(logo)
(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections

Search: Advanced Search

Anonymous User (login or join us)Upload
See other formats

Full text of "A New History Of Painting In Italy From The II To The XVI Century"

Y.I 



Keep Your Card in This Pocket 

Books will be issued only on presentation of proper 
library cards. 

Unless labeled otherwise, books may ba ft luintdl 
for two weeks. Borrowers finding books marked, de 
faced or mutilated art expected to report turne it 
library dask; otherwise the lt borrower will be held 
responsible for all imperfections discovered, 

The card holder it responsible for aM^oki drown 
on this card. B 

Penalty for overdue book* 2c a dafliui oost of 
notices, 

Lost cards and change of rtsideno* must b it- 
ported promptly. 

Public Library 

Kansas City, Mo. 




KANSAS CITY, MO. PUBLIC LIBRARY 




FE8 



JAN llli 



q. 



3i 



I 



A NEW HISTORY OF PAINTING 
IN ITALY 




MADONNA AND CHILD 



Brogi. 



Academy, Florence. 



A NEW HISTORY OF 
PAINTINd IN ITALY 

From the II to the XVI Century 
By CROWE ftf C A V ALC ASELLE 
EDITED BY EDWARD MUTTON 

IN THREE VOLUMES 
WITH 300 ILLUSTRATIONS 




EARLY 
CHRISTIAN ART 

GIOTTO 
HIS FOLLOWERS 



LONDON: j. M. DENT ar co. 

NEW YORK : E. P. DUTTON & CO. 

MCMVIII 



Printed by BALLXNTTNl, HANSON $ o. 
4-t, tk Ballaatyne Press, Edinburgh 



PREFACE 

No excuse is necessary for the publication of a new edition of Crowe 
and Cavalcaselle's History of Painting in Italy. That work is the 
most important on the subject that has ever been written, and for 
many years it has been out of print and unprocurable save for a 
very large price at second-hand. 1 Yet no student is able to work 
without constantly checking himself by it, for no book or series of 
"books that has appeared since has ever been able, or has even 
attempted, to take its place. For connoisseurship as for " scientific 
criticism " it has never been approached, if we consider it as a 
whole. It is true that later critics have arisen who have confirmed 
its verdicts or questioned them; but so far not one of them, nor 
all of them together, have done, in the forty-four years that have 
passed since the book was written, what Crowe and Cavalcaselle did, 
to wit, produced a History of Painting in Italy in Central Italy, 
that is at once complete, covering the whole ground, and full of 
detail. 

The immense amount of work that has certainly been accom 
plished during the last forty years is for the most part supplementary 
to this book, and it has been my object to represent it without 
fear or favour in my notes to these volumes. It seemed to me 
that my first duty in a matter of this kind was to have no personal 
opinions. I had, as my text, an almost classical work in the 
History and Criticism of Art. I had, as my commentaries upon it, 
the great and various mass of criticism that has been written since 
it appeared. My first business was to keep the text absolutely 
( intact and to be loyal to my authors, neither easily to find fault 
with them nor to harry them with questions ; my second was 

1 In 1903, with Mr. Langton Douglas and the late Mr. Arthur Strong 
as editors, Mr. John Murray began to publish a second edition of this 
work. Two volumes appeared, which consisted of most of the matter in the 
first volume of the first edition. This edition of Mr. Murray's was to be 
complete in six volumes. So far, however, no further volumes have been 
published since the two issued in 1908. 



VI 



PREFACE 



to select without fear or bias from the later criticism of which I 
have spoken such facts and theories as seriously contradicted or 
supplemented the work of my authors. This I have tried to do as 
well as I could, and I hope and believe that the result may be 
found useful and interesting by all who care seriously for the history 
and criticism of Italian painting. 

Perhaps I may say a word about the illustration of these 
volumes. Here we were at an advantage over the authors. The 
first edition of 1864 was illustrated with line drawings, while we 
could use photographs. More than three hundred of these will 
appear in the present work ; and we must thank Messrs. Alinari, 
Anderson, Lombardi, and Mannelli, and especially Signor Brogi, for 
the use of their photographs, without which any adequate illustra 
tion would have been difficult. It was impossible, however, unless 
we had published the book in quarto or folio and at a very large 
price, to do even such justice as photographs may do to the pictures 
we wished to reproduce. We wanted to give as many as possible, 
in order that the student might use them as notes and reminders 
of the pictures so fully described in the text. And it is as 
attempting to fulfil this useful purpose that they must be judged. 

EDWARD HUTTON. 

London, 1908. 

The Editor's notes are within square brackets. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I 

Early Christian art to the close of the sixth century The catacombs, and 
earliest mosaics Early Christian sculpture and miniatures , . . 



CHAPTER II 

Italian art from the seventh to the thirteenth century The latest cata 
comb paintings Decline of art in mosaics Neo-Greek influence at 
Borne Continuation of the decline at Rome Miniatures of the . 
eighth century S. Elia of Nepi and its wall-paintings Early art in 
South Italy, chiefly at Capua : on the coasts of Sicily Miniatures - 
of the Siculo-Norman period, and contemporary Italian works of the 
same kind Mosaics of the twelfth to the fourteenth century Wall- 
paintings at Subiaco, at Parma, and in the Baptistery of Florence- 
Jacobus Torriti 35-S9 



CHAPTER III 

The Cosmati Their works at Civitt Castellana, Anagni, Rome Pietro 

Cavallini 80-94 



CHAPTER IV 

Sculpture in Central Italy from the twelfth century The forerunners of 
Niccola Pisano at Pistoia, Lucca, Pisa, and Parma Niccola Pisano 
and his assistants Earlier and contemporary art in South Italy 
Works of Niccola, of Arnolfo, of Fra Guglielmo, of Giovanni Pisano 
Orvieto cathedral 95-128 



CHAPTER Y 

V Decline of painting in Central Italy in the thirteenth century Crucifixes 
* Painters of Lucca, Pisa, and Siena Guido Painters of Arezzo ; 

Margaritone and Montano 129-160 



CHAPTER VI 

Early Florentine art Tafi Cimabue .^ 161-174 



viii CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CHAPTER YII 

S. Francesco of Assisi Works of Cimabue andJGiotto in the Upper Church 

Gaddo Gaddi and Rusuti 175-196 



CHAPTER VIII 

Giotto : His early years His wall-paintings in the Lower Church of Assisi, 
and at Rome His return to Florence and frescoes in the Palazzo 
delPodesta 197-226 



CHAPTER IX 

Giotto : Story of the He engages to go to Avignon, hut remains in 
Italy He paints at Padua, in the Arena, and at S. Antonio; at 
Verona, Ferrara, and Ravenna 227-248 

CHAPTER X 

Giotto : Florentine works ; in Santa Croce r for the Peruzzi, Bardi, Baron- 

celli, and other chapels ; in Ognissanti Anecdotes . . . 249-265 

CHAPTER XI 

Giotto : His visit to Naples State of art in that capital Early painters : 
Simone Frescoes in S. Chiara Chapel of the Incoronata Robertus 
di Oderisio, Gennaro di Cola, and others Colantonio del Fiore 
Nicholaus Tomasi Final residence of Giotto in Florence S. 
Reparata Death of Giotto 266-286 



CHAPTER XII 

Giotto's influence on the sculptors of his time Andrea Pisano, Nino 

Pisano, Tommaso, and others 287-295 

CHAPTER XIII 

Taddeo Gaddi, and his works at Florence and Pisa Cappellone dei 

Spagnuoli 296-313 

CHAPTER XIV 

Paccio Capanna and other Giottesques Peter and Julian of Rimini . 314-322 

CHAPTER XV 

Buffalmacco- Chronology of the paintings of the Campo Santo in Pisa- 
Francesco da Yolterra Bruno Giovanni 323-332 



CONTENTS ix 



CHAPTER XVI 

Stefano Florentine, and what remains of his works .... 333-335 

CHAPTER XVII 

Giovanni da Milano .......... 336-341 

CHAPTER XVIII 

Giottino : Difficulty of classifying the works assigned to him at Florence 
and Assisi Giovanni Tossicani ....... 342-354 

CHAPTER XIX 

Orcagna, as painter, architect, and mosaist, at Florence and Orrieto - 
Frescoes assigned to him at Pisa Andrea da Firenze Nardo Orcagna 
and Bernardo of Florence ........ 355-379 

CHAPTER XX 

Train! : His alleged relationship with Orcagna ; his altarpieces at Pisa 
Niccola Tommasi and Mariotto Orcagna ..... 380-386 

CHAPTER XXI 

Agnolo Gaddi and Cennino Cennini ....... 387-400 

CHAPTER XXII 

Antonio Venesiano and his claims to rank in the history of Florentine art 
His frescoes at Siena, Pisa, and Florence ..... 401-411 

CHAPTER XXIII 

Gherardo Stamina ; His career His assistant, Antonio Vite . . 412-416 

CHAPTER XXIV 

Declining School of Giottesques ........ 417-444 

CHAPTER XXV 

Lorenzo and other Friars of the Order of the Camaldolese . . 445-451 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



MADONNA AND CHILD ...... Giotto Frontispiece 

Academy, Florence. 

HEAD OF CHRIST ........ To face page xvi 

From the Catacomb of S. Pontiano at Home. 

HEAD OF CHRIST xvi 

From Catacomb of SS. Nereo e Achilleo at Home. 

MOSAICS 1 

From the Church of SS. Cosma e Damiano, Rome. 

MOSAIC 20 

From the Baptistery, Ravenna. 

MOSAIC 20 

From the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, Ravenna. 

JUSTINIAN AND HIS SUITE, WITH S. MAXIMIANUS . 21 

From the mosaic in S. Vitale, Ravenna. 

THEODORA AND HER SUITE 21 

From the mosaic in S. Vitale, Ravenna. 

CHRIST BETWEEN FOUR ANGELS ,, 28 

From the mosaic in S. Apollinare jSTuovo, Ravenna. 

THE PROCESSION OF VIRGINS ...... ., 28 

From the mosaic in S. Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna. 

THE THREE KINGS 29 

From the mosaic in S. Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna. 

HEAD OF CHRIST 48 

From the Catacomb of S. Pontiano at Rome. 

. CHRIST AND THE VIRGIN, WITH SAINTS .... 48 

From the mosaic in S. Maria in Trastevere, Rome. 

DOORS OF S. SABINA, ROME 49 

S. FRANCIS 72 

From the wall painting at the Sacro Speco, Subiaco. 

THE REDEEMER AND SAINTS ...... 73 

From the mosaic in S. Giovanni in Laterano, Rome 

ADORATION OF THE MAGI 94 

From the mosaic in S. Maria in Trastevere, Rome. 

THE NATIVITY 94 

From the mosaic in S. Maria in Trastevere, Rome. 

THE ANNUNCIATION AND THE NATIVITY . Niccola Piaano 95 

Baptistery, Pisa. 



xii ILLUSTRATION'S 

MADONNA AND CHILD .... Giovanni Pisano To face page 118 
Campo Santo, Pisa. 

MADONNA AND CHILD ( IVORY) . . Giovanni Pisano 119 

Duomo, Pisa. 

MADONNA AND CHILD . .- . Coppo di Marcovaldo 170 

Chiesa de' Servi, Siena. 

MADONNA AND CHILD, WITH S. FRANCIS . . ? Oimabue 170 

Assist. 

MADONNA AND CHILD f Cimabue 171 

Academy, Florence. 

MADONNA AND CHILD Sienese School 171 

S. Maria Novella, Florence. 

THE Kiss or JUDAS Roman School 176 

Upper Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

THE SACRIFICE OF ISAAC .... Roman School ,, 177 

Upper Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

THE NATIVITY Roman School 177 

Upper Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

S. FRANCIS HONOURED BY THE POOR MAN . Giotto 186 

Upper Church, S. Francesco, Assist 

S. FRANCIS RENOUNCING THE WORLD . . Giotto 187 

Upper Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

S. FRANCIS AND THE BIRDS Giotto 192 

Upper Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

DEATH OF THE KNIGHT OF CELANO . . Giotto 193 

Upper Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

THE ALLEGORIES OF POVERTY AND CHASTITY . Giotto 208 

Lower Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

THE FLIGHT INTO EGYPT Giotto 209 

Lover Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

THE MASSACRE OF THE INNOCENTS . . . Giotto 209 

Lower Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

CHRIST ENTHRONED Giotto 224 

S. Peter's, Home. 

DANTE ....... Giotto (repainted) 225 

Bargello, Florence. 

THE NATIVITY Giotto 228 

Arena Chapel, Padua. 

THE PRESENTATION IN THE TEMPLE . . . Giotto 228 

Arena Chapel, Padua. 

TfiE ADORATION OF THE MAGI .... Giotto 229 

Arena Chapel, Padua. 

TSE FLIGHT INTO EGYPT Giotto 229 

Arena Chapel, Padua. 

THE MASSACRE OF THE INNOCENTS . . . Giotto t , 240 

Arena Chapel, Padua. 



JLJJJJUtC 


?J.i.^LXlVl>O 


Xlll 


THE BAPTISM OF CHRIST 
Arena Chapel, Padua. 


Giotto 


To face page 240 


THE RAISING OF LAZARUS . 
Arena Chapel, Padua. 


Giotto 


241 


THE ENTRY INTO JERUSALEM 
Arena Chapel, Padua. 


Giotto 


241 


VIA CRUCIS 

Arena Chapel, Padua. 


Giotto 


244 


THE CRUCIFIXION 
Arena Chapel, Padua. 


Giotto 


244 


THE DEPOSITION 
Arena Chapel, Padua. 


Giotto 


245 


" NOLI ME TANGERE " 
Arena Chapel, Padua. 


Giotto 


245 


ZACHARIAS IN THE TEMPLE 
S. Croce, Florence. 


Giotto 


252 


BIRTH OF S. JOHN BAPTIST 
S. Croce, Florence. 


Giotto 


252 


THE DANCE OF SALOME 
S. Croce, Florence. 


Giotto 


253 


THE RAISING OF DRUSIANA 
S. Croce, Florence. 


Giotto 


256 


S. JOHN EVANGELIST ON PATHOS 
S. Croce, Florence. 


Giotto 


25G 


THE CONFIRMATION OF THE RULE 
S. Croce, Florence. 


OF S. FRANCIS Giotto 


257 


THE APPARITION OF S. FRANCIS AT ARLES . Giotto 
S. Croce, Florence. 


257 


S. FRANCIS BEFORE THE SOLDAN 
S. Croce, Florence. 


Giotto 


257 


THE DEATH OF S. FRANCIS 
8. Croce, Florence. 

CRUCIFIX 


Giotto 
s Giotto 


262 
263 


S. Felice, Florence. 




JABAL THE SHEPHERD 
Campanile, Florence. 


. Andrea Pisano 


292 


THE CREATION OF MAN 
Cathedral, Orvieto. 


? Lorenzo del Maitano 


293 


THE MEETING OF JOACHIM AND ANNA . Taddeo Gzddi 
S. Croce, Florence. 


300 


THE PRESENTATION OF THE VIRGIN 
S. Croce, Florence. 


. Taddeo Gaddi 


300 


ADORATION OF THE MAGI . 
Academy, Florence 


. Taddeo Gaddi 


301 


THE CRUCIFIXION 
Academy, Florence 


. Taddeo Gaddi 


301 



XIV 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



" NOLI MB TANGERE " .... TaddeoGctddi To face page 301 

Academy, Florence 

DETAILS OF THE TRIUMPH OF S. THOMAS AQUINAS . ? 310 

Spanish Chapel, S. M. Novella, Florence. 

RISING OF LAZAEUS .... Follower of Giotto 311 

Lower Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 
"NoLi ME TANGERE" . . . Follower of Giotto ,, 311 

Lower Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

TEBALDO PONTANO BEFORE S. MARY MAGDALEN 

Lower Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. School of Giotto ,, 338 

BIBTH OF THE VIRGIN . . . Giovanni da Milano 338 

S. Croce, Florence. 

S. JOACHIM EXPELLED FROM THE TEMPLE 

S. Croce, Florence. Giovanni da Milano 339 

" NOLI ME TANGEBE " . . . Giovanni da Milano 339 

S. Croce, Florence. 

THE DEPOSITION Giottino 350 

Uffizi Gallery, Florence. 

THE VISION OF BETTINO DE' BABDI . . . ? Giottino 351 

S. Croce, Florence. 

PRESENTATION OF CABDINAL OBSINI AND HIS BROTHER TO 

OUR LORD Giottino 351 

Lower Church, S. Francesco, Assisi. 

DETAILS FROM THE FRESCO OF THE PARADISE . Orcagna 358 

S. Maria Novella, Florence. 

PARADISE . Orcagna ,, 359 

S. Maria Novella, Florence. 

Two ANGELS (Details of above) .... Orcagna 359 

S. Maria Novella, Florence. 

MARRIAGE OF THE VIRGIN Orcagna 370 

Orsanmichele, Florence. 

DETAILS FROM THE TRIUMPH OF DEATH 

Campo Santo, Pisa. Follower of the LorenzeUi 371 

ALTARPIECE Agnolo Gaddi 390 

S, Caterina Antella, near Florence. 

LEGEND OF S. RAINERI . . . Andrea da Firenz i 391 

Campo Santo, Pisa. 

RETURN OF S. RAINERI . . . Antonio Ventziano 410 

Campo Santo, Pisa. 

ALTARPIECE ..... Bernardo Daddi ,, 411 

Uffizi Gallery, Florence. 

MADONNA AND CHILD . . . Birnzrdo Daddi ,, 418 

S. Giorgio Ruballa, near Florence. 

S. CATHERINE Spinello Aretino ,, 419 

S. Caterina Antella, near Florence. 



ILLUSTRATIONS xv 

S. ANTHONY, ABBOT .... Spinello Aretino To face page 419 

S. Caterina Autella, near Florence. 
INCIDENTS IN LIFE or ALESSANDBO III. Spinello Aretino 430 

Siena. 
THE CBTJCIFIXIOK . . . ? Niccolo di Piero G-irini 431 

Sacristy, S. Croce, Florence. 
THE RESUBBECTION . . . 9 Niccolo di Piero Gerini 431 

Sacristy, S. Croce, Florence. 
CRUCIFIX Lorenzo di Niccold 444 

S. Giorgio Buballa, near Florence. 
S. MABGHEBITA ? Lorenzo di Bicci 444 

Duomo, Prato, 
ALTABPIECE Lorenzo Monaco ,, 445 

Academy, Florence. 
THE CoBOHTATiosr OF THE VIBGIN . Lorenzo Monaco 448 

Uffizi Gallery, Florence. 

ADOBATION OF THE MAGI . . . Lorenzo Monaco 449 

Uffizi Gallery, Elorence. 



A NEW HISTORY OF PAINTING 
IN ITALY 

CHAPTER I 
EARLY CHRISTIAN ART TO THE VI. CENTURY 

IN the most prosperous times of Rome the arts never attained to 
the perfection of the models created by the genius of Greece. Long 
before the golden age of the Antonines, sculpture and painting had 
degenerated from the high standard upheld in the great times of 
the Empire. From that period till the rise of Christianity they 
pursued an uniform path of degeneracy ; yet they retained such 
vitality as to impose their laws on the nascent Christian school. It 
is not the object of these pages to trace the decline of Classic art or 
to record its fall. A study of Christian art from its beginning in 
the catacombs of Rome and Naples, to its decline and fall in the 
first ten centuries, and the final development of its genius, as it 
rose to the perfection of Giotto, Ghirlandaio and Raphael, such is 
the purpose to which these pages are devoted. 

The unconquerable aversion of the primitive Christians from 
images and pictures rapidly subsided in the second and third 
centuries ; and though it seemed yet a rash and sacrilegious act to 
attempt the delineation of the Eternal, it was no sin to represent 
the Redeemer under the form of the Good Shepherd or of Orpheus, 
or to symbolise His miraculous Birth, His Passion, Death, Resurrec 
tion, and Ascension by episodes of the Old, prefigurating those of 
the New, Testament. 

The painters of the catacombs, whose works afford the earliest 
examples of Christian art, were but too evidently under the 
influence of pagan models and customs to give their subjects that 
depth of feeling, that Christian type which marked the period of 
the great revival. They twined the Christian theme in garlands 
of pagan flowers. Cupid fluttered in the vine leaves around the 
figure of the Good Shepherd. The chlamys and tunic clothed the 



2 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

forms of the Virgin, the pallium that of the prophets ; whilst the 
Phrygian dress and cap covered the heads and frames of the 
shepherds or the Magi. The attitude, motions, forms, and distri 
bution were those of the classic time, the degenerate imitation of 
the greatness of past ages. Whilst the face of the Redeemer 
distantly revealed the features of the Olympian Jove or of Apollo, 
the prophets were but too frequently reminiscent of the Greek 
philosopher. Labouring in the dark and intricate passages or 
vaults in which the first Christians held their conventicles, the semi- 
pagan artists boldly stained the rough coated walls with light and 
lively tinted water-colours, hastily defined their animated figures 
with dashing lines, and left the spectator to imagine the details 
and modelling of the form. Their representations had something 
classical and bold in movement. Their groups closely resembled 
those of the pagan time, and their execution was naturally rude, 
hasty, and slight. 

Such, from the remains that are now visible, was the character 
of the paintings of the second or third century 1 in the catacomb of 
SS. Nereo e Achilleo 2 in the vault vulgarly called Stanza dei Pesci, 
where the Redeemer is seated 3 in the centre of the roof in the attire 
of a shepherd, carrying the Lamb, and surrounded by an ornament 
of tendrils and Cupids. 4 Such, from the feeble traces that remain, 
were the paintings of the third or fourth century in the vault 
usually called Stanza delle Pecorelle, 5 where the Redeemer was 
depicted in the lunette as the Good Shepherd, carrying the Lamb,* 5 
accompanied by two figures and a flock ; whilst below, Moses 
strikes the rock and Jonah is swallowed by the whale. Here indeed 
the attitudes were not without grandeur, in so far as simple lines 
can render the human form ; nor were the masses of light and 

1 [The paintings in the Cappella Greca of the catacombs of S. Priscilla 
were executed in the first thirty years of the second century. Wilpert, who 
discovered them, thinks they are of the time of Trajan, Cf. WILPEBT, 
" Fractio panis," La plus ancienne representation du sacrifice Eucharistique 
d la Cap. Gfreca (Paris, 189G), and VENTUBI, Storia deW Arte Italiana (Milano), 
vol. i. pp. 10, 11. For the paintings generally in the Boman catacombs, 
see WILPEUT, Le Pitture delle Catacombe Romane, 2 vols. (Rome, 1903). In 
these vols. are more than 300 plates, many of them folio size, a large number 
of them in colour. This magnificent work has superseded all others on the 
subject.] 

2 Of old S. Callixtus. 

3 [The Redeemer was standing.] 

4 Traces of the head, legs, and body of the principal figure remain. 

5 SS. Kereo e Achilleo, late S. Callixtus. 

6 Similar examples of the good pastor may be found in old sarcophagi, for 
instance in Sarc. No, 76 in the Campo Santo of Pisa, where the sandalled 
Saviour is represented beardless, youthful, and with the face of Apollo. 



THE CATACOMBS 3 

shade without breadth, the colour without harmony, or the drapery 
without simplicity. 1 

Yet if painters still hesitated to imitate the features of the 
God-man as He might have existed after reaching the age of 
adolescence, no such scruple affected them when it was necessary 
to depict Him as an infant on the knees of His mother. The Virgin 
herself, though less venerable to the early Christians than to the 
later followers of the Gospel, was already in honour in the third and 
fourth centuries, and might be seen enthroned and either receiving 
the offerings of the Magi or attended by those prophets of the Old 
Testament who had foretold her coming. Amongst the very earliest 
catacomb pictures is one in San Callisto which represents the Virgin 
sitting in profile on a throne holding the infant Saviour and receiv 
ing the offerings of the Magi, who stand before her in Phrygian 
caps and dresses. In the medallion centre of the roof sits the 
Good Shepherd with two lambs on each side of him. No halo or 
nimbus indicated as yet the saintly character of Mary or of the 
infant Saviour. 2 

The Adoration of the Magi in S. Callisto, and another almost 
similar in the catacomb of S. Agnese, in which the presence of the 
Magi is more certainly determined by the guiding star painted 
above and on one side of the Virgin, were in the antique style, and 
afforded further examples of the veneration in which scenes com 
bining the presence of the Virgin and Saviour were held. 

The Virgin with the Child was depicted at the same period in 
the catacomb of SS. Marcellino e Pietro receiving offerings from 
two figures on each side of her in Phrygian costume. At a later 
period Isaiah and Jeremiah were represented on each side of episodes 
from the life of the Virgin, and the two figures here depicted may 
have been intended to represent those prophets. A gentle cast of 
features, a slender frame marked this early and still classical repre 
sentation of the Virgin. 3 

A gradual yet sensible decline may be traced with the lapse of 

1 . A careful analysis of the technical process in use at Rome in the third 
and fourth centuries may be obtained from these wall-paintings. On a light 
ground a general warm yellow-red tone was thrown over the whole of the 
flesh parts of a figure. The shadows were worked in with a deeper and thicker 
tint of the same warm colour in broad masses and without detail. The out 
line was rapidly drawn in black, as were likewise the eyes, nose, and mouth. 
The draperies were coloured in the primary keys, and with tolerable knowledge 
of the laws of harmony. 

2 The figure of the Virgin is in part effaced and the Saviour almost gone. 

3 The Virgin's head is draped, the colour of the painting gay and har- 



4 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

time, even in the rude and hasty works of the catacombs. The 
figures, without losing the character of the Roman antique, become 
sometimes square and short in their proportions, at others inordi 
nately long ; and they are executed if possible with more haste and 
greater neglect of detail than before. In the vault called the Chapel 
of the Four Evangelists in SS. Nereo e Achilleo, the Saviour was 
represented in a recess in the character of Orpheus taming with 
the sounds of his lyre the wild beasts that surround him. Camels, 
birds, a lion are well grouped about the principal figure. The 
Saviour, still symbolically represented, wields the power of faith 
to convert the heathen and savages. The prophet Micah stands 
above the recess on the left. Moses on the right strikes the rock, 
and in the centre the Virgin holds the infant Saviour before the 
Magi. On a neighbouring wall, Daniel stands in a recess between 
two lions, whilst above on the right Moses ties his sandals. On the 
opposite space are traces of Elijah's ascent to heaven in a classic 
biga. Above is a female with open arms. Further are Noah, look 
ing out of the window of the ark, and Lazarus rising from the grave 
in the presence of the Saviour. On the fourth wall, traces of a figure 
remain, and in the medallion centre of the vaulted roof the feeble 
remnants of a bust representing a man with long hair divided in 
the centre, a small beard, and a piece of drapery covering his left 
shoulder. A doubt may exist as to whether the painter intended 
to portray the features of the Redeemer or those of a person whose 
piety might have rendered him conspicuous in life and worthy of 
commemoration after death. 

But the Christians had now completely overcome the scruples 
which forbade them to represent the visible form and features of 
the Saviour in His manhood. As an infant in the arms of His 
mother He had already been exhibited. It now became meritorious 
rather than sacrilegious to delineate His countenance and frame. 
We may admit that a pious forgery 1 helped the artists of the 
fourth century in the difficult task of representing the Saviour, yet 
in the types which were at first adopted the antique was closely 
imitated, whilst a little later, when more importance was given to 
the head, it was thought sufficient to, present the regular forms of 
a man in the vigour of manhood, calm, of regular proportions and 
features, with an imposing brow, a straight nose, passionless eyes 
expressing solemnity, and a broad and muscular neck. The beard- 

1 See, as to the letter of the Consul Lentulus, the historians of the 
Empire. 



THE CATACOMBS 5 

less and curly-headed type of the Good Shepherd changed gradually 
from an imitation of Apollo to an imitation of Jupiter. It became 
bearded, slightly in some cases fully in others. The chin and 
mouth were alternately bared or concealed according to the fancy 
of the artist or the will of his employer ; or the hair was divided 
in the middle and fell in curls on the shoulders. 

Under the transition form yet still reminiscent of Apollo, the 
Saviour was represented in the fourth century or beginning of the 
fifth between the four Evangelists in a vault of S. Callisto called 
Stanza dei Quattro Evangelisti, young, beardless, and with a curly 
head. In full front and with outstretched arms He is seated on a 
Roman chair, with His right hand giving the benediction, with His 
left holding the Gospels, whilst on each side of Him two figures 
stand in classical attitudes and natural motion. One of these 
figures on the left points triumphantly to a star painted above Him, 
and seems thus symbolically to mark the mission of the Saviour 
in the very manner in which it was revealed to the wise men of the 
East. 1 A simple nimbus, the first that meets the eye in the cata 
combs, and the Greek initials of the Saviour's name, indicate the 
holy character of the Redeemer. In His face, however, not a trace 
is to be seen of that noble resignation, of that consciousness of His 
mission which animated the Redeemer as painted in the fourteenth 
century. It may be urged indeed that in a pictorial representation 
such as this necessarily rude one of the catacombs, damaged besides 
by loss of colour, it is difficult to judge the powers of the artist ; 
but as the examples are numerous, it remains undeniable that early 
Christian artists were not imbued with power or sentiment to render 
the sublime idea of the Redeemer, and that, influenced by classical 
types, they imitated them in the features of the Saviour. 2 A little 
later they strove to express something more than majesty, and in 
the effort they fell into an exaggerated mode of delineating human 
passions. They declined in the power of representing form in 
proportion as time enlarged the gulf between them and the great 
classical ages. In a group of the fourth or fifth century in the 
catacomb of SS. Nereo e Achilleo, representing the Virgin, Child, and 

1 This painting is damaged, and the head of the Saviour almost dis 
coloured. There are traces of a red tunic and blue mantle. The execution 
is slight, the colour, where it remains, clear. A copy of this painting exists in 
the Museum of S. Giovanni in Laterano, sufficient to illustrate the style but 
not the technical execution of the original. 

2 \Cj. VENTTJEI, op. cit., vol. L p. 34, note 2. He gives an explanation 
of the development of the early representations of the Good Shepherd and 
a bibliography of the subject.] 



6 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

four figures in Phrygian dress making an offering, 1 this decline is 
npt as yet very noticeable. It may be traced distinctly in a paint 
ing of the period, in the same catacomb, 2 representing the Saviour 
enthroned in the midst of the apostles, in remains of figures on the 
lower part of the same wall, busy, it would seem, with the ark, and 
in the Good Pastor amidst the shepherds and their flock, carrying 
the Lamb on His shoulders. Rapidity of execution had now been 
joined to defective forms and absence of fit proportion. The heads 
were small and the bodies long. 

Whilst the art of Rome thus followed in its decline that of public 
welfare and prosperity, it went through similar phases at Naples, 
in whose catacombs a few examples remain. Two life-sized bust 
figures of SS. Peter and Paul, painted in the fourth or fifth centuries, 3 
prove the imitation of classical models, whilst they derive additional 
interest from the fact that these saints had already become fixed 
and immutable types. In the austere features, the square head 
and beard, the short hair of S. Peter, in his yellow tunic, the curious 
inquirer may trace the original of many subsequent delineations of 
that apostle. In the long head, grave features, and pointed beard 
of the second figure he may note the unalterable lineaments of the 
apostle Paul. Nimbi akeady proclaim their saintly character, nor 
will it be found that any sensible difference existed between the 
technical execution of the Naples catacombs and that of the 
artists of Rome. In both capitals painters followed the rules 
of their pagan predecessors, whose works still adorn the ruins 
of Pompeii. 4 

A glance will suffice for a female figure of later date with out 
stretched arms in a niche in the same catacomb. Her name Vitalia 
and the words " in pace " indicate the commemorative nature of 
the picture, and this is confirmed by the costume and the drapery 
which covers the head as well as the frame. 5 

The tomb of a most famous Neapolitan saint Januarius 
possibly of the fifth or sixth century, is close by, protected by a 
figure of the Saviour erect in a recess with outstretched arms and 
dressed in a tunic and sandals. A youthful beardless face, sur- 

1 Possibly the four prophets, Jeremiah, Isaiah, Malachi, and Daniel [or 
the Magi]. 

* SS. Nereo e Achilleo. Cap'pella dei Dodici Apostoli. 

3 Naples catacombs, braccio sinistro, seconda sepoltura. 

* The letter P indicates the name of both apostles. S. Paul is in a mantle 
of blue. The flesh tints have a general reddish tone, the high lights and 
shadows are put in with body [only the outlines remain]. 

6 The head of this figure and other parts are discoloured. 



THE CATACOMBS 7 

rounded by a nimbus with the Greek P, the alpha and omega, two 
candelabra above, reveal the intention of the painter to depict the 
Redeemer. Two females on each side of Him, with their arms held 
up before them, complete a composition which, taken as a whole, 
betrays the same progress of decline at Naples as was noticed at 
Rome. 

The decline was not, however, as rapid as might have been ex 
pected ; and at Rome, in the end of the fifth or first half of the sixth 
century, the painters of the catacombs still produced works which 
testified how deeply the classic forms were impressed upon, them 
and how hard it would be to supplant them by others of a character 
more suited to the development of the Christian idea. SS. Peter, 
Gorconius, Marcellinus, and Tiburtius were represented on the walls 
of a vault in the catacomb of SS. Marcellino e Pietro * at the side 
of the Lamb standing on a rock from which the four rivers issue. In 
the long frames and small heads, in the defective feet and hands of 
these figures, the declining antique may still be traced. But in the 
centre of the arch of the vault is the Saviour seated on a Roman 
chair, wearing the tunic, pallium, and sandals, giving the benediction 
with His right hand and in His left holding a book. The head, 
surrounded by a simple nimbus, and, on each side of it, the Greek 
alpha and omega, is of a long shape, but of a youthful type. The 
broad and open brow, the calm and regular eye, have a certain 
majesty. The hair falls on the shoulders in locks, and a pointed 
beard adorns the chin. The outline of the frame is also fine. As 
regards pure form indeed this was one of the best types of head of 
the decline of the sixth century. It was equal to some produced 
at Ravenna, 2 and nearly approached some produced at the great 
revival in the fourteenth century. To the right and left of the 
Redeemer stand S. Peter and S. Paul, distinguished as they had 
already been at Naples by those peculiar types which remain 
characteristic of them for centuries. An appearance of excessive 
length and exaggerated action is imparted by the nature of the 
space which the figures occupy. The converging shape of the 
furnace vault made it difficult for the painter to combine good 
distribution of space with faultless shape and movement. 

A century after this, the Saviour was still depicted, as for instance 

1 Cappella di SS. Pietro e Marcellino. There remain traces of a nimbus 
and the Greek symbol above the Lamb. The name of "Petrus" is inscribed 
above the head of that saint. A copy of this painting is in the Museum of 
S. Giovanni in Laterano. 

8 With some modification of age at S. Apollinare Nuovo. 



8 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

in S. Ponziano, in the act of benediction and of imposing aspect, 
but the painter had already lost the ease of hand, and had never 
acquired the knowledge of form, of his predecessors. He had sunk 
to a certain conventionalism of delineation which was betrayed in 
the straight nature of the falling hair, the regular succession of the 
curls of a small beard, the semicircular curves of the brows and 
eyelids, and the breadth of dark outlines. The brow was still open 
and fair, the nose straight, the neck broad ; but the eyes had 
already an unpleasant gaze, the lower lids being distant from the 
iris and the upper unnecessarily arched. An effort in fact had thus 
been made to render the idea of power by inspiring the spectator 
with terror. 1 

Long before this time, however, the painters had ceased to 
conceal themselves in the catacombs, and the higher orders of the 
Italian clergy had resolved that paganism could not be eradicated 
with greater ease than by the multiplication of pictures. The 
curious may study Paulinus, Gregory, and the partisans of images 
to acquire an insight into the motives which led them to adorn the 
old basilicas and newly erected churches with biblical subjects. 
The mosaics with which the holy edifices were adorned had no 
other character than the paintings of the catacombs, nor is the 
influence of classic forms less visible in them than it was in the 
ruder or more hasty works of the early wall painters. Critics have 
been long deceived by a so-called mosaic in the Christian Museum 
of the Vatican into the belief that the Saviour was represented in 
the earliest times in the green tunic, long hair, and beard, and the 
classical forms of a Greek philosopher. 2 A Latin inscription vouches 
for the truth of a theory which analysis entirely overthrows. The 
celebrated ikon is but a plaster imitation of mosaic, and may have 
been a copy of an old classic portrait. A painting in the same 
museum said to be of the fourth century is equally unsatisfactory 
to the critic. 3 

No mosaics of earlier date than the fourth century are to be 

1 Catacomb of S. Ponziano, sixth or seventh century. The figure is 
colossal. The nimbus is here adorned for the first time with the Greek cross. 
A star is painted at each side of the head. Although the type is declining* 
the technical execution of colour remains the same as before. The surface of 
the wall is very rough and the execution hasty. 

2 " Icon vetustissima Domini nostri Jesu Cristi, in parentinis sacrorum em 
materioram Romanes urbis speciem exhibens musivi operis antiquis." 

* Originally executed in the catacomb of S. Sebastian, it represents the 
Saviour holding a scroll and touching the shoulder of one near Him whilst 
other figures are seated around. This painting, semicircular in form, seems 
to represent the Last Supper. 



EARLY ROMAN MOSAICS 9 

found at Rome, nor do these afford material for a fair and impartial 
judgment. There are indeed but three edifices in Italy that contain 
mosaics of the fourth century, and these are so damaged that very 
little of the original remains. Those of the Baptistery built at 
Rome by Constantine in the fourth century, and now called Santa 
Costanza, leave little doubt as to the time when they were executed. 
Here the more essentially pagan peculiarities of the early centuries 
were curiously marked. 

The Saviour was represented in the centre of one of the arched 
doors, as the ruler of the world, sitting on the orb, in tunic and sandals, 
and giving the Gospels to one of the apostles, probably S. Peter, 
standing to the left in front of two other figures. 1 Another representa 
tion of the Saviour adorns the arch of a second door in the same 
edifice. He stands and gives a scroll to an old and venerable figure 
on the left, whilst His right is stretched out in the direction of two 
apostles, probably S. Peter and S. Paul The words " Dominus pacem 
dat " indicate the general aim of the Gospel which is to spread peace 
among all men, whilst a tree on each side of the Saviour and four 
lambs at his feet further confirm the kindly nature and the steady 
growth of the faith. 

In both these mosaics the Saviour's head is surrounded by a 
simple nimbus, whilst the apostles have none. In the spandrils 
of the arches of the cupola are ornaments of vine issuing from 
vases. Figures of Amor gather the grapes whilst birds flutter 
amongst the branches, children play musical instruments ; and 
females may be seen amongst the leaves. The Christian and profane 
are thus commingled as they were in the earliest catacomb picture 
in SS. Nereo e Achilleo, and the general appearance of the remains 
proves that the same spirit of classic imitation animated the 
mosaists and the painters. 2 

The, Baptistery of Naples, also of the time of Constantine 3 
an irregular octagonal building surmounted by a cupola contains 
mosaics whose style may be traced amidst the repairs of restorers 
both in mosaic and in painting. 4 

1 Behind S. Peter are two and to the right of the Saviour seven trees. 

2 These mosaics are rudely executed and damaged by restorations of 
various dates. Some of the restorations are mosaic, others merely of painted 
plaster. 

3 An old inscription in this baptistery, which is now called S. Giovanni 
in Fonte, supports the tradition that Constantine erected the building in 303. 
This fact is confirmed by the chronicles of S, Maria del Principio in Gio. 
Villani. See LTJIGI CATALA.NI, Le Chiese di Napoli, 8vo, Naples 1845, vol. 
pp. 46, 47. 

4 Of the four symbolical figures of the Evangelists, that which represents 



10 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

Amongst the prophets on the broad sides of the octagon some 
of whom hold crowns and others offerings, varied attitudes, suit 
able action, and classic draperies remind the spectator of the fine 
figures of previous ages. Scenes from the life of the Saviour, such 
at least as might serve to impress the multitude with the idea of 
His supernatural power and benevolence, also adorned the cupola, 
but are so altered by restoring as to be worthless to the critic. 1 

Again, in the fourth century the Saviour was represented in 
S. Pudenziana at Rome enthroned, in the act of benediction, holding 
the Gospel in His left hand and supported on each side by a regular 
array of saints, of whom the lowest in rank, S. Pudenziana and 
S. Praxedis, close the procession on the two extremes. 2 The atti 
tude of the Saviour, the outlines of His face and form were grand, 
noble, and regular. The long hair, the beard that covered the 
chin and upper lip, the straight nose and regular features were 
quite in the antique style. The broad masses of light and shade, 
the luminous and rosy flesh tones, where they are not marred by 
restoration, produce a good harmony, nor were the forms enclosed 
as yet in those dark outlines which marked the later progress of 
the decline. The scene of the Saviour's glorification was not laid 
in heaven. The blue sky, in which white clouds were depicted, 
was adorned with the symbols of the cross and the four Evangelists. 
A tapestry hung behind the Saviour ; and buildings formed the 
background. The distribution of the space and the general array 
of the figures was not inferior to, nor essentially different from, 
those of the pagan period. It must be repeated, the state of this 
mosaic is not such as to permit a fair and impartial judgment. 3 

The mosaics of the arch of triumph and great aisle in Santa 
Maria Maggiore at Rome, executed in the middle of the fifth 
century, are more satisfactory, more interesting monuments of 
their time. They may be accepted as a convincing proof of the 
difficulty under which the mosaists laboured in the attempt to 

S. John in the form of an angel has the head of an aged man the regular 
features of the classic Roman time. 

1 In the centre of the cupola is the Greek monogram and cross. 

1 [The two heroic figures appear to be the Churches ex circumciaione and 
ex genfflbus as at S. Sabina in Aventino. See infra, p. 12.] 

* This mosaic has been repaired at different periods and some parts 
entirely removed. The head and figure which preserve their character most 
completely are those of S, Pudenziana. That saint and S. Praxedis are 
represented holding crowns in their hands. The head of the Saviour is by 
no means exempt from restoring. The whole group to the right of the 
Saviour, including the lower part of that figure, is new. Though restored, 
however, this mosaic has the character, the costumes, and the style of that 
of Santa Costanza. 



EARLY ROMAN MOSAICS 11 

render scriptural subjects of which the typical compositions had 
not as yet been invented. So long indeed as the idea of a heavenly 
messenger had no other representative than the old Roman Victory, 
so long as the saints of the Bible were only conceived as proto 
types of the deities of the pagans, and the Israelites of the Old 
Testament were confounded with the legionaries of the Csesars, so 
long was it impossible to give Christian art its fit character. 1 

1 [The mosaics of the triumphal arch and of the aisles of S. Maria 
Maggiore are not of the fifth but of the second and third centuries, as has 
lately been shown by Dr. Richter and Miss Taylor in The Golden Age of Classic 
Christian Art (Duckworth, 1904). As work of the fifth century, expressing 
the theology of Jerome and Augustine, they are not explicable ; but as 
work of the second and third, summing up as it were the theology of Justin 
Martyr and the Apologists, they are clear enough. The pictures do not 
make a narrative like the frescoes of Giotto in the Upper Church of S. Fran- 
cosco at Assisi ; but are either themselves typological or scenes in which the 
chief figure is a prototype of Christ. The mosaics of the nave fall into four 
groups, the centre of each group being a notable figure of the Old Testament, 
a prototype of Christ : Abraham, Jacob, Moses, Joshua. The first series, 
in which Abraham is the central figure, consists to-day of three pictures, and 
is incomplete, but these three are in great part of original workmanship, 
which cannot be said of the other series, which are however more complete. 
I content myself with giving the subjects, often explicable by a text of 
scripture ; and, having thus given the reader the key to the interpretation, 
would refer him for all details to the work above mentioned of Dr. Richter 
and Miss Taylor. 

FIRST SERIES 

i. Abraham with Melchizedek. Gen. xiv. 8. 

ii. Abraham and the Three Angels. Gen. xviii. 1 and 2, 9 and 13. 
Remember the obstinate monotheism of the Jewish Christian. The 
whole series is indicative of the struggle between the Jewish and 
Roman Churches. 

iii. Abraham and Lot part. Gen. xiii. 7. A magnificent composition. 
The parting of the two races. Abraham and the unborn Prince of 
Life leave Lot to go to Sodom with the Judaic world. 

SECOND SERIES 

Here again we see the struggle between Christianity and Judaism. 
" Leah is your people and congregation, but Rachel is our Church, for these 
and for the servants in both Christ serves, even now." Justin Martyr, Dial, 
with Trypho, cxxxiv. 

i. Jacob's blessing. Gen. xxvii. 28-29. Well-preserved antique copy, 
ii. Esau's blessing. Gen. xxxiv. 41. This and Jacob's Ladder are 

seventeenth-century work. 

iii. Rachel announces Jacob's arrival. Gen. xxix. 12. All restoration, 
iv. Jacob enters Laban's household. Gen. xxix. 13-14. Greatly re 
stored. 

v. Jacob serves for Rachel. Gen. xxix. 18-20. Greatly restored, 
vi. Jacob asks for the hand of Rachel. Gen. xxix. 21. Greatly restored, 
vii. Jacob's marriage with Rachel, Gen. xxix. 22-28. Greatly restored, 
viii. Compact between Jacob and Laban. Gen. xxx. 31-32. Greatly 

restored. 

ix. Dividing Jacob's sheep from Laban's. Gen. xxx. 36-36. Greatly 
restored. 



12 HISTOBY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

Of two figures of colossal stature in Santa Sabina at Rome, 
symbolising, as the inscriptions testify, the Ecdesia ex circum- 
cisione and Ecdesia ex gentibus, little need be said except that 
they have the character of the fifth century, and recall by their 
good proportions, movement, and a fine cast of draperies the Roman 
antique. Both the figures are executed on the wall inside the 
portal of the church. The first, a female enveloped even to the 
head in purple drapery and wearing a stole with the cross upon 
it, has been much restored, and is more modern in appearance 

x. The Bods (two scenes). Gen. xxx. 37-38. Fairly well-preserved 

antique copy, 
xi. Jacob tells Leah and Rachel of God's command to depart. Gen. xxxi. 

4-11, 13. Antique copy. Good, but spoiled by gold, 
xii. Jacob sends a messenger to Esau. Gen. xxxii. 3. In stucco and 

false mosaic, 
xiii. Meeting of Jacob and Esau, Altogether restoration. 

The following scenes are not from the Old Testament, but as it were 
didactic. 

i. Jacob as the Bridegroom pastures his flock, with a servant. Rachel 
the Church moves at the head of the flock leading the way. Laban 
welcomes them with joy. Leah the Synagogue is left in appre 
hension. 

ii. Laban embraces Jacob the shepherd, Rachel welcomes him gladly ; 
Leah with foreboding. 

iii. Jacob chooses his work, the euro of souls and his reward, the Church. 

iv. He claims her. 

v. Marriage of Jacob and Rachel of Christ and His Church. Leah has 
an honourable place, for she was Jacob's wife before Rachel. 

There follow four subjects dealing with Hamor and Shechem and the 
sons of Leah. "* 

i. Hamor and Shechem before Jacob. Gen. xxxiv. 6. Much restored. 
ii. Jacob and his sons. Gen. xxxiv. 7. Entirely restored. 
iii. Negotiations between Shechem and the sons of Leah. Gen. xxxiv. 

8-16. Better condition, but restored. 

Iv. Hamor and Shechem address their subjects. Gen. xxxiv. 20. 
Altogether restored. 

THTBD SEEIES 

This series is gathered around the figure of Moses. It consists to-day of 
thirteen pictures. The original first picture is lost ; so are seven others. 

i. The Adoption by Pharaoh's daughter. Has suffered, but is of very 

precious quality. . 

ii. Moses among the Philosophers. Much injured, 
iii. Moses' Marriage. Exodus ii. 21. His Ethiopian bride prefigures 

the Church drawn from among the Gentiles. Fair condition, 
iv. The Calling of Moses. Ex. iii. f~8. Badly preserved copy. 
v. The Crossing of the Red Sea. Ex. xiv. 27-29. Partly antique, 
vi. The Covenant. Ex. xix. 3-8. Bad condition, 
vii. The Miracle of the Quails. Ex. xvi 3. Ruined, 
viii. The bitter waters of Marah. Ex. xv. 23-25. Good copy. 



EARLY ROMAN MOSAICS 13 

than the second, which is likewise a female in Roman purple and 
pointing with her right hand to a book open in her left. 1 

Amongst the remains of the same century at Rome are the 
mosaic decorations of the chapel annexed to the Baptistery in 
S. Giovanni in Laterano, the cupola of which is adorned with 
borders of tendrils on a blue ground, with the Lamb and four doves 
in the centre. 

If the mosaics of the arch of triumph in the basilica of S. Paolo 

ix. The Rejection of the Embassy to Edom. Num. xx. 14-21. The 
ambassadors and envoys are prophets. Only general composition 
is left of the original. 

x. The Defeat of Amalek. Ex. xviii. 9-11. Very little is antique here. 

xi. The Mission of the Envoys. Num. xiii. 1-3. Restored altogether. 

xii. The Stoning of Moses. Num. xiv. 10. Background antique, 
xiii. The Second Covenant and the Passing of Moses. Deut. xxix. 1, and 
xxxiv. 1-5. Poor copy. 

FOURTH SERIES 
This is concerned with Joshua as a type of Christ. 

i. The Passage of Jordan. Josh. iv. 4-5. Best preserved of this series, 
ii. Joshua's Envoys. Josh. ii. 1-4. Substantially antique, 
iii. Joshua before the Angel of the Lord. Josh. v. 12-15. Poor restored 

copy. 

iv. Return of Envoys. Josh. ii. 15-16. Much of antique character, 
v. Fall of Jericho. Josh. vi. 17-20. Poor copy, 
vi. Procession of the Ark. Original with interpolations, 
vii. Siege of Gibeon. Josh. x. 1-9. Restored, but antique character, 
viii. Appearance of Joshua. Josh. x. 5-10. Good copy, 
ix. Pursuit, and intervention of God. Josh. x. 10-11. Fair, even good, 

copy. 

x. The Staying of Sun and Moon. Josh. x. 1213. Antique but ruined, 
xi. Condemnation of Five Kings. Josh. x. 22-23. Copy, 
xii. Division of Spoil. Ruined. 

Then after the Types the Anti-Types. On the triumphal arch we see 
the Mysteries of the Faith ; not the life of Christ. All much restored. 

TBIUMPHAL ARCH 

i. On the keystone the Throne of God. 

ii. (Left top.) The Mystery of the Virgin Birth with the two Annuncia 
tions, one to Mary and one to Joseph. Cf. Apocryphal Gospel 
of James. 

iii. (Right top.) The Repudiation of Christ by the Jews, 
iv. (Under No. ii.) Coming of the East to Christ. 

v. (Under No. iii.) Philosophy a guide to Christ. A Philosopher leads 
a young man out of the city into the country to meet Christ, who 
comes towards them, a child, between Joseph and Mary* 
vi. (Under No. iv.) Massacre of Innocents. 

vii. (Under No. v.) Herod, the Priests, and the Magi. Matt. ii. 7. 
viii. (Under No. vi.) Jerusalem, 
ix. (Under No. vii.) Bethlehem.] 

1 An inscription on the wall between these two figures would place their 
execution in the time of Pope Celestin, A.D. 427-432. 



14 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

fuori le Mura at Rome can be considered as the best example of 
the kind in the capital of the Popes during the papacy of the great 
Leo, they betray a speedier decline than that which is traceable 
in the painting of the same period. Classical still at Santa Maria 
Maggiore as regards distribution and type, mosaics ceased to 
possess those qualities in the latter end of the fifth century. The 
object of the artist seems to have been to represent, under the 
superintendence of the clergy, merely the glorification of the 
Saviour. A colossal size was given to the Redeemer, that a fit 
idea of His grandeur and majesty might be imparted to the faithful ; 
and the subordinate angels, apostles, and prophets were placed in 
the order of the heavenly hierarchy in uniform rows above and 
without reference to each other. 

The bust of the Saviour in S. Paolo is enclosed in a nimbus of vast 
diameter and rainbow hue, from which rays of light diverge. A violet 
tunic and mantle enclose His vast frame and, with, hands dispropor 
tionately small and defective, He gives the blessing and holds on His 
shoulder the pastoral staff. A short copious beard parted in the 
centre and brushed down over the cheeks, thick hair parted in the 
middle and falling in wiry lines behind the back, enclose a face care 
worn, aged and grim. The eyebrows are semicircles, the nose straight ; 
and a reminiscence of the regular classic forms is preserved, but the 
mosaist accuses the degeneracy of the times, and his attempt to ex 
press majesty betrays the feebleness of his power. 1 The two angels 
that bend reverently at each side of Christ, the prophets and apostles 
in double rows of six advancing towards Him with crowns, are 
diminutive when compared to Him. The symbols of the Evangelists 
high up on the gold ground, a Cross above the Saviour's head and 
in the lower course two figures of S. Peter and S. Paul, complete the 
ornament of the arch, which in consequence of the fire of 1823 retains 
but little of its original colour. 

Four fragments of mosaics, representing animals in fine move 
ments and in good style, are preserved in a room adjacent to the 
sacristy of S. Paolo, and may serve to give a faint idea of the 
original ornaments of the external front of the basilica, whilst 
three colossal heads of apostles, in the same place in a later style, 
may be useful hereafter to illustrate a foreign Greek or Byzantine 
element in the art of Italy in the twelfth or thirteenth century. 
Had the mosaics of the great aisle been preserved, they would 
have been of much interest to the critic as showing how the Saviour's 
miracles and the lives of the saints and churchmen were repre- 

1 This figure has been very much restored. 



EARLY ROMAN MOSAICS 15 

sented. Almost a century elapses between the period which 
witnessed the adornment of S. Paolo and that which produced the 
mosaics of SS. Cosma and Damiano, 1 yet as regards the spirit 
in which the apsis and triumphal arch of this church were adorned, 
it is evident that little change had taken place in the sentiment, 
which dictated pictorial delineation. It was still the aim to glorify 
the Redeemer and the saints by representing them in majesty 
and dominion and by multiplying angels as heavenly messengers. 
Yet withal the classic Roman form still held sway and struggled 
for mastery over purely religious art. The four angels, 2 who 
stood guard on each side of the Lamb in the triumphal arch of 
SS. Cosma e Damiano, were but little different from those of S. 
Maria Maggiore. 3 In their short stature, their heads adorned with 
tufts of hair held back by cinctures, their free movements and 
classic draperies, flying in the wind, they were still reminiscent of 
the art local and peculiar to Rome. The artists had not yet 
fallen so low as to possess no technical ability, and the masses of 
light and shade were still well defined. 

The mosaics of the apsis were executed with less force of relief 
than those of the triumphal arch, 4 

The Saviour in tunic and mantle, and as usual colossal, stood out 
against golden-edged clouds in the centre of the space, stretching out 
His right arm in token ol command and holding a scroll in His left 
hand. A gold nimbus encircled His head and a hand issuing from 
above pointed down to Him symbolising the first person of the Trinity, 
whom it was still sacrilegious to depict. At the Saviour's feet flowed 
the waters of Jordan, and below it the Lamb stood on the source of 

1 This church was erected during the time that Felix IV. was Pope of 
Rome, between 526 and 530. The period which intervenes between the date 
of the mosaics of S. Paolo fuori le Mura and those of SS. Cosma e Damiano, 
is marked by the invasion of the Goths and Vandals, by the two successive 
sacks of Rome in 455 and 472, by the fall of the Western Empire, and the 
desolation of Italy. The completion of SS. Cosma e Damiano took place, 
after peace had been restored to Italy, by Theodoric the Great. 

2 These angels have blue nimbi. 

3 The Lamb stands on an altar with the Cross above him. Three candle 
sticks are on one side of him, four on the other. Left and right of these are 
two winged angels, four in all nimbed (blue) and standing on clouds. Of 
old the symbols of the Evangelists appeared above the angels. One of these, 
repainted anew, and symbolising S. John alone, remains on the extreme left. 
The triumphal arch seems to have been reduced in size during repairs, for 
the prophets on the lower course are cut away, and an arm with a hand and 
crown projects singly at each side and indicates the place where these figures 
stood. This mosaic is executed on gold ground, and has been restored. 

* Or restoring has impaired that quality. 



16 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

the four streams of the Gospel, and the twelve sheep, that were the 
emblems of the apostolical mission. 1 

Although the Saviour still had a spirited attitude and regular 
forms, His frame and head had changed to a longer shape, whilst 
the neck remained broad and massive, but the brow was muscu- 
larly developed, and the eyes, gazing like those of a steer, seemed 
fitted to inspire terror. The hair, divided as usual, fell in regular 
spirals behind the shoulders and the short beard, equally divided, 
left part of the chin bare. It was a type still Roman, but inferior 
to those of the earlier mosaists of S. Pudenziana and S. Costanza, 
and even to that of the painter of the S. Marcellino catacomb. 
As for the draperies, they had lost much of their flexibility. 
Attendant on the Saviour and on each side of Him were, left, 
S. Peter leading S. Cosma and Pope Felix IV. bearing crowns, 
right, S. Paul leading S. Damian and S. Theodore. All these 
figures moving sideways, that they might present their full face 
to the spectator, have been modernised either in totality or in 
part, so that they are no longer subjects for criticism. 2 

Two centuries had thus elapsed since the death of Constantine, 
and still the arts had continued to exist at Rome, maintaining in 
their decline a prominent and unmistakable character. Rome, 
however, had long ceased to enjoy the honours of an imperial court, 
and in the splendour of her modern basilicas she only disputed 
the palm with the humbler but more secure Ravenna. When 
Honorius retired from the defenceless palace of Milan to a safer 
asylum when Ravenna became the capital of Italy, churches and 
edifices were raised to suit the splendour of a court which in pride, 
if not in vigour, laid claim to equal rank with that of Byzantium. 
A baptistery and many churches of fine architecture were built 
in the early part of the fifth century, and the mosaics which adorn 
them are the most beautiful in Italy. 

When Constantine laid the foundation of the city which bears 
his name, he had reason to lament the decline of the arts in the 
whole extent of the Empire. Schools of architecture were created 
by his orders in various provinces. For the embellishment of his 

1 Six on each side of tRe Lamb. 

2 This apsis mosaic has been much restored. The figure of S. Felix is 
new. Those of S Damian and S. Theodore are modernised, and von 
Rumohr had already noticed that these figures wore boots, whilst the Saviour 
is in antique dress. (Of. KUMOHB, It. Forschungen, vol. L, p. 172.) The 
figure of S. Cosrna is preserved. Of the apostle Peter half the figure only 
is preserved. S. Paul is repainted. The best part of the mosaic is the orna 
ment in the midst of which the Lamb stands enthroned. 



EARLY MOSAICS AT RAVENNA 17 

favourite residence the cities of Greece and Asia and perhaps those 
of Italy were despoiled of the noblest monuments of art ; and 
Constantinople might boast of possessing the finest statues of 
Pheidias, Lysippus, and Praxiteles. 

Perfect art had had one great epoch the ancient Greek, in 
which the highest ideal of the pagans had been attained. What 
the Roman republic in the full enjoyment of power and wealth 
failed to preserve, it was vain to expect of a Roman Emperor. 
Constantine could not revive the splendour of Greece. In the 
attempt to arrest the decline, he had not only to struggle with 
the flood of rising barbarism, but to deal with a new religious 
element, which in its turn was, after the lapse of centuries, to 
produce its ideal. The art of Greece was now no longer suitable 
to the decline of the Roman empire or to the development of the 
Christian faith. The want of a new language was felt, but with 
this want and the necessity of satisfying it the fall of the old and 
the birth of the new went hand in hand. The efforts of Con 
stantine therefore only served to prolong the agony of the classical 
antique. Yet this antique in its dying moments maintained its 
grandeur and its majesty; and in the mosaics of Ravenna the 
interested spectator may watch the last expression of its power. 

