Atlantic; 
Full Owners 
Part Owners 


Managers 


All Tenants 


East South Central; 
Full Owners 


Part Owners 
Managers 


All Tenants 
West South Central; 
Full Owners 
Part Owners 


Managers 
All Tenants 





In the South Atlantic Division the 
number of white farm operators in- 
creased 3.7 per cent from 1930 to 1940, 
while the number of colored farm op- 
erators decreased 22.6 per cent for the 
same period. In the East South Cen- 
tral Division the number of white farm 
operators increased 2.1 per cent from 
1930 to 1940, while the number of 
colored farm operators decreased 17 
per cent. In the West South Centra! 
the number of white farm operators 
decreased 7.1 per cent from 1930 to 
1940, and the number of colored farm 
operators decreased 30.3 per cent dur- 
ing the same period. 

From the standpoint of tenure the 
number of full owners increased 11.1 
per cent in the South Atlantic Division 
from 1930 to 1940 while part owners 
decreased 11.4 per cent; managers de- 
creased 33.2 per cent; and all tenants 
decreased 15.7 per cent during the 
same period. 

In the East Central Division the 
number of full owners increased 12.5 
per cent; part owners decreased 9.8 
per cent; managers decreased 19.4 per 
cent; and all tenants decreased 13.7 
per cent. 



In the West South Central Division, 
the number of full owners increased 
10.8 per cent; part owners increased 
7.7 per cent; managers decreased 4.4 
per cent; and all tenants decreased 
26.2 per cent. 

The decline in the number of farm 
operators in the South where prac- 
tically all Negro farmers live and farm 
was not only greater than that in other 
sections of the United States in this 
10-year period, but the number of col- 
ored farm operators declined much 
more than did white farm operators. 
This decline is likely to continue until 
the differential in the size of farm 
operated by them is decreased and 
greater efficiency in operation is 
reached. Maximum efficiency, of course, 
depends upon a unit of operation 
suited to the family-sized farm which 
employs modern machinery consistent 
with the ability of farmers to manage. 
The better managers and more skilled 
operators will in time set the pace. 
Trends in the Size of Farms 

Some idea of the size of farm that 
makes for an efficient unit of opera- 
tion may be gained from the facts re- 
vealed in Table 12, which shows trends 
in the number of farms by size groups. 



TRENDS IN AGRICULTURE 



165 



Table 12. 

Trends in the Number of Farms By Size Groups and Per Cent of Land Area 
in Farms in the United States, 1910-1940. (Decennial Censuses) 



Size Groups 


1940 


Number of Farms 


Per cer 

1940 

81.1 

87.5 
88.2 
97.5 
96.4 
109.6 
149.1 
110.9 


1 1910, 1930, and 1940 are 
of 1920 


1930 


1920 


1910 


1930 


1920 


1910 


20-49 acres 


(000) 
1,221 
1,291 
1,279 
517 
459 
164 
101 
55.7 


(000) 
1,440 
1,348 
1,343 
521 
451 
160 
81 
50.8 


(000) 
1,504 
1,475 
1,450 
531 
476 
150 
67 
50.2 


(000) 
1,414 
1,438 
1,516 
534 
444 
125 
50 
46.2 


95.7 
91.4 
92.6 
98.1 
94.9 
106.6 
119.6 
103.2 


100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 


94.0 
97.5 
104.5 
100.6 
93.3 
83.6 
74.4 
92.0 


50-99 acres 
100-174 acres 
175-259 acres ; 
260-499 acres 


500-999 acres 
1000 acres and over 
Proportion ot Land Area in Farms (%) . . . 



Farms less than 20 acres (all land 
in farms) were not tabulated because 
they are part-time, highly specialized, 
or strict subsistence farms which in 
the agriculture of today cannot be con- 
sidered along with bona fide general 
farms from which farmers expect to 
earn a living from labor wholly spent 
in the business of farming. 

It is to be noted from Table 12 that 
as the size of farms by groups in- 
creased there was a progressive de- 
crease (percentage-wise) in the num- 
ber of farms by size group up to 499 
acres, after which there was an in- 
crease in the number of farms by size 
group up to 1000 acres and above. 
When the number of farms in 1920 by 
size groups is taken as a base (1920 
equals 100) farms 20-40 acres decreased 
in number 18.9 per cent; those 50-99 
acres decreased in number 12.5 per 
cent; those 100-174 acres decreased in 
number 11.8 per cent; those 175-259 
acres decreased in number 2.5 per 
cent; those 260-499 acres decreased in 
number 3.6 per cent while those 500- 
999 acres increased 9.6 per cent; and 
those 1000 acres and above increased 
49.1 per cent. Forty-six and two-tenths 
per cent of the total land area was in 
farms in 1910 and 55.7 per cent in 
1940. This was an increase of 9.5 
points (17.1 per cent) from 1920 to 
1940. 



Increased scientific 'knowledge of 
farm management, plants, livestock, 
fertilizers, land preparation and culti- 
vation, soil and rainfall distribution 
and the use of more modern machinery 
are responsible for the trends revealed 
in Table 12. This trend is to more 
land in farms and fewer farmers. 
Where and when it will stop depends 
upon man his ability to manage and 
to apply scientific knowledge which is 
being released yearly by research in 
experiment stations. The survival of 
any farmer or group of farmers de- 
pends upon their ability to compete 
in the race for efficient production. 

Associated with the trend in fewer 
numbers of farmers to produce the 
food, feed, and fiber needed in the 
United States and the fractional data 
before cited is the trend in the average 
size of farms operated by farmers by 
color and tenure of operator. If the 
year 1920 is used as the base year 
(1920 equals 100) it is seen from Table 
13 that the average size of farm has 
increased. The Negro farmer's posi- 
tion in agriculture in the future will 
depend upon his ability to adjust him- 
self to this trend of a larger unit of 
operation. Moreover, his farm income 
and standard of living can best be 
measured in relation to that of white 
farmers who operate larger farms and 
use modern farm machinery. 



166 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



Table 13. 

Trends in the Size of Farms (All Land in Farms) in the United States By Color 
and Tenure of Operator, 1910-1940. (Decennial Censuses) 





Average Size of Farms 
Acres: All Land in Farms 


Per cent 1910, 1930, and 1940 
are of 1920 


1940 


1930 


1920 


1910 


1940 


1930 


1920 


1910 


ALL FARMS IN U. S. A. 


174.0 

188.8 
63.6 

123.9 
48.8 
1830.2 
132.1 
43.1 


156.9 

176.0 
44.8 

127.9 
38.4 
1109.0 
115.0 
40.7 


148.2 

165.6 
47.3 

137.0 
31.4 
709.8 
107.9 
40.1 


138.1 

152.9 
50.6 

138.6 
22.5 
924.7 
96.2 


117.4 

113.5 
134.6 

90.4 
155.4 
231.4 
122.4 
107.5 


105.9 

106.3 
94.7 

93.4 
122.2 
140.2 
106.6 
101.5 


100 

100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 
100 


93.1 

92.3 
107.0 

101.2 
71.6 
116.9 
89.2 


By Color of Operator: 
White Operators 


Non-white Operators 


By Tenure of Operator: 
Full Owners . 


Part Owners 


Managers . . . 


All Tenants 


Croppers (Southern States Only) 





The average size of farm in the 
United States increased 17.4 per cent 
from 1920 to 1940; the average size of 
farm for white farm operators in- 
creased 13.5 per cent from 1920 to 
1940; and the average size of farm for 
colored operators increased 34.6 per 
cent from 1920 to 1940 although the 
average size of farm for them declined 
5.3 per cent from 1920 to 1930. There 
was a tremendous increase in the size 
of farm operated by Negro farmers 
from 1930 to 1940. 

The average size of farm for full 
owners decreased 9.6 per cent from 
1920 to 1940. The average size of farm 
for part owners increased 55.4 per cent 
from 1920 to 1940; the average size 
farm of manager-operated farms in- 
creased 131.4 per cent from 1920 to 
1940; the average size of farm operated 
by all tenants increased 22.4 per cent 
from 1920 to 1940; and the average 
size of farm operated by croppers in 
Southern States increased 7.5 per cent 
from 1920 to 1940. 

The business of farming like that 
of industry is growing more scien- 
tific. All who would follow it as an 
occupation and as a way of life must 
keep abreast of the trends in the pro- 
gram of assisting the farmer to real- 
ize a fuller life economically and so- 
cially. A number of agencies are ac- 
tive. Some of them are discussed be- 
low. 

THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION 
SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 

Extension work may be defined as a 
program that teaches farm people to 
do better that which they are doing, 
and to adopt new farm practices that 



will give them increased income and a 
higher standard of living. The history 
of the service reveals an evolution in 
thought and procedure the same as has 
occurred in other governmental serv- 
ices. This is progress which can be 
seen in the living habits and income 
of farm people who have been served. 
Extension work as it relates to Ne- 
gro agents is largely a matter of ex- 
tension work in the South. It has been 
pointed out that Negroes cannot be 
considered separate and apart from the 
body politic of agriculture, extension, 
or anything else of which they are 
an integral part. Extension work with 
Negroes in the South is an integral 
part of the National Agricultural Ex- 
tension Service. 

Two Schools of Thought 
Concerning Extension Work 

In extension work there are two 
schools of thought pertaining to Negro 
workers. One maintains that inasmuch 
as there must be separate services, 
there should be an equitable distribu- 
tion of funds and responsibility based 
on the per cent of population by race. 
Funds for the service are granted to 
the States and administered by the 
land-grant colleges. There is but one 
land-grant college in each State. Negro 
land-grant colleges are subsidiaries of 
white land-grant colleges. It is not 
economical to have a dual setup to 
overcome this problem arising because 
of race. However, a more equitable 
distribution of funds could and should 
be made for salaries and for an in- 
crease in the number of workers in 
terms of population percentages by 



THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 167 



race in such a way as to avoid dupli- 
cation of effort. 

The proponents of the first school of 
thought overlook the basic fact that if 
there is to be but one administrator 
the nature of the work done by Negro 
agents involves less administrative re- 
sponsibility on the county level. This 
is the way, the service operates for and 
by Negroes and is, therefore, basically 
a program of teaching for Negro work- 
ers. Consequently, Negro agents do not 
need as many clerical workers. When 
considering an equitable distribution 
of funds this fact must be kept in 
mind as well as the case load of work- 
ers (number of farm people served per 
agent). Even if there should be set up 
a case load differential for Negro work- 
ers the number of these would need 
to be materially increased if rural pop- 
ulation is used to determine the num- 
ber of workers. 

The second school of thought holds 
that there is but one Extension Serv- 
ice, and that even though there should 
be a more equitable distribution of 
funds there has been an increase in 
the percentage of funds appropriated 
for Negro work. In other words, prog- 
ress is being made in the more equitable 
distribution of funds. This group also 
maintains that the administration of 
extension funds involves local politi- 
cal problems that time only can solve. 
It is in this light that the following 
facts and discourse on the Negro in 
extension work are presented. 

The output per worker is the chief 
measure of efficiency. How to make the 
agents' work count for more has been 
a major objective of the extension serv- 
ice, for white and colored alike. It is 
not as easy to set up tools to measure 
the output of extension workers as it 
is to measure the output of factory 
workers. Output of extension workers 
today in terms of output 15 years ago 
cannot be regarded as a criterion for 
evaluation. Conditions have changed 
vastly, and more accurate measures 
can now be employed. Output of Negro 
workers in terms of white workers 
cannot be used as a measure because 
the work of the two is frequently not 
comparable due to case load per work- 
er and the influence of administrative 
responsibility by the white agent. 
About the only effective measure left 
for evaluating work of all agents, white 
and black, is output in relation to ob- 



jectives. Even then the output may 
be due to many f actors t whose influ- 
ence is indirect and not measurable. 
Some of these may be cited: (1) 
change in demand; (2) competition be- 
tween enterprises; (3) the coming of 
insect pests and diseases of plants and 
animals; (4) the scarcity of labor re- 
sulting from wars; (5) industrial 
booms; (6) ease of credit. Not so long 
ago many bankers would loan money 
only for the production of cotton. 

Effectiveness of 
County Agents' Work 

A good county agent is one in whose 
leadership farm people and business 
men in related or dependent agricul- 
tural industry have great faith. He 
often becomes the guiding light in the 
county in which he works. Insofar as 
this is true, the outcome of his work 
must be regarded as being more at- 
tributable to the agent than the factors 
which are an indirect aid, if taken 
advantage of. These same factors may 
easily become insurmountable barriers 
if it were not for his wise leadership. 
At any rate, when one sees the entire 
cropping system and type of farming 
transformed in a county in the course 
of a decade or two he can be certain 
that a powerful force is at work. Peo- 
ple, especially farmers, do not change 
their habits readily. 

Negro county agents are factors in 
such transformations. They worked 
with 719,000 Negro farm operators in 
1940, causing them to adopt improved 
methods in production and marketing 
which resulted in increased income, 
better homes and better citizens. This 
job was done in face of many obstacles, 
the chief ones being that of working 
with people who are farthest down in 
the scale of education and agents who 
are not trained to think in terms of 
present-day agriculture. Some say that 
ignorant people subscribe to leadership 
more readily than people with more 
training. While this may be true, once 
the leader gets their confidence, it is 
also true that ignorance is a handicap 
to people who have to adapt themselves 
to a highly technical and scientific job. 
Man is intellectually lazy. Only a few 
are original. If training is not pro- 
vided for county agents to meet mod- 
ern problems in agriculture, many will 
not train themselves. Farming, like 
present-day military tactics and tech- 
niques of war, is highly scientific. 



168 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



Number of Extension 
Workers 

There were 549 Negro Extension 
Agents in 16 Southern States in 1941, 
about 13 per cent of the total number 
of extension agents. (See Table 14). 
Of this number 293 were farm agents, 
246 home demonstration agents, and 
9 club agents. There are white farm 
and home demonstration agents in all 



counties but in most of the States there 
is but one Negro agent in many coun- 
ties. This fact accounts for much of 
the shortage in number of Negro 
agents cited in the study of Mr. Wilker- 
son. Many counties with heavy Negro 
population have no Negro agents. The 
reason for this is that in many of these 
counties local authorities will not 
agree to a cooperative plan to employ 
Negro agents. 



Table 14. 

Number of Extension Agents (Total and Number of Negro) in 16 Southern 
States, By States and Types of Program, September 30, 1941* 



STATES 


All Agents 


Per 

Cent 

Negro 


Farm Agents 


Home Agents 


Boy-Girl 
Agents 


Total 


Negro 


Total 


Negro 


Total 


Negro 


Total 


Negro 


Alabama 
Arkansas 


366 
215 
132 
339 

251 
206 
64 
299 

239 
379 
206 
171 

308 
615 
253 
136 


. 72 
33 
19 
52 

7 
20 
6 
76 

1 

58 
20 
38 

20 
85 
37 
5 


21 
15 
14 
15 

3 
10 
9 
25 


15 
10 
22 

7 
14 
15 
4 


202 
106 
76 
208 

175 
115 
32 
164 

141 

234 
103 

89 

200 

344 
173 
65 


36 
14 
10 
25 

5 
12 
2 

34 


36 
10 
20 

11 

48 
28 
2 


129 
107 
54 
126 

67 
88 
29 
127 

91 
143 
99 

78 

105 

268 
77 
44 


34 
18 
9 
25 

2 
7 
4 
40 

1 
22 
10 

18 

9 
37 
9 
1 


5 
1 
2 
5 

9 
3 
8 
3 

7 
2 
4 

7 

3 
3 
3 

27 


2 


2 


1 

2 




0* 




2 


Florida 
Georgia 


Kentucky 
Louisiana 
Maryland 


Mississippi 
Missouri 


North Carolina 
Oklahoma 
.South Carolina 


Tennessee 
Texas 


Virginia 
West Virginia 




TOTAL 


4,149 


549 


13 


2,427 


293 


1,632 


246 


89 


9 





*-Data from Cooperative Extension Service. (Adapted from study by Doxey Wilkerson, Howard University, 1942, 

by permission of author.) 
-Less than .5 per cent. 



In terms of the total Negro popula- 
tion in the nation the 13 per cent Ne- 
gro agents now employed is about cor- 
rect. But the number is far short of 



the proper proportion on the basis of 
farm population in the South adjusted 
to State variation. 



THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 169 



Table 15. 

Actual Number of Negro Extension Agents in Relation to the Number Required 
For Equity, By States, September 30, 1941 f 



STATE 


Per cent Negro 
of Rural 
Population 
1940 


Number of 
Negros Required 
for Equity 


Actual Number 
of 
Negro Agents 


Difference Be- 
tween Actual 
No. and 
Equitable No. 


Per cent 
Actual No. 
is of Equi- 
table No. 


Alabama 


35 6 


120 


72 


48 


60 


Arkansas 


26.5 
31 3 


57 

41 


32 
19 


-24 

22 


58 
46 


Georgia 
Kentucky 


37.5 
6.0 


127 
14 


52 

7 


75 

7 


41 
50 


Louisiana 


40 9 


84 


20 


64 


24 


Maryland 


, 17.8 
53 4 


11 
157 


6 
76 


5 
61 


55 

49 


Missouri 
North Carolina 
Oklahoma 


3.0 

28.5 
6 6 


7 
108 
14 


1 
58 
20 


46 

50 

6 


14 
54 
143 


South Carolina 

Tennessee 
Texas 
Virginia 
West Virginia 


47.9 

13.8 
15.3 

26.7 
6.8 


52 

44 
94 
69 
9 


38 

20 
85 
37 
5 


14 

-24 
9 
32 
4 


73 

46 
91 
54 
56 


TOTAL 


24.1 


1,000 


549 


451 


55 



t-See Table 14. (Adapted from study by Doxey Wilkerson, Howard University, 1942). 

j-Total number of agents (Table 14). Adjusted to per cent Negro is of rural population. By permission of author. 



The criticism made of the Extension 
Service because of the lack of a fair 
number of Negro agents could be over- 
come if Negro club agents were placed 
in counties where the Negro popula- 
tion justifies them and where the local 
county authorities will cooperate in 
employing them. 

The number of Negro agents (all 
types) increased 101 from 1937 to 1941, 
or 23 per cent; and 83 per cent from 
1925 to 1941. The number of white 
agents increased 314, or 10 per cent 
from 1937 to 1941; and 103 per cent, 
1925 to 1941, (See Table 16). The 
most noticeable increase was in the 
number of home demonstration agents. 
The number of Negro home agents in- 



creased 30 per cent from 1937 to 1941 
and 87 per cent from 1925 to 1941; 
while the number of white home dem- 
onstration agents increased 18 per 
cent from 1937 to 1941 and 88 per cent 
from 1925 to 1941. While the number 
of Negro 4-H Club agents increased 
by 2 from 1937 to 1941 (28 per cent) 
the number from 1925 to 1941 de- 
creased by 3 (25 per cent). Club work 
is an important part of the extension 
program and additional Negro club 
workers would better serve Negro club 
boys and girls. Indeed, from a long- 
time point of view more club agents 
would be a better investment than that 
for work with adult farmers. 



170 



THE NEGKO IN AGRICULTURE 



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THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 171 



Expenditures For 
Extension Work 

Expenditures allotted for extension 
work among Negroes (13 per cent of 
the total number of workers) was 5.7 
per cent of the total amount allotted 



in 1925 and 6.7 per cent in 1942, a 1 
per cent increase. (See Table 17). The 
amount allotted to Negro work in 1925 
was $431,502 and $1,042,155 in 1942, an 
increase of 141.5 per cent, while the 
total amount allotted increased 198.8 
per cent from 1925 to 1942. 



Table 17. 

Total, Federal, and State, and Local Funds Allotted For Extension Work in 
16 Southern Szates: Amounts and Percentages For Negroes, By Fiscal Years: 

1925 to 1941t 



Year 
Ending 
June 30 


Funds Allotted for Extension Work 


Expenditure for Work Among 
Negroes 


Per cent of 
1942 Amount 


Total 


Federal 


State and 
Local* 


Amount 


Per Cent 
Of Total 


Total 


Negro 


1925... 
1929... 
1931 
1932 


$7,613,801 
9,002,117 
10,244,467 
10,153,309 
9,278,684 
8,096,113 
12,623,200 
13,044,284 
13,533,706 
14,089,409 
14,492,183 
14,795,257 
15,137,175 


$3,322,751 
4,098,060 
4,515,944 
4,528,149 
4,493,785 
4,134,894 
8,329,186 
8,538,740 
8,719,280 
8,995,294 
9,393,461 
9,382,953 
9,543,509 


$4,291,050 
4,903,148 
5,728,523 
5,625,161 
4,784,899 
3,961,219 
4,294,114 
4,505,544 
4,814,426 
5,094,115 
5,098,722 
5,412,304 
5,593,666 


$431,502 
509,574 
560,134 
561,785 
534,473 
509,995 
741,660 
804,657 
809,665 
911,892 
962,807 
987,836 
l,042,155t 


5.7 
5.7 
5.5 
5.5 
5.8 
6.3 
5.9 
6.2 
6.0 
6.1 
6.7 
6.7 
6.7 


48.5 
59.6 
66.6 
66.5 
61.3 
53.7 
83.5 
86.1 
89.4 
92.9 
95.5 
97.6 
100.0 


43.0 
50.9 
55.9 
56.0 
53.2 
50.8 
74.0 
80.0 
80.6 
91.0 
96.0 
98.1 
100.0 


1933 
1935 


1936 
1937 
1938 
1939 


1940 
1941 
1942 



J-Data supplied by Extension Service, United States Department of Agriculture. (Cited from study by Doxey Wilker- 

son, Howard University, 1942; by permission of author). 

*-Includes State and College Funds, County Funds, Farmers' organizations, etc. 
f- Allotment. 



The amount of money allotted to Ne- 
gro extension work by the Southern 
States varied widely from 1925 to 1941. 
(See Table 18). The question of equit- 
able distribution of funds hinges 
around the question of what is to be 
used as a base for making allocations: 
(1) the per cent the Negro population 
is of the national population; or (2) 
the per cent the Negro population is of 
the rural or rural farm population in 
the States where the Negro population 
is greatest and where Negro extension 
workers are employed. Whichever 
base is used the present amount allo- 
cated to Negro work is inadequate. If 
the per cent Negroes are of the na- 
tional population is used as a base, the 
amount allocated would need to be 
multiplied by 2. If the per cent they 
are of the rural population in the 
South is used as a base the amount 
allocated would need to be multiplied 
by 4. (See Table 18). 

Reorganization Needed in 
Program For Negro Farmers 

From time to time the public makes 
various criticisms of extension work. 



Some are constructive; some are de- 
structive. Whatever the nature of the 
criticisms the service can use them to 
advantage. Administrators of exten- 
sion work, it seems, must admit that 
there is reason for unrest on the part 
of critics. A statement in answer to 
Mr. Wilkerson's study, which is the 
authority for these comments, would 
do much to allay this criticism. 

The fact must be kept in mind, how- 
ever, that the best claim to a more 
equitable distribution of funds is 
efficient use of what we now have. 
There is room for improvement in the 
quality of work done by all extension 
workers, and by Negro extension work- 
ers in particular. They should con- 
tinue to do a better job as they strive 
for what they want. How can they 
better achieve their objective? 

Agricultural production and tech- 
nique are undergoing a revolution, the 
impact of which is greatest in the 
South. The application of science to 
production has increased the output 
per agricultural worker and enlarged 
the size of farm so as to make it a 



172 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



more efficient unit of operation. The 
weakness of Negro agents is found in 
their failure to adapt a program for 
Negro farmers to this trend which is 
not easy to reorganize. Negro colleges 
of agriculture which train them, are 
largely responsible for this weakness 
on the part of these agents. Not a 
single one of them has a recognized 
department of Agricultural Economics. 
The very basis of the changes we are 
now experiencing in agriculture is 



economic in nature. To increase the 
number of Negro extension workers 
who will continue to make the "live-at- 
home" program the end objective of 
extension training will not solve the 
problem. The reasons why the num- 
ber of Negro farmers has declined 
more than the number of white farm- 
ers are to be found in the before stated 
facts and in the opinions of the writers 
here expressed. 



THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 



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L74 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



Increased Allotment For 
Negro Extension Work 3 

Over $2,000,000 has been allotted for 
agricultural extension work among 
colored farmers for 1947. This repre- 
sents an increase of 114 per cent dur- 
ing the last five years. "The enlarged 
allotment makes it possible for Exten- 
sion Service in the Southern States 
to employ 278 more colored workers 
than were on the staff at the outbreak 
of the war. The total number of col- 
ored agents and supervisors now work- 
ing in the 15 Southern States stands 
at 817. 

"In commenting on the report, Spe- 
cial Assistants to the Secretary of 
Agriculture, Claude A. Barnett of the 
Associated Negro Press and Dr. F. D. 
Patterson of Tuskegee, say that the 
enlarged staff of colored county agents 
will make it possible to extend the 
services of Extension to a good many 
farmers who have never been effec- 
tively reached. They add, however, 
that while this represents a substan- 
tial forward step in the Extension 
program, there is still need for addi- 
tional colored Extension workers. 
Both Mr. Barnett and Dr. Patterson 
have been conferring with State Ex- 
tension directors from time to time 
in the interest of a more effective pro- 
gram for colored farmers. 

"In the appointment of new agents, 
North Carolina leads with 44, Georgia 
is second with 34, and Mississippi is 
third with 30. In the total number of 
workers, Mississippi comes first with 
107 farm and home demonstration 
agents and supervisors; Texas comes 
second with 106 agents and super- 
visors; and North Carolina, third with 
99 agents. 

"In expenditures, North Carolina 
leads the other Southern States. It 
has allotted for Extension work among 
colored farmers this year, $473,506, or 



3 Source: United States Department of 
Agriculture Special Report, January 13, 
1947. 



23.5 per cent of all monies to be spent 
in the State for Extension work. 
Texas is second with an allotment of 
$256,343, or 10.3 per cent of its Exten- 
sion funds; Alabama is third with an 
allotment of $239,133, and Mississippi, 
fourth with an allotment of $226,069. 

"Significantly, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, Mississippi, Alabama, and 
Arkansas have allotted over 14 per 
cent of their Extension Service funds 
for work among colored farmers. How- 
ever, more than half of all Negro 
farmers live in these five States. Large 
numbers also live in Georgia and 
Louisiana. 

"Greatest percentage increase in the 
allotment of funds during the last 
five years was made by North Caro- 
lina which increased its funds for 
Negro work by 241 per cent. West 
Virginia made the second largest in- 
crease, 215 per cent, and Louisiana 
made the third largest increase, 201 
per cent. 

"A comparison in the amount of 
funds allotted for white and Negro 
Extension work in the South shows 
that the former received $16,158,117.44 
and the latter, $2,218,209.46 or 12.1 
per cent. During the last five years, 
funds for whites increased by 55.9 
per cent and for colored by 114 per 
cent. However, in personnel and serv- 
ices, the Extension program for colored 
farmers still lags somewhat behind. 

"It is pointed out that still there 
are no colored agents in some counties 
with as many as 500 Negro farm fam- 
ilies.' Also assistant colored county 
agents are needed in some counties to' 
help serve the large case-loads which 
frequently number up to 2,000 farm 
families. 

"The farm and home demonstration 
agents are Extension teachers of the 
land-grant colleges. They carry agri- 
cultural and home-making training to 
farm families in their homes and on 
their farms. The lessons are taught by 
demonstrations." 



THE UNITED STATES EXTENSION SERVICE AND THE NEGRO 175 

Table 19. 

Allotment of Funds For Extension Work Among Negro Farmers; the Number 
of Negro Extension Agents and Supervisors in 15 Southern States For Fiscal 

Years 1942 and 1947. 



1942 





Funds 


Percent of Funds 


Extension Workers 


Alabama 


$156,708 80 


20 1 


71 


Arkansas 


68,388.75 


8.9 


33 


Florida 


35,450 00 


9 2 


18 


Georgia 


64,515.00 


6.9 


51 




11,352 00 


1 5 


7 


Louisiana . , . . . 


41,890 00 


6.8 


19 




9 684 00 


4 


5 


Mississippi ... 


117,054 00 


13 8 


77 


North Carolina 


138,744.00 


13.1 


55 


Oklahoma 


41,560 00 


5 9 


20 


South Carolina 


62,038.00 
43,060 00 


12.6 
5 4 


37 
20 


Texas 


171,726 26 


9 5 


84 




62 018 00 


8 3 


37 


West Virginia 


12,480 00 


2 8 


5 










TOTALS 


$1,036 668 81 


9 1 


539 











STATES 



1947 





Funds 


Percent of Funds 


Percent of Increase 


Workers 


Alabama 


$ 239 133 00 


16 2 


52 6 


86 


Arkansas 


154,604 33 


14 5 


126 1 


51 


Florida 
Georgia 


62,853.82 
147,636 82 


10.4 
9 5 


77.3 
128 8 


29 

85 


Kentucky 


24,675 00 


2 1 


117 4 


10 


Louisiana 


126 230 00 


10 6 


201 3 


47 


Maryland 


19,260 00 


5 3 


98 8 


g 


Mississippi 


226 069 00 


16 4 


93 1 


107 


North Carolina 


473,506 00 


23 5 


241 3 


99 


Oklahoma 
South Carolina 


64,701.20 
140 185 65 


5.7 
17 1 


55.7 
126 


29 
59 


Tennessee 
Texas 


81,730.00 
256 343 59 


6.7 
10 3 


89.8 
49 3 


28 
106 


Virginia 
West Virginia 


161,922.20 

39 358 85 


13.1 
6 4 


161.1 
215 4 


56 
17 












TOTALS 


$2,218,209.46 


12.1 


114.0 


817 



Source: United States Department of Agriculture, Special Report, January 13, 1947. 



Supervisors of Extension 
Work With Negroes 

November, 1946 
Alabama 

Dr. J. R. Otis, State Leader, Tuskegee 
Institute 

Miss M. F. Myhand, District Agent, 
Tuskegee Institute 

Mr. W. B. Hill, District Agent, Tuske- 
gee Institute 

Mr. C. C. Lanier, District Agent, Tus- 
kegee Institute 

Miss R. L. Rivers, District Agent, Tus- 
kegee Institute 

Mr. T. R. Agnew, State 4-H Club Agent 
for Boys, Tuskegee Institute 

Miss M. B. Hollinger, State 4-H Club 
Agent for Girls, Tuskegee Institute 



Arkansas 

Mr. H. C. Ray, District Agent, 610 % W. 
9th Street, Little Rock 

Mrs. Fannie Mae Boone, District Agent, 
9th Street, Little Rock 

Mr. T. R. Betton, District Agent, 9th 
Street, Little Rock 

Mrs. Ella P. Nelly, District Agent, 9th 
Street, Little Rock 

Mr. L. L. Phillips, State 4-H Club 

Agent, 9th Street, Little Rock 
Georgia 

Mr. H. P. Stone, State Agent, Georgia 
State College, Industrial College. 

Miss Camilla Weems, State Agent, 
Georgia State College, Industrial Col- 
lege 

Mr. Alexander Hurse, State 4-H Club 
Agent, Georgia State College, Indus- 
trial College 



176 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



Mr. Augustus Hill, Asst. State 4-H 

Club Agent, Georgia State College, 

Industrial College 
Kentucky 

Mr. Louis L. Duncan, Jr., District 

Agent, 408 V 2 Main St., Hopkinsville 
Louisiana 

Mr. T. J. Jordan, Asst. State Agent, 

Southern Branch Post Office, Baton 

Rouge 
Mrs. R. F. Henton, Asst. State Agent, 

Southern Branch Post Office, Baton 

Rouge 
Mrs. A. J. Lewis, Cooperative Home 

Demonstration Agent, Box 2110, Bat- 
on Rouge 
Maryland 

Mr. Martin G. Bailey, District Agent, 

Box 5302, Seat Pleasant 19 
Mississippi 

Mr. M. M. Hubert, District Agent, 843 % 

Rose Street, Jackson 
Mr. G. C. Cypress, Boys' Club Agent, 

843^5 Rose Street, Jackson 
Mrs. Daisy M. Lewis, District Agent, 

Jackson College, Jackson 
Mrs. Virlie Moody Lindsay, Girls' 4-H 

Club Agent, Jackson College, Jackson 
Mrs. Beatrice Childress, Asst. Girls' 

4-H Club Agent, Jackson College, 

Jackson 
Mrs. Alice Carter Oliver, District Agent, 

Clarksdale 
North Carolina 

Mr. R. E. Jones, State Agent, Box 68, 

A & T College, Greensboro 
Mrs. Dazelle P. Lowe, District Agent, 

Box 68, A & T College, Greensboro 
Mr. J. A. Spaulding, District Agent, 

Box 68, A & T College, Greensboro 
Mrs. W. T. Merritt, District Agent, Box 

68, A & T College, Greensboro 

Oklahoma 

Mr. Paul O. Brooks, District Agent, 

Langston University, Langston 
Mrs. H. M. Hewlett, District Agent, 

Langston University, Langston 

South Carolina 

Mr. E. N. Williams, District Agent, 

State College, Orangeburg 
Mrs. Marian B. Paul, State Supervisor, 

State College, Orangeburg 
Mr. Wayman Johnson, Asst. District 

Agent, State College, Orangeburg 

Tennessee 

Mr. W. H. Williamson, Assistant State 

Agent, Box 543, Nashville 
Miss Bessie L. Walton, Assistant State 

Agent, Box 1171, Nashville 2 
Texas 

Mr. W. C. David, State Leader, Prairie 

View University, Prairie View 
Miss M. E. Garrett, District Agent, 

Prairie View University, Prairie View 
Mr. J. E. Mayo, Acting District Agent, 

Prairie View University, Prairie View 
Mrs. Pauline R. Brown, Supervisor & 

District Agent, Prairie View Univer- 
sity 



Mr. H. S. Estelle, District Agent, Prair- 
ie View University, Prairie View 

Mrs. J. O. A. Connor, District Agent, 
Prairie View University, Box 516, 
Prairie View 

Mr. W. H. Phillips, District Agent, 
Prairie View University, Prairie View 
Virginia 

Mr. Ross W. Newsome, State Agent, 
Virginia State College, Ettrick 

Miss B. D. Harrison, District Agent, 
Virginia State College, Ettrick 

Mr. S. E. Marshall, District Agent, Vir- 
ginia State College, Ettrick 

Mrs. T. T. Hewlett, Asst. District 

Agent, Ashland 
West Virginia 

Mr. L. A. Toney, State Leader, W. Va. 
State College, Institute 

Mrs. Tanner J. Livisay, District Agent, 
Princeton 



Mr. T. M. Campbell, Field Agent, Tus- 
kegee Institute, Alabama 

Mr. John W. Mitchell, Field Agent, 
Hampton Institute, Hampton, Vir- 
ginia 

Mrs. D. D. Allen, Secretary, Tuskegee 
Institute, Alabama 

THE FARM SECURITY 

ADMINISTRATION AND THE 

NEGRO 

The Farm Security Administration 
is a Federal' agricultural agency set 
up to give assistance to needy farmers. 
It is especially designed to help low 
income farm people. This agency was 
organized at first as the Federal Emer- 
gency Relief Administration in 1934. 
In 1935 it was reorganized as the Re- 
settlement Administration. In 1937 the 
program was expanded and its name 
changed to the Farm Security Admin- 
istration. In November of 1946 there 
was further reorganization and the 
agency renamed the Farmers' Home 
Administration. 

An important objective of the Farm 
Security program is that of improving 
the economic and social status of low- 
income farmers. At the present time, 
the major functions of this agency cen- 
ter around the rural rehabilitation and 
the farm-purchase programs. Table 
20 shows the participation of Negroes 
in the program of the Farm Security 
Administration as of November 15, 
1941. 



THE FARM SECURITY ADMINISTRATION AND THE NEGRO 177 



Table 20. 

Negro Borrower Participation in Farm Security Administration Program, 
November 15, 1941 United States 



Type of Program 


Number 


Rural Rehabilitation 


53 322 


Tenant Purchase Borrowers 


3 061 


Families on 22 Rental Cooperatives (Leasing Association) 


967 


Families on 35 Community Projects 


1 889 


Families on 6 Migratory Camps 


1 199 






Total 


60 440 







Source: "Plain Facts About Negro Farming" by Constance E. H. Daniels F. S. A. 
Publication 104. Printed in "The Brown American," November, 1941. 



The community projects have been 
discontinued. The Negro families that 
were on these projects are probably 
now included in the tenant purchase 
program. 

The Rural Rehabilitation 
Program 

The Rural Rehabilitation Program 
was designed to improve the economic 
and social status of destitute farmers 
and farm workers. The program in- 
cludes the following: 

1. Standard rural rehabilitation loans. 

2. Loans for setting- up small cooper- 
atives. 

3. Tenure improvement program. 

4. Farm debt adjustment. 

5. The medical-care program. 

6. Education. 

Any low-income farmer who cannot 
qualify for credit from other lending 
agencies may get a standard rehabili- 
tation loan, and may also participate 



in the other features of the rehabili- 
tation program. At the end of the 1944 
crop year in 14 Southern States, there 
were 37,763 Negro farm families oper- 
ating under the rural rehabilitation 
program of the Farm Security Admin- 
istration. A study of a sample of 1,746 
of these families showed the following 
(Table 20): 

These farms averaged 79 acres of 
land, 36 acres of which were in crops. 
They had assets averaging $1,542; and 
an average net worth of $973. The 
average amount borrowed for the year 
1944 was $1,254; the total debt at the 
end of 1944 was $488. The average 
gross family income was $1,221, of 
which $1,006 was farm income. The 
average net family income was $905; 
the net farm income was $690. The 
average value of home-used food was 
$337. 



178 



THE NEGBO IN AGRICULTURE 



Table 21. 

Status of the Active Standard Rural Rehabilitation Negro Family At End of 
1944 Crop Year in the Fourteen Southern States* 



Item 



Fourteen 

Southern 

States 



Region 
IV 



Region 



Region 
VI 



Region VI 1 1 
(Oklahoma 
and Texas) 



Active Standard Negro Families No. 37 , 763 

No. of Families in Sample No. 1 , 746 

Size of Farm 1944 Acres 79 

Land in Crops 1944 Acres 36 

Total Owned... . $ 1,542 

TotalOwed $ 569 

NetWorth $ 973 

Working Capital End of '44 $ 851 

Total Amount Borrowed From FSA . . $ 1 , 254 

Total R R Debt End of '44 $ 488 

Delinquency Status: 

Number Borrowers Delinquent No. 19,714 

Per cent of Borrowers Delinquent . % 52 
Amount Delinquent for those 

Delinquent $ 243 

Gross Family Income f 1,221 

Gross Farm Income f 1,006 

Total Non-Farm Income $ 215 

Farm Operating Expenses $ 316 

Net Family Income $ 905 

Net Farm Income S 690 

Value Home-Owned Food $ 337 



6,372 
320 



32 

2,110 

439 

1,671 

1,084 

1,225 
280 



2,466 
39 

225 
1,704 
1,514 

190 

404 

1,300 

1,110 

480 



13,883 
840 

75 



1,262 
638 



774 



5,765 
42 



1,054 
903 
151 

327 

727 
576 

285 



12,977 
405 

76 
34 

1,496 
526 
970 

816 

1,372 

458 



8,719 
67 

305 

1,161 
919 
242 

270 

891 
649 
302 



4,531 

181 

94 
42 

1,737 

661 

1,076 



535 



2,764 
61 

220 

1,228 

85S 

370 

288 

. 940 
570 



*Data supplied by the Farm Security Administration, Washington, D. C. 



Of the total number of Negro rural 
rehabilitation borrowers at the end of 
1944, 19,714 or 52 per cent were de- 
linquent. The amount of delinquency 
averaged $243. 

Tenant-Purchase Program 

The tenant-purchase program was 
set up for the purpose of curbing the 
trend of tenancy. This program was 
authorized by the Bankhead-Jones 
Farm Tenant Act which was passed by 
Congress in 1937. The function of this 
program is to make loans to tenant, 
sharecropper, and farm laborer fami- 
lies to enable them to become owners 
of family-sized farms. 

In 1943 Negroes made up 14 per cent 



of all tenant-purchase borrowers in the 
United States, while according to the 
United States Census of 1940, Negroes 
were 21 per cent of all tenants. Ac- 
cording to these figures, if the pro- 
portion of tenants is taken as a criter- 
ion, Negroes are not getting their 
share of the tenant-purchase program. 
This is demonstrated more emphatic- 
ally when we consider the four south- 
ern farm security regions. In these 
regions, Negroes were 35 per cent of 
all tenants, but only 19 per cent of 
all tenant-purchase borrowers. In no 
region or State were the proportion 
of Negro tenant-purchase borrowers 
equal to the proportion of Negro ten- 
ants. (See Table 22). 



TUSKEGEE HOUSING PROGRAM FOR RURAL BETTERMENT 179 



Table 22. 
Tenant-purchase Borrowers By Color, 1943 



Region and State 


All borrowers 


White 


Ne 


gro 


Negro as percent 




1943 




Number 


Per cent 


of all tenants 
1940 


United States 


29,502 


25,372 


4,130 


14 


21 














Four Southern Regions 


21,196 


17,271 


3,925 


19 


35 


Region IV 


5,112 


4,601 


511 


10 


20 


Kentucky 


783 


783 





o 


3 


North Carolina 


2,077 


1 724 


353 


17 


33 


Tennessee 


1,277 


1,226 


51 


4 


21 




670 


563 


107 


16 


27 


West Virginia . . . 


305 


304 


1 




1 


Region V 

Alabama 


7 484 


5 736 


1 721 


33 


43 


Flo rida 


2,423 


1 817 


606 


25 


42 


Georgia 
So uth Carolina 


3,099 
1,715 


2,541 
1.200 


558 
515 


18 
30 


38 
57 


Region VI 


5,406 


4 000 


1 406 


26 


58 


Arkansas 


1,770 


959 


811 


15 


40 


Louisiana 


1,142 


834 


308 


27 


54 


Mississippi 


2,494 


1,646 


848 


34 


71 


Region VIII 


3,194 


2 097 


287 


g 


13 


Oklahoma 


1 332 


1 252 


80 


g 


o 


Texas 


1,682 


1 676 


186 


10 


16 















Sources: United States Department of Agriculture, Farm Security Administra- 
tion. Release No. 12, 1943. Family Progress Report. 16th Census of the U S Agri- 
culture ch. Ill, Vol. III. 



THE TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE 

HOUSING PROGRAM FOR RURAL 

BETTERMENT 4 

"On the campus of Tuskegee Insti- 
tute stands a new four-room one-story 
cottage. It is a neat livable house that 
differs little in appearance from houses 
seen in the newer subdivisions almost 
everywhere. With present prices one 
would expect it to cost between six 
and seven thousand dollars to build, 
of which possibly three thousand 
would be spent for materials. The 
builders show, however, that the actual 
cost of all the materials used was 
slightly more than one thousand dol- 
lars! Furthermore, the construction is 
so simple that if such a house was 
built for private ownership the owner 
could perform much of the labor him- 
self! ... It is really the latest de- 
velopment in Tuskegee's struggle over 
an eight-year period to find a way to 
bring adequate housing within the 
reach of the average farmer. It is a 
repeatable demonstration in rural 
housing. 



*Source: Mimeographed pamphlet, "It 
Can Happen Here," by Louis E. Fry, 
Architect and Housing Consultant. Jan- 
uary 1, 1947. 



"The story of this research project, 
participated in by practically all de- 
partments of the Institute and with 
the active support of the Extension 
Service . . . has been carried on prac- 
tically without funds except for a 
small initial grant from the General 
Education Board. Early in the study 
it became apparent that since the av- 
erage southern farmer has little cash 
money to spend some way would have 
to be found to cut materials cost dras- 
tically and to utilize to an unusual ex- 
tent the farmers' own labor. It is 
readily understood that farm labor is 
available for such use since it is fully 
occupied with farm tasks only at cer- 
tain seasons. Experiments with wood- 
en houses made from timber cut on 
the farm were successful but had limit- 
ed application. Rammed earth, both 
in solid sections and in blocks, was 
tried but certain technical difficulties 
with this material seemed insurmount- 
able. Soil-cement mixtures such as 
are sometimes used for roads were 
tried and given up not because these 
mixtures seemed unusuable but for 
lack of the facilities and personnel for 
the experimental work needed. The 



180 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



suggestion that led to the erection of 
this present experimental house came 
from Dr. F. D. Patterson, President 
of Tuskegee Institute. 'Why not use 
a concrete block,' thought Dr. Patter- 
son. 'The ingredients are cement and 
gravel and water and labor. Since 
gravel can be found in almost any 
creek bed a farmer would only need 
to buy the cement in order to make 
them.' 

"Concrete for blocks could be mixed 
wet and poured into shallow wooden 
forms. These blocks were first ob- 
served in use by a Tuskegee graduate 
living in the Tuskegee community. 
The laying of them was modified in 
the present plan by using half blocks 
instead of metal ties in joining the 
parallel exterior walls. The blocks so 
made could be laid in such a way as 
to produce a hollow wall. The air 
spaces in the regular concrete blocks 
could be produced not by the way the 
blocks were made but by the way they 
were laid. This was Dr. Patterson's 
own idea, too. The detail were worked 
out by the staff of the Department of 
Mechanical Industries at the Institute. 

"Simple but sturdy wooden forms 
were made. A creek bed was found 
that had promising looking gravel in 
it and the block making plant set up 
on its bank. After a series of experi- 
ments a mixture of one part of cement 
to about six parts of pit run gravel 
was used. Gravel was used just as it 
came from the earth. Mixing was done 
in a small batch mixer (it could have 
been done by hand on a mixing board) 
and the soupy mass poured into the 
forms. After twenty-four hours in 
summer (longer in winter) the blocks 
were removed and stacked in the 
shade to season until ready for use 
It was just as simple as that. Surpris- 
ingly enough these methods produced 
blocks which tests showed to have a 
strength in excess of that required 
by standard specifications for com- 
mercial blocks. 

"At the building site the blocks were 
used for exterior walls, for chimneys, 
and for all interior partitions. ... No 
plaster was used in this house except 
that a single coat of cement plaster 
was used on one side of each three 
inch partition to stiffen it. ... Consist- 
ent with the use of concrete for walls 
and partitions, the floors are also of 
concrete. The 'base slab' was poured 



about four inches thick over a six inch 
cinder bed laid directly on the earth. 
Topping was of cement and sand, put 
on before the base slap had set and 
troweled to a smooth glossy surface. 
The same savings, due to the use of 
local gravel, accrue here as was the 
case with the blocks. . . . Houses with 
concrete floors in direct contact with 
the earth are cooler in summer than 
if of wood and built up as is more com- 
monly done. ... In winter there will 
be no uncomfortable drafts coming 
through the floors 'as is so often the 
case with houses built up on piers and 
open underneath. The cinder underfill 
(it could be gravel also) prevents 
dampness from coming up from the 
ground. 

"Walls and floors of concrete are rat 
proof because they cannot be gnawed. 
They are termite proof because ter- 
mites cannot digest cement and gravel. 
They are roach and ant resistent be- 
cause there are fewer cracks. The 
floors can be scrubbed without hurting 
them and if properly treated they are 
practically scuff proof. Concrete can- 
not burn so houses built this way are 
more fire-resistant than the more usual 
types. Absence of p'aster to crack, 
wood floors to sand and varnish, and a 
great decrease in the amount of ex- 
terior woodwork to paint (as com- 
pared with wooden houses) make the 
maintenance of such houses inexpen- 
sive and easy. 

"Other parts of the house are more 
orthodox. The roof was framed of 
wood in the usual manner and covered 
with asbestos-cement shingles. Ceil- 
ings are of insulation board in large 
sheets, painted to match the walls. 
Doors and windows together with 
their frames are of stock patterns. 
The heating and lighting and plumb- 
ing were handled in the usual ways 
except that they are a bit more ade- 
quate. The result of all this is that 
a very pleasant place to live has been 
created. Its strongest appeal ... is 
that it can be built by farmers with 
small cash outlay." 

MECHANIZATION IN AGRICULTURE 
Mechanization of Farming 
In the South 

The mechanization of farming in 
several areas of the South is ushering 
in changes of great importance. Texas 



MECHANIZATION IN AGRICULTURE 



181 



and Oklahoma, even before Pearl Har- 
bor, had seen the invasion of tractors 
transforming the countryside into mul- 
tiple-sized farms. The Mississippi Del- 
ta and the better lands of the Old 
Southeast have, during recent years, 
been cultivating larger crops with few- 
er laborers than in pre-tractor days. 



