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Book ^N- 



C^..^ 'L 


l/jiKyj iAaaX^ XjUiTUA^ 





History c^f The New Jersey Coast 






VOL. I. 

I'liE Lewis Publishing CoMl'A^v 



'I \ 


Ill tlic I'clliiw ill;;- pai^os il ha^ I. ceil tlie ])urpcist' so to present tlie lii>- 
torv of tlie Cnast Ret^ion of Xew jersey as to oiuline the salient I'aets nf the 
long- and interesting" story in sr.cli manner as \\(_)nl(l prove aceeptable to 
the general reader, and at the same time include much of that ])urely an- 
ti(|naiian lure which is to many the most delightful feature of local history. 
,is it is. indeed. ( nc ol the most instructi\e. Hence much ;itlcntion lia> 
l;ecn given to tracing the ancestry of tlie sturdy races which peopled the 
region with which the nartatixe is concerned, and to iiresenting a series 
of pen picture^ of tlieir manner of li\ing and their accomplishments in 
the estahlishment of the coinmnnity and the in>-titutions of civilization. 

Ill the coni])ilation of this history all previous works relating to the 
liisioiv of the Coast Counties of the State ha\-e been laid under coiilrilm- 
lion. In their use. and ])articnl;irly in that of the mass of pamphlei 
;uid other i.ire inateiiil found in the rooms of the State Historical .''Society 
in .Veuaik. o'ur \\riter> li;i\e had the ad\ of direction l>y that accom- 
plished lu'slorian. Hon. William Xelson. of I'atersoii, out ol hi- 
hi'oad know ledge ]ioimcd the wa\ to wellnigh forgotten sources of informa 
lion, and has in other wavs rendered heli)ful assistance in the work ol 

To the ]iriiicip:il staff writer. Dr. Peter Ross. a rijie scholar, and his 
associate. C,-iptain h'. N'. I ledle\-. an experienced writer, and to the x.ariou- 
coiUrihutors and local historians who have afforded their aid. the pnhlishers 
are desirous of expresNing their deep gratitude. Mrs. M. C. .Murray I lyde. 
of .\ew N'ork City, furnishes a rarely interesting chapter concerning "h'arly 
Historic l-";nnihes." .and valuable information for other chaiiters on "Social 
Life." etc. She has also contrilniled sketches of some historic landmarks 
from her own pencil. Mrs. Mary T. Rush., of Ocean City, contributes the 
excellent chapter ".Mong the Strand." and various illustrations from her 
own printed work, the "Ocean City (iuide Book." 'I'lie Rev. A. !•". I'.allard. 
I). 1).. of Ocean (irove. writes of that famous religious resort. Mr. .\. M. 
lleston. of .\tiantic Cily. has permitted the use of matter and illustrations 
from his published works, particularly for the chapter on "Xew Jersey in 


the Revolution." Similar favor.s were accorded by Mr. J. R Hall, of the 
same city, \\'hose local \oliime has been dnnxn upon, and from which are 
taken, among- other illustrations, the beautiful plates accompanying- the chap- 
ter "Along- the Strand," The local historians of Ocean and Cape May 
Connlies. Mr. William II. Fischer, of Toms River, and .Mr. Fewis T. 
Steven.s, of Cape May. also permitted the of their works, and provided 
various i)lates. Others to whom gratitude is due for able assistance arc 
Judge John Whitehead, ,)f Xewark, author of '"The Judicial and Civil His- 
tory of New Jer.sey :" the Rev. Allen H. Brown, of .Mlautic City, for valua- 
l)le historical data of church history and for the ])lates f)f the F,oyd Abjuu- 
ment: to lion. John S. Applegate, of Red Bank, particularly for access 
to the archives of the [Monmouth Count}- Historical Association: to Judge 
George C. Beekman. of Freehold, for the use of his published \-._.lumes: and 
to Mr. O. B. Leonard, of Perth Amboy, for direction to needed authorities. 
The publishers also desire to thank the numerous correspondents to 
whoni thcv are nruch indehted foi- details of considerable importance in 
the history of various towns and regarding particular industries and in- 
terests. The correspondents of this class are so numerous that only a gen- 
eral acknowledgment can be made. 



I'rdrin I 

ciiAi' n:R I. 

Indian :inil rn-liistcirif: Notes;cn<lary and An harnloiiical 5 

Geology ami Physical Characteristics ]'.) 

On the Strand -Sea Shells and Weeds 2'.l 


Early Voyages and Discoveries — The Cabots — Henry Hudson — Block -De Vries — 
Mey 44 


The Proprietary System Purchases from the Indians — The Xicolls Grants The 

Proprietors of East Jersey and West jersey .... .")4 

Colonial (governors Swedish, Dutch and British 92 


New Jersey in the Revolution -Political Events — Campaigns in the State- Battle of 
Monmouth- Siege of Fort Mercer- The Pulaski Massacre — Sufferings of the 
People 1 Ui 


Subse<|uent Wars With Great Britain and Mexico — The Civil War — The Spanish 

American War 1!H 

The Counties of the State Their Settlement, Organization and De\ elopment 229 


Keligiocis llisiury — 'I'he Primitive Church- Notable Chunhes Tlienloi/ic^d Srlniols. l'.'i.". 



Educational Institutions-Colonial Schools -Kstablislinifnt of tlic r'iil)lit School 

System- -Princeton L'niversity Rutt;ers College 288 

CHAPTf.R xir. 

Bench and l!ar Early Courts-"The Duke's Laws"- Some Misdemeanors and 
Their Punishment l-'oundins; of Present Courts Some Xotalile Itirists :;;!1 


Progress of ARriculture The State Agricultural College -Agricultural Organiza- 
tions ..-. ■ 

Roads and Railroads- The Primitive Paths Recent Road Improvement :J90 


.\!anufactures- Lumber and Salt Early Iron Eurnaces— Copper Mines— Clay 

Products, Pottery and Brick- Statistics 4Q8 

The Commerce of the Sea Whaling ■ The Oyster Industry— Shi[)building 425 


The Wrecks off the Coast— Early Wreckers- Volunteer Life Savers— Pirates 444 


The Life Saving Service— Its Organization and Development —Hon. W^illiam A. 

Newell— Life Saving Stations— Volunteer Life Saving Corps 404 


Light Houses— Sandy Hook and its Story -Organization of the Light House Service 

List of Light Houses ^^^^ 


A Chapter of Literary History -Writers of the Colonial Days- Earlv Annalists— 

The \ew Jersey Historical Society - Recent Writers -f:arly Newspapers 495 






XKW" j|':rsev. 

In HDiie ut the histories of our common country is sutlicicnt cre(ht 
g'ixcn to New Jersey for the part site has [)la_\e(l as one of the original Thir- 
teen States in the nplniilding of the L'nion am] tlie promnlgation of those 
edicts of libert}-, ecjuaiity and fraternity, of perfect reHgioiis and civil free- 
dom, and of the maintenance O'f an open dixir hy wliicii the weary and 
oppressed of e\'cry race — except the Cliinese — might enter, wliich ha\c 
been the real sources of the greatness which the nation has attained, and 
have brought it to its present recognixcd position as one of the great powo's 
of the world. 

'i"he entire story of Xew Jersey, from tlie earliest days to the present. 
is a wonderfully interesting revelation of the adaptability of its people to 
the circumstances of the times — of their accurate realization of conditions, 
and of their masterly ability in meeting them and in turning them to account, 
to their own immediate ad.vantage, and to the far greater aihantagc of their 
posterity. Coming from various lands, with different traditions and 
habits of thought, thev soon unified in sufficient degree to labor together for 
the establishment df civil institutions based u])on a broad conception of per- 
.sonal liberty. So well did tl;ey build that when the State was organized, 
at the time of the revC'lution. the new government grew so natiu-ally out 
of the old that the change was without shock and almost imperceptible. 

In statesmanship, in warlike achievements, in literature, in science 


and in art, New Jersey stands, as slie lias ever stood, in the forefront 
anions;- her sister States. Indeed, at the heginning, in the early stages, 
when history was heing made and precedents were being established — 
while in a degree overshadowed by lier great neighbors on either side — 
New York and Pennsylvania — she occupied an absolutely unique position 
and exerted a clearly traceable and unmistakable influence ujxin the destiny 
of the entire country. Her people were always obedient to established 
authorily, Ijut when the rights of the in(li\-idual or the community were 
assailed or trampled upon — be the government Dutch or English — they 
led the way in defending those rights, and Colonial Governors and Proprie- 
tors found the farmers of the Jerseys more troublesome and determined 
at times, than even were th.e Inirghers of New Amsterdam. She was 
from the first, to a certain extent, a community in herself, as she so remains 
in a great measure to the present day, and presents, in fact, in her own 
career, an epitome of all that makes a country really great — thrift, honesty 
and religion leavening the whole, while progressiveness, energv and a 
watchfulness for opportunities add year by year to the general wealth. 

The keynote of liberty resounded over the Jersey colonies long before 
the call to arms was made. In Monmouth county was first given formal 
and empliatic utterance to the doctrine that those actual colonists abiding 
upon its soil, holding title by honest purchase from the natives and by com- 
pliance Avith legal requirements, were freemen and not serfs. The "MoiU- 
mouth Declaration of Independence" in which this principle was embodied, 
as was also that of local self-government, was of weighty inijiortance in 
the formation of that public opinion which found final and unequivocal 
expression in the Declaration of Independence by all the Colonies. 

New Jersey was one of the first of the colonies to assert itself as an 
indepeuflciit conmionwealth, and in t'.ie formation of the Union she bore a 
wonderfully imi)ortant part. In one scene she occupied a grand position 
of her own — she was the one State alone among all her sisters to adopt the 
Constitution of the New Nation unanimously and without amendment. 
There were those of her sons whose names are imperishable in national 
history — those signers of the Declaration of Independence, Richard Stock- 
ton, the eminent lawyer of Princetcn, the revered John AYitherspoon, 
President of the College of New Jersey, now Princeton University, Fran- 
cis Ilopkinson, whose pen inspired statesmen and suldiers; John Hart and 
Abraham Clark, men of piety and learniner: and those who aftixed their 
signatures to the Federal Constitution — William Livingston, the Revolu- 
tionary War Governor, and his successor in office, William Paterson ; David 
Brearley, Chief Ju.stice of New Jer.sey. and Tonathan Dayton, an eminent 
])atrint Illustrious, too, were the soldierly achievements of the men of New 


Jersey, who, by their effort an.l witli their hves. supiK.rted the infant Na- 
tion, and brou-ht it to a place mmmg the great g-overnments of tlie world. 

The position the State held in the nionientons affairs of the middle 
portion of th.e Rex .ilntionary \A'ar, when it was regarded Ijv the veteran 
generals of King George as the key by which the continent was t.i l,e opened 
up again to British authority, was alone sufficient to exalt it to a position 
among the shrines of the nation, and it became one of the spots upon which 
the struggle for liberty was most strenuously waged, and where it was 
shown lh:it in military skill and tinessc the Continentals were the equal 
of their adversaries, the veterans of many wars. It was there, too, that 
Washmgton— on the glorious field of J^Ionmouth— rose to the height of 
majesty as a soldier, and vindicated his right to be regarded as one of the 
greatest captains of his time or of any time. 

From the days when the echoes of the Revolutionary War had died 
away, Xew Jersey has always been found ranged on the side of liberty, 
and she has fully met every claim made upon her. In the War with Great 
E.itain in iSu she was ready to meet any invading force, and her ships 
aided in winning the victory and in wresting from that nation, for a time, 
at least, its old claim to invincibility on the sea. In the Civil War she 
h: eraby contributed men and treasure to preserve intact what the founders 
oi the Republic had fought for: and in the War with Spain she freely re- 
sponded to the call of the General Government. 

^ Even before the Revolution, the people of New Jersey demonstrated 
tlicir ability to rule themselves, and the various town governments were 
models of local authority for the rest of the countrv. Even under the 
Dutch the townships enjoyed a generous measure of local rule, and what 
was not allowed by the CoJonial and Proprietary authorities they took them- 
selves. In fact, the Avhole course of the history of New Jersev shows that 
the less the general government interfered with local affairs t'he better the 
result for all concerned. Dutch and English, dift'ering widelv in many 
ways, could forget even important differences, could respect «ich other's 
religious views and notions of statecraft, and could live together in peace 
and harmony— significant conditions which were not lost upon the states- 
men who were engaged in the work of bridging this countrv safely across 
the chasm which separated the disjointed and jealous colonies and com- 
bining them into a strong and united nation. 

New Jersey's Governors and her representatives in Congress and in 
the Assembly have l>een men who by their talents commanded respect and 
by their efforts added largely to the progress the nation has made in all 
the arts that render men happy and insure the prospei-ity of the country 

\\'illiam Livingston, the first Governor of the sovereign State of 


New Jersey, in liis inaugural address, delivered before the legislature. Sep- 
tember 13, 1776, cli)sed with the expression of lofty sentiments which 
became basic principles in the statecraft of the commonwealth during all 
the (lavs which followed. He said: 

"Let us. then, as it is our indispensable duty, make it our invariable 
aim ti) e-\liil)it U' oiu' constituents the brightest examples of a disinter- 
ested lo\-e for the commonweal. Let us, both by precept and example, 
encourage the spirit of economy, industry and patriotism, and that public ■ ■ 
integritv and righteousness that cattinot fail to exalt a nation, setting oiu' 
faces at the same time like a flint against that dissoluteness of manners 
and ]Mjlitical corruption that will ever be the reproach of any people. May 
the foundation of our infant State be laid in virtue and the fear of God, 
and the superstructure will rise glorious and endure for ages!" 

Our narrative is primarily concerned with the Counties of the Coast. 
Middlesex, wh.ich is not geographically of these, is considered to some 
extent, its settlement having been practically coincident with that of Mon- 
mouth. Monmouth County has a history of its own, owing to its position, 
and iiarticularly during the revolutionary period. The other Coast Coun- 
ties — old Gloucester (out of which was created Atlantic County) and Cajie " 
May — were at an early day the abotle of a peculiarly simple and con- 
scientious people who budded for all time in the establishment of com- 
munities based upon the tenets of Him who would that all men were 
brothers. Their sons, too, have ever borne a nolile part in every struggle 
in behalf of liberty. Their seamen, in times of war. have written down 
deeds of daring which have aft'orded inspiration to succeeding generations, 
and, in times of peace, they have extended commerce to e\ery clime. 




In the early history of New Jersey, tlie Indian plays no such important 

part as in the story of most of the other colonies. With the exception oi 

the muddle raised by the maladministration of Governor Kieft, and in 

which what is now Hudson County was practically laid waste and made 

the scene of many atrocities on both sides — notably the massacre of 

, Pavonia in 1643 — the annals of New Jersey contain comparatively little 

of that sanguinary story of bloodshed which makes so much of the early 

colonial hislniy <A America reflect anv thing Init credit nn the murals and 

the Christian spirit of the pioneers. 

., ;, Of course there were outbreaks now and again, and some terrible 

1, stories of cruelty have come down to us, but these are mainly individual 

. and local. As a general rule, the white settlers in New Jersey treated the 

red men with thoughtful consideration, and, according to their lights, 

strove to deal fairly and honestly with them. The Indian had tn go^— 

, that was a foregone conclusion, although apparently neither he nor tb.e 

white intruder understood that jmint with any degree of clearness. Hut 

liie aborigine was a hunter, and made his living upon the land which the 

white man also needed whereon to earn his living, and one must needs 

give way to the other. There was no getting away from this f.aci. The 

red man had to be edged out or sciueczcd out, or frozen nut, or cozened 

out, or burned out, or sent by some rajiid dispatch to his happy hunting 

ground, but, whatever the method, out he had to go; for the two races 

could not live together harmoniously and on equal terms for anv great 

length of time. 

As a hunter the Indian required a great deal of territory for his 
support. - Some one has figured out that a pioneer farmer might make iiis 
living from a cleared patch of twenty acres, but each Indian. <in .111 average, 
required six hundred acres to yield him snfllcient animal food for sus- 
tenance. The Dutch really ];aid little atteiuion to Xcw Jersey during tlv> 


time lliey rulctl in Xew Amsterdam, and to tiiat in a great measure is 
due the aljsence of much that is a blot upon the history of the colony ot 
New Viirk. The most disagreeable episode in the entire stor)-, as has 
been said, toLik place under Governor Kieft, and for its occurrence and 
revolting details he and his associates were whollv to blame. 

Governor Carteret, as soon as he arri\-ed. saw the necessity of buying 
up the rights ilic Indians claimed in the land, and the Long Island settlers 
who began to people East Jersey knew enough of the Indian problem to 
understand the necessity of dealing with them by treaty. This they 
scrupulously did, even, it seems to us, getting more than one deed for the 
property covered by another. For example, Denton and his associates by 
deed practically secured the whole territory between the Hudson and the 
Delaware ri\ers, and settled around what is now Elizabeth, while the 
Connecticut pioneers who settled in wliat is now Newark protected them- 
selves with sexeral otiier deeds from Indian owners and claimants, in 
which, in addition to a miscellaneous collection of axes, coats, kettles, 
pistols and wampum, we find such commotlities as "thirteen cases of rum," 
"four barrels of beer," "two ankers (thirty-two gallons) of liquors," and 
the like. In New Jersey, as elsewhere, the red man fell a victim to intem- 
perance, and, in the long run, liquor had more to do with his disappear- 
ance tlian even his loss of laiid and the poverty and hopelessness of his 
condition. The Quaker settlers in West Jersey, themselves opposed to 
drinking, did not throw much temptation of that sort in the way of their red 
brethren, and had no thought of such a development of their relations or 
ef exter)nination, but the Indian disappeared from West Jersey as surely 
and as silently as he did from the eastern section. 

Jt has been pointed out by several New Jersey historians th?t the 
credit of ]>eing the first to deal honestly with the Indians for cheir lands 
has been erroneously bestowed upon AMlliam Penn. For. before his time, 
the settlers on the Delaware had been as scrupulous in this respect as it 
was possible to be — that is to say, they met the idea of the Indians as to 
price as closely as possible, and when a bargain was struck they carried 
rnit its details to the letter. So it was in East Jersey, and it seems that 
direct land deahngs with the Indians coutinued to a comparativelv late 
day, for we find that a tract of land in Monmouth County was covered by 
a deed given to George Willocks liy an Indian named Wesquehctah. June u'>, 

In 1832 occurred tr.e final act of official intercourse — the extinguish- 
ment of certain rights reserved to the Indians — between the people of New 
Jersey and tlie Indians, the former named through their State legislature, 
and the latter through their living descendant, Bartholomew S. Calvin, 


who said, "Not a drop of blood yon iia\-e si)illcd in battle ; nf)t an acre of 
our land liaNC you taken but b\' <n\v consent." And it was u])"]\ this 
occasion that the Hon. Sanuicl 1.. Simthard said, "it is a proud fact in 
the history of Xew Jersey that e\ery foot of her snil has been obtained 
from the Indians by fair and voluntary p'Urchasc and transfer, a fact that 
no other Stale in the I'nion, nut e\cn the land which bears the name of 
Penn. can boast nf." Cahin, wlm is quoted aljove, was an Indian whose 
native n.ame was Shawuskukun<;-. meaninq- "Wilted (irass." lie had been 
a RevDlutionary war snldier. He was educated' by the Scotch, became 
a teacher, and taui^ht in white schools as well as among his own jjcoplc. 

We are not aware that any .-^atisfactiir)" etfcjrt has ever been made '.o 
determine the number of Indians who hnd their habitat in Xew Jersey, 
but the probability is that, at th.e liest, the territory was never thickly 
populated even in an aboriginal sense. I )r. I'eesley has estimated ttie 
entire r.umber in West Jersey, when the European settlement began, at 
eight hundred, and figures out that by 1708 they had been reduced to 
two hundred. Probably the figures for East Jersey wimld ]>e about the 

The early records speak of the Indians near the white settlements 
as never very numerous. There are traditions of Indian towns, but the 
traditions have never been verified and are probably exaggerated stories 
of general encampments during the height of the hunting season. One 
of these traditions ma.y here be gi\ en. 

Soon after Elizabeth was settled a ])arty of Dutchmen were on an 
expedition, seemingly for the purpose of exploration, in company with 
some of the pioneers wdio were Long Island colonists. Thev made their 
wa\' along a river fur tpiite simie distance, and then decided to go no 
further. One of the party, i^romptcd by curiosity, or love of adventure, 
or fascinated by the beauty of the scene — proliably by all these considera- 
tions — passed on alone, and after a time came most unexpectedly upon 
a town of wigwams built closely trigether and e\'idcntly having a large 
"population. He was detected as soon as he disco\'ered the place, and was 
at once surrounded l)y a wild and angry niol) anxious to punish him on 
general princi])les. With entire ecpianimity the adventurous \isitor drew 
a paper out of his pocket, whicli he annoiniced was a message from the 
Governor on Manhattan Island to the Indians before him. and proceeded 
to read it. He manufactured his story as he went on, and his sheet of 
paper promised to the Indians all sorts of gifts and concessions, and all 
this so plea.sed the red men that tliey permitted the tliscoverer to depart 
unharmed. As soon as he reached Manliattan Island he laid what he saw 
before, tiic government, and offered to lead a party to the spot. .\s Indians 


in such numbers as were represented were always sooner or later dangerous, 
the authorities determined to disperse them, and accordingly dispatched a 
force under the direction of the informant upon that mission. They timed 
their progress so as to get to the vicinity of the settlement after nightfall, 
and, sneaking up, they set fire to the frail wigwams built of branches of 
trees, brushwood and other easily inllammable matter. The Indians, taken 
by surprise, quickly retreated out of the burning mass, but when they 
recovered from their astonishment they used their bows and arrows on 
the marauders with considerable effect, until finally put to flight by the 
muskets uf the white invaders. 

In this story there is likely to be little more than the customary grain 
of truth, but, like all traditions, it is useful in giving us a little fight 
on the matter with which it deals. All the old tellers of this tradition 
seem to look upon the discoverer of the settlement as a hero, and express 
smug satisfaction at the easy way in which the surprise was effected, the 
town burned and the Indians sent flying. Had it been a huge rat burrow, 
the satisfaction could not be greater, and so from the story we get an idea 
of the value attached to Indian life and property in those early days. So 
far as we can see, and judging by our own code of ethics, the white men 
in this entire transaction were the aggressors, and had all concerned been 
wiped out ill the midst oflheir perfidious and cruel work the most just 
verdict would have Ijeen — it served them riglit. 

Generally speaking, the Indians of New Jersey belonged to the great 
family of the Lenni Lenape, a family distinguished even in aboriginal 
history for their gentleness, their innate spirituality, their reverence for 
nature, and for their misfortune in war. In New Jersev they were split 
tip into small tribes, and while those dwelling (ju the Minisink seem 
to have possessed considerable warlike spirit, and to have raised fortifica- 
tions to defend themselxes from attack, those in wdiat may still lor 
convenience sake be called East Jersey were apparently without any such 
spirit, and were crushed either by forays from the wilder tribes around 
Kingston, or from the warlike chiefs on Staten Island. 

Among tlie tribes may be mentioned the \\'eckguaesgeeks, Raritans, 
Tankitekes. Assunpinks, Rankokas (or rather Chichequas), Alingos, 
Andastaka, Nesliaminc, Shackamaxon, !Mantas (Delaware group), Nara- 
ticongs (on the north side of the Raritan\ Capitanasses, Gacheos, Mun- 
seys, Pomptons, Maquuas. Kechemeches (Cape May), Senecas and Navi- 

Regarding the first peopling of the State by the Lenapes, Heckewelder 


"The hunters of the Lenapc covered the Alleghcncy mountains and 
discovered the g;re<'it rivers Susquehanna and Delaware. E.xploring; the 
Sheyichbi country (New Jersey) tliey reached the Hudson, to whicli tliey 
subsequently ga\'e the name of }ilahicannittuck river. Upon their return 
to their nation, ilic\' described the country they had \ isited as alwunding 
in game, fruits, hsh and fowl, and destitute of inhabitants. C'onchuling' 
this to be the home destined for them Ijv the Clreat Spirit, the tribe es- 
tablished themselves upon the four great rivers — the Hudson, Delaware, 
.Suscjuehanna and Potomac, making the Delaware, to which they g-ave the 
name of the Lenape Wihittuck (the ri\er or stream of the Lcnape). the 
ceiUer of their possessions. 

"They say, however, thai all nf their nalidu who cmssed the Mis- 
sissippi did not reach this ci'untry; and that a part remained west (if the 
Nameasi Sipu. They were hnally ilixided into three great bodies; the 
larger, one-half of the whole, settled on tlic Atlantic: the other half was 
.separated into two parts; the stmnger continued beyond the }\lississippi, 
the other remained on its eastern bank. 

"Those on the Atlantic were sul«li\ided into three trilies — the Turtle, 
or Unamis, the Turkev, or Unalachtgo, and the Wolf, or Minsi. The 
two former inhabited the coast frimi the Hudson to the Potomac, settling 
in small bodies, in towns and \'illages uiion the larger streams, under 
chiefs subordinate to- the great council of the nation. The Alinsi, called 
b)- the English, ]\Iuncy^, tlie most warlike "of the three tribes, dwelt in 
the interior, forming a barrier l>etween the nation and the Mengwe. They 
extended themselves from the Minisink. on the Delaware, w'here they held 
their council seat, to the Hudson on the east, to the Susquehanna on the 
southwest, to the head waters of the L^elaware and Sus([uehanna rivers 
on the north, and on the south to that range of hills now known in Xew 
Jersey by the name i;f tlie .Musconetcong. and by that of Lehigh and 
Coghnewago in Pennsylvania. 

"Many subordinate tribes proceeded from these, who received names 
either from their places of residence, or from some accidental circumstance, 
at the time of its occurrence rcmarka.ble. but now forgotten. 

"The Mengwe hovered for some time on the liorders of the lakes, 
with their canoes, in readiness to fly should the Alligcwi return. Ha\-- 
ing grown bolder, and' their numbers increasing, they stretched iliemselyes 
along the St. Lawrence, a.nd became, on the north, near neiglibors to. tfie 
Lenape trilies. ^ .^\ 

"'J"he Mengwe and the Lenape. in the progress of time. Iiecame eijte^jyes. 
The latter represent the former as treacherous and cruel, pursuing, pc'r- 
tinaci<iusly. an insidious and destructive policy towards their more gen- 
erous neighbors. Dreading the ]iower of the Lenape, the Mengwe re- 
solved, by involving them in war w ith their distant tribes, to reduce their 
sirengtii. They committed nuu'dcr upon the members of one tribe, and 
induced the injured party to belie\e they were perjietrated by another. 
They stole into the country of the Delawares, surprised them in their hunt- 
ing parties, slaughtered the hunters, and escaped with the plunder. 

"I-'ach nation or tribe had a ]>eculiar mark upon its war chihs. which, 
I)laced beside a murdered iierson. denoted the aggressor. The Mengwe 


perpetrated a murder in the Cherokee country and left with the dead Ixxly 
a war chib bearing tlie insig-nia of the Lenape. The Cherokees, in re- 
venge, fell suddenly upon the latter and commenced a long and bloody 
war. The treachery ol the ^Mengwe was at length discovered, and the 
Delawares turned upon them with the determination utterly to extirpate 
them. They were the more strongly induced to this resolution as the 
cannibal propensities oi the Alengwe had reduced them, in the estimation 
of the Delawares, below the rank of human beings. 

"Hitherto, each tribe of the Mengwe had acted under the direction 
of its particular chief; and, although the nation could not control the 
conduct of its members, it was made resiionsible for its outrages. Pressed 
by tlie Lenape, they resolved to form a confederation which might enaljle 
them better to concentrate their force in war, and to regulate their affairs in 
peace. Thannawage, an aged ^lohawk, was the projector of this alliance. 
Under his auspices, five nations, the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagoes, Cay- 
ugas and Senecas formed a species of republic, go\erned by the united 
counsels of their aged and experienced chiefs. To these a sixth nation, 
the 'I'uscaroras, was added in 1712. This last originally dwelt in the 
western parts of North Carolina, but, forming a deep and general conspiracy 
to exterminate the whites, were driven from their country, and adopted 
by llic Iroquois confederacy. The beneficial effects of this system early 
displayed themselves. The Lenape were checked, and the Mengwe, whose 
warlike disposition soon familiarized them with firearms procured from 
tlie Dutch, were enabled, at the same time, to contend with them, to re- 
sist the French, who now attempted the settlement of Canada, and to 
extend their conquests over a large portion of the country between the 
Atlantic and the Mississippi. 

"But, being pressed hard by their new. they became desirous of re- 
conciliation with their old, enemies; and, for this purpose, if the tradition 
of the Delawares be credited, they effected one of the most extraordinary 
strokes of policy which history has recorded. 

"'i'he mediators between the Indian nations at war are the womai. 
The men. however weary of the contest, hold it cowardly and' disgrace- 
ful to seek reconciliation. They deem it inconsistent in a warrior to 
speak of peace with bloody weapons in his hands. He must maintain 
a determined courage, and appear, at all times, as ready and willing to 
light as at the commencement of the hostilities. With such dispositions, 
Indian wars would l)e interminable if the women did not interfere and 
persuade the combatants to bury the hatchet and make peace with each 

"Tlicir prayers seldom failed of the desired effect. The function 
of the peace-maker was honourable and dignified, and its assumi)tion by 
a courageous and powerful nation could not be inglorious. This station 
the Mengwe urged upon the Lenape. 'They had reflected,' they said, 
'upon the state of the Indian race, and were con\'inced that no means 
remained to jireservc it unless some magnanimous nation would assume 
the character of the woman. It could not be given to a weak and con- 
temptible tribe; such would not be listened to; but the Lenape an'<l their 
allies would at once possess inlluence and command rcsjiect.' 


"The facts uix>n wliich these arguments were founded were known 
to tlie iJelawares, and, in a moment of blind confidence in the sincerity 
of tlie Iroquois, tliey acceded to the proposition and assumed tiie petti- 
coat. The ceremony of the metamorphosis was jierformed with great 
rejoicings at Albany, in 1617, in the presence of the Dutch, whom the 
Ler!a];e cliarged with having conspired with the ]\Icngwe for their de- 

"Having thus disarmed the Delawares, the Iroquois assumed over 
them the rights of protection antl command. But, still dreailing their 
strength, they artfully invol\-ed them again in war with the Cherokees, 
promised to fight their battles, led tliem into an amlnisli of their foes, 
and then deserted them. The Delawares at length comprehended the 
treachery of their archenemy, and resolved to resume their arms, and, 
being still superior in numbers, to crush them. But it was tou late. 
The Europeans were now making their way into the country in every 
direction, and gave ample employment to the astonished Lenape. 

"The ^lengwe deny these machinations. They aver that they con- 
quered the Delawares by force of arms, and made them a subject penple. 
And, though it be said, they are unable to detail the circumstances of 
this conquest, it is more rational to su[)pose it true than that fi bra\-c, 
numerous, and warlike nation should b.a\-e \'oluntarily suffered them- 
selves to be disarmed and enslaved Ijv a shallow artifice; or that, disco\cr- 
ing the fraud practiced upon them, they should unresistingly ha\e sub- 
mitted to its consequences. This conquest was not an empty ac(iuisition 
to tiie ]\Iengwe. They claimed' domination over all the lanils occupied 
by the Delawares, and in many instances their claims were distinctly 
acknowledged. Parties of the Fi\e Nations occasionally occupied the Le- 
nape country, and wandered over it at all times at their pleasure. 

"Whatever credit may be due to the traditions of the Lenape, rela- 
tive to their migration from the west, there is strong evidence in su]iport 
of their pretentions to be considered the source whence a great portion 
of the Lidians of North .America were derived. They are acknowledged 
as the "grandfathers," or the parent stock, of the tribes inhabited 
the extensive regions of Canada, from the coast of Labrador to the mouth 
of the Albany river, which empties into the southernmost part of Hud- 
son's Bay, and from thence to the Lake of the Woods, the northernmost 
boundary of the United States; and also by those who dwelt in that im- 
mense country stretching from Nova Scotia to the Roanoke, on the sea- 
coast, and bounded by tlie Mississippi on the west. All these nations 
S]X)ke dialects of the Lenape language, alTording the strongest presumption 
of their derivation from that stock. The tribes of the Mengwe, inter- 
spersed tlirougliout tiiis vast region, are, of course, excepted. riie\- were 
however, comparatively few in number." 

However, more recent writers, whu ha\c also been mure careful 
investigators, have shed more alnmdani light u|)iin the Indian nccuiKition 
of New Jersey. This narrati\e, ho\\c\cr, concerns onlv the .\llantic coast 
region of the State, and to it we turn our attention. 


Dismissing at the outset tlie speculations which have been indulged in 
as to tlie primary Indian origin in some one of the ten lost tribes of 
Israel, the 1-enape tradition that they came from the Hudson Bay region 
may be ;'.ccepted with reasonable confidence. It may be assumed that the 
time of tlieir coming was long before the Christian era, and evidence in 
sujjport of this is found in the kitchen middens or kitchen leavings, traces 
of which are framd in the shell-heaps of New Jersey. These shell-heaps 
were the production not only of the Indians living along the coast from 
Raritan Bay southward to Cape May, but of tribes living along the shores 
of the Lenapc-^^'hittuck. who made periodical journeys to the seashore 
for the triple purpose of fishing, fowling and bathing. One of the largest 
of these shell-lieaps was found on the marsh skirting what is known as 
Great Bay, about a mile from the mainland. It has been conjectured that 
this mound marks the site of an ancient settlement. 

Here was doubtless the seat of one of the great aboriginal mints, 
or wampum factories, if such terms may be used in such a connection. 
Wampum had heeu the currency of the red man from time immemorial- 
Wampum was '<i two kinds — white and ]>lack. The white luoney was 
made of the stock of the periwinkle or suckauhock, and the black money 
was made from the purple inside of the shell of the quahaug or clam,' a 
shellfish that buried itself in the sand and was generally found in deep 
water. The ])Iack money was erpial in value to twice that of the wampum 
or white money. The crude material was transformed into cylinders, 
highly polished, about an eighth of an inch in diameter, and a quarter of 
an inch long, and strung upon hempen or skin cords. The unit of value 
was a "fathom," a string measuring from the fnd of the little finger to 
the elbow, and equivalent to five shillings in English colonial money and 
four guilders in Dutch. It used to bp everted among, the Dutch colonists 
that the Indians always sent an agent with a very long' forearm or a very 
short forearm according- to the circumstances in which the measuring was 
to be done! Wampum was received in payment of taxes, judgments and 
all court fees, and. as Weeden says, was the magnet which drew beaver 
out of interior forests. It passed current in contribution boxes on Sun- 
day, and served all purposes for which tobacco was legal tender in Vir- 

It is curious that at an early day there was talk of depreciated cur- 
rency in wampum transactions. The Indians presented oyster shells which 
had no intrinsic \aluc among themselves, but were accepted implicitly by 
the unsophisticated white colf>nists biit a later generation of the latter 
got even with the red man by handing him wampum made in French 


\\'ami)uni was also used for purposes of personal adoriimcnl. and 
belts, necklaces and other ornaments made of this material were regarded 
as indisputable evidence of personal wealth. A wampum belt was amon.q; 
the chiefs an emblem. ".V belt," says Thnmpsiin, "was sent with all 
public messages and preserved as a record between nations. If a message 
was sent without the belt it was cunsiciered an empty wnrd nnwurthy of 
remembrance. If the belt was returned, it was a rejectinn nf the nffer <:v 
proffer accompanxing it. If acceiited. it w;i> a CDntirmatinn. and strength- 
ened friendships or effaced injuries. The belt with appropriate emldems 
worked in it was also the record of domestic transactions. The confedera- 
tion of the Five Nations was thus recorded. The cockle-shell had indeed 
more virtue among Indians than pearls, gold and siher had among h'unj- 
])cans. Seawant was the seal oif a contract — the oath (if hdelity. It satis-- 
fied murders and all other injuries, purchased peace and entered into the 
religious as well as civil ceremonies tji the natives. .V string- of seawant 
was delivered bv the orator in public council at the close of e\'ery distinct 
proposition to others as a ratihcation of the truth and sincerity of what 
he .said ; and the white and black- strings oi sewant were tied by the jjagau 
priest around the neck of tJie white dog, suspended to a pole and offered as 
a sacrifice to T'halonghyawaagon, the Upholder of the Skies, the Cmd nf 
the Fi\e Nations." 

in all the great seals ui the province of New York from lOoi to 
the Revolution a roll of wanijnun is held in the hands of one of the two 
Indians represented as offering tribute to the British sovereigns. As 
many as ten thousand shells were often woven into a single belt four 
inches wide. 

Other points afford numerous evidences of a very early Indian occu- 
pation. In the vicinity of Hill's Creek, Chelsea, there were untd 
very recently large shell-mounds, and Indian implements of a ^-ery archaic 
cliaracter were found in them. Another great shell-mound occupied .1 
pari of the ground upon which now stands Atlantic City, and fmm it 
were taken thousands of bushels of shells for road making. At Tleasant- 
villc, also in Atlantic county, in 1890, twenty-one Indian skeletons were 
exhumed. The bones were found about three feet under ground, and with 
therh several flint.s, many arrows, a stone knife, two flakes, and a stone 
mill used for cracking corn. 'i"hc laitcr had been worn nearly in two 
by use. At Chestnut Neck, a short time previously, were found two 
Indian skeletons beneath the liranches of a large cedar, tire head of on> 
encased in a turtle-shell, indicating that it was that of an Indian who hail 
belonged to the Ehiamis, or Turtle Indians, a tribe of the Lenapes. whose 
emblem was a turtlt. Manv other mementoes of the alxirigincs have 


been found at dift'erent times in the \icinity of Chestnut Neck and places 
farther inland. 

Such instances could be multiplied, but sufficient has been shown to 
identify the Jersey coast territory as affording evidences of Indian occu- 
pation, and, in all, the conditions support the assumption of their great 

Robert Evelyn, who passed four years in the Jersey region, wrote a 
letter which was printed in 1648 by Beauchamp Plantagenet in a pamphlet 
entitled "A Description of the Province of New Albion" (the territory 
lying between the Hudson and Delaware rivers), and in this he enumerates 
numerous tribes, but his description of their armies of "bow-men" and 
of their "Kings" is more picturesque than relial)le, and real information 
must be looked for elsewhere. 

Coming down to the days really known of by wliite men, we find a 
comparatively few Indians of the Raritan tribe (of the Unamis and 
Unalachtgo branches of the Lenape family) in Middlesex and Monmouth 
counties. Those inhabiting regions of the Shrewsbury and Navesink rivers 
were known as Navesinks. A trilie of the Unamis lived at what is now 
Leeds Point, another at Wills and Osborne Islands, to the north, and still 
another at Manahawkin. The first named were a branch of the warlike 
tribe of Atsionks, or Axions, who had their principal settlement near 
where the present village of Atsion now stands. They claimed the 
exclusive right to fish in and hunt along all the tributaries of the Mullica. 
The Tuckahoe Indians, a more peaceful tribe, dwelt along the river of that 
name, on the southern boundary of Atlantic county. 

So far as we can determine, the general stories as to the manners, 
habits, customs and belief of the Indians in New Jersey have been based 
upon facts gathered regarding the aborigine in New Netherland gen- 
erally; at least, we ha-\e failed to notice anything recorded which is not 
fully detailed in the Dutch letters and other documents presented us. 
They were rather given to hunting than to fighting, and, when we first 
meet them, their main weapon, whether in the chase or in defence, was a 
flint-headed arrow. Their food, outside of the game which thev sought 
with such splendid zeal, was maize (or Indian corn) and beans, which 
were grown on patches here and there, beside their dwelling, by the 
women. The latter were treated much as the Indian women were all 
over. They carried the burdens in moving from place to place, cooked 
the food, watched the fields, and waited on their lord and master and 
husband with solicitude. Divorce seems to have been easy and frequent. 

As to their religious belief, quite a variety of opinion exists. Many 
archaeologists assert that while they believed in a future life, and even 

HISTORY OF Till-: Xl.W jl^RSFA' COAST. 15 

in (liscnilxidied spirits, tlicy liad no CDiu-epticm of a l)i\iiu' I'atlier or a 
future life at all different in it.s character or incidents from that which 
tliev were passing- through. Thev helicved in good sjiirits and e\il ones, 
hut they h;ul no conception of a hell until the\- listened to the preaching of 
the Quakers. "We have an o]:)inion," said one, "that those who have 
behaved well are taken under the care of I'^sangetuh lunissee, and are 
assisted, and that those who ha\e !)eha\ed ill are left to shift for them- 
selves. ;ind that there is no other punishment." At times, in the course 
of our reading', we seem almost impelled to believe that the Leuapes did 
believe in one who was "the soul of the world." "the Mother and I'^ather 
of Life." "the Creator of all that is," but again we are almost dri\en to 
the belief that these expressions did not betoken their idea of an ever- 
living arid ruling God and Father. .Still they show that the Indians 
acknowledged a higher power than man, and that that pfiwer fashifined 
the earth audi peopled it. Then. too. some authorities ha\e mentioned as 
a curious circumstance that the figure of the cross was deemed sacred, and 
entered largely into some of their ceremonies. They had great feasts and 
grand council meetings, and, so far as New Jersey was concerned, lived 
li\-es of pleasant intercourse, broken now and again, it is true, by trilling- 
feuds, but w-ithout lea\-ing anv of the terril)Ie traditions of bloody wars 
and treacherous forays which mark ihc traditions which elsewhere serve 
as Indian history prior to the advent of the white man. 

lUit it is evident that when the (juakcrs and Long Islanders. 1 )utch 
and Fnglish, began to desceml on Xcw jersey, the alvorigines there had 
already liegun to dwindle in numliers and in importance. They ga\-e 
little trouble to the new- comers, seemed rather to welcome them, and 
came to terms wdth theiU prom[)tly and casil\-. 'idiey were at fust innocent 
of the wiles of the Europeans, Init soon began to beware of them, but the 
strong religious mfluence which characterized the pale-faces — outside of 
the Dutch — prevented any violent attempts to take any advantage of tiie 
unsophisticated Indians. After all, what had they to fear? They were 
but a handful, and their country was boundless, .giving ])lent\' of room 
for all. St), with a few- e.xceptions, they may be said to have maiiUained 
barmonious relations with the wdiites until 1755. To that time the story 
had been one of continued retrogression in wealth, in numbers and in 
morals. European diseases such as small-pox had made sad inroads 
among them, and rum w-as already master of the situation. Whenever 
they could ]>rocure lif|uor they went on a debauch, men and women, until 
the sujjply was exhausted. But. even in their decline, these people seemed 
to retain nnich of their original gentleness and desire to remain in friendly 


relatiL>ns with their wliite brethren who had so soon become their superiors 
and their masters. 

Tlic great exception to all tliis was in 1754. and was mainly brought 
about bv the disturbing infiuence which, the defeat of General Braddock, 
at Fort Duqueirne, had upon the entire body of Indians in the Eastern 
States. The movement among ihe Indians was first felt in Pennsylvania, 
where wild l)ands overran the northern and eastern counties, murdering 
and destiojing as they went. People in Bucks and Northampton counties 
crowded over into New Jersey to escape, and a few managed to get their 
cattle across the Delaware. Xevv Jersey soon became alive to its own 
danger. Troojis were raised all over the State, forts and l>lock-houses 
were erected at what might be called the portage of the Delaware, and 
armed scouts patrolled the river on either side to give timely warning 
of an}- advance of the aroused redskins. To this watchfulness and energy 
is probalily due in a measure the fact that beyond a few cases of barbarity 
and miu.-der in the northern part of the State, in Sussex county, the 
Indian excesses in Xew Jersey during this period of excitement amounted 
to very little. 

But, in a much greater measure, is the practical immunity from dis- 
tm-bance to be ascribed to the wise measures taken within the colony 
to show the Indians, in the first- place, the strength of the armed fdrce 
ready to meet them should they join with their wild brethren from across 
the Delaware, and. in the second place, to grapple thoroughly with the 
entire Indian cpiestion, and to listen to whatever wrongs the red man might 
have to tell about, and attempt to redress those w-rongs and to pacify him. 
A convention was held at Crosswicks, Burlington county, in 1756, at 
which a large number of Indian representatives w"ere present, and the 
entire causes of trouble were pretty thoroughly discussed. The Indians 
complained that they had been wronged by individuals Avhen intoxicated, 
that is to say they were inveigled into transactions, especially in the sale 
of land, wdien intoxicated, on terms to \Yhich they would never have agreed 
when sober; that some of the land which they had not sold had been 
settled upon without their consent in any form; and that their hunting 
privilege had been curtailed by private ratlicr than public encroachment. 
In all this there was felt to be a good deal of truth. In fact the Indian 
had been left pretty much to slide down on the way to his inevitable end 
without let or hindrances. 

In ^i/^j. however, as a result of this conference, the Assembly passed 
a law regulating the sale of liquor to the Indians, and set aside f 1,600 
to be used in settlement of disputed land, and in other ways strove' to 
smooth the pathway of the red man. Another conference at Crosswicks 


ser\C(I to l)rinL;' ihe questions at issue still nearer a satisfactory solution. 
}-"ortiriately, the nunil)er of Indians was so small, and the stretches of 
unoccupied territory so lartje. that there was plenty of room for the wants 
of Ixjth jieople. Then Francis Bernard, on assuming the gmernorship 
of New Jersey, in 1758. alarmed hy the inroads and massacres on the 
Walpack. in Sussex county, lield a personal conference with several of the 
chiefs at I'urlington. As a result of this and several later confahs and 
pow-wows, the Indians agreed. October ]8, 175S, in consideration oi 
£1,000, to abandon their claim to any land in Xe\s lerscv not actually held 
by them. 

'Jliis practically settled the Intlian (juestion. bnt it did not remove the 
Indians. They had to live, and three thousand acres of land in Burlington 
county were purchased and set aside for their use. but there were only two 
residents on the tract in 1795, and they removed in i8o_' to Oneida Eake. 
There were other scattered settlements, but they were of trilling e.xtent 
numericall}'. In 183J the legislature settled the last Indian claim Iiy a pay- 
ment of two tliousand dollars. It was hardly a claim that could ha\e stood 
the test O'f a \vhite man's law court, but the Indians believed it to be a validi 
one. and it was t'he last, apparently, that even Indian ingenuity could devise. 
So the (picstion was settled on the basis aljove named, and the Indian, 
except as an indi\idual, trouliled tlie body corporate no more. 

But a degree of sympathy goes out to the Indian in h\< extinguish- 
ment as an individual. One of the last memljcrs of the Xavesink tribe, 
perhaps the^very last, who lived in Monmouth county, w;is "hulian Peter, ' 
who had become so suscejitible to civilization that he built a cabin near 
Imlaystown. His squaw died soon afterward, and he li\ed alone there- 
after until his death. He made his living liy selling lish to the whites, 
a large sh.ire of his earnings being spent for "lire-water." Notwith- 
standing his intemperate habits, he was well disposed and peaceable. I lis 
life had almost a counterpart in that of Elisha Ashatama, wIkj, when 
temporarily tired of wandering, n^adc Tuckerton his resort. He served 
on the unfortunate frigate "Chesapeake" during the war of 1812. About 
1833 he w^as drowned in the MuUica river, while intoxicated, and his 
remains lie in the old Methodist church yard at Tuckerton. 

As the last pages of this work were passing into the hands of the 
printer (August, 1902) the last of the Delaware tribe in New Jersey 
died in a little hut in a secluded spot near the shores of the Raritan river, 
about ten miles from Flemington, in Hunterdon county, and he was buried 
according to his wish under the shadow^ of an ancient elm where once his 
forefathers sat in solemn council. 

He was Kiankia, -tlescendant of a Umg line of chiefs. Kianki.i claimed 


to be of pure Lenape blood. He said of liis branch that it traveled toward 
what was then known as "the devouring great water" — now called the 
Delaware river. There he was born, his mother, who was a daughter 
of the chief, passing away with a gentle sigh — "Kiankia" — and the word 
was given him as his name. He went among the white men and learned 
to read and wiite their language. Yet, as he said shortly before his 
death, although he was civilized, deep in his heart was a great love for the 
ways of his forefathers. He had a sister, 7\nne, but they drifted apart, 
and she died in 1894, at Mount Holly, New Jersey, believing that her 
brother had preceded her to the happy luuUing grounds, and that she was 
the last of the Delawares. 



;.er .«.,- States;' r„„i„„ c,,„.,i. J ^ ■''';":;" '''ff- -'-».' 
■om o, ,l,e United States ,„„1 i,„„ .x>„- ,X" , ; '„ '"■"«' ""■ •™l 

'"ii- are fn.uin, .„ u,e ocean o " , , f " .^tf;;""^ '^^ '''''''''' 
ot this extent of .-ater fn,nt is ada, t J, t -''""^'^'"^^ ''""''-' '"iles 

th^ State is ennnentlv a.lanted Zr """'"'^'■^■^'' I'-l'-es, s., ,hat 

--''I- The length o/theSa^fr: 'r '"""'' "" ^""^ ^^ "'^ ^''^ ""^-'e 
- Cape Ma, is^ne h.:;;' l^. ::^™ .^J^::;- ^^"^ ^'^ Sussex cent,, 
's fiftv miles, these fio-nres .„Mo '^ v'"^'^" '^"'^■^- ^"^1 its average u-idlli 

.".■«.'o,- ,,«,,,„:: :»:: iriri :;::';"' '™' ^"■""^-- '^-■' 

'•«' it contains „o (e«er tl,a„ ' . , ,""''"' '" '"' ■'Stiaillnral 

-™ an;,::,:::r';:;" : .;;',;7-> "'•■"n...nue 

"■- the greater „„„,,:<,. „f ,V„, are ,„' ,1, ■ '"•'"'"" "' l'"l"'l^'"""- 

predontinate. and Xeu- IcrseTstm ' ,'"""" """'"" ""'"'"« '" 

c<»t-of-arn,s adopted,, ,'-fi , T""' "" "K'-ifc'"" of l,e,- State 

"i... %t„-es of ,»,,:,''■;:"'"" ""■" '""" °" =" '"'"■• ^™'"'>. 

».■ a „o,.se, s„n„,„,„„; ;„,::::„ : j^^:^, : ■:,:"":' "" ^"''" 

motto, '•Liberty and Prosncritv - i ■ , ^ nuhisiry. Tl,,. 

""-.■.peats ,o„ave,fo"X,:,t.,::i:;" '"' """' ^"" '""- ^ "" 

W ii.le our work deals primarilv witli the const »■ . 