To affirm that these mosaics are of the same class as those 
which were produced at Rome during the fifth century would be 
to place on the same level the artists of Santa Maria Maggiore 
and those of the Baptistery of Ravenna and the monumental 
chapel of the Empress Galla Placidia. It must be conceded that 
the latter were far abler than their Roman contemporaries, and 
that they were acquainted with models not merely Roman but 
Greek. Whether they were Italians or Greeks is of little moment, 
but if it be admitted that they were taught in Greece or at Con 
stantinople, it will appear that the efforts of Constantine to arrest 
the decline of art had not been in vain, and that he had done some 
thing to prolong the existence of the pure antique. 

The mosaics of the octagonal Baptistery of Ravenna, 1 however 
they might be considered, left a pleasing impression on the 
spectator. They were admirably distributed within the space 
which they were intended to adorn. The mutual subordination 
of the figures and the architecture, both real and feigned, which 

1 Now S. Giovanni in Fonte, said to have been erected in the fourth 
century, but adorned with mosaics in the first half of the fifth century. [The 
best authority on the mosaics of Kavenna is KTJBTH, Die Mosaiken von 
Ravenna (Leipsig, 1902).] 

I. B 



18 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

gave to the building its peculiar character, was perfect. The 
figures themselves were majestic, bold in movement, varied in 
attitude, and individual in character. They were finely designed 
and relieved by a broad distribution of light and shade. The orna 
ments which served to set off the figures were of their kind beautiful, 
and the colour was both harmonious and brilliant. Seen from 
below, the forms of the Saviour, the apostles, and the prophets 
seemed to have the size of life, and were therefore colossal. Yet 
everywhere a sense of repose and a general harmony prevailed. 
The cupola was divided into three circles, the smallest of which 
was the medallion centre of the vault where the Baptism of the 
Saviour was depicted. Separated from this central mosaic by a 
wreath of festoons, and from each other by a beautiful ornament 
of growing plants, the apostles were represented in classic flying 
draperies, in long and steady stride, holding crowns in their hands 
and supported on a base formed of feigned pilasters between which 
alternate thrones and emblems were placed. 1 Beneath the windows 
and in the birth of the arches stood eight prophets in white raiment, 
surrounded by elegant foliated ornament. These prophets, the 
lights of whose garments were touched in gold, were of fine form 
and classically draped, standing boldly, enveloped in their mantles, 
holding scrolls or conversing. If anything was to be urged against 
the figures of the apostles, it might be that something of form 
and proportion had been sacrificed to the necessities of the space 
that the heads were small for the frames ; but it was quite as 
difficult a task to preserve faultless form in this instance as it had 
been in the furnace vault of the catacomb of SS. Marcellino e 
Pietro. The long stride and the flying draperies were necessary 
to fill the diverging space of the cupola. The prophets were the 
finest in character that had yet been produced by the art of the 
early centuries. The Saviour was represented in full front in the 
centre of the cupola, standing above the knees in Jordan, whose 
pellucid wave, unlike that of nature, permitted the limbs to be 
seen. His attitude was simple and natural, His form well pro 
portioned and finely modelled. His hair, divided and falling on 
the shoulders, was long and of copious locks. Above Him was the 
Dove of the Holy Ghost. S. John stood on the bank to the left, 
one foot raised on a stone, his head erect, and with his right hand 
he poured the water from a cup on the Saviour's head. With 

1 Amongst these the square head and beard of S. Peter and the long- 
shaped head and pointed beard of S. Paul were prominent. 



EARLY MOSAICS AT RAVENNA 19 

his left he held a jewelled cross. 1 His attitude was fine, his body 
a little long for the size of the head in the antique style more 
than that of the Saviour. Floating on the water to the right, 
looking up to the Saviour and holding a green cloth in both hands, 
was Jordan a bearded river-god, holding a reed and resting on 
a vase a form well drawn and anatomically rendered, but robust 
and Herculean and recalling the old times of Greece. Is it neces 
sary again to point out how difficult it was for artists, living on 
memories of the pagan past, to conceive such a subject as the 
Baptism of Christ in the form most fitted to satisfy religious 
aspiration ? 

The mosaists of Ravenna, like those of Rome, executed their 
work with cubes of a large size, but whilst the latter put them 
together roughly, the former used more care. In the Baptistery 
of Ravenna the cubes forming outlines were of a warm reddish 
tint, decisive enough to mark the shape without hardness. The 
lights were of a brilliant yellow red, the half tints a deeper shade 
of warm tone, the shadows of a reddish brown. The general 
effect was a gorgeous sunny glancing colour. Such were the 
earliest mosaics of the new Italian capital. Such they are now 
and may long remain if more care be taken of a work so interesting 
and so rare. 2 

Still more classical, and if possible finer, were those of the 
monumental chapel of the Empress Galla Placidia. 3 Nor is it un 
interesting to find that it fell to the lot of artists who took their 
inspiration from pure Greek models to depict the allegory of the 
birth of the Christian faith and ita triumph over the Arian heresy. 
The youthful Pastor bidding His flock to " go and teach the 
nations " was represented, as is fit, above the inner portal, and 
in the choir the triumph was symbolised by the figure of the 
Saviour burning the books of the heretics. Christian art had not 
as yet been illustrated by so noble a representation of the Good 
Shepherd as that which now adorned the monument of Galla 
Placidia. Youthful, classic in form and attitude, full of repose, 
He sat on a rock in a broken hilly landscape, lighted from a blue 

1 We may be indebted to a restorer for this strange addition to the 
mosaic of the Baptism. 

2 As usual the mosaics of the Baptistery have been restored. In the 
central " Baptism " the head and shoulders and right arm of the figure of 
the Saviour, the head, shoulders and right arm, the right leg and foot of 
the Baptist, and the cross in his left hand have been repaired, and thus the 
type and character of the heads may have been altered. 

a Now, SS. Nazario e Celso. 



20 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 



grasping with His left hand the Cross and His right stretching 
aslant the frame to caress the lamb at His sandalled feet. His limbs 
rested across each other on the green sward. His nimbed head, 
covered with curly locks, reposing on a majestic neck and turned 
towards the retreating forms of the lambs, was of the finest Greek 
type and contour. The face was oval, the eyes spirited, the brow 
vast, and the features regular. The frame was beautifully pro 
portioned, classical and flexible in the nude. The blue mantle 
shot with gold was admirably draped about the form. A warm 
sunny colour glanced over the whole figure, which was modelled in 
perfect relief by broad masses of golden light, of ashen half tones 
and brown-red shadows. No more beautiful figure had been 
created during the Christian period of the Roman decline, nor had 
the subject of the Good Pastor been better conceived or treated 
than here. 1 

As in the rise of the faith the symbolic type of the Saviour 
must necessarily be youthful, so in its triumph it was natural that 
the Redeemer should have the aspect of one mature in years. 
In the choir of the monumental chapel of Galla Placidia He was 
represented in the fulness of manhood, majestic in attitude, 
bearded, with an eye breathing menace, His flying white draperies 
expressing energy of movement, His diadem, the cross resting on His 
shoulder and the book in His left hand, emblematic of the triumph 
of the Gospel and of the Church. Right and left of Him a case 
containing the Fathers, and an oven in which the heretical works 
were burning, indicated the end of the Redeemer's mission. His 
figure was as grand, as fine in conception and execution, as that 
of the Good Pastor, nor were the prophets in couples conversing 
about the arches of the cupola less worthy of admiration. The 
ornaments of the chapel were completed by a cross in the centre 
of the dome, by the symbols of the Evangelists on red clouds 
relieved on a blue ground spotted with stars, by rich foliated 
ornament on a blue ground, enlivened with figures in the thickness 
and by the Greek initials of the Saviour in the keys of the arches. 
A mysterious and sombre light trickled into the edifice through 
four small windows in the dome. 2 

1 [Now spoiled by restoration, like the rest of the work in SS. Nazario 
e Celso.] 

2 Of this period we have an example in the Cappella S. Satiro now in 
corporated into the church of S. Ambrogio at Milan. The centre of the cupola 
is adorned with a half-length of S. Victor, whose name is inscribed on a book 
in his grasp. The hand of the Eternal issues from above the whole in a 
medallion on gold ground framed in a green garland. A series of fei<med 




Alinari. 
MOSAIC FROM THE BAPTISTERY, RAVENNA 




Alinari. 
MOSAIC FROM THE MAUSOLEUM OF GALLA PLACIDIA, RAVENNA 




Alinan. 



JUSTINIAN AND HIS SUITE, WITH S. MAXIMIANUS 

From the Mosaic in S. Vitale Ravenna. 




THEODORA AND HER SUITE 
From the Mosaic in S. Vitale, Ravenna. 



Alinctri. 



EARLY MOSAICS AT RAVENNA 21 

If time had spared the numerous edifices with which Ravennjj 
was adorned during the feeble reign of Valentinian, if the buildings 
remained which the great Theodoric erected and adorned, it might 
be possible to trace the decline of art in this portion of the 
Peninsula ; but the close of the fifth century and the rise of the 
sixth afford no materials to the historian, and with the exception 
of the Baptistery of S. Maria in Cosmedin there is no trace of 
the continuation of that classic art which so justly claims our 
admiration. 

Santa Maria in Cosmedin was, under the barbaric rule, a 
baptistery of the Arians, but is supposed to have been adorned 
with mosaics after the expulsion of the Goths. The cupola of the 
octagon is divided into circles like that of the earlier baptistery. 
The same subjects adorn the basin of the dome and the circle 
immediately beneath it. 1 

Jordan, instead of floating on the water, sits on the bank to 
the left partly draped in green, resting his right arm on a vase, 
holding a reed hi his right hand, and looking on. 2 

The capture of Ravenna by Belisarius introduced Greek art 
anew into that capital, and the exarchs under the orders of Justinian 
and his successors either embellished the city with new monu 
ments or old churches with new mosaics. But the art of which 
S. Vitale was an example proved how surely the mosaists of the 
Eastern Empire had declined in the application of the great 
maxims of plastic and pictorial delineation. In knowledge of 
form, in type, in distribution they were inferior to their prede 
cessors ; and, as if conscious of this inferiority, they sought to 

niches in the sides is filled with medallions containing heads, the symbols of 
the four Evangelists now absent, and figures of SS. Ambrose, Protasius, Felix, 
Maternus, and another. The style is that of the close of the fifth century ; 
the mosaic is much injured and repaired. 

1 The apostles, Peter with the keys and Paul with a scroll, stand on each 
side of a cushioned throne, above which is the Cross. The keys and other 
emblems in this mosaic are very suspicious. But the restorer has been very 
busy here, and the time in which the body of the work was executed may 
be judged only from the distribution and the forms. The mosaic is certainly 
of much earlier date than San Vitale commenced in 541. The rest of the 
apostles, in white draperies of antique style, though of somewhat angular 
and broken folds, move towards the throne, separated from each other no 
longer by beautiful foliated ornament, but by the less graceful palm. In 
the Baptism the Saviour, youthful and beardless, still distantly recalls the 
classic type and form. A nimbus surrounds His head, and the dove sheds 
green rays upon His features. S. John, on the right, finely shaped, with 
long hair and beard, holds a reed in his left hand, and places his right on 
the Saviour's head. 

2 His head is strangely adorned with the claws of a lobster. Not an 
uncommon symbol. 



22 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

restore the balance by more minute and careful execution, or by 
the use of the most gorgeous materials. This period of the de 
cline may truly be called Byzantine. Its stamp was impressed 
on the mosaics of Ravenna during the exarchate, on some mosaics 
of Rome in the seventh century, and casually on paintings and 
mosaics in various parts of Italy at a still later period. San Vitale, 
begun by Theodoric, was completed by order of Justinian and 
consecrated by Maximian, Archbishop of Ravenna in 547. 1 The 
patron Saint of the basilica, S. Vitalis, was to receive the crown 
of the martyrs in the apsis, Justinian and Theodora their glori 
fication in the sanctuary, whilst in the solia or quadrangle at the 
centre of the edifice scenes of the Old, prefigurating those inci 
dents in the New Testament which artists had not as yet ventured 
to depict, were represented. In the glorification of the Saviour 
as the distributor of all divine favours, the artists did not abandon 
the measure of nature so far as to exaggerate the proportions of 
the Redeemer, they did not even attempt to render the idea of 
His eternal power by aged features. On the contrary, they con 
sidered it more natural to convey the idea that His youth was 
eternal. The Saviour was therefore represented in the apsis of 
San Vitale with the round smooth face of an adolescent. The 
universality of His rule was indicated by His seat on the blue 
sphere of the world and by the imperial purple of His robes ; and 
an effort was made to impress the spectator with the awfulness 
of His power by the gaze of two very large, round eyes. The 
forms of the features, however, betrayed the decline of art. The 
nose was bent, the mouth small; copious but short hair covered 
the head, which was surrounded by a cruciform nimbus adorned 
with jewels. In the left hand was the book with the seven seals. 
A crown was extended in the right to the bending form of S. Vitalis, 
who, as if unworthy of touching it, held out his arms covered 
with the drapery of his mantle. An angel in white with a golden 
nimbus, holding a staff, seemed to protect the martyr by laying 
a hand on his shoulder. A similar figure on the right indicated 
S. Ecclesius holding in his hand a model of a church. Red and 
blue clouds fleeted over the golden ground above the group and 
an ornament of cornucopias served as a frame to the picture. The 
Saviour's feet rested on a rocky green sward, beneath which flowed 

* Agnellus, Part II., pp. 38, 39, in MTTRA.TOBI, R.I.S., and J. DE EITBEIS, 
fast. Ravennx, Lib. III., p, 541. [S. Vitale was built by S. Ecclesius, Arch 
bishop of Ravenna, and was consecrated by his successor S. Maximian Seo 
infra same page.] 



EARLY MOSAICS AT RAVENNA 23 

the four rivers. On the arch above Him the Greek monogram 
was inscribed. The rest of the mosaics may be described as 
follows : 

The glorification of Justinian and Theodora was depicted in two 
mosaics on the sides of the sanctuary, the golden halo that surrounded 
their heads still betraying the habit of the Romans to pay divine 
honours to the sovereign, Justinian, in the imperial purple and 
diadem, held a basin of gold ; on his left stood Maximian, Archbishop 
of Ravenna, bareheaded, in robes, and carrying a short cross. Be 
tween them, but a step in the rear, waited a bareheaded dignitary, 
admirably portrayed with straggling locks hanging over his forehead, 
and two priests with incense and censer stood attendant on the arch 
bishop. On Justinian's right three courtiers and a body-guard with 
round shields completed the group. 1 On the opposite side of the 
sanctuary the Empress Theodora, also in imperial purple and jewelled 
diadem, held a gold basin, and was followed by a suite of seven persons 
in variegated costume. Two courtiers seemed to await her commands, 
and one of them had drawn back the curtain of the door through which 
she was to enter. 2 Nothing could be more remarkable than the 
portraits in these mosaics. The artists, freed from the necessity of 
following classical models, concentrated their efforts on the likenesses 
of the chief persons, Justinian's thin nose, heavy cheeks, and ill- 
humoured mouth, his angular brows and broad forehead covered with 
stray hairs, seemed but too truthful an imitation of nature. Theodora, 
with her broad face, long nose, thin lips, and arched eyes and brow, 
her slender neck and form, Maximian' s long head and cunning eye 
were equally characteristic, yet strangely in contrast with the con 
ventional immobility produced by the stiffness of the frames, the 
limbs, and the small pointed feet. The figures seemed indeed to hang 
in rows and overlap each other. They were precisely drawn and 
conscientiously depicted; the masses of light and shade were fairly 
indicated and the colours well and harmoniously distributed ; the 
profuse ornaments gave a certain glance to the picture, but amidst 
the glitter it was impossible not to perceive the decline of art and the 
conventionalism to which it was hurrying. 

The solia, or quadrangle, forming the centre of the nave and 
transept, was ornamented on four sides with mosaics. On the face 
of the arch leading into the sanctuary, in full flight and exaggerated 
action, contrasting greatly with the calm heavenly messengers of 
Santa Maria Maggiore at Rome, two angels held between them a 
medallion enclosing the symbol of the Cross ; and at their feet 
Jerusalem and Bethlehem sparkled with gems. An ornament of vine 

1 The four figures of the body-guard, more rude in execution than the 
principal ones, carry round shields with the monogram of the Saviour upon 
them. 

2 A fountain stands in the opening. 



24 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

tendrils issuing from vases and animated by birds filled the upper 
part of the space. An arch of the same dimensions divided the solia 
from the nave, and in the archivault the Saviour, of the usual type 
and form, wearing a stole over His purple tunic, was represented in 
a medallion, with twelve apostles in similar frames below Him ; and 
last, the SS. Protasius and Gervasius. The screens of the solia under 
whose arches the spectator might wander into the transepts were 
adorned with the prefigurative episodes of the Old Testament. In 
the recess above the lower course of arches to the right, Abel in the 
antique shepherd costume a skin and red cloak ofiered up the 
firstling lamb, at a table upon which the wine stood in a vase, whilst 
Melchizedek, nimbed, seemed to have issued from a temple behind him 
and to call the blessing upon the bread which he raised aloft. The 
presence of the Eternal was indicated by the hand appearing in a cloud. 
The form of Abel, well proportioned in the nude, was roughly but 
simply lined, and his head not remarkable for beauty. The move 
ment of Melchizedek was energetic and not ill rendered. A landscape 
and a sky with red clouds completed the picture. On the face of the 
arch Moses, as a shepherd petting a lamb, and again untying his 
sandals at the bidding of the Lord, whose hand appeared above him, 
Isaiah prophesying, filled the spaces ; and these episodes were crowned 
by two angels in flight, holding between them the medallion of 
the Cross. Above the arches of the gallery on the same side the 
Evangelists Mark and John were depicted, and the rest of the wall 
was filled with an ornament of vases and doves. In the screen to 
the left, and similarly distributed, Abraham was seen carrying food 
to the three angels, whilst Sarah, in the form of an antique matron, 
stood laughing at the door. Again the sacrifice of Isaac was arrested 
by the hand of the Lord. On the wall above, Jeremiah stood pro 
phesying, and Moses received the law whilst the people of Israel waited 
beneath. Two angels as usual soared aloft, and held between them 
the medallion of the Cross. In the uppermost spaces sat the 
Evangelists Luke and Matthew with their symbols. The cupola was 
divided by diagonals forming four triangular segments, perpendicular 
to whose base rose an ornament terminating in an enormous blossom 
which served as resting-point to four angels, each of whom supported 
on his extended arms the central medallion enclosing the Lamb. 

Thus, in the course of a few years, the spirit of the antique 
which lingered in the earliest artists of Ravenna had almost passed 
away. A reminiscence of old classic forms might still be noticed, 
but by its side naturalism had arisen a naturalism which con 
fined itself entirely to expression, and which seemed to assist in 
"killing form, movement, and relief. If, for example, the Good 
Shepherd in the Chapel of GaQa Placidia was remarkable for perfect 
rotundity and well-fused masses of light and shade, for softness 



EARLY MOSAICS AT RAVENNA 25 

of outline and harmony of colour, the figures in S. Vitale were 
but too generally feeble in relief, abrupt in the passage from light 
to shade, and confined by distinct outlines. It was possible to 
distinguish the high lights by the side of reddish half tints and 
greenish-grey shadows. Yet in the distribution and choice of 
ornament, in the harmony of the general colour, whose brilliancy 
was incontestable, the artists of S. Vitale were still great and 
worthy of admiration. 1 

Were S. Vitale a solitary example of the art of its time, it 
might be considered unsafe to pronounce a decisive opinion as to 
the general degeneracy which prevailed, but, in addition to the 
mosaics of S. Michele in Affricisco, 2 the remains of which have 
been transferred to the Museum of Berlin, Ravenna possessed 
other monuments contemporary with S. Vitale ; and in the chapel 
of the archiepiscopal palace, completed in 547, the mosaics were 
of a style similar in every respect to the first that had been com 
pleted under the exarchate. Nor was this chapel less remarkable 
for the close imitation of the types, forms, and workmanship of 
S. Vitale than for the fact that in the figure which adorned the 
wall above the altar the spectator might discover one of the first 
examples of the glorification of the Virgin. 3 

On the right-hand wall near the altar stood the Saviour, juvenile 
and beardless, with long hair cut straight across His forehead, and 
features exactly resembling those of the Redeemer in the apsis of 
S. Vitale. On His right shoulder He carried the Cross and in His 
left an open book, on which these words are written : " Ego sum via 
veritas." His dress was that of a warrior, His attitude a distant 
imitation of the splendid one in the choir of the Chapel of Galla 
Placidia. 4 Here indeed the contrast between the mosaists of the fifth 
and sixth, centuries at Ravenna might be watched, and it was possible 
to mark the decline from classic form, bold movement, and splendid 

1 It must indeed be borne in mind that these mosaics, like most of those 
in Italy, have been altered by restoration at different periods ; and one may 
distinguish the parts which have lost their original form or freshness. The 
dress and nimbus of the Saviour in the apsis, for instance, have been restored. 
The head of S. Maximian in the sanctuary is partly new. The heads of the 
apostles in the medallions of the archivault (entrance to the nave), are much 
damaged by repair. The Evangelists in the quadrangle, or solia, are almost 
ruined by the changes they have undergone. The mosaics of Justinian 
and Theodora are excessively rich in gilt ornament and jewellery, the ground 
gold, in most parts. The ornaments on the arch leading into the sanctuary 
are on blue ground. The ornaments of the ceiling of the cupola are on gold. 
The cubes at Ravenna are still large and cemented at the base only. 

2 S. Michele in Affricisco was consecrated in 545. 

3 [The Madonna here is much more recent. Of, BTOCKHARDT, Cicerone.] 

4 The lower half of the figure is restored. 



26 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

drapery to conventionalism and immobility. The vaults of two 
arches which spanned the waggon roof of the Chapel were adorned 
with medallion busts of the Saviour in the centre and three similar 
busts of apostles at each side. Both heads of the Saviour (one near 
the door is now restored vertically to the extent of half of the figure) 
were of the same type and form as that of the apsis of 8. Vitale. Of 
the busts representing male and female saints on a blue ground on the 
archivaults and sides of the two windows the greater part are now 
repaired and repainted. 1 The symbols of the Evangelists in the 
ceiling near the door have so far shared the same fate that one of 
them, that of S. John with a human head, is entirely new and coloured, 
whilst the angels in the diagonals who support the central medallion 
containing the monogram of Christ have all more or less undergone 
restoration also. 

The miserable state to which the mosaics of S. Apollinare in 
Classe near Ravenna have been reduced seems calculated to puzzle 
and deceive the spectator. 2 Yet in the midst of the ruins the 
Byzantine art peculiar to the first monument of the exarchate 
may still be traced. In some heads and figures the reminiscence 
of the old style is preserved, and a certain breadth of treatment 
may be conceded, whilst in one composition at least, that of Abel 
offering the firstling lamb before Melchizedek, the conception recalls 
a similar scene in S. Vitale. 

S. Apollinare in Classe was built by the treasurer Julian in 534 8 
and consecrated by Maximian, Archbishop of Ravenna, in 549. The 
basilica was dedicated to S. Apollinare, and the figure of that saint 
occupied a splendid place in the tribune, but the seat of honour was 
still reserved for the representation of the Saviour, whose head was 
depicted in the curve of the apsis in the centre of a cross enclosed 
in a blue nimbus containing the Greek name of the Redeemer, the 
alpha and omega and the words " Salus Mundi." This head of the 
Saviour was of fine outline. The divided hair, which fell nobly down 
on the shoulders, and a long beard, enclosed a face of regular features. 
The hand of the Lord pointed downwards from the key of the arch, 
and seemed to issue from a red circle studded with precious stones. 

1 These saints are, in one window, SS. Sebastian, Fabian, Damian, 
Cassian, Chrysogonus-, and Chrysanthus, in the other SS. Eufemia, Eugenia, 
Cecilia, Duria, Perpetua, and Felicita. In the key of the arch of each window 
is the monogram of Christ. 

* A close inspection of the various figures and episodes which fill the 
apsis, the tribune, and the arch of the tribune reveals not merely restora 
tion on a large scale, but repairs executed with materials unknown to the 
mosaist. A large part of the left side of the apsis is repainted on stucco ; 
and the same may be said of most of the figures and inscriptions in the 
tribune and arch. 

3 [Begun after 534. /. BURCKHARDT, op. cit.] 



EARLY MOSAICS AT RAVENNA 27 

On each side of the cross Moses and Elias hovered in a golden heaven 
studded with clouds. S. Apollinare, nimbed and with outstretched 
arms, presented himself colossal in the space between the curve of 
the apsis and the windows of the tribune, and looked up reverently 
to heaven. At his sides the space was divided into three courses, 
the first containing a Christian flock of twelve sheep, the second rocks 
and trees, the third three sheep symbolising apostles, separated from 
each other by trees. Between the four windows of the apsis stood 
the figures of the four bishops Ursinus, Ursus, Severus, and Ecclesius, 
the head of the latter being amongst the best preserved in the whole 
basilica all of them standing under niches with a little dais over the 
heads. To the right of the windows, the sacrifices of Abel, Melchizedek, 
and Abraham were represented in one picture. 1 Melchizedek was sitting 
gravely behind the table, whilst Abraham presented Isaac, and Abel 
the firstling lamb in the presence of the Lord, whose hand, as usual, 
appeared above the scene. The figure of Abel, now ruined by restora 
tion, was similar in movement to that in 8. Vitale. 

To the left of the window, the tender of its privileges to the church 
of Ravenna was depicted. 2 An archbishop to whom the name of 
Maximian has been given stood in the centre of the mosaic, whilst 
in front of him one, in purple and white, handed a scroll bearing the 
word <privilegia to another in ecclesiastical robes. To the right of 
the latter were three priests bearing fire, incense, and a censer. To 
the left of the former, three figures in yellow drapery, all of them 
in stiff and motionless attitudes, and overlapping each other as in 
the glorification of Justinian at S. Vitale. This scene is now supposed 
to represent S. Maximian, in presence of Constantine. The archbishop 
and the four figures to his right have nimbi painted on stucco. A 
modern painted inscription declares that Constantine, Heraclius, and 
Tiberius " imperatores " are present at the ceremony, and many are 
the conjectures to which these inscriptions have given rise. The 
portrait of Maximian is not in the least like that in S. Vitale, and 
none of the imperial persons wear the diadem. Any attempt to draw 
an inference from this restored work must be abandoned. 

On the arch of the tribune, a medallion bust of the Saviour 
was placed. The Redeemer in His purple robes was presented 
as in the act of benediction and holding a book in His left hand. 
His long hair and beard were usual, but the features were no longer 
the calm and regular ones of the Saviour in the cross of the apsis. 
Muscular developments in the forehead, a brow knit by terrible 
thoughts, gazing eyes, a nose bent at the end, proclaimed the 
progress of that more modern ide# which sought to increase the 

1 [Of. RICHTEB and TAYLOR, The Golden Age of Classic Christian Art 
(Duckworth), 1904, p. 62.] 

2 [Much later work executed between 671 and 679.] 



28 HISTOKY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

majesty of the head by adding the terrible, as the Eomans had 
already done in mosaic and painting. 

Lower down in the courses, Jerusalem and Bethlehem, the 
twelve apostles in the form of sheep, two palms, the archangels 
Michael and Gabriel, S, Matthew and S. Luke were represented. 1 

The great nave of S. Apollinare in Classe either was never 
adorned with mosaics, or these have long since disappeared to 
make room for a series of portraits of dignitaries of the Church of 
Ravenna. 

In the church of S. Apollinare Nuovo, on the contrary, the 
mosaics of the nave are preserved whilst those of the apsis and 
triumphal arch have disappeared. This basilica, originally built 
in the time of Theodoric and consecrated anew by the orthodox 
clergy of the exarchate, appears to have received its final adorn 
ments in the reign of Justinian and under the auspices of Agnellus, 
Archbishop of Eavenna. Mosaic portraits of both those digni 
taries were placed on the wall above the portal, and though one 
of these has disappeared, that of Justinian still remains and is 
now covered by the organ. 2 It would be difficult to note any very 
marked difference between the mosaics that cover the three courses 
of the nave and those of other basilicas of Ravenna in the sixth 

1 It behoves those who reject a received opinion to state most accurately 
the reasons that induce them to express one directly contrary. It may 
therefore be necessary to describe in detail the changes that repairs have 
produced in mosaics which, according to one of the most recent art-historians, 
' are old and genuine.'* Taking first the mosaics of the apsis: The white 
tunic of the figure of Moses is repainted. Half the face from the nose down 
wards and both the hands of Ettas are restored. The head of S. Apollinare 
is in part damaged, the left hand and lower part of the figure destroyed. 
The sheep on the sides of S. Apollinare, but particularly those on the right 
of that figure, are almost completely modern. A large part of the left side 
of the apsis is repainted. Of the four bishops between the windows of the 
tribune the head of Ecclesius is preserved, the lower part repainted. The 
head of S. Ursinus is a new mosaic, and the lower half of the figure is re 
stored. In the mosaic of the sacrifice half the head from the eyes upwards 
and part of the arms of Abel are repainted. The legs have become dropsical 
under repair. The figures of Abraham and Isaac are almost completely 
repainted, and the hands and feet are formless for that reason. This mosaic 
is repaired in two different ways with white cubes coloured over and with 
painted stucco. In the mosaic representing the tender of the privileges, 
the nimbi as already stated are new, but besides, the lower part of all the 
figures is repainted on stucco, and the heads are all more or less repaired. 
Of the figures on the arch, that of the archangel Gabriel is half ruined and 
half restored, and part of S. Matthew and S. Luke are new. All these repairs 
are of various periods, the latest that of Battista Bicci, completed, as is 
vouched by an inscription behind the organ, on the 10th of May 1816. Nor 
is it strange that repairs should be constantly necessary in a church the 
floors of which are green with damp and the crypt of which is constantly 
full of water. 

2 [Removed to the Cappella dei Tutti Santi.] 




AHnari 



CHRIST BETWEEN FOUR ANGELS 
From the Mosaic in S. Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna. 




AHnari, 



THE PROCESSION OF VIRGINS 

From the Mosaic in S. Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna. 



EAELY MOSAICS AT RAVENNA 29 

century. The niosaists were still remarkable for judicious dis 
tribution of space, yet in reference to each other the figures had 
hardly a bond of union ; being placed in rows without relation to 
their neighbours or to the general composition. But S* Apollinare 
Nuovo was remarkable in one sense, inasmuch as, in the numerous 
episodes of the life of the Saviour which filled the upper spaces 
of the nave, a nearer approach was made to those scenes of the 
Redeemer's life which are known as scenes of His Passion. As 
yet, however, the final and melancholy episode of the Crucifixion 
had not been touched, and the scruples which restrained the clergy 
from representing that subject and others immediately connected 
with it were not removed till a later period. 

The right side of the nave was devoted to the glorification of the 
Redeemer by the martyrs and prophets, and to incidents immediately 
preceding His death. Above the first series of arches twenty-six 
martyrs, bearing crowns, seem to have issued from the palace of 
Ravenna (Palatium) and are formed in a single front line extending 
to the side of the Saviour, who sits enthroned between four angels. 
A palm separates the martyrs from each other. MS. records in 
S. Apollinare Nuovo state that as late as 1580 this procession, if it de 
serves that name, was headed by S. Stephen, who, with his right arm 
extended, seemed to introduce to the Saviour S. Martin, who led the 
band of holy men. It is startling to find that, as the mosaic now 
stands, the figure of S. Stephen is gone and the space which he occu 
pied has been filled up by the total renewal of one of the angels at 
the Saviour's side on a scale stouter, and in a space broader, than the 
original. The same records affirm that the Saviour sat enthroned 
between four angels and held in His left hand a book on which the words 
" Ego sum rex glorise " were written. It would be vain now to look 
for the book in the Saviour's hand. 1 It will be seen, on the contrary, 
that, as the figure stands at present, a sceptre is placed in the hand 

1 The restoration of the figure of the Saviour and the alteration of the 
distribution of the space are evident at first sight, and led naturally to the 
inquiry whether it had always been so. Then it was that by the kindness 
of the prior it became possible to consult a memorandum MS. in folio, pre 
served in the records of the church and written in 1580 by Father Giovanni 
Francesco Malazappi da Carpi, where, at folio 45, the description of the 
mosaics is given, as narrated in the text. The absence of one saint in the 
procession of martyrs is evident from a comparison with that of the females 
on the other side. Twenty-four of these, with the three Magi, complete the 
number of twenty-seven. The spaces are similarly divided on both sides. 
Hence it was obvious that one saint on the right side had disappeared, since 
without him the number would be reduced to twenty-six. But, besides, the 
memorandum above quoted mentions each saint by name, the first nearest, 
the Saviour being S. Stephen, the second S. Martin, and so on with the rest. 
The names of the saints are still inscribed, and S. Martin is now nearest the 
Saviour. 



30 H1STOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

which of old held the book. The movement of the arm is changed, 
and thus not only is the figure altered, but a new attribute is intro 
duced, according to the fancy of a restorer who seems to have repaired 
one entire vertical half of the form. Judging from that portion of 
the Redeemer which remains, the spectator might admit that He was 
majestic in character, that His attitude was commanding and noble. 
His purple tunic and mantle of different shades nobly draped the 
body and limbs. The head, framed by rich locks of hair and a divided 
beard, was of a fine outline. The features were regular though some 
what aged, the forehead and brow open, the eyes fairly expressive 
though a little gazing. The nose, on the other hand, a little bent at 
the end, betrayed the Byzantine decline. The type and the figure 
were indeed one of the finest which the sixth century had produced, 
and though slightly different in movement, might rival those of the 
catacomb of SS. MarceUino e Pietro at Rome. The angels at the 
sides were with one exception of the long slender Byzantine type. 
The second course of mosaics above the procession of martyrs com 
prised a series of sixteen prophets in niches between eleven arched 
windows, some of which, being walled up, were filled with ornament, 
whilst on the ground above the niches, peacocks, partridges, and other 
birds were depicted. 

The third course, of smaller dimensions than the rest and cut down 
by a new roof lower than the old one, erected by Cardinal Gaetani, 
represented thirteen scenes of the life of the Saviour, alternating with 
a niche adorned with a cross and a crown and a dove. The first of 
these scenes was the Last Supper, in which the guests lay recumbent 
on seats round a table in form of a horse-shoe ; the second the Kiss 
of Judas, the last but one the Procession to Calvary the Saviour's 
cross being borne by Simon of Cyrene the last, the Saviour in the 
midst of the Apostles. In all these compositions the Redeemer 
appeared as a man of full age and bearded, as suited the idea of Him 
who in the prime of manhood suffered for the sins of the world. 

A procession of female martyrs similar in movement and arrange 
ment to that which advanced to honour the Saviour, moved on the 
opposite side of the nave to adore the Virgin. It appeared to have 
started from the port of Ravenna, whose waters, ships, and edifices 
bore the name " Civi Classe." The Virgin sat enthroned opposite the 
Saviour, between four angels, and received the adoration of the Magi. 
A nimbus of gold encircled her head, which was covered with the folds 
of her mantle. Her form was of that developed Byzantine which 
already marked the decline of art. The infant Saviour, seated in the 
centre of her lap and in full front, gave the blessing, whilst the three 
Magi advanced in bending attitude in single file to her right. On 
their heads were crowns, since exchanged for baronial caps, as may be 
seen by the grotesque novelty of this part of their costume. 1 The 



r>i PARMA, in Memorie storiche de* conventi e chiese dei Frati 
minor i della Provincia di Bologna (Parma, 1760), describes these mosaics, 



EARLY MOSAICS AT EAVENNA 31 

angels guarding the Virgin were doubtless like those by the side of 
the Saviour ; but, with the exception of one, they have lost all 
antique character under the hands of the restorer. The upper courses 
were filled with sixteen prophets and thirteen scenes representing the 
miracles of the Saviour, who was no longer depicted in the fulness of 
age, but, on the contrary, in the bloom of youth, beardless, and wearing 
the purple ; doubtless under the impression that, to show the power 
of the Redeemer in this phase of His existence, it is also necessary 
to declare, by such means as the poverty of art possesses, His innocence 
and freedom from guile. Amongst the miracles represented were 
the Cure of the Sick Man who takes up his bed and walks, the Casting 
out of a Devil, Peter and Andrew called from their Nets, and the 
distribution of the Loaves and Fishes. These subjects, like those on 
the opposite side of the nave, were more reminiscent of the antique 
than the rest of the mosaics. Yet one may hesitate to give a resolute 
opinion on these works as a whole, when one considers that the 
figures of the first course have for the greater part lost originality, and 
that those of the upper courses though less damaged have also under 
gone changes. 

The portrait of Justinian in the organ loft x is destroyed with 
the exception of the head and bust. The former, covered with a 
diadem and adorned with a couple of jewels pendent like cherries 
from the ears, is older, fatter, and squarer than that of S, Vitale, 
but similar in features. Were it not presumptuous to speak of 
the general colour of mosaics which have suffered so severely as 
these from restoring, it might be said that the tones, particularly 
in the upper courses, are chosen with the knowledge of harmony 
and the feeling for massive light and shade which characterised 
the mosaists of S, Maria Maggiore at Rome. 2 With the close of 
the sixth century Ravenna's importance came to an end. Art 
no doubt maintained itself there, as in most Italian cities, at that 
modest standard which might satisfy humble wants, but could 
leave no monument to posterity. Plastic art might be traced to a 
later period ; it yielded to that of mosaics in the earlier centuries, 

and alludes to the crowns then covering the heads of the Magi (p. 290). In 
the time of Ciampini (p. 176) the Magi still had crowns, as may be seen m 
the engraving of that author: but these heads and crowns, as Flamimo 
states, were even in Ciampini's time painted restorations. (FLAMINIO, tifo 
sup., p. 292.) The heads with baronial caps are now restored in mosaic, a 
proof of the numerous successive changes which these works have undergone. 
The mosaics were in the hands of restorers as late as 1861. 

* [Now in the Cappella del Tutti SantL] . 

2 Between the sixth and seventh centuries may be classed the mosaics ot 
the side chapel in the church of S. Lorenzo of Milan representing Christ 
amongst the apostles in niches, and the Sacrifice of Isaac, much damaged 
by restoring. 



32 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

but still left traces of its existence in urns and sarcophagi, re 
specting which let the reader take these few notes. 

" Amongst the funeral monuments at S. Apollinare in Classe, one 
containing the ashes of an archbishop is remarkable for a bas-relief 
on its front representing the Saviour with the books, enthroned and 
receiving a scroll from S. Paul, whilst S. Peter, on the other side, 
advances with the cross and keys. The youthful and beardless Christ 
and the forms of the apostles and attendant figures reveal an artist 
of the sixth century. 1 An Adoration of the Magi on the tomb of the 
exarch Isaac affords a striking proof of the tenacity with which old 
forms were preserved by sculptors. 2 The Virgin without a nimbus 
holds the nimbed Saviour on her knee, 3 and the Magi advance in a 
row, clothed in the Phrygian dress and cap. Daniel, also with a 
Phrygian cap, stands between two lions. Lazarus rises from the grave 
before a figure of Christ without a nimbus. The forms, attitudes, 
and arrangement are those of the early catacomb paintings at Eome. 
Amongst the monuments in the cathedral of Ravenna are two urns 
in the chapel of the Madonna del Sudore, one of which, according 
to a late inscription, encloses the remains of S. Barbatian, confessor 
of Galla Placidia, the second contains the remains of S. Rainardo. 
The latter is adorned with a bas-relief representing the Saviour 
nimbed, holding the book, and seated on a throne resting on a rock 
out of which the four rivers flow. 4 Long hair falls behind His 
shoulders, but a beardless face indicates the intention of youth. With 
one hand outstretched He accepts a crown from S. Paul, whilst S. 
Peter bearing a cross strides towards Him with a similar emblem, 
The apostles are easily distinguishable by their well-known types, but, 
like the Saviour, they are rudely represented. The same subjects and 
the same types may be found on the tomb of S. Barbatian as on that 
of S. Rainardo. 5 The Saviour and the apostles, however, stand in 
separate niches parted by columns ; and the sculpture is still more 
rude than the last. The bas-reliefs of other tombs on a wall in the 
passage to the sacristy of' S. Vitale represent Christ giving a scroll 
to S. Paul, S. Peter on His right, and a male and female figure right 
ancl left of the apostles and parted from them by a palm ; Christ again, 
with a damaged head 6 and an arm wanting, standing at the top of a 
flight of steps with a small figure of Lazarus in a winding-sheet near 

1 The Saviour's head is encircled by a nimbus with rays, like those in 
the apsis of SS. Cosma e Damiano at Rome. 

a The exarch Isaac died at Ravenna in 1044, but the sarcophagus may 
be of an older date. 

3 The nimbus round the infant Saviour's head is radiated with the 
oblique Greek cross, and contains the alpha and omega. 

* The Saviour's nimbus is Greek like the last. The cross and monogram 
are on the ends of the tomb. 

5 The same symbols likewise. 

6 And a Greek nimbus. 



EARLY CHRISTIAN SCULPTURE 33 

Him. All these bas-reliefs exhibit more or less the decline of antique 
art, and the defects peculiar to it. Of two the dates are fairly ascer 
tained, the rest may have been produced at intervals as late as the 
close of the seventh century, when the exarchate disappeared. The 
pastoral chair of S. Maximian, 1 filled with ivory reliefs, is likewise of 
the antique school of the sixth century; and it might be possible 
to recognise the same style in the great silver crucifix of the cathedral, 
had it not been unfortunately restored in the sixteenth and eighteenth 
centuries. 

The miniaturists of the first ages yielded examples of little 
more importance than those produced by statuaries, but still 
interesting as showing the predominance of antique types or 
peculiar technical modes of execution. 

One may note in a parchment of the Vatican, 2 representing scenes 
from the life of Joshua, character very similar to that of the reliefs 
on the column of Trajan. The compositions recall early Christian 
art at Rome. Well-connected scenes, groups, marshalled according 
to true maxims, follow each other in quick succession. Joshua may 
be constantly recognised not merely by his nimbus but by his tall 
stature, by his face and warrior's dress a rapid and sketchy exe 
cution in thin water-colour of light rosy tones, freely carried out with 
the brush in the Pompeian style ; all this, though combined with 
some defects of anatomy and coarseness of extremities, reveals an 
artist of the earlier times. Yet an inscription on the parchment 
would lead the student to consider these miniatures as a work of the 
ninth century. If this were so, it must be conceded that the painter 
not only imitated the antique in form and composition but also in 
technical execution. 

Vignette miniatures of still more classical forms, interspersed 
among the leaves of an old MS. of Virgil 3 at the Vatican, are interest 
ing in another sense. Their technical execution may be accurately 
described by a careful analysis of parts bared by the dropping of 
the upper surface. In landscape scenes, for instance, the whole 
surface appears to have been covered with an uniform blue tone, 
upon which antique groups and the short square Roman figures were 
drawn. The colour of the flesh tints and vestments was then laid 
on in body colour, the shadows strongly marked with a deep brown 

1 In the cathedral. 

2 Parchment, 30 feet long, in the Library of the Vatican. See AGIN- 
COTTBT, v., plates 28, 29, 30,. for engravings of some of these miniatures. The 
compositions are generally good and animated, and some attitudes are quite 
artistic. Defects of anatomy in the extremities may be frequently noticed. 
The technical execution is that of a water-colour of light transparent tones. 
The drawing, which may be seen where parts of the miniature have been 
rubbed down, is executed with a brush, ^ not with point, and the system is 
not that which can be found in later miniatures. 

3 Rome, Library of the Vatican, MSS. NT. 3225. 

I. 



34 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

tint and the lights of draperies with, gold. 1 The execution is probably 
due to an inferior artist of the fifth century, spirited in rendering 
incident but feeble in knowledge of form, as the coarse figures and large 
round eyes fully prove, yet imitating in the most faithful manner 
the classic forms of antiquity. One may indeed point to a Laocoon, 
which is but too evidently an inspiration from the celebrated marble 
of that group. Another work of this time or of the close of the fourth 
century is the Homer, now in the Ambrosiana at Milan, quite in the 
character of the Eoman art of the period under notice, the classical 
movement for instance of a figure of Homer, its warm and transparent 
colour combining to make it one beautiful of its kind, 2 

1 The colour is laid on with great impasto, of a general red tone in the 
flesh tints. The lights of the draperies are touched in gold. The forms, 
though imitated from the antique, are not without defects, and the eyes 
particularly are large, round and staring. 

2 Of course allusion is made only to those parts which are not damaged 
or retouched. 

[07- WICKOFF, Roman Art (E. T., by Mrs. Arthur Strong: London, 
Heinemann, 1900), pp. 188-9. The Iliad in Milan "shows the predominance 
of the continuous principle in all the manuscripts of the classics. Here 
Achilles is represented first in the assembly, and then, within the same frame, 
going down with Patroclus to the ships. ..." See also on this point Mrs. 
ABTHTJB STBONG, Eoman Sculpture (Duckworth, 1905), and for the MSS., 
VENTUBI, op. cit., vol. i., pp. 304 ct eeq*, and for illustrations, plates 137 
et seq.] 



CHAPTER II 

ITALIAN ART FROM THE SEVENTH TO THE 
THIRTEENTH CENTURY 

THE annals of Roman art immediately after the conquest of Italy 
by Belisarius and Narses, impose on the historian a tedious task. 
Yet at the risk of wearying the reader he is bound to dwell upon 
the formless productions of centuries, remarkable for a general 
decay, but in which the threads which unite the art of succeeding 
periods and the germs of future development may be traced. In 
Rome itself painting and mosaic continued to live upon traditional 
forms, and received from the Neo-Greek artists of Ravenna but 
a passing influence. Christian forms of composition, grafted at 
first and in a few rare examples on the imitation of the antique, 
gradually became typical. Types were altered without being im 
proved, and form became daily more defective. After three 
centuries of continuous decline, the technical process of painting 
began to change. A new Greek or Byzantine art then appeared 
in the South of Italy, displaying rudeness and defects equal to 
those of Rome. Sicily shone for an instant with unwonted 
brilliancy and displayed in a fine series of mosaics powers of a 
high class. This momentary revival was succeeded by a new 
period of darkness, during which Rome again seized the lead 1 
and kept it till Tuscany took it up and distanced all rivals. 

1 \E q in the frescoes discovered lately in S. Maria Antiqua in the Forum. 
There we see how an ordinary Boman church was decorated in the eighth 
century on the eve of the emancipation from Byzantine dominion. There 
are three layers of frescoes, the latest being that painted m the toe of 
John VII (741-767). The church was crushed by the fall of the buildings 
which overhung it on the north-west edge of the Palatine, probably in the 
earthquake of 847. The outer hall, however, seems to have been in use 
till a much later period, judging by the fragments of pamtogs it contams 
The final destruction of this building probably took place in 1084. In the 
time when Pope John decorated the church, as HI the tune of its foundation, 
Borne was full of Greeks a regular Byzantine army of occupation. We see 
here Greek inscriptions, costumes, and saints; the wall painting shows us 
art transplanted to the West and acquiring something of Roman 



8. Maria Antiqua in Papers of the British School at Borne (Macmillan, 1902), 
vol. i. pp. 1-120.] 



36 HISTOKY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

To follow the decline of painting at Rome, the catacombs 
again afford the most instructive examples. 

The first subject which strikes the visitor to S. Ponziano as 
a production of the seventh or eighth century is a Baptism of the 
Saviour, roughly sketched and painted in the old technical style, 
but essentially different in conception from those which have been 
noticed at Ravenna. The artist represented the Redeemer naked 
up to His middle in clear water, with a nimbed head of regular 
features enclosed by long falling hair and a small beard. S. John, 
standing on a bank to the right and holding a reed, imposed a 
hand on the Saviour's head, as in the Baptistery of S. Maria in 
Cosmedin at Ravenna. But instead of the river-god floating on 
the water or sitting on the bank, an angel seemed to fly on the 
left, holding the necessary cloth. The form of the Saviour was 
still good in its intention and attitude ; the composition was still 
fair, but one peculiarity might be remarked which diminished its 
effect. The Saviour seemed to receive the Baptism in a ditch. 
Yet artists of later centuries, those even who might lay claim to 
superior genius of conception, never thought fit, or were never 
allowed, to alter this form of composition. 1 

Still more characteristic, as showing the degeneracy of painters 
in the seventh and eighth centuries, was a large bust of the Saviour 
with a cruciform nimbus and a jewelled book in His hand, also 
in the Pontian catacomb. 2 Here the artist sketched out with dark 
lines on a roughly-prepared wall a form and type different from 
those of previous times, but frequently met with in the eighth 
and ninth centuries and even in the thirteenth. Hitherto the 
Saviour's head had been regular, though the features had in the 
course of time undergone change. During the predominance of 
antique feeling, the long flowing hair served to give the head an 
agreeable outline. Now the forms of the face and the contour of 
the head and locks changed for the worse. The painter of the 
Pontian catacomb produced a face almost as long as it was broad, 
with arched brows, staring eyes with drooping corners, a nose 
whose ball projected, a prominent cheek-bone and a small chin. 
A vast mass of hair, divided in the middle and leaving two locks 
pendent on the centre of the forehead, formed a circle round the 

1 The angel is all but gone. At its feet on the bank is a stag or deer. 
The three figures have the nimbus. Above the Saviour are indistinct traces 
of what once no doubt was the dove of the Holy Ghost. S. John wears 
sandals and a yellow skin dress, exposing his frame and legs. The flesh 
tones are light and warm, the outlines heavily marked. [Cf. WILPEBT, 
op. tit., plate 259.] 2 [!DEM, op, cit., plate 257.] 



THE DECLINE OF PAINTING 37 

face and gave to an otherwise broad neck the appearance of thin 
ness. A small straggling beard covered the under part of the 
chin. The right hand, raised in the act of benediction, was form 
less. The draperies had lost all breadth and were marked by 
angularity. The flesh tone was yellowish, the narrow shadows 
dark. 1 Yet if this were a poor example of the spirit left in Roman 
art, it was not the poorest : one might see in the chapel of S. Milix 
and S. Pymenius in the Pontian catacomb two coarsely-executed 
figures of those saints standing at each side of a cross painted in 
imitation of jewelled gold. These figures were rude and almost 
formless in outline, the heads were without shape and the eyes 
staring. S. Pymenius wore the antique costume. The colour of 
the flesh was a species of yellow red. Equally defective were five 
figures standing erect in a row in the same catacomb and betraying 
the usual absence of drawing, of form, and of thought in the artist. 2 
As the eighth century closed, even the majesty of the Redeemer 
was forgotten in the shapeless inanity of dark outlines and fake 
forms, and the Saviour, as depicted in the chapel of S. Cecilia in 
the catacomb of S. Callisto, was only worthy of attention as 
exhibiting with a certain solemnity the complete prostration 
the dotage, of the art of the time. 3 Nor was this state of collapse 
in painting of short duration or, confined to Rome. It might be 

1 This large bust of the Saviour was discovered on the side of the 
vaulted recess where the above-mentioned Baptism is depicted. It is painted 
on a very rough surface, and the lower part of the painting, including a 
portion of the hand, has fallen. The colour of the draperies is almost gone, 
but the mantle bears traces of blue and the tunic of red. The nimbus is 
yellow at the outer rim, with a simple cross on a light blue ground. Part of 
the left eye and of the chin of the figure are gone. The outlines, though 
strongly marked, are not black. Beneath the bust are the words, " DE 

DON1S DI GAVDIOSV3 FECIT." 

2 Representing SS. Peter, Marcellinus, Pollio, and other saints. The 
extremities of these figures are exceedingly defective, the hands indeed 
scarcely indicated. 

3 There is sometliing calm and solemn in the ugliness of the youthful, 
largo-eyed, and narrow head. The breadth of the face at the level of the 
eyes is excessive. The brows and eyes are arched, the iris staring. The nose 
is straight, thin and long, and ends in a point, the upper lip long, the beard 
a succession of curls round the base of the chin. The figure holds a book 
in its left and blesses with its right. The fingers of the shapeless hands are 
coarsely indicated. The type is one which repeats itself in the ninth century. 
The outlines are thick and strongly marked. The nimbus is cruciform and 
the cross jewelled, the mantle bluish and tunic red. The niche in which 
the figure is represented seems to have been painted of an uniform yellow 
body colour which served for flesh tone in lights, and above which the shadows 
and half tints were painted in. Above the recess is a figure of a female saint 
older in date perhaps of the seventh century. The catacomb of S. Callisto 
was closed at the end of the eighth century, and theso paintings cannot be 
later than the date above given. ' [Of. WILPBBT, op. tit., plate 200.] 



38 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

traced in remains of old wall paintings representing the Saviour 
and other saints in the crypt of S. Ansano at Spoleto, rude and 
ill-drawn figures executed apparently in the ninth century without 
change in the old technical methods. 1 It might be exemplified 
by figures of S. Curtius and S. Desiderius in the catacombs of 
Naples, equally defective in form, 2 and in a bust of one holding 
a book in a circular frame resting on two cornucopia, rudely 
sketched in the same catacomb in manner so far technically 
changed that colour of much body and consistency was used. 3 
The decline was in fact general throughout Italy, just as in its 
processes painting was everywhere the same. 

The utmost rudeness and the eclipse of all feeling, combined 
with barbaric costume, might be traced in the tenth century, first 
in a wall painting in the crypt of SS. Cosma e Damiano which seems 
to have represented the Virgin and Child; secondly in a wall 
painting in the crypt of S. Clemente at Rome, where, amongst 
other figures, the Virgin, crowned and dressed in jewel-decked 
apparel of close fit, holds the infant Saviour on her knee. 4 

That the mosaists followed the same course as the painters is 
not doubtful. They confined themselves to the reproduction of 
the simplest subjects, such as the glorification of the Saviour, 
the Virgin and saints, and seemed either unwilling or unable to 
trust themselves to any effort of composition. Amongst the relics 
of mosaics executed at the close of the sixth and during the seventh 
centuries the mixture of Roman and Neo-Greek types and forms 
prevailed with more or less intensity and persistence, yet this, 
as may be seen, was but a passing impression. In the mosaics 
of the inner side on the triumphal arch of S. Lorenzo fuori le 
Mura, the Saviour glorified had a poor aspect ; the gazing eyes 
and depressed noses, the long outlines of the attendant saints, 
revealed the rapidity with which artistic power was disappearing, 
yet at the same time the persistence of the classic feeling. 6 

1 The Saviour here as usual in a red tunic, but with a light-coloured 
mantle of red shadows. The nimbus is yellow and without the cross. The 
tones light water-colour. 

2 The saints with yellow nimbi. Desiderius with a cross in his right 
hand. The hands large and wrists small. Curtius is dressed in blue, orna 
mented with white flowers. The outlines coarse, shadows black, background 
coloured and ornamented. 

3 The execution of this figure is very rude. The colour, of much body, 
has faded away. 

* This fresco is also painted with much body of colour on a rough surface, 
the outlines broad and marked. 

5 The Saviour sits on the orb, a cross in His left, SS. Peter and Paul 
respectively present SS. Lawrence, Pelagius, Stephen, and Hippolytus, 



THE DECLINE OF MOSAIC 39 

In S. Teodoro the Saviour was again glorified in the apsis 
exactly as he was on the triumphal arch in S. Lorenzo ; and some 
of the heads revealed a style approaching to that noticed in the 
mosaics of SS, Cosma e Damiano mingled with that of the later 
decline, 1 betraying already the impress of the Neo-Greek mosaists. 

The apsis of S. Agnes was devoted to the glorification of that 
saint in the presence of Honorius I. and S, Symmachus. The 
long motionless figures stood side by side on a green ground, 
without much gravity of attitude or of features. Antique feeling 
might be traced in the relief of the male heads and in the broad 
draperies ; but the spread of the Greek style might be noticed in 
the straight lines of the features and folds, whilst the gradual 
progress of decay was marked by sombre colour, dark and abrupt 
shadows, heavy dark outlines, and a rude execution with the ill- 
jointed cubes peculiar to Roman art. 2 

In the middle of the seventh century the apsis of S. Venanzio 
was devoted to the Virgin, who stood with outstretched arms in 
the centre of the space with SS. Peter, Paul, John the Baptist, 
and five other saints on each side of her. Above her a colossal 
bust of the Saviour, resting on red clouds floating in a golden 
heaven, gave her the benediction. A face of long but regular 
forms was enclosed by long hair falling on the shoulders, and a 
short beard beneath the chin. Two angels in flying draperies, 
nimbed, with broad round heads and powerful necks, with hair 
bound by bands whose ends floated in the wind, held guard on 

still reminiscent of the forms of the sixth century. Round the head of 
the Saviour is a cruciform nimbus. His draperies are dark. On the lower 
sides of the arch are Jerusalem and Bethlehem. The church seems to have 
been built by Pope Pelagius ; certainly his presence in the mosaic with a 
model of the edifice indicates the period of the work, i.e. 570-590. With 
the exceptions noted above, the mosaic has the character of the ninth and 
tenth centuries, and this owing merely to repairs and restoration. 

1 SS. Peter and Paul, severally introducing S. Theodore and another 
saint, the former slippered, with a long pointed beard, holding a cross. The 
heads of Peter and Paul are almost all of the old work remaining. The head 
and hand of the Saviour are quite modern, the latter formless. The purple 
mantle is also in great part new. S. Theodore holds a cross. The saint 
introduced by S. Paul is totally altered. The feet and draperies of S. Paul 
himself are partly renewed, the feet and hands of S. Peter modern, the whole 
on gold ground. 

2 The hand of the Eternal issues out of a triple star-bespangled halo with 
a crown for S. Agnes, whose head is encircled with a nimbus. She wears 
a purple tunic and a gold mantle lined white, and a jewelled collar ; in her 
hands a scroll, the latter in part restored. Honorius, with a model of the 
church in hand, wears a white tunic and purple mantle. S. Symmachus, 
in a purple dress, carries a book. The mosaics may be assigned to the time 
of Honorius I. (G25-638.) 



40 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

each side of Him. Their forms as well as those of the Saviour 
were completely reminiscent of the antique. In the upper face, 
outside the apsis, were the symbols of the Evangelists, Bethlehem, 
and Jerusalem, whilst, swelling the row of supporters, on each side 
of the Virgin eight figures of saints might be seen. It might almost 
be conceived that the Saviour and angels and the apsis figures 
generally were of an earlier Roman period than those on the arch, 
as the latter recalled the Neo-Greek character of S. Vitale of 
Ravenna, not only in slenderness of form but in a more careful 
execution, more harmonious colour, and a certain straightness of 
lines in draperies such as had already marked the figures in S. 
Agnes. 1 

Equally reminiscent of the art developed in S. Agnes were the 
mosaic figures in the apsis of S, Stefano Rotondo, where in the 
heavy dark outlines and broad drapery, defined with straight 
lines, one might still trace amidst a mass of repairs the character 
of the seventh century. 2 

A solitary example of the Neo-Greek influence at Rome and 
the last of the seventh century that can be found there, is a 
fragment removed to S. Pietro in Vinculis by Pope Agathon in 
680, and now adorning an altar to the right on entering that 
church. Here the artist represented the long slender form, the 
young and slightly bearded face of S. Sebastian not nude, as in 
more modern representations of that martyr, but holding the 
crown, dressed in barbaric and richly-ornamented costume, and 
wearing a long mantle fastened to the shoulder with a brooch. 
This figure distinctly exhibited the impress of the more modern 
art of Ravenna in its type and form. The draperies were some 
what angular, the lights and shades fairly indicated, but leaving 
by the absence of breadth a certain sense of flatness. The atti 
tude was, however, still marked by a certain dignity. 