In two of the thirteen Southern States 
the percentage of farm operators using 
tractors in 1945 approximated the na- 
tional average. These two, Oklahoma 
30.3 and Texas 29.1, were followed by 
Florida with a percentage of 14.4. The 
national average is 30.5. (See Tab!e 
23.) 



Table 23. 

Per Cent of Farm Operators Reporting Tractors On Farms in 1930, 1940 and 
1945,* and Per Cent Increase From 1930 to 1940, and 1940 to 1945 For 

Selected States** 



Farm Operators Reporting Tractors on Farms 



State 


Per cent Reporting Tractors 


Per cent Change 


1930 


1940 


1945 


1930-40 


1940-45 


United States 
13 Southern States 
8 Cotton States*** 


13.5 

3.9 
3.9 

3.6 
5.4 
3.9 
2.0 

2.1 
7.4 

2.1 
2.8 
2.7 
1.7 
1.5 

5.7 
1.8 
2.4 
11.4 

6.4 


23.1 

7.8 
9.3 

4.8 
6.2 
4.3 
3.1 
3.8 
10.2 

3.6 
4.4 
4.4 
2.9 
2.7 

14.9 
4.3 
4.6 
22.9 
20.6 


30.5 
11.0 
13.2 

7.3 
8.4 - 
6.4 
5.4 
5.9 
14.4 

5.3 
6.2 
6.7 
4.5 
4.1 

20.9 
6.6 
6.9 
30.3 
29.1 


70 
90 
112 

30 
22 
12 
38 
59 
47 

72 
63 
72 
64 
91 

125 
121 

89 
75 
165 


32 
44 
43 

52 
36 
63 
75 
57 
42 

50 
41 
53 
56 
50 

49 
53 
50 
32 
42 


South Atlantic**** 


Virginia 
North Carolina 


South Carolina 
Georgia 


Florida 


East South Central 
Kentucky 


Tennessee 


Alabama 
Mississippi 


West South Central 


Arkansas 
Louisiana 


Oklahoma 
Texas 



*-Figures for 1930 and 1940 from U. S. Census; Figures for January 1, 1945 are taken from estimates made 
by Bureau of Agricultural Economics as shown in "Number and Duty of Principal Farm Machines," by A. P. 
Brodell and M. R. Cooper, F. M. 46, Washington, D. C., November 1944. 

"-The percentage of farm operators using tractors in January 1945 was arrived at by showing a percentage gain 
in operators from 1940 to 1945 equal to the percentage gain in number of tractors during the 5-year period. 

**-South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, and Oklahoma. 

**-Excludes Delaware, Maryland, D. C., and West Virginia. 



Hand Labor Cannot 
Compete With Machines 

Dr. Arthur Raper has pointed out 
in the booklet, Machines in the Cotton 
Fields, published by the Southern Re- 
gional Council, September, 1946, that 
"we need first of all to recall that cot- 
ton and tobacco, the farmers' main 
sources of cash in the South, are two 
of the least mechanized crops in the 
nation." The agricultural South using 
hand labor cannot without change 
prosper in an age of mechanized pro- 



duction. However, well intentioned 
and industrious, the man with a hoe 
and a one-mule primitive plow cannot 
maintain respectable standards of liv- 
ing in a country where other men use 
labor-saving machines. Likewise, a re- 
gion characterized by primitive meth- 
ods of production must remain eco- 
nomically backward. As long as most 
everything bought by the southern 
farmer is machine-made while every- 
thing that he sells is hand-made, the 
differentials in living standards will 
be to his disadvantage. 



182 



THE NEGRO IN AGRICULTURE 



Not All Parts of the South Can 
Be Agriculturally Mechanized 

Not all areas of the South can be 
transformed into mechanized, large- 
scale farms. Professor Peter F. Druck- 
er, Bennington College economist, after 
an extensive study of the Southern 
Region, has drawn up a map indicat- 
ing the geographic areas which lend 
themselves best to mechanization of 
cotton production. (See Exit King Cot- 
ton, Harper's Magazine, May, 1946). 
These areas, in brief, are the rich 
lands of the Mississippi Valley extend- 
ing from the Gulf to upper Arkansas 
and Tennessee; the Gulf Coast, espe- 
cially around Corpus Christi; some of 
the low-lying hill counties of Alabama 
and Mississippi wherever a yield of 
more than one bale an acre is obtain- 
able; at least two-thirds of Texas; and 
the new, irrigated cotton lands of 
New Mexico, Arizona, and California 
where cotton can be grown for as little 
as four or five cents a pound on mech- 
anized farms. Not included, however, 
are the low-yield, high-cost regions 
all of South Carolina, Georgia, and 
eastern Texas, most of Arkansas, Mis- 
sissippi and Alabama which will, in 
all probability, be forced out of cotton 
production. In these low-yield, high- 
cost areas more than half of all the 
cotton farmers of the United States 
live "primarily small, poor farmers," 
writes Drucker, "who have no alterna- 
tive cash crop and neither the capital 
nor the training to develop one." 

New Inventions Increase Probability 
Of Mechanized Farming 

While the industrial revolution has 
tardily reached the South, a number 
of recent inventions are hastening the 
movement toward mechanization. The 
cotton-picking robots, for example, each 
doing the work of a half-hundred hu- 
man harvesters, have already demon- 
strated their worth. While the num- 
ber of these machines installed at 
present is small and relatively insig- 
nificant, there is the probability of in- 
creasingly large numbers ahead. Al- 
ready, three of the largest manufactur- 
ers of farm machinery International 
Harvester, Allis Chalmers, and John 
Deere are in the race to supply the 
market. The mass production of these 
cotton harvesters is definitely in the 
plans for the future. 



Complementing the extraordinary 
efficiency of these machines, the 
Graham Page fire-spitting cultivator 
and the McLemore "Sizz Weeder" will 
reduce to a minimum the human labor 
formerly required to keep the cotton 
fields free from weeds. This type of 
cultivator will render the fields prac- 
tically weedless for a considerable 
period of time. Tests with the "Sizz 
Weeder" at the Stoneville, Mississippi, 
Experiment Station, have disclosed an 
overall operating cost of 48 cents an 
acre. This is small indeed when com- 
pared with $4 to $12 an acre usually 
paid hand laborers to chop out weeds 
with a hoe. Also it is estimated that 
a laborer with a hoe can "chop" only 
a half-acre in a ten-hour day; while 
a two row "Sizz" can cover 25 acres in 
a day. A four row cultivator can cover 
46 acres in the same length of time. 
Furthermore, squirting a band of in- 
tense heat just above the ground, the 
flame cultivator has another value. It 
not only sears the weeds and weed 
seeds, but it kills insects as they are 
knocked to the ground by the moving 
machine. The cotton plants are un- 
scathed because of the toughness of 
their stalks. 

In the judgment of Colonel A. J. Mc- 
Lemore, inventor of the "Sizz", his 
weed-destroyer will bring about com- 
plete mechanization of thousands of 
farms which produce cotton, corn, 
sugar cane, vegetables and other crops. 
The chief reason why the cotton robot 
has not been used more extensively in 
the past is because the farmer, even 
when possessing a tractor, cultivator 
and a cotton picker, still had to retain 
a sizable force of laborers just to hoe 
the crops. 

Mechanized Farm of the McLemore 
Brothers, Montgomery County, Ala. 

On the farms of the McLemore 
Brothers, white farmers, totaling 7,700 
acres in Montgomery County, Alabama, 
there is a 150-acre tract of cotton land 
that, in the 1946 season, was prepared, 
planted, fertilized, chopped, weeded, 
defoliated, and picked entirely by me- 
chanical means. This was probably the 
first time that the human hand rarely 
touched the cotton from the time 
plans were made until the burlap- 
wrapped bale of cotton was delivered 
from the gin press. What is even more 



MECHANIZATION IN AGRICULTURE 



183 



extraordinary is the fact that a single 
man did the entire series of operations 
on this 150-acre field. 

Social and Economic 
Problems Involved In 
Agricultural Mechanization 

Needless to say, the human effects 
of a complete mechanization of the 
cotton industry alone would upset the 
equilibrium of production and of life 
far and wide. Approximately 10,000,- 
000 human beings in the South would 
be directly affected. Probably 2,000,- 
000, it is estimated, would be occupa- 
tionally displaced. Of this number, 
perhaps 1,200,000 would be white and 
at least 800,000 Negro. Whether these 
displacements would create serious 
economic and social problems depends 
upon the period of time consumed in 
the changes. Some experts in the field 
of southern economics believe the 
changes would be sudden and chaotic; 
others, that the changes would be dis- 
tributed over a considerable period of 
time. Dr. Raper believes that each 
mechanical picker will, however, dis- 
place more workers at one time than 
the tractor, and will displace them 
more completely, especially since cot- 
ton picking is the one remaining big 
hand process in cotton production. 
Hand workers will commonly be 
thought of as surplus labor only after 
a mechanical picker has been put into 
operation on a particular farm. Other 
nearby planters may continue with tra- 
ditional hand methods of operations 
for another year or two, while some 
few growers may continue hand meth- 
ods of production because of the ease 
with which they can secure from 
among the families already displaced 
by mechanized farms the very kind of 
workers they like to use. "Workers 
will be displaced farm by farm, year 
by year. Operators still relying on 
hand methods of production will 
remain as dependent as ever upon the 
availability of workers. In short, hand 



workers on any given cotton plantation 
are indispensable as workers right up 
to the time that they are displaced by 
machine pickers when most of them 
will not be needed at all." 

Still further is the possibility that 
the effects of displacement may be mol- 
lified by the reduced necessity for 
women and children working in the 
fields. Colonel McLemore made a perti- 
nent remark on this aspect of the 
situation. "The majority of hired pick- 
ers," he said, "are Negroes. They in- 
clude all njembers of the family. When 
mechanized cotton farming comes into 
its own, it will not be necessary for 
the women and children to be hoeing 
and picking cotton. The women can 
stay in the home where they are need- 
ed more, and the children will have 
more time for schooling." 

Organized Efforts Necessary to 
Meet Displacement Problems 

"What new activities should be 
launched by the vocational agricul- 
tural people, the Agricultural Exten- 
sion Service, the Farmers' Home Ad- 
ministration and other agricultural 
agencies, the churches, and the farm- 
ers' organizations to help as many 
families as practicable to make a good 
living on farms, and to help those who 
leave the farms to get ready to do 
something else? . . . Small operators 
can be served by their neighbor's 
machinery when custom work is done 
at equitable rates. Also a group of 
small farmers can own and operate 
machinery jointly. Cooperatives might 
prove helpful to the small, independent 
farmer in securing the advantage of 
machinery without being saddled with 
uneconomic equipment. It is not im- 
plied here that the present farms in 
the poor land areas are large enough 
if properly managed, but it is im- 
portant to remember that the increase 
of the size of the farm is but one of 
the ways to develop an adequate farm 
unit." 



DIVISION VIII 

THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS 

By ALBON L. HOLSEY 
Tuskegee Institute 



This report gives a general view of 
the Negro in business during the 
period 1939-1946. Various factors af- 
fecting businesses operated by Negroes 
will be indicated: The pre-war status; 
the impact of war and its effects; the 
increase of consumers' dollars; the ex- 
pansion into new fields of business; 
and, above all, the increasing knowl- 
edge and determination on the part 
of Negro leaders in business. 

PRE-WAR STATUS OF NEGRO 
BUSINESS 

Census reports for 1939 of Negro 
proprietorships of retail establishments 
showed a total of 29,827 such outlets 
with gross sales of $71,466,000. The 
13,778 employees in these establish- 
ments received $5,386,000 in salaries 
and wages. Of these outlets, the food 
group led with 11,038 units of which 
5,655 were grocery stores. Of the 333 
units in the apparel group, 65 were 
women's ready-to-wear shops, 55 were 
millinery shops, and 94 were women's 
and infants' accessories and apparel 



shops. Only 15 men-boys' furnishings 
stores were recorded. Eating places 
numbering 9,750 were a close second 
to the food group. The furniture- 
household and radio group numbering 
65 was unexpectedly small in view of 
the widespread demand for this type 
of merchandise. The 548 drug stores 
with a gross annual intake of $4,470,- 
000 averaged $8,139 per store. 

The Census recorded 1,268 filling sta- 
tions, 4 motor-vehicle dealers (new), 
6 used-car dealers, 128 florists, 1G9 
liquor stores (packaged goods), 4 
heating-plumbing equipment dealers, 
2,240 fuel-ice dealers, 17 hardware 
stores, 15 book stores, 10 jewelry 
stores, and 4 farm and garden supply 
stores. 

A comparative study of routine and 
special service establishments in 14 
cities is presented in Table 1 as an in- 
dication of the extent to which geo- 
graphic and other factors have in- 
fluenced the selection of types of busi- 
ness endeavors. The 14 cities include 
6 in the North, 2 in Border States and 
6 in the South. 



TABLE 1 
Negro Businesses in Selected Cities 1939* 



KIND OF BUSINESS. 



CITY 


Auto Re- 
pairs and 
Garages 


Barber 
Shops 


Beauty 
Parlors 


Cleaning 
Pressing 


Under- 
takers 


Printing 
Shops 


Shoe 
Repairs 


Shoe 
Shine 
Parlors 


Baltimore . 


54 


179 


217 


87 


26 


5 


49 


119 


Birmingham 


^9 


41 


19 


22 


10 


4 


27 


28 


Chicago 


71 


250 


262 


217 


41 


25 


58 


95 


Cleveland 


49 


85 


99 


56 


8 


7 


10 


68 


Detroit 


30 


105 


145 


105 


24 


13 


31 


37 


Jacksonville 


4 


32 


19 


16 


5 




18 


4 


Houston 


39 


84 


79 


33 


13 


'"9"' 


22 


62 


Los Angeles 


27 


66 


118 


55 


3 


7 


17 


460 


Memphis 


20 


92 


49 


45 


13 


3 


36 


82 


New Orleans 


17 


137 


57 


82 


3 


9 


24 


10 


New York 


104 


266 


567 


298 


63 


54 


63 


205 


Richmond 


17 


89 


70 


26 


17 


7 


31 


23 


St. Louis 


42 


130 


140 


72 


30 


4 


18 


111 


Washington 


17 


175 


249 


68 


32 


17 


25 


56 





















"-Source: Census of Business Volume III, Service Establishments: 1939. 



184 



NEGRO BANKS 



185 



With respect to the special service 
establishments three, employment 
agencies, watch and jewelry repair 
shops and radio repair shops are 
selected for special comment. Their 
variability of incidence seems related 
to geographic location. Employment 
agencies, for example, do not appear 
in any of the 6 southern cities. They 
are found in New York, Chicago, De- 
troit and Baltimore. Watch, clock and 
jewelry repair shops an old line of 
specialized service are found in 
Memphis, New Orleans and Richmond 
in the South, where 3 each were 
recorded. 

Somewhat surprising were the scat- 
tered radio repair shops. This new 
industry offers, it would seem, unusual 
opportunities for establishment of re- 
pair shops. However, of the 6 south- 
ern cities included in the study, only 
Houston (5), New Orleans (6), and 
Richmond (4) indicated any shops in 
this apparently lucrative field. Of the 
other large cities, New York led with 
63, Chicago followed with 27, Detroit 
and St. Louis reported 18 each, and 
Los Angeles, 10. In other words, 
all of the larger cities outside of the 
South reported Negroes in the radio 
repair industry, while cities like At- 
lanta, Birmingham and Memphis, with 
large Negro populations, reported none 
Importance of the 
Negro Market 

In the period immediately preceding 
Pearl Harbor, business men were point- 
ing out the general importance of the 
Negro market. Discussions relative to 
this matter were becoming prevalent 
especially in conferences on Negro 
business, in many parts of the country. 
White business men were beginning 
to see the wisdom of encouraging a 
market at home that compared favor- 
ably in size with the sum total of our 
foreign trade. Late in 1940, Newbold 
Morris, President of the New York City 
Council, in an address before the 
Hampton Association, said, "Big busi- 
ness ought to know more about the 
Negro market." He pointed out that 
"in seventeen of our largest Southern 
cities Negroes consume $2,000,000,000 
worth of our goods annually, an 
amount two and a half times as large 
as our exports to Great Britain, 
France, Germany, Poland and Finland 
in 1938 " 



Continuing, the speaker explained 
that "our foreign trade, long suffering 
from tariff-barriers, continues un- 
stabilized with present war restric- 
tions. Yet within our own borders lies 
one of the greatest markets unde- 
veloped. This consumer outlet repre- 
sented by our Negro population, would 
expand in enormous proportion with 
the advancement of their living stand- 
ards. Equip our largest "minority with 
the means of increasing their pur- 
chasing power and we create a better 
prosperity for the nation as a whole." 

Important Conferences 
On Negro Business 

Many conferences on Negro business 
passed resolutions in similar vein. A 
meeting of 200 business and profes- 
sional women from three Southern 
States Alabama, Georgia, and South 
Carolina, meeting in Savannah in- 
cluded the following in its final recom- 
mendations: ". . . develop Negro mar- 
kets by the creation and operation of 
agencies for that purpose; through co- 
operatives, government and private 
loans, and reinvestment earnings; 
bring about a continuous and progres- 
sive increase in available capital for 
business expansion." The Virginia 
Trade Association sponsored a similar 
conference at Hampton Institute in 
June, 1940, and called for a "move- 
ment to speed economic security by 
opening more opportunities in business 
through ownership and employment." 

The most significant of these meet- 
ings was the "Conference on The Negro 
in Business" sponsored by the United 
States Department of Commerce and 
held in the Commerce Department au- 
ditorium on April 18 and 19, 1941. 
In his foreword to the printed pro- 
ceedings of the conference, Emmer 
Martin Lancaster, Advisor on Negro 
Affairs for the Department of Com- 
merce, said: "This conference was 
called for the purpose of effecting a 
more adequate integration into the De- 
partment of Commerce of business 
Problems peculiar to the Negro." 

NEGRO BANKS 
Negro Banks and 
War Securities 

In the period of this review, banks 
operated by Negroes prospered in de- 
posit increases and in various ways 
contributed to the war effort. 



186 



THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS 



William Pickens, of the United 
States Treasury Department, who 
headed the promotional organization 
for the sale of bonds among Negroes, 
reported in 1945 that 11 Negro banks 
were holding nearly $13,000,000 in war 
securities. Top purchasers were Me- 
chanics and Farmers Bank of Dur- 
ham, N. C., with $2,662,905; Industrial 
Bank of Washington, D. C., $2,537,041; 
Consolidated Bank and Trust Company 
of Richmond, Va., $1,749,000 and the 
Citizens and Southern Bank and Trust 
Company of Philadelphia, $1,442,284. 
Other banks listed in Mr. Pickens' re- 
port with heavy bond purchases were 
Crown Savings Bank of Newport News, 
Va., Danville (Virginia) Savings Bank 
and Trust Company, Fraternal Bank 
and Trust Company of Fort Worth, 
Texas, Citizens Trust Company of At- 
lanta, Citizens Savings Bank and Trust 
Company of Nashville, Farmers State 
Bank of Boley, Oklahoma and the Vic- 
tory Savings Bank of Columbia, South 
Carolina. 

Growth of Negro Banks 

Emmer Martin Lancaster, of the 
United States Department of Com- 
merce, issued his first annual report 
on Negro banking institutions in 1941. 
The statement showed that the twelve 
Negro owned banks in the United 
States eleven of them in the South 
had experienced a healthy growth in 
both deposits and total resources dur- 
ing the calendar year 1940. 

On May 16, 1945, Major R. R. Wright, 
founder and active President of the 
Citizens and Southern Bank and Trust 
Company of Philadelphia, celebrated 
his 92nd birthday. His success and 
vigorous activity made front page and 
feature stories in a number of daily 
and weekly papers. His life was re- 
viewed in the Negro Digest and on the 
occasion of his trip to the West Coast, 
he was entertained at an interracial 
dinner with E. B. Krick, Vice-Presi- 
dent and Cashier of the American 
Trust Company of San Francisco. The 
attention given Major Wright focused 
attention upon Negro banks in general 
and afforded an opportunity to re-state 
the fine record made by them in sup- 
port of the war effort. 

These banking institutions initiated 
many local efforts to encourage thrift 
and savings among Negroes who were 
earning peak wages. Their increased 



bank deposits were thus revealed in 
many press reports. "Now in the Mil- 
lion Dollar Class" was the headline in 
several local papers which told of this 
growth in assets. In Newport News, 
for example, where the shipyards em- 
ployed thousands of Negroes, the Nor- 
folk Journal and Guide making com- 
ment, said: "Announcement last week 
that the Crown Savings Bank of New- 
port News, Virginia, has resources of 
over $1,000,000 emphasizes anew the 
favorable existing opportunities for 
business enterprise and economic 
achievements by the race in vital de- 
fense areas such as that wherein this 
progressive institution serves constitu- 
ents of all races." Other banks re- 
ported as having "resources well over 
the million mark" were the Citizens 
Savings Bank and Trust Company of 
Nashville oldest Negro bank; Me- 
chanics and Farmers Bank of Durham; 
Danville (Virginia) Savings Bank; 
Consolidated Bank and Trust Company 
of Richmond; Citizens and Southern 
Bank and Trust Company of Philadel- 
phia and Citizens Trust Company of 
Atlanta. "This increased activity," said 
the New York Age in 1942, "is at- 
tributed to sound business acumen and 
favorable economic conditions stim- 
ulated by the war economy." 

More Negro Banks Needed 

The growth of these banks en- 
couraged the Chicago Defender, in Feb- 
ruary, 1944, to suggest the need for 
more banks. "If we take a look over 
the country," said the Defender, "we 
will find several Negro owned banks 
specializing in the credit needs of col- 
ored business. But unfortunately they 
are altogether too few. And in most of 
the larger Northern cities where there 
is a heavy concentrated population of 
colored people, there are none at all." 

In an interview, L. D. Milton, of the 
Citizens Trust Company of Atlanta 
said, in 1946, that some of the "fast" 
money earned by Negroes during the 
war went into enterprises but they 
were mostly "good time" places which 
had lush periods when service men 
by the thousands were passing through. 
While he deplored the fact that more 
of the "fast" money did not go into 
business of a more substantial and en- 
during nature, he observed that during 
the war period the steady, substantial 
Negro did buy and erect homes. Of 



CREDIT UNIONS 



187 



bond buyers, Mr. Milton reported that 
too large a majority of those who par- 
ticipated in payroll deduction plans 
cashed their bonds and converted them 
in "fast" money. "Many Negroes," he 
said, "bought bonds voluntarily and 
are keeping them. So our bond-cash- 
ing has gradually tapered down." 

There are signs that in the post-war 
period there may be an increase in 
Negro banking institutions. Plans 
have already been announced for open- 
ing a bank in Kansas City. H. W. Sew- 
ing, Bishop J. A. Gregg, Dr. S. D. 
Scruggs, and Bishop J. A. Hamlett are 
among those supporting the Kansas 
City institution and Dr. J. E. Walker, 
able and versatile President of Uni- 
versal Life Insurance Company, shared 
his experience and prestige in estab- 
lishing the new bank in Memphis, 
Tenn. 

List of Negro Banks 

Citizens & Southern Bank and Trust 
Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 

Citizens Trust Company, Atlanta, Geor- 
gia 

Consolidated Bank & Trust Company, 
Richmond, Virginia 

Danville Savings Bank and Trust Com- 
pany, Danville, Virginia 

Crown Savings Bank, Newport News, 
Virginia 

Citizens & Savings Bank & Trust Com- 
pany, Nashville, Tennessee 

Farmers State Bank, Boley, Oklahoma 

Fraternal Bank and Trust Company, 
Fort Worth, Texas 



Industrial Bank of Washington, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Mechanics & Farmers Bank, Durham, 
North Carolina 

Tri-State Bank Company, Universal 
Life Building, 234 Hernando Street, 
Memphis, Tennessee 

Victory Savings Bank, Columbia, South 
Carolina 

CREDIT UNIONS 

From Bulletin No. 850 entitled, Ac- 
tivities of Credit Unions in 1944, and 
published by the United States Depart- 
ment of Labor, we have the following 
facts concerning Negro credit unions: 
By the end of 1944, a total of 91 credit 
unions had been organized, under the 
Federal Act, among Negroes. Of these, 
74, or 81 per cent, were in active oper- 
ation at the end of the year, and the 
remainder were inoperative or had 
their charters canceled. For the en- 
tire group of Federal credit unions 
both white and Negro 74 per cent 
were active. 

Table 2 compares the 72 Negro as- 
sociations for which data were avail- 
able with the whole group of 3,795 re- 
porting Federal credit unions. As it 
indicates, the Negro associations, al- 
though smaller than the average for 
all Federal credit unions and less well 
financed, were holding their own very 
well and even excelled the showing of 
the whole group as regards bad loans 
that had to be written off. 



TABLE 2 
Negro Associations Compared With Total Associations 1944 



ITEM 


Reporting Negro 
Associations 


Reporting Federal 
Associations 


Total Number of Associations 


72 


3,795 


Actual Membership as Per Cent 
Total Membership 


34 


33 


Average Members Per Association 


174 


343 


Total Share Capital 


$ 642,711 


$ 133,586,147 


Average Per Association 


$ 6 926 


$ 35,200 


Average Per Member 


$ 51 


$ 102 


Total Assets 


$ 683 100 


% 144,266,156 


Total Loans Outstanding 


$ 230,756 


$ 34,403,467 


Per Cent Current 


87 


85 


Per Cent Military Loans . 


2 


5 


Per Cent Delinquent, 20 mos. or more 


11 


10 


Reserves for Bad Loans as Per Cent of Loans Outstanding 


9 


13 


Total Loans Since Organization 


$ 1,723,451 


$ 657,786,637 


Bad Loans as Per Cent of Total. . . 


0.09 


0.13 



Credit unions in churches have been 
encouraged by the Federal Council of 
Churches of Christ in America. Dr. 
George E. Haynes of the Council has 
taken an active interest in the move- 
ment in Harlem, with the result that 
such unions now exist in half dozen 



or more of the larger institutions. 

In Detroit the Fannie B. Peck Credit 
Union of the Bethel A. M. E. Church 
reported in 1941, 3,000 members, 390 
loans totaling $15,573.70 and assets of 
$6,372.48. 



188 



THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS 



An unusual story of a credit union 
was told in the Chicago Def&nder June 
1, 1946. It is the moving story of 
Simpson P. Dean who organized the 
Light of Tyrrell Credit Union in Tyr- 
rell County, North Carolina. We quote: 
"It financed the purchase of a coopera- 
tive sawmill and the construction and 
remodelling of 16 homes. The credit 
union also launched the Light of Tyr- 
rell credit store with 300 members and 
more than $30,000 annual volume of 
business. Through efforts of the credit 
union, 72 farms in the county are 
owned by Negroes. Hundreds have sav- 
ings accounts up to $2,500. The health 
standards of the county have risen 
through the Tyrrell Hospital Associa- 
tion." 

CONTRACTING 

In general, Negro contracting par- 
ticipation in providing goods and serv- 
ices for war uses were meager. Emmer 
Martin Lancaster, Advisor on Negro 
Affairs in the United States Depart- 
ment of Commerce, after a thorough 
canvass of all Federal agencies to ascer- 
tain the number of contracts awarded 
to Negroes, reported the following late 
in 1942: "The lack of information pos- 
sessed by Negro merchants as to Army 
and Navy procurement procedure, has 
reduced to a minimum their business 
relations with these departments. How- 
ever, these agencies generally ex- 
pressed their desire 'to extend all eco- 
nomic assistance possible' and urged 
the Department of Commerce to fur- 
nish them 'the names of business con- 
cerns to receive invitations to bid for 
requirements of these offices.' " 

Assistant Administrator Baird Sny- 
der and William J. Trent, Jr., Race 
Relations Officer, Federal Works Agen- 
cy, reported the following negotiations 
with architectural and construction 
firms: Samuel F. Plato of Louisville, 
Kentucky, was awarded several con- 
tracts by the Public Buildings Admin- 
istration for the construction of Post 
Office Buildings and defense housing 
projects. The firm of McKissack and 
McKissack of Nashville, Tennessee, 
constructed several school buildings in 
Tennessee under the Public Works Ad- 
ministration program. Hilyard A. Rob- 
inson, architect of Washington, D. C., 
was appointed architect consultant to 
the Public Buildings Administration 
for the design of a defense housing 



project at Sparrows Point, Maryland. 
The firm of Robinson, Porter and Wil- 
liams was awarded the contract for 
architectural services on the Langston 
Terrace Housing Project in Washing- 
ton, D. C., which was developed by the 
Public Works Administration. 

Army and Navy Awards 

"The Allied Engineers, Inc., an ar- 
chitectural engineering firm of Cali- 
fornia, was successful in securing an 
award from the Bureau of Yards and 
Docks, United States Navy, for the 
architectural design of the United 
States Fleet Base, Long Beach, Cali- 
fornia, a $39,000,000 construction proj- 
ect. Paul R. Williams, Negro archi- 
tect, organized this firm in company 
with six other architects, secured the 
Navy contract and officiated as archi- 
tect on this project which netted his 
firm a fee of $200,000. Recently, Mr. 
Williams formed the Standard De- 
mountable Homes Company of Cali- 
fornia and is negotiating with the Gov- 
ernment to construct demountable 
homes for war workers." 

The largest prime contract awarded 
by the War Department to a Negro 
owned company is reported by the 
United States Engineer Office of Mo- 
bile, Alabama. The firm of McKissack 
& McKissack of Nashville, Tennessee 
was awarded a contract for the con- 
struction of an airfield and canton- 
ment near Tuskegee, Alabama, on the 
27th day of May 1941, to the amount 
of $1,451,478. This contract was ex- 
tended by twelve supplemental agree- 
ments, totaling $4,201,358. The fee of 
said contract was $47,058. Mr. Hilyard 
R. Robinson, Washington, D. C., was 
awarded a fixed fee contract of $7,500 
for architectural services. 

"The District of Columbia awarded a 
joint contract to Alexander and Re- 
pass and A. M. Cohron & Son, both of 
Des Moines, Iowa, for the construction 
of the Independence Avenue structures 
to the amount of approximately $775,- 
000. The Independence Avenue struc- 
tures comprise three separate struc- 
tures, namely, a bridge across the 
north end of the Tidal Basin, the sea- 
wall structure and a grade separation 
structure. . . . The master project, in- 
volving a number of sub-projects, was 
financed on the basis of approximately 
75 per cent Federal and 25 per cent 
District of Columbia." 



INSURANCE COMPANIES 



189 



COOPERATIVES 

During the war period, cooperatives 
among Negro farmers made marked 
advancement. This growth was stimu- 
lated by the great demand for farm 
products with its attendant higher 
prices and the scarcity of farm imple- 
ments and equipment. A typical ex- 
ample is that of a dozen Negro farmers 
in and around Millen, Georgia, who in 
1943, under the guidance of R. T. 
Church, Negro county agent, pur- 
chased cooperatively a peanut harvest- 
ing machine. After servicing their own 
farms, the machine was operated on 
other farms and this extra service en- 
abled them to pay for it the first year. 

College Cooperatives 

College cooperatives showed steady 
advancement during the period and 
rendered an increasingly valuable serv- 
ice to faculty and students. Notable 
examples are: The Community Con- 
sumers Cooperative at Industrial Col- 
lege, Georgia. Founded with $31.00 and 
the enthusiasm of a handful of stu- 
dents and faculty members, the organ- 
ization in 1944 owned property valued 
at $5,000 and did a gross business in 
excess of $25,000. 

Twin Pine Cooperative Store was or- 
ganized at Jackson College, Mississippi. 
President J. L. Reddix of the college 
was one of the original founders of 
the Cooperative Store in Gary, Indiana, 
which attracted nation-wide interest. 
This store sells school supplies, light 
lunches and soft drinks. In 1941-42 
the project grossed $2,400 but more 
recently has been moved into larger 
quarters on the campus and its service 
extended. Fort Valley State College 
reports organization of a student- 
faculty cooperative which shows prog- 
ress. 

Urban Cooperatives 

Conspicuous examples of the success 
of the urban cooperative store are the 
Red Circle Group, Richmond, Va., and 
the Altgeld Gardens Co-op Food Store, 
Chicago, 111. "110 pioneer famiMes in 
the Altgeld Gardens public housing 
community pitched in about $20.00 
each and started a store on September 
4, 1944. Worth $34,000, it grosses $9,- 
000 weekly and expects to turn back 
to the 1,300 customer families between 
twelve and fifteen thousand dollars in 
1946." 



Concerning the Red Circle group in 
Richmond, Virginia, Wiley A. Hall, Ex- 
ecutive Secretary of the Richmond 
Urban League, who has worked closely 
with E. R. Storrs, the President, says: 
"At the outbreak of the war, Red Cir- 
cle had four stores all of which were 
doing well. The war began to take 
away manpower; satisfactory replace- 
ments were difficult with the result 
that one store closed. We continued to 
suffer from inefficient help and ration- 
ing simply added to our difficulties." 
With the end of the war, two of their 
men returned and with a full and 
efficient working force Red Circle 
Stores are rapidly regaining their pre- 
war volume. 

In Chicago, the People's Consumers 
Cooperative Store experienced similar 
difficulties. In Washington, D. C., Ne- 
gro cooperative stores were opened 
in the Frederick Douglass and Lang- 
ston Terrace Housing Projects. In 
St. Paul, Minnesota, and New Haven, 
Connecticut, inter-racial consumers co- 
operative stores have been opened. 
The New Haven store began in 1935 
as a buying-club and in 1943 had 800 
white and colored members. Their 
grocery store reported annual gross 
volume of $200,000. The St. Paul store 
opened for operations in 1945 and in 
the first six months reported gross 
monthly sales of more than $7,000. 

Credit unions have been an impor- 
tant factor in stimulating interest and 
accumulating sufficient capital reserves 
to begin store operations. This was 
the experience of the Peoples Cooper- 
ative Store located in the Tuskegee 
Institute, Alabama community; and 
the Ayden (North Carolina) Cooper- 
ative Exchange, which began in 1941 
as Bright Leaf Credit Union. 

INSURANCE COMPANIES 

Negro insurance companies pros- 
pered during the war period and gen- 
erously shared their prosperity with 
the Government by purchasing 
through the Seventh War Loan a total 
of $21,156,198.13 in war bonds.* 

Alert to the selling implications in- 
volved in the promotional campaigns 
initiated by the United States Treas- 
ury Department to sell bonds, Negro 
insurance executives, through their na- 

*Report of C. L,. Townes to Executive 
Committee, National Negro Insurance 
Association, July 12, 1945. 



190 



THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS 



tional association, greatly intensified 
their efforts to induce Negroes to pur- 
chase insurance while their wages and 
incomes were high. 

"I hope," said C. C. S'paulding, Pres- 
ident of the North Carolina Mutual 
Life Insurance Company of Durham, 
in 1943, "that our people will not be 
like the 'foolish virgins' during this 
boom period and waste all of their 
substance, but that they will instead 
salt away some of it. The present em- 
ployment situation is artificial." Such 
sound advice was voiced by other 
leaders in the insurance field and re- 
sults were manifested in heightened 
agency sales records and premium in- 
come. 

Selective Service drained off much of 
fhe experienced manpower in the 
agency forces but women were called 
in to fill the ranks and most of them 
were developed into capable sales peo- 
ple. How this situation was met was 
best described by C. L. Townes, Secre- 
tary of the Virginia Mutual Benefit 
Life Insurance Company, who in his 
report to company stockholders in 
1945 said: "Despite the tremendous 
war-time problems of manpower short- 
age, the two years covered by this re- 
port represent the most progressive 
period we have experienced in the his- 
tory of the company. We have never 
allowed black-outs, dim-outs, rationing 
of gasoline and tires, travel restric- 
tions, the draft, mandates of the War 
Manpower Commission or any of the 
many governmental regulations to de- 
ter our dogged determination to keep 
climbing." President Booker T. Brad- 
shaw of this institution reported that 
company assets had almost doubled 



and surplus, tripled. 

The stabilizing and coordinating 
force behind the sales and promotion 
campaigns of these insurance compan- 
ies was the National Negro Insurance 
Association which celebrated its 25th 
anniversary in 1945. 

Promotional 
Campaigns 

Promotional campaigns such as the 
annual "Essay Contest," "Collection 
Month" and "Insurance Week" were 
stepped up during the war period. 
Thus public attention was focused on 
the value and necessity of insurance 
as well as the character and stability 
of Negro Insurance companies. 

A measure of public response to Na- 
tional Negro Insurance Week is indi- 
cated by comparing face values of poli- 
cies contracted for during the cam- 
paign. In 1940, the amount was $23,- 
651,569.08 and in 1945 was increased to 
$33,839,337.76. 

Further indication of growth was 
shown in the report of A. Maceo Walk- 
er, association Actuary during the 1945 
session of the Executive Committee. 
The report said: 

"The total income for 1944 was $36,- 
091,576.17. This represents our largest 
gain in any one year. In 1943, our 
total income was $28,671,338.65. This 
is an increase of $7,420,237.52. Our 
increase for 1943 over 1942 was $4,138,- 
778.01. 

"Our total premium income was 
$32,861,152.90. Our total premium in- 
come in 1943 was $26,166,325.03. This 
is a gain of $6,694,827.87, which is a 
considerable increase. 

Our Income by Years is as follows: 



TYPE OF INSURANCE 


1942 


1943 


1944 


Ordinary 


1 3,369 589 20 


$ 3 689 734 77 


$ 4,583,441 93 


Industrial H. & A. 


9 122 725 25 


10 243 341 36 


10,806,672 93 


Industrial Life . 


9 164 612 63 


10 223 436 63 


16,011,961 26 


Other industrial 


893 764 97 


988 617 26 


1,417,310 35 


Group 


20 376 66 


21 062 51 


21,132 40 


All Other 


4 406 93 


132 50 


20,634 03 











Not only in bond-buying did the Ne- 
gro Insurance Association assist in 
the war effort, for their anti-inflation 
committee did such effective work that 



Chester Bowles sent a message of ap- 
preciation. This committee encouraged 
insurance agents to work with local 
price panels and other OPA activities. 



INSURANCE COMPANIES 



191 



In 1943, Emmer Martin Lancaster 
issued his first annual report on Ne- 
gro insurance companies which includ- 
ed records of 202 companies including 
burial associations as well as health- 
life and accident companies. 

Discrimination and 
Insurance 

Even some instances of discrimina- 
tion were injected into the historical 
review of Negro insurance during the 
war period. 

Legislation enacted in 1941 as a re- 
sult of the efforts of Assemblyman 
James Stephens, Negro member of the 
New York Legislature, was designed 
to prevent certain forms of discrimina- 
tion against Negroes by some of the 
insurance companies. One nationally 
known company in New York which is 
said to carry more insurance on Ne- 
groes than all the Negro insurance 
companies combined, countered by an- 
nouncing a policy of "not soliciting ap- 
plications for insurance from colored 
persons in the State of New York." 
Later this same company offered to 
"sell" its Harlem business to Negro 
insurance companies. 

J. W. Pate, writing in the Chicago 
Bee, June 20, 1943, reported that de- 
spite a Minnesota law which prohibits 
insurance companies from discriminat- 
ing against citizens on account of race 
or color, the Cooperative Life Insur- 
ance Company of St. Paul had adopted 
a discriminatory policy against Ne- 
groes. 

An Associated Negro Press story 
from New Haven, Connecticut, March 
17, 1945, contained a protest from the 
CIO New Haven Industrial Union 
Council that certain "big" insurance 
companies in Connecticut were grossly 
discriminating against Negro appli- 
cants. 

An editorial in the New York Age, 
December 20, 1941, said: "Charging 
that Negro insurance brokers have ex- 
perienced difficulty in the placing of 
automobile liability and property 
damage insurance for their Negro 
clients, a group of Harlem brokers 
have recently gotten together to form 
the United Insurance Brokers Associa- 
tion and upon completion of the organ- 
ization, plan to write this type of in- 
surance." 

Another Associated Negro Press 
story, July 10, 1943, from Detroit, tells 



of a group of Negro business men form- 
ing an insurance company that will 
insure clients against police brutality 
and injuries sustained in riots. T. W. 
Boyd, leader of the movement, plans 
for the company to operate on a na- 
tion-wide basis. 

Awareness of these conditions in- 
spired Joseph D. Bibb, Pittsburgh 
Courier columnist, to write, June 14, 
1941: "Colored people paid over $40,- 
000,000 into white insurance companies 
last year and in spite of this stagger- 
ing sum of money spent, they received 
the sum total of no jobs in return. . . . 
Colored insurance companies last year 
received a little over $9,000,000 in 
premium income from colored people 
and gave 5,000 jobs to their own peo- 
ple, as well as gilt-edged protection." 

During the five-year period, 1941-46, 
some significant occurrences deserve 
mention. In 1941, M. S. Cabiness and 
John Drew, Tuskegee, Alabama, rep- 
resentatives of Alexander & Company, 
Insurance Brokers, Atlanta, Georgia, 
placed five types of insurance required 
for the Tuskegee Army Air Field. The 
Carver Life Insurance Company of 
Oakland, California, was chartered in 
1945. Also in 1945, Golden State Mu- 
tual Life Insurance Company of Los 
Angeles, California, purchased valu- 
able property for erection of a new 
home office building. The first insur- 
ance charter to be granted to a com- 
pany owned and operated by Negroes 
in the State of New York was pre- 
sented in 1945 to Dr. Charles N. Ford, 
President of the United Mutual Life 
Insurance Company. 

Membership List 

National Negro Insurance Association 
1945-46 

Afro-American Life Insurance Co., 101- 
105 E. Union St., Jacksonville 2, Fla. 

Atlanta Life Insurance Company, 148 
Auburn Avenue, N. E., Atlanta 1, Ga. 

Booker T. Washington Burial Insur- 
ance Co., 1530 5th Ave., North, or 
(P. O. Box 2621), Birmingham 2, Ala. 

Bradford's Funeral System, Inc., 1525 
7th Avenue, North, Birmingham, Ala. 

Central Life Insurance Company, 1416 
North Boulevard, Tampa 7, Fla. 

Commonwealth Burial Association, 12- 
18 E. Garfield Boulevard, Chicago 15, 
111. 

Domestic Life & Accident Insurance 
Co., 601 West Walnut Street, Louis- 
ville 3, Ky. 

Dunbar Life Insurance Company, 7609 
Euclid Avenue, Cleveland 3, Ohio 



192 



THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS 



Excelsior Life Insurance Company, 818 
Good Street, Dallas 1, Tex. 

The Federal Life Insurance Company, 
1818 7th Street, N. W., Washington, 
D. C. 

Fireside Mutual Insurance Company, 
1183 East Long Street, Columbus 3, 
Ohio 

Gertrude Geddes Willis Industrial Life 
& Burial Insurance Company, 2120-28 
Jackson Avenue, New Orleans 13, La. 

Golden State Mutual Life Insurance 
Co., 4261 Central Avenue, Los Angeles 
11, Calif. 

Good Citizens' Mutual Benefit Associa- 
tion, Inc., 1809 Dryades Street, New 
Orleans 13, La. 

Gibraltar Industrial Life Insurance Co., 
640 North West Street, Indianapolis 
2, Ind. 

Great Lakes Mutual Insurance Com- 
pany, 301 East Warren Avenue, De- 
troit 7, Mich. 

Guaranty Life Insurance Company, 460 
West Broad Street, Savannah, Ga. 

Jackson Mutual Life Insurance Co., 
4636 South Parkway, Chicago, 15, 111. 

Keystone Life Insurance Co., 1505 St. 
Bernard Avenue, New Orleans 16, La. 

Louisiana Industinal Life Insurance Co., 
2107 Dryades Street, New Orleans 13, 
La. 

Mammoth Life & Accident Insurance 
Co., 608 West Walnut Street, Louis- 
ville 3, Ky. 

Metropolitan Funeral System Associa- 
tion, 4455 South Parkway, Chicago 15, 

North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance 
Co., 112-114% Parrish St., or Box 201, 
Durham, N. C. 

Peoples Insurance Company, Inc., 550 
St. Michael Street, Mobile 10, Ala. 

Pilgrim Health & Life Insurance Co., 
1143 Gwinett Street, Augusta, Ga. 

Protective Industrial Insurance Co., 
528 V 2 North Third Street, Birming- 
ham, Ala. 

Provident Home Industrial Mutual Life, 
1734 Christian Street, Philadelphia, 
Pa. 

Richmond Beneficial Insurance Com- 
pany, 700-02 North Second Street, 
Richmond, Va. 

Safety Industrial Life Insurance, 1128 
North Claiborne Street, New Orleans, 
La. 

Southern Aid Society of Virginia, 214 
East Clay Street, Richmond, Va. 

Southern Life Insurance Co., 1841 Penn- 
sylvania Avenue, Baltimore, Md. 

Standard Industrial Life Insurance Co., 
1530 North Claiborne Street, New 
Orleans, La. 

Supreme Camp of the American Wood- 
men, 2130 Downing Street, Denver 5, 
Colo. 

Supreme Liberty Life Insurance Co., 
3501 South Parkway, Chicago, 111. 

Superior Life Insurance Society, 319 
Kirby Avenue, Detroit, Mich. 

Union Protective Assurance Company, 
368 Beale Street, Memphis, Tenn. 

United Mutual Life Insurance Com- 
pany, 360 West 125th Street, New 
York, N. Y. 

Unity Mutual Life Insurance Co., 4719 
Indiana Avenue, Chicago, 111. 

Universal Life Insurance Company, 234 
Hernando Street, Memphis, Tenn. 



Victory Industrial Life Insurance Co., 

2019 Louisiana Street, New Orleans, 

La. 
Victory Mutual Life Insurance Co., 5607 

So. State Street, Chicago, 111. 
Virginia Mutual Benefit Life Insurance 

Co., 214 East Clay Street, Richmond, 

Va. 
Watchtower Life Insurance Company, 

222 West Dallas Avenue, Houston, 

Tex. 
Winston Mutual Life Insurance Co., P. 

O. Box 998, Winston-Salem, N. C. 
Wright Mutual Life Insurance Co., 4808 

Beaubien Street, Detroit, Mich. 

List of Underwriters Associations 

Akron Insurance Managers' Council, 22 
West Market Street, Akron, Ohio. 

Chicago Negro Insurance Association, 
4636 South Parkway, Chicago, 111. 

Cincinnati Managers' Council, 612 West 
9th Street, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Georgia Negro Underwriters Associa- 
tion, 523 Cotton Avenue, Macon, Ga. 

Insurance Managers' Council of Cleve- 
land, 2321 East 55th Street, Cleveland, 
Ohio. 

Insurance Managers' Council of District 
of Columbia, 1818 Seventh Street, 
Washington, D. C. 

Lexington Negro Underwriters Associa- 
tion, 180 Dweese Street, Lexington, 
Ky. 

Insurance Underwriters' Association of 
Michigan, 4808 Beaubien Street, De- 
troit, Mich. 

Newport News Underwriters Associa- 
tion, P. O. Box 562, Newport News, 
Va. 

Norfolk Underwriters Association, Box 
1288, Norfolk, Va. 

North Carolina Negro Insurance Asso- 
ciation, Rocky Mount, N. C. 

South Carolina Negro Insurance Asso- 
ciation, Box 778, Columbia, S. C. 

Underwriters' Association of Maryland, 
1301 Pennsylvania Avenue, Baltimore, 
Md. 

Washington Life Underwriters' Asso- 
ciation, 717 Florida Avenue, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 

West Side Negro Underwriters' Asso- 
ciation, Station B, Box 132, Dayton, 
Ohio. 

NATIONAL NEGRO BUSINESS 
LEAGUE 

Serving as President of the League 
from 1939 to 1944, Dr. J. E. Walker, 
President of Universal Life Insurance 
Company of Memphis, Tennessee, 
steered this organization through the 
critical war years to new heights of 
service to the Negro race and to the 
nation. 

The same year that Dr. Walker was 
elected President, Dr. F. D. Patterson, 
Chairman of the Steering Committee, 
put the League upon a budget basis 
and with Dr. Walker's untiring efforts 
the organization moved into a self- 
supporting basis. 