-.e N«.;e,i„[. Hi,,,a,,.:'r;trz;;- :?,;;,:: z:j:'r' '-- 

Iiave of late years reallv •, 1,1 . i , Jeisey eminences, 

lu'S an, simi^r e^^n / ilt:;'^" u' ^^ 'T""^^"r- "^ ^"'^ '"^^ ^ 
'■ollecl, and it Las been figured h4 in a ' ,' ■''"' "' """ ''""'^'■'>- 

-ere really .slands, the s^n^mt ^, , f "T' "" ^'"^^ "'^'^^-^^ 

o^ waters. At their ba T ^ "] '""'^'-^' ^■''''"^^'"'- --'' ^ -aste 

base and t,;r considerable distance up their sides 



„e ,-„„> .,„,«- *d,s ,™., marine reHc. n,. ...<». ot ^^^'^^J'^ 

A \\ (KinT.ANn Scene. 

does not seen, to be a .onderful story in nature than tha^ wbich 
conUl be funnshed W the valley of the Hudson, ^at ot t e Hacke^.k 
-uKl the Bav of Xew York, at least as tar as Sandv llnok An.l an 
iiy n.stn.ctive story nnght be .oven-out of the change of the Xew 
Jersey coast->ts poekets, its uashouts. its sand banks, ns hays. Us har- 
bors. and its creeks. 

insToRv (M- Till': xi'.w ji:kskv coas'I'. 21. 

liul we must hie back tii the hills. If we (h-au a hue tri)m [ersev 
City to Trcntoii. and tnini tliere ti> the Xew \"iirk State hue. we are in 
a region in which the old red sandstone predominates, broken lierc an.l 
there by trap hills and formations and other evidences of early jilivsical 
changes and excitement. Bones of the mastodon and other prehistoric 
animals have liccn found in some of tlie swamps bordering on tlie old red 
sandstone, and in the latter itself a considerable quantity of fossil remains 
have been discovered. The trap, which seems to have forced its wav 
in a soft aqueous cnndition tln-ough the sandstone, at places stands up in 
bold relief in hills. 

Tlie most interesting development of the trap excitement is the range 
facing the Hudson, now known as tlie Palisades. Some of our geologists 
think that before the irruptum uf nature which left the face of things as 
it is to-day, the Hudson and the Hackensack rivers fornieil ime mighty 
stream, and that one \-iolent outburst of nature's fury threw up that long 
line of wall and divided it into two. If we are to credit all the theories 
which have liccn woven on this jioint, the demonstration which sent the 
Palisades into their present position must have been one of the most 
terrible convulsions of which ever geological speculation has told the story. 
It is averred that these Palisades are part of the outlireak which gave to 
the world the Giant's Causeway in Ireland, and a similar range of columns 
in the Himalayas. 

It might be said that the entire territory of New Jersey, north of the 
liiie we have indicated between Jersey City and Trenton, was one con- 
ti'.uious succession of hills developing (the nearer we get to the boundary 
line; into a series of ranges of hills, the real Highlands ni the Xew 
World, and which for beauty of scenery and charming ailmixture of 
mountain, loch and glen, sunny hillside and smiling valley, flowing river 
and rock liound tarn, have become km.wn as the Xew Jersey Trossachs. 
The Oranges are every year becoming more and more coxered with 
fashicuiable residences. Much quarrying has been done wherever the 
sandstone has appeared, and even huge abrasions have l)een made in the 
face of the Palisades for the sake of the stone there found. lUit it 
would seem that the ])ublic spirit of Ijotli the States of Xew Ynrk and 
Xew Jersey have united to bring tlrs l;ist nanicd exhibition of vand;dism 
to a close. 

In the northern part of the State iron has been worked with marked 
success, copper has l>een found in workable quantities from ;m early period, 
and graphite (or black lead) is common. It has been estimated that one 
hundred and sixty varieties of minerals have been found in the State, but 
the one which has aided most in the development of the .State is iron. 


Magne'tic iron ores are found mainly in Sussex, Warren, Morris and 
Passaic counties. Zinc ore ^vas formerly found plentifully in Sussex 
ci.unty, hut of late years the product of that commodity has greatly 
decreased. The geologic products of highest \alue to the industrial devel- 
opment of the State are the s]jlendid fields oi pau'e marl, clay marl and 
shell marl, all of which, used along with other fertilizers, have aided in 
giving to Xcw Jersey its agricultural importance. "Porcelain and potter's 
clay," says a writer who appears to have made a thorough canvass of 
the industries of New Jersey, "of excellent quality, found in the State, 
are u.scd in manufacturing to the amount of three hundred thousand tons 
anr.uallv. Kaolin also is found in large deposits, though much of it is 
not of superior quality. Morris county furnishes infusorial earths used 
in the manufacture of dynamite and giant powders and for polishing pur- 
poses, and sand valuahle for moulding purposes and to enter into the 
coniposition of fire brick for reverberatory furnaces. Burlington county 
also supplies these sands. A pure white sand of the finest quality for 
glass making is found in southern New Jersey, and is used in the glass 
works of Glassboro and Millville. The variety of building stones fur- 
nished by the quarries of New Jersey is great, and includes fine granite, 
or gneiss-granite, sandstones of a variety of tone and cpiality. limestones. 
bluestoncs, traprock, slate and freestones, all together providing the great 
cities around New York with a large part of all their building and paving 
stone. Trinity chmxh in New York is one example of brown sandstone 
from a New Jersey quarry. 

New Jersey is well supplied with internal waterways. Although few 
of these are n>ivigable for any great distance for purposes of commerce, 
yet tliC power furnished by them has developed many of the most pros- 
perous of the cities in the State, and all have aided in the irrigation of 
the farm lands. At times the people living along these rivers feel that 
they have too much of them, as when, for instance, they are swollen by 
successive spring floods which overflow their lianks and sweep to destruc- 
tion everything that opposes them. This was sadly evident in the spring 
of 1902, when the Passaic river became a torrent, flooded a wide section 
of country, swept away houses and works and bridges and embankments, 
and caused a terrible financial loss. Places like Dundee and Garfield were 
for days practically uninhabitable, and large sections of the cities of 
Passaic and Paterson were under water. In the last named city such a 
visitation was cruelly felt, coming as it did just as the citizens were begin- 
ning to gird up their loiiis and clear away the debris of the fire which, 
but a few weeks before, had reduced much of the luisiness portion nf 
their city to ashes. 


The Fassaic and the Hackensack ii\ cr>. in spite of their almost yearly 
breaches of the proprieties, add nuich in the wealth of the State. The 
Raritan, whicli almost cnts the State in two, reachin<^' almost to> the Dela- 
ware, is also a \-ahiable asset of the C(imm<jnwealth. The Shrewshury 
and the Xavesink, both of which enter the sea at Raritan Bay, have within 
recent y'ears become fringed with snmmer residences and are really as 
po]nilar for that purpose as is any other section in the State. The 
Railway river discharges itself inti.t the Kill \"ou Kull, Xewark Ba}-, 
wliich ajso empties into the sea at the Kill \'<<n Kull. with it^ marshes 
and meadows and general appearance <p! usefulness, pruniises in a short 
time to become the scene nf most wonderful improvements and to develop 
into one of the most \alu.ablc sections of the State. The other ri\'ers of 
importance are the W'allkill, on the north, and, to the south. Toms river, 
the Assunpink. the Shark, the AFanasquan, Cedar creek. Forked river, the 
.Mullica. Great Egg Harbnr river, Maurice, Salem, Old Man's and Rac- 
coon. New Jersey, truly, is well supplied with watercourses, and is one 
of the best naturally drained and irrigated States in the Union. 

W'e have said enough, however, of rivers and mmmtains to show their 
/.aUie in the economy of New Jersey. Our principal concern in this 
volume is with the coast, and to it we must again repair. 

Ts the New Tersev coast line rising or falling? That seems a ques- 
tion as to which there are many differences of opiuiun. Scientists tell 
us that the entire Atlantic coast of this continent is gradually sinking, and 
that in the course of fifteen or twenty millions of years, be the figures 
more 01 less correct, we will all be drowned, and our possessions will be 
under the water. Here, we are told, the traveler along what is now 

the gav coast of Nevi' Jersey may slop his boat and gaze down upon the 
remains of cities lying two or three fathoms down, somewhat after a 
famous scene in Ireland which Thomas Moore prettily dcscrilied : 

"On Fough Nc;!gli's banks as the iisherman strays 

When the clear cold eve's declining, 
ile sees the remains of other days 

In the waves beneath him sliining. 
Thus shall memory often in dreams sublime 

Catch a glimpse of the days that are o\er, 
And, sighing, look throug;h the waves of time 

For the long faded glories they cover." 

Of course, in spite of the poetical aspect of the idea which the great 
Irisii poet presents us, the prospect is not an encouraging one, but, as 
there is no help for it, we must consider it a^^ cheerfully as we can. The! 


sciciilisti- seem to lia\c fully ])n)ven their contention, as far as reasoning 
anil logic and the comparison of data conld aid in the demonstration. 

But we question w hethcr a non-scientific resident of the New Jersey 
coast, from Raritan Bay to Cape May, will be found who would agree 
with them. The old titles rather seem to indicate the very reverse. As 
in all otlier sections of the Atlantic coast, each winter's storms play 
strange havoc with the configuration of the seaboard, and each year many 
a landmark is pitilessly swejjt away. But others are as regularly raised 
in their places. Then. ta>, it is easy, as we journey along- the water front, 
to make out, very distinctlx', wide stretches of what loiik like older beaches 
than that on which we are walking, sometimes as far away from the present 
high tide-mark as a mile, and by a little patient examination we can clearly 
trace by a succession of ridges the point at which for a time the sea had 
made a halt. These ridges or beaches are all clear sand, full of the 
remains of the sea life which was somehow stranded as the waters grad- 
ually receded, and we find the same conditions confronting us, which, in 
the old world, enabled the geologists to grasp the theory of the earth's 
subsidence in places and its ele\-ation in otliers. The difference is, that 
in the old world they had to treat the theory with the aid of geologic 
time — spoke of a thousand years as we would speak of a week — while in 
New Jersey the oldest of the beaches does not appear to date over three 
hundred years, and the forces which produce them are still at work, even 
before our eyes. At Ocean Grove, for instance, and along that stretch of 
sea front say to Point Pleasant, we can trace tide-marks in places fully 
a mile inland, and some of the older residents aver that the change has 
been broagnt about within the past half century. The older beaches are 
to be found on Cape May. At Absecon Beach, houses now stand where 
in 1850 was the low tide-mark, and Long Beach has had its area greatly 
increased b\ the agency of nature. In fact, the conditions prevailing are 
so peculiar and so cunfusmg that some writers find refuge in the theory 
that, as periods of depression arc invariably followed by periods of eleva- 
tion. New Jersey may now i)e just at tlie turning. Certainly there 
seems to have been, on the whole, liulc material change on the New 
Jersey coast for two hundred years, and what change there has been 
seems to have been in the direction of elevation. But then we must that in such processes a couple of centuries are but as a fraction 
of time. 

The inlets along the coast, too. furnish a most instructive study. 
They present evidence of more persistent and sometimes more violent 
changes than the o]->en coast itself. The shifting .sands, tcssed hither and 
thither by each >>torm, sometimes sto]) up the free passage of the water 


ait<jgethcr. Tlien an inland lake is ioimed, and if the obstruction is not 
removed h\' another outburst of nattu^e's power, a new bed for the inlet 
may be formed, and the entire configuration of the mouth of the stream 
c<!mi)ie!.clv cIianL;X'd. .\lon<^' these inlets are many of the finest hunter's 
paradises to be found in New Jersey, an'! the early chronicles of the art 
of "hunttygnc ye _<;-anie" each seem to have an inlet for its theme, or 
some one of the salt water rjiarshes wT.ich lia\e been formed, either tem- 
[joraril}- or ])ermaneutly, by some uf tl'c changes ccwistautly takini;- place 
on the water front. 

These salt marshes deserve a word or two here, for thev form one of 
the most noted characteristics of the New jersey coast, it lias been esti- 
mated that altot;ether these marshes cover one liundred and sixtv thousand 
acres in the State. They are imar'alilv covered witii grasses and reeds 
of all sorts, and are full of gaiue, Piut their actual economic value to 
the commonwealth does not depend upnn their popularity as hunting 
gn-unds. ^'ear after year, slowly at lirst. Init afterward w itli wonderful 
fertility, they produce a succession '.f crops of grass and hay, apparently 
with but little effort on the ])art of man, and gradually gather a soil of 
rich Idack eartli whi'di, as it increases in thickness around the roots of 
the grasses and reeds, makes tiiem each year become higher, closer and 
more succulent, nutritious and valuable, even although fully retaining their 
saltv flavor. When cut and stored, most of these grasses are invaluable for 
stock-feeding, tlie grass fed with hay to horses seeming to keep them in 
jjrime condition, and the black grass espcciallv licing deemed one of the 
most \aluable fodder products of which the stock raiser can get a supply. 
The hay produced in these marshes is also splendid for pasturing cattle, 
although some a,gricultural exjierts claim that dairy animals yield a less 
liberal sup])ly of milk when permitted to subsist mainlv on such pro\ender. 
The salt in the \arious grasses seems, in fact, to be just enough to be 
beneficial, and as a result a fanu near the water front has its marketable 
value enhanced bv including within its bound a corner of a salt marsh. 

in the midst of man\- of these marshes fresh water springs often 
btibble up and afford drinking jilaces for the pasturing cattle, and often 
send to the surface eels. i)erch and other fish. 'J'iiese spots are zealously 
watched liy the local .mglers and visiting sportsmen, who readily fill at 
them a generous basket. Scientists seem ]>uzzlcd at the existence of these 
springs in such jilaces. and many explanations ha\e been offered, the most 
probal)le of which is that the same disturbance which created these marshes 
(iaviimed up tiieir natural course to the sea and couipelled them to seek a 
fresii outlet. 

Se\'era! times veftTci.i-e b.i^ bei'u made to the New Tersev coast as 


being a \eritaljlc hunters' paradise. In }ears gone hy, lung before it 
became a happy camping groiund for tlie summer buarder, the skilled 
nimrod or fisherman from New York or Philadelphia would steal away 
on every chance to .some well-known tiook where he was certain to find 
plenty of excitement and reward for rod and gun. The advance of pop- 
ulation m recent years has frightenetl away many of the wild fowl which 
used to haunt cur shores, and sent our modern sportsmen away further 
south in search of the excitement and th.e health-giving e.xercise they prize 
so much. Ihit the Jersey coast still has its chamis. Its waters teem as 
of old with bluefish, sheepshead, flomulers, porgees and weakfish, and it is 
ditilkult to say how many other varieties. The shad in Egg Harbor are 
as toothsome as those found in the Hudson, and the inlets and creeks are 
full cf perch, drumfish and similar dainties. For the sijortsmen who 
prefer tc use the gun there are all S()rts of wild fowl, snipe, ducks, rails, 
plovers and swans, i^lentiful enough in their season to affordi employment 
to an army of sportsmen, and the semi-annual migration from north to 
south, and licc :crso, gives opportunity for a snap at many a bird of 
passage as it wings its way across the State to its summer or its winter 

There are fossil evidences of a wonilerfully luxuriant prehistoric for- 
est growth. While in all Europe the number of species of native trees 
does not exceed a half hundred, in New Jersey nmre than one hundred 
have been identified, while plant remains point to a trnpical varietv and 
immensity of development. 

But it is not necessary to iiark back to such an unknowable epoch. 
When the white man came he fountl forests which in extent, and in variety 
and m;ignitude of woods were marvels in his eyes — so far did they surpass 
all he had known in the land whence he came. Here were \ ast expanses 
covered with stately pines, and great tracts bearing the most handsome 
of deciduous trees — oak. hickory, beech, chestnut, maple, willow, [xjplar, 
S}camore, tidip and others. The shipbuilding, lumbernig and charcoal 
interests had wrought a vast denudation of the best varieties nearly a half- 
centi'.ry ago, and fearful havoc was afterwards made by forest fires. The 
result is seen in the revelations made through the ofticial reports of 1890, 
when the sawmills reported mercantile lumber cut from only 8,355 acres, 
whereas in New York the acreage was one hundred and twenty times and 
in Pennsylvania one hundred and seventy-five times as much, and the 
quantity has greatly decreased since then, with the increased demand for 
fX)les for telegraphs, telephones and tn>lle_\- lines, and for timber for bridge 
piling and railroad ties, to say nothing of fuel wants. The most com- 
l)lele!y deforested sections are tlie Raritan valley, including Piscataway 


township in Middlesex, and nearly all of Somerset and Hunterdon coun- 
ties. Mercer count}^, and the he1t of fertile land extending- back about 
twelve miles from the Delaware ri\er from Trenton down 10 Bridgeton. 
Similarly bare of forest are the valleys of \\'arrcn county and a small 
area about the Shrewsbury river, in ]\Ionmouth county. All of these 
districts have less than ten acres of forest to one hundred acres of upland. 

While this is true, there is yet much available native timber in the 
State. The total forest area is soinetliing more than twu million acres, 
almost eciualling' the area of cleared farm land. Of this, 800.000 acres 
is practically all deciduous timber, mainly chestnut, the several varieties 
of oak and maple, with many other kinds interspersed; and 1,200,000 
acres is coniferous forest, mainly pitch pine on the uijlands and while 
cedar in the swamps. This coniferous forest is the well known pine belt 
of Southern New Jersey. Next to it in importance is the f<;)rest of the 
Northeastern Highlands, 211.000 acres, covering the northern portions of 
Morris and Passaic counties, the southeastern border of Sussex county 
and a small part of Bergen county, and next in size is the forest region of 
Kittatinny mountain, in Sussex and Warren counties, comprising 58,000 

The present timber cuttings do not amount to forty thousand acres 
per annum. Taking that as an estimate of the future consumption, it is 
cstimatedftliat the supply would become exhausted in a half-century. And 
this gives point to the speedy necessity, urged by some of the best informed 
economists, for intelligent action looking to forest preservation and repro- 

Nor is this solely an industrial question, but one which |)ertains also 
to politics and morals. Physical geographers long ago, and with great 
plausibility, ascribed in large measure the decay of certain nations to the 
annihilation of their forests. Nor are we without warning nearer home. 
E\en thus early after the opening of the country to settlement, in the 
wonderfully well watered and fertile Mississippi valley, within the memory 
of men now living, considerable streams have shrunken intu mere brooks, 
and others have absolutely dried up, and accompanying these changes has 
been noted a certain diminution of rainfall and impo\erishment ol agri- 
cultural lands. 

Even so near the coast as is New Jersey, conditions have so changed 
as to make the question of moisture one of growing importance. In this 
region the need for irrigation is ni>t rqinarent: when the average ;'.nniuil 
rainfall is considered. It varies fnin 44. oi; inches in the nnrlhwesi, to- 
.^9.70 inches on the seacoast, though the annual percijjitation sinks as low as 
31.05 inches in localities, which is as low as the annual rainfall on the bordei 


of tlie sub-humid regions of the West, and drouths which result in a very 
considerable loss occur more frequently than is pojiularly supposed during 
the growing months. Ajiril to August, inclusive. In other words, the 
average rainfall, while sufficient to- meet the needs if properly distributed, 
is fotmd to be ^ery unevenly distributed. Besides, much of the rain that 
falls duriTig the suninier mnn^ths prO'\-es of less servJice than is possible 
from the amount received. The dashing showers so common in summer 
(let not penetrate tlie soil as do the early spring and late fall rains and a large 
proportion runs off from the surface. 

It was noted by a reporter of the .State Agricultural Experiment 
Station that in the season of 1899 there was such lack of moisture in 
May and early June that the yield of hay, an important crop, was very 
light, the shortage being estimated at more than one-half, which at a low 
estimate averaged fifty dollars per farm, or a loss of more than $1,500,000 
for the State. In the dt:iry regions the deficiency of rainfall also materially 
reduced the yield of the j)astures and early forage crops, thus affecting 
the returns from this ]>ranch. of farming. The rain deficiency also resulted 
in very sei'ioiis injury to early garden crops, particularly asjiaragus and 
early beets, strawberries and other small fruits. 

These ci-nditions have led to propositions looking toward storage 
reservcjirs and ;i system of irrigation, and the mere fact sugg'ests the wis- 
dom of utilizing the pro\-isic.ns of nature through tlie preservation of for- 
ests by constant reproduction. 



\\'e can not knlJ^v ilic wealth the ilccp uithhulds; 

lint on its shores are cast sncli wvmdroiis forms, 
Their beauty dazzles as the eye beholds 

Tlie sjilendor of tlie aftermath of storms — 

The siK)ils laid Irare by the recurriuig tides. 

A wealth of ocean life is continnally coming up on the strand. Fronii 
the highest and most gigautic forms, on down through- tine lower (jrders, 
arousing our admiration at every step, in the auroral tints upon the curved 
scroll of the shell; the delicate car\ing of the sea urchin; the prismatic 
lights of the medusae; still doiwn to those kn\er forms that nuark the con- 
tines of the two great divisions of org-auic life, animal and plant, appar- 
ently having s(> little in common with each other, thongh always min- 
gling with the former — are specimens cast fnmi suli-acpieous forests in a 
wonder of profusion. Twice in every twenty-four honrs the tide traces 
long lines u\K)n the beach in shells and seaweed. During some months of 
the year in the brilliant but delicate greens and' scarlets, browns and purples 
cf sea algae, t'liese blend with the quiet hues of other varieties of sea- 
vvcedj and mosses into lui elnsi\-e tint that evadies the sense of color, and in 
these lines sparkling here anid there with jeweled shells, we read' the poems 
of the sea. 

Here, toO', the (xrean has recorded its tragedies in the unmistakable 
characters of broken spars, twisted cordtige and dii.smantlcd hulls of ves- 
sels. What the mission of these wrecks may have been or whither bound 
can seldom lie determined. In many cases the plot has been revealed to 
the actors alone; the crew- and passengers. So bi-oa<l is the cn.ean high- 
way, that even of its immense traffic no passing vessel Iiels constituted an 
audience when the curtain was rung ck?wn to the roar of the tempest upon 
the last act, in which nuite white faces were corvered over, unshri\en by 
priest or unhallwvcd by prayer, in a cemetery where no separate pli>t is 
retained for their liurial and no gravestone marks the place of their sepul- 


turc; and (jiily after many years, perhaps, have these tangible records 
been cast up for us itoi decipher \\i~iat best we may. These ruins are usually 
clolhetl with an infinite variety of ocean life gathered in the deep. Those 
that are still partly submterged' retain much of these stores, and we ,are 
enabled to learn the gri.nvthi and manner of attaching to deep sea moormgs 
much better than from tho'se specimens wMch have been cast up liy tlie 
tide. Over battered mast and proa\-i and useless helm trail lichens and al- 
gae, while groups of mussels and barnacles, firmly secured to the wood, 
or waving by long threads to the motion oi the water, search for food with 
open mouths as nature has ordained. 

The spring months are prodncti\-e of the greatest variety- of speci- 
mens of niarine life. It would be useless toi attemipt classification in a 
short space that would e.xhaust volumes, and only those that arrest the 
attention of the casual observer may be mentioned. 

Of crustaceans, the crab family is the most lULunierous and the habits 
of these animals are intensely interesting and ajTLUsing. The tcing crab 
(limolus polyphemus) the largest existing along the Jersey coast, reaching 
an average diameter of ten inches and a length of nearly two feet, includ- 
ing the file-like horny tail, sustains the dignity of the numerous memdjers. 
The hig-h dome-like shell of a rich chestnut color covers the body and ex- 
taids beyond the claw^s, so' that the means oi locomotion are not visible 
as the huge form mioves slowly and majestically along the sand or burrows 
silently beneath. In sharp contrast to the king crab is the smajll pale 
gray and freckled lady crab l.platonichus ocellatus) which scurries away 
from the water line, where it has been indulging its omnivorous appetite, 
to a deep hole in the dry sandhills with a rapidity that requires a quick eye 
to folloiw the direction it has taken. The ungainly, sprawling spider crab 
(libinia emiarginata) is covered with a thorny shell, aiid upon these thbrns 
or hooks it hangs fine seaweed, wirich it cuts from the parent stalk with 
its sharp claws, thus transforming itself into a waving mass of beauty to 
betray imsuspecting prey. 

The hermit craib (eupagxn-us bcrnhardus) is without a home ot char- 
acter of its own. The anterior portion of the body somewhat resanWcs the 
crawfish ; the positerior, fleshy and soft, serving as a daint\- miorsel for its 
many foes, is without any natural shell covering, and any kind of a de- 
serted univalve shell, snail, winkle or conch, is appropriated and l>ec(,>mes 
the protection and home of this m maid. 

The defiant fiddler crab (gelasimus minax) is a native of New Eng- 
land shores, but has become happily acclimated and flourishes as well as in 
its original home It takes its name from the huge lone claw which the 
male crab carries aloft in a manner that is in flat contrtidiction to all known 



laws of oraxitatioii. The claw, more than an inch in length, is as great as 
the diameter of the crah. Its hahitat is the mud-tiats and sin, re- <if the in- 
lets and Ikivs. Fierce in ci;n(|uc-t. iuali>ns in (Kmieslic life and a pngilist 
at all times, the stani])ing grunnd of tlie tiddler crah is c<instantly strewn 
with rennvmts of its foes. 

♦« ♦♦ «* 

Ska vSincLLS. 

1. Ilvanassa obsoleta and Nassa trivitatta— DrilU. 

2. Urosalpinx citiera- Drills. 

3. Littorina littorc.i. 

4. Siii<|ua costata. 

5. Crc[iidula convuxa or fortiicata Boatshell. 

6. Crepithila iinKiformus— Boatshell. 

7. Soluns crisis— Sailors razor. 
V. Siliqiiaria yibba. 

9. Mytiliis eduhis. 

II). Putricola pholadiformus— burrowini; sliellfish, 

II. Modiola plicatula. 

The i)lue or edible crab ( callinectes hastatns) is fonnd in very 
mimberf in the bays and inlets, it is eagerly songht for its food 
ties, and at the tinre it sheds its shell, when it is kmiwn as the sof 
crab, it is m)ost highly prized. 





The tiny pea cralj. apprupriateh- named as tu' size I pinnotheres os- 
treiun ) inhahils the oyster, which it does not seem in any way to anno)". 
]t constitutes a delicacv tiiat is a favorite Init costly article oif cununerce 
cai account of its size. 

The tiny anomura (trippa lalp(;itlea), a white crustacean in the form 
of a I>eetle, from a half toi ithree-(ju;u"tcrs of an inch in length, is carried 
up hy the waves in myriads and thrtnvn on the beach at certain seasons of 
the year. Scarcely do the}- alight oil the sand before the burrowing be- 
comes fast aiid furious, and th'ey sink out of sight in an instant. The par- 
ent aniomura is sometimes co'vered wiith, i)ro'geny, clinging to the back, 
abdomen and sides, and in the mad scramble to reach cover some of them 
are tlrrowii off, but no sooner do tlxe)' touch the sand than tliey begin the 
same energetic operation and are lost to sight as Ciuickly. 

More than sevaity-five varieties of shell-fisli inhabit the Jersey waters. 
Some of these are carried by the Gulf Stream from the tropics and sur- 
vive the colder waters of thte temperate regions for a long time, but do 
not propagate, and their nnmibers are reinforced only in the abox-e manner. 
Of the univalve shells of this character the cowry (cyprodea) which is the 
ornament, jewel and currency of sa\age tribes, and the keyhole limpet or 
fissurilla (listeri) are among the nnmlber. 

The small destructive "drill," a native, of two varieties, (ilmnassa 
obsoleta and nassa trivitata) is very abundant. They are spiral or conch- 
shaped, dark lirown and green in color, and a,lx)ut three-quarters oi an 
inch in length. Very rapid in their movements, covering an incredible 
space in a short time, they are the inxeterate foe and exterminator of other 
moUusks. The "drill" will seau"e a foothold on its intended victim, and 
using for a tool its long file like tongue will .saw a hole through the hard- 
est or most delicate shell with equal ease, and suck up the unfortumate crea- 
ture, which seems incapable of offering bin little defense against a foe, 
that strews the beadh with victims. The-)- are also scaA'engers, and will 
not decid crabs and miollusks. 

Another little conch-shaped shell-fish is the urosalpinx cinera, found 
in the tpiiet waters of the bays land inlets, clinging to piliilg and submerged 
wood of any character. It is very .slow m its movements, Init is exceed- 
ingly pretty and' graceful in sliiape, and the most destructive of "drills." 

Two of the nijo&t delicately colored shells are the large snajils (natica 
heros and natica duplicata). They are cast up on the strand in the infinite- 
simal specks of newly hatctied young, u]) to the adidt shell, the size ot 
an orange. Tliey move rapidly and feed uix)n mussels and tender slieils, 
wjiich the>- perforate. The eggs -of tliis shell-fish are deposited in a nest 
known as the "Xidas," or sand saucer; this is composed of a glutinous 


substance mixed with saiul, in loiin and size not unlike a saucer: when 
held up to the liglit the egg^ are revealed in tiny anil^er specks. 

The littorinsi littorea is of foreigii ancestry, hiU thrives well on this 
coast. It is a \'ei;"etarian, and is yr'iw ini^' in faxnr with lisliernu-n who 
cultixate it <.>n the i)\ster beds t(> free thcni from certain kinds of injurious 
seaweed. It is an edihle shcll-lish but is not much valued for its food 
(jualities in this country. 

Two of the h'.rgest shells, resembling' each other in size and shape 
but different in the character of the whorls, are the winkles (fulgar carica 
and fulgar canaliculata). Tliis pear-shaped univalve inhabits deep waters 
and was at one time very abundant, but is now grow ing" scarce. It i> much 
sougiit iov to decorate tlower beds and lawns, and was used liy the Indians 
to make w am])um. Th.e inside of the shell is a beautiful deep orange shad- 
ing: to white. It is very destructive to the oyster, perforating and breaking 
the shell to feed uixm the soft body w itlnn. The spawn of the winkle is 
formed of strings (over a foot long) of cases whicli) contain the eggs. 
These cases are a little larger thain (a penny (slightly flattened ) when fully 
develo'ped, and like parchment in texiure and color; there are nearly a 
hundred cases on a string and about forty eggs in a case. The yuung 
wiu'kles are the size of a grain of rice wdien hiatchetli, amd are perfectly 
formed. The eggs are eagerly -eaten by fish, and comparati\'el_\' few arrive 
at maturity. There is usually found in the same masses of seaweed that 
contain these strings the "sailor's jjurse," the egg of the skate. This curi- 
osity is homy in texture, oblong in shape, and ot" a deep amber color, with 
a long tendril on each corner. It contains a yolk and albumen like the egg 
of the barnyard fowl. The "bojit shell" (crepidula con\exa) so named 
from its form and small inferior deck, is a small Ijowd-shaped unisalve that 
adheres to deserted shells audi rocks,. It occupies the interior of old shells,, 
and piles up one upon the other until seven or e'g-ht form a so<lid group. 
It attaches itself to a smooth or irregular surface with ecpial ease, the shell 
conforming to the shape of the oljject, and fastening by a strong nuiscle 
that has the power of suction. There are se\ eral varieties, all of which, 
teed on seaweed. 

()f the bivaJve class, the oyster (ostrca virginiaua) is the best known 
on accoimt ot its numbers ,and commercial value. It has a rapid growth, 
and is found adhering to rocks or any fixed object in shallow water. On 
a sandy bottom the old shells of the oyster are the favorite objects. It has 
manv foes — "drills," "winkles"' and "starfish"' destroy it in great numbers, 
and some kinds of seaweed are detrimental to its growth. The f. e most 
dreailed on the Jersey coast is a coarse sponge that the sliells. 

In a careful test made by the Oyster Commissioners oi Xew Jersey 


in CJreat Egg Harbor and other inlets, the fohLwing result was obtained: 
Oysters planted August 15, 1899, reached an a\'erage size of three- fourths 
of an inch in length by one-half inch in width by April 1, 19CO. By June 
8, of the saime }'ear, they were one and one-half by three-f<.iurth inches: 
October (1. three by one and three-fouiths : and b\- May 15, 1901, foui 
inches by t\\<i inches, and in a line marketable condition. 

The an<;niia glabra, a niollusk closely allied tO' the oyster, is plentiful, 
but very small, and of little commercial value in consequence. Its valves 
are of unequal size. It adheres to fixed objects by a tiny but powerful mus- 
cle that protrudes through a perf(..iration in the liiwer shell. 

The clam is a native, and of many varieties. The "quahog" (v;aius 
tnerceaiaria ) is found buried in the sand and niud of the bays and inlets. 
The shell is very thick and ihard. It Was used by the IntHans tO' make 
wampum, and for ornamental purposes. The aninvil itself, when dried 
and strung, formed a staple article of food for the Indians and early white 
settlers along the ci a-^t. The demiand for Jersey clams, which seem ito 
have a flavor all their own. is constantly growing", and large quantities 
are being shipped even to the far west. The "nKaiose" ( m}a arenaria) is 
found on the mud flats; it burrows very rapidly but remains in the hole 
it has cnce made for its home in a locality tn-erflowed bv the tide. The 
shell is very soift, and can be easily crushed with the fingers. The 
"manose" is the aristocrat of the clam family (;n account oi its delicate 
riav'or. It is growing toc> scarce to' be an article of commerce to anv 
great extait. 

The sand clam I spisula soh'dissima ) comes uj) in great numbers (ju 
the ocean stnunl after a storm or some special condition of the sea. It ,is 
the largest of all the varieties that in'habit the Jersey waters, is very active, 
and can burnw nut of sight rapidly. The coarse, stringy flesh is a favorite 
food of starfish and drills. The young clams are (levoure<l by sea gulls, 
which carry thenx an their bills to a great height and let them fall an<l 
break upon the ground, when they descend with lightning-like rapidity 
and- eat them. The cluief conimercial use of the sau'd clam is for Ixiit for 
CI (Ifish, a;id thev are gathered ancl shipped to the fisheries in large (juan- 

Th.e most curious of clams is the "sailor's razor" (solens ensis) re- 
sem'blimg the l)lade of a razor in shape and size. It inhabits deep, sanrly 
bottoms, and is seklom found alive on the sea beach: the tender shell can 
not withstand the action of thewax-es. It is noted for its swift movements, 
jumping rather than swimming in the water. On the same grounds in- 
iiabited by the "manose" it also finds a home. Here it assumes a i)er- 
pejrdicular position halfwiay out of the hole which it has biuTowed, and 

HISTORY OF rill-: Xi:W jersey coast. 35 

where a number are congrei4'aled the gnnind resembles a forest uf sinail 
sticks. At the sUg"htest intinKition of danger it disappears, burrowing so 
rapidlv that it is im|x>ssible to tind it after it lias once been alarniecL i\ 
careful api)roach, noiselessly and \ jarring the sand by the foot- 
steps, may reward the luuiter with a chance to grasp the shell, but even 
then the work of 'with<lva\\ iiig it from the ground must l)e done with 

Ska Shri.i.s. 

1-. Natica licros— Snails. 

i:{. Natica diipiicata — Snails. 

1-1. Pholasbakeri— Burrowiny Shellfish. 

1.^. arenaria — Manose Clam. 

great skill, for so tenaciously does it retain its hold that the eini>ty shell is 
often all that reniains ni the hand, the powerful siicti( 'ii of the animaJ sepa- 
rating it from the sliell and the boily remaining hi the groiin<l. It is an 
■edible shell-fish, but not greatly in demand. 

Clo.>elv allied to the razor and inhabiting deep waters, is the "sili- 
quaria giliba." This avoids mud-llats or marshy grounds and is quite 
rare. Its frail shell is usually broken when carried up by the waves, and 
a perfect specimen is seldom seen. . 


The common mussel, ot three varieties, is very numerous. All nt 
dhese propagate in deep Water, where thc\- rem?in &, velar, when they seek 
shnlkw water and aittach them'selves to rocks, submerged wrecks and 
sfiaweed by a thread- or bysus which the animal spins. The niytillus edulus 
is the smallest. All have an elongated shell tapering to a point at the 
hinge. The modiola plicatula is about two inches long and an inch wide. 
The outside is corrugated and black or veiy dark, and the inside of the 
shell is an e.xquisite deep blue. It is unfit for manufacturing purposes 
of any kind, as it is very soft. It is an edible mussel, and the aninial, of a 
deqj yelloiw color, presents a peculiar appearance resting on the deep l)lue 
shell. The "horse mussel" (mtadiola modiolus) remains in deep water 
longer than t'iie other kinds. It is larger, but not so much sought for as 
a delicacy. 

The ])h«)Ias l>akeri is a btu'rowing siiell-fish, seldonii found in a per- 
fect condition' on the beach except wben it has been cai-ried up in the object 
in which it is burrowing; a block of wood, for instance, niay contain a 
dozen line specimens that ha\-e burroaved circular tunnels thro^lgh lit, and 
not in 'anv case does one shell encroiach upon its neighbor or pierce the tun- 
nel made by another. Fine lateral lines radiate from the hinge, and the 
l>eautiful white shell adds to its other charms a phosphorescent character 
that gi\'es it a peculiarity seldomi found in other shells. The petricola 
])bi)ladifi>nnns resembles the jilmlas bakeri closely in form and habits, but is 
much smaller and more abundant. 

llie scallop (pectens irradian's) is \Qvy abuiid'ant. It is alnnxst cir- 
cular in form, aliout an inch and a half in diameter, and has a ribbed shell. 
Its chief characteristic is the rajiidity with which it moves about in search 
of food. It is edible, but the larger varieties ebewliere along the coast are 
more sought for. 

The green sea urchin i strongylixentrotus drobachiensis) when living, 
is covered with long nwvable spines protruding from the slightly llattened 
globe-like shell, but wdien dead and divested of the spines the naked shell 
discloses a delicate tracery e.xceed'ing the sculptor's art in execution antl de- 
sign. In size it seldom exceeds that of a walnut in temperate waters. 

The "sand dollar," another sea urchin ( ecluniarachnius parmia) is very 
.numerous. It is flat and smooth on one side and slightly conve.K on ths 
other, and a perfect star is carved in the center of the convex side, the rays 
e.Ktending almost to the edge i^f the shell. It grtAVs abi ut an inch and a 
hall in diameter and is perfect in its disc-like proporticxns. 

\'cry comn»n are the acorn and goose barnacles ( balanus eburneus 
and lepus fascicularis) fonnd adhering to submerged wood. Th.ey are 
tiie scourge cif large vessels from tlieir habit of adhering to the part of the 


luill in the water; so deeply as to sometimes linin^ede the ])rogTe-ss of tiie 
vessel. The latter takes its namie from the feathery-like threads that issue 
frnni the shell. .\s if to atone for the disrepute in which it is held, a 
l.'cautiful leg'entd' is told every lime it is seen or mentioned, the wr.rld o\cr, 
that "when it reaches maturit}' a tin\- white goose emerges from the shell, 
and sjireading- its wings flies a\\a\- tn liccnme a messenger for tlie sea 
gnomes anrl fairies." 

-Xature is constantly at work. When one shell dies it serves as a 
fiiundation for smaller ones, and f(ir the innumerable varieties of brvo;^i_)a 
or inferior coral to build up.on, an<l nn these, in tm'u. a thousand kinds of 
seaweed fasten their roots and tlnurish. .\n old shell may conslitiUe a 
valuable zoological and botanical garden of the sea. wiiich years of study 
wcaild iK>t exhaust. 

Unlike the land, the sea is ku'gely protected from the ravages of 
man, and nature asserts her voluptuous sway undisturbed and unmolested. 
withholding her wonders from curious e\es on nether rocks and deep sea 
foundations, and revealing to us only 'Whait the stcrnis may wrest from 
her unwilling' bands, or those forms which slie lierself may cast up when 
their mission is fulfilled and their span of life completed. 

Plant life upon laaid has its wonderful orcliids, its gorgeous or .sombre 
bIi;ssoms f.f stately stalk and trailing vine, found in the soil to which they 
are indigenous, or transplanted and cultivated l)y skillful hands to ditTerent 
climes and greater perfection; but plant life of the ocean remains, un- 
touched by art andi untrammelled in its growth by forced ntig'ratic-n. Xo 
l^.orist trains the marvelous length of the chorda filum over trellised ar- 
bors, or ccnifines the waving tangle of kelp and grasses to hanging baskets 
or beds of prescribed geometric lines. .More than six thousand marine species 
riot o\'er the rocks and valle)'S beneath the sea or float upon its sur/ace in 
litful or prolonged life. The shajlloiw, green waters oif the shores and in- 
lets, and the, blue waters ot' the deep sea, each yields its own flora — as far 
remo\-ed in structure and haibits as hwid ])lants of the tropics arc rem')\ed 
from those of the temperate regions. 

The favorable location of the New Jersey coast presents many ad- 
vantages tV)r the growth of different varieties of ocean flora. Lying mid- 
way Ijetween the extremes of vegetation which affect alike both land and 
sea plants, together with the slioal waters extending far out and the deep 
sea beyond, it yields net only the growth of each condition of the waters, 
but the Gulf Stream, at an average distance of but sixty miles, sweeps uj) 
f n 'm the tropics, losing here and there portions of its flotsam which the 
tide catches and carries up on the beach, laying at our feel s])ecimc'ns that 
belong to far dista^nt waters. 

Sea Algae. 

Hisrom' oi- rill'; xi'.w ji-.rsi-:\' coas'I'. 39 

1 he best lime to giither sea'weed is in the early imorniiii^-, liefore the 
sun has withered its dainty crispness or bleached its delicate cilcring. it 
may be found about eight moaiths of the year, from Feljruar}- tn October. 
Xo i)lace along the Jersey coast, perhaps, olifers greater fai-ilities fi r this 
fascinating jjursuit than the point of land at the northern part of the island 
upon which Ocean City is Located, bounded by the oce;mi, (ircat l^gg Har- 
lx)r Inlet and Great Egg Harlx>r Bay. "J he long line of seawrack left by 
the ebb-tide curves around the pmlific barber, bends sharply to the Inlet. 
and then sweeps down ihe shining -^ands of tlie sea-beach as lar as the eye 
can reach. Nature in her primeval cor.dition is here revealed ;iS tlie rising 
sun casts long ([uix'ering beams ui red light o\er tlie broken swirl of 
waters oii Great Egg Harbor Bar, chainging the lianks of \apor in the 
eastern .-ky to gold and purple and crimson, which shnvly \anish to- give 
place to the clear blue ether as the sun mounts higher in the hea\ ens. The 
wash of the wa\es upon the strantl and the lew cry of an occasional gull 
are the only .sounds that break the silence. 

Cr\'ptogarns, or fiowerkss plants, incluibng- sea alg;ie. are without 
true stamens or pistils, pud propagate by spores, and these are divided and 
subdivicled into man\- c'asses. Roots of seaweed fulfill their function when 
they secure the plants to a foundation, and have but little influence v>\er 
tlieir growth. 

All strictly marine ])lants arc included under the bead of algae, and 
ha\e been divided accordingly to their color into three gre;it suli-orders. 

Xo. I, ?vrelano>spermeae. — Ib'own colored seaweed with olive brown 
spores, found growing betweeu the tide-lines. It is very abundant in the 
troijics, but is also found largely in the temperate regions. 

No. 2, Rhodospermeae.- — colored seawee<l. with red and purple 
=pores, grows in deep waters and belongs chiefly toi the temperate zones. 
Where rhodospermeae is abundant the waters assume a rosy, scarlet or 
pur])Ie hue that is gorgeous in its eftVvt. The seaweetls of this order \ie 
in color with the delicate ]):nk of the wild rise, the tlaming scarlet of the 
truHTjiet creeper and tb.e purple of the ])assii m (bwer. Their fairy-like 
structure is seen in figure 2. dasya elegans. dark jinrple in color: figures 
4 and 10. grinellia. rosy red: figures 6 and. i i. calithiriiiiium. pale red and 
])ink ; figure 3. polysi]ihonia, light ])ur])Ie shading to lirown and black. So 
delicate are niany of the plants of all classes of algae that they ca;n not be 
discovered on the l>eacli with the naked eye, Ixit nmst Ije sought for float- 
ing in the w'lter. The hairdike plumes audi fronds must be seen t'> be 
appreciated. A spray extending <'ner four or five square inches, when 
mounted on a card, the usual manner of preserving them. will, when rultiied 
between the thumb aiid finger, disappear like gol<l leaf, leaving .scarcely a 


Xrt. 3, Cbloraspermieae. — Bri.i^ht gTccn-oIored seaaveed with i;recn 
spores grawfing in sballaw' watery. It is \-ery conini'on all along the At- 
lantic coast, aaid is the lowest order in organizationj. The genus ulva in- 
cludes sea lettuce among its coarser plants. This is found ladbering to 
shells and piling in thin papery leaves that are very perishaible, tearing 
easily and withering rapid!}-. It rescmWes in color and shape the vegeta- 
ble iof the kitchen, but grolvv's in thie wild formi of scattered leaves and not 
in heads. It is not vailued in a collecticm, as it can 'not be presers'ted by 
ordinar}' process, although the effect when lying on the beach against the 
gray sands .'uid d'riftwood is x'crv jileasiing'. Sea beard (cladophora 
rupesta) figure 3, i>ryopsis ].)lumosa, figure i, both Wong to this genus 
snd grow in' deqier waters, but are most beautiful in their dainty pencil- 
ings : the former is so 'delicate that its dense tufts must be separated and 
mounted in single spra}s befo're its structure is revealed. 

Eel grass (zostera marina) having long dark green or brown ribbon- 
like leaves, is found clinging to and winding about nearly every object that 
comes up from tlie bays and shallow inlets, and much of it is found om the 
sea-beach. A mass c-f flotsam, tlic size of a cocoamtt, wound about with 
eel grass, will i>rove a veritable musetim, containing among its varied col- 
lection a fragment of Irish moss (chrondus chrisi)us) which has floated ' 
down from northern waters, a leaf of red dulse ( rhodvineniai), a wrapping 
of kale, mussel shells the size of a pin's head, the discarded claw of a crab, 
a sea bean (mecuna urens) of the West Indies, a sea onion or sciuill, fungi, 
and lastly, a solid fibrous covering holding securely in the center a mass of 
hsh eggs. The sea horse (hypocampus) is ofteir found in the collection. 
Tiiis tiny creature ntakes its h'jme among the groiwing eel grasses in the 
■water: it is a poor swimn^er and to partially overcome its feeble powers of 
motion it seciu-es itself to the long tufts by its prdhensile tail, and, as- 
suming an upright ]>o5'tion, floats back and forth with the swaying plants, 
often coming to grief wlieni a storm tears this seaweed loose and casts it 
up on the shore, toigether wnth the little animal so often given a place in 
fable instead oif in truth, where it belongs by right oif existence. .Another 
curid'sity. rare i*: is true, which sometimjes serves as a nucleus for this flot- 
sam, is the sea fan (gorgoniia ililjelhmi)- It comes from Elorida, and 
the West Indies, a species of coral that Iiardcns into a horny-like texture 
as scon as it reaches the air. It is of dark broavn color, and the closely 
interlaced branch and clearly defined root seem to dis])ute its ])lace in 
zoology and assert its position in botany. The sea fan grows to a foot or 
more in diameter, ain<l is less than, a sixteenth of tan inch in thickness. Its 
growth in the tropics far exceeds the specimens that float up to this coast. 

Fucus groiws bet\\cen the tide lines, upun piling and sul)merged wood 

V lA / 

J ^ t 


Si:a Ai.c.Ai:. 


and rocks, ami there are man\- varieties uf this tcnigh leatliery ])lant. The 
kind ii' foiund in this locahly Iras long narrow leaA-es, ?.ttached to which 
are little ca-psules or berries filled iwith water. It is olive brown and green, 
and although coarse dries nicely and' is niiicii used for decorating seashore 
homes of summer residents. It serves as a foundation when growing 
in tile water for innumerable smaller plants. 

(iulf weed, or seagrape (sargassum Ixicciform) and sarg-nssinn vul- 
gare, ligm-e 5, has clusters of air vessels like tiny cherries attached to its 
thick-leaved foliage. It comes up in detached sprays from the beds that 
float on the surface of the ocean in diflferent parts of the gb.-be. Its pres- 
enice in the great masses in "\\hich it collects gives the ilame "Sargossa 
sea." It ij; never attached to any object, but is always fownd floating. 
Properly speaking, kelp is an incineration of seaweeds for the production 
of iod'ides, chiefly iodine, but certain natural brines and crude Chili salt- 
petre have superceded it in the manufacture of these chemicals. The name 
kelp is broadly applied to the lama.narian seaweeds used for this purpose. 
Two kinds of kelp ( lamanaria saccharina and lamanaria digitata) having 
long graceful fluted leaves, so bundant on the coast of Europe, are well 
known in the northern waters of the Atlantic and come up on the Jersey 
coast. The larger leaves, which are of an intmense size and great lengtii. 
are broken and torn into fragments, but the smaller leaves can be fiiund 
in a perfect condition. ' 

Compared with the aibunlckmt growth and immense available quanti- 
ties, seaiwecd seemis to have but little commercial value all over the world. 
Sea colander ( agarum turni) so appropriately named, the fronds of wiiich 
are punctiu-ed with many little lioles, is very odd in appearance, convey- 
ing the idea that it has been pierced by worms or insects, until a clrise in- 
spection reveals the fact that it is the natural gro^vth of the plant. 

Sea Apple (nianicura plunkenette), a fruit of the West Indies, is 
occasionally found floating in temperate waters. It has mrmy legends 
attached^ to its origin. 

Dulse, reddish Irrown in color, is eaten iu' Scotland and lrel:'.n<l. but is 
not sought f<;T its food qualities iu' this countr\-, A\herc little seaweed is 
used for that purpose. The true dulse (sar cophyllis e<llilus) is rare, but 
the common dulse (rhodymenia) comes up frequently. There are many 
land plants that grow in the salt marshes and on the licacb where they are 
suljmerged daily by the flood-tide. When the storm tides sweq:) over 
the meadows and np on the sand hills, they are torU' loose airal carried out 
to sea, to come up again in the seawrack M'ith the true marine ])1ants. Among 
these are the sea rocket, a fleshy cruciferous ])lant of two \ariieties ( cakile 
maritima and cakile .\mericana). sea chickweed ( arcnari.a plepoida ) also 


called saiidwurt and purslane; sea grape (cocoboha uvitera) a tmiiical 
plant; marsh roseinar\-, widely known for its medicinal properties; sea blile 
(suaeda maritima) of the goose foot family, grcwing in the marshes; and 
black grass (juncus gerardi) a small rn>h als<:v growing in the marshes 
and nsed for niaking salt 'hay. Sea holly, sea huher and nian_\' other kinds 
are common. 

There is an undefined charnii in walking along the ocean strand. 
Some object or man\' objects which we have never seen before always 
greet us, while those with which we arc fan.iiliar. gnw a; Inmdredfold 
more interesting. Thus, tlie study is never ending, the charm is ever new. 
A fragment ot' Iceland moss carries mn- imagination to the land of 
perpetual ^nllws, and the Idug hullnw tube nf tlie sea trumpet transports 
us to the sweltering heat an<l luxuriant veget;Ui'>n of the tropics; while 
the waves of the dee[) roll over such forms of life that ^ve kno<W! are beyond 
the powers of riiind to conceive or imagiiration to fancy. 