With the close of the seventh century, old Roman feeling 

1 S. Venanzio is an oratory or side chapel to the Baptistery of S. Giovanni 
in Laterano. Some restoration may be noticed in the figure of S. Peter and 
in the angels on each side of the Saviour. The saints on the arch to the loft 
are SS. Paulinian, Telius, Asterius, and Anastasius, those to the right SS. 
Maurus, Settimanius, Antiochianus, and Cajanus. 

2 S. Stefano Rotondo was built on the Celian Hill in honour of SS. Primus 
and Feiician, who are represented in the mosaic at the sides of a jewelled 
cross beneath a medallion of the Saviour, the hand of the Eternal with the 
crown issuing as usual from the prismatic rainbow. Very little of the 
original mosaic remains. The cross and part of the background, including 
the medallion of the Saviour, are filled up with stucco and repainted. Part 
of the figure of S. Feiician is also coloured stucco. 



NEO-GREEK INFLUENCE 41 

resumed its sway, and the Neo-Greek influence which had pene 
trated to Rome a century after Ravenna had ceased to yield a 
single monument of art, vanished as it had coine, leaving as a 
solitary trace of its passage a certain tendency to slenderness and 
length of form. It was characteristic indeed of the independence 
of Roman art that, whilst history tells of iconoclastic struggles 
and of a general flight of Byzantine artists to Italy, not only 
was not a trace of their influence to be found at Rome, but the 
older Neo-Greek impress had disappeared. Of the early pro 
ductions attributable to the eighth century at Rome, but a frag 
ment remains. Yet this and the mosaics of the time of Leo III. 
and Pascal I. would alone suffice to show how Roman artists trod 
the path of decline independent in their weakness. To the faults 
which had been confirmed by centuries of existence others were 
superadded. To absence of composition, of balance in distribu 
tion and connection between figures were added slenderness of 
figure, neglect and emptiness of form, a general sameness of 
features, and the total disappearance of relief by shadow. Still 
the reminiscence of antique feeling remained in certain types, in 
a sort of dignity of expression and attitude, and in breadth of 
draperies, which, though defined by mere parallel lines, were still 
massive. The Greek stare had completely disappeared from the 
eyes. That art so reduced could still appear imposing to nations 
of low cultivation, is apparent from the fact that Charlemagne 
found it useful to take Italian architects and painters to Germany, 
and that with their means he created schools whose influence was 
undoubted, though it has probably been exaggerated by the 
partiality of German writers. 

Part of an Adoration of the Magi the fragment to which 
allusion has been made, was transferred from the old basilica 
of S. Peter to the sacristy of S. Maria in Cosmedin, and was 
executed in the first years of the eighth century. The face of 
the Virgin, although it betrayed a gross neglect of form, was not 
without an expression of quiet repose. The eyes were natural, 
the attitude equally so ; the shadowless draperies, sculptural in 
their mass, were indicated by few straight and parallel lines, and 
seemed to cling flatly to the frame. The form of the Infant was 
defective, that of an angel, of antique type and regular features. 
The absence of shadow, the blue lines in the white draperies, the 
red lines in the flesh contours, the thinness and length of the 
figures, gave this fragment a peculiar appearance, yet one which 



42 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

characterised more or less the art of the whole century. The 
execution was in every respect rude. 1 

Time, which dealt unsparingly with the monuments of this 
period, did not respect those of Leo III., whose activity appears 
as remarkable in art as in politics. Leo, who invited Charlemagne 
to Italy, not only built edifices, but caused many churches to 
be repaired ; and amongst them S. Apollinare of Ravenna, whose 
roof already threatened to fall in. Yet of the mosaics which he 
caused to be executed in the Triclinium of S. Giovanni in Laterano, 2 
to illustrate the victories and the power of Charlemagne, nothing 
remains but two heads in the Vatican museum, which recall the 
art of the eighth century, and a copy of the lost apsis mosaic 
representing the apotheoses of Charlemagne and S. Sylvester, and 
the Last Supper. 

In SS. Nereo e Achilleo, however, an example of art at the 
time of Leo may be found. On a triumphal arch, the Saviour 
might be seen standing in an elliptical glory with Moses and Elias 
at His sides and SS. Nereo and Achilleo prostrate before His feefc. 
Right and left were the Annunciation, and the Virgin and Saviour 
guarded by an angel. Here the general character of the eighth 
century was completely maintained. The long slender figures had 
at least the dignity of repose and were far from vulgar in form ; 
their attitudes were simple and their proportions fair. The angels 
were of the Roman type, the draperies indicated by free and few 
straight lines, the faces rouged, and the outlines of the nude marked 
in red. As before, a total absence of shadow might be noticed ; 
but whilst art in its essentials displayed an increasing depression, 
beauty of ornament revealed the maintenance of the old feeling 
for accessories and details. 3 This feature became indeed more 
evident as art retrograded. It was prominent in the time of 
Pope Pascal, and might be noticed in the apsis mosaics of S. Maria 

1 The Virgin, seated on a cushioned chair, is in the usual red tunic and 
blue mantle, the Infant on her knee in a gold tunic, the angel to the right 
behind the Virgin in white robes, S. Joseph on the left of paltry form. An 
arm with a present is all that appears of the Magi. This fragment is on 
gold ground. The Saviour has a cruciform nimbus ; S. Joseph is without one. 
The mosaic has been restored, and some of the outlines are overpainted, 
cubes large and rough. The date of the mosaic about 705. 

2 A.D. 795-816. 

8 SS. Nereo e Achilleo, below the baths of Caracalla at Borne, is a church 
of the time of Leo III. The background of the mosaics on the arch is dark 
blue with white and red clouds ; the Saviour's halo blue of a lighter tone. 
Moses and Elijah are not nimbed. The head of the Virgin has been 
damaged by restoring, and many other parts have suffered from the same 
causes, but not enough to render a judgment impossible. 



THE DECLINE AT ROME 43 

called the Navicella on the Celian Hill There for the first time, 
in a Glorification of the Virgin, the conspicuous defect of over 
crowding first became remarkable. The preponderant size of the 
Virgin as compared with that of the attendant angels and pro 
strate Pope Pascal, showed the desire of the artist to impress 
the spectator with her supernatural power. The defects of the 
mosaics 1 were those of the eighth century and the execution 
rude as ever. 2 

That art now hurried to its fall was evident from the fact that 
in the short lapse of one papal reign the mosaists of the close were 
feebler than those of the opening. In the apsis mosaic of S. 
Praxedis, a mere imitation of that in SS. Cosma e Damiano, exe 
cuted in the time of Pascal I., 3 the figures had all the defects 

1 A very pretty foliated ornament on gold ground, springing from vases, 
forms a cornice to the apsidal arch. The Virgin is enthroned with the Infant 
amidst slender angels and adored by a miniature figure of Pope Pascal, 
prostrate and holding one of her feet. The angels rest on a ground strewed 
with flowers. Above, the Redeemer on a rainbow, with the apostles in a 
row at His sides, at the birth of the arch the Virgin's special prophets. 

2 [The important discoveries of the late Father Mullooly at S. Clemente 
in Borne have brought to light a considerable fragment of work of this time 
in the subterranean church which he excavated. <7/. MULLOOLY, S. Clement 
and his Basilica (Rome, 1869); ROLLES, S. Clement de Rome (Paris, 1873); 
BROWNLOW, The Basilica of S. Clemente in Rome; and VENTUBI, op. cit. t 
vol. iii., pp. 860-6. The present church is of the eleventh or twelfth century, 
the walls of the subterranean basilica are of the age of Constantino, the 
Mithraic cave discovered there being of the third century, the Memona or 
" small stuccoed chamber" is of the first century, the " Titanic wall of 
the time perhaps of the Tarquins. The " stuccoed chamber is all that 
is left of the dwelling of S. Clement. It was probably under Leo IV. that 
the basilica was painted in fresco, though some fragments might seem to 
be of an earlier time. But in the south-west corner of the nave there is a 
series of frescoes painted in the time of Leo IV. (847-855), as the inscription 
tells us SANCTISSIMUS BOM. LEO QBT. P P. ROMANUS. There we see the 
Assumption, the Crucifixion with S. Mary and S. John on either side, ^the 
Maries at the Sepulchre, Christ in Hades, and a fragment of the Marriage 
in Cana. On the other side of the nave are frescoes of our Lord in benedic 
tion with S. Andrew, S. Clement, S. Methodius, and S. Cyril and two arch- 
an^els. Again, S. Clement is enthroned by S. Peter, with S. Linus on one 
side and ST Cletus on the other. This is spoiled by the floor of the upper 
church. Below S. Clement is saying Mass when he is interrupted by 
Sisinnius. In another fresco is set forth the life, death, and recognition of 
S. Alexius, and the legend of the child miraculously saved in S Clement s 
shrine under the sea. Last of all, the translation of the relics of S. Clement 
and S, Cyril is presented. This subterranean church was probably destroyed 

by ^Sects^The'Lviour with SS. Paul, Peter, Praxedis, Pudenziana, and 
the twenty-four elders on the arch advancing to cast their crowns.^ ihe 
church of S. Praxedis, on the Esquiline, was adorned with mosaics by 
Pascal I., A.D. 817-824. The apsis figures stand within a space bounded 
by two palm-trees, on one of which is as usual the phomix. Above the 
Saviour the hand holds a crown. Below flows Jordan, beneath which are 
Bethlehem and Jerusalem, the saints, and twelve sheep. ANASTASIUS (De 



44 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

of their predecessors, with less brilliant colour and darker back 
grounds. In the triumphal arch a quaint and realistic representa 
tion was given of the New Jerusalem, laid out in the form of an 
irregular polygon, in the midst of which the Saviour stood guarded 
by three angels, and received the homage of the elders, whilst 
at the gates angels seemed to invite the chosen people to enter. 
A chapel in the same church, 1 called the garden of Paradise, was 
likewise covered with mosaics the archivolt with double rows 
of saints and prophets in medallions 2 the ceiling with a medallion 
centre representing the Saviour in benediction supported in the 
diagonals by four angels resting on globes. None of these mosaics 
exhibited an improvement on the rude forms and execution that 
had now prevailed since the opening of the eighth century, but a 
change had taken place in the mode of rendering the features of 
the Saviour, and the type had become the same which marked 
the colossal form of the Redeemer in the Pontian catacomb. 3 
The face had become as broad as it was long, the prominent 
cheeks were relieved on a mass of hair disposed in a circle with a 
pendent lock on the centre of the forehead. It was a type which, 
though defective and unpleasant, had been generally adopted in 
the ninth century and was revived as late as the thirteenth, 

Two or three edifices in Rome still exist to mark the complete 
fall of art at this time. In S. Cecilia the apsis mosaic, glorifying 
the Redeemer, S. Cecilia, and Pope Pascal, was filled with mere 
flat and empty forms, darkly outlined, shadowless, rouged on the 
cheeks, long, stiff, and defective in shape. 4 Art in fact had in 

VitisPont.) and the following inscriptions prove the exact date of this church 
and its mosaics. In the frieze below the semidome, " Emicat aula pise variis 
decorata metallis Praxedis Pontineis summi studio Paschalis." The paint 
ings which RUMOHR mentions in this church no longer exist (Forachungen, 
vol. L, p. 246). 

1 [Cappelia di S. Zeno.] 

2 Upper row, the Saviour blessing centre; lower row, the Virgin and 
Child, centre. The medallions on the row right and left of the Virgin contain 
ten female and two male saints. Those in the row on each side of the 
Saviour are apostles and prophets. Below the birth of the arch of the door 
on each side are two modern medallion portraits of Popes. In tho spandrils 
of arch busts of prophets. These mosaics have been extensively restored. 

3 The Saviour inscribed " De donis dfii Gaudiosus feeit " is here intended. 

4 Subject Saviour erect blessing six saints about Him, S. Peter intro 
ducing a male and female saint with crowns, S. Paul, for the first time with 
the sword, introducing S. Cecilia, who in her turn recommends Pope Pascal. 
The church owes its mosaics to Pascal I. The background is so dark as to 
be almost black, and on it are red clouds. The palms, phoenix, Jordan, 
the Lamb, and sheep as in S. Praxedis. Pope Pascal is said to have caused 
scenes of the life of S. Cecilia to be painted in the church. A fragment of 
these paintings remains, but is so blackened by time as to defy criticism. 
An erigraving of some of them may be seen in AGIN COURT, plate 84, No. 3. 



THE DECLINE AT HOME 45 

this monument, parted with every species of character, and in it 
Roman and Neo-Greek manner were lost in a miserable cento. 

Yet if possible the mosaics of S. Marco, 1 the church of the 
Venetians, showed a still deeper decline. If one excepts the 
medallion Saviour on the arch of the apsis and the figures of 
prophets at the side pointing to Him the former being of the 
type already noticed in S. Praxedis as an imitation of that in the 
Pontian catacomb the figures were of the second infancy of 
delineation, each of them standing or hanging on a little pedestal. 2 
All previous defects might be found in them, and new ones in 
addition, the faces and features being angular, beards pointed, 
heads without forehead or cranium feet and hands deformed, 
outlines broad and dark and edged with red. Yet this unpleasant 
mosaic was still surrounded by a rich and beautiful ornament. 

A doubtful example of mosaic, in so far as date is concerned, 
may be noted in the small and dark chapel of the Sancta 
Sanctorum in the Lateran, sacred to papal meditations. Here in 
the centre of the roof an artist of the eighth or ninth century 
depicted the Saviour blessing the world and holding the book, 
in the type and form peculiar to the mosaists of the time of 
Pascal I., or to the painter of the Pontian catacomb. The 
Redeemer was delineated with a round head, pendent forelock, 
and a small beard divided into curls. His features were, however, 
less irregular than those of other figures of the same class. Four 
angels in flight and laboured movement supported the medallion, 
and still recalled the antique with a mixture of a later Greek char 
acter which remains to be noticed in Italy. Figures of saints in 
the same style filled the lunettes. 

In the same manner in which the Neo-Greek influence extended 
for a while from Ravenna to Rome, it spread in the beginning of 
the ninth century to Milan, where the church of S. Ambrogio was 
brought to a certain degree of splendour by the execution of 
mosaics, whose character was not essentially different from that 
which might be expected from artists who followed the precepts 
of the later mosaists of the exarchate. The Saviour was repre 
sented in the apsis of S.' Ambrogio, enthroned, with S. Protasius 
on His right and S. Gervasio on His left. The archangels Michael 
and Gabriel, guardians of the two saints, seemed to hover above 

1 This church was restored in 833 by Pope Gregory IV. 

2 Subject the Bedeemer between SS. Mark, Agapitus and Agnes (left), 
Felician and Mark introducing Pope Gregory IV. (right). 



46 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

them with a certain vehemence of action, holding in their hands 
reeds and crowns. 1 

These mosaics displayed more of the character of the Roman 
productions of the seventh or eighth centuries, 2 than that of later 
mosaics in the capital of Italy, Had art continued at Ravenna, it 
would probably have assumed the form which characterised S. 
Ambrogio in the ninth century. It would have presented to the 
spectator the same costumes and attitudes, the same gazing eyes, 
the same vehemence of action and richness of ornament. 3 

Of the manuscripts of the period illustrated in this chapter, 
it might be unnecessary to speak, were it not that they confirm 
the historian in his judgment of the general character of art at 
Rome during the time of its degeneracy and fall. The independ 
ence of Roman painters and the persistence with which they clung 
to the traditions of the antique, are indeed curiously exemplified 
in their miniatures, of which here is a sketch for the more curious. 

In a Terence MS. of the eighth or ninth century, now preserved 
at the Vatican, 4 one figure at least and a pseudo-portrait of the 
dramatist, in a medallion carried by two masks, characterise the period 
completely. The figure inscribed "Prologus" was depicted by the 
miniaturist with the grotesque face of an antique mask, in a violet 
Roman tunic and a light red mantle, and holding a bow in his left 
hand. This is the only figure which has not been altered by restoring. 
Its proportions are fair, though the hands are coarse and large. The 
outlines are of a dark red and the colours of the flesh of a light warm 
yellow. The portrait of Terence is likewise characteristic and 
reminiscent of the antique. Feebler, and apparently the effort of a 
childish imitator of classic forms, are the miniatures of a MS. Virgil 
at the Vatican, executed apparently in the ninth century and much 
restored. 5 That the artist was ignorant and inexperienced is proved 
by the deformity of the figures, feet, hands and articulations. Yet 
the compositions are imitated from those of a better time. 

1 Beneath the pedestal of the throne three saints, Marcellina, Satirus, 
and Candida, were depicted in medallions, and, at the sides of these, were 
two compositions, the first illustrating the sermon of S. Ambrose at Milan 
and the second the burial of S, Martin at Tours by the same bishop. 

2 For instance SS. Teodoro, Agnes, Venanzio, Pietro in Vinculis, where 
the impress of Ravennese art at Rome has been noticed. 

3 The mosaics of S. Ambrogio are said to have been executed in 832 
by order of Gaudentius, a monk. They have been much restored at various 
times, and probably as early as the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the 
form of the Saviour being evidently too feeble and lank to be of the same 
period as the head, which seems well preserved. The inscriptions of these 
mosaics are Gfreek. Above the archangels are the words OJP. MIXAHA 
and 0^. TABPIHA. Yet the cubes of these mosaics are large and rude. 

* MSS. No. 3868 of the Vatican library. 
fi MSS. No. 3867 of the Vatican library. 



MINIATURES 47 

Equally rude, but interesting perhaps as an example of the 
technical processes of the period, is a pontifical of the ninth century 
executed for the use of Bishop Landulfus of Capua, now in the Minerva 
at Eome. Vasari's epithet of ct tintor " might be applied to the artist. 
Roman art in its fall may be traced in the stout, short, heavy figures 
that convey the representation of a clerical ordination of the period. 
Some animation and action may be said to compensate for absence of 
true form. The large square heads, round black eyes, and rouged 
cheeksthe shadowless forms, drawn with coarse dark outlines, com 
bine with the draperies of uniform colour and marked out with parallel 
strokes, to present a miniature counterpart of the apsis figures in 
many a Roman church of the eighth and ninth centuries. The technical 
execution is as usual a light thin water-colour of a warm yellowish 
tinge in the flesh. 1 

From the seventh to the end of the eighth century Rome 
merely affords examples of formal ceremonial pictures. Of 
religious compositions in the true sense of the word there is scarcely 
a trace in mosaics or painting. The miniatures of the period 
which remain are either feeble imitations of the antique, or so low 
in the scale of art as to leave little room for criticism. It may 
therefore be interesting to discover if in sculpture something can 
be found to fill up the void. The wood reliefs of the gates of 
Santa Sabina at Rome are in this respect valuable remnants. 
Santa Sabina was built on the Aventine Hill by Pope Celestin I. 
in 421, but the gates were only placed in it by Innocent III. 
some years before the church was granted by Honorius III. 
to the Dominicans. The gates are divided into numerous square 
panels containing scenes from the Old and New Testaments. It 
may be remarked at once that the panelled and beautifully orna 
mented framing of the reliefs is of a different wood from that 
of the sculptures which it encloses, and that the subjects are older 
than the border which surrounds them. A careful examination 
of the sculptures will easily convince the observer that their char 
acter is not of the twelfth century, and that, if they were exe 
cuted in the pontificate of Innocent III., they are copies of older 
works. But experience will hardly warrant the assumption that 
a copyist could produce such a work as this in the twelfth century, 

1 Another miniature of the ninth century, representing the rite of baptism 
by immersion, may be noticed here. It belongs to an unnumbered MS. 
in the Minerva at Rome. The short figures, the draperies, are even more 
reminiscent of' the antique than the Terence, No. 3808. The drawing, 
particularly of the extremities, is defective, the eyes are very round and 
open, the mode of colouring the same as in the Terence MSS., the outlines 
very marked and coarse. 



48 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

and were it so, the gates of Santa Sabina would be a solitary 
example of their kind. 1 In style these carved subjects are a 
continuation of that imitation of the classic antique which pre 
vailed in the earlier centuries, yet composed and executed with 
remarkable spirit. The sculptors, whoever they may have been, 
gave animation and action to their figures such as were unknown 
to the mosaists or painters even of the time of Leo III. Their 
figures were mostly of the short Roman character, wherever the 
necessity of subject and space did not oblige them to slender- 
ness. Their ideas of costume and of drapery, their conception of 
Bible scenes, were of the kind which had been consecrated by 
time in the paintings of the catacombs or in the mosaics of Santa 
Maria Maggiore. Without wearying the reader with minute 
descriptions of all the subjects in the gates a few examples will 
amply suffice to justify the foregoing conclusions. 

For instance, Elisha is represented receiving the mantle of Elijah. 
The latter, in a classic car drawn by two horses, is directed to heaven 
by an angel in flight, whose form imitates the bold action and the 
attitude of a figure of Victory. Nothing more classical, no better- 
draped figure, was produced by any of the imitators of the antique 
during the Christian decline. Nor is this a solitary figure, being but 
the counterpart, as regards the qualities above referred to, of another 
angel anointing the head of one standing beneath Mm. The figure 
of Elisha is slender and elegant, and contrasts with others which are 
short and thick-set, as for instance in the composition in which Moses 
performs the miracle of the serpents. In a third relief representing 
the Hebrews landing from the Red Sea, and welcomed by an angel, 
whilst Pharaoh appears in a biga in the midst of the waves, it is im 
possible not to remember the colossal figures of the Monte Cavallo at 
Rome, imitated by an artist of a later time. In the Adoration of the 
Magi, where the Virgin in a Roman chair holds the Infant and receives 
the offerings of the three kings who are dressed in Phrygian costume, 
it is difficult to forget the same forms of composition in the earliest 
catacomb pictures. Again the Saviour, may be seen on the road to 
Calvary, by the side of Simon of Cyrene, who carries the cross. The 
figure of the Redeemer, the head, bearded and enclosed by long hair, 
recall the old types of the Christian time, whilst the composition itself 
is reminiscent of the mosaics of S. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna. The 
Saviour in an attitude of command in one of the medallions, with 
His simple nimbus, and fine drapery, is very different in type from 
the Redeemer even of the ninth century, whilst in a similar medallion, 

1 [<?/. VENTTJBI, op. cit. t vol. i., p. 476, note 2, gives a bibliography of 
the gates of S. Sabina ; cf. also GBISAB, Analecta Homana (Roma, 1898), 
vol. i. Venturi regards them as work of the middle of the fifth century.] 




HEAD OF CHRIST 
From the Catacomb of S. Poritiano at Rome. 




CHRIST AND THE" VIRGIN, WITH SAINTS 

From the Mosaic in S. Maria in Trastevere, Rome. 



Alinari. 



DOORS OF S, SABINA, ROME 




THE GATES OF S. SABINA 49 

Clirist giving the benediction and sitting in glory, is sliort in stature 
and wears the antique costume, the leggings of the same figure in the 
funeral monuments of Bavenna. 

But for the fact that short and slender figures are found in 
close proximity, one might suppose that these sculptures are of 
a date as early as some of the mosaics of Ravenna. They have 
indeed much of the character which distinguished the sculptures 
of the close of the exarchate. The symbols and monograms are 
the same as those of the sarcophagi. It may be reasonable there 
fore to give these bas-reliefs a date anterior to the tenth and even 
to the ninth century, Nor is a certain amount of historical 
evidence wanting to confirm this view. The gates of Santa Sabina 
are referred to in Annales ordinis predicatorium, by Thomas 
Maria Mafnachio, 1 as of " seculo etiam VII fortasse vetustiores." 

That Rome, during the tenth and eleventh centuries, yielded 
no examples of mosaic or painting is neither strange nor unnatural. 2 
Yet that art still continued to exist in this the most unhappy 
and troubled time of the Papacy, is proved not merely by one 
example which shall be noticed, but by the fact that, when 
Gregory VII. restored some of its power to the Church, the 
arts reappeared, maintaining after the lapse of more than a hun 
dred years the character and the peculiarities for which they 
had been remarkable in the period immediately preceding their 
apparent disappearance. 

To the Benedictines accrued in some measure the merit of 
having preserved the traditions of art ; and in one of their churches, 
in the, neighbourhood of Rome, the works and, for the first time, 
the names of Roman artists are preserved. 

To the north of the capital, and about seven miles from Nepi, 
on the road to Civita CasteUana, lies the castle and the Benedictine 
church of Sant* Elia, the latter an edifice of very old Christian 
form, and* covered internally with wall paintings by two brothers 
Johannes and Stephanus and their nephew ISTicolaus of^ Rome. 
The exact period in which these artists executed the internal 
decorations of S. Elia cannot be ascertained ; but they were men 
who combined the imitation of forms and compositions, charac 
teristic of various ages of Roman art, with a technical execution 
which can only be traced as far back as the tenth century. Their 

* Rome, 1756; vol. i., c. xvii, p. 569. _ . 

2 [Though only fragments remain, the important paintings at b. foaba 
are work of the early tenth century.] 



50 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

work, though it has suffered from the ravages of time, illustrates 
a phase hitherto comparatively unknown. They seem to have 
been men accustomed to mosaics, for they mapped out their 
colours so as to resemble that species of work. They used, not 
the thin water-colour of the early catacomb painters at Rome or 
Naples, but the body-colour of the later artists, who painted the 
Christ of the chapel of S. Cecilia in S. Callisto and the figures of 
Curtius and Desiderius in the catacomb of S. Januarius. On a 
rough surface of plaster they laid in the flesh tones of an uniform 
yellowish colour, above which coarse dark outlines marked the 
forms, red tones the half tints and blue the shadows. The lights 
and darks were stippled on with white or black streaks, and a 
ruddy touch on the cheeks seemed intended to mark the robust 
health of the personage depicted. The hair and draperies were 
treated in the same manner. They were painted of an even 
general tone streaked with black or white lines to indicate curls, 
folds, light and shadow. The result was a series of flat unre 
lieved figures, which were, in addition, without the charm of good 
drawing or expression. 

In tie semidome of the apsis, the Saviour was represented stand 
ing with His right arm extended and His left holding a scroll. 1 On 
His right S. Paul in a similar attitude was separated from S. Elias by 
a palm, on which the phoenix symbolised Eternity. S. Elias, in a 
warrior's dress, pointed with his left hand to S. Paul. To the Saviour's 
left S. Peter, whose form is now but dimly visible, and probably another 
saint were depicted. A background of deep blue, spotted with red 
clouds of angular edges, relieved the figures. This was in fact an 
apsis picture similar to those in the numerous churches of Rome, 
and in arrangement not unlike that of SS. Cosma e Damiano. The 
form of the Redeemer indeed, His head, of regular features with a 
nose a little depressed and the flesh curiously wrinkled, His high fore 
head, and long black hair falling in locks, His double-pointed beard, 
tunic, mantle, and sandals had a general likeness with those of SS. 
Cosma e Damiano. The saints, on the other hand, in their slender 
forms, S. Elias with his small head and long body, were reminiscent 
of later mosaics, whilst their attitude and movement, their draperies 
defined with lines, their defective feet and hands were not unlike 
those of SS. Nereo e Achilleo. The Neo-Greek influence might be 
traced in other parts of the paintings of S. Elia. Beneath the green 
foreground, where the four rivers gushed from under the feet of the 
Saviour, and the Lamb stood pouring its blood into a chalice, an 
ornament separated the paintings of the semidome from those in the 
lower courses of the apsis. In the uppermost of these, Jerusalem, 
1 The hand of the Eternal is above in the key of the apsis. 



S. ELI A OF NEPI 51 

and in the intervals of three windows, twelve sheep in triple groups 
between palms, were depicted. Bethlehem no doubt closed the arrange 
ment on the right, but is now gone. In the next lower course the 
Saviour sat enthroned between two angels and six female saints, 
amongst which 8. Catherine in a rich costume and diadem and S. Lucy 
may still be recognised. The rich ornaments, the round eyes and oval 
faces of these female saints, were not without admixture of the foreign 
element which had left its impress on Eome in the seventh and eighth 
centuries. Still, the angels, with their hair bound in tufts and their 
flying bands, were of regular features. The painters covered the sides 
of the tribune with three courses of pictures, fragments of which 
remain. On the upper to the right, the prophets with scrolls, on 
the second, martyrs with the chalice, on the third, scenes from the 
Old Testament. On the left the lowest course was likewise filled with 
biblical subjects taken from Revelation. The aisles and nave were 
also doubtless painted, but the pictures have unfortunately dis 
appeared. The painters inscribed their names as follows beneath the 
feet of the Saviour in the apsis Jon et Stefanu Ms picto , . e . . 
Eomani et Nicolaus Nepv Jofcs. 1 

These paintings of S. Elia are far more instructive and inter 
esting than those of a later date, and even than the mosaics of 
the eleventh century at Rome. From all these, indeed, one may 
conclude that, whilst the Italians were on the threshold of a new 
political and social life, their art was but a continuation of that 
mixture of Roman and Byzantine feebleness and of those errors 
which had sprung from the troubled nature of earlier ages. The 
art of Italy rose indeed after the tenth century. Whilst, how 
ever, it showed no rapid development of power in thought, con 
ception, or expression, it imbibed a better taste in the less 
important branch of ornamentation, a change which had begun 
in the lowest period of the decline, and which consisted in the 
use of the richest borders and foliage tracery and in the substitu 
tion of gold for dark blue backgrounds. A more interesting 
change, however, was the development which became apparent 

1 Tho scroll in the hand of S. Paul is inscribed " Certamen certavi, cursu 
consumavi. Fide separavi." S. Peter holds a scroll inscribed " Tu es 
Christus films Dei vivi quid nunc mundfl venisti" On each side of the 
medallion in which the Lamb is depicted is the inscription "Vos qui intratis 
me primti respiciatis omnibus ardua clamidat, ac si a divas otia qua &c." 
The sheep are painted on a yellow ground simulating gold. The nimbus of 
the Saviour and those of the saints are also yellow imitations of gold. One 
of the windows between which the sheep are represented, is filled up and 
contains a figure of S. John of the fifteenth century. The angels on each 
side of the Saviour in glory on the wall beneath the semidome carry in one 
hand the labarum, in the other parti-coloured circles of blue and white. 
The female saints are on a blue ground spangled with stars. 



52 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

in the sphere of subjects which artists were enabled to treat 
pictorially. The most painful incidents of the Passion of our 
Lord had till now been avoided ; and the nearest approach to 
them that had as yet been attempted was the road to Calvary, 
where the Saviour was represented proceeding to Golgotha accom 
panied by Simon of Cyrene carrying His cross. The tenth and 
eleventh centuries displayed not merely all absence of dislike but 
a certain mournful pleasure in depicting the sufferings and death 
of the Redeemer. The numerous crucifixes, in which He is depicted 
in the various phases of His agony, may perhaps serve a little 
later to illustrate a chapter of their own. In churches where 
this episode was first represented, it was generally placed exactly 
opposite to another, where Christ after the Resurrection sat in 
glory to judge " the quick and the dead." In S. Urbano alia 
Caffarella at Rome, for instance, the Crucifixion was painted in the 
eleventh century inside the portal. The Saviour stood with head 
and frame erect on a projection, where His feet were separately 
nailed to the wood. A slight drapery surrounded His hips. On 
the right Calphurnius held up the sponge, whilst on the left 
Longinus struck the Saviour with his lance. 1 Yet in this period 
of His agony the Redeemer maintained the serenity and open eyes 
of one that should not betray a sign of pain. Right and left stood 
the Virgin and S. John Evangelist, and above them the thieves, 
one of whom repentant looked towards the Saviour, both in quiet 
attitudes and with arms bound behind the cross. At the foot of 
the instrument of death a strangely-dressed figure, intended per 
haps for the Magdalen, held a cloth and seemed willing to support 
the projection on which the Saviour's feet rested. 2 Above the 
Saviour two half figures of winged angels stood. The sequel of 
the story of the Crucifixion extended to both of the side walls, 
on which scenes of the Passion, and the legends of S. Urbanus, 
S. Cecilia, S. Lawrence, and other saints were depicted. In the 
choir, and facing the Crucifixion, the Saviour sat enthroned giving 
the blessing and holding a book between two angels ; S. Peter 
and S. Paul on each side of Him. In the episodes of the Passion, 
Christ might be seen now carrying His cross. Were these paintings 

1 The names are inscribed. 

2 At the base of the Crucifixion are the words " Bonizzo frt axri M. XL," 
an unusual mode of expressing the date of A.D. 1011. But the inscription 
is repainted possibly over an older one. RTTMOHB, (Forachiwgen, vol. i., 
p. 277) had already noticed this. The inscription is repeated, according to 
him, in an old MS. with miniatures copied from these paintings in the 
Barberini library at Rome. 



EARLY ART IN SOUTH ITALY 53 

not so totally repainted and restored they might serve further to 
illustrate the methods in practice in the beginning of the eleventh 
century. The least damaged parts are on the walls of the aisle 
to the left. One may remark generally that old Roman charac 
teristics of composition and line still remain. In the Adoration 
of the Magi the three kings are in Plirygian caps and dresses. 
There is a certain repose in the somewhat slender figures, yet 
more animation in gesture than in the compositions of SS. Nereo e 
Achilleo. 

In the Annunciation, where the Virgin sits on a throne whilst 
the angel 'presents himself, an old woman in fair action may be 
seen in a neighbouring room. The draperies are also more free 
in fold than before. 

Of a class not dissimilar from these are a series of paintings 
removed from S. Agnese of Rome and now in the Museum of S. 
Giovanni in Laterano, the oldest of which are scenes from the lives 
of S. Catherine and S. Agatha. Here the proportions of the figures 
are similar to those in S. Urbano, but perhaps a little more slender. 
The small round eyes, thin noses, mouths, and necks are not more 
disagreeable than the wiry red outlines, the yellow flesh tones 
painted with full body-colour over a preparation of verde, and 
the rouged cheeks. In continuation of these one may further 
notice in the same museum eleven scenes of the life of S. Benedict 
of similar system and style. 1 

* Whilst painters thus continued to exist at Rome and handed 
down to each other mere traditions of form, art was recruited in 
the South of Italy from the workshops of the East; and Leo 
of Ostia relates that in 1070 Desiderius, Abbot of Montecassino, 
sent for Greek mosaists to adorn the apsis above the high altar, 
and ordered the novices of his order (he was a Benedictine) to 
learn the art of mosaic, " which since the invasion of the Lombards 
had been lost in Italy." 2 That Leo of Ostia was rash in the latter 
assertion needs no better proof than the narrative in the fore 
going pages. 3 A question of more real interest is, whether the 
Byzantine Greeks imported by the Abbot of Montecassino were 
better artists than their contemporaries at Rome. It is a question, 

1 Other fragments of frescoes in this museum for instance, a head of a 
bishop and a figure of a saint (aged) are more modern, and probably of the 
fourteenth century. 

2 LEO OF OSTIA, ap. Mur atari Rer. Itdl. Scriptores t iv., p. 442. 

3 He may have meant that the art of mosaics had been lost in South 
Italy and particularly under the Lombard princes of Beneventum and Capua, 
whose rule lasted till the middle of the eleventh century. 



54 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

however, which must remain unanswered, because the mosaics of 
Montecassino have disappeared. Yet it may be sufficient to re 
collect that in the ninth century the mosaics of S. Ambrogio of 
Milan were no better than those of the same period at Rome. 
In the absence of mosaics, it is gratifying to be able to point out 
a series of paintings of the same time executed for the Benedictines 
of S. Angelo in Formis at Capua, which, being essentially of a 
Greek character, will prove first, that artists from Greece or Con 
stantinople were employed in South Italy in the eleventh century, 
and secondly, that they were in no respect superior to their Italian 
contemporaries. As to the period of these paintings it may be 
necessary to consult some historical records. In 1058 the Norman 
Richard became possessed of the Principality of Capua, and, having 
been anointed with the holy ampulla at Montecassino, he conceded 
to the Benedictines the right to found a new monastery at S. 
Angelo in Formis, near Capua. This monastery and the church of 
S. Angelo were endowed in 1065 with the funds belonging to the 
churches of SS. Giovanni, Salvadore, and Ilario of Capua, which 
time had completely ruined. 1 The church of S. Angelo was, 
however, not enlarged until 1073, when, at the request of 
Pope Gregory VII., and with the assistance of Richard of Nor 
mandy and Erveo, Archbishop of Capua, the works were com 
menced by Desiderius, the third Abbot of Montecassino, 2 the same 
who had already restored and adorned with mosaics the chief 
convent of the Benedictines in South Italy. About 1075 the 
church of S. Angelo was consecrated by Erveo, Archbishop of 
Capua, 3 and the successful termination of his labours was recorded 
by Desiderius in the following inscription now on the architrave 
of the great portal : 

CONSCENDES CAELTJM SI TE COGNOVERIS IPSUM 
UT DESIDERIUS QUI SACRO FLAMINE PLENUS 
A COMPLENDO LEGEM DEITATI CONDIDIT AEDEM, 
UT CAPIAT FBUCTUM QUI FINEM NESQIAT ULLUM. 

The artists employed by Desiderius painted the following 
subjects : 

In the apsis the Saviour was enthroned in the act of benediction 
and holding the book. The symbols of the Evangelists were at His 
sides, and the hand of the Eternal appeared out of an opening 

1 Lo MONACO'S Dissertazione suite varie vicende di S. Angelo in Formis 
(fol., Capua, 1839), p. 13. 

2 Ibid., p. 12. 3 Ibid., p. 15. 



EARLY ART IN SOUTH ITALY 55 

surrounded by a fan-like ornament. Beneath the semidome and on 
the wall of the apsis the three archangels Michael, Gabriel, and Raphael 
separated the abbot Desiderius, standing with the model of the church 
in his hand, from a figure of a Benedictine now almost effaced. 

On the opposite wall, and therefore above the chief portal, the 
Last Judgment was depicted. High up in an elliptical glory the 
Saviour sat enthroned, and distributed the blessing and the curse 
with His hands, the only part of the figure now remaining. Below 
Him, an angel raised high above His head a long scroll, of which the 
inscription has disappeared ; whilst two angels at His sides held 
scrolls likewise, inscribed with the words, " VENITE BENEDICTI " and 
" ITE MALEDICTI." Above the Saviour and between the upper win 
dows, four angels sounded the last trump. Beneath, in two courses 
on each side of the Saviour, were twelve angels in adoration and 
twelve apostles on long benches. At the sides of the angels, below 
the Saviour, were grouped the blessed saints, martyrs, and confessors 
of both sexes on one hand, and devils pursuing condemned souls into 
the everlasting abyss on the other. On the lowest course to the left, 
groups of the just, plucking and wearing flowers, were made to contrast 
with others on the right, tortured or carried by demons to the foot 
of Lucifer, a vast monster, now unfortunately headless, sitting in 
chains, with claws for hands, and holding under his arm the writhing 
form of Judas Iscariot. The action and terrible movement of this 
infernal picture showed the interest which was already taken in the 
eleventh century in the delineation of the everlasting torments re 
served for sinners ; and the importance given to the size of Lucifer 
proved the desire of impressing spectators with dread of sin. 

The rude painters of S. Angelo in Formis indeed succeeded 
much better in representing the tortures of hell than the majesty 
or the joys of Paradise. Their idea of the Saviour, as it was ex 
posed in the apsis, was inexpressibly painful. It is difficult to 
discover a more unpleasant type of Christ than they here depicted. 

A thin feeble figure with formless hands and feet was surmounted 
by a large grim head of bony aspect, enclosed by flat lank red hair, 
and lined out with dark contours. A wrinkled brow, arched over 
large round gazing eyes a thin long pointed nose, a little mouth, 
and a short straggling beard, two daubs on the cheeks, were the char 
acteristic features of the Redeemer. 

The Archangels of the apsis were round-headed, and had large 
almond-shaped eyes and pointed noses. A mere line indicated the 
mouth. Patches of red on the cheeks, broad necks, wings, dresses 
profusely covered with gold in square patterns and precious stones, 
completed their tawdry delineation. One of the Evangelists and the 
angels blowing the trumpets of the Judgment were figures taking 
long and vehement strides in empty space ; and an attempt seemed 



56 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

to be made to imitate flying draperies by meaningless triangular flaps 
of stuff. Here and there a grand intention might be traced in a 
solitary figure, as for instance in the angel beneath the Saviour of the 
Last Judgment, whose attitude was fine, and found imitators in later 
centuries. On the walls above the arches of the central aisles three 
courses of paintings represented, first, the prophets and kings of the 
Old Testament, next, scenes from the Passion, and last, a series now 
obliterated by whitewash. Amongst the scenes of the Passion, one 
was the Crucifixion, in which the Saviour was represented, erect with 
His feet nailed separately to a projection. His face, slightly bent 
towards the Virgin, who stood below on the left, seemed to express 
menace. His frame and limbs were well proportioned, but most 
rudely drawn. The pectoral muscles and lower ribs were marked 
by triple red lines. The Virgin and S. John near the cross were stiff 
and motionless. At the sides, the rending of the garment, the crowd 
of priests, and soldiers on horseback were represented. Above the 
Saviour, the sun and the moon, the latter under the form of a wailing 
female, were depicted, and angels in attitudes expressive of agonising 
grief flew about the cross. 1 Outside the church, a double recess above 
the architrave of the chief portal contains a half figure of the Virgin 
with raised arms, wearing a heavy diadem of gold and richly gilt 
close-fitting vestments, in a medallion supported by two flying angels 
of slender forms and fair movement. Beneath, in the inner lunette, 
a half figure of an angel, likewise in close-fitting dress adorned with 
lozenge patterns of gold, and winged, holds a reed in its right and a 
disc on which is written MP 0V. These two figures, less rude and of 
fairer type than the paintings inside the church, seem to have been 
painted by one having supervision over a commoner sort of artists, 
who must have carried out the labour of the interior under his orders. 
His colours were used on the same principle as theirs, but with better 
judgment. 2 The general character of these paintings is that of 
stamping or tarsia. They are executed on a single layer of plaster 
or intonaco prepared for flesh parts with a general coat of verde, 
covered with a thick yellow body-colour in the lights, shadowed 
with a brownish red. The draperies are tawdry and sharply con 
trasted in tone. The painters, Greeks, as is proved by the inscrip 
tions, by the costumes, and by the exaggerated form and action of the 
figures, knew no other technical processes than their Roman rivals 
at Nepi, but were inferior even to them in knowledge. S. Angelo 
in Formis is interesting merely because it reveals the state of the 
Byzantine art of the period in its pure deformity, and because it 
presents the earliest example of the complete ornamentation of a 

1 In S. Angelo each side aisle had an apsis, of which that to the right 
still preserves traces of a Virgin between two angels, with six busts of female 
saints below. [Since this book was written other subjects have been un 
covered from the whitewash.] 

2 Lunettes of porch are adorned with painted scones from the legends 
of S. Anthony the abbot and S. Paul the hermit, now in part obliterated. 



EARLY ART IN SOUTH ITALY 57 

church with subjects in subordination to each other. It affords further 
the first known example of that great subject of the Last Judgment, 
which became so constant a favourite with artists of later centuries. 

S. Angelo in Formis is not the only monument in Capua whose 
erection was due to the zeal of Desiderius, He caused the 
monastery o S. Benedetto to be rebuilt, and ordered that the 
Saviour and the apostles Peter and Paul should be represented 
in mosaic in the apsis of the church. 1 Ornaments of the same 
kind, begun at his desire in the aisles, were finished by his 
successor Oderisius, Abbot of Montecassino. 2 To the latter the 
church of S. Giovanni of Capua owed its mosaics, a part of which 
were subsequently transferred to the cathedral. Thus, if the 
mosaics of the time of Desiderius are absent, those of his successor 
may afford a criterion as to their value. The remnants of the 
mosaics of S. Giovanni represent the Virgin holding the infant 
Saviour in her arms, whilst the two S. Johns stand at her sides. 
The words MP 0V indicate the Greek origin of the mosaists, quite 
as much as the figures recall low Byzantine art. The Virgin and 
saints are deformities, with angular draperies, and wooden atti 
tudes. The Saviour is long, thin, and lean. The mosaic is in fact 
no better than the worst part of the paintings of S. Angelo in 
Formis ; 3 and posterity may therefore look with equanimity on 
the loss of the mosaics of Montecassino and other churches of 
Capua. Still further to the south of Italy the defective Byzantine 
style of Capua may be traced at Otranto and Amalfi ; 4 and 
its continuation till late in the thirteenth century can be followed, 
first, in pictures of the Naples Museum and other galleries, assigned 
to Bizzamano d' Otranto ; 5 and finally in a Virgin giving the breast 
to the infant Saviour in the monastery of Monte Vergine near 
Avellino. This Virgin indeed, with her vast diadem and gilt dress 
and her ugly form and features, is quite of the low Byzantine art 
and inferior to one at Amalfi. 6 

1 Lo MONACO, ubi sup., cites the original record, p- 20. 

2 Oderisius or Odericus was Abbot of Montecassino in 1089, as appears 
from a document of that year in the archives of the chapter of Capua. See 
document in Appendix to MABCO Lo MONACO'S Varie Vicende, ubi sup. 

* This mosaic is besides much damaged by moving and repair. 

4 Church of the Madonna del Rosario, in which is a painting of the Virgin 

and Child. 11-1 

5 A picture in the Naples Museum, quite in this oriental style and assigned 
to Bizzamano, represents S. George on horseback, assisted by a miniature 
figure helping him to spear the dragon. The Eternal's hand appears above, 
and the usual female on one side. 

6 The gilt nimbus of the Virgin of, Monte Vergine projects at an angle, 
so as to exhibit the head more clearly to the spectator. 



58 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

The Norman princes of South Italy were not long contented 
with the poor productions of such mosaists and painters as those 
of Capua artists who cannot indeed be supposed to represent the 
best that the East could produce in the eleventh century. After 
they had invaded and conquered Sicily in the twelfth century, 
they found no apparent difficulty in bringing together some 
hundreds of workmen who adorned with mosaics a vast number 
of churches. The patriotism of the Sicilians is not satisfied with 
the assertions of some historians, that the mosaics of Cefalu, 
Palermo, and Monreale were executed by artists from Greece or 
Constantinople. They labour to prove, without much success, 
that, as Greek elements had always existed and necessarily sur 
vived the Saracen dominion in the island, the Christians who had 
lived, nay, laboured, under the tolerant laws of the Moslems, only 
revived an art which had previously existed in Sicily. Their 
opponents, on the other hand, are equally puzzled to discover or 
to prove whence the artists of the twelfth century in Sicily derived 
their origin. The question is in truth difficult to settle in the 
absence of all records, and may be left as a fit and natural food 
for argument to the holders of the two extreme opinions. 1 It is 
proper, however, to remember that art after a long period of 
iconoclasticism was cultivated anew at Constantinople in the ninth 
century, and that Italy still possesses in the niello gates of the 
cathedral of Arnalfi of the year A.D. 1000, and in the gates of the 
cathedral of Salerno of 1099, no contemptible examples of the power 
of drawing which the artists of Constantinople still wielded in 
the eleventh century. 2 Nor can it be forgotten that between 
the coasts of South Italy and those of Greece and the straits, an 
active commerce, in which even Pisa took a share, was in existence. 

The oldest mosaics of the Norman period in Sicily are those 
of the cathedral of Cefalu, an edifice of which the first stone was 
laid by Hugo, Archbishop of Messina, in 113L 3 In the apsis an 
inscription declares that King Roger caused the mosaics to be 
executed in the year 1148. 

The only parts of these that now remain are in the semidome, 
apsis, and sanctuary, in the first of which a colossal bust of the Saviour 

1 See DOMENICO Lo FASO PIETBASANTA'S Duomi di Monreale (fol. Palermo, 
1838), p. 18. 

2 Similar gates were sent from Constantinople to Pope Gregory VII. at 
Rome in 1070, which were placed in the church of S. Paolo fuori le Mura. 
These perished in the fire of last century. 

3 Praai, Ecc. Mess., p. 389, in Lo FASO, ubi sup., p. 75. 



SICULO-NORMAN ART 59 

was represented in glory and benediction between four angels holding 
the labarum, and medallions of Melchizedek, Hosea, and Moses (the 
latter now destroyed) on a level with Him in the side walls of the 
sanctuary. In a second course in the apsis and sanctuary the twelve 
apostles were placed, in a third the Virgin in the centre with the 
prophets Joel, Amos, and Obadiah, and lower down, a double row of 
prophets, elders, and saints. 1 In these mosaics, a far higher class of 
art than the Roman of the period was to be distinguished. The 
space was well distributed, and the apostles by no means displayed 
that absence of design or of form to which previous centuries had been 
accustomed. The draperies were good, and recalled by a certain 
breadth and elegance older and more classic times ; although in the 
vestments of some angels, their close fit and lozenge or square-shaped 
ornaments of gold still displayed an oriental taste. The features of 
the apostles were of traditional types, those of the tall angels whose 
hair, bound by ribands, flowed down their necks, were quiet, plump 
and round, and though Byzantine in the depression of the nose, less 
than usually unpleasant in gaze. 

The Saviour was dressed in a purple tunic shot with gold, and a 
blue mantle draping the left arm and shoulder in angular and in 
volved folds, the mass of which seemed to impede rather than assist 
the development of the form. The head, though apparently that of 
an ascetic thin, bony and of sharp features, was surrounded by 
very heavy masses of hair overlapping each other, hanging in a suc 
cession of curves on the shoulders, and with the now usual double 
forelock on the wrinkled forehead. The brows were regularly and 
naturally arched, and the eyes without gaze. The nose was thin and 
long, the mouth small. A regular beard covered the lips, cheeks, and 
lower part of the chin. The bare neck, muscularly developed, was 
not without evident defects of anatomical form. Fine and even 
majestic as this figure certainly was, it appeared inferior to those of 
the apostles below it; and it seems characteristic of the artists of 
this time that, in the eflort to create a Christian type whose features 
should not be reminiscent of the antique, they produced nothing that 
indicated a creative spirit. They imagined the Saviour lean from 
abstinence, but by no means of ideal form. They might thus satisfy 
the simple tastes of little cultivated minds, but the struggle for a new 
type was still left undecided. The Christian artists had started with 
imitations of the antique, which time altered, and at last disposed 
of. To reach ideal form again, not the inventive genius of an artist 
was required, but a return to the study of the purest classical models. 
This it was that led to the revival of art in the thirteenth century. 

That the mosaics of Cefah\ were the labour of more than one 

1 Originally SS. Peter, Vincent, Lawrence, Stephen, Gregory, Augustin, 
Sylvester, Dionysius, Abraham, David, Solomon, Jonas, Micah, Naomi, 
SS. Theodore, George, Demetrius, Nestor, Nicolas, Basil, Chrysostom, Gregory 
and Theodosius. Some of these have perished. 



60 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

hand is evident from the superiority of those parts "which are 
nearest the spectator, over others that are more distant. In all 
of them, however, the drawing was precise and careful, and dis 
played no longer the coarseness or darkness of line which so dis 
agreeably marked earlier works. The forms of the figures, as is 
proved by the red outlines on the binding substance, were perfectly 
made out previous to the laying of the cubes ; and the damaged 
state of some parts is thus of advantage to the student, as it 
reveals the process of the work. True harmony of tones and a 
correct appreciation of the laws of distance, a fair knowledge of 
relief and a proper subordination of fine ornaments to the pictures, 
must also be conceded to the artists of Cefalu. In the flesh lights 
nature was closely imitated. In the shadows verde prevailed. As 
a final characteristic, it might be noticed that the mosaists had 
become technically perfect in the close jointing of the cubes. 1 

Contemporary with the Cefalu mosaics but inferior to them, 
either because originally entrusted to inferior hands, or because 
restoring has impaired their beauty, are those of the Palatine 
Chapel at Palermo, built in 1132 2 by Roger King of Sicily, and 
consecrated in 1140. 3 

The mosaics finished after the consecration, partly in 1143, 4 and 
partly later, filled the sanctuary, the cupola of the transept, and the 
walls of the nave and aisles. Scenes from the life of S. Peter and 
S. Paul in the side aisles, figures of saints or prophets above the arches 
of the nave and in the left transept, 5 rivalled the most perfect ones 
of Cefalu. The Saviour in benediction between SS. Peter and Paul, 
above the marble throne at the bottom of the nave, was less perfect 

1 The backgrounds of these apsis mosaics are grey. Many of the out 
lines are reinforced with colour, and evidently by the original mosaists. 

2 Pram, Tab. Reg. cap. Palat. in Lo FASO, uU sup., p. 74. 

3 The completion of the building in this year is proved by the following 
mutilated record cited from the archives of Palermo by Abate Buscemi in 
Gwrnale Ecc., p. la'Sicilia, vol. i. 

IIII K. Ma. . . . odem die dedi- 
tio ecc S. Petri 
pellse Regise 
panormitanse 
acta fuit tempore 
oriosi et mani 
regis Rogerii 
nno dominice 
ncaraationis MCXL. 

The church was consecrated on the day of its completion, Ibid. 

4 *An inscription in the cupola proves that some of the mosaics were 
finished in that year. See Lo FASO, ubi sup., p. 27. 

6 SS. Gregory, Sergius, Basil, John the Isaurian, and another. 



SICULO-NORMAN ART 61 

in type and form, and betrayed a later and feebler art. The same 
might be said of the Saviour and angels in the cupola. 1 

Rich ornaments of animals and foliage on gold ground, of the 
same period adorned one of the rooms of the palace of Palermo. 
Nor was the splendour of the first King of Sicily and his taste for 
ornamenting churches confined to him alone. The great admiral 
Georgio Antiocheno ordered the church of S. Maria dell' Ammiraglio, 
now la Martorana, to be erected at Palermo. The edifice was 
consecrated in 1113, finished and endowed by King Roger in 1143, 2 
and adorned with mosaics, which have been severely injured by 
time and restorers. 

An elegant and majestic half figure of S. Anna holding a palm, 
of regular proportion and features, is well preserved in the lateral apsis 
of the right transept. A composition of the Death of the Virgin may 
be seen above one of the arches of the cupola in which the body lies 
on the tomb surrounded by the Maries, angels, and apostles, one of 
whom bends over the breast of the recumbent figure to listen for the 
beating of the heart. This and figures of saints and angels in various 
parts of the edifice are fully equal to the finest of the mosaics of 
Cefalu. The Birth of the Virgin above one of the arches of the cupola, 
is on the contrary inferior in every sense. The cupola itself is too 
dark to allow the spectator to see the mosaics with which it is covered. 3 

The cathedral of Monreale, built in the twelfth century, entirely 
on the model of the Greek ones of Constantinople and Ravenna 
of the sixth, was the most imposing in Sicily for the extent of 
its mosaic ornaments, yet below the cathedral of Cefalu and the 
churches of Palermo in the artistic value of these works. A bull 
of Alexander III. proves that it was not yet finished in 1174, 
whilst a bull of Lucius III. testifies to its completion in 1182. 

The mosaics were intended to illustrate first those portions of the 
Old Testament which prefigurate the coming of the Messiah ; secondly 
the life of the Saviour to the descent of the Holy Spirit; and finally 
the glory of the Redeemer and the triumph of the Church. The bust 
of the Saviour of colossal stature, and of a type and form inferior to 
that of Cefalu, with features of a heavy character far from regular 

1 These mosaics have been damaged by many successive repairs. The 
mosaics of the tribune and apsis .are modern. 

2 MORSO : Palermo Antica, gives the original diplomas, which are copied 
in Lo FASO, ub. sup., p. 86. 

3 The merits of the artists of this church may be understood from solitary 
figures or parts, the mosaics generally having been restored and renewed at 
various times. 



62 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

or animated was represented in the semidome of the apsis; 1 and 
beneath, He was depicted again at full length enthroned by the side 
of the Virgin between the archangels and the twelve apostles. The 
spaces over the arch, dividing the sanctuary from the minor tribune, 
were adorned with figures of twelve prophets. An arch, leading from 
the minor tribune into the transept, was reserved for a half figure of 
Emmanuel with eight medallions of prophets on each side. On the 
opposite face of the arch was the Annunciation. The transepts were 
filled with double courses of mosaics representing scenes from the 
New Testament, the archivaults of the solia or quadrangle in the centre 
of the church with medallions of the progenitors of the Saviour accord 
ing to the genealogy of S. Matthew. An arch which divided the solia 
from the nave was adorned with S, Sofia, or the Wisdom of God, 
adored by the archangels Michael and Gabriel. Two courses of 
mosaics in the nave illustrated the scenes of the Old Testament. The 
walls of the side aisles were filled with scenes from the New Testa 
ment subordinate to those in the transept, and the apsis of each aisle 
contained scenes of the life of S, Peter and S. Paul. 

Amongst the transept mosaics, those which represented the 
story of the Passion were not essentially different from the 
traditional ones which had now been frequently depicted, and 
which were afterwards to cover the walls of the nave in the 'Upper 
Church of S. Francesco at Assisi. The compositions were animated ; 
and it was remarkable in some of them, as for instance in that 
of the Resurrection, to find in the forms of the sleeping sentinels 
bold and even foreshortened movements. In the Crucifixion, how 
ever, the form of the Saviour was conceived differently by the 
mosaists of Monreale and by older artists ; and here the hanging 
belly and distorted frame, the bent and doleful head accused the 
progress of materialism in art. Yet the habit of nailing the feet 
separately to the cross had not been abandoned, and as a study 
of muscular anatomy the figure was not imperfect, as it after 
wards became. In the corner of the left transept, above a marble 
throne, the Saviour was depicted imposing the crown on the head 
of William II. This and a solitary figure of S. John, removed 
from the old baptistery near the right transept to a niche in the 
right aisle, were amongst the most careful and best mosaics in 
the edifice. In general, however, the forms and features of the 
apostles and saints were no longer equal to those of Cefalu, and a 
certain stiffness or contortion of attitudes might be noticed ; the 
eyes had become more open and gazing, the draperies more straight 

1 The originality of the head of the Saviour in the apsis of Monreale 
may be doubted. 



SICULO-NORMAN AET 63 

and angular. Nor were the harmonies of colour preserved in their 
purity ; and greyish-red shadows with lines of a broader and 
more cutting character marked the decline of art in Sicily. Ere 
long, and hardly a century later, the mosaists produced examples 
at Messina which were not superior to those of the eleventh century 
at Capua. 1 

On the Italian continent, as for instance at Salerno, the influ 
ence of the Sicilian mosaists was felt. But the mosaics of the 
cathedral 2 are so damaged that they defy all criticism. A solitary 
half figure of S. Matthew, in a door lunette, is, however, not without 
character, and makes a near approach to the better productions 
of Sicily. Two pulpits in the same cathedral, where architecture 
and mosaic ornament are judiciously combined, prove that the art 
at the extreme of South Italy was not more defective than in 
other parts of the peninsula. These pulpits were ordered at the 
close of the thirteenth century by John of Procida ; and one of 
them is adorned at the angles with figures of the Evangelists, one 
of which, S. Matthew holding the serpent as the emblem of 
wisdom, is by no means a contemptible example of the art of 
the time. 