NATIONAL NEGRO BUSINESS LEAGUE 



193 



The League and 
The War Effort 

The League's special war and de- 
fense work began in 1941 when Emmer 
Martin Lancaster, Adviser on Negro 
Affairs, United States Department of 
Commerce, invited officers of the 
League to cooperate in the first con- 
ference on Negro business which was 
held in the auditorium of the Com- 
merce Department in Washington. The 
National League's regional Vice-Presi- 
dents became regional consultants on 
defense activities initiated by the Com- 
merce Department through Mr. Lan- 
caster's office. 

The Executive Secretary of the 
League worked closely with the United 
States Department of Commerce, the 
United States Chamber of Commerce 
and all agencies of the Government 
whose programs affected retail opera- 
tions. Such information was relayed 
to local organizations and published 
in the Business League section of 
Service Magazine. 

In a letter dated May 26, 1943, 
Dutton Ferguson, Information Special- 
ist, Consumers Division OPA, wrote 
the Business League's Executive Secre- 
tary as follows: "Mr. Prentiss M. 
Brown, Administrator, Office of Price 
Administration, has brought to our 
attention the timely circulars which 
you have issued periodically to all the 
local branches of the National Negro 
Business League. In this connection, 
we are pleased to send you a marked 
copy of the current Administrative 
Order Number 4 (revised), concerned 
with the general organization and op- 
eration of local War, Price and Ra- 
tioning Boards. You will note that 
sections of this Order specify the dem- 
ocratic composition expected within 
the membership of these Boards. The 
same recognition of racial and minor- 
ity groups will be the responsibility 
of seeing that all regulations of this 
Order are observed." The Business 
League was alert to all forms of dis- 
crimination in OPA operations and 
made frequent reports to the proper 
officials. 

Some of the activities of the Busi- 
ness League at local levels included: 
Victory garden campaigns in Houston 
and Shreveport in which the Negro 
Chamber of Commerce gave prizes and 
otherwise supported the efforts of the 



Negro county agents. Field represent- 
atives of the Consumers Division of 
OPA were presented at meetings spon- 
sored by local Housewives Leagues. 
This was affected through contacts 
established between Miss Frances Wil- 
liams of OPA and Mrs. Fannie B. Peck, 
National President of the Housewives 
League, an affiliate of the Business 
League. 

In a tense situation in Houston, fol- 
lowing the Beaumont riot, the Negro 
Chamber of Commerce took the initia- 
tive in working with the white Cham- 
ber of Commerce and city officials to 
avert a threatened racial flare-up. The 
full page advertisement in the Houston 
Post which they used was a model of 
alert thinking and inter-racial co- 
operation. Towards the end of the war, 
the Cleveland Business Alliance con- 
ducted an all-day conference on the 
GI Bill of Rights. 

When the Committee for Economic 
Development was organized to prepare 
the nation for the readjustments of 
peace, the national office of the Busi- 
ness League established friendly con- 
tacts with the officials and the ma- 
terials and. instructions for planning 
at local levels was relayed through the 
national office to all local Leagues and 
other local Negro business groups. 

War Time Business Clinics 

Working in close cooperation with 
Mr. Lancaster of the Commerce De- 
partment, the National Business 
League began in 1943 holding a series 
of War Time Business Clinics. Clinics 
were held in Birmingham, St. Louis, 
New Orleans, Tyler, Texas, and in 
modified form in other places. The 
local affiliated Negro business group 
was host to the Clinic. 

In the Clinic discussions, two defi- 
nite facts were established: "First, Ne- 
groes who are engaged in business en- 
terprises which relate to production 
and distribution need to know more 
concerning operative procedures of the 
several government War Emergency 
Agencies which deal with these proces- 
ses. Second, problems of Negro ad- 
justment to the program of these gov- 
vernment agencies which may arise 
at community levels may be referred 
for broader interpretations to State 
and Regional offices of the respective 
agencies." 



194 



THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS 



Work With War Bond 
Savings Clubs 

During the 1943 convention of the 
Negro Business League which was held 
in Baltimore, Md., the Honorable Hen- 
ry Morgenthau, Secretary of the 
Treasury, was the featured guest 
speaker. Contacts thus established 
with both white and Negro officials 
of the Treasury Department eventually 
led to the League receiving an invi- 
tation to head up a nation-wide move- 
ment to activate the Prattis Plan for 
organizing War Bond Savings Clubs 
in communities, which proposed: 

"To acquaint Negroes of the United 
States with the necessity for thrift 
and economic freedom through the 
medium of the Treasury War Bond 
Program." To this end a score of lead- 
ing American Negroes met in Wash- 
ington, February 29 and devised plans 
for forming War Bond Savings Clubs 
throughout the United States. 

In opening the one-day session, Dr. 
J. E. Walker, President of the National 
Negro Business League, Memphis, Ten- 
nessee, pointed out that Negroes have 
won high places in every activity of 
American life except in the field of 
economics and finance. "The War 
Bond Programs," he said, "offer an 
ideal medium for Negroes to learn 
the ways of economy and thrift and it 
is hoped will light the way to the 
eventual release from economic thrall- 
dom into which Negroes have allowed 
themselves to drift." 

"The plan which will be used as a 
model for the War Bond Saving Clubs 
is that already established at Pitts- 
burgh, Pennsylvania, through the ef- 
forts of P. L. Prattis, Executive Editor 
of the Pittsburgh Courier and origina- 
tor of the plan. Under it, a specified 
number of citizens organize for the 
purpose of saving money each month 
to buy war bonds in whatever denom- 
ination their purses will allow. E'ach 
individual makes his own purchases 
in the manner prescribed by law and 
then deposits his or her war bond 
with the Secretary of the club for safe- 
keeping. In this manner each organ- 
ized group can see the economic strides 
being made through the medium of 
War Bond Savings and thus be spurred 
on to greater efforts for thrift." 

A feature of the League's program 
which was an incentive for greater 



achievement in business was the estab- 
lishment in 1940 of the C. C. Spauld- 
ing Annual Award for "meritorious" 
contributions towards the advancement 
of Negro business. 

Later other awards were added. The 
Robert R. Moton Cup was presented 
by Dr. F. D. Patterson, President, Tus- 
kegee Institute, for the city which dur- 
ing the year enrolled the- largest local 
membership in the National League. 
All awards were presented as a fea- 
ture of the annual convention. 

WAR EXPERIENCES AND THE 
POST-WAR OUTLOOK 

If the experiences which Negro busi- 
ness men had during the war served no 
other purpose, they did make them 
sharply aware of deficiencies in man- 
agement technique. 

Also, under pressure of the emer- 
gency, many discovered latent abilities 
which with imagination and courage 
enabled them successfully to venture 
into new undertakings. 

Factors, many of which were by- 
products of a war economy, contribu- 
ted to an understanding and an awak- 
ening which may in the post-war 
period lead to achievements far beyond 
the pre-war record. 

Unfortunately, Census figures on Ne- 
gro proprietorships for 1945 are not 
available for comparison with those 
of 1939. However, opinions gathered 
from various sources indicate that 
there has been a considerable increase. 
Taverns, night clubs and eating places, 
particularly in and near war industry 
plants and areas where soldiers were 
encamped, prospered during the war 
period. 

Some of the factors which are con- 
tributing to a more favorable out- 
look may be listed as follows: 

Negro newspapers including the 
Pittsburgh Courier, the Afro-Ameri- 
can, the Norfolk Journal and Guide, 
the Atlanta World, the Amsterdam 
News, the Chicago Defender, have dur- 
ing the period of this study explored 
and presented to their readers feature 
stories of unique business enterprises 
operated by Negroes. Johnson Young's 
six barber shops in Atlanta; Safe 
Bus Company of Winston-Salem, North 
Carolina; Ted Vidal, New York Ne- 
gro furrier; Louis McKenzie of New 
York, first Negro to become an ac- 



STUDY OF NEGRO BUSINESS AND BUSINESS EDUCATION 195 



credited representative of a major 
air-line; William Ellison, World War 
veteran, who has established in New 
York City a plastic manufacturing 
company; Jon K. Butler, Washington, 
D. C., Milliner; Winifred Mason, 
maker of costume jewelry in Green- 
wich Village, New York; and Mildred 
Blount, Hollywood, California, Mil 
liner, and many others furnish evi- 
dence of Negro business capacity. 

Many of our leaders have sensed 
impending opportunities for post-war 
expansion of Negro business and pre- 
sented them for consideration and 
study as part of an overall program. 
Negro undertaking business offers an 
example. Early in 1941, Charles E. 
Hall, retired Census Bureau statis- 
tician, proposed in a syndicated article 
that the several small casket manufac- 
turers of the race combine and on a 
cooperative basis operate the casket 
business of Negroes. From reliable 
data he estimates that such a company 
would be capable of doing a million 
dollars in business a year. That sound 
thinking is rapidly converging on or- 
ganized expansion in this field is re- 
vealed in the recent establishment in 
Atlanta of a college of Mortuary 
Science. R. R. Reed, also of Atlanta 
and Editor of the Colored Mortician 
estimates the Negro public pays to the 
3,000 Negro funeral directors more 
than $22,000,000 a year and states 
that there are 17 Negro firms manu- 
facturing embalming fluids and other 
supplies for morticians. 

James A. "Billboard" Jackson of 
New York holds a very unique position 
with the Standard Oil Company and is 
the only Negro member of the Ameri- 
can Marketing Society. Early in 1945, 
Mr. Jackson discussed the Negro 
market for this scientific group. He 
showed that Negro fraternal organiza- 
tions with large memberships and val- 
uable assets, Negro insurance compan- 
ies with millions of assets and policy- 
nolders, Negro trade unionists, 68,000 
Negro teachers, thousands of Negro 
physicians and dentists, Negro govern- 
ment employees and even the 2,000 
Negro families in the Middle West 
with substantial incomes from oil 
properties were all listed as a part of 
.he Negro Market, to the amazement 
of his audience. 



STUDY OF NEGRO BUSINESS 
AND BUSINESS EDUCATION 

Early in 1944, with a grant from the 
General Education Board, Atlanta 
University and the National Urban 
League sponsored a "Study of Negro 
Business and Business Education." 
Representatives of the National Negro 
Business League and the United States 
Department of Commerce were in- 
vited to attend the original planning 
meeting which was held at Atlanta 
University. A total of 3,866 Negro 
owned and operated business enter- 
prises were studied in Atlanta, Balti- 
more, Cincinnati, Durham, Houston, 
Memphis, Nashville, New Orleans, 
Richmond, Savannah, St. Louis and 
Washington, D. C. The study also in- 
cluded business education courses in 
Atlanta University, Clark College, Dil- 
lard University, Fisk University, Geor- 
gia State College, Hampton Institute, 
Louisville Municipal College, More- 
house College, Morgan State College, 
Morris Brown College, North Carolina 
College for Negroes, Spelman College, 
Tennessee A. & I. State College, Vir- 
ginia State College, Virginia Union 
University and Wilberforce University. 
Dr. Joseph A. Pierce of Atlanta 
University who was Research Director 
for the study addressed a conference 
at Howard University in April, 1946, 
on the subject of Problem Areas for 
Negroes in Small Business. In review- 
ing the findings of the Atlanta Uni- 
versity-National Urban League S'tudy, 
Dr. Pierce said: "The life blood of 
business is patronage, and Negroes 
in business want and need patronage. 
The study of Negro consumers re- 
vealed that Negro businesses are cap- 
turing only a small percentage of their 
potential patronage. For articles like 
clothing and shoes, about 99 per cent 
of the consumers trade with businesses 
operated by whites. For furniture,- 
hardware, and other household sup- 
plies the percentage of Negroes who 
buy from Negro businesses are slightly 
higher but not significantly so. Even 
for groceries, and in the twelve cities 
surveyed there are 293 grocery stores 
operated by Negroes, only about 28 
per cent of the Negro consumers trade 
with Negro concerns. The service and 
semi-service lines of business get a 
larger share of the Negro's patronage, 
due largely to social forces which re- 



196 



THE NEGRO IN BUSINESS 



strict their patronage to Negro con- 
cerns. 

"A combination of factors is prob- 
ably responsible for the lack of Negro 
patronage. Few business operators 
actually study their markets and at- 
tempt to determine consumer prefer- 
ences and practices. Also, little at- 
tention is given to sales promotion. 
Only 0.7 per cent of the sales or in- 
come dollar of the retail stores studied 
was allocated to advertising. Yet, ac- 
cording to one authority, 'Few success- 
ful retail stores spend less than two 
per cent for advertising,' while the ma- 
jority spend three per cent or more. 
Other factors like service to customers, 
quality of merchandise and appearance 
of the establishment are of paramount 
importance in the operator's efforts to 
expand the patronage of his enterprise. 

"The study of business revealed an 
alarming condition in the training of 
business personnel both management 
and employees. In the 3,866 businesses 
studied, the average operator had only 
9.6 years of schooling and 81 per cent 
of the total have had no formal busi- 
ness education. Yet, data on volume 
of business by extent of education of 
the operator indicated that there is 
high correlation between education 
and the financial success of the busi- 
ness. 

"Then, there is the area of account- 
ing and record keeping. The need for 
adequate records has been pointed out 
so frequently that no additional em- 
phasis is necessary here. The fact is, 
however, that Negroes in small busi- 
ness still do not keep adequate records. 
Moreover, many 15 per cent in the 
study do not keep records of any 
type. 



"In addition to expansion and 
growth, Negro business men must seek 
new fields to conquer. New lines of 
business, not even yet on the scene, 
are sure to emerge in the post-war era. 
They will result from discoveries and 
inventions made possible by war dis- 
coveries. The varied experiences of 
American men and women with for- 
eign cultures and quasi-adaption to 
them will create brand-new wants to 
be satisfied." 

In pre-war days, Negroes like Harold 
Ross of St. Louis and Menelik Jackson 
of Atlanta, had demonstrated their 
selling ability for household electrical 
appliances. They were not merely 
salesmen. They operated branch offices 
with their own staffs of highly trained 
sales people. When the war came, 
the idea was taking hold rapidly and 
there were many Negroes operating in 
a sales capacity with great success. As 
production is resumed, more and more 
Negroes are being offered opportuni- 
ties to become salesmen, travelling rep- 
resentatives and branch managers. 
There is also evidence that in the post- 
war expansion of chain stores dry 
goods, women's apparel, men's cloth- 
ing, hosiery plans are being seriously 
considered to study the Negro market 
with its possibilities for Negro oper- 
ated branches in such Negro popula- 
tion centers as Atlanta, Georgia; Birm- 
ingham, Alabama; New Orleans, Louis- 
iana and Houston, Texas. 

The foregoing trends appear to offer 
Negro business the opportunity and 
the implements for solidifying many 
of the gains made during the war and 
pyramiding those pre-war experiences 
which will assure a normal and stable 
growth. 



DIVISION IX 

THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN 
THE UNITED STATES 

By W. HARDIN HUGHES 
Pasadena, California 



RACIAL CLASSIFICATIONS 
INEXACT 

The races of mankind have been va- 
riously classified depending upon the 
extent to which acquired characters, 
in addition to the biological, have 
been included in racial definitions. The 
earlier classifications were confused as 
well as multiplied by the failure to 
distinguish between the cultural and 
the biological factors. Although there 
is practical agreement among sociolo- 
gists and anthropologists today, that 
race should be defined in terms of bio- 
logical characters, racial classifications 
are still inexact. In all places where 
divergent peoples have come in con- 
tact, whether in war or in peace, an 
offspring of mixed stock has resulted. 
The most we can say concerning any 
human stock is that it tends to possess 
more or less of certain physical char- 
acters. "Criteria of fundamental races 
are valid," wrote Franz Boas, "only 
when they are common to all individ- 



uals of the race and are not found in 
other races. Thus the dark pigmenta- 
tion, the frizzly hair, the broad nose 
of the true Negro are racial character- 
istics as contrasted with the slight 
pigmentation, blond, wavy hair and 
narrower nose of the north European. 
"There are no races of man in 
which no overlapping occurs in regard 
to all traits examined. Negroes and 
Europeans may be tall or short, round 
headed or long headed, large or small 
brained. The averages and variables 
of these traits may differ, but the dis- 
tributions are such that many if not 
most values are common to both 
races." 

Distribution of Racial Populations 

Roughly, the racial populations of 
the world are distributed as indicated 
in Table 1. The estimates are based 
on data published in the Economic Al- 
manac by the National Industrial Con- 
ference Board, 1943-44. 



Table 1. 
Main Racial Divisions of World Population At End of 1939* 



Division 


Population 


Per Cent of Total 


Caucasian 


848,000,000 


39 8 


Mongolian 


795,000,000 


36 6 


Negro 


250 000 000 


11 5 


Malayan 


125,000 000 


5 7 


Semitic 


117 000 000 


5 4 


Red Indian. 


35 000 000 


1 6 








Racial Total . . 


2 170 000 000 


100 o+ 









-Estimated- 



197 



198 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



In Table 2, the distribution of the , 
Negro and Mulatto population in the 
Western Hemisphere is shown. It will 
be noted that practically 10 per cent of 
the 250,000,000 Negroes of the world 
live in the Americas. This per cent, 
however, does not include the 15,000,000 



who are classified as Mulattoes in the 
Americas outside the United States. It 
will be noted, also, that the Mulattoes 
of the United States are classified as 
Negroes. The figures add up to approx- 
imately 41,000,000 people of color in 
the Western Hemisphere. 



Table 2. 
American Negro and Mulatto Population in the Western Hemisphere, 1940 



North of Mexico: 

Greenland 


Negro 
Population 


Per Cent 
of 
Total 


Mulatto 
Population 


Per Cent 
of 
Total 


Total 
Population 
All Races 



150 
20,559 
12,865,518* 
12,886,227 

80,000 
5,500,000 
4,011 
15,000 
55,275 
100 
90,000 
26,900 
82,871 
5,854,157 

405,076 
100,000 
100,000 
17,000 
1,000 
50,000 
29,054 
7,800 
5,789,924 
5,000 
10,000 
1,000 
5,000 
6,520,854 

12,886,227 

5,854,157 

6,520,854 
25,261.238 


00 
.21 

1.80 
9.80 
9.00 

.41 

39.29 
.12 
25.55 
4.99 
.0001 
6.52 
4.09 
13.12 
13.84 

4.50 
2.79 
29.30 
9.55 
.25 
2.09 
.41 
.26 
14.00 
.52 
.46 
.02 
.038 
7.34 

9.00 

13.84 
7.34 
9.21 


Included 

Negrc 

40, 000 
3,000,000 
2,000 
20,000 
10,000 
100 
40,000 
20,000 
271,208 
3,403,308 

2,205,382 
1,000,000 
80,000 
20,000 
1,000 
150,000 
80,000 
5,000 
8,276,321 
5,000 
50,000 
3,010 
10,0)0 
11,885,703 

Included 
Negr 
3,403,308 
11,885,703 
15.289.011 


Under 
es 

.20 
21.43 
.06 
34.03 
.90 
.0001 
2.88 
.14 
42.91 
8.04 

24.32 
27.93 
23.44 
11.23 
.25 
6.00 
.71 
.15 
20.01 
.52 
2.30 
.06 
.076 
13.38 

Under 

>es 
8.04 
13.40 
5.56 


18,000 
72,361 
11,422,000 
131,669,275 
143,181,636 

19,446,065 
14,000,009 
3,284,269 
58,759 
1,107,859 
1,744,535 
1,380,387 
656,129 
631,549 
42,309,452 

9,206,283 
3,580,000 
541,237 
177,980 
40,000 
2,500,000 
7,023,111 
3,300,000 
41,356,605 
960,000 
2,145,545 
5,023,539 
13,129,723 
88,784,023 

143,181,638 

42,309,452 
88,784,023 
274.275.111 


Alaska 


Canada . . 


United States... 


TOTAL 


Mexico, Antilles, Central America: 


Antilles 


Guatemala 


British Honduras 




El Salvador. . . 


Nicaragua 


Costa Rica .... 


Panama 


TOTAL 


South America: 

Columbia 


Venezuela 


British Guiana 


Dutch Guiana 


French Guiana 


Ecuador 


Peru 


Bolivia 


Brazil 


Paraguay 




Chile 


Argentina 


TOTAL . . . 


SUMMARY: 

North of Mexico 
Mexico, Antilles 
and Central America 
South America 


Total in Americas in 1940... 



from Angel Rosenblatt, La Poblacion indigene de America, desde 1492 hasta la actualidad, Institucion Cultural 
anola, Buenos Aires, 1945. This table is taken from an article by Frank Tannenbaum in Political Science Quarterly, 
March 1946. 
"-United States Census Report, 1940. 



THE THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF 

THE RACE PROBLEM AND OF 

RACE RELATIONS 

The Negro's Peculiar Adventure 

The Negro of the United States has 
had a long adventure since his depar- 
ture from Africa. "Looked at from the 
Negro's point of view," writes Tannen- 
baum, "it has been a good adventure. 
In spite of the slave trade, in spite of 
the horrors of the middle passage, in 
spite of the centuries of slavery, the 
Negro has accommodated himself to 



the New World in a manner not mere- 
ly creditable but surprising. ... He 
is part of the nation. He is active, 
vocal, self-assertive, and a living force. 
He has become culturally an Euro- 
pean, or, if you will, an American. . . . 
This adventure of the Negro in the 
New World has been more different in 
the United States than in the other 
parts of this hemisphere. In spite of 
his complete identification with the 
mores of the United States, he is ex- 
cluded and denied. A barrier has been 
drawn against the Negro. This barrier 



THE THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF THE RACE PROBLEM 



199 



has never been completely effective, 
but it has served to deny him the very 
things that are of greatest value 
among us equality of opportunity for 
growth and development as a man 
among men. With us the shadow of 
slavery is still cast ahead; and we 
behave toward the Negro as if the im- 
putation of slavery had something of 
a 'slave by nature' in it. The emanci- 
pation may have legally freed the Ne- 
gro, but it failed morally to free the 
white man, and by that fact denied to 
the Negro the moral status requisite 
for effective legal freedom. . . . We 
have denied ourselves the acceptance 
of the Negro as a man because we have 
denied him the moral competence to 
become one, and in that we have chal- 
lenged the religious, the political and 
the scientific basis upon which our 
civilization and our scheme of values 
rest. This separation has historical 
basis, and, in turn, it has molded the 
variable historical outcome."' 

The "Negro Problem" 

In a very real sense, the problem 
which we usually designate as "Negro" 
is a white problem created not by Ne- 
groes but by white Americans. "The 
concept, 'Negro problem'," wrote H. A. 
Over street, "is one of many stereo- 
types that distort thinking and make 
it difficult for whites to get themselves 
straight about what is really at issue. 
To speak of the 'Negro problem' is to 
assume that it is the colored man who 
has created and still creates some 
profound difficulty for the whites when 
as a matter of fact, it is the whites 
who, by their original enslavement and 
continuing maltreatment of the Negro, 
have created and kept on creating pro- 
found difficulties for Negroes and 
themselves." 

This problem, as all others, is sub- 
jective and psychological. The objec- 
tive factors are not in themselves suf- 
ficient to constitute a problem. In fact, 
several million human beings of two 
or more races, divided however un- 
equally as to numbers, and occupying 
a single geographic region, are not a 
problem. It depends in large measure 
on the circumstances under which the 
races come together and the relative 
status and strength of each at the time 
of initial contact. Not even the fact 
of majority versus minority is suffi- 
cient to determine which race will at- 
tempt to dominate the other. Unhap- 
pily, so-called culture and civilization 



determine which will be the more suc- 
cessful in forcefully dominating the 
other. 

An inter-racial problem very cer- 
tainly arises when the dominant race 
in physical control possesses attitudes 
and initiates practices with respect to 
the dominated race inconsistent with 
their own best judgments and creeds. 
This inconsistency, in the words of 
Myrdal in his American Dilemma, is 
embarrassing. "It makes for moral 
uneasiness. The very presence of the 
Negro in America; his fate in this 
country through slavery, Civil War 
and Reconstruction; his recent career 
and his present status; his accommo- 
dation, his protest and his aspiration; 
in fact, his entire biological, historical, 
and social existence as a participant 
American represent to the ordinary 
white man in the North as well as 
in the South an anomaly in the very 
structure of American society. To 
many, this takes on the proportion 
of a menace biological, economic, so- 
cial, cultural, and, at times, political. 
This anxiety may be mingled with a 
feeling of individual and collective 
guilt. A few see the problem as a 
challenge. To all it is a trouble." 

Conflict Between Ideal and Practice 

Continuing, Myrdal says: "The 
American Negro problem is a problem 
in the heart of the American. It is 
there that the inter-racial tension has 
its focus. It is there that the decisive 
struggle goes. . . . The American di- 
lemma is the ever-raging conflict be- 
tween, on the one hand, the valuations 
preserved on the general plane which 
we call the 'American Creed,' where 
the American thinks, talks, and acts 
under the influence of high national 
and Christian precepts, and, on the 
other hand, the valuations on specific 
planes of individual and group living, 
where personal and local interests, eco- 
nomic, social, and sexual jealousies, 
considerations of community prestige 
and conformity; group prejudice 
against particular persons or types of 
people; and all sorts of miscellaneous 
wants, impulses, and habits dominate 
his outlook." 

The "Negro-problem" from the view- 
point of the Negro, is very different 
from that of his white compatriot. 
Believing thoroughly in the American 
ideals of democracy, the educated and 
reflective Negro is conscious of the dis- 
crepancy between these ideals and the 



200 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



practices which constantly irritate 
him. What the illiberal white wishes 
to prevent in practice, the Negro con- 
scientiously strives for; and the more 
thoroughly the Negro is imbued with 
the ideal of democracy, the more per- 
sistent he becomes in demanding his 
legtimate rights. Not infrequently, 
moreover, does his increasing under- 
standing of his rights and responsi- 
bilities lead to inter-racial tension. 

The Negro's Double Problem 

"In such a situation," writes Ira 
De A. Reid in the July, 1945, issue of 
the Quarterly Review of Higher Edu- 
cation Among Negroes, "is the Ameri- 
can Negro. His status in the United 
States is distinctly one of partial ac- 
commodation. He is at once a part 
of and apart from the social milieu 
in which he lives. He is, in theory, a 
growing part of the widening com- 
munity subject to eventual integra- 
tion, subject to all its vagaries and 
opportunities, and, in practice, a per- 
son living in a caste-like, separate be- 
havior against the dominant race. 

"All of this indicates that the race- 
conscious Negro American leads a 
double life, observing, on the one hand, 
most of the technical forms of the 
democratic community, and on the 
other, promoting strong bonds of sub- 
group interests and adjustment of ra- 
cial aims. Since the fulfillment of his 
life in either group is never attained, 
his adjustment is always problematic 
and his philosophy is at most times 
slanted in favor of the sub-group 
where he finds his earliest adjustment 
among his own people and their ra- 
cial aims. This marginal status is 
reflected in the fact that in the nor- 
mal or larger society the Negro is 
more or less continuously subjected 
to stimulations to which he cannot 
always acquire actual irresponsiveness, 
and to which he cannot react directly 
without suffering a real or imagined 
disadvantage. Yet, if Negroes with- 
draw to their own racial community 
they find an inadequacy which ' does 
not permit their full social adjustment. 
They, therefore, gain some satisfac- 
tion in being able to have a hyphe- 
nated status or relationship with the 
larger community. . . . The middle- 
of-the-road type of relationship repre- 
sents an attempt to bridge the gap 
between the extremes of 'social inte- 
gration,' the democratic deal, and 'ra- 



cial aims' the Negro community 
goal." 

RACISM AND THE RACE PROBLEM 
Racism Makes Problem Difficult 

In the latter half of the 19th cen- 
tury, at a time when science had be- 
come almost a dogma to the common 
man, and white men were seeking 
better "reasons" for their inhuman 
treatment of colored people, rationali- 
zations" of a pseudo-scientific nature 
were resorted to. Had not the biolo- 
gists declared the evolution of the ani- 
mal world? And there were those 
who thought they knew which races 
had made greatest biological progress 
and which had made least. Invariably, 
the colored races were placed at the 
bottom of the assumed series. Biolo- 
gists, of course, had never made such 
discovery, but some there were who 
interpreted their findings in this 
fashion. 9 

Soon, nevertheless, many white men 
of the Western World, engaging in 
wishful thinking and seeking scientific 
explanations for their superior-inferior 
relations with colored races, formu- 
lated and proclaimed their racial doc- 
trines. "The white race," declared 
Arthur de Gobineau in his "Essay on 
the Inequalities of the Races," "orig- 
inally possessed the monopoly of 
beauty, intelligence, and strength. By 
its union with other varieties, hybrids 
were created, which were beautiful 
without strength, strong without in- 
telligence, or if intelligent, both weak 
and ugly." 

In superlative terms, wrote Houston 
Stewart Chamberlain in his Founda- 
tions of the Nineteenth Century: 
"the great radiant heavenly eyes, the 
golden hair, the gigantic stature, the 
symmetrical muscular development, 
the lengthened skull which an ever 
active brain, tortured by longing had 
changed from the round lines of ani- 
mal contentedness and extended to- 
ward the front the lofty countenance 
required by an elevated spiritual life 
as the seat of expression," these, he 
declared, are characteristic of the 
white race. 

The racism of Hitler and of other 
would-be-superior Nordics of the pres- 
ent century was only a slight modifica- 
tion of what de Gobineau and Cham- 
berlain had formulated. "Judgment, 
truthfulness, and energy," declared the 
German scholar, Hans F. K. Gunther, 



RACISM AND THE RACE PROBLEM 



201 



"always distinguish the Nordic man. 
He feels a strong urge toward truth 
and justice. ... He is never without 
a certain knightliness." 

Racism in America 

Thus wrote, and still write, the ra- 
cists about themselves. Peoples have 
always thought well of their own vir- 
tues real and imagined and have not 
been too liberal in their estimates of 
others. During the present century, a 
pseudo-scientific doctrine of race has 
had its proponents in many parts of 
the world. Western nations have had 
disturbing fears of the "Yellow 
Peril"; and many Caucasian Ameri- 
cans have looked disdainfully and dis- 
criminatingly upon peoples of darker 
hue. At the very beginning of the 
20th century, a leading senator, Albert 
J. Beveridge, in the Congress of the 
United States, speaking for the ma- 
jority group of America, declared: 

"We will not renounce our part in 
the mission of the race, trustee, under 
God, of the civilization of the world. 
This is the divine mission of America, 
and it holds for us all the profit, all the 
glory, all the happiness possible to 
man. . . . What shall history say of 
us? Shall it say that, called by events 
to captain and command the proudest, 
ablest, purest race of history in his- 
tory's noblest work, we declined the 
great commission? . . . Pray God the 
time may never come when mammon 
and the love of ease will so debase our 
blood that we will fear to shed it for 
the flag and its imperial destiny!" 

Thus orated the senator on the tenth 
day of the 20th century. It was dur- 
ing this same period that the United 
States annexed the Philippines, Guam, 
and Eastern Samoa, made a territorial 
possession of Hawaii, and sent Ameri- 
can troops to help police the Chinese 
ports. 

Racism Fostered By 
Out-dated Theories 

Because of the cumulative nature of 
libraries, which contain much more 
of the old than of the new, students 
are more likely than not to be exposed 
to racial theories and ideologies of the 
past. This, in itself, is not to be criti- 
cized; for it is sometimes as important 
to know the evolution of knowledge 
as to be familiar with the more re- 
fined conclusions of the present. With- 
out guidance, however, the student is 
not likely to discriminate between the 
out-dated inferences of the past and 
the better tested conclusions upon 



which competent scientists are now 
agreed. While there is practical agree- 
ment among the outstanding social 
scientists today with respect to the 
basic similarities of races, it is not at 
all difficult to find the out-dated con- 
clusions of the 19th century scientists 
not only in the books of our libraries 
but also in the minds of retarded 
scholars. In fact, many books pub- 
lished within the first quarter of this 
century contain copious so-called evi- 
dences of racial inequalities. 

As late as 1910, in the Eleventh Edi- 
tion of the Encyclopedia Britarmica, 
we read, "Mentally, the Negro is in- 
ferior to the white. The remark of 
F. Manetta, made after a long study of 
the Negro in America may be taken 
as generally true of the whol race: 
'The Negro children were sharp, in- 
telligent, and full of vivacity, but on 
approaching the adult period a gradual 
change set in. The intellect seemed 
to become clouded, animation giving 
place to a sort of lethargy, yielding 
to indolence. We must necessarily sup- 
pose that the development of the Ne- 
gro and the white proceeds on differ- 
ent lines. While with the latter the 
volume of the brain grows with the 
expansion of the brainpan, in the for- 
mer the growth of the brain is, on the 
contrary, arrested by the premature 
closing of the cranial sutures and 
lateral pressure of the frontal bone!'" 
The quotation from F. Manetta, how- 
ever, was not of recent origin even in 
1910 but had been published in the 
first place as long ago as 1864. 

Earlier Misinterpretations Corrected 

Competent biologists no longer hold 
to the premature closing of the cranial 
sutures of the Negro, and psycholo- 
gists have found other than physiologi- 
cal conditions to account for the seem- 
ing mental retardation of the older 
Negro children. Several studies have 
shown that very young children both 
white and black in poor and under- 
privileged homes tend to stand as high 
on the general intelligence scale as 
very young children of the more privi- 
leged homes. The older children in 
the underprivileged homes, however, 
have evidenced lower intelligence quo- 
tients than their younger brothers and 
sisters. The "Canal Children" of Eng- 
land, white children, when tested at 
the different ages, illustrate this prin- 
ciple. Studies of Otto Klineberg in 



202 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



America reveal similar results con- 
cerning Negro children in underprivi- 
leged homes. 

Most psychologists are now agreed 
that the younger the children when 
tested, the easier it is to find a com- 
mon experiential basis for measuring 
their intelligence. Infants of whatever 
race have very similar experiences, 
but as they grow older the environ- 
ments to which they respond become 
more differentiated. By the time chil- 
dren of different races, even though 
living in the same country, have 
reached adolescence, differences in 
their nurtures have become so great as 
to make impossible anything like a 
scientific comparison of their innate 
capacities. 

The weakness of "general intelli- 
gence tests," well known to those who 
are now working in the field of psy- 
chological measurement, is this factor 
of unlike experiential backgrounds. 
This factor is sufficient in itself to 
falsify inferences based on test scores 
alone, relative to comparative poten- 
tialities of races. However helpful the 
tests are, and they have certain values 
in estimating the capacities of in- 
dividuals whose environments and past 
experiences are similar, they are utter- 
ly inadequate in the comparative 
studies of races. 

Social Scientists Do Not 
Accept Racism 

Apropos in this connection, is the 
resolution of the American Psychologi- 
cal Association at its annual meeting 
in 1938: "In the experiments which 
psychologists have made upon differ- 
ent people," we read in the report, "no 
characteristic, inherent psychological 
differences, which fundamentally dis- 
tinguish so-called races, have been dis- 
closed. . . . Psychologists look else- 
where for the explanation of current 
racial hatred and persecution. . . . 
Racial and national attitudes are psy- 
chologically complex and cannot be 
understood except in terms of their 
economic, political, and historical back- 
grounds. Psychologists find no basis 
for the explanation of such attitudes 
in terms of innate differences between 
racial and national groups. The many 
attempts to establish such differences 
have so far met with failure. Even if 
successful, they would offer no justifi- 
cation for repressive treatment of the 
type now current in Germany. In the 



scientific investigations of human 
groups by psychologists, no conclusive 
evidence has been found for racial or 
national differences in native intelli- 
gence and inherited personality char- 
acteristics. Certainly no individual 
should be treated as inferior merely 
because of his membership in one hu- 
man group rather than another." 

Not less significant and convincing 
is the declaration of the American 
Ethnological Society at its centenary 
meeting in 1942. One hundred scien- 
tists representing the leading colleges 
and universities of the United States 
resolved : 

"That the American Ethnological So- 
ciety, for one hundred years dedicated 
to the study of peoples not belonging 
to Western civilization, express ... its 
profound conviction that racial perse- 
cution and discrimination cannot be 
scientifically justified. We protest the 
distortion of anthropology which falsely 
assigns inborn superiority to some one 
race and assigns inborn inferiority to 
others. Ethnological studies rouse en- 
thusiasm for the inventions and social 
life of many peoples of all races and 
make it impossible to accept the dogma 
that a civilization depends upon the 
enslavement to one race by another." 

INEQUALITIES AND EQUALITY 
Individual Differences 

In countless ways, however, individ- 
ual men are unequal. White people are 
no exception to the general rule. They 
are tall and short, intelligent and 
idiotic, cultured and uncultured, saint- 
ly and sinful. With respect to every 
measurable characteristic, they cover 
the entire scale. Some Caucasians 
there are whose contributions to the 
betterment of the world will be remem- 
bered and handed down for ages to 
come; while others will be remem- 
bered, if they are thought of at all, 
for their hindrances to human prog- 
ress. 

Other peoples black, brown and yel- 
low are correspondingly dissimilar 
among themselves. No race is homoge- 
neous; no race can be rightly stereo- 
typed. The principle of individual dif- 
ferences, in short, applies to every 
people of the globe. The difference 
between the noblest and the meanest 
in any race is as great, in all proba- 
bility, as the corresponding differences 
within any other race. In the words 
of the late Franz Boas, authority in 
anthropology, "If we were to select the 
most intelligent, imaginative, ener- 
getic, and emotionally stable third of 



INEQUALITIES AND EQUALITY 



203 



mankind, all races would be repre- 
sented." Likewise, if we were to se- 
lect the least intelligent, the least im- 
aginative, the least energetic, and the 
least emotionally stable third of man- 
kind, all races would be represented. 
And the scientific probabilities are that 
the middle third, so selected, would 
include people of all races. 

The principle of diversity in unity 
is in evidence everywhere. Individual 
differences we should expect to find; 
but these differences appear in a scien- 
tifically predictable manner. The bi- 
ologists, about a hundred years ago, 
were the first to discover the principle 
by which measurable characteristics 
of a given species can be mathemati- 
cally estimated and charted. By ap- 
plication of this principle, it has be- 
come possible when the greatest and 
the smallest measures of a trait are 
known to calculate the distribution of 
all other members of the species and 
to chart them accordingly. 

Exceptional Individuals and Others 

Of course, Booker T. Washington, 
George Washington Carver, Marian An- 
derson, and many other Negro Ameri- 
cans who have achieved world renown 
are rightly thought of as exceptional. 
Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Edison, 
John Dewey, and all other major con- 
tributors to the world's culture and 
civilization are also in the exceptional 
class. Few there are in any genera- 
tion or time who qualify for world- 
wide honors. Superior inborn capaci- 
ties coupled with appropriate oppor- 
tunities are essential to outstanding 
achievement. Sometimes, however, su- 
perior capacities transform what seem 
to be ordinary opportunities into the 
extraordinary. Individuals who bring 
about such transformation are equally 
to be honored whatever the color of 
their skins honored, not because of 
any mystic duty of anyone to accord 
honor; but, rather, because honoring 
when not restricted by ignorance, 
prejudice, and selfishness, is the nor- 
mal reaction of men to those who have 
contributed- to the common good. 

Fortunately, society is not wholly 
dependent on its outstanding geniuses 
for its maintenance; for, on the scale 
of human capacity, just below the level 
of genius, are the near-geniuses only 
slightly less gifted by nature. And 
just below these on the scale of innate 
human capacity, are others in larger 



numbers, who are superior but not 
quite as superior as the near-geniuses 
and the geniuses. And still farther 
down the scale, about a point midway 
between the two extremes is the aver- 
age man, the "common man" as we 
are wont to call him, whose impor- 
tance must not be overlooked or un- 
derestimated. Truly the common man 
plays an essential role in every society. 
Since he outnumbers all others com- 
bined, it is within his power to con- 
serve or to destroy the social heritage. 
How important that his cultural and 
educational status be raised to the 
highest possible degree! In fact, so- 
ciety cannot neglect with impunity any 
of its members however lowly they 
may be. 

The "Normal Curve of Distribution" 

The account given above will be rec- 
ognized as applying to the "normal 
curve of distribution." Add the other 
half of the curve, terminating at the 
low end of the scale, and the curve is 
complete. We may not be able, with 
the present instruments of measure- 
ment, to determine the finer degrees 
of innate intelligence between the two 
extremes; but we may rightly assume, 
from the tested inferences of measure- 
ments already made, that all degrees 
of innate capacity exist between the 
extremes of idiocy and genius; and 
that if millions of representative in- 
dividuals of any race of mankind were 
located on the scale according to the 
innate potentialities of each, the total 
distribution would match the curve 
described above. 

Now from this it logically follows 
that two races, each possessing some 
individuals of the highest as well as 
the lowest measure of capacity, would 
distribute on the innate-capacity scale 
in similar fashion. The curve of dis- 
tributed capacities of the one could 
be superimposed upon the curve of 
the other; and the approximate agree- 
ment of the two curves would be in- 
dicative of group equality with respect 
to the capacities measured. This kind 
of equality in no sense implies equal- 
ity of individuals within either group 
compared. 

Although our methods for measuring 
intelligence are somewhat inadequate, 
we still are able to recognize genius 
fairly well. When young Ernest Wil- 
kins, Negro student at the University 
of Chicago, made Phi Beta Kappa at 



204 THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



sixteen years of age and received the 
Ph.D. degree in Mathematics from that 
institution before he was nineteen, his 
professors were sure that they had 
discovered a genius. What ordinary 
mind, at that immature age, would be 
able to make a contribution to the 
sum total of mathematical knowledge! 
Geniuses in other fields of human en- 
deavor are discovered in like fashion. 
In science, invention, literature, music 
and art many names of Negro Ameri- 
cans have become internationally 
known. The biographies of these con- 
tributors to our culture and civiliza- 
tion would fill volumes of most inter- 
esting reading. 

A Philosophy of Human Relations 

But why elaborate the individual 
differences of men; differences that are 
as much in evidence in one race as in 
another? Are not the common aspects 
of human nature and of society as im- 
portant as the variables? The common 
needs, the common values, the common 
goals these are the similarities and 
equalities most significant for our dis- 
cussion. Everywhere, the common 
factors are unmistakable. Bone for 
bone, muscle for muscle , nerve for 
nerve, and sense organ for sense or- 
gan, the races are so similar as to be 
classified as a single biological species. 
The same physiological principles ap- 
ply to all. 

Likewise, common psychological fac- 
tors need to be taken into account in 
any scientific analysis of human con- 
duct and relationship. Everywhere 
and in all time, men strive however 
blindly for the realization of certain 
human values. Whether happiness is 
THE universal goal, as some insist, 
or whether it is the natural accompani- 
ment of the good life; happiness is, 
nevertheless, an essential aspect of 
universal goals. In its absence, men 
do strange things. Or, may we say, 
in the doing of "strange" and inappro- 
priate things there is unhappiness. 
Furthermore, neither happiness nor 
unhappiness can be racially segre- 
gated. The "greatest happiness princi- 
ple" as stated by John Stewart Mills, 
implies not only the greatest happi- 
ness for the greatest number; but the 
least of unhappiness for the smallest 
number. Unhappiness anywhere in the 
worldwide society has its unhappy ef- 
fects elsewhere. No majority, however 
numerous and physically powerful, can 



possibly insure its own continuous 
happiness by restricting the happiness 
of others. The Golden Rule, recog- 
nized by the greatest ethical thinkers 
in all ages and incorporated into the 
sacred literature of the world religions, 
has become a social necessity on an 
ever increasing scale. 

An essential condition of happiness 
is freedom. From earliest infancy, 
men respond unhappily to arbitrary, 
unnecessary, and especially to in- 
equitable limitations of freedom. Nec- 
essary limitations are in a different 
category, but they must be recognized 
as equitable. There is no greater 
source of unhappiness in the family, 
in the community, in the nation, and 
in the family of nations throughout 
the world than the feeling on the part 
of some members that they are being 
discriminated against. Discriminations 
are always violations of legitimate hu- 
man freedom. So generally recognized 
is the need for freedom that peoples 
in all ages have been willing, at almost 
any cost, to contend for its realization. 
To fight for its freedom is considered 
the supreme right of every people. 

Correspondingly universal is the 
common need for security. If happi- 
ness is to be realized in any consid- 
erable measure, freedom and security 
must go hand in hand. Unlimited free- 
dom would inevitably lead to inse- 
curity; while absolute security, even 
if it were possible would invalidate 
the very conditions under which prog- 
ress and happiness are attainable. Too 
much security would have the effect 
of destroying human incentive and per- 
petuating a static society. All inven- 
tions and institutions of human society 
are the objective effects of insecurities 
and other evils overcome in the past. 
Each insecurity eliminated, however, 
has brought into being other insecuri- 
ties hitherto unimagined. Within every 
institution, declared Aristotle, are the 
seeds of its destruction. 

Naturally and normally, however, 
there will always be insecurities 
enough without the artificial creation 
of more. Men need to be secure in their 
physical lives and in the economic 
possibilities for sustaining them. They 
need, furthermore, to be secure in 
the common rights to "liberty and the 
pursuit of happiness" guaranteed, at 
least on paper, by the supreme law of 
the land. Like happiness and free- 
dom, security cannot be segregated. 



CONCERNING SOLUTION OF NEGRO-WHITE PROBLEM 



205 



There can be no sharp line of demarca- 
tion between those who are secure and 
those who are insecure. A state of in- 
security anywhere endangers security 
everywhere. A global illustration of 
this principle may be seen in the con- 
ditions and events preceding the 
World Wars. Insecurities multiplied 
and spread to every nook and corner 
of the globe. How to bring about uni- 
versal security is the greatest problem 
confronting the United Nations. 

Closely related to the other needs, 
is the need of every individual for so- 
cial identification. Beginning in early 
childhood, the normal person develops 
a feeling of "we-ness," a "consciousness 
of kind," and an awareness of oneness 
with his primary group. These early 
experiences, similar as they are 
throughout the world, account in large 
measure, for the common ethical ideals 
of mankind. The in-group character- 
istics mutual aid, fair dealing, truth- 
fulness, sympathy, loyalty, justice, and 
the like become the ethical bases for 
human relations. Only in a society in 
which there is mutual identification 
of its members with the whole, can 
there be a full realization of these 
ideals. Mutual understanding and a 
true "consciousness of kind," in the 
words of Giddings, "make group life 
possible, create loyalty, ability to stand 
together, to fight pestilences and fam- 
ine, to build up the industries of the 
world, in short, to build up civiliza- 
tion." And no nation, we may add, is 
fully prepared to identify itself with 
the family of nations before it has re- 
duced to minimum the artificial ob- 
stacles to mutual identification at 
home. 

PROPOSALS CONCERNING 

SOLUTION OF THE NEGRO-WHITE 

PROBLEM 

Several theories for the solution of 
the Negro-white problem in America 
have been suggested or advocated, 
ranging all the way from natural ex- 
tinction to complete integration of the 
minority group. 

Natural Extinction 

In the closing years of the 19th 
century and the opening years of the 
present, students of racial populations 
in the United States were predicting 
the natural extinction of the Ameri- 
can Negro. In his book entitled Race 



Traits and Tendencies of the American 
Negro, published in 1896, Dr. F. L. 
Hoffman wrote: "The Negro is sub- 
ject to a higher mortality rate at all 
ages, but especially so at the early 
age periods. ... It is sufficient to know 
that in the struggle for race supre- 
macy the black race is not holding its 
own; and this fact once recognized, 
all danger from a possible numerical 
supremacy of the race vanishes. Its 
extreme liability to consumption alone 
would be sufficient to seal its fate." 
And, as late as 1913, Edward Eggles- 
ton, in a book called, The Ultimate So- 
lution of the American Negro Prob- 
lem, concluded that there is a decided 
tendency toward a more or less com- 
plete elimination of the American Ne- 
gro as an unfit element of the popula- 
tion. "The causes operating to bring 
about this solution of the Negro prob- 
lem," he declared, "will persist and 
ultimately, within the present century, 
so reduce the numerical strength of 
that race as to have removed the Ne- 
gro problem from the files of serious 
questions." 

From the time of the first Census 
in 1790, the proportional trend of Ne- 
gro population in the United States has 
been downward. At that early date, 
Negroes were 19.3 per cent of the total 
population, but only 9.8 per cent in 
1940. Within the fifty years since 
Hoffman's prediction, despite the pro- 
portional decrease in population, Ne- 
groes in the United States have had a 
numerical increase of approximately 
60 per cent, while the white popula- 
tion .during the same period has in- 
creased 115 per cent. 