In 1497 England sent out an expedition under the direction of the 
Caljots to endeavor to disco\-er a narth,\\est passage to tire ^^'cst Indies. 
As we all know, the quest proved a failure; but the expedition s;uiled along 
.the coast of the 'North .Xnierican continent from Newifoinidland to Florida. 
It \cry possibily sighted the Xe^A' Jersey coast. Did it stay for awhile in 
New York harbor? Tiha,t is a question which, iwe fear cam never he an- 
swered. All we know of that vorage seems to ind-kaite that the adven- 
turers simpl}' sailed as close to the coast line as possible, and seldoin Sent 
landing parties ashore. The meager details we have, simply represent 
the discovery. oif ai coast liiue, although that was enough' it would seem, 
when the time came, to give England a foundation for a claim to the 
whole of the continent by right of discovery. i\hm>st as shiadowy is the 
story of Joh(n Verazzano, whoi, in 1524, sailed along the American coast on 
a voyageof discovery. It seems more than likely that, after feeling his 
way carefully along the banks .andi pockets off the New Jersey coast, he 
spent some time in New York iharbor and landed on some of its shores. 
His description is weil worth rememljcring, for it is the first glimpse we 
get of a scene \\-hich v.-as soon to undergo remarkaible changes ; 

"After proceeding one hundred leagues we found a \^ery pleasant 
situation among some steep hills, through which a large river, deep 
at the mouth, forced its way into the sea."" From the sea to the estuary 
of the river, any ship heavily laden might pass with the help of the tide, 
which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth, 
we would not venture up in our \-essel without a knowdedge of the mouth. 
Therefore we took the boat, and entering the river we found the coun- 
try on the banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from 
the others, being dressed out with the feathers of birds of various colors. 
They cmie towards us with evident delight, raising loud .'Shouts of ad- 
miration, and showing us where we could most securely land our boats. 
We passed up this ri\-er about lialf a league, where we" found it formed 
a most beautiful lake, upon which they were rowing thirty or more of 
their small boats filled with multitudes who caine to see us.'' 


He did not stay Itniji' in tiiis lieautilul scene Init passed nortliward. 
He saw natives gathering wampum on what is now known as Rockawav 
Beacli as he passed out, and on his ■way to Nantucket discovered iUdck 
Island, to whicii he g";i\-e tiic name of Louise, the mother of King h'rancis, 
of France. 

W'c have vague anil siiadowy records of other voyageurs wlii> looked 
in more or less through the Narrows from the Lower Bay, but what has 
reached us regarding their m<j\-ements and their disco;\'ery is so \-ag\ie 
and unsatisfactory that tlie details helong rather to the antiquary than 
to the historian. Estevan Gomez, a Spanish adventurer, began a voyage 
across the .\ll;uitic in 1525 and kxjkcd in at the liudscm, so it is claimed; 
but if he did' that much: he did no more. About 1540 we rea<l of I'^rcnch 
skippers ascending the "River of the Steep Flill" as far as what is now 
Albanv, in search of furs, and there is some evidence of their having there 
built a fort to protect themiselves and their pos-sessions. In 134-' Jean 
Allefonsce, of Saintonge, passed' throngh Long Island SoiukI and so 
reached New York harbor, being the first (it is supposed) to have man- 
aged that bit of .seanic-.nsh'ip. Up to that time little was known of the 
Hudson, although if we agree with Mr. A. j. W'eise ("The Discoveries 
of America") that it is the Norambega River laid down upon some 
early maps, it was the subject of nmch conjecture and even geograi)hical 

It was early in SqitembcT, 1609, that the "Half Moon" — sixty tons 
burden, under cominand' of Ilendrick, or properly Henry, Hudson — ■ 
dropped' anchor in the Lower Bay, somewhere Ijetween Sandy Hook and 
Conev islaiid, resting there, as it were, in the course of a voyage of dis- 
covery up the coast from Chesapeake Bay. On August 28, 1609, he had 
entered Delaware Ba_\-, but finding the course barred by a sand-l)ank <>r 
two he did not proceed very far and kqot on his northerly course, lie 
was sent here by the EaiSt India Company, of Amsterdam, and hoped, 
with the e.\i>eriencc gained in two jn-evious voyages, to discover the ii^ins 
fatiiiis of seamanship, even to our own day — a northwest passage to India. 
Sand-banks ajid shallfjiw water such as he struck in Delaware Liay were 
not likely to lead to such a passage, an<l so, although he has been called 
the discoverer of the great bay, he did little more than merely look at it, 
and passed on as quickly as he could. AX'hen he entered the river which 
now bears his rtame, he fondly imagined that he had at last sdved the 
great problem. He spent a few days exploring the shores of New N'ork 
Bay and questioning the natives as to the course and extent of the water 
wihich led inland. Sad to say, he also had trouble with these seemingly 
inoffensive people, and thej' killed one of his men ; but whether that trag- 


edy was enacted on Coney Jslaiid or on Sandy Hook is a point nn which 
the antiquaries have not vet made n]) their minds. T'lie long Island in- 
vestigators are positi\e in locating the scene of this on Coqiey Island, while 
the New Jersey authorities will point out the exact spot on Sandy Hook — 
and there you are! They all agree, however, that a man — John Colman 
— was Ivilled, and we may call it a tragedy, because it was the beginning of 
a warfare w'hich, whether carried on by firearms, steel, rum or the diseases 
of civilization, externiiinatcd in time the native population, whose gentle, 
inoffensive qualities Verazzano' so clearly describes. Having learned all 
he could, he passe<I up the river almost to Albany, and then, having seen 
enough to show liim that he had not yet discoveretl the long-sought pas- 
sage, he made liis way back to the open sea. 

In one respect, the story of his journey along the river which has 
preserved his name and is hiis miost enduring memorial, is not pleasaint 
reading. His treatment of the natives 'was the reverse of kindly, and it 
lias been c(jmputed that two hundred were killed b\' Hudson and his crew 
during the trip up and down the river. They seem to^ have been generally 
friendly an<l inoffensi\-e, over-curiotis in mlany respects, and off Stony 
Point one was caught, so it is said, in the act of stealing from the ship. To 
ll;is malefactor was at once applied the law of the white man, and he was 
shot while trying to escape with his plunder. This led to a rujiture of 
friendly relations in that neighborhood, and when the upper end of Man- 
hattan Island was reached there was a sort of naval battle — Indians, canoes 
and arroW'S on the oine side, and the "Half Moon" an'cl firearms on the 
■other, anfl the "lialf Mlkhi" won. We reaill od' another n;i\al i>altlc a little 
way further down, but with the same result. The nali\e.s cuaild n<it with- 
stand gunpowder. So HufTson reached' the open sea in safety, but left 
behind him memories winch in after years were to help, with later stories 
of cruelty and wrong, tt^' prompt tire red mian, as occasion offered and 
as long as opportunities remained, to wreak a terrible \'engeance. But 
Hudson did even more than this, for he nmst be credited w ith being the 
first to open up to their knowledge the influence and' power of runu 
VVhei^ever lie landed and the Indians proved friendly, or whenever a i>arty 
of them on kindly service bent visited the "Half Moon," "fire-water" was 
produced tO' brinig about a revel, and of the orgies and excesses which fol- 
lowed each production of that agent of ci\ilization the Indiian traditions 
told in graphic vividness for many a ye?jr. 

Hudson's report to his anployers in AmBterdam was in one sense a 
<)isappointinent. It did not unveil the desired northwest passage, and so 
was a failure: but its account of the resources of the conntry he had seen 
and its opportunities for trade were not lf>st in a cammiunity wliose mer- 

HISTORN' Ol' rill-: Xl'.W JI'IRSEY COAST. 47 

chants were tlien the most far-reaching- and enterprising- in tlic world. 
lie told O'f the rich trade in peltries that awaited a gatherer, and it was n't 
li'ng- hefore some enterprising merchants chartered a ship to cross the 
ocean and bring Ivack a load of fnr--. That \onture proved a signal snc- 
cess, and the trade of the old X ether lands w ith tiie Xew Xethcrland may 
thus be said to ha\e conuncnced. In idu Jlolland merchants syndicated 
and sent out the "l''ortuiic," undei- command of llendrick C'hristiansen, 
and the "Tiger," under commiind of Adriacn lilock, aiul in the following 
vear three imore vessels were dispatched to the Matrritius Ri\-er, as fcjr a 
time the Hudson was called'. 

Of tht"se exi)editions much general interest attached to that of Bhjck. 
His shij) performed her mission successfully and was loaded ready for the 
rel-iir.i join-ne\- when she wa.s destroyed by hre. He and his crew at 
once got sufficient timber tn build another ship and constructed unc, but 
as it was too small to atterni>t to cross the <x'ean. Block determine<l to 
spend the time in local exploration until a fresh ship could come from 
Holland. In liis new- buiat — the "Restless" — he accomplished n-iore than 
he nad anticipated : he had built a reall\- strnmch. even ocean seawnrtlu- craft, 
iind one that iudging from, its pei-forn-iiance might easily have l)r,-i\cd e\ en 
the fury of mid-Atlantic, in this ship Block explored the waters ni l,ong 
Island, both on the sound and the ocean front, discovered it to' be an rslaiid, 
itnd then passing along the main I'lnd he explored the Connecticut Riser, 
liie Xarragansett, and rounded Ca])e Cod, en'tering Alassachnsetts Bay. 
Ji\ery day seemed to bring forward a new discovery, and his imagination 
Avas i<e])t on the stretch in\-cnting names f<ir the ri\-ers, pcviirts, islands and 
l-avs which he passed. His own name sur\-i\-es to us in Block island, and 
lo him also is due the n;ime of ilellegat — no'w Hellg-ate — sin-iply after a 
brancli of the Scheld in his native land, and it is believed thaft he erected 
a block-house or small fort souiewhere on the water-front, n:ow ]!art (»f 
the terrilor}- incori)oraic(l under lersev (''ity. 

Block and his disco\-erics. hoiwever, in spite of the fort on the Jersey 
shore just mentioned, really belongs as a di'^coverer to I^->ng Island Sound 
arid the Xew- Englrmd coasts, rat!ier than to tliat of X'ew Jersey. Tor the 
pioneer of discovery in Xew- Jersey we nnist look elsewhere for a bero, 
and on that point \ve lare confronted with a goiod deal of tradition that 
is vague and legendary, and which apparently can not be unraxelled by 
antiquarian ingeniiit\- or historic investigation. One great tronble is. that 
most of oiu- infr)rmation concerning tiie Northern Atlantic coast of th(xse 
early times con-ies from Dutch sources, and when those early Dutch chron- 
icles spoke of X'ew X'etherland thcv included, in a vague sort of a way. all 
the coast line fn in the 1 )elawarc Bay to Cape Cod. and the territory stretch- 


iiig hack from it toi — :liey neither l<ne\v nor cared wliere. PjcvihuI Cape 
Cod the I'lyinouth Coinpaii)- had obtained a footing, and its chvim the au- 
tlwrities at Amsterdam seemed willing to regard as perfect. Then there- 
was the London Compan}', fo'Unded like that of Plymouth, in i()o6, but 
aljove all such companies was the claim of England to severeignty over the 
whole of the continent, based on the idea oi the priority of discovery of 
the Cabuts. All these questions aftei^ward settled themselves, and really,, 
except for the jjurpose of local history, it is useless to e.xpend time in in- 
\estigating v\hat sections of the new territory belonged respectively, ac- 
cording to the laws and ideas prevailing lat the beginning of the century,, 
to England and to Holland. 

'J'his nnicli, ho\\e\-er, is certain^ — the Dutch regime extended over 
most of what is nov; incorporated into the State of Xew Jersey, but so 
far as an exploitation or settlement went, the rulers of the Xew Xetherland. 
or their ])eo])le cut comi)arati\ely but a small figm^e. A few scattered 
l)oints (.>n the Hudson and the Delaware \\(.ni!d be aJl that could be in- 
cluded in the stoiy, for the l.nUk of the 1 )utch immigration sto]>ped at 
Xew Amsterdami and passed u]) the Ilndsun Ri\er. There was an abund- 
ance oi territory immediately outside of the wall of Xew Amsterdam for 
farm or bouwerie, and no need of crossing' a wide and flowinig ri\-er for 
fome tiinie to come. 

So the piop.eers of New Jersey — the bulk of them, that is — were from 
Great Britain, men and women mainly imbued with religious zeal, men and 
women who did not come to conform tO' the doctrinal system) th'ere en- 
dbrsed bv law. and who crossed the sea in the hope of foimding colonies 
where they could worship God according to their own i'deas, the prompt- 
ings of their owmi consciences, and where true religious libert}' and per- 
fect tolerationi might prevail. Tbcy did not believe, as did the Xew Eng- 
laml Puritans, in settin.s" up a new religious despotism to take the place 
of t'he one against which they had mtunnured and from which they had 
fled. There is a legend, indeed, but a legend which seems to have 
been accepted as true by such an autl»rity as the late John Fiske — that the- 
historic "Mayflower," \\hen, she started on ber memorable voyage, was 
really headed for the Delaware Bay, and that the brethren intended land- 
ing somewhere on its shores, but that stress of weather and the ignorance 
of their pilot carried the craft against the rocky coast of Xew England 
and to the soil which had been pre-empted' (on paper) by the Plymouth 
Company. There has been some speculation as to bow these people would 
have gotten along hajd the}' really entered the Delaware Bay and squatted 
on the Jersev shore. They would tlien have l)een tnider Dutch rule, and 
it is questionable hnw far the rulers of X''ew Amsterdam would 'ha\e per- 

HISTORY oi- iiij': xi;\\ jersey coast. 49 

mitted thein to go in. setting up a thcncracy in tlie tcniii ly. Tlie general 
opinion seemed to he tliat there wnnld have heen trouhle, a perpetual clasii 
of authority, although Avhv this nntjin shnuld ha\e found supporters U 
is dititicult to say. SouthuUl was i\i territi-ry claimed hv the Duleh ; it \va> 
not so far a'way from the fort at Xew An'.stcrdani as was the shore (.f 
the Delaware, and yet as pcrftet a theocr;ic\ fh itrished there as ever ruled 
in New England, and, nearer Irome, the Dutch permitted Lady Moody to 
found the town of tira\'esend on religious principles, or rather on prin- 
ciples of the widest kind of religious toleration. 

In 1610, or thereaibout. Captain Argtdl passed along the coast, hut it 
is doubtful if he landed anywiicre, and we have scant references of visits 
along the shore by Cornelius l]er.ilric'<sou in i()i6, and hy Captain 
Thomas Dormer in 1620, but the real hero of tiie discovery of Xew Jersey 
was undoubtedly Cornelius Jacobsc Mey, the first Director General of 
NeAV Xetherland. In 1623,. with a part}' of pioneer spirits, he left Xew 
Amsterdam, then itself but ne'wly foimded and little miore than a settle- 
ment, and proceeded southward to eK])lore the territory which Hudson had 
reported upon, and particularly the South Ri\er. the name at first given 
to the Delaware, and whiich rejoiced at \arious times under such designa- 
tions as XTassau RivCT, Prince Heiwlrick's an«! Charleis's River. He 
seems to have experienced none of the trcmldc which Hudson encoimtered, 
finding navigation easy, and he passed in triumph and safety between 
the Capes, giving to one the name he Ixire, and which it still retains, that 
of Cape Mey or May, and bestowing his christian name on the other, call- 
ing it Cape Cornelius, afterward changed to Cape Henlopen. He hail 
a weakness of bestowing his niune wherever he went. Xew York Bay he 
christened "Port Mey" and the Delaware he put dcnvn on his map as 
"X'ew Port Mey." 

Mey- did more, however, than n;une the territory through which his 
Cfjurse led. He jxissed through the bay and followed' the course of the 
river beyond where Camden now stands, and r.ear the site of the present 
city of Gloucester established a settlement to. which he gave the name of 
Fort Nassau. This was the first real settlement in Xew Jersey, that is, 
a settlement designed on a permanent basis, and; wJiich carries us back to 
the same year that New Amsterdami and Fort Orange (Albany) had their 
beginning. There are more or less vague stories of earlier settlements. 
One ciironicle tells us of a village at Bergen, about 1620; a party of pil- 
grims led by the Rev. John Robinson get credit for .settling on the Dela- 
ware in the same year, and England used to claim the whole territory 
and enforced the claim as early as i'')i4, ijut the settlement of Fort Xassau 

cl.'iims historic pri<irity, and that clainr can not be successfully refuted. 


Tt has long since disappeared, the irjore"s l!i€ pit\-. ]\ley made it his head- 
quarters, and as he had' the happy art of knowing how to cuUivate and 
retain the friendship of tlie red man, there were many pleasant and 
profitable trading scenes enacted before- it and within it for several years. 
"it is better to govern by love and friendship than by force," he once 
wrote to the directors of the West India Company, and th'at motto seems 
to ha\-e actuated him in all his dealings with the aborigines, who at that time 
had not become suspicious of the honesty of the white visitors, w'hich 
afterwards they learned to doubt by sad experience. It is a pity that the reign 
of Mey did not last longer than it did, but in 1625 (William Verhulst as- 
sumed authority over the region, and a year later Peter ]\Iinuit received 
the appointment of Director General, and with, the first of these changes 
Mey disappears from our record. 

In 1629 the redoubtable W'alter the I^oubter entered the Delaware 
and bought land around Cape Henlopen. from the Indians, and a year later 
(May 5, 1630) acting for other parties, Captain Peter Heyssen (HeyseJ 
of the "Walrus" bought some sixteen scpiare miles of water front in ex- 
change for "certain quantities of goods." The deed which was given in 
the transaction w'as discovered by M; J. R. Prodhead. 

If Mey be given the credit of being the sea hero among the discov- 
erers of New Jersey, the honor of bein'g the land pioneer must be awai'ded 
to David Petersen De Vries, one \\'ho seems to have been adapted by 
natiu'e for a colonizer, and who was at once a man of brains and rc- 
souices, a soldier and statesman, and of undoubted courage. The authori- 
ties at Amsterdam, then in the height of their cokniizing fever, knew that 
the mere purchase of large tracts of land, like that rejiorted to them as 
having been miade at Cape Miay, could be no possible source of profit 
without being backed up by the work of actual settlers, and so they per- 
mitted the foundation of cranpanies of colonists or guilds. One of these 
organized in 1630 was designed to plant a colony on thte South Rivei", and 
in this guild De \'ries was the moving spirit, and he lost no time. 
Tile sanxe year the guild was formed he sent out two vessels with the 
South River as their destination, each having a number of intending col- 
onists on board, and being well loaded with cattle, supplies and such tools 
and imi)!ements as might 1>e needed in a new and strange ccnuitry. One of 
these \-essels was promptly seized by pirates as soon as she 'reached the 
open sea, but the other, the "Walrus," made her way in safety across the 
Atlantic a^nd landed her people (thiirty-tv.-oi iu' all) and her cargo a few 
miles above Cape Henlopen. There a stockade was built, and the poetic 
name of Zwaanendal (Swan Dale) given to it, and having thus made a 
satisfactory beginning the new comers proceeded to settle down quietly 

HISTORY Ul'" illK .\i;\\ JliRSEY COAST. 51 

and engage in tlie raising of grain and tobacco, and to prt'iuire for en- 
gaging ill wiialetishing, wliicli promised, according to their calculations, 
to yield the largest financial return. Captain lieyse appears to have l>ecii 
in charge of this part of the scheme, and the "Walrus" was to figure in 
the business, and so did not at once return; iu'd'eed, the Avhalcfishing part 
O'f the expedition probably, as promising the quickest results in the way 
di dividends to the good folks in Amsterdam, was to be put in operation 
at once, lint, c\-en by that time, the trustfulness of the Iirdian had van- 
ished; the pioneers from the first had trouble with the aborigine; agricul- 
tural progress seems to have come to a standstill, and, with the base 
of operations in this unsatisfactory ct:)ndition, there was little opportunity 
of engaging in the pursuit of whales. 

Bad news from the colony began to reach Holland, and the story 
of failure was confirmed by tire arrival there oif the "Walrus," which, 
tired of waiting, had left the settlers to their fate and made its way home. 
])e \'ries was a man of action. As soon as the evil tidings came to him, 
he began arrangements for a new expedition wihich he was to comman<l 
in person, and he also promised to settle on the territory he had acquired 
or should acquire as ]>atroon. So he sailed for the new world INlay 24, 
1632. with a couide (jf vessels, recci\ing just before lea\ing the intelli- 
gence that Zwaancndal had been attacked by tlie Indians and burned to 
the ground, and that all of the colonists had been murdered. This in- 
formation was griirdy confirmed when, early in December following, he 
reached the site of the stockade and sa.w its charred ruins and the skeletons 
of nl?iny of the pioneers. Tlie first expedition was a complete failure in 
every way, \mt De Vrics was not much given to mourning o\-er what had 
been done or wh;it miglit ha\e been accomplished. He saw at once 
that nothing was to be gained if the Indians w-ere to continue in an ugly 
mood, so his first business was to have a meeting and an understanding 
with the owners of the soil. He seems to have had considerable tact in 
liis makeup, and as he had not force enough to crush out the red man 
he resolved to conciliate him. So ihe managed to get up a meeting, 
had what he described as "a nice talk," showed how desiral)le it would 
be for the Indians to have white men as neighbors and friends, and in 
a judicious thrifty manner distributed gifts of one sort or another among 
tiie chiefs wlio were likely to appreciate such generosity. As a residt of 
this, and of several subsequent pow-wows, De Vries seems to liave gained 
the confidence and the friendship of the Indians. So matters seemed 
clear enough, and he passed o\cr to Fort Nassau. There, according to 
his journal, he had a narrow' escape from being nnu'dercd. with all his 
coinpanions, by the Indians, but, being warned by a nati\e woman, he 


was ready to meet the aborigines when they boarded his ship for the 
purpose of putting their e\il designs into execution. He told them that 
the Great Spirit had tohl liim of their purpose, and this so impressed 
tliese children of nature that they abandoned their purpose and entered 
into a treaty of peace. However, he judged it safest to make no effort 
at a permanent settlement. 

Ue A'ries. wlu> was the patroon o'f an extensive territory — all of Ca]r.e 
May — seems to have gone to X^irginia in search of fresh supplies for his 
crew, (which shows that the Indians were not overfriendly.) leaving thein 
in the interx'al to prosecute the whaletisliing. That industry, in fact, was 
the main hope of the expedition, so far as financial results were concerned, 
and, as it turned out a failure, De \'ries was compelled to return to New 
Amsterdam for a time, a sadly disappointed man. 

The real reason for the failure of the entire project was that it was 
not fotmded on true colonizing lines. The primal necessity in such mat- 
ters is to r,ave an independent source of supplies. That is, a means of 
providing for the necessities of the colonists under their own control, and 
that, as a matter of course, resoh'es itself, in the circumstances, into the 
cultivation of the soil or the ability to^ purchase its products. This matter 
De Vries neglected; his aim was to capture as many whales as possible, 
and so satisfy the cravings of his partners at home for dividends. The 
settlement was not made. The In<lians, while not murderous, were by 
no means geninl neighbors. "De \'ries,'" wrote John Fiske, "had. been 
more intent upon catcliing- whales than upon planting com, but whales 
were scarce on that coast, and bread gave out, so that it was necessary 
to return to Holland." The partners had already l>egun .to tpiarrel. and 
on his return the partnership was dissolved, the land titles were sold 
back to the Company, and' such was the somewhat ignominious end of 
Swan Dale, the first of the patroouships. 

Cape }ilay was visited in 1634 by an English expedition sent out ap- 
parently with the general piu'pose of "spying out the land." Lieutenant 
Roljcrt E\'elyn, of this expedition, wrote 'home to England some inter- 
esting details of what he saw on this cruise, and as he was the first w hite 
man to land on Cape !May and penetrate the country behind the coast line, 
he is entitled to a prominent place among the pioneers oif New Jersey. 
Dr. Beesley says : 

"His (Evelyn's) account of the great alnmdance and variety of 
fowl and iish seems ^\■ithin the range of probability, and his story of the 
turkey that weighed forty-six pounds would have less of the 'colem- de rose* 
were it not {|ualified in the same paragraph with 'deere that bring three 
young at a time.' And what a sight it nnust have been to see the woods 

HiS'i'ORY ()[■ Till-: xi-.w Jl•:RSl■:^■ coast. 53 

and lilains teeming with wild auiinals, the sin ires and waters with fowl 
in e\ery \ariety, w'here th.ey had existed uniiarnied and nnmolested through 
an unknown period of years; and tlie magnificent forest, the stately, tower- 
ering cetlar swamp, untouched by the a\c of the despoiler, all reveling in 
th« beauties of nature in lier pristine state, the realities of which the 
imagination only can convey an impression or give a foretaste of the 
charms and novelties of these primiti\e times." 

So far we have been dealing with J'jiglish and Dutch pioneers, but 
it s'hould be rememlieredi that although they came later u]ion the scene, 
much good pioneering work was done in New Jersev' b\- the Swedes. In. 
1626 a compau}- was formed at Stockholm after a manner somewhat 
similar to that at Amsterdam, and with the same aim — that of securing 
for the home land capitalists some of the wondrous wealth which rep.or's 
indicated the new world contained. 'J'here is much unccriaintx' as to 
their movements and their accomplishments. That they made a beginning 
of their colonizing movement in 1627 is certain, and that thev landed on 
the south side of the (julf is also certain, but there is considerable mvstery 
as to what part of Xew Jersey, (if, indeed, any) was settled liy them then 
or afterward. It was subsef|uently claimed on their liehalf tliat thev liad 
purchased from some Indians the territory on both sides of the Delaware 
from Cape Ilenlopen almost to Trenton, but the right of the guileless 
natives to make sudh a sale has been cpiestioned. There is no doubt, how- 
ever, that the Swedes acted in ])erfect good faith in the matter. They 
formed several settlements on what is now the l^elaware side of the (iulf, 
and may he regarded as the pioneer colonists of that State: but. so far 
as Xew Jersey territory is concerned, they were less in exidcnce. and their 
occupation seems ti> have been limited solely to some trading ports of the 
most temporary character. 



The early settlers of New Jersey builded to themselves two endur- 
ing monuments in their behavior toward the Lidians whose lands they 
acquired, and in their strong assertion of their rights as settlers against 
the arrogant claims of non-resident proprietors who bartered away their 
unseen possessions as they did their coin over the gambling table. These 
are indisputable facts, establis'hed by authentic records. 

The English had laid' claim to the lands of America from i\L-iine to 
the Carolinas, basing their pretentions to the discoveries of the Cabots 
prior to the year of 1500, but it was more than a century and a half later 
before tliey attempted fo enter upon possession of that portion of it with 
which we are concerned — the region now known as New Jersey — and 
when they came it was to find the Dutch well established in New Nether- 
land. The latter also laid claim to t'he contiguous territory southward — 
the Achter Koll, which designation was evidently intended to apply to 
the entire region now known as New Jersey. The Dutch possession of 
the Achter Koll was, as a matter of fact, a fiction, except as to a few small 
settlements along the Hackensack as far south as Newark Bay. 

Commercial instinct led the English to New Netherland before any 
attempt was made to assert rights of political sovereignty. In 1662 tlie 
Royal African Company (English) was organized, and its patent was 
granted January 10th, 1663. The purpose was to prevent the Dutch from 
controlling the African or Guinea trade with its mines and the slave 
trade, the charter setting forth that "The very being of the Plantation 
depends upon the supply of negro servants for tiieir \\^ork." E\'ery mem- 
ber of the Royal family. Sir George Cartaret, Lord Berkley, Sir ^^'illiam 
Coventry, Colonel Richard Nicolls and' many others were the principal 
stockholders. ITie Duke of York (James Stuart) was at the head of this 
enterprise. He was a stronger character than his brother, the King, and 
he showed himself to be a shrewd business man. The two were equallv 
selfish and unprincipled. About forty vessels sailed under orders of the 
Royal Company, and their captains knew tlie colonial markets well. Among 


tlicni were Captain William Crawford (if the "Chailes," Captains Will- 
iam antl John Morris. Captain Dennis, Captain Ci-cjier and others. 

On January 261)1, 166-], Sir John ISerkley, Sir George Cartarct and 
Sir William Coventry rciiorted (Colonial .State Papers) that tiiey liad dis- 
coursed with .several persons well accpiainted \\itli the affairs of .W-w 
England, .some having lately inhahited on Long island, where they have 
yet an interest. They further reported that the Dutch in those cohjnies 
did not exceed one thousand three hundred, with English intermi.xed with 
them to the numher of alvout six juindrcd men. Mnny "turhulent repnl)- 
licans" were reported as residents on Long Island. 

When the year 1664 opened, "all tlie court was mad for a 1 )utch 
war." It wouhl make an excuse for taxation that would lie popular, and 
court officials would dispose of the money collected.. The Rnyal Ci>m]i:uiy's 
\'essels and the navy could cruise upon the coast of .Africa and cajjture 
t!ie rich Dutch merchantmen returning laden with the wealth of the Ivast 
and W^est Lidies. The New Netherlands could he surprised-and taken from 
the Dutch, giving the crown full possession of the colonies from Canada 
to Carolina. All these enterprises were undertaken, and some were suc- 
cessful even before war was olTicially declared, the King, in short, wonder- 
ing how he might answer for them t<j t'lie J)utch ambassador still at his 

Colonel "Dick" Nicolls, groom oif the hcd-chamlicr to the Duke of 
"^'ork, and a stockholder in the Royal Company, with Sir Roliert Carr, a 
gay cavalier, George Cartwright and Samuel Maxerick. were deputed in 
April, 1664, to visit New England and determine all complaints and ap- 
peals for settling their peace and security. The King, in his public in- 
structions to Colonel Nicolls, emphasized his most loA'ing attention to 
the welfare of the colonies of New England'. Well knowing the religious 
sentiments o'f the colonists, he advised caution in the proniiotion of the State 
Church, and insisted upon a most strict protection of all the jirovisions of 
the Old Charters for Liberty of Conscience. L'.nt in his private instruc- 
tions to Colonel Nicolls he declares that "the great end of your designe 
is the possessing of Long Island, and reducing that people to an entyre 
submission and obedience to us and our government, now vested by our 
grant and commission in our Brother tlie Duke of York." Tlie liberal 
charter granted during the previous year to the "Colony of Rhode Island 
and Pro\idence Plantations" as a '"'lively experiment that a most nour- 
ishing civil State may stand and best be mjaintaincd, and that anmiig 
our English subjects, with a full liberty in religious concernments." but 
too plainlv proved to the Dutch that the King was not sending Nicolls 
to New England to establish unifurmitv in Church and State, hut to con- 


quer the New Netherlands for the Duke of Y'ork, to whom they liad 
ah-eady heen granted. The \\"ho-le stor>' of the methods used l>y the King 
and his brother to obtain for the latter the New Netherlands, as told in 
the documentary records of those transactions, is one of the most degraded 
selfishness and dishonesty. After possession was obtained, their policy 
was equally rapacious and contemptible. Their agents were always well- 
Chosen representatives of themselves. Sir George Downing, their' ambas- 
sador to Holland, was one of the most unprincipled and treacherous men 
of his time. 

Another oif the coarser tools used in the beginning for the rough 
trmiming of their plans, and who was ruthlessly thrown aside later, was 
Captain John Scott, of Long Island. He belonged to the family of Scott 
of Scott's Hall, Kent, England. Sir Thomas Scott of Scott's Hall (said 
to have been t'he son of Prince Prosport and! Mrs. Scott) married Caroline, 
the second daughter of Sir George Carteret, who was conspicuously prom- 
inent in colonial affairs even in the troubled reign of Qiarles I.' Prob- 
.ably through this influence, we find Captain Scott concerned in colonial 
matters in Connecticut, on Long Island and in the \Vest Indies. His re- 
cord seans to indicate he was one of the King's dangerous friends 
descriljed by Pepys. He was accused of stealing the moneys of his regi- 
ment in Scotland, of stealing State papers in Connecticut, of incompetence 
m the West Indies, of murdering a coachman in England, and of other 
offenses. Although arrested, imprisoned in the Tower and tried, he seems 
to ha\e had some means of escaping justice. Pepys, against whom he gave 
false evidence, h.ints at his holding State pepers. In July, 1663. Captain 
Scott had complained to the "Council for Foreine Plantations" of the 
intrusion of the Scotch on Long Island. About the close of the same 
year he appeared upon the Island as a disturber of the peace and quiet of 
the people. Long Island was a "bone of contentibn." The Dutch claimed 
It; the Colony of Hartford claimed it; it had been granted, in 1635, at 
the request of Charles I, by patent from the Plymouth Com]>any, to Sir 
William Alexander, Earl of Sterling and Viscount of Canada,'from whom 
Lord Sterling, of New Jersey, the hero of the Battle of Long Island, was 
descended, and now Charles II had granted it to the Duke of Y'ork. In 
165 1, at a meeting in Hartford of Dutch and English, the Island was 
divided by treaty, the line crossing it about lat Oyster Bay, the English 
holding the east end and the Dutch the west end, t'he inhabitants of either 
coming under the jurisdiction of the other if they desired to reside out 
of their own di\ision. Again, in October, 1663. after twelve years of Indian 
wars, neglected by the home government, and troubled by constant con- 
tention with the English, a delegation was sent to Hartford to negotiate 


for ])cace. L'nahle to settle upnn ;ui\ terms \\li;itc\er. vlie Dutcli urged 
that tlie affairs of the cilonies reniriiii ;';; slain qtu> until the home g'overn- 
nients could decide the difficulties between them. Ijut no conclusi\-e answer 
was given by the Xew Englanders. Then, in Jaiuiarv, ai)peared on Long- 
Island Captain John Scott, with a troop of horse and foot, demanding 
tlie surrender of the Island to' ■'llis Majesty C_-harles II, Sovereign of 
Long Island." At Midmont the Dutch Commissioners — Secretary and 
Receiver General Cor:iclius \'an Kuy\-en, ]'>iu'gom aster Olof Stevenszevan 
Cortlandt; Captain Lieuten;uit M.artin Cr^ger and Burgher John Law- 
rentse (Lawrence) — met Cajnain Jolni ■■Sclinii" on January iitlt, lUd^, 
and requested him to show bis conmiission. At lirst, with a great deal 
of arrogance and bluster, he refused, hut linally drew forth a letter of 
instruction or memorial from the Colony of Hartford to inquire ])y what 
right the Dutch held Long island. Ajn<ing man\- \iolentlv l)rought charges 
be claimed that the Dutch "bad broken the peace between England and 
Holland because the General (Stuyvesant) had dispatched a frigate with 
armed soldiers in pursuit of some English of Gravesend at Xieuwehings 
(Xavesinks). Peter Stu\'ycsant. in his reply to this charge on January 
14, 1664, wrote: „ 

".As regards the last, "tis false and luitruc that we sent a frigate with 
men, as we are accused, against the English of Grasesend, and had re- 
course to any outrage or force there against them: the truth of this mat- 
ter is only, that, on the order and letters of our Principals, we have en- 
deavored to purchase some unsold lands both behind the Coll (Kill von 
KuU) and in the Xewehings (Xavesinks), in which we were prevented 
by the last war with tlie Jvsopus and other Jndians, and other inconven- 
iences, and lately some English and Dutch: yea, were we informed and 
warned by the Barbarians themselves that some from (iravesend sought 
to prevent us, and, indeed, bad gone to the number of twenty to Xeweh- 
ings (Xavesinks) and the Karitan Indians to purchase lands from them, 
whicli, as no person is allowed to do so pri\ately in Xew England. \ ir- 
giiiia and elsewhere, without the consent or knowledge of the government, 
so it is also publicly forbidden here by enacted and fretiuently renewed 
placards. I have, therefore, sent not a frigate, but a small yacht of si.\ 
to seven tons burthen, with Captain Lieutenant Cryger, tbitlier, whom I 
have expressly charged, both verbally and in writing, to exhibit no hos- 
tility tr:;ward either Indians or Englishmen. I)ut in the civilest nKumer 
to request the former not to sell any sold or unsold lands t<^ any person 
except the 'government, and to warn the latter not to ])urchase any, as 
it was directly contrary to the jjublic order and ])ublished ])lacar(ls of the 
government; and, in case of disobedience, to protest civilly again.s.t the 
English of Gravesend. We have further cause to complain of said Eng- 
lish of Gravesend on account of their disobedience, their violation of the 
public orders and placards and infraction of the contract of Hartford, 


and especially for hailing our Captain Lieutenan.t and some unarmed men, 
\yhen coming ashore, and demanding what they were doing there, put- 
tmg themselves, to the number of eighteen rank' and file, in a posture of 
detense. with arms in their hands. We are wholly ignorant of any par- 
ticular insulting words being exchanged, and declair we have not given 
the least order or command thereto." 

When the Commissioners again met Captain Scott and delivered the 
"Gencrars" letter, they asked once more for his commission. He then 
"produced an unsigned writing, which he read, wherein his Majesty of 
England granted him the whole 'of Long Island." "But he said that it 
was afterward granted to the Duke of York, whose agent he now was, 
and charged all his subjects to assist Captain Scott." Those of Hartford 
had requested him to assist His Majesty's subjects on Long tsland, of which 
he now claimed to be President." 

Captain Scott stated to some of the commissioners that he knew that 
the Island had been granted to the Duke of York by the King, and, as 
it was "said to produce £3,000 steiding," he would have it peaceabl}- or by 
force. If by force, Captain Scott would command his frigate. The' colony 
of Hartford afterward arrested Captain Scott for claiming the Island for 
himself under the King and Duke, and not for that colony. 

The English and Dutdi of Gravesend implicated in the charges 
brought by Captain Scott against the Dutch were, some of them, the same 
men who, more than a year later, obtainedi the "Monmouth Patent" from 
Colonel Nicolls, for, in 1663, William Goulding, John Bowne, Jo'hn 
Tilton, Samuel Spicer, Thomas W'hitlock, James Halbert and 
Sergeant Gybbings, (Richard Gibbons) returned to the region new 
known as Monmouth county and purchased from the Indians three necks 
of land. The first was the Newasink, between Sandy Hook Bay and the 
Navesink River, and extending to the Highlands of Navesink, embracing 
the site of old Middletown. This purchase was made for a few pence less 
than one hundred and fifty pounds sterling, paid in money, guns, tobacco, 
liquor, etc., and included the expenses of the voj'age of the sailors. The 
two other necks Avere Na\-arumsunk, between the Na\-esink and Shrewsbury 
rivers, and including the site of the Shrewsbury settlement; and the Poota- 
peck. to the soutli; of Shrewsbury River. Their western and southwestern 
bounds were illy defined and arc not recognizable. These cost a trifle 
less than three hundred and sixty pounds sterling each, paid in money 
and such commodities as in the former case. These purchases were prior 
to the assertion of English sovereignty, but it lias been presumed tliat the 
English colonists had an inkling of what was soon to follow in that resi>ect. 
Among the old Indian deeds to land in Xew Jersey is one dated Au- 

iiiSTORv oi- rill': xi:\\- jkrskv coast. 59 

gust 5th, 1650, ill which (invert Lodckcrmans and Skipper ^\■illianl Tlionias 
declare that they have bought lor J.uhurlus van Dinclagcn ln>in Reniataij, 
chief of the Indians, "tlie lands, bays, creeks and rivers, etc. * on 
tlic south side of tlic Llav of tlie North River." "Van Dinclagen ap- 
parent!)' acted as agent *if .Mexandcr and IIcnr\- van der Cappellcn. mi 
whom he gives order for the sum mentioned U'C|ui\alent U) $77.20) and 
advanced by Govert Loockcrmans, December 5th, 16(13," (-^'cw Jersey 
Archives, VoL x.xi). The Indian .sachem wlio received the aljove amount 
in goods from (knert Loockcrmans ])rnbabl\' lirought to Governor Stnv- 
vesaiit the news of the Enghsh expedition to- the Xavesinks and tlie Ran- 
tans. For the next day (December 6tli) the conii>aiiy's (Dutch West 
India) sloop with Captain Lieutenant Martin Cregier (Cryger) Govert 
Loockermans, Jacques Cortelyou, Peter Ze\cl. ten soldiers, two sailors, 
the sachem, and a savage from Staten Island, sailed from New Amster- 
dam down the Bay, through the Kill von Kull. and (mi the 7th rowed down 
the creek behind Staten Island. There Ihty met Peter Lawrcnson and 
Jacob CowenhoNcn with a small sloop, who said that '"thcv had been out 
to trade for venison." They 'had seen the Englisli the day before sail up 
the Raritan River to meet the Indians. Captain Lieutenant Cryger's party 
immediately sent "our savage John" to warn Ihe Navesinks and Raritans 
not to sell any lands. Negotiations were thus intcrru[)ted, and the I"'ng- 
lish sailed down the Raritan lo meet the Dutch., who were awaiting them 
in the Bay. After a short ]rarley, the Englisli sailed down toward the 
Navesink hills, the Dutch following. The EnglLsh and Dutch party fron; 
Gravesend' landed, probably a little west of the present town of .Vtlantic 
Highlands, where a creek came through a break in the circle of the Na\e- 
sink hills, and the point was later called Portland Point. Here, on Decern 
ber loth. 1(^63. the "English and Dutch" made their Inst claim for and 
defence of Old ]\Ionniouth. The party on the Dutch West Indian Com- 
pany's "yacht" reported the event as follows : 

"W'i departed again from Raritan River, accompanied by two In- 
dians who were acquainted with the lands of the Navesink. We went 
df)wn the bay and arrived at the creek which enters between Rensselcar's 
Pier (the lligiilands) and the said point; met here again Christopher 
Eisworth in his little sloop, and the English sitting on shore near the 
creek. W'e went with our boat on shore, and went toward them along 
the strand. When we approached them we saw everyone standing with 
their weapons. When the SheriiY, Charles Morgan. (Constable of Grave- 
send) and John Bowne advanced toward us, I asked them '\\'hat their 
business was?' The\' answered. 'They were trading.' We replied, 'if 
lliey went to trade, why then had they such a strong force with them ?' 
They said 'Indians were villains and could not be trusted, and iheret'ore 
thcv went in such numbers.' W'c told them that 'we were informed thev 


came to purchase lands from the Indians.' Thev answered, 'We went onlv 
there to see the lands.' We again told them 'that they ought not to un- 
dertake to purchase any land of the Indians, as the largest part was al- 
ready purchased by the Dutch.' John Bowne then asked me under what 
go\-ernment I presumed that they resided.' I answered 'that thev lived 
under that of tlie States General and under that of the Director General 
and Council here.' To which he replied, 'Whv then are we not permitted 
to trade and explore lands as well as you ?' I answered them 'that they 
ought not to midertake to purchase any lands from the Indians except they 
had previously obtained the consent of Governor Stu\\esant and Council ■ 
to which John Bowne replied, It shall be well.' Then said Christopher 
Elswortli. 'i told them the same before, that thev should not do it ' Go- 
vert Loockermans told them then, 'Ye are a part'v of traitors, and vou act 
agamst the Government of the State.' They said 'the King's patent was 
quite oi another cast.' Lotxkemians asked, 'from whom have you your 
pass? They answered 'frcaii the Manhattans.' Lookermans retorted 'Whv 
do you act then against the State?' To which Charles Morgan answered 
Sek noty bey ff/frf— ( probably Indian). Both parties entered the Nav^- 

^''" .., l''^"^ '^^^"'■^ ^'le''" ■"eturn home. (From "Albanv Record," quoted 
in Old Times m Old :\hjnmouth"). 

Truly neither the English nor the Dutch knew which had the best 
right to these lands. The priority of their claims had never been de- 
scribed Only the half-naked savage was justly owner of those grand 
hills, and forests, those rivers and bays, and of him did the white man 
purchase before the question of sovereignty had been determined. 

In 1663-4, Charles II, "King of England, Scotland, France and Ire- 
land, Defender of the Faith," sent out a squadron of three vessels carry- 
ing one hundred and fifty guns, with a force of six hundred soldiers. The 
,coiTuiiand was vested in Colonel Ridiard Nicolls, who (Sq>tember 3d, 
1634) received the surrender of Stuyvesant, the Dutch Gm-ernor at Xew 
Amsterdam, who was unable to resist the force brought against him, and 
this virtually established the English supremacy, the subsequent temporary 
Dutch re-establishment being too inconsequential to consider in this con- 

Colonel Xicolls also bore a commission as Deputy Goxernor under the 
Duke of York, a brother of the King, and who afterwards became King 
James II. The grant to the Duke df York is important as the first oflV 
cial proclamation of English authorit)- upon which was founded! an actual 
governmental establishment in the territory known as Xew York and 
Xew Jersey. The lands conye\-ed comprised "all that part of the main 
land of Xew England beginning at a certain place called or known by the 
n.-inc of St. Croix, next adjoining to Xew Scotland (Xova Scotia) in 


America," and extentliiig to the cast side of Delaware Bay. The western 
boundaries were not [jrescrilied. 

The King-'s Patent conferred upon the Duke of '\'ork all necessary 
governmental powers, as witness the li.llowing extracts: 

And we (K> further of our special (.jrace, certain knowledge antl meer 
Motion, for us, our Heirs and Successors, give and grant unto our said 
dearest L'rot'her James, Duke of York, his Heirs, Deputies, Agents. Com- 
missif-viers and Assigns, by these Presents, full and absolute Power ami 
Authority to correct, ijunish, pardon, govern and rule all such the sub- 
jects of us, our Heirs and Successors, as shall from time to time adventure 
themselves into any tiie Parts or Places aforesaid; or thai shall (ir do at 
any time hereafter inhabit within the same, according to such Laws, Or- 
ders, Ordinances, Directors and Instnnnents as by our said dearest Brother, 
or his -Assigns, shall be establishicd : and in defect thereof, in Case of 
Necessity, according to the good Directions of his Deputy's, Commission- 
ers, Olticers and Assigns respective!}- ; as well as in all Causes and Matters 
Capital and Criminal, as Civil both Marine and others; so always as tlie 
said Statutes, Ordinances aJid Proceedings be not contrary to, but as near as- 
conveniently n-iay be, agreeable to the Laws, Statutes and Government 
of this c>ur Realm of l-lnglaml ; and saving and reserving tO' us, our Heirs 
and Successors, the Recei\-ing. Hearing and determining of the Appeal 
and .Appeals of all or any Person or Persons of, in or belonging to the 
'J erritories or Islands afijresaid, in or touching ai-iy Judgn-ient or Sen- 
tence to be there made or gi\-en. AND further, that it shall and may be 
lawful to and for our said dearest Brother, his ! Icirs and As^-igns, by 
these ])resentb from time to time, to nominate, make, constitute, ordain 
and conGrm, liy such Name or Names, Stile or Stiles, as to hin-i or then-i 
sJiall seem good, and likewise to revoke, discharge, change and alter as 
all and singular Governor's Oilicers and Alinisters which hereafter shall 
be by 'him or them thought tit arid needful to be made or used within the 
aforesaid Pares and Islands: And also to make, ordain and establish all 
manner of Orders, Laws, Directions, Instructions, Forms and Ceremonies 
of Government and Alagistracy fit and necessaiy for and concerning the 
Governn-ienl of the Territories and Islands aforesaid; so alw-a}-s that tiie 
saiue be not contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this our Realm of Eng- 
land, but as near as may be agreeable thereunto." 

By the terms <if his coiumission as Dq^uty Governor, issued b_\- the 
Duke oi York. C-iIimk'I Nicolls was empowered to "perform and execute 
all and ever_\ the powers which are by the said Letters Patent (front the 
King) granted unto me." 

Shortly afterward (September 30th, 1664) Governor Nicolls issued 
a printed proclamation jirouuilgating regulations to govern the creatioi-i of 
seltlcments in the territory which had been committed to his charge. These 
were in terms exceedingly fair and liberal, jjarticularly with respect to the 


manner in wiiich Indian title shonld 1)C acquired, and in the provisions 
authorizing the settlers to make their own laws, plant their own towns, 
■call their own ministers, and elect their own civil and military officers. 
'Idiis important document was as follows : 

"The Conditions for new Planters in the Territories of his Royal 
Highness, the Duke of York. 

"The Purchases are to be made from the Indian Sachems, and to be 
recorded before the Governour. 

"The Purchasers are not to pay for their Liberty of Purchasing to 
the G(j\-emour. 

"The Purchasers are to set out a Town and inhabit together. 

"Xo Purchaser shall at any Time contract for himself with any 
Sachem without consent of his Associates, or special Warrant from the 

"The P^urchasers are free from all manner of Assessments or Rates 
for five Years after their Town Piatt is set out, and when the five years 
are expired they shall only be liable to the publick Rates and Payments, 
according to the custom of other Inhabitants, both English and Dutch. 

"All Lands thus purchased and possessed shall remain to the Pur- 
chasers and their Heirs as free Lands, to dispose of as they Please. 

"In all Territories of his Royal Highness Liberty of Conscience is 
allowed, provided such Liberty is not converted to Licentiousness, or the 
Disturbance of others in the Exercise of the Protestant Religion. 

"Tiie several Townships have Liberty to make their particular Laws, 
and tleciding all small Causes within tliemselves. 

"The Lands which I intend shall be first Planted arc those upon the 
West Side of Hudson's River, at or adjoining to the Slopes; but if any 
nuraber of j\len sufficient for two or three or more Towns shall desire to 
Plant u])on any otlier Lands, tliey shall have all due Encouragement, pro- 
portionable to their quality and undertakings. 

Everv^ Township is obliged to pay their Minister according to such 
.Agreement as they shall make with them, and no man to refuse his Pro- 
portion, the Minister being elected by the Major part of the Householders, 
Inhabitants of the Towr.. 

"Every Township hath the free choice of all their Officers, both 
Civil and iNfiliiary, and all men wdio shall take the Oath of Allegiance, 
and ai-e not Servants or Day Labourers, but are admitted to enjoy a Town 
Lot, are esteemed free Men of the Jurisdiction, and cannot forfeit the same 
without dut; Process in Law. 


Evidence of purchase from tiie Indians having been laid before Gov- 
ernor X^icolls, he proceeded to issue patents to various persons. 

The settlement at Elizahethtown was made under a grant dated De- 
■ cember i, 1664, but the precise time of occupation there is not ascertain- 

HISTORY OF Till': Xl':\\ JilRSEV COAST. 63 

able ll is presumable tiiat a lew families were alreatly uptiu the ground. 
Tiie original petitioners are to be briefly named. 

Joini Slrielxland was an E-nglisliman, who came to the Bay C'nldny 
with \\ inthrop. He was a patentee of Huntington, Long Island, and lie 
was afterward a resident ui Heniiistcad. He ajjpeared at Elizabeth Town 
as agent for "A eompany of the inglish nasion." 