At the opposite extremity of the Peninsula, but still connected 
with the East by its trade and commercial navy, Venice shared 
with Sicily the labours of Greek mosaists. It would be vain, if 
not foreign to the object of this work, minutely to seek from the 
midst of mosaics such as those of S. Mark, parts that may have 
been produced by artists of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. 
There is no doubt that the cupolas of the vestibule are adorned 
with compositions from the Old Testament which have a character 
akin to those of Sicily ; but these, like most of the mosaics of 
this cathedral, have been subjected to centuries of restoration ; 
and it is safe only to assume that at Venice, as in Sicily, mosaists 

1 These examples adorned the three apsides of the cathedral of Messina. 
In the central one, less defective than the two others, yet much damaged, 
Eleanor- wife of Frederic of Aragon, and Elizabeth, Queen of Peter of Aragon, 
were represented kneeling at each side of a throne on which the Saviour 
and the Virgin sat together, guarded by angels and female saints. The apsis 
to the right was devoted to King Louis of Anjou and John, Duke of Athens, 
placed on each side of S. John the Baptist and supported by saints. The 
apsis to the left was honoured with the kneeling figures of King Frederic 
and King Peter, with Guido, Bishop of Messina^ saints and angels, all beneath 
a very defective figure of the Saviour in glory. The first of these apsis 
mosaics was remarkable for long draperies of intricate fold, for ill-drawn 
figures, yet less defective than those in the semidomes at the sides, where 
disproportion of form and rudeness of design were combined. 

2 This cathedral was founded by Bobert Guiscard in 1084. 



64 HISTOKY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

of Byzantine education were employed, perhaps as early as the 
eleventh century. 1 

The Greek art of this period, such as it appears in miniatures, 
exhibits the characteristics which are found in the Sicilian mosaics ; 
and those who may desire to learn something of them may read 
the following excerpt : 

Amongst the sixty illuminated drawings of a Greek " Menologio " 
preserved at the Vatican library, 2 the art of Cefalu seems reproduced. 3 
The Saviour in glory surrounded by the apostles exhibits the type 
and slender form noble head and dignified movement the apostles 
the long lean shape, but stern and characteristic heads of the Siculo- 
Norman period. In succeeding miniatures, symmetrical and well- 
distributed compositions may be found, and that of the Birth of the 
Virgin is marked by the well-known classical attitude of S. Anna on 
the bed, whilst females are busy preparing the bath for the infant. 
An Adoration of the Shepherds is likewise remarkable for the typical 
form and arrangement repeated by the painters of the Upper Church 
of Assisi, by Cavallini in S. Maria in Trastevere of Borne, and the 
school of Siena, so remarkable for the tenacity with which, it main 
tained the habits of earlier times. In some overweight of head, square 
sculptural character of drapery, and defective extremities, the Greek 
miniaturists here shared the peculiarities of their countrymen the 
mosaists ; and even the occasional violence of action remarkable at 
times in the latter can be noticed in the martyrdom of a saint torn 
by a Hon. In the Crucifixion of S. Peter and another saint, 4 the nude 
is rendered with a certain vigour if not without conventionalism. In 
the Baptism of Christ, S. John places his hand on the head of the 
Saviour, whilst three angels attend on the opposite side. Precise 
outlines and accurately defined forms a lively, clear, and tolerably 
fused colour of some impasto, the technical mode of painting flesh 
tints over a general tone of verde, mark the whole of the miniatures. 5 

In continuation of these, the miniatures of the Climacchus of the 
eleventh or twelfth century, also in the Vatican library, 6 exhibit the 
same technical execution, careful and minute drawing together with 
slenderness of shape. But a weaker art may be noticed in the loose 
attitude, the affrighted glance, and the confused drapery. The first 
miniature of the series, representing the elect advancing under the 
guard of angels up the steps of Paradise, on the top of which the 
Saviour sits in glory, gives a fair idea of the manner of the artist. 

1 [For all concerning the S. Marco mosaics, see SACCAEDO, Lea Moaa'Cques 
de St. Marc d Venice (Venice, 1907) ; and TIKKANEN, I Musaici dell' Atrio 
di S. Marco a Venezia e la BibUa Cottoniana in Arch. St. delV Arte (Home 
1888), vol. i.j * 

2 No. 1613. 

3 The miniature may be of older date than the mosaics of Cefalti 
* Pp. 296 and 427. 

5 On gold ground ; the cheeks and lips tinged with red. 6 N o . 394 



ROMAN MINIATURES 65 

In the meanwhile art at Rome, unmoved by the Byzantine 
influence on each side of it, maintained its old individuality ; and 
whilst in painting it produced works of which few examples remain 
to our time, it resumed the practice of mosaics which had been 
interrupted during the very darkest age. Amongst the wall 
paintings whose value can hardly be discerned because of age 
and repairs, the following may be still observed: first, a Cruci 
fixion of the twelfth century in the Cappella del Martirologio 
annexed to the church of S. Paolo fuori le Mura ; * besides 
numerous figures on the walls and ceiling ; 2 secondly, the Com 
munion and Coronation of Peter de Courtenay, and biblical episodes 
in the porch of S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura at Rome ; thirdly, scenes 
of the life of S. Lawrence in the body of the same church. 3 All 
these paintings are interesting notwithstanding the state to which 
they have been reduced, because they are of the same school and 
manner, because in composition, distribution, and a certain anima 
tion of movements they now and then recall the antique, and 
because they are free from the exaggerated action which had 
already begun to mark the decline of a different art, the purer 
Greek or Byzantine. In order, at the same time, that it may be 
unnecessary to revert to the subject of Roman miniatures, we may 
bestow a passing glance on certain MSS., in which subjects taken 
from the Gospel are disposed by the miniaturists in forms which 
become afterwards typical, and which in some schools were main 
tained with more or less fidelity till the rise of the fourteenth 
century. 

In continuation of Minif ' f es : a MS. volume at the Minerva 
opening witli the " Benedicvs^^ontis," a series of scenes from tlie 
Passion may be noticed. They are rudely drawn with very marked 
outlines, and some of the figures are very short and ugly, and pre 
sented with little more art than those upon playing cards. Techni 
cally, they are coloured with body upon a preparation of verde, with 
red patches on the cheeks. In one of them the Saviour, a long thin 

1 The Saviour is represented, as before, open-eyed and erect, the arms 
a little bent, and the feet separately nailed to the wood. His proportions 
are good. Above the cross, the sun and moon and two busts of angels. 
Right and left of the cross are the Virgin and S. John, and at their sides 
a mounted soldier with helm and lance. The long and slender figures 
resemble those at S. Urbano. 

2 Apostles Peter and Paul, SS. Stephen, Lawrence, and other saints, and 
in the ceilings the symbols of the Evangelists. All these paintings may be 
assigned to the end of the twelfth century. 

3 These paintings were commissioned by Honorius HI., and are jjrobably 
of the year 1217. The figures are small, long and thin, the draperies good 
in intention. The flesh tints are prepared in verde. 



66 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

wooden figure, seems to have forced and to tread upon the gates of 
hell. He holds out a helping hand to a hoary sufferer (probably 
Adam), who thus emerges from limbo. Behind Him is a crowd of 
persons. In a second, the Saviour, crucified and with the feet nailed 
separately to the cross, still stands erect and with open eyes. On 
each side of the cross are the Virgin and S. John the Evangelist ; and 
above it the sun and the moon. Again the Creation is symbolised 
by a female figure giving the breast to two monstrous animals ; light 
on one side being conveyed trivially by the emblem of the candle 
stick, and darkness by a mourning female. In the upper part of the 
miniature the Saviour sits in glory and the hand of the Eternal 
appears out of a cloud. 1 Scenes from the Passion, equally realistic 
in character and equally rude in execution, may be seen in a Bible 
at S. Paolo fuori le Mura. Similar defects of drawing, but a different 
technical execution, appear in a poem at the Vatican written by one 
Dionisio in praise of the Princess Matilda of Tuscany. 2 The most 
interesting miniatures for typical composition are, however, an Exultet 
of the close of the twelfth century at the Barberini palace at Rome. 
On the first page a priest (levita) in a pulpit, reads the hymn for the 
benediction of the paschal taper, which is placed on a candelabra behind 
a group of clergy, some of whom wave censers. In the rear stands 
the congregation. On the third page the " Noli me tangere " is de 
picted. The Saviour turns in abrupt and violent movement towards 
the Magdalen kneeling with outstretched hands. Further on, the 
Earth is emblematically represented as a naked female giving the 
breast to an ox and a serpent on a flowery meadow in which the trees 
of good and evil are growing. Elsewhere Adam with his left hand on 
his breast takes from a serpent, whose body is twined round Eve's 
legs, the forbidden fruit and eats at the same time an apple which Eve 
presents to him. 

In a " Christ at the Limbo " which follows, the Saviour holds the 
cross in His right hand and treads on the form of Lucifer, the com 
position otherwise being a repetition of that already described. In 
an ornament above the scene, a half figure of the Eternal (here for the 
first time depicted) points to the Saviour in the limbo with a vehement 
action, and seems to say " Ecce Agnus Dei." 

A pope with a triangular tiara a bishop and a monk at his sides 
a figure gathering honey in an orchard, where bees of gigantic pro 
portions may be seen in flight, complete the whole of what is note 
worthy in these miniatures. If these productions are less defective 

1 This miniature is very much damaged. The MS. is probably of the close 
of the twelfth century, 

3 MSS. No. 4922, Vatican library. The miniatures are outlined mth a 
pen and the flesh tone lightly tinted in transparent yellow. The cheeks 
of the figures are touched with red. The colours, are sharply contrasted and 
shadowless as in playing cards. Here and there are touches of body-colour 
duo to restorers. This MS. is likewise of the close of the twelfth century. 
Millin, in RITMOHR, mentions a copy of this work (Forschungen, vol. i., p. 242). 



THE DECLINE AT ROME 67 

than others of the same period, 1 and if a certain regularity may be 
noticed in the forms, still art may be said to remain very low. The 
heads and eyes are round, the cheeks rouged, the outlines red-and- 
black fillets. The flesh tints are yellow, the draperies coloured in 
sharply contrasted tones, lined out without shadow. The nude is 
most defective and ugly, the colour without body and thinly laid on 
a white ground. 2 

When mosaics were resumed at Rome in the early part of 
the fourteenth century, they were more remarkable for luxury of 
ornamentation than for any great improvement in arrangement 
or form. 

The apsis of the church of 8. Francesca Romana, one of the 
earliest that can be assigned to the twelfth century, was still devotee! 
to one of those formal scenes which have been so frequently described. 
The Virgin and Child stood in the midst of saints under arches, and a 
lavish display of triangular crowns, gilt draperies and backgrounds, 
a wonderful profusion of gay colours in dresses and a large fan-like 
ornament, seemed intended to conceal the excessive immobility and 
defective forms of the figures. 3 

Gay colour, ornament, and perhaps better proportions, marked 
a later mosaic of the twelfth century representing the Virgin and 
Child between the seven wise and the seven foolish Virgins, 4 on 
the front of the clmrch of S. Maria in Trastevere. The Virgin 
and Saviour, enthroned together in the apsis of the church, were 
remarkable for similar qualities and defects. 

The Saviour, of larger size than the Virgin, the Virgin herself with a 
splendid crown and gilt draperies, the richly coloured fan ornament, 
the twining branches and foliage in which birds seem to twitter, the 
figures of saints on the tribune, short, thickset, and lame in attitude, 
all exhibited Roman art at this time as almost reduced to mere 
decoration. 5 

1 For instance, the poem in praise of the Princess Matilda. 

2 RTTMOHR (Forschungen, vol. L, p. 245) judges from the form of the 
writing that the MS. is of the eleventh or twelfth century. 

3 The Virgin and Child are supported on each side by SS. James and 
John on the left, SS. Peter and Andrew on the right. The whole mosaic 
has been excessively restored, but was originally of the rudest execution. 
The best preserved figure, which is that of S. Andrew, is of better form, how 
ever, than the figures in S. Marco. The Virgin wears a triangular crown 
similar to those of the miniatures in the Barberini Exultet. Her close dress 
is full of gilding and imitations of jewellery. The use of red and black in 
the flesh tints is less frequent than in S. Marco, but they are of a flat and 
unrelieved yellowish tone. The figure of the Saviour is long, lean, and ugly. 

4 [There are only ten virgins in all, and, as it seems, they are unequally 
divided between wisdom and folly.] 

5 On each side of the throne SS. Callixtus, Lawrence, and Innocent II. 
(1139), S. Peter, the Popes Cornelius and Julius, and the presbyter Calipodius. 



68 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

The decorative principle was applied with still more exclusive- 
ness to the apsis of S. Clemente. 

In the midst of rich vine tendrils, the Saviour was represented 
crucified, with twelve doves about the head, the Virgin and 8. John 
Evangelist at the base of the cross. Pour Fathers of the Church, 
shepherds, goats, birds were scattered about the ornament, below 
which the four streams of Paradise, the Lamb, and the two cities 
were placed. On the arch of the tribune Isaiah, S. Lawrence with 
the gridiron, S. Paul under the form of a pilot, S. Peter, and a sym 
bolical figure with an anchor; in the upper centre, the Saviour and 
the symbols of the four Evangelists, completed the mosaic. The 
attitude of the Saviour on the cross, the closed eyes, betrayed the 
progress of a new religious idea in reference to the pictorial delineation 
of the Redeemer. The figures were less defective than at S. Maria 
in Trastevere, but the draperies were still stiff and angular, and it was 
evident that, if art was progressing, it was advancing less in the 
essentials than in the accessories of detail, ornament, and rich dis 
tribution of colour. 

With the close of the twelfth century a wide field is opened 
to the student of art in Italy. Examples accumulate ; and, were 
it absolutely necessary to follow chronological order, the reader 
would be carried, by the natural succession of time, from North to 
South and from East to West, to contemplate works having no 
other connection than that of date. Leaving aside certain rude 
frescoes of the twelfth century at Spoleto, in the church of S. Paolo 
fuori di Porta Romana, whose merits, or rather defects, may well 
be left to the humble compass of a note ; 1 setting aside a certain 
number of early Crucifixes executed in various parts of Italy, it 
may be of greater advantage for the present to continue the 

Below the throne, Bethlehem, Jerusalem, the twelve sheep, and four rivers 
on a blue ground. On the arch of the tribune, Isaiah and Jeremiah, above 
them children, vases and flowers. On each side a tree and the symbols of 
the Evangelists. Above the centre the cross and seven candlesticks. 

1 These frescoes, executed on one intonaco like those of Nepi and S. 
Angelo in Formis, are to be found in that part of the old church of S. Paolo 
which is above the false roof. There, one may see remnants of paintings 
representing scenes of the Old Testament, the creation of Eve and the ex 
pulsion from Paradise a head of the Saviour and figures of prophets. The 
rude drawing and broad outlines of these frescoes indicate a feeble artist, 
but the shapes of the heads and the repose in the glance of the eyes, certain 
forms that recall those in the Barberini Exultet, proclaim an Itab'an painter 
of the twelfth century* Of the same period is a mosaic above the portico 
of the cathedral of Spoleto representing the Saviour enthroned in benedic 
tion with a book in His left hand, the Virgin and S. John at His sides, 
almost entirely renewed. The work is interesting only for the following 
inscription " HEO EST PICTUHA QTJAM FECIT SAT PLAGIUEA : DOCTOK SOLSERNTJS 

HAG STTMMUS IN ABTE, MODEEKTJS, ASTNTS INVENTIS CUM SEPTEM MILLE 
DUGENTIS. OPEBAKE PALMEEI D. SASO. . . ." 



THE DECLINE AT ROME 69 

narrative of art in Rome, and to trace the slight influence which 
the later Byzantine art, as it appears in Sicily, exercised in the 
capital of Italy. 

The semidome mosaic of S. Paolo fuori le Mura is but a repetition 
of the old subject of the Saviour between a double row of saints, and 
adored by a small kneeling figure of Pope Honorius III. In the lower 
course of the apsis, two angels and twelve apostles stand stiff and 
motionless in a row, separated from each other by palms, on each side 
of an altar, bearing a cross. The figures are remarkable for careful 
execution, a fair definition of light and shadow, a fine and accurate 
outline, and perfectly jointed cubes of mosaic. The head of the 
Saviour, of colossal dimensions, is modern, and the body a lay figure ; 
but amongst the apostles, S. John is of fair character, and the rest 
hardly inferior to similar ones at Monreale. The forms in general, 
however, are disagreeable, the eyes of the angels and others are round 
and gazing, the noses depressed as at S. Angelo in Formis, the shadows 
of flesh tints are green, the lights streaked with white, the hair mapped 
out in masses defined by lines. 1 This purely Byzantine method, 
which may be seen in three heads, saved from the mosaics of the front 
after the fire of 1823, 2 would prove that the whole of this church was 
adorned with mosaics by Greeks. 3 

Paintings of similar character, but very defective in form and 
dull in colour, may be seen in the chapel of S. Sylvestro near the 
church of SS. Quattro Coronati. 

They represent the Saviour holding the cross, enthroned with 
the Virgin and S. John the Baptist at His sides, and the twelve 
apostles, sitting upon each other on each hand, a most unpleasant 
and common product of the Byzantine art of the twelfth century. 4 

1 These mosaics are greatly restored, but in general the careful Byzantine 
execution may still be traced. 

2 Near the sacristy of S. Paolo and executed with all the care and 
mastery of those of Cefalu. The cubes are closely packed, the flesh part 
well defined, and expressing the forms, the features, and wrinkles marked 
by fine hair outlines, the ears large and defective, the lights clear yellow and 
shadows grey, the lips bright. 

3 A much restored mosaic of the same class, but very unpleasant, and re 
presenting formless figures of small size, is a Christ between the Virgin and 
other female saints, S. Lawrence, and Honorius III., in the porch of S. 
Lorenzo fuori le Mura at Rome. 

* According to Agincourt these paintings bore the date 1248, which is 
now obliterated. Art could scarcely fall lower than it is here exhibited. 
The Saviour's head is of a circular shape without drawing, the frame ill 
designed, and feet enormous. Muscular developments are indicated by false 
lines. The figures are stiff, striding, or flat, the colour dull and without 
' transparence. PASSIGLI in Dizionario, vol. iv., p. 527, mentions Pietro 
Lino " pictor " and his assistant Guido Guiduccio as having painted in 
SS. Quattro Coronati in the twelfth century (1110-1120). 



70 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

The list of works of this period in Rome may be swelled by a 
notice of the paintings on the tomb of Cardinal Guglielino Eieschi, 
in the church of S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura, 1 the motionless figures 
in both of which are long, thin, and without drawing. Yet the 
form of the Saviour's head in the first is more regular and less 
defective than those in contemporary productions at Rome or in 
the neighbouring Benedictine foundation of Subiaco the Sacro 
Speco. 

It would be needless to seek in this old and remarkable abbey 
for paintings of the time of S. Benedict. 

In the so-called Seconda Grotta di S. Benedetto, however, one of the 
natural caves which tradition assigns as a residence to the holy man, 
a Virgin and Child of warm tones, marked outlines, and large staring 
eyes, is painted on the bare rock, and reveals the technical execution 
of the artists of Rome at the close of the eighth and rise of the ninth 
centuries. A figure of the Saviour guarded by two angels, and a 
painting said to represent S. Benedict, much damaged and in great 
part repainted, outside the cave, betray the rude manner of the 
twelfth century. Equally poor and of the same period are the paint 
ings on the entrance wall of the Sala di S. Benedetto in the lower part 
of the Sacro Speco itself, to the left of which a vaulted niche contains 
a Virgin, Child, and Angels, inscribed " Magister Conxolus pixit hoc 
>" 2 whilst to the right, Innocent III. gives a papal bull to John IV., 
Abbot of the Sacro Speco. The green shadows, yellow flesh, lights, 
and bright red patches on the cheeks and lips are of the Roman 
character of the thirteenth century. 3 The triple vaulted ceiling of 
the Sala is of the same century, and possibly of an earlier time than 
that of Conxolus. A lamb in the centre of the first carries a cross 
and is surrounded by the symbols of the Evangelists with human 
bodies, and the heads of an angel, an ox, an eagle, and a lion. 4 The 

1 Cardinal Fieschi (William) was appointed by Innocent IV. and died 
at Rome in 1256. He was buried in S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura (Dizionario 
di Erudizione Storico JSccles., vol. xxiv.). On each side of the Saviour in the 
act of benediction S. Lawrence recommends a small kneeling figure of Pope 
Innocent IV. behind whom stand SS. Hippolytus and Stephen introducing 
the kneeling figure of Cardinal Fieschi, the pope's nephew, behind whom 
stands S. Gustavus. To the right, on a neighbouring wall, is a Virgin and 
Child in which the defects common to the thirteenth century are exhibited. 

2 A picture on panel representing S. Benedict in his cave receiving food 
from S. Bomanus, with compartments in which scenes of S. Benedict's life 
are depicted, is in the abbey of Subiaco and assigned to Conxolus ; but it 
is now totally repainted. 

3 History records the date of this bull, which is of June 24, 1213, but does 
not vouch for the date of Conxolus* existence. John VI. died in 1217. The 
painting is in part rubbe'd away and the figure of Innocent repainted. 

4 Here also the colour is sombre, the outlines marked. In the angel, 
the flesh tones are yellowish, the shadows green. The form of the latter 
figure is slender, but it has been altered by retouching. 



SUBIACO 71 

second represents S. Benedict with saints in the circumjacent space, 
one of whom only, S. Lawrence, is not modernised. 1 The third is 
devoted to the Saviour (centre) with 88. Peter, Paul, John, Andrew, 
and four angels bearing sceptres. The chapel of S. Gregorio, in 
another part of the Sacro Speco, is enlivened by a representation 
which, according to an inscription on the wall, is the consecration by 
Gregory IX. (1227-1241) of two holy personages who stand by, 
whilst an angel hovering over them seems to address a figure which, 
from the name on the wall, is the monk Odo. All these paintings, 
with the exception of the Virgin and Child in the cave of S. Benedict, 
may be assigned to the close of the twelfth and rise of the thirteenth 
centuries, a ^ time in which Roman and Byzantine character were 
confounded in a common degeneracy. They must not be mistaken 
for paintings of a later date, such as those in the Cappella della Vergine, 
a S. Gregory dated 1479 by a feeble Italian painter, or for works 
attributable to " Stammatico Greco pictor. p." whose name is written 
high up on a pilaster opposite the Scala Santa. Of these paintings, 
scenes of the Passion and of the life of S. Benedict and his disciples, 
which may be seen in two vast compositions on the walls and ceilings 
after entering the church, the Baptism and allegories on the Scala 
Santa itself possibly betray, by peculiar forms of composition and 
a third-rate talent, the work of a Greek of the fourteenth century. 
Nor would it have been necessary to mention these further, were it 
not desirable to reduce to their just and humble value productions 
which have recently been placed on a level with those of Cimabue 
and Giotto. 2 

The Sacro Speco was visited in 1216 by S. Francis, whose self- 
imposed mendicancy and miracles were at a later period to be 
illustrated by the greatest painters of Italy. There an attempt 
was made, apparently by some of the artists employed in the 
abbey, to paint his portrait on the wall of the chapel in which 

1 SS. Sylvester, Peter the Deacon, Gregory, Romanus, Maurus, Onoratus,* 
Placidus are repainted. 

2 See a volume published at Rome in 1855, entitled Imagerie du Sacro 
Speco, giving illustrations of the paintings in that edifice with a text. It is 
pleasing to see old works illustrated and commented. It is folly, however, 
to try and pass third- for first-rate painters. The writer affirms of Conxolus 
that he departed from the Byzantine manner before Cimabue, and deserves 
the more credit. He- forgets that Byzantine art was not extended generally 
to all Italy, and that Conxolus, in common with many painters, followed old 
methods, whereas Cimabue commenced the reform of Italian art by setting 
these aside, in a certain measure, or improving them. Stammatico, he 
compares with Giotto, yet it is evident that this painter laboured after the 
death of the great Florentine, and has no excuse for being a third-rate 
painter except the poverty of genius. Again certain paintings in a parlour 
of the Sacro Speco, which are in the manner of such second-rate artists of 
the Umbrian school, as Tiberio d' Assist or Melanzio, are described as the 
forerunners of Raphael who led the first footsteps of the art of the Revival. 
Such nonsense deserves and ought to receive the reproof of criticism. 



72 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

the consecration of Gregory the Great was afterwards represented. 
Certain it is that on a wall to the right of the entrance to the chapel, 
stands a life-size figure of a youthful friar in a high conical cowl, 
the frock and cord of a mendicant, inscribed with the words 
"FR. FRACISCU." Partially restored and retouched, the head may 
still attract attention by its character. Though lean from abstin 
ence, the features are regular, the brow open, the eyes large, and 
the nose straight. The tonsure is visible across the forehead and 
along the temples to the ears, which are not remarkable for small- 
ness. A straggling beard, and a downy upper lip complete a far 
more pleasing portrait of brother Francis than those which in 
hundreds, at a later time, were placed in every monastery and 
convent of the Order. A miniature kneeling figure of a donor at 
the monk's feet seems to have been added at a later time. It is 
remarkable that Francis is depicted without the Stigmata, and if 
it be, as is pretended, a genuine portrait, it must have been executed, 
if not in 1216, at least before 1228, when the friar was canonised, 
and perhaps by one who had seen and conversed with him. If 
considered as a work of art, it differs in no wise from other early 
pictures in the Sacro Speco. 1 The pious world, however, seems to 
have cared little for the reality of the portraits of the founder of 
the Franciscan Order ; and in the earliest pictures of him at Assisi 
and elsewhere, it seemed rather the painter's aim to symbolise 
asceticism than to reproduce the true features of the saint. It 
was not till the end of the century that S. Francis became a type, 
and then it had lost all claim to the name of likeness. In the 
chapel contiguous to the sacristy of the Convent degli Angeli at 
Assisi, the standing figure of the saint is painted about half the 
size of life on the wood of his own pallet, and the fact is vouched 
for by the following inscription " Hie michi lectus fuit et morienti." 2 
These words are written on a book in S. Francis' hand, whilst on 
the lower border of a carpet which forms the background of the 
panel, another inscription refers to the impress of the Stigmata. 
A gold arabesque nimbus surrounds the bare head, a cross in the 
right hand and an angel on each side with the reed and host 

1 Tliis portrait of Francis, without nimbus, and executed before he re 
ceived the Stigmata, has been, recently restored ; and parts, where the colour 
had entirely fallen off, renewed. The background is all repainted. 

2 [The inscription runs "me MIOHI VIVEJSTTI LECTUS FUIT ET MOBIENTI." 
The picture is possibly by Giunta Pisano. Cf. VENTUBI, op. cit., vol. v., 
p. 98. See also on this subject Prof. Luiai CAKATTOLI, Di una Tavola della 
Primitive* Cassa Mortvaria di S. Francesco in Miscellanea Francescana (Foligno, 
1901), vol. i., pp. 46-58, and note 1, p. 73, infra.] 




S, FRANCIS 

From the wall painting at the Sacro Speco, Sublaco. 



S. FRANCIS 73 

complete the picture. S. Francis is here a round-headed man with 
a contracted brow, small eyes, a long thin nose, and a mouth 
indicated by three straight lines. In another portrait in the sacristy 
of S. Francesco of Assisi the head is again of a different character, 
bony and lean, and the forehead beyond measure high. The large 
gazing eyes have a frightened look, and the nose a depression 
familiar in late Byzantine works. Many more examples might be 
enumerated here, but as these may be noticed at a future time, 
when treating of the early schools of Central Italy, they may be 
omitted for the present, sufficient proof having been given that 
S. Francis in the pictures of the Middle Ages is a symbol and not a 
portrait. 1 

Whilst the painters at Subiaco thus followed the example of 
Eome, those who laboured in the more northern parts of Italy 
exhibited in the thirteenth century peculiarities of another kind. 
Numerous monuments on a large scale might be mentioned to 
prove that painting existed everywhere at a low ebb ; but that in 
the centre of the Peninsula, as elsewhere, it was subordinate to 
monumental and sculptural decoration. At Parma, in the first 
half of the century, painters of no great power adorned the double 
octagon of the Baptistery with courses of subjects enclosed within 
spaces framed in feigned sculptural ornament and inscribed with 
words simulating carving in stone. 2 These painters showed, in 
the arrangement of the parts and in their subordination to a general 
presiding idea, an unison of harmony which was not without 
grandeur, although, taken separately, the figures or groups might 
not be entitled to admiration. They represented : 

In the upper course of the dome the twelve apostles enthroned 
in ribs of ornament radiating towards the centre of the cupola, with 
the symbols of tlie Evangelists in the intermediate spaces; in the 
second course the Saviour enthroned in the act of benediction, with 
the Virgin and S. John the Baptist standing at his sides, 3 and numerous 
prophets in niches ; in the third course, scenes from the life of S. John 
the Baptist, amongst which one, in particular the Baptism of the 
Saviour, was represented in a form which was but an amplification of 

1 [There are many of these works up and down Tuscany and Umbria, 
e.g. a remarkable picture at Pisa in a locked room of the Museo Civico. They 
seem to be rather eikons than portraits; c/. BONGHI, Francesco di Assisi 
(Citta di Castello, Lapi, 1884), pp. 103-113, and ANGELINI ROTE, Icotw- 
grafia Francesco, in Ordine (Aneona, 1901), Ann. xlii., n. 228.] 

2 The Baptistery of Parma was commenced in 1196, and only completed 
in 1281. 

3 The hair of the figure of the Saviour is repainted, as also the head of 
S. John the Baptist, part of the vestments, nimbi, and background. 



74 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

that adopted in the catacombs of Borne. The Eedeemer was placed 
in the middle of a running stream, S. John on the right bank imposed 
a hand on His head, and on the left stood three angels. A miniature 
figure at the Saviour's feet held a reed shaped into the form of a cross, 
an obscure and curious addition to the scene, yet repeated in a second 
Baptism on the wall behind the altar of the Baptistery, 1 Beneath 
the balcony of the dome the recesses of the arches were likewise 
painted with scenes from the Old and New Testaments ; 2 and amongst 
them might be noticed a strange winged figure imperfectly rendering 
the monster with four heads and innumerable eyes, the car of fire, and 
the symbols of the Evangelists described in the Vision of Ezekiel, 
an angel in relief, the six- winged seraphim of Isaiah, and a Franciscan 
apparently addressing the latter. 3 

Without being free from retouching or in parts from total 
renewal, the greater portion of these paintings preserves enough 
of original character for a correct definition of their value. If 
considered with reference to type, it might be observed that the 
Saviour in the cupola, of a feeble frame surmounted by a large 
head, was disfigured by the strangest frontal developments forming 
curves with the wrinkles of the forehead, and seemed a reminiscence 
of Ravenna ; whilst the double forelock on the forehead appeared 
as a Roman peculiarity. The round head of the Virgin with its 
angular brow, the protuberant root of the nose, the painful expres 
sion of the face were but a mixture of old and well-known features. 
The broken draperies of the Saviour's dress contrasted with the 
more antique and flowing ones of the prophets, just as His feeble 
body and large head contrasted with their small faces and square 
frames. In these prophets, repose ; in other figures, as in the be 
heading of S. John the Baptist, were violent efforts of action which 
passed all reasonable bounds. The nude was no better than might 
be expected from the period ; and the long, thin figures were not 
without the usual anatomical defects and formlessness of extremities. 
The execution was rude, the masses of light and shade abrupt, 
without semitones. The draperies were painted of an uniform 
colour, streaked with white in the lights, with black in the shadows. 
Here were the technical methods of Nepi as of S. Angelo in Formis, 
the vehemence and exaggeration of the Byzantine, and the weighty 
breadth of the Roman. The painters were evidently striving to 

1 This Baptism is almost obliterated. 

2 Some of these are retouched and others quite modem, as, for instance, 
the Visitation. 

3 This recess has been much repainted, and the figure of S. Francis with 
a nimbus seems to have been added later, as here he is supposed to have 
received the Stigmata. 



PARMA 75 

advance, but without any fixed principles, and falling for that 
reason into extremes. 

Those who may desire to convince themselves of the low state 
in which inferior artists found themselves, even towards the end 
of the thirteenth century, may acquire an insight into the common 
Italo-Byzantine decay of that time, by examining a picture in 
the Museum at Parma inscribed " Melior pinxit A.D. 1271." They 
will find in a Saviour in benediction and holding a book, types and 
forms of the most repulsive kind, combined with curious gold 
ornamentation and nimbuses stuffed with real stones. The colours 
which emulate the hues of the snake, are thickly laid on the 
outlines heavily marked and defined, and the forms a mere pretence 
of anatomy. The Virgin and S. Peter, S. John, and S. Paul at the 
sides, of equally hideous character, and placed in round niches 
supported on short thick columns, would seem to be Greek, were 
the inscriptions to be admitted as proving an origin. Yet no one 
will pretend that Melior is the name of a Greek. 

In Florence the tribune annexed (A.D. 1200 1 ) to the Baptistery 
of S. Giovanni was worked in mosaic by one Jacobus, a friar of 
the Order of S. Francis in the year 1225. 2 

The mosaic filled the triangular spaces of the vaulted ceiling, the 
outer frame and the thickness of the arch leading into the tribune. 
In the ceiling the central medallion, enclosing the Lamb holding a 
banner, was supported by figures half angel, half caryatide, resting 
on vases, at the sides of which were two deer. Each of the inter 
mediate spaces contained two figures of prophets, 3 in a fiddle orna 
ment, the whole surrounded by a circular framing supported in the 
diagonals on the hands of four kneeling figures resting on capitals, 
whilst on the prolongation of the diameter sat enthroned S. John 
Evangelist and the Virgin and Child. The frame of the entrance 
arch was divided by thirteen medallions of the Virgin (centre) and 
twelve prophets, the archivault by medallions of the Saviour (centre), 
and twelve apostles. Beneath, the capitals at the angles of tlie ceiling, 

1 Note 3 to VASASI, Le Vite, &c. (Flor., La Monnier, 1846), vol. i., p. 284. 

2 Fra Mariano's chronicle of the Franciscan Order, and Mark of Lisbon, 
are the first (annot. to VASARI, life of Tafi, vol. i, p. 291), to affirm that 
the mosaist Jacobus, who executed the ornaments of the tribune of the 
Baptistery, was a native of Torrita, VASABI (vol. i., p. 284) followed them, 
but this opinion is not supported by records and is founded on a superficial 
reading of the inscription on the apsis mosaic of S. Gio. in Laterano at Rome. 
The mosaist there signs himself Jacobus Torrit. ; and historians have jumped 
to a conclusion from the similarity of the Christian name and profession of 
Jacobus. 

3 Eight in all : Moses, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezeldel, Daniol, Jacob, Isaac, 
Abraham, all standing. 



76 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

four scrolls bore, each, two lines of an inscription proclaiming the 
date and author of the work. 1 

These mosaics may be compared with advantage with those of 
the adjacent Baptistery executed at a later period by Tuscan 
artists. It will be observed that the former are not of the Florentine 
but of the Roman school, and of that peculiar style which char 
acterised the mosaic pictures of S. Clemente 2 and of S. Maria in 
Trastevere. The mosaics of the tribune of S. Giovanni at Florence 
were indeed one of the last inspirations of a school based on the 
imitation of the antique, which had for centuries been peculiar to 
the great capital of the Popes. The system of diagonal ornamenta 
tion recalled, though it had not the lightness of, that which in the 
first centuries of Christian art had filled the catacombs. A remi 
niscence of the antique might be traced in the broad forms of the 
prophets about the medalhon of the Lamb, in the movement and 
massive draperies of the apostles in the archivault. 3 The Virgin 
and S. John, though not exempt from the defects of form and 
design noticeable in the apsis of S. Maria in Trastevere and S. 
Clemente angularity of contours and coarseness of extremities 
were still fairly proportioned. This tribune mosaic was in fact 
Italian in its types, and, in its general character, far less Byzantine 
than the works of Cimabue. Here was no superabundance of gilt 
ornament, no confused arrangement such as that which detracts 
from the beauty of some productions of Home ; relief was given 
by a judicious mass of grey shadow in the flesh tints ; and soberness 
everywhere prevailed. The name of Jacobus the mosaist of 
Florence now forces attention back to Rome and to a series of 
works in S. Giovanni in Laterano and S. Maria Maggiore. 

The mosaic of the semidome in S. Giovanni in Laterano appears from 
its arrangement, which resembles that of S. Stefano Rotondo, to have 
been an old one, altered and renewed in the pontificate of Nicolas IV., 
A.D. 1290. Beneath a bust of the Saviour, surrounded by a glory of 

1 Annas papa tibi nonus currebat Honor! 
Ac Federice tuo quintus monarca decori 
Viginti quinque Christ! cum rnille Ducentis 
Tempora currebant per seeula cuncta manentis 
Hoc opus incepit lux Mai tune duodena 
Quod Domini nostri conservet gratia plena 
Sancti Francisci frater fuit hoc operatus 
Jacobus in tali pro cunctis arte probatus. 

2 As regards style of figures, not as regards ornamentation. 

3 The head of S. John the Baptist in the archivault is lean, the hair 
frizzled. Yet the character and type are not Byzantine as in Cimabue. 



JACOBUS TORRITI ; 77 

angels, a large cross, surmounted by the dove and guarded at the 
base by a seraph between two towers, separates two lines of saints. 
To the left the Virgin presents the miniature figure of Pope Nicolas IV., 
by whose side is a small S. Francis and taller figures of SS. Peter and 
Paul. To the right are S. John the Baptist, a small S. Anthony, S. John 
Evangelist, and S. Andrew. Deer and other animals surround the base 
of the cross, under which the four streams well out into a river filled 
with figures of Cupids in boats. This mosaic is inscribed on the lower 
border to the left : " JACOBUS TORRIT . . . PICT. HOC OP. FECIT." A 
critical examination of it may possibly clear some disputed points. 

The head of the Saviour, far from being of the inelegant form 
peculiar to the thirteenth century, has the simple outline of that 
in S. Costanza, or the apsis of S. Apollinare in Classe at Ravenna, 
with a fine flow of falling hair, a long full beard, and regular features, 
and a simple nimbus of one line drawn on the blue background 
bedecked with red clouds. It is a type and form which would 
have placed Torriti high in the ranks of the Christian imitators 
of the antique, but which differ essentially from those by the same 
mosaist in S. Maria Maggiore ; nor would it be easy to maintain 
that the same artist could at one moment produce the Redeemer 
in the form of the fourth, fifth, or sixth centuries, and at another 
in that of the thirteenth. 1 Amongst the angels in the glory round 
the Saviour, one on the extreme right seems to have been renewed 
by Torriti. The head and mantle of S. Paul, the Virgin, S. John 
the Baptist, Nicolas IV., S. Francis, and S. Anthony are likewise 
renewed or introduced by him. 2 It is evident indeed that the 
three last-mentioned personages are mere excrescences, not fitting 
the place they occupy, either in accordance with the laws of space, 
or the distribution of the older parts. As a concluding argument 
it may be observed that the mosaic bears not the least resemblance 
to the style of that executed by the monk Jacobus at Florence. 

Far different is the character of a mosaic forming a lower course 
to that of the semidome. 

Here, between the windows, and parted asunder by trees, are 
nine prophets of square frame and broad neck, whose draperies in 
their cast, whose attitudes in their variety, and whose action in its 
expressiveness resemble those of the tribune in the Baptistery of 
Florence. On the lower border to the left is a miniature figure of an 
old Franciscan with a large compass and rule. On the lower border 

4 

1 The head of the Saviour may have undergone repair, but if so maintains 
the character described, namely that of the imitation of the antique. 

2 The figure of S. Andrew is quite modern. 



78 HISTORY OP PAINTING IN ITALY 

to the right is a youthful kneeling figure of a Franciscan with a 
hammer striking on a board. This latter figure is inscribed " Fr. 
Jacob, de Camerino soci magri opis recommendat se raise Pi et. . .itis 
[meritis] beati Johis." l There can be little doubt that this mosaic 
is the work of the old Franciscan with the compass and rule painted 
on the left, whose name is not inscribed, or, having been inscribed, 
is lost, and that his assistant is the friar Jacobus de Camerino. In 
no case can the mosaic be assigned to Jacobus Torriti, whose name 
is only on the mosaic of the semidome. The old Franciscan may be 
the same who laboured in the tribune of the Florence Baptistery, but 
this can only be assumed from the similarity of style between the 
two mosaics. As to the date of this lower course of mosaics there 
can evidently be no certainty, but that it preceded the labours of 
Torriti is probable. 

So the absurdity which resulted from making Torriti at Rome 
the same artist as Jacobus at Florence, a theory which gave the 
artist a fabulous age, is avoided in a most simple and natural 
manner. 

Jacobus Torriti in his unadulterated character may be studied 
in the apsis mosaic of S. Maria Maggiore. 

Richness of ornament and gaiety of colour are the only claims of 
this mosaic to the attention of the spectator. The Saviour, closely 
draped in a gold shot mantle, is of a heavy frame. His large head, 
enclosed in a mass of rolling hair, is of a round shape. His eyes are 
large and gazing, His nose depressed, and mouth ill-shaped. The ' 
draperies are a maze of folds concealing the figure and movement. 
The Virgin is a thin, feeble, and large-headed woman. The saints are 
long, lean, and lame in attitude ; the angels better, and not without an 
intention of action. All these defects are glaring because of the 
enormous size of the mosaic. 

They are less conspicuous in the small compositions which have 
still something of the traditional antique and a certain animation 
and nature. 3 Torriti, whose name is inscribed on the left hand 
border of the semidome, " Jacobus Toriti pic tor hoc opus mosaicen 
fecit," with the date 1295 on the opposite side, is thus an artist 
of the close of the thirteenth century, who continued to improve 

1 One Giacpmo da Camerino is recorded amongst the painters at the 
Duomo of Orvieto in 1321, by DELIA VALLE, Storia del Duomo di Orvieto 
(fol., Rome, 1791), p. 383, yet here he is not called Fra. 

2 These compositions have points of contact with some assigned to 
Cavallini. 



JACOBUS TORRITI 79 

art in the less important parts of decoration, but who left form 
and composition to be taken up by other and superior artists. 1 

1 Vasari having determined that Jacobus the Franciscan, of Florence, 
was a native of Torrita, and having made of him and of Jacobus Torriti 
one person, confuses matters still further by affirming that "Fra Jacobus 
da Torrita was taken from Rome to Pisa, where, with the assistance of Tafi 
and Gaddo Gaddi, he executed in the Duomo the Evangelists and other 
works afterwards finished by Vicino " (VASAKI, vol. i., p. 285). Vasari hero 
probably confounds his Fra Jacopo with one Turretto, a mosaist, whose 
name is cited in records published by Ciampi. The mosaics of the Duomo 
of Pisa were not begun before 1300 ; as for Vicino, a word of him later. 
\_Cf. VENTITBI, op. cit., vol. v., p. 174.] 



CHAPTER III 
THE COSMATI AND PIETRO CAVALLINI 

IT is characteristic of Italian historians that their opinions and 
ideas as to the revival of art are frequently biassed by narrow 
views and local prejudices. Far more important in their eyes was 
the claim of some favoured city to the honour of that revival than 
a true and comprehensive exposition of the extent or peculiarity, 
the causes which led to it, or the effects which it produced. True 
of Florence, of Siena, and of Pisa, this general reproach would be 
unjustly extended to the historians of Roman art, who, on the 
contrary, have done little to illustrate the names of the Cosmati 
and their contemporaries. 1 These artists, whose history fills the 
whole of the thirteenth century, were utterly unknown to Vasari ; 
yet they were not without influence on the general development of 
Italian sculpture, architecture, and painting. Nay, had not the 
policy of the Papacy led to a memorable schism, and thus deprived 
Rome for a time of its influence, it is likely that that capital might 
have played a considerable part in the history of the revival of 
art, and that the Cosmati would have been celebrated as the fore 
runners of a purely Roman school. 

At no great distance to the north of Rome lies Civita Castellana, 
whose cathedral boasts of a respectable antiquity. A fine flight 
of steps leads up to a porch of fair pretensions, flanked by porticoes. 
The porch opens on to the chief portal by a broad arch resting on 
pilasters and crowned with an entablature and balcony. The 
portal is a series of entering pilasters and columns, above the 
architrave of which is a recess with a fan window. The arched 
border of this recess, as well as the pilasters, friezes, and wall are 
worked in mosaic. In the key of the border is the Lamb, on the 

1 The Cosmati have been noticed by AGINCOUJRT, by CICOGNARA, and by 
DELLA VALLE. The latter (Star, del Duomo di Orvieto, ubi sup., p. 264) states 
that he treated of this artistic family in an academic oration at Rome in 
1788, but this oration seems to have remained unpublished, RUMOHB 
(Forachungen, ubi sup., vol. i., pp. 270-71), devotes a few lines to them. The 
merits of the Cosmati were best understood by Karl Witte of Breslau, by 
whom an interesting paper appeared in the Kunstblatt (Stuttgardt and 
Tubingen, series of the year 1825), beginning at No. 41. 

80 



THE COSMATI 81 

pilasters, the symbols of the Evangelists. 1 The following inscription 
on the architrave reveals the name of the author : 

LAURENTIUS CUM JACOBO, FILIO SUO, MAGISTEI 
JDOCTISSIMI KOMANI HOC OPUS FECERUNT. 2 

Two lateral doors flank the chief portal, and in the lunette of 
that to the right is a bust figure in mosaic of the Saviour, with a 
cruciform jewelled nimbus, holding a book and stretching out His 
right hand in the act of benediction. A natural movement and 
fair contours mark the figure, which has none of the usual grimness 
or vehemence. The oval head, enclosed by hair falling in a triple 
wave behind the shoulders, has at least an expression of repose. 
The chin, broad and bare, is fringed with a short beard, the nose 
is straight, the mouth small and the eyes without stare. A red 
tunic with gold borders and jewelled blue cuffs, a gold mantle, 
complete the dress, which is shadowless and flat but fairly lined. 
The yellowish flesh tints tend to red on the cheeks, and are outlined 
with red in the lights and black in the shadows. On the architrave 
below this gay and not unpleasant mosaic are the words : 



,, ^ Tm i , RAINERIUS PETBI BODULPHI FIERI FECIT. 
BUS M. FECITjJ 

This mosaic is doubtless executed by Jacobus the son of Lauren 
tius. On the frieze below the cornice of the portico is the following 
inscription : 

MAGISTER J . . . . OBUS, CIVTS ROMANUS CUM 

..... SMA FILI* . . J ... U .... ANIS OHO 

OPUS ANNO DNI MCCX " 

This mutilated inscription with its imperfect date, 3 already 
points' to the family of the Cosmati, who appear as " doctissimi 

1 The arcliitecture of Civit& Castellana is purely Roman without a trace 
of Gothic. 

2 These two artists worked also at the old church of Falleri, three miles 
from Civita Castellana, where, according to Karl Witte (Kunstblatt, ubi sup., 
1825, No. 41), is the following inscription : 

f Laurentius cum f noc opus 
Jacobo filio suo Quinta vatt. 

fecit hoc opus. fieri fecit. 

3 BTTMOHR assumes the date of 1210 (Forsckungen, ubisup., vol. i., p. 270), 
and promises the inscription, which he afterwards omits. The date is 
shortened by the loss of some of the numbers. ' It is possible that the mosaics 
inside the porch and about the chief portal may be earlier than others signed 
by Jacobus alone. The date of 1210 would ill suit the latter, who lives till 
the close of the century. Karl Witte falls into a similar error. 

I. & 



82 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

Romani," mosaists and architects in the first half of the thirteenth 
century. The extent of their practice is proved by numerous 
monuments. Agincourt, Rumohr, and Karl Witte had already, 
in the last century, noticed the inscriptions at Civita Castellana. 
They noted the name of Laurentius and his son Lucas on the dwarf 
arch of a cloister in S. Scolastica at Subiaco, 1 and on a cornice of 
the ruined church of S. Alessio at Rome inscribed : 

f JACOBUS, LAURENTII FECIT HAS BEGEM ET 
NOVEM COLUMPNAS CUM CAPITELLIS SUIS. 2 

Their family name of Cosmati is more certainly proved by works 
in the cathedral of Anagni, on the stone pavement of which the 
following inscription may be read : 

f DOMINUS ALBERTUS VENERABILIS ANAGNEN EPS FECIT 
HOC FIERI PAVIMENTUM PI. COSTRUENDO MAGISTER RAI- 
NALDUS ANAGNINUS CANONICUS D^I HONORII III. P. P. 
SUBDIACON ET CAPPELLA& C. OBOLOS AUREOS EROGAVIT, 
MAGIST. COSMAS HOC OPUS FECIT. 

On the pediment of the altar of the lower basilica, erected 
A.D. 1227-41 in the time of Gregory IX., is also the following : 

MAGISTER COSMAS CIVIS ROMANUS CUM 
FILIIS SUIS LUCA ET JACOBO FECIT. 3 

Of Laurentius and Luca Cosmati the historian now takes leave, 
as their names cease to appear on monuments, but Jacobus seems 
during a long career to have followed his father's profession with 
success. 

The Villa Mattei at Rome, whose grounds on the Celian Hill 
are visited by tourists for the splendour of its views, was, in the 
thirteenth century, a hospital for the redemption of slaves. 4 An 

1 According to AGINCOURT as follows : " COSMAS ET FIL. LUC. IA. ALT. 

BOMANI CTVES IN MARMORIS ARTE PERITI. HOC OPUS EXPLERUNT ABATIS 

TPE. LAUDI" (Kwnsiblatt, year 1825, ubi sup., No. 41). According to MS. 
records, says Witte, this inscription should bear the date, 1235. Ibid. 

3 These columns were inlaid with mosaics in the style peculiar to the 
Cosmati at Civita Castellana, and to the tombs which shall be noticed. 

8 Chi the wall of the same edifice, according to Karl Witte, was the 

following I " ANNO DNI MCCXXX I XI DIE EXEUNTE APRILI, PONT. DNI 
GG. VIIH., P. P. ANN. EJ, V VEN. ALBERTO EP5, RESIDENTS I., ECC. ANAG. 
P. MAN. MAGRB, COSME CIVIS ROMANI FUIT AMOTTJM ALTARE GLORIOSISSIMI 
3ART, PRESULIS MAGNJ INFRA QUOD FUIT INVENTUM I QDAM PILO MARMOREO 
RTJDI PRETIOSUM CORP. IPS. MART. Q. KT. MAJI SEQNTIS TOTI P. P. PUBLICS 
OSTENSO EODEM DIE CUM YMPNIS ET LAUDIB. IN EODEM PILO SUB ALTARI 
HOC ORATORIO IN EPSIUS HONOREM CONDITO FUNDITUS ET RECONDITXJM CUM 
HONORE." 

* Called by BELLA VALLE (Stor. del Dtiomo di Orweto, p. 264), S. Tommaso 
in Formis. 



THE COSMATI 83 

arched recess above the portal contains a medallion mosaic repre 
senting on a large scale the " signum ordinis Sanctas Trinitatis et 
Captivorurn." In the centre of this medallion, on gold ground, 
the Saviour sits enthroned, extending His hands to a white and 
black captive standing bound on each side of Him. 

The space is well distributed, the colour harmonious and gay. 
The Saviour, feeble of body and large of head, has a melancholy ex 
pression. The broad round forehead, pendent forelock, pointed chin, 
and beard divided like the tail of a drake, the almond-shaped eyes, 
do not combine to form a pleasing type ; but doubtless its original 
character is much impaired by restoring. The yellow flesh tints, 
verging into red semitones and green shadows, fairly render the idea 
of relief. The outlines are red in light and dark in shadow, the 
draperies marked out with lines without shadow. The captives, 
nude with the exception of the cloths on their waists, are square of 
frame with defective extremities. 1 The following inscription is 
engraved on the arch of the portal : 

MAGISTEB JACOBUS, CUM PILIO SUO COSMATO 
FECIT HOC OPUS. 

If not as fair as the Saviour at Civita Castellana, this much 
restored one of the Villa Mattei is still by the same hand, and 
confirms the belief that Jacobus the son of Laurentius is the same 
who now appears in his turn assisted by the Cosmatus his son. 
Nor is it too much to ^assume that the architecture, which is of the 
Roman style, and the mosaic are the joint production of both. 

The graceful chapel of the Sancta Sanctorum, probably by 
Jacobus and inscribed on the left-hand pilaster of the entrance with 
the words " MAGISTER COSMATUS FECIT HOG OPUS," 2 is of a simple 
and light architecture which does honour to the family. 

The vault is supported on four slender pillars, and the light streams 
in from a range of trefoil windows resting on twisted columns. The 
groined ceiling is painted with the symbols of the Evangelists, and 
the faces of the arches with subjects from the lives of SS. Peter, Paul, 
Stephen, Lawrence, Agnes, and Nicholas ; but these are all so com 
pletely restored as to defy criticism. 

Coincidence of style with the mosaics of Civit& Castellana and 
the Villa Mattei may justify the attribution to Jacobus Cosmatus 

1 There is much restoring in all these figures, but particularly in the 
nude of the slaves, and in the background. The white captive bears a cross 
apparently to distinguish him from his fellow of another colour and religion. 

2 The Sancta Sanctorum at Rome was rebuilt in the pontificate of 
Nicolas III., A.D. 1277-1281. 



84 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

or his son Giovanni, of a Virgin and Child in benediction, with 
the half figure of an angel at each side, in a lunette above the lateral 
door leading from the Capitol to the church of Araceli. The Virgin 
expresses in her attitude dignity and repose, but the group loses 
in balance on account of the small size of the Saviour. The violet 
drapery which covers the Virgin's head and shoulders is of easy 
folds, but flatly lined out, as in the Saviour of the Villa Mattei. 
The head itself is large and broad of cheek, the nose a little bent, 
the eyes round without stare, and the mouth small. The hands 
are regular and the fingers pointed ; and a fair division of light 
and shade gives a certain relief to the flesh. The Saviour, though 
defective in type, is draped in the elastic folds of a red tunic shot 
with gold. The angels, discoloured and in part restored, are also 
in shot vestments. The outlines are everywhere precise and clear. 

The mosaics of Civita Castellana and of the Villa Mattei already 
exhibited the Roman school in its purely Italian characteristics. 
The former showed an improvement upon those, for instance, of 
S. Clemente, and the existence of that Italo-Roman school which 
began at S. Maria in Cosmedin, and might be traced upwards to 
the thirteenth century. The Saviour of Civit^t Castellana was of 
that natural and regular form which already marked the figures 
at S. Urbano alia Caffarella, and even disclosed a link by which 
to confine within the Roman school the tribune mosaics of S. 
Giovanni of Florence. The mosaic of the Virgin and Child at 
Araceli was, on the other hand, apparently executed at a time 
when the influence of Giotto in transforming the old schools was 
felt, when Byzantine-Italian style became more Italian, and when 
types were remodelled on a more ideal Christian form. Nor was 
it strange that Jacobus Cosmatus should follow the impulse of 
changes which had already affected the schools of Florence and 
Pisa, and which could not but be felt at Rome when Arnolf o visited 
the capital hi 1285 ; the more as, between 1290 and 1300, Jacobus 
himself left Rome for Orvieto, 1 and was employed there as an 
architect with Ramo di Paganello, of whom a contemporary record 
says : " Est de bonis intaliatw'ibus et svultoribus de mundo" 2 and 
numerous architects and painters besides. 

Amongst the monuments which bear characteristic features 



VALLE, Storia del Ditomo di Orvieto, p. 264, cites the original 
record without giving its text, and without fixing exactly the year. 

2 Ramo di Paganello was capo-maestro del opera at Orvieto in 1290-1300. 
BELLA VALLB, Stor. del Do* d. On?., also Letter e Saticfie of the same (Rome, 
fol., 1785), vol. ii., p. 10. 



THE COSMATI 85 

of resemblance with, the architectural style developed by the 
Cosmati family is that of Cardinal Anchera, now transferred to 
the Cappella del Crocifisso near the high altar of the church of 
S. Prassede. The cardinal's extended frame lies on a slab, resting 
on a tomb, whose cornice is supported on slight pillars adorned 
with mosaics. The cloth, which seems to fall over the sides of 
the slab, is adorned with the star and lily. Cardinal Anchera 
died in 1286, and the tomb bears that date. 1 Another monument 
of somewhat different character but of the thirteenth century, is 
that of the Savelli in the chapel of that family at Araceli. It is 
based on an old sarcophagus filled with bacchic ornaments, and is 
crowned by an edicule, on the summit of which is the statue of 
the Virgin holding the infant Saviour. Mosaics are let into the 
columns as in other monuments of the time of the Cosmati, yet 
this tomb is assigned to the Sienese Agostino and Agnolo, who 
are supposed to have executed it from the drawings of Giotto. 2 

Of Johannes Cosma, who may not unnaturally be considered 
the son of Jacobus, monuments have been preserved, which reveal 
in him an universal talent for mosaic, architecture, and sculpture. 
The tomb of Cardinal Gonsalvo in S. Maria Maggiore is inscribed : 

HIC DEPOSITTJS FUIT QUONDA DNS GUNSALVUS EPS 
ALBAKEN. ANN. BNI MCCLXXXXVim HOC OP. EEC. 
JOHES MAGRI COSME CIVJS KOMANUS. 

The recumbent statue of the Cardinal lies in episcopate on a slab, 
whilst two angels standing at the sides seem reverently to disclose 
his person by lifting the folds of a winding sheet. A cloth hangs 
over the tomb, which is worked in mosaic ; and a trefoil niche con- 

1 With the following inscription : 

QUI LEGIS AKCHERUM I>URO SUB MARMOBE CLAUDI 

SHSTESCIS AU>IS QUEM NECE PERDIS HEBUM 

CEECA PARIT PUERTO! LAUDTTNUM BAT SIBI CLERUS, 

GARDEN'S PRAXEDIS TITULATUR ET ISTIUS ,3EDES DEFUIT IN SELIS. 

L \RGUS FUIT : ATQUE FIDELIS : 

DEMONIS A TELIS SERVA DETTS HUNC C^EPE GCEUS 

AHNO JOLLENO CENTUM BIS ET OCTUAGENO SEXTO 

DECESSIT BIG PRIMA LUCE NOVEMBRIS. 

2 A manifest error, if dates and style be considered. The tomb contains 
the bodies of Luca SavelH, father of Honorius IV., who died 1266, and other 
members of the family. The latest date on the tomb is 1306. There is some 
resemblance between the tomb of Cardinal Anchera described in the text 
and that of Boniface VHL (1294-1303) in the west transept of the Nuove 
Grotte in the basilica of S. Pietro at Rome, a tomb which Vasari, in the 
Giuntina edition, assigns to Arnolfo, saying that it is inscribed with his 
name. Cicognara gives an engraving of it (vol. L, plate 22), adding in the 
text that the name of Arnolfo was not to be found there, and that the tomb 
is in the style of the Cosmati. [<?/. L. FUMI, II Duomo di Orvieto e i suoi 
reatauri (Roma, 1891), and L. DOUGLAS, in Architectural Review, June, 1903.] 



86 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

tains a mosaic of the Virgin enthroned, holding the infant Saviour 
and supported on each side by the standing figures of S. Martin and 
S. Matthew. A certain readiness of movement and nature in the 
attitudes reveal the progress of art in the family of the Cosmati. 
More it would be idle to say, considering the very great damage pro 
duced by restoring. 1 

But Johannes Cosma yielded the most convincing proof that 
the impulse given to art by Giotto 2 was not lost upon him when 
he executed the tomb of Guillaume Durand, Bishop of Mende, at 
S. Maria Sopra Minerva, a monument in which earnestness of 
purpose and judicious balance of parts were combined with progress 
in the rendering of form. 