The downward proportional trend of 
the Negro population, however, was 
partially due to an increasingly large 
immigration from Europe, reaching a 
maximum of over 1,000,000 Caucasians 
annually before the first World War, 
and to the supernormal fertility of 
immigrant women. Had it not been 
for the substantial additions from 
abroad, the rates of increase of whites 
and Negroes in this country would 
have been more nearly equal. 

Competent students of the subject 
are now pretty well agreed that the 
principles of population growth and 
retardation are very similar as to 
races. Negroes are more prone to suc- 
cumb to certain diseases; but there is 
little doubt that a large part of their 
excess mortality is a result of un- 



206 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



favorable environment rather than in- 
herited constitution. In general, we 
can accept the judgment that exces- 
sive death rates tend to prevail in the 
least favorable environments while 
subnormal birth rates are usually 
found in the best physical and cul- 
tural environments. It is well known 
that in wide areas of the more pros- 
perous North and East, the white pop- 
ulation is nor^sufflciently fertile to 
maintain itself with the present im- 
balance of births and deaths. It would 
seem that the most certain method for 
bringing about the ultimate extinc- 
tion of any people is to raise its physi- 
cal standards and its cultural oppor- 
tunities to the maximum. If this be 
true, the white, not the Negro, popula- 
tion is leading in the procession to- 
ward natural extinction. 

Caste System 

In many parts of the United States, 
in the South for instance, a caste-like 
system of Negro-white relationship 
prevails and is defended as the best 
solution of the inter-racial problem. 
In theory, the system is biological and 
hereditary; the status and rights of 
the individual are determined by his 
color or ancestry. In its pure form, 
which can scarcely be found anywhere, 
the biological caste system is in oppo- 
sition to amalgamation. On one side 
of the line which separates the two 
races, are those who are convinced of 
their own superiority and who con- 
sider "white supremacy" desirable if 
not essential to the common welfare. 

The position of those who advo- 
cate a biological caste system would 
be materially strengthened if the as- 
sumptions upon which the system was 
formerly rationalized were true. No 
longer, however, do we hear well-in- 
formed persons declaring that the Ne- 
gro is not quite human, that his in- 
born capacities are many degrees 
lower than those of Caucasians; that 
biological mixing of the two races 
would result in a breed of inferior 
quality; and that amalgamation would 
forever retard the progress of white 
civilization. The number of mulattoes 
of every degree of blackness who are 
outstanding contributors to our civili- 
zation and culture, make the earlier 
rationalizations inadequate and uncon- 
vincing. 



Amalgamation 

Amalgamation is nature's method 
of reducing mankind to a common bio- 
logical denominator. If not rapidly, 
at least gradually, depending upon the 
extent of physical differences and the 
conditions under which two racial 
stocks come together, the color line 
invariably fades. "This conclusion," 
declares Herskovits, the anthropolo- 
gist, "is not only supported by the 
testimony of historic fact, when avail- 
able, but is also to be inferred from 
the degree of variation which marks 
most existing populations, and which 
indicates that, sexual attraction is no 
respecter of racial lines. Where any 
two groups meet," he continues, "cross- 
breeding results, even where the most 
vigorous social restrictions are im- 
posed." 

Amalgamation, while not being ad- 
vocated by leaders of thought on 
either side of the color line, would, if 
eventually realized, resolve the prob- 
lem of Negro-white relationship. But 
even if the entire population of the 
United States were absolutely homo- 
genous with respect to color and phy- 
siognomy, the problems of human re- 
lationship would remain. There would 
be social and economic classes the 
upper class, the middle class, and the 
lower class. There would still be the 
rich and the poor, the learned and the 
ignorant, the selfish and the altruistic. 
There would still be vested interests 
ready for exploitation. In fact, the 
whole scale of human problems psy- 
chological, sociological, economic, re- 
ligious, governmental, and the rest 
would remain. 

Perhaps the chief benefit resulting 
from complete amalgamation would lie 
in the fact no part of our population 
could then be earmarked for discrimi- 
nation. In the absence of distinguish- 
ing traits of color and physiognomy, 
however, groups against whom dis- 
crimination was intended could be 
artificially marked for the purpose. 
The Hitlerian method of designating 
Jews by required differences in dress 
or by actually branding their physical 
bodies is an illustration of what can 
be done in the absence of natural 
traits of visibility. It is true, neverthe- 
less, that anti-social attitudes of a 
dominant people toward another tend 
to be magnified by differences in bio- 
logical traits. 



CONCERNING SOLUTION OF NEGRO-WHITE PROBLEM 



207 



The fact of such differences between 
the whites and the blacks in the United 
States is not sufficient in itself to ac- 
count for the inter-racial antagonisms 
and the unfavorable attitudes toward 
amalgamation which exist here. The 
relations between the white and the 
colored elements of our population are 
due in some measure to geographic 
and historical influences. The fact that 
no other part of the New World offered 
to the early colonists an extensive land 
area situated in a temperate climate 
where natural resources were almost 
unlimited was an important influence. 
Here, generally speaking, whole fam- 
ilies rather than male adventurers, 
came to make permanent settlements. 
Furthermore, in Latin America, espe- 
cially during the first century of col- 
onization, the Spanish and Portuguese, 
already biologically mixed with darker 
people, became still darker by amalga- 
mation with the Indians. Consequent- 
ly, this mixing reduced further the 
color differences between the Spanish 
American and the Negro, thereby fa- 
cilitating the continued process of 
amalgamation. Only in the United 
States, was emancipation of Negro 
slaves brought about as the result of 
civil war. 

Colonization 

Some have thought that the Negro- 
white problem of race relationship 
could be solved by the emigration of 
Negroes to other lands. "There are 
many parts of the world," they declare, 
"to which Negroes could migrate, 
where they could have a nation of 
their own, and where they could de- 
velop their own civilization free from 
the interference of the white man. 
Africa," they say, "has many thou- 
sands of square miles suitable to the 
establishment of such a nation. . . . 
Should Negroes of the United States 
migrate to these countries, they would 
transplant Western Civilization and 
the American way of doing things. Bet- 
ter educated than the natives, they 
could take charge of these backward 
countries, helping to civilize them and 
making them into great nations." 

For more than a century, a kind of 
"Zionism" for Negro Americans has 
been advocated and several efforts have 
been made toward its realization. The 
American Colonization Society, or- 
ganized in 1817, made the first prac- 
tical attempt to secure for Negro 



Americans a permanent home in Af- 
rica. The founding of Liberia was the 
result. But the most ambitious plan 
to encourage emigration of Negro 
Americans to Africa in recent times 
was conceived by Marcus Garvey, a 
Negro orator and propagandist, who 
in 1917 had succeeded in gaining the 
support of many followers, estimated 
in the millions, whose purpose was to 
establish a "Black Empire" in Africa. 

The latest colonization plan for 
solving the Negro-white problem in this 
country was advocated by Senator 
Theodore G. Bilbo in the form of a 
bill introduced into the Senate, April 
24, 1939. In his speech to the Senate 
on that date, Mr. Bilbo said: "A phy- 
sical separation by the voluntary col- 
onization or resettlement of the black 
race in the fatherland, from which it 
was brought here by fraud and force, 
will thereby give the Negro race an 
opportunity to protect the integrity of 
its blood stream and have a free and 
full opportunity to reach the greatest 
heights of development of which the 
race is capable and build a nation of 
the Negro race that will take its stand 
among the nations of the earth; and 
by this separation the blood stream 
of the white race shall remain un- 
changed and all the culture, progress, 
and the blessings of the white man's 
civilization shall forever remain in 
the priceless possession of the Anglo- 
Saxon in this proud Republic. . . ." 

Senator Bilbo's plan, technically 
cited as the "Repatriation Bill," if 
passed, would have authorized the 
President to enter into negotiations 
with France and Great Britain for the 
purchase by the United States of land, 
not to exceed 400,000 square miles, ad- 
joining the Republic of Liberia. While 
the "Repatriation Bill," failed for lack 
of support to become law, the coloniza- 
tion idea which it contained has, from 
time to time, been seriously considered. 
Occasionally, political groups in the 
Southern States have passed resolu- 
tions favoring an amendment to the 
national Constitution authorizing re- 
patriation of "undesirable elements in 
our population to areas of their an- 
cestral origin to the end that the 
American citizenry would eventually 
become purely Caucasian." 

Such policies would hardly be con- 
sistent with our history and general 
philosophy. In the past, we have glo- 



208 THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



rifled the "melting pot" aspect of our 
nation and have recognized the 
strength which comes from the diversi- 
fication of peoples. We need now, as 
never before, the contribution to our 
civilization which each minority race 
is in position to offer. Such need is 
especially in evidence in times of na- 
tional emergency. This need exists, 
however, at other times as well. The 
strength and progress of our civilized 
society depend upon the cooperative 
relationship of all its parts. Emigra- 
tion of millions of the population of 
whatever origin even if it were pos- 
sible, would seriously weaken the na- 
tion. Furthermore, the Negro segment 
of our population has contributed 
greatly to the building of American 
civilization and it feels that America, 
not Africa is its home. 

Intensive Segregation 

Intensive segregation of Negroes 
within the United States has frequent- 
ly been suggested as a solution of the 
Negro-white problem. By "intensive 
segregation" is here meant the group- 
ing together in communities, cities, 
and expansive land areas, of very 
large numbers of Negroes, who would 
constitute integrated societies free and 
apart from Caucasian contact and in- 
fluence. The arguments made for this 
kind of separation of the two races 
are similar to those made for coloniza- 
tion abroad. 

Some have advocated a plan by 
which the national government would 
purchase lands in some region within 
the United States in which Negro pop- 
ulation is greatest and set it apart as 
a 49th State of the Union to be occu- 
pied and controlled by Negroes only. 
Others have seen in the sparsely popu-. 
lated and undeveloped parts of the 
United States a possibility for inten- 
sive segregation. States like Arizona, 
Nevada, Texas and New Mexico, they 
point out, could be developed into ex- 
pansive agricultural and horticultural 
areas for Negroes. Why could not 
large numbers of Negroes, they ask, 
move into the thinly populated sections 
of the Western and Southwestern 
States, buy out the present owners, 
extend irrigation over millions of acres 
of fertile lands, build their own cities 
and towns, and do whatever more is 
necessary for their own welfare? State 
and Federal aid for the development 
of such intensive^ segregated areas 
has been suggested. 



Critics of the segregation plan, how- 
ever, point out what to them seem 
weaknesses. Communities like individ- 
uals, they say, cannot live unto them- 
selves. Each unit whether individual 
or social is related in countless ways 
to a very complex society the State, 
the nation, and the world of nations. 
The process of social evolution, 
through successive stages, has carried 
us on to the practical concept of "one 
world or none." Any considerable por- 
tion of mankind that is broken up into 
competitive, independent, and sover- 
eign units is out of line with modern, 
social progress. Such a region, State, 
or community is seriously handicapped 
in its own internal development. At 
least social scientists are practically 
agreed on these principles. 

Furthermore, invalidating any plan 
for intensive segregation of Negroes, 
are the natural obstacles in the way 
of its realization. Except in time of 
national upheaval and emergency, such 
as we have seen recently throughout 
the world, entire peoples do not break 
their usual and habitual relations with 
others, however unsatisfactory they 
may be, and adventure in mass to new 
and untried situations. Equally true, 
it is, that the white population, even 
of the South, is by no means unani- 
mous in desiring the absolute sever- 
ance of Negroes from their communi- 
ties. The economic value of the Negro 
to the South is well known. Not only 
the South, but the entire nation, is the 
recipient of essential benefits from the 
Negro's participation in the economic 
life of America. 

Social Integration 

One other method for solving the 
Negro-white problem of race relations 
remains; namely, social integration. 
This is not to be confused with the 
controversial issue of "social equality." 
Nowhere, in fact, not even in the most 
homogeneous white populations of our 
country, is there social equality. In 
the private affairs of life in the se- 
lection of intimate friends, in the 
choosing of husbands and wives fam- 
ilies and homes are not to be invaded. 
The social integration theory in no 
wise implies a change in this matter. 
There are, however, certain integrating 
characteristics of human society which 
are essential to its perpetuity and gen- 
eral welfare. This is as true of primi- 
tive tribes as of the most advanced and 



THE PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF THE RACE PROBLEM 



209 



complex modern society. From earli- 
est time, to be more specific, integra- 
tion has been characteristic of those 
societies which have been able to main- 
tain themselves in the long run and to 
go forward into advanced stages of 
culture and civilization. Dis-integra- 
tion is the antithesis of all that makes 
for social progress. 

Organization flexible enough for con- 
stant adjustment to social change; co- 
operation of every unit of the society 
to the extent of its fullest potentiality; 
freedom of every individual to occupy 
a place most suitable for the rendi- 
tion of maximum service; morale, cre- 
ated by the consciousness of a common 
purpose; and the feeling on the part 
of each that justice prevails these are 
some of the evidences of social inte- 
gration, the ideals toward which our 
society should consciously strive. 

Legal Aspects of Race Relations 

In America, there is no unanimity of 
judgment concerning the optimum re- 
lationship of the law to the mores in 
the matter of race relations. Some, 
especially in the South, defend the po- 
sition that the mores take precedence 
over law; that laws grow out of the 
mores and can scarcely go beyond 
them; and that laws which are incom- 
patible with the mores cannot be en- 
forced. 

This position, however, while having 
some semblance of truth, needs to be 
carefully examined. With respect to 
time, mores in general come before 
law just as folkways precede the 
mores. The folkways come into exist- 
ence without deliberate planning. They 
become customary and, for a time, are 
more or less unconsciously accepted. 
Subsequently, many of the folkways 
are rationalized and thereby attain a 
status of mores. At a still later stage 
of their development, the mores are 
critically examined and evaluated, not 
by the people in general but by their 
moralists, ethicists, and lawmakers, 
with a view to the enactment of cer- 
tain of the mores into law. 

This basic relationship between the 
mores and the law can easily be mis- 
interpreted into meaning that the 
mores take precedence over law; that 
laws merely sanction what has already 
become generally established in the 
mores. Obviously, if this were true, 
there would be no necessity for law. 
But the mores of a people contain the 



good, bad, and indifferent. The pur- 
pose of the moralist, the ethicist, and 
the lawmaker is to discover the best 
and to standardize it for general prac- 
tice. The mores of a people contain 
the experiential elements out of which 
ethical standards of human conduct 
and relationship are formulated. In 
this sense, mores precede normative 
standards and law, and, to this extent 
are determinants of law. 

Law at its best, represents the mini- 
mum of ethical conduct required for 
the realization of the common goals 
of a people. Law at its worst, is the 
antithesis of this. The fact that large 
numbers even a majority insist on 
discriminating against their fellows, 
to the detriment of their society, is 
no justification either for discrimina- 
tion or for the passing of laws in har- 
mony with such discrimination. 

In the matter of State discrimina- 
tory laws which are incompatible with 
the United States Constitution, there 
can be no question as to what is na- 
tionally desirable. Whatever the mores 
of a geographic section of our coun- 
try, they are either consistent or in- 
consistent with the fundamental law 
of the nation, the Supreme Law, which 
unquestionably takes precedence over 
provincial mores and traditions. Bear- 
ing further on the relationship of 
mores to law, it should be pointed out 
that many Jim Crow laws have be- 
come generalized and required prac- 
tices which had been exceptional rather 
than common in the South. This is an 
illustration of the fact that a law may 
bring about uniformity of the mores 
where uniformity did not exist before. 
Not only laws but illogical decisions 
of the Supreme Court with respect to 
laws may cause discriminatory mores 
to be extended to places where they 
have not previously existed. 

THE PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF THE 

RACE PROBLEM AND RACE 

RELATIONS 

Segregation the Basis of Inter-racial 
Policies in the United States 

While inter-racial policies in the 
United States are anything but uni- 
form a common thread of similarity 
runs throughout. With respect to Ne- 
gro-white relations, that common 
thread is segregation. Almost every- 
where in the North as well as in the 
South segregation in some more or 



210 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



less definite form exists. While in 
the North, segregation is maintained 
chiefly by social pressure and by quasi- 
legal arrangements such as restrictive 
covenants; in the South, segregation 
is more nearly total and is secured 
by laws and by mores even less flexible 
than law. 

As stated by Will W. Alexander in 
the January, 1945 issue of Harper's 
Magazine: "Segregation is one of the 
most puzzling aspects of American life, 
and one of the most difficult questions 
in American race relations. It is gen- 
erally recognized by Negroes as their 
number-one problem and is insisted 
upon by many whites as the one thing 
in the American race scene that can 
never be modified or dispensed with. 
Here we have the greatest conflict be- 
tween our professed democratic doc- 
trines and our actual practice in day- 
to-day living. Segregation tends to de- 
feat the inspiring work of Negro edu- 
cation." 

Supreme Court Decision 
On Segregation in Travel 

When a case involving the validity 
of a segregation statute reached the 
United States Supreme Court in 1896, 
the decision rendered encouraged the 
South to multiply their segregation 
laws. The Court upheld segregation 
laws in the following language: 

"The argument against the legisla- 
tion also assumes that social prejudices 
may be overcome by legislation, and 
that equal rights cannot be secured to 
the Negro except by an enforced com- 
mingling of the two races. We cannot 
accept this proposition. . . . Legislation 
is powerless to eradicate racial in- 
stincts or to abolish distinctions based 
upon physical differences, and the at- 
tempt to do so can only result in ac- 
centuating the difficulties of the pres- 
ent situation. ... If one race is in- 
ferior to the other socially, the Con- 
stitution of the United States cannot 
put them on the same plane." 
In the minority opinion of the Su- 
preme Court in this case, however, 
Justice Harlan (a Kentuckian, a form- 
er slave-owner, and a man who had op- 
posed the adoption of the Civil War 
Amendments) made the following 
caustic comment: 

"If a state can prescribe as a rule 
of civil conduct, that whites and 
blacks shall not travel as passengers in 
the same railroad coach, why may it 
not also regulate the use of the streets 
of its cities and towns to compel 
white citizens to keep on one side 
of a street and black citizens to keep 
to the other? Why may it not, upon 



like grounds, punish whites and blacks 
who ride together in street cars or in 
vehicles on a public road or street? 
Why may it not require sheriffs to 
assign whites to one side of a court- 
room and blacks to another? And why 
may it not also prohibit the comming- 
Img of the two races in the galleries 
of legislative halls or in public assem- 
blages convened for the consideration 
of the political questions of the day?" 

Practically every Southern State has 
done, and is continuing to do, precise- 
ly the things Justice Harlan antici- 
pated. Even his apprehensions con- 
cerning the psychological effects of 
State segregation laws have been real- 
ized: "What," he asked, "can more 
certainly arouse hate, what more cer- 
tainly can create and perpetuate a feel- 
ing of distrust between these races, 
than State enactments, which, in fact, 
proceed upon the grounds that colored 
citizens are so inferior and degraded 
that they cannot be allowed to sit in 
public coaches occupied by white citi- 
zens?" 

The decision of the United States 
Supreme Court, referred to above, be- 
came a sanction and also a suggestion 
for enactment of discriminatory prac- 
tices, which at that time, had scarcely 
been practiced anywhere. Usually, the 
initiative for the enactment of dis- 
criminatory laws has not come from 
the majority of the people, even in the 
South. An examination of the motives 
of politicians will dispel the thought 
that majorities have exercised them- 
selves unduly in efforts to enact their 
mores, either good or bad, into laws. 
Speaking on this subject, Carey McWil- 
liams declared: "The principal means 
by which politicians create issues is 
to propose legislation. Here they in- 
itiate; they do not merely follow the 
mores." 

Anti-discrimination Legislation 

Will Maslow, writing in the March, 
1946, issue of the Annals of the Amer- 
ican Academy of Political and Social 
Science, had this to say: 

"Perhaps the oldest types of anti- 
discrimination legislation are the va- 
rious State acts forbidding any place 
of public resort, amusement, or ac- 
commodation to discriminate against 
a customer because of race, color, creed, 
or national origin. These laws began 
to be enacted following the decision of 
the United States Supreme Court that 
the Federal Government had no power 
to outlaw such discrimination." 

". . . Today twenty-two states have 
enacted such laws and they are now 
in effect in every State except Vermont, 



THE PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF THE RACE PROBLEM 



211 



nine Western states, and all of the 
seventeen Southern or Border States 
except Louisiana. (Louisiana has a Re- 
construction statute forbidding dis- 
crimination by common carriers and 
places of public resort, but the law is 
contemptuously disregarded by its pub- 
lic officers.)" 

"These statutes typically apply to 
hotels, restaurants, refreshment stands, 
public conveyances, theaters, amuse- 
ment parks, hospitals, libraries, and 
educational institutions, and forbid the 
denial of accommodations to minority 
groups. Some of these statutes like- 
wise forbid any public advertisement 
designed to discourage patronage of 
minority groups. In ten states viola- 
tion is a criminal offense punished as 
a misdemeanor by fine and imprison- 
ment, deven other states likewise af- 
ford the aggrieved individual a civil 
action for damage. In one state civil 
damages only are provided, and in the 
remaining three states either a civil 
suit or criminal proceeding, but not 
both, is allowed. Minimum fines or 
minimum recoveries in civil suits are 
provided by nine states but the amount 
is small, ranging from $10 in New 
Hampshire to $100 in New York. The 
constitutionality of such legislation is 
well established." 

Ineffectiveness of 
Anti-discrimination Laws 

"By and large," Maslow continued, 
"these statutes have not been effective. 
Public prosecutors regard such of- 
fenses as trifling and are unwilling to 
prosecute unless furnished with air- 
tight cases. The aggrieved individuals 
themselves prefer to swallow humilia- 
tion and insult rather than assume the 
burdens of a lawsuit which usually 
turns out to be profitless in view of 
the small minimum recovery allowed 
and the difficulty of proving larger 
money damages. 

"Since jail sentences are almost never 
imposed and fines are small, the pre- 
vailing attitude among those subject to 
these laws is to treat the fine as a 
business expense, to take pains to 
avoid being detected, and to continue 
discriminating. One powerful sanction, 
the suspension or cancellation of the 
license indispensable to the operation 
of almost all of these places of public 
accommodation, is missing from all of 
these laws, except, ironically enough, 
that of Louisiana. 

"Only one state, Illinois, has recog- 
nized that a civil rights law can only 
be enforced by creating a specialized 
state agency charged with the sole 
duty of administering such a statute. 
A 1943 law created a Division for the 
Enforcement of Civil and Equal Rights 
in the Attorney General's office, em- 
powered to investigate all violations 
and to take enforcement measures. To 
date this division, however, has shown 
no signs of activity." 

Racial Discrimination 
In the South 

In the South, discriminations 
against the Negro are seen in practi- 



cally every sphere of life. They are 
common in public conveyances street 
cars, trains, boats, airplanes; in pub- 
lic places hotels, restaurants, cafes, 
railway and bus stations, theatres, 
moving picture houses, public build- 
ings; in department and other stores 
with respect to service, courtesy, gen- 
eral treatment; in education school 
buildings, school equipment, teachers' 
salaries, transportation facilities, en- 
forcement of compulsory attendance 
laws, provision for higher education; 
in health lack of sanitary conditions, 
public health service, hospital serv- 
ices; in public parks and playgrounds; 
in courts of justice; in treatment by 
police officers; in the general rights 
of citizenship; in vocational oppor- 
tunity; and in scores of other situa- 
tions in which discrimination is all 
too common. 

Throughout the major part of the 
Southern Region and in the Border 
States of the South, discrimination 
on public conveyances is the general 
rule. Such practice is not only char- 
acteristic of the segregation pattern 
determined by the mores and tradi- 
tions but is a legal requirement of 
the statutes of the several States and 
is enforced with a degree of exactness 
not common to the enforcement of 
laws in general. Rudeness and petty ty- 
ranny of street car conductors toward 
Negro passengers; refusal of bus driv- 
ers to take on Negroes before all white 
passengers have been accommodated; 
disregard on the part of street car and 
bus operators of signals given by Ne- 
gro passengers who wish to get off; 
abusive language and sometimes phy- 
sical force and death inflicted by pub- 
lic conveyance operators upon Negro 
passengers for minor violations of 
segregation rules such treatment, 
while not sanctioned by law, is to be 
expected in a region where inter-racial 
etiquette is considered inviolate; 
where "white supremacy" is to be 
maintained at any cost; and where 
actual murder motivated by a tradi- 
tional determination to keep the Ne- 
gro "in his place," can and does, too 
frequently, take place with impunity. 

Not only non-Southerners but liberal 
Southerners have seen the unnecessary 
friction created by such practices on 
public conveyances. Virginius Dabney, 
of the Richmond, (Va.) Times-Dis- 
patch, came out boldly in an editorial 



212 THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



on November 13, 1943, entitled, To Les- 
sen Race Friction, as follows: 

"The purpose of these laws, when 
they were enacted, was to keep the 
races separate. Actually, under exist- 
ing conditions, they have the opposite 
effect, and they are a constant irritant. 
Hundreds, if not thousands of times a 
day, these regulations serve to throw 
the races into closer contact than 
ever, and at the same time wound the 
feelings of the Negroes. 

"The laws result in closer interracial 
contact than would otherwise be the 
case because, whereas white and col- 
ored passengers usually sit in sep- 
arate seats, the invariably crowded 
condition in the aisles of street cars 
and buses at rush hours throw the 
races together as never before. Colored 
passengers who get on crowded cars 
or buses have to push their way 
through the dense mass of white peo- 
ple, and in the case of one-man cars 
they must force their way to the 
front again. It would be preferable 
if the Negroes were allowed to stand 
or sit in the car or bus wherever they 
could find room, thus avoiding the 
push through the crowded aisles. It 
is this push," continued Dabney's edi- 
torial, "which causes the trouble. Re- 
peal of the State law which requires 
segregation of the races on street cars 
and buses, and of local ordinance which 
embody the same requirement, would 
solve the difficulty." 

Some Advocate 
Increased Restrictions 

Few States in the Southern Region 
are free from inter-racial friction 
needlessly caused by discrimination 
in transportation. There are those, 
however, who would add to the con- 
fusion by increasing the restrictive 
regulations on public conveyances. In 
the latter part of 1945, for example, 
the Alabama Public Service Commis- 
sion in the case of Pullman travel 
ordered that at least one car consisting 
of compartments, roomettes and bed- 
rooms be provided in which Negro 
passengers desiring berths could be 
sold the more deluxe accommodations 
at regular rates. If closed accommoda- 
tions were not available, Negroes 
could be given seat space, "in which 
case the partitions must be in place 
and curtains drawn at all times." It 
was to be required that the order be 
posted in a conspicuous place in each 
car on every train. 

Subsequently, during a hearing be- 
fore the Alabama Public Service Com- 
mission, W. A. Northcutt, general so- 
licitor for the Louisville Railroad and 
representative of seventeen carriers, 
argued that the proposed regulations 



were impractical and would prove dis- 
tasteful to white and Negro passengers 
alike. He specifically cited that por- 
tion of the new regulation which re- 
quires that Negro Pullman passengers 
be concealed either in closed compart- 
ments or behind curtains. The rail- 
road counsel stated that the carriers 
represented by him had served twelve 
and one-half million passengers "with 
less than a dozen complaints filed." 
Arthur Shores, Negro attorney of 
Birmingham, representing the Co-or- 
dinated Committee for the Equaliza- 
tion of Transportation Facilities, 
quoted the United Nations Charter, the 
Federal laws, and the Alabama code to 
uphold his contention that the regu- 
lation proposed by the Alabama Public 
Service Commission had exceeded its 
legal authority. 

The United States Supreme 
Court Holds Segregation on 
Inter-state Buses Unconstitutional 

The case at issue was that of Mrs. 
Irene Morgan who was arrested and 
fined ten dollars for failing to occupy 
the section of a bus designated for Ne- 
groes while traveling from Virginia to 
her home in Baltimore, Maryland. In a 
six-to-one decision, the Supreme Court 
held that State laws requiring separa- 
tion of the races on inter-state buses 
to be unconstitutional. "It seems clear 
to us," states the majority opinion, 
"that seating arrangements for the 
different races in inter-state motor 
travel require a single, uniform rule 
to promote and protect national travel. 
Consequently, we hold the Virginia 
statute in controversy invalid." This 
decision was rendered in May, 1946. 

The basis upon which the decision 
was made leaves little doubt that it 
applies equally to rail and air inter- 
state passengers. The single dissent- 
ing opinion was read by Justice Bur- 
ton who held that, "It is a fundament- 
al concept of our Constitution that 
where conditions are diverse the solu- 
tion of the problems arising out of 
them may well come through the ap- 
plication of diversified treatment 
matching the diversified needs as de- 
termined by our local governments." 

Effects of Negro 
Migration To The West 

The following brief treatment of 
Negro-white race relations on the Pa- 



THE PRACTICAL ASPECTS OP THE RACE PROBLEM 



213 



cific Coast is based on a much fuller 
account in two special issues of the 
Journal of Educational Sociology, Jan- 
uary, 1944, and November, 1945. The 
two issues were edited by Dr. L. D. 
Reddick, Curator of the Schomburg 
Collection of Negro Literature of the 
New York Public Library and Lectur- 
er on Negro History and Culture, Col- 
lege of the City of New York. 

After Pearl Harbor, the war indus- 
tries on the Pacific Coast attracted 
more than a million persons including 
250,000 Negroes. Not only new faces but 
somewhat strange ways were now to 
be seen in many places. It was to be 
expected that under the resulting con- 
ditions of pushing and crowding there 
would be increased competition for 
housing, recreation, and transporta- 
tion. 

"Definitely," declared Dr. Reddick, "the 
race-relations frontier had shifted to 
the West, particularly to the West 
Coast. . . . The reactions of the various 
groups to the Negro were determined 
in part by each group's particular in- 
terest and function in the society. Thus, 
some war industries were so eager for 
Negroes to come that they scoured 
the South and, for a while, even re- 
cruited among Southern Negro women. 
There were other war industries, how- 
ever, that had to be persuaded by the 
War" Manpower Commission to employ 
and upgrade workers without regard to 
their color or creed. . . . The CIO 
unions, generally speaking, followed 
their national policy of non-discrimina- 
tion; but the APL boilermakers and 
machinists, who dominated ship and 
aircraft construction and much else, 
resisted the influx of Negro workers 
through all the well-known devises. 
. . . Real estate and property owners' 
associations, in some instances, im- 
ported and, in others, adopted the prac- 
tice of restrictive residential covenants 
which sought to bar Negroes from the 
more desirable neighborhoods. Federal 
and local housing authorities, with a 
conspicuous exception at Seattle, like- 
wise, followed a policy of complete or 
partial segregation." 

In such a combination of anti-social 
conditions, the people were bewildered 
and undecided as to what their atti- 
tudes toward recent arrivals should be. 
The white southern in-migrants, how- 
ever, were not only certain but aggres- 
sive in their attempts to impose their 
ideologies of race relations upon the 
West Coast cities and towns. Many of 
the signs, "We Cater To White Trade 
Only," were traceable to small restau- 
rant operators who had migrated from 
the Southern States. 

The West, however, had never been 
perfect in its attitudes toward people 



of color. Recently the Coast States had 
seen 127,000 Japanese Americans up- 
rooted from their homes and segre- 
gated forcefully in relocation camps. 
"We may say," writes Dr. Reddick, 
"that the West had an attitude to- 
ward Negroes before it contained any 
sizeable numbers of them. It had 
learned about the Negro through mo- 
tion pictures, radio, newspapers, comic 
strips, fiction magazines, and books. 
. . . These imperfectly realized images 
gave a predisposition that could easily 
crystallize under face-to-face contact 
or continued propaganda." 

Race Relations in Seattle 

Before the war, Negro families were 
somewhat scattered in most of the 
major sections of Seattle. In spite of 
this fact, however, there had been a 
tendency for the Negro population and 
Negro institutions to concentrate in 
four more or less independent sections 
of the city. During recent years, dis- 
persion of Negro families to other 
areas has been checked or prevented 
by "gentlemen's agreements" of real- 
estate men to restrict the sale of 
property to Negroes to the four major 
areas of concentration. As a result, 
the more recent in-migrant workers 
have found it exceedingly difficult, if 
not impossible, to secure decent hous- 
ing. Many of them moved into areas 
already crowded by Negroes or 
doubled-up in the section formerly oc- 
cupied by the Japanese. 

Fortunately, this situation was 
somewhat relieved by the policy of the 
Seattle Housing Authority, a policy 
which has been rated as unusually 
democratic and practical. 

"It is the one public housing author- 
ity on the Pacific Coast," writes Dr. 
Robert O'Brien, in the Journal indi- 
cated above, "which has consistently 
refused either to set up segregated 
housing for Negro workers or to place 
Negro in-migrant workers in a racial 
island of segregation within the ex- 
isting projects. Negro tenants are 
integrated not only in the living pro- 
gram but also into the educational and 
recreational program of the projects. 
Negro personnel is employed by the 
Authority in various capacities on the 
basis of individual merit. Jim Crow 
practices are not in evidence in either 
the project restaurants or in the rec- 
reation centers. 

"The Puget Sound area," continues 
Dr. O'Brien, "is close to the pioneer 
and Yukon days when men asked few 
questions about their neighbor's racial 
or social antecedents and when indi- 
viduals were judged by their own at- 



214 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



tainments. In opposition to this dem- 
ocratic tradition has been the im- 
portation of a caste pattern of human 
relations from the Southern states. Not 
only Southern whites, but often Negroes 
from the rural areas, have brought this 
pattern of segregation and have been 
unconscious instruments in setting up 
separate institutions in this territory. 
Upon the outcome of the struggle be- 
tween the exponents of these two phi- 
losophies in the growing communities 
of the Pacific Coast may, in part, rest 
the direction taken by the United 
States as a whole." 



Race Relations in Portland 

Portland, Oregon, has been dubbed 
the "Northern city with a Southern 
exposure," northern because of its 
geographic location but southern in 
many of its traditions and attitudes 
in matters inter-racial. From time 
to time, as the history of the com- 
munity reveals, unhappy inter-racia] 
incidents have occurred. Chinese, Jap- 
anese, and Negroes have experienced 
discriminating treatment by the dom- 
inant race. 

As a result of the influx of large 
numbers of people to the Portland 
area since the beginning of the war, 
one out of every three residents of the 
city today is a newcomer. Of the re- 
cent arrivals, 22,000 are Negroes. "Old- 
time residents have resented the en- 
tire in-migrant population. They have 
particularly resented the Negro in- 
migrant. His 'high visibility' has ren- 
dered him easily identifiable, and he 
has symbolized the intrusion of all 
newcomers to the old-timer. . . . The 
more the Negroes came, the tighter the 
conditions for all. . . . The Portland 
Realty Board has made it extremely 
difficult for the Negro population to 
expand normally." The "code of ethics" 
of this Board, as of realty boards in 
many other cities, states that "a 
realtor should never be instrumental 
in introducing into a neighborhood 
members of any race or nationality or 
any individual whose presence will 
clearly be detrimental to property val- 
ues in that neighborhood." 

Increasing the difficulty of the situa- 
tion is the ten-to-one numerical rela- 
tion of Negro newcomers to the older 
Negro residents. The contrasts of ex- 
periential backgrounds of the two 
groups make cooperative action dif- 
ficult. Furthermore, Oregon has no 
Civil Rights Law. A half-hearted at- 
tempt to place a Civil Rights Bill on 



the statute books in 1944 was decisive- 
ly defeated. 

Race Relations in San Francisco 

Up until 1941, San Francisco en- 
joyed the reputation of having no Ne- 
gro-white race problem. In a total pop- 
ulation of 634,536, a Negro population 
of 4,846 was exceedingly small. By 
1945, the Negro population had been 
multiplied five times. While this in- 
crease was due to an influx from al- 
most every part of the United States, 
an overwhelming majority of the Ne- 
gro in-migrants came from Arkansas, 
Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas. 

As a result, several aspects of the 
Negro - white relationship quickly 
changed. The problem of housing for 
Negroes was suddenly intensified in 
accordance with the general patterns 
of industrial cities elsewhere de- 
scribed. With the evacuation of the 
Japanese in 1942, both white and Ne- 
gro in-migrants moved into the neigh- 
borhoods thus vacated. So desperate 
was the need for shelter that 10,000 
persons were soon occupying an area 
where less than 5,000 Japanese had 
lived in crowded quarters before. Mak- 
ing matters still worse, 55 per cent 
of these houses were sub-standa'rd as 
rated by the San Francisco Board of 
Health. 

In general, restaurants and other 
places of public service and amuse- 
ment have been fairly satisfactory 
with respect to Negro patronage. At 
all times, however, there have been 
cases in which service was denied on 
account of color. In these cases, the 
victims have recourse to the Civil 
Court of California, which is designed 
to provide redress for such grievances. 
In spite of the abundance of what 
might be considered provocative fac- 
tors, physical conflict between mem- 
bers of the two races has been In- 
frequent. 

Race Relations in Los Angeles 

The effect of the war on race rela- 
tions in Los Angeles is not unlike that 
in other industrial centers. The need 
for workers in the shipyards and air- 
plane factories; the bidding for peo- 
ple of every description to meet these 
needs; the thousands by thousands 
arriving daily; the scramble for 
houses where no vacancies could be 
found; the doubling and sometimes the 



THE KU KLUX KLAN 



215 



multiple-doubling of residents in the 
poorest sections of the city and its 
surrounding towns all of this con- 
tributed to the general confusion of 
the population and especially to the 
discomfiture of tens of thousands of 
Negroes who had been encouraged to 
take an increasing part in a tremen- 
dous war production in southern Cal- 
ifornia. 

While the special United States 
Census in April, 1944, arrived at 134,- 
000 as the number of Negroes in Los 
Angeles County, official estimates a 
year later placed the number at 200,- 
000. The county housing shortage in 
1945 was estimated at upwards of 
100,000 families. The end of the war 
has^ brought no reduction in the need 
for" housing. In a situation such as 
this, Negro families suffer most. At 
least 13,700 of these Negro families 
have had shelter only through doub- 
ling up, tripling up or by leading an 
unhappy existence in abandoned store 
buildings and in other places never 
intended for human habitation. 

Race Relations in Northern Cities 

Only a very general statement can 
be made here of race relations in the 
cities of the North. The effects of over- 
crowding in sections of low-grade 
housing and inferior public service 
are similar in practically all of these 
cities. The Black Belt of Chicago, in 
an area designed to accommodate 150,- 
000, had an estimated Negro popula- 
- tion in 1943 of 350,000. Here, public 
services are inadequately provided and 
consistently neglected; the schools are 
over-crowded, nearly all of the city's 
double shift schools being in this area; 
mortality and morbidity rates, as well 
as juvenile delinquency and crime 
rates, are disproportionately high; 
"morale tends to be low and tempers 
taut;" and rents here are 20 to 50 
per cent higher than in other sections 
of the city. It should be pointed out, 
however, that an increasingly large 
number of white people are taking 
what may be termed an intelligent in- 
terest in the extension of democratic 
rights to the Negro. A considerable 
number of agencies, public and private, 
have been making organized progress 
in bringing about improved inter- 
racial conditions. 

The story of race relations in other 
cities of the North is not very dif- 



ferent from that in Chicago. Every- 
where, we find the great majority of 
Negroes living in the least attractive 
areas; subjected to similar discrimina- 
tions, differing not very greatly in 
degree; limited in public services of 
every kind educational, recreational, 
transportational, and the rest. In some 
respects, however, New York City has 
profited in exceptional degree from 
State and City legislation in matters 
pertaining to race relations. On the 
State level there is the Civil Rights 
Law, the "Little Wagner Act" and 
other enactments, decisions and orders 
prohibiting discrimination against 
racial and religious minorities. The 
State Fair Employment Practice Law 
passed in 1945 still further facilitated 
progress. At the municipal level, there 
are several prohibitions relative to dis- 
crimination in employment and in 
services rendered by public, quasi- 
public, and private welfare agencies 
which receive grants from public 
funds. These and other regulations 
indicate unusual attempts to facili- 
tate equal participation of all persons 
in the cultural life of the city. 

THE KU KLUX KLAN 

Three times in the history of our 
country, the Ku Klux Klan has come 
into prominence first, at the close of 
the Civil War; second, at the end of 
World War I; and third, immediately 
following World War II. It is prob- 
able that the original Ku Klux Klan 
began in I860 as a club of young men 
in Pulaski, Tennessee. At first, it was 
just a social circle with the usual 
trappings of secrecy and costumes. 
Mere pillow cases and white bed-sheets 
were the chief paraphernalia. These 
worn at night by horsemen proved 
terrifying to superstitious Negroes but 
soon the Klan grew into an order for 
"keeping the Negro in his place." 
Hooded Klansmen would ride up to 
the cabin of some hapless Negro and 
threaten him with mysterious punish- 
ment if he did not behave himself. By 
1867, Klans had formed throughout 
much of the South, and the Ku Klux 
Klan soon became an "Invisible Em- 
pire." 

On the surface, the original Klan 
looked innocent enough. Its objectives, 
as announced at a convention of the 
Klan in Nashville, Tennessee, in 1867, 
were: 



21G 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



1. "To protect the weak and innocent 
from tne lawless; to succor the suf- 
fering-, especially widows and or- 
phans of Confederate soldiers. 

2. "To defend the constitution of the 
United States; and to protect the 
States and people from all invasions 
of rights and liberties." 

Soon, however, moral persuasion in 
dealing with Negroes gave way to vio- 
lence, and hoodlums took advantage of 
the Klan disguise. In reaction to re- 
sulting abuses of the Klan, its grand 
master, General Nathan B. Forrest. 
ex-Confederate cavalry hero, disbanded 
the organization in 1869. In a special 
message to Congress in 1871, Presi- 
dent Grant urged legislation to curb 
violence of secret organizations. The 
result was a series of "Force Laws" 
enacted by Congress to enforce the 
14th Amendment of the Constitution 
and to break up secret societies whose 
activities were irresponsible and vio- 
lent in the South. It was not, how- 
ever, until one of the chief purposes of 
the leaders had been realized; namely, 
the political subordination of Negroes 
in the South, that the Klan was really 
dissolved. 

After a long intermission, the Ku 
Klux Klan again came into official 
being on Stone Mountain, Georgia, in 
1915. This time the organization was 
incorporated as a fraternal insurance 
company by William Joseph Simmons, 
its founder and first "Wizard." For a 
time the Klan went along quietly with- 
out attracting much attention or many 
members. Its signs, however, posted 
in many parts of Atlanta read: "1001 
Eyes Are Watching You." Then, in 
the early 1920's, the skillful promoter 
got complete control of the Klan and 
organized it nationally on a very 
definite financial basis. Under this 
new set up, there were large profits 
for the organizing and administrative 
personnel at the top. In addition to the 
fees, dues, and other contributions of 
its members, the Klan reaped no in- 
considerable income from the "sheet 
factory" at Buckhead, an Atlanta sub- 
urb, which ran day and night turning 
out paraphernalia. The rake-off on 
this, constantly divided up and down 
the line from Supreme Wizard to 
Kludd, fostered enthusiasm and ef- 
ficiency in the higher ranking Klans- 
men and accounted, in no small mea- 
sure, for the extraordinary growth of 
the organization. At one time in the 
1920s, the membership of the Klan 



was estimated at between 5,000,000 and 
6,000,000 men. 

Political Scandals 

Of the Ku Klux Klan 

The political scandals of the Ku 
Klux Klan are now a dark chapter in 
American history. State after State, 
not only in the South but in the North 
and West as well, was affected by 
Klan influence. In Texas, the organ- 
ization succeeded in electing a United 
States senator and was an issue in 
the election of Governor in 1924 and 
again in 1926. The Klan played an 
important political role also in Ar- 
kansas, Connecticut, Indiana, Okla- 
homa, Alabama, Georgia, and Oregon. 
Furthermore, in 1928, the Klan got in- 
to national politics and, in the Demo- 
cratic Convention that year, fought 
the nomination of Governor Alfred E. 
Smith, of New York, who happened to 
be a Catholic. Everywhere the Klan 
was arrogant, intolerant, and at times 
violent. Claiming to be a true ex- 
ponent of "Americanism," the Klan 
forgot that America is made up of 
heterogeneous national and racial 
groups, and is a country which has 
obligated itself to live according to 
constitutional and statutory law. 

Klan Tactics Were Lawless 

The tactics of the Klan at first con- 
sisted in meeting under the light of 
a fiery cross in the open country where 
its members, masked and hooded in 
white robes in the traditional Ku Klux 
manner, listened to fiery addresses of 
a seemingly high moral or patriotic 
character. Soon after there appeared 
the other Klan tactics: anonymous 
threats and occasional whipping, tar- 
ring and feathering; and other acts 
of violence, including killing. The 
New York World tabulated the violent 
actions occurring from October, 1920, 
to October, 1921, as follows: "four 
killings, one mutilation, one brand- 
ing with acid, forty-one floggings, 
twenty-seven tar and feather parties, 
five kidnappings, forty-three persons 
warned to leave town or otherwise 
threatened, fourteen communities 
threatened by warning posters, and 
sixteen parades by masked men with 
warning placards." 

Disbandmcnt And 
Revival of the Klan 

During the depression years, the 
membership rolls fell off to practi- 



THE KU KLUX KLAN 



217 



cally nothing and, in 1944, the Klan 
was disbanded as a national organiza- 
tion. Disbandment, however, did not 
change the intolerant and persecuting 
nature of tens of thousands of men 
awaiting the time when they could be- 
come active. In fact, World War II was 
scarcely ended when the Klansmen 
were riding again. It soon became evi- 
dent that the Knights of the Ku Klux 
Klan hoped to launch a come-back 
aided by post-war insecurity and race 
tension. This time, as before, Stone 
Mountain, just outside the city limits 
of Atlanta, was the scene of the fiery 
cross. Klansmen from far and near 
were summoned to participate in the 
largest public demonstration of Klan 
history. About 500 men were initiated 
by some 700 Klansmen, in the presence 
of more than a thousand women and 
children spectatois, gathered about the 
famous shrine on the night of May 9, 
1946. Numerous automobiles with li- 
cense plates from Tennessee, Alabama, 
and South Carolina were among a 
much larger number with Georgia de- 
signation. 

White Supremacy the 
Cardinal Principle of the Klan 

At the Stone Mountain demonstra- 
tion, Grand Dragon, Dr. Samuel Green, 
declared that the Klan is vigorously 
opposed to voting by Negroes in the 
"white primaries" but has no objec- 
tion to their voting in the general 
elections. He declared further: 

"The cardinal principle of the Klan 
is .white supremacy. God made white 
men and Negroes in two colors. If He'd 
meant them to be equal, He'd have 
made them the same color. The su- 
premacy of the white man has been 
demonstrated through the ages and 
we believe it is the will of God. 

"The hierarchy of the Klan," wrote 
Governor Ellis Arnall of Georgia, in the 
October, 1946, issue of Coronet, 
"lends itself admirably to the Fuehrer 
principle. At the top is the Imperial 
Wizard and Emperor, to whom the in- 
dividual Klansmen must take an oath 
of absolute personal obedience. Under- 
neath the Wizard, whose analogy to 
the Fuehrer is obvious, are the Grand 
Dragons, heads of States in the same 
way the Gauleiters were heads of Ger- 
man provinces. Beneath the Dragons 
are the Titans, overlords of several 
Klaverns, and the Cyclops, each of 
whom heads a Klavern, the smallest 
unit of the Ku Klux Klan. It is a 
ready-made structure for some native 
Fascist leader to move into. Already 
the Klan is equipped with its book of 
ritual, the Kloran. Already it posses- 
ses its scapegoats, the Jews and Cath- 
olics and Negroes." 



It is said that all the "K" words 
and titles used by the Klan, except 
one, came from the fertile imagination 
of the founder. "Kludd" is a "more re- 
cent title and applies to the supreme 
whipping boss of the Klavern, and is 
probably derived from the sound made 
by a lash, six feet long by five inches 
wide by two inches thick and studded 
with cleats, as it descends on the bare 
flesh of a helpless victim." 

The general purposes of the Ku Klux 
Klan are summarized in its applica- 
tion blanks, to be used by prospective 
members, as follows: 

"WHITE SUPREMACY" 

"If you are a Native Born, White, 
Protestant, Gentile, American Citizen 
of good character and believe in our 
principles, an opportunity to join a 
secret organization that stands pri- 
marily for White Supremacy awaits 
you. Our organization stands for: 

Christianity 

America First 

White Supremacy 

Upholding Constitution 

Racial Segregation 

Racial Purity 

Pure White Womanhood 

Opposition to Communism 

America for Americans 

States Rights 

Separation of Church and State 

Freedom of Speech and Press 

No Foreign Immigration, 
Except Pure White 

Law and Order 

American Leadership of 

American Labor Unions 

Closer Relationship between 
American Capital and 
American Labor 

"If you truly desire to do your part 
for Christianity, your Country, and 
your Race by joining our organization, 
sign and return this card at once. 
Every real American should be able to 
honestly say: I do my part. Tomorrow 
may be too late. ACT NOW!" 