John Bailies (also appearing as Baylie and Baily ), who was probably 
him of the same name who resided in ( luilford, ConnecticiU, in U).\2, does 
not appear to ha\'e became a resident, as be sold his interest to Governor 

Daniel and Nathaniel Dentin were sons of the l\e\'. Richard Denton, 
who came from England to ^Massaclurselts, and thence in turn to Con- 
necticut and to Hempstead, Long Island. 

Daniel Denton was a man of great usefulness. He \va.s first clerk of 
the town of Jamaica, Long Island, and also a Justice of the Peace : he was 
at different times a school teacher and a physician. He soon sold liis inter- 
est in the Elizabetb Town grant to John Baker, of New York, and John 
Ogden, of Long Island, and is believed to have returned to England. In 
1670 he published in London a volume which is notable as being the first 
description of tlie regi.m, now known as New York and New Jersey, ever 
])rinted in the English language. Th.e title of this rarely interesting work 
was "A Brief Description of New York, formerly called New Nether- 
lands, with the Places thereunto Adjoining: Likewise a Brief Relation 
of the Customs of the Indians there, by Daniel Denton."' The i)retacc 
is a curiosity of literature: 

"Reader. — I have here through the Instigation of divers Persons in 
England, and Elsewhere, presented you with a P>rief but true I'Jelation of 
a known and unknown j^art of America. The known part which is either 
inhabited or lieth near tlie sea I have described to you, and I have writ 
nothing but what 1 have been an eye witness to all or the greater part of 
it. Neither can I safely say was I willing to exceed my Commendation, 
which I question will not be owricd by those that shall travel thither. For 
the unknown part, whicli is either some places lying to the Northward 
yet undiscovered by any English, or the Bowels of the earth not yet opened, 
tliough the natives tell us of Glittering Stones, Diamonds, or Pearls in 
the cue, and tlie Dutch hath boasted of Gold and Silver in the other: yet 
I shall not feed your expectation wdth any thing of that natiu'e: but leave it 
till a better discovery shall make way for such a Relation. In the mean 
time accept of this from liiin who desireth to deal impartially with every 

Denton's brjok was largely instrumental in quickening immigration, 
.and the instructions it contained are worthy of reproduction as showing 


tlie inducements Iiekl out, and as being inviting to only the most desirable 
class of settlers : 

"To give some satisfaction to people that shall be desirous to trans- 
port themselves thither (^the country being capable of entertaining many 
thousands), how a:ul after what manner people live, and how land may 
be procured, etc., ] shall answer that the usual way is for a company of 
people to join together, either enough to make a town, or a lesser number ; 
these to go with the consent of the Governor and view a tract of land, there 
being choice enough, and finding a place convenient for a town, t'ney re- 
turn to the Governor, wlio upon their desire admits them to a colony, and 
gives them a grant or patent for the said land, for themselves and asso- 
ciates. These persons being thus qualified, settle the place, and take in 
what inhaliitants to themselves they shall see cause to admit of, till their 
town be full ; these associates thus taken in have equal privileges with 
themselves, and they make a di\ision of the land suitable to eveiy man's 
occasions, no man being debarred of such quantities as he hath occasion 
for, the rest they let lie in common to the whole town." 

The other pioneers were Thomas Benedict (or Benydick), who 
had represented Jamaica in the Hempstead convention in 1665; John Fos- 
ter, also from Jamaica, and Luke Watson. The last named was the only 
one of the petitioners who retained his interest in the enterprise, and Ije- 
c ime one of the founders of the town. He had been a magistrate at Ja- 

These named, with John Bakei" and John Ogden, were the original 
patcnices. Baker had been the principal military- officer at Albany. He 
became one of the leading men of Elizabeth Town, andi was foremost 
in resisting proprietar)- aggression. Ogden came from Connecticut to 
Long Island, and was one of the Hempstead patentees. He became one 
of the most influential men of Elizabeth Town. 

■ 'J"he patentees gathered about (them associates to the number of 
eightv, most of them vigorous men between the ages of twenty-five and 
forty years. A majority of them were married. The town which they 
founded will ever be remembered in American history as the seat of the 
first English goverimient in what is now New Jersey. 

The land covered by the grant made by Governor Nicolls to the Eliz- 
aljeth Town Associates, and known as the Elizabeth ToAvn grant, extended 
from the mouth of the Raritan river on the south to the mouth of the Pas- 
saic river on the north, a distance of not less than seventeai miles in a 
straight line, and extending inwardly into the country for about thirt\'-four 
miles. It embraced the present towns of Woodbridge and Piscataway. 
the whole of the present Union county, parts of the towns of Newark 

iiisrom' OF 111!': xi'.w ji:ksh\' coast. 65 

and Clinton, a small pari of MuoTis county, and a considerable portion of 
Somerset county — ag'giegating- aliout h\e tr.ousand acres. 

April 8, 1665, Go\'ernor .Xicolls issued to twehc patentees named 
therein, that grant or charter which has long been famous as the ".Mou- 
motitli Patent," c(j\'ering a part of the county of Middlesex, the present 
cou.nty of Monmouth, except h'reehold township and the Western ivortioii 
of Millstone, and a iiart of Ocean county. The coast line extended from 
Sanc'y Hook tO' Little i'lg.g Harbor, being mine than oue-lialf of the sea- 
coast of XeAV Jersey. 

In its terms it was scarcely as liben-^l as was the prior proclamation of 
Governor Xicolls containing the pledges to the new settlers whom he 
invited to tiie territory. The proclamation ]:)romised a greater lilierty 
than did the patent, in the matter of choice of ministers and of civil and 
military officers. But it does not appear that any discontent was mani- 
fested on this account. The following is the full text vi the historic Mon- 
mouth I'atent : 

"To all to whom these presents shall come, I, Richard Xicolls, Esq., 
(ioxernor. under His Royal Highness, the J3uke of York, of all his Terri- 
tories in .\nierica. send greeting; Whereas, there is a certain Tract or 
I'arcel of Land within this Government lying and being near Sandy Point 
upon the Main: which said parcel of Land hath been with my Consent and 
Approbation bought b>- some of the Ldiabitants of Gravesend, upon Long 
Island, of the Sachems (^ chief proprietors thereof), who before me have 
acknowledged to have recci\cd Satisfaction for the same; to the end the 
said Land may be planted, manured and inhabited, and for di\ers other 
Causes and Considerations, 1 have thought fit to give, confirm and grant, 
and by these Presents do give, c<:infirm and grant unto William (ioulding, 
Samuel Spicer, Richard Gibbons, Richard Stout, James Grover, John 
Bown, John Tilton. Xathaniel Sylvester, William Reape, Walter Clark, 
Xicholas Davies, Obadiah Holmes. Patentees and their Associates, their 
Heirs, Successors and Assigns, all that Tract and Part of the main Land, 
beginning at a certain Place commonly called or known by the Xante of 
Sandy i'oint, and so running along the liay, A\'est North West till it comes 
to the Mouth of the Raritan River; from tlience .going along the said ixivef 
to the Westermost Part ()f the certain Marsh Land wdiich divides the Rivef 
into two Parts, and from that l^art to run in a direct South \\'est Line into 
the Woods Twehe Miles, and tlien to turn away South East and by South 
until it falls into the main Ocean; together with all Lands, Soils, Ri\ers, 
Creeks, Harbors. Mines, Minerals (Royal mines excejjted). Quarries, 
Woods. Meadows. Pastures. Afarshes, Waters, Lakes. Fishings. Haw kings. 
Himtings and Fowlings and all other Profits, Commodities and Heredita- 
ntents to the said Lands and Premises belonging and appertaining, with their 
and every of their appurtenances, and of every Part and Parcel thereof. 
To LLive and to ILjld, all and singular, the said Lands. Hereditaments 



Premises, with their and every <if their Apianlenances hereby given 
and granted; or hereinbefore mentioned to be given antl granted, to the 
only proper Use and Behoof of the said Patentees and their Associates, 
llieir Heirs, Successors and Assigns fore\-er, upon such Terms and con- 
ditions as liereafter are expressed, that is to say : that the said Patentees 
and tlieir Associates, their Heirs or assigns, shah within the space of 
three \ ears, lieginning fr(jm the Day of the Date hereof, manure and plant 
the aforesaid Land and Premises, and settle there one Hundred Families 
at the least; in consideration whereof 1 do promise and grant that the 
said Patentees and their Associates, their Heirs, Successors and Assigns 
shall enjoy the said Land and Premises with their Appurtenances, for the 
Term of seven years next to come after the Date of these Presents free 
fn ni I'ayment of any Ivents, Customs, Excise, Tax or Levy Whatsoever; 
But after tlie expiration of the said Term of Seven years the Persons who 
shall be in the Possession thereof shall pay after the same Rate which 
others w ithin this, his Royal Highnesses Territories, shall be obliged unto. 
And the said Patentees and their Associates, their Heirs, Successors and 
Assigns, shall have free leave and liberty to erect and build their Towns 
and \'illages in such Places as they in their Discretion shall think most 
con\-enient, provided that they associate themselves, and that the Houses 
of their Towns and Villages be not too far distant and scattering one from 
another; and also they make such Fortifications for their Defence against 
an Enemy as may seem needful. And I do likewise grant unto the said 
Patentees and their Associates, their Fleirs, Successors and Assigns, and 
unto any and all other Persons who shall Plant and Inhal)it in any of the 
Land' aforesaid, that they shall have free Liberty^ of Conscience without 
any ?\Iolestatioii or Disturbance whatsoever in their way of Worship. 
And I do further grant unto the aforesaid Patentees, their Heirs, Suc- 
cessors and Assigns, that they shall have Liberty to elect b}- the Vote of 
the Alajor Part of the Lihabitants five or seven other Persons of the ablest 
and discreetest of the said Inhabitants, or a greater Number of tiiem 
(if the Patentees, their Heirs, Successors or Assigns shall see cause) to 
join with them, and they together, or the Major Part ol them, shrdl ha\-e 
full Power and .Authority to make such pecidiar or prudential 
Laws and Constitutions amongst the Inlialiitants for the better and 
n.wre orderly government of them as to them shall seem meet ; pro- 
vided the}- be not repugnant to the ])ul)lick Laws of the Govern- 
ment; and they shall also have Liberty to try all Causes and 
.Vctions >if Debt and Trespass arising amongst themseK'es. to th^ 
\'alue of Ten Pounds, without .\ppeal. bnt that they remit the 
hearing (/f all Criminal Matters to the Assizes of New York. .And 
furthermore I do promise and grant unto the Patentees and their .Asso- 
ciates aforementioned, their Heirs, Successors and Assigns, that they 
shall in all Things have equal privileges. Freedom and Lnnnmities witli 
any of his Majesty's subjects within this (Government, these I'alenlecs and 
their Associates, their Heirs, Successors and Assigns rendering and pay- 
uig such Duties and .Acknowledgments as now are or hereafter sliall lie 


ci;nsiitute(l and established liy the laws of this Government, nndor the 
Obedience of his Royal Highness, his Heirs and Successors, [jrovided 
they do no way infringe the Pri\ileges above specified. Given under 
my Hand and Seal at Fort James, in Xew York, on Manhattans-IsLind, 
the 8th Day of .April in the ijtli year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord, 
Charles the Second, by the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, J-'rance 
and Ireland. King-. Defender of the l'"aith, &c., and in the year of our 
Lord (iod. I (.65. "RiciiAUi) Xudi.i.s. 

"Entered in the office of Record in Xew Yc>rk, the Day and Year 
abo\e written. 

".Matiuas Xicolls. Secretary." 

The patentees were men of strong chrn-acter and great enterprise, and 
tlie most of them were (lee]>ly religious. i\Iention of their antecedents and 
traits is necessary to a proper appreciation of their worth as founders 
of communities and of their inlluence in their own day and upon their de- 

William (nulding was one of tlie Massachusetts Bay Baptists who 
were banished from that colony on ;iccount of their religion. He became a 
j)ermanent settler, and was one of the founders of the old Baptist Church 
at Middletown. 

Sanuiei Spicer had previously resided at Gravesend. Long Island. 
J le was a member (if the Society of I-'riends, and had been se\erel\' dealt 
witli by Governor Stuy\-esant for non-conformity to tiie estal)lished re- 

Richard Gii;bons. who is also mentioned as "Sergx'ant Gylibings,'' 
does not appear as prominently as his fellows, but was among the early 

Richard Stout was head of one of the first live families who settled 
on the Indian purchase in 1^64. He had previously lived a number of 
years on Long Island. 

James Gro\-er became a ]!ermaneut settler, and built the lirst iron 
works in Xew Jersey, as will appear in another chapter. 

Captain John Bowne, a leader in the project of purchasing from the 
Indian sachems the three Xecks of Xew.nsink. Xavarumsunk and I'oota- 
])eck. was one of the company who sailcl from Gravesend. Long Island, 
in Deceml)er, 1^163. He was one of the patentees under the Monmouth 
grant, and his was one of the first five families who made a permanent set- 
tlement on the tract. The place where he located is in the present town- 
ship cf Holnidel, tliough in the old records he is mentioned as one of the 
settlers of Middletown — a name which was aiiplied to a large and s'lme- 
w'hat vaguely defined region. Until Cajitain Bowne's death, in the early 
part of 1684, he seems to ha\e been the mo<t jirominent citizen of the 


county, esteemed for his integrity and aljilily. He was a deputy tu the 
first Assembly in Governor Carteret's time, which met May 26, 1668, the 
members of tlie Lower House being then called "burgesses." He was 
deputy again in 1675; in the first Legislature under the twenty-four pro- 
l)rietors, in 1683, he was a memlier and the Speaker, and he acted until 
the December following. He held other positions of trust. Al'arch 12, 
1677. a commission was issued to him as president of the court to hold a 
term at ^.liddlctown. In December, 1683. shortly after his last illness, lie 
was appointed major of the militia of Monmouth county. He died in 
January. ir)(S3-84, lea\ing two sons, Obadiah and John, the latter of 
wlioni \\as also a prominent man in the province, and a candidate for the 
office of Spe;iker of Assemlily under Lord Cornbury's administration. 

|(ibn Tilton, when he first came fnun England, located at Lynn, 
Massachusetts. His wife was a Baptist, and in December, i64_'. she was 
indicted f(.>r "hoklinge that the baptism of infants is no ordinance of God." 
Thev left Massachusetts with Lady Deborah Moody and other Baptists 
and settled at Gravesend, Long Island, where again they were made to 
suffer. In 1658 Tilton was fined by the Dutch authorities for allowing 
a Quaker woman to stop at his house. In September, 1662, he was fined 
for "permitting Quakers to quake at his house." In October of the same 
vear himself and wife were summoned before Governor Stuyvesant and 
Council, charged with having entertained Quakers and frcHjuently attend- 
ing their con\entions, and they were ordered to leave the province under 
pain of corporal punishment. They came to Monmouth antong t'r.e settlers 
of 1665. 

William Reape was a Loiig Island settler and a Quaker, who had been 
arrested and imprisoned l;y the Dutch. (.in\ernor, Peter Stuyvesant. who 
was a mild persecutor oi Quakers for the reason that 'Ids instructions from 
the States-General required him to disccAUitenance all form of religion but 
that prescribed liy the Synod of Dordrecht. Soon after his liberation 
i'leape went to Newport. Rhode Island, w'liere he engaged in mercantile 
business, and he was living there when he became interested in the Mon- 
mouth patent. He was one of the settlers who came to the Xavesink In- 
dian ]nn"chase in 1665. 

Nicholas Davics (or Davis) was living in the Massachusetts Bay 
colony when the Quakers began preaching there, and be became a mem- 
l,er of their society, for which offense he was indicted in April, 1659, and 
in Inly of fhe same year he was sentenced to death. Mary Dyer, whose son 
Henry was an early Monmouth county settler, William Robinson and 
Marmaduke Stevenson were sentenced at the same time, and were hung 
in ISoston. Davies' sentence was commuted to banishment, and he removed 

HISTORY OF Til]-. .\]:W jl-.RSEY COAST. 69 

to Xewport, Khoilc Island, where he was living when he became intcrcstetl 
in the Munnunith patent. He was drowned ahonl 1672. 

The Re\'. ( )l>adiah llnlmes, ot wlumi more elsewhere in this \.>lnme. 
was living- in 1(139 '^^ Salem, Massachusetts, where lie was engaged with 
Lawrence Sonthwick and .\nanias Conklin, descendants of both of whom 
became settlers on the Monmouth purchase. 

Although he never settled on his .Monmoiuh lands, he made occa- 
sional visits there, one of which was u])on the organization of tl'.e liaptist 
Church at Middletown, which w:is the lirst of that denomination in Xcw 
jersev and the third or fourth in America. Two of his sons, Obadiah ancl 
Jonathan, became settlers in Monmouth. 

Acting- under the authority confcired upon them, the jiatenlces and 
their associates liegan the estal)lishment of settlements at Middletown and 
Shrewsburv. Later the same year ( 1665) mam- settlers came froni Long 
Island and khodc Island, and during t'r.e following four years th.e nun.i- 
bcr of families in the present territory of the comity of Monmouth had 
increased to more than one hundred, reaching the liiuit which had Ijeeu 
set bv the settlers at their assemlily in 1668. The landowners com- 
prised in the settlements, who were for tl;e greater number actual resi- 
dents and lieads of families, were named ;is follows; 

From Massachusetts iiay. — (ieorge .\llen. William (iilford, John 
Jenkines, Richard Sadler, Edward W barton. 

From Rhode Island. — John Allen, Christopher Allmy, }u\) Allmy, 
Stephen Arnold, James Ashton. Benjamin iiorden, Richard Borden, Fran- 
cis Brindley, Nicholas Brown, .\braham Brown, llenry Bull, Robert Carr, 
George Cliutte, Walter Clarke, Thomas Clifton, William Coddington, 
Joshua Coggeshali, John Coggeshall, Edward Cole, Jacob Cole, Joseph 
Coleman, John Cook, Xicholas Davis. Richard Davis. William Deuell, 
Benjamin Deuell, Thomas Dimgan, Roger I-'llis and son, I'eter Easton, 
(jideon Freelwrn, Annias (iauntt, Zachary (iaimtt, Daniel (jould. 
John Havens, Robert Hazard, Samuel Holliman, Obadiah Holmes, Jon- 
athan Hohnes, George Hulelt, Richard James, William James, William 
Layton, J.ames Leonard, Flenry Lippett, Mark Lucar (or Luker), Lewis 
Mattux, Edward Pattison, Th(3mas Potter, William Reape, Richard Rich- 
ardson, William Shaberly, Samuel Shaddock, Thomas Shaddock, Will- 
iam Shaddock, William Shearman. John Slocum. Edward Smith, John 
Smith, Edward Tartt, Robert Taylor, John Throckmiorton, Job Throck- 
morton. Edward Thurston. Eliakim \Vardcll. George Weblj, Bartholo- 
mew West. Robert West. Robert West, Jr., Thomas Winlerlon. Tunanuel 

From Long Island. — John Bowne, Gerrard Bowne. James Bowne, 
W illiam Bowne. William Compton, John Conklin (earlier from Salem, 
Ma-^. I, Thomas Cox, John Cox, Richard Gibbons, William Gonlding, 


James Cirover. James Grover. Jr.. \\'illiam Lawrence. Bartholomew Lip- 
pencott, Richard Lippencott, Richard Moor, Thomas jNloor, John Ruck- 
man. Xatlianiel Silvester, Benjamin Spicer, Samuel Spicer, John Stout, 
Richard Stout, John Tilton, Peter Tilton, Nathaniel Tompkins, John 
Townsend, John Wall. Walter Wall. Thomas Wansick, Thomas Whitlock. 
Previous residence unknown excqat where mentioned. — John Bird, 
Joseph Boyer. William Cheeseman, Edward Crome, Daniel Estell, Ralph 
Gouldsmith, John Hall, John Hance (Westchester. N. Y.), John Haun- 
dell, Thomas Hart, John Hawes, James Heard, Richard Hartshorn (Eng- 
land). Tob'ias Haudson, John Iloralnn, Jiseph Huet, Randall Huet, Ran- 
dall Huet. Jr., John Jobs. Rolierl Jones (New York), Gabriel Kirk, Ed- 
mund Lafetra. Francis blasters, George Mount, William Newman, An- 
thony Page, Joseph Parker. Peter Parker. Henry Percy, Bartholomew 
Shamgungue, Richard Sissell. Robert Story. John Tomson, Marmaduke 
Ward. John WiUon. Jnhu Wood. Thomas Wright. 

July S, i()jo. at an assembly held at Portkuul Pcint. the restriction 
as to the luimber of landnwneis was so set aside as to admit William 
Bowne. Thomas Whitlock. Ji ilm Wilson, John Ruckman, Walter Wall, 
John Smith, Richard Richardson, John llorabin, James Piowne, 
Holmes, Christopher Allmy, Eliakim Wardell. Bartholomew West, Ji-hn 
pp4vuice, James Ashtoa, Edward Pattison. \\'illi<-.mi Shaildock. Thcmas 
Winterti'U, Edward Tartt. Benjamin Burden (B(]rden). and two years 
later (in May. iftjj), Richard Li]ipincott and Xicliolas Browne were also 

Of those mentioned in the foregoing list, the following named, own- 
ers of shares in the ludirin inucbase (some being also original grantees 
under the Monmouth patent), did not become settlers, viz.: Henry Bull, 
Rol)ert Carr, Walter Clarke (patentee). William Coddington. Joshua 
Coggeshall, John Coggeshall, .Xicliolas Davis (patentee), Zachary (iauntt. 
Daniel (iould, lulwanl Thurston and Obadiah Holmes (patentee), all oi 
Rhode Island; Xatlianiel Sylvester (patentee), of Long Island: and John 
Jenkins and Edward Wharton, of ]\Lissachusetts liay. Robert Carr sold 
his share to (iilcs Sltcum. of Xcwport. Rhode Island, and to his son. John 
Slocum. who htx-ame a settler. Zachariah Gaunlt sold his share to 'his 
brother, Annias. who also liecame a permanent settler. 

^lention is to be madie of some oif the early purchasers under the 
Monmouth patent who were intimately associated with the patentees in 
the formative days of ihe settlements. 

Edward Smith, whose name appears'as a purchaser of lands within 
the Monmouth ]iatcnt. was one (;if those who were indicted at Plymrouth 
vith Rev. Obadiah Holmes and J. bn I la/ell. in October, 1630. as before 

jiisToRN' ()i- Till-: xi'.w ji-:usi-:\' coast. 7> 

Ji)lin llaunce. one of the :irijjinal settlers of Shrewshurv. was a ilci)iuv 
and o\erseer at a coiiit lield at riirt'aiul JVunt. Deceinljer _'S, \(i(.<). lie 
held \ariiiris ]x)sitii>:is in the cnuntx'. anions^ which was Justice, lie was 
a 'deputy to the Assemlily in 16O8. hut refused tu take tlie oath nf allei.;-iancc 
and would not yield the claims of his ]ie(iple under the .Mnnnmuth patent, 
and suhiuit to the laws and t^overnnient oif the proiirietors w r.en dii"ected those claims, in conse(|ueiice of whicli he was rejected as a mem- 
ber, as was also Jonathan 1 lohnes, Edward Tavil and 'rimmas W'intei to^i, 
at the same session, for tiie same reasons, llaunce \\;is re-elected a dejjutv 
in iTiSo and at other times. 

W illiam Sliattock. a native of rio>ton, ahi ui \<'^(). ioined the (Quak- 
ers in the .Massachusetts Bay colon}-, and for this offense was whijjped 
and banished. He removed to Rhode Island and thence to Xew jersey 
in or about 1663. settling on lauds of the Monn".out'i patent. A tew years 
afterward he nio\'ed to Jiurlini^ton. lli< daughter Hannah married Re- 
.store Li])pincott, son of Richard Eippincott.. 

Saiuuel Shattock (or Shaddock), a settler on the Xa\esink purcliase. 
was a Massachusetts Quaker, who remo\ed thence to Rhode Island before 
his settlcmeiU in .\'ew Jersev. 

John and Job Throckmorton, ancestors of the nuiuennis 'I'lu-ockmnr- 
tons 'of the present time in MonuToutli county, were settlers between i'''65 
and 1667. They were sons of John Throckmorton, who, with Thomas 
James, William .Arnold, Rdward t'ole ;m(l J'zekiel Holliinan (or more 
])roperly, Holman), came fiMui Rngland in the same ship with Roger 
Williaius, and all of whoiu are meiitioned by Williams as his friends and 
associates in an account written by him in if^.^S. John Throckmorton was 
among the first settlers at Rro\i(lcnce, Rhode Island, and was afterward in 
Westchester, Xew N'ork, witli .Ann Hutchinson. After she was killed 
by the Indians he still held his lands in Westchester and on ]-ong island, 
but returned to I'rovicicncc, wT.ere he spent most of his time and held his 

John Smirii came to the .MonmoiUli great tract with the early settlers, 
and was the first "scbooltuaster" of Middletown. He was the satue |)erson 
who, with tiiree others, accompanied Roger Williams on his fu'st explor- 
ing journey to Rhode Island. Edward Smith, who was also a settler in 
Monmouth, left Massachusetts Bay with John Smith, the teacher, be- 
cause of the persecution against them as I'aptists. 

Richard Hartshonie came to Xew Teise\' in September, [(>(,'>. and 
located in Middletown. Sandy Hook was first held under a grant to him 
in i6C)/. He was a Ouaker, and an account of iiis country written bv him 
and circulated in England induced considerable emigration. .\ letter from 


him, dated Nioveniljcr 12. 1675, is one of a collection printed in 1676. a 
fac simile nf which is in the New Jersey Historical Society Lilirary. In 
1684 he was appointed one of Deputy-Governor Laurie's Council, in the 
succeeding- year he was elected to the General Assemhiy fromi Middletown; 
\vas chosen Speaker in 1686, and held that position at other times. March, 
1698, he liecame one of Governor Basse's Council. He still continued to 
hold his seat as a member of the Assembly, and filled both positions until 
the surrender of the go\-crnment to the cro>\vn. 

Eliakim W'ardell, one of the associate patentees of Monmouth, had 
lived near Hampton, New Hampshire, where he and his wife were im- 
prisoned, whipped and h.anished because of their Quaker principles. They 
remoNcd tt> Rhode Island, and thence to Xew Jersey, where he became 
one of tlie early settlers on the ^vlonmcuth Patent, and was the first Sheriff 
of the county in 1683. 

Christopher Allmy, who was at one time Deputy (.jo\-ernor of Rhode 
Island, came from that colony tO' settle on the ]\Ionmouth lands, in 1665 
or 1666. He became one of the associate patentees, an<.l remained an in- 
habitant of Monmouth County for several years, during which time he 
ran a sloop l^etween W'akake Landing and the Rhode Island ports. He 
finally left New Jersey au'd returned to Rhode Island. 

No colonies ever founded had more auspicious beginning. Their 
members were ito mere adventurers, but men of chaj'acter and enterprise, 
who sought civil and religious liberty as earnestly as they did oppor- 
tunity for the advancement of their personal fortunes. They were am- 
bitious of no greater freedom than was assured them under autlKjrity of 
the Duke of York, and their local enactments were made in the same lib- 
eral spirit which was expressed in the grant under which they began the 
establishment of local government. But these salutary conditions were 
not long to endure, and soon was to begin a long periled' of disquietude 
whicli linally led to revolt. 

June 24, 1664, the Duke of York had disposed of his interest in the 
territory lying between the Hudson and Delaware rivers to Lord Berkeley 
and Sir (ieorge Cairterel. This beftre the issuance of the ]iroclamation 
of Governor Xicolls, who was unaware of the transaction until the arrival 
of Phili]> Carteret, a brother olf Sir George Carteret, late in the summer 
of t'.ie same _\ear. I'liilip Carteret at once gave proclamation of his com- 
mission as GoveriKu". under the new Lords I'ruprietors, and of the "Con- 
cession and Agreenient of the Lords Proprietors of tlie Prox'ince of New 
Jersey. tO' and with all and every, the .Vdventurers, and all sucli as shall 
Settle and Plant there." By the terms of tlie latter document, the title de- 
rived !;}■ the settlers under the grant of Go\-ernor Nicolls was absolutely 

HIS■J'^K^• ()[■ 11 ii; .\i;w j!-:kSEv coas'I'. 73 

igniored, and tliev were reciuired to take out new patents under the [no- 
prietors, wlioni the\' were to acknowledije as landlords, antl to wi'.oni they 
were to pay stipulated (|uit-rents. It is to Ije remarked that (ioxermir 
Carteret himself hecame a land purchaser at I'llizaljeth Town, under the 
associates who derived their rights from (iovcrnor Xicolls. an<l in the 
controversies which arose lie repeatedly acknowledged the validity of iiicir 
title, but finally allied himself with the pro])rietors. and caused his former 
fellow associates great inconvenience. 

'i"he controverv is of succinct statement. 'J'he associates regarded 
their titles as good and secure, predicated upon the grant made liy (iovernor 
Nicolls. acting under anthniitx- of his cnuinnssion from the Duke of \'orK, 
of date April _'. I'i'q. and phr;ised as follows: 

"J do herein' constitute and ap])oint him. the said Richard Xicolls, 
Escp. to be my Deputy Governor within the Lands, Islands and IMaccs 
aforesaid, to jjerform anil execute all and every the Powers wdiich are by 
the said Letters Latent granted unto Me, to Ije executed by my Deputy, 
Agent or .Assign." 

'I"he contention of the associates was that the authority committed to 
Governor X'icolls had not been revoked and that his acts under it were 
binding and of full force. 

Tlie Lords Proi)rietors. on ib.e contrary, held that the Duke of N'ork 
had alienated the lands ■'several mouths" (June _'4 ) prior to the issuance 
of the "pretended" grants made l)y (iuvcrnor Xicolls. and that when Xic- 
olls executed that instrument the lands in the province of Jersey belonged 
to them ( Berkeley and Carteret ) and not to the Duke of York, and that 
all grants made by Xicolls were void and nf no eftect. 

in Monmouth County the controversy was from the beginning ag- 
gressive on either side, and its history is of commanding interest. Gov- 
ernor Carteret had made strenuous ef^'ort to make the lands of the province 
])rofitable to his masters, the Lords J'roprietors, and to this end he had 
sent his agents to Massachusetts Lay and other colonies to induce immigra- 
tion, with the result of bringing in many new settlers. 'J'hose who came 
to Monmouth County, where the anti-projjrietary sentiment was strongly 
pronounced, in greater numl)er fell into sympathy with the jieople into 
wihose midst they came, and considered the claims o\ the Lords Prnprie- 
tors of little im])ortaiice except in a purely governmental way. In tliat 
they acquiesced, but they regarded the Xicolls grant and conveyances made 
under it as all sufficient foundation for their own land titles. 

In their efifort to ensure avoidance of quit-rent payment U> the Lonls 
Proprietors, the Monmouth patentees and those holding under th.em ap- 


pealed to Governor Nicolls, hoping that iie would afford them assurance 
of the \alidity of the grant \\"hich he had made to them in his capacity 
as deputy and re]>resentative of the Duke of York. In reply to their letters 
written in July and August, 1667, Governor Nicolls replied (August 10) 
in terms which, while smoothly phrased, indicated that they need expect 
no support from him — that they were to be regarded in nowise differently 
from other settlers, and wouldi be required to make submission to the pro- 
prietary government and to make payment of quit-rent as demanded by 
Berkeley and Carteret. 

The disputes as tO' land titles now come to^ be interwoven with the 
State history of the province. In May, 1668, the first assembly under the 
proprietors convened: in Elizabeth Town. James Grover. from ^lidtlle- 
lown. ;ind John Bowne, from Shrewsbury, appeared as delegates and took 
the oat'.i oi office. They do not appear of record as having been chosen 
by their towns (which subsequently repudiated them), but they sat in 
the assembly sessions, and voted for the tax levies made, and this fact 
nulitaled against the patentees and inhabitants at a later day, wdien the 
land disputes came before the authorities. 

At the Middletown town meeting, October 28, 1668, it was voted that 
"taking into consideration the liberties and privileges granted by patent 
* * * that this following proviso' shall Ijc presented to the Go\-ernor 
and Council * * "" that noe law or act or command whicii is or may 
be made, acted or commanded, may any way be -forceable against tlie lib- 
erties and privileges of your patent. * * * That if the Governor and 
Council please not to admit of the proviso in the oath, engagement or 
submission, that then the deputies shall refuse either to engage, promise 
or subscribe." 

This determined action was tantamount to rebellion, and it was ac- 
com])anie<l by action yet more insubordinate and significant. The assem- 
bly 'had at its initial meeting laid a tax of five pounds upon each town, 
which pa)nient was refused by Middletown and Shrewsbury for the 
reason as given that they were tax exempt for seven \ears under the pro- 
visions of the Nicolls patent. 

This act of defiance moved the assemi)ly, in the session of November 
of the same year, to appoint Luke Watson and Samuel Moore to collect 
the tax, by distraint if necessary, and to "demand the positive resolution 
of the inhabitants, or the major part of them, of the said towns whether 
or noi they will submit to the go\-ernment of this province, under the 
Right Honorable Johii Eord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, Knight 
and Baronet, the absolute Lords Proprietors of the same, according to 


His Royal Highness, the Uuke of York's grant, upon which answer tlie 
General Assembl}- will proceed accorcHngly.'" 

So far from heing intimidated hy this positive procedure, the inhab- 
itants became even more rtxalcitrant. Their antagonism was not at all 
covert, but they held a town meeting and inscribed upon the records un- 
mistakable provisions for their conduct in evading service by the tax col- 
lectors, and made rule that "if ar.\^ one being an inhalnlant shall come or 
fall into any trouljle about anything concerning the premises above speci- 
fied, or sh.all be called by virtue of any writ or warrant to appear liefore 
any governor or court upon the same account of such appearance or stich 
assistance, tliat e\ery sucli inhabitant si'.all ha\c his time and exjienses dis- 
charged bv the town, and his domestic business go fi.irwanl all the time of 
his absence." 

On the same da}', an<l l)y action of the same town meeting, James 
AshtiiU, Jonathan Jlolnies. Richard ("libbons, Richard Stout, William 
Lawrence and J^dmund Tartt are c rdered to make answer to the Governor's 
representatives, in behalf of the town; the clerk is instructed to receive 
the laws from the go\'ernor's rc])resent:iti\es (servants), Watson and 
Moore licfore named, and u])on receiving the same to declare that the town 
receives them for its own security only; .and it is ordered ■"that no inliabi-, 
tant shall be seized upon or carried by violence out oi ih.e town, until the 
town seei further." Aiid at the san-e time the fojlwwing spirited declara- 
tion was enteied uj:) n the ti \vn look l)y the t(.>wn cleik: 

"E>,r as much as Luke \Y-us(in and Sanur.l .M<jore. the C;o>e;nour's 
messingers. doe conmiand us to aid and assist you in taking distraint of 
g(!ods from the inhabitants of Middleton, to di>charge levies levied upon 
them. This wee declare: That wee own Capla'n riiillii) Carteret to l>e 
our Govern(,ur, whose lawfull. goi^l and just commands wee shall and 
will obey in all things not for wrath, but for Conscience' sake towards 
God. the liberties and privileges of our pattent only maintained in full and 
am]-»le manner; but for as much as the Governour has sent ye:- ti> take a 
distraint of goods from a people that as yet are n-vt subnnitted to him 
(if the act of the General Asseiul)ly did not hold forth soe much, we 
would not .say so), though the same people will be ready ti> vieM tnie 
submission to. him. their Governour, in all things good and lawful!, the 
liberties and jirivileges of their pattent ( nly maintained; wee say. for as 
much as he haih sent yee to take distraint of their goods, as in onr conh 
science wee judge not to bee just, for how can an\thing be due from any 
man or jieople who are not submitted? Wee shall be passixe here in re- 
fusing either aiflc or assistance to yee in the distraynt." 

These deliant acts and utterances were met with warrants by the ( iov- 
crnor c<;mmanding the publication of tax-collection laws in the towns of 


Slirewsliurv .-ind' Aliddlctowii. and a ])n<l!il)UiiJii hv the i;resident of the 
Council, ])rovidino- that "no person in these towns shall have aulhoritv to 
bear any ei\il nr military office iniiil he lias taken the oath of alleg-iance to 
tlie King and of lidelity to the Lortls Pro]>riet.ors, under penalty of being 
])roceeded against as a mutineer against the authority of the government, 
and as disturbers of the iniblic peace." 

^iay 17. of the same year ( 1668). at a town meeting held in Aliddle- 
town, a N'oluniinous and circumstantial answer was made to the demand« 
■of the Lords Proprietors. This historic document, which has b.eccine fa- 
mous as "the Monmouth Declaration of Independence," is as follows: 

"In a Icgall towne-meeting, the majnr part being present, it was 
tlris da_\- putt to the vote concerning answering the Demand of Luke Wat- 
son and Samu.el Moore, who were authorized by the General Assembly 
to demand our positive resolution of submission to the government of the 
absolute Lords Proprietors, as sayeth the Act bearing date the seventh 
(jf Xovember. it was unanin^ously resolved that this following act shall 
be cmr positi\'e solution, audi shall be presented to the (leneral As- 
sembly, \-iz : 

"That of the oath of allegiance to our Sovereign Lcjrd, the King, 
and fidelity to the Lords Proprietors' interest, bee the submission intended 
iiT the act, this is our result : that as true loyal subjects to the King, we 
are ready at all demands either tO' engage, sw'ear or subscribe all 
true alleagance to his Royal Majesty of England, as in duty bound, either 
befi re the Go\-ernour, or any other minister of justice authorized by him 
to administer the same, without any equivocation or mentall reservation, 
as ti"ue loiall subjects ought to doe; and this wee will performe absolutely. 

"As to the Lords Proprietors' interest, it being a new, unheard thing 
to us, and soe obscure to us that at present we are ignorant what it is; 
yet as men not void of judgment, knowing right well that all oaths, en- 
gagements or subscriptions ought to be administered in truth, in right- 
eousness and in judgment, upon which consideration wee are not willing 
to swear to (wee know not what), yet by wdiat hath been presented and 
come to our hands from the Governour at several times, viz: an order 
or law in the year 1666, prohil>iting any from selling wine to the Indians, 
under great jjenalty, though it seems now that aljove the quantity of two 
gallons may be tolerated by law. 2d. Warrants coming to our hands, 
not in His Majesties name, i>ut in the Lords Proprietor.s" name, being 
such a name as wee simple creatures never heard of before. 3d. An 
account that our Deputies gave us, being returned from the General As- 
semibly held in Nox-ember last, who informed us that the honnoured Gov- 
ernour told them (speaking concerning their patent) that notwithstanding 
yr)ur pattcnt, said bee, yett new Lords must now have new lawes, and 
further they declared to us that tlie Governour tould them that Governour 
Xicolls could not give away his. master's land, and further said that when 
your pattent was in granting, that Ca])tain James lUillen, mv Secretarv, 

IIISTIJRN Ol- Till-; \1':\\ JI'IRSKV CUAST -jj 

j)utt ill his caveat, and sue \i\\l a slop to it. Captain Builen then alliniiuig 
the same. 4th. An order coming from the (jovernour and Connscll, liear- 
ing date the lirst of Marcii, "68, prohihilmg the lownes of Middleton and 
Shrewshnrv from electing any officer, (jr any officer from executing any 
office, upon penahy (jf lieing proceeded against as mutineers. 5tii. Xw 
act of the General Asseml>ly, stiling (the I'ligiit Idonoraljle John Lord 
Berkley and Sir (ieorge Carteret) tlie ahsokite Lords proprietors. 

■'l)y all well, wee concei\-e: that the Lords }'roprietr;rs interest is: 
not only: the absolute sovereignty: from wcli all laws must Ije givcai : 
but allsoe the absolute projiriety ; from wch all lands must bee hulden : 
(wee say) if tliis bee tiie interest soe specitied in the (jouvcninur"s late 
order: and intended in the oath: and in jiarte the sulnnission demanded 
by the Act. 

■■ This is our result : wee ha\'e received a pattent frc.ini his Roiall high- 
ness the Duke (tf York's Deinity: (iwniiig us: nott cnly to lia\-e pur- 
chased our lands from tiie Chief I'roprietors of the countrey : hut allsoe 
impowering us to give pnidentiall lawes to ourseh'es: both for <iur own 
safety: antl our well being:: and should wee submit tO' interest soe farre : 
as b_\- eitlier engaging: swearing or subscribing, to the lawes of the govern- 
ment under the Lords proprietors how contrar_\- and prejudiciall to our 
present safety, as \sitness a kiw made the kist fjeneral Assemlily: giving 
Hberty to sell wine to the Lidians : wch Liberty tends merely to our dis- 
truction, many sad former exiieriences lia\'e we had auKjug us witnessing 
the same: it being a Lilierty soe contrary to the lawes of New ^'orke from 
whence our iiattent had its originall : and besides, our pattent gi\ing us 
sucli liberty as gi\ing lawes to ourselves, how are wee bound to take 
lawes from the government of the Lords Proprietors ( criminalls and apeals 
excepted) by wch it is manifest: that neither the Lords projirietors nor 
the General! .\sscmbly can in the leaste breake our libcrtties and in'ivilegcs : 
but we ourselves will be found tO' bee self-violaters t)f them in suhniitling 
by swearing to such an interest: as wee are not l>ound to: liesides at pres- 
ent noe provission being made Ijy the Lords proprietors' government for the 
conservation of the liberties and jirivileges of our pattent, they are liable 
to bee infringed upon bv such acts wch are resolved b}- the major \-ote 
of the Cjenerall .\sseml)l\- : then how should we sulomit by swearing' to the 
laws of the government: and nott bee guilty of self-violation of our 
pattent ourselves. 

".\nd forasmuch as they are staled the absolute Lords [)roprietors 
ffrom hence, it absolutely granted and necessarily followeth that all such 
inhabitants as lives upon this propriety: are absolute tenants to the Lords 
proprietors: and bv virtue of this their submission: by oath to their inter- 
ests are irrecoverably involved to pay such Lords rents: as will answer 
the interests to wch the\- have swonie: and should we submitt to the in- 
terest so farre as by swearing thereunto: having a jiropriety of land not 
onelv purchased from the Chief Proprietors of the Countrey: viz, the 
Indians: but alsoe granted unto us by the Deputy to his Royall highness 
the Duke of Yorke (wch ajipears under hand and seal) ; it would be an act 


beneath the wisiloine of the <Avners of such a pattcni ; ami herein wee 
should apear to bee self-violators O'f our pattent (;urselves : and for as 
much as the Lords Proprietors rents from such inhabitants as li\es upon 
the ];ropriety ajjears u]jnn the concessions: \-iz. a half penny an acre at 
least; sliould wee sulvmit so farre to the interest by swearing: whose 
acknowleflgements by virtue of jjattent to his Royall Highness: have their 
dependency upon such payment as others his majesties subjects, doe in the 
government of New Yorkc to his l\oyall Highness: it would l>e an act, 
as wee conceive, wch would be a dishonor to- him that gave it. 

"Herein -wee should apear to be self-violators of our pattent our- 
selves: but for as much as there is an assignment made by his Royall 
Highness to the Lc^rds proprietors of such a tract oif land in wch our jiattent 
mav bee comprehended: we looke at ourselves to^ be (notoriely) responsi- 
ble to tlie Lords Proprietors in all such acknbwledlgments as others his ma- 
jesties subjects dijc: in the go\-ernment of 'New Yorke to his Royall High- 
ness: (butt alsoe) to transmitt all criminalls arising amongst oin^ selves: 
-and such apeals as are proper to bee transmitted to the trial of Lords Pro- 
prietors" government: These: and no other being the same injunctions 
wch once we were subordinate to the government of New Yorke nott 
an_\- way n(nv Nullified: altered: or changed as wee conceive: butt only 
transferred by virtue of assignment to the sayd Lords proprietors and 
their government: notwithstanding for the future benefit and tranquility: 
and for tlie establishment of peace in the province: w'ee shall l>e willing 
to suijmit to the Lords Proprietors' interest according to the late order 
j)ro\i(lcd that some secure way could be projected or some provision made 
1j_\- tb.c Lords Proprietors' government wch might secure us from destroy- 
ing liy weakening this our interest wch we so highly prize indeed is the 
ven- foundation of our li\elyhood : if noe secure w'ay or course can be 
thought of or projected to secure our owne interest: we are at present 
resolved not toi entangle ourselves into any other interest appertaining- to 
any men: but shall (by the assistance of God) Stick to our pattent: the 
lil>erties and prixilegcs thereof wch is our interest: wch once was com- 
mitted to us: nott to betray: like treacherous men: who for tilthy lucre's 
sake have l>een ready to betray themselves and others but to deale faith- 
fully with it being a trust committed to us : and in soe doing wee conceive : 
Ave need not feare what any man : or power : can doe unto us : and for as 
much as att present wee conceive: that upon this our interest thare hath 
been lately an inroad made uijon it : by virtue of an order coming from 
the Governor and Counsel 1 : and by commission: published in our towne: 
prohibiting any officer that hath bin constituted by \irtue of pattent to 
execute any office till they had sworn to the Lords proprietors' interest 
upon penalty of being proceeded against as mutineers: (to salve wch), wee 
shall make our addresses unto the highest autiiority in the country for 
remedy : and this is our positive resolution in answer to the Act : desiring 
further that this our answer may he presented to tlie general assembly to 
prevent misinformation." 

iiisiom' oi" iiii-: xi'.w ji-.rsev co.\si\ 79 

In llie absence of tlic asscmi)l\- journal fur tlie jjcriod belwcen ifinS 
and i'i75, we ave witliout inl'crniatinn as to lie manner in which tliis 
si)ii ited protest was receised. or what was the effect iiroduced l)y it. I'.ut 
in tile Middletown Book of ifi-i lliere appears a copy of a letter addressed 
to the Governor' from which it woidd appear that the inhabitants of that 
place persisted! in their denial of the property rig-hts of the projirielors. 
The inference is. from this docuinent. that the town acknowdedged the ex- 
isting authority in its poilitical powers and contiiiueil to send delegates to 
the assembly. In this connection it is jiroper to note that the inhabitants 
did not at any time rescind their order forbidding their delegates to lake 
the assembly oath, nnle.-s with the modification previously referred to. 
For this reason the delegates were at times (and presumably at all times) 
inhibited from acting in the assembly wiien present. In the letter t(( tiie 
Governor, as shown in the .Middletown Book, it is stated that in Xovcmber, 
1668, our deiHities (bjuathan llolmes and i:"dward Tartt ) "were not 
suffered to act," and Leaming' and Spicer make mention in tlie .\sscmbly 
minutes, referring to the same session, that "the deputies ior AIi<ldlel<iwn 
and Shrewsburv. refusing to take or subscribe to tlie iiaths of allegiance 
and tidelitv lait with jjrovisos, and not submitting to tlie laws and govern- 
ment, were dismissed." 

In 1669 Herkelex' was ousted from his jjroprietorship. The burden 
of tiie conduct of pro\ incial affairs de\ol\ed upon Goxernor Carteret, who 
became involved- in dilficulties and. in 1672, went to England to consult 
■with the authorities. During his absence the Dutch had again taken pos- 
session of tlie countrv. but their rule was to be of short duration, retro- 
cession to firea.t I'.ritain being made under the Treaty of i'>74. This act 
gave rise to the cpiestion whether the title returned to the proprietors or to 
the King. To axoid all difliculty. the King recognized the claim of Car- 
teret, arrested all magistrates who would not submit to- his own iuris;!ic- 
Jersev. I»ut, before making this con\-eyancc. the Duke included the prov- 
ince in a commission gi\en to Sir ICdmund' Andros, Goxernor o-f Xew 
York, who refused to recognize the authority, as Governor, of Philip Car- 
teret, arrested all magistrates who would not submit to his now jurisdic- 
tion, and finally, on April 30, 1680, carried Carteret himself prisotier to 
New York. The Duke was finally prevailed upon to acknowledge the 
claims of the proprietors, and in 1681 the government of Andros came to 
an end. 

In May, iC)j2. James Grover, John Bowne, Ricliard Ilarlshorne and 
Jonathan Holmes, of the patentees, and James .\shton and John I lance, 
of the associates, for themselves and for their fellows, memorialized Gov- 
•ernor Carteret for confirmation of their titles and rig-hts under the Xicolls 


grant. His response was not as satisfying as fliey had desired, liul ii 
inoUihed them to some degree for tiie time heing. In effect it ga\e them 
authority Id dispose of their lands; gave assurance that no ministerial 
ijower or clergyman shrmid he imposed upon them so as to enforce anv 
that were contrary minded to c mti ihute to their maintenance; legitimatiz- 
ing their local courts within certain hounds; permitting appeals from local 
to higher courts; permitting the people to present two candidates for each 
ci\il and military office to the Governor, who should commission one of the 
two nominees: and to haAX liherty to make peculiar prudential laws and con- 
stitutions amongst themselves according to the tenor of the patent. 

In Decemher of the same year, howe\-er, the Lords Proprietors pub- 
lished their declaration which contained tlie provision that "no person or 
jiersons whatsoever shall he counted a freeholder o-f the said province, nor 
fiave any vote in electing, nor he caipahle of heing elected for any office 
of trust, either civil or military, until he doth actually hold his or their 
lands by patent from us, the Lords Proprietors." 

Following after this declaration, in May of the following year (1673) 
John Bowne and James Grover, representing the people of the Xavesink 
settlements, petitioned the (iox-ernor and Council to- withhold decision as 
to t!ie rights of the patentees under the Xicolls grant until they could he 
heard by the proprietors. This ])etition was sent to England, and was 
replied to liy Sir George Carteret, who maintained the declaration of the 
Lords Proprietors, but made a concession of five hundred acres of land 
each tO' reimljurse "such of them who were pretended patentees, and lai<l 
out money in purchasing land from the Indians." A fmihcr complication 
arose by the repossession of the country by the Dutch. The Dutch 
go\-ernor. Colve, confirmed to the settlers tlieir ijroperty rights, and this, 
Avith a subsequent proclamation to the same eft'ect, made by Sir Ednuind 
Andros, the succeeding English governor of Xew York, renewed the con- 
fidence of the settlers in the validity of the Nicolls grant. The patentees, 
however, accepted the five hundred acre grants made by the Lords Pro- 
prietors, and warrants were gi\-en for the same. 