The bishop was represented at full length on the slab of a tomb 
covered with an embroidered cloth, whilst two winged angels, firmly 
standing at each extremity, raised a curtain. In the recess formed 
by an arch supported on inlaid pillars, the Virgin sat enthroned in a 
vast chair, holding the infant Saviour in the act of blessing, between 
a saint in episcopals and the bending form of S. Dominic. 3 This 
group was executed in mosaic, now half restored in stucco and re 
painted, and the arch forming the recess, the scutcheons on the front 
of the tomb were, like the pillars, similarly adorned. The figure of 
Durand, evidently a portrait, was broadly chiselled with well marked 
planes of features. The angels were of that form and proportion 
which Giotto had already introduced, though still of the old style 
in the imperfection of the features. The draperies were, for the time 
and place, a remarkable instance of progress. In the mosaic, the 
stature of the personages was fair and well-proportioned. A large 
head on a thin neck a melancholy expression in the almond-shaped 
eye, might be noticed in the Virgin. There lingered something still 
of the old Roman forms of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. 4 The 
nose was depressed and somewhat masculine, but the hands were 
more than usually neat and long-fingered. The infant Saviour was 
well-proportioned, and the saints pleasing by their natural air of 
humility. 5 The group was indeed as remarkable for a certain ex 
pression of religion and piety as for the absence of that grimness which 

1 AGINCOUUT (vol. il, text, p. 51, note a) sees the hand of Arnolfo in 
the sculpture of this monument and that of Johannes Cosma in the archi 
tecture, but what of the mosaic ? 

2 Giotto had been at Borne between 1298 and 1300. [Compare with this 
tomb that of the Cardinal Gonsalvo in S. Maria Maggiore. Durand died 
in 1296, and though Giotto may have influenced Roman artists about this 
time, it seems unlikely, for he was only twenty-three years old.] 

3 Behind each of the side figures a candelabra. 

4 For instance, those beginning at S. Urbano alia Caffarella, 

6 The figure of the bishop is long, with a certain antique feeling in the 
form of the features. 



THE COSMATI 87 

had so long characterised the Italo-Byzantine manner. 1 On the base 
of the tomb were the words : 

HOC EST SEPULCRUM DNI GULIELMI DURATI EPI MI- 
MATENSIS ORD. PRED .... REDIIT DOMINI SUB MILLE 
TRECENTIS QUATUOR AMOTIS ANNIS. 

JOHS FILIUS MAGRl COSMATI FEC. HOC OPUS. 2 

In the year 1304, the tomb of Cardinal Matteo d'Aequa Sparta 
was erected in the left transept of Araceli. It was conceived and 
carried out on the same principle as that of Durand, but adorned 
in the recess with painting instead of mosaic. 

On the slab, as usual, the bishop in episcopals, with angels raising 
the curtain ; in the recess, the Virgin and Child enthroned, S. Francis 
presenting the kneeling figure of the deceased, and S. John Evangelist ; 
on the key of the arch of the recess, a painted bust of the Saviour in 
benediction, and on the arch and pillars mosaic patterns. 

The architecture and ornament were but a repetition of those 
of the Cosmati, who, if this monument be assigned to them, as it 
may without presumption, thus appear as a family uniting to the 
profession of architects, mosaists, and sculptors that of the painter. 

The most interesting works, however, of the school of the 
Cosmati are the mosaics which cover the lower part of the tribune 
and arch of the tribune in Santa Maria in Trastevere. 

On the sides of the arch are the Birth and the Death of the Virgin. 
In the tribune itself the Annunciation, the Nativity, the Adoration of 
the Magi, and the Presentation in the Temple. These compositions, 
conceived in the old forms which had been religiously preserved from 
former times, were equally remarkable for balance in the distribution 
of the masses, for the truth and animation given by the artist to his 
figures, and for his fair attainments in design and colour. If not 
entirely free from exaggerated action, he knew at times how to temper 
the agitation of one figure by the comparative repose of another. 
In .the Birth of the Virgin, well-balanced groups might be parti- 

1 The whole of the lower part of the mosaic, including almost the whole 
of the kneeling bishop, the draperies of the Virgin from the knees down 
wards, is restored with painted stucco. There is quite a family likeness 
between this monument and that of Cardinal Anehera at S. Prassede. 

2 In a corner is the following : " CAMTLLUS CECCARINI RESTAUB. FECIT 
ANNO 1817." 

VAN DER HAGEN, in Brief e, &6., gives the following inscription on a tomb 
in S. Balbina at Rome : 

" f JOKE'S FILTUS MAG&E COSMATI FECIT HOC OPUS . . me JACET . . . 

DOMEST. STEPHAN D. SURD. DNI P. P. CAPELLAN." KunStblatt, 1825, No. 41. 



88 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

cularly noticed. 1 8* Anna might be seen in a fine attitude attended 
by two servants with, a jug and basin, in graceful attitudes ; and this 
incident, which in the pose of the Virgin recalled the antique, was 
kept in judicious equilibrium by another in the foreground, repre 
senting a female with the infant Virgin on her knees, stooping to feel 
the temperature of the water in a pan which another figure was filling. 
The forms of the infant were natural and regular, and the figures 
significant in their action. The Nativity was equally well distributed., 
the Virgin still in the old action and shape, but the angels not without 
elegance. In the Death of the Virgin, the subject was animated 
in movement, whilst in the Annunciation, and Adoration of the Magi, 
the types and attitudes were still reminiscent of the Italo-Byzantine 
manner in their exaggerated character, and revealed the struggle of 
a new element in art with old and worn-out forms. The figures were 
generally somewhat slender. In colour these mosaics were harmonious, 
and had, so to speak, the nature of painting, as if it were of little 
moment to the artist in what material he laboured. The execution 
was conscientious, the drawing fairly accurate, the draperies good, the 
masses of light and shade well defined. S. Maria in Trastevere was 
in fact to the Cosmati what Assisi is to Giotto. 

In the spaces beneath the foregoing subjects at S. Maria in 
Trastevere is a mosaic representing the bust of the Virgin and 
Child in a prismatic medallion. 

The Saviour looks down towards a kneeling figure of Bertoldo 
Stefaneschi presented by S. Peter, whilst S. Paul looks on at the 
opposite side. 2 In front of Bertoldo are his scutcheon and the words 
repainted in oil "Bartolus filius Pet . . . ." The Virgin may be 
said to represent, in her features and draperies, the perfection of 
the manner of the Cosmati. The features of the Saviour and the 
folds of His red mantle, touched in gold, are fine. The figures of 
S. Peter and S. Paul, both long and slender and of noble mien, are 
finely draped, individual in character, and modelled in good relief, 
with broad masses of light and shade. 

Here the Byzantine style had disappeared and made room for 
the improved one of Giotto. Life and individuality had succeeded 
to the defects of earlier times. Giotto had evidently shed his 
influence on the artist ; and if it be true that the upper scenes of 

1 See the same composition in the Menologio. Miniature of the Vatican, 
No. 1613. 

* These saints are of traditional types. They stand in a meadow, the 
rest of the background being gold. The feet of S. Paul, the left foot of S. 
Peter, and part of the kneeling figure are repainted. S. Paul wears a blue 
tunic and purple mantle, S. Peter a blue tunic. Part of the flowers in the 
foreground and of the inscription are repainted. 



PIETRO CAVALLINI 89 

the life of the Virgin were commissioned by Bertoldo Stefaneschi 
in 1290, he must have ordered the votive mosaic at the very close 
of the century. Vasari affirms that Pietro Cavallini is the author 
of the mosaics in the tribune of S. Maria in Trastevere. His 
assertion may be accepted. It places the master high in the ranks 
of the painters of his time as one preserving the style of the Cosmati 
and of the Roman school. 

So far it has been necessary to proceed to trace the passage 
of the manner of the Cosmati into that of Cavallini. 1 

The birth of Pietro Cavallini has not been recorded, but Vasari 
pretends that it occurred when Giotto " had given life to Italian 
painting," 2 a very general and unsatisfactory assertion. That 
he was an artist of talent, and perhaps extensively employed at 
Rome when Giotto visited the capital ; that his training was 
under the Cosmati, and that he did not disdain to acknowledge 
the superiority of the great Florentine, may be assumed from the 
character of the works that can be assigned to him. 3 That he 
visited many parts of central Italy is stated by Vasari, who has 
not been confirmed hitherto by records. There is, however, a 
certainty that Cavallini was ha 1308 in the service of Robert of 
Naples, at a high salary, and it is only to be regretted that no trace 
of pictorial productions due to him can now be found in the 

1 Before taking leave of the former, it may be proper to assign to them 
in their architectural capacity a fine Roman porch, with a square front of 
white marble, erected by one of the Gaetani family as entrance to an 
hospital, but now serving as ingress to the church of S. Antonio Abate at 
Rome. In style like the porch of Civitk Castellana cathedral and the gate 
of the Villa Mattei, this example of the architecture of the thirteenth century 
is worthy of the talent of Jacobus Cosma. Inscribed : 

" D&S PETRUS CA . . . 5C CARD. MANDAVIT cSSTRUI HOSPITALE LOCO ISSTO 
[sic] ET D&I . . . O TlTSCUL. E 3 ET I GAETAN, CARD. EXECOTORES ET FIERI 
FECERUNT PA . . . CE Dfil PET. CAP CC. 

The Cosmati family is said to have had a descendant Deodato or 
Adeodato, to whom a marble tabernacle in S. Maria in Cosmedin is assigned, 
and of whom it is likewise said that he laboured in Santa Maria Maggiore, 
but no record exists that connects this Deodato with the name of Cosma. 
See note in comment, to Proemio of VASARI'S Lives, vol. i., p. 213. The only 
trace of a Cosmatus at S. M. Maggiore is the name of Johannes on the tomb 
of Cardinal Gonsalvo. The words " MAGISTER DEODATTTS FECIT HOC OPUS " 
are noted by CIAMPINT, Vett* Mon., torn, i., p. 181, on a tabernacle of 1290 
in S. M. in CampiteUi at Rome. 

2 VASARI, vol. ii., p. 81. 

3 [Pietro Cavallini s frescoes discovered lately at S. Cecilia in Trastevere 
were unknown to Crowe and Cavalcaselle. Had they seen these admirable 
works, they would doubtless have seen also less of Tuscan than of classic 
influence there. Not Tuscan realism, but a true antique convention mani 
fests itself in those wonderful frescoes. Ghiberti speaks of Cavallini as 
Primo -fro, gValtri maestri. Of. C. FREY, Vita di L. Ghiberti . . . con i com- 
mentari di L. Q. (Berlin, 1886), p. 38.] 



90 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

southern capital. 1 As to his works elsewhere, it will be necessary 
in some cases to resign them to their real authors, men, as will 
appear, of little talent or pretensions ; in others, to admit the pro 
priety of Vasari's judgment. Cavallini appears with truth to be 
considered as the author of a mosaic in S. Crisogono at Rome, 
representing, on a large scale, the Virgin enthroned with the Infant 
in the act of benediction, supported by S. James holding a book, 
and S. Crisogono in a warrior's dress grasping a sword. 2 A 
slightly Byzantine character, more noticeable than at Santa Maria 
in Trastevere, would place this mosaic amongst the earlier works 
of the master. 

The Yirgin, of a majestic presence, still displays, in unfavourable 
contrast, feeble lower parts and overweight of head. Her eyes are 
somewhat large and open. The Child's head is regular and its attitude 
natural. The figures generally are long, but well draped and the 
colour pleasant. 

Of the paintings in this church assigned to Cavallini by Vasari 
not a trace remains, but there are still vestiges of frescoes in the 
church of Santa Maria in Trastevere, which, though damaged by 
time, are in the style of the mosaics of the tribune. 

Above a door, to the right as one enters, is a half figure of the Virgin 

1 See the original document in H. W. SCHTJXZ, DenJcmdler der Kunst des 
Mittelcdters (4to, Dresden, I860), vol. iv,, p. 127. He is described as receiving 
thirty ounces of gold per annum, with two ounces in addition for lodging. 

[The mosaic in S. Crisogono does not seem to be from the hand of Pietro 
Gavallini. One seems to find there the influence of the art of Giotto in the 
work of a poorer master than Pietro Cavallini, who is seen at his best only 
in the lately discovered frescoes in S. Cecilia in Trastevere. Vasari tells 
us that he painted many frescoes there, and Ghiberti saw them and wrote 
that the church was painted tutto di sua mano. The paintings discovered 
were in the Coro delle Monache, covering three sides of it. There we see 
the Last Judgment, Christ on a throne crusted with precious stones, in 
a purple of mandola, His arms open, welcoming the blessed and dismissing 
the damned. About the mandola are angels, cherubim, and seraphim with 
wings of flame. On the right is the Blessed Virgin, on the left S. John 
Baptist begging for mercy on the world, beside them stand the Apostles. 
Four angels announce the Judgment with trumpets, and close by SS. Stefano 
and Lorenzo wait. 

On the left side of the Coro is a fragment of a colossal S. Christopher 
and then an Annunciation. On the right side are certain biblical stories 
almost obliterated. In all this no Tuscan influence is felt, but rather a 
classical. Cf. HERMAXEN, La Gallerie Italians (1902), and VENTUBI, op. tit, 
vol. v., pp. 147-151.] 

2 In the tribune of the transept behind the altar. The paintings assigned 
to Cavallini in S. Crisogono (VAS., vol. ii., p. 81) no longer exist. The frescoes 
in Araceli are likewise gone (ibid., p, 82), and the same fate has attended 
the frescoes at S. Cecilia in Trastevere and S. Francesco appresso Ripa 
(ibid., vol. ii., p. 82). 



PIETRO CAVALLINI 91 

with. the infant Saviour holding the orb in the act of benediction. 1 
This group is inferior to the mosaics in design ; and whilst the large 
head and slender neck, the defective hands of the Virgin betray a 
certain feebleness, the marked outlines and angular draperies, and 
the absence of relief by shadow, prove that Cavallim was a better 
mosaist than painter. 2 Another Virgin, with a small and puny Saviour 
in^her arms, a little less defective than the foregoing, but much re 
painted, may be noticed near the chief portal. 3 It makes a nearer 
approach in character to the apsis mosaics. In the portico outside 
are two frescoes, one of which represents the Annunciation with a 
figure of a prophet, the second depicts the same subject with the 
addition of the Eternal sending to the Virgin the Infant carrying a cross. 4 

Cavallini here appears as a follower of the Roman school, from 
which he evidently sprung, yet as an artist whose power had reached 
its full development. It must indeed have been fortunate for 
Giotto that, on bis arrival, he should find such a man ready to assist 
him and to admit the superiority of his genius. It was but natural, 
then, that Cavallini, having helped Giotto in the mosaics of the 
basilica of S. Pietro, 5 should insensibly adopt something of his 
style. So when Vasari states that Cavallini was the disciple of 
Giotto, and later " that he mixed the Greek manner with that of 
Giotto," 6 he only confirms the impression created by the works 
of a master who, after having been educated in the old Homan 
school, adopted, at least in his mosaics, something of the Florentine 
manner. But Cavallini went still further, and in adorning the 
arches in S. Paolo fuori le Mura, he was content to carry out the 
designs of Giotto even after that master had left Rome. 

On the arch of the tribune, whose mosaics of the thirteenth century 
have been described, the Virgin and Child enthroned and guarded by 

1 The head of the infant Saviour is not without nature. The general 
tone of the flesh tints is yellowish, and the outlines marked with a deep 
red colour. 

2 [It must be remembered that Crowe and Cavalcaselle had not seen the 
recently discovered work in S. Cecilia in Trastevere spoken of above.] 

3 The draperies are almost all repainted. [Quite spoiled now.] 

4 These two Annunciations are likewise almost entirely overpainted, the 
last, however, more than the first. 

5 VAS., vol. ii, pp. 81, 82. These mosaics have disappeared. 

6 VAS., vol. iL, p. 82. [What Vasari calls the " Greek manner " may 
well have been the unmistakable classical influence in Cavallmi's work. 
That Cavallini was Giotto's assistant seems almost unthinkable. Great as 
was Giotto's genius, we are slow to believe that he, then three- or four-and- 
twenty, became the master of the greatest painter then living in Italy. There 
is no evidence for it at all beyond the stories of the Aretine. All that 
Crowe and Cavalcaselle here say of Cavallini is said in ignorance of the work 
at S. Cecilia in Trastevere.] 



92 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

two angels was represented also in mosaic with the symbol of S, John 
Evangelist above her, and on the opposite side Pope Benedict XI. in 
prayer (A.D. 1303-1305), presented by S. John the Baptist, with the 
symbol of S. Mark the Evangelist above him. The medallion in the 
centre of the arch of triumph, representing the Saviour in benediction 
with the book, was held aloft by two G-iottesque angels in fine atti 
tudes ; the symbols of the Evangelists Luke and Matthew being 
depicted at each side in the more modern Florentine manner. The 
figures of SS. Benedict and John the Baptist, as well as that of the 
Saviour in the medallion of the arch of triumph, are modernised ; but 
the rest of the mosaic shows that in 1305, but a few years after the de 
parture of Giotto from Rome, an artist, probably Cavallini, was found 
willing and able to carry out designs not his own. 1 

Had Vasari said that Cavallini painted the apsis of S. Giorgio 
in Velabro, the subject of which was the Saviour sitting on the orb 
of the world, with the Virgin, SS. George, Peter, and Sebastian at 
His sides, he would not have been far from the truth. This work 
indeed seems but a repetition of a mosaic previously there, yet the 
execution betrays something of the Giottesque manner, whilst the 
types and slender forms of the saints about the Saviour are 
reminiscent of the mosaics of Santa Maria in Trastevere. This 
much injured and restored painting, ordered by Cardinal Gaetano 
Stefaneschi after 1295, is, however, assigned to Giotto himself. 

Vasari brings Cavallini to Florence, and assigns to him the 
Annunciation, a fresco in the church of San Marco. 2 Yet the 
Annunciation of S. Marco is very different in character from the 
paintings and mosaics of Rome. 

The Virgin sits at the right of an interior on a cushioned bench. 
Before her is the bending figure of the angel, with a vase of lilies in 
front and traces of a kneeling person behind him. Above was no 
doubt the Eternal sending the Dove of the Holy Ghost, whose ray 
alone may now be seen illuminating the Virgin's forehead. 

1 According to Vasari, Cavallini executed the mosaics of the front and 
nave of S. Paolo, which perished in the fire of 1823. VASABI, vol. ii., p. 82. 
[The above mosaics, if they are indeed Cavallinfs, have been so much restored 
as to be no longer his work ; but what evidence is there for ascribing them 
to him ?] 

2 VAS., vol. ii., p. 82. Other works given to Cavallini at S. Marco, the 
portrait of Urban V. with SS. Peter and Paul, were whitewashed in the time 
of Vasari, Ibid., p. 83. [Vasari did not know Cavallini's work from any 
other ; yet when he tells us that Cavallini was the assistant of Giotto, and 
that he, a great master, carried out the designs of a young man beginning 
his career, we accept his word 1 Charming writer as he is, we should not 
perhaps demand accuracy of him.] 



PIETRO CAVALLINI 93 

This much damaged and repainted fresco might have been 
executed by a painter of the fourteenth century. The movement 
may even be said to display something in the intention that recalls 
Angelico, though the work is possibly of an earlier period. The 
stature and forms of the figures are not without elegance ; but 
the half-closed eyes, the small mouth and chin, and the absence 
of all feeling betray a very inferior artist. 1 The miraculous Annun 
ciation of the SS. Annunziata at the Servi of Florence is a repetition 
of the fresco of S. Mark and seldom visible to profane eyes. 2 Hence 
the absence of an opinion upon it may be pardoned, A third 
Annunciation at S. Basih'o, which doubtless perished in the demoli 
tion of that church (A.D. 1785), completes the series of paintings at 
Florence to which Vasari alludes. 3 Continuing his journey through 
Italy, adds Vasari, Cavallini painted in the north transept of the 
Lower Church of San Francesco at Assisi a Crucifixion and other 
incidents of the Passion of the Saviour. These are still in existence, 
but the biographer seems to have confounded Pietro Cavallini 
with Pietro Lorenzetti. The character of the painting is not 
Giottesque, either in distribution or in composition, or in character, 
type, drawing, drapery, ornament, or colour. It is Sienese, and of 
the school of the Lorenzetti. Nor is it possible, in all the subjects 
that have been enumerated, to trace any variety of hand. The 
school of Giotto is sufficiently represented at S. Francesco of Assisi 
to render all mistake impossible. Were there any trace of the 
Giottesque in the paintings assigned to Cavallini, it might be granted 
that Vasari was right. Cavallini, who was great, especially when 
he followed the designs of Giotto, and who revealed his Roman 
education when he had not Giotto for a guide, cannot be the author 
of paintings which bear the unmistakable stamp of the school of 
Siena ; and Vasari, by assigning them to him, simply contradicts 
his own description of the style of Cavallini. But that Vasari put 
the materials of this life together at haphazard is sufficiently proved 
at Orvieto, where he assigns to Cavallini the frescoes in the chapel 

1 Not the slightest resemblance can be traced in this Annunciation to 
those in the church of S, Maria in Trastevere at Rome. 

2 VAS., vol. ii., p. 85. See also in RICHA, Ohiese Florentine (fol; Flor., 
1754), vol. viii., p. 89, a chapter on this Annunciation with a supposed 
criticism by Michael Angelo. The tradition at Florence was that the Virgin's 
face was painted by an angel. 

3 RICHA, Chiese, vol. i., p. 292, quotes Baldinucci, who assigns to Pietro 
Cavallini a fourth Annunciation preserved in the church in Orbatello at 
Florence. YAS., vol. ii., p. 83-4. He adds, the altarpioce bears the date 
of 14-85, which destroys the whole theory of Baldinucci. Yet it is probable 
that the date is that of the ornamental frame, not of the picture. 



94 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

del SS. Corporate, 1 paintings of a third-rate order, signed by their 
author, Ugolino di Prete Ilario. That Cavallini was a successful 
sculptor need excite no surprise, were it proved that he executed 
any works of that kind. The examples of the Cosmati were near 
at hand and numerous at Rome, but the wooden Saviour on the 
Crucifix in S. Paolo fuori le Mura (Chapel del Crocitisso) 2 is of that 
colossal and developed anatomy which betrays the age of Donatello 
more than that of Cavallini. 3 

Vasari, uncertain as to the period in which Cavallini lived, 
says : " His works were about the year 1364, and he was buried in 
S. Paul at Rome." 4 He gives an epitaph which seems as much 
entitled to credit as that celebrated one in which Archbishop Turpin 
consecrates the church of SS. Apostoli at Florence in the presence 
of Roland and Oliver. 5 

The only disciple of Cavallini, according to Vasari, is one 
Giovanni da Pistoia. Such an artist existed in the fourteenth 
century at Pistoia, and a few lines may be devoted to him at the 
proper time. 

1 VAS., vol. ii., p. 84. 2 Ibid., p. 85. 

3 This Crucifix is, according to Pistolesi (annot. to VAS., p. 84, vol. ii.), 
the same mentioned by Vasari. If so it deserves attention only for a 
miraculous conversation between the crucified Saviour and S. Brigitta in 
1370. VAS., vol. ii., p. 84. 

* VAS., vol. ii., p. 85. 

5 VAS., Proemio, vol. i., p. 210. [It will thus be seen that everything 
Vasari says of Cavallini is altogether untrustworthy, and must be received 
not only with caution but with a profound scepticism. Had Crowe and 
Cavalcaselle seen the work of Cavallini in S. Cecilia in Trastevere, they might 
have repudiated Vasari's tales about Cavallini being Giotto's assistant as well 
as the other assertions of that romance writer.] 




Anderson* 



ADORATION OF THE MAGI 
From the Mosaic in S. Maria in Trastevere, Rome. 




Anderson. 



THE NATIVITY 
From, the Mosaic in S. Maria in. Trastevere, Rome. 




> 

h 

M 
M 

H 



B 

Q 





M 

H 



I? 

fc 



CHAPTER IV 
NICCOLA AND GIOVANNI PISANI 

WHILST the sister arts of building, sculpture, and painting revived 
at Rome during the thirteenth century, Pisa distanced every rival 
in plastic delineation. Previous to that time she had distinguished 
herself by an active trading spirit, and by the creation of a navy 
which claimed and wielded a natural supremacy. Her galleys were 
the dread of the Saracens, whom she assisted to expel from Sicily, 
and she had alternately subdued or favoured the small trading 
cities of the west and south coasts of Italy. Commerce yielded 
natural fruits in power, wealth, and influence, and these entitled 
Pisa to hold the foremost rank in the regeneration of art. Niccola, 
usually called Pisano, or the Pisan, was the chief of a school which 
restored to sculpture some of its past greatness. He was the fore 
runner of an army of men who accomplished much for Italy, and 
who deserve the place which a grateful posterity assigns to them. 
But he is entitled to further consideration as one who gave an 
unexpected impulse to "an art which had sunk into the deepest 
decay. It is less for the purpose of giving a full and precise account 
of Italian sculptors than with the intention of elucidating the 
course of the Pisan revival that the following sketch is attempted. 
Previous to Niccola Pisano, sculptors existed in most parts of 
Italy, and humbly illustrated, amongst others, the cities of the 
Centre and the North. Florence had not as yet taken the lead in 
painting, and was not to envelop sculpture in her influence till later. 
But in Pisa, Pistoia, Lucca, and other towns, examples of the twelfth 
and thirteenth centuries were numerous. With the assistance of 
these it may be possible to satisfy the following inquiries. 
Firstly : Was not Niccola the sole representative of the greatness 
of sculpture in the middle of the thirteenth century in Central Italy ? 
Secondly : Was ntft the art of Pistoia, Lucca, and Pisa one from 
which no good cultivation was to be expected ? The earliest 
sculptures of Pistoia are those of Gruamons, who carved scriptural 
scenes of the rudest kind on the chief portal of S. Andrea and on 

95 



96 HISTORY OP PAINTING IN ITALY 

the architrave of the lateral portal of San Giovanni Fuorcivitas. 
Both are inscribed, the latter with the words : 

GRUAMONS MAGISTEK, BONUS FEC, HOC OPUS 

but the epithet " bonus " applied to one so poor is a telling comment 
on the art of the time. 1 

Contemporary with Gruamons was one who, in 1167, executed 
in relief the Saviour in the midst of the apostles on the architrave 
of the chief portal of S. Bartolommeo in Pantano. This rude work 
is inscribed 

RODOLF (?) NO, S.P. ANNI DOMNI MCLXVII. 2 

At S. Andrea again, the reliefs on the pilasters of the chief portal, 
representing incidents from the New Testament, are the defective 
work of one signing himself 

MAGISTER ENRICUS ME FECIT. 

Equally rude with the sculptors of Pistoia in the twelfth century 
were those of Lucca, one of whom, Biduinus, executed in low relief 
a subject on the architrave of the portal of the ex-church of San 
Salvatore, which he inscribed with the words : 

BIDUVINO ME FECIT HOC OPUS. 

in style as defective as the Latin of the inscription. The period in 
which Biduino lived is revealed in the bas-reliefs cited by Morrona, 
at San Cassiano near Pisa. 3 He was an artist of the close of the 
twelfth century, and neither better nor worse than Gruamons of 
Pistoia. Robertas, his contemporary at Lucca, executed incidents 
taken from the Old Testament on a baptismal font, to the right 
as one enters the church of S. Frediano. He was a sculptor less 
defective than Gruamons. 4 One of the completest monuments 
of the twelfth century, however, is the quadrangular pulpit of 
S. Michele at Groppoli, 5 the faces of which represent, in low reliefs 

1 The date 1166 and the sculptor's name are inscribed. Both are cor 
rectly given in MOBRONA, Pisa Illustrate, (Livorno, 1812), vol. ii., 'p. 33. 
[The inscription shows us that Gruamons was assisted by his* 'brother 
Adeodato. Of. VENTUBI, op. tit., vol. iv., and RAYMOND, Le Sculpture Floren 
tine ; Lea Prfflecesseurs de Fecole Florentine . . . (Florence, 1897).] 

^ 2 [MonBONA, op. oit., vol. ii, p. 37, gives the sculptor's name in the in 
scription as Rodolfin or Rodolfinus.] 

3 Signed : " HOC OPUS QUOD CEBNIS BIDUINUS DOCTE PEBEGIT. UNDEGIES 

CENTUM ET OCTOGINTA POST ANNI TEMPOBE QUO DEUS, EST IXUXEBANT DE 

VIBGINE NATUS." MOBBONA, ubi sup., vol. ii., p. 39. 

* His font is inscribed : *' MILL . . . E CLI ROBEBTUS MAOIST ..." 

5 Now the oratory of the Villa Dalpino five miles on the' road from 

Pistoia to Pescia. 



SCULPTURE IN CENTRAL ITALY 97 

of soft stone, incidents from the New Testament. 1 A mutilated 
inscription may still be read as follows : 

HOC OPUS FECIT FIERI HOC OPUS [sic] GUISCARDUS 

PLEB ANNO DNI MIL. CLXXXXIIII. 2 

Defective as those of Gruamons at S. Andrea, the figures of 
Groppoli are cut into the flat without any sort of rounding. The 
incidents are in the old traditional forms, but represented by one 
living in the infancy of art. The figures, like slender dolls, have 
draperies marked by rectangular or circular incisions. The flat 
square heads form but one plane with the neck. The limbs hang, 
as it were by threads, together, the features being merely scratched 
on the surface. 3 

About the close of the twelfth century, Bonamico seems to have 
been extensively employed at Pisa. Bas-reliefs that may be 
assigned to him, on the curved cornice or frieze of the east gate of 
the Baptistery, represent the Redeemer, the Virgin, and S. John, 
with apostles and angels. 4 The same flat surface, the same forms 
indicated by incisions, may be noted here as at Groppoli ; and 
perfect identity of style with that of a tomb in the Campo Santo, 
reveals the artist, whose name is inscribed there : 

OPUS QUOD VIDETIS BONUSAMICUS FECIT P. EO OBATE. 5 

A life-size figure in a niche of the Duomo, near the gate of S. 
Raineri, exhibits the same style and manner. Yet it may be 
observed that the figures of Bonamico are shorter and stouter than 
those of Groppoli. 6 That this sculptor lived at the close of the 
twelfth century is apparent from the resemblance of his work to 
others of that time. The Baptistery of Pisa was founded in 1153 7 

1 The Visitation, the Nativity, and the Flight into Egypt. A serpent 
at one of the angles supports the desk. The pulpit rests on columns whose 
capitals are filled with heads of animals and monsters, whose bases rest on 
the backs of lions. Of the latter, on/> rjaws a man, the other a dragon. 

2 CIAMPI, op. cit., p. 28, gives w inscription minus the word " Guis- 
cardus." / pt_> 

a An archangel killing the dragon, of old above the portal and now 
transferred into the church, is an example of the same style. 
- 4 Half-lengths. 

5 This tomb, to the left of the entrance in the Campo Santo, is carved 
with the Saviour enthroned, in the act of benediction, in an elliptical glory, 
the symbols of the four Evangelists, and the Lamb and star. Beneath is 
a figure of David playing, not intended for this tomb, but by the same hand. 

6 The annotatocs of Vasari cite an inscription in the church of Mensano 
near Siena -as follows : " AGI/A. OPUS QXJOD VIDETIS BONUS AMICUS MAGISTBK 

FECIT. PRO EO OHETIS." 

7 As appears from Sardo's Chron. in Archivio Slorico, vol. iv., p. 83, with 
funds in part granted by Roger, King of Sicily by Deotisalvi, as is vouched 

I. G 



98 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

and remained Incomplete till 1278. It may therefore be inferred 
that Bonamico was one of the first artists employed there. 

A better sculptor, but still of feeble powers, was Bonanno, who 
executed in the Duomo of Pisa, in 1180, bronze gates which perished 
in the sixteenth century, 1 and, in 1186, those which still close the 
portal of the Duomo at Monreale. 2 These gates represent in high 
relief forty-three scenes of the Old and New Testaments, and appear 
from a comparison with Ciampini's engravings of those of Bonanno 
at Pisa, to have been cast in the same mould. Nor can any sensible 
difference be perceived between these and the gates of the south 
transept of the Duomo of Pisa. 3 Various and sometimes ludicrous 
are the conjectures of historians respecting the origin or authorship 
of the latter. All agree in considering their sacred subjects in 
high relief as grotesque and exaggerated. 4 Yet they are less 
defective than the reliefs of Gruamons or Biduino, and cannot be 
of an earlier period than the middle of the twelfth century. The 
date may indeed be defined almost with certainty by observing 
the mode in which the Crucifixion was represented. The Saviour 
was exposed on the Cross with a nail to each foot. The body was 
slightly bent and the head inclined towards the Virgin, standing at 
the base of the instrument of death. The eyes were closed. The 
Redeemer on the Cross was never depicted with closed eyes in 
the eleventh century. At S. Urbano in Rome, and S. Angelo-in- 
Eormis, He may be seen alive and serenely suffering. It was not 
till the twelfth century, as at S. Clemente (Rome), that the idea 
of agony and death was expressed. The south gate of the Duomo 
of Pisa may therefore be assigned to that time and to Bonanno, 
who thus appears as an artist continuing and but slightly improving 
the art of sculpture, as it found expression in Pistoia. 5 

for by the following inscription on a pilaster : " M.cLm. MENSE ATO. FUND ATA 
ptnT KEG ECCLESIA," and on an opposite one : " DEOTISALVI MAGISTER 
HUJUS OPERIS." Of the same architect is S. Sepolcro of Pisa, inscribed on 
a marble, " HTTJUS OPERIS FABRICATOR DS TE SALVET NOMINATUS,." 

1 The gates of Bonanno were dated 1180. They perished in a fire, 
October 25 (Pis. style), 1596. MORRONA, ubi sup., vol. 1, p. 169-70, 

2 The gates of the Duomo of Monreale by Bonanno are inscribed : 
" MCXXXXVI. IND. m. BONANSTTJS civis PisANUS ME KECiT." They represent 
thirteen scenes from Genesis, seven from the patriarchs and prophets, twenty- 
three from the New Testament. 

8 Called gates of S. Raineri. 

* MORRONA, whose patriotism cannot be denied, vol. i., p. 314-15. 

& Bonanno may be the same who, in 1152 to 1164, gave designs for the 
walls of Pisa (see MTTRATORI). The subjects on this gate are : the Annuncia 
tion, the Visitation, the Birth of Christ, the Adoration of the Magi, the 
Presentation in the Temple, the Flight into Egypt, the Massacre of the 
Innocents, the Baptism of Christ, the Temptation, the Transfiguration, the 



SCULPTURE IN CENTRAL ITALY 99 

With scarcely perceptible progress, sculpture was practised in 
Parina at the close of the twelfth century (1178-96) by Benedictus, 1 
respecting whom the reader may study the following excerpt : 

On the pilasters and lunette of the northern gate in the Baptistery 
of Parma, he carved the roots of Jesse and of Joachim, and scenes from 
the life of the Saviour and S. John the Baptist. 2 On the pilasters of 
the eastern gate, the Seven Works of Mercy, the parable of the Labourers 
in the Vineyard ; on the architrave, the Resurrection, and in the lunette, 
the Last Judgment ; on the third gate a medallion of the Saviour in 
benediction, with the Lamb and S. John the Baptist at His sides ; and 
in the lunette, the Trees of Good and Evil, and allegorical subjects ; in 
the body of the building various episodes. His name was carved on 
the architrave of the northern gate : " BIS BINIS DEMPTIS ANNIS DE 

MILLE DUCENTIS INCEPIT DICTUS OPUS JHOC SCULPTOE BENEDICTUS." 

All these reliefs are in the manner of Benedictus, whose works 
in the Duomo deserve greater attention, and may serve as a better 
illustration of his manner. He executed in 1178 a Descent from the 
Cross in the third chapel to the right of the chief entrance in the 
Duomo. Without shrinking from the apparent difficulty of the task, 
he executed this work in high relief similar to that of the bronze gates 
at Pisa, and crowded together about twenty-two figures within a 
frame cut out in patterns filled up with black. Traces of gold and 
colour on some of the figures reveal the custom of colouring carved 
work, common to most countries of the Continent at this and a later 
time. The Saviour, a long wooden form cut into the flat with scarcely 
any rounding, was supported tenderly by Joseph of Arimathsea, whilst 
the right arm, freed from the Cross, was held by the Virgin and an 
angel in a horizontal flying position. Between the Virgin and Joseph, 
a figure holding a cup and gathering the blood from the Saviour's side, 
was inscribed " ECCLESIA EXALTATUR." Behind the Virgin, S. John, 
whose melancholy resignation was not ill rendered, and the three 
Maries, completed the composition. The feet of the Saviour were 
still separately nailed to the Cross, as well as the left arm, which 
Nicodemus on a ladder was in the act of removing. At the foot of 
the Cross, a priest with drooping head seemed crushed by the hand of 
the angel Raphael flying horizontally and reproaching him in the words 
of the inscription, " VEEE ISTE FILIUS DEI ERAT." Near the priest 
is the centurion who believed, and a row of persons, in front of whom 
the dicers are playing for the garment. The figure of the Saviour, 

Kesurrection of Lazarus, the Entry into Jerusalem, the Washing of the 
Feet, the Last Supper, the Capture, the Crucifixion, the Descent to Limbo, 
Christ at the Sepulchre, the Ascension, and the Death of the Virgin. 

1 [Benedetto Antelami, cf. BUBCKHABDT, op. cit. t siib nom. ; REYMONB, 
op. cit., pp. 39-43 ; and VENTUHI, op. cit., vol. iii., p. 294 et seq. ; and inscrip 
tion on his work in the third chapel in north aisle of cathedral of Parma, 
given on p. 100 infra.] 

2 In the Baptism the Saviour and S. John are both concealed up to the 
middle by a mere wave. 



100 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

wooden, and indicated in the nude by mere linear incisions, was not 
so long or ill-proportioned as those around Him ; nor was the head as 
repulsive as many of the period, but the closed eyes and the contracted 
brow indicated the agony endured. The angels, in horizontal positions, 
did not in the least produce the impression of flight. Their heads were, 
like those of the remaining figures, large. The draperies were straight 
and meaningless, and the embroidered borders and slippers were incisions 
stopped with colour. 1 

This primitive but curious work, exhibiting merely so much 
progress in art as might serve to place Benedictus on a level with 
Bonamico and somewhat above Gruamons and the sculptor of 
Groppoli, was inscribed : 

ANNO MILLENO CENTENO SEPTUAGENO OCTAVO SCULTOR PATUIT 
MENSE SECUKDO ANTELAMI DICTUS SCULPTOR FUIT HIC BENEDICTUS. 2 

Years continued to elapse, and sculpture remained almost in its 
primitive state. In Lucca, the front of the church of S. Martin 
was completed in 1204 by one Guidectus, who perhaps excelled 
Benedictns in the proportions of his long figures, in rendering 
movement and draperies, and defining the nude. Yet in a figure 
in high relief of S. Martin on horseback dividing his garment, great 
rudeness of execution still remained. 3 Later works in the portico 
of the same church, representing scenes from the life of S. Martin, 

1 The inscriptions are interesting. The high priest whose head droops 
beneath the touch of Gabriel is inscribed : " SINAGOQA DEPONITUK." The 
figure drawing the nail of the left arm is inscribed " NICODEMUS," that of 
the figure supporting the body, "JOSEPH AB ARIMATHEA." The figure 
gathering the blood from the lance wound is " JOHANNES NAZARENUS," 
the Virgin, " s. MARIA," the Maries, "SALGME, MARIA JACOBI, MARIA 
MAGDALENE." The sun and moon above the Cross are inscribed "SOL ET 
LUNA." The Cross is of rough unhewn logs. 

2 A pulpit in S. Leonardo, near the Porta S. Miniato at Florence, still 
exists, of w hich FORSTER (Beitrage, ubi sup., p. 13) gives an accurate 
description. It was of old in S. Pietro di Scheraggio at Florence. One of 
its bas-reliefs is a Descent from the Cross, whose composition is not unlike 
that of Benedictus of Parma. Forster's theory, that this pulpit, being 
executed at Florence, proves the existence of a school from which Niccola 
arose, is untenable. RUMOHR, noticing this pulpit, assigns it to the ninth 
or tenth century (Forschungen, vol. i., p. 252). A print of the bas-reliefs 
may be seen in RIOHA, Chiese, vol. ii, p. 18. The author affirms that the 
reliefs were originally taken in the eleventh century from the captured 
Fiesole. 

3 An inscription: "MILLE QUE SEX DENIS TEMPLUM FUNDAMHSTE JACTO 

LUSTRO SUBBING SACRUM STAT FINE PERAOTO " shows that this church was 

founded in 1060. 

On the front beneath the last column to the right of the gallery, a figure 
holds a scroll on which is written : " MILLE coini. CONDIDIT ELECTI TAM 
PULCRAS DEXTRA GUIDEC03." Guidectus is the architect and probably also 
the sculptor of the front. 



SCULPTURE IN CENTBAL ITALY 101 

allegories of the Seasons, the Saviour in glory guarded by two 
angels, the Virgin and the twelve apostles on the architrave, showed 
that, as late as 1233, sculpture must still make a weary progress 
before it could be entitled to serious admiration. 1 

Still later a sculptor of Pisa adorned the pilasters and architrave 
of the eastern gate of the Baptistery with scenes from the Old and 
New Testaments, 2 the composition of which contrasted advan 
tageously with those of Bonamico on the frieze above them. 

The figures were distinguished by a certain movement and anima 
tion, by good proportion in their slenderness, and by fairly intended 
draperies. The principal one of the Saviour in benediction was not 
without dignity, and was technically superior in design to the Saviour 
above the portico of S. Martin of Lucca. In the accompanying Seasons, 
the incidents were conceived with spirit, and the nude recalled the 
antique. It was a work which could not date earlier than the middle 
of the thirteenth century, yet how distant from those of Niccola of 
the very same time. Not only were the conception and execution, 
compared to his, rude and primitive ; but, as in all the works of the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries previously noticed, the creation of 
men of a different spirit and school. 

But even in 1250, Guido da Como, who executed the pulpit of 
S. Bartolommeo-in-Pantano at Pistoia, showed himself little better 
as a sculptor than Benedictus of Parma, Bonamico of Pisa, or 
Guidectus of Lucca. Guido's composition was symmetrical, his 
forms and types animated with a gentle religious spirit, but his 
figures had repose approaching to immobility. They were long 
and slender in stature, and carved on the flat with little more art 
than those of Groppoli. Yet feeble as his talent appears, Guido 
never wanted employment, and took rank as late as 1293 amongst 
those who laboured in the cathedral of Orvieto. 3 

1 The following inscription is in the portico : " HOC OPUS CEPIT FIERI 

ABELENATO ET AUDEBRANDO OPEHABU A.D. 1233.*' 

2 On the pilasters the Saviour in glory, with incidents of Kis life, con 
cluding with His visit to Limbo, and a figure of David, the Seasons, in a 
winding ornament ; on the architrave the Sermon of S. John the Baptist, 
the same before Herod, the Dance before Herodias, and the Decapitation. 

3 Vasari does not hesitate to call the works of Guido da Como r " goffe " 
(grotesque). VAS., tM sup., vol. L, p. 283. See DELLA VAUJE, Stor. del 
Duomo d? Orvieto, p. 263. 

The pulpit of S. Bartolommeo-in-Pantano is quadrangular and of beau 
tifully polished white marble. It stands in the chanting loft, and is supported 
on three pillars, the capitals of which are adorned with small figures, whilst 
the pediments rest on a winged lion, a lioness, and a man, the first gnawing 
a basilisk, the second accompanied by her cub. The Annunciation and the 
Adoration of the Magi adorn the sides, and in the front are the Nativity, 
the Presentation in the Temple, Christ at Emmaus, his Descent to limbo, 



102 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

Pages have been written to support or to refute the contrary 
theories that Pisan art before A.D. 1250 was infantine or decrepit, 
but the contest rests on a simple and admitted fact ; and it may 
be sufficient to observe that Pisan art was rude and primitive; 
that in the earliest works of Pistoia, sculpture was homely in con 
ception and childish in execution ; that in Parma and Lucca, 
though still rude and defective, it had a conventional Christian 
spirit ; and that in the early part of the thirteenth century, it 
maintained that spirit at Pisa without any very sensible progress 
in the expression of form. Such was the character of sculpture 
when, in 1260, Niccola Pisano completed the pulpit of the Baptistery 
of Pisa. 

This remarkable monument, erected in the form of a hexagon, 
rested upon nine columns ; viz. one, central, based on the shoulders of 
a man, a griffin, and animals, quaintly grouped together, three reposing 
on the backs of lions and a lioness with her cubs, three on simple pedi 
ments, and two supporting the steps. A trefoil arch spanned the 
space between each of the six principal pillars ; and pilasters starting 
from the capitals regulated the ornamented cornice of the pulpit. 
In front of each of these pilasters stood a statue symbolising one of 
the Virtues. Fortitude was represented by a figure of the juvenile 
Hercules with a lion's cub on his right shoulder and his left hand in 

his Appearance to the Disciples, and the Incredulity of S. Thomas. Three 
figures on one pedestal support the desk at one angle of the pulpit, and at 
the opposite one stands an angel with a book resting on the head of a horned 
monster, with the eagle above him. 

On the border is the following inscription : 

GUIDO DE COMO ME CUNOTIS CARMINE PROMO, ANNO DOMINI 1250. 
EST OPERI SANTJS STJPERESTANS TURRISIANUS NAMQTJE 
FIDE PRONA VIGIL . . . DEUS INDE CORONA. 

The figures on the angles are better than the rest and a certain inferiority 
may be noticed in the execution of the two side reliefs as well as in the 
Nativity and the Incredulity of S. Thomas ; but the pulpit, as a monument 
of sculpture, cannot hold a high rank amongst the productions of the 
thirteenth century. See also for comparison the bas-reliefs with short, large- 
headed figures on the front of the Duomb of Modena, representing Enoch 
and Elias with the following inscriptions between them : " INTER SCULTORES 

QtTANTO SIS DIGNTTS CLARET SCULTT7RA NTJNC HONORE WILIGELME TtTA " ; 

the still ruder sculptures on the Roman Gate at Milan erected after the defeat 
of Frederick II. at Milan and inscribed " GERARDUS DE CASTAGNIANEGA 
FECIT HOG OPTJS," the prophets above the portal of the cathedral of Cremona 
by " MAGISTER JACOBUS PORRATA DE cuMis " 1274. Anselmo da Campione 
was architect and sculptor in the Duomo of Modena in 1209. CALVI, M emorie 
(Milan, 1859). See also the rude sculptures on the cathedral of Verona 
inscribed: " ARTIFICEM GNARTTM QUI SCTOPSERIT BUEC NICOLATJM. Htnsrc CON- 
ctrRRBNTES LATJDENT PER SECTJLA GENTES." The same epigraph with the 
date 1 135 marks the period of similar work on the Duomo of Ferrara. The 
oldest known sculptor of Siena is Gregorius, whose name and the date 1209 
according to MELANESI (Storia Owile ed Artistica di Siena t ubi sup., p. 76), 
were on sculptures above the portal of S. Giorgio of Siena. 



NICCOLA PISANO 103 

the moutli of a slain lion ; Fidelity by a female holding a dog in her 
arms ; Charity by a woman with an infant. Of other figures, the 
emblematic meaning was less apparent. For instance, at the angle 
near the steps, an angel was represented sitting on a lion with a deer 
in its teeth. In one hand, he bore the stump of a sceptre, in the other 
a small bas-relief of the Crucifixion. Possibly this was intended for 
the symbol of Faith. In the births of the arches four Evangelists and 
six prophets were ingeniously placed. Seven triple columns supported 
the parapet of the pulpit, and framed five bas-reliefs representing the 
Birth of the Saviour, the Adoration of the Wise Men, the Presentation 
in the Temple, the Crucifixion, and the Last Judgment, 

In these bas-reliefs Niccola displayed but elementary knowledge 
of the maxims of composition. In one of the subjects, that of the 
Adoration of the Magi a certain symmetry might be found, but 
elsewhere all equilibrium of mass was absent. Yet in the midst 
of an obvious imitation of the antique, and subservience of pagan 
models to Christian subjects and thought, Niccola showed himself 
gifted with a lively fancy, a considerable talent in the expression 
of the ruder forms of passion, such as despair, anger. But this 
peculiarity, contrasting with a certain cold and imperfect imitation 
of old classic models, could not but unfavourably impress the 
spectator, especially when he considered the short and herculean 
build of the figures. Niccola, however, with an energy and vigour 
beyond praise, seemed resolved to allow no difficulty to repel him. 
He chiselled his figures in the highest possible relief, detached them 
completely, and followed without hesitation the old Roman system 
of sculpture. He polished the marble with most praiseworthy 
care, working it out according to a cold, conventional, but un 
wavering system. With the drill, he cut out the corners of mouths, 
the pupils of eyes, the nostrils and ears, and stopped the perfora 
tions with black paste. The hair and ornaments he gilt; and 
traces of the gold are still in parts visible. None of the com 
positions of the pulpit more strikingly illustrates the system of 
classic imitation peculiar to Niccola than that of the Birth of the 
Saviour. In the middle of the space, the Virgin, recumbent on a 
couch, would be a fit representation of the queenly Dido, and the 
figure behind, pointing to her with a gesture and apparently con 
versing with an angel, is more like an empress than the humble 
follower of a carpenter's wife in Bethlehem ; Joseph, with an air of 
wonder, the two classic maids washing the Infant in a basin, the 
sheep on the foreground, and the episode of the Adoration of the 
Shepherds, crowded in the right of the background, are a strange 



104 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

and confused medley of antique forms and old typical Christian 
conceptions of subject. Of Christian sentiment not a trace is to 
be found. In the symmetrical arrangement of the Adoration of 
the Magi the florid Roman style of the figures is most characteristic ; 
but the irregular proportion of the figures, as compared with each 
other, is striking. The heads are uncommonly large, especially 
in the more distant figures. The angels are not messengers of 
heaven but Roman antiques, and the horses are equally reminiscent 
of the old times of the declining empire. In the Presentation in 
the Temple, the simple groups and figures are mere imitations also ; 
whilst in the Crucifixion, the body of the martyred Redeemer 
reminds one of nothing more than of a suffering Hercules. In the 
Last Judgment, which is the finest of the series, Niccola's vigour 
and energy found play. In the upper centre the Saviour sat 
enthroned in a fine attitude, beneath Him the elect, the damned, 
resurrection, and Lucifer. It would be difficult to find a better 
imitation of the classic nude in various attitudes than is here to be 
noticed, especially in females. Strange are the figures of the devils 
and of Satan ; the latter with a grotesque head and ears, the body 
and claws of a vulture united to legs resembling those of an ox. 
Equally so is the figure of a devil with the body of an infant and a 
head as large as the torso, revealing the features of one of those 
hideous masks peculiar to antiquity. This curiously conceived 
devil seems to swallow one of the arms of a sufferer convulsed with 
agony, as he lies trodden down by the claws of Satan. The same 
study of the classic was betrayed in all the isolated figures, such as 
those at the angles below the cornice of the pulpit. In the sym 
bolical figure of Fortitude, the movement and attitude and the 
short stout form recalled the antique, an antique of a coarse and 
fleshy character, but conventional and motionless. 1 

Niccola thus suddenly appears in Pisa in the year 1260 as one 
who, rejecting the conventional religious sentiment which had 
marked his predecessors and contemporaries, revived the imitation 
of the classic Roman period, and remained a mere spectator at 
first of the struggle for the new and Christian types of the early 
school of Florence. Grand in comparison with Guido and his 
predecessors, whose religious sentiment was allied to the rudest and 

1 " This pulpit suffered a few years ago a serious and memorable damage, 
the heads of many figures having been broken on 5 by Lorenzino de' Medici 
... to embellish and adorn his study." KONCIONI, Istorie Pisane, of the 
sixteenth century, published by Francesco Bonaini in Archiv. Storico (Flor., 
1844), vol. vi., p. 284. 



NICCOLA PISANO 105 

most primitive execution, lie gave new life to an apparently extinct 
art, and had in common with the men of his time at Pisa nothing 
but the subject. Pagan form subservient to Christian ideas, such 
was the character of Niccola' s sculpture. To nature he owed little, 
to the Roman antique much, and hence occasional stiffness and 
coldness. In general expression, the idea of tenderness was 
sacrificed to that of masculine force and muscular fleshiness of 
knit. In form, the stout square herculean type of the Roman 
decline, somewhat conventionally generalised, was that which 
he preferred. Even his fancy and occasional vehemence in the 
delineation of suffering and pain, were imitated from the antique 
more than from nature, and the heads of his devils or of Lucifer 
were but the grotesque masks of antiquity. In composition, the 
equilibrium of the masses was seldom attended to or considered. 
In execution, the figures were detached and modelled like those 
of ancient Rome ; the marble was highly polished and worked 
with technical skill, but less in obedience to inspiration than 
to rule. 

The astonished observer pauses before this wonderful pro 
duction of the thirteenth century, and asks whence the artist came. 1 
His memory may retrace the wonders of the chisel of Michael 
Angelo, and he may assent for a moment to the belief that Niccola, 
a miracle at his time, was a creative genius capable at once of 
transforming the art of Pisa. But this impression vanishes with 
the conviction that he is not a creative genius, and the recollection 
that the works of Michael Angelo in their grandeur still reveal 
also the greatness of Ghirlandaio and Donatello. The Ghirlandaio 
and Donatello of Niccola he cannot discover in any of the schools 
of Central Italy, any more than he can trace a single similar work 
previous to this pulpit, which is the creation of a man in the 
maturity of his talent. He will inquire, if it be possible that all 
previous efforts of the master should have perished, and he will 
smile at the baseless theory, which would found his style upon the 
imitation of a single classic monument of Pisa. 2 He may then 

1 Vasari, having said in the life of Niccola that that sculptor studied 
at Pisa, affirms in that of Giovanni that he studied in Rome (vol. i, p. 277). 
[Of. VENTUBI, op. cit., vol. iv., p. 1 et seg., and IDEM, II Oenio di Niccola 
Pisano in Rivista d Italia, vol. i (1898).] 

2 According to VAS. (ubi sup., vol. i., 258-9), Niccola, having studied 
under Greek sculptors in the Duomo and Baptistery of Pisa, imitated the 
chase of Meleager carved on the tomb of the Countess Matilda in the Campo 
Santo. The chase of Meleager is a damaged monument of the decline of 
classic art. Vasari errs in supposing that it is on the tomb of the Countess 
Matilda, this monument having also reliefs, but of another subject. 



106 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

either consign the problem to the limbo of unsettled questions or 
conclude that the artist received his education elsewhere. 

Pisa lies on the sea. She commanded in the thirteenth century 
the trade of the west coast of Italy. She had fought and made 
alliances with the Normans of Sicily and Apulia, and she was the 
protector of some amongst the small trading republics at the 
southern extremity of the Peninsula. Her population was some 
times recruited by emigrants from the most distant parts of the 
South, and amongst these in the thirteenth century was perhaps 
one Peter of Apulia, the father of Niccola, known to the readers of 
Vasari as the Pisan. That Niccola became a citizen of Pisa, and 
lived in the parish of S. Blasius of Ponte di Pisa, is proved by records 
of certain authenticity. That his father Pietro di Apulia was dead 
in 1266 is equally certain, 1 but no document reveals either his 
previous age, profession, or habitation. 

It might be presumed from the absence of all productions due 
to Niccola, before 1260, as well as from the evident uncertainty 
of Vasari's notices, that the sculptor had not been long in Pisa 
before producing the pulpit of S. Giovanni. The question which 
remains to be answered is simply, whether in South Italy, and 
namely in Apulia, there was an art superior to that of Pisa. 2 It 
has already been proved that in Sicily and on the south coast, 
mosaists of superior talents had been found by the Normans in 
sufficient number to adorn in the twelfth century many splendid 
edifices. It is equally curious and interesting to find that sculpture 
in South Italy was still at a high standard in the thirteenth. At 
Ravello near Amalfi a trading republic devoted to Pisa the 
cathedral of S. Pantaleone possesses a pulpit resting on columns 

1 See RXTMOHR, Forschungen, voL ii., p. 145 and following, and GAETANO 
MILANESI, Documenti per la Storia delV Arte Senese, (Siena, 1854), vol. i., 
p. 145 and following. In the records Niccola is called variously : 1266 : 
** Magister Niccolus de parrocia S. Blasii de ponte de Pisis quond. Petri 

Nic 



vol. 1, p. 145). . . . 1266, May 11: "Magister Nicolam Pietri 
de Apulia" (Ibid., p. 149). 1272: " Magister Nichola pisanus quondam 
Petri de." An interesting question is, whether the name of the place, as 
Apulia, applies to Niccola or to his father. It has been assumed indeed, and 
we have heard it urged with reference to the surname of Apulia, that Niccola, 
being originally a Pisan, obtained it after a journey and a stay in South 
Italy. Yet the first work produced by him at Pisa is in the style of produc 
tions existing in Apulia. 

* It may be inferred from Vasari himself, that in South Italy there were 
some very remarkable architects. The fabulous Fuccio, " a Florentine 
architect and sculptor," whom he invented, is considered by him to have 
completed some great monuments ; such as Castel di Capoana and the Castel 
del Uovo at Naples, the foundation of which was due to the equally fabulous 
Buono the gates by the Volturno at Capua, and the walls of the hunting 
park at Amalfi (VAS., p. 262, vol. i.). 



NICCOLA PISANO 107 

borne by lions. The steps which lead up to the desk support a 
marble balustrade inlaid with mosaics ; and above the arch leading 
into the pulpit is a Latin inscription recording that Nicol6 Rufolo 
commissioned it in 1272 of Nicholas de Bartolommeus de Foggia. 
The key of the arch of the doorway is a fine classical bust of 
Sigalgaita Rufolo, of life size, in a diadem from which hangs a long 
rich tassel. Her hair, divided and gracefully twined along the 
ears, exposes a fine forehead and a face of oval shape. The brow 
and eyes are noble, the nose regular, and the features elegantly 
chiselled and broadly carved. The neck is massive. Nicholas de 
Bartolommeus of Foggia evidently studied the antique like his 
contemporary Niccola at Pisa, and perhaps better models. The 
two styles are essentially similar. The marble has the same high 
polish and technical execution. The use of the drill is common 
to both, on the capitals of the door are other portraits, one a male 
profile, less happily rendered, but still of the same hand. Had not 
the name of Nicholas been united to that of Bartolommeo of Foggia, 
thereby proving the existence of two contemporary sculptors of 
different families, the busts of Ravello and the pulpit of Pisa might 
have been assigned to one hand. Foggia was in the thirteenth 
century the ordinary residence of the Emperor Frederick II. 
Delia Valle, in his Lettere Sanesi, 1 devotes two chapters to prove 
that monarch's patronage of art, and mentions coins of his reign 
as worthy of serious admiration. His palace at Foggia was erected 
in 1223, and on the solitary arch of it which now remains may be 
read the following inscription : 

ANNO AB INCARNATIONS MCCXXin M. JUNII XI. IND. REG. 
D&0 S FREDERICO IMPERATORI REX SEP. AUG. A IH. ET 
REGIS SICILI.3B XXVI. HOC OPUS EELICITER INCEPTUM PPHATO 
Dffo PERFICIENTE. 

SIC CESAR FIERI JUSSIT OPUS PTO [IPRECEPTO] BARTOLO- 
MEUS SIC CONSTRUXIT ILLUD. 2 

Bartolommeus, the architect of Foggia, may possibly be the 
father of Nicholas the sculptor of the pulpit of Ravello. 

The pulpit is not the sole monument in S. Pantaleone. Of equal 
interest though of an earlier time are the bronze gates, in com 
partments, representing subjects from the Passion of the Saviour, 

1 BELLA VALUE, Lettere Sanesi, vol. i., p. 205 and following. 

2 It is amusing to find BELLA VAXLE, Lettere Sanesi, vol. ii., p. 20, change 
the words TO into Pis. in order to prove that Bartolommeo of Foggia is 
the same as Bartolommeus Pisanus, a bell-founder at Pisa in the thirteenth 
century. This theme MOR&ONA (Pisa ILlust., vol. ii., p. 97) extensively 
develops. 