Status of the Ku Klux 
Klan in Several States 

Alabama: During the year 1946, the 
Ku Klux Klan was revived in the 
Birmingham area and applied for a 
State charter. Governor-Elect Jim Fol- 
som said at that time "the Klan is not 
a factor in State politics." No effort 
has been made to outlaw the organi- 
zation. Birmingham police officers re- 
ported, in the early part of the year, 
the burning* of six crosses in widely 
scattered areas on the outskirts of the 
city. Furthermore, it is known that 
a drive for Klan memberships has 
made considerable progress. 



218 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



California: During the first half of 
1946, Southern California became a 
hot-bed of revived Klan operations. 
In May of that year, State Attorney 
General Robert Kenny, charging that 
the Klan had been operating unlaw- 
fully for the past ten years, moved 
that the organization be declared dead. 
In Los Angeles, a superior court judge 
thereupon brought three former Grand 
Dragons and an ex-Kleagle into court 
and, after listening to the Dragon's 
denials of connection with, or interest 
in the Klan, granted the unopposed 
Kenny motion. The revocation of the 
charter by the State rendered unlaw- 
ful any act of solicitation of members 
as well as any activities of the Klan in 
California. Twelve hours after the 
court order outlawing the Ku Klux 
Klan in California, however, a fiery 
cross was burning in front of a Jewish 
fraternity house on the campus of the 
University of Southern California in 
Los Angeles, and white-painted KKK's 
were scrawled on the Administration 
Building of that institution. This was 
the second campus cross-burning with- 
in three days. Soon after another 
fiery cross illumined the house of a 
Los Angeles Negro. 

Florida: Early in 1946, several large 
roadside signs appeared on highways 
near the city limits of Miami. These 
signs called attention to the thorough- 
ly "American" nature of the Ku Klux 
Klan program and informed interested 
native-white Protestant males "of good 
moral character and sober habits" tyow 
they could join. Florida Secretary of 
State, R. A. Gray, reported that his 
records indicate the revival of the 
Klan by incorporation on September 
7, 1944. The Federal Bureau of Investi- 
gation officials have been watching 
Klan movements but declare their in- 
ability to do anything unless the hood- 
ed members begin interstate activity. 
Early in the year, the Miami Klan 
issued the following statement: 

"We are operating under a legal 
charter under the name Ku Klux Klan 
of the State of Florida, Inc. We make 
income tax returns to the Federal Gov- 
ernment. The Klan does not and will 
not wear a mask. . . . We believe that 
Protestants should have organizations 
as well as other religions, have theirs. 
The Klan is a religious organization, 
and its principles can be found in the 
12th chapter of Romans, first and sec- 
ond verses." 

About the time this statement was 
made, a Negro's home in Miami, 



Florida, was burned to the ground. 
Klan terrorists are reported to have 
declared that the home was burned 
because it was too close to the resi- 
dences of the whites. 

Georgia: A vigorous organizing drive 
had been in progress for some months 
in Georgia touched off by the mam- 
moth cross-burning on Stone Moun- 
tain. The Klan had been re-chartered 
in the State as a "fraternal" organiza- 
tion for white gentiles only. Dr. Sam- 
uel Green, Grand Dragon of the or- 
ganization, remarked to newsmen: 
"The Klan opposes all isms except 
Americanism. We especially oppose 
Communism and we fight to prevent 
its spread." 

Soon after the Stone Mountain in- 
itiation, the State of Georgia filed suit 
against the Ku Klux Klan accusing 
it of "murder, assaults, batteries, and 
false arrests," and sought to revoke 
the Klan's national charter. In a con- 
demning twelve-page document filed 
with Judge Frank A. Hooper, Jr., of 
the Fulton Superior Court, Assistant 
Attorney General Dan Duke outlined 
a number of specific instances of how 
the Klan "has carried on its business 
... in such a way ... as to break down 
the orderly process of legal justice . . . 
and to create confusion, discord, and 
discontent among Georgia citizens." 
In connection with recent Klan ac- 
tivities, the suit claimed that the pres- 
ent Georgia Klan, directed by Grand 
Dragon Samuel Green, is part and 
parcel of the Knights of the Ku Klux 
Klan, Inc., which received its corporate 
charter in 1916. The suit rehearsed 
the Klan's activities from 1935 on. It 
claimed that W. W. Scarborough, Ex- 
alted Cyclops of the East Point, Geor- 
gia Post from 1937 to 1940, appointed 
a secret committee, headed by Floyd I. 
Lee, whose duties were to flog persons 
"who needed correcting." The death 
of Ike Gaston in 1940 and the flogging 
of twenty-three identified persons re- 
sulted, it was charged, from the opera- 
tion of such committees, or "wrecking 
crews." The status of the Klan was 
still further involved when the United 
States Collector of Internal Revenue 
filed a Federal tax lien in Fulton Su- 
perior Court for $685,305 allegedly 
due the Government in income taxes 
by the Klan. 

Kentucky: The right of the Klan to 
do business in Kentucky was ordered 
revoked in September, 1946, by Wil- 



THE KU KLUX KLAN 



219 



liam B. Ardery, Franklin Circuit 
Judge. In the judgment against the 
Klan, prepared by Attorney General 
Eldon S. Dummit, it was charged that 
in qualifying as a corporation, the 
Klan's purpose was stated as "benevo- 
lent and eleemosynary," but that its 
actual purpose was very different. The 
suit by the State's chief legal repre- 
sentative added: 

"Plaintiff further states that the 
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan is not 
and never has been a benevolent and 
eleemosynary corporation, but a law- 
less, seditious organization of Nazi ten- 
dencies whose sole purpose is to create 
dissension and divisions among the cit- 
izens of the United States and of the 
Commonwealth and to work violence on 
citizens . . . who do not belong to the 
same religious denomination or racial 
or national stocks as persons in control 
of the defendent corporation." 
Louisiana: Accounts reveal no con- 
certed effort on the part of Klan 
leaders in this State to revive the or- 
ganization. A predominantly Catholic 
population of Southern Louisiana has 
discouraged Klan proselyting. 

Mississippi: Little open activity on 
the part of the Klan has been re- 
ported; and no effort on the part of the 
State to ban the ' organization is in 
evidence. Senator Bilbo won renom- 
ination on a "white supremacy" cam- 
paign and openly acknowledged his 
membership in the Ku Klux Klan. 
"Once a Ku Kluxer, always a Ku 
Kluxer" was no surprising remark by 
the Senator from Mississippi. Crosses 
were burned in the Negro area of 
Jackson, the State capital. These were 
probably to intimidate Negroes for 
their political activity and to frighten 
them out of CIO organizations. 

New York: In July, 1946, the Ku 
Klux Klan was dissolved by court 
order in New York State and At- 
torney General Nathaniel L. Goldstein 
promptly announced that henceforth 
the Klan will be treated as a criminal 
organization. In a further attempt to 
smash the hooded order in New York, 
the Attorney-General forwarded to the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation a list 
of 1,000 names of persons listed as 
members or former members of the Ku 
Klux Klan in the State. It was an- 
nounced by investigators that the New 
York Klan had definite tie-ups with 
the Georgia Klan. It was still further 
revealed that fifteen Ku Klux Klan 
units existed in the greater New York 
City area and operated in the city un- 
til 1944 when they were consolidated 



into four main groups, one each in 
Brooklyn, Bronx, Queens, and Staten 
Island. 

New Jersey. State action has for 
some time been pending to revoke the 
Klan charter in this State. Attorney 
General Walter D. Van Ripper, in July 
1946, declared: "I have advised Sec- 
retary of State, Loyd B. Marsh, to re- 
fuse for filing any certificate of in- 
corporation which seeks to amend or 
supplement in any way the present 
certificate of incorporation of the Ku 
Klux Klan, which has been on file in 
this State since 1923." It was in this 
State that Klansmen and German 
Bundsmen allegedly fraternized at 
Camp Nofdland in 1940. 

Pennsylvania: Klan activities in sev- 
eral communities of Pennsylvania have 
led to a State-wide investigation. Or- 
ders from State Police Headquarters 
were issued in September, 1946, to the 
commanders of the four police squad- 
rons in the Commonwealth to make a 
thorough check of their respective 
areas for Klan activities. Howard F. 
Shaffer, Cyclops of the Franklin Coun- 
ty Klan, declared that "the Klan is a 
victim of prejudice. . . . Our organiza- 
tion has existed for twenty-five years 
and is 100 per cent American. We are 
here to stay and there is no law to 
stop us." 

South Carolina: Until 1944, the 
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan main- 
tained official relationship with the 
Georgia corporation by that name. Ac- 
cording to a statement by Secretary 
of State W. P. Blackwell, the "Klan 
is not now in good standing." In June, 
1946, however, Negroes were anony- 
mously informed that if they sought 
enrollment on the Democratic party 
books with a view to taking part in the 
summer elections or organization of a 
local branch of the National Associa- 
tion for the Advancement of Colored 
People that the "Klan would ride." 
There is no evidence of efforts on the 
part of the State Government to in- 
terfere with possible Klan activities. 

Tennessee: Klan activities are re- 
ported to have been frequent in East- 
ern Tennessee, in and around Chatta- 
nooga and Knoxville. Governor Mc- 
Cord denied that the Klan is active 
in Tennessee; but Stetson Kennedy 
pointed out in the spring of 1946 that 
there had already been five cross-burn- 
ings in the Chattanooga area; that 
much progress had been made in en- 



220 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



listing the cooperation of policemen 
and firemen; and that J. B. Stoner 
was serving as full-time organizer of 
the Klan. 

Virginia: The Klan is believed to be 
dormant in Virginia. In 1940, how- 
ever, the Klan was still operating in 
that State, although its members had 
discarded their masks and had con- 
fined use of their other regalia to of- 
ficial Klan meetings. 

Present Ku Klux Klan 
Related to the Old 

The Klan in its rebirth usually 
claims that it is an entirely new or- 
ganization having no relationship to 
the earlier Klan. The Georgia investi- 
gators, however, have disproved this 
alibi. The seven Klaverns, or units, 
functioning in 1946 in or near Atlanta, 
employ the same rituals and titles pro- 
vided for in the Kloran the volume 
of Klan lectures and rituals. The con- 
temporary Klan uses the same pass- 
words, grips, signs, and regalia as are 
provided for in that book. Further- 
more, the Klan of today has the same 
use for hate, terrorism, and violence. 

In order to facilitate the lawless ac- 
tivities of the Klan, its leaders make 
special effort to bring into its fold a 
considerable number of police officers, 
cab Drivers, bus operators, a/.d others 
in favorable position to cooperate. The 
vehicle drivers can provide quick trans- 
portation of Klansmen to the several 
localities of the area when needed to 
administer threats and floggings. There 
is evidence in the hands of the At- 
torney-General of Georgia that at least 
thirty-six members of the At'anta po- 
lice force are Klansmen.* 

THE COLUMBIANS, INC. 
The Purposes of 
The Columbians, Inc. 

During the last quarter of 1946, the 
Columbians, Inc., an organization very 
similar to the Ku Klux Klan, was get- 
ting under way in Atlanta, Georgia. 
The city suddenly became aware of 
this group and its purposes when 
three young hoodlums beat up a Negro 
boy. The Columbians, the Klan, and 
similar organizations always use the 
"superior numbers" technique. They 
take no chance of being beaten up 
themselves by a "one to one" tech- 
nique. They find it more effective to 

*Source: Atlanta (Georgia) Journal, June 
18, 1946. 



work in gangs. The Columbia objec- 
tives are not unlike those of the Klan. 
The leaders boast openly of their anti- 
Negro, anti-Jew, anti-Catholic, and 
anti-Communist intentions. Homer 
Loomis, Jr., the founder and Secretary- 
Treasurer of the group, frankly admits 
that "hate" is an essential motivation 
behind his organization and that is 
why they have decided to "start some- 
thing." The plan of the Columbians 
evidently was to police the city and 
keep the Negroes and the Jews in their 
place. Chief of Police Hornsby, how- 
ever, did not desire such cooperation, 
for, he declared, "My department will 
do the policing of Atlanta and we 
won't tolerate any interference from 
the Columbians or any other organi- 
zation." 

The charter of the Columbians, 
which was legalized by the State of 
Georgia on August 16, 1946, contained 
this significant statement: 

"To encourage our people to think 
in terms of race, nation, faith, and to 
work for a national moral re-awaken- 
ing- in order to build a progressive 
white community that is bound to- 
g-ether by a deep spiritual consciousness 
of the past and a determination to 
share a common future." 
This charter, however, was subsequent- 
ly the object of revocation procedure 
on the part of the State. 

Character of Leadership and Active 
Membership in the Columbians 

In an editorial column of The At- 
lanta Constitution, November 13, 1946, 
Ralph McGill commented on the leader- 
ship and active membership as follows: 
"Nazis are all alike, whether they 
are in Germany or parading in Musso- 
lini's Black Shirts. The Nazi type mind 
is cracked and lends itself to all sorts 
of aberrations, including those of sex. 
... So, to find wife deserters, a rapist, 
and wife beaters as leaders of this 
'noble' order is quite what one might 
expect. Without exception, all mem- 
bers of this group, who have come to 
public eye, are failures who have never 
managed to hold a job; but who blame 
someone else for their own laziness and 
their own failures." 
Continuing, the editorial reads: 

"They talk to people whose lives are 
rather dreary at best. They work on 
people in the poorest, most squalid 
slum areas and to a person perhaps 
unable to read or write or to one with 
no more than a third or fourth grade 
education, knowing no trade or skill. 
. . . Some of the blame, assuredly, 
should be placed on our entire society. 
We have gone along, with a large num- 
ber of people whose preparation for 
being first-rate citizens is inadequate. 
They are to be found in every city and 



SCHOOL STRIKES 



221 



community and as long as we do not 
do a better job in educating- them, 
they will provide material for the pro- 
moters of hates and prejudices who 
make a good thing financially for them- 
selves out of the discontent of others." 

ATTITUDES TOWARD KLAN-LIKE 

ORGANIZATIONS 
Attitudes of the Largest and Most 
Liberal Southern Newspapers 

It is important to note that the 
largest and most liberal newspapers 
of the South have boldly taken the 
side of justice in their opposition to 
the Ku Klux Klan and similar organi- 
zations. The two leading newspapers 
of Atlanta, Ga., The Atlanta Consti- 
tution and The Atlanta Journal have 
been especially outspoken in their de- 
nunciation. The Courier- Journal, Louis- 
ville, Ky., The Montgomery Advertiser 
and The Birmingham News of Ala- 
bama, The News Sentinel, Knoxville, 
Tenn., The Tribune, Tampa, Fla., The 
News, Charlotte, N. C., and The Times- 
Dispatch, Richmond, Va., have not 
hesitated to attack the Klan. 

Some Newspapers Encourage 
The Ku Klux Klan 

Occasionally, however, some of the 
smaller newspapers, especially those 
in the more backward communities 
of the South, express opinions more 
encouraging to Klan-like organizations. 
In an editorial headed: "The Ku Klux 
Klan Is Bound to Come Back," The 
Covington Neivs (Alabama) made a 
suggestion out of line with liberal 
editorial comment. It said: 

"As much as all of us hate to admit 
it, the possibility of the Ku Klux Klan 
being re-hashed and reorganized in the 
South is more of a probability than a 
possibility. The people of the South 
are just not going to take this CIO 
lying down. Laws hastily passed by a 
Congress that didn't weigh all the con- 
sequences are highly favorable to labor 
while the public's interest was not pro- 
tected at the same time. ... It might 
take the Ku Klux Klan to straighten 
them out unless the oncoming elections 
take care of the matter." 
Not only is the Klan anti-Negro but 
it is anti-anything else that interferes 
with the traditions and mores of the 
South. 

Southern Churchmen Take Strong 
Stand Against Ku Klux Klan 

The Southern Baptist Convention, 
representing over 5,000,000 Southern- 
ers, adopted a resolution aimed at the 
Klan, urging member churches to "re- 



frain from association with all groups 
that exist for the purpose of foment- 
ing strike and division within the 
nation on the basis of differences of 
race, religion and culture." 

Both the Christian Council of At- 
lanta and the Atlanta Ministerial As- 
sociation passed strong resolutions de- 
nouncing the Klan. In Georgia, espe- 
cially, where Klan activity has been 
most marked, the churches have been 
outspoken in their condemnation of 
the Klan. On May 19, 1946, following 
the rebirth of the Klan at Stone Moun- 
tain, more than two-dozen ministers, 
by organized plan, blasted the Klan as 
un-Christian, and called upon their 
congregations to "cry out against it." 

Typical of the many declarations 
was that of the Atlanta Methodist Min- 
isters Association: 

"We deplore any effort on the part 
of any person or group of persons to 
stir up racial prejudice for political, or 
any other purpose, among our people 
in Georgia. We believe that all human 
beings regardless of race, creed or color 
belong to the human family and have 
equal rights before God and in human 
society. We therefore call upon all of 
our people to stand for liberty, justice 
and freedom for each and every citizen 
of the state." 

Organized Labor Active 
Against Ku Klux Klan 

All branches of organized labor in 
Georgia also rallied in opposition to 
the Klan. The Georgia Legislative 
Council, a joint body including AFL, 
CIO, and independent unions, called for 
Federal investigation and action 
against the Klan. The Textile Workers 
Union, recognizing the Klan as an anti- 
labor force, pledged full support of all 
action against the Klan and declared 
its readiness to expose the activities 
of the Klan whenever possible. 

Such actions on the part of the vari- 
ous organizations in Georgia are typi- 
cal of those in other States where the 
Klan has been revived. It is evident 
that the Klan will meet with increas- 
ing opposition almost everywhere in 
the South. 

SCHOOL STRIKES 
School Strike At Gary, Indiana 

The opening of the school year, 
1945-46, brought a series of demonstra- 
tions by white students against the 
presence of Negroes in several non- 
segregated schools of the North and 
West. The longest and most publi- 



222 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



cized of these demonstrations occurred 
in Gary, Indiana, when the white stu- 
dents of Froebel School began a strike 
on September 18, which lasted nearly 
two months. The immediate occasion 
for the demonstration was a fight in- 
volving Negro and white students at a 
football game. On the Monday morn- 
ing following this incident, a large 
number of white students began gath- 
ering outside the school at opening 
time, refusing to come into the build- 
ing. When Principal Richard Nuzum 
demanded that they enter and proceed 
to their classes, the group responded 
by sending in a committee demanding 
that the 800 Negro students be trans- 
ferred from Froebel and that the school 
be made into an institution for white 
students only. Not receiving a favor- 
able response from the administration, 
the white student body began its 
strike. 

More Remote Causes 
Of the Gary Strike 

There were several conditions and 
events which contributed to the strike. 
First, it should be mentioned the slum 
nature of the surrounding area in 
which people of many nationalities 
live. Conditions of vice and crime, 
overcrowding, lack of recreational fa- 
cilities, and other abnormal conditions 
accentuated during the war period, 
were contributing factors. Even the 
end of the war with its emotional ac- 
companiments added to the general 
confusion of the community. 

The second underlying cause was 
lack of a definite policy on the part of 
the Board of Education in regard to 
segregation. The inter-racial issues in 
the schools were not met consistently: 
At Froebel and two elementary schools, 
there was non-segregation while for 
all the other schools of the city segre- 
gation was the practice. Roosevelt 
School an all-Negro school with an 
all-Negro teaching staff accepts Negro 
children from other school districts 
while the white children in the Roose- 
velt district are sent to all-white 
schools in other districts. Even in the 
mixed schools^ various practices were 
in' vogue. At Froebel, for example, 
many classes and all extra-curricular 
activities except athletics were barred 
to Negro students. In many ways, at 
the Froebel School, both white and 
Negro children were educated to the 
idea that Negro children are lower in 



status and inferior, therefore, to white 
children. 

Following the Detroit race riot, there 
was a disposition on the part of the 
community to abolish some of the dis- 
criminations against Negro children at 
the Froebel School as a means of ap- 
peasing the Negro community for its 
lack of civic privileges. The swimming 
pool, for instance, was opened to Ne- 
gro boys in an attempt to satisfy the 
demand of Negroes for admittance to 
swimming beaches on the lak front 
In the school strike were members of 
a protest group which was formed fol- 
lowing the opening of the swimming 
pool to the Negro boys. 

In commenting on the school strike 
at Gary, Dr. Marion Edman said: 

"The boys who fomented the strike 
and were its leaders in its early pe- 
riod were nearly all frustrated, malad- 
justed children with low IQ's and a 
long record of bad behavior in school 
and community, and who seemingly 
could not find within the school the 
satisfactions they craved." 

Organized Efforts to 
Prevent Recurrence 

Continuing Dr. Edman wrote: 

"To combat prejudice and misunder- 
standing among Gary's many groups of 
citizens, a number of organizations have 
been formed to demonstrate and to 
foster cooperative effort within the 
community a ministerial association 
embracing all the clergy of the city, 
Christian and Jewish, Negro and white; 
a Civil Liberties Committee; a United 
Council of Negro Organizations includ- 
ing some forty groups, and a number 
of others. In addition, a program for 
developing understanding among its 
members is in process of being set up 
within the CIO; church groups are de- 
voting time to studying the basic prob- 
lems of community living; civic organi- 
zations like the League of Women 
Voters are taking the initiative in plan- 
ning short institutes to focus commun- 
ity attention on key problems; the 
YWCA has gone forward with the open- 
ing of its new interracial center in the 
Froebel area; and the Board of Educa- 
tion has given a vote of confidence to 
the Bureau for Intercultural Education 
by asking it to continue its program 
of work in the schools." 

Demonstrations in Chicago Schools 

Very soon after the strike in Gary 
began, there were similar disturbances 
at several of the schools in Chicago. 
White students struck against the 
presence of Negroes at Calumet, Mor- 
gan Park, Englewood, and other 
schools of the city. There were actual 
walk-outs of several hundred white 
students at Calumet and at Englewood. 



METHODS FOR IMPROVEMENT OF RACE RELATIONS 



223 



While Chicago resembled Gary in the 
conditions out of which the anti- 
Negro strikes developed, its machinery 
for dealing with disturbances was much 
better. The Mayor's Committee on 
Race Relations was alert; the police 
would not permit the striking students 
at Englewood and Calumet to demon- 
strate on the school grounds; but of- 
fered them alternatives of going to 
school, being arrested, or returning 
home. Several of the ringleaders were 
actually arrested, taken to the police 
station, and lectured on democracy in 
the presence of their parents. Anti- 
strike, pro-democratic mass meetings 
were held and addressed by such bobby 
sox heroes as Danny Kaye, Frank 
Sinatra, Canada Lee, and Bill Robin- 
son. As a result of firm action and 
mobilization of liberal sentiment, the 
Chicago demonstrations were relative- 
ly short-lived. 

Racial Demonstrations in 
New York City Schools 

A highly personal fist-fight in the 
Benjamin Franklin High School gym- 
nasium between a white and a Negro 
youth resulted in a series of racial 
clashes most of them outside the 
school. Franklin School is located in 
East Harlem and has within its stu- 
dent body representatives of approx- 
imately forty national and ethnic 
groups. Despite a liberal Principal 
and the presence of several outstand- 
ing liberal teachers on the faculty, 
there has at times been very much 
resentment on the part of non-Negro 
students against the presence of Negro 
boys in the school. The immediate out- 
break at Franklin School was brought 
quickly under control. 

Threatened Demonstration 
In San Diego Schools 

Here the difficulty was due to the 
hiring of a Negro teacher. Despite 
protests made by a group of twenty- 
five citizens from the Pacific Beach 
community, William Payne, a Negro, 
was employed to teach in a San Diego 
junior high school. Ignoring the argu- 
ment of this protesting group that the 
Negro enrollment in the school was 
too small to warrant the hiring of a 
Negro teacher, Dr. Will C. Crawford, 
Superintendent of the San Diego 
schools, issued the following state- 
ment : 



"The appointment of Mr. William 
Payne to the staff of the San Diego 
city schools was of no particular sig- 
nificance as far as any change in our 
employment policy was concerned. By 
that I mean that Mr. Payne was a 
regular candidate for a teaching posi- 
tion, who met our requirements of edu- 
cational training, experience and char- 
acter. He was, therefore, appointed 
by the Board of Education and assigned 
to a position that seemed appropriate 
to his ability without any reference 
to the Negro enrollment in that par- 
ticular school." 

METHODS FOR IMPROVEMENT OF 

RAGE RELATIONS 
The Inter-racial Clinic 

The Inter-racial Clinic has come into 
prominence as a means for dea'ing 
with the mental-social health of com- 
munities. Under the auspices of the 
Federal Council of Churches of Christ 
in America, Dr. George Edmund 
Haynes, Director of the Department of 
Race Relations, prepared a most help- 
ful manual setting forth the organiza- 
tion, purposes, and techniques of the 
typical Inter-racial Clinic. Modeled 
after the earlier and much-used clinics 
having to do with physical, mental, 
and social abnormalities of individuals, 
the Inter-racial Clinic emphasizes the 
function of fact-finding in the solution 
of inter-racial problems. 

"Treatment for remedy and preven- 
tion," states Dr. Haynes in the manual, 
"call for the orienting of individuals 
and groups by factual analysis of their 
situations and consultation with those 
of widest knowledge and experience. 
... In dealing with individual and 
group inter-racial tensions and con- 
flicts, we face problems of mental ill- 
ness and must seek remedies for them 
as problems of mental health. . . . Be- 
sides, where inter-racial relations are 
wholesome and normal there is a defi- 
nite need of preventive measures." 
Community self-analysis, carried on 
by carefully selected committees under 
competent guidance, secures the essen- 
tial facts for the subsequent considera- 
tion and planned action of the clinic. 
"Specific problems such as employ- 
ment and housing needs, hospital or 
recreation facilities and the people 
involved are the specific case situa- 
tions that become the subjects of com- 
munity self-analysis and group dis- 
cussions by those who are seeking 
to find means of improving local hu- 
man relations. Acting upon the basis 
of their own discoveries through fact- 
finding and diagnostic analyses they 
decide on remedial or preventive ac- 
tion." The clinic not only makes use 



224 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



of its own leaders in social work, in- 
dustry, religion, labor, and the various 
professions but secures the help of 
consultants of national reputation from 
the outside. 

Under the leadership of the Depart- 
ment of Race Relations of the Federal 
Council of Churches of Christ in Amer- 
ica which has affiliated with it 135 
city and 35 State Councils of Churches 
with paid executives, the plan for In- 
ter-racial Clinics has been carried out 
in eighteen cities in Indiana, Illinois, 
New Jersey, Michigan, Ohio; Kansas 
City, Missouri, Portland, Oregon and 
Seattle, Washington. Techniques sim- 
ilar to those of the clinic have been 
used increasingly by other organiza- 
tions and institutions. 

The Springfield Plan 

Perhaps the earliest all-school-com- 
munity plan for inter-cultural educa- 
tion is that usually referred to as the 
Springfield, Massachusetts, Plan. In 
1939, Dr. Charles Granrud, Superin- 
tendent of Schools, who had long been 
concerned about the growing racial, re- 
ligious, economic, and political ten- 
sions in American life, appointed a 
committee to study the whole program 
of inter-group and citizen education. 
The committee itself, representing all 
levels of the Springfield public schools, 
was somewhat inter-cultural in nature. 

The general plan drawn up by this 
committee and later, with some modifi- 
cations, adopted as a guide for the 
school system was neither new nor sen- 
sational but was based on a philosophy 
of democracy accepted, at least vocally, 
by true Americans everywhere. The 
program thus adopted was essentially 
an organized effort to teach democratic 
citizenship by the practice of democ- 
racy on all levels of school and com- 
munity life. The principle of the pro- 
gram was expressed in the phrase, 
"living, learning, working, and think- 
ing together." Its three more or less 
unique characteristics are emphasis, 
continuity, and integration. Being an 
integral part of the whole educational 
scheme, the Springfield Plan cannot be 
separated as a specialized unit. An 
examination of the total factual and 
activity content, however, reveals a 
general pattern. Beyond the elemen- 
tary and high school grades of the 
city system, the plan extends into the 
evening adult school classes, into the 



placement of graduates, into public re- 
lations, into extra'-school activities, 
and into many spheres of school and 
city administration. 

National CIO Committee to 
Abolish Racial Discrimination 

In recent years, the Congress of In- 
dustrial Organizations has enunciated 
a sound racial policy and has had sig- 
nificant influence on other labor un- 
ions. In order that the stated purpose 
of the CIO, namely, "to bring about 
effective organization of the working 
men and women of America regard- 
less of race, creed, color, or nation- 
ality, and to unite them for common 
action into labor unions for their mu- 
tual aid and projection," might be 
translated into action, the National 
CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis- 
crimination was established in April, 
1943. This committee has been func- 
tioning largely in an advisory capacity 
and has sought to effect the organiza- 
tion of local affiliates in each Industrial 
Union Council, State, county, and mu- 
nicipal. One of the international un- 
ions, the United Packing House Work- 
ers of America, through its Anti-Dis- 
crimination Committee, has adopted 
a suggestive program which empha- 
sizes education, organization, and 
leadership training. 

Iiitercultural Education 
In New York City 

During the 1943-44 academic year, 
a plan "for the development of good 
human relations" through education 
was inaugurated in the public schools 
of New York City. In announcing the 
1944-45 expansion of the program, the 
Superintendent of Schools made the 
following suggestions to all teachers 
and supervisors: . 

"Each of us should exemplify at all 
times in word and in deed, complete 
respect for cultural differences; each 
should cooperate wholeheartedly with 
community programs designed to build 
attitudes of appreciation of the worth 
of all peoples; each should make the 
presence of bias a matter of grave con- 
cern; and each of us should take ad- 
vantage of every opportunity to impress 
respect for others as a prime obligation 
of all Americans." 

The Horace Mann-Lincoln 
School Neighborhood Center 

The Horace Mann-Lincoln School 
Neighborhood Center, New York City, 
began on a Saturday afternoon in No- 



TRENDS IN RACE RELATIONS 



225 



vember, 1944, when parents were in- 
vited to send their children, ages eight 
to sixteen years, to enroll in a program 
to give them experience in "demo- 
cratic living." Three hundred children 
of all backgrounds Negro, Chinese, 
Japanese, Irish, Italian, Portuguese, 
Puerto Rican, English participate un- 
der the supervision of thirteen white 
and Negro instructors conducting a 
variety of "classes," all of a hobby 
nature. A careful representation of 
all races was planned in choosing the 
children for the project: one-third 
from Horace Mann-Lincoln School and 
two-thirds from the schools, churches, 
and libraries of the immediate neigh- 
borhood. 

The "afternoon begins with an as- 
sembly at which movies and skits are 
shown. Celebrated artists of different 
cultural backgrounds o'ten dance, sing, 
and enchant their young audiences 
into participating with them. The rest 
of the five hours is spent in supervised 
educational activities." Over a period 
of time, the activities include the fol- 
lowing: (1) arts and crafts; (2) group 
games in gyms and playgrounds; (3) 
carpentry; (4) contemporary affairs 
discussion group; (5) drama group; 
(G) expressive dancing; (7) group 
music; (8) painting and drawing; (9) 
pottery; (10) sculpture; and (11) 
swimming. 

During the year 1944-45, the pro- 
gram was financed by the Neighbor- 
hood Committee of the Parent-Teacher 
Association of the Teachers College 
Schools and was supervised by Ernest 
G. Osborne and Goodwin Watson, Pro- 
fessors of Education, Columbia Uni- 
versity. 

Workshops in 
Inter-group Education 

The first workshop in inter-group 
education was held at the Colorado 
State College of Education during the 
summer of 1941. It was initiated by 
the National Conference of Christians 
and Jews and was sponsored by the 
Conference and the Bureau of Cultural 
Education. In 1942 a similar workshop 
was conducted at Teachers College, Co- 
lumbia University, in addition to the 
repeated workshop at the Colorado 
State College of Education. During 
the summer of 1945, at least twelve 
full-fledged workshops in inter-group 
education were carried on as follows: 



University of California, Berkeley, 
California; University of Chicago, Chi- 
cago, Illinois; Columbia University, 
New York City; University of Denver, 
Denver, Colorado; Eau Claire State 
Teachers College, Eau Claire, Wiscon- 
sin; Goddard College, Plainfield, Ver- 
mont; Harvard University, Cambridge, 
Massachusetts; University of Min- 
nesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota; Mil- 
waukee State Teachers College, Mil- 
waukee, Wisconsin; Oregon System of 
Higher Education, Portland, Oregon; 
Stanford University, California; Syra- 
cuse University, Syracuse, New York; 
and University of Wisconsin, Madison, 
Wisconsin. 

Most of these workshops are planned 
for students of graduate standing. In 
addition to the leader of the work- 
shop group, consultants from various 
related fields assist from time to time. 

TRENDS IN RACE RELATIONS 

The following summary of trends in 
race relations was prepared by Ar- 
lene Wolf, Associated Press news- 
features writer, and appeared in the 
Birmingham News- Age-Herald, Novem- 
ber 17, 1946: 

General Nature 
Of Efforts 

Although the war-time spur for na- 
tional unity is absent, the fight for 
tolerance for minority groups of every 
description is being carried on with 
sustained vigor in many parts of the 
country. Positive efforts for racial 
tolerance range from state-wide anti- 
discrimination acts protecting every 
citizen's right to hold a job to such 
purely local projects as the work of 
an Oklahoma City YWCA to accustom 
Negroes and whites to working to- 
gether within the organization. These 
efforts involve not only Negroes, but 
Jews, Nisei, and other racial and re- 
ligious groups. They range from na- 
tion-wide drives conducted by such 
organizations as the National Confer- 
ence of Christians and Jews and the 
National Association for the Advance- 
ment of Colored People to individual 
community efforts to combat a particu- 
lar local problem. 

The "Detroit Experiment," for ex- 
ample, started as the result of the 
1943 race riot and branched out into a 
city project spearheaded by the city- 
financed inter-racial committee, work- 



226 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



ing through schools, business groups 
and other civic organizations. Similar 
projects around the country are char- 
acteristic of what is called "the trend 
of the times," by Dr. Clyde Miller, As- 
sociate Professor at Teachers College 
in New York and speaker for the 
League for Fair Play. "There is a 
growing feeling on the part of just or- 
dinary citizens," he says, "that inter- 
group (racial and religious) antago- 
nisms violate the principles on which 
our American democracy is founded, 
and violate the ethics of all the great 
religions." 

But, although there are hundreds of 
such projects, public and private, they 
have not by any means completely 
stamped out group tensions. Chicago, 
which has 20 agencies working for tol- 
erance, reports twice as many inci- 
dents of violence involving racial con- 
flict as before V-J Day. There are still 
large areas where nothing worthy of 
mention on the tolerance fight is re- 
ported. There are still reports of 
mob disorders, lynchings and individu- 
al beating of Negroes. And there are 
still Ku Klux Klans, says Dr. Miller, 
who points out that with more people 
fighting intolerance the forces of bigot- 
ry are bound to mobilize to fight back 
not merely against efforts to further 
Negro-white relations, but against 
peace and unity among various re- 
ligious groups as well. 

Most of the tolerance victories so far 
have been achieved on the State or 
community level, with nation-wide leg- 
islation still very much in the forma- 
tive stage. Various groups are urging 
repassage of the national emergency 
Fair Employment Practices Act which 
lapsed this year when the committee 
was voted no more money. It will be 
brought up again before the new Con- 
gress. The anti-lynching bill has been 
before Congress on and off for ten 
years, and probably will come up 
again. So will bills to prohibit dis- 
criminatory leasing of housing proj- 
ects, aided by Federal funds, against 
segregation of job applicants in the 
United States Employment Service 
offices, and to outlaw Jim Crow in 
inter-state travel. All these bills, how- 
ever, are very much in the future. 

Tolerance Activities 
At The State Level 

On the State level, legislative action 
has been taken in four States. New 



York, Massachusetts, and New Jersey 
have anti-discrimination, or Fair Em- 
ployment Practices Laws in operation. 
Minnesota has an equal rights law 
enacted in 1885 and recently broad- 
ened to prevent discriminations aris- 
ing from national origins or religion. 
Lobbying for a fair employment law 
has been going on for several years in 
Oregon, where such organizations as 
the League of Women Voters question 
candidates on their view of FEPC and 
endorse them accordingly. Chicago 
has a local ordinance enforced by a 
civil rights bureau modeled after the 
United States Department of Justice 
Civil Rights Bureau. 

In the last election, however, Cal- 
ifornia voters heavily defeated an in- 
itiative proposition for FEPC which 
would have prevented racial, religious 
or nationality discrimination as a con- 
dition of employment or membership, 
in a labor union. In Alabama, a con- 
stitutional amendment admittedly de- 
signed to make it more difficult for 
Negroes to vote by tightening up voter 
qualifications was approved by a close 
margin in a referendum vote. 

Community Projects in 
Mutual Understanding 

The fight to mobilize good will has 
been particularly successful in certain 
localities. The success of the famous 
"Springfield Plan" to combat intoler- 
ance, for example, has encouraged 
other cities to start similar projects 
among them Newark, New Jersey; 
Pittsburgh, Pa.; Cincinnati, Ohio; 
Portland, Oregon; Cleveland, Ohio; 
New York; Denver, Colo.; Bloomfield, 
N. J.; Dayton, Ohio; Los Angeles and 
Santa Barbara, Calif., the League for 
Fair Play reports. These plans, now 
in various stages ranging from pure 
idea to actual operation, seek to unite 
the entire community in the project, 
and work particularly through civic 
organizations and the public school 
systems to promote understanding of 
all groups. 

In addition, Minneapolis and sixteen 
other school systems now are engaged 
in a nation-wide project on inter- 
group education sponsored by the 
American Council on Education. Sev- 
eral cities have official or semi-official 
civic agencies working on the problem. 
In addition to Chicago's Civil Rights 
Bureau and its Mayor's Human Rela- 
tions Committee, there is the Cleveland 



VOLUNTARY AGENCIES CONCERNED WITH RACE 1 RELATIONS 227 



Community Relations Board, which 
the city believes was the first such 
agency to be made an official part of 
city government. Created in 1945, the 
Board promotes educational activities, 
and does a "fireman's" job in dealing 
with individual incidents, working 
with police and other officials, and gen- 
erally coordinating the work of other 
groups. 

Los Angeles' two-year-old Commit- 
tee on Human Relations surveys tense 
areas and attempts to solve inter- 
group problems with additional places 
of worship, community enterprises, 
and help for individual families where 
needed. New York has its Mayor's 
Committee on Unity, and so does 
Seattle, Wash., where positive results 
have included the employment of the 
first Negro bus driver hired by the 
city transit system. Similar commit- 
tees are in operation in Minneapolis 
and St. Paul, and on the state level, 
the Governor's Inter-racial Commis- 
sion of Minnesota. 

Several municipalities have made 
special efforts to train their police 
officers to understand and cope with 
delicate inter-racial situations. In 
Youngstown, Ohio, for example, twen- 
ty-three members of the police force 
recently were given thorough instruc- 
tion in dealing with these difficulties 
in a special program devised by the 
American Council on Race Relations. 
Police officers have received similar 
training in Richmond, Calif.; Min- 
neapolis, Minn.; Detroit and San Fran- 
cisco, where the Ku Klux Klan charter, 
incidentally, finally has been revoked. 

Some cities like Baltimore have 
private groups to better inter-racial 
relations, although a Little Theater 
producer who recently tried operating 
on a non-segregation basis there was 
forced to close because whites general- 
ly refused to attend. Louisville's com- 
mittee recently was disbanded for lack 
of funds. Des Moines reports a small, 
but significant victory in the appoint- 
ment of its first regular Negro teacher. 
Chicago's Council Against Racial and 
Religious Discrimination is urging 
colleges and universities to drop quota 
admissions for Negro and Jewish stu- 
dents, and funds have been appropri- 
ated to investigate a similar situation 
in New York. San Diego, Calif., be- 
lieves it is the first to have a city- 
sponsored survey of inter-group rela- 
tions made by the American Council 



on Race Relations at the city's re- 
quest. 

All these projects, national, State, 
and local, combine to produce an at- 
titude which Dr. Miller calls the real- 
ization of the need for unity now, 
even when the war is over. "Even 
the most conservative people," he says, 
"see that American influence in the 
world cannot be effective if we violate 
our democracy at home." 

NATIONAL VOLUNTARY AGENCIES 

CONCERNED WITH RACE 

RELATIONS 

American Civil Liberties Union 
(1920) ; 170 Fifth Ave., New York City. 

This organization is a champion of civil 
liberties in America defending alike 
the liberties of majorites as well as 
minorities. Its purpose is to protect 
freedom of speech, of the press, and of 
assemblage by combating repressive 
legislation and the acts of individuals 
in violation of civil liberties; to aid in 
defense of cases in courts; and to car- 
ry test cases to the higher courts. 
Over 5,000 cases have been handled in 
the courts and with public officials. 
The Union supported the campaign for 
the FEPC; joined in suits to equalize 
Negro teachers' salaries; challenged seg- 
regated draft quotas and exclusion or 
segregation by labor unions; fought 
"white supremacy" cases; fought stage 
and literature censorship in Boston and 
elsewhere taking "Strange Fruit" to 
the Massachusetts Supreme Court. The 
Civil Liberties Union has carried on 
jointly with over fifty agencies in de- 
fense of civil rights and has handled 
over 500 individual cases. Among its 
several committees is the Committee 
Against Race Discrimination. The Un- 
ion issues mimeographed weekly bul- 
letins, The Civil Liberties Quarterly, 
and The Yearly Review. 

Carnegie Corporation of Neiv York 
(1911); 522 Fifth Avenue, New York 
City. 

During the recent years the Corpora- 
tion program has included grants 
chiefly in library service, the arts, and 
educational and scientific research. The 
agencies through which its work has 
been carried on are colleges, universi- 
ties, national organizations, and profes- 
sional and learned societies. A five- 
year study sponsored by the Corpora- 
tion resulted in the most comprehensive 
report on the Negro in American life, 
published in two volumes in 1944 under 
the direction and authorship of Gunnar 
Myrdal. These volumes are entitled An 
American Dilemma The Negro Prob- 
lem and American Democracy. This en- 
cyclopedic study, made possible by the 
liberal assistance of the Corporation, 
draws upon a considerable body of in- 
tensive studies prepared by American 
scholars and specialists in the field of 
race relations. 



228 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



Common Council for American Unity 
(1919); Willkie Memorial Building, 20 
West 40th Street, New York City. 
Purposes and Activities: 

To help create among American peo- 
ple the mutual understanding result- 
ing from a common citizenship, a com- 
mon belief in democracy and the ideals 
of liberty, the placing of the common 
good before the interests of the group, 
and the acceptance, in fact as well 
as in law, of all citizens, whatever their 
national or racial origins, as equal 
partners in American life; to further 
an appreciation of what each group 
has contributed to America, to uphold 
the freedom to be different, and to 
encourage the growth of an American 
culture which will be truly representa- 
tive of all the elements that make up 
the American people; to overcome in- 
tolerance and discrimination because of 
national origin, race or creed. The 
Common Ground Quarterly published 
by the Council contains high class 
articles bearing on the purposes in- 
dicated above. 

Federal Council of the Churches of 
Christ in America (1908); 297 Fourth 
Ave., New York City. 
Purpose and Activities: 

To secure effective cooperation among 
the Protestant churches in local, State, 
and national areas; to develop a spirit 
of larger unity; and to serve as a cen- 
ter through which the churches can 
deal unitedly with the social, inter- 
racial, and international problems of 
common concern. Among the Council's 
departments are the following: the 
Church and Social Service; Race Rela- 
tions; and Research and Education. A 
new Commission on the Church and 
Minority Peoples seeks to give guid- 
ance in the special problems of racial 
and cultural minorities. The Council 
issues Information Service, weekly; and 
the Federal Council Bulletin, monthly. 
General Education Board (1902); 49 
West 49th St., New York City. 

By its generous contributions to Ne- 
gro education, and, more recently, to 
programs looking toward the improve- 
ment of race relations and the lifting 
of the general level of life in the South- 
ern States, the General Education 
Board is an important factor in the 
field of race relations. The Board is 
now putting emphasis on the stimula- 
tion of programs being carried out by 
other agencies in the field. As illustra- 
tion of this may be mentioned the 
grant to the National Urban League, 
first, for the development of a South- 
ern area program, and, second, for com- 
munity relations programs in selected 
industrial centers. To mention all the 
types of encouragement to a better un- 
derstanding of race relations given by 
the General Education Board would 
require much more space than is here 
allowed. 

National Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Colored People (1909); 
20 W. 40th Street, New York City. 

A major purpose of the Association 
is to combat the unfavorable discrim- 



ination which colored people and other 
minority groups experience in the 
United States; to safeguard their civil, 
legal, economic, and political rights; 
and to secure for them equality of op- 
portunity with all other citizens. In 
1939, there was incorporated into the 
organization the Legal Defense and 
Educational Fund, Inc., with the fol- 
lowing functions: To render legal 
aid gratuitously to such Negroes as 
are suffering legal injustices by rea- 
son of race or color and are unable 
to employ and engage legal aid and 
assistance on account of poverty; to 
seek and promote the educational facil- 
ities for Negroes who are denied the 
same by reason of race or color; and 
to conduct research, and collect, compile, 
and publish information concerning 
educational facilities and opportunities 
for Negroes and the inequality in such 
facilities provided for Negroes out of 
public funds. The Association pub- 
lishes, monthly, the magazine, The 
Crisis, and, also monthly except 
August, the NAACP Bulletin. 
National Ur'ban League (1910) ; 1133 
Broadway, New York City. 

Activities of the League are 
planned: 

To promote inter-racial organization 
and action; to improve economic and 
social conditions among Negro popula- 
tions in cities; to conduct social re- 
search and planning in behalf of the 
Negro populati6n; to promote specific 
social work activities among Negroes 
until other agencies are found to ac- 
cept responsibility for such programs; 
to promote the occupational advance- 
ment of Negroes by carrying on pro- 
grams of industrial relations, vocational 
guidance, and public education; and to 
encourage the training of Negro social 
workers through fellowships in accred- 
ited schools of social work. Under grant 
from the General Education Board, the 
league has been carrying on a demon- 
stration project aimed at relieving ra- 
cial tensions and improving welfare 
services to Negroes in selected indus- 
trial communities. Reports of this and 
other League activities are published in 
occasional bulletins and pamphlets. 
The League publishes, quarterly, Op- 
portunity, Journal of Negro Life. 

Phelps-Stokes Fund (1911); 101 
Park Ave., New York City. 

The Fund has devoted its major at- 
tention to Negro education and race 
relations in the United States and 
Africa, and the improvement of New 
York City housing conditions. In the 
field of social work it has sponsored 
the University Commission on Race 
Relations; the Commission on Inter- 
racial Cooperation; the Committee on 
Negro American in Defense Industries; 
the Committee on Africa, the War, and 
Peace Aims; and various inter-racial 
institutes, making the problem of re- 
lations between the white and Negro 
groups in this country and Africa one 
of its major interests. The Fund is now 
especially concerned with advancing 
projects in the interest of improving 
training of Negro ministers, in promot- 



VOLUNTARY AGENCIES CONCERNED WITH RACE RELATIONS 229 



ing mutually sympathetic race rela- 
tions through education, and in the 
work of advancing education in Liberia. 

Rockefeller Foundation (1913); 49 
West 49th St., New York City. 

An all-inclusive purpose of the Foun- 
dation is to promote the well-being of 
mankind throughout the world. The 
Foundation is concerned specifically 
with certain problems in the fields 
of medical science, natural science, 
the humanities and public health, 
contributes toward those activities of 
institutions which give promise of ad- 
vancing objectives of its program; and, 
in addition, in the field of public health, 
it cooperates with governments in the 
development of general health activ- 
ities and control of certain diseases. In 
a single year, 1945, the Foundation ap- 
propriatpd $11,984,907. Of this amount, 
$1 942,400 were appropriated in the field 
of the social sciences. The book value 
of the principal fund of the Foundation 
as of December, 1944, was $144,833,347. 
Rosenwald Fund (Julius Rosenwald) 
(1917); 4901 Ellis Ave., Chicago, Il- 
linois. 