The controversy had now reached an aciite stage, and the conduct of 
the inhabitants holding under the Xicolls grant was so hostile toward the 
]iroprietors that the events of the time came toi be Icnown as the "Provincial 
i-Jex-nli." 1 )isturl-ances occurred in rdl the counties of Esse.x, Middle- 
sex and ^lonmouth. The people of that last named were ])articularlv an- 
tagonistic, as is ex'idenced by the declaration of the General .Assembly, ni 
session at Elizabeth Town, Octolier 10, 1677: "We find by constant ex- 
perience for several years ]>ast that the town of Shrewsbury bath been de- 
ficient, if not negligent and careless, in sending of their deputies, or in 


sending" sucli as will nut cnufirni to the order ■>!" ilie cuncessinus rc>|)ccting 
the deputies, whereby the said Assembly is wcakcneil and llu- pnblic work 
hindered." Tlie disturljanccs of this pcrind priniarih- t;rew uul <<\ the i->rig- 
inal controversy with reference to the i)riiprietar\- title tn and iis^hts in 
the land, Imt intu them now eiUered [inlitical dispntes between c unending 
parties as to the rival claims of .\ndrew^ Haniiltnn and Jeremiah Basse, cacli 
of whom asserted himself to Ijc the rig'htfnl gmernor of the jiroviiice. The 
merits of the latter qncstion are foreign to the subject now under con- 

In ](>// the King's Council took cognizance of the cpiestions sub- 
mitted: ]. Whether the grants made by Colonel Xicolls are good against 
the assigns of Lord I)crkelcy and Sir George Carteret; and j. Whether 
the grant from the Indians be sut'licient to an_\- planter without a grant from 
the King or his assigns. 

Stripped of its quaint phraseology and ortliograpiliy, the decision of 
these issues was to the effect that the Xicolls grants were void, llic 
authority of Governor Xici>lls could last nO' longer than I J is Majesty's 
interest, and the fact of Xicolls having or having not notice of the Duke's 
grant to Berkeley and Carteret "makes no difference in tlie law," l>ut the 
want of notice made it equitable that the present proprietors should con- 
firm such grants to the people who will submit to the concessions ami make 
patient of quit-rent to the ]>rescnt projjrietors, who, in default of such 
payment, were empowered to look upon them as desseizors and treat them 
as such. 

This brought up again the supplementary five iiundred acre grants 
made by the proprietors to recoup the original purchasers from the In- 
dians, and the record of the Governor and Council oi East Jersey, of date 
May 17-18, 1683, has it that "the patentees accejital of the same ( the five 
hundred acre tracts) and petitioned to have same laid out. Warr;nils were 
granted for the same. Some were survcNcd and [latcntcd, particulai'ly thai 
of Richard Hartshornc, which appeared to be a full conclusiou of thiat 
affair, unless it was made to appear that such petition and jirocedine not 
by consent or approbatifju of the town." 

On May iS, Richard liaitshorne, J<ihn iiowne and Joseph I'arker 
appeared Ijefore tlie Governor and Council. The official reconl sets fortii 
that "we inquired into the truth of these jielitions ami addresses, and tiie 
submission and resignation of their pretended rights to the late I>)rds 
Proprietors. And they owned and agreed tliat they were true, but alleged 
that the same was done for fear. It was answered that the like allegation 
niav ever be made, Ini*; as an evidence to the contrary, the petitioners them- 
selves demonstrated that the patentees had, after the Lords Proprietors' 



grace and favor granted them five hundred acres of land apiece, they re- 
turned a letter of acknowledgement and thanks. And their associates, m 
compliance iherewitli. all patented their land according to the concessions, 
none excepted, and continued e\er after .satisfied therewith." 

To this, in part, Howne and ihis colleagues interposed the objection 
that the fixt hundred acre grants were to be exempt from quit-rent, but this 
the Governor and Ctmncil wi.uld mt accede to, and th.e matter thus ended, 
without definite result, .and this api)ears to have been the last conference 
between the Monmouth patentees and the Governor and Council. 

In 1684 the new proprietors (twenty-four in number) instructed 
Deputv Governor Laurie to call to his aid five other persons in New Jersey, 
and to this commission was committed the task of ending "all controver- 
sies and differences with the men of Neversinks and Elizabeth Town, or 
any other ])lanters or persons whiatsoever. concerning any pretended titles 
or claims to land in said pni\ince.'" and this auth<irizatii>n contained the 
declaration that "we will not enter into any treaty on this side with any of 
those people who claim by Colonel Nicolls' patent nor with any others that 
challenge land bv any patents from the late Governor Carteret, as being an 
aft'ront to the g-overnnient there, and of e\'il consc(jucnce tu make things 
to be pnt off bv delays, and thereby hinder the settlement ot ( ur affairs in 
the province."' The eft'orts of these commissioners were futile, 'and the 
(lifiiculties continued until the more momentous scenes i>f the Revolu- 
tionarv struggle distracted the attention i:f the peoi)le. 

The closing chapter of the land controversy comprehends the events 
growing out of the purchases of the Berkeley interest by Fenwick and 
Bvllinge. and that of William Penn and bis associates. These transactions 
and their etTcct were, in part, the theme of the Hon. .Xntlmny L. Keasbey, 
of Newark, who. in an address delivered before the Historical Society 
of New lersev. on the bi-centennial anniversary nf the ]inrchase of East 
Jersev bv the twelve proprietors, said : 

"On the 1st of February. 1682. the deed was made and delivered, and 
twelve land speculators, headed by \\'illiam Penn, became the sole owners 
in fee of all this fair domain, and from them must be traced the title 
of every lot and parcel of land which changes owners in East Jersey. And 
the direct successors of Penn and his eleven associates — still an organ- 
ized body with active managing officers — own every acre of land which 
they have not sold; and every purchaser who wants to buy can now make 
his bargain with them, as purchasers did two hundred years ago." 

In the Elizabeth Town settlement, the controversy assumed a phase 
somewhat different from that in Monmouth Countv. 


On liis return from l-ji.yland, (in\-ernnr Carlcrct Ix/rc with him in- 
<ti notions to enforce the chiims i:<\ Sir ( ienrge C'arterei. in the follow ini; 
exphcit language : 

"For such as pretend to a right of proprictx to land an<l go\ernment 
within our Province, by \irtue of any patents from Governor Col. Rich- 
ard Xicolls. as thev ignorant!\' assert, we utterly ihsown any such thing, 
lint if such persons as have not already recei\ed patents oi their land 
from us shall not within one year after notice to tliem given of this our 
plea'^ure therein desire and accei)t patents of the said laud, we do hereby 
order our Go\ernor and Council to dispose of such lands antl tenemeiUs in 
whole or part, for our best advantage to any other persons." 

.\t a tirwn meeting lield in Elizabeth Town, March' 11, ihj^. the set- 
tlers sought to avoid the threatened confiscation c(f their lands by proffer- 
ing an annual payuierit of twenty pounds to the Lords I'roprietors for a 
to\Vnship tract of eight miles s(piare to be fore\er confirmed by charter to 
tlieniselves and theii- heirs, wlio were to enjoy "all such pri\ileges as any 
other towns in the I'rovince ha\e or shall ha\e."' 

This proffer was treated with imdisguised contem]>t, the onh' answer 
l)y the (iovernor and his C'ouncil being the return of the petition ci>ntain- 
ing the proposals of the people, with an endorsement t<a the effect that 
"there can not be granted an_v \ariation or alteration from the proclama- 
tion," and giving notice that the surve\or would perform his duty in re- 
distribtition of the lands. 

Under stres.-< of this despotic authority, from which there was no 
appeal, the outrageil settlers reluctantly submitted and, one after another, 
made application for new sni\e_\s and warrants, which were granted them. 
,\t the same time, the as-<oci.ite.-- had no intention of ab.'mdoning their 
claims under the Xicolls grant, and a long controversy ensued which was 
complicatetl by a new siu'xey and pnrch;ise of certain lands which had been 
previously conveyed by the Indians. .\'o judicial in\estigation of the mat- 
ters in dispute, however, was made until i'i95. 'i"he affairs of the ])ro\inct 
were settled in England in favor id' the proprietors, who were therefore 
encouraged to bring into court their cause against tJie associates, feeling 
confident that the judgment w ulil be in their favor, and that the settlers 
would be obliged to make ];,'i\ment i-\ f|nit-rent ;trrearages frnm i^ijci or 
be dispossessed) of their holdings, now become through improve- 

The case in question was that known as the I'ullerton case. Three 
brctiiers of that name — Thoiuas. Robert and Jaiues — who came in ifiS^. 
made settlement upon a tract of |;i;id on Cedar Creek which wa> el aimed 


by the people of Elizabeth Town under the Nicolls grant, and had been 
subsequently acquired by Governor Laurie from the Indians in the transac- 
t'un above nieiUidued. Jeilrey Jones, one of the associates, had derived 
from Laurie title to lan'd upon which had previously settled James Fuller- 
ton, whom :lie ousted in 1093. Fullerton brought an action of trespass 
and ejectment, and the case came to trial in the court of common pleas at 
Perth Amboy, in May of 1695. .V special verdict was agreed upon, but the 
jury rendered a general verdict in favor of Joues. The court, however, 
sustained the special verdict, and Jones appealed to the King in Council. 
At the hearing of the case at Kensington, \Mlliam Nicoll, an eminent law- 
yer of New York, appeared in behalf of Jones. The committee of the 
privy council, consisting of Lord Chief Justice Holt, Sir Henry Good- 
rich and Philip Williamson, gave it as their opinion that the judgment 
should be re\'ersed, and their conclusion was concurred in In- the King in 
Council. This was a aui^c cclcbrc, inasmuch as the case was one involving 
the property rights of all associates, and its conclusion was thus subse- 
quently stated by Mr. Nicoll : 

"The sole dispute was, Whether Col. Richard Nicolls, as Governor 
under the King of England in those parts, might not grant License to any 
of the Subjects of England to purchase Lands from the native Pagans? 
and if, upon such License and Purchase, the English Subjects should gain 
a ijroperty to the Lands so bought? all which was resolved in the Affirm- 
ati\-e, and the Judgment gi\'en to the Contrary accordingly reversed," 

The result of this cause was of momentous importance. In effect, 
the judgment of the King and his Council confirmed beyond ciuestion the 
v'alidity of the title under w[hich the patentees and their associates held 
their lands. This at once begoit in them a deeper respect, and even a de- 
gree of affection for the sovereign, and emboldened them in their o]Dix)si- 
tion t\) the jircjprietary rule. 

But this was, as soon became apparent, no final settlement of the dith- 
cullv. In 1702 the proprietors made surrender to the croiwn of tlieir riglit 
of jurisdictiim. l;ut this worked no adjustment of the contested titles in 
the Elizabeth 'i'own grant. Some twelve years later, under the reign of 
George I, the ]>rc)prietors instituted pro<.-eedings to again test the valiflitx' 
of the Nicolls. grant, and for many years the assrxiates and settlers hokling 
luidcr title derived from them were subject to great annoyance and much 
expense, besides being involved in considerable disorder. In various in- 
stances persons obtained from the proprietors patents to lands which were 
claimed by the associates as their common holdings under the Nicolls 
grant, but the latter named were unalile to obtain re'dress in th.e local 


ccuits, nr before the Governor and Council, at times because of the l)ias 
of tlie luling officials, and again for want of reccird e\idencc. it was 
\vh;Ie these and similar nmceedings were being had that the (,lil l'<\\n 
books disappeared, these containing" tlie jiroceedings of the various ti wn 
meetings for a period of fifty years beginning Avith the settlement, and 
with them the records of the v-arious surveys. Statement of this fad is 
extant in a [waper of date November 18, 1729, bearing the signatures and 
.seals of one hundred and eleven of the associates, reciting that "it so hap- 
pened that the sd Books wherein sd Surveys or the greater Number 01 
them were luitered by Some One or more Designing Person or Persons 
were Craftily an<l Maliciously Stole and (as there is no Small reason to 
beliesej were burnt or otJierwise destroyetl, So that the beneht fliereby 
intended to the parties aforesd and their Assigns became Wholly frustrate 
and \'oid."' 

In 1744 three hundred and foin- proprietors, freeholders and inhab- 
itants of a tract of land called Elizabeth Town petitioned the crown (in 
the reign <if George H), reciting their rights inider the Nicolls grant, 
and protesting their inaliility to procm'e impartial justice in the local and 
provincial courts. The preparation of this paper was committed to Stephen 
Crane and ]^Iatthias flalfield. The petition was read in King's Council, 
July 19, same year, andi was referred to the Committee of Council for 
Plantation Affairs, and by that body, in turn, to the Commissioners for 
Trade and Plantations, and here it is lost sight of — an early instance of 
that convenient "pigeon-holing"' process now^ common in legislative bodies. 

A:i important chapter of the litigation of this period ai>pears in rela- 
tion to the famous "Bill in Chancery" of 1745, presumably prepared by 
James Alexander, who, with Joseph ^lurray, represented the proprietors. 
Alexander had served as Surveyor-(ieneral of New' Jersey, and then stood 
at the head of the New' York bar, while his colleague was also' one of the 
foremost lawyers in the land. The l>ook was published Jidy 21, 1747, aiul 
was a double-colunmed folio of one .hundred and twenty-four pages, w'ith 
maps, and an appendix of forty pages. Aside from its value as bearing 
upon the Htigious history of the times, it is remarkable as an early speci- 
men of American t\i)0graphy, and for the iniique [)hraseology of its title, 
which was as follow'S : 

"A l)il! in the Chancery of New Jersey, at the Suit of John Earl of 
Stair, and others. Proprietors of the Eastern-Division of New Jersey; 
Against Benjamin Bond, and some other Persons of Elizalieth-Town, dis- 
tinguislied by the name of Clinker Eot Right Men. W'hh Three large 
Maps, done from Copper-Plates, To which is added: The Publications 
of the Council of. Pro])rietors of East New-Jersey, and Mr. Nevill's 


Si)ecclies u.' the General Assemljly. concerninji- tlie Riots committed in 
Xe\v-Jerse\', and The Pretences ivf the Rioters and tlieir Sedncers. These 
Papers will give a better Light into the History and Constitution of Xew- 
Jersey, tluni anything hitherto published, the Matters whereof have been 
chiefly collected from Records. Published by Subscription. Printed by 
James Parker, in New York, 1747; and a lew cojiies are to lie sold by him 
and I'enjamin Franklin, in Philadelphia; Price bound, and ]\Iaps coloured, 
Three Pounds ; plain and stitcht only, Fifty Shillings. Proclamation 

Tile "Answer to the Bill in Chancery" ajipeared in a vclume of forty- 
eight folio pages, and bore the follcjwing title: 

■■ \n imswer to' a Bill in the Chancen- of New Jersey. At the Suit of 
Ji hii h'.arl of Stair, and others, commonly called Proprietors of the East- 
ern Di\ision of New Jersey, Against Benjamin Bond, and r thers claiming 
under the original Proprietors and .Associates of Elizabeth Town. To 
which is added; Nothing either of Tlie Publications of the Council of 
Pr( prietors of East Xew-Jersey, or of The Pretences of the Rioters, and 
their Seducers Except so far Avs the Persons meant by Rioters, pretend 
Title Against The Parties to the alxne .Answer; But a great Deal of the 
Controversy, Though much less of the History and Constitutions i;f Xew 
Jersey, than the .said Bill. .\udi alteram partem. Published by Subscrip- 
tion. Xew \nrk : Printed and Sold by James Parker, at the Xew York 
Printing-Ortice. in Beaver-Street. 1752." 

This answer was prepared by William Li\ ingston and William Smitii. 
Jr.. who were counsel for the lour hundred and forty-nine freeholder^ and 
inhabitants whose names it contained. Livingston was a law piipil of Al- 
exander, and although not then tbirt\- years oif age he had already at- 
tained a high iK>sition at the bar of Xew York. Smith was also a brilliant 
man, then almost twenty-three years of age. He was even then assisting 
in t:iie i)reparation of the first digest of the colonial laws of Xew York, 
and he subsequently wrote a histoiy of the province. 

The "Answer to the Bill in ClUancen" was reail in town meeting- 
August 27, 1751. Lewis Morris was Governor oif the pro\ince at the time. 
He was clothed with chancery powers (irregidarl_\-, as asserted by some), 
and he was a large propertv Jiolder under pro|)rietary title. For this 
reason he was viewed with distrust by the associates, but he was prexenled 
frona adjudicating the-case, his death occurring before it was called. His 
successor, Jonathan Belcher, liecame a resident of Pllizabeth Town before 
the "Answer"' was framed, and he was so closely identitied with the people 
in their resistance to the proprietors that his sense of propriety would not 
allow him ti> sit in the case. The French an<l Revolutionarv wars s<x>n 

iii^Tom' nv Till-: .\"i;w Il•".KSl■;^• coAsr. s; 

folluwed, and in the awakening nf new issues tlie I'.li/.ahelli '\'<j\\i\ land 
litigation was tinally lost to sight. 

Recurring- to the "Bill in Chancery" and tlie "Answer" the: e;o. it 
remains to lie said, with reference to the "Rioters" therein nienti'ined, that 
at various limes, and particularly in 1747. people holding land titles under 
the Nicolls grant became deeply outraged Ijy their inabilitv to pncure 
justice in the local and jjroxiufial courts, and in their cniljittered feeling 
they frequently imdertook the defense of their rights, expelling pmprie- 
tar_\- tenants r/ 1'/ uriiiis fr. ni lands covered Ijy the .Xiculls grant. An in- 
stance is afforded by an aflidasit made by Solomon l>oyle. May 13, 1747, 
in which it is recited that the house of one Dalrymple was broken into by 
j>ersons armed with clubs, who forcibly expelled him, with his wife and 
children, from the premises. 

The interest of l.ord Berkeley in the Jerse\- ])rii\ince was \ested in 
John Fenwick and Ivlward Billinge, wlm purchased it March 18. i'>73. 
paying therefor one thousand pounds sterling. J'oth of the new ov\ners 
were members of the Society of Friends, or (juakers, who sougiit to 
found an as}lum for their o])pre,s.sed brethren. benwick receixedi the 
conveyance in trust fur Edward Byllinge, and a (Hspute as to the terms 
having arisen, \\ illir.m I'enn was callei' in as an arbitrator. He gave 
(jue-tenth d the ]irii\iuce and a ctinsideral)le sum nf mnuey to Fenwick, 
and the remainder of the teiritory was adjudged to lie the property of 
Byllinge. Contentions as to territorial limits and gubernatoVial jurisdic- 
tion soon arose, and by an "Indenture (Juintijiartite." executed July i, 
i'')7C). tiie i)rovince was dixided intu twi; parts, knuwn. respecti\ely. as 
liast Jersey, which was left to Carteret, and West Jersey, which went to 
Berkeley's successors, 'ilie division line was designated as one straighliy 
drawn from tr.e m<ist nortlierlv point of the 1 )nke nf ^^lrk's grant "unto 
the most southwardly p</int of the east side uf Little I\gg llarbcir," I'n- 
certainty with regard to the point on the Delaware river intended by tlie 
Duke of York to be the northernmost boundary of his grant ,ga\e rise to 
dispute not only between the respective proprietors of I'"ast Jersey and 
West Jersey, Init also between the provinces off .\'ew Jersey and Xew 
York, (ieorge Keith ran a division line in 1687, which was accepted in 
the following year by Robert Bairlay and Daniel Coxe, res])ectivel\- Cov- 
ernor of iuist Jersev and West Jersey, but was not .iddiUed by the proprie- 
tors. This line formed the southwestern Ixmndary of .Minmouth county, 
and is yet the southwestem boundarv^ of Ocean couiUy. with the exception 
that, in 1891. Little l"Lgg Harbor became a part of the latter named. The 
proprietrjrs subsequently (in 1743 I rejiudialed t'.iis line and ran ru" ther, 


whicli linre farther \vesl\\arill\ . but the orisjiiial lino has been retained as a 
boundary by two different counties in the State. 

riiere is no more ox'ersliailowing name in the early history of Western 
(and now Soutliern) Xew Jerse\' than that of Jo^hn Fenwick — a soldier, 
a lawyer, a preacher, a man of many parts. A \ictim to persecution, yet 
his name is held to the present day in reverence, and that, too, in places 
where the once mighty name of his great persecutor, Governor Andros, 'has 
been fiu'gotten. 

I'enwiick was born at Stanton, Northumberland, England, in i6iS, 
and was a lawyer by profession, ^^'!hen the civil war broke out, he threw 
in his lot w i(th the Tarliamentary forces and became a captain in a cavalry 
regiment. After peace w'as restored he resumed the even tenor of pro- 
fessional life until lie embraced the principles of the Society of Friends, 
and then his life troubles commenced. He seems to have suffered im- 
prisonment for his religious views, and to ha\-e been molested even in the 
prosecution of his business. His condition, however, was no more than 
that of other members of the Society. Wherever they appeared they were 
made to feel the lirunt of the law, and, as most of the early brethren were 
also preachers of the W^rd, it was an easy matter for the law to reach 

The hope of tlie Quakers, as they were even then called, lay across 
the sea, but the news of the reception of the early missionaries, in Boston, 
in 1656, showed that the Puritanism of New England was as bitterly op- 
pdsed to them as was the Puritanism of old England anil, a }ear later, 
it seems that the Dutch Dictator in New Netherland was equally emphatic 
in his opposition. After the "Glorious Restoration" of King Charles in 
1660, the Quakers in England fared a little better, but the Privy Council 
was an luicertain body, and there was no telling how soon an era of per- 
secution should begin. So the dream came of founding a settlement 
across the sea for the Society, such as the Puritans had founded in New 
England, only it should be a settlement wdiere religious toleration should 
pre\ail in the widest sense — a sense unknown in Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut, or even in Rhode Island. 

Wlien, in 1665, Lord Berkeley offered his West Jersey possessions 
for sale, Fenwick saAv an opportitnity for ptitting his theories into practice, 
and, w itii Ed\vard Billinge, he formed what would now be called a syndi- 
cate, antl acquired possession of the territory. The agreement was that 
Fenwick was to have one-tenth of the land, and he selected, as jier deed, 
what is nciw the counties of Salem and Cumberland. So far as we can 
see he IkuI little or no money to in\est in tiie enterprise, but liis intluencc 
in the Societx' was great, his own honesty of method and pnr[)ose were 


fully recDgnized, and lie sold portions of liis land icadil}' U> his iclluw 
memliers and to intendinj^ colonists. 

In 1(175 ^'^^ '"'''^'^ colony reached the J)ela\\are and inclndcd l'"cn\\ick, 
John Pledger, Samuel Nicolson, James Xcvil, Edward, Robert and Samuel 
Wade. Robert Windham and Richard JIanccick and their families, all 
people of excellent character, h'enwick's wife never crossed tlie Atlantic, 
but he brought with him three daughters — Elizabeth and her hu.sliimd, 
John .Vdams, Anne, who suuu after married Samuel Hedge, and Priscilla, 
who became the wife of l-jdiward Champney. The party landed in J)e- 
caiiber, 1675, at a jjlacc now called Salem Creek, and some three miles in- 
land selected a site f(ir a village, to which they gave the name i>f New 
Salem. It was an unfortunate selectiun, as may Ije judged fnmi the ]i<ip- 
ular name the place rccci\ed of "Swamp Town.'' I'enwick lost no time 
in making his prelinnnary arrangements. He held a council with the 
Indian chiefs who had any claim tn the lands, and entered into a treafy 
witii them, thereby securing the friendship oif the red men, and he issued 
a li'-oclamation ordaining that within the limits of his patent the most com- 
plete civil and religiuus liberty shmdil be guaranteed to all settlers. Rich- 
ard Hancock, the surveyor of the colony, at once laid out the town of 
New SaJeni into lots, and there I'enwick built himself a hoiise. To his 
daughter, Mrs. Adams, he gave a tract of two tliousand acres of land, 
and to Priscilla. then Mrs. Chanipney. was given a similar stretcli ol terri- 
tory To Elizabeth, who seems to have been his favorite, he ga\e a tract 
on her marriage to Samuel Hedge, and the iirojierty was long known as 

Ha\iiig thus set iiis house in order, Eeiiwick jjroceeded to govern ac- 
corfling to his light, but soon found that the bed of authority was not 
one of roses, and perplexities and troubles of all sorts gradually encom- 
passed him. By order of Governor .\ndros, Fenwick was arrestetl in his 
own house in the middle o-f the night, ciiargcd with infringing upon the 
dignitv and prerogatives of that high and mighty individual, and carried 
to Xew York, wiiere he suffered imprisonment for a time. Soon after 
his he disposed of his territory and governing rights to William 
Penn, after reserving one hundred and lifty thousand acres for himself 
and family. By this act tihe whole of West Jersey passed under one gov- 
ernment, and, although Fenwick ^vas elected a member of its Assembly, 
he seems to have taken little interest in public affairs. His .spirit appears 
to have been crushed bv the treatment he recci\ed at the hands of .\ndros, 
and he letired to the home of his daughter, .\nne Hedge, and there lie died, 
in 1683. 

In Februarv, 1682, East Jersey was luirchased by William Penn and 


elt'\-eii other (Jiiakcrs foir three thousand four huiKh'ed pininds. Tlie tirst 
Governor under tlie new- proprietoirs was Robert Barclay, a Scotchman, 
and one of the twelve purchasers. But the number of proprietors, the fre- 
quent sub-divisions and transfers of shares, and various other difficul- 
ties in the way oif good government, soon invohed the jirovince in trouble, 
and in 170J all the proprietors surrendered the rights (uf g(jvenmeni to 
the Crown. 

In the Cape Ma_\- region, tlie early settlers made pa\ment for their 
lands to the Indians as well as toi the proprietors (as was miiversailv done 
throughout the province) and S(jnie were so careful as to make pa\-ment to 
the Indians even after they had derived proper proprietary^ title. 

.\l,out 1690, and probably prior to that year, John Tow-nsend .settled 
near the jjresent site of Ocean \'iew, where be cleared land and huilt a 
cabin and a mill. His wife, Pboebe. was the first white woman buried in 
Upper township. Cape May county. Townsend was an Englishman who 
was banished from New York for harboring Quakers. His descendants 
are now very numerous. 

Edward Billinge, one of the original proprietors, died in 1687, and 
liis interest was purchased' by Daniel Coxe, of London, England, who 
iiad. already Ijecome a large proprietary owner. In 1691 John \^'orlidge 
and John Budd came from Burlington and laitl a number of pro.prietary 
rights commencing at Cohansey, in Cumberland county, and going down 
to Cape ]\[ay. They set off ninety thousand acres of land to Daniel Co.xc. 
and this was the first proprietary survey made in the county. Daniel Coxe. 
who 'was [jihysician to King Charles II and subsequentl_\- to Queen Anne, 
was exact in his dealings with: the Indians (frcwn whom he made ])urchase 
after he had obtained proprietarv rights from the Crown) and lil)eral with 
those who purchased lands from him, and be was never in\-ol\ed in anj- 
di.sputes with his assix'iates as to the location of his siu'veys. Notwith- 
standing- the vastness of his American possessions (which included large 
tracts in the Carolinas) and the fact that he was nominally governor of 
the province (16871-1691) he ne\-cr visited the country. He fin;dly 
became in\olved in difficulties with his agents and servants, and deter- 
mined upon- making sale of his interests in Jersey. .Vccordingiy, for a 
consideration of nine thousand ijoamds sterling, he made conveyance of 
iiearh' all his holdings and bis govern.menial rights ti> the West Jersc}' 
Society, comprising forty-eight numbers, (le\ising a portion to his son, 
•Col(;nel Daniel Co.xe, wbo came to liurhngtoin in 1709. But few land 
titles had' been made tinder the Coxe proprietorshi]). and tlie West Jer.sey 
Society accomi^lished the real settlement of the region through its sales, 
wiii.-h extended over a period of sixtx-l'our \ears. 


In 1713 David Jamison made a map nf the cnuntx- oi Cape May, 
sliowing t'iie Coxe sur\'eys. From the same ma[) and from a deed executetl 
by Lewis AForris in 1706, it appears that a tract of tln-ee hiin(h-e<l acres 
described as Egg" Island, near llie mouth of Maurice river, was laid off 
to Thomas Budd among the first surveys. Of this place Dr. Beesley wrote 
in 1857 that "Since tliis survey was made, the attrition of the waters has 
<(estroyed almost every vestige of it, scarcelv enough remaining tc> mark 
the sjMt of its former magnitude." 

In 1629, in the Cape May region, a tract of land si.xteen miles square 
was purchased from nine Indian chiefs by Codyn and Bloemart, two di- 
rectors of the Dutch West India Company, and this is supposed to have 
been the first real estate transaction in what is now Ca|)c May countv. 

Some Swedish settlers occupied a (lortion of the Cape May county 
between 1638 and 1654, and Swedish agents made a land pvirchase about 
J641. The Dutch, however, rcg:uned their supremacy, and the Swedes 
were absorbed by the iMiglish sfK>n after the coming of the latter. Under 
the luiglish proprietary rule, Daniel Coxe became the owner of a large 
portion of the territi>rv, and the later titlc< were derived Irom bim or 
through his assigns, the West jersey Society. 



Tlie first ^\-'hite man who really exercised the authority of a ruhng 
power over NeAv Jersey was Peter Minnit, one of the most picturesque 
characters that the 'history^ of the New Netherland brings before us. He 
had one quahty which few of his contemporaries and few of his official 
successors possessed, and that ^^1a,s honesty. Even the doughty. Stuy\'esant 
was not above reproach in this regard, if we may credit some of the stories 
which have come down to us, such as his deal Avith the ferry men on tine 
North river. But, so far as record or traditions go, Peter Mmuit never 
soiled his hands or laid his reputation open to attack by appropriating 
what was not his own to his own uses. Whatever he wanted he paid for; 
like most of the Dutchmen associated with him, he dro\-e a hard bargain, but 
when one was settled he met its requirements like a just man. He it was, 
for instance, who negotiated with the Indians for the sale of Manhattan 
Island, and settled Avith the redskins for acquiring that piece of property 
in exchange for gtx>ds worth somewhere about twenty-five dollars. He 
seems to have beat the red men down to the last bead! — but w'hen the bar- 
gain was concluded he was careful to see to it that even the last bead was 
handed os-er to the keeping of its new owners. 

Peter ]Minuit was born in Wesel, Prussia, in 1580. He seems to have 
resided there until he had almost attained middle life, and to have reached 
the dignity of solid, sedate and successful citizenship, as is amply testified 
by the fact that he was chosen a lay officer in the local church. About 
1620 he removed to Holland and engaged in business. He also by this 
mo\e extended his reputation for business prudence, probity and success, 
and so in 1625, when the directors of the West India Company in Amster- 
dam desired to send out to their New Netherland possessions a man in 
\\-hoin they could repose implicit confidence, they- selected iMinuit. So he 
accepted the appointment, receiving almost unlimited' governing jiowers, 
and was in fact the first real governor of tlie territory. He certainlv ruled 
well. He laid the beginning of New Amsterdam, built a trading port 


there, extended its trading facilities, sent every ship that came to liini 
back to i4olland loaded with iJeJtries and with valuable wood, \<c\'.{ the In- 
dians in gtwd humor, and entered into a trading treaty with the RJMnouth 
colony which helped ab 'Ug the business and promoted good feeling, L'nder 
ham the population and the trade of the place steadily increased, and the 
directors in the homeland kept constantly asking for more, which he re- 
sponded to as far as possible. His success brought its own reward — en\y. 
We need not go into detiiils, which practically ha\e little concern for us, 
but we are concerned with the result — the recall of .Minuit in 1031 by the 
company — for that led to his work in New Jersey and on the shore <jf 
Delaware Ba)-. 

Reaching Holland after an exciting voyage, and after being viruially 
detained a ])risoner in PlyniDiuth, England, Alinuit tried to meet his tra- 
ducers and be reinstated in his p^isition (a |K)sition which e\en then had 
not been tilled J but he failed in both of these purposes. Disgusted with 
his treatment, he oti'cred his services to the Swedish government, then 
smitten with the colonizing fever, and found immediate resisonse. The 
charter of the Swedish West India Coiiipany, originally issued in i')2,v 
was renewed, and in 1637 Minuit sailed away at the head of an ex[)editi(in 
bound for the Delaware. This e.xpeditiiui purchased from the Jndians the 
land from Cape Henlopen to the Falls at Trenton, built Fort Christiana, 
near the present city of Wilmington, and liad trading posts at Swedes- 
borough and other places on the Jersey sliDre. llie Dutch in New Am- 
sterdam protested against this movement and against ilinuit's guberna- 
torial authority, but he kept in the even tenor of his way, an<l under him 
the Swetlisli possessions slowly but steadily incre;ised in power, weahh 
and population, unmolested by any oulsiilc inlluence. New Sweden was 
a successful colonv, envied in man_\- resjjects, eveu by Xew Amsterdam, 
and affairs went well with it until ^^linuit's death in Fort Christiana, in 
1 64 1 . 

i^\en at the saa'ifice of a little of tliat cimtinuity which should be a 
principle of historical writing, we may here follow the story of the gxrvern- 
ment of New Sweden after its founder and mainstay had passed away. 
Minuit was succeeded as governor by Peter ilollander. He seems Id have 
been an enterprising sort of gentleman, liberal in his ideas, and an expan- 
sionists as far as territory was concerned, for he added considerably, i>n 
pai)er at least, to the dominions of Xew Sweden. Hut his reign only lasted 
for some eighteen months, and Colonel John I'rintz then assumed auihoriiy 
and maintained' his liigh and Jionorable clhce for s<Jine thirteen vears 
; 1641-1654). These were not years of peace and quietness exactly, the 
claims of the Dutch and pretensions of the English affording consid- 


crahle anncn-ance; but Piinlz was a statesman as well as a soldier, antl 
nnJer him Xcw Swedei, a'h'aiicecl with ijpid strides in all material things. 
He w clcnmed many boatloads oi new arri\als from Sweden; he held his 
own family well with the Indians, l)uil' tr;'.(ling p'osls wdierexxr he felt 
the necessity of trade demanded it, a.nd ])ractie;dly controlled the traflic 
(jn the Delaware Ri\-er li_\ his foi tilicatiiiis at its month. lie won a 
monopoly Off the Indian trade of ti'.e region, and sent to Sweden many 
rich cargoes of furs; but the trouble was. the mure liberal the di\-idend 
the more anxious did the home authorities become for more. His o^reat- 
est trouble was to kee]) within due limits the Dutch claims upon his baili- 
wick, ani1 that dut\' kept him busy for S(.)me years. But the Dutch saw 
ihat he meant business from the tiu'.e he tore down a placard bearing the 
arms of the States General on some land which had l>een bought l)y the 
autiiorilies in New Amsterdam from the red men. Printz claimed that 
the land belonged to- New Sweden, and trampled the emblem of Dutch 
so\-ereignity contemptuously under foot. Peter Stuy\esant, in 1648, even 
iiad to bow under the effects of his ire. for in that year he repulsed a force 
■ of Dutchmen that attempted ti> build a trading port on the Schuylkill, and 
lie zealously watched the advances of e\cn the individual Dutch traders 
in his diomains, and burned oi' harried their posts \v'itthout mere}-. Even 
in the territory on the Schuylkill, which the Dutch claimed b_v right of 
jHUchase, he had a fortihcation erected, and there announced his defiance 
of their claims and has cc^itempt for tllieir authority. Even Stuyvesant 
fouml himseH' no match for such a man. and was glad in 1651 to journey 
from New Amsterdam to seek an audience w itli him. and to negotiate a 
treaty of peace and alliance, aiul to acknowledge the integrity of New 
Sweden. This treaty continued in full force until 1654. when Printz. for 
some rea.son not now A'erv clear, returned to Sweden and ga\e up his 
colonial aspirations, 

John Claesson Rising, a clerk in a conimercial college at Stockholm 
was sent over in 1654 .as Colonel Printz's successor, but the \vil\' Stuy- 
vesant, wdio had been simply watching his opportunity, made short woik 
of the question of sovereignty with him. Rising startexl in on his role as 
a ruler with considerable \im. and would have none but Swedes on guard. 
He ignored the Printz-Stuyvesant treatx . exjielled the Dutch from Fort 
Casimir. forced the Dutch colonists who desired to reiuain in New Sweden 
to take an oath of allegiance to his government : denied the English any 
rights at all in his territon-, even the right of settleiiienl, and concluded 
a new treatv with the Indians, whom he relied upon as his most effective 
aids should he ever be required to measure his strength with either Dutch 
or English. All this was more than Stuyvesant could stand, so he organ- 

iiisioRN oi- II II-: xiiw Jl■:i^:sI■:^■ coast. 95 

i/.cd an expctlitimi in Aui^ust, i'i55. wcndcil lii,- \\a\- Ici Xcw Sweiloii. and 
in a nii.'St suniniarv fashion wiped il dul, added tiiis territory to iliat of 
the then High Mightinesses. rci|nired all wh.o remained to take an oath 
of allegiance t<> the Duleli regime, and comjjellcd those who <lid not to 
retm'n to Europe. Rising returned to .Slorkholni with his aspirations of 
greatness shattered, atid \\:i;ate\er notions iie nia_\' h.ave had of his own 
ability as a ruler sadly Inoken and shaken. A ni;'.n who loses an emjiirc is 
never regardeil as an < rnamental charaeter, and although he <jli'ered 
heroically to lead a new expedition to the Delaware, and promised faith- 
fullv on paper to reco\er what had been lost, the Swedish governmeut re- 
fused to listen to :!iim seriously, and so, bit by bit. he sank back into the 
obsciu'it\' <iut of which he was nc\er worth) of being litted, and we hear 
of him no more. New Sweden, too, passes from view as a geographical 
entit}', and henceforth bcconiies simply a theme for diplomatic discussion 
between Holland and ."--wcd'en. l>ut the settlers remained, and their de- 
scendants even to the present da_\- remain, and the Swedish element has 
won for itself a grand n.ame all aknig the Delaware for its share in the 
work of uplniilding the nation, in fighting for its liberty and its integrity, 
and Ml aiding in all ])ertaining to its de\elopment in agriculture and com- 

lint we must return to the Dutch who, even in spite of the treaty of 
1051, never fullv ga\o up their claim that New Sweden was an integral 
part ''i the Xew Xethorland. 

We do not find that \\ outer \'an 'I'willer. who succeeded I'eter .Mimiit 
as director of New Xetiierland, excn bothered his head alxnit Xew Jersey. 
He seemed to concentrate his thoughts in the ojjposite channel, and to 
have tried to extend his teriitor\- rather in the either direction, seemingly 
more anxious to accpiire what is now (.'onnecticut and make Xew Xetiier- 
land sovereign o\er all that ci untrx- and uj) to the limit ol the soil (vf the 
Plymouth colony. I'.ul \'an Twiller as a ruler v,as a failure. J le was a 
nterchant ra.ther than a statesman, and his main business in .\niei-ica was 
to add to his perscjual wealth. Tiiat he accomplished, and many a rich 
piece of farming land became his personal possession, and he waxed rich. 
Still, the colon) increased in wealth and importance under his rtile. al- 
though his was carried on ui)on the lines of a merchant rather 
than those of a legislator. Had he been i>erniitted to remain, he migiu 
have added to the colonial wealtlt as well as to the Van Twiller private 
purse, and extended liis operations into Xew Jersey, which must have 
seemed at times an inviting field for his energy, as he surveyed the land- 
scape from the fort at Xew .\msterdam. It may he he intended to tur.i 
Some dav in that direction, and wnuld have done so had he been ])erniitted 


to bring his plans and meditations and schemes to lull fruition in his 
own way. 

But envious people regarded Van Twiller's growing personal wealth 
with jealousy, and he was relieved of his ])nwer by their "High Alighti- 
nesses" in Holland, who, in 1638, sent ^^"illian^ Kieft to rule in his stead. 
In estimating the value of Van Twiller's cliaracter and work in Xew 
Netherland, modern historians invariably color their views, sometimes 
unconsciously, from the pages of WaslTingtom Irving's "Knickerbocker.'' 
where the doughty Go\'ernor is handed down ti) posterity in a full-length 
picture, as it were, as "Walter the Douljlcr." I'.ut while the genius of 
Irving has thus, as it v.ere, forced his view o-f \"an Tvviller, intended only 
as a caricature, into the pages of history, it should not be accepted above 
its historic worth, the worth of any piece of caricature, written or pictoirial. 
There seems no doubt that Van Twiller was an able administratoi", a man 
of considerable energy and firmness, and that his administration greatly 
added to^ the extent and value of the West India Company's property 
in Xew Netherland, while his own investments, however brought about, 
showed that he fully believed in its continued prosperity. 

Under Van I'willer's successor, William Kieft, whoi' held the reins 
of government from March 28, 1638, until AIa_\- 11, 1647, Xew Jersey 
came a little more to the front. Kieft seems to have been an irascible, 
domineering individual, with a limited amount of brains and an unlimited 
allowance of self-assurance — a sort of pepper-bo'X dressed up in the clothes 
of authority. It is, of course, [wssible that onr notions of 'his personality 
ha\e been twisted by Washington Irving's caricature; but a study oif Kieft's 
official acts prompts the belief that Irving did not depart very far from 
historic truth when he wrote in his veracious history the following lines 
regarding this product of the Dutch Colonial Service. '"William the Testy." ' 

"He was a brisk, waspish, little old gentleman, who had dried and 
withered away, partly through the natural process .of years and partly 
from being parched and burnt up by his fiery soul, which blazed like a 
\ehemcnt rushlight in his bosom, constantly inciting him to most valorous 
broils, altercations and misadventures. * * * His visage was broad 
and his features sharp; his nose turned up with the most petulant curl; 
his cheeks were scorched into a dusky red — doubtless in consequence of 
the neighborhood of two fierce little gray eyes, through which his torrid 
sold l>eamed with tropical fervor. The corners of his mouth were modeled 
into a kind of fretwork, not a little resanbling the wrinkled prolwscis of 
an irritable pug dog; in a word, he was one pi the most positive, restless, 
ugly little men that ever put himself in a passion about nothing." 

That, rightly or wrongly, is the ideal of William Kieft which we are 
forced by the genius of Diedrich Knickerbocker, backed up by all the vcrit- 


able history and evidence which liavc cmne down to us. to accept as a 
true presentment of the successor of "W aher llic Doubter." At l)est, what 
we do know of \eritable history lirin^s him liefore us as a sort of opera 
bouffc hero with a tO'Uch of \illainy lunuint;- through aU his actions. I'.efore 
coniiing to America his career was clouded Ijy scoundrelism^ — so nnicit so 
that he was hanged in cf'tigy in liis natixe Ht>lhuid. His ill fame had pre^ 
ceded him to Xew Netherhmd, and when he landed at New Amsterdam 
on March 28, 1638, after his voyage across the Atlantic on lioard "The 
Herring." he was recci\-ed with marked coldness. Possibly that did not 
worry him \ery much. His purpose was to win a fortune rather than to 
make friends. However, he turned his raithority to some use, for he built 
a stone clunch inside t'lie fort, laid out Tear! street for suburban residences 
of a high class, interested himself in the i-uhivation of orchards and gar- 
dens, instituted two grand county fairs, and by the liiieral land policy — 
not only offering free passage from Holland, but gi\ing an emigrant prac- 
tically free of cost a patent for as much land as he and his family could 
cultivate, and requiring only an oath of fidelity to the States General to 
enable foreigners to hold land and acquire the status of citizenshij-) — he 
rapidly promoted new settlements, singly or in groups in his domams. 
Still, :liis first thought was to make money for himself. He established a 
distiller)- or brewery on Staten Island, owned and conducted by depiity, 
a stone ta\ern on the shore of the East River, and lost no opportunity of 
adding to ids private fortune. 

When Kiett. as a result of a ])etitii;n from the colonists denoiuicing 
his venalitx". his arrogance, his .tyranny and his needless Indian wars, 
was summone<l to return to Holland, he carried with him on the ship 
among his jiersonal property, something like one hundred thousand dol- 
lars, the practical results of his statesmanship. The vessel, "The Prin- 
cess," was bailed with ironical salutes as she weighed anchor and started 
on her voxage with this precious personage on board, and tlie peojilc did 
not e\en try to conceal their joy over his departure. The ship' wa.s wrecked 
on the Englisii C( ast, however, and Kieft and his money went to the bot- 

\\ bile there is no clear evidence on the point, it seems likely that 
Kieft visited some portions of his Jersey domain, and it is certain that he 
was miost zealous in his denunciation of the efforts of the Swedes to 
btiild up a new Sweden on territory which he held belonged to the States 
General. He was the more particularly Avroth at this movement Ijecause 
its leader and governor was one who had held his <nvn high position in 
New Amsterdam, Peter Miniiit. In fact, on being apprised of the gather- 
ing straigth of the Swedish colony. Kieft wrote Miintit upbraiding him 



with his wrongdoings, and telling him. in effect, that as an ex-)Governor of 
New Amsterdam be ought to h.avc known better. But Minuit paid no at- 
tenli.m to such complaints, and kept on tiie even tenor of his way; and 
Kieft. finding that the opposition governor aid not heed his just reproaches, 
resolved to bestow no more thought upon himi, but to let him go on his 
own evil and discourteous way. 

On May n, 1647, Peter (I\-trus) Sluyvesant landed in Xew Amster- 
dam and assumed the reir.s of government, vice Kieft, tl;en crossing the 
high sea with his boodle and disgrace. Like that of his predecessor, we 
find it difficult to estimate this man's character correctly, for at the very 
mention of his name dierc arises before us Irsing's masterpiece of carica- 
ture Peter the tleadstrong. Stuyvesant's notions as to the Divine 
authoritv of rulers, his contempt for tlte people generally, his .arro- 
gance. !liis irascibility, his tyrannical spirit, his interfering, contentious 
disposition, his narrow-mindedness and his cccksuredness, soon made him 
as unpopular as ever Kieft had beeir : and it was not long before be had 
quarrels of all sorts on Ins hands, Ijoth n-itln the church and the State, with 
patroons as well as with the citizens who dwelt within tlie shadow of 
'.he Stadt Huys. He was e\-en sun-.moned to Holland to give an account 
of bis policy, but he declined to go. In 1653 NeAv Amsterdam got a new 
charter, giving it a large measure of self-government, but Stuyvesant 
woukl have none of it ; and although it became tb.e law, it 1 emained prac- 
tically in abeyance for many years. By and by. when the people began to 
understand his character rightly, to appreciate his courage, his solicitude 
for the welfare of the population, his pr&fotmd lespect for authority, his 
clear judgment and snnplicity oi heart, they got along l;etter with him, 
and fought bis peculiarities wlithout in the least forgetting the resiiect due 
to a fairly honest gentlem:in of mediaeval nctions, w'ho meant well toward 
them all in his heart of hearts, and who, in spite of his notions as to the 
source of government, was in many ways a stanch supporter of liberty 
and progress. Under him Xew Netherland prospered exceedingly, and if 
in his dealings with the English he threw in a principality in a boundary 
dispute, be faiii\- preserved peace, cultivated as carefully as he could and 
as circumstances i>ennitted. the good graces of the aborigines and the 
British, and proved a strong and fairly progressive executi\e. 

We have already recorded Stuyvesant's dealings with what he re- 
garded as his south.ern domain, and the upstart province of New Sweden, 
which, when occasion offered, ".re crushed out of existence by tlie horrible 
arbitrament of war. When the ^dctory was fully accomplished. Peter at 
once brought -the arts of the statesman into play. He made the change of 
goxernmeiit fall as ligbth- as possible on the Swedish sulijects who re- 

lIlSTum' OF Jili: XEW jersey coast. 99 

niained and \v]-.(i acknowledged 'li-; antiiiiiit\ by takint;- tlie nrcscviljcd 
oath of allegiance, mid when he lelnrned in irinniijh to Xew .-\msicr- 
dam he left hehiml a> \ ice director Johannes I'anl Ja(|nei. L'nder Stiiy- 
vcsant several large tracts of land in Xew Jeisev were hongiu from the 
Indians so as to \k opened np to settlement, m-iahh- one at Bergen, but tiie 
scheme of ci>lonizati(ni did not nit'.ture quickly, and StiU'vesant and his 
council ])aid little attention to Xew Jersev, liting too busv elsewhere. Still, 
GonU)n thinks tliat there was e\en then a road more or less lined with the 
liouses of settlers hel.veen the colonies on the lludsun and those on the 

In 1654 the Juiglish gd\ernnient in Maryland laid claim to the shores 
of tl".e Delaware, .\ge\ils were sent to the \ariniis settlements to enforce 
this claim by arginneut and tlireat, and there was talk of submitting the 
disinite to arljitration. but Stuy\e<ant would ha\e none of it. and. after 
making a sliow of force. .Maryland abandi iied its claims and left the Dela- 
ware in peace. 

lUit a much more aggressi\e foe had to be reckoned with. In ir)4o 
the Xew Haxen comnionwealtli. in pursuance of its policy of colonial e.\- 
]iansion which was clestined to distinb so dften the redoubtable Peter's 
peace of mind, especial!}' in connection with l-ong Island, hail bought land 
from tlie red' men on Ijoth shores of the IJelawaie. inietiding to use it f(jr 
the purpose of the settlement (,f several colonies. The territory was de- 
clared to ije under the jurisdiction of the commonwealth, and in if)4i a 
colony was disjiatched so as U) enter upon possession and perfect the dec- 
laration. They were kjoked ui;on as interlojiers by the Swedish as well as 
bv the Dutch. Kieft, then (roveiaior <;f Xew .\msterdam. was not a man 
to stand much trilling, .so as soon as he heard <A this movement, he sent 
two ships to the scene, with (piite an army, which attacked the settlers, 
burnedi their houses and carried r.wa.y .'lil tiiey could as prisoners. This 
]>racticallv endeil the authority c f .Xew Haven in that direction, although 
it did not abandon hope. Jt tried to attempt to win by negotiation w'liat 
it failed to retain by its own strength. But these tiegi.tiations failetl. "In 
1649,'' writes Professor .Ale.xander Johnsti-n, "(lovernor l-^aton, of Xew 
Haven, made another appeal to the commissioners (of the united colonies 
of Xew England), for help; Init the coniniissiiitiers were not disposed 
ti> enter upon a quarrel at the tiiv.c; they wi t;ld refuse to assist any pei"- 
s< ns from anv other colony wlio shi uld atien-];t 10 settle the Delaware 
IHirchase without the consent of Xew Haven, but they won, Id not m.iintain 
the claims of Xew Haven against the Dutch by force. The failure of this 
scheme was a blow from which Xew Haven never recovered." We read, 
however, of anotiier expedition from Xew I laven to the Delaware, in 

L cfC. 