108 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

executed, as appears from the inscription, for Sergio Muscetola and 
his wife Sigelgaita in 1179. 1 The compositions of these gates are 
those of the early Christian time, but well ordered as to space, 
and filled with animated figures of somewhat slender forms. In 
character they recall to mind the fine mosaics of Cefalu and Palermo, 
and exhibit the same moving principle in the artist. Gates from 
the same casts may be seen at Monreale, rivalling those of Bonanno, 
and signed by the artist, whose name is inscribed "BABISANUS 
TRANENSIS ME FECIT." At Trani itself is a third edition of them, 2 
and thus in South Italy, as early as the twelfth century, and three 
years earlier than Bonanno, a sculptor of Trani is traced, who 
so far surpasses the Pisan that one might say his art is new and 
admirable. Trani, Foggia, both in Apulia, seem to have had 
good and intelligent artists in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, 
sculptors in every sense superior to those of Pisa, 3 and one of them, 
Nicholas di Bartolommeo, so like Niccola of Pisa in style that 
their works may be confounded. It is therefore neither contrary 
to fact nor to experience to suppose that Niccola of Pisa was a born 
Apulian, and that he was educated in that country. It might 
be urged indeed that in the inscription of the pulpit of Pisa he is 
called Pisanus, but every citizen had a right to that qualification 
after he had taken the freedom. It might be argued that Nicholas 
of Foggia was a pupil of Niccola of Pisa ; but if so, might it not be 
natural to expect that history should record his presence elsewhere 
than in the South of Italy, where his work is alone preserved, and 
would not his style have made a nearer approach to the later one 
of Giovanni ? 

It is a remarkable circumstance that one of the earliest works 
which Vasari attributes to Niccola Pisano is the tomb of S. Domenico 

1 Here the Saviour Deposed from the Cross, and the Christ at the Limbo 
are counterparts of the same scenes repeated in contemporary miniatures and 
paintings. The Saviour is crucified with the feet separately nailed, as usual 
up to this time. 

2 The gates at Monreale are divided into seven courses of four com 
partments separated from each other by somewhat heavy ornaments con 
taining medallions with semi-figures. The two central upper compartments 
contain the same figure of the Saviour, with S. John on the left and S. Elias 
on the right. The four next subjects are the Crucifixion, the Resurrection, 
the Virgin and Child, and S. Nicholas. In the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth 
are apostles. The seventh course contains a genius, an archer, and the 
arms of D. Giovanni di Rohan. 

3 There were many monuments of classic art at Naples in the thirteenth 
century. Even now see S. Paul of the Theatines rebuilt on the site of a 
temple of Castor and Pollux, the antique lower course and statues being 
preserved with figures of Apollo, Jupiter, Mercury, and what not at Paestum, 
Reggio, Locri, Sibari, Tarentum, Brindisi, Elis, Baise, Pozzuoli. 



NIOCOLA PISANO 109 

at Bologna, executed, he says, in the year 1231, 1 but which was 
only completed in 1266-7 by Fra Guglielmo. No records have 
ever confirmed the biographer's assertions respecting the erection 
or remodelling, in the earlier part of the century, of edifices in 
divers parts of Italy by Niccola Pisano, 2 whilst in many instances 
these assertions have been positively contradicted. The oldest 
records of the Duomo of Siena (1229) 3 make no mention of Niccola 
Pisano as being present at the foundation of that edifice ; and, 
as the annotators of the edition of Vasari sensibly affirm, the 
biographer, after having stated that fact, contradicts himself 
when he afterwards declares that the Sienese commissioned of 
him the pulpit of their Duomo because " the fame of that of Pisa " 
had reached them. 4 The fame of Niccola would have been great 
long before the year 1260, had he, as a Pisan, executed the numerous 
w r orks which are assigned to him previous to that date. It was 
on the fifth of October that he signed a contract in the Baptistery 
of Pisa, where he was then apparently employed, with Fra Melano, 
supervisor or operarius of the cathedral of Siena, 5 by which he bound 
himself to the following conditions : 

Firstly : That he should, between October and the November next 
following, deliver at Siena eleven columns of white marble with the 
necessary capitals, and sixteen smaller pillars and slabs for the erection 
of a pulpit in S. Maria. He was also to furnish the lions or pediments, 
which probably were to be found ready made at Pisa. Secondly : From 
and after the next month of March he was to reside at Siena until 
the pulpit was finished, and to accept no other commission ; but lie 
was, if he desired it, to have, four times a year, a fortnight's leave to 
visit Pisa, either for the purpose of giving counsel in the matter of the 
completion of the Duomo and Baptistery there, or for his own business. 
Thirdly : In the same month of March he was to bring with Mm to 
Siena Ms pupils Arnolfo and Lapo, who were, likewise, bound to remain 
at Siena till the pulpit was completed. Fourthly : The price of the 
marble columns and slabs was fixed at sixty-five Pisan pounds, the 

1 VAS., vol. i., p. 260. 

2 Ernst Forster affirms that he saw a record at Pistoia proving that 
Niccola worked in the Duomo in 1242, The record itself he does not give. 
Was he quite sure of the date ? See Bcitrtige, iM sup., p. 61. 

3 RTJMOHB quotes original records of payments for work in the Duomo 
of Siena as early as 1229 (Forschungen, ubi sup., vol. ii., p. 124). GAETANO 
MILANESI, going back still further, Sulla Storia Civile ed Artistica S&nese 
(Siena, 1862), p. 59, notices Bellamino, who in 1198 restored the Fonte 
Branda, which was repaired anew in 1248 by Giovanni Stefani, then capo- 
maestro of the Duomo. 

4 VASARI, vol. i., ann. to p. 266. 

6 Vasari erroneously states that Guglielmo Marescotti was podesta of 
Siena at this time. See annot. to VAS., vol. i., p. 267. 



110 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

daily pay of Niccola at eight, that of his pupils six Pisan " solidos," 
besides bed and lodging. Fifthly : If Johannes, the son of Niccola, 
declared himself ready and willing to work under his father, he should 
receive half the salary of the latter. Sixthly : None of the sculptors 
were to be subject to any real or personal service in the republic of 
Siena. Seventhly: Breach of contract on either side was forbidden 
under a penalty of 100 Pisan. 1 

It was not long before this last clause threatened to become a 
serious charge. Arnolfo had not made his appearance in Siena 
in May of the following year, and Fra Melano issued a peremptory 
injunction to Niccola to fulfil the contract. This done, the pulpit 
was commenced, and about November of 1268 completed, Niccola, 
Giovanni his son, and Arnolfo, Lapo, Donato and Goro, Florentines, 
being employed together in its erection. 2 

The pulpit, of octagonal form, rested upon nine columns, four of 
which were supported on lions and lionesses, four on simple pediments 
and the central one upon a group of nine figures in half relief. Seven 
bas-reliefs covered the faces of the pulpit. Firstly: the Nativity. 
Secondly : the Adoration of the Magi. Thirdly : the Presentation in 
the Temple. Fourthly : the Flight into Egypt. Fifthly : the 
Massacre of the Innocents. Sixthly : the Crucifixion. Seventhly : the 
Last Judgment. 

The Nativity. One of the finest groups in this relief is that of the 
women washing the infant Saviour. The latter, however, of a powerful 
and bony build, is essentially classic in form. 

The Adoration of the Magi. It would be difficult to find a finer 
group in this century than that of the Virgin and Child adored by the 
kneeling king, who kisses the Saviour's foot. The foreground figures 
on horseback seem to be copied from the Eoman antique. 

The Presentation in the Temple is ill ordered and over-crowded ; The 
Flight into Egypt simple and not ill rendered. 

The Massacre of the Innocents. Niccola had an opportunity here 
of expressing action in the most varied forms ; and the movement 
of single figures is accordingly fine and forcible ; whilst some faces 
are remarkable for character and expression. One cannot but mark 
in the^ vehemence of gesture of soldiers tearing babes from the grasp 
of their mothers, or^in the act of killing them, a certain tendency to 
exaggeration. Yet it is obvious that Niccola's treatment of these 
groups was of service to later artists and even to Giotto. The Massacre 
of the Innocents is, however, a subject in which even the great Florentine 
found some difficulty to conciliate action with good distribution, and 

1 See the original document in BUMOHB, Forschungen, vol. ii., p. 145 and 
following, and MILANESI, Doc. Sen., M sup., vol. L, p. 145 and following 

2 RUMOHB, MlDANESI, llbi 8Up. 



NICCOLA PISANO 111 

Niccola is here less successful in arranging his groups than in the pulpit 
of Pisa. 

The Crmftxion. The student of Roman classic form will find it 
here, but Niccola endeavoured, as it would seem, to combine classicism 
and the study of nature ; hence a perceptible want of unity. Not only 
was the Christian ideal of the divine nature of the Redeemer absent 
from the mind of the sculptor, but he lost the conventional nobleness 
of the classic form in a painful realistic study of nature* The Saviour 
is here less after the Roman antique than in the pulpit of Pisa, but he 
is also worse proportioned. The thorax is that of Hercules, and the 
arms disproportionately short. In the group of the fainting Virgin, 
to the left of the Cross, the head is painful in expression and large for 
the frame, and the draperies are of many and meaningless folds. The 
angels about the Saviour's head are short and defective. 

The Last Judgment. The same faults mark the Saviour distributing 
blessings and curses and the Saviour crucified. Here is little repose 
or dignity, but a mixture of conventional classic form with realistic 
anatomy. The proportions are defective, but the arms, instead of 
being too short, are too long, whilst the torso is small. The angels 
around the throne are heavy and colossal. The nude figures in the 
foreground, rising from their graves, are presented in various attitudes 
and positions to the spectator, and are frequently remarkable for 
elastic and natural movement. In the Inferno, Lucifer is again a 
monster with the head of a grotesque mask, the ears of a dog, the 
horns of a bull, the legs of a vulture, and the talons of a griffin. Double 
groups of figures superposed adorn the angles of the pulpit and repre 
sent allegorically the Virtues, angels, and scriptural subjects. In the 
birth of the trefoil arches are fourteen prophets. But the most 
interesting and admirable productions in the whole pulpit are those 
which adorn the base of the central octagonal pillar. Here Astronomy 
is symbolised by a female holding a book and looking through a level ; 
Grammar by one teaching an infant ; Dialectics by an old female 
in contemplation ; Rhetoric by a woman wearing a diadem and holding 
a book ; Philosophy by one with a cornucopia, from which flames 
issue ; Arithmetic by a female writing on a slab, and so with Geometry 
and Music. 1 If the allegory be imperfectly conceived, it is less the 
fault of the artist than of the person who gave him the subjects. Each 
figure as a work of art is fine and in admirable movement. 

The inequality which may be traced in the various parts of 
this noble monument is perhaps assignable to the diversity of 
talent in the pupils employed by Niccola. Still the compositions, 
all doubtless by him as director of their joint efforts, betray less 
regularity and order in distribution than those of Pisa. The skidy 
of the antique which is sufficiently displayed everywhere, was 

1 See the dissertation upon the mode of representing the seven sciences 
in CIAMPI'S Letters of Gio. Boccacci (Flor., 1827), p. 101 and following. 



112 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

varied by an evident reference to nature, and precisely where this 
occurred the master's ability was least visible, and he produced 
defects of proportion and even of flesh and muscular form. 3 : The 
fancy and liveliness of spirit which characterised Niccola at Pisa 
were illustrated anew and without repetition at Siena. But though 
he now varied his somewhat arbitrary study of the classic with the 
imitation of nature, he showed no symptoms of religious feeling, 
and his work, fine as it is, remains somewhat cold and classic 
in beauty. 

Omitting for the present the tomb of S. Domenico, which, as 
already remarked, is more properly a monument executed by Fra 
GugHelmo, one may trace the hand of Niccola in the beautiful 
fountain of Perugia, where, amongst the figures 2 which adorn the 
angles of the upper basin, his peculiar style may be noticed, 3 whilst 
in the reliefs of the lower basin, the allegories of the seasons, the 
sciences and the arts, display the broader style of his son. 
Giovanni indeed appears to have overtaken Niccola. In the fountain 
of Perugia (1277) he revealed power in distribution, in reproducing 
energetic types and chastened movements, and, in the study of 
the nude, a genius not merely imitative or realistic, but creative. 4 
Father and son worked side by side in more than one great monu 
ment in the cities of Italy from the early years when Giovanni, as 
a youth, was admitted at a low salary to share the labours of the 
pulpit of Siena, to the later ones when the fountain of Perugia was 
completed and when S. Margaret of Cortona was restored. 5 The 
noblest monument of their chisel, or of their school, the Deposition 
from the Cross in the lunette above the portal of S. Martin of 

1 [This was not so much " a reference to nature " perhaps as a new 
influence a French influence which suddenly appeared in Tuscan sculpture. 
The two pulpits are well compared by REYMOND, op. cit. t p. 72 et sec[. A 
study of French influence in Tuscan sculpture is badly needed.] 

2 One of these figures is now replaced by one quite modern. 

3 [<7/. REYMOND in Arch. St. deir Arte (1895), fasc. vi. He attributes 
the statuettes to Niccola and the fifty bas-reliefs to Giovanni Pisano or 
Arnolfo Fiorentino. See also P. D'AJSTCONA, La Rappresentazioni allegoriche 
dclle Arti liberali nel Medio Evo ecc. in VArte, vol. v., fasc. v.-xii.] 

4 The inscription on the fountain of Perugia, recovered not long since 
from beneath the plaster by Professor Massari, proves that the works up 
to 1277 were conducted by Niccola and Giovanni. Arnolfo is not mentioned 
in it, though he seems after 1277 to have been released for the completion of 
the fountain by Charles I. of Anjou. Annot. to VAS., vol. i., p. 269-70, and 
MARIOTTI (A.), Letter e Pittoriche (Perugia, 1788), pp. 24, 25. 

5 According to Vasari, Niccola restored the Pieve di Cortona, and founded 
the church of S. Margaret in the same city. VAS., ubi sup., vol. i., p. 268. 
MORKONA pretends that this was in 1297, yet Niecola had then been dead 
some years. He read in the Campanile tho names of " Niccola and 
Johannes " j if so the date is false. MORRONA, Pis. Ittust., vol. ii., p. 69. 



NICCOLA PISANO 113 

Lucca may be admired as the perfection of an art which, developing 
itself at Pisa, Siena, and Perugia, seemed at last but to await 
Michael Angelo to bring it to perfection. No example of the century 
can be said to have combined in the same degree skill in composition 
and grouping with boldness of attitude, foreshortening, and vigour 
of handling ; a deep study of nature and anatomy with lofty 
character and expression. 

The body of the Saviour, still supple hi death, had just been taken 
from the cross, and was held in the powerful grasp of Joseph of Arima- 
thm. On Ms shoulder the head, recumbent on the outstretched arm, 
Lung powerless. That arm the Virgin tenderly embraced, whilst 
S. John carefully upheld the other. Nicodemus strove to extract the 
nail from one of the feet. A youthful soldier near the evangelist, leant 
on a stafi and, grasping the hilt of his sword, seemed inspired with the 
wish to avenge the cruel agony of the Saviour. At His feet knelt one 
with a sponge on a plate waiting for the washing of the body, whilst 
behind the Virgin stood two of the Maries. In the Saviour's supple 
ness of limb and frame, fine foreshortening, and perfect proportion, 
in the figures around, force allied to natural movement, might fetter 
the attention of the most careless spectator ; whilst the more critical 
observer, remarking a certain squareness of stature and a slight over 
charge of drapery, some feebleness of frame and classic imitation 
in the females, might point to these as the only defects that could 
possibly be noticed. If compared with the earner works of Pisa and 
Siena, it would be admitted that the artist had gradually freed him 
self from much of that merely imitative character which previously 
marked the school, and had given power and animation to figures 
by the study of nature ; yet that, to the last, religious sentiment 
remained as foreign to his mind as it was later to that of Donatello 
or Michael Angelo. 

Equally interesting, as a monument of the revival under the 
teaching of Niccola and Giovanni, is the tomb of S. Margaret in 
the church dedicated to that saint at Cortona, where excellent 
distribution of space and grouping, combined with progress in the 
rendering of form and varied character in expression or attitudes, 
mark one of the finest productions of mixed architecture and 
sculpture in the thirteenth century. 

The body of the tomb resting on three brackets in the wall of the 
door of the sacristy is adorned with four bas-reliefs representing inci 
dents from the life of the saint S. Margaret taking the vows receiving 
the holy benediction sick in. her cell and on her deathbed after 
receiving the sacred oil. Nothing could be finer as regards composition 
than these episodes. Beneath the brackets, the miracles of S. Margaret, 

I. H 



114 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

her cure of the sick and lame, and the casting out of a devil at her 
shrine, are represented with equal power and intelligence. Some 
shortness and squareness of form may be noticed in figures which are 
otherwise of fine proportions and natural attitudes. A slight over 
charge of drapery detracts at times from the beauty of the groups, 
as in the lunette relief of S. Martin at Lucca ; but the monument as 
a whole is one of the great works of Pisan sculpture. On the slab of 
the tomb lies the statue of S. Margaret beneath a dais held up by two 
angels the whole within a double-pointed trefoil recess, supported 
on each side by twisted columns crowned at the pinnacle with statuettes, 
and supported in the centre on a bracket leaning upon a figure with 
a scroll. An airy lightness in the architecture, a harmonious sub 
ordination between it and the sculpture, form, together with the 
arrangement and execution of the bas-reliefs, an excellent whole. 

Vain is the attempt to ascertain exactly the authors of such 
monuments as these. To Niccola nothing can be assigned later 
than 1278, 1 at which period he is noted with the fatal quond-am* 
but it must not be forgotten that, besides Fra Guglielmo, whose 
known works are inferior to those under consideration, Giovanni, 
Arnolfo, Lapo and his brothers Donato and Goro, existed and shed 
some lustre on the architecture and sculpture of the thirteenth 
century. 

1 Vasari affirms that Niccola worked in the Badia a Settimo, that he 
executed the old Palazzo of the Anziani at Pisa and other palaces and 
churches. No records remain to prove or disprove these assertions. The 
church of San Michele in Borgo at Pisa is not by Niccola, but by his pupil 
Fra Guglielmo. The building of the campanile of S. Nicol& at Pisa is of 
uncertain date, and the author not proved to be Niccola. Equally arbitrary 
is the assertion that Niccola gave the design of S. Jacopo of Pistoia, this 
chapel of the cathedral being of older date, but altered and restored in 
different periods (TOLOMEI, Guida di Pistoia, ubi sup., p. 11). He laboured 
at S. Jacopo according to CIAMPI, Not. Ined., p. 122, in 1272-3. The Santo 
at Padua is not acknowledged as a work of Niccola, though Vasari assigns 
it to him (SELVATICO, Guida di Padova ptr^ gli Scienziati). He may be the 
architect of the Chiesetta della Misericordia and the church of the Santa 
Trinita at Florence ; but the convent of Faenza was only founded in 1281, 
previous to which time Niccola died. (Annot. to VAS., vol. i., p. 266.) That 
Niccola was not at the foundation of the Dupmo of Siena has been suggested 
in the text j and as for the church of S. Giovanni of the same city, it was 
not commenced till after 1300. (See proofs in annot. to VAS., vol. i., p. 272.) 
There is nothing to prove or disprove the assertion of Vasari as to Niccola 
having in 1254 enlarged the Duomo of Volterra (VAS., vol. i. p. 267) ; and 
the same may be said as to S. Domenico of Arezzo (ibid., p. 277). Of 
Niccola's repairs in S. Domenico at Viterbo and works at Naples, there are 
no authentic records. 

2 VASABI, vol. i., p. 271. See further the original record of 1284 in 
MILANESI, Dot. Sen., vol. i., p. 163, in which he is noted as dead. How 
then could Niccola be the author of bas-reliefs in the Duomo of Orvieto, 
an edifice only commenced in 1290 ? (VAS., vol. i, p. 268.) 



FEA GUGLIELMO 115 

Of Arnolfo, who, according to Vasari, was born in 1232 l and 
learnt drawing from Cimabue, 2 little more is known than that he 
is not the son of Lapo, but of one Cambio of Colle 3 di Val d'Elsa, 
that he was a disciple of Niceola, and worked under him at the pulpit 
of Siena. Numerous architectural monuments have been assigned 
to him ; and there is no doubt that in 1310 he died in possession of 
the title and office of chief architect and sculptor of S. Reparata of 
Florence. 4 Time has dimmed the lustre of his services as a sculptor ; 
and most of the works assigned to him have perished except the 
tomb of Cardinal de Braye, executed, according to Delia Valle, in 
1280, at S. Domenico of Orvieto. 5 Supported on brackets high 
up in the right transept of the church, this monument is, like those 
of the Cosmati at Rome, a mixture of mosaic, sculpture, and 
architecture. The body of the cardinal lies on the slab of the 
sarcophagus, whose sides are adorned with mosaics. A pointed 
trefoil tabernacle supported on twisted columns is pointed at the 
apex and sides with statuettes of a square Roman build. 6 It might 
have been possible to judge of Arnolfo's style, had his work at 
S. Paolo, Rome, been preserved. 7 Of Lapo, who likewise aided 
Niccola in Siena, the following records are preserved : 

1 Vasari complains in the life of Arnolfo that he is unable to discover 
the architects of the Certosa of Pavia and the Duomo of Milan. Bonino da 
Campione laboured in the Duomo in 1388-93. The Certosa is due to 
Bernardo da Venezia in 1396. See CALVI, Noiizie (Milan, 1859). 

a VASABI, vol. L, p. 249. 

3 GAYE, Carteggio inedito (Flor., 1839), vol. i., p. 445, publishes a record 
of April 1, 1300, granting to Arnolfo certain privileges at Florence. 

4 See the authentic record of his death, note 2 to p. 255, vol. i., of VASABI, 
uM sup. {It has been suggested by FBEY (in MisceUanea Storica delta Val- 
delsa, vol. i., fasc. ii., p. 86 et seq.) that Arnolfo di Cambio and Arnolfo 
Florentine the pupil of Niccola were two [persons. This has been contested, 
and remains apparently unsettled. Vasari says Arnolfo died in 1300, and 
gives very precise details for once. Frey has shown that here Vasari is 
nearer the truth than his editors, who have read a date in the Necrologio di 
S. Reparata following the entry of Arnolfo's death as though it concerned 
him.] 

5 This tomb, according to DELIA VAT..T.K, Storia del Duomo di Orweto, 
p, 248, was inscribed " HOC OPUS FECIT ABNOLFUS." 

ft Vasari does not say that Arnolfo was employed in South Italy. Yet he 
was not unknown to Charles I. of Anjou, who, in a letter dated September 
1277, recommends him to the authorities of Perugia as Magister Arnulfus 
de Florentia, and one of ability to continue the works of the fountain which 
had been all but finished by Niccola and Giovanni. MABIOTTI, Lettere, vbi 
su P-> PP- 24 25 ? BICHA, Chiese, torn, vi, p. 17 ; KUMOHR, Forschungen, 
vol. ii., p. 155. 

7 Here he executed the dais of the high altar, with four statues upon 
it of Peter, Paul, and two other apostles. " Somewhat short in build but 
fine," according to Bumohr. The following inscription was on this work, 
which perished in 1823: "HOC OPUS FECIT ARNOLFUS, CUM socio PETKO. 

ANTtfO MILLENO CENTUM BIS ET OCTUAGENO QUINTO, SUMME DS = Q, HIC ABBAS 



116 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

In company of his brothers Donato and Goro, he petitioned 
for and obtained the freedom of the city of Siena in 1271-2 ; and 
the records which authenticate that circumstance prove further 
that the father of the family was Ciuccio di Ciuto of Florence. 
In 1284 Lapo was architect of S. Angelo in Colle ; and in 1289 he 
was deputed by the government of Siena to destroy the property 
of the Cacciaconti. 1 Donato was in 1277 superintendent of the 
works at the bridge of Foiano on the Merse, 2 and employed at 
the Fontebranda outside Siena. 3 Goro repaired in 1306 the 
fountain of Follonica, 4 and brought up three sons, Neri, Ambrogio, 
and Goro, in his profession. Of their works in sculpture no trace 
remains. 

Fra Guglielmo, apparently the oldest of Niccola's pupils, left to 
posterity monuments inferior to those of his master. He entered 
the Dominican order as a lay friar in 1257, 5 and spent his years of 
novitiate in the convent of the fraternity at Pisa, an edifice which 
had already been completed in 1252. 6 The chief monuments of 
his chisel are the bas-reliefs of the tomb of S. Domenico at Bologna. 
The mortal remains of that saint had originally (1221) been confined 
in a wooden bier, from which they were removed with considerable 
pomp twelve years later, in presence of the Archbishop of Ravenna 
and the magistrates of Bologna (May 23, 1233). 7 Enclosed on this 
occasion in a simple urn of stone, they remained sealed until the 
completion of a marble sepulchre, whose execution was entrusted 
to Niccola and Fra Guglielmo. The former, however, being bound 
by his contract at Siena, can scarcely have contributed more than 
the designs and composition of reliefs, which were only completed 
in 1267. 

TMs work by Guglielmo comprised several incidents of the life 
of S. Dominic and his disciples on. the sides of a quadrangular tomb. 8 
In one of the fronts, the saint restores to life the youth Napoleon ; 

BABTHOLOMOSTTS = FECIT OPTJS FIEBI = SIBI TU DIGNABE MEBEBI." (For8- 

chungen, vol. ii,, pp. 156-7.) [The tabernacle escaped the flames ; it is still 
in S. Paolo fuori le Mura. Though injured and restored, it is still substanti 
ally Arnolfo's work.] 

' l G. MILANESI, ubi sup. Documenti t vol. i., p. 154. 

2 Ibid., p. 154. * Ibid., p. 156. * Ibid., p. 154. 

5 Chron. of S. Caterina of Pisa, in Archivio Stor. Italiano, Ser. i., vi., 
p. 468. 

e Annali, MSS., p. 4, in Arch* Stor., ubi sup., vol. vi., p. 468. 

7 MABCHESE, Memorie, etc. (Flpr., 1854), vol. i. p. 70. 

8 The tomb was completed with a cover by Maestro Niccola quondam 
Antonii, of Apulia, in 1469, with statuettes by later artists, and a base by 
Alfonso Lombardo (MABGHESE, ubi sup., pp. 74-80). 



FRA GUGLIELMO 117 

in the second the books of his doctrine are saved from the fire which 
consumed those of the Manicheans of Languedoc; between the two 
is a statuette of the Virgin and Child. On the opposite front, three 
scenes of the life of the Beato Reginald of Orleans S. Dominic appear 
ing in a dream to Pope Honorius III. and supporting the falling church. 
Honorius examining and granting the rules of the order. On the short 
sides, S. Dominic receives the Gospels from S. Peter and S. Paul, 
entrusts the same to his disciples ; and angels bring food to the followers 
of the nascent brotherhood of the order. At the four angles are the 
Four Doctors of the Church. 

Fra Guglielmo in the execution of these subjects preserved, 
but enfeebled, the style of Niccola ; imparted to the figures but 
little character, expression, or design; overcharged the draperies 
and crowded the groups. The tomb, as a monument of the time, 
was, however, no contemptible proof of the extension of the influ 
ence of Niccola, who on the occasion of the transfer of the remains 
of S. Dominic succeeded in obtaining leave to be present at the 
ceremony. Guglielmo, as a brother of the order, naturally expected 
and received no pecuniary reward for his labour ; but to repay 
himself for the trouble and time he had expended, and also that 
he might enrich his own convent of Pisa with a precious and 
inestimable relic, he stole one of the ribs of S. Dominic and carried 
it away with him, incurring thereby, had his offence been known, 
the penalty of excommunication. The theft fortunately was not 
noticed ; and it was only on his deathbed that Guglielmo confessed 
and rejoiced the hearts of his brethren with the news that S. Catherine 
of Pisa was richer by one rib of S. Dominic than had been hitherto 
supposed. 1 

From Pisa Fra Guglielmo seems to have proceeded to Pistoia, 
where he executed, most probably in 1270, the pulpit of S. Giovanni 
Fuorcivitas, traces of his name and the foregoing date having been 
discovered in the records of Pistoia and on the pulpit, 2 which 
besides (and this is more to the purpose) displays his style and 
hand. In form it was quadrangular, with four reliefs on two of 
the faces and two on the third, representing scenes from the New 
Testament. 3 Whilst here the vigour with which Niccola compen- 

1 Chron. of S. Oath, of Pisa in MABCHESE, ubi sup., p. 86, vol. i., and 
Arch. Storico t vol. vi. y p. 467. A bone of S. Dominic is preserved in S. Marco 
at Florence (RiCHA, vil, p. 160). 

2 See TIGKI, Quida di Pistoia (Pistpia, 1854), p. 223. 

3 Representing 1. The Annunciation and the Visitation. 2. The Nativity 
and the Adoration of the MagL 3. The Saviour Washing the Feet of the 
Disciples. 4. The Circumcision. 5. The Deposition from the Cross. 
6. Christ at the Limbo. 7. The Ascension, 8. The Descent of the Holy 



118 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

sated the frequently defective distribution of his groups was 
wanting, the general characteristics of his composition and manner 
were reproduced. Without the marked squareness or shortness 
of stature, without the peculiar classicism of Niccola, the style was 
still far from that of one who as a member of a religious fraternity 
might have desired to impart a purely devotional spirit to his work. 
In the angel with the symbols of the Evangelists, the finest figure 
of the pulpit, some repose and Christian feeling might be detected ; 
but in general, the heads, large for the small frames, were of the 
cold, imitated Roman style. Fra Guglielmo was employed in the 
loggia of the Duomo of Orvieto in 1293, 1 and as late as 1313 at 
S. Mchele in Borgo of the Camaldolese of Pisa. 2 He died in the 
convent of S. Catherine of Pisa, having been fifty-seven years of 
the Dominican order. 3 

If Vasari were to be credited, Giovanni Pisano had sufficient 
proficiency in 1264 to produce a marble tomb at Perugia for the 
remains of Urban IV. 4 This assertion it would be idle to discuss, 
since the tomb had perished in Vasari's own time. That Giovanni 
was hardly considered capable of great labours as late as 1266 is 
proved by the low salary which he received at Siena. In a few 
years, however, he progressed so as to rival Niccola and exhibit, 
in the fountain of Perugia, qualities of a new and superior order. 
As an architect he executed, shortly after his father's death, the 
Campo Santo, 5 and the ornaments of S. Maria della Spina at Pisa, 6 
whose external colonnades, niches, and statuettes were evidently, 
and not in the best taste, by him and his pupils. 7 Still earlier 

Spirit. 9. The Saviour Appearing to the Virgin and Apostles. 10. The 
Death and Ascension of the Virgin. In the angles were six apostles, and 
in the middle of the front face the angel with the symbols of the Evangelists. 
Supported on the wall by two brackets, the pulpit rests on two columns 
reposing, as usual, on the backs of lions. 

1 BELLA VALLE, Stor. del Duomo di Orvieto, ubi sup., p. 263. 

2 See inscription to that effect, transcribed in MOBRONA, Pis. Illust., 
vol. ii., pp. 101-2. 

3 Chron. and Annals of S, Cath. of Pis. in MARCHES A, u^i sup., vol. L, 
p. 398. One of Fra Guglielmo's pupils was Fazio, a lay brother Dominican, 
who died 1340. See Chron. of S. Catherine of Pisa, in Arch. Stor., vol. vi., 
p. 504. 

4 VASABI, vol. i., p. 269. 

5 Commenced in 1278. See the original inscription to that effect in 
VASABI, p. 271, vol. i. 

Ibid., p. 271. 

7 VASABI, vol. i., p. 271, says the Virgin and Child on the pinnacle of 
La Spina is by Giovanni. The height is great for a critical examination, 
but the cast reveals the hand of Giovanni. He mentions also a portrait of 
Niccola there. In the life of Andrea Pisano he adds that, in La Spina, Nino 
produced a portrait of his father. Has he not confounded these portraits, 
which do not exist, with a statue of the apostle Peter ? 




KS*. ; - 

MADONNA AND CHILD 



GIOVANNI PISANO. 



Alinari. 
Campo Santo, Pisa. 




MADONNA AND CHILD (IVORY) 



GIOVANNI PISA.NO. 



Duomo, Pisa. 



GIOVANNI PISANO 119 

than this, he might possibly have been the author of the external 
additions to the Baptistery of Pisa, by which that ancient edifice 
was in 1278 incrusted with balconies, arches, pillars, and statuettes ; 
and the old frieze of Bonamicus on the eastern gate was crowned 
by a standing figure of the Virgin and Child between two saints, 
one of whom, S. John, introduced to her the youthful kneeling 
figure of one Pietro. 1 Here Giovanni laboured in that grand 
style which marked his work at Perugia, a style by which other 
works of the same period might likewise be distinguished. The 
life size Virgin and Child in the interior of the Campo Santo 2 may 
be placed amongst this class, and admitted as one revealing in the 
master a f eeling of grandeur allied to a study of nature in its happiest 
mood. The infant's playful smile pleasantly contrasts with the 
classical features of the Virgin, her antique profile and broad 
fleshy throat, and under the artist's hand the marble seemed to 
represent elastic forms, articulations that promised motion, hands 
not without elegance, and draperies of considerable breadth. A 
tabernacle on the front of one of the gates of the Campo Santo 
likewise enclosed six statues of saints, and the architecture as well 
as the sculpture did the Pisan honour. 3 From Pisa, in 1283, to 
Naples, where he is said to have enlarged the Castel Nuovo, Giovanni, 
says Vasari, 4 wandered and laboured, and thence, retiring north 
wards again, he became in 1284 a citizen of Siena 5 and probably 
capo-maestro of the Duomo. That for some time previous to 1288 
he had occupied that high and responsible office is certain. 6 Hence 
it might be doubted whether he did more than furnish a design 
and the assistance of his pupils for the erection of the altar in the 
cathedral of Arezzo and the chapel of the Ubertini family in that 
edifice. 7 Vasari, who dwells with peculiar care on the artistic 

1 Beneath the Madonna is the inscription : " SUB PETRI CUBA FUTT HJBC 

PI A SCTJLPTA FIGUBA NICOL NATO SCTTLTOBE JOHE VOCATO." Vasari Says 

the kneeling figure is Pietro Garnbacorti, operaio of the Duomo, which the 
annotators deny. They might have noticed that the relief is not on the 
Duomo but on the Baptistery. 

2 Beneath the first fresco of Benozzo Gozzoli 

3 Of the same period perhaps is the Virgin and Child on the pinnacle 
of the front of the Duomo. [Quite so. But the tabernacle over the gate 
of the Campo Santo towards the Duomo was made after the death of 
Giovanni, and was probably the work of the sculptor who made the 
GherardescS. monument in the Campo Santo. "Bi name has not come 
down to us. The kneeling figure, by some said to be Pietro Gambacorti, is 
probably a portrait of the man. Cf. L. B. StiPiNO, Pisa (Bergamo, 1905), 
pp. 55, 60.] 

4 VASARI, vol. L, p. 272. Castel Nuovo was commenced in 1279, by 
Charles I. (CAMEBA, Annati del Regno di Napoli, vol. i, p. 322). 

5 MILASTESI, ubi sup. Doci.> vol. i,, p. 163. 

6 Ibid., vol. iii., p. 274. 7 VASABI, vol. i., pp. 272-3. 



120 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

monuments of his native city, devotes two pages to a description 
of this altar, which being situated in the middle of the church was 
visible from all sides. Yet the ensemble, of heavy and inelegant 
architecture, ill distributed as to space, and filled with figures of 
feeble frames and large heads, and draped in ugly festooned vest 
ments, was far from displaying either the talent or the peculiar 
style of the great Pisan sculptor. The compositions are invariably 
ill ordered. In one of the reliefs representing the Crucifixion, the 
Saviour is shown as a man of attenuated frame, large head, and 
protruding ribs. The Virgin, one of the chief figures, supported on 
each side by Honorius IV., as Gregory the Great, and S. Donato the 
protector of Arezzo, is feeble as to form and type, and the remain 
ing figures vulgar in feature and lame in attitude. The technical 
execution is in parts slovenly, and the marble rudely worked. 

During 1288, and through 1290, 1295, and 1299, Giovanni re 
mained at the head of the works of the Duomo of Siena, 1 under 
taking at times other labour, and incurring penalties and fines for 
its non-completion or for breach of contract^ yet he was so necessary 
and so difficult to replace that the government preferred to absolve 
him from liability rather than force him to a precipitate departure. 2 
He might therefore in these years have visited Florence, where, 
however, no work by him exists, 3 and Bologna. 4 In 1299 he aban 
doned Siena for a time, and resided apparently in Pisa, where 
amongst the first productions of his chisel was an ivory for the 
canons of the Duomo, 5 and possibly a Virgin and Child carved in 
the same substance now in the sacristry of the Cathedral. He may 
then perhaps have executed for S. Pietro in Vinculis, at Castel S. 
Pietro near Pisa, the bas-reliefs of a font seen there by Morrona, 6 
and inscribed with his name and that of one of his pupils. 7 

1 MILANESI, Doc. Sen., vol. i., pp. 161-2. 2 Ibid., pp. 161-2. 

3 The bas-reliefs of the font of S. Giovanni of Florence, assigned to him 
by Vasari, cannot be his, as they are dated 1370. (See annot to VAS., vol. i., 
p. 274.) The Virgin and Child, between two angels, in the lunette above 
the door leading out of the church into the canonry of S. Maria del Fiore 
in Florence, is of a meditative character, and expresses a religious sentiment 
unknown to Giovanni Pisano. The softness which pervades these figures 
is more characteristic of Nino da Pontedera. Vasari assigns to Giovanni 
the arcliitecture of the Convent of the Nuns, the restoration of S. Domenico 
of Prato. But the latter could not be restored, since it remained unfinished 
till 1322. (See annot. to VAS., vol. i., p. 275.) 

4 At Bologna, says Vasari, he restored the choir of S. Domenieo. VAS., 
vol. i., p. 274. 

5 See the original record of the order and the price in MORRONA, ubi sup., 
vol. ii., pp. 422-3, and CIAMPI, vbi sup., p. 123. 

G MoBRONA,-wfo* sitp. t vol. ii, p. 86. 

7 " MAGISTER JOANNES CUM DISCIPULO SXJO LEONARDO FECIT HOC OPUS 
AD HONOREM DEI ET SANCTI PETRI APOSTOLI." 



GIOVANNI PISANO 121 

Pistoia next claimed his presence ; and at S. Andrea, in 1301, 
he completed a pulpit, whose bas-reliefs were almost the same as 
those which he immediately afterwards undertook at Pisa, and in 
a style not much differing from those of his father at Pisa and 
Siena. In composition he was still deficient, and in rendering 
form frequently unfortunate ; yet in his representation of the 
Saviour he less imitated the antique than Niccola, and made a 
nearer approach to the less Roman but feebler models of Fra 
Guglielmo at S. Giovanni Fuorcivitas. His Inferno, not so fantastic 
perhaps as that of Niccola, and unlike those of Pisa and Siena, 
was presided by the usual strange figure of Lucifer holding a toad 
in his hand. In the Last Judgment, the Saviour, of bony form 
and somewhat rude extremities, seemed to accept from the Virgin, 
separated from Him by the emblem of the Cross, the good souls 
who had gained a place in Paradise at His side. On His left an 
angel, struggling with one of the condemned, offered an example 
of bold conception and execution. In the Crucifixion the Saviour 
was bony, small, and lean, and the thieves defective in form, whilst 
the group of the fainting Virgin on the left of the Cross was a 
reminiscence of the art of Niccola. Amongst the episodes relative 
to the Magi, one group, representing the angel warning them in a 
dream not to return to Herod (Matt. iL 12), was essentially worthy 
of attention, the angel being amongst the fine productions of 
Giovanni. Equally good was the relief of the Nativity. But the 
best portions of the pulpit were undoubtedly the statues in the 
angles, amongst which that of the angel with a book, and sur 
rounded by the signs of the three remaining evangelists, was the 
most splendid classical group he had yet produced remarkable 
alike for firmness of attitude and animation and impressed in 
the features with the character of an antique Alexander. Here, 
as it is natural to suppose, the master was assisted by pupils to 
whom the feebler portions of the monument may be assigned. 1 

1 The following inscription gives the name of the author and the date 
of the execution : 

LAUDE DE TRINI REM CEPTAM COPULQ FESJT. 
CURE PRESENTIS SUB PKEMO MILLE TRICENTIS 
PRINCEPS EST OPEEIS PLEBANUS VEL DATOR ERIS 
ARNOLDUS RICTUS QUI SEMPER SIT BENEPICTUS. 
ANDREAS UNUS VTEELLI QUOQUE TIMUS 
NATUS VITAtt: BENE NOTUS NOMINE TALI 
DESPENSATORES HI DICTI SUNT MELIORES 
SCULPSIT JOHANNES QUI RES NON EGIT INANES 
NICHQXI NATXTS SENTIA MEUCORE BEATUS. 
QUEM GENUIT PISA DOCTTTM SUPER OMNIA VISA. 



122 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

He surpassed himself, however, in a small monument at 
S. Giovanni Evangelista of Pistoia a font resting on a central 
group of three and supported at the angles by four figures of Virtues, 
which were thus represented together in classic attitudes, expres 
sion, and movement. This was a monument which required no 
religious feeling, and to which the style of Giovanni was admirably 
appropriate ; and hence it may be called the finest production of 
the master. 

Returning to Pisa in 1302, Giovanni commenced there the pulpit 
of the Duomo, 1 which afterwards suffered from a most unfortunate 
dismemberment, having been deranged, and part of the bas-reliefs 
set aside and fixed to the wall in an upper passage. 2 If, however, 
this pulpit be in thought restored to its original form, it stiU offers 
the same qualities and deficiencies as that of Pistoia. 3 In the 
Crucifixion the Saviour was still of a lean and attenuated form, 
anatomically studied, but ugly, whilst the group of the fainting 
Virgin was an improvement on previous ones. As before, the 
best of the reliefs was that of the Birth of the Saviour, in which 
the composition was fairly distributed and the movements were 
both natural and animated. In the centre, the Virgin, in a grand 
attitude still reminiscent of the antique, raised the veil which covered 
the Infant asleep on a cushion. More to the left, Joseph sat ; 
whilst near him the Saviour was held, preparatory to being washed, 
by a woman feeling the temperature of the water poured out by 
another female. In the upper space, the episode of the angel 
appearing to the shepherds was new, though in a form frequently 
repeated subsequently, and, amongst others, under the same laws 
and maxims, by Ghiberti in the north gate of the Baptistery of 
Florence a fact which need cause no surprise, as it only proves 
that in the fifteenth century artists returned anew to the study 
of the classic, and took up the art where it had been left by the 
great Pisan. In the Flight into Egypt, the Virgin seemed to play 
with the smiling Saviour as she sat on the ass, accompanied by 

1 Commissioned by Borgogni di Tado, as appears by the inscription, for 
which, see MOBRONA, ubi sup., vol. i., p. 336. 

2 This took place in the sixteenth century, after the fire which destroyed 
many of the monuments of the cathedral. See MOKBONA, ubi sup., vol. i., 
p. 299. 

3 The pulpit in its present shape was put together under the super 
intendence of the operaio Coeli in 1607. MOIURONA, ubi sup., vol. i., p. 302. 
[The pieces of the pulpit now in the Museo Civico are not altogether perfect. 
For instance, two pieces besides those mentioned, the Nativity of S. John 
Baptist, and the Condemned, remain in the parapets of the choir of the 
Duomo. Cf. StTFuro, op. tit., p. 68.] 



GIOVANNI PISANO 123 

the youthful Joseph, a most interesting group, common to Giovanni 
and to the Giottesques. On the other hand, the ignoble figure 
of the Saviour at the column showed that when the sculptor 
sought to imitate nature with more than usual closeness he was 
but the more imperfect in rendering form. The remaining reliefs 
of the Massacre of the Innocents and the Adoration of the Magi 
were marked by considerable action, and nothing more. The Last 
Judgment, with the Resurrection and Paradise, may be seen in 
the wall above the door of the sacristy in the Duomo, and exhibit 
similar defects to those already noticed in the Saviour of Giovanni 
at Pistoia. 1 The pulpit, as Vasari declares, was inscribed : 

LAUDO DEUM VEEUM PER QUEM SUNT OPTIMA EEEUM 
QUI DEBIT HAS PURAS HOMINI FORMARE FIGURAS ; 
HOC OPUS HIS ANNIS DOMINI SCULPSERE JOHANNIS 
ARTE MANUS SOLA QUONDAM, NATIQUE NICOLE 
CURSIS UNDENIS TERCENTUM, MILLEQUE PLENIS . . . . 2 

During the nine years expended at intervals on this work, Giovanni 
is said to have laboured to erect the tomb of Benedict XI. 3 in the 
church of S. Domenico at Perugia. It was a very fine monument, 
resting on a base under a painted tabernacle supported by winding 
columns. On the tomb lay the statue of Benedict exposed to 
view by two angels holding back a curtain, 4 and supporting a cover, 
on the summit of which were a statuette of the Virgin and Child, 

1 Amongst other isolated portions, one, representing four Evangelists in 
one block with their symbols, and a kneeling figure in front of S. John 
Evangelist, seems to have been the central support of the monument, and 
displays the best qualities of Giovanni in classic heads and draperies* fleshy 
articulations, and animated movement. 

Other bas-reliefs have been brought together in the choir of the cathedral, 
evidently forming part of an old pulpit, representing 1. the Annunciation. 
2. The Birth. 3. The Presentation. 4. The Adoration of the Magi. 5. The 
Flight into Egypt. 6. The Massacre of the Innocents. All but the first and 
last are in the manner of an inferior artist. (These four bas-reliefs were 
formerly a part of a pulpit in the church of S. Miehele in Borgo of Pisa. See 
comments of FRANCESCO BONAINI to the Oronaca del Convento di Santa 
Caterina, in Archo. Storico, vi., p. 472, and MOHRONA, Pis. lUust., voL iii., 
p. 167, who assigns them to Fra Guglielmp.) The Annunciation and the 
Massacre seem more in the style of Giovanni. In the pulpit of the Duomo, 
the figures on the angles of the Saviour with His right hand on His breast, 
and holding a book, three prophets and four Evangelists seem to be by 
Giovanni. Other remains, also by him, for instance, a base with the eight 
sciencesare now in the Campo Santo, No. 136. 

2 This inscription is incomplete, and gives only the date of the com 
pletion of the pulpit. But it appears (annot. to VAS., vol. i., p. 277), from 
another inscription in a pilaster outside the church, that the monument was 
commenced in 1302. 

3 Benedict XI. died in 1304, and was buried at Perugia. 

4 On the faces of the cover four half-figures of prophets. 



124 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

a bishop and a monk presenting a kneeling ecclesiastic. Yet in 
the style of the sculpture a softer and less energetic manner than 
that usual to the Pisan might be traced. Still it is possible that 
he may have entrusted the design to some of his pupils. 1 

As regards the bas-reliefs on the front of the cathedral of Orvieto, 
which Vasari assigns to Niccola, Giovanni, and other artists whom 
he generalises under the name of " Tedeschi," 2 it is at the present 
time impossible to fix either the date of their completion, or the 
names of the numerous sculptors who assisted in producing them. 3 
Delia Valle, in the Storia del Duomo di Orvieto, had reason to 
complain of numerous gaps in the collection of records which he 
consulted. He therefore assumed some facts and invented others, 
and thus added to the confusion which he might have helped to 
clear. A few facts may to a certain extent elucidate the question. 
The Duomo of Orvieto was commenced in 1290, and the founda 
tion was laid amidst great rejoicing by Pope Nicholas IV. in 
that year. The author of the original plan has hitherto remained 
unknown, and Delia Valle's assertion, that Lorenzo Maitani of Siena 
was appointed to make it, is supported upon no records. It is 
suspected indeed by the diligent Gaetano Milanesi, 4 that Lorenzo 
Maitani was not born till 1275, so that he would have been fifteen 
years old when the Duomo was founded. 5 The greatest sculptor 
employed at the cathedral in the first years after its foundation 
was Bamo di Paganello " de ultramontis," a master who, after the 
commission of some offence against the laws of Siena, had been 
exiled and then pardoned in 1281. Ramo remained in Siena, and 
found employment in 1288 in the Duomo under Giovanni Pisano, 
who was then chief of the works. That the Orvietans should have 
engaged Bamo is almost a proof that they were unable to secure 
the services of his superior Giovanni Pisano nor indeed is there 
any record to confirm the assertion of Vasari that Giovanni laboured 
there. With Bamo di Paganello in 1293 were Jacobus Cosma of 

1 Vasari notices a Virgin and Child with two kneeling children on one 
side, and the Emperor Henry II. by Giovanni above the portal of the Duomo 
facing the Campanile, and Morrona saw the ruins of it. See VAS., vol. i., 
p. 278. 

2 And who are probably men of Como. 

3 \Cf. L. FUMI, II Duomo di Orvieto e i suoi restauri (Rome, 1891), and 
L. DOUGLAS, Orvieto Cathedral, in Architectural Review, June, 1903. The 
reliefs on the pilasters of the facade were executed between 1310 and 1321, 
in part by Lorenzo Maitani, in part under his supervision.] 

4 Doc. Sen., ubi sup., vol. i., p. 173. 

6 [Lorenzo Maitani was appointed capo-maestro in 1310. He was brought 
from Siena to buttress the falling walla of the Duomo.] 



ORVIETO CATHEDRAL 125 

Rome, 1 Fra Guglielmo of Pisa, Guido, and a number of other 
sculptors from Como. No trace of a superior or guiding spirit is 
to be found at the works of Orvieto Cathedral in the earlier time 
of its erection. They had been sufficiently advanced in 1298 for 
Boniface VIII. to read the Mass there ; but the state of the edifice, 
and the irregular manner in which it had been raised, were made 
evident in 1310, when the council of the cathedral, upon the election 
of Lorenzo Maitani to the office of capo-maestro, was fain to confess 
that the church threatened to fall in, and that it was necessary 
to rebuild the wall " e# parte anteriori." The bas-reliefs of the 
front sufficiently prove that sculptors of different periods executed 
various parts of them ; and as the labours of the edifice lasted till 
1356 under Lorenzo and his son Vitale Maitani, it is apparent that, 
in addition to works that might have been completed in the loggia 
at an early time, others of a much later period were used. 2 

The principal ornaments of the front are four pilasters, of which 
the two central ones are finely composed, and exhibit figures in bold 
action and broad drapery, but short and square in frame. The two 
pilasters on each side are a mixture of two or more styles, the upper 
portion of both being in the manner of the central ones, the lower of a 
later character. Taking, for instance, the first pilaster on the left, 
representing scenes from the Creation to the settlement of the children 
of Noah : the Creation of Adam and Eve, in the lowest course, is a 
fine composition, full of truthful and natural movement, no longer in 
the conventional and sculptural forms peculiar to Niccola and the 
continuators of his manner, but by one who sought to follow, and if 
possible to improve upon, nature. The nude had not hitherto been 
rendered with more spontaneity or force ; nor is it possible to find 
anything approaching it except when, later, Giotto shed his influence 
on the schools of Italian sculpture. They may therefore be by Andrea 
Pisano. 3 The Temptation, and Adam and Eve hiding at the voice of 
the Lord the Expulsion, and our first parents labouring by the sweat 
of their brow the sacrifice of Cain and Abel, and the murder of the 
latter, were of that advanced art which seemed to foreshadow the 
manner of Pollaiuolo. Noah teaching his children, Tubal Cain and 
Seth in the uppermost course, were no longer in the same style, but 
revealed, in their short and square figures, the manner of the followers 
of Niccola. The second pilaster was devoted to the genealogy of the 

1 "[Boito says Jacobus was more than eighty years old when he worked 
at Orvieto. Cf. BOITO, ArchiteUura del Medioevo in Italia (Milano, 1860), 
but L. DOUGLAS, op. tit., tells us he was among the first masters at work 
there.] 

2 See for all these facts, Doc. Sen.> w6t sup., vol. L, p. 173. 

3 He is proved to have been capo-maestro of Orvieto with his son Nino 
in 1347-9. Annot. to VAS., note to vol. iii., p. 11. 



126 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

house of David, and terminated at the upper part by a relief of the 
Crucifixion. The third was occupied by incidents from the life of the 
Saviour, admirably composed and grouped, but recalling, like the 
second, the styles of Niccola and Giovanni's followers. In the fourth 
pilaster, the upper course, representing the Saviour in glory, was of the 
same class ; but the lower compartment, far different, exhibited more 
modern types, and seemed the perfection of the manner of Giovanni 
Pisano. 

It would have been difficult to find a more fertile fancy, greater 
skill in rendering form, more vigour or character in the beginning 
of the fourteenth century, than were exhibited in the resurrection 
of the dead from their graves, and in the agonies of tortured souls 
in the Inferno. Here, Lucifer was no longer the quaint hybrid 
of Niccola and Giovanni, but a monster in a more human form, 
writhing with bound hands, and supported by hissing dragons, 
whose scaly frames were twined round his. The most inexhaustible 
invention seemed hardly taxed by the variety of pain inflicted and 
endured by the sinners ; nor would it be easy to find more truthful 
imitations of nature in the most varied motion than in the figures 
of those in the grasp, or hanging from the jaws, of the devils. Such 
life and motion might well have caused wonder in Signorelli when 
he laboured in this very Duomo, and in Michael Angelo, whose 
imaginative mind might be struck with the ingenuity of one in 
whom he could recognise a spirit akin to his own. The author of 
these reliefs no longer rendered the short and heavy forms of the 
school of Niccola, but more slender and active ones, in good motion, 
with well-jointed limbs and extremities, and animated features. 1 

Above the architrave, a carved and coloured Virgin and Child 
was represented, by Andrea Pisano, seated beneath a dais supported 
by six angels. 2 In the front of the edifice were statues of prophets, 3 
some of which have been considered to recall the style of the later 
Sienese, Agostino and Agnolo. 4 

Giovanni Pisano died, says Vasari, in 1320, 5 leaving unfinished 
the works of the cathedral of Prato, but having completed at least 
the chapel of the Sacra Cintola. He was buried in the Campo 

1 Above the pilasters are the symbols of the Evangelists in bronze ; 
one of them modern. 

2 See the authoritative statement of this in notes to VASAKI, vol. iii., p. 11. 

3 Three of which are modern. 

* The first notice of Agnolo of Siena is of 1312, the latest 1349. (Doc. 
Sen., vol. i. p. 206.) 

5 According to CIAMPI, Giovanni had a son, Bernardo, who laboured in 
the Duomo of Pisa between 1299-1303, Notiz. ined., p. 45. 



PROGRESS OF SCULPTURE 127 

Santo of Pisa by the side of his father. 1 Yet if he be the author 
of the monument of Enrico Scrovegni erected at the Arena of 
Padua in 1321 and signed " JOKIS MAGISTER NICCOLI," his death 
must have occurred later than Vasari states. 

The progress of sculpture has now been traced to show the state 
to which it had been reduced previous to Niccola, and the changes 
which it underwent in his hands. It is evident that in the eleventh 
and twelfth centuries, as in earlier ages, sculptors existed in every 
part of Italy, but that, having lost the true idea of form, they had 
preserved merely the traditions of Christian composition. In 
the South of Italy, however, a vein of the imitative antique had 
extended, and still derived life, in the twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries, from a source which elsewhere had been clearly exhausted. 
That Classicism, suddenly transported to Central Italy by Niccola, 
should naturally create wonder amongst men reduced to an almost 
primitive generalisation of art, was only what might have been 
expected. Conventional as Niccola's manner was, it could not 
but create emulation and rivalry in the study of mere form ; and 
the examples of Pisa in this sense were of advantage to all the schools 
of Italy. But whilst Niccola infused a new spirit into the minds 
of his countrymen, he could lay no claim to the creation of Christian 
types. His art, had it remained unsupported by the new current of 
religious and political thought so sensible in the thirteenth century, 
would perhaps have perished without leaving a trace behind it. 
Mere classical imitation could not suffice for the wants of the time ; 
and thus it was that, whilst Niccola created on one side an emula 
tion that was to produce the noblest fruits, he was himself convinced . 
that, without a return to the study of nature, no progress was 
possible. In his attempt to graft on the conventional imitation 
of the antique a study of nature he failed ; nor would his son and 
pupils have succeeded even in the measure which is visible in their 
works but for the examples which were created for them in another 
and greater school, the Florentine. The spirit which had been 
roused throughout Italy by the examples and miracles of S. 
Francis contributed to the development of an art based on nobler 
principles than those of mere imitation, and that spirit, of which 
Giotto 2 was the incarnation, spread with uncommon speed through- 

1 That Giovanni had the intention of leaving his bones at Siena is proved 
by the following inscription now in the front of the Palazzo Arcivescovile : 

"HOC EST SErULCBTTM MAGISTBI JOHANNIS QUONDAM MAGISTKI KICOLAI ET 
DE EJTTS EREDIBUS." AntWt. to VAS., vol. L, p. 280. 

2 ["Giovanni Pisano," writes Burckhardt, "was the most influential artist 



128 HISTORY OP PAINTING IN ITALY 

out the whole of the Peninsula, affected the schools of sculpture, 
and assisted them also in the development of a new life. Thus, 
whilst Niccola revived the feeling for true form, others gave to 
that form a new meaning, created the Christian types of this and 
succeeding ages, and laid the foundation for the greatness of 
Italian art. 

of his time ; without him Giotto would not have existed, or at least he would 
have been other than he was, and more embarrassed by his art. Giotto 
owes certainly to Giovanni more than to his own master Cimabue. Thanks 
to a prodigious activity, that influence wont quickly through Italy, and it 
is from his enthusiastic genius spring in the two capitals of Tuscany, 
Florence and Siena, a legion of original masters who close the cycle of the 
plastic school of Pisa and bring in the period of Italian Gothic. And as 
these masters went from Tuscany north and south throughout Italy, every 
where they gave a new impulse to a kind of local art which took essentially 
for model Giovanni Pisano " (Cicerone).'] 



CHAPTEK V 
PAINTING IN CENTRAL ITALY 

To the general picture of the degeneracy of Italian painting from 
the earlier times to the middle of the thirteenth century, it may 
be now useful to add more particular notices of special schools ; 
and as the rise of sculpture at Pisa has been traced, the course 
pursued by painting there and in the neighbouring Lucca, Siena, 
and Arezzo may naturally claim the first attention. 