The activities of the Fund have 
evolved from an emphasis on the con- 
struction of schools for Negro children 
in the South to its present emphasis on 
general efforts to improve race rela- 
tions throughout the country. Activ- 
ities of the latter sort include grants 
to a number of agencies working in 
this sphere, the preparation of special 
studies and reports, the distribution of 
books and pamphlets, and conferences 
and consultation with interested groups. 
In addition, the Julius Rosenwald Fund 
is at present supporting an educational 
program for teachers for work in the 
rural schools of the South, both Negro 
and white; and awards about seventy 
fellowships annually for exceptionally 
promising Negroes, white Southerners, 
and persons of any race or creed who 
are working or planning to work in the 
field of race relations. 
Russell Sage Foundation (1907); 
130 East 22nd St., New York City. 

The purpose of the Foundation is to 
promote the improvement of social and 
living conditions in the United States. 
The members of the staff of the Foun- 
dation study social conditions and 
methods of social work; interpret the 
findings; make available the informa- 
tion by publications, conferences, and 
other means; and seek to stimulate ac- 
tion for social betterment. The Russell 
Sage Library, located in the Foundation 
building, contains more than 200,000 
books and pamphlets in the field of so- 
cial studies probably the most com- 
plete collection relating to social prob- 
lems and social work in the United 
States. This library is for the free use 
of anyone desiring information within 
its scope. Inquiries by mail may be 
made by those who cannot visit the li- 
brary in person. Bibliographical help 
ranging from two or three titles to a 
comprehensive bibliography is furnished 
on request. 



National Voluntary Agencies 
Established Since 1938 

American Council On Race Relations 
(1944); 19th Floor, 32 West Randolph 
St., Chicago, Illinois. 

The Council was organized in the 
summer of 1944 by a group of promi- 
nent leaders in the field of race rela- 
tions. The Council's efforts are di- 
rected toward the achievement of full 
participation by all citizens in all as- 
pects of American life. More specifical- 
ly, the organization strives to achieve 
for all groups and individuals: (1) full 
opportunity for employment in accord- 
ance with ability, training, and ex- 
perience: (2) free living space, without 
the bars of restrictive covenants or 
other segregation devices, and full ac- 
cess to public housing; (3) full access, 
without segregation, to public schools 
and to other public services; (4) equal- 
ity before the law, with fair and im- 
partial treatment by the police; (5) ex- 
ercise of the full rights of citizens in 
regard to voting and holding office. 
Organization of the Council was made 
possible by initial grants from the 
Julius Rosenwald Fund and the Mar- 
shall Field Foundation. An important 
activity of the Council is in the matter 
of developing and disseminating ma- 
terials for use in public schools and 
other educational institutions. 

American Film Center, Committee on 
Mass Education in Race Relations 
(1943); 45 Rockefeller Plaza, New 
York 10, New York. 

The Committee was formed in 1943 
in an effort to find means of reaching 
the masses of people and helping to 
educate them through popular media. 
Films, radio, theater, and pictorial 
media are employed to disseminate in- 
formation about the Negro in Amer- 
ica his history and culture, his con- 
tributions, his problems, his vision of 
and plans for adjustment in the con- 
temporary world. The Committee is 
planning the projection of educational 
films: for mixed audiences, Negro 
audiences, and white audiences, all with 
the basic purpose of influencing atti- 
tudes in matters of race relations. 

American Friends Race Relations 
Committee (1944); 20 South 12th St., 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

The Race Relations Committee's work 
was begun in 1944 through a number of 
definite projects planned to bring about 
better understanding between the races. 
The establishment of inter-racial work- 
camps, inter-racial institutes, and com- 
munity centers has done much to 
realize the objectives of the Commit- 
tee. "Whatever concerns human beings 
in distress, whatever may help to free 
individuals, groups and nations from 
fear, hate or narrowness these are 
subjects for the Committee's considera- 
tion." The Committee cooperates with 
meetings and conferences in various 
parts of the country in the field of 
race relations and in such emergencies 
as the Philadelphia Transit Strike in 
August, 1944. It cooperates with other 



230 



THE RACE PROBLEM AND RACE RELATIONS IN THE U. S. 



groups to rally public support for the 
principle of equal opportunity. 

Bureau For Inter cultural Education 
(1939); 1697 Broadway, New York 19, 
New York. 

The work of the Bureau was begun 
by The American Education Fellowship 
(formerly Progressive Education As- 
sociation) in 1936. The following types 
of services are rendered by the Bureau: 
(1) service of public schools from 1936 
to 1943 in-service courses were given to 
1,500 teachers in the New York Public 
Schools in the techniques of inter- 
cultural education; similar services 
have been rendered in more than eight 
other cities through institutes for 
teachers; and the Bureau serves as a 
workshop and library where educators 
may come to consult about their prob- 
lems; (2) development of techniques 
through experiments in selected schools 
and the lessons learned made available 
through the Bureau's publications; and 
(3) summer workshops in inter-cultural 
education sponsored and directed at a 
number of colleges and universities, in- 
cluding Colorado State Teachers Col- 
lege, University of California, Harvard 
University, and Teachers College of Co- 
lumbia University. 

Council For Democracy (1940); 11 

West 42nd Street, New York 18, New 

York. 

The Council was formed in 1940 to 
aid in attempts to establish a faith in 
democracy and the democratic process 
through a non-partisan group of cit- 
izens of all backgrounds and outlooks. 
In the field of race relations it is work- 
ing to break down discrimination and 
to promote tolerance between different 
religious and racial groups. A survey 
made by the Council of Negro-white 
attitudes in a considerable number of 
industrial plants and unions was widely 
used by the American Management As- 
sociation, the National Foreman's Club, 
and as a basis for conferences with 
management groups throughout the 
country. In the spring of 1944 the 
Council surveyed labor-management 
committees to learn how they were 
handling plant morale problems. Other 
important surveys have been carried 
on by the Council. 
League for National Unity, Inc., 

(1944); Woolworth Building, New 

York 7, New York. 

The League was founded in the early 
part of 1944, under the leadership of 
Dr. E. George Payne, Dean Emeritus 
of the School of Education of New York 
University. The League carries on a 
research program in New York schools 
with a view to determining the condi- 
tions under which racial and religious 
prejudice, stereotypes, conventional 
thinking, and attitudes which interfere 
with American unity originate. This 
program will be extended and directed 
from the School of Education of New 
York University, in cooperation with 
the Graduate School of Arts and 
Science. It will be the purpose not only 
to determine the causes and origins 
of these prejudices and attitudes, but 



the educational program and curri- 
culum content necessary to bring about 
changes in community and pupil at- 
titudes. A professorship dealing with 
Negro culture and education has been 
established in the University. 

Race Relations Division, American 
Missionary Association (1942); Social 
Science Institute, Fisk University, 
Nashville, Tennessee. 

In January, 1942, the Association 
established a Division of Race Rela- 
tions which offers the services of its 
staff in several forms of work: (1) 
Common Ground Workers; staff mem- 
bers available to communities desiring 
skilled assistance in organizing them- 
selves for constructive solution of local 
inter-racial problems, such as those 
arising in connection with housing, 
restrictive covenants, labor and em- 
ployment practices, transportation, wel- 
fare, recreation, and community plan- 
ning. (2) Counsel by correspondence on 
how to develop action programs, in- 
stitutes, or start courses on race re- 
lations, where to turn for speakers, ma- 
terials, or book lists and the like. (3) 
An annual national institute of race 
relations, located in 1944, 1945, and 
1946 at Fisk University. (4) Prepara- 
tion of materials on request for na- 
tional and state-wide organizations and 
periodicals. 

Southern Conference for Human 

Welfare (1939); 808 Perdido Street, 

New Orleans 12, Louisiana. 

The interests and the purposes of 
the Conference are broad, touching 
many aspects of Southern life eco- 
nomic, political, educational, inter- 
racial. The immediate program of the 
organization includes the following: (1) 
resource planning and development; 
(2) improving living standards; (3) 
civil rights; (4) political action; (5) 
world wide citizenship; (6) equaliza- 
tion of educational opportunities; (7) 
cooperation with other agencies having 
similar objectives. The Conference 
takes the position that racial discrim- 
ination is not only un-democratic and 
un-Christian, but a hindrance to the 
social and economic progress of even 
the favored race. Factual materials 
bearing on the objectives of the organ- 
ization are disseminated through its 
monthly publication, The Southern 
Patriot. The 1946 issues of this publi- 
cation have contained such articles 
as the following: "The Black and White 
of It In Education," "Federal Aid for 
Education in the South," "An Analysis 
of the FEPC Bill," "The Ku Klux Klan 
Rides Again," "What's Wrong With 
Southern Industry," "The Plight of 
Southern Agriculture," and the "Health 
Problem of the South." 
Southern Education Foundation, 

Inc., (1937); 726 Jackson PI., N. W., 

Washington, D. C. 

This Foundation is composed of four 
funds as follows: the John F. Slater 
Fund (1882); the George Peabody Fund 
(1918); the Anna T. Jeanes Fund 
(1907); and the Virginia Randolph Fund 
(1943). The purpose of all these funds 



VOLUNTARY AGENCIES CONCERNED WITH RACE RELATIONS 231 



is to improve the educational and liv- 
ing conditions of the Negro race. This 
objective is promoted by grants of 
money, or through the cooperation of 
the officers of the Foundation with 
such officials and others, or in such 
other ways as may be determined by 
the board of directors. At present, the 
chief activity is to aid in the support of 
some 475 supervisors of Negro rural 
schools. 
Southern Regional Council (1944); 

Room 432, 63 Auburn Avenue, N. E., 

Atlanta 3, Georgia. 

The Southern Regional Council was 
organized in February, 1944, to carry 
on, with a new orientation, the work 
of the Commission on Inter-racial 
Cooperation, and to implement the ideas 
and instructions growing out of the 
conference of Southern Negroes, held in 
Durham, North Carolina, 1942, the Con- 
ference of Southern whites held in 
Atlanta, Geoi'gia, 1943, and the confer- 
ence of Negroes and whites held in 



Richmond, Virginia, 1943. In pursuing 
its objectives, the Council attempts to 
encourage the development of action 
groups at local, state, and regional 
levels; recruit and develop leadership; 
develop necessary research through the 
universities and colleges of the region; 
seek to remold and articulate public 
opinion through the radio, press, speak- 
ers, and publications ; cooperate with 
and stimulate action in the region from 
Federal, State, and local governments; 
conduct special experiments and pro- 
grams in an effort to effect desirable 
changes in the South; render such 
specialized services as may be neces- 
sary; hold technical conferences; pro- 
mote fuller participation in democratic 
processes in the South, as in regis- 
tration and voting; and utilize with 
greater effectiveness the untapped re- 
sources of the region. The Council 
publishes a monthly paper, The New 
South, and other educational materials 
from time to time. 



DIVISION X 

RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 

By CHARLES R. LAWRENCE, JB. 
Fisk University 



The race riot is a form of group 
conflict in which aggregates of persons 
identifying themselves as members of 
a race conscious group take on the 
characteristics of a crowd (mob) and 
commit acts of violence indiscrimi- 
nately against members of another 
race conscious group. This section 
will review the phenomenon of the 
race riot as it has recurred in the 
United States during World War II 
and the year following the cessation 
of active warfare. The incidents con- 
sidered in this review are those which 
meet the foregoing criteria and which 
have been of sufficient magnitude to 
gain widespread notice. 

The major outbreaks which have oc- 
curred during the period in question 
were as follows: 

1. The Sojourner Truth Housing 
Riot (Detroit) February, 1942. 

2. The Alabama Drydock and Ship- 
building Co. Industrial Riot, Mo- 
bile, Alabama May, 1943. 

3. The Beaumont, Texas Riot June, 
1943. 

4. The "Zoot Suit" Riots in Los An- 
geles June, 1943. 

5. The Detroit Riot June, 1943. 

6. The Harlem Riot July, 1943. 

7. The Columbia, Tennessee Riot- 
February, 1946. 

8. The Athens, Alabama Riot Au- 
gust, 1946. 

Each of the above incidents will be 
related briefly; after which, the simi- 
larities and differences among them 
will be examined. 

THE SOJOURNER TRUTH 
HOUSING RIOT 

The Sojourner Truth Housing Riot 
is significant, not because of the num- 
ber of persons participating; for the 
actual violence was relatively localized 
and only a few persons were involved; 
it is rather important because of the 
prophetic shadow which it cast toward 
the Detroit Riot still sixteen months 
away and as an illustration of how a 
great metropolis ignored signs which, 



in retrospect, at least, were gravely 
portentous. 

In 1932, the Detroit City Planning 
Commission suggested that a site at 
Nevada and Fenelon be used for a pub- 
lic housing project for Negroes. It was 
not, however, until ten years later that 
this suggestion came to fruition in the 
completion of the $1,000,000 Sojourner 
Truth Housing Project. Named for an 
indefatigable Negro woman worker in 
the abolitionist and woman suffragist 
movements, this project was intended 
from the beginning to house Negroes. 
As soon as the plan for constructing 
the project became known protests 
were raised by certain questionable 
groups. Foremost among these were 
the Seven-Mile Road Fenelon Improve- 
ment Association and the National 
Workers League. These organizations 
circulated petitions against the pro- 
posed occupancy of the houses and 
presented these to the Detroit Hous- 
ing Board and the City Council. They 
distributed highly inflammatory hand- 
bills in nearby neighborhoods, prophe- 
sying disorder, violence, rape, and 
mayhem as the inevitable results of 
bringing in Negro families. They 
journeyed to Washington and secured 
the cooperation of their Congressman 
in bringing pressure upon the Fed- 
eral Housing Authority to have the 
proposed nature of occupancy of the 
project changed. There was official 
vacillation. At one point it is reported 
that assurance was given that the 
houses would be re-designated and as- 
signed for white workers and their 
families; but the counter-pressure 
from Negro organizations, and the 
courageous stand of a high Washing- 
ton war "housing official, caused the 
project finally to be awarded to Ne- 
groes. 

The housing project was declared 
ready for occupancy in February, 1942; 
and eligible tenants were notified that 
they might move in on February 28. 
Sometime after midnight of February 
27, a band of white pickets, recruited 
as a result of the activities of the 



232 



ALABAMA DRYDOCK AND INDUSTRIAL RIOT 



233 



Seven-Mile-Fenelon Improvement Asso- 
ciation and the National Workers 
League, began forming around the 
project. By the time the first vanload 
of household goods arrived to be 
moved into an apartment, an estimated 
200 pickets, armed principally with 
clubs and baseball bats, were on hand. 
The movers were ordered not to enter 
the project by the pickets. A large 
number of police were on hand by this 
time also; but they were not success- 
ful in protecting the families as they 
attempted to move in. 

A few minutes after the first un- 
successful effort to move into the proj- 
ect, a truck carrying about fifteen Ne- 
groes, said to have also been armed 
with clubs, arrived on the scene. These 
men were quickly set upon by the 
pickets. During the ensuing melee, it 
was quite evident that the police had 
joined in, not as peacemakers, but as 
partisans of those who were seeking to 
impede the entrance of duly certified 
tenants upon United States Government 
property. It was painfully obvious to 
observers that, while the police and 
back of them, the City Administration 
had made no effort to disperse the 
clearly unpeaceable assembly of 200 
white pickets, and while no positive 
steps had been taken to assist the 
legitimate tenants in moving in or to 
restrain their attackers, the first re- 
taliatory move by the tenants and 
their friends were taken as an occa- 
sion for attack. 

The Negro families did not move 
into the apartments on February 28, 
as scheduled. It was several weeks 
later before officials felt that the move 
could safely be made. 

By April, following an investigation 
by the Department of Justice, Parker 
Sage, President, and Garland L. Acker- 
man, Secretary-Treasurer, of the Na- 
tional Workers League, were indicted 
on charges of conspiracy. The men 
did not come to trial on the charges; 
however, it was an open secret that the 
NWL was an incipient fascist organiza- 
tion. 

The Sojourner Truth clash demon- 
strated that there was a pressing need 
for training of Detroit police in the 
handling of conflict situations. There 
was shown an especial need for educat- 
ing the police with regard to race re- 
lations. There was little or no evi- 
dence during the major riot sixteen 
months later that this need had been 
met in the meantime. 



THE ALABAMA DRYDOCK AND 

SHIPBUILDING COMPANY (ADSCO) 

INDUSTRIAL RIOT 

The spring and summer of 1943 was 
one of the most critical periods in the 
battle of production of World War II. 
There was a severe manpower shortage 
throughout the country, a shortage 
rendered more acute by widespread 
practice of racial discrimination in 
employment, promotion and upgrading. 
The shipbuilding industry of the Gulf 
Coast was especially pressed by the 
shortage of skilled workers and had 
been among the industries within 
which very definite occupational ceil- 
ings were placed upon Negro workers. 
Thousands of white workers had been 
brought into the Mobile, Alabama area 
workers for whom existing and ex- 
tended facilities for housing, health, 
recreation and transportation were far 
from adequate. These thousands of 
white war workers were imported at 
a time when a large reservoir of Ne- 
gro workers was either employed on 
less urgent jobs or under-utilized as 
unskilled laborers or service employees 
in the shipyards. 

Under the triple pressure of a strin- 
gent labor market, a reconstituted 
President's Committee on Fair Em- 
ployment Practices and the Union of 
Marine Shipbuilders (CIO), the Ala- 
bama Drydock and Shipbuilding Com- 
pany (ADSCO), suddenly promoted a 
small group of Negroes to posts as 
welders in late May, 1943. As soon as 
the news of the upgrading of Negroes 
became known around the yard there 
were manifestations of resentment on 
the part of white workers. At a change 
of shifts on May 25, mobs of white 
workers began surrounding Negroes 
and beating them. The most active 
phase of the rioting lasted for several 
hours, during which time Negro work- 
ers were beaten indiscriminately and 
chased from the yard. The rioting was 
quelled only when all Negro .personnel 
were ordered from the yard pending 
settlement of the dispute. 

The exact number of persons in- 
jured in this frenzy of mob action is 
not known. There were rumors and 
counter-rumors among Negro and 
white groups, but most of these re- 
mained unsubstantiated. This much is 
known: The violence had more the 
nature of an organized mob attack than 
a race riot. Official reports listed eight 



234 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



Negroes and one white person as in- 
jured. 

The ADSCO mob action was a signal 
for ameliorative activity on the part 
of government agencies, labor and 
management. The cooperative efforts 
of the War Manpower Commission, the 
Maritime Commission, the President's 
Committee on Fair Employment Prac- 
tice, ADSCO, and the CIO Union re- 
sulted in an agreement whereby a 
segregated shipway was set aside and 
subsequently others in which Negroes 
were permitted to advance to as highly 
skilled positions as were available 
within a given way. White persons 
would only remain on these ways, ac- 
cording to the agreement, until such 
time as Negro workers were trained to 
take their places. This agreement was 
met by a mixed reaction among Ne- 
groes. While some hailed it as assur- 
ing Negroes an opportunity to enjoy 
fuller utilization of their potential 
skills, others were equally sure that 
it would result in placing a severe 
limitation upon the highly skilled jobs 
available to Negroes in the yard. At 
least one union spokesman has claimed 
that the actual result of the segregated 
arrangement was some break in the 
pattern of segregation in the yard ; for, 
according to this person, as skilled 
workers were needed from one way to 
another, there was little disposition to 
restrict Negroes to "their" ways. 1 

THE BEAUMONT, TEXAS RIOT 

From 1940 to June, 1943, the popula- 
tion of Beaumont, Texas increased by 
nearly a third from 59,061 to an esti- 
mated 77,000 persons. It possessed the 
housing, recreational, and other civic 
problems generally characteristic of 
war-swollen communities. Its ship- 
building, rubber, and oil industries 
employed a significant proportion of 
Negroes, but generally restricted them 
to unskilled jobs. Beaumont boasted 
of its "good race relations," having had 
no major racial incident in over 25 
years. 

The Cause of the Riot 

On June 9, a white woman mother 
of three children, claimed that she had 
been raped by a Negro to whom she 
had given food and an odd job cutting 
her lawn. Several suspects were ar- 
rested, but the woman could not iden- 

a Personal interview with the writer, Au- 
gust, 1945. 



tify her alleged assailant. Moreover, 
her story contained numerous contra- 
dictions. When the children were ques- 
tioned by police, for example, it is re- 
ported that they said they had seen no 
man around all day. 

Soon after the woman's charge be- 
came known and when it was rumored 
that a Negro suspect had been ar- 
rested, a mob of white men appeared 
at the jail and demanded the man in 
order that they might lynch him. The 
officer in charge of the jail stated that 
he was holding no prisoner in connec- 
tion with the rape charge and is re- 
ported to have invited a committee 
from the mob to come in and investi- 
gate. The committee found no Negroes 
in the jail. They were already greatly 
agitated, however and were apparently 
encouraged by the deferential treat- 
ment accorded the group by the jail 
official. 

Not satisfied with finding that no 
Negro was then under arrest for the 
alleged crime, the mob left the jail and 
turned toward the Negro business sec- 
tion. On arriving in this section the 
mob engaged in an orgy of violence 
and vandalism that lasted for several 
hours. Negroes were attacked both in 
this section and in other parts of the 
town's business area. Business houses 
were wrecked and looted. Texas 
Rangers (State Police) were ordered 
to the scene and martial law envoked 
before the rioting was brought under 
control. 

During the course of the rioting 
most Negro citizens remained in their 
homes whence they had fled. There 
were no reports of organized or in- 
dividual resistance. Indeed, the riot 
came as a complete surprise to Beau- 
mont's Negroes. 

More than seventy-five Negroes were 
injured two fatally during the riot. 
Several hundred thousand dollars 
worth of property was destroyed by 
breakage, looting, and fire. War in- 
dustries were at a virtual standstill 
for several days. 

The Police 

The local police were noted largely 
for their ineffectiveness during the 
rioting. There were no reports of ac- 
tive participation of uniformed police- 
men in the rioting as in the Sojourner 
Truth clash. On the other hand, the 
jail official's gesture of inviting the 
mob to investigate whether or not a 



THE BEAUMONT, TEXAS RIOT 



235 



Negro was being held is cited as an 
act of official recognition of the mob 
and as one which certainly did not 
serve to dissuade its members from 
acts of violence and vandalism. 

One of the two Negro policemen in 
town then on duty in the area is 
reported to have called headquarters 
when he saw the mob coming, asking 
whether he was going to be sent any 
assistance. The reply he received was 
definitely a negative one; and the of- 
ficer took the only safe alternative 
open to him and sought cover along 
with other Negroes in the area. 2 

The arrival of the Texas Rangers, 
backed by the State Attorney Gen- 
eral's strong condemnation of mob 
violence, changed the nature of law 
enforcement. One of the first and most 
decisive acts of the Rangers was that 
of dispersing a mob by indicating that 
the officers were prepared to back their 
order with force if necessary. The 
Saturday evening following the riot 
Negroes in Beaumont took hope from 
the account of a Ranger who "roughed 
up and locked up" a white man whom 
he had seen slap a Negro woman. 
These State police are generally con- 
ceded to have brought the rioting un- 
der control and to have prevented 
further bloodshed and damage to prop- 
erty of Negroes. 

Who Rioted 

The participants in the riot were 
reported to have been largely adoles- 
cents and young adults. There was a 
general tendency on the part of old 
residents in Beaumont, Negro and 
v/hite to attribute the rioting to new- 
comers, men who had recently mi- 
grated from the surrounding country- 
side seeking jobs in Beaumont's ex- 
panded war industries. It was pointed 
out that there had been a relatively 
long history of peaceful race relations 
in the city. Moreover, there were sev- 
eral old residential areas in which 
Negroes and whites live side by side; 
in none of these had there been any 
rioting. 3 As motivation for the action 
taken by the white mobs, older resi- 
dents argued that the newcomers suf- 
fered by comparison with the substan- 
tial segment of the local Negro popu- 
lation of comfortable economic status 



"Special report by field investigator from 
Fisk University, Social Science Institute. 
3 This same lack of conflict in mixed resi- 
dential areas was noted in Detroit. 



and were therefore envious of their 
relatively prosperous business section 
and beautiful homes. This argument 
was extended to include a report that 
the riot had been planned to come on 
"Juneteenth" (June 19) day when 
Texas Negroes celebrate emancipation 
from slavery. The alleged rape inci- 
dent had precipitated it earlier than 
had been anticipated. 4 

Reaction to the Riot 

The prevailing reaction to the riot- 
ing among Beaumont's more thought- 
ful white citizens was one of shame 
and a desire to do something to com- 
pensate for the damage done to prop- 
erty and civic morale. Within a week 
of the rioting an all-white fact find- 
ing committee began an evaluation of 
property damage done and announced 
that a financial drive would be made 
among white persons for restitution 
funds to compensate partially for the 
results of vandalism. The City Man- 
ager and other officials called a con- 
ference with several prominent Negro 
citizens. The purpose of this confer- 
ence was reported as having been two- 
fold: On the one hand, there was an 
effort to re-assure representative Ne- 
groes that more substantial white per- 
sons did not condone the mob action. 
On the other hand, there was an effort 
to discover whether or not Negroes 
were planning reprisals. 

Among Beaumont's Negroes the re- 
action to the riot was a mixture of 
surprised confusion, bitterness, resent- 
ment, and flight. Apparently the vio- 
lence had taken them completely by 
surprise. They knew that relations be- 
tween whites and Negroes in Beau- 
mont had been getting worse and 
worse during the war period, 5 but had 
not anticipated an overt and large- 
scale violence. A month after the riot 
there was a report current that Ne- 
groes were leaving town in such large 
numbers that local railroad ticket 
agents had stopped selling tickets to 
persons of color. 



4 In Houston there was also a rumor to 
the effect that there would be a June- 
teenth riot. 

5 Two weeks prior to the riot, a Negro 
had been fatally wounded by police who 
were arresting him on a rape charge. It 
later developed that the alleged rapist 
had been consorting with the purported 
victim for some time and that the charge 
came in revenge for a lover's quarrel. 



236 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



THE LOS ANGELES "ZOOT SUIT" 
RIOTS 

The Cause of the Riot 

The rioting of white men of the 
United States Army and Navy in Los 
Angeles, California during the week- 
end of June 3, 1943 was generally de- 
scribed in the press in some such 
terms as, "the avenging of their bud- 
dies by soldiers and sailors." The 
popular version of the affair was to 
the effect that teen-age boys, attired 
in zoot suits an extreme style cur- 
rent among certain groups of Negro, 
Latin-American, Halo-American, and 
other adolescent boys were formed 
into gangs and were attacking soldiers 
and sailors. This version placed the 
military personnel in the position of 
striking in self-defense or in retalia- 
tion for wrongs done to their com- 
rades-in-arms. 

According to Carey McWilliams, the 
first incident of the riot, on the eve- 
ning of June 3, happened in the fol- 
lowing manner: 

Members of the Alpine Club made up 
of youngsters of Mexican descent held 
a meeting at a police station ... at 
the invitation of an officer. . . . With 
a police officer present, they met to 
discuss their problems, foremost of 
which, at this meeting 1 ,' was the urgent 
problem of how best to preserve peace 
in their locality. At the conclusion of 
the meeting, they were taken in squad 
cars to the street corner nearest the 
neighborhood in which most of the boys 
lived. The squad cars were scarcely 
out of sight when the boys were as- 
saulted. 8 

From the first incident, mobs of 
servicemen ranged freely through pre- 
dominantly Mexican neighborhoods 
from June 3 through June 7. At one 
point, a mob of more than a thousand 
soldiers and sailors with some civi- 
lians interspersed set out to find all 
"zoot suiters" in the downtown area. 
According to McWilliams: 

The mob pushed its way into every im- 
portant down-town motion picture the- 
atre, ranged up and down the aisles, 
and grabbed Mexicans out of their 
seats. Mexicans and a few Negroes 
were taken into the streets, beaten, 
kicked around, their clothing torn. 
Mobs ranged the length of Main Street 
in down-town Los Angeles (a distance 
of some ten or twelve blocks), got as 
far into the Negro section as Twelfth 
and Central (just on the edge of the 
district), and then turned back through 
the Mexican sections on the east side. 
Zoot-suiters, so-called, were attacked 

6 "Zoot Suit Riots" New Republic, June 
21, 1943, pp. 818-820. 



in the streets, in the theatres, in the 
bars; streetcars were stopped and 
searched for Mexicans; and boys as 
young as twelve or thirteen years of 
age were beaten. Perhaps not more 
than half the victims were wearing 
zoot suits. 7 

The Background 

The ground for the assault of June 
3 and the series of assaults that fol- 
lowed during the next few days was 
cultivated most assiduously during the 
preceding months by a significant seg- 
ment of the Los Angeles press. The 
"crime wave" technique, described so 
clearly by Lincoln Steffens in his Au- 
tobiography was used repeatedly. Al- 
most every crime, of whatever magni- 
tude, involving adolescents of Mexican 
or Negro descent, was described and 
embellished over a period of a year 
preceding the outbreaks. Stories con- 
cerning such crimes usually managed 
to describe the malefactor as wearing 
a "zoot suit"; so that the extreme dress 
of the underprivileged youth of the 
city became synonymous with crim- 
inality in the minds of many Los An- 
geles readers. 

Immediately responsibility for the out- 
break of the riots must be placed upon 
the Los Angeles press and the Los An- 
geles police. For more than a year 
. . . the press (and particularly the 
Hearst press) fhad] been building up 
anti-Mexican sentiment in Los Angeles. 
Using the formula of the familiar Har- 
lem "crime wave" technique, the press 
. . . headlined every case in which a 
Mexican has been arrested, featured 
photographs of Mexicans dressed in 
"zoot suits," checked back over the 
criminal records to "prove" that there 
had been an increase in Mexican crime, 
and constantly needled the police to 
make more arrests. 8 

Other disinterested students of the 
Los Angeles scene agree with the an- 
alysis of the basic underlying factors 
in the riot as suggested in the fore- 
going quotation. From whatever mo- 
tives, the press of the city had seized 
upon exploiting the possibilities for 
sensationalism (and circulation-build- 
ing) involved in painting a relatively 
defenseless group as "hoodlums," 
"young gangsters," "dagger wielders," 
and homicidal irresponsibles. They 
had also manipulated the widespread 
suspicions and superstitions abroad 
concerning an excluded, "strange and 
foreign" minority. 

At the time of the first incident, 

7 Loc. Cit. 
8 McWilliams, Loc. Cit. 



THE DETROIT RIOT 



237 



there were rumors abroad to the effect 
that boys' gangs in "zoot suits" had 
beaten many servicemen and (accord- 
ing to some rumors) raped their girl 
companions. It is not unlikely that 
there were isolated instances 'of youth 
gangs beating servicemen; but most 
of the rumors appeared to have been 
without foundation. 

Police Activity 

The police in Los Angeles were noted 
during the riot for their failure to do 
anything to stop the course of the 
mobs' actions. In some instances mobs 
were sighted in which policemen were 
in the vanguard, making way for the 
rioters. In other instances, policemen 
stood quietly by while Mexicans and 
Negroes were beaten unmercifully. 

Reaction 

During the course of the rioting in 
Los Angeles, the predominant senti- 
ment in the city and in the country-at- 
large seemed to have been against the 
youth who were generally considered 
an exaggerated example of the juvenile 
delinquency which had become such 
a conscious social problem during the 
war. The City Council, with consum- 
mate misunderstanding of the deeper 
social issues involved passed an ordi- 
nance outlawing the wearing of zoot 
suits. As the real significance of the 
riot and its true nature became 
known, there was alarm lest it should 
weaken our Latin-American good- 
neighborly relations. The incident pro- 
voked protests from the Mexican Con- 
sul in California, and aroused sym- 
pathy from persons throughout the 
country. 

THE DETROIT RIOT 

The largest and most sanguinary 
riot of the war period occurred in 
Detroit during the week of June 20, 
1943. Thirty-four persons were killed 
and there were 461 injuries officially 
recorded. 9 Over a million man hours 
of war production were lost in the 
"Arsenal of the Arsenal of Democ- 
racy," resulting in a six per cent re- 
duction in factory operations for the 
week. Looting and vandalism' resulted 
in losses exceeding $2,000,000; and the 
Federal Government spent at least 
$100,000 per day during the period of 
occupation by the Army. 10 

9 Fact Finding Committee Report (Report 
of Prosecutor William E. Dowling). 
10 Lee, Alfred M. and Humphrey Norman, 
Race Riot, (New York, 1943), pp. 86-87. 



The Detroit riot was the one ideal- 
type race riot reported in that there 
were acts of overt violence committed 
by mobs of whites and mobs of Ne- 
groes. Moreover, it was the one in- 
stance in which the riot occurred in a 
city in which such an incident had 
been seriously predicted. Since the So- 
journer Truth housing riot the prover- 
bial "man-in-the-street" had been ex- 
pecting a large-scale clash. Earl Brown 
had predicted serious racial trouble in 
a Life article titled "Detroit Is Dyna- 
mite" (Aug. 17, 1942). A report pre- 
pared by the Office of Facts and Figures 
for the White House during the spring 
of 1942 (but not released until June 
28, 1943, a week following the riot) 
had also warned that the Motor City 
was ripe for a race riot. 

The Background 

Detroit had experienced an unprece- 
dented growth in population in re- 
sponse to the need for workers in the 
rapidly expanding defense and war in- 
dustries. Housing facilities for accom- 
modating the larger population were 
generally inadequate; and housing 
available to the expanded Negro popu- 
lation was indescribably overcrowded, 
congested, and unyielding in its 
boundaries. Almost every move either 
to expand the boundaries of existing 
Negro areas or to build for Negroes in 
uninhabited sections was met with 
stern and sometimes violent opposi- 
tion from realty interests and so- 
called "improvement associations." 
The idea of building non-segregated 
public housing for use by war workers 
was not even open for serious discus- 
sion. Housing in Detroit during 1942 
and 1943 was a source of constant race 
tension. 

The drive for the full utilization of 
human resources in the face of a tight 
labor market had met with only par- 
tial success as it related to minority 
group workers. The promotion and 
upgrading of Negro men at such plants 
as the Hudson Arsenal and Packard 
Motors had been met with "hate 
strikes" by white fellow-workers. Ne- 
gro women were receiving only token 
employment as production workers in 
1943 Detroit. Racial tension was 
heightened by the conflict between the 
determination of Negroes to secure em- 
ployment, on the one hand, and the 
resistance raised by many employers 
and a vocal minority of white workers. 



238 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



The Cause of the Riot 

The precipitating incidents of the 
Detroit riot occurred in crowded Belle 
Isle Recreational Park on a hot June 
Sunday. Several personal and group 
encounters between Negroes and 
whites were reported during the day. 
The incidents in themselves were of 
relatively little importance; however, 
each seemed to have been magnified 
and distorted by rumor. Among Ne- 
groes a rumor circulated to the effect 
that a white man had thrown a Negro 
woman and her baby from Belle Isle 
Bridge into the river. Among whites 
there was a story, that a Negro man 
had shot a white woman on the bridge. 
In the prevailing climate of racial un- 
rest these and other rumors were 
passed along quickly and accepted 
eagerly. 

The Course of the Riot 

The first reported mob violence was 
committed by white sailors stationed 
near the park who posted themselves 
on the bridge leading from the island 
and began a systematic attack of Ne- 
groes returning to the city. These 
sailors were soon joined by civilians, 
while policemen stood by casually ob- 
serving the scene. Rioting in the Ne- 
gro area is said to have been set off 
by an announcement of the mother- 
baby drowning rumor as a fact over 
the public address system in a Negro 
dance hall. 11 

There were two days of active riot- 
ing during which mobs of white men 
and boys one estimated at 10,000 
roamed Woodward Avenue and other 
main arteries of Detroit, beating Ne- 
groes, stoning them, and upsetting 
their autos. During this same period 
mobs of Negroes stalked through Para- 
dise Valley (Detroit's main Negro 
business area) beating white persons, 
upsetting their autos, and looting busi- 
nesses operated by white persons in 
the "Valley." 

The active mobs among Negroes and 
whites were characterized by the 
youthfulness of their members. Sev- 
eral newspaper pictures showed gangs 
of adolescent boys sometimes drilling 
in military fashion closing in on the 

"Dowling Report, 



prey. 12 Figures on arrests of riot par- 
ticipants do not wholly bear out the 
notion that rioters were mainly young 
boys; the average age of participants 
among Negroes and whites was higher 
than observers of the riot were led to 
believe. However, Lee and Humphrey 13 
point out that the younger men were 
undoubtedly more fleet of foot and 
hence were able to escape apprehen- 
sion by the police. 

The looting which* occurred in the 
white operated businesses of Paradise 
Valley is reported to have been en- 
gaged in by Negro persons of both 
sexes and nearly all ages. This ac- 
tivity appears to have been as much 
by nature of vengeance for the long- 
felt wrongs of the white community 
as an effort to steal food and clothing. 

Other Causes Mentioned 

At the time of the riot there were 
many allegations on both sides to the 
effect that the disturbance was due 
to the activities of enemy agents. 
There seems to be little actual evidence 
that this was true. There were some 
Negro Nationalists who were believed 
to have been in the employ of enemy 
governments; but it appears that their 
fulminations were taken seriously by 
no one. The direct action of enemy 
agents among white participants has 
not been substantiated. 

From the very beginning there was 
a tendency on the part of Detroit law 
enforcement officials to place blame for 
the riot upon Negroes and to attribute 
the instigation of the affair to the Ne- 
gro Press and the National Associa- 
tion for the Advancement of Colored 
People. At a meeting of Mayor Jeffries' 
Peace Board Wayne County Prosecutor 
Dowling is reported to have said 
that the NAACP officers "were the big- 
gest instigators of the race riot. If 
a Grand Jury were called, they would 
be the first to be indicted 14 ." Police 
Commissioner John Witherspoon said, 
"when the NAACP forwarded un- 
checked claims [of improper conduct 
of police] to the [Police] department, 
it had a tendency to encourage rather 

"Photographs were taken only in sec- 
tions where white mobs were dominant. 
White photographers would have bee'n 
unsafe in Negro neighborhoods. Several 
instances were reported of Negro news- 
men who had their cameras smashed or 
films exposed by the police. 
13 0p. Git. 
"Lee and Humphrey, Op. Git., pp. 65-66. 



THE DETROIT RIOT 



239 



than discourage improper conduct on 
the part of Negroes." 15 Mr. Wither- 
spoon also suggested, "If you want to 
do something constructive in this sit- 
uation you might try to control the 
Negro Press." 

Objective students of the situation 
realize, of course, that, despite iso- 
lated instances of abuse, the Negro 
Press simply verbalizes the legitimate 
grievances of Negroes. S. I. Hiyakawa, 
in a lecture during the Second Insti- 
tute of Race Relations at Fisk Uni- 
versity in 1945, voiced an opinion ex- 
pressed by many other persons to the 
effect that minority newspapers often 
serve as a mass psychological catharsis 
by "talking out," i. e. verbalizing, 
sentiments which the masses of minor- 
ity group members feel. Insofar as 
they serve this purpose, Negro news- 
papers help their readers "let off 
steam," and, hence, act as a deterrent 
rather than a stimulus to mob action. 
In any case, there was no accusation 
either by Bowling or by Witherspoon 
that Negro newspapers had dissemi- 
nated malicious rumors or false state- 
ments. The complaint was rather that 
Negro organizations and newspapers 
had led Negro peop'e to demand "full 
equality." 

There is little doubt that the war 
and the emphasis of our national lead- 
ers upon the dignity of man and the 
essential evil of fascism, with the lat- 
ter's doctrine of racial superiority, af- 
fected Negro people profoundly, in De- 
troit and elsewhere. In fact, Detroit 
Negroes, engaged as many of them 
were in production of basic war ma- 
teriel, felt in a real sense that they 
were building the "World of the Four 
Freedoms." They, therefore, had a real 
psychological need for taking war-time 
slogans and symbols very seriously. 

In contrast to the promise of the 
Four Freedoms and the Atlantic Char- 
ter stood the "iron ring" of racially 
restrictive real estate covenants which 
limited Detroit's rapidly expanded Ne- 
gro population to virtually unyielding 
boundaries. The housing situation in 
Detroit was indescribably bad for the 
population as a whole; for Negroes an 
already intolerable situation had been 
compounded. Some indication of the 
housing condition may be seen by the 
following: In June, 1944 eleven 
months after the riot the United 
States Bureau of the Census found that 

15 Ibid, p. 66. 



seventeen and six-tenths per cent of 
all Negroes in Detroit were living in 
private households but were not rela- 
tives of the head of the households 
in which they were living. Among 
whites only one and nine-tenths per 
cent of the people lived in private 
households in which they were unre- 
lated to the head by blood or mar- 
riage. 16 In other words, proportionately 
about nine times as many Negroes as 
whites in Detroit found it necessary 
to "double up" with private families. 

Despite this condition every effort 
of Negroes to secure adequate housing 
seemed to be frustrated. The So- 
journer Truth housing riot of 1942 
attested eloquently to the stringency 
of the housing market for Negroes. 
At the time of the 1943 riot dwelling 
units were standing unoccupied in war 
housing projects in Detroit's suburbs 
because they were unacceptab'e to 
eligible white workers and unavailable 
to similarly situated Negroes. 

A disproportionately poor share in 
Detroit's inadequate housing is but an 
example. Employment discrimination 
in an era of full employment has 
been mentioned earlier. Lee and Hum- 
phrey" have noted that many Detroit 
Negroes felt very strongly concerning 
the reports of the mistreatment and 
humiliation of Negro servicemen in 
Southern States. 

Lee and Humphrey summarize the 
prevailing racial attitudes in Detroit 
in the following statement: 
"The war inevitably improved the finan- 
cial lot of the Negro. Not only did his 
spiritual allegiance become necessary 
to the total war effort; his labor be- 
came an essential part of the man- 
power pool, and he is being rewarded 
more adequately than ever before in 
his experience. 

"This sudden gain in status, which vio- 
lates one of the underlying prejudices 
of millions of Americans, evokes a 
powerful reaction. This reaction ex- 
presses itself in innumerable small and 
large actions on the part of sizable 
backward sections of the white popula- 
tion that resent the violation but find 
themselves unable to satisfy this re- 
sentment through socially acceptable 
acts. These white elements, therefore, 
are conditioned to react far more sensi- 
bly than before the change in the 
status of the Negro. . . . The Negro, 
in turn, conscious of his improved sit- 
uation, no longer accepts discourtesies, 
incivilities, and bolder provocations 
from white elements without fairly ag- 

16 Population, Detroit-Willow Run Con- 
gested Production Area, June, 1944, p. 22. 
"Op. Cit. 



240 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



gressive protest or retaliation. . . 
He is aware of his improved education 
and of his increased political power. 
And the inevitable consequence is an 
enormous multiplication in surface con- 
flicts (as expressed in racial frictions) 
as well as a deepening antagonism be- 
tween backward 18 white elements and 
the Negroes with whom they come in 
contact." 

The Police and City Officials 

The behavior of the Detroit police 
during the week of June 20, 1943, came 
in for severe criticism from almost 
every person who has commented on 
the situation except Detroit's city of- 
ficials. As in the Sojourner Truth Riot, 
the police were clearly acting as if they 
were quelling a rebellion in the Negro 
community rather than serving as the 
disinterested and impartial represen- 
tatives of law and order. There was 
general agreement among observers 
that Negro rioters were handled much 
more severely by police than were 
white rioters. Life (July 5, 1943) 
noted, "throughout the riot the De- 
troit police were tougher on Negroes 
than whites. They used tear gas and 
(sometimes) nightsticks on white 
mobs, tommy guns and pistols on Ne- 
groes." Nearly seventy-five per cent 
of the 1,883 persons arrested in con- 
nection with the riot were Negroes. 
Police are known to have killed fifteen 
Negroes twelve for "looting" and 
three "after they had shot police." 
They killed no white rioters. Police 
were strongly criticized for their fail- 
ure to deal more effectively with the 
Woodward Avenue mob of white per- 
sons, a mob which operated through- 
out the day. One of the most famous 
documents of the riot was a news- 
picture which showed a white man 
slapping a Negro while the latter was 
held by two policemen. 

There were many reasons for the 
ineffectiveness and partiality of the 
Detroit police. First and foremost 
among these, perhaps, was the fact 
that they had been given little or no 
special training either for dealing with 
an instance of overt racial conflict or 
for understanding and working with 
minority groups. Even after the clear 
demonstration of need of such train- 
ing during the Sojourner Truth af- 
fairs, there is no evidence that any- 
thing was actually done about it. 

The Police Department was under- 
staffed. According to the Fact Finding 
Report, the Department was 280 men 



18 Op. Cit., pp. 9-10. 



short of personnel provided for in its 
Departmental budget. This shortage 
existed in the face of an unprece- 
dentedly rapid growth in the city's 
population and rapidly rising racial 
and industrial tensions. This shortage 
of police reflected, in part, the fact 
that civil service salaries for police 
had not kept pace with factory earn- 
ings in the Detroit area. Under such 
circumstances one would expect that it 
was not easy to recruit to the force 
men of the calibre needed to manage a 
major civil disturbance. 

To the lack of special training of 
law enforcement officers and the de- 
pletion of their ranks must also be 
added the fact that considerable an- 
tagonism existed between a large seg- 
ment of the Negro community and De- 
troit's police. Negro agencies were 
hearing reports of increasing instances 
of police brutality toward Negroes. 
Commissioner Witherspoon had recent- 
ly enunciated a "get tough on young 
Negroes" policy. This served to in- 
crease the distrust in which Negroes 
held the police. 

It seems entirely likely that much 
of the mismanagement of the riot on 
the part of police can be traced to the 
failure of higher city officials, i.e., the 
Mayor, Commissioner of Police, and 
others, to understand the nature of 
the riot. From early Monday morn- 
ing until late Monday evening it ap- 
pears that the affair was handled as 
a wholly Negro riot, 19 a Negro rebel- 
lion. The police were therefore un- 
prepared to cope with the mobs that 
gathered on Woodward Avenue. 

Even with good training of police, 
a fully budgetary force, and mutual 
confidence between the police and the 
Negro community, it is doubtful that 
the local law enforcement officials 
would have been equal to the task of 
quelling Detroit's riot in a minimum 
time and with minimum bloodshed. 
At noon on June 21, the Mayor, along 
with the Commissioner of Police, met 
with responsible Negro and white citi- 
zens at the Lucy Thurman YWCA. 
Negro spokesmen urged the Mayor to 
call in Federal troops; but Mayor 
Jeffries stated that he felt local au- 
thorities could handle the situation 
and that calling in troops would be 
"a reflection upon the fair name of 
the city." 20 (The Mayor later claimed 

19 Lee and Humphrey, Op. cit., p. 77. 
20 Special Report to the Fisk Social Science 
Institute. 



THE DETROIT RIOT 



241 



that the delay in calling troops re- 
sulted from a misunderstanding of 
Army procedure.) 

After several false starts, Mayor 
Jeffries did manage to call Federal 
troops into the situation through a 
proclamation from President Roose- 
velt. This was done on Monday eve- 
ning; and serious rioting ceased al- 
most immediately with the soldiers' 
entry into the city. There were no 
recorded instances of abuse of power 
by the military. Although many of 
the youth in battle dress must have 
had prejudices as strong as those of 
youth in civilian dress who partici- 
pated in the worst of the rioting, they 
were well-disciplined soldiers who car- 
ried off their peace-preserving roles 
with honor and distinction. 

The Cost 

It would be impossible to estimate 
the cost of the Detroit riot in terms 
of human energy, national shame, or 
loss of international prestige. Even the 
costs which can be estimated are tre- 
mendous: 

Thirty-four persons were killed twen- 
ty-five Negroes, nine whites. 
Four hundred and sixty-one persons 
were treated at Receiving Hospital. Of 
this number, 250 were white and 211 
colored. City officials seized upon these 
figures to show that Negroes were most 
aggressive. It is known, however, that 
many if not most injured Negroes did 
not dare venture out of the immediate 
Negro community. 

War production lagged from 20 to 50 
per cent in war plants the day follow- 
ing the riot. By the second day after 
the riot, war production had climbed to 
85 per cent of normal. 
Detroit Edison's indices for industrial 
electricity consumption showed a six 
per cent drop in factory operations 
during the week of the riot. The De- 
troit Street Railway volume of traffic 
decreased by 17 per cent during the 
week. 