1651, Inn lor some reason or -illier ll:e shiij containing the settlers put 
into tlie harbor of New York, and Stu_\vesant, on learning of their l;nsi- 
ness, seized the vessel, confiscated its papers, and ordered tlie adventurers 
to return at once to Connecticut, or otherwiise he would ship them to Hol- 
land. That was the last effort Strcy\esant seems to have made to pre- 
serve his territor\- to the south of the Hudson. His hands were getting 
full of trouble in other directicsiis. In November, 1683, we find that the 
people of Jamaica, on Long Island, held a [nililic meeting to protest against 
Stuyvesant's misgovernment and oppression. Connecticut had won a foot- 
hold on Long Island and held it with grim determination. In the eastern 
section the rule of Connecticut jjracticallv supreme, and even in the 
western end the people as a whole would have welco^ned any relief at that 
time from the Goxernor and his Council ; and although Peter fcjamed and 
wa.\ed indignant, sent remonstrances and appeals to Holland. am\ threat- 
ened to build a fort at Oyster Bay to o\ercome the English, he did noth- 
ing ver\' effective. In fact, to- Ivis sorrow, he found he was receiving no 
adecpiate sui>]>ort from the Cnited Prox-inces, or even nnich in the way 
of practical aid from his subjects in New Nclherland. Long Island had 
virtuall}- |)assed from !iis grasp and into that of Connecticut, when, by the 
issuance of a patent on March 12, 1663, King Charles II conveyed to his 
iirother, the Duke of York, al! of New Netherland, and the question of 
tlie ]K)ssession of Long Island assumed a new phase. The charter gave 
to the Duke or his appointees all legislative and judicial power over the 
vast territory, from the western bank of the Connecticut River to the east- 
ern siiore of the Delaware, including ]n-actically New York. Pennsylvania, 
New Jersey and Delaware, suliject onl\ to appeal to the crown. When 
the grant was made it looked on the face i;f it like a worthless compliment; 
but the Duke and his advisers and ass(;ciates seemed fully to understand 
the current train of events, and to appreciate the importance at the gift, 
and they at once set to -work to realize on it as a valuable asset. In Jan- 
uary, 1664, Captain John Scott, of dravesend, wdio had fomierly been an 
officer under Charles I, but had left England in the Cromwellian time 
(banished, some said, for cutting the girths of the Protector's horses, and 
fined five hundred pounds), and who prob.ably inspired the grant by speak- 
ing of its probabilities, returned to Long Island from a visit to England. 
He had evidently been intrusted with \er\- high power by the Duke of 
York aind his advisers, liut, desiring to fortify himself in all possible ways 
before proceeding to put his mission into effect, with that in view he se- 
cured the appointment of ^Magistrate ever Long Island from Governor 
Winthrop, of Connecticut, Armed with this document, Scott crossed the 
sound to Long Island; and with one hundred rmd fifty followers boldly 

iiiSiXjRv ui- Till-: .\i':w (i':Rsiiv coAsr. 


proclaimed Charles II as Kiut;'. lie raise<l tiie ICnglish llat;' in LirnoUlyn 
and thrashed a boy lor refusing- ti> ildl'f iiis hat to the enil)leni. 'I'his was 
on January ii. Then he passed in (|uick succession ihrnutrh the oilier 
Dutch towns. 

r<\- this time Sui\ \esaiii hid reentered from iiis astouishment at the 
doing's in Brooklyn, and sent a connnission to interview Scott and learn 
what tlie trouble was. On January 14 the\' met at Jamaica, and Scott 

Go\\ Srtv\ ES.WT. 

plainlv told them that Stnyvesant had no standing in the case: thai the 
entire New Xetherland territory belonged li> the Duke of \'<<i\<, and he 
meant to hold it. A truce was. however, patched up. and ou Marcli 3. 


Stuyvesant unbent in the stress of circimistances so mncli tliat he pro- 
ceeded in solemn state to Jamaica, and there in a personal interview dis- 
cussed the whole matter witli the wild and \ictoricus Scott. It was ar- 
ranged that riie EngHsh towns on Long Island were to remain under the 
flag unfolded by Scott without any interference for twelve mionths, untd 
the resp.ective -home governments had time to settle the destiny of the 
provinces. Stuyvesant could really force no better terms. His treasury 
was emptv, the government from which be got his warrant paid a tleaf 
ear to his' remonstrances and appeals for aici. the people v.-ere restless ^and 
discontented, and even the Dutch seemed ready to revolt, while the Eng- 
lish settlers openly defied hinn. and defied with impunity. In his despan- 
Stuyvesant, as many a greater tyrant Ijefore and since has done, bethought 
of asking the advice and counsel of the people, a proceeding he would 
never have tolerated for a moment earlier in his career. So he called a 
General Assembly of delegates from the different towns to consider the 
condition of affairs, and it met on April lo. 1664, in the City Hall of 
Newi Amsterdam. Nothing practical cajne olf the meeting, however, but 
the territory between the Hudson and the Delaware was not represented 
in this fateful gathering, a fact which speaks eloquently of what small 
account it was in the body politic at the time. So things drifted along, 
the English steadily advancing on the Dutch territor}-, not only on Long 
Island, but on the Hudson, until at the end of August, 1664, an English 
fleet under Colonel Richard Nicolls passed in through the Narrows and 
took possession of the barlxjr; andi on SeiJtember 8 Stuy\-esant was forced 
to sign the capitulation by which his authority passed into the hands ot 
the English, and the New Netherland was transferred into the possession 
of the Duke of York. Peter Stuyvesant retired to his bouwerie in high 
dudgeon, but helpless in his peril, and the rule of the Dutch for a time 

passed awav. 

We propose now lo cease dealing here with historical data concerning 
New Jersey : that will be sufficiently done in other sections of this work. 
What" we (iesire to do in the remainder of this chapter is to rapidly review 
the personal traits of tl:e more i)rominent of the men who ruled in New Jer- 
sey. From time to time these rulers ceased to lie appointed, and received 
their honors at the hands of their fellow citizens. Governor Nicolls does not 
iseem, although nominally ruler over the territory, to have exercised much if 
. any authoritv, and the same may be said of bis immediate successors. It 
seems that as soon as the Duke of S'ork djtained his charter lor New Am- 
sterchim he at once began to make it \ye of some practical value. So he made 
a sale of what is now New Jersey to Sir George Carteret and Lord John 
Berkeley, and these "Lords Proprietors of the Province of New Jersey." 

iiisroRv OF riii: xkw ji-.ksI'.n' 103 

as ihey called themsehes, lost no time, in tlicir turn, in putlinij tb.eir pur- 
chase in sucli order as to yield some return. So tlie\' drew up a scheme of 
"Concessions and .Xyreements" hpr the i,rii\ernment and prntection i i' in- 
tending settlers, and then threw i'[)en their territory t" colonists. The 
latter tl"..ey styled "adventurers." and amoni;- other things it provided for 
absolute freedom of cini.scicnce in all matters iiertaining- to religion. That 
was the rock on whicii .\'ew jersey was fcmnded. To the other ci>ntents 
of this "Concession and .Agreements" document we will again return. 

Xeitlier of these Lords Proprietors ever saw their \ast <lomaius in 
.\merica — vast because, in additii-n to Xew jersev. they held pro])rietar\' 
rights in Cardlina. lliit as soon as possible thc\- sent o\er a ])arty of emi- 
grants, desig-nateil J'hilijj Carteret (a brother of Sir GecjVge and who was 
in cl-.arge of the e\])edition) as (iovernor of Xew jersey, and he with his 
com])anicins settled at lilizabeth. where a colony had alreadv established 
itself, and sn the ni<idern sturx' nt Xew (erse\ fi>rmall\' begins. Cii>\erni>r 
Xicolls. anxious of the .sale and the settii'ig u]) of tlie separate goxernment 
of Xova Caesarca. or Xew jersev. ha<l been planning for coli>nizing the 
territory himself — had in fact issued a patent to the first settlers at Eliza- 
beth — and was dis])(]sed to lnok upim I'hilip ' a.rteret and iiis associate 
"adventurers" as a gang of landi pirates. lUvt the documentarv evidence 
whicli the latter brought, and adxices from home, conxinced him that he 
had nn jm'isdiction nver that p;irt of the territnrv he hail \vi>n. and so he 
abandoned all ])retense of interest in it. Carteret, it is said, found fnur 
families making up the settlement at Elizulicth. lUit he hardly had time t.> 
get rid of his "sea legs" than he found a retjucst from Connecticut asking ];ermission be given for the establishment of a colony from .Miltdrd 
on tiie banks of the I'assaic. Tl^.e re(|uest was readily granted, and led to 
the foundation of X'cuark. In fact, much of Xew Jersey's early i>)pula- 
tion — its true pioneers — was made U]i of ]3eo])le who sought in it freedom 
of worsliip. In its lcrritor_\- (juaker .and Ri)iscoi)alian. i'm-itan and Pres- 
b_\Tterian. r.aiDtist and anti-l!aptist, might dwell together in peace and 
harmony and in the enjoyment of the fullest degree of per.s(jnal liberty. 
In this resi)ect Xew Jersev was the land of religious freedom and tulera- 
tinn, which Xew England anijhatically was nit. :md .Xew N'ork was also 
n(jt, only in a less con?]>icuous degree. 

Carteret certainly develope<l the qualities of a good colonizer, and 
seems to have lost no oiiportunity of advertising in tiie colonies, as well as 
in the Xelherland, the advantages of settlement within his bailiwick. lie 
was a busy man all thmugb his long tenure <;f i;rticial life, and tr<>ul;les 
seemed to accompany him all through. It was not until rfioX that he was 
able to call together the first skeleton meeting of the legislature. .Scune 


of the cMrlier settlements, sncli as those at Slirewsljun' ;ui(l Middletown, 
refused to recognize his authority. Organized l)y them, and inider the 
leadership of James Carteret, a natural son of Sir George, who had been 
sent over liere to be out of the way, an opposition government of New 
Jerse}" was set up in 1672. It was the work df a genuine "adventurer,"' 
but the times were favorable to it, and the legislature it set up claimed to 
be the real hnv-making body of the province. James Carteret declared 
himself Governor, but could sbow no written authority, yet so seriously 
was the bu.siness of the Colony interrupted that Philip Carteret went to 
Ia>ndon in order to explain matters and have a clear understanding of the 
situation. This was all arranged to his satisfaction, and Philip returned 
to America and dssumed all his administrative prerogatives. In 1763 Lord 
Berkeley sokl liis interest in the province for some five thousand dollars 
to John i'pnwick and Edward Byllinge, noted Quakers, and tliis led to the 
great incursion of the Society of Friends into West Jersey, the first set- 
tlement being made on the bank of a creek to Vvlhich Fenwick gave the 
name <>f Salem. When Governor Colve and his opera boiiffc government 
took ];nssession of New York, and turned it l>ack to New Netherland, Car- 
teret found himself cut of office, Colve claiming- New Jersey along with 
the rest. But that farce did not last long. The Dutch abandoned New 
Amsterdam forever, and Carteret resumed his A-ocation of ruling all New 
Jerse}- until (in 1676) the province was di\-ided into two parts, East Jer- 
sey and West Jersey, and he received a new appointment as Governor of 
the former half. 

The ccfliuiiission of Edmund Antlros seemed to make him the su- 
preme representative of the Duke of York wherever the lands of the lat- 
ter' s patent extended. So Andros, on assuming the office of Governor of 
New York in 1674, claimed among other matters to be the supreme author- 
ity in New Jersey. Being backed up in his m lions by whatexer militar)- and 
naval force there was, it proved an easy matter to sustain any claim he chose 
to make, and he not only enforced his claim Ixit placed Carteret under arrest. 
71:e firmness of the legislature, however, defeated .A.ndros' purpose. Then 
it was seen, even in England, that -he had exceeded the spirit if not the let- 
ter of his commission. Sir George Carteret idied in 1679, but his affairs 
were managed by his widow (Lady Elizal)etli. after whom the town of 
Elizabeth was n;uned) for her son, and she ]>cremptorily ordered that no 
orders from .\ndros in East Jersey, at any rate, sliould hold good, and soon 
after Andros received direct instructions from his own roval master to 
leave New Jersey alone. 

The division of New Jerse}- into East and West laste*'! for some 
twenty-six years, from 1676 until 1702. Succeeding Carteret in the Go\'- 

iiisTom- oi< Til]': XKw ji-;ksev coast. 105 

€morship of the eastern cli\ision were Rol^ert Barclay, 1682-90; Tliumas 
Rudyard, 1682-83 ; (iawen Laurie. 1638-86; I.orcl Xiel Campbell. 1686-87; 
Andrew Hamilton, 1687-88; Tdnuind Andros, 1688-89; John Talham 
(rejected) 1690; Colonel Joseph ilmlley (rejected) 1691 ; Andrew Ham- 
ilton, 1692-97; Jeremiah Basse, i()98-99; Amlrew Bow n.e, 1699; Andrew 
Plamiltom, 1699-1702. 

This group forms lor the student of cf)lonial history a most interest- 
ing theme for consideration and study. Carteret retired in 1682, and dietl 
a year or two later. Wihen Sir George Carteret died, East Jersey was 
sold to a syndicate consisting of W^illiam Penn. Robert West, Thomas 
l^udyard, .Samuel Grcwme, Thomas Hart, Amljrose Kiggs, John Ha_\\\ard, 
Hugh Hartshorne, Clement Plumsted, Thomas Cooper and Thomas Wil- 
cox. Rudyard seems to have been the executive head Of this syndicate. 
Thev did not last long, for in February, 1682, a new syndicate took pos- 
session. This was headed by the Earl of Perth, and included John Drum- 
mond, Robert Barcla\-, David Barclay, Robert Gordon, .\rent Somnans, 
Gawen Laurie, Edward P>yllinge, James Brainc, William Gibson, James 
Barker, Robert Turner and Thomas Warne. The number was soon after- 
ward increased to twenty-four. 

Robert Barclay, who became nominally Governor in 1682. by vote 
of his Associate I'roprietors, ne\er saw America. He was the proprietor 
of the estate of L'ry in Scotland, a leader in the Society of Friends, and 
author of the once famous "'.Airology for the Quakers." However, al- 
though personallv be was not acquainted, with the territory- of which ne 
was the nominal head, his influence upon its destinies was verj- great. He 
used it for colonizing ]>nrposes, and through him large colonies of Quakers 
were induced to settle in Xew Jcrsew When chosen as Governor, the 
appointment was for life, but he was empowered to rule by deputy, and 
did so until the close of his honorable career in 1690. To American 
readers the name of "Barclay of Urie" will be familiar through the stirring 
poem which John G. Wlhittier wrote under that title, the hero being the 
father of the titular governor. 

Gawen Lainie, also one of the Proprietors, was appointed by Barclay 
as Deputy Governor, . and came o\er to .\merica and cnteretl upon tiic 
discharge of his duties with zeal and discretion. A stanch Quaker, he was 
essentially a man of peace, and successfully administered affairs for some 
three years. He settled many colonies of Friends in his domain, and sat- 
isfied both those over whom he ruled and those whose servant he was, the 
other proprietoi's. in 1687 he was succeeded by Lord Xiel C"ami>bell, 
brother of the ninth Earl of Argyle. whose appointment was based mainly 
on the fact that he had got mixed up in a political scrai)e in his own land, 


anil for his personal safety it was necessary that he sr.ruhl get out of the 
■\vay of the then ruling; powers. His Lordship came mer and surveyed the 
territory intrusted to liis ruling energdes, but does not seem to have done 
much more. He was called on urg'ent business to Englan<l. the troulile 
which caused his exile ha\ing blown over, and he departed hurriedly. lea\- 
ing a.s his re|:iresentative a man mucih, belter fitted for the ])ositi(in — .\n- 
drew Hamilton. 

Hamilton was a nati\e of Scotland, and is said to have been engaged 
in business in Edinljim'gh when the Proprietors selected him as one of 
their .\nierican representatives. There is not much that has been made 
clear to us regarding his career prior to crossing the Atlantic, but he 
seems to have enjoyed the full confidence of Barclay and 'his associates 
in the great syndicate. He was the main adviser of Lord Xiel Campbell 
during that aristocratic gentleman's sl«>rt stay, and l^ecame a member of 
Council. Lord Xiel, om his departure, \-ested the authority of the Govern- 
orship in Hamilton, and he continued to e.xercise it until id<S<S, when Sir 
Ednnmd! Andros, having been appointed 'Governor of all of the American 
settlements from the St. Lawrence toi Marxland (with the exception of 
Pennsylvania) assumed control o'f the whole oif Xew Jersey. That high- 
lumded official was taught a much needed lesson w'hen he was arrested by 
the people of Boston, pelted with mud and stones, and in 1O90 was sum- 
marily shipped back to England. He returned to America two years later 
as Governor of Virginia, but his experiences in New England ajjparently 
had a good efifect upon his character, for it woidd seem that — as colonial 
governors went — he there jiroved a most praiseworthy executive. While 
he was in power, howe\ er, in the north, Hamilton virtually continued 
to achninister affairs in his old territory. When Andros met his coup in 
Boston, Hamilton could not understand his own ]M)sition veiy clearly, 
and went to England to lay tlie entire siluatimi before the Pn'])rietors. 
His journey was a long c»ne; his vessel was captured by the French, and 
he did not reach London tmtil May. i6go. It was nearly two years later 
l)efore he returned to Xew Jersey, but he had with 'hinii authority to act 
as executive o\'er both di\isions. lie held his duuble office until ifxjj, 
when the English Parliament, ir, a fit of jealousy against tb.e Scotch 
merchants of that time, passed a law that no one not an P^nglisii born sub- 
ject of tlie King should serve in any public oft'ice, and to this law Hamilton 
was compelled to bow and retire. Jeremiah Basse, who succeeded to the 
New Jersey appointment, proved too meddlesome and incapable to be en- 
dured for any length of time, and in 169c; Andrew Bowne was ap|X)inted 
Governor of East Jersey, an ainjiointment which he held only a few months. 
Hamilton was then re-ap])ointed. ;ind ■;er\ed as Governor over both di- 

HISTORY OF THE XI-.W jl';R.Si:\' COAS l'. 107 

visions uiilil the two were united, and the jjicciinis Lord Cornburv l)ecame 
tlie first of the royal ("rovernors of Xew Jersey. Then he acccptetl 
tlie appointment of I)ei)uty Governor of i'ennsylvania. at the hands 
of William i'enn. and iield that oflire at the time of his death, Ajiril jo, 

Hamilton was in many ways one of tiie m<jst advanced statesmen in 
fhe colonies of liis time. .As an executive he won the apjiroval and con- 
fidence of those over wh<im he ruled, and he was ;i stanch advcK-ate of 
some scheme of union among the colonies, and that, too. at a time when the 
idea of .such a imion being possible was laughed at. lUit there were others 
;n Xew Jersey who advocated a- union, ;uid to the credit of (jo\-ern(.)r 
Coxe, of \\'est Jersey, it should be s.iid that he not only advocated a union 
but wrote his views in a wtM-k which he pul)lished in London. Hamilton 
organized a postal system for the Colonies, and altlnjugh it was somewliat 
in the nature of a moniipol)-, still it was the beginning of a colonial service. 
and probably the tirst real and practical stej) taken to weld the scattered 
Colonies of (ireat Ikitain in Xorth America into one nation. 

The gcivernnient of West jersey was administered as follows: l-.d- 
ward liillingc, 1677-87: .'^amuel Jennings. Ik-])ut\". 1677-84: IMionias 
Oliver, I^eiuity, 1684-85: John Skene, Deputy, 1685-87: Daniel Coxe, 
1687-90; Edward Hunloke, Deputy, 1690: West Jersey Society of Pro- 
prietors, 1691: Andrew Hamilton, 1692-97; Jeremiah I'asse, 1697-99: 
.Andrew Hamilton. i(i99-i7C)2. 

Like Barclay, the titular Governor of I'.ast Jersey, Byliinge never saw 
the province of which be was the designated ruler. He was a Quaker and 
bought the territory along with John l'"enw ick for the pairpose of establish- 
ing colonics of I'riends. b'enwick and be did not agree soaiiehow as to 
details, and I'enn, wIk^ was called upon to arbitrate between them, as- 
^igned nine-tenths of the entire territory to IJyllingc. Soon afterward he 
fell into financial straits and bis pro])ert_\- was ])laced in the bands of trus- 
tees. Much o'f the land passed to others, including a syndicate of twenty- 
foiiir, but Byliinge managed to retain enough interest in the territory to 
retain a seat among the twenty-fo^u-. and was 1 y them named as (iovernor, 
an (jffice he continued lo bold luitil bis doatli in 1087. 

Byliinge ruled by deputy, but seems to Ihave kej)! a watchful eye on 
what -was lieing drme in the province. His earliest deputy, Samuel Jen- 
nings, was one of the most noted local jireachers among the Society <•! 
Friends. Byliinge ai)iioinled him Driiuty Governor in 1677, and lie proved 
so capable and i>opular that the local assembly elected him (io\ernor in 
168,^. Bvllinge denied that the Provincial .As.sembly had any right in the 
matter, and to prove the correctness of his view he summarily removed 


Jennings from office as soon as he saw no other way of settling the con- 
troversy. Jennings meekly accepted the carder of rcmo\-al, antl went to 
Pennsylvania. Afterward, however, he became a power for good in the 
pt'lilical history of West Jersey. The deputies Avho succeeded him, Thomas 
Oliver and John Skene, seem to have kept within the Ixmmds of Byllinge's 
notions, but the briefness of their tenures shows that tiiey were neither 
of them very brilliant administrators. How could they be in such cir- 
cumstances ? 

In Daniel Coxe, who sticceeded Byllingc in the Governorship on the 
death of the latter named, \\'est Jersey had a ruler who lived within it? 
limits and was personally known to many of its people. He was born in 
England, and Avas a noted physician in London for many years, his patients 
inchuling many of the most noted attendants at court. He invested his 
wealth largely in land in America, and in receiving his appointment seems 
to haA'e made up his mind to ha\'e his home where he Avas appointed to 
rule. His Adews on his office were explicitly set forth in a letter Avhich lie 
transmitted to his felloAV Proprietors shortly after he eiitered uiran his 

In 1691 GoA-ernor Coxe turned over the government to the West 
Jersey Society of Proprietors and returned to private life, although his 
son continued to- keep the family name projiiinent in the Province in A'arious 
Avays. The Proprietors jilaced the government in the hands of Andrew 
Hamilton, the Avisest thing they could do. 

In 1702 the government of the two Jerseys was taken over by the 
•Crown, and Lewd Cornbiuy became Governor-in-Chief of Ncav Y^ork and 
New Jersey. Readers of the history of Colonial America must be ac- 
quainted with the disgraceful story of this man — a libertine, a swindler, a 
liar of the most reckless type, and who seems to have had in his entire 
make-up no single redeeming quality except that of being nominally a de- 
A'oted churchman, that is. one who was zealous in making the law to fur- 
ther the material interest of the body to wdiich he nominally l)elonged, for, 
of course, such a man cared nothing about religion for religion's sake. 
He was too much abased in sin to be fit to wait even upon a door-keeper 
in the house of the Lord, yet lie was wont tO' lioast of how many churches 
he had caused to be erected. A profligate at home, a disgrace to society 
there, he was given his Colonial appointment in the hope of recruiting his 
character and his fortunes. The first Avas gone beyond any possibilit_\- of 
recovery ; he does not seem even to have attempted the task. To the sec- 
ond he zealously applied his energies, and "give! give!" was his constant 
crv to the legislature of New York and afterward; to tliat of Xew Jersey. 
But thcA- did not always respond, and his rule was one long continued orgie 


of sins, slander, swindle and blackmail, anil ended in his renioxal in 1708 
in answer to many and indii^'nant jirolesls. As soon as lie was liarricd muI 
of oftice, he was arrested and Iodised in jail hy iiis creditors. .Vlterward it 
is said he reformeil, succeeded his lather as ]^arl of Clarendon, paid nl'f 
his debts, and sat in solenni judgment in the J louse of Lords as a Sieredi- 
lary peer of Parliament. 

Cornhur}- was succeeded ui the j^dxernorship of the two provinces 
by Lf)rd Lovelace, but he only iield the oltice for a few months. 

Governor Hunter, a scion of an (tld .Scottish family, entered upon 
the duties of the dual _^-n\ern(,rshiii lune 14, 1710. Like all of his pre- 
decessors and contemporaries, he had ;'.cce[)ted the office with a view of 
adding to his pri\ate fortune, but unlike most of them he had a conscience 
that preventetl him from seeking to> increase his wealth by means which 
were in direct variance to the welfare of the commnnitv o\er which he 
was ajjpointed to nde. .\llcr ah-iul a year's e\|)eiience in .America, he 
saw that the development of llie territory under his rule could only be 
hastened by adding to its population thr>nio-h encouraging and facilitating 
immigration, and h.'uing- conceived a scheme about the manufactin-e of 
naxal stores by which he might enrich himself and afford emplovment to 
many workers. l-,e proceeded to' devejop the resources of the countrv and 
increase his own wealth, by the introduction of some three thousand German 
laborers from the I'rilatinate. These people were settled in five villages on 
the banks of the Jludson River, and were t'j jtroduce tar and tm-pentine. 
Their jxissage money was to be repaid out i>f their earnings, and on ihe 
same terms they were to be supjilied at hrst with the necessaries of life. 
-As might be expected, the scheme was a f.ailure. '.fhe immigrants were 
virtually contract slaves, and were so dissatisfied with their lot that tiiey 
refused to work, and when at length he washe<l his hands of the whole 
scheme, and left the imniigrrmts to shi]> for themselves, "bnl not 
outside of fiie I'mvince,"' the (ioxernor was very seriously cripjiled 
financially. Llis greatest claim to remembrance is his establish- 
ing a complete Court of Chancery in New A'ork, and alth<jug'h he doubt- 
less saw" in such a court a rich harvest of fees and opportunities for pat- 
ronage, the gocKl accomplished by a tribunal of that description, especially 
in a <leveloping Colony where new and intricate questions were daily 
demanding decision — decisions which were for all time to rank as j>re- 
cedents — should not be ignored. In many ways Governor Hunter was 
a model ruler. In questions of religion he was extremely tolerant, and 
he Ixriieved in every man being permitted to worship as he tliought best. 
He indulged in no wild-cat schemes unless his importation of workers 
from the Paratinate l>e so regarded, andl encouraged no extravagant <>ut- 


lay ni iniljlic money, lie vinderstfK.d the art of managint^' men. aiul was 
on e(|uall\' gool terms with all the parties in the colony. Very poptilar 
he was not ;md iie\'er could he, for he represented a sox-ereign ])o\ver in 
the person of the King, while all around him! in Xew \'oik and Xew 
Jersey was slowly but sinely dexcloping the theor}- that the source of ail 
])ower. e\en tlie power to name governors and judges, should be the 
people ciincerned ; still, he ireseixcd intact the su]Memacy of his royal 
master, and maintained peace or the appearance of harmony in the pro\- 
ince. althmigh he foresaw verv clearlv that a struggle l;et\veen Britain 
and the .Xmerican colonies was certani, sooner or later. "The Colonies 
\\-ere tlien infants at ti.eir mother's breasts." he wrote in 171 1 to Lord 
Bolingbr(/ke. the British Secretary of State for Foreign .\ffairs: "but 
sucli as would wean themselves when they came of age." 

\\'hcn Roliert Hunter retired fn m the colony in 1710, he was given 
an addiess lauding the administration o'f his affairs, and the (jjDinion was 
e.xpressefl that he had "governed well and' wisel_\-. like a prudent magis- 
trate, like an affectionate parent." This praise seems to have been tnor- 
oughb,- well deserved, and c\en Air.erican writers acknowledge tiiat h,is 
official record was not onl\- an al>le l>ut a clean one. He was possessed of 
more than ordinary talent, was a warm friend of such men as Addison, 
St. )iihn, Steele, Shaftshurw and especially of Dean Swift, who appears 
til ha\e entertained for him as undouljted sentiments of respect and friend- 
shi]) as he entertained, for anv man. "Hunter," wrote (jeorge Foster in 
his uncompleted life of the Dean otf St. Patrick's, "was among the most 
scholarlv and entertaining of ' ( Swift's) corresix>ndents : some of Swift's 
own best letters were written to his friend, and the judgment he had 
formed oi 'him may lie taken from the fact tliat when all the world were 
giving to hiniLself the authorship of Shaftshury's (anonymously printed) 
'Letter of Enthusiasm," Swift believed Hunter to have written it." Gen- 
eral Hunter died at Jamaica in 173.1. while h.olding the office of (iovprnor 
of that island. 

(iovernor Htmter's successor in .\'ew York was also a Scotchman — 
William Burnet. This amiahle man was the son of th.e famous Bishop 
Buniet. whose "History of Our Own Times" is one of the classics of 
English literature. William l^urnet was educated at Cambridge and ad- 
mitted to the practice of law. He appears toi have been fairly successful 
in that profession, but lost all his means in the South Sea lntl)ble. and, 
finding himself ruined, looked anmnd so that be mig'ht use his great fam- 
il\- inHuence to secure for him a colonial appointment, a most natural and 
common proceeding at that time. His success was quick and hrilliant. 
and in Septemlier. 1720. he found liimself in Xew York as its Governor. 


and as Governor of Xew Jersey. His acliiiinistralion was as able antl as 
lionesfas that t>f liis ijrcdeccssor. and lie made liimself immensely popular 
by his proliibition of trade Ijetween the Indians and '.he merchants in 
Canada, and he even iiuilt a fnrt at his persunal e.xpense to hell) in ]>riiteet- 
iiig the trade of the c(iU>n\- o\er which he ruled. 'I'he home goxernmenl. 
howe\er. refused to endorse Jhnnet's course in this instance. l)ut thai set- 
bac!; only adtled to his personal popularity, lie lost it all. 'however. Ijv 
the i)olicy he adojjted toward the ('curt ( f I'hanceiy. Ihiell\- stated, he 
wanted to make that body independent of public sentiment and abo\e 
pul>lic interference, while colonial opinion was that all judjjes and all 
courts should be subje'-t to the contract ni the people, directlv or tlirou.i;li 
their electetl re]>resentatives. Things reached such a pass that the .\s- 
seml)ly threatened to declare all acts and decrees (.1 the Court of Chan- 
cer)- as null and \'oid. and reihiced all its fees as a p,reliminary step in 
that direction. The crisis between the ( io\crnor and the people was ended. 
greatly to the foi.mer's relief, in 17J8. when he was transferred to the Co\- 
erinjrship of M;i5sachusetts. He had not nuicli time to make a name for 
himself in the old Ba\ State, for he died at Boston in 1729. 

J()lin .Montgonierie. the ne.xt Gt>\eiiior. was a soldier of brilliant parts 
and many amiable cpialities. but he only held the office for some three 
months, dying July 1. J 73 1 . William Cosby, the last f)f the dual .gov- 
ernors of .Xew ^'oI'k and Xew Jersey, arrived on .\ugust J. 173-'. Ihi.-' 
miserable charlatan drew his saiaiy. (piarreled witii Assemblies, courts and 
all in any position of authority, aired his self-conceit, and gabbled about 
l)rerogati\es until he l/ccame the most hated man in the province. He 
died in office. March 7. 175(1. 

Cosbv was succeeded by John Manhlton. the son of (iiAenior .\n- 
drew Hamilton, who as. in turn. President of the Council, assumed the 
executive authority, llamilton continued' to act ;is Governor until the sinn- 
mer of 1738, \v'i".en Lewis Morris l,ecan.e (iovernor of the I'rovince of 
Xew Jersey, he liaving been rue of the leaders in the movement which 
dissolved the jwlitical tie which hiuh for (jver thirty years bound the iwi 
provinces. Morris was the foremost lawyer of his time, was Chief Justice 
of Xew Jersev for se\eral yeais. and a fearless and public-spirited citizen. 
He was bitterlv ojsjk sed to the rule of Lord Cornbury. and jiresented in 
per-son to Queen .Anne the petition asking for the removal of that scosin- 
drel. He continued to .act as (lovcrnorof .Xew Jersey, rendering the i'rov- 
ince many rare ser\ ice> until his death. 

Jonathan r>elcher succeeded to the high office in the fo.llowing year. 
He had previously been (Jovernor of .Mass.ichusetls, but was rem()ved 
in consequence of the culmination of one incitlent in the jierpetual 


trouble between tbe local legislature and tb.e royal governors which for 
years was the leading feature of colonial official annals. He seems to have 
been fairly successful in New JerSey, and maintained his authority peace- 
fully and with much i>ersonal popularity until his death at Elizabeth Town, 
August 31, 1757. 

His successor, Sir Francis Bernard, bv a curious coincidence. Avas 
Goivenior oif New Jersey from 1758 to 1760, and then received' the ap- 
pointment of Governor of Massachusetts, where he is credited with hav- 
ing bv his offensive acts done more to force the Revolution than any other 
man. Thomas Boone, his successor in Xew Jersey, onlv held the office 
for about a year, and was then transferred to South Carolina. Josiah 
Hardy, who followed Boone, iield the office of Governor of New Jersey 
for t\vo years (1761-63) and was removed because, in. c(.'.itravention of 
!his instructions, he issued commissions to judges under tenure of good 
behavior instead of during the ro}al pleasmx'. After him came Franklin, 
whose storv is fully dwelt upon in another and more stirring chapter of 
this work, and who was the last of tlie (governors chosen Ijy the will of 
a King or a cabinet. \\'hen he was ignominiously thrust from the scene, 
the Governor o'f New Jersey recei\'ed his appointment at the hands oi 
the Sovereign People. 


XKw jl■:RSK^■ IX -mK Ri-:\-oi.rTiox. 

Oulside lit tlial of the C. imm.-imlcr-in-Chicf, tin- revered J'^atlier ui his 
Giunlry, tl-ere is im persnuality so iiriihtal)le as the theme of a character 
sketch anioiiij- ail the men hnnigiit into pminineiice (hiring- tiic period of 
the American Revolution than that of William Franklin, the last of the 
R(JYal Governors of Xew jersey. We say this nut hecause he was a man 
of genius, of great force of character, of profound learning or the pos- 
sessc^r of any of those qualities which maiked out \\\'ushington. (jreene, 
-Mercer. Hamilton, Livingston. Maxwell, Putnam and Knox as unclouhted 
leaders of men, nor hecause lie possessed a title of that common sense and 
homely honest wisdom, that sturdy self-reliance, that untiring industr\-, 
that keen perception, that creative power, that natural ins[,iration, which 
won temporary fame for his father, and ha\e made the n.;une of Benjamin 
Franklin regarded throughout the world as tl".r.t of the mo-t tv])ical of 
ail Americans — tyjMcal of its diplomacy, its literatiue, its science, its com- 
mercialism and its thtn'oughly jiractical ways of meeting all difficulties 
and surmounting all ohstacles in indi\-idual or national life. 

But it is nuicli easier to sa_\" what William l'"r;iuklin was not, than 
to d'escrihe what he was. Of course, he oweil his start in life to the in- 
fluence of iiis father, and there seems no douht that he received his m<ist 
memorable apixjintment, that of GcAernor of Xew Jersey, in 1763, as a 
means of retaining the sympathies and support of that fatiicr 
in the measures then being framed for taxing the American 
Colonies according to the wislies of I'arliament, and without 
regard to tlie views of the jieople uKvst concerned. In this, 
if such was the moti\e, tlie Biitish authorities most signally erred 
as they erred in matters of mucii more startling im|)ortance. Their cmnne- 
ous but political course exhil)ited in this personal matter never caused 
Benjamin I'Vanklin to waver from the a]ii)ointc<l line <if duty, the line so 
clearly marked out by patriotism and the voice of his country. But it 
developed William l-'ranklin into a most rabid Tory, and estranged fatluT 



and' sun, an estrangement that continued unsoiftened until ling after 
tiie CDiUest was over and the son was an exile from his nati\-e land. 

As Governor of Newi Jersey. William Franklin failed to exhibit any 
of the qualities of statesman; he ne\'er seemed to estimate correctly the 
strength vi the current with which he was struggling, he did not appear 
to understand the sentiment of the people oiver whose destinies he pre- 
sided or to appreciate the trend of the popular movement wdiich he 
even vainl\- tried with puny effi-)rts, it seems to us, to suppress, fie was 
not himself a man of liis word, and he judged 'Others by his own calibre. 
/V man of iiersiaial honesty, of warm friendship, of high ambitions, he 
lacked stability of character, that degree of resolution which makes a man 
respected by !his pulilic opponents, respected even wiien clearly in the 
wrong, when pursuing an unpopular policy. He was for a time regarded 
as a somewdiat brilliant ruler, yet when the end came and 'he was ignomiil- 
iousl}- sent to Connecticut — because his word could not be trusted — there 
was jjrobablv not one man in Xew Jersey who in his heart felt any senti- 
ment of regret. 

William Franklin was born m riiiladelphia in 17J9, and was ;ui 
illegitimate son oif Benjamin Franklin, who' appears to have had his weak- 
nesses like less gifted men. W'r.en the child was about a year old, his 
father, wdio- had married and set up' a home, took him there, superintended 
his education, and treated him in all respects as a father should treat a 
son. As he grew up, William developed a taste for reading, and in many 
ways ijccame the close associate and ci:n!:dant of his 'father. Fie saw a 
little of life, too, for lie obtained a commission in the Pennsylvania IMili- 
tia, served on the Canadian frontier in the campaigns popularly known as 
King George's ^^"ar. and acipiittcd himself so creditably that he rccei\'ed 
a commission as captain. For a short time thereafter he was Comptroller 
of the General Post Office, and Clerk to the Provincial AssemlMy. In 
1757 he accompanied his father to England as his secretary, was admitted 
a memlier of the bar in London the following year, antl seems to have be- 
come quite a social favorite. That was the experience wdiich finally cost 
him his citizenship in his nati\e land. When he landed in England he was 
in full accord with his father's political \-ie\vs, but as his friendships e.x- 
tended he l-.ecame noted for his ultr;i British perversity, and becaiue in 
fact a Tory of the Tories. It seemed a bit of gocud politics under all tiie 
circumstances to utilize him in America. So Lord Bute thought, when 
he became acquainted with the young man, and he recommended his em- 
plox'mciu to Lord h'airfax, with the result that in 1762 William Frank- 
lin was gazetted as Governor of Xew Jersey. 

He readied his post in the following year. His reception, however. 

HISTORY 01-" Till-: .\i:\\ jl•;kSl•:^ cuasi'. 115 

was 1)\- no means a hearty one, and it was not long before it was e\ idcni lliat 
liis apjjointment did not realize its exi)ect;i.tions. He aped all the possible 
dignity of a real royal Go\-ernor. but the cloud on his birth was mercilessly 
and openl}' discus.^cd, and he was publicly Ijranded as a j)lace-hunter and a 
timesen'er because he liad left the Colonies a Whig and returned a Tory 
with, it was alleged, the Governorship as the medium of exchange. How- 
ever that may be, there was lienceforth no paltering or etpiivocation in his 
political \'iews trom the time he to. ik u\) the reins of government in Xew 
Jersey. He was then a Tory cnul dexotcd to the cause of King George. 
He was steadfast in his loyalty all through the Revolution, and after it 
was over he went to I'jigland, where his loyalty won him an appro])ria- 
ticn and pension, and there he lived until t'.;e end of his long journe\-, \n 
1813. lie had become estranged from his father when the time came for 
the parting of the ways, and the estrangment was never wliolly healed, al- 
tliougli when the conflict was over a truce was patched up, and their friend- 
ly relations, to a certain extent, resumed. lliU from that time tlieir lives 
were widely apart. 

Such was the man into whose hands was delivered the executive |)ower 
of the Colony at the \ery time when events were shaping tiieiuselves to 
develop the greatest crisis in its history — the crisis upon which it entered 
as a Crown Colony, and out of vvliich it emerged as a free and indepenrlent 
sovereign State. That crisis, however, was not fully perceived in i~i>^ 
on either side of the .\tlantic. There w;is no trouble apparentlv in ti".e 
Colonies beyond the usual and constant struggle of the po'inilar assem- 
blies with the roval representatives, but that trouble, men said, was chronic; 
it had existed from the beginning of the system and wo'.ild contimie to 
tlie eird. Boston hatl in jjCro its lirst tussle with the moil:er country. 
New ^'ork had led the way in opposing the appointment of judicial ofli- 
cers dming "the King's pleasure," but the gravity of such occurrences 
was hardlv estimated, a.nd their effect seemed temporary. The Frencli 
war, which had ca.rrietl off so man}- of the bravest s]iirits in the Colonies, 
was just over and a treaty of peace had been signed, and with the news 
of that consummation caine the hope that the frontier of the settlements 
would henceforth be safe, and that the c< lonists might ])ress forward 
into the apparentlv boundless territory which stretched awav beyond, with 
no opposition excejjt that (if the red man. But long bef< i"e the year 
1763 was out, came that terrible native outbreak under I'ontiac whicii 
ravaged the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland and \'irginia, and laid 
waste the entire northwestern frontier with a thoroughness and barbarity 
more terrible than had ever before been experienced. The story of that 
-war, as told by Parkman, forms one of the most thrilling episodes in 


American liistory. But even that war, Ijrutal and far-reaching as it was, 
did nut arouse excitement all through the Colonies. Xew York managed 
to keep clear of it. thanks to the influence of Sir William Johnston, whicii 
prevented the Six Nations from entering into any active share in rontiac's 
conspiracy, and New Jersey knew nothing of it except from rumor. The 
enforcement of t'ae navigation laws interfered with trade in the coast 
towns, but did not concei'n in the least the farmer otn his fields, and even 
George Washington, in his retirement, wrote that year to a friend in Eng- 
land tliat affairs were so c^uiet in the Cok)nies that there was nothing to 
write ab<Ait. 

But in 1763 events were shaping themselves steadily to bring to the 
front, by the foremost of issues, the theory of separation from the Mother 
Country, and that, too, in the Mother Countr}' itself. Septeniber 22, 
George Gren\'ille, then at the head of the W big ministry in England, after 
consultation with Lord North, directed one of his associates in the Cabinet 
to have the proper, officials prepare "the draft of a bill to- be presented to 
Parliament for extending the stamp duties to the Colonies." The meas- 
ure was prepared, accepted by Grenville. and on March 22, 1765, the bill 
was passed in Parliamait. The provisions were to become effective in the 
following October. The news did not reach America until early in May, 
and with it came, unspoken, the decree of separation. While the act was 
pending, while its pro\-isions were under discussion, warning" enough had 
been sent across the sea from the Colonies as tO' the temper of the colonists 
and their position in the matter, but Grenville — the real originator of the 
independence of the colonies- — ^was obstinate and foolish, his associates 
were hardly conii)etent to act as country "squires," and the ministrv which 
succeeded was, as a contemporary said," a collection of blind cats.'" A.s 
a result of the strong oppcjsition, the Stamp Act was repealed in 1766, but 
with a rider in the sha]:)e of a resolution declaring the full authority of 
Parliament over the Colonies, and in I7()7 Charles Townsend introduced 
the Tea Act, and this, with such measures as the Mutiny Act, showed that 
Parliament, or the Ministry at its head, was determiined on making the 
Colonies a source of supply to tlie British Treasury, and stripping the col- 
onists of every real \estigc of political power. Grenville. in ofifice or out 
of it, was fully informed of the crisis which his Stiunp Act had aroused 
in America, but he had no thought except that all oi^position could and 
should be ruthlessly cnished out. He went to his grave, in 1770, with that 
notion finnly impressed on his mind, and so was spared the pain of seeing 
the outcome of his taxation policy in the immurtal Declaration of 1776 and 
the birth of a New Nation. 

it was at the beginning of the crisis that William Franklin assumed 


the Gineniorship of New j(.'r<i.'v. llail lie iiihcrileil anv i>\ ll.e jjractical 
wisdom of fatlier he would ha\c' understood tlie people ainon"' wlnim 
his lot was cast a little better than he ditl ; as it was. he p-rovcd blinder than 
even those who. on the iianks of the Ihanics. concocted measures tor 
liumiliating and ]ilun(leriny the colonists. A word of warnint;- from him 
might ha\e jirnsed of great service in making tiie English government 
appreciate and weigh the sentiment of the colonist,-:, but the warning was 
ne\er given, seemingly liecause he saw no occasion for it. He had no 
toleration with, rebellion, had no conception of any <.utcome c f the iii-jjular 
discontent liut submission, and seemed to be so to])loft\' in his own ideas 
of his personal greatness ;uid tlie in\idnerability (»f the regime he repre- 
sented, that he was disposed to treat with scant courtesy e\en such ])ro- 
tests as reached him in due furm and after the usual process prescrilied by 
law. Had he acted differentl_\- he would have left a more lovealile memory 
in American history. It is not likely, however, that his position one way 
or other wotild lia\e swayed events to any great extent. The march of 
progress was on: a link in the immutable chain of human c\ents was being 
forged, and the inexorable finger of destiny kejit pointing at the anvil 
tintil a treaty of peace was signed in ^ji:''^. and the colonies were declared 
free, indej^endent. sovereign states, soon afteinvard to lie welded into a 

But in 1763. when \\"illiam Franklin assumed his Governorship, the 
IkjUI of Great Britain upon the entire North American continent seemed 
stronger than ever it had been. I^ie long struggle with France, with its 
wonderful story of intrigue, defeat, disaster, \icton-, romar.ce. persever- 
ance, trickcrv and deceit, was over, and Britain was mistress of the con- 
tinent, b'rance had ceded Canada. Xova Scotia and Cape Breton to tlie 
conrpieror, and Louisiana to Sjiain. so she was bereft of all the pos.sess- 
ions for the retention and exlcnsi(.n of which she had so long struggled 
and to which she had devoted so vast a share of her natimial resources in 
blood and treasure and founded her aspirations for colonial greatness — for 
the development of a "Xew France" across the sea. The territory which 
she ceded to Spain was at the time an indefinable cpiantity. but it gave her 
even then the .supremacy of the Gulf of Mexico, of the known course of 
the Mississippi, and of a territi ry most of which was untrodden by white 
nien except a few missionaries and a handful of pioneers. Over that ter- 
riton^-, or most of it. the red men alone held sway. Varied, rich and ex- 
tensive as the .S])anish ])ossessions were, they jToved of little practical 
value to that country, even then in its decadence. Britain was mistress, 
although her actual settlements were confined practically to a strip along 


the seaboard and the St. Lawrence. Georgia, the Carohnas and Virginia 
touched the eastern hank of the Mississippi, the oppo.=ite bank Ijelonged to 
Spain, and Spain e\ en claimed and exercised sovereignty over the entire 
river. Fl< rida. cet'ed to Great Britain in 1763 1,y Spain, was regarded 
sinipiv as one \ast and useless swamp. The northern houndaiy of Vir- 
ginia and the western boundary of Pennsylvania were practically 011 the 
frontier, although to the north of the one as far as Lake Superior ami west 
of the iither to the Mississippi extended an empire whose extent and re- 
sources and opportunities were supposed ta be vast but were practically un- 
known. Roughly speaking, in what is now the United States the Mis- 
sissippi formeil a dividing line between the Spanish and the British terri- 
tory when the peace of 1763 had eliminated the power of France. To 
Sjiain. its \-ast em]>ire. whose western boundary was unknown, was but a 
negligible quaiuity and returned mothing substantial; it was hardly even 
used t<i any extent for colonizing. Lt the British portion it nia)' be said 
thai all west of latitude 82 degrees was almost ecpially unknown, but 
along the coast were thri\ing tov.-ns and settlements and colonies and com- 
monwealths, and from them colonizing parties and individual settlers were 
constantly setting forth, pressing yearly further and further west, fighting 
the red men and clearing the way for the teeming population which within 
a centun- was to build up in that territory great and prosperous cities and 
con\crt hunting grounds and deserts into fertile fields and thriving villages. 

In tlie final struggle with France, the .American colonies rendered 
splendid ser\-ice to the Mother Country, an<l while the crown pro\ided the 
c(>lonial troops with anns, ammunition and provisions, the pay and clothing 
of the quota of men demanded from each Colony, as well as the expense of 
levying antl drilling, were borne by their respective Colonies. William 
Pitt, the greatest of the i;remicrs of (ireat Britain, to whose energy the 
termination of the French empire in America was due. promised that such 
charges would be refunded by Parliament, but the jiromise was never 

I'lUl a wa\e of lovalty \\as then passing over the Colonies, and little 
was though.t of the exjiense in \-iew of the benefit to be secured by the suc- 
cess of the campaign against France. Xew Jersey was especially en- 
thusiastic. Her quota to the fighting forces should have been 5CK) men, 
but its extent was on the surface at left to her own volition, and her 
.Assembly responded liy raising double that number, and maintaining that 
strength in 1758, 1759 and 1760, and in the two years following 600 men, 
besides a company of veterans w^hich was retained for garrison dtity. She 
paid a bounty of twelve pounds for recruits, built suitaljle Irarracks at 


Buiiii\<4li(n. Trenton. Xew Bninsw ick, lY-itli .\nili<iy and Klizal)clliti»\vri. 
and canied in her share in the campaijin at a ciist to her treasury of 
soniethini;- hke two Hundred thousand pounds. What a change within 
three or four years, when Cimernor Dinwiddie was prayinji^ for assistance 
from the Colonies in a previous campaii;n, and met witli a faltering and 
unwilling aiuD disheartening response. Even in the details of this story 
lav a significant lesson for the houie Co\-ernnient and the Royal Go-vernors, 
yet it passed unheeded. 

i')Ut the I-"reuch war was one in which the L'olouists had a greater in- 
terest than thc\' imagined. N'ot one ( f the single C'lonies in 1760 was 
in couiplete acc<rd with the mother Ci unlry. Ti:crc was in each some 
mtitter of policv or an impost which aroused and maintainei'i a feeling 
of unrest and defiance, hut, situated as thev were, with Indians constantly 
reddening their frontiers and making forays on the older settlements: with 
the French hlocking progress on the west and holding the St. Lawrence and 
all to the north of it. ready and alert to take every ad\antage to extend 
and strengthen its r.old ; with the carrying trade, the means of communica- 
tion and of connuerce with the 1 uter wmld, practically in the ha,u<ls of 
the mother country: with jealousy and even dislike marking the inter- 
course, such as it was, lietween the scattered Colonies — Colonies, seem- 
ingh', without anv prospect of a comnumity of interest — the only general 
feeling that existed, that of oppi-sition to the policy of the mother countr\-. 
not, it should lie remarked, of oppr.sitiiju to the mother country itself, 
would never have culminated in ojien resistance and a demand for sejiara- 
tion. I'arkman. in his volumes on ■■.Montcalm .-md Wolfe," brings this out 
with. unmi>takal)le clearness when he says (Vol. I., Page 5) ""If hy dip- 
lomac\- or war she ( F"rance) had ])reservcd hut the half, or less than half, 
of her Almericau possessions, theu ti harrier would ha\e been set to the 
spread of the I-Jiglish speaking races, there would ha\-e heen no Revolu- 
tionarv \\ ar, and for a long time, at least, no inde])eudence."' 

The French war, tcwj, proved an excellent training scho<:l for many 
of those who were afterward to practice tlie art of war in the holy cause 
of independence. There Washington and others became veteran soldiers, 
and there Xew Jersey's revolutionary hero. William Maxwell, prepared 
himself for the splendid service he rendered his country and his c(.)nimon- 
wealth when the time came t*) threw down the gauntlet, and deeds super- 
seded words, resolutions and petitions in the with (".real P.ritaiu. 