In the absence of all public spirit and enterprise, the Dark Ages 
could not yield great monuments of painting ; and artists are 
accordingly found chiefly confining themselves to the reproduction 
of one great and universal subject, that of the Saviour on the 
Cross. In proportion as the movement was slow and gradual by 
which the martyrdom of Christ was allowed to become a fit object 
for delineation, in the inverse ratio was the speed with which 
artists yielded to the tendency of representing His sufferings and 
agony. With steps hesitating and reluctant at first, they accom 
panied Him on the road to Calvary, withholding from the masses 
the spectacle of His shame, when, carrying His Cross, He was dragged 
to the place of execution. Slowly, this sentiment of repugnance 
gave way, till in the eleventh century the whole tragedy was 
unfolded. Yet whilst the sentiment of painters led them to the 
final resolution of actually presenting the Redeemer as He stood 
upon the Cross, a remnant of respect for the ideas that swayed 
early churchmen forbade them to delineate any signs of grief or 
pain. So in the earliest Crucifixions the Saviour was presented, 
as has been seen, erect, with each foot nailed to the Cross, open- 
eyed and either serene or menacing. The modification of this 
last feeling can be traced with surprising accuracy in the Crucifixes 
of Lucca, Pisa, Siena, and other places, until S. Francis, with the 
miracle of the Stigmata, may be said to have changed the current 
of religious thought in this respect in a final and irrevocable manner. 
The number of Crucifixes which is to be found in the eleventh, 
twelfth, and thirteenth centuries proves at once the general nature 
of the requirements of the faithful of all classes, and the substitu- 
I. 15 *> I 



130 . HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

tion of the material symbol for its presentation on the walls of 
edifices. The mere delineation of the Saviour on the Cross was 
not however considered sufficient and was never taken alone ; 
but in order to complete the holy history, and fitly to convey the 
idea of the sacred tragedy, the Evangelist John and the Virgin 
were usually painted at the extremity of the arms, the Saviour in 
glory and benediction at the top, and the scenes of the Passion at 
the sides, of the Cross. 1 

Amongst the earliest Crucifixes of this kind is the colossal one 
in San Michele in Foro at Lucca, 2 where an artist of the eleventh 
century represented the Saviour erect, of good proportions, and 
fairly designed with simple but somewhat rough and dark outlines, 
open-eyed, and with the feet separately nailed. 3 The head, slightly 
inclined to the right, was somewhat long, the nose equally so, 
and the mouth and eyes small. The form, imperfectly rendered, 
did not betray an effort at reproducing the false anatomy of later 
examples. 4 Plastic had been used to assist the painter's art in 
the reproduction of relief ; and whilst the whole figure was painted 
of an uniform colour, somewhat darkened by time and restoring, 
the idea of rotundity was given by the projection of the frame, 
which, culminating at a central line, merged into the fiat at the 
neck, wrists, and feet. These last, feeble and pointed, were painted 
on the flat like the head, which, however, with its nimbus, projected 
forward, that it might be more visible to the spectator. The 
whole of the figure was painted on a primed canvas beaten into 
the gesso which covered the wood. 5 A later example of the same 

1 One may notice the similarity of this form of composition and that of 
churches built in the shape of the Latin Cross with side chapels added to it. 

3 On a pilaster to the right of the arch of the tribune. 

3 The stature and position of the Saviour is the same as that in the 
Crucifixion at S. TJrbano alia Caffarella at Rome, and that of the MS. miniature 
at the Minerva at Rome, and in that of the bronze gates of Bonanno at 
Monreale. 

* The hair, divided in the middle, falls down the shoulders, and a gold 
drapery is fastened by a jewelled girdle to the hips. The Cross is painted 
blue on a gold ground. An ornamented border runs round the panels at the 
sides. The outlines have suffered from restoring. 

5 The Saviour at the top of the Cross was represented in the act of bene 
diction and holding the book, with a green halo, and vestments of the 
traditional colours. At His sides knelt two angels in adoration. One of these 
is modern. Beneath the Saviour in glory are the words on a label : " JESUS 
NAZABEisncis REX JTJDEORUM." At the extremities of the branches were the 
symbolic figures of the Evangelists and an angel in flight. Right and left 
of the Cross, and beneath the horizontal limbs, were three courses of small 
panels, representing the Virgin and S. John the Evangelist, the Crucifixion of 
the Thieves, Christ Deposited in the Tomb, and the Maries at the Sepulchre, 
rudely executed in the old typical forms common to the paintings and 



CRUCIFIXES 131 

kind is the Crucifix of S. Giulia at Lucca, painted on wood without 
relief, and representing, besides the Saviour, Evangelists, saints, 
and angels, the same scenes of the Passion as that of San Michele. 
But the decline even of this art might be noticed in the forms 
and attitude, and in the mode in which the painting was executed. 
The figure was still erect, but the head a little more bent than 
before. The outlines of the nude were more defective. Green 
half tints contrasted with reddish shadows. The modelling of 
the parts was rendered as geographers are wont to represent the 
swells of hills, by meandering lines, the features by closely repeated 
red, black, and white, and the anatomy by black streaks. This 
Crucifix, which is connected with a miracle of the year 1209, 1 may 
be of the latter half of the twelfth century. Two more Crucifixes, 
exactly similar in character and plan, but somewhat damaged by 
time, are in S. Donnino, 2 and S. Maria de' Servi at Lucca, and thus 
prove the existence of painters there in the eleventh and twelfth 
centuries. That the art of painting, far from improving, retro 
graded at Lucca, except perhaps in certain technical modes of 
execution, is evident from the works of the Berlinghieri, a family 
of artists which can be traced back to about A.D. 1200. Amongst 
the names of men who signed the treaty of peace with Pisa in 1228 
occur those of five painters. Lotharius and Banuccius, of whom 
no works are known, and Bonaventura, Barone, and Marco Ber 
linghieri. 5 Of the latter the names are repeated in another record 
of the same period, from which it appears further that Bonaventura 
and Barone were the sons of one Berlingherus, a Milanese. 4 The 
latter still lived in 1228. 5 Marco, according to the capitular records 
of Lucca, was a miniature painter and the author of an illuminated 
Bible executed in 1250. 6 Barone had, according to the same 
authority, executed several Crucifixes, one for the Pieve of Casa- 
basciana in 1254, another for S. Alessandro Maggiore at Lucca in 
1284. 7 Of Bonaventura, whose works have alone been preserved, 
panels and wall-paintings were known to have been completed 

miniatures of earlier centuries. On a small panel at the foot of the Cross, 
Peter might be seen seated, listening to the questions of the servant. 

1 See the Opusc^do of TELESFORO BINI (Lucca), pp. 13, 18. 

2 This Crucifix is damaged by time and repairs. 

3 TELKSFOBO BINI, ubi sup., p. 15. 
* Ibid., same page. 

5 Atti della R. Acad. di Lucca, vol. xiii., p. 365. 

6 Archives of ike Chapter o/ Liicca, lib. LL. 25, fol. 78, in Bnsri, ubi sup., p. 15. 

7 Archives of the CanceUeria del Vescovado (Lucca), lib. vi., fol. 10, in BIKI, 
ubi sup. 



132 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

in 1235 and 1244. 1 It is not many years since a picture, assigned 
to Margaritone in the church of San Francesco of Pescia, was 
subjected to a rigid examination by Professor Michele Ridolfi, who 
discovered that, according to a practice not uncommon in past time, 
the head of the principal figure was on a lower panel, whilst the 
rest was painted on another, superposed. 2 This later addition 
having been removed, a standing figure was laid bare, of S. Francis, 
holding a book and showing the Stigmata, with two archangels 
at his shoulders, and six incidents of his life in a triple course of 
panels at his sides. Beneath his feet were the following lines : 

A.D. M.CCXXXV. 
BONAVETURA BERLIGHEBI DE LU . . . 

S. Francis was of a long form, in cowl, frock and cord. His 
shaven head, of regular shape, was of a lean and bony form, with 
sharp features and a wrinkled brow, and supported on a very thin 
neck. The figure seemed to hang in air, with a pair of very ugly 
feet pointing downwards. The flesh tints were of a bronzed yellow, 
with green shadows stippled in black, and broadly defined by dark 
outlines, the lights marked by streaks of white. The execution 
was perhaps more careful and the idea of rotundity less feebly 
conveyed than in the Crucifix of Santa Giulia, but the method was 
the same in both. The drapery of the frock, being all of one colour, 
was indicated by lines. 3 The angels, mere half figures with 
embroidered dresses in the old motionless style, and the episodes 
of the saint's life were rendered with childish simplicity, coloured 
in sharply contrasted keys of colour. There was indeed in the 
resolute intention of conveying the subjects something approaching 
to the ludicrous. S. Francis might be seen talking to sparrows 

1 Bonaventura painted on the wall in Lucca in 1244. (Arch, of the Canca. 
of the Vescovado, lib. iJk IS, fol. 115.) He painted in 1243 a panel for the 
archdeacon of Lucca (lib. xvii., fol. 12). Barone was summoned to complete 
within a given time a Madonna which he and Bonaventura had commenced 
at S. Alessandro of Lucca. Lib. L. No. 3, fol. 2, in Lettera del Prof. M. Ridolfi 
al Marchese Selvatico (8vo, Lucca, 1857), p. 15. Again Barone promises to 
paint a room for the canons of the cathedral of Lucca in 1240. Same Arch., 
lib. IL. 18, fol. 115, in Lettera, ubi sup., p. 16. 

2 TELESFOBO Bnsri, ubi sup., pp. IS, 19. 

3 The picture is on gold ground, S. Francis over life size. At Modena, 
in possession of Count Montecueuli, is a picture of S. Francis inscribed : 

*' BONAVEOTUBA BERXINGERI ME PINXIT DE LUCCA. A.D, M.CC.XXX.V." Painted 

in oil on canvas, it is a copy, and the signature a forgery. Yet there is a 
very pretty quarrel of pamphlets respecting its originality. See the Marquis 
Campori's sensible remarks on this subject. (Gli Artisti Italiani e Stranieri 
negfa Sta& Estetw, 8vo, Modena, 1855, p. 86.) The picture of Count Monte- 
cucali is from the Castle or Rocca of Giulia. See also LANZI, Roscoe'a trn., 
Bohn> vol. ii, p. 343, 1847, and vol. i., p. 37, 



DEODATO ORLANDI 133 

of a gigantic size, perched on trees growing out of a conical hill. 
His cure of the lame was shown, not merely by the straightening 
of the limb of one sitting on a rock in a stream, but by the figure 
of another retiring whole with his crutches on his shoulders. 1 
This was an art as primitive as that of the sculptors who had 
preceded Niccola Pisano in Central Italy, an art which, assisting 
itself at first by the use of plastic form, improved but slightly in 
technical execution, and never could rise even to mediocrity. The 
student who cannot visit Lucca may satisfy himself of the infantine 
nature of Lucchese art in the thirteenth century, by examining in 
the Academy at Florence a Crucifixion 2 with the usual episodes. 3 
He will see in this work, originally executed for the nuns of S. Chiara 
of Lucca, the decline of the school of the Berlinghieri, and the 
Saviour hanging dead on the Cross with sunken head and closed 
eyes, as it was customary to depict him, when it became meritorious 
to represent the Divinity in the lowest stage of human suffering. 
After the Berlinghieri came Deodato Orlandi, the author of a 
Crucifix now in the magazines of the palace of Parma, after having 
been in S. Cerbone, 4 and in the ducal chapel of Marlia. Deodato 
lived in the close of the thirteenth century ; and his Crucifix is 
inscribed : 

A.D. M.CCLXXXVin DEODATI FUJI OELANDI DE LUCH, HNXIT. 

He represented the Saviour on the Cross in a more defective and 
unnatural shape than the Berlinghieri, with a long and ill-proportioned 
frame, overhanging belly, and a sunken head ; with scarcely any 
brow, but a caricature of expression. The features were contracted by 
angular lines ; and the beard or massive hair was indicated by a series 
of curves. The frame betrayed an effort at representing play of muscles 
without any knowledge of their real form. The shoulders were broad, 
the waist thin, the joints swollen and without any promise of motion, 
the feet and hands defective. 5 A tawny green general tint prevailed 
in the flesh, piercing through the muslin drapery on the Mps. The 
lights were painted and stippled in over a local tone of verde, whilst 

1 The remaining subjects are S. Francis receiving the Stigmata, restoring 
the child to life, giving alms, and expelling devils. In the last some 
figures of males and females, possessed, offer a variety of ugliness. The 
little devils fly quaintly out of their mouths. 

2 [No, 101], gold ground, almost gone. 

3 The Virgin fainting in the arms of the Maries, the Evangelist convoying 
Christ on the road to Calvary, and the Virgin and Child between SS. John 
the Baptist, Peter, Clara, and five other saints. 

* Two miles outside the gate of S. Pietro at Lucca. 

5 Yet this is no worse production than those of the period generally, 
See, later, a Crucifix assigned to Cimabue in the sacristy of Santa Croce at 
Florence, and the deformities attributed to Margaritone. 



134 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

the cheeks and lips were tinged with red. The head of the Saviour, 
in the act of benediction at the top of the Cross, contrasted in so far 
with that of the crucified Redeemer, that it was of an oval and regular 
shape, whilst the Virgin and S. John Evangelist, lamenting at the 
extremity of the arms, were mean and vulgar, revealing the deficiency 
of the artist in the power of imparting expression otherwise than by 
contraction of brow and features. 1 

Deodato still painted as late as 1301, when he executed a Virgin 
and Saints in five arched compartments inscribed : 

AD. M.CCCI. DBODATUS OELANDI ME PINXIT 

now in the gallery of Fine Arts at Pisa. 2 

He gave to the Madonna the high forehead, the small chin and 
neck of the Virgin ha the foregoing Crucifix. To her features he im 
parted the usual painful expression by wrinkles and contraction of 
brow, whilst, as regards colour, he apparently gained some lightness 
from the study of new examples which were now increasing in numbers 
under the impulse of the Florentine revival. 

Here, then, was a school of painting which, from the eleventh 
to the fourteenth century, had merely prolonged the agony of 
Christian art in its decline, and which even in the person of Deodato 
showed no traces of improvement. Were local historians to be 
credited, that artist succeeded at last in producing one picture 
worthy of admiration, yet this picture has less the character of 
the school of Lucea than that of a Sienese painter of the fourteenth 
century. 3 

1 The outlines in the Crucifix are of a certain tenuity and cut into the 
surface. The nimbus as usual projects. The blue mantle and red tunic of 
the Saviour in glory have been retouched. The latter is shot with gold 
lights. The Saviour crucified is also retouched here and there. 

2 The Virgin and Child enthroned between SS. James, Damian, Peter, 
and Paul. 

3 Padre Antonio da Brandeglio, in a life of S. Cerbone, alludes to 
Deodata's Crucifix of 1288, and adds that the same Deodato was commis 
sioned to paint " una imagine " for the nuns of S. Cerbone. In 1295 the 
convent was on fire, and the Crucifix, with a picture of the Virgin and Child 
in the midst of saints, was saved with difficulty. RIDOLFI, Atti uffiziali della 
Eeale Acad. Lucch. (Lucca, 1845), xii., p. 20. There is now at S. Cerbone 
a picture of the Virgin holding the Saviour tenderly, in good movement and 
well draped, with the narrow eyes, peculiar to Simone and Ugolino of Siena 
of clear flesh tints, and neat outlines of S. John Evangelist with a long 
flowing beard and a face full of character coloured with much impasto. Both 
figures, painted on the verde for flesh tint with shadows stippled in red, 
red cheeks and lips, betray the manner of the school of Siena, and a, far 
later date than 1301, But even if of 1301, how cotild this picture be saved 
from fire in 1295 ? And again how could Deodato paint a better picture 
before 1295 than that of 1301 ? 



EARLY PISAN PAINTING 135 

But in Lucca there were mosaists as well as painters and 
sculptors. Rumohr quotes Brunetti l for the interesting fact that 
in 754-763 Astolph the Lombard employed a Luccliese mosaist 
of the name of Aripert. But the mosaists, who in the thirteenth 
century represented Christ in a glory carried by angels and the 
twelve apostles on the front of the church of S. Frediano were 
entitled to very little consideration. They displayed indeed in a 
disproportioned figure of the Redeemer, in angels of vehement and 
exaggerated movement, in apostles of excessively defective forms, 
no greater art than their comrades in painting or sculpture. 

As at Lucca, so at Pisa, painters existed apparently in very 
early times. There are notices of Enrico a miniaturist at Pisa 
in 1238. 2 As far back as 1275, it appears that money was voted 
by the " commune " for the purpose of restoring or repainting 
" the images of the Virgin Mary and other saints on the gates 
of the city," because they were then well nigh obliterated. 3 The 
earliest examples of painting are however again Crucifixes, the 
oldest of which, at S. Marta, has a general likeness, as regards the 
position and expression of the Saviour, to the Crucified Redeemer 
in S. Angelo at Capua. The body is low in reference to the position 
of the arms, but the frame is still erect, the eyes open and menacing, 
and the feet apart. This Crucifix probably belongs therefore to 
the eleventh century. 4 Its side panels are interesting. 

A composition of the Capture repeated in a MS. (Greek) of the 
twelfth century at the Vatican, of which Agincottrt gives an 
engraving (vol. ii. pi. IviL), is remarkable in this sense, that the artist 
thought it necessary to show the superiority of the Redeemer by a 
certain prominence of stature, in the midst of a crowd of smaller mortals. 
To the left, Peter, erect, smites Malchus, whilst in the miniature of the 
Vatican the latter is prostrate and S. Peter kneels as lie threatens him 
with the sword. In a Deposition, one of tlie Maries stands on a stool 
and assists to lower the body held by Joseph of Arimathaea, wMlst the 
Virgin kisses the hand and Nicodemus extracts the nail. In the last 
subject, the angel sits on the tomb and the Maries listen with surprise 

1 RTTMOHB, Forschungen, vol. i., p. 188. 

2 See CIAMPI, ubi sup., pp. 86 and 141 ; Doc. xxi. 

3 BONAINI, Notizie Inedtie, pp. 87, 88. 

4 The bust of the Saviour in glory, apparently broken off from the top 
of the Cross, is now placed immediately above the projecting nimbus of 
the crucified Redeemer. The figures on the arms of the Cross as usual 
represent the Virgin and S. John, bat the episodes at the sides slightly differ 
in arrangement and subject from those of Lucca. In the upper course is the 
Capture, and Christ before Pilate; in the next the Saviour Crowned with 
Thorns and Flagellated; in the last, the Deposition and the Maries at the 
Sepulclire. 



136 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

to Ms announcement of the resurrection, whilst a soldier still sleeps 
at the foot of the sepulchre. 

These subjects 1 deserve to be noticed, because they may be 
seen repeated in the same traditional forms and grouping by later 
and more able artists. They were represented in the crucifix of 
S. Marta with some animation of movement, with distances of red 
houses on gold ground, and they were painted with considerable 
body of colour. On two little compartments, at the foot of the 
cross, S. Peter sits before a fire, and a figure may be seen knocking 
at a door. 

Another Crucifix of the same period has been recently discovered 
in San Sepolcro of Pisa, in which the Redeemer is represented in 
a position more erect than before, and as usual in fair proportions. 2 
The painter of this Crucifix was a rude executant. He lined the 
forms with red in the lights, and black in the shaded side. The 
features are everywhere marked by lines as if in profile ; the nude 
feebly defined, and the colour of an uniform reddish tone unrelieved 
by shadow. The face of the Saviour is indicated by elementary 
lines the eyes large, and the nose bent. 

That the painters of Pisa and Lucca, in their mode of repre 
senting the Saviour, merely followed customs familiar to them by 
numerous examples of an earlier time, has been sufficiently proved 
at Rome and in South Italy. If additional proofs were required, 
they would be found in the Crucifix of Sarzana, in character like 
that of S. Marta of Pisa, where the open-eyed Saviour was placed 
erect on the Cross in the simple attitude familiar to the eleventh 
century. 3 They would be found likewise in a Crucifix at S. Giovanni 
e Paolo of Spoleto, 4 inscribed at the foot as follows : 

AJ>. MCLXXXVII. M. OPUS ALBEBTO SOM. . . . 

Without describing the attitude of the Saviour, which does not 
essentially differ from that of the Redeemer in the Cappella del Mar- 
tirologio at Rome, it may be remarked that this Alberto gave to the 

1 Some of the small scenes are partly damaged by time and restoring. 

2 The Saviour in glory at the top is wanting ; and instead of the Virgin 
and Evangelist on the arms are two small pictures of the Last Supper, and 
Christ Washing the Feet of his Disciples. Again, instead of S. Peter and the 
servant^ at the foot of the Cross, the Descent of the Holy Spirit is introduced. 
The six side compartments contain, the Capture, Crucifixion, Maries at the 
Sepulchre, Meeting at Emmaus, Last Supper, and Final Interview with the 
Apostles. 

8 With the usual episodes of the Passion at the sides. 
* This church or chapel is held in peculiar reverence, and is difficult to 
enter. 



EARLY PIS AN PAINTING 137 

head the bullet shape occasionally to be found in pictures and mosaics 
at Home after the seventh century, combined with a high forehead, 
hair falling in waves along the sides of a slender neck, round eyes, and 
a nose protruding at the end like a ball. The feet and hands are long 
and pointed, and the forms bounded by a continuous wiry outline, 
broad at the thorax retreating towards the waist. Some little shadow 
of a reddish hue relieves the general yellowish tone. The cheek is a 
little rouged, and the whole carried out on a parchment stretched on 
the wood. 1 

Superior to this, but doubtless of a later date, is the Crucifix in 
the Cappella Maggiore of the Campo Santo at Pisa, in which the 
lean figure of the Redeemer on the Cross is marked by a certain 
yielding elasticity. 

The bending head and closed eyes indicate here the development 
of a later religious conception, though as yet the sense of pain was 
rendered without exaggeration of expression and rather by a quiet 
mournfuhiess. Still the drawing is not without the usual defects of 
the time. The features are rudely made out, the diaphragm and 
stomach indicated by lines, and the extremities thin and pointed. 
The attendant episodes are the same as before, but more animated 
and somewhat truer in action. 2 

The date of this Crucifix may be fixed with accuracy, by the 
attitude and expression of the Saviour, between A.D. 1150 and 
1190. 3 Hence it is difficult to assent to the opinion of those who 
assign it to Apollonius a Greek, whom Vasari rescues from oblivion, 
but who seems, if Bel Migliore be not mistaken, to have lived a 
century later. 4 

1 The loins of the Saviour are enveloped in a transparent green cloth 
bordered with red. The head and nimbus project as -usual. The Saviour's 
hair is a dull red as at S. Elia of Nepi. The blood from the wounds flows 
into a death's-head below, the emblem of the first man; and at the sides, 
instead of the usual scenes of the Passion, are two panels representing the 
Virgin and the Evangelist. 

2 They represent the Deposition, almost in the same form as at S. Marta, 
the Maries at the Sepulchre with the angel sitting on the tomb the Piet& 
in which the body of the Saviour lies on the lap of the Virgin* saints at each 
side, and three angels above Christ at Emmaus the Entombment, and the 
Incredulity of S. Thomas, At the extremities of the arms, the Virgin and 
Evangelist occupy one panel, whilst the other is devoted to the three Maries. 
On a second horizontal limb the four archangels are represented, with the 
orb and sceptre, and at the foot the Saviour appears in Limbo. 

3 This Crucifix was formerly in S.-Matteo of Pisa, where MOBBONA, Pis. 
Ittu9t. f vol. iii, p. 184, mentions it as an " anticaglia " possibly by Giunta. It 
was previously in the suppressed convent of S. Lorenzo. RQSINI, St. deUa 
Pittura (Pis,, 1839), vol. i., p. 85. 

4 Commentary on the life of Tafi, in VAS., vol. i., p. 288. Del Migliore 
pretends to have read a record of 1279, in which were the words : " MAGISTEK 

APOLLONITTS PICTOB FLOBENTINTrS." 



138 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

The progress of the mournful in the conception of the Saviour 
was marked with greater force in a later Crucifix at S. Pietro in 
Vinculis, now S. Pierino of Pisa, 1 in which, though the feet of the 
colossal Saviour were still separately nailed to the Cross, the belly 
and hips hung outwards and gave realism to the idea of death. 
At the same time, grim care and age were expressed in the face. 
The oblique brows, forehead, and closed eyes were furrowed with 
wrinkles, and created strange corrugations by their contraction. 
Anatomy seemed to have been studied in vain, and the execution 
showed the gradual decline of art even from the standard of previous 
years, in dark strong outlines and a thin yellowish colour. 2 

With this doleful representation of the Divinity of the Saviour, 
the spectator is introduced to the degenerate style of Giunta Pisano, 
who, though not the author of it, carefully copied its defects. 
Giunta, so far from exhibiting the characteristics of one destined 
to regenerate art, merely followed it in its decline. Art, thus 
reduced to the representation of one figure, which in itself should 
combine all excellence, had reached in him a level below which it 
was only just possible to fall. He executed, in the Crucifix of 
S. Raineri e Leonardo at Pisa, a work more calculated to repel 
than to invite observation. 3 Whilst he preserved the custom of 
keeping the feet of the Saviour apart, he realised the idea of death 
and pain, as regards the figure, by the overhanging belly and hips, 
and as regards the head, not merely by its total abandonment to 
its own weight, but by a hideous exaggeration of grief. It would 
be difficult to find anything more vulgar or repulsive than the 
angular contractions and swollen muscles of the brow, the vast 
and unnatural forehead, the large nose cut into two or three sharp 
planes, the mapped out hair lined at angles as it lies in masses on 
the shoulder, or worse proportion in the long, falsely anatomised 
body, short arms, and long, pointed feet. The head of the Saviour 

1 To the right on the wall behind the high altar. 

3 The medallion of the Saviour in glory at the top is supported by two 
angels in flight, and on a tablet below it the Descent of the Spirit is depicted. 
Between the two is the following inscription : ** MORTIS DESTRUCTOR, VITJE 

REPARATOR ET ATJCTOR/' ROSINI, Stor. ddla PittWTO, (Pis., 1839), Vol. i., 

p. 87, doubts the genuineness of this inscription. But why ? At the ends 
of the horizontal limb two archangels stand holding the orb and sceptre. 
The Virgin and S. John are on the sides, as in the crucifix of Spoleto, and 
at the foot, S. Peter and the servant the whole painted on a primed canvas, 
stretched on the gesso. This Crucifix is as usual on gold ground, and the 
projections at the sides an ornament of black and red fillets. 

a This Crucifix is inscribed below the feet of the Saviour: " JUNCTAPISANTTS 
ME FECIT," and hung in the time of MORRONA (Pis. Illust., vol. ii., p. 135) 
in the kitchen of the convent of S. Anna of Pisa. 



GIUNTA PISANO 139 

in glory at the top of the Cross corresponds singularly with that 
of the crucified Redeemer, in so far as its lean bullet shape, round 
gazing eyes, and enormous wig are ugly and repulsive a character 
to which the Virgin and Evangelist at the extremity of the limbs 
are equally entitled. 1 Painting in Pisa was evidently at a low ebb 
at the time of Giunta, and no better proof of this fact need be sought 
than that afforded by the rude works of S. Pier d j Arena, now 
S. Pietro in Grado, outside the town, on the road to Leghorn. 
In the first half of the thirteenth century the chief aisle of this 
edifice was painted in the style then usual throughout Italy that 
is, with a due subordination of the pictorial to the architectural 
adornment. 

In the upper course beneath a painted cornice, angels were depicted 
as if appearing at open or half-closed windows, made by a rude sort of 
perspective to imitate recesses and openings. In a lower course, 
episodes from the lives of S. Peter and S. Paul were depicted, amongst 
which the martyrdom of both are fairly visible. Lower again, a series 
of painted arches were filled with portraits of popes, some of which 
are now modern. The whole of the architecture, real or feigned, was 
coloured in raw and startling tones. The figures were heavy and 
square in proportions, and large of forehead and head, the features 
being indicated by profile lines of angular or oblique direction. The 
eyes were large and 'round, the mouths small and expressed by three 
lines like half of a hexagon, the beards by three or four strokes of a brush. 
The outlines generally were red. Yet in all this rudeness the painters 
still preserved the characteristic traits of S. Peter and S. Paul. The 
technical execution was that well-known method which consisted in 
covering the space within the outlines in verde, over which the yellow 
lights were laid with a red patch, to mark the cheeks. 

If Giunta be not the author of these paintings, there can be no 
doubt that the artists were of the school from which he comes. 
Here indeed is no more trace of the Greek manner, respecting which 
so much has been said by the historians of Italian and chiefly of 
Pisan art, than is to be found in all the works of this period. Nay, 
in one sense the rude paintings of S. Pietro in Grado are so far 
different in design from such Greek works as the mosaics of Monreale 
and of the chapel of S. Silvestro 2 at Rome, that the figures have 
not an affrighted glance, but an air of comparative repose. But 
it is probable that even the moderns share with Vasari a certain 

1 Here the episodes of the Passion are wanting. The figure of the 
Saviour in glory is on gold ground. 

2 SS. Quattro Coronati. 



140 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

dislike for works which are surely not to be highly prized, except 
by those who may contemplate in them a useful source, from which 
to derive a correct idea of the state of Italian art in the beginning 
of the thirteenth century. Besides the paintings of S. Pietro in 
Grado, other works exist in Pisa itself, which betray a lamentable 
barbarism. Such, for instance, are the damaged wall paintings in 
the Opera of the cathedral, 1 a work darkened by time, coarsely 
outlined, and painted with much body of tempera colour. 2 

With little better art, and in the mixed architectural and 
pictorial manner of S. Pietro in Grado, the nave of the Lower 
Church of S. Francesco at Assisi seems to have been painted, 
between 1225 and 1250, with scenes from the life of the Saviour 
on the left hand and scenes from the life of S. Francis on the right. 3 
An effort may be traced in the artist to give animation to his 
slender figures, which in type and mode of execution are like those 
in the paintings of San Pietro in Grado. An interesting scene is 
that which still represents part of the form of the naked Saviour 
lying on the sepulchre, whilst the Virgin falls backwards in a swoon 
into the arms of the Maries, who in their features express the agony 
of their grief. The painter had a clear intention and exhibits 
some dramatic power. In this and other points there is a slight 
superiority at Assisi over the paintings of S. Pietro in Grado. 4 
It is difficult, however, to explain why these paintings should be 
assigned to Greeks, unless it be resolved that everything poor in 
art is Greek in the thirteenth century, and in that case Giunta 
would be the most genuine of all the Byzantines. 5 Whatever may 
have been this painter's real birthplace, there is no doubt that 
he is claimed by the Pisans, and in this they are authorised by 
the signatures on his paintings, in which he calk himself Pisanus. 
Ciampi has published a contract of sale executed in 1202 & at Pistoia 
between one Struffaldus and one " Juncta quondam Guidotti pict.," 
and another of 1229 in which the same name appears, but the link 

1 Where the Virgin and Child are enthroned between S. John the Baptist 
and S. John Evangelist in niches. 

* See a print of this rude work in ROSINI, Storia delta Pittura, ubi sup., 
vol. i., p, 76. 

3 VASAEI, vol. i., p. 223 assigns these paintings to Cimahue. 

4 [For a description of these paintings c/. FBATINI, St. detta Basilica e 
del Convenlo di 8. Francesco in Assisi (Prato, 1882), pp. 35-39.} 

5 Still earlier wall paintings were noticed by RUMOHB in the crypt of 
S. Francesco of Assisi (Forchungen f vol. i., p. 193) ; but they have since 
been obliterated 

* But the record was in the Archivio Diplomatico of Florence. See 
CIAMPI, Not. Ined^ uhi wp. y p. 140. 



S. FRANCESCO OF ASSISI 141 

which should confirm the identity of the party to the contract 
with Giunta is wanting. In the last-named document, Guidottus 
is called " de Colle," upon which Momma jumps at the conclusion 
that Giunta is of the noble family dal Gotta. 1 A more satisfactory 
record is that which preserves the name of " Juncta Capitenus 
pictor," as having sworn fealty in 1255 to the Archbishop Federigo 
Visconti of Pisa. 2 

That Giunta painted in the first half of the thirteenth century 
is a fact confirmed as much by the foregoing record as by the 
evidence of style ; and as in the Crucifix of S. Raineri e Leonardo 
a genuine example of the master is extant, one may accept or 
reject the works assigned to him, according as they approach or 
recede from the original pattern. Setting aside, for this reason, 
two Crucifixes in the Cappella Maggiore of the Campo Santo, 3 a 
third, colossal, in the hospital of Pisa, so dark from age and position 
that it can hardly be distinguished, and a fourth in S. Caterina 
of Siena, 4 Giunta may be followed to Assisi where after 1220 he is 
said to have painted in the Upper Church of S. Francesco. The 
annalists of Pisa, Wadding and Father Angcli, vouch for the truth 
of statements according to which Giunta painted a Crucifixion 
with Father Elias, the first general of the Franciscans, embracing 
the foot of the Cross, on a large panel which hung until 1624 on a 
transom in this edifice. 5 The inscription : 

FBATBB . ELIAS . FIERI FECIT 

JESU CHRISTE PIE 
MISERERE PRECANTIS HELIE 
GIUNTA PISANUS ME PINXIT A.D. 1236. 
IND. 9 

would fix the date of Giunta's presence at Assisi, and his residence 
there. And the probability of this fact is confirmed by the 
existence of a Crucifix in S. Maria degli Angeli, inscribed with the 
words 

. . . NTA PISANUS 
ITI P. ME FECIT. 

Though here the head of the Crucified Redeemer, as well as that 
of the Saviour in glory above it, is almost gone, the forms and 

1 Colle is a village near Florence. 

2 See MORBONA, Pis. IUu*t. 9 vol. ii., p. 116 and following. 

3 As being by other hands, and repainted. 

* From S. Crestina of Pisa, MOHRONA, Pis. Ifluet., vol. ii., p. 142. ^ 
6 See the passages quoted in MORRONA, Pis. XUust^ vol. ii., p. 126 and 
following. 



142 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

execution closely resemble those of the Crucifix of S. Raineri e 
Leonardo at Pisa ; whilst they also display, with more distinctness 
than the latter, those of the Crucifix of S. Pierino. The usual 
half figures of the Virgin and Evangelist on the horizontal limb 
likewise betray the style of Giunta, whilst two figures at the sides 
which are in the manner of Niccola da Foligno may be taken as 
additions of a later period. 

Time has almost obliterated the painted decorations of the 
transepts and choir of the Upper Church of Assisi, assigned partly 
to Giunta and partly to Cimabue. 1 That the former laboured there 
is affirmed by Wadding and Angeli on the authority of the con 
ventual records, 2 and probable from the style of the work, which 
is that of a rude artist of the early part of the thirteenth century ; 
but by the side of these early paintings are others, likewise of, 
early date, of no very high pretension, but in a different manner ; 
and, with all deference to the opinion of Rumohr, 3 it may be 
possible and not unimportant to determine which are the earlier 
of the two, always bearing in mind, however, that great part of 
what remains is mutilated and damaged as regards colour, whilst 
in general the contours remain, where the plaster has not fallen or 
been removed, A large stone altar in the western side of the 
south transept has almost entirely cut away a Crucifixion, of which 
the upper part is obliterated, whilst a half figure of the Virgin 
falling backwards in a swoon, and pieces of figures, nimbuses in 
relief, and angels are all that can be seen of the lower. In this 
figure of the Virgin the spectator may yet discern in the long head, 
projecting brow, and depressed nose, in the broad red outlines and 
angular draperies, coarsely traced in black, the defects of a painter 
who, like Giunta, lived before the revival of art. In the large 
flaws, he may remark that the painting was upon a single intonaco, 
and that the original design was sketched on the bare wall, whilst, 
as regards colour, a slight shade of yellow in the flesh, apparently 
laid in as tempera, is all that remains. Along the arches of the 
colonnade which divides the upper from the lower course of the 
edifice and serves as a practicable gallery, medallions seem to have 
contained the forms of angels, and prophets to have adorned the 

1 The paintings of the choir are assigned by VASABI, vol. i., p. 223, to 
CSmabue. 

2 See in MORRONA, Pis Must., vol. ii., p. 119. 

a BUMOHB (Forscfmngen, vol. ii;, p, 37) thinks it impossible and un 
important to attempt discovering the masters who may have painted in 
the Upper Church of Assisi in the thirteenth century. 



S. FRANCESCO OF ASSISI 143 

walls of the gallery itself. In the lunette, the Transfiguration 
was originally depicted. All this, where the design exists, reveals 
the same hand, which may be traced likewise in the three divisions 
of the end wall of the transept. Of these one is obliterated whilst 
the two others represent in mere outline the Crucifixion of S. Peter, 
and Simon Magus carried away by the ministers of Satan. In 
the latter, the vehement action of the old style may be noticed, 
and would alone suffice to prove that the painter preserved the 
forms and peculiarities of an art approaching extinction. 1 In the 
lunette above the window are the figures of the angel appearing to 
Mary. The east face of the transept is bare ; but in the pentagonal 
choir are still remains of painting. In the first side, the artist 
evidently intended to delineate the Saviour and the Virgin on a 
common throne with angels singing about it, and on the colonnade 
of the gallery, prophets ; in the second, the Death of the Virgin of 
which that portion remains which depicts her carried to heaven 
in an elliptical glory by angels ; in the third, above a great throne, 
two portraits of popes; in the fourth, the Death of the Virgin, 
of which all that is now visible is a figure of the Saviour with her 
infant form in his arms ; in the fifth the Birth of Mary, with S. Anna 
lying on the bed in the antique attitude. In the lunettes of the 
choir were scenes from the Old Testament. Painting here generally 
was subordinate, as in the Baptistery of Parma, to a general archi 
tectural arrangement, the arches, recesses, cornices, and columns 
being coloured, and, with the painted subjects, subservient to a 
general harmony. 

The end wall of the north transept was divided, like that of 
the southern, into three parts, in which are vestiges of the Saviour 
enthroned in an elliptical glory supported by four angels blowing 
trumpets ; vague remains of four winged skeletons, with heads 
of aged men and horns in their hands in a landscape, and between 
these two compositions, one, figuring a throne with the symbols 
of the Four Evangelists and angels. The Saviour in glory is 
characterised by paltry forms and a large head. A vast circular 
wig of hair with a heavy forelock overhangs a broad forehead and 
semicircular eyebrows. The nose seems to start from a projecting 
triangular root and is flattened at the end ; and the face is ter 
minated by a small pointed chin and beard. These were features 
less characteristic of Giunta than of Cimabue's manner. The 
blue draperies, of which the red preparation alone remainSj are 
1 See a print of the painting in AGINCOUET. 



144 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

less angular than those of the fainting Virgin in the opposite transept. 
The hands and feet are defective and broad. The angels blowing 
trumpets are of a heavy and rotund form, with short round noses 
and chins, and expanded cheeks. The whole is painted over verde, 
which served for the semitones, whilst the shadows are red. Above 
the gallery are angels and saints, as in the colonnade of the western 
face, where they are of a jcolossal character, but in a great measure 
obliterated. Taking the paintings of both transepts into com 
parison, it is obvious that those of the southern are older in date 
and inferior in character to those of the northern. The paintings 
of the choir, assigned by Vasari to Cimabue, it may be difficult 
to judge, but those of the northern transept certainly make a nearer 
approach to the style of Cimabue than to that of Giunta. 

It is but natural that Giunta, having lived and painted about 
the time when the fame of S. Francis had been increased by 
canonisation, should be associated in name with the so-called 
portrait of the saint in the sacristy of the great sanctuary. This 
work, 1 if examined more particularly in an artistic sense, did not 
differ much hi execution from that of the successors of Giunta, 
but was painted with much body of yellowish colour, shadowed 
in dark tones, and outlined in black, and might date as far back 
as the close of the thirteenth century. The pictures in the small 
compartments are composed of figures in the usual exaggerated 
manner of the time. The effigy of S. Francis was repeated an 
hundred times in this form in the convents of his order, and a 
sample, nearer in style to the foregoing than others, may be seen 
somewhat damaged in the Museo Cristiano at the Vatican. 2 

After Giunta, art did not revive at Pisa. It maintained itself 
at a low level in every sense, improving neither in types, form, 
nor execution, yet producing still with an industry truly tiring. 
Nor are examples of this nature confined to Pisa. A specimen of 
the feeblest kind may be found, in the shape of a Crucifix, at 
S. Bernardino of Perugia, inscribed " ANNO DOMINI MCCLXXI. 
GREGOBH P. P. x.' 5 At Pistoia, in the ante-chamber of the chapter 
of the cathedral, is a Crucifix, exaggerating all the defects previously 
noticed, 3 and repeating the well-known scenes of the Passion, almost 
as at S. Marta of Pisa. Yet it cannot be said that the painter was 
a Pisan since artists obviously existed at Pistoia as elsewhere, and 

1 See postea, comparison between this and other portraits of S. Francis. 

2 Case No. 19. 

3 Livid in flesh tone, but light in general colour, and the high lights 
almost white ; much impasto. 



SUCCESSORS OF GIUNTA 145 

the name of Manfredino d' Alberto is preserved as the author in 
1290 of frescoes in the sacristy of S. Proeolo. 

Another unpleasant example of Crucifixes in this century may 
be found at S. Eustorgio in Milan, probably by one Fra Gabrio of 
Cremona, 1 which combines every sort of defect, and represents 
the Saviour hanging out from the Cross in the most contorsive 
movement. 

Towards the close of the thirteenth century at Pisa, the names 
of painters become more frequent in records. " Giucchus, pictor, 
filius Bindi Giucchi pictoris," appears in a chart of 1290-1300, 2 
whilst in the works of the Duomo, several mosaists and painters 
are mentioned immediately previous to the arrival of Cimabue. 
Amongst these, the chief, no doubt, was Francesco, who in 1301 
(new style) held the office of capo-maestro for the mosaics of the 
great tribune, and who afterwards, with his assistant Lapo and 
his son Vittorio, was the colleague of the Florentine in that work. 3 
In subordinate employ were Gavoccius, 4 Barile, Cagnassus, Par- 
duccius, Povagansa, and Turetto, 5 Tanus, and Ghele di S, Mar 
garita. 6 Contemporary with these, but not regularly employed 
in the Duomo, though equally unknown by their works, were 
Vanni of Siena, supposed to be the father of a line of painters, 7 
Bordone di Buoncristiano, his son Colino, 8 Vivaldo and Paganello, 9 
all living at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Yet of 
pictures as old as the thirteenth century Pisa possesses few ; 
and these are by no means productions of merit. The oldest that 

1 Consult MS. Chron, of the Dominican, Galvano Fiamina at Milan, 
who assigns this Crucifix to the year 1288 and to Fra Gabrio of Cremona. 

2 Bindus had painted in the cloisters of S. Catherine of Pisa. See Mem. 
tflllust. Pis., vol. i., p. 258, by TEMPESTI, extr. in Arch. Star., vol. vi., p. 495, 
The chart mentioned in text is No. 1110 of the Archiwo Arcivescovile in 
BONAINI, Notizie Ined., p. 88. 

3 Uguccio Grugni and Jacobus Murci were then superintendents of the 
Duomo. Francesco's daily pay was 10 soldi, the same as Cimabue after 
wards received. Vittorio works later (1302) for 4 soldi 8 den. See BONAINI, 
who quotes the original records, and corrects Rosini's statement that Fran 
cesco was capo-maestro after Cimabue. (Notizie Ined., pp. 90, 91, 92.) 

4 As " puer " or ** famulus " at 8 den. per diem. Ibid., p. 86. 

5 The first four seem mere labourers j Turetto was a mosaist, and has 
been confounded probably with Fra Jacopo (di Torrita) by VASABI (vol. i., 
p. 285). Ibid., p. 89. 

6 These two are painters. Ibid., p. 92. 

7 Vannes quondam Boni painted in 1302 for 9 lire the hall of the Com- 
pagnia d'Arme della Cerva Nera, and gilded a Virgin and Child above the 
portal of the Duomo. BONAINI, pp. 88, 89. 

8 The first is known as a painter of banners; the second had more 
extensive employment, BONAINI, p. 90. 

9 The latter, alive 1304; the former dead in the same year. Ibid., p. 94. 
I. K 



146 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

can be pointed out is perhaps a Virgin and Child in the Academy 
of Pisa, with S. Martin on horseback on the pediment, and incidents 
of the life of the Saviour at each side. This picture, assigned to 
Cimabue l has something of his manner in the action of the ugly 
infant Saviour, whilst the Virgin betrays, in the depressed nose 
and black outlines, the hand of one continuing the style of Giunta. 
Another picture in five arched compartments in the same Academy, 
representing half figures of the Saviour in the act of benediction 
between the Virgin and S. John Evangelist, S. Sylvester, and 
S. Catherine, has been assigned to Giunta, 2 but displays the defects 
common to the beginning of the fourteenth century, combined 
with that lighter style of colouring which may already be noticed 
in the latest work of the Lucchese, Deodato Orlandi. Nor indeed 
is there much difference, in the mode of drawing the sharp features 
and ugly hands of the Redeemer, between this and the third-rate 
productions of the painters of Lucca. 3 

Pisa therefore in the thirteenth century, though great for its 
school of sculpture, was feeble as regards painting. Her artists 
produced, besides Crucifixes, vast works such as those of S. Pietro 
in Grado and Assisi ; but they displayed no peculiarities which 
can be called exclusively Pisan. They betrayed, on the contrary, a 
character common to painters throughout the whole of Italy, to 
the artists of Parma, of S. Angelo near Capua, and even of Rome. 
The list might be increased indeed by the productions of those 
early workmen who in 1237 executed, in the palace of the Podesta 
at S. Gimignano, the incidents of a hunt of which some vestiges 
still exist men of small attainments, and more rude in talents 
than those who painted the central aisle of the Lower Church of 
Assisi. 4 

At Siena, the parent stock of S. Gimignano, art shared the 
mediocrity of Pisa and of Lucca. In the oldest example of a 
school which was afterwards to occupy the second rank in Italy, 
a lunette fresco of the Saviour, with one arm raised, and the other 
holding a scroll, in the front of the church of S. Bartolommeo, 

1 [By an artist very close to Cimabue, says VENTURI, op. tit., vol. v., 
p. 55 et seq. He gives a full description of it.] 

* MOBRONA, Pis. Ittust., vol. ii., p. 142. This picture was, in Morrona's 
time, in the church of S. Silvestro of Pisa, 

3 The tones of the draperies in this picture are light, gay, and shot with 
gold. 

* In November 1237, a number of young Florentines obtained permission 
to hunt in the woods of the " Comune " at S. Gimignano ; and the expense 
was borne by the city. See PECORI (Cano. Luigi), Storia detta Terra di S. 
Qimignano (8vo, Flop., 1&53), p. 565. 



EARLY SIENESE ART 147 

the slight figure, regular head, and sharp features, the straight 
draperies and stippled execution, betrayed no characteristics by 
which the painter could be distinguished from those of his class 
elsewhere. In a Virgin and Child preserved at the oratory of 
S. Ansano in Castel Vecchio, 1 the system of mixed relief and paint 
ing betrayed a community of thought and education between the 
artist and those of neighbouring cities. The execution was feebler 
indeed than that of the Crucifix of the earlier period at Lucca ; 
yet if it were true that this Virgin was produced in commemoration 
of the decisive battle of Monte Aperto (1260), it might be con 
sidered that the painter was one of the ablest of his time. The 
Madonnas of Tressa, of the Carmine, and of Betlem, of which so 
much has been said, and to so little purpose, may be passed over, 
as no excuse is needed for withholding an opinion upon works so 
extensively repaired, but others of the early part of the thirteenth 
century only confirm the belief that Sienese art shared the common 
degeneracy. The custom of combining the plastic and pictorial 
was maintained; and altarpieces are preserved in the Academy 
of Arts sufficient to demonstrate the poverty of that species of 
production. Without multiplying examples,^ it may be sufficient 
to notice a " paliotto " 2 of 1215 representing the Redeemer in the 
act of benediction in an elliptical glory between two angels and 
the symbols of the Evangelists, in which the latter, as well as the 
Saviour, are painted reliefs. In later pictures, where relief was 
not used, equal feebleness may be traced, as in the Saviour blessing 
and holding the book between the Virgin and Evangelist ; 3 in 
S. John enthroned and blessing, with a diadem stuffed with glass 
stones, whilst, on each side are six scenes from his life, composed 
of animated figures, painted in a clear tempera of much body in 
the lights and verde in the shadows ; 4 in S. Peter, likewise 
enthroned, with three incidents of his life in small panels on each 
side; 5 and finally in a Crucifix from S. Chiara of S. Gimignano, in 
which the Saviour is presented in the old attitude with the usual 

1 [Now in Museo del Opera del Duomo, Siena, VENTORI gives a photo 
graph (op. ciL, v, 37, fig. 28).] 

2 [No. 1 Galleria of Siena.] Three little incidents are at each side, repre 
senting gaily coloured, but ill drawn, episodes of the Passion. This altar- 
piece is inscribed : " ANNO DOMINI MTLLESIMO ocxv. MENSE NOVEMBBI HJEO 
TABULA FACTA EST." It comes from the church of the Badia Berardenga. 

3 [Nos. a, 14, and 15 Galleria of Siena.] 

4 The pictures are from the suppressed convent of S. Petronilla agli 
Umiliati. 

5 [No. 15 Galleria of Siena.] See also the same general features in others 
of the same collection. 



148 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

scenes of the Passion at His sides. 1 Yet if Sienese painters failed 
to give an impulse to art, the cause lay in no wise in want of 
encouragement, or in the absence of rivalry. The early school 
of the old Ghibelline state is, in the thirteenth century, richer 
in names than the Florentine. The building of its cathedral was 
commenced and diligently pursued. Mosaics were commissioned 
for its front. 2 Pictures, commemorative and votive, were ordered 
for churches and public edifices, amongst which the Palazzo 
Pubblico was the chief. Justice and law owed some of their 
efficacy perhaps to artists who painted the likeness of criminals, 
pilloried in effigy on the great square of the city. Banners and 
flags were adorned, 3 and even the registers of public offices were 
covered with portraits of the officials who kept them, or with the 
arms of the people and " comune." 4 The commissions for most 
of these paintings unfortunately, in most instances, outlived the 
works themselves ; but amongst the latter class some specimens 
have been preserved which reveal the style and manner of Gilio 5 
and Dietisalvi. 6 The latter appears indeed from 1264 to 1276 
as a monopolist of this sort of work in Siena. Four book covers, 
adorned with portraits of the clerks of the Camarlingo cli Biccherna, 
are preserved in the Archivio di Stato. The first by Maestro Gilio, 
representing a monk of S. Galgano in a white dress, seated in 
profile on a chair, is dated 1257. Two others by Dietisalvi, of 1264 
and 1269, are portraits of one Ildobrandino Pagliarese ; the fourth, 
of 1276, likewise by Dietisalvi, represents Jacobo di Rodilla. 7 
These four figures, interesting on account of their age and authen- 

1 [No. 11 Galleria of Siena.] 

2 Of Michele de Ser Memmo, a goldsmith and mosaist, who executed for 
the facade a figure of the archangel Michael, and who lived between 1340 
and 1370. (Doc. Sen., MILANESI, vol. i., p. 103-4.) 

3 Painter^ of banners in 1262 are Piero, Bonamico, and Parabuoi. See 
Arch. deUa Biccherna in E.UMOHB (Forschungen, vol. ii., p. 23). 

* [On this subject cf. among others LISINI, Le Tavolette Dipinte di 
Biccherna e di GfabeUa di R. Archivio di Stato in Siena (N.D.), and HEYWOOD, 
A Pictorial Chronicle of Siena (Siena, 1902).] 

5 Gilio is noticed in BELLA VALUE, Lettere Sanese, vol. i., p. 241. 

8 Dietisalvi Petroni appears first .in records of 1267 as painter of the 
arms of the Camarlingo ; in 1269-70 as painter of the books of the Camar 
lingo, for which work he received 10 soldi. Again, of similar work in 1281-2, 
and finally in 1290 of a picture of a " Majesty " in the Palazzo Pubblico. 
See BTTMOHB, Forschungen, vol. ii., p. 25, and DBLLA VALUE, Lettere Sanese, 
voL i, p. 241. In 1292, one Vigoroso painted books for the Camarlingo, 
and there are notices of Guido Gratiani, of whom a word later, Jacomino, 
Morsdlo CiH, and Castellino Pieri, painters. BUMOHB, ubi sup., pp. 24, 25. 
[Cf. HEYWOOD, op. e&, p. 23, note 5.] 

7 [The Tavoletta of 1276 bears a portrait of Dom Bartolommeo, monk 
of S. Galgano. It is by an unknown artist. Cf. HEYWOOD, op. tit., p. 106.] 



EARLY SIENESE ART 149 

ticity, are painted \vith a viscous colour of much impasto on a 
general ground of verde, shadowed in black and tinged on the 
lips with dark red. They reveal no sensible progress in the art 
of the time. 1 . 

Omitting here a Madonna assigned to Dietisalvi in the convent 
church of the Servi at Siena, 2 which appears to have been the 
work of Coppo di Marcovaldo, a Florentine, and a St. George 
of the fifteenth century in the sacristy of S. Cristoforo at Siena, 
engraved by Rosini as the work of Salvanello, 3 a Sienese artist of 
the early time, it will be interesting to pause before a picture in 
the Academy of Arts at Siena, assigned to Guido, 4 representing a 
hah figure of the Virgin and Child in a frame, at the angles of 
which are two flying angels. 

The Virgin, vast in shape, points with her right hand to the Infant 
on her knee, who gives the benediction and grasps a scroll in His left 
hand. Her round head, a little bent, and supported on a slender neck, 
is most disagreeable to contemplate. The nose, starting from a pro 
jecting angular root, terminates in a broad depression, flanked by two 
large nostrils. The arched lines of the brow are but the continuation 
of a long curved lid extending towards the temple far beyond the outer 
corner of the eye. The canthus, instead of forming a loop as in nature, 
is drawn at a drooping acute angle. The iris, instead of being round, 
is oblong, and thus conveys an unnatural expression of ecstasy. The 
mouth is indicated by dark lines and by two black points at the corners. 
Outlines, red in light, black in shadow, bound the form, which is coloured 
in flat tones of enamelled surface, placed side by side as in works of 

1 A complete series of examples of this kind may be seen in the collection 
of M. Ramboux at Cologne, and though of slight importance, being small 
matters and damaged, may yet be noticed. "She series extends from the 
earliest times of Sienese art to 1492. In it one may remark No. 338, a 
portrait by Dietisalvi of Don Bartolommeo di Alesis, paid at the rate of 
8 soldi date 1278. 339, a similar portrait of Guido, a monk, by Rinaldo 
date 1279. No. 340, portrait dated 1282, assigned to Duccio on the 
strength of a record of the time. No. 341, date 1296, and so on. Finally, 
No. 354, a figure of the " Reggimento " of Siena, with persons around hold 
ing attributes, such as may be noticed later, date 1363. 

2 Engraved by BOSINT in the atlas to his Storia detta Pittura table vi., 
as by Dietisalvi ; but see later. 

* Salvanello is mentioned by DELTA VAT.TVR, Lettere Sane&e, as a painter 
at Siena in 1274. The S. George is so obviously of the fifteenth century, 
that it is difficult to understand Rosinfs error. It represents the saint 
striking at the dragon, whose tail is wound round the leg of the horse. On 
the breast grip of the martingale are the arms of Siena, In the distance, 
a landscape, with the usual female, is relieved on a golden sky. The 
costume of S. George is of the fifteenth century, the drawing very precise 
and in the style of the painter Giovanni di Paolo, though better than in 
the usual run of his works. 

4 [No. 16 Galleria of Siena.] 



150 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

marquetry. The hands are thin and inarticulate. The mantle, 
falling over a close cap to the shoulders, and partly covering a red tunic, 
shot with gold, is fairly accurate in fold, but lined with mazes of angular 
and meaningless strokes. The nimbus is full of glass stones. The 
same class of features, design, and draperies marks the infant Saviour, 
whose ears are of an enormous size. 

In character, this painting reveals the hand of one who lived 
between A.D. 1250 and 1300, and, if it be by Guido, would prove 
that he was of the close, not of the rise of the thirteenth century. 
This minute description was necessary, as it may help to elucidate 
a question which has long engrossed critical attention, and involves 
Sienese and Florentine claims to the title of regenerators of Italian 
art. It is well known that the church of S. Domenico of Siena 
contains a picture by Guido, 1 which apparently establishes the 
supremacy of Siena over Florence. 

This picture represents the Virgin and Saviour enthroned in an 
arch of three curves, above which three angels stand at each side. In 
the triangular pinnacle, now in the convent of the Benedictines of 
Siena, 2 the half figure of the Saviour with the book, in the act of 
benediction, stands between two angels. The vast throne in which 
the Virgin sits is adorned with abundant tracery, and lined with a 
drapery. She points with her right hand to the Saviour, who sits 
crosslegged, in a yellow and gold tunic, on her lap. In her large and 
angular form, as in that of the angels and of the Saviour in glory on 
the pinnacle in the drawing and draperies, the peculiarities and 
defects of the latter half of the thirteenth century may be traced. A 
striking resemblance may indeed be noticed, in this respect, between 
the Virgin of the Siena Academy and that of S. Domenico. The hands 
of the Madonna are thin and inarticulate, the outlines red in light and 
black in the shadows. The draperies are shot with mazes of gold 
lines. In the Christ on the pinnacle, as well as in all the figures of 
angels, the features are drawn in the style of the Virgin of the Siena 
Academy : the former, with a vast circular wig and forelock, a wrinkled 
forehead, arched brows and long tailed eyelids, the angels with ugly 

1 [Now in Palazzo Pubblico.] 

2 The convent of the church of S. Domenico. This pinnacle was in its 
place when RUMOHR wrote. See Forschungen, vol. L, p. 335. The whole 
altarpiece, according to Tizio, was in his time on the altar of the Chapel 
de' Capaci to the left on entering the church of S. Domenico, and had been 
previously in the church of S. Gregorio. It was originally a triptych, and 
Tizio says that the wings hung apart from the centre on the walls of the 
church of S. Domenico. According to Padre Carapelli in Chronotaxis Sancti 
Dofmmd i/n Camporeggio, the altarpiece, which had been long above the 
portal in S. Domenica, was in 1705 placed on the altar of the chapel of the 
venturini. See MTT.ANBSI (GAET.), Delia Vera Et& di Guido, Pittore Saneae 
(Svo, Siena, 1S59}, pp, 3, 4. 



GUIDO OF SIENA 151 

faces and paltry forms. The flesh tints are mapped out in abrupt 
and sharp tones, and side by side, without fusion ; the lips and cheeks 
spotted with red. If, however, the head of the Virgin and Child be 
examined, a new and different style may be observed in them ; and 
one may remark that beneath the painting of those parts, such as they 
stand at present, the engraved outlines of other and larger forms can 
be traced, whilst at the same time the lesser and newer ones are in a 
style totally different from that of the rest of the picture, or generally 
of the thirteenth century. 

That artists of the fourteenth did not disdain to repaint pictures 
of earlier masters is proved by a record of the year 1335, in which 
Ambrogio Lorenzetti contracts to execute anew " the face, hands, 
and book of the Virgin of the Duomo." * The flesh parts of the 
Madonna's head in the altarpiece of S. Domenico are executed in 
the technical method common to Cimabue, for instance, in the 
picture of S. Maria Novella at Florence, to Duccio, Ugolino, Simone 
Martini, and others of the Sienese school of tbe fourteenth century. 
Although that school was celebrated for maintaining old and 
typical forms, it did not remain so faithful to one, exact and 
immutable, but that one may follow the difference between types 
and outlines of tbe thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The 
type, outline, and drawing of tbe heads of tbe Virgin and Child of 
S. Domenico are those of the fourteenth century, and quite as good 
as those of Duccio and Ugolino. The shape is more pleasing, the 
eyes more natural and regular, but, above all, the execution is 
different from that of the rest of the altarpiece. Instead of sharply 
contrasted tones without fusion, a light flesh is painted over a 
general tone of verde which forms the shadow, and is fused care 
fully in the passage to half shades. Tbe lips and cheeks are of a 
more natural colour. So again with the head of the Infant. The 
type is newer, more pleasant and less grim, the colour carefully 
melted together. 2 

At tbe base of the picture is an inscription all but perfect in its 
letters, but, strangely enough, carried up at its close from the border 
of the panel to that of the Virgin's dress. It reads as follows : 

ME GU . . . O DE SENIS DIEBUS DEPINXIT AMENIS ; 
QUEM XPS LENIS NULLIS VELTT AGERE PENIS : ANO B 1 
MCCXXL 

1 G. MIIANESI, Doc. Sen., vol. i, p. 195. 

2 The dress of the Virgin has been repainted in parts and at various 
periods, some patches being in oil. One of the angels that to the Saviour's 
right, on the pinnacle was totally renewed apparently in the fourteenth 
century. 