Forty-three automobiles were totally 
destroyed during the rioting. 
More than 400 places of business were 
seriously damaged by vandalism and 
looting mainly white operated busi- 
nesses in the Negro area. 
For a brief period because of the ces- 
sation of cab and delivery service into 
the Negro area there was a serious 
food shortage in the Paradise Valley 
section. 21 

Who Got Along During the Riot? 

The Detroit Riot was not a clear in- 
stance of all white persons pitted 
against all Negroes in a mortal strug- 
gle. There were many instances of 

"Special Report to Fisk Social Science 
Institute. 



heroic individuals Negro and white 
who risked their comfort and occa- 
sionally their lives in an effort to save 
a potential riot victim from a mob. 
White street car passengers are said to 
have hidden Negroes under the seats 
to get them away from white mobs. 
Similar instances were recorded of 
Negroes who protected white persons, 
and sometimes white-owned property. 
These instances of individual hero- 
ism are important; however, they 
might be dismissed by some persons 
as "exceptional." Sociologically, it is 
more important that there were uni- 
formities of group behavior contrary 
to the general rule. On the whole, 
there was no rioting where Negro and 
white persons were accustomed to 
working together or living together. 
Some of the instances follow: 

1. There were no reports of violence 
within factories where Negro and 
white workers labored side-by-side 
on war contracts. 

2. A biracial group of men, all mem- 
bers of Franklin Settlement, formu- 
lated and circulated through an 
eight-block area an appeal for "de- 
mocracy, reason, and cooperation 'on 
the home-front ... to protect our 
boys who are now giving their lives 
for this cause." 

3. Negro and white high school stu- 
dents witnessed a baseball game 
during the height of the riot with- 
out incident. 22 

4. No Negroes and whites who lived 
together as close neighbors showed 
any tendency to fight. 

5. Negro and white students attended 
classes together at Wayne University 
throughout Bloody Monday "with no 
indications whatsoever of conflict." 23 

The Reaction 

Detroit itself was apparently dazed 
and ashamed as a result of the riot. 
There was much name-calling and 
blaming back and forth. The City Ad- 
ministration, as has been noted earlier, 
was much on the defensive and sought 
to place the total blame for the riot 
on the Negro community. Many 
thought that they saw the fine hand of 
enemy agents. The Mayor organized a 
Peace Board, bi-racial in character; 
and various groups proposed ameliora- 
tive and long-range steps to be taken 
in an effort to bind up the wounds of 
the community. Foremost among the 
suggestions coming to the Board were 
those of the United Automobile Work- 

^Letter from Raymond Hatcher, Group 

Work Secretary, Detroit Urban League, 

published in Detroit Free Press, July 5, 

1943. 

23 Lee and Humphrey, op. cit., p. 17. 



242 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



ers <3IO, the NAACP, and the Michi- 
gan Council of Churches. All of these 
agencies recommended going to the 
root of the problem in terms of better 
housing, better-trained police, inter- 
cultural education, and other methods 
of facilitating communication and un- 
derstanding among Detroit's citizens. 

In addition to suggestions for con- 
structive community action and social 
planning, there was the understandable 
desire to place the blame for the riot 
on some person, group, set of condi- 
tions, or governmental agency. Negro 
groups demanded a Grand Jury in- 
vestigation. In this they were joined 
by the UAW-CIO. When Prosecutor 
Dowling presented his "Fact-Finding 
Report," placing virtually all of the 
responsibility for the affair upon the 
shoulders of Negro leaders and the 
Negro press, these demands were re- 
enforced. The very real opposition of 
the Commissioner of Police, the Mayor 
and the County Prosecutor to a Grand 
Jury hearing was in itself additional 
evidence to many Negroes and trade 
unionists that a Grand Jury investiga- 
tion was needed. 

There was one point of unanimity 
as to proposed investigations. The City 
Administration on the one hand and 
the NAACP on the other, were most 
strong in their opinion that Martin 
Dies should not bring his Committee 
on un-American Activities to Detroit 
to seek out the "subversive" elements 
in the riot. 

Much sustained democratic action in 
Detroit can be traced to efforts to 
ameliorate the riot. The Michigan 
Council of Churches initiated a three- 
year Fellowship Program which 
reached Protestant churches through- 
out the State of Michigan. The United 
Auto Workers sought actively to im- 
plement their policy of non-discrimi- 
nation through the UAW-CIO Fair 
Practice Committee. The Board of Ed- 
ucation has broadened and intensified 
its program of intercultural education 
for teachers and students alike. 

At the national level, the reaction 
to the riot was as varied as in Detroit. 
Every interest represented in the Mo- 
tor City had its prototype in the Na- 
tion at large. There was the same 
effort to place blame and to give ad- 
vice. 24 In addition, there was the ur- 
"For an analysis of conflicting editorial 
opinions regarding the riot, see A Month- 
ly Summary of Events and Trends in 
Race Relations, Vol. 1, Number 1, "One 
Nation Divisible." 



gent necessity of keeping a similar in- 
cident from occurring in other towns. 
The rapid rise of citizens and govern- 
mental committees and commissions 
on race relations during World War 
II, can be dated from the Detroit Riot. 
Perhaps the establishment of these 
committees helped to avert other riots. 

THE HARLEM RIOT 

The rioting in Harlem on August 1, 
and 2, 1943, came within six weeks 
of Detroit's conflagration. Although 
the Mobile, Beaumont, Los Angeles, 
and Detroit affairs had made the Na- 
tion very conscious of race conflict, the 
Harlem riot had not been expected or 
predicted. The failure to predict a 
riot in New York City's Harlem was 
not because the factors which char- 
acterized Detroit were absent. On the 
contrary, there were poor housing, 
residential segregation, employment 
discrimination, and poor facilities for 
common living. Yet, there was less 
overt, primarily racial bitterness of 
the kind seen in the Sojourner Truth 
clashes, the inter-minority fights, and 
the hate strikes of Detroit. On the 
surface and at first glance, the Har- 
lem rioting did not seem like a race 
riot; but sober reflection seems to vali- 
date Harold Orlansky's designation of 
it as a revelation of "mass frustra- 
tion." 25 

The Cause of the Riot 

On Sunday evening, August 1, 1943, 
James Collins, a policeman on duty in 
a fifth-rate Harlem Hotel, attempted 
to arrest a young Negro woman for 
disorderly conduct. A Negro Military 
Policeman, Robert Bandy, is alleged 
to have interfered with the arrest and 
to have taken the officer's nightstick 
and struck the officer; whereupon the 
officer drew his revolver and fired, 
wounding Bandy slightly. The officer 
was also wounded. Both were hos- 
pitalized. A curious crowd of twenty 
or so persons had gathered in the 
hotel lobby. These followed as the 
men were taken off to Sydenham Hos- 
pital for emergency treatment. Bandy 
was quoted (in PM for August 3, 1943) 
by Assistant District Attorney Francis 
Rivers as saying that he protested 
when the officer "pushed" the girl be- 
ing arrested, Margie Polite, and that 
Collins threw his nightstick which 
was caught by the soldier. Collins then 

25 The Harlem Riot: A Study in Mass 
Frustration, Social Analysis, New York, 
1943. 



THE HARLEM RIOT 



243 



ordered Bandy to return the stick, ac- 
cording to this version, and fired when 
the M.P. hesitated. 

The Course of the Riot 

At the hospital the crowd was great- 
ly augmented by additional curious 
people; and considerable milling 
about ensued. The story of the arrest 
and altercation was greatly magnified 
with the telling, in this atmosphere. 
"A cop has shot a Negro soldier," was 
the first emotion-laden but half-true 
statement. In a little while the story 
was changed to: "A white cop just 
killed a Negro soldier." As this story 
went the rounds, resentment mounted 
and the crowd began to seek some 
method of retaliation. As in the usual 
crowd, there was no disposition to 
question the truth of the rumor, or 
yet to inquire into the situation that 
had led to the shooting. To the crowd, 
a Negro soldier had been killed by a 
white policeman. By nine o'clock in 
the evening, the crowd had swollen 
to an estimated 3,000 persons. 

The incident that is credited with 
transforming a milling crowd into an 
active mob was the throwing of a 
bottle from a roof, an act which was 
followed by the throwing of other 
bottles. At this point, the crowd in 
front of the hospital dispersed, but 
re-assembled in smaller aggregations. 
Some of the younger men and boys 
formed gangs of fifty to a hundred 
persons and surged up the main ar- 
teries of Harlem, smashing shop win- 
dows as they went. 26 

At first, the smashing of windows 
appears to have been an end in itself. 
Several windows had been broken and 
a period of time had elapsed before 
any systematic looting began. One 
eye-witness referred to the looting as 
"an afterthought." Once begun, how- 
ever, the looting continued for hours 
and with a vengeance. Food stores 
were entered and all useful food es- 
pecially war-scarce sugar, meat and 
coffee taken. Liquor stores were com- 
pletely "cleaned out." Furniture stores, 
clothing stores, and all manner of 
shops in the Harlem area were en- 
tered and looted. Movable and useful 
goods were taken. Bulky and unde- 
sirable goods were often destroyed or 
greatly damaged in a wild orgy of 
vandalism. Although most looting was 
clone by adolescents, the looters in- 

2lbid. p. 5. 



eluded persons of both sexes and all 
ages. 

The vandalism and looting were defi- 
nitely racial in character. Shops that 
were known to be Negro-owned were 
not usually damaged especially if 
someone had scrawled a "Colored" 
sign on the window. Orlansky quotes 
one Negro reporter as saying: 

"Wherever somebody told the mob this 
was a Negro place, they left it alone. 
Sometimes a brick had been thrown 
into the window before the word got 
around, but that was as far as it went. 
Despite the broken window, not a thing 
was touched, not a box out of place." 27 
There were relatively few attacks on 
white persons during the rioting. Oc- 
casionally, a civilian was attacked; 
but many white persons walked 
through Harlem's streets unmolested. 
The major violence against white per- 
sons appears to have been directed 
against policemen, partly because it 
was they who sought to deter the 
vandalism and looting of the mob and 
partly because they were identified 
with the person who was said to have 
killed a Negro soldier. Virtually all of 
the white persons injured in the dis- 
orders were policemen. There were 
fifty-three policemen officially re- 
ported as injured. 

Background of the Riot 

In 1935, E. Franklin Frazier, who 
had directed the activities of a com- 
mission appointed by Mayor Fiorello 
LaGuardia to inquire into the Harlem 
riot of that year wrote: 

"The explosion of March 19 could never 
have been set off by the trifling inci- 
dent (of the arrest of a boy for shop- 
lifting) had not exciting economic and 
social forces created a state of emo- 
tional tension which sought release 
upon the slightest provocation. As 
long as the economic and social forces 
which were responsible for that condi- 
tion continue to operate, a state of 
tension will exist in Harlem and re- 
current outbreaks may occur." 28 
The Commission listed many "eco- 
nomic and social forces" among which 
were the following: 

1. Discrimination against Negroes in 
employment. 

2. Overcrowding in housing and exces- 
sive rents. 

3. Dearth of facilities for schools, play- 
grounds, and public health. 

27 Op. cit., p. 7. 

28 Report of Commission on Conditions in 
Harlem. This report was never released 
by the Mayor's office; but "leaked out" 
to the New York Amsterdam-News and 
other papers. The authenticity of the 
report as published has been vouched for 
by the author. 



244 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-194G 



4. Discrimination against Negro pro- 
fessional persons in city Institutions. 

5. Discrimination in such city services 
as garbage collection and police pro- 
tection. 

6. Police brutality and abridgment of 
civil rights by the police. 

While some of the factors indicated 
in Dr. Frazier's report had been some- 
what ameliorated during the eight 
year inter-riot period, most of them 
had become considerably more acute as 
a. result of wartime conditions. A 
wider range of job opportunities was 
open to Harlem residents in 1943 than 
in 1935; but, the sting of discrimina- 
tion was the more acutely felt because 
of the large number of jobs open to 
the public at large and the fact that 
there was much discrimination in war 
and non-war industries and business. 
The housing problem had clearly be- 
come more acute in Harlem. The slow 
expansion of the community and the 
extremely little new building scarcely 
kept pace with the rate at which con- 
demned buildings were razed in the 
area; these certainly did not compen- 
sate for the increase in the already 
overcrowded population. Some new fa- 
cilities for playgrounds and parks and 
public health had been established; 
but these were still woefully inade- 
quate. Police brutality was probably 
less widespread in 1943 than in 1935; 
but there was still the problem of un- 
equal policing and Harlem was still 
regarded as "the policeman's (and the 
teacher's) Siberia" to which he was 
exiled for inefficiency or gaining the 
displeasure of his superiors. 

To the old grievances, most of which 
had been aggravated, were added new 
ones brought on by the war. Writing 
in the New Republic for August 16, 
1943, in an article titled "Behind the 
Harlem Riot," Walter White, Secre- 
tary of the National Association for 
the Advancement of Colored People 
and a Harlem resident said: 

"Their acts [of destruction and loot- 
ing] were criminal and unforgivable. 
But let him who would criticize pause 
long enough to put himself in the place 
of the looters. Still barred from many 
defense industries in the area because 
of color, with dark memories of the 
depression years when 70 per cent of 
Harlem was on relief because Negroes 
are hired last and there were not 
enough jobs to go around for white 
workers, hemmed in a ghetto where 
they are forced to pay disproportionate- 
ly high rents for rat and vermin in- 
fested apartments the Bigger Thomases 
of New York passed like a cloud of 
locusts over Harlem." 



Perhaps the greatest single, psycho- 
logical factor in the making of the 
Harlem riot was the resentment of 
the status given Negro members of 
the armed forces in war time. There 
was great indignation in Negro Har- 
lem at the segregation of Negro soldiers 
and sailors and of the restriction of 
these men and women to certain spe- 
cial phases of the services. There was 
a smoldering rancor at the treatment 
meted out to Negro soldiers and sailors 
in southern communities. Letters from 
southern training camps and soldiers 
on furlough brought word of humiliat- 
ing and degrading incidents. Just a 
few weeks prior to the Harlem out- 
break, William H. Hastie (now Gover- 
nor of the Virgin Islands) and Thur- 
good Marshall (Special Counsel, 
NAACP) had reported to the National 
Lawyers Guild: 

"Civilian violence against the Negro 
in uniform is a recurrent phenomenon. 
It continues unabated. It may well be 
the greatest factor now operating to 
make 13,000,000 Negroes bitter and re- 
sentful and to undermine the fighting 
spirit of three-quarters of a million 
Negroes in arms. Yet, no effective steps 
are being taken and no vigorous, con- 
tinuing and comprehensive program of 
action has been inaugurated by state 
or federal authorities to stamp out this 
evil. ... To address a Negro soldier 
as "nigger" is such a commonplace in 
the average Southern community that 
little is said about it. But the mount- 
ing rage of the soldier himself is far 
from commonplace. He may not ex- 
press his feelings when he must wait 
until all the white passengers are ac- 
commodated before he can get trans- 
portation. He may even hold his 
tongue when he is forced to get out of 
the bus in which he is seated in order 
to make room for white passengers. 
But it is of such stuff that bitterness 
and hatred are made. In such a cli- 
mate resentments grow until they burst 
forth in violent and unreasoning re- 
prisal." 29 

The rumor that spread through Har- 
lem like wild fire, i.e., "A white cop 
has killed a Negro soldier," was laden 
with great meaning to Negro Har- 
lemites. The Negro soldier was per- 
sonified in Robert Bandy. Patrolman 
John Collins was transformed from 
a person to the personification of white 
suppression, white authority. Orlansky 
wrote: 

... "a Negro soldier has been shot by 
a white policeman!" To white citizens 
it means just that, but what a differ- 
ence in the reaction of a Negro! His 



29 Quoted in White, Walter, "Behind the 
Harlem Riot," New Republic, August 16, 
1943. 



THE HARLEM RIOT 



245 



skin Identifies him with the soldier, the 
news comes as a personal insult, adding 
to and aggravating a whole chain of 
previous insults, so that, in effect, his 
life has been threatened too. For the 
Negro, insulting, shooting, and killing 
become virtually synonymous. To sug- 
gest, therefore, as did the Times, that 
the rumor was the result of "lies de- 
liberately spread" is ridiculous. Even 
in its exaggerated form, rumor repre- 
sents the psychological truth to those 
who tell it." 80 

The Police and City Administration 

Mayor LaGuardia and his adminis- 
tration came in for much criticism 
for failure to head the riot off. It was 
felt by many that the catastrophe 
might well have been avoided had the 
Frazier report or more recent recom- 
mendations of the City-Wide Citizens 
Committee on Harlem been taken more 
seriously and acted upon. On the other 
hand, the actual handling of the riot 
once it was underway, received much- 
deserved praise from all quarters. 
Seven thousand policemen were sent 
into Harlem. They came, not in the 
spirit of suppressing a rebellion as ap- 
parently the Detroit police had de- 
scended upon Paradise Valley, but in 
the best tradition of "New York's 
Finest." 

The New York policemen had been 
trained in handling emergency situa- 
tions; and their training revealed it- 
self in Harlem. Despite long hours of 
duty and many provocations, the po- 
licemen remained generally friendly, 
jovial, and calm. They were reported to 
have been slow to use violence in en- 
forcing their orders. Perhaps even 
more significant, many were observed 
taking personal insults without seek- 
ing to retaliate. 

The activities of Mayor LaGuardia 
himself were most re-assuring. The 
"Little Flower" was well-liked in Har- 
lem as he was in most underprivileged 
sections of the city; and he sought 
to capitalize upon this favor. The 
Mayor came up to Harlem and estab- 
lished headquarters at the 123rd Street 
Police Station. From here he directed 
the work of the police, civilian air raid 
warders, soldiers and civic leaders in 
their combined effort to restore order. 
Twice he spoke over a hook-up of the 
city's leading radio stations. In these 
talks, he sought to set the population 
straight on the false rumor of Bandy's 
death. At one of these broadcasts he 

"Ibid, p. 19. 



was joined in an appeal for peace by 
Dr. Max Yergan, President of the Na- 
tional Negro Congress and Ferdinand 
Smith, Vice-President of the National 
Maritime Union, two respected and 
radical Negro leaders. The Mayor also" 
toured Harlem in an automobile 
equipped with a public address system. 
Here again he was joined in his ap- 
peal for order by prominent Negro 
civic leaders, clergymen, and other 
leaders. 

The handling of the riot by the 
police and by the city administration 
was undoubtedly wise and resulted in 
considerably less blood-letting than 
otherwise might have been the case. 

The Cost 

When the rioting had died down 
and an inventory could be taken, the 
following were counted among the 
costs : 

1. Five persons were dead all Negroes. 

2. Between five and six hundred per- 
sons were injured; three hospitals 
had treated 561 persons most of 
these were Negroes. 

3. Four to five million dollars in prop- 
erty damage had been done. 

4. 500 persons were arrested. Almost 
all of these were Negroes and were 
charged with suspicion of burglary; 
some were charged with assault, in- 
citement to riot, disorderly conduct, 
or receiving stolen goods. 

The Reaction 

Once the Harlem rioting was over, 
there was a tendency to minimize the 
racial nature of the rioting, on the 
one hand, and to place blame on 
"hoodlums" on the other. In his radio 
addresses to the people of New York, 
Mayor LaGuardia stressed the state- 
ment that it was not a race riot. Most 
New York papers agreed with the 
Mayor in this evaluation. Insofar as 
there were no pitched battles between 
Negroes and whites and no organized 
counter-activity of white gangs, it was 
not a race riot. There is no basis, 
however, save race consciousness for 
explaining the behavior of looting 
mobs in attacking white property and 
leaving known Negro property un- 
harmed. On this point, Orlansky 
points out: 

"... the riot was not exclusively ra- 
cial, since it was led not just by Ne- 
groes, but by poor Negroes, and by 
young Negroes. Three conflicts were 
therefore coiled into one race, poverty, 
and youth against race, property and 
authority and the riot was the product 
of those conflicts. The mob was after 



246 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



white property (and it was not hard 
to find, only 20% of Harlem's stores 
are owned by Negroes) and after white 
authority (which was not hard to find, 
only 132 of 18,200 members of the New 
York City police department are Ne- 
groes)."" 

Although many commentators Ne- 
gro and white pointed to the underly- 
ing social and economic causes of the 
rioting, almost all of them spoke of 
"the irresponsible acts of hoodlums" 
and the necessity for "controlling''' 
this "unthinking" element in the com- 
munity. Respectable Negroes were 
ashamed of the acts of lawlessness and 
wanton vandalism that had charac- 
terized the affair; and called upon the 
police and other city officials to join 
them in dealing decisively with both 
the underlying causes and the overt 
manifestations of juvenile delinquency. 

There was also a cry for official 
city action in the form of a commis- 
sion and a program for fighting in- 
tolerance, prejudice, and discrimina- 
tion. This was not long in forthcom- 
ing. Mayor LaGuardia established the 
Committee on Home Front Unity 
with Charles Evans Hughes as chair- 
man and a list of distinguished Negro 
and white citizens as members. Doctor 
Dan Dodson, formerly a professor of 
sociology at New York University, was 
appointed executive director of this 
group. The Committee has done a 
workmanlike job of research and prop- 
aganda and has probably had a salu- 
tary effect upon the community at 
large. 32 The rioting also gave new im- 
petus to older associations which had 
been seeking to improve human rela- 
tions in New York. Despite the almost 
ritualistic cries of "hoodlumism," 
there was usually present a recogni- 
tion that Frazier's "economic and so- 
cial forces" had to be dealt with be- 
fore the ghost of Harlem's riot would 
be allayed. 



n Op. Cit., p. 26, emphasis in the original. 
"One of the outstanding jobs of the Com- 
mittee was that of preparing a report on 
discrimination in higher education that 
set in motion a city council investigation, 
legal action, legislative proposals, and 
has apparently affected the admission 
and hiring policies of several of New 
York's institutions of higher learning. 



THE COLUMBIA. TEN.M-. KK 

RIOT^ 
The Cause of the Riot 

A fight between a white and a Ne- 
gro World War II veteran, after the 
former had allegedly assaulted the 
Negro's mother, precipitated the first 
major inter-racial violence after V-Day. 
The woman, Mrs. Gladys Stephenson, 
went into a shop on the Public Square 
in Columbia to inquire about a radio 
which she had left for repair. With 
her was her nineteen-year-old son, 
James, recent!y discharged after three 
years in the United States Navy. 5 * 
The radio repairman was William 
Fleming, twenty-eight-year-old veteran 
and brother of the present Sheriff of 
Maury County. There was a disagree- 
ment between Mrs. Stephenson and 
Fleming concerning the repair job. 
Fleming apparently resented the fact 
that a Negro woman would take issue 
with him, and according to the most 
reliable reports available, followed her 
and her son downstairs and out of the 
store, finally slapping and kicking her. 
At this point, young Stephenson inter- 
vened, struck Fleming and knocked 
him back through a plate glass win- 
dow. According to persons who were 
standing nearby, three or four other 
white men, including a town police- 
man, came to Fleming's aid. The po- 
liceman struck at Stephenson with his 
nightstick, whereupon Mrs. Stephenson 
is quoted as saying, "You shouldn't 
hit my boy before you find out.'' Iii 
response, the peace officer struck the 
woman over the eye. Mrs. Stephenson 
and her son James were arrested and 
placed in jail on charges of assault.- 
Fleming was not arrested. He was 
only slightly injured. 

Tension created by the fight and ar- 
rest mounted throughout the late aft- 
ernoon. Crowds of white persons be- 
gan to mill about the Public Square. 
There were open and jeering threats 
of lynching. Negroes began withdraw- 



**The account of the incident is adapted 
from a report which appeared in A 
Monthly Summary of Events in Race 
Relations, March, 1946, which in turn was 
based, in large part, on the personal in- 
vestigation of the writer. 
**He had "raised" his age to enlist. 
K Another version is that Fleming struck 
Stephenson when the latter objected to 
the fact that his mother was being sworn 
at and that the Negro veteran fought 
back. 



THE COLUMBIA, TENNESSEE RIOT 



247 



ing to the luoblorfc section of JJUM- 
Street." Hearing mil of an immi- 

> supply bond for the 
Their fears were height- 




railed the price of bail bond and at- 
tempted to persuade the Negro bonds- 

jaiL Finally, however, they were re- 
leased on a bond of 
Within two hours of 



ty-five white 
and kicked on the 
Underwood reportedly 
door, and leveling a 
at the mob, ordered 







were in such a state of 

leave under their 
They were arrested on 
of disorderly conduct. 

three county police of- 
into the East Eighth 
Street area, Two of 
: --: :i 

r^.ir :hat fin S:-:I^L^::_ be 
:::": ~:. 7:.:= -.,.- ; - f 7:.- :r:ri 
officer, Sheriff Underwood, is said to 
have requested that the Mifciuia who 
had gathered in the area dlapusc. 
of the mem made the 
hat the white 
be dispersed, the Sheriff is 
as saying, TU see what I can 
But apparently no action was 
to disperse the white mob either 
by the Sheriff or the City Police. 

-- :- ' :--->-- ::: -^ All lignts 
--'- ::>: :3 in tmi mi Bj tfehi 
time Negroes in Columbia were com- 
pletely convinced that there would be 
an attempted lynching or in view of 
Stephensoa*s having been spirited 
away an indiscriminate attack mm the 
Negro community. According to per- 

no dMpnmtkm to take it lying 

TfOTf^ Htrt^ grfffc 9m *fr ^"1- 

ity or willingness of the city police to 
avert mob action, the Negroes settled 
to 




::.- :: :,, :, - 



selves. Those living outside, who had 
to cross "white" territory in order to 
Mil hume, were afraid to leave. 
Other Negroes jiSMJat through streets 
inhabited by whites told of being fired 
upon and othaanhw, molested. Further- 
more, frequent gun-fire was heard com- 
ing from East Ninth and South Main 
-white" streets dose to the Negro 
business area. This gun-fire was ac- 
companied by wild yells which were 
interpreted as signs of drunkenness 
and frenzied excitement- 
Sometime shortly after nightfall (ac- 
counts vary as to the exact time)* city 
policemen started into Eighth Street, 
allegedly to investigate reports of 
shooting. The street was dark, and it 
is uncertain that their identity as of- 
ficers was known. There was shooting. 
Whether initial shots came from the 
police or from the people is not dear. 
Giien the state of apprehension among 
Columbia Negroes at the time grow- 
ing out of knowledge of lynching 
threats, mob activity, and gun-fire in 
adjacent streets it is not surprising 
that the entrance of these white men 
into the area was interpreted as the 
beginning of attack. In the exchange 
of fire, four policemen, including Chief 
of Police Griffin, were wounded, one 
seriously. 

The Riot 

Immediately after this incident 
Mayor Eldridge Denham called upon 
Governor Jim MeCord for assistance 
from the State Highway Patrol and 
State Guard. One hundred patrolmen 
and four hundred members of the 
State Guard were ordered into Co- 
lumbia. They threw a tight cordon 
around the Hunt Eighth Street busi- 
ness area and set up a dose watch 
of the entire Negro i iimmnnilj At 
dawn on February 2, members of the 
Highway Patrol moved into the street 
in force. At a barber shop Lynn 
liiiiii , State Safety Director, claims 

with machine gun fire. Elsewhere the 
citizens came jprannhij About sev- 
enty ffrftffuia were arrested in the 
early motning, most liring told that 
they were being arrested for assault 
with intent to murder. 
It was with these early morning 



248 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



arrests that police action in a situation 
of violence involving Negroes and 
whites became clearly directed toward 
the suppression of what was appar- 
ently construed to be an "uprising" 
of the Negro community; and this was 
the real Columbia "riot." The High- 
way Patrol and State Guard were 
transformed from preservers of civil 
law and order into an army of occupa- 
tion. It is likely that the mobiliza- 
tion of outside police and guards saved 
bloodshed in a situation that was 
plainly beyond the power of local city 
and county police to control. More- 
over, Chief Bomar and State Guard 
Adjutant Butler are quoted as having 
admonished their men that theirs was 
the role of impartial protectors of life 
and property. Yet, there is little in the 
actual performance of their subordi- 
nates to indicate that this was taken 
seriously. 

Evidence of this is seen in the ir- 
responsible vandalism and looting that 
took place in East Eighth Street. In 
the search for weapons in this area 
there was wanton destruction of prop- 
erty. A physician's office was a sham- 
bles after small instruments had been 
stolen, furniture damaged, and deco- 
rations mutilated. The office of an in- 
surance company was ransacked; files 
containing valuable records were over- 
turned and their contents scattered. 
A mortuary was ransacked by vandals 
who indicated their loyalty by scrawl- 
ing the legend "KKK" on a coffin in 
plaster of paris. 

Much was made in the general press 
of the number of guns, rifles, and 
pistols taken from Negro homes. This 
has been cited as "proof" of a con- 
spiracy by Negroes. It should be re- 
membered, however, that game hunt- 
ing is a favorite sport around Colum- 
bia and that most of the weapons- 
aside from war souvenirs were hunt- 
ing guns and such pistols as many, 
if not most, Americans families in the 
South keep in their homes. 

It should be noted that almost no 
white persons were disarmed and that 
the homes of white residents were not 
searched. A State Guard Colonel, cred- 
ited with persuading a crowd of whites 
not to enter the Negro section on 
Tuesday morning, is quoted as saying 
to them, "Boys take those guns home. 
We'll take care of any situation that 



needs them." 39 Newspaper photographs 
show white civilians, armed with 
sawed-off shot guns, walking the 
streets unmolested. The press has re- 
ported only four white persons ar- 
rested. 

Despite the absence of a proclama- 
tion of martial law, there was de facto 
military government in Columbia dur- 
ing the week of February 25 to March 
3. The writ of habeas corpus was vir- 
tually suspended. Negroes were ar- 
rested without stated charges, held in- 
communicado, questioned without ben- 
efit of counsel, and detained on exces- 
sive bail. Telephone wires were tapped 
and persons required special passes in 
order to move freely about. The home 
of virtually every Negro in Columbia 
and its immediate environs was 
searched and all firearms taken. 40 
These are facts of which public officials 
have spoken and boasted in conversa- 
tion and in the press and of which 
Commissioner Bomar boasted at the 
Lawrenceburg trial. 

Homicide 

On Thursday, February 28, while in 
jail, two of the Negro prisoners were 
mortally Vounded and a third injured. 
William Gordon and James Johnson 
were killed by officers who claim that 
the prisoners shot first. They were be- 
ing "questioned" in a jail office 
in which confiscated firearms were 
stacked. ' Several officers and a news- 
paper reporter were present and the 
jail was surrounded by guardsmen and 
members of the Highway patrol. Only 
the official version of the story is 
known, but the National Lawyers 
Guild, after a brief investigation, 
characterized the killings as "murder." 

The Background 

As an historical and psychological 
background for the events in Colum- 
bia, the following facts should be re- 
membered: 

1. There have been two lynchings of 
Negroes in Maury County within 
the last two decades. The more re- 
cent of these was that of Cordie 
Cheek, a seventeen-year-old boy, 
after a grand jury had returned a 
no bill, on a charge of molesting a 
white girl. (An old resident spoke 
of four lynchings within his mem- 

39 Nashville Tennessean, February 27, 1946, 
p. 2, Column 5. 

40 See Constitution of the United States of 
America, Amendments II, III, and IV. 



THE COLUMBIA, TENNESSEE RIOT 



249 



ory.) The magistrate who fixed bond 
in the Stephenson case was known 
in the Negro community as the per- 
son whose car had transported 
Cheek from Nashville to the site on 
which he was lynched. 

2. Thanks to some industrial employ- 
ment and good soil, Negroes in 
Maury County have relative eco- 
nomic security. 

3. Negro employees of the Monsanto 
and Victor Chemical Companies in 
nearby Mt. Pleasant, along with 
white workers, are members of the 
Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers Un- 
ion (CIO) and had been working 
for abolition of a wage differential 
based on race. 

4. Politically, Negroes had been active 
and an important factor in Maury 
County. 

5. A measure of economic security and 
political importance had produced a 
Negro citizenry not disposed to be 
"pushed around." The presence of 
more than 150 Negro veterans had 
served to strengthen this attitude. 

6. The lack of real communication be- 
tween Negroes and whites in Co- 
lumbia has resulted in much latent 
mutual suspicion. There were many 
otherwise rational white persons in 
Columbia, including some public of- 
ficials, who said that Columbia Ne- 
groes had been "conspiring for an 
uprising." The fact that persons 
from Nashville, Chicago, and Chat- 
tanooga telephoned Negroes in Co- 
lumbia when news of the trouble 
became known was construed by 
one official as proof that Negroes all 
over the country had instigated the 
violence. Apparently these people 
were unimpressed by the facts that 
all shootings, except those in the 
jail, took place in the Negro area 
and that Negroes did not go out of 
this area to attack. 

The Police 

Part of the difficulty in Columbia 
can be attributed to the fact of an 
apparent conflict between town police 
on the one hand and Sheriff Under- 
wood and his staff on the other. The 
town police were not trusted. Prior 
to the affair in question, Negroes had 
placed a certain amount of confidence 
in Sheriff Underwood, although they 
considered him somewhat "weak." Ne- 
groes had supported Underwood's un- 
successful contest for the Democratic 
nomination to succeed himself the fall 
before when he had been defeated by 
a State Highway Patrolman who is 
the brother of William Fleming, one 
of the participants in the precipitating 
incident. There were many residents 
of Columbia who felt that the town 
police had gone into the East Eighth 
Street section on the night of the an- 
ticipated lynching in order to "show 



up" the County Sheriff and his staff. 

The action of the town police in 
coming into the Negro area which was 
virtually in a state of siege and cer- 
tainly in a state of grave apprehen- 
sion and fear was unwise. It was cer- 
tain to be interpreted as unfair; inas- 
much as there was a crowd of white 
men and boys milling about in the 
Public Square at the very moment that 
the policemen entered "Mink Slide." 

The State Highway Patrol has been 
harshly criticized for its role in the 
affair. Presumably the theory behind 
calling in a State or Nation law-en- 
forcement agency in a time of great 
local tension is two-fold: (1) the out- 
side group has more resources and 
more power and therefore can act more 
effectively, and (2) being divorced 
from local tensions, it is supposed that 
the State or National arm of the law 
can view the situation in a disinter- 
ested manner and, therefore, act with 
impartiality. It was on the second of 
these counts that the Highway Patrol 
defaulted. As has been noted earlier, 
Chief Bomar and his men entered the 
East Eighth Street section, not as of- 
ficers coming to restore peace, but as 
an army which had come to crush a 
rebellion. Once the immediate situa- 
tion had been "brought under con- 
trol," they continued the military 
rather than the peace-officer tradition 
by conducting themselves like a poorly 
disciplined army of occupation. 

While newspapers had carried stories 
of white persons seeking to storm the 
jail and of armed white men milling 
about the city on the day of the shoot- 
ing of the town police, it was only the 
Negro homes of Columbia that were 
searched and virtually all of them 
were searched. As has been stated 
earlier, civil liberties were violated 
or ignored with gay abandon. 

The official explanation does not ade- 
quately account for the shooting of 
William Gordon and James Johnson 
in terms of good police work. Even 
if full credence is given to the official 
version of the story i.e., Gordon man- 
aged to reach into a pile of several as- 
sorted guns, find the proper one to fit 
bullets which he had smuggled into 
jail, and fire upon a deputy before he 
could be restrained it must be re- 
membered that, according to this same 
version, he had dropped the gun and 
was crawling underneath a bed when 
his body was filled with machine gun 



250 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



bullets. The official version shows 
even less reason for firing upon John- 
son than for firing upon Gordon. Dur- 
ing the Lawrenceburg trial, Chief 
Bomar boasted that he had knocked 
Napoleon Stewart, the third prisoner 
present in the room, to the floor. (The 
prisoner had raised both hands above 
his head.) The chief law-enforcement 
officer of the State of Tennessee then 
quoted himself as saying, as he placed 
his former All-American foot on Stew- 
art's neck and pointed a revolver at 
his head, "If you move, I'll kill you!" 
Even if one agrees with the Federal 
Grand Jury's finding that the jail- 
office shooting was justified, he must 
question the fact that no medical aid 
was given to the wounded prisoners 
in Columbia, not even first-aid by a 
layman; but they were brought to 
Nashville, more than forty miles away 
and this after a significant delay! 

The Reaction 

A visit to Columbia within a week 
of the outbreak of violence and three 
days following the killing of Gordon 
and Johnson, revealed some interest- 
ing local reactions. Among Negroes 
there was a general feeling of being 
stunned at the homicides and at the 
wholesale destruction of their small 
but relatively prosperous business 
area. One young man told of how he 
had come home to live with his ailing 
widowed mother and had managed to 
initiate a thriving small service estab- 
lishment: 

"After this, though," he said, waving 
to the East Eighth Street section where 
members of the State Guard were do- 
ing sentry duty, "I don't think I'll stay 
here. They cleaned me out the other 
morning and I just don't have the 
heart to start over." 

An elderly and well-educated male 
school teacher said: 
"I hope they don't just have a while- 
wash investigation. There're a lot of 
things wrong with Maury County. . . . 
There've been four mobbings here in 
my lifetime." 

The Presbyterian minister who con- 
ducted the funeral of one of the jail- 
killing victims gave no eulogy but sim- 
ply read from Isaiah 40: 

"Comfort ye, comfort ye my people. . ." 
There was a very different spirit, 
often mingled in the speech of the 
very people who were shocked and 
hurt. Over and over persons were 
heard to take great pride in the fact 
that "the colored folks stood together." 



"We wasn't gonna have no social 
lynching," was the way that several 
people phrased the feeling of the peo- 
ple on the night of the shooting of the 
police. 

A white investigator from the 
Southern Regional Council found min- 
gled feelings among Columbia's white 
population also. As has been noted 
before, there was a disposition to say 
that Negroes had "risen up against 
the white folks." This was expressed 
by persons who reported as fact the 
rumor that Negroes in Columbia had 
been "arming and conspiring for de- 
fense" for more than six months. On 
the other hand, there was much re- 
sentment against the Highway Patrol, 
declarations that Columbia would 
have been better off without the "out- 
siders" from Nashville. 

At the national level, the Columbia 
violence was immediately recognized 
as a national problem whose solution 
or disposition was likely to affect 
gravely the course of race relations 
throughout the South and the Nation. 
Within a matter of days, representa- 
tives of the National Association for 
the Advancement of Colored People, 
the Chicago Civil Liberties Commit- 
tee, the Southern Regional Council, 
the Civil Liberties Federation, the 
Southern Conference for Human Wel- 
fare, the American Missionary Asso- 
ciation were among those who ap- 
peared in Columbia to find out how 
their organizations could help out. 
Several statements were circulated, re- 
lating the incidents of the rioting. 
The best known of these were issued 
by the NAACP, the Southern Confer- 
ence for Human Welfare, and the 
Southern Regional Council. The Truth 
About Columbia, a pamphlet prepared 
by the Southern Conference for Hu- 
man Welfare, was distributed widely 
over the country and is reported to 
have resulted in a large number of 
letters and telegrams to Governor 
James McCord protesting the actions 
of his Highway Patrol and advocating 
State compensation for property dam- 
aged. 

Attorneys for the NAACP were on 
the scene in Columbia within a few 
hours of the first reports of the dawn 
raid. Maurice Weaver, a youthful 
Chattanooga white attorney, recently 
returned to civilian life from the navy, 
sought to speak with men who had 
been arrested without success. Z. A. 



THE COLUMBIA, TENNESSEE RIOT 



251 



Looby, Nashville Negro attorney who 
later served as chief defense counsel 
in the case, joined Weaver in prepar- 
ing habeas corpus proceedings; and 
although the writ was denied, most 
of the prisoners were released or in- 
formed of the amount of bail bond 
needed while the hearings were being 
held. Within a few weeks the Maury 
County Grand Jury met and returned 
indictments against twenty-five Ne- 
groes out of the more than 100 ar- 
rested in the original raid. These men 
were charged with assault with in- 
tent to murder. Two white men were 
also indicted; but the nature of the 
charge against them was not made 
clear. (Other indictments were re- 
turned against Negroes and included 
such charges as accessory after the 
fact, accessory with knowledge of the 
fact, and carrying weapons. Mrs. 
Stephenson and James were indicted 
for assault with intent to kill.) 

While Negro, progressive, and civil 
liberties organizations accepted the 
Columbia violence as a definite threat 
to civil rights of persons throughout 
the South and throughout the Nation, 
the more conservative elements in the 
community interpreted the shooting of 
the Columbia police and the defense 
of these arrested in this connection 
as a definite threat to the status quo. 
There were many instances in which 
the Nashville Banner, by implication 
and sometime explicitly, viewed the 
whole incident from the radio shop 
fight to appeals to public opinion as a 
vast "CIO-PAC-Communist" conspiracy 
against the "American way of life." 41 

The Committee for Justice in Co- 
lumbia, Tennessee, the fund-raising 
subsidiary of the NAACP, distributed a 
pamphlet titled, Terror in Tennessee, 
written by Oliver W. Harrington, di- 
rector of pubMc relations for the Na- 
*-'~noi A^srHation It was a factual 
statement, the most controversial sec- 
tion of which was based almost ex- 



41 This interpretation was frequently made 
during the Democratic primary campaign 
in which the Banner supported the 
Crump-sponsored ticket, consisting of in- 
cumbents, Governor McCord and Senator 
K. D. McKellar. The line of attack was 
that of labeling E. W. Carmack, Mc- 
Kellar's opponent, who had considerable 
labor endorsement, as a "Communist- 
front supported candidate." In this con- 
text, the Columbia rioting was attrib- 
uted to "outside, Communist-front inter- 
ference" and hence the sort of thing for 
which Carmack was alleged to represent. 



clusively upon a deposition given to 
an NAACP attorney by Sheriff Under- 
wood. It was, however, an attempt to 
stir people's emotions as well as their 
intellects; and, therefore, was written 
in a spirited manner and was illus- 
trated with several photographs clear- 
ly showing police brutality and the re- 
sults of vandalism in the East Eighth 
Street area. A group of Nashville 
persons, headed by Dr. Donald David- 
son, acknowledged Negrophobe and 
professor of English at Vanderbilt 
University, attacked the Committee for 
Justice as purveyors of incendiary 
propaganda, stating that they had im- 
pugned the good name of Tennessee 
and its courts. 

People from throughout the country 
demanded that the President or the 
Attorney-General call a special Fed- 
eral Grand Jury to inquire into the 
alleged violations of civil liberties by 
local and State officers. After con- 
siderable pressure had been brought 
to bear, Attorney-General Tom Clark 
ordered an investigation held. (The 
FBI is reported to have been on the 
scene very early in the affair; and, 
therefore, is presumed to have had at 
least as much evidence as was gained 
by photographers from newspapers.) 
Judge Elmer D. Davies convened the 
Jury on April 9, 1946 and charged 
it to make an inquiry under the Fed- 
eral code which provides that persons 
"acting under the color of law" who 
willfully deprive other persons of 
their civil rights are subject to fine 
and imprisonment. He gave the Grand 
Jury the following interpretation of 
the statute: 

"Whoever, under the color of any law, 
statute, ordinance, regulation, or cus- 
tom, willfully subjects or causes to be 
subjected," . . . necessarily applies to 
persons acting in their official capacity. 
A private individual not attempting to 
act under the authorization of any law, 
but merely on his own initiative, might 
commit acts which would deprive citi- 
zens of some of their constitutional 
rights but would not necessarily be an 
infringement of the statute in ques- 
tion. . . . 

The word "willfully" is used in the act 
in the sense that it imports something 
more than mere knowledge of the act 
performed or failed to be performed, 
and implies an evil design, not merely 
voluntary, but with a bad purpose, 
coupled with a deliberate and inten- 
tional design to do wrong . . . before 
you return an indictment against any 
person or officer for violation of this 
statute, "you should first find that it 
was a willful violation done with a bad 



252 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



purpose and intent and coupled with 
the intent to deprive a citizen of any 
right guaranteed him under the Con- 
stitution of the United States." 

Judge Davies called attention to the 
pamphlet, "The Truth About Colum- 
bia," and instructed the jury: 

"If the facts alleged in this pamphlet 
are true, then officials have been guilty 
of very serious offenses against the 
Constitution and laws of the United 
States and, if they are true, it is your 
duty to return indictments regardless 
of whom the officials might be. Yet, 
gentlemen of the jury, if they are not 
true then someone for particular rea- 
sons of their own apparently has been 
agitating these matters for some par- 
ticular purpose. 

"Now, gentlemen of the jury, I suggest 
that you subpoena before you the offi- 
cials of the Southern Conference for 
Human Welfare and question them as 
to the facts contained in this pamphlet 
and, if they are true, you should act 
accordingly and return indictments 
against the persons responsible for those 
acts. If they are not true, then the 
circulators of this pamphlet should be 
exposed for deliberately agitating mat- 
ters of this kind to cause difficulties 
between races which are trying to live 
together in peace and harmony." 42 
The findings of the Grand Jury were 
such as one would expect to follow 
Judge Davies' charge. After two months 
of hearing FBI agents and 390 other 
persons, the Grand Jury issued a 4,200 
word report the main features of which 
are given below: 

(1) Vandalism: Contending that some 
of the damage to Negro business 
houses was done during the night 
of February 25, while Negroes held 
siege, the report admitted that 
"much of the damage was wanton- 
ly committed after the arrest of 
the Negroes (sic), and while the 
area was under the control of the 
Highway Patrol and members of the 
State Guard." It was further ad- 
mitted that "an adequate guard 
was not maintained" for several 
hours after the raid on the area. 
The report offered no suggestion 
of indemnity for injured property 
owners. 

(2) Indiscriminate Arrests: The report 
found that no indiscriminate arrests 
of Negroes were made. 

(3) Force Used in Arrests: "Consider- 
ing the basis of the arrests and 
the tense and dangerous atmos- 
phere under which the arrests were 
accomplished, it is the considered 
judgment of this body that the 
force shown to have been used was 
not unreasonable." 

(4) Concerning the Killing of William 
Gordon and James Johnson in Jail: 
"We consider the killing of the Ne- 

42 Quoted from A Monthly Summary of 
Events and Trends in Race Relations, 
April, 1946, p. 266. 



groes (sic) Johnson and Gordon 
justifiable homicide. The testimony 
of eye witnesses, including Napo- 
leon Stewart (Negro fellow-prison- 
er), admits of no other interpreta- 
tion." 

(5) Treatment of Prisoners: Prisoners 
were not subjected to brutality, 
were apprised of their rights not 
to incriminate themselves before 
questioning, and were not denied 
right of counsel. 

(6) Search Without Warrant: Searches 
of homes "adjacent to 'Mink Slide' 
area" were made at the direction 
of the Governor, "and were not, 
in our opinion, unreasonable." [NB: 
The implication is that the Gover- 
nor may set aside the Bill of 
Rights at will. Homes as far as 
two and three miles from "Mink 
Slide" are known to have been 
searched.] 

The report claimed that "the events 
transpiring at Columbia have been the 
subject of nation-wide misrepresenta- 
tion. Falsehoods and half-truths have 
been widely publicized by letter and 
pamphlet under the sponsorship of va- 
rious organizations." The "Commu- 
nist Press" was particularly singled 
out for censure as trying to "foster 
racial hatred and to array class 
against class." 

The Grand Jury report summed up 
its findings with the following admo- 
nition: 

"We wish to sound a warning that the 
good citizens of both races be on their 
guard against insidious and false prop- 
aganda. In the opinion of this grand 
jury nothing is so likely to erode and 
ultimately destroy peaceful and friend- 
ly relations between the races as the 
dissemination of half-truths and false- 
hoods such as have been so freely cir- 
culated in relation to the events oc- 
curring at Columbia." 43 

Repeated efforts to secure another 
Grand Jury investigation of the mat- 
ter, especially in light of very damag- 
ing admissions made during the Law- 
renceburg trial, have been without 
success. 

The Aftermath 

Columbia remained in the news and 
in the public eye for nearly a year 
following the rioting. The indictment 
of twenty-five Columbia Negroes on 
charges of assault with intent to com- 
mit murder specifically assault with 
intent to murder Police Officer Will 
Wilsford has been referred to earlier. 
Under the leadership of Attorneys 

"Quoted from A Monthly Summary of 
Events and Trends in Race Relations, 
July, 1946, p. 364. 