When the Im-cucIi war terminated^ as lias been said, a wave of loyalty 
sjjread over the country, which it would have been well for her had P.ritain 
taken advantage of with any degree of statesmanship. The splendid helj) 
which the Colonies had rendered t«> ibe subjugation of iM-ance's Xew 


World Eniiiire. its splendidi figlitiiig force, its freely voted supplies, esti- 
mated at ^3, 300.000. its privateers, which sailed on every sea and wijied 
out the coniimerce oi France, practically turned the fortunes of the war, 
and g-ave Great Britain her first real claim to the scAereignt}- of the seas, 
all demanded recognition. sul)stantial recog-nition. and the recognition 
asked in .Vmerica was simply the right to manage local affairs aufl taxa- 

But in ISritain this loyalty, this service, this sacrifice, were all speedily 
forgotten ; the wealth of the Colonies had heen made apparent hy the sac- 
rifices the colonists had so freely made, and the predominant idea among 
the statesmen in London was that America s'hould be made to recoup the 
British Treasury for the outlay expended in the war, not alone this war 
in America hut the war anywhere; that the .\merican Colonies, in fact, 
should hell) pay the debts o-f the mother country. It was the old dream of 
getting gold from America, the dream which inspired the Spaniards to 
fit out the little fleet of Columbus, which aroused the cupidity of Pizarro, 
the fiendishness of Cortez, and which had animated DeSoto and most of 
the early disc'-verers. It was gold in the mines, in the tem.ides, in the 
homes, on the persons of the people, they S(3ught ; gold was their ultimate, 
their real, and their sole object in crossing the sea. and some of them 
obtained it liy fair means, but most (.^f them by foul. America, to Britisli 
statesman, was still a hunting place for gold, and they sought to obtain it, 
not by arins or direct spoliation: not by means O'f vulgar robbery and 
lieartless murder as in Peru ; but 1)}- the more genteel and modern method 
of stamps and taxes. 

It was at the flood-tide of this wave of loyalty that ^\■illiam Franklin 
appeared in New Jersey, armed with his commissitjii as Governor, and 
settled down at Trenton. Trie prevailing sentiment of loyalty in a great 
degree was emphasized bv the news of the Indian outbreak under Ponliac. 
which Parkman has so graphically detailed in two of his monumental 
volumes on earlv American history. The extent of this outbreak — "con- 
spiracy," Parkman has called it — the reckless bravery of the Indians, the 
influence, audacitv and skill of their leader, and the nnnors of massacre, 
burnings and cruelties, created more alarm than any previous rising, all 
the more so because it was unexpected. With the passing of the French 
regime it was not anticipated that the. Indians would dare attempt any 
movement in force against the Colonies. 

The general alarm excited even New Jersey, although it had no ex- 
posed frontier like that of Xew York and of Pennsylvania, and Governor 
Franklin ordered the local militia to be in readiness. So far as the Prov- 
ince itself was concerned, the Indians gave lit'le actual trouble, althoug-h, 


as a nu-niDi-ial ti) llie (ioNcnmr fnnn the Assenilily in 1764 said, "wliether 
they ( ihe liuliaiis) had actually any desis;n upDU this Province or nut. 
their hostilities in the neiiihhorliood of (ur frontier, and. in one douhlfnl 
instance, over the line, were indncenients to place a fnmtier g'uard of two 
himdred men fi>r the winter p.ast." The real hattlef;T(Aind of the con- 
spiracy, howe\er. was to he on the remote frontier of tlie settlements, and 
to aid him in the work of sujipression. (ieneral Amherst, commanding;' the 
forces, asked for troops from the Colonies, the nnmher from Xew Jersey 
being fixed at 600. (loxernor h'ranklin in a message to the .\s- 
scmhly recommended liiat th's qnota he raised, Init tlie legislature only 
agreed to furnish 200 men for loc;d defense, contributing £10,000 for ti.eir 
support and eqtn'pment. 

The troulile seems to ha\e been the old colonial jealousy. It was 
thought by the Xew Jersey legislators, and n(^t alone by them, that the 
trouble, while most \-isible along Eake lu'ie and the Ohio I\i\er. and 
althougli mainly menacing Xew \''>vk and Pennsylvania, was one in which 
the entire iMiglisb ]ioi)ulation was concerned, and there was a feeling that 
Xew England was being permitted to escape what was felt to lie its share 
of the burden .uul the sacriiice. hi time the quota was agreed to, but onlv 
after a wrangle between the (io\-ernor and the .Vssembly in which the 
Coimcil, the (icAcrnor. used the e\ecuti\e power of \-eto and 

It di>es not seem th;U h'ranklin's beha\ior in this crisis added to his 
personal popularity, it was felt that he was simply an alien: that he was 
in the colony but not of it. At the same time the proceedings appeared to 
increase his own notions of his jiersonal importance and magnify bis ideas 
of the nalnre of tlie pifwei- which he rejiresented and the 
suiiremacy of his own ]>rerogatives over the wishes jund policies of the 
representati\'es cbciscn bv the peo])le and forming the General Assembly. 
He had one advantage — his position, his ])owers. his |)rerogatives were 
clear cut and distinct, and he liad the .autln'rily of the home government 
and Parliament behind him. as well as the soaucwbat doubtful wisdom of 
the Lords of Trade, while the ])owers of the Assembly were at 1)est ill- 
defined, and so muddled by parliamentary interference and giibernatorial 
weakness, or avarice, or impotency or craftiness, or all combined, as to be 
but little understoo<l. or. c\en when tmderstood. of but little value against 
the exercise of the executixe power. On on.e point rmly was the voice of 
the .Assembly potent, and tlual in resjard to the raising of monev. The 
law that faced I-"raiiklin. ;is it f;iced ;dl the T'lOx-eriKTS since the davs of 
Carteret, declared illegal the impositii n of "any ta.x. custom, subsidy, 
tollage. assessment or any duty whatsoever ujion any color or jiretense. 


how specious soever'" witliciit tlie consent of the General .Vssenilily. Par- 
liament by an act of 1698. ha,tl practically nullified this, hut the nullifi- 
cation was lint little heeded, and e\-en Franklin had to go through the 
formality of asking the ci-)usent of the Assembly for the money necessaiy 
to raise anil C(|ui]> the 600 troops which the Pro-vince sent to the frontier 
to aid in the overthrow o-f Pontiac and his confederated braves. 

It was on this point, however, — the question of taxation witlnait con- 
sent, — that the great crisis was to arise, and it became acute very soon 
after the power of Pontiac's outbreak was broken at Bloody Bridge. It is 
not proposed here to follow in detail all the measures and discussions in 
London en the sul)ject of taxation in .Vinerica, or even to follow u\) the 
stor}^ of the receirtion which the news of all that silly statesmanship met 
with the colonies. Such details belong tO' general rather than to Icxral 
history. Suffice it to say here, that the infamous Stamp Act wa.^ passed 
with jjractical unaninnty in both houses of Parliament, in spite of the 
strong protest (pretests, rather), uttered on behalf of the Colonies by Ben- 
jamin Franklin. The result was the meeting of the first Colonial Congress, 
at Xew York, Octelicr 7. 1765. Then followed a Declaration of Rights, the . 
voluntary or compulsory resignation of the stamp agents, the destruction 
of the stamped paper sent over, wherever it could be seized, and the de- 
velopment of a determined opposition to the measure. \\'ithout admitting 
it, the Colonies in 1765 were practicallv in a condition of open rebellion, 
although the only active tangible rebels were the Sons of Liberty, an asso- 
ciation mainly composed of the yoimg and ardent spirits Oif the time. 
As a result of this opposition the Stamp Act was repealed. But Parlia- 
ment, led !)}• successi\'e ministi-ies, still held te) the tl".eory that it had a right 
to levy taxes in America or in any British Colony. The news of the 
repeal of the Stamp Act caused great rejoicing throughout the Colonies, 
but the jo_\- was shortlived. British troops, or troojjs in the pay of Britain, 
began, to fiock into the country, and their maintenance was in itself a 
grievous and burdensome tax. \\'hilc the presence of the soldiery was 
regarded as a threat, a manifestatitn of force, to which the colonists were 
unaccustomed, the systcin of billeting the troops u|)on the people was re- 
pugnant to all inflicted \\ ith the presence of the nnlitary. and again the 
crisis tecame acute. Great Britain continued to dispatch her soldiers 
across the sea, however, in spite of remonstrances and protests, and the 
crisis continued even altliough by 1773 all the taxes were withdrawn ex- 
cepting one on tea. 'J'jiat impost was in itself a trilling one. and prissibl}" 
had it l^een imposed earlier it might have been permitted to become oper- 
ative. But the principle was n( w at stake, and the people, aroused by 
the presence of the military and the threat implied, determined to resist 


even that picayune impost. Then fullmved the incident now known as 
"the P.oston Tea rarty," when, on December lO, a party of Boston citi- 
zens disguised as Indians threw a cargo of the taxed tea into B<iston 
Harhor. Tliere was also a somewhat similar tea ])arty in Xew York 
Harbor, and a cargo of tea was .seized in Charleston and permitted to go 
to waste, while yet another cargo, at i'hiladelphia. was saved only hy llic 
skipper returning with it to sea. 

-Such acts were those of open rel.)ellion. but even then the iilea of 
separation from the mother country does not seem to have been general, 
and many good patriots hoped that events would so shape themseh'es 
that the discontent would be allayed. But Britain's lawmakers stumbled 
on blindly, and a bill which i)assed Parliament in 1774 forbidding any 
\'essel tO' enter Boston Harbor for tracUng ])urposes — a poor punishment 
for the tea party — virtually decided the matter and forced the issue. .\ 
second Colonial Congress was called, which met in Philadelphia in Sep- 
tember, 1774. Massachusetts was then in open rebellion, and was prom- 
ised aid from her sister Colonies. Then came General Gage upon the 
scene with ten thousand troops and instructions to crush out whatever 
looked like rebellion'. The Bay State responded Ijy raising an army of 
twehe thousand men. and the struggle was on. 

\\'e intist ncnv turn to Xew Jersey and follow its part in these mo- 
mentous occurrences in more detail, not only because it is our immediate 
])rovince, hut because in many respects it assumed a prominence in them 
and in the subse(iuent armed resistance which at times made her in reality 
the very keystone of the arch which liberty was then erecting. The battle 
of Trenton made the Union a possibility, and retrieved the disaster at 
Brooklyn with its subsequent loss of Xew ^'ork. 

The organization known as the Sons of Liberty bad been extended 
to Xew Jersey, and its members soon jiroved that they were as watchful 
of the rights and interests of the people as were their brethren in Xew 
York or Connecticut. They I^ent their energies to rendering tlie iiro- 
visions of the Stc'uiip Act of no avail, and it was through their instru- 
mentality that William Coxe, wiio was api)ointed as stamp officer for Xew 
Jersey was induced "\i;/luntarily" to resign. Most of those who were 
r.ppointed to aid in the distribution, to sell the stamped jjapers, followed 
.'■uit, while those who did not were carefully watched. Every means 
were employed to prevent the circidation of the stamps, and ever\' arrange- 
ment to make them available wa.s frustrated by the \igilance of these en- 
thusiastic devotees of liljerty. Tn Salem, for instance, as soon as it was 
learned that John lI;itton had ajiplicd for an appointment in connection 
with their distribulii n. be was waited upon, argued with, and finally 


agreed to withdraw. All this took place before one of the obnoxious 
stamps had reached this side of the .\tlantic, but it was a wise and salutary 
proceeding, for had the traffic once been permitted it wjuld have been 
stopped only with difficulty and attendant confusion; l3€sides, the precedent 
.would have lieen established, and victory in the question at issue would 
have remained with Britain. 

But, as a result of the agitation and iirepnration, of appeal by voice 
or liv letter, when early in October, 1765, the "Royal Charlotte," con- 
voved 1;\- a war vessel, sailed up t!ie Delaware, the news that she had 
on board the consignment of stamps for Xew Jersey, IMaryland and Penn- 
.sylv;inia sent every !lag to half-mast, while the bells in most of the churches 
were tolled as for a funeral. The stamps were never used ; and it was 
with a sigh of relief that Hughes, the agent in Philadelphia to whom they 
had been consigned, saw theiu safe on a war vessel. An adverse fate 
met ihe stamps everywhere. Xew England threw them into the sea or 
burned them. Xew York seized tbeiu and locked them up : all over the 
countrN', the bells on the churches on Xovember i, the day the stamp 
duties became legal, sounded a muffled peal, and from X^ew Hampshire 
to Georgia flags were half masted — a sign of mourning for the departure 
of libertv — and not a few newspapers suspended publication. For once the 
Colonies were united, for once they showed that they had learned the 
value of unity and fully realized that their only hope for liberty lay in 
united action. "Join or die," became one of the mottoes of the inchr>ate 

There was, however, a spirit of wisdom in all this determined ojipo- 
sition to tlic circulation of the stamps. The impost, however unpopular 
an<l ho\\e\er opposed, was still one of the laws of the land, and witJiout 
strict compliance with its mandates the legal business of the Colonies 
could not legally be carried on. A deed without the ])resci;ibed stamp, 
for instance, had no standing before a court of law, neither had a will 
anv force, or an agreement anv vali<lit\-. P.ut e\'en in the comparatively 
few cases where the lawyers were willing to fulfill all possible legal re- 
quirements, their clients refused to pay for the stamps, and so the legal 
machinery was. in many instances, Ijrought to a complete standstill. Meet- 
ings c>f the members of the Xew Tersev bar were held to consider the ad- 
visability of discontinuing practice altogether until the matter of the 
Staanp Act was settled one way or another. Such a step might have 
meant confusion and distrust everywliere, and introduced what would 
nowadavs be called a spirit of anarchy. So the lawyers decided to con- 
tiiuic business, to use no stamps, and abide the results. But the opjiosi- 


tic a to the Standi) Act was so cletenninccl tliat tlie Eiiglisli ca|)tain who 
iiatl the stamps for Xew Jersey in charge did nol dare land tliein. 

The Xew Jersey Legislature, however, was tlie central figure in tlie 
oi>i')osition. A coniniiuiicatioii from the .M;issachuselts House of Rejire- 
sentatives suggesting a meeting of Representatives from all the Colonies 
at Xew York in Octolier. 1765. was laid before the Xew Jersey As- 
sembly on June _'o. 17O5. the last dav of its session. I'he mem- 
bers had then mostly returned to their lunies. others were preparing im- 
patiently to be released from attendance, and amid the hubbub which 
seems unseparable from the last days of the session of c\ery .Vmerican 
legislature, Governor b'rankl in -seems to have had no difficulty in procur- 
ing the passage of a resolution in which it was stated that the A>-eml:l_\- 
"unanimously, after deliberate consideration." decided against taking any 
part in the projjosed Ci>ngress. Jt seems that Robert Ogden. the S])eaker. 
was at first in.clined to the o])inion that the Colony should send Rejire- 
sentati\es. InU that he changed his mind on some "ad\'ice" being given 
him, but as to the nature of the "advice"" or the name of the achiser liis- 
tory is silent, 'i'he news of the ca\alier treatment accorded to the Massa- 
chusetts proposals, however, aroused such hearty and outspoken denuncia- 
tiffli that it caused the Speaker to disregard his advice and reconvene the 
Assembly, with the result tiiat the inxitation was accepted, and Ogden, 
Hendrick Fisher and Joseph Borden were selected to represent Xew Jer- 
sey in the proposed Congress. Massachusetts, Rhode Island. Connecticut. 
Delaware. South Carolina, Maryland and Xew ^"ork were the other Col- 
onies represented at this momentous gathering, and while Virginia, X(irth 
Carolina, Georgia and Xew Hampshire, for \arious reasons, did not send 
delegates, their people soon showed that they fiUly appreciated what was 
said and accomijlished In" those who were present — bv the majority of 
those who were present. Memorials were drawn ui) addressed to the King 
and to Parliament, protesting against taxation e.xcept by consent, and up- 
liolding the power of the Colonial Legislatures — a sort of Declaration if 
Rights. What was done at this Congress in liiat wa\- had little effect, no 
effect at all, in fact, in Great Britain, and it is questionable if it had any 
real influence in America so far as its resolutions and the words of its 
manorials went. These things were foregone conclusions. 'I'liey l)ut re- 
iterated the sentiments of the people. Hut the practical accomplishmcnl. 
the real step forward which the Congress contributed to the slor\' of free- 
dom, was taken just before the close and as the members were about ti 
separate, although important as was the accomplishment, its real import 
passed generally unnoticed at the time. At the conclusion of the dis- 
cussion the point arose whether the memorials should Ik? signed by the 


Congress and seiil direct to London as expressive of the voice of a united 
people, or be forwarded to the different local Legislatures, and then de- 
bated o\'er afresh and. if satisfactory, forwarded by each to London. By 
an almost unanimous vote the Congress, determined to act as a unit, and 
so the first practical stq> to the formation of the United States was taken. 

The most determined opponent of all this was Robert Ogden, Speaker 
of the Xew Jersey Assembly. He contended tliat the opposition to the 
stamps was but a form of treason, upheld the supremacy of Parliament, 
and as a last resource declined to sign the memorials, advocating their 
being sent to the various Assemblies for consideration and final action, 
thus practically shelving them. There is little doubt of his patriotism and 
sterling integrity, but liis opposition to tlie methods adopted, temporarily, 
at least, placed him in a dubious light before his fellow-colonists. They 
burned him in effigy, denounced him as a traitor and all manner of villain, 
and public excitement grew so intense that he was forced to resign his 
seat and retire for a time to private life. Afterward, however, as chair- 
man of the Elizabethtown Committee of Safety, in 1776, he fully vindi- 
cated his claim to be a patriot. 

\Mien the Congress terminated its sittings, Governor Franklin at once 
<:alled a meeting of Assembly, hoping thus to be able, so far as New Jersej- 
was concerned, to nullify the action of the delegates in New York by a 
vote at Trenton condemning the proceedings. That call seemed to arouse 
the people as they had never been aroused before, and the doings of the 
Congress were endorsed at every cross-roads throughout the Colony. 
Ogden declining to face the music, a new Speaker was chosen in Court- 
landt Skinner, who. when the crisis became one of deeds and the time for 
words was past, tln^ew his lot with the loyalists, raised three battalions 
of loyal volunteers, and died in England in 179'-), an exile from his native 
land but honored with the rank of brigadier general and comforted with 
a pension. The report of ]\lessrs. Fisher and Borden justifying the pro- 
ceedings at New York was adopted, and Speaker Skinner, John Johnson, 
John Lawrence and David Cooper were appointed a committee to cor- 
respond on affairs in the Colony with its agent in London, — Joseph Sher- 
wood. The Assembly then passed on its own account a series of resolu- 
tions re-echoing those of the New 'N'ork Congress. 

Tn June, 1766, Governor Franklin announced to the Assembly the 
repeal of the Stamp Act, but even in this announcement his duplicitj" was 
too evident to be permitted to pass without notice, and it was evident 
that he had utterly lost whatever degree of confidence — never very much — 
the people had entertained of his wisdom and his patriotism. 


I'.ut reinonstraiicc>, while tlu'v li.'ul rcMii(:\e<l ior the lime the Staiii]) 
Act. had not lixecl the status of the colonists nr (ietennined t!ie (|ucstii)n of 
the riglit of Parliament to tax as it pleased, ir remo\ed any of the imposts 
except the stamp duties, and these, after all. were simply held in abeyance. 
In 1768 the A-sscmhly cf Xew Jersey adopted a petition to tlic King in 
w hich it was said : 

'"One of the rights and pri\ ileges vested in the peojile of this Colony 
is the privilege of being exem])ted from any taxations but such as are 
imposed on them by themselves, or bv their representatives, and this they 
esteem so invaltiable that they aie persuaded no other can exist withoiit 
it. * * * Penetrated by these sentiments, this, your people, with the 
utmost concern and anxiety obser\-e that duties ha\-e lately been imposed 
upon them by Parliament for the sole and express purjiose of raising a 
revenue. This is a taxation upon tlicm from which they conceive they 
ought to be protected by the acknr.wledged princijiles of tlie constitution : 
that freemen cannot be taxed but by themselves or their representatives; 
and that they are represented in l'arli;mient thev not only cannot allow, 
but are convinced from their local circnm>tances they never can be. \"ery 
far is it from our intention to deny our subordination tO' that august bcidy, 
or our dependence upon the pco];1e of Great I'ritain; in these connections 
and in the settlement of (jur liberties under the 'auspicious influence of 
your royal house we know our hai)iiiness consists, and therefore to con- 
firm these connections and to strengthen this sentiment is at once c;ur in- 
terest, our dut\- ;uid delight.' 

Such, there is no question, were the real views of the people of Xew 
Jersey at this juncture, and such it may be .-ulmitted were the views of 
the people throughout the country. At tlie same lime it must be confessed 
that e\-en then the war was on, althoaigli neither side was aware of it. or 
would have admitted it. PUit we know now that a commercial war is as 
much a conllict between two Stales as is one in which arms are matched. 
Great Britain had no intention of receding from her position, the Colonies 
were detenuined to uphold theirs: (ireat Uritain continued to impose taxes 
on her exports to the I'nited .States, and to lay obnoxious restrictions on 
American shipping, restrictions calculated to sujipress .\merican com- 
merce and retain the Atlantic carrying trade in I'.ritish hands. So a pop- 
ular edict of non-importation went forth. Xew Jersey bad ;il that lime no 
foreign trade, but her Assembly passed resolutions thanking its own mer- 
chants and traders and those of Xew '^'ork and Pennsylvania '"for their 
disijiterestcd and public spirited conduct in withholding their importations 
of British merchandise until ceri.dn Ads ■ f Parliamc^it levying restric- 
tions on American commerce f' r the ex])ress jnupose of raising a revenue 
in .\merica be repealed. 


Tliis was a most effecti\e measure, inasmuch as its operatiun was felt 
by the merchants of Britain more than by those in America, and by the 
hitter it was carried out so liiyally that in 1770 all the taxes were repealed 
excepting one en tea. This again led to confusion, ^lerchants in Xew 
York anfl Rhode Island at once declared the non-importation plan aban- 
doned ni; all goods with the exception o^f tea, and hurried large orders 
to London. This aroused a general feeling of indignation, nowhere more 
intense than in Xew Jersey, where such conduct was denounced at public 
meetings in F.lizabethtown and elsewhere. Indeed, at Xew Brunswick 
the agents of some of those merchants, while attempting to sell their 
goods, were rather roughly handled. Practically the trouble was over so far 
as Xew Jersey was concerned, for the amount of tea then needed to sup- 
ply the wants trf the people there would not at that time have yielded 
annually in taxation enough to clothe and maintain a single red-coated 
soldier. So from 1 770 the opposition which undoubtedly not only existed 
but steadily grew in intensity- against the Home Government, was one of 
sentiment — that is to say, it was inspired solely by patriotism, by a pro- 
found l>elief that the freedom of the Colony, of all the Colonies, was 
in danger. They were not, apparently, so watchful of their own interests 
as were th.eir co-patriots in Alassachusetts, nor was it possible for them to 
lie, for the}- w-ere then pretty far remo\ed from the centre of political life, 
and, lieing mainly an agricultural people, living on their own farms, they 
had less interest in following the daily unfolding of affairs which of 
necessity en account of its geographical position made Boston become the 
watch-tower of the Revolution. Besides, the Colony had a full share of 
trotibles of its own. With the close of the French war a momentary 
stringency had shown itself, the result of a false "boom" which had been 
caused by the exigencies of those times. An unwarranted increase in the 
\"alue of farm lands, a temporary rise in the value of produce of all kinds, 
a plentiful circulation of money — to a considerable extent bounty money — 
in the hands of jjeople not accustomed to a plethora of readily available 
wealth, led to extravagance and speculation, with the result that w-hen 
the excitement of the war and its results had died out, the inevitable 
shrinkage took place, land and produce settled down to their old values 
or even less, money was scarce, payments could not be met, and, as usual, 
foreclosure, law- suits, distress and discontent followed. As seems in- 
evitable in such circumstances, the laws did not prove elastic emnigh to 
meet particular cases of distress, law-yers were denounced as fattening on 
the exorbitant fees which ihey wrung from their ha])less clients, and judges 
were denounced for no other reason than, as in dutv Ixnmd, thev carried 


out the laws of tlie Colony. The popular discontent seemed to be con- 
centrated against the entire legal machinery of the commonwcaltii, and 
in several places it broke out into open riot. At Freehold, in 1770, the 
judges were even i)revented by force from executing their ofticc. and else- 
where were similar attacks upon the judiciary. The worst feature ^f 
the trouble was that, in most cases, the rioters escaped any punishment, 
simply because the sympathies of the people were with them in iheir law- 

Had a strong man Ijcen in the Governor's chair at this crisis, he 
might have accomplished much for the T'rovince, and even for the cause 
of his royal master. .Vvriting with a full viev,- of the histoiw of the time, 
it must be said that eve;i the strongest man could not have moved the 
linger of destiny rigidly pointing at separation and independence — that 
was, in fact, one of the develoimients of historical progress that was 
bound to come one way or another, sooner or later — but Franklin might 
have changed much of the story, and made Xew Jersey, at the parting 
of the ways, less eager to leave the old beaten track, rough anil full or pit- 
falls as it was, for that which, led toi independence, and which sccnneil. sm 
far as the eye could see, to be as rough and toilsome as the one on which 
they stood. Had a patriotic man been Governor, he might ha\e aided the 
cause of freedom by telling the exact truth to his royal master, although 
the case of Govern>jr Flutchinson, of ilassachusetts, shows of hdw little 
avail his undoubted patriotism proved in stemming the progress of events 
on either side, and Hutchinson was probably the mor-t hated man in Xew 

But if we read the story of New Jersey aright, if we try to under- 
stand correctly the feelings of the people of that time, their sentiment.-; 
toward Franklin were those of contempt rather than of hatred. H he had 
any statesmanlike qualities, they do not mature with opportunity; if now 
and agam he caught a breath of popular favor, it proved feeble antl fleet- 
ing. If he had originally any spark of patriotism, of love of countrv, in 
his heart, it was crushed out by the glamour of the reflected light of 
royalty with which he tried to lighten his pathway. If he came to Xew 
Jersey a man, he tlcveloped into a puppet, and his own pettiness is clearly 
shown by his miserable squabbles with the Assembly, as well as by his 
ignominious exit from the sceire of his borrowed glory. Hutchinson, even 
in exile, remained a patriot in his heart and refused royal honors, but 
I'Vanklin fawned un the royal court, or rather on the royal ministry, to the 
end of his career. 

It has been stated that Governor Franklin tried to promote the welfare 


of the Province, that he developed its silk industry, that he urged the 
Assembly to provide bounties for agricultural enterprises, and the like. 
There is no doubt that he did attempt something in that direction, but his 
attempts proved of little avail. There is little use in improving the attic 
of a house when it is aiire in the basement. The only real tangible service 
he performed was in permitting the Assembly in 1772 to increase its mem- 
bership from twenty to tliirty. The act authorizing this change, after it 
had passed the Assembly, received the royal assent on the Governor's 
recommendation. His course in this instance did much to remove the un- 
pleasantness created by the squabble over Treasurer Stephen Skinner's 
bonds. The house of that oflicial in Perth ^Vniboy had been entered 
bv thieves, and the fund's of the division of the Province in which he 
held office (East Jersey) were stolen from an iron chest, £6,600 in all. 
The robbers were not discovered, akhough diligent search was instituted 
and, after two years or so, when there appeared to be no sign of the re- 
covery of the money, the Assembly took a hand in the matter, decided 
that the Treasurer had kept the cash or securities in a careless manner, 
and declined to release him from the loss. The matter remained in abey- 
ance for two years longer and then, in September, 1772, it again became 
an issue. Skinner remonstrated against the theory that he should be held re- 
sponsible for the money, but the Assembly not only upheld what had been 
done, but asked the Governor to compel the Treasurer to recoup the 
amount. They even suggested a doubt of its having been stolen at all, 
but that seems to have been merely a bit of political extravagance, for 
there appears no doubt of Skinner's personal honesty. Franklin declined to 
lake any action, reproaching the Assembly. \ cry properly, with the fact that 
for some four years it had itself done nothing in the matter. Thereupon 
the Assembly asked him to remove Skinner from office. This he refused to 
do, and a criminal prosecution was talked of but dropped. The Treas- 
urer himself desired a legal determination of his liability, and at length, 
to bring the matter to an issue, he resigned, handing over all the funds 
tlien in his possession. The Assembly directed his successor to institute 
suit for reccA'ery of the contents of the iron box, but the matter ended 
there. Greater issues came up for consideration, and Skinner, retaining 
his British loyalty, forfeited all his estate and possessions by confiscation 
and so passes from view. 

From 1770 until 1774 it may be said that Xew Jersey was rather a 
passive factor in the events which led up to the famous "Boston Tea 
Party" of December 16, 177.3, and to the similar destruction of tea in 
New York harbor in April following. The efiforts r>f tlie Briti'^h "Nlnistry 


were concentrated upon Massachusetts, and such measures as the Boston 
Port bill, which prohibited all trading with that city, the repeal of tiie 
JNIassachusetts Charter, the removal of the State capital from Boston to 
Salem, the deportation act, and the military display under General Gage, 
were all directed against that Colony with the idea that if the spirit of 
rebellion could be stamped out there, it would die out among the others. 
Cruel and despotic in its measures against New England, the ministry 
was disposed to overlook the unrest in the other Colonies, and even at- 
tempted to placate some of them, as by the appointment of Lord Botecourt 
to the Governorship of \'irginia. But if New Jersey was passive, she was 
ready for action when the time came. The doings of the patriots in 
New England and elsewhere met with her heartiest endorsement; her Sons 
of Liberty were as active watchmen as were the members of that historic 
association elsewiicre, and her Committee of Correspondence was busy 
forming and uniting public sentiment and preparing for the final step 
toward which everything had been tending for a decade or more — separa- 
tion and independence. The Acts directed against Massachusetts, if suc- 
cessfully put in operation, could be turned against any Colony, and the 
truth and importance of this was not more clearly understood anywhere 
than in New Jersey. The great weakness ot the British ministry was 
its blindness to the fact that the Colonies could ever become united into 
one solid phalanx in support of any object. On this it was undeceived 
when it was too late. 

The r^Iassacbusetts Assembly, in regular session at Salem, locked 
its doors to prevent any action or interference by General Gage ; passed 
a "resolve" asking the other Colonies to send delegates to Philadelphia, 
on September i, following, to consider matters, and elected five delegates 
as its own representatives. New Jersey quickly proved her mettle. Dur- 
ing the month of July a ntnnl>cr of meetings were held in the various 
county towns, at which the policy and acts of the British Ministry were 
openly condemned, and such measures as the closing of the port of Boston 
and the suspension of the charter of ^Lassachusetts were especially de- 
nounced. At these meetings the opinion was \-ery generally expressed that 
the lime for action- had come; that there was no further need of any dalli- 
ance with a Government that seemed determined to deprive "free-born 
Englishmen" (as they still called themselves) of their rights, rights which 
were theirs by inalienable law, by custom, and by practice. At these meet- 
ings the existence of legislative assembh- was forgotten, or rather ignored; 
it no longer, as it was constituted, represented the people, and was re- 
garded rather as an appenage of the royal Governor, whose position even 


then iK'id become somewliat equivocal for, though he retained the trappings 
of state, the actual power was daily slipping from his hands. So at these 
county meetings representatives were appointed to meet in convention and 
nominate delegates tO' the Congress in Philadelphia called by Massachu- 
setts. The representatives so chosen — seventy-two in number — met at 
New Bi"unswick on July 21, 1774, w'ith Stephen Crane as their presid- 
ing officer and Jonathan D. Sergeant as clerk, and elected James Kinsey, 
William Livingston, John DeHart, Stephen Crane and Richard Smith 
to the Congxess. A Committee of Correspondence was also appointed, 
comprising William Peartree Smith, John Chetwood, Isaac Ogden, Joseph 
Borden, Robert Field, Isaac Pearson, Isaac Smith, Samuel Tucker, Al)ra- 
ham Hunt and Hendrick Fisher. Most of these patriots, however, had 
been actively at w'ork with correspondence duties long before receiving this 
public appointment. 

It cannot i>e said that New Jersey w^as more fortunate in its selection 
of delegates to this Congress than to its predecessor. The men selected 
were all of superior intelligence, but their ideas of patriotism were some- 
what graduated, and they seeming!}-, wdien events began to shape them- 
selves, did not approve all that was done b}' the majority at Philadel])hia. 
In fact, Kinsey refused in 1775 to take the oath of allegiance to the Re- 
public, and both he and DeHart tendered their resignations to the New 
Jersey Assembly on November 17, 1775, and these were accepted. Smith 
was also apparently in a state od' dul'iet\- as to tlic current in which affairs 
were drifting. At first, however, this want of unity was not apparent, 
and, when the delegates reported the proceedings of Congress to the New 
Jerse3r Assembly, that body approved all that was done, only the Quaker 
members venturing a formal protest against whatever seemed to point to 
the arbitrament of war. The Assembly instructed its delegates to see to 
it that each Colony was equally represented in the Congress as to num- 
ber of rqjresentatives, irrespective of its numerical strength, and in par- 
ticular insisted, as a leading principle, that no decision in Congress should 
be ohiigatory upon any one of the Provinces or Colonies or Common- 
w^ealths unless its own Representatives voted in favor of it. New Jersey, 
however, w^as not the only Colony which insisted on that point, and in- 
deed it may l>c said that Congress watched such scruples very carefully, 
full)- satisfied that any serious revival of the old provincial jealousies might 
retard the thorough union which was absolutely necessary if the wishes 
of the American people were to prevail over the decrees of the British 

The Assembly had nret under unusual difficulties, and its e\i(lent 
sym])athy with the doings of Congress gave great pain to Governor Frank- 


lin. lie had avoided calling it togetlier as long as i)OSsiblc, allhuugh nfleii 
urged to do so. tie knew it would not l)e as amenable to his wishes as 
it formerly had been; that the changes in its membersliip Ind brought 
it, somewhat at least, he did not understand clearly how far, into touch 
with the movement which was now sn active throughout th2 Colonies 
for autonomy, if not for separation, i'.ut when, iinally, he was com- 
pelled to call the Representatives together, he felt bound to open their 
session with an address that would fully remind those in attendance of the 
duly they owed, under their ii;iths, to the King, lie warned the delegates 
against "gi\ing an_\- cnunlenance or encnuragement in that destructive 
mode of procedure which has ijcen unhaiijiily adopted, in ])art. by scjme of 
the inhabitants of this Colony, and has been carried so far in others as 
totally to subvert their fnrmer constitution." lie held that each Colony 
should separatel\- apprnach the King by ])etititn, on the sul>jcct of its 
gricN'ances. and ]ir<Hnised that the matter would be "properly attended to." 
He did nut in the least blink the issue on this occasion, but put it clearly 
and fiircib'y before the legislators in words that were worthy of his hon- 
ored father. ] Ic s;ii(l ; 

■■^'( i! h;i\e miw ])i minted out to you two roads — one evidently leading 
to ])eace, hai)piness and a restornti<;n of the pulilic tranquility; the other 
ine\itablv conducting to ariarchy and misery, and all the horrors of civil 
war. Your wisdom, your prudence, your regard for the true interests of 
the people, will Ije best known when you have shown to which road yoii 
give the ])reference. If to the former, you will prol)ably afford .satisfac- 
tion to the moderate, the sober and discreet part of your constituents. If 
to the latter, you will perhaps give pleasure to the warm, the and in- 
considerate among them, who, I would willingly hope, violent as is tlie 
temper of the present times. ;u"e not even now the majority." 

From this it will be seen that Franklin liad then Ijecome fully aroused 
to the danger of the crisis, although he evidently had not the slightest 
doubt that it would end in the complete discomfiture of those who chose 
as their rc.d that which led to "anarchy and misery." 

But that was the rnad the members of the Assembly determined to fol- 
low. Tn a long and somewhat argumentative reply to the Governor they 
said : 

'We profess ourselves to be the loyal subjects of the King, from 
whose goodness we hope to be relieved from the present unhappy situa- 
tion; that we will do all in our p'>wer to preserve that e.Nccllent fo-ni cf 
government under which we at present live, and that we neither intend 
to usurp the rights of others, nor suffer any vested in us by the constitu- 


tion to be wrested out of our hands by any person or persons whatever. 
We sincerely lament the unhappy <Utiferences which at present suljsist be- 
tween Great Britain and her Colonies. We shall heartily rejoice to see the 
time when they shall subside on principles consistent with the rights and 
interests of both, which we hope is not far off ; and thoug-h we cannot con- 
ceive how the separate petition of one Colony is more likely to succeed 
than the petitions of all, yet, in order to show our desire to promote so 
good a ]>urpose by every proper means, we shall make use of the mode 
pointed out by your Excellency, in hopes that it will meet that attention 
which ycu arc pleased to assure us will be paid to the representative^; nf the 

On the surface these words seemed pleasant enough, but, when the 
moment for real action came, another spirit appeared to animate the 
chamber. The Assembly endorsed all that was done in Congress and sup- 
ported New England in its opposition to Parliament, and, as a result, 
Franklin in a subsequent message plainly intimateil his full realization of 
the position of the Assembly and "left others to determine'' whether he or 
the Assembly had "consulted the true interests oi the people." The As- 
sembly, in fact, had already passed from his control. 

Its position was further emphasized at another meeting of the As- 
sembly which Franklin convened at Burlington on May 15, 1775. By that 
time, events had developed with remarka]>lc rapidity. The Province of 
Massachusetts had been declared in a state of rebellion, ten thousand or 
more British troops had been massed in and around Boston, the skirmish 
at Lexington had been fought, and the patriots had taught the British 
troops a hard lesson, a lesson that was to be emphasized still more strongly 
on June 17, when the patriots were defeated at Bunker Hill — a defeat 
that was in reality a victory. 

But Bunker Hill was a month off when the New Jersey Legislature 
met at I'urlington to receive a message from I'ranklin asking considera- 
tion for the proposals from Lord North and the British Ministry. It 
was Franklin's last card in his policy of pacification, and he sent a strong 
appeal to the Assembly, the gist of which was that New Jersey should 
act as a separate Colony, should raise for the expenses of the empire just 
whatever amount its assembly thought fit, and leave the disposal of it to 
Parliament. At the very outset, however, Franklin found himself in 
trouble. He had some time before written to Lord Dartmouth to the 
effect that the New Jersey Assembly was "divided" regarding the adop- 
tion of the proceedings of the Congress at Philadelphia — one of those 
lying letters which the royal Governors were wont to .send to the home 
authorities, and which helped to hide from the British powers the real 


sentiments and aspirations of liie American ])enj)le. The letter ajipearcd 
in the usnal process in the '"Pariiamentarv Kei^dster," and a copy reached 
New Jersey in time to ije laid hctore the Burlingtdn Assembly at its open- 
ing session. l"lie untrnthfnlness ci the letter cansed a sensation. The 
document as appearing in the ■■(iazclle" was ordered entered on the min- 
utes, and a copy sent to the Governor with a request for an explanation. 
Franklin denied the correctness of the letter, and the subject was referred 
to a committee with in^tructioris to report fully at the next session. Tait 
that was the last of it. The excitement occasioned by diis incident, how- 
ever, proved disastrous to whatever hopes Franklin may have entertained 
of weaning New Jersey from its sympathy with the Continental cause. 
Tlie overtures were firmly yet courteously rejected, and the declaration 
was flatly made that "we shall pay all jwoper respect to and abide by the 
united voice of the Congress on the ]iresent occasion." Even then the 
wish was expressed that the wrongs inflicted on the Colonies might be 
redressed. In their address, too, the representatives spoke of their duty 
and attachment to the King, but it was possilily little more than a figure 
of speech, and Franklin, realizing his utter defeat, permitted the mem- 
bers to return to their homes without accomplishing anything even in the 
way of ordinary legislation. 

In the meantime. ho\vc\er, the Conmiittee of Correspondence had 
called a second con\ention to meet at Trenton on May 23. This meeting 
was presided over by Hendrick Fisher. It officially styled itself "the Pro- 
vincial Congress of New Jersey," and assumed fr.ll authority over all 
branches of the colonial go\ernmcnt. Its meetings were opened with 
prayer, "as l>ecomes the representative lx)dy of a Ciiristian comnumity." 
The delegates claimed and professed allegiance to "his sacred majesty's 
rightful authorit}' and government." but they sent a message to the Con- 
tinental Congress, then in session at I'hiladelphia, declaring their hearty 
concurrence with what was then done "in the conimon cause of .America." 
They also asked that body for advice, "That in this first instance of such 
an Assembly in the Colony, without precedent for their direction, and 
anxiously desirous to make their provincial measures consistent with the 
plan, they deemed it necessary by a special deputation to recjuest such ad- 
vice and assistance as ihc Congress might Ije disposed to give." This 
committee — William !'. Smith and F.lias Coudinot — went to Philadelphia, 
but Congress fought shy of interfering with the domestic affairs of any 
Colony not actually invaded liy I'ritish tnmps. 

However, the Provincial Congress went on steadily with its work as 
best it cmdd. It sent out an individurd ])ledge to the people throughout 


the Colony asking that it miglit be signed, and so be at once an expression 
of opinion as well as an enilorsenient of the doings of the members of 
the Congress. After reciting In-ielly the IJritish revenue raising policy 
and the hostilities in ^Massachusetts, and expressing an ardent wish for 
reconciliation witii Britain "on constitutional grounds," the signators to 
the pledge "solemnly associate and resolve under the sacred ties of virtue, 
honor and love to our country, that we will personally, and so far as our 
influence extends, endeavor to support and carrx- into execution whatever 
measures may be recommended b\- the Continental and our Provincial 
Congress for defending our constitution and preserving the same in\io- 
late. We do also further associate and agree, as far cis shall be consistent 
with the measures adopted for American freedom, to support the magis- 
trates and the other civil officers in the execution of their duty, 
agreeable to laws of this Colony, and to observe the direction of 
our Committee (of Correspondence) acting according to the reso- 
lutions of the Continental and Provincial Congresses; firmly determined 
by all means in our power to guard against those disorders and con- 
fusions to which the ])eculiar circumstances of the times may expose us." 
With impHcit faith that this pledge would be signed in numbers 
enough to warrant their claim to acting in behalf of the people, and as 
their representatives, the Provincial Congress set about to raise an anny 
so as to be ready to assist the Continental Congress, or to defend the soil 
of New Jersey in the armed confiict which practically was then being 
waged. Each township was called upon to furnish at least one company 
of eighty men, the limit of the fighting age was placed between sixteen 
and fifty years, and a tax of £10,000 was levied to carry on the work. 
The Congress then adjourned on June 10, with every detail of news from 
New England showing that the issue between Massachusetts and the 
mother country had become clear-cut and determined. There' was no 
turning back, the time for negotiations and parley was over, the citizens 
had lieen proclaimed rebels, and vigorous military measures had been 
brought to bear to crush their aspirations. Both sides had already appealed 
to the God of Battles, and in spite of one or two seeming reverses that 
appeal had been answered in a manner favorable to the colonists. The 
skirnnsh at Lexington reflected no credit on British arms; Ticonderoga 
had been captured by Ethan .Allen "in the name of the Great Jehovah 
and the Continental Congress;" these and other events already named 
pointed to the fact that the long expected crisis had arri\ed, and that there 
was to be no voluntary turning back on the part of the Colonists. Britain 
still hoped that the disaffection could be confined to New England, and there 


exerted all its force, so that Boston became an armed camp umler tiic mili- 
tary authority of General Gage. 

Such was the condition of affairs when the Xew Jersey Congress, 
unable from this Colony's geographical i^sition to initiate any step in ihe 
general policy, adjourned, practically to wait for further developments. 
These soon began to unfold themselves. There was no mistaking the 
rmanimity with which the Colonies supported the doings of the Continental 
Congress, or the entire s_\mpathy of every one of the Colonics with Xew- 
England, which, it was felt, was fighting the battle of them all. Xew 
England in this supreme crisis certainly justified the confidence of its 
neighlx>rs. It accepted the defiance of Gage and his troops, and an army 
of militia variously estimated at 15,000 to 18,000 was raised to confront 
the 10,000 or more veterans under the British commander. It was a 
motley throng, ill-armed, undrilled, ignorant of the science of war, and 
with only the crudest ideas of militar\- disci])line; but it had fighting and 
staying qualities, so that even the defeat at Bunker Hill strengthened the 
cause it aimed to defend. On the day previous t) that event, the Con- 
tinental Congress had ap])ointed George Washington Commander-in-Chief 
of the Continental forces, so that there was no longer any ground for the 
mother country continuing to entertain the cherished dream of profiting 
by ix>ssible disunion. Washington arrived in front of Boston on July 2d, 
and at once proceeded to drill and equip his trooi")S, to mold the raw 
militia into a well drilled army. He did not accomplish much in the re- 
mainder of 1775 except to keep the British coo])ed up in Boston. How- 
ever, as he had control of the harbor, it is possible that even Gage under- 
rated the perilous position in which his troops were placed. Then, some- 
how there remained in the hearts of many a lingering hope that the strug- 
gle might even then be averted: that King George, seeing the deternnna- 
tion of the colonists, would feel compelled to listen to reason and to redress 
the grievances which had brought matters to such a pass, and while Wasii- 
ington and Gage watched eacii other at Boston, a petition was actually 
sent to the Sovereign again recounting the old, old story of their wrongs 
anrl asking for relief. 

The ])etition was sent by Richard I'cnn, a descendant of the founder 
of Pennsylvania, but King (ieorge refused to receive him or the petition, 
and his only known answer was a request to Russia to loan him 20,000 
men to aid in crushing the impious rebellion. This was tiie last peti- 
tion ever sent to England from what is now the United States. \\'hile 
it was pending. Washington did not relax his military arrangements t<>r :ui 
instant. He well knew what fate the jjetition would meet, and that its 


only possible effect would be to give the British more time to perfect their 
measures of repression. All that winter he kept steadily at work, and al- 
though he was seemingly accomplishing little, every day saw him tighten- 
ing his grip on the historic town which had now become the center of 
the struggle for liberty. In January, 1776, the contemptuous treatment of 
the petition became known in America, and it also became known that 
energetic measures had been taken to effectually stamp out the cry for inde- 
pendence. Parliament declared for war, and 55,000 fighting men were 
ordered across the Atlantic, and to aid that force King George negotiated 
and secured some 17,000 additional troops, mainly from Hesse Cassel, 
Gerni;uiy. There was no mistaking this sort of answer, all hopes of con- 
ciliation were abandoned, and Patrick Henry's memorable phrase "Give 
me liberty, or give me death." liecame the first watchword of the inchoate 

New Jersey's Provincial Congress again assembled on August 5, 
1775. If we may judge from its proceedings, the leaders of the Province 
had by that time abandoned all hope of any peaceful settlement of the 
trouble, and bent their energies to developing the military strength of the 
various counties. And here be it observed that it is difficult to account for 
the notio-ns of some modern historians, chief of whomi may be mentioned 
the late John Fiske, who rather belittles New Jersey's conduct in the supreme 
moment of the crisis and talks of her half-heartedness in the armed conflict. 
Certainly New Jersey had a large Quaker population opposed to war upon 
any grounds, and who consistently disapproved any measures likely to in- 
volve the shedding of blood, and these people were outspoken in support 
of their principles. Then, too, Jersey was an agricultural Province, and 
nnlitary movements across a farm were not calculated tO' put a farmer in 
good humor — be the military friends or foes. But as a whole, New Jer- 
sey was steadfast in its loyalty to the Continental Congress, in its deter- 
mined opposition to Britain, and in its zeal to uphold and strengthen every 
mo\-emcnt which promised deliverance. Its sacrifices were great; it gave 
unstintedly of its treasure and its manhood; it was for a time the battle 
ground of the opposing forces, its fields were devastated and its industries 
paralyzed by the warring hosts, but it never wavered in its devotion to the 
cause of liberty and to the national Congress. 

So the first duty which appealed to this session of the Provincial 
Congress was to still further develop the military resources in its territory. 
It organized fifty-four companies of sixty-four minute-men — militia, 
ready to be called into active service at a moment's notice — apportioned 
them in ten battalions — one each in P)ergen. Essex, Middlesex, Monmouth, 


Morris, Somerset, Sussex, Hunterdon and Burlington counties, and one 
between Gloucester and Salem counties. Cape May and Cumberland coun- 
ties were represented by independent companies; I'hilemon Dickensmi and 
W'illiam Livingston were appointed Brigadier Generals, and so the lighting 
establishment was complete as far as arrangements and orders ciuld make 
it. The Congress also dealt with the Quaker opposition, deciding that if 
these people would not themselves fight they should support all the more 
liberally those who were willing to bear arms, and lend their support in 
all matters ordered liy the Congress, without actually bearing arms. 

But while thus exercising control, the Provincial Congress did not 
forget that, like the Continental Congress, it had no actual legal author- 
ity for its existence. It was really only a development of the situation, 
r%(>mething like a war measure wliicii circumstances call into being, liut 
has no vital force Ijeyond the necessities of the moment. So it resolved to 
clothe itself with ample authority from the only legal source open to it — the 
mandate of the people. The delegates ordered that an election of deputies 
be held on September 21, in each county, at which five freeholders should 
be chosen with full power to represent their county at the meeting of the 
Provincial Congress to be held in Trenton on October 3. They also or- 
dered that "during the present unhappy dispute between Great Britain and 
America" a fresh election of deputies should be held in September of each 
year, and that once a year each county should elect a board of freeholders 
to attend to matters of local government and carry out the inMructions of 
the Provincial Congress. Having thus practically arranged their own 
demise, the representatives adjoumed. But they did not forget that work 
had to be done during the interval before the new Congress could as- 
semble, and before separating they appointed a Committee of Safety to 
exercise governmental powers until the newly elected delegates should come 
together at Trenton. That committee consisted of Hendrick Fisher. Sam- 
uel Tucker, Isaac Pearson. John Hart, Jonathan D. Sergeant (Treisurer), 
Azariah Dunham. Peter Schcnck. Enos Kelsey. Joseph Borden. Frederick 
Frelinghuysen and John Schurman. 