152 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

That this inscription has often been retouched and, in some 

places, even repainted in oil, is evident from inspection. Gaetano 

Milanesi 1 affirms indeed that the whole signature is in more modern 

character than was used in the beginning of the thirteenth century, 

Be this as it may, the picture, had it remained unchanged as 

regards the heads of the Virgin and infant Saviour, would have 

created no controversy, but have been classed with the Madonna 

of the Academy assigned to Guido amongst the works of the 

thirteenth century, which indicate that art merely existed at 

Siena at the same level as in Lnicca, Pisa, and elsewhere. The 

heads of the Virgin and Saviour in the altarpiece of S. Domenico 

alone justify the encomiums lavished on Guido ; but as they are 

evidently not by him, but by a later painter of the Sienese school, 

the wonder ceases, and Cimabue remains entitled to the position 

of first regenerator of Italian art. The arguments against Guido 

are not, however, exhausted by the evidence that painting till 

late in the thirteenth century maintained itself at a comparatively 

low standard in Siena, or that the picture assigned to the year 1221 

bears an altered inscription. All the industry of Delia Valle, 

of Rumohr, and of Milanesi has failed to discover records of a 

painter named Guido earlier than 1278. One Guido Gratiani is 

noticed in an account of the Camarlingo di Biccherna of that year 2 

as the painter of a banner. He superseded Dietisalvi in 1287, 

1290, 1298 as painter of the books of the Biccherna. 3 He executed 

in 1295 a " Majesty between S. Peter and S. Paul " in the Public 

Palace of Siena, and gilded 300 letters for an image of the Virgin, 

In 1302, he produced the portraits of twelve forgers for the front 

of the Tribunal of Justice. 4 Guido was one of three sons of Gratiano, 

and lived in the Parocchia di S. Donato ai Montanini, the painters' 

quarter, celebrated for its street called the Via de' Pittori. He 

brought up to his profession a son named Bartolommeo, or Meo, 

1 GAETANO MILANESI, Delia Vera Et& di G-u'ido Pittore Sanese, i\bi sup^ 
p. 7. He finds between the MGC and the xx space for an L and after xx 
space for two other letters ; for this reason he thinks the picture by Guido 
Gratiani, of whom something must be said hereafter. Thus, even the more 
modern restoration would, according to this view, have been partly 
obliterated. 

2 G. MILANESI, Delia Vera Bib, Ac., p. 0. 

3 Ibid., and RITMOHR, Forschungen, vol. ii., p. 24. 

4 In the Bamboux collection at Cologne, under No. 24, is a Nativity, 
of the Sienese school, of the close of the thirteenth century, whose execu 
tion and style recall that of the angels in the altarpiece of S. Domonico by 
Guido. This would justify the name given by M. Ramboux. The corn- 
position is repeated by Duceio a little later in the great altarpiece of the 
Duomo, 



EARLY PAINTING AT AKEZZO 153 

who afterwards settled at Perugia (1319) and painted for the 
church of Montelabate. Guido's brothers, Mino 1 and Guarnieri 
or Neri, were artists also. The former, in 1289, painted a Virgin 
and Saints for the hall of the Great Council in the old Palazzo 
Pubblico of Siena. He worked in another part of the same edifice 
in 1293, and in 1298 produced the portraits of several false witnesses. 
In 1303, he executed a S. Christopher in the Palazzo, and, 1329, 
disappears from the public records. Of Guarnieri nothing is known 
but that he left behind him three sons, Giacomuecio or Muccio, 
Ugolino, and Guido, who in 1321 was matriculated as a painter 
in the Company of Surgeons and Grocers of Florence. 2 

Siena can lay no claim to superiority in art during the thirteenth 
century. She was indebted to Niccola and Giovanni for the 
chief ornament of her cathedral ; and, under the guidance of these 
and other strangers, the school of which Agnolo and Agostino 
were the ornaments arose in 1300. Her children rivalled the 
Florentines in the art of painting, but only after dmabue. Whilst 
her Duccio, Ugolino, Simone, and Lorenzetti are entitled to well- 
deserved admiration, their influence remained ever second to that 
of Florence. 

Painting may be said to have followed much the same course 
at Arezzo as at Lucca, Pisa, and Siena. Crucifixes, portraits of 
S. Francis, and a few Madonnas were the staple of its production, 
and these were of a more decidedly repulsive character than the 
works of other Italian cities. A small Crucifix, of the close of the 
twelfth century at S. Maria della Pieve, in the old form, in which 
the Saviour, half size of life, stands erect and open-eyed ; another, 
of the same character and date, in the Chapel del Sacramento, 
contiguous to the Collegiata of Castiglione Aretino; and a third, 
colossal, of a later period, in S. Domenico of Arezzo, in which the 

1 See the amusing error of DELLA VALLE in the Lettere Saneae, vol. i., 
p. 282, who confounds Mino with Torriti. See also, later, the question of 
Mino and Simone Martini as to whether the former had a share in the large 
fresco of the Virgin and Saints in the Sala del Consiglio of the Palazzo Pubblico. 
SACCHETTI, in his 84 Novella (ubi &up., vol. ii., p. 45), gives a picture of Mino's 
shop, in which stood six Crucifixes, four of which were of carved wood and 
two painted, all leaning against the wall of the bottega and standing on a 
desk, ready for customers. Mino one night surprises his wife, who seems to 
have been of frail manners, and her gallant saves himself by assuming the 
attitude of the Redeemer against one of the crucifixes. 

2 See G. MILANESE, Delia Vera Ei&. &c., p. 9. Other painters of this 
period, equally unrepresented by authentic works, are mentioned by BELLA 
VALLE, Lettere Sanese .-1262, Ventura di Gualtieri ; 1271, Binaldo ; 1281, 
Bomano di Paganello ; 1289, Guccio ; 1293, Binforzato, Minuccio di 
Filipuccio ; 1298, Vanni di Bono, already recorded at Pisa. 



154 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

feet of the Saviour are still separate, but tlae belly and hips over 
hang, mark the progress of the same decline at Arezzo as else 
where. 1 

Margaritone inherited and prolonged the agony of this degenerate 
style. He stood in the same relation to Arezzo as Giunta to Pisa, 
and would never have emerged from obscurity had not Vasari 
been moved by a laudable desire to rescue the art of his native 
city from oblivion. He was born apparently about 1236, 2 had 
certainly reached the age of manhood in 1262, 3 and lived long 
enough to shrink before the praises so justly due to Cimabue and 
Giotto. 4 He is said to have laboriously executed frescoes in 
S. Clemente of the Camaldolese of Arezzo ; but they are certainly 
not to be regretted, 6 if they resembled other productions from his 
hand, such as a Madonna and a colossal Crucifix with S. Francis 
at the foot of the Cross, in S. Francesco of Arezzo, 6 both darkened 
in colour and executed without spirit, knowledge of design, or 
movement. 7 These two works of Margaritone are, it is true, 
without authentic signatures; but they are noticed by Vasari, 
and are exactly in the style of two altarpieces signed with Margari- 
tone's name, lately in the Ugo Baldi collection. The first of these 
has found its final resting-place in the National Gallery. It 
represents the Virgin and Child in an elliptical glory supported 
by angels, with the symbols of the Evangelists ; and, on the sides, 
scenes from the life of S. John the Evangelist, S. Catherine, S. Bene 
dict, and S. Margaret. 8 The second represents S. Nicholas in 
cathedra, with four episodes of his life at the sides. 9 Both these 

1 This Crucifix has indeed much the character of those of Margaritone. 
The yellowish lights are painted over a general tone of verde. 

2 VASARI, vol. L, p. 308. 

3 A record of the convent of S. Michael at Arezzo contains the name 
of Margarita pictor filius quondam Magnani, and the date 1261. Annot. to 
VAS., voL i., p. 302. 

< VASARI, vol. i., p. 302. 

5 They perished with the church in 1547. 

ft [Now in ths Museo,] 

7 These works are assigned to Margaritone by Vasari, and still exist. 
See VAS., vol. i., p. 303. 

8 This picture, now in the National Gallery [No. 564], was long considered 
lost, having disappeared when the great transom of the church of S. 
Margaret of Arezzo, on which it hung, was removed. It is signed " MABGARIT. 
BE ABmo ME FECIT." Vas&rTs wonder at the duration of this work would 
be increased had he lived till now. Yet one may express surprise at his 
remark that " a picture on canvas should have been preserved so long " 
(voL i., p. 303). The canvas in question is primed and stretched on gesso 
like all otters of the time. See LANZE'S curious error in reproducing Vasari's 
remarks, voL L (Rcwxufs trandaMon, Bohn, London, 1847), p. 37. 

9 Vasari notes a picture at S. Niceola of Arezzo, which is probably this 
one. VAS., voL i., p. 307. 



MARGARITONE 155 

works are repulsive, coloured like playing cards, and of that 
childish style common to the Lucchese, Pisan, and Sienese schools 
of the thirteenth century. Yet Margaritone was not without a 
spark of pride as to the value of his works, if it be true that as a 
token of gratitude for the spirit with which Farinata degli Uberti 
saved his country from danger and ruin, he presented to the great 
Florentine a colossal Crucifix " alia greca." l This Crucifix, adds 
Vasari, " is now in Santa Croce between the Peruzzi and Giugni 
chapels." Now, such an one, assigned to Margaritone, is sus 
pended in an antechamber common to the sacristy and chapel of 
the novitiate of that church, but displays less the feeble manner 
of the Aretine than that of a second-rate painter of the fourteenth 
century. A second, in the same edifice, of older date than the 
foregoing, may likewise be seen in the sacristy. The attitude of 
the Saviour and the parted feet indicate an artist of the close of 
the thirteenth century, and therefore a contemporary of Margaritone 
and Cimabue ; but the warm flesh tones, shadowed in grey, are 
less characteristic of the former than of a Florentine who laboured 
in the vicinity of the latter. Less distant from the style of the 
Aretine is a Crucifix, much damaged and darkened by age, in a 
passage leading to the sacristy of S. Francesco at Castiglione 
Aretino, in which the Saviour is made fast with four nails, the 
Magdalen grasps the foot of the Cross, and the usual episodes com 
plete the ornament of the fatal instrument. Nothing can be 
more curious or more calculated to convince the spectator of the 
deep decline of art, than the effort to render the anatomy of the 
human body an effort, which consisted in representing the veins 
of the legs in relief. 2 

Margaritone's chief industry seems, however, to have been 
the constant reproduction of the figure of S. Francis, of which 
numerous examples are preserved. The least repulsive is perhaps 
that which hangs in the convent of the Cappuccini at Sargiano, 
near Arezzo, where the saint is represented a little less than life 
size, holding the book, showing the Stigma on his right hand, in 
frock and cowl, and on tiptoe. 3 The head may be called regular 
in form, the figure stout, and in this contrasting with the portrait 

1 VASAEI, vol. i., p. 304. This would have occurred in 1260. 

2 Vasari assigns to Margaritone a Crucifix on a transom in the Upper 
Church of Assisi, thus unconsciously robbing Giunta of one of his works. 

3 Does Vasari, when he speaks of this as " ritratio d& naturale," mean that 
it was painted from life, or only life size t Surely the latter. V^s., voL i., 
pp. 303-4. 



156 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

by Berlinghieri. The features are, however, expressed in the most 
elementary manner, the mouth with a zigzag stroke of red, wrinkles 
with parti-coloured streaks. The extremities are rude and ill 
drawn, with the nails of the fingers and toes out of place, the 
draperies tortuous, and the colour, of full body in lights, super 
posed above a general tint of grey. 1 In Santa Croce at Florence 
the altar of S. Francesco is honoured by one of these portraits, 
with eight episodes on each side, four below the feet, and a tree 
of the order between two angels at the top. 2 The name of Cimabue 
has been falsely exchanged here for that of another painter, whose 
enamel colour, darkened by age, whose general style are very like 
those of Margaritone ; 3 nor is this a solitary example. A 
S. Francis with sixteen side pictures, of old assigned to Lippo 
Memmi, 4 may be seen in the Cappella Bracciolini at S. Francesco 
of Pistoia, another in the convent of S. Francesco of Pisa. 5 The 
same figure in S. Francesco outside Sinigaglia, signed "Margari- 
tonis devotio me fecit," has not been preserved, 6 but in its place 
is one without a* signature. Three more exist in S. Francesco of 
Castiglione Aretino, in the Academy of Arts at Siena, 7 and in the 
Museo Cristiano at the Vatican. 8 The first, in part covered by 
another picture, represents the saint upright, cowled, with a cross 
in his right and a book in his left hand ; and is inscribed " MABGABIT. 
DE ABITIO ME FEC." The second, painted with a hard enamelled 
surface, is signed " MABGABIT DE ABETIO M. F.," and is excessively 
ugly, short in stature, and gazing. The last, equally repulsive, 
bears the mutilated inscription : " . . . DE . . . o ME FECIT." 9 

That a good painter may also be a good architect and a talented 
sculptor is so fully exemplified in the history of Italian art that 
it creates no surprise ; but that a bad painter should become a 

1 This picture on panel covered with a primed canvas, fast to the gesso, 
is in part restored and bears the inscription "... RGAEIT DE ARETIO 
PINOEBAT," the latter word retouched. 

2 [In the Cappella Bardi.] 

3 This picture is assigned to Cimabue by VASABI, vol. i., p. 221. 

4 See TOLOMEI, Quida di Pistoia, vbi sup., p. 130. The original of 
Memmi has perhaps existed and been replaced by this which falsely bears 
his name. 

6 This also is assigned by VASABI, vol. i,, p. 222, to Cimabue. According 
to Tronci MSS. in Archiv. Star., vol. vi., p. 406, there were two pictures by 
Margaritone in the church of S. Catherine of Pisa, one representing S. Francis, 
the other S. Catherine. 

8 Annat. to VASABI, vol. i., p. 304. 

7 No. 18. 8 Case No. 18. 

a The commentators of VASABI, vol. i., p. 304, notice a fourth as recently 
exported from Florence, a fifth mentioned by Vasari as still existing at 
Ganghereto sopra Terranuova di Valdarno. Ibid., p. 305. 



MARGARITONE 157 

good architect and sculptor passes all belief. Yet Vasari vouches 
for the fact, and says that Margaritone executed the model of the 
Palazzo and of S. Ciriaco, at Ancona, 1 and the toinb of Gregory X. 
in the episcopal palace of Arezzo. The palace of Ancona has 
undergone a total change since the sixteenth century, 2 and the 
church of S. Ciriaco dates from the tenth century, but the portal 
of the latter edifice is filled with heads of apostles which display 
the rudeness peculiar to the thirteenth, albeit nothing characteristic 
of Margaritone. The monument of Gregory X. in the cathedral, 
and not in the episcopal palace at Arezzo displays the style of 
the pupils of Niccola Pisano. The body of the pontiff lies on a 
slab under the trefoil arch, at the point of which the Saviour in 
the act of benediction is represented in a medallion. The statue 
of Gregory is naturally and broadly treated, whilst in three 
statuettes at the pinnacle fair action is coupled with shortness of 
stature, a characteristic feature in the works of Arnolfo and other 
Pisan sculptors. 3 Is it necessary to add that there is no resemblance 
between this monument and the sculpture of the portal of S. Ciriaco 
of Ancona ? 

Vasari, however, notices in the life of Arnolfo, one Marehionne, 
who, after executing works at Rome and elsewhere, produced 
certain sculptured figures on the front of the cathedral of Arezzo, 4 
which by their rude execution rival the paintings of Margaritone. 
The biographer may have confounded two names which are not 
unlike each other in sound ; but his mistake is more difficult to 
pardon if one considers that the painter Margaritone and the 
sculptor Marehionne could not have existed at the same period. 

Whilst Margaritone and Marehionne thus stamp the art of 
Arezzo as inferior even to that of the cities in its vicinity, another 
painter did honour to the birthplace of Vasari, and this is 
Montano. 

A glance at the history of these days may reveal the influence 
which the house of Naples wielded in Italy at the close of the 
thirteenth and rise of the fourteenth centuries, during the struggles 

1 VASARI, vol. i., pp. 307-8. 

2 Annot. to VASARI, vol. i., p. 308. 

3 A modern inscription at the base of the monument declares, does not , 
prove, that it was executed by Margaritone. 

4 The inscription on the front of the cathedral of Arezzo, which can 
only refer to the sculpture, as the greater part of the front and Church are 
of 1300, runs as follows: "ANNI D. MCCXVL MS MADH. MARCHIO SCTTLPSIT 
PBRMATHTJS MUNEBA FUisiT n?PE ARCHiPBi z." Vasari also gave to Mar- 
chionne the tomb of Honorius III. in S. Maria Maggiore at Borne, which 
in his second edition he assigns to Arnolfo. VASARI, vol. i., p. 244. 



158 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

of the Guelphs and Ghibellines. Charles I. and II., and Robert 
the Wise played a conspicuous part in the politics of Florence, 
Niccola, Arnolfo, and Giovanni had, it is said, been employed in 
the latter part of the thirteenth century in the construction or 
enlargement of the castles which overawed Naples, or made the 
city a strong place of arms. Churches had been built and endowed ; 
and, according to the custom of the time, painting was required to 
complete the adornment of the latter as well as that of the royal 
chapels within the fortresses. Numerous as were the mosaists 
and sculptors of South Italy in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, 
painting seemed to have been less successfully pursued, and though 
Dominici records the names of artists of most fabulous antiquity, 
his statements are doubtful and seldom trustworthy. Oue might 
indeed repeat respecting him the opinion of a late lamented author, 
who affirmed that Dominici's book was hardly less fabulous than 
the Metamorphoses of Ovid. The oldest painting in Naples which 
has really the character of the close of the thirteenth century is 
a fresco in the cortile of the monastery of S. Lorenzo Maggiore, 
above the door leading into the church. 

The Virgin, a slender and small-eyed figure, holding the infant 
Saviour on her knees, plays with one of His hands, whilst He, with 
not ungraceful motion, grasps a flower. The fingers of the hands are 
thin, but coarse at the extremities. A small figure at the Virgin's 
feet kneels in prayer, whose shield hangs to the right. 1 

This work would dinicate that painting at Naples had sunk 
to the general level of the thirteenth century all over Italy. Mon- 
tano d'Arezzo had more talent probably ; and the works which 
he undertook were vast and important. He painted in 1305 in 
two chapels of the Castel Nuovo, 2 and in 1306 in two chapels of 
the Castel del Uovo. 3 He had been the favourite of Philip of 
Tarento, and on the death of that prince became the " familiar " 
of King Robert, who (1310) knighted him and endowed his title 

1 On gold ground. 

2 In the Register No. 1305, letter G, folio 226, verso, of the Koyal 
Sicilian Archives, is the following: " Magistro Mon.torio (? Montano) pictori 
pro pictura duarum capeUarum Castri nostri Novi Neapolis et aliis nccessariis 
ad pingendum capellas easdem, unciarum V. Datum Neapoli die 20 Augusti. 
Indict. III. an. 1305." In Letter e sutta Chiesa deW Incoronata, etc., by 
GIUSEPPE ANGELTJZZI (8vo, Naples, 1846), p. 12. 

3 In the same records, Register fol. 228 : " Magistro Montano pictori 
pro pictura dwarum capeUarum Castri nostri Ovi unciarum VIII. Sub die 
ultimo Aitgwti. Indict. III., cm. 1306." Ibid., p. 14. 



MONTANO D'AREZZO 159 

with lands near Marigliano. 1 A chapel in the monastery of Monte- 
vergine near AveUino, for which King Robert had a special 
reverence, was adorned by his hands, and he is, by tradition, the 
author of a Madonna at that honoured shrine. The head of the 
image is said to have been brought home from the Crusades ; but 
this is a fable sedulously maintained with the aid of a fictitious 
reading of old records and by a diligent concealment of all but 
the features under an ornament and diadem of jewelled silver. 
Nor would it have been easy to form an idea as to the value of a 
picture exhibited at a shrine of such celebrity but for the circum 
stance that, not long since, the whole figure was laid bare for the 
sake of being copied, and it became possible to remark, first, that 
the whole altarpiece is the work of one hand, and secondly, that 
it corresponds in style to that of a painter living in the first years 
of the thirteenth century. 

The Virgin, of large size, enthroned in a chair, holds on her knee 
the Infant, who grasps the dress at her bosom and is clothed in a red 
timic shot with gold. With her left hand she firmly supports Him, 
whilst with her right she seems to draw attention from herself to Him, 
an action, common to the early schools. Two small angels wave censers 
at the upper angles of the chair, at the foot of which are six of the 

1 In the same records Regist. Let. E, F 27 a tergo an. 1310 : " Robertus 
rex universis presentes litteras ispecturis, tarn presentibus quam futuris. 
Induct! nos instituia naturalibus et ratio ut cum . . . affectibus in hiis 
maxime per quse et sequentibus merita digna pervenit, et opera munificentiae 
per quoddam honestatis debitum, nee incfigno ciarescunt sane Montanus de 
Aretio pictor et familiaris carissimi fratris nostri Filippi principis Acahie et 
Taranti fidelissimus in presentia nost. Majestatis - . . quod idem princeps, 
de Grata servitia qusa idem Montanus sibi hactenus prestatum est prsestabat 
suse dirigens considerationis intuitum specialem sibi fecit gratiam et cessit 
qua proinde litteras suo pendenti sigillo munitas quas nostro cospetui pre- 
sentavit tenoris, &c. Philippus clare memorie . . . servitiis quse Magister 
Montanus de Aretio pictor familiaris noster nobis exhibuit et exhibere non 
cessat maxime in pingendo capellam nostram tarn in domo nostro Neapolis 
quam in Ecc. B. Marias de Monte Virginis, ubi specialem devotionem habemus 
eidein Magistro Montano et ejus eredibus utnusque sexus et ejus tempore 
legitime descendentibus natis, jam et in antea najscituris in perpetuum de 
a R. terra olim nemoris seu silva Larje quse est in terra nostra comitatus 
acerrarum, sita inter Marilianum et Summam, quam Silvam in toto trahi 
et extirpari," &c. Ibid., p. 15. 

The manner in which the foregoing has been altered for an evident 
purpose may be seen in the following extract from Priv&egi Incepti e 
BironaU (foL, Naples, vol. ii.): 

" 1310. Privilegio del Re Roberto con cui dona a Montanara d'Arezzo, 
pittore, una stanza di Maggia 100, site tra la Cerra e Marigliano per aver 
dipinto il busto del Quadro di nos. Sign, de Montevergine e la cappella del 
D. Re in Napoli." 

There is not a word of the Virgin of Monte Vergine in the record, still 
less of her " bust." 



160 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

heavenly messengers. The form of the Infant, small for that of the 
Virgin, the diminutive size of the angels, impair the balance of the 
group. The Madonna is of a slender and not quite ungraceful shape. 
The head is of a regular outline, but, like that of the Infant and angels, 
reveals in the painter a lingering attachment to old forms, and a 
mixture of the manner still visible in Cimabue with that of the Giot- 
tcsques. The hands are long, and the fingers slender but coarse at 
the extremities. The draperies, with gilt embroidered borders, fall 
with a comparatively easy fold, and are all shot with gold. It is a 
work which may be classed betwixt those of Siena and Florence, 
graceful enough to remind one of the former, without the breadth 
peculiar to the latter, but not so talented as to explain the high position 
of Montano at the Neapolitan court at a time when Giotto was already 
famous. It must, however, be borne in mind that the whole picture 
has been rubbed down, so that in the heads of some angels the original 
drawing may be seen. The gold ground is gone, and the colour, now 
hard and raw, seems to have been thinly painted on a slightly primed 
panel. The shadows are still, however, warm in tone. 

The fabulous history of the head being a relic of the Crusades 
arose from a very natural desire to increase the reverence due to 
the shrine, but seemed confirmed by the fact that this part of 
the panel, being formed of a separate block, projects with its 
nimbus at an angle to the plane of the picture, a practice common 
to all the schools of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries. 

But besides the evident presence of the same hand in every 
part of the work, the projection is of the same wood as the rest 
of the panel The record of Montano's knighthood in no wise 
supports the fable of a relic brought home from Constantinople, 
but merely states that the painter laboured at Montevergine in 
1310. The picture seems to have been executed at that period, 
and may therefore be assigned to Montano, the more, as there are 
vestiges of painting of the same kind in one of the chapels of the 
church. 

In Naples, little remains that recalls the style of a painter 
whose industry was so great, except a half figure of a bishop in. 
episcopate, in the act of benediction and aged about threescore, 
in the dormitory dei Giovanetti of the Seminario Urbano. 

This figure is not without grandeur, and seems to be one of a series 
of three, the remainder of which have perished. Above the figure 
of the Bishop stands S. Paul with the sword and book, of good features 
and character, more modern in style than Cimabue, and somewhat 
Giottesque in type. The contours are a little black, the colour rubbed 
down. Montano may possibly be the author. 



CHAPTER VI 
RISE OF ART AT FLORENCE 

THE rise of the Florentine school may be said to date from the 
period when Jacopo the Franciscan adorned the tribune of the 
Baptistery of S. Giovanni with mosaics ; but there are written 
records of old date to prove the existence of art at Florence as 
early as the eleventh century. One Rustico, " clerk and painter," 
lived there in 1066. The memory of one Girolamo di Morello, 
also a "clerk and painter" in 1112, is preserved in a document 
of the time; and these names not "only prove the existence of 
artists, but that they were chiefly of the religious orders. In 1191 
Marchisello of Florence painted a picture which still existed at 
the time of Cosimo de* Medici on the high altar of the church of 
S, Tommaso. In 1224, the prior of S. Maria Maggiore of Florence 
was indebted to one " Magister Fidanza dipintor," 1 and sold a 
house to satisfy his creditor. In 1236, Bartolommeo, a painter, 
lived at Florence. 2 One Lapo di Florentia painted on the front 
of the cathedral of Pistoia in 1259 ; 3 and as early as 1269, one of 
the streets of Florence already bore the name of Via de' PittorL 4 

The earliest artist mentioned by Vasari, is Andrea Tafi, who, 
according to a doubtful chronology, was born in 1213. 5 Tafi, 
" being not the most talented man in the world, and considering 
that mosaic, because of its durable qualities, was in greater estima 
tion than any other kind of painting, proceeded from Florence to 
Venice, where certain Greeks were working in that material. Having 
become their companion, he succeeded, by means of money and 
prayers, in bringing a Greek painter named Apollonius to Florence, 
who taught him the art of baking mosaic cubes and of making the 

1 RXTMOHB, Jforschungen, gives the original record, vol. ii., pp. 28 r 191. 

2 GAYE (Qarteffgio, vol. i., p. 423, 8vo, Flor., 1839) quotes from a record 
of Aug. 1292 at Florence, one Fino, "pietor," who executed work in the 
" palatium eomune." /* 

3 CIAMPI, ubi sup., Doc. xxl, p. 142. The subjects were the Virgin and 
Child between two saints, half figures. 

4 See also for these early artists, commentary on the life of Cimabue 
in VASARI, vol. i., pp. 233-4. 

6 VASARI, vol. i., p. 285. 
I. 161 L 



162 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

putty for joining them." l Without denying that Tafi visited 
Venice, or that Apollonius 2 abandoned the works of S. Mark for 
those of S. Giovanni, it may be observed that the art of mosaics 
required no new rules in the thirteenth century, and that, even at 
Florence, Fra Jacopo perfectly succeeded without the aid of Greeks 
in producing (1225) the mosaics of the tribune in the very edifice 
which Tafi afterwards helped to complete. This obvious fact 
apparently puzzled Baldinucci, who cleared the difficulty by 
making Fra Jacopo a pupil of Tafi, 3 mindless of the fact that the 
latter being, according to Vasari, born in 1213, and in reality perhaps 
later, he could not have taught a mosaist who laboured in 1225. 
Andrea Tafi indeed was more probably a pupil of the Franciscan, 
as is very truly observed by the commentators of the Aretine, 
who quote, much to the point, a passage 4 in which Tafi and 
Gaddo Gaddi are made to assist Fra Jueopo, and this at a time 
when Tafi had become " famous throughout Italy." 5 

The Baptistery of Florence was, according to Vasari, executed 
jointly by Tafi and Apollonius, 6 one figure alone being due to the 
undivided industry of the former. 

In the converging sides of the cupola, the Saviour erect, in the 
act of benediction and holding the book, is surrounded by thrones, 
virtues, the emblems of rule, angels, archangels, powers, and domina 
tions. Beneath the Saviour in glory, and above the entrance to the 
tribune, a colossal Redeemer sits on a rainbow in Judgment ; at His 
feet the Resurrection of the Dead, and in three courses at His sides, 
the Angels sounding the Last Trump, the Apostles, Paradise, and 
Hell. These three courses, continued round the octagon, are filled, 
in the upper, with scenes of the Creation from the Separation of Light 
and Darkness to the Deluge, the second with incidents from the life 
of Joseph and his brothers, and the third with episodes from the history 
of the Saviour. The fourth and lowest row is devoted to the mission 
of John the Baptist. 

All this is not the produce of one, or even of two hands, but 
of many. The distribution and general arrangement may be of 

1 VASARI, vol. i., p. 281. 

2 The existence of Apollonius is doubtful. Del Migliore, MS. notes to 
Vasari in the Magliabecehiana (com. to VASARI, vol. i., p. 288), protends 
that he read in a record of 1279 " MAGISTEB APOLLONIUS PICTOR FLORENTINE." 
BICHA, Chiese Florentine, vol. v., p. xlii., says he saw the name of Apollonio 
in the records of the Baptistery j but the records themselves are not to be 
found. 

* BALDINTTOGI (F.), Opere (8vo, Milan, 1811), vol. iv., p. 93. 

* VASARI, vol. i, p. 2S5. 5 VASARI, vol. i., p. 284. 

* VASARI, vol. i., p. 282. 



ANDREA TAFI 163 

the thirteenth century, but it is very doubtful whether the whole 
was at once completed. The mosaic, imposing by its symmetry 
and the due subordination of the architectural and pictorial parts, 
reveals various periods of labour and restoration, and a consequent 
loss of original character. Amongst the least defective, and 
probably earliest, parts are those immediately to the right of the 
Redeemer in Judgment, and especially one in which a half figure 
of the Eternal, standing with raised arms and creating the sun 
and the moon, is distinguished by regularity of proportions. Yet 
in the sequel of this series different periods may be noticed. The 
first mentioned, however, make a nearer approach to the tribune 
mosaics than the rest, and the latter, whatever Vasari may have 
thought or pretended, are superior to those of the octagon. 1 The 
course devoted to the life of the Saviour displays a more modern 
style, the legs of the Crucified Saviour being nailed over each other, 
contrary to the practice of the thirteenth century. The most 
feeble and defective figure in the Baptistery is the much damaged 
and restored one of the colossal Redeemer in Judgment, specially 
assigned to Tafi, which is remarkable for the size and grimness of 
the head, the deformity of the extremities, and the overcharge of 
gold in the confused draperies. Akin to this figure in its faults, 
the angels and apostles of the Judgment betray, in their vehement 
and ill-rendered action, the general character of the works of 
the thirteenth century, and seem but a continuation of the style 
of S. Angelo in Formis near Capua. That Tafi should have much 
credit for this colossal figure is surprising and probably untrue. 
In the Inferno, the figure of Lucifer, sitting upon dead bodies, 
with serpents hissing from his ears, was conceived much in the 
spirit which prevailed later in Giottesque pictures, and may 
possibly be a restoration by one of the Gaddi. 

If Tafi is one of the feeble artists of the last period of the decline, 
and does not charm by any species of talent, he may still amuse 
us by his timidity and superstition, which Franco Sacchetti 2 has 
ridiculed with as much gusto as Vasari rallies his grotesque style. 
That style the Aretine affected to consider purely Greek, starting 
from the wilfully erroneous opinion that everything feeble in art 

1 See Vasari' s depredatory remarks on all these mosaics, but especially 
on those of Fra Jacopo, vol. i., p. 284. 

2 FHAKCO SACCHETTI, Novel 191, Edit, of Gaetano Pogliani (8vo, Milan, 
1804), vol. iii., p. 136. Sacchetti, according to Bottari's preface to the 
above edition, p. xxii, was born about 1335, a year before the death of Giotto, 
and completed his NoveUe about the year 1376. 



164 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

in Italy should be attributed to foreigners. He might have been 
nearer the truth had he affirmed that Tafl combined the defects 
common to Italians and Byzantines at this period ; for there 
was a feeble Greek art, but by its side a feeble Italian style ; and 
both were so degenerate as to be hardly distinguishable. Tan 
being no more Greek than Italian in manner, might have learnt 
quite as much from masters of one as of the other nationality. 

Of TafTs supposed works in Pisa no record has been preserved. 
He died, according to his biographer, in 1294. 1 It might have been 
interesting to compare with his mosaic at the Baptistery those of 
S. Miniato, outside Florence, executed, as is proved by an inscrip 
tion, in 1297. Those of the front, as well as those of the choir, 
were in existence in the time of Rumohr, who describes the first 
as of the eleventh century, and without a trace of Byzantine char 
acter, the second as in Greek taste. 2 At the present time the 
mosaics of the front, which had almost been obliterated, have been 
renewed, whilst those of the choir have undergone the worst sort 
of repair. 3 

Vasari notices as a curious circumstance that, when Alessio 
Baldovinetti, and after him Lippo, restored, the mosaics of the 
Baptistery, it might be seen that the design was previously drawn 
and coloured in red on the stucco. 4 This was a common custom, 
and may be noticed at Cefalu. All artists used the same method, 
whether for mosaic or for fresco, and it may be seen in the cathedral 
of Assisi and, as late as the fifteenth century, in the frescoes of 
Benozzo Gozzoli at the Campo Santo of Pisa. In mosaics, the 
cubes were simply laid according to the design on the stucco, 

1 VASABI, vol. i., pp. 285-6. Of his pupil Antonio di Andrea Tafi. nothing 
further is known than that he is inscribed in 1348 in the Company of S. Luke 
at Florence. GAYE, Carteggio, vol. ii., p. 37. Of Bonamico or Buffalmacco, 
a word later. 

2 RUMOKB, Forschungen, vol. i., pp. 354-5. 

3 This mosaic represents the Saviour between the symbols of the 
Evangelists, with the Virgin erect and stretching out her arms on the left, 
and S. Miniato presenting a crown on the right. Ornaments with medallions 
of apostles, animals, and birds, form the border. The mosaic has the. muti 
lated inscription : "AP o D#I Mccxcvn. TJBCP GE p. P . , . STO OPUS." This 
mosaic has been restored on the system pursued in S. Mark at Venice, namely 
removed and re-executed after tracings had been taken of the remains. 
It is needless to say that the character of the original has been lost in the 
copies. It is surprising that an art commission like that of Florence sho\ild 
in the year 1861 countenance such practices, particularly when elsewhere 
the palace of the Podesta has been so ably restored, and when at Pisa, the 
conscientious and able Pietro Bellini has restored the cathedral, super 
intended the works of the Baptistery and Campo Santo, and renewed, exactly 
in its original style, S. Paolo a Ripa d'Arno. 

* VASABI, vol. i., p, 283. 



ANDREA TAFI 165 

In drawing for wall painting, the artist first transferred, either to 
the raw surface of the wall, when the work was to be on one 
intonaco, or to the first intonaco, when two were used, the original 
design. This was done by means of comparative squares, by 
which a small original drawing in the painter's hand was transferred 
in larger proportions to the space intended for it. After this 
transfer, the necessary improvements having been made on the 
wall, were transposed as corrections to the original small drawing. 
The final intonaco was then laid on in portions, and retraced with 
the assistance of the squares on the still uncovered parts and on 
the corrected design. The use of a single intonaco lasted to the 
close of the thirteenth century. Two were introduced at the time 
of Giotto, and continued by his successors ; and it was not till 
the fifteenth century that cartoons were pricked and pounced. 

Contemporary with Tafi was Coppo di Marcovaldo, 1 a Florentine 
painter, who possessed no qualities superior to those of his pre 
decessors. In a picture of the convent church of the Servi at 
Siena, assigned to Dietisalvi, he displayed no better acquirements 
than his neighbours. 2 The subject of the Virgin enthroned in a 
vast chair, and holding the infant Saviour, with two angels at 
the upper angles, is rendered in the old manner ; and in the com 
position, attitude, and features, as well as in the draperies and 
ornaments, Coppo continued the defective manner of the period 
differing perhaps from the Sienese in this, that his forms had some 
thing of the Florentine weight. As a colourist he cannot be 
criticised, because the surface of his picture has been rubbed down, 
darkened by age and restoring ; but, if one can judge from the 
remains, his tones were mapped out in sharp contrasts on a rough 
surface of gesso. The date of this work, if credit can be given to 
records, was 1261. There are further notices of Coppo as having 

1 [Coppo di Marcovaldo was perhaps the most noteworthy among these 
early Florentines. He was born at Florence early in the thirteenth century. 
PBOF. BACCI has written of him (Coppo di Marcovaldo e Salerno di Coppo) 
in PArtey vol. iii., p. 32 et seq. His finest work is in the Chiesa de* Servi 
in Siena a Madonna and Child, which is like a forerunner of the RuceUai 
Madonna. A Crucifix which is still in Pistoia seems to have been the joint 
work of him and his son Salerno. He fought at Montaperti, and was taken 
prisoner, as his Madonna in Siena seems to assure us. Of. VENT OKI, op. dt. 9 
vol. v., pp. 52-54.] 

2 This picture has been engraved by Rosini as a work of Dietisalvi of 
Siena, Atlas, tab. vi. But Padre Filippo Buondelmonte, in his chronicles 
of the convent church of the Servi, says that the picture was by Coppo di 
Marcovaldo, whilst, in a MS. description of Siena, by a doubtful author, 
but of the seventeenth century, it is stated to have been signed and dated : 
"M.CCLXI COPPUS DI IXOBENTIA PINXTT." See comment, to VASAEI, vol. i 
p. 235. 



166 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

executed wall paintings in 1265 at the Cappella S. Jacopo of the 
Duomo in Pistoia, and a Virgin, in 1275, in the choir of the same 
edifice. 1 

Such was the state of art in Florence when, according to Vasari, 
the governors of the city thought fit to invite Greek painters to 
restore that which he declares to have been totally lost in Italy. 2 
Without wasting further time or space to refute an assertion 
which is confirmed neither by facts nor by record, and remembering 
that, not only in Florence but throughout Italy, painting was 
indeed reduced to a low ebb, but, so far from being lost, was in 
the full possession of life, it is a sensible relief to the student to 
mark the gradual revival which took place under Giovanni Cimabue, 
who, born in 1240 of the respectable family of the Cimabui, 3 was 
led by a natural inclination to the study of design, and, in the 
course of time, infused life into the old school from which he 
sprung. Cimabue was destined to stand out in history as the 
forerunner of a new era. He was to reanimate old and worn-out 
types, to infuse energy and individuality into empty forms, to 
soften the harshness of a degenerate school, and to shed over a 
barbarous time the poetry of sentiment and of colour. Surrounded 
by examples which are the evident groundwork of his style, for 
he did not issue beyond a certain measure from the rudeness of 
his age, he had no need of the Greek masters who are supposed 
to have taught him. It would seem indeed as if Vasari, anxious 
to carry out in literature that law of contrasts which is so essential 
to the painter, should have thought it necessary to place his hero 
under the most despicable of tutors, that his superiority might 
shine out the more splendidly afterwards. In pursuit of this 
system, he chose for the teachers of Cimabue certain Greeks who, 
he affirms, in pursuance of the imaginary invitation of the 
Florentine government, painted the chapel of the Gondi in S. Maria 
Novella. 4 Unfortunately for his theory, it is proved that Santa 
Maria Novella was only commenced forty years after Cimabue's 
birth. 5 Succeeding authors, desirous to support the falling edifice 

1 See CIAMPI, pp. 86 and 143. TIGBI, Guida di Pistoia, pp. 122, 138. 
TOIX>MEI, p. 16. Ciampi mentions (p. 86) a Crucifix by Coppo in the 
cathedral of Pistoia, dated 1275. The frescoes of the Cappella S. Jacopo 
were removed to make room for others by Alesso d* Andrea and Bonaccorso 
di Ono, in 1347. 

2 VASABI, vol. L, p. 219. 3 VASARI, vol. i. 5 p. 219. 
* VASABI, vol. I? p. 220. 

5 [The foundation-stone of the new church of S. Maria was laid by 
Cardinal Latino in 1279 ; but before that there had existed the smaller 



CIMABUE 167 

of Vasarfs history and chronology, supposed that the paintings 
of the so-called Greeks were rude ones executed in the chapels of 
S. Anna and S. Antonio, in the old church beneath the sacristy 
of S. Maria Novella. These, representing the Birth of the 
Virgin, and scenes from her life, were engraved by Agincourt in 
ignorance of the fact that they were of the fourteenth century. 
Delia Valle and Lanzi, 1 in the same path, fell back at last upon 
some older paintings discovered beneath the foregoing, which they 
assigned to the Greeks of Vasari, but which merely exhibited the 
rude hand of one amongst the feeble artists common to Italy hi 
the thirteenth century. 

It is sufficient to know that, whatever Vasari may have 
thought and written respecting the early education of Cimabue, 
he was right in affirming that the Florentine was the best painter 
of his time, and that he was the regenerator of the art of his country. 
Whether, in Cimabue, the struggle towards a truer expression of 
nature was a consequence of the general tendency in the age to 
emerge from barbarism, abate corruption, and acquire liberty; 
or whether some special cause might have led him to feel the 
abject condition of an art which had merely consisted at last in 
the perpetuation of defective models consecrated by time and 
custom, is a question which the silence of history does not give 
authority to answer. It may be presumed, however, that with 
the new spirit which arose in religion, politics, and letters, the 
progress of art must needs go hand in hand. That Cimabue was 
not merely sensible of the necessity for a change, but proud of 
having given the first impulse towards it, may be learnt from the 
pages of one who lived and wrote but thirty years after his death. 2 
Nay, it is even said that he was vain of the progress which he had 
caused, though, in the author of the Divina Commedia, he found 
a more lenient judge, and a milder verdict than was accorded to 
one who was not the teacher of Giotto. 3 Dante, indeed, contri- 

buildinff which forms the present transepts. It is therefore not impossible 
that for once Vasari is right. Of. WOOB BROWN, The Church of 8 Mana 
Novella (1902). The Gondi chapel apparently formed a part of the older 
building.] 

1 LANZI, ubi sup. t vol. i., p. 41. 

2 See the text of these comments in VASABI, vol. i., p. 227. fhe -author 
was the first illustrator of the Divina Commedia, and is usually called the 

Anonimo. 

3 Oderisio da Gubbio. See in the Purgatorio the well-known passage : 

Credette Cimabue nella pintura 

Tener lo campo ; ed ora ha Giotto il grido, 

Si che la fama di colui oscura, 

Canto XL, v. 94, 



168 HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

buted to the fame of Cimabue, who shared with Giotto the halo 
thrown around the Florentine master by a poet, honoured, hated, 
and afterwards deified by his countrymen. Cimabue's pictures, 
known by tradition less than by record, were admired by his 
contemporaries, and, when he had finished the colossal Madonna 
of the Rucellai for S. Maria Novella, 1 it was carried in a festive 

1 [Filippo Villani speaks of Cimabue, but mentions no pictures. Landino 
does the same. F. Alberti (1510) speaks of several. Billi and the Anonimo 
give more than a few. Vasari gives him everything in the Byzantine manner. 

From the point of view of the " scientific critic " there might seem to be 
nothing affirmative to say about Cimabue, since no picture at present known 
to us can be proved to have come from his hand. RICHTER (Lectures on 
the National Gallery, London, 1898), finds himself in agreement with Wickoff 
and Langton Douglas in asserting that nothing we at present possess can 
with any certainty be given to him. The Rucellai Madonna, that has for 
so long represented Cimabue to most of us, must reluctantly be given up, 
though not necessarily to Duccio, as LANGTON DOUGLAS so ably argues (see 
Cimabue in Nineteenth Century, March 1903, and Duccio in Monthly Review, 
August, 1903), but at any rate to a Sienese painter. WOOD BROWN (The 
Church of S. Maria NoveUa, Edinburgh, 1902) is of the same opinion as 
Langton Douglas, who goes so far as to assert that Cimabue is not the 
author of any of the paintings attributed to him. Berenson seems to think 
that the fame of Cimabue, and to some extent of Giotto also, is due to the 
commentators of Dante. Cf. B. BERENSON, The Study and Criticism of 
Italian Art (Bell, 1901), vol. i., p. 446. 

A very good defence of Cimabue has been made by ROGER FRY in his 
article on Giotto in the Monthly Review for December, 1900, and by ALES- 
SANDRO CHIAPPELLI, Pagine tfAntica Arte Fiorentina (Firenze. 1905). They 
insist that the Rucellai Madonna is Cimabue's. I find myself, however, in 
agreement with SUTDA (in Jahrbuch der K. Preuss Kunstsammlungen, 1905), 
who is of opinion that the Rucellai Madonna is neither by Cimabue nor 
by Duccio, but by a third, a Sienese artist. VENTURI (op. cit., vol. v., 
pp. 63-80) discusses the whole subject with acuteness and a measure of 
impartiality. If, however, we are to give up the Rucellai Madonna, it does 
not seem necessary to deny that certain works may well be from Cimabue's 
hand, though it may be impossible to prove that they are his. Such works 
are the Madonna of the Louvre, which has been given to the school of 
Duccio, the Madonna of the Accademia of Florence, and the fresco of 
Madonna between four angels with S. Francis in the Lower Church of S. 
Francesco at Assisi. But the whole question scarcely concerns the sosthetic 
critic, for whom all art seems more and more alone to exist. He will not 
care overmuch what names are given to the pictures which for him are real 
and living things. What will move him, however, is the fact that such 
discussions as these of the "scientific critics" do not destroy names merely, 
but beauty also, by reason of the credulity and superstition of fools. There 
was, not long ago, in Florence, among many beautiful things, one that was 
full of mystery. We approached it with a certain awe, timidly to gaze 
as it were" on the shrine of a goddess. Need I say that I am speaking of 
the Rucellai chapel in S. Maria Novella, which held the picture concerning 
which there has been all this foolish and egotistical vapouring ? Well, the 
Florentines began at last to take notice. The Germans had written books, 
more than one English critic sallied forth to this battle of windmills. The 
Florentine was amazed. " What ! " said he, * c they come to see that old 
picture ? Monna Mia, but they can't see it ! " So they cleaned out the 
Rucellai chapel, they put white glass in the windows, they took away the 
altar ; they pulled down the picture, and took it out of its frame. Then, 



CIMABUE 169 

procession of people and trumpeters, the fame of its beauty having 
been spread through the city by a visit from Charles I. of Anjou, 
in the company of a numerous suite of high-born dames and 
gentlemen, to the painter's atelier. 1 

In this altarpiece, the largest that had yet been seen, the spectators 
might notice the Virgin, whom they held in so much veneration, in a 
red tunic and blue mantle, with her feet resting on an open worked 
stool, sitting on a chair hung with a white drapery flowered in gold 
and blue, and carried by six angels kneeling in threes above each 
other. A delicately engraved nimbus surrounded her head and that 
of the infant Saviour on her lap, dressed in a white tunic and purple 
mantle shot with gold. A dark coloured frame surrounded the gabled 
square of the picture, which was delicately traced with an ornament, 
interrupted at intervals by no less than thirty medallions on gold 
ground, each of which contained the half figure of a saint. In the 
face of the Madonna, the admiring beholder might praise the soft and 
melancholy expression ; in the form of the Infant, a certain freshness, 
animation, and natural proportion ; in the group, affection but too 
rare at this period. He might sympathise with the sentiment in the 
attitudes of the angels, in the movement of the heads, and in the 
elegance with which the hair was wound round the cinctures, falling 
in locks on the neck. He would be justly struck by the energetic mien 
of some prophets ; above all, he would have felt surprise at the 
comparative clearness and soft harmony of the colours. The less 
enthusiastic spectator of the present day will admit, but qualify this 
praise. In truth, a certain loss of balance is caused by the overweight 
of the head in the Virgin as compared with the slightness of the frame. 
The features are the old ones of the thirteenth century, only softened, 
as regards the expression of the eye, by an exaggeration of elliptical 
form in the iris, and closeness of the curves of the Eds. The nose 
still starts from a protuberant root, is still depressed at the end ; and 
the mouth and cMn are still small and prim. In the Saviour, the 

in a bare, cold, and very ugly room that had once been a chapel where men 
prayed, but is now a mere sola, as it were, of a gallery, and wretched at that, 
thoy hung Madonna, without any frame at all or any altar, on the bare wall 
in the hard, white light ; so that the Germans could count her toes and the 
Americans measure her nose, and the English say : " After all, who knows ? 
she is bad enough, and ugly enough to have been painted by some 
Florentine."] 

1 It has been inferred from the silence of such historians as Malespmi 
and Villani as to this visit, which is only recorded in VASARI (vol. i., p. 225), 
that its truth may be contested. There is, however, nothing improbable in 
it. The further statement that the quarter in which Cimabue lived, " Borgo 
Allegri," derived its name from the public joy on the occasion, is proved 
to be untrue. See notes of commentators to VASABI, vol. L, pp. 225-6. 
[This story occurs first in the bibro di Antonio BiUi, written at the end of the 
fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. It is a work of brief 
notes, as it were a sort of forerunner of the Vite of VASABI. See II Libro 
di Antonio Bitti (Berlin, Grote'sche Verlag., 1892}.] 



170 HISTOEY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

same coarse nose will be found united to a half-open niouth and large 
round eyes ; and the features will be considered less infantine than 
masculine and square. The hands of both Virgin and Child will 
attract attention by the thinness and length of the fingers, their wide 
separation, as they start from the palm, and by joints which have 
something of the lay figure, whilst the feet are similarly defective. 
In the angels, the absence of all true notions of composition may be 
considered striking. Their frames will appear slight for the heads, 
yet their movements more natural and pleasing than hitherto. One, 
indeed, to the spectator's right of the Virgin, combines more tender 
reverence in its glance than any that had yet been produced. In the 
flow of his drapery, Cimabue made no sensible progress ; but he might 
be justly proud of the change which he introduced into the methods of 
drawing and colouring practised in his time. After somewhat softening 
the hardness of the fine engraved outlines, he gave to the flesh tints a 
clear and carefully fused colour, and imparted to the forms some of 
the rotundity which they had lost. With him vanished the sharp 
contrasts of hard lights, half tones, and shades. He abandoned the 
line shadowing, ignoring form, for a careful stippling which followed 
and developed it. He relieved the general light verde underground 
with warm shadows and pale, but warm, lights. A ruddy tinge lighted, 
without staining, the cheeks and lips. Unity and harmony were given 
to the whole by a system of final glazes, which, having now in part 
disappeared, exaggerate the paleness of the flesh lights. His draperies 
were painted in gay and transparent colours ; reds, gently harmonising, 
by their lightness, with the flesh and with the light, but brilliant, blues 
and rosy pinks. In ornament, he followed the practice of his pre 
decessors, but infused into it more taste and a better subordination 
to the remaining parts. 1 

From the date of this altarpiece the pre-eminence of the 
Florentine school begins to develop itself, expands later in the 
person of Giotto, to reunite in Ghirlandaio all the branches of 
its progress, and finally to culminate in the greatness of Michael 
Angelo, Raphael, and Leonardo da Vinci. The altarpiece of 
S. Maria Novella would alone suffice to explain the superiority 
of Cimabue over his predecessors and contemporaries, the rise 
of Giotto and the principles on which he started. Without it the 
principal link of artistic history at Florence would l?e lost and 
Giotto's greatness unexplained, 2 because neither the Madonna 

* Time has unfortunately not spared portions of the picture; which, 
besides being longitudinally split in three places, is damaged as regards 
several of the saints in the border medallions. 

2 [As we shall presently see, Giotto owed much to other masters, to the 
work of Pietro Cavallini, to the work of Giovanni Pisano. Yet that Cimabue 
was Giotto's master, that he was a great painter, and not almost a myth as 





u 



2 



u 
p 



to 

c 
















< 

s 



CIMABUE 171 

of the Academy of Arts at Florence nor that of the Louvre give a 
just idea of the master. The altarpiece of the Academy of Arts 
may, it is true, rank higher than that of the Eucellai as regards 
composition and the study of nature ; but the old types are more 
obstinately maintained there ; and, above all, the colour has 
been so altered by time and restoring that the excellent qualities 
of Cimabue in this respect can hardly be traced any longer. 1 
Cimabue here gave the Virgin a more natural attitude and a less 
rotund head, but a weightier frame, stronger outlines, and a less 
careful execution than before. He characterised with a wild 
energy the two prophets in the centre niche, and gave them indi 
viduality of features and expression. 2 In a Madonna of the same 
form as those of S. Maria Novella and the Academy, now in the 
Louvre, 3 the old ornamented frame with its twenty-six medallions 
is reminiscent of the Virgin of the Rucellai chapel, and shares much 
of its character, but seems less carefully executed, and has since lost 
some of its value from necessary restoring, the glazes being removed, 
and the green of the shadows as well as yellows of lights being 
bared. The draperies, which were of old shot with gold, are now 
repainted, the gold ground and nimbuses regilt, and many of the 

modern criticism would have it, I must believe, with Crowe and Cavalcaselio, 
unless the words of his great contemporary Dante Alighieri are also at the 
behest of modern criticism to vanish away, as seems already to be threatened. 
See LANGTON DOTTGI^AS and ARTHUR STRONG in a History of Painting in 
Italy, by Crowe and Cavalcaselle, vol. i., App. to Chap, vi., pp. 187-193. 
Gliiberti, who, long after, calls Cimabue a painter in the Greek manner, tells 
us of no other master of Giotto. He, too, seems to regard the revival as in 
some sort due to Cimabue. Yet Ghiberti has been used with much effect 
by those who have sought to destroy Cimabue altogether. But see F. 
WICKOFF, Der Zeit des Ouido von Siena (MitOieilungen des Instittti fur oster- 
reichische Geschichtes Forschung., Innsbruck, 1895).] 

1 The Virgin, enthroned, with the Infant in the act of benediction on 
her knee [Academy, Sala dei Maestri Toscani, No. 102], on a chair sup 
ported by eight guardian angels ; the throne upon a floor resting on 
niched supports in which the four prophets stand who foretold the 
Saviour's coming ; such is again the simple subject of the altarpiece at the 
Academy of Arts at Florence, whose gable form has been modernised into a 
rectangular one. 

2 In these indeed, as well as in the two occupying the side niches, and 
looking up to the Madonna, he surpassed himself in the rendering of form, 
giving to one animation, to others a staid gravity. In the drapery no 
change is to be noticed. This Madonna was originally in the Badia of S. 
Trinita at Florence. Another Madonna and Child enthroned with angels 
adoring, lately in the Ugo Baldi Gallery and now in the National Gallery 
[No. 565], partakes to a certain extent of the character noticed in Cimabue, 
and is supposed to be that mentioned by VASARI as at S. Croce {VASARI, 
vol. L, p. 221). Time, however, and retouching have done inueh to impair 
its value. [This seems indeed to be of Buccio's school.] 

3 [No. 1260 of Louvre Catal. This seems to be by the painter of tho 
Academy Madonna.] 



172 HISTOBY OF PAINTING IN ITALY 

heads in the medallions renewed in oil. Originally in S. Francesco 
of Pisa, the presence of this altarpiece there might be taken as 
evidence of the painter's stay in that city, were it not already 
certain that, in the last years of the century, he was appointed 
capo-maestro of the mosaics in the Pisan Duomo. To Pisa there 
fore, neglecting the series of works falsely assigned to the painter 
by Vasari and others, 1 Cimabue may be followed with advantage. 

1 Before proceeding to notice the works assigned to Cimabue, it may 
be advisable to state that the following, mentioned by Vasari, have perished, 
viz. The wall paintings in the hospital of the Porcellana (VASARI, p. 221) ; 
S. Agnes, a panel with side pictures of the life of the Saint, of old in S. Paolo 
a Bipa d'Arno at Pisa (ibid.., p. 223) ; wall paintings representing scenes 
from the life of the Saviour in the chiostro di S. Spirito at Florence ; and 
paintings sent by the master to Empoli (ibid., vol. i., p. 225). In the 
Academy of Arts at Florence, a Virgin and Child (No. 46), from S. Paolino of 
Florence, is assigned with a query to Cimabue, but is evidently not by him. 
Vasari mentions as one of Cimabue's first works an altarpiece in S. Cecilia 
at Florence (vol. i., p. 221). A picture in the Ufnzi formerly in S. Cecilia, 
and later in S. Stefano, has been supposed that to which Vasari alludes. It 
represents S. Cecilia enthroned with a book in her left hand and her right 
raised. At the upper angles of the throne two angels wave censers. On 
each side are four episodes of the life of the saint. This picture is executed 
according to the methods, form, and proportions characteristic of the be 
ginning of the fourteenth century, more in the Giottesque manner in fact ; 
and this may be noticed specially in the principal figure. No one who has 
seen the dead colour paintings in the Scrovegni chapel at Padua will hesitate 
as to the school in which the painter was educated. A noble attitude, the 
improved forms, broad draperies, and elegance of the school of Giotto, 
exclude, as they were unknown to, Cimabue. The small incidents are very 
animated, the figures long and with small heads. Some of the latter, it is 
true, are marked with the old type ; and the action is at tunes exaggerated, 
yet not in the manner of Cimabue. In a Baptism, administered by a bishop, 
the same mode of composition may be observed as in a group of women 
in wonder at the resurrection of a female, who revives to be confessed by 
S. Francis, as in one of the series of frescoes of the life of that saint, in the 
Upper Church of Assisi. Unfortunately this altarpiece at the Umzi creates 
a disagreeable impression by its colour, which is damaged by time and re 
storing. Vasari assigns to Cimabue the S. Francis of Santa Croce, which 
has already found a place amongst the works of Margaritone ; and a Crucifix 
in the same church, which, in technical execution, makes some approach 
to the Florentine master, but is rather of his time than by the painter himself. 
Kugler attributes to Cimabue a picture in a dark passage leading to the 
sacristy of S. Simone at Florence. This represents S. Peter in the act of 
benediction and holding a cross, enthroned, bareheaded, in pontificals, with 
two angels at each side of him, and the inscription : " ISTAM TABULAM FECIT 

FIERI SOdETAS BEATI PETRI APOSTOUC DE MENSE JUNH SUB ANNIS DOMINI 

MCCCVU." The date alone excludes Cimabue. The heads of the angels are 
repainted in oil. As for the remaining parts, the execution is rude, the 
shadows dark, the outlines black, and the feet large and defective. Yet tHe 
colossal figure of the saint is imposing in attitude. 

Vasari finally attributes to Cimabue the S. Francis, of S. Francesco of 
Pisa, which exists, and is, in style, worthy of Margaritone, to whom it will 
be found assigned in the foregoing pages (VASARI, vol. i., p. 223). 

In the late Campana Gallery at Rome was a picture of S, Christopher, 
supposed to be the same which, according to Vasari, was painted by 
Cimabue in his house in Borgo Allegri at Florence (VASARI, vol. i.,