THE ATHENS, ALABAMA RIOT 



253 



Looby, Weaver, and Leon Ransom, the 
following events took place: 

1. A motion for change of venue was 
granted. But the presiding judge, 
Joe Ingram, instead of moving the 
proceedings to Nashville as the de- 
fense counsel had requested, or- 
dered the trial moved to Lawrence- 
burg, Tennessee. 

2. A jury was completed only after 
about eight hundred venire men had 
been called. (Very seldom did 
Judge Ingram grant defense motions 
to excuse a person for cause, even, 
as in one case, when membership 
in the Ku Klux Klan was admitted 
by a prospective juror. Judge In- 
gram reserved for himself the pre- 
rogative of asking all questions con- 
cerning race prejudice, and Klan 
membership.) 

3. The trial was kept before the public 
through the writings of such well- 
known journalists as Vincent Sheean, 
of the New York Herald-Tribune, 
Harry Raymond of the New York 
Daily Worker, and Henry Moscow 
of the New York Post. (One of the 
major sensations of the trial oc- 
curred when Commissioner Lynn 
Bomar of the State Highway Pa- 
trol approached Sheean in the court 
room and threatened to do him bodi- 
ly harm, because of an article that 
had appeared under Mr. Sheean's 
bi-line.) Several other papers had 
special correspondents present for 
the proceedings. 

4. An all-white, all-male jury, made 
up principally of Lawrence County, 
Tennessee farmers, found twenty- 
three of the twenty-five defendants 
not guilty. Two were found guilty. 

5. A motion for new trial of the con- 
victed men went uncontested by the 
State (on the advice of the State 
Attorney General), and these were 
subsequently freed. 

6. One year after the rioting of Feb- 
ruary 26, Mrs. Stephenson and her 
son had not come to trial and several 
other Negroes still had relatively 
minor charges pending against them. 

THE ATHENS, ALABAMA RIOT 

Athens, Alabama is located in Lime- 
stone County, nineteen miles south of 
the Alabama-Tennessee boundary. The 
town proper has a population of 4,342 
persons (3,425 white and 917 Negro). 44 
It is a trading center for Limestone 
County which has a population of 35,- 
642 (26,810 white and 8,822 Negro). 45 
Although this is a county given princi- 
pally to the cultivation of cotton, it 
differs significantly from the cotton 
counties of Alabama's Black Belt (the 
old plantation region) in that it has 
a relatively small Negro population 
and about a third of the Negro farm- 

"Sixteenth Census of the United States, 
1940, Population, Vol. II. 
45 Loc. cit. 



operators in the county are owners. 
Athens' four and one-half thousand 
souls are greatly augmented every Sat- 
urday by the farmers who come into 
town for recreation, gossiping, and 
making the major purchases for the 
week. 

The Cause of the Riot 44 

It was on such a Saturday afternoon, 
August 10, 1946, that the Athens riot 
took place. The precipitating incident 
occurred about one o'clock in the aft- 
ernoon. Two young white men accosted 
a Negro youth as the latter emerged 
from the Ritz Theatre and apparently 
attacked him without provocation. 
The Negro, a veteran of three years in 
the European Theatre, knocked one of 
his attackers down with his fist and 
ran around the corner toward the Ne- 
gro entrance to the theatre. The two 
aggressors, Ben and Roy Massey, twen- 
ty-three and nineteen years old respec- 
tively, the former an Army veteran 
and the latter home on furlough, were 
arrested on charges of drunkenness.. 

Word spread rapidly that two white 
boys had been arrested following a 
fight with a Negro and that the latter 
had gotten away. A crowd of several 
hundred white men and boys is re- 
ported to have gathered and to have 
gone into the theatre in search of the 
Negro. When the youth was not found 
in the theatre the crowd went toward 
the jail two blocks away in the city 
hall. As the men moved toward the 
jail, numerous persons joined in. By 
the time the building was reached, the 
crowd is reported to have reached two 
thousand. The leaders of what had by 
now become a genuine mob tore down 
the door to city hall and demanded 
that the Massey brothers be released. 
The officials, clearly outnumbered, ar- 
ranged a release without removing the 
charges against the men. 

One of the leaders of the mob is 
then reported to have jumped to the 
top of a bread truck and to have 
harangued the crowd on the general 
theme that the police were showing 
partiality to Negroes and that the lat- 
ter were demonstrating a disposition 
to get "out of their places." The larger 

"This account of the Riot and most of 
the material that follows on the Athens 
riot is taken from a report of John Hope, 
II and L. Maynard Catchings, two mem- 
bers of the staff of the Fisk Social Science 
Institute who investigated this affair im- 
mediately after it happened. 



254 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



crowd then broke up into smaller mobs 
and began a systematic program of 
rioting. Every Negro who came with- 
in view of one of these mobs was 
chased out of town, often after he had 
been beaten with a club or strap. 
County Attorney Rosenau estimated 
that 50 to 100 Negroes were pain- 
fully injured during the course of the 
afternoon, and that this number in- 
cluded several women, children, and 
old men. 

One of the activities of the mob con- 
sisted in going into shops and stores 
that employed Negroes and demand- 
ing that the Negroes' jobs be given 
to white veterans. Some of the mer- 
chants agreed to fire their Negro por- 
ters or firemen or delivery boys and 
hire white men in their places. Many, 
it is reported, refused to do this either 
out of (1) loyalty to their employees, 
(2) jealousy of their hiring preroga- 
tives, (3) disinclination to pay wages 
acceptable to white men, or (4) con- 
tempt for the methods being used. 
One shop keeper is reported to have 
hidden his Negro porter in the boiler 
room and to have threatened to shoot 
any member of the mob who sought 
to harm him. On the other hand, an- 
other merchant came quickly to terms 
with the mob; and gave his Negro em- 
ployee a week's terminal vacation on 
the spot, after agreeing to pay the 
veteran offered by the mob as a re- 
placement ten dollars per week more 
than the Negro was receiving. The 
middle-aged former twenty-one dollar 
per week porter told an investigator, 
"I had been working there about three 
years. I was disappointed at the man- 
ager's not taking a firm stand to pro- 
tect me on the job." 

As soon as the mob began its ac- 
tivity, Mayor R. H. Richardson tele- 
phoned Governor Chauncey Sparks in 
Montgomery. The Governor was on a 
fishing trip, but the State finance di- 
rector, Hayes Tucker, and Adjutant- 
General George C. Clear ordered the 
State Guard and Highway Patrol to 
the scene. The first contingent of 
Guardsmen arrived around four o'clock 
Saturday afternoon. About the same 
time, fifty members of the North Ala- 
bama division of the Highway Patrol 
put in their appearance. The crowds 
began to disperse almost immediately; 
ind, by midnight, a semblance of or- 
der had been restored. Nine white 
men and boys, accused of leading the 



rioting, were placed under arrest. No 
Negroes were arrested. 

The Background 

Most observers agree that the leaders 
of the mob and many of its most ac- 
tive participants were returned sol- 
diers and sailors. Very clearly in- 
volved in the situation are economic 
insecurity and political rivalries. 
Athens has practically no industry 
and, therefore, a very limited num- 
ber of decent jobs. An inordinately 
large number of white veterans was 
reported as being among the unem- 
ployed. Not only were immediate pros- 
pects of employment dim but there 
was no prospect of a local economy 
that could absorb the veterans at liv- 
ing wages. The economic situation 
appears to have been a factor in the 
general unrest out of which a riot 
could be easily stimulated. This was 
certainly apparent in the turn that 
much of the mob action took, i.e., de- 
manding that jobs then held by Ne- 
groes be given to white GI's at in- 
creased compensation. 

During the May Alabama Democratic 
primaries, veterans in* Athens, Ala- 
bama, like their buddies in Athens, 
Tennessee, had sought to unseat the 
incumbent city and county office- 
holders. The Alabamans had not been 
successful. It was widely believed that 
the arrest of the Massey brothers of- 
fered an opportunity to the unsuccess- 
ful GI politicians to recoup their 
losses by discrediting the incumbents 
as "nigger-lovers." The relatively firm 
manner in which city and county offi- 
cials dealt with the situation would 
indicate that they felt it was, as one 
Negro citizen put it, "an attack on 
constituted law and order." In any 
case, the factors underlying the riot- 
ing seem other than "racial." They 
are economic, political, and, to some 
extent, youth against age. Race served 
as an occasion for venting resentment 
which had been growing for sometime 
against a situation for which no im- 
mediate answer was forthcoming. 

Police and City Officials , 

The first act of the police in the 
situation was unusual, to say the least. 
It is not expected in the Deep South 
that white parties to an interracial 
fight shall be arrested and no apparent 
effort made to apprehend their Negro 
adversary even if, as in this case, 



RIOTING INVOLVING NEGRO SOLDIERS 



255 



the whites were drunk and had pro- 
voked the conflict. Whether or not 
the city officials could have held the 
jail against an attack by the mob 
whether or not they could have dis- 
persed the mob without giving up their 
prisoners, is problematical. It was 
certainly not comparable to giving up 
a likely lynch victim. Once the situa- 
tion was under control, the accused 
men could be re-committed to jail. 

Judging from the time that the 
State re-enforcements arrived, the 
Mayor immediately realized the in- 
adequacy of his staff to deal with the 
situation and acted upon his opinion. 47 

The Mayor sent the following note 
to eight of the town's most prominent 
Negro citizens the day after the riot: 
"Will each of you please meet a small 
committee of white citizens in the as- 
sembly hall of the courthouse (next to 
the county agent's office) tonight at 
8 o'clock. I am calling this little meet- 
ing for the purpose of talking over the 
unfortunate situation of yesterday and 
to make plans to see that the thinking 
people of our community maintain law 
and order. Please do not publicly dis- 
cuss this conference prior to the meet- 
ing. 

Very truly yours, 

. /s/ R. H. Richardson 

Mayor." 

At the meeting, the Mayor is said to 
have expressed his regret over the 
affair and to have assured the Negroes 
that they would have the protection 
of law enforcement officers at their 
homes and work and that the guilty 
persons would be brought speedily to 
trial. One white man at the meeting 
is quoted as having said, "We don't 
want any of those outside Negroes 
coming down here." One of the prime 
purposes of reassuring Negroes was 
apparently that of warding off the in- 
fluence of "agitators." One of the ad- 
vantages present in the Athens situa- 
tion was that the lines of communica- 
tion between whites and Negroes were 
kept open. It also appears that upon 
whatever basis, an attitude of mutual 
trust between white and Negro leaders 
was present. 

RIOTING INVOLVING NEGRO 
SOLDIERS 

A frequent source of conflict during 
the war period was that of clashes 
between Negro and white soldiers or 
Negro soldiers and white civilians, es- 

47 Cf. with action of Mayor Jeffries in De- 
troit. above. 



pecially in the South. There was a 
fertile ground for such conflict. Negro 
soldiers were told by their army orien- 
tation speakers, by the newspapers, 
and by our Nation's leaders that they 
were fighting against an enemy who 
numbered among his most repulsive 
notions a belief in the superiority of 
certain "races" over certain other 
"races." Many northern Negro men 
had been sent to the South for train- 
ing; and southern Negro men had 
often become very restive. On the other 
hand, many southern white communi- 
ties near Army camps were redoubling 
their efforts to remind Negroes of 
"their place." Off-post recreational fa- 
cilities for Negro soldiers in the South 
were inadequate to non-existent. Trans- 
portation facilities were over-taxed 
and a constant source of race tension. 48 
Given this situation, it is not surpris- 
ing that there were more than forty 
instances of clashes, some of which 
took on the nature of a race riot. 

A report contained in A Monthly 
Summary of Events and Trends in 
Race Relations,* 9 identified as "a con- 
densation of a confidential memoran- 
dum prepared by two very reputable 
social scientists who have made a 
thorough study of the matter," con- 
tains an important analysis which has 
implications for race riots in general. 
Three criteria had been set up for in- 
cluding soldier riots in this study. 
They were "(1) the actual or at- 
tempted use of arms and ammunition 

(2) by a group of Negro soldiers 

(3) against a group of white persons." 
The authors found eight cases that met 
the criteria for selection; and these 
incidents had occurred in the follow- 
ing places: 

1. Fort Dix, New Jersey, April, 1942 

2. Tuskegee, Alabama, April, 1942 

3. Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Early 1943 

4. Camp Van Dorn, Mississippi, May, 
1943 

5. Camp Stewart, Georgia, June, 1943 

6. Fort Bliss, Texas, June, 1943 



'"Transportation tension was complicated 
by the gentle southern custom that de- 
mands that white persons board buses 
and street cars first and Negroes later; 
and the law that usually requires that 
Negroes load the vehicle from the back 
forward and white persons sit from the 
front seats toward the back. This meant 
that the bus was crowded with white per- 
sons by the time Negroes boarded it; 
and that a Negro would have to push 
through a crowd of white persons to get 
a seat. 
"August-September, 1944, pp. 15-18. 



256 



RACE RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 1942-1946 



7. Shenango Personnel Replacement 
Depot, Pennsylvania, July, 1943 

8. Unspecified Town in Cornwall, Eng- 
land, October, 1943. 

After examining each of these cases 
carefully, the authors conclude that 
given certain factors, conflict is in- 
evitable : 

(1) Negro troops who conceive of them- 
selves as American citizens en- 
titled to impartial non-discrimina- 
tive treatment regardless of color. 

(2) White troops and/or civilians who 
conceive of themselves as inherent- 
ly superior, by virtue of their race, 
to all and any persons identifiable 
as Negroes, and hence not required 
to treat, nor justified in treating, 
Negroes as social equals under any 
circumstances. 

(3) Military indoctrination in the virile 
traits of the professional fighting 
men pride, fearlessness and ulti- 
mate reliance on force of arms. 

(4) "Circumstances throwing groups of 
Negro soldiers and white soldiers 
and/or civilians into close proximity 
for some time a period of several 
days, a week or longer. 

(5) Actual or potential access to arms 
and ammunition by Negro soldiers. 

(6) A general socio-psychological atti- 
tude of mutual racial fear, suspi- 
cion, and hate leading to increasing 
tension by a circular process of 
interaction. 

(7) One or more individual Negro sol- 
dier leaders whose threshold for ac- 
tion is relatively low sufficiently 
low at least, that one more inci- 
dent, real or rumored, thrusts him 
or them into the role of active 
leadership. 

(8) A dramatic or catalytic precipitat- 
ing incident. 

RIOTS THAT DID NOT HAPPEN 

It is quite as instructive to know 
instances in which riots seemed immi- 
nent but did not occur as to know of 
those which materialized. There were 
many such instances during the period 
under consideration. Some of these 
came to notice. Obviously, others would 
not be known of, or if known about 
would not be publicized because of 
certain factors involved. Brief accounts 
of some that have been reported will 
be given. 
Charleston, South Carolina (June, 1943) 

Crowds began to mill about after a 
false rumor of Negro preparations for 
rioting was imspired by persons who 
misinterpreted the nature of a crowd 
of Negroes who had gathered to watch 
an intra-racial fight. Police closed all 
beer parlors and liquor stores and dis- 
persed all crowds. No riot occurred. 60 



50 Special report to Fisk Social Science 
Institute. 



Houston, Texas (June, 1943) 

Rumors were rife in Houston during 
June, 1943 to the effect that Negroes 
were planning a riot for "Juneteenth" 
(June 19). An inter-racial committee 
put on an active campaign to combat 
the rumor. This included inserting a 
full-page advertisement in a leading 
Houston paper. 51 

Washington, D. C. (May, 1943) 

At the height of the campaign by 
Negroes to secure employment as op- 
erators on the Capital Transit Com- 
pany's vehicles, a parade and mass 
meeting were planned as a demonstra- 
tion sponsored by the Washington Com- 
mittee on Jobs for Negroes in public 
utilities. A rumor was spread among 
white persons in the Capital that Ne- 
groes had been rioting and/or were 
about to begin rioting. This was an 
instance of the systematic spread of a 
riot rumor; for it was passed along 
primarily by bus and street car op- 
erators (whose union opposed the up- 
grading of Negroes to platform jobs) 
and through anonymous telephone calls 
to schools, government offices, and 
women's dormitories. Chief Edward J. 
Kelly, Superintendent of the Washing- 
ton Police Force, alerted his men. Radio 
stations and newspapers met the rumor 
directly by bringing it into the open 
and denying it. The parade went off 
with Chief Kelly leading the police es- 
cort. 52 

CONCLUSIONS 

The dominant theme in all of the 
racial clashes reported in this section 
is that the deep-seated and underlying 
causes are most often not racial. The 
war period itself with people made 
irritable through personal worries, 
overwork, anxiety over military suc- 
cess of the country, and, perhaps, 
guilt at their direct and indirect par- 
ticipation in the mass blood-letting, 
rendered people insecure and often 
frustrated. This frustration must be 
released. One way of releasing the 
frustration would be to strike back at 
the person or persons who are causing 
one to be frustrated. But, in this in- 
stance, frustration is born of great 
impersonal forces, many of which are 
recognized only dimly, if at all and, 
when recognized, appear to be out of 
reach. A highly visible minority offers 
a convenient and culturally permissive 
object on which one may release his 
pent-up aggression. 53 The precipitating 
incident is but an occasion for vio- 
lence. In another social setting, or at 

"Special Report. 

fl2 Weckley, J. E., and Hall, Theo E. 

The Police and Minority Groups, Interna- j 

tional City Managers Assn., Chicago, 

1944, p. 2. 

53 Cf. Dollard, John, Doob, Leonard, et al., 

Frustration and Aggression (1939). 



CONCLUSIONS 



257 



another time in the same setting, it 
would be simply a personal fight, an 
idle rumor, or the normal course of 
the law. Insofar as this is true, our 
war-born race riots grew from the 
same soil that supported our nation- 
wide rise in rates of juvenile delin- 
quency, our increase in family disor- 
ganization, and our apparent relaxa- 
tion in sex morality. 

Over and above the conditions which 
made for the general rise in instances 
of inter-racial violence, particularly 
race riots, are the special factors that 
cause riots to occur in one place and 
not to take place in another. From an 
examination of the riots and rioting 
reported in this section, certain con- 
ditions stand out. They include: 

1. The failure on the part of local po- 
lice to understand the special skills 
needed for working in minority group 
communities or for dealing with sit- 
uations involving overt inter-group 
conflict. 



2. The assumption on the part of police 
that Negroes or other minorities are 
outside the law in the sense that 
they are the natural enemies of the 
police. 

3. The distrust of the police and other 
officials by members of ethnic mi- 
norities. 

4. Severe and conscious competition 
between racial or ethnic groups for 
housing, jobs, and political prefer- 
ment. 

5. The absence of a responsible and 
skillful inter-racial committee and 

other means of keeping the lines of 
communication open between groups. 

6. The absence of machinery for deal- 
ing positively and promptly with 
rumors idle or malicious. 

While born of psycho-social and eco- 
nomic forces nearly as deep-seated as 
our culture itself, the foregoing factors 
indicate that race riots can be mini- 
mized while men of good will work 
for a social order in which even the 
threat of riots will be non-existent. 



DIVISION XI 

THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 

By VERA CHANDLER FOSTER AND ROBERT D. REID 
Tuskegee Institute 



POLITICAL STATUS OF THE 
NEGRO IN THE SOUTH 

The Southern Political Scene 

The Constitution lays the framework 
of the American tradition of political 
democracy. Civil rights and suffrage 
were given the Negro by the Four- 
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments, 
but the doctrine of equality of human 
rights has been so influenced by sec- 
tional mores that the Negro has a 
political status different in the South 
than in the North. In the North the 
Negro participates freely in elections 
and his suffrage is taken as a matter 
of course; he may vote as well as 
hold office. Generally, in the North 
the Negro has not constituted a po- 
litical issue of lasting importance, ex- 
cept as constituting an issue in nation- 
al politics. Occasionally, in a local 
election, as in the Detroit mayoralty 
contest after the June riot, 1943, the 
matter of race becomes an issue, and 
the Negro vote takes on especial sig- 
nificance. 

It is suffrage the right of unre- 
stricted voting of the Negro in the 
North, and the denial of the vote to the 
Negro in the South which accentu- 
ates the Negro's political status in the 
two sections. In America a disfran- 
chised people is a disadvantaged peo- 
ple. Myrdal characterizes the situa- 
tion aptly in his An American Dilem- 
ma: ". . . it has become customary to 
distribute jobs, protection, and public 
service in some relation to the voting 
strength of the various regional, na- 
tional and religious groups in the 
community. . . . The effect will be 
accentuated if, in addition to disfran- 
chisement, the group is segregated. 
The unpaved streets in the Negro 
sections of Southern cities, the lack 
of facilities for sewage disposal, the 
lack of street lighting, the dilapidated 
school houses, the scarcity of hospital 
facilities, and indeed, all other discrim- 
ination in education, health, housing, 



breadwinning, and justice, give evi- 
dence of this important relation in 
America between the vote and a share 
in the public services. Since Negroes 
do not participate in the election of 
the representative bodies either, these 
bodies cannot be expected to give 
them redress against the officials. No 
representative will see any immediate 
reason to please a disfranchised group, 
and laws and regulations will be drawn 
up without their interests being rep- 
resented. If the system becomes cor- 
rupted, the odds are placed even more 
definitely against a poor group with- 
out political voice." 1 In the fight 
for the ballot the Negro thus seeks 
to improve his status, generally. 

Certain problems have given a pecul- 
iar cast to politics in the South, and 
at the same time reflect the lack of 
democracy there. Bunche lists these 
as: "the low standard of living of 
the mass population of the South, 
both black and white; land tenancy; 
lower wage standards; the poll tax as 
a heavy burden on voting; the Negro 
as a social, political and economic 
'untouchable,' a below-average stand- 
ard of education; the one-party 
system; an inferior quality of po- 
litical representation and crude dema- 
goguery; loose, inefficient and often 
corrupt state and political adminis- 
tration." 2 Severe class distinctions 
which have operated since slavery 
days still characterize the South. A 
sharp hostility has always existed be- 
tween the white upper and lower clas- 
ses, but through manipulation of the 



*Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: 
The Negro Problem and Modern Democ- 
racy, Harper, 1944, pp. 435, 436. 
2 Ralph J. Bunche, The Negro in the 
Political Life of the United States, The 
Journal of Negro Education, Vol. X, No. 
3, July, 1941, p. 569. 



258 



POLITICAL STATUS OF THE NEGRO IN THE SOUTH 



259 



threat of black dominance they have 
gained political solidarity on the is- 
sue of "white supremacy." Bunche de- 
scribes the three most salient features 
of southern politics as: "The looseness 
and casual corruption in Southern 
politics; the disfranchisement of vir- 
tually all black and large numbers 
of 'poor white' citizens; and the em- 



ployment of the Negro issue as a po- 
litical red herring." 3 

This section seeks to reveal what 
the obstacles are towards the Negro's 
voting in the South and to give 
especial consideration to recent de- 
velopments affecting his political sta- 
tus there. 
3 Ibid, p. 569^ 



260 



THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 



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262 



THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 



Voting Requirements 
In the Southern States 

In all of the Southern States except 
Georgia and South Carolina, persons 
are eligible for registration after be- 
coming twenty-one years of age. Geor- 
gia and South Carolina allow persons 
eighteen years of age or older to 
register as voters. As in other States 
of the Union, residents of the South- 
ern States must be citizens of the 
United States and of the State in 
which they register before they can 
become qualified voters; the period 
of residence varies, as does the inter- 
val between registration an.d actual 
voting. Generally, persons adjudged 
insane or idiotic or who have been 
convicted of specified crimes are de- 
nied the privilege of voting, although 
a pardon may restore citizenship and 
the right to vote to those who have 
been convicted for crime. Literacy 
and/or character -requirements are 
set up in Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, 
Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, 
South Carolina and Virginia. Property 
requirements are not general at pres- 
ent; South Carolina has one set up 
as an alternative for literacy. 

Of the thirteen Southern States, 
Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi, South 
Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Vir- 
ginia require the payment of a poll 
tax as a pre-requisite for voting. Flor- 
ida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, 
North Carolina and Oklahoma do not 
have this requirement. Alabama, Mis- 
sissippi and Virginia have cumulative 
poll taxes; the period of liability for 
Alabama covers the period between 
the ages of twenty-one and forty-five. 
Mississippi requires a $2.00 annual 
poll tax which must be paid for two 
years preceding the year in which an 
election is to be held, while Virginia 
has an annual poll tax of $1.50 which 
is payable for three years prior to the 
time that an individual registers un- 
less he has just become twenty-one 
years of age. Veterans usually are 
not required to pay poll taxes for the 
privilege of voting. 

Specification of eligibility of white 
persons only to participate in the 
primary, or delegation of power to the 
political party to ^prescribe party 
membership and eligibility to vote in 
the primary obtains in Alabama, Ar- 
kansas, Florida, Louisiana, Mississip- 
pi, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia. 



All reference to the primary has re- 
cently been removed from State regu- 
lations of South Carolina. 

THE POLL TAX 
Purpose of the Poll Tax 

The poll tax, now operative in seven 
Southern States, is described as the 
"head tax method of limiting the vote." 
Originally a revenue-raising instru- 
ment, the poll tax as a vote limiting 
provision to keep Negroes and "poor 
whites" from voting dates back to 
the 1890's. 4 Basically, the tax dis- 
franchises. Although the tax is a 
small amount ($1.00 to $2.00 per year) 
among the masses, the low income 
group of the South, the marginal util- 
ity of each dollar is too great to per- 
mit such an expenditure. 

Cumulative Feature of the Poll Tax 

In Alabama the cumulative feature 
of the tax brings an especial hard- 
ship. The press throughout the State, 
white and Negro, gave wide publicity 
during the 1946 elections when several 
peop'e paid back poll-taxes amounting 
to $36.00 each in order to qualify to 
vote. Reprinted in the columns of 
the widely circulated Birmingham 
News, February 26, 1946, was the fol- 
lowing editorial from the Anniston 
Star: 

"Last year citizens of Calhoun paid 
more in poll taxes than ever before 
in the history of the county. 

"It is splendid that so many showed 
that much interest in qualifying to ex- 
ercise the right of the ballot; it re- 
veals that persons who have been re- 
luctant to vote want to avail them- 
selves of the privilege of voicing their 
opinion. 

"However, there is a painful ex- 
perience. Twenty-eight of those meet- 
ing the poll tax requirement paid 
the maximum of $36.00 under the cum- 
ulative system, for the privilege of 
exercising the right of the ballot. 

"That means 28 citizens of Calhoun 
County are paying $36.00 for the priv- 
ilege of voting in one election. Where 
else in the country would a person 
of average means pay such tribute to 
express a choice?" 

4 Cf. W. M. Brewer, ''The Poll Tax and 
the Poll Taxers," The Journal of Negro 
History, XXIX, No. 3, July, 1944, pp. 260- 
299; also, Herbert Aptheker, "South Caro- 
lina Poll Tax, 1737-1895," The Journal 
of Negro History, XXX'l, No. 2, April, 
1946, pp. 131-139. 



THE POLL TAX 



263 



It is estimated that 10,000,000 po- 
tential voters 7,000,000 whites and 
3,000,000 Negroes are disfranchised 
by the poll tax. 

Voting in the Poll Tax States 

The percentage of eligibles voting 
in the South is smaller than in other 
sections of the United States. In the 
1942 Congressional elections in the 
eight poll tax States 5 per cent of 
the adult population participated, as 
against 39 per cent in the non-poll 
tax States. The National Committee 
to Abolish the Poll Tax indicates that 
56 of the 69 Representatives from 
States having poll taxes had no op- 
position in the general election that 
year. The disparity was further 
marked in the 1944 Presidential elec- 
tion when out of an estimated 14,500,- 
000 potential voters in the poll tax 
States, only 2,700,000 or 19 per cent 
of the adult population voted, as 
against 57 per cent in the non-poll tax 
States. Although the poll tax is most 
frequently assailed as responsible for 
the relative smallness of southern 
voting lists, it is well to remember 
that while it is a major obstacle to 
fuller political expression, other fac- 
tors must likewise be taken into ac- 
count residence requirements, educa- 
tion and character tests, intimidation 
of persons who desire to register, ar- 
bitrary purging of voters' lists, etc. 

Arguments for the 
Poll Tax Invalid 

The most frequent arguments 
against repeal of the poll tax in 
Southern States are: (1) loss of rev- 
enue; (2) adverse effect on public 
schools; (3) assumption of political 
control in certain areas by Negroes 
and/or "poor whites." Actually the 
poll tax has but little value as a fiscal 
measure. The highest percentage of a 
poll tax State's revenue netted Vir- 
ginia in 1937 only 1.8 per cent. Ala- 
bama usually derives approximately .6 
per cent of its revenue from the poll 
tax. It has been asserted that the 
amount of poll taxes collected in the 
Southern States in 1940 would have 
operated the public schools for two 
days. The Birmingham, Alabama, 
Teachers Association resolved in 1945: 
"Although the revenue received from 
the poll tax goes to education in Ala- 
bama, the oligarchic practice should 



no longer be allowed to stifle the 
achievement for which education exists 
freedom to act wisely. It will mean 
more to education in Alabama to have 
the citizens we have trained take 
part in the settling of political ques- 
tions than to receive the pittance 
from the tax and then see the vital 
matters of the State decided by only 
10 to 30 per cent of the people, many 
of whom have been prodded by po- 
litical leaders to dig up the price of 
the tax." To refute the claim that abo- 
lition of the poll tax would lead to 
control by Negroes, it has been point- 
ed out that in States which have 
abolished it (Louisiana in 1934, North 
Carolina in 1921, and Florida in 1937) 
there has been no very great increase 
in the Negro vote. The threat of in- 
vasion of "white supremacy" seems to 
constitute the real hurdle in the move 
to abolish the poll tax. 

Wide Interest in 
Poll Tax Abolition 

Since the Southern Conference for 
Human Welfare in 1938 began to ex- 
plore ways and means to abolish the 
poll tax, the effort has been waged 
vigorously, both locally and nationally. 
Especially significant was a meeting 
of more than fifty outstanding editors 
and writers of the South, in Atlanta, 
Georgia, on December 21, 1944, devoted 
to a better understanding of the lim- 
itations to voting in the South. This 
Committee of Editors and Writers of 
the South, a completely independent 
group, with Mark Ethridge, publisher 
of the Louisville Courier Journal as 
chairman, was in general agreement 
that much could be done by the mem- 
bers as individuals to effect an ex- 
tension of democracy in the South. 

Interest was stimulated in non-poll 
tax States when it was pointed out 
that disfranchisement of the majority 
of the people in poll tax States un- 
dermined the principle of proportional 
representation in Congress. For in- 
stance, fifty poll tax Congressmen had 
gone to the House of Representatives 
on the same number of votes as had 
one Illinois Congressman. Actually, 
six out of seven votes in non-poll tax 
States were nullified as far as an 
effective voice in Congress was con- 
cerned. Pointing out still further the 
bearing that this disfranchisement 
has on the rest of the country, the 



264 



THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 



Detroit Free Press, on July 15, 1946, 
commented: . . . "two years ago in 11 
of our 48 States, less than half of 
the eligible voters cast ballots. All 
of these States are in the South. All 
but three of them had poll taxes. The 
percentage of eligible voters who went 
to the polls ranged from 41 per cent 
in North Carolina and Florida down 
to 15 per cent in Mississippi and 10 
per cent in South Carolina. The com- 
bined population of Mississippi and 
Georgia in 1940 was 5,307,000 and that 
of Michigan, 5,256,000. The two South- 
ern States have the same number of 
seats in the House as Michigan has, 
two more Senators, and two more 
votes in the Electoral College. Yet 
in 1944 they polled a combined vote of 
498,191 votes to Michigan's 2,205,217 
votes. A vote in Georgia and Missis- 
sippi was worth more in our National 
affairs than four votes in the Wolver- 
ine State. As a result of this disbal- 
ance, the South wields a power in 
Washington out of all proportion to 
its voting strength. The States where 
less than half the eligible population 
votes hold the chairmanships of 19 
of the Senate's 42 committees and of 
31 of the House's 54 committees . . . 
Southern members attain seniority 
largely because of the ease of manipu- 
lating a handful of voters, all that 
are admitted to the polls under their 
minority, one-party system." 

State Measures to 
Abolish the Poll Tax 

In 1945, Georgia abolished its poll 
tax statute by vote of 141 to 51 in the 
House, and 31 to 19 in the Senate. 
Formidable obstacles stand in the 
way of repeal in the remaining seven 
poll tax States. The legislature of Ten- 
nessee repealed its poll tax statute in 
1943, only to have the State Supreme 
Court in a three-to-two decision declare 
the repeal invalid on grounds that 
"this constitutional mandate has been 
so 'welded into intimate and perma- 
nent union' with the statute that the 
two have become indivisible, and the 
statute may not now be divorced or 
destroyed." An amendment was passed 
in the State's 1945 legislature abolish- 
ing the constitutional reference to poll 
tax; the amendment, however, must 
yet be approved by popular referen- 
dum. South Carolina's Senate in 1945 
had a single dissenting vote against 



poll tax repeal, but the measure was 
unsuccessful in the House. A 70 to 27 
vote against abolishing the cumulative 
feature of the poll tax was recorded 
in the Alabama House in 1945, al- 
though several political leaders advo- 
cated total abolition of the tax. 

Federal Anti-Poll Tax Bills 

While State repeal is the ideal and 
ultimate solution, Stetson Kennedy 
says that since the people of the poll- 
tax States have been denied a free vote 
for almost half a century, they are 
now entitled to Federal aid. 5 Thus 
far, however, efforts in Congress to 
make it unlawful to require the pay- 
ment of a poll tax as a pre-requisite 
for voting or registering to vote at 
elections for Federal officials have been 
unsuccessful. 

The first bill to abolish the poll 
tax by Federal act (HR 7534) was in- 
troduced August 5, 1939, by Represen- 
tative Lee Geyer of California who, 
in 1940, formed the National Commit- 
tee to Abolish the Poll Tax. (This 
organization seeks to coordinate the 
fight against the poll tax and to sup- 
ply interested groups with informa- 
tion. It regularly sponsors an "Abol- 
ish the Poll Tax Week.") After the 
House Judiciary Committee dropped 
the bill (1940), the Geyer-Pepper Bill 
was introduced in Congress in 1941. 
It passed the House by vote of 252 to 
84, but was killed in the Senate (1942) 
after a ten-day filibuster by southern 
Senators. In the 78th Congress (1943) 
5 Congressmen introduced anti-poll 
tax bills. These five authors and two 
other Congressmen formed a bi-par- 
tisan coalition and jointly backed 
New York's Representative Vito Mar- 
cantonio's bill, H. R. 7 "making un- 
lawful the requirement for the pay- 
ment of a poll tax as a prerequisite 
to voting in a primary or other elec- 
tion for national officers." Senator 
James M. Mead, also of New York, led 
the fight for its passage, but the 
measure, after having passed the 
House by vote of 265-110 in 1943, was 
blocked in the Senate after a five-day 
filibuster (May, 1944). The bill was 
reintroduced on January 3, 1945, by 
Representative Marcantonio. After the 

5 Stetson Kennedy, "Is the South's Twenty 
Per Cent Democracy Enough," The South- 
ern Frontier VI, No. 10, October, 1945, 
pp. 1-4. 



REGISTRATION 



265 



House Judiciary Committee took no 
action and the Rules Committee failed 
to bring it to the floor, a coalition 
committee steered it to final vote on 
June 12, 1945, when it was passed by 
vote of 251 to 105. Since, no action 
has been taken in the Senate. After 
the Republican landslide in the 1946 
elections, the southern Democrats ex- 
pressed concern that the 80th Con- 
gress might revive and pass the bill. 

REGISTRATION 
Registration Practices 

Registration rarely presents a prob- 
lem in the South to whites who wish 
to vote, despite eligibility require- 
ments, for the registrars generally are 
free to exercise their own interpre- 
tation of the law. A liberal interpre- 
tation is usually given the prospective 
white registrant so that, as Bunche 
says, "there would seem to be no 
good reason, barring the poll tax, why 
any white adult in the South, whether 
illiterate, feeble-minded or criminal, 
cannot vote, if he so desires." 6 On 
the other hand, a rigid interpretation 
of the law is usually exercised in the 
case of the Negro registrant. It is not 
so much the letter of the law as its in- 
terpretation which works a hardship 
upon the Negro. 

Prevailing community attitude to- 
ward Negroes' voting influence regis- 
tration practices. Where an atmos- 
phere of hostility governs, Negroes are 
apt to be threatened with physical 
violence when they attempt to regis- 
ter, and occasionally the threats are 
carried out; or again they may be told 
that they will lose their jobs if they 
attempt to register. In States which 
have cumulative poll taxes there may 
be a severe application of this feature 
to Negroes only. 

The author, Harnett T. Kane, attend- 
ing the Atlanta meeting of the Com- 
mittee of Editors and Writers of the 
South, reported that Negroes in Louis- 
iana were kept away from the polls 
by special arrangements. "You have 
got to go there and sign a registra- 
tion application in which you are 
asked . . . trick questions. . . . You 
must state your age in years, months 
and days. I know I had to sit and 
figure it out, my age in years, months 
and days. There is another trick ques- 
tion: "Who is the householder?" Per- 

"Ralph J. Bunche, loc. cit., p. 570. 



haps you may know, it does not mean 
the landlord. . . . Some of our polling 
places are located in bar rooms, pool 
rooms, slot machine joints and houses 
of prostitution; and when it happens 
that a policeman owns the pool room, 
house of prostitution or other places, 
that makes it a little more difficult, 
not only for a man, white or colored, 
but for a woman to go in and vote." 

Col. Harry M. Ayers, publisher of 
The Anniston Star (Alabama), at the 
same conference told of a Negro friend 
who had tried for several years to vote 
but had been debarred each year be- 
cause he couldn't, according to the 
Board of Registrars, interpret the 
Constitution. The next time he ap- 
peared before the Board he had mem- 
orized the entire document and knew 
more about the Constitution than the 
Board itself. Yet he was barred from 
voting by the Board's exercise of legal 
rights under Section 53 of the State 
code: "The Board of Registrars may 
make such rules and regulations as it 
deems proper for the receipt of appli- 
cations for registration and the ac- 
complishing in as expedient a manner 
as possible the registration of those 
entitled to register, but no person 
shall be registered until the majority 
of the Board of Registrars has passed 
favorably upon the personal qualifica- 
tions." 

Another method was reported by 
George S. Mitchell, Southern Director 
of the C.I.O.-Political Action Commit- 
tee. "Here were the circumstances: 
the place of registration was a home 
in a small white workingmen's neigh- 
borhood. It would be an odd and un- 
usual sight for a Negro to be coming 
down that street. Secondly, the regis- 
trar was a lady. Thirdly, the place of 
registration was her front parlor. 
Fourth, she kept a very large dog. 
Fifth, her husband sat attentively by 
while the registration was going on. 
Now that was within three hundred 
yards of the Potomac River, which is 
supposed to be the more enlightened 
part of Virginia." 

Devices Designed to Exclude 
Negroes from Registration 

A number of techniques are em- 
ployed by Boards of Registrars to pre- 
vent Negroes from becoming qualified 
voters. Among them are the follow- 
ing: 



266 



THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 



1. Refusal to accept application 
blanks from Negroes. 

2. Prompt disposal of application 
blanks accepted from Negroes. 

3. Refusal to furnish certificates of 
registration to Negroes. 

4. Establishment of quotas of Negro 
voters. 

5 Refusal to register Negroes who 
are unable to fill out application blanks 
without assistance. 

6. Requiring the Negro applicant to 
furnish the names of white persons 
whom he believes will vouch for his 
character. 

7. Asking the Negro applicants ques- 
tions which he does not answer to 
the satisfaction of the Board of Regis- 
trars. 

8. Applying literacy and property re- 
quirements in an arbitrary and dis- 
criminatory way. 

9. Requiring Negroes to produce 
property receipts. 

10. Informing Negroes that there 
are no more registration blanks, or 
that it is "closing time," or that they 
will be notified in "due time." 

11. Requiring Negro applicants to 
fill out their own registration blanks 
while assisting whites in filling out 
the blanks. 

12. Having Negro applicants wait un- 
til all white applicants are registered. 

13. Having only one of the registrars 
on duty in order that prospective Ne- 
gro applicants will have to wait for 
hours before being interviewed. 

14. Insults to Negro applicants by 
officials and hangers-on. 

15. Refusal to furnish application 
blanks to Negroes who have been con- 
victed of misdemeanors. 

Attitude Toward Registration 
Practices Varies 

The prevailing system of registra- 
tion does not enjoy complete support 
throughout the South. A letter from 
a Negro journalist to a large southern 
daily commented on the experiences of 
Negro applicants for registration in 
Jefferson County, Alabama, wherein 
approximately 171 of some 250 Ne- 
groes were rejected upon the basis 
of questions such as, "What would 
be the proper place for a candidate for 
the governorship to make his first 
speech?" In reply, The Birmingham 
News editorialized on August -29, 1945: 
"If it be true, as this letter states, 
that 68 per cent of Negroes who ap- 



plied during the August registration 
were turned down, though many of 
them 'do and can meet the legal re- 
quirements to register as electors un- 
der Alabama laws,' a disturbing pic- 
ture is thereby presented to the 
thoughtful white community. If it be 
true that Negroes are not allowed to 
become voters merely because they 
are Negroes, and not because they can- 
not qualify under the law, something 
should be done to improve our system 
of registration as well as the conduct 
of our registrars. 

"It is understandable, in the light of 
this disclosure, why there have been 
efforts to make registrars more arbi- 
trary than ever in carrying out an 
unwritten purpose to keep Negroes 
from becoming voters. Instead of set- 
ting up qualifications which are rele- 
vant and democratic, and instead of 
insisting that these qualifications be 
enforced without fear or favor, there 
seems to be a movement on foot to 
make matters worse by doctoring re- 
quirements to enable registrars to de- 
fy the Federal Constitution. 

"The 'white supremacy' which de- 
pends on such methods is leaning on a 
weak reed. It is a 'supremacy' which 
is afraid to stand on its own feet. 
The time has indeed come for white 
Alabamians to be concerned if the 
best they can do to preserve political 
control is to rely on subversion of the 
law." 

The County Democratic Committee 
of Raleigh, N. C., in 1941 appointed 
two Negro registrars and two judges of 
elections for precincts populated large- 
ly by colored people. Anent the ap- 
pointments, the Norfolk Journal and 
Guide stated, March 22, 1941: "The 
highest significance lies in the fact 
that instead of resorting to other 
means at hand for cancelling out the 
Negro voter, such as certain kinds of 
ward and precinct gerrymandering, 
the party authorities set up two Ne- 
gro precincts and put the responsibil- 
ity for eliminating fraud and corrup- 
tion squarely up to the colored people, 
by putting the machinery of regis- 
tration and elections in their hands. 
... It is their responsibility (the reg- 
istrars' and judges') to see that the 
election laws are not violated; to see 
that clean and honest elections are 
held as far as their precincts are con- 
cerned." 



REGISTRATION 



267 



In other sections of the South, espe- 
cially in Alabama, Georgia, Florida 
and Louisiana, the period, 1940-46, was 
marked by court actions, suits filed 
by Negroes against boards of regis- 
trars on the grounds of refusal to 
register qualified voters. As many 
of these suits, particularly in Alabama, 
asked damage payments, resignations 
of registrars became frequent through- 
out the State. 
The Boswell Amendment 

In Alabama at the November, 1946, 
election there was passed the Boswell 
Amendment. This act, by requiring 
prospective voters to "understand and 
explain" the Constitution, granted 
registrars arbitrary power to de- 
termine persons eligible to vote. The 
measure was ratified by 89,163 votes to 
76,843, a margin of 12,320. The pro- 
posal carried in 41 counties and failed 
in 26. 

This constitutional amendment re- 
quires the prospective voter to read, 
write, understand and explain any 
section of the United States Constitu- 
tion to the satisfaction of the County 
Board of Registrars; to have had law- 
ful employment for the twelve months 
prior; to be of "good character and 
. . . understand the duties and obli- 
gations of good citizenship under a 
republican form of government." (Ex- 
ception is granted those unable to 
qualify due solely to physical disa- 
bility). Previously the requirement 
asked that the prospective voter be 
ab'e to read and write the Constitu- 
tion, meet employment eligibility and 
have at least a $300. property assess- 
ment. The Amendment eliminated the 
property ownership clause. The State 
Constitution guarantees life registra- 
tion to those persons only who regis- 
tered prior to January 1, 1903. The 
Boswell Amendment has as its effec- 
tive date January 1, 1903, so that 
voters now on the list are exposed 
to re-registration should the registrars 
decide that new qualifications have 
not been met. (It should be pointed 
out that the registrars are not elected 
but appointed by the Governor, the 
Commissioner of Agriculture and the 
State Auditor). 

The Boswell Amendment brought 
forth a sharp political campaign in the 
State. Col. R. T. Rives, former Pres- 
ident of the Alabama Bar Association, 
urged defeat of the act for the follow- 
ing reasons: (1) unlimited powers 



granted the board of registrars; (2) 
obvious intent to keep Negroes unfran- 
chised and thereby leading to bad feel- 
ings between the races; (3) opening 
the way for "certain-to-come" court 
actions directly to the Federal Courts 
because of the Amendment's discrim- 
inatory intent: (4) certainty of court 
actions with damage suits against 
registrars, and difficulty of getting re- 
sponsible citizens to serve as regis- 
trars; (5) possibility of the measure's 
becoming a weapon in the hands of un- 
scrupulous registrars to further their 
own political purposes. Supporting the 
stand of Atty. Rivies against the 
amendment were Governor-elect James 
E. Folsom, Senator Lister Hill, and a 
citizens' committee composed of news- 
paper editors, educators, political, 
labor and religious leaders. A major- 
ity of the newspapers of the State 
which expressed themselves on the 
subject were opposed to the Amend- 
ment. 

Advocates of ratification, led by Gov. 
Chauncey Sparks, included big indus- 
trial interests and planters, the State 
Democratic Committee as a group, and 
such men as former Gov. Frank Dixon, 
former U. S. Senator J. Thomas Heflin, 
and Agriculture Commissioner Joe 
Poole. Speaking for the Amendment, 
Gessner T. McCorvey, Chairman of the 
State Democratic Executive Commit- 
tee, in Mobile on October 18, 1946, ex- 
pressed concern over resignations of 
registrars in Jefferson and Macon 
counties. He declared that under 
the then existing law in effect any- 
one could register who could read 
and write and had a $300. tax assess- 
ment, so that registrars had no choice 
but to register "practically every Ne- 
gro who presents himself. With the 
Negroes outnumbering the white peo- 
ple approximately five to one in Macon 
County, a moron can see what is go- 
ing to happen in that county if the 
Board of Registrars registers every Ne- 
gro over 21 years of age who can 
read and write, regardless of his fit- 
ness to vote intelligently on important 
public issues. Macon County is not 
alone. There are something like 17 
or 18 other counties in Alabama's 
Black Belt where the same situation 
exists." 7 He stated that the Boswell 

7 In 1940, according to the Census, there 
were 18 counties in Alabama in which Ne- 
groes constituted 50 per cent or more of 
the population. 



268 



E NEGRO IN POLITICS 



Amendment requiring voters to un- 
derstand and explain the Federal Con- 
stitution would remedy all of this. 
"It gives the registrars some discre- 
tion, and the registrars are not re- 
quired to register practically every- 
thing that walks on two legs. I can- 
not understand how any Southerner 
with the traditions of our people can 
think of wishing to continue a situa- 
tion such as exists in Macon County 
today, which can only result in trouble 
for the future." He added that since 
the resignation of the Macon County 
registrars (due to the filing of a dam- 
age suit by a Negro) Governor Sparks 
had appointed some eight or ten regis- 
trars who had all declined the appoint- 
ment, and that Negroes of the county 
were demanding the appointment of 
three Negroes. 

THE "WHITE PRIMARY" 
Historical Background 

Political administration of white 
supremacy in the South is made se- 
cure by the Democratic or "white 
primary." Prior to the Civil War the 
South had a two-party system, but 
the parties coalesced against the North 
because of the belief that the institu- 
tion of slavery was jeopardized. One 
party, Democratic-rule has dominated 
the "Solid South" since then, except 
for a brief period between the 'seven- 
ties and the 'nineties when the Popu- 
list movement drew the agrarian mid- 
dle and lower classes from the Demo- 
cratic Party. Tracing the background 
of the undemocratic white primary, 
Stetson Kennedy 8