The new Congress was duly elected, met at the appointed tiiue, and at 
once Ijecame the de facto government t-\ the Pmxince. It changed the 
membership of the Committee of Safety soiucwhat. for what reason is 
not now clearly apparent. It- own work w;is mainlv that of a committee 
of war. .Such business, however, was en<iugh to harass men more ex- 
perienced in public affairs than were the great majority of those who com- 
posed the Congress. Up to tiiat time t!ic Province had practicallv known 
nothing- of war, had onlv a vague idea of wluit it meant and what it in- 


eluded. Show the Jerseynien the foe and they would fight, of that there 
was no doubt, but the work of raising and maintaining and equipping an 
armed force was a different matter, a matter tiiat required experience and 
money. The Jersey Congress honestly followed out the instructions of 
the Continental body, Ijut its treasury Avas empty, the drains already made 
upon the people had begim to tell ; the farms then needed the labor of all 
the men possible, and the scene of hostilities was a long way ofif, further 
away than Liverpool is to-day from Sandy Hook. Even when one bat- 
talion was asked from New Jersey as its share of the troops needed for 
the invasion of Canada, it was with difficulty that it was raised and 
equipped. In fact, it was only through the generosity of individuals that 
Colonel William Maxwell was enabled to sally forth to join the army of 
'Canadian invasion, too late, however, to take part in that disastrous cam- 
paign. Still, the Congress did its best and accomplished much. It as- 
sumed all the powers of civil government; tried the disaffected, imposed 
fines, suspended officials, levied taxes, established a Court of Admiralty, 
and either directly, or through its Committee of Safety, left little for the 
still existing government de jure, that of Governor Franklin, to attempt. 
That official seems to ha\e become dazed during the crisis, and de- 
veloped into the most supine and helpless of all the contemporary royal 
Governors, a poor lot, generally. He exhibited neither statesmanship or 
courage, he made no real effort to meet the great emergency or to maintain 
the dignity of his position, or apparently to stem the title of indq>endence 
which was fast rising on every side. The people treated him with evident 
contempt, his hands were tied apparently in equal degree by the bonds of the 
Provincial Congress and the fetters of his royal instructions, and he dis- 
played neither wit nor common sense sufficient to free himself from either. 
His last attempt was a whining appeal to the royal legislature which he 
summoned to meet on November i6, 1775. In addressing its members 
he spoke of the detemiination of the King to restore order, but hoped 
that, "unfavorable as the prospects are at present, the time will come when 
men of sense and friends to peace and good order will see the fatal con- 
sequences of the delusions which' have led to the measures the people of 
America are now pursuing, and that we may yet see the public tranquility 
re-established on the ground of the terms held out by his Majesty and the 
Parliament." Then he asked the advice of the representatives as to his own 
personal safety, as well as the safety of the other officers of the crcnvn. 
As was expected from such a gathering, the Assembly assured the Gov- 
ernor that it was loyal to the sovereign, that it had no idea of independence 
and separation, •"have already expressed our detestation of such opinions," 


tlicir answer ran, and assiu'cd the Governor tliat thev diil not apprehend 
any danger as to his saletw Bnt even lliis Assembly rejected a [jroposal 
emanating from Lord Dartmoutli, one of the royal Ministers, that the 
Governor's salary should be increased along with those of the other Pro- 
vincial officials, and new houses erected for the lodging of the chief ex- 
ecutive and the meetings of the Legislature. Sc) that the .\sscml;ly reali\ 
accomplished nothing, its support of the Ciovernor was little more than lip- 
service, it could in fact have accomplished little had it tried, and any effort 
at real legislation it might have attempted would have brought it in open 
contlict with the real power — the I'rovincial Congress. For such a con- 
flict it had no heart, and it showed its wisdom in avoiding e\'en seemingly 
to attempt it indirectly. So it maudled and muddled along untiLDecem- 
ber 7, 1775, when it was prorogued and the prorogation still stands. 

During that memorable winter of i775-(>, the Provincial Congress 
kept on steadily with its work of building up its army, consolidating its re- 
sources, computing its strength, and dealing with whatever elements of 
disaffection to its authority that manifested themsch'es. On Februarv 0. 
1776, it elected Williani Livingston, John DeHart, Richard Smith. John 
Cooper and Jonathan D. Sergeant as its rejirescntatives in the Continental 
Congress, and its instructions to tlieni left no doubt that the Province was 
more anxious than ever to uphold the power of tlie delegates in what had 
become the central pivot aroinid which the drama of independence was 
being unfolded. drama was now rushing on with impetuous rapidity, and the 
winter had barely passed and spring begun before New Jersey fotmd her- 
self, instead of an isolated and out-of-the-way section of the struggling 
forces of freedom, one of the central scenes in the story. The noises of 
tile armed struggle were no longer to reach her from afar, but the sounds 
were close at hand, and soon, very soon, she was to send the echoes of the 
struggle on her own soil throughout all the land. 

On March 17, 1776, the British army, as the result of Washington's 
masterly campaign of defense during the \\intcr, was compelled to e\acu- 
ate Boston. Sir AVilliam Howe, who commanded the forces, in agreement 
with the terms of capitulation, carried witli him all his munitions and sailed 
away, some thought to Nova Scotia, but about that there was then some 
dubiety. But wherever he went, Boston was free, tlie American military 
prestige had been more than sustained, a splendid and tangible victory had 
been won by Washington's militia bands o\er an army of British veteran 
troops, and the people throughout the Colonics, as the grand news grad- 
ually reached them, went wild wit'n joy. 

Washington instinctivclv fell that the next movement 'if the British 


forces would be directed against New York, the possession of which in- 
ckided the niaster\' of the lower Hudson, and in accordance with old- 
fashioned military ideas the Hudson \\as the key to the entire situation. 
So soon as the evacuation of Boston was completed, the American forces 
were remoived to New Y'ork, wh.cre an elaborate scheme of fortification 
had been partly prepared and put in readiness by General Lee. The forces 
arrived on Manhattan Island early in April, the Commander-in-Chief 
reaching the city on the 14th, and the system of defense was at once ex- 
tended and strengthened in every way so as to protect the passages of the 
Hudson. The Continental troops were now in full control; not a single 
British soldier was in any of the Colonies soutli of the St. Lawrence, and, 
while it was felt that much was yet to be accomplished, that the enemy 
was only gathering up his forces and arranging place ,foir a more pro- 
tracted and deadly struggle, still, in spite cxf the discouragement of the 
Canadian expedition, there was an assurance of victory in all that had 
been done, and, inspired by what was really one of the most wonderful 
campaigns of the century — for the siege and capitulation of Boston were 
really a campaign — the last lingering desire for any connection with Brit- 
iiin was openly abandoned in the Continental Congress. That body on 
June 7th had presented to it a motion by Richard Henry Lee, o)f Virginia, 
acting under the instructions of his ov>-n State, that "these Colonies are, 
and of right ought to be, free and independent States." That motion was 
carried, and Thomas Jefferson was appointed chairman of a committee to 
draw up a Declaration of Independence. That immortal document Avith 
which Jefferson's name will ever be associated as the author, was even then 
drafted out and lying in his desk, and it needed bnt the few corrections 
and additions suggested by his committee colleagues, Benjamin Franklin, 
John Adams, Roger Sherman and Robert R. Livingston, to make it ready 
for submission to the representatives of the people. In Congress it was 
thoroughly discussed and further amended in a few unimportant points, 
and at two o'clock on the afternoon of July 4, 1776, was agreed to and 
signed by the members. The signatories from New Jersey were Richard 
Stockton, Re\'. Dr. John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart 
and Abraham Clark, who had all been elected as representatives to the Con- 
gress only a few weeks before. 

To render the countiy this ser\icc, to bind New Jersey to separation 
■by their votes, the delegates were acting strictly within their powers and 
instructions, ^'et, somehow, there still lingered in the hearts of a few of the 
members of the Provincial Congress a hope that connection with England 
might be resumed. Even in the midst of rejoicing over the victory in New 
England this idea seemed' to possess a few of the delegates, and unfortu- 

HISTORY Ol'" Til]-: Xi:\\ JERSJiY COAST, 143 

nately these few occupied positions of sucli prumiiiciicc lliat tlieir \ie\\s 
seeinecl to reflect those of the State. Hut the masses of the pefiple were anx- 
ious for independence and determined to supfjort the Congress in every way. 
The Provincial body assembled at lUu-hngton on June 10th and was flooded 
with petitions from all sections of Xew Jersey asking tliat a new Consti- 
tution be framed and a government be formed as the Continental Congress 
had recommended. The question of a Constitution was referred to a 
committee wiiich in due time reported a scheme. Tiiis Constitution was 
adopted on July 2d, but it contained a clause to the effect that, should the 
King of Great Britain redress the grie\'ances of the Colonies in fuU, it 
should become void, and tlie colony be once more administered solelv by 
EngHsli law. lUit the Declaration of Independence two days later put an 
-effectual stop to all such sentimental paltering, and on July i8th the Coti- 
gress decided to be known as "the Convention of the State of Xew Jersev, " 
and declared the State free and independent. It ordered all legal docu- 
ments to be made nut in the name of the People instead of that nf the King, 
and so the bond was forever cast aside. 

Meanwhile Governor Franklin continued nominally to rule, although 
bit by bit the authority had been torn from his hands until none was left, 
and his voice became simply that 01 a private citizen. Very likely, had 
he remained quiet, he would have been altogether forgotten and left to 
wear out his anguish or chagrin in the solitude of his own chamber. He 
seems to have draun his salar}"- regularly, so that much o'f substantial 
acknowledgment was awarded him, but that was about all. In a mis- 
guided moment, however, he determined to assert himself, and on iMay 
30th he issited a proclamation convening the Legislature. This was more 
than the Provincial Congress, then in session, would permit. The time 
had long passed in which to permit of two legislative bodies in the Prov- 
ince, and now it potesessed full power and authority to carry its edicts into 
effect. That power and authority it quickly exhibited. It stopped the 
Governor's salary, formally declared his autliority at an end, spoke of 
him as "Mr. Franklin," and ordered Colonel Xathaniel Heard, of Middle- 
sex, to proceed to Amboy and arrest him. If he agreed to waive any claim 
to authority in writing, Heard was to take his parole, pemiitting him to 
reside at Princeton or Bordentown, or at Rancocas, where he owned a 
farm. If Franklin refused this he was to be held as a prisoner and closely 
guarded. Franklin flatly refused to agree to any such terms, and after 
placing a guard around 'his house Colonel Heard reported and asked for 
instructions. The Provincial Congress, somehow, appeared unable to de- 
cide as to Avhat should be done in the matter "of our late Governor," and 
referred the subject to the Continental Congress, suggesting that he would 


"be capable of doing less mischief in Connecticut or Pennsj'lvania." As^ 
a result, Franklin was taken to Burlington and formally examined as to 
his position by a C(jniniiLlce. He refused to^ answer (juestions, defied the 
authority of the Provincial or the Continental Congress, and declared 
with some show' of firmness that he was still Governor. Under these cir- 
cumstances his fate was sealed. He was ordered under guard to Connecti- 
cut, and so he passes from our story. Soon after reaching Connecticut lie 
was paroled by Governor Trumbull and went to England, where he re- 
mained until his death, in 1813. 

With the occupation of Manhattan Island by Washington's victorious 
troops, the activity ol" New Jersey in the VVar of the Revolution may be 
said to 'have really commenced. Up toi that time the period had been one 
of preparatidn and drill. In February, i/'/G, Colonel Heard and a force 
of 300 Jersey militia, mainly from Essex county, had been ordered to 
Long Island to assist in disarming and dispersing the many Tories there, 
and acquitted themselves with mucli success in that arduous and scjime- 
wbat thankless task. William Alexander, the titular Earl of Stirling, had 
fortified Elizabethtown, where he commanded the First New Jersey- Regi- 
ment of regular troops. Williani Livingston, who- had been appointed 
Commander-in-Chief of the New Jersey militia, had established his head- 
quarters at Elizabethtown, and the troops were deployed so that immediate 
aid could be gi\cn the defenders of Manhattan and! the Hudson. On June 
3d, the Continental Congress ordered that 3,300 militia froiTt New Jersey 
should be added to the reinforcements being sent to Manhattan, and this 
force was at once organized, a bounty of three pounds being given to 
every man who' enlisted, and the term of ser\ice was fixed to expire on De- 
cember 1st. Of course all this was working in the dark. There were sev- 
eral places at which the enemy might strike, and many believed that Phil- 
adelpbia, which from the meeting of Congress had beai tacitly regarded as 
the capital of the "reljcl government," \\ouId be selected, while others again 
deemed it likely that an effort would be made further south, so as to divide 
the Colonies intO' two, it being the notion of the advisers of Britain in the 
country that the southern people were much less devoted in their allegiance 
to the Continental cause than those to the north. 

It was Washington's belief, however, that New^ York would be the 
next point of attack, ar,d he zealously used the time at his disposal in pre- 
paring for it. The city became an armed camp. The heights surroiuiding 
Brooklyn were fortified, and a chain of forts covered the Hudson and the 
East River as far as Hellgate in the latter, and up to the b.eights overlook- 
ing the Harlem and the Hudson on the former. Across on the New Jer- 
sey shore. Fort Lee was miade as strong as possible, not only, it wouid 



seem to defend the passageway of the ii\tr. hut to afford a lanchiii,'- place 
should the fortune of war make a retreat from Mauhattan Island and its 
neighborhood imperati\c. Eort Lee. in fact, was regarded hv Washington 
as one of the most important points in liis entire line of 

The period of doubt soon ])as-;ed. Toward the end of June a British 
fleet was rejiortcd off the coast, antl the story of the Declaralioui of Inde- 
pendence was hardly l-Hd thro^ighout Xew Jersey when word was passed 
along that a British army had landed on Staten Island. From that there 
seemed no longer any doubt that Manhattan Island was to be the scene 
of hostilities, and that Xew Jersey would he a \rdv{ of the territory in- 
volved in the campaign. The fir-t residt of this was an inpom-ing into 




Bkitish Fi.i:i-;t Oi i- S.wnv Hook. 

Jersey soil of a host of loyalists, non-combatants and indiffereiUs. Tlicie 
was, in reality, thn ug'-.out the neighborln.o<l, no place else for them to 
go. Xew York was in the hands of the p.-.triots; Long Island had been 
harried of its loyalists and susjiects se\era! times, and, while Xew Jerscv 
had thrown itself heartily into the cau-;e of liberty, there was known to 
be a large section of its ])0])ulation which on religious grounds were op- 
posed to armed strife, anfl tliere was yet another section, pretty numero^is 
it must be admitted, which still believed that the troubles miglii be ar- 
ranged, the grievances listened to, the wrongs rectified and the connection 
with Great Britain restored. W'c d<i not wish to suggest that these peo])ic 



or any considerable number of them would ha\e surrendered to Britain 
all that had been contended for; th.ey were simply foolish enough to be- 
lieve that Britain woaikl in reality surrender to them. And so it was that 
loyalists and others from New York, as soon as Washington's lines 'had 
been drawn on Manhattan Island and long even before Howe's forces had 
taken possession of Staten Island, had begun pouring into New Jersey, in 
the hope oif at least being permitted to remain there in peace, imtii the 
storm should blow over. But the sx'mpathies oi these people were with 
the British and they did not hesitate to proclaim their views and strive to 
win over new adherents to the ro\'al cause, or at least argue patriotism 
into indifference. 

That movement the Pro\inciaI Congress could not witness without 
grave an.xiety, nor did it fail toi notice that the loyalist force within its 
own borders seemed to be gradually acquiring coherence and heart. The 
center of the trouble seemed to be in Monmouth County, but there were 
serious signs of disaffection in Burlington, Hunterdon and Sussex, and 
particularly in Bergen, the latter, from its nearness to New ^'ln■k and its 
strategic position, den;anding close attention. Early in 1776 the I'rovin- 
cial Congress began dealing sharply with loyalist sentiment, and repri- 
manded, or fined, or placed under bonds, many persons in various parts of 
the State who were openly known to entertain views in opposition to the 
complete freedom of the Colonies. There appears to be no doubt that a 
loyalist propaganda was being zealously carried on, especially in Mon- 
mouth, and it seems possible that it was hoped by the British in some 
way to utilize the coast there in order to be useful in landing troops should 
the military situation rerpiire it. At all events, from the time the British 
fleet salied from Halifax, there was a noticeable spirit of activity among 
the loyalists throughout New Jersey. Acts of violence were openly com- 
mitted tlie authority of the Congress was flauntingly defied, houses were 
broken into and their occupants beaten, and, as usual in such times, rob- 
beries were frequent. On June 26th Congress sent Colonel Charles Read 
with two companies of Burlington militia into MDnmouth with instnic- 
tions to arrest several of the more noted and active of the disaffected, and 
Lieutenant-Colonel Abraham TenEyck and Major Berry were ordered to 
perform a similar service in Hunterdon and Somerset. On July ist, Mon- 
mouth Count)^ was practically in a condition of rebellion, and orders were 
given for a general disarmament of all persons whose loyalty was ques- 
tioned. Heroic measures were adopted. Many were haled before Con- 
gress and dealt with in sumnvary fashion, a few were imprisoned, several 
were lieaA^ily iined, Init in most cases a promise of quietness or of reforma- 
tion was sufficient to slopi iM-oceedings, or at the worst the malcontent was 


permitted to reside in some district where his opinions would not be par- 
ticularly harmful. 

On July lO, 1770, Congress ordered 2,000 of the Jersey militia nua 
camp to take the place of men ordered attached to Washington's forces. 
It was now imperatively necessary that New Jersey should be thoroughly 
defended, because in the event of any disaster to the Continental farces 
that State, as we may henceforth speak of it, would become the center of 
hostilities, liesidcs, the steady massing of the British troops on Staten 
Island might mean a descent upon New Jersey as the opening move in the 
campaign wliich was al)0'Ut to begin. Indeed, many thought that the plan 
of General Howe, after his army had fully gathered, was to entrench him- 
self first in New Jersey, then seize or block the Hudson River and work 
■east, and, having the Continent;d forces thus cooped up on ]\Ianhattan 
Island, to deal leisurely with them there. To a, certain extent this was 
the policy of the British leaders, but the news brought by their spies of the 
condition of affairs on Long Island seemed to present a c'hance of ending 
the war by a single cotip, imd so the mighty force was directed against 
that place with results which for a time caused the utmost gloom in the 
patriot ranks. 

]\(r. Henry P. Johnston, in his interesting monograph on "The Cam- 
paign of 1776," says: 

"In William Livingston, her new Governor, New Jersey found a 
l)atriot and civil leader of the right stamp for the emergency. Part of 
the year he acted in a military ca])acity and directed the movements of the 
militia in the vicinit\- of Amboy and Elizabeth. As the Tory element 
was very considerable here, the State found the same difficulty experienced 
by New Y^ork in raising troops for the army, but she furnished a good 
proportion. Her three Continental regiments under Colonels Dayton, 
Maxwell and W'inds were in the Canada army during the present cam- 
paign. In the spring and summer the State sent several detachments of 
militia under Lieutenant-Colonels Ward and Cadmus an<l other oflicers to 
assist in fortifying New York. In answer to the last call of Congress, the 
Legislature voted to raise a brigade of five battalians to be known as 'New 
Levies' to serve until December ist, and to each man that would enlist 
a bounty of three pounds was offered. The command of the brigade was 
given to Colonel Nathaniel Heard, of Woodbridge, now promoted to a 
State brigadier. The colonels were Phihi) Van Ccj^rlland, whose reginrcnit 
was recruited in Bergen, Essex and Burlington counties; David Forman; 
with four companies from Middlesex and four from Monmouth; Ephraim 
Martin, with four from ilurris and foiu" from Sussex; Philip Johnston, 
with three from Somerset and four from Hunterdon, and Silas Newcomb, 
with men from Salem, Gloucester, Burlington and Cumljerland." 


According to Johnston, the New Jersey troops at the battle of Brook- 
lyn numbered 1,594, under the officers abof\'e named as Battalion Chiefs, 
with Nathaniel Heard as Brigadier General and Peter Gordon as his Bri- 
gade ^Major. Lord Stnding with his regulars (First New Jersey Conti- 
nentals) had early in tlie strategic movements been stationed at the Battery 
on Manhattan Island. 

With tlie arrival of the British forces on Staten Island, emissaries 
were at once sent throughout New Jersey to gauge the state of public 
sentiment there, to spread the new s that the royal forces were gathering in 
strength, to wheel the indifferent or doubtful into line for the 
loyalist cause, and to promote as far as possible a general feeling of dis- 
satisfaction with the Provincial government. These emissaries, mingling 
with the resident and the refugee Tories, soon made the entire State seem 
like a hotbed of opposition to- the Continental movement, and gave the 
impression, not only to the British, but also to the Continental leaders, that 
the position of New Jersey in the crisis had become decidedly doubtful, to 
say the least. The local patriotic leaders, however, were not dismayeil; the 
records and letters thc_\- have left show that they full}- understood the hollow- 
ness of the loyalist sentiment which suddenly found voice when Staten Isl- 
and becajne a British camp. They fully a]>preciated the danger and gravity 
of the situation, but they knew also that their policy and aims were fully- 
sustained by the great majority of their jieople. It seems a pity that so 
many" of our modern historical writers shoiuld dub New Jersey as disloyal 
to the cause of liberty, when, in reality, the very opposite was the case. 
New Jersey, in fact, was for a time the victim of circumstances. Prac- 
ticall}', when the British took possession af Staten Island, she was helpless; 
she had to wait for de\'elopments, and every shouter for King George who 
could escape from Manhattan Island took refuge on her soil. Her military 
force was trifling, ill-armed, ill-drilled and with liut dim ideas of v>hat 
warfare meant, and her picked men v.^ere absent fighting, or ready to fight, 
under the orders of \\'ashingtijn. Yet, when the fighting did commence, 
the New Jersey troops rendered as good an account of themselves as tlid 
the representatives of any other State in tlie army of the Colotiies. 

Jersey could only, under the circumstances, hold her oWn and await 
(le\-elopments from the moment that Howe's army took possession of 
Staten Island. ']"he wait was not a long one, for as soon as e\'ents began 
lo move they inn-ricd along with grim alacrity. On Augaist 22d (the 
British forces began landing on Long Island, on the 27th the disastrous 
l:)attle of Brooklyn was fought, and oli the night of the 29th-30th the 
Continental troops effected their retreat from Long Island— one of the 
most extraordinar)^ achievements of the war — and so brought to a close 

iiis'iom" oi- 11 II'. .\i:\\ |RkSl■:^■ coast. 149 

an eiiisode in the story of the conllict which was full of tjlonm to the 
])atriots. Washintiton then held Xcw \'wrk City, but with a xiclorious 
and well e(|ui])i)ed hostile army !.;cttint;- ready on Lono- Island for anotlier 
engagement, the hay of New \'ori< completely in the jjos.session of British 
vessels, and with the chances of a moxement o;f the naval and military 
forces any day that wmild completely hem liiin in, he foresaw from the 
moment that the liattle of Brooklyn was lost that the retention of Man- 
hattan Island was im])ossihle. His idea was that the Britisli would land 
in force somewhere ah. ,\e Hell (i.nte, seize the Harlem, and so cut off any 
chance of retreat into tiie open countr)-, while their ships would effectually 
prevent his passage across the Hudson should he seek to concentrate his 
force in Xew Jersey. Of coiuse there was a chance that he might defeat 
in battle on Manliattan Island an_\" attack which might be made; but that 
chance seemed too remote, when iie thought on the odds, and \\'ashingtt)n 
never cared to sacrifice his troops needlesslv. His caution in this respect, 
which looks sublime to us at tiiis distance, often exposed him to censure 
at the hands of some of his ofiicers and of argumentative patriots gener- 
allv who knew all .about the art o'f war on pa])er. As he was situated, 
however, he could only watch and wait imtil he could make up his mind as 
to w hat the next move of the enemy should be. Thai soon became evident, 
for as he saw them steadily mass their trooips along the Long Island coast, 
lie was con\inced that their main plan was to surround him and force a 
battle, or rather, as they ho])ed, a c;ipitulation. Still he determined to hold 
out at Xew 'N'ork as long as jjossible, and so. not only add to the efficiency 
of his own forces, but ]jre\ent the enemy from enjoying until the last mo- 
ment the moral ad\ant;igc which would certainly result from the abandon- 
ment of such an important strategic point. But day after day only showed 
liim the necessitx' of retreat, and on Sqitcmber uth he called a council i>f 
war. at which evacuation was fully determined upon. The nui\eiuent was 
at once begun; the military stores were removed across the Harlem River, 
and the main body of the Continental army took possession of Harlem 
Heights. Putnam was left in Xew 'S'ork City with some 4,000 men, but 
his stay was brief. On the 15th the T'.ritish effected a landing at Kip's 
Bay, at the foot of what is now East Thirty-si. \tii street. The conduct of 
the Continental troops in the confusion caused even by tiiat long antici- 
pated event, was such that Washington, who had been attracted Ijack to 
the citv by the noise of the bring, ordered the immediate retreat of all of 
Putnam's force, and in»!ignantly e>:claimed. "Are these the men w itli whom 
I am to defend Aiuencal" liut sohliers need to iie trained to their inisi- 
ness, and a General who knew iVitliing of real warfare, and militia fresh 
froui the workshops and the tields, only half drilled, were IkiuikI to make a 


poor showing, when suddenly brought face to' face with the veterans of 
many wars. After a while all this changed. The Britisli seizure of New 
York City Avas quickly effected, and before nightfall their advance lines 
spread out beyond its then limits to the old village of Bloomingdale. while 
Washington's forces lay encamped between King's Bridge and Manhattan- 

Then followed several weeks of skirmishing and maneuvering, in ali 
of which the Continental troops held their own ])retty well, while their 
'leader showed himself at least the equal of any of the British generals in 
all the finesse which military tactics had then evolved. But, practically, 
that brief campaign in and north of Manhattan Island was from the first 
doomed to have but one ending, and \Vashington, fully aware of this, was 
simply playing for time, which at that juncture was his great auxiliary. 
The point w'hich both sides were attempting to solve was whether the 
Hudson River, guarded as it was by Fort Washington on the Manhattan 
side and bv Fort Constitution or Fort Lee on the Jersey shore, w-ith Put- 
nam's device of placing obstructions in the stream itself, would bar the 
passage of the British war vessels, and whether it was possible to throw- 
troops sufficient in rear of the Continental army to intercept its supplies and 
bar its retreat. On October 9th it was made painfully e\4dent that the Hud- 
son defenses were practically useless so far as the advance of the British 
fleet was concerned and, that ascertained, Flowe prepared to put in opera- 
tion his final coup and occupy the territory behind Washington's army. 
But the Patriot leader was too watchful to be caught in such a trap. He 
opposed the landing of the British at Throgg's Neck long enough to per- 
mit tlie .safe removal of his main army and supplies to W'hite Plains, re- 
taining on Manhattan Island onh- Fort \\'ashington. Howe at once saw^ 
that this new disposition meant the destruction of his scheme, and he ven- 
tured to force the fighting. The result was the engagement on October 
28th, known as the battle of White Plains. That action is generally spokai 
of as being a drawn battle, but tl;e practical results were in favor of the 
British, for Washington felt impelled to move his force to North Castle, 
where he took up a ix)sition which was deemed impregnable. At least that 
was the judgment of Howe's officers, and that fieneral then determined 
to capture Fort Washington and so have control of the whole of Man- 
hattan Island and of one of the banks of the Hudson. To offset this new- 
move Washington moved part of his force across the Hudson and gave 
orders to General Greene to evacuate Fort \\'ashington and' Fort Lee as 
soon as ix>ssible. It appears to have been his plan to draw the enemy away 
from New York, and by taking up a strong position near West Point to 
give battle on his own terms. In fact, it seems that he left his army at 


this juncture iu search of new headquarter?. While tlic Chief was ab.scnl, 
Greene received orders from Congress to defend I'ort Washington to tlie 
last extremity, and naturally he was in a quandary lietwcen the conflict 
of orders, so he resolved to consult Washington again. But the British 
did not give him the opportunity. On Novemil>er 15th they attacked the 
fort in force and captured it. While the engagement was on, Washington, 
who had returned from his reconnoissancc, watched its progress from Fort 
Lee, and is said to ha\c wept as he saw the Hessians mercilessly butcher 
many of his troops. It was a sad blow to the Continental cause — some 
fifty patriots killed, one hundred and fifty wounded and three thousand 
made prisoners, as well as the loss of a great quantity of arms, ammuni- 
tion and stores. It brought to a close the mi»mentinis campaign in wl'.ich 
New York City \vas the center, in a manner that was most disheartening 
to the Continental cause, although the experience gained, as events turned 
out, was not without good results. But tlie campaign, although marked 
by brilliant leadership, seemed to be one dreary succession of losses. Long 
Island was captured, Manhattan Island was won, and the British were con- 
fident oi a speedy cessation of hostilities or an easy triumph over the Con- 
tinental troops. On the 19th of November Lord Howe sent 5,000 men 
across the Hudson from Dobbs Ferry, effecting a landing about five miles 
above Fort Lee. and New Jersey for a time became the seat of war. 

With the capture of Fort Washington, the evacuation of Fort Lee 
without more dela\- was decided upon, and the removal of its stores was 
just begun when word was received of the landing of the British, where- 
ujx)n Washington ordered the place to be at once left to its fate. The 
British n»ve was skilfully phumed with the view of hemaning the Con- 
tinentals between the Fludson and the Hackensack, and although this was 
frustrated by Washington's activity, the capture of Fort Lee, with its 
cannon and stores, was rightfully regarded by Ix^rtl Comwallis and his 
forces as an auspicious opening of a fresh chapter in the war. Besides, 
W'ashington's new position between the Hackensack and the Passaic was 
still a ])erilotus one, although he had no doubt he could meet any move 
that might be made l>y the enemy so far as maneuvering was concerned. 
His great fear, however, was the immediate massing of the British 
forces on the new battle ground, and his main object in lingering 
along the Hackensack was that he might there be joined by rein- 
forcements, fi r which be was in the most urgent need, and for 
which he had dispatched messengers in all directiin^. He had left 
General Charles Lee at North Castle with 7,000 men, but that erratic 
soldier did not seem disposed to lea\e his safe (|uarters and run the risk 
of passing through what Iiad now, indeed, become "the enemy's country." 


Besides, Lee knew that his strength had been sadly diminished by deser- 
tions, and there were tither reasons' — grave reasons — for his delay, most 
potent of all being, to put the mildest construction upon it, his own gar- 
rulous disposition, and his illy-disguised want o'f respect for his com- 
manding General, whom he considered his inferior in knowledge of mili- 
tary affairs. The force of General Mercer, at Bergen, was also sadly de- 
pleted ; the terms of enlistment 6i most of his men had expired or was 
about to e.\])ire, and few of thcni hail any i'eart to enter upon what prom- 
ised to be a winter campaign of hardship and distress, no matter how mucTl 
militar}- glory might be gained. A messenger had laeen sent to General 
Schuyler to send what trt)Ops lie could spare froan his force guarding the 
northern frontier, but no \\-ord of encouragement bad come from tliat 

It was under such disheartening circumstances tiiat '\\ ashington de- 
termined on the famous movement -which has been knoiwn to American his- 
tory as his retreat across Xew Jersey. He knew he could not tlefend the 
line of the Hackensack, and it was only a cjuestion of a brief time ere he 
would be hemmed in and unable even to retreat without a battle, and a 
regidar battle he was at that juncture most desirous of avoiding. On No- 
vember 21, he crossed the Passaic and marched to Newark, and five days 
later, on the approach of Corr.wallis, he retreated upon New Brunswick. 
The British advance w;is intended to stop only at Philadelphia, which th.ey 
liad concluded was the reliel capital, and of course it was Washington's 
])nr])ose to delay that journey as long as possible, even although be could 
uul then accept tlie wage of l>attle. On Deccmbej- ist. \\'ashington crossed 
the Raritan and zealously pursued his march, until on the Sth he had put 
the Hehnvare Ri\er l)etween his own forces and those of the enemy, car- 
ried over in safety all his troops and stores, and was prepared for a breath- 
ing spell. When the British forces arriveci on the evening of the saine 
day, they found that every boat had 1>een destroyed or seized and that no 
available means A\ere at hand for continuing the ]nn-suit. Washington 
had executed a dangerous mo\ement in a masterly fashion, but many of 
his troops were disheartened and footsore, desertions, by the way, 'had been 
frerjuent, and his force — the force that with him crossed the Delaware — 
had dwiindled to something less than 3,006 men. Even in that were in- 
cluded a few fresh reinforcements. Speaking of this memorable retreat 
Thomas F. Gordon wrc:te: 

"The retreat into and throu,gh New jersey was attended with al- 
most every circiunstance that could embarrass and depress the spirits. It 
commenced immediately after the heavy loss at Fort Wa.shington. In 
fourteen! days after that event the whole flying camp claimed its discharge, 

HISTORY OF Till': NEW ji-:rs1':y coast. 153 

^lul other troops, also, whose engagements terminated al)out that time, 
daily departed. The two Xew Jersey regiments which had heen for- 
warded hy (ieneral Ciates. under (ieneral St. Clair, went off to a man the 
moment they entered their own State. A few officers without a single 
private were all of these regiments which St. C"lair hrought to the Com- 
mander-in-Chief. The troops who were with Washington, inostly of the 
garrison of Fort Lee, were without tents, blankets, shoes or the necessary 
utensils to cook their provisions. In this situation the General had the 
address to prolong a march of ninety miles to the space of nineteen days. 
During his retreat scarce an inhabitant joined him, while numbers daily 
flockeil to the royal army to make their i)eace and beg protection. On 
the one side was a well appointed, well clad army, dazzling in its brilliancy 
anil imposing by its success : on the other, a few piK)r fellows whose tattered 
raiment but Uny well justified tlie sobrifjuet of 'ragmuftins.' with which 
the .sneering 'iories re])roachcd them, fleeing for their safety." 

(_)u December 2d. (ieneral Lee had crossed the JIudson with his force. 
by that time reduced to sometiiirig in the neighborhood of 4.000, and 
landed in New Jersey, Imt instead of pushing on to join his Chief he con- 
ducted his army to Morristown. and there set u]) his head(|uarters. with 
Sulli\an as his second in command. On the 13th, while at breakfast at 
Baskingridge, about three miles from his main force, Lee was taken a ]>ris- 
oner l)y the British and carried to their canij). 

\\'ith the crossing of the Delaware, Washington's retreat, across 
Xew Jersey may be regarded as having ended. The two anmie-S were in 
sight of each other. Cornwallis was eager that the pursuit should be kejjt 
up, but there was no means of transit available, and the river was in one 
■of its angrv winter moods, so that extemporized ratts could hardlv avail. 
General Howe peremptorily ordered a halt, saying that within twenty- 
four hours or so the river would be frozen over so as to permit the entire 
army and equipment to marcii over. But this anticipated assistance na- 
ture did not provide. So, in accordance with one of Howe's easy-going- 
notions, the campaign was declared over, and the British troops prepared 
to settle down for the winter. About 4,000 troops were quartered along 
the Delaware from Trenton to I'lordentown, and the remainder at different 
])oints to the Hackensack. The success which had followed his move- 
ments thus far, the iistlessness in the cause of the Revolution which he 
found existing throughout New Jersey where\er he had gone, and perhaps 
the revelations made to him of the extent and ecjuipment of the patriot 
armies, had inspired Howe, seemingly, with a contempt lor the fc^rce now 
opposed to him across the river, and lie regarflcd the way to Philadelphia 
us o])en to his tr<x>ps as soon as he should l)e pleased to resume his march. 
JIvcn Congress seemed to think ih.-it Philadelphia was doomed. :md re- 


moved to Baltimore, a movement wliicli tlirew the City of Brotherly Love 
into a panic. 

But Washington was not idle all tliis time, and as reinforcements be- 
gan to arrive in his camp the spirits of his troops revived and confidence 
in his leadership resumed its sway. One danger of supreme importance 
threatened him just at this juncture. The time for which manv of his 
troops had enlisted ended with the close of the year, and the indications 
were that all, or nearly all, who could thus honorably retire would then re- 
turn to tlieir homes. He never forgot the possibility, toO', that Howe 
might change his plans, cross the Delaware on the ice, even at the trouble 
of a winter campaign, and sO' march on to Philadelphia. But every day"s 
delay added tO' the Continental strength. December 20th Sullivan arrived 
in camp with the army which had been fortunately bereft of Lee. There 
were other accessions also, until the force amounted to between 6.000 and 
7,000 men. 

With this strength '\V"ashington determined on a bold stroke while his 
force remained intact and before the dreaded close of the men's term of 
service might again w'eaken it. He had obser^■ed how looisel}- Howe's 
forces were scattered, and thought tha^t by crushing the center at Tren- 
ton he would compel the entire army to retreat upon New York. Ac- 
cording to the plans drawn up, the river w'as to be crossed at three ix)int5 
— one corps under Gates was to attack Burlington, Erwin w^as to cross di- 
rectly to Trenton and commence the attack, while Washington, with a 
third corps, Avas tO' cross some few miles north of Trenton and march upon 
it. Gates did not relish his part of the job, apparently, and left his com- 
mand to General Cadwalader, but neither the latter nor Erwin was able 
to cross the river on account of the masses of ice on that eventful Christ- 
mas night. But Washington was determined to make the attempt, and 
got his corps of 2,500 men across, although ten hours were consumed in 
the operation. The night of December 25th, 1776, was one of tiiose in 
v/hich winter plays all its pranks, snow, sleet, rain, frost and; all sorts of 
variations, but the Continentals pushed' on, and by^ sunrise on the morning 
of the 26th one column under Sullivan entered Trenton Ijy one route, while 
Greene led another in a parallel direction, and Washington with the artil- 
lery moved between. The British force, mainly Hessians, consisting of 
1,000 men, surrendered, after their leader, Colonel Rahl, and several others 
had been killed, and Trenton was once more in the patriots' hands. The 
death of General Rahl, who was a gallant officer, has been descrilied at 
length in Raum's "History of Trenton." Mbrtally w'ounded, and sup- 
ported by two soldiers, he presented his sword to Washington, and im- 
plored him for such humane attentions as the great victor was well dis- 


posed to bestow upon liim. 1 lie fatal sliot was said to have been lirc-d l)y 
Colonel b'redcrick I'rclint;liuyson. (Icncral Cadwaladcr. on the 27th, 
managed to cross the river and entered liurlington, where the Hessians 
were also in iorce, but their leader, Count Donop, did not wait for the 
Continental troops, and retreated to Princeton, leaxing behind his wounded, 
his guns antl his stores. On the 2C)th Washington, iiaving removed his 
prisoners into Pennsylvania, returned to Trenton. This victor)-, sligiit as 
it was, had infused new courage into his troops, and most of those whose 
time was about to expire agreed to remain for si.x weeks longer. 

The Itritis!], thus ru'Jely sunm-nncd, awoke from their dreams and 
Ijegan concentrating their forces at Princeton, where earthworks had been 
hastily thrown up. Lord Cornwallis, on January 2d, advanced upon 
Trenton, but found his progress impeded not alone by the elements but 
by the sharp fire of a corps of marksmen who, in the shelter of the woods 
along the route, kept up an incessant attack upon the advancing forces. 
Cornwallis reached Trenton by sundown, but Washington meanwhile had 
removed his troops beyond a creek, the Assunjjink, and guarded it so well 
that Cornwallis was obliged to call a halt, and the two armies ai>i3arently 
settled down for the night. 

Washington knew 'he was once more in a critical position, and sum- 
moning a council on the night of January 2d, 1777, he laid liefore its 
members his plan for escaping from it. He proposed to leave the Dela- 
ware as the base of operations, and by executing a silent movement that 
night get into the rear of the British troops at Princeton, defeat them there, 
and by another rapid march reach Xew I'runswick, where their stores and 
baggage lay. By this movement, if carried out successfully, he would 
force Cornwallis to retreat, and by taking up a strong position at Morris- 
town he would hold the entire British army in check, and make Phila- 
delphia seem a long way off. The scheme commended itself to the coun- 
cil, and a beginning was at once mp.dc. The fires around the camp wer':' 
renewed, the sentries paced up and down at the bridge and fording |)laces 
of tlie creek, !:.ut the army passed silently away, marching around Coni- 
wallis's le;ft wing and so on what was called the Ouaker Road. Towarfl 
sunrrse, just outside of Princeton, they fell in with a British force of three 
regiments marching to strengthen Cornwallis's army, and a sharp action 
at once followed. The American militia fell back under the galling fire of 
the British regulars, and it was while trying to rally than that the gallant 
General Mercer ,fell mortall\- wounded. The ct)ntcst did not last long. 
Washington with his main force hurried to the .scene, and in a few min- 
utes the British troops were utterly routed and llcd in different directions, 
leaving behind two hundred in killed and woundeil, while three hundred 



prisoners were left in liie hands of tlie Continentals. Princeton was soon 
afterward entered. 

At Princeton Washington saw fit to chanse liis plans. His men were 
tired out and unable to march on New Brunswick with the alacrity which 
the emergency demanded and, crossing Millstone Creek between Prince- 
ton and New Brunswick, he burned the bridges and gained for his troops 
the rest they so much needed. Then he marclied to Morrist<)wn and took 
up the position on the heights which had been the oljjective point o'f his 
entire movement. 

No' other course A\as for the moment really open to him. i\\'hen 
Cornwallis awoke the next morning after his arrival at Trenton, and found 
the American forces gone, he at once determined to retreat to New Bruns- 
wick and protect it from the attack which he felt certain would tje made 

Washington's He.^dqiiakters .\t Mokkistown. 

upon it for the sake of its stores. His troops entered Princeton just as the 
Americans lelt it, and then was seen the rather curious episode of two 
armies marching away from each other at right angles. Corwallis reached 
New Ihunswick without further misad\enture, and there awaited the 
progress of events. 

But the Continentals now played no waiting game. Putnam, with a 
fresli force from Philadelphia, took jwssession of Princeton and held it. 


On Januurv stli, 1777. the IJrilish were driven i»ul of Hackeiisack. General 
Maxwell surprised Elizabctlitown. ( ieneral J)iel<inscin won (|uite a victorv 
near Somerset, and all along the line glowing reports of substantial achieve- 
niaits began to flow into the headquarters at Morristown. "Thus, in a 
brief campaign of three weeks,'' wrote John Tiskc, "Washington had ral- 
lied the fragments of a defeated and l)rokcn army, fought two successful 
battles, taken nearly 2,000 jirisoners, and recovered the State of Xew 
Jersey. He hatl cancelled the disastrous efi'ects of Lee's failure, and 
replaced things apparently in the condition in which the fall of Eort Wash- 
ington had left him. Really he done much more tlian this, for, bv as- 
suming the offensive and' winning \ictories through sheer force of genius, 
he had completely turned the tide of popular feeling. The liritish genei^als 
began to be afraid of Iiim, while on the other hand his army began to grow- 
by the accession of fresh recruits. In Xew Jersey the enemy retained 
nothing but Xew Brunswick, .Vmboy and Paidus Hook." 

Tlie turn in the tide of ]iopular feeling alhuled to abo\-e was nowhere 
more clearly seen than in .\e\\ Jersey itself. lUu ihc storx- is so singular 
lliat it had better lie told by a Xew Jersey historian. So we quote at 
length from ^Ir. 'J'liomas F. (jordon : 

"The favorable change in the affairs of the Americans was in no 
place so sensibly felt as in Xew Jersey, where the people suffered all 
the horrors which could flow from a licentious and almost unrestrained 
soldiery. When the royal army entered Jersey, the inhabitants ]iretty gen- 
erally remained in their houses, and many thousands recei\ed printed pro- 
tections signed by order of the liritish Commander-in-Chief. This event, 
in the language of Governor Livingston, 'enaljled the patriots more ef- 
fectually to distinguish their friends from their enemies.' 'It opened the 
eyes of those who were made to believe that their impious merit in abetting 
the persecutors would exeni))! them from being iiuohed in the common 
calamity.' Neither the proclamation of the commissioners nor ])rotections 
saved the people from plunder or insult. Their property was taken and 
destroyed without distinction of persons. They exhibited their protections, 
but the Hessians could not read and would not understand them, and the 
British soldiers deemed it foul disgrace that the Hessians should be the 
only plunderers. Discontent and murmurs increased every hour witJi 
the ravages of both, which were almost sanctioned by general orders, and 
which spared neither friend nor foe. Xeithcr age nor se.x protected from 
outrage. Infants, children, (ild men and women, were left naked and ex- 
posed, without a blanket to cover them from the inclemency of \\ inter. 
Furniture which could not be carried away was \vantonly destr<»yed: dwell- 
ings and out-hc'Uses were burned or rendered uninhaliitable; churches ami 
other public buildings were consumed : and the rajjc of women and even of 
very young girls filled the measure of woe. But even the worm will turn 


upon the oppressor. Had every citizen been secured in his rights, protected 
in his property, and paid for supphes, the consequences might have been 
fatal to the cause of independence. What the earnest commendations of 
Congress, the zealous exertions of Governor Livingston and the State 
authorities, and the ardent supplications of AVashington could not effect, 
was jjroduced by the rapine and devastation of the royal forces. 

"The whole country became instantly hostile to the invaders. Suf- 
ferers of all parties rose as one man to revenge their personal injuries. 
Those who from age and infirmities were incapable of military service, 
kept a strict watch upon the movements of the royal army, and com- 
niimicated information to their countrj'men in arm. Tliose who lately 
declined all opposition, though called on by the sacred tie of honor pledged 
to each other in the declaration of independence, cheerfully embodied when 
tiiey found submission to be unavailing for the security of their es- 
tates. This is not to be attributed wholly to the victories of Trenton and 
Princeton. In the very moment of these actions, or before the results were 
known, individuals, ignorant of Washington's movements, concerted in- 
surrections to revenge their peculiar injuries. The contest had its source 
in the unrighteous claim of the British statesmen to appropriate the prop- 
erty of the colonists against their consent.. It was reanimated by a new 
and direct application of the principle of the British army. Men who 
could not apprehend the consequences of British taxation nor of American 
independence, could feel the injuries inflicted by insolent and cruel and 
brutal soldiers. The militia of New Jersey from this time forward gen- 
erally acquired high reputation; and through a long and tedious war con- 
ducted themselves with spirit and discipline. They now scoured the coun- 
try in every direction, seized on stragglers, in several slight skirmishes 
behaved unexceptionably well, and collected in such nimibers as to threaten 
the weaker British posts. 

"In a few' days, indeed, the Americans had overrun the Jerse\s. The 
enemy was forced fronn Woodbridge; General Maxwell surprised Eliza- 
bethtown, and took near one hundred prisoners with a quantity of bag- 
gage ; Newark was abandoned, and the royal troops were confined to New 
Brunswick and Amboy. Within four days after the affair at Princeton, 
between forty and fifty \Valdeckers ^vere killed, wounded or taken at 
Si>ringfield, by an ec]ual number of the same Jersey militia which but a 
montlj before had abandoned all opposition. This enterprise was con- 
ducted by Colonel Spencer, whose gallantry was rewarded with the com- 
mand of a regiment. 

"On the 20th of January, General Dickinson, with about four hun- 
dred militia and fifty Pennsylvania riflemen, defeated near Somerset court- 
house, on the Millstone river, a foraging party of the enemy of about 
equal number, and took forty wagons, upward of one hundred horses, and 
many cattle and sheep. The General received much praise for his coiu'age 
and conduct; for, though his troops were raw, he led them through the 
river middle deep, and charged with so much impetuosity that the enemy, 
notwithstanding he had three field-pieces, gave way and left the convoy. 
About a nronth after this affair. Colonel Neilson, of New Brunswick, with 


a cletacliment of one luiiulrcd and and fifty militia, surprised and captured 
ilajcr Stockton (one ol tlie nun\en)us family of that name, who, lri>m !iis 
treachery, was called "dMublc Dick"), at the hwid of fiftv-nine privates, 
refugees, in British pay."' 

-Matters remained in Xcw jersey pretty much in stiiln ipto until the 
following June (1777 I wiien Howe essayed again to i)ass thnnigh the 
state en route to Philadelphia. Jn the previous month Washington had 
abandoned his position at Morristown and entrenched himself in another, 
at ^iliddlebrook, near the Raritan River, and about ten miles from New 
Brunswick. This iwsition commanded the road to Philadelphia, and its 
effectiveness was such that as soon as it was seen by Howe he realized 
tiiat either ^^'ashing•ton should be removed or he would completely lose 
the State and be compelled to reach Philadelphia by another route. He 
also found that by this time public sentiment in the Slatt; was unmistakably 
anti-British, and that liis troops were in danger wherever they went, ex- 
cept in large numbers. However, he had a force of iS,ooo men in New 
Brtniswick, while he knew that Washington's army did not number more 
lliaii 8,000, and he calculated that if he could manage to dislodge that 
leader from his strong position he might easily, by the sheer superiority of 
liis numbers, defeat liini in Ixittle. But Washington was too wary to 
give up the most trifling advantage in such a grim contest and he refused 
to play into Howe's hand by surrendering a single point in the game of 
war. So, after some eighteen days of countcrmarciiing and maneuvering 
and the employment of all the recognized military arts to break the deter- 
mination of Washington to remain on his chosen giound, Howe suddenly 
retired from the task, and proceeded to remote his entire command hur- 
riedly to Staten Island. But even then Howe did not altogether give up 
iiope. Hearing that Washington had abandoned his position at j\Iiddle- 
brook, antl was at a [jlace called Ouibbletown. on the .Amboy road, he 
thought Jjy a rapid mo\ement to gain the jxjsition which had been \acated 
and thus secure for himself the vaiitage ground which had hitherto baffled 
him. So he recalled the troops from Staten Island on June 25th, and, di- 
viding his army into two divisions, began a rajiid march, one division to 
-Mctuchen, which Howe commanded in person, and the other going toward 
\\'esttield, under Cornwallis. But Washington was too wary, and on the 
lirst signs of the return movement fell back on Middlebrook. ^\■hen Howe 
was apprised of this he abandoned the effort, recalled the advance and re- 
tiu'ned to Staten Island, leaving New Jersey for a time cleac of rovalist 
troops. The only one who suffered loss of laurels from this movement on 
the Continental side was Lord Sterling, who was defeated in a skirmisli 
by Cornwallis, and lost three guns and several of his men. 


It was not until after the disaster at Brandywine, Septamber iitiv 
that New Jersey' again, became the scene of active hostihties on anytiiing 
like a large scale. Congress had ordered reinforcements from the State, 
and with the view of checking enlistments Sir Henry Clinton divided a 
large force into two colnnuis, and, landing one at Fort Lee and the other 
at Elizabethtown, they marched until they reached the Hackensack and 
there united. They found, however, such a gaieral obstruction to their 
progress that no attempt was made to experiment further, and the troops 
returned to New York, leaving behind eight oif their number who had' 
been killed. General jNlacdougal was in c(jmmand of the Continental reg- 
ulars, and General Dickinson of the State Militia, and both were decidedly^ 
watchful. P)Ut they fouiul their time mainly occupied on the Delaware, 
for HoAve, then in possession of Philadelphia, deemed the possession of 
that ri\-er necessary to' the safeguarding of his line of supplies, and for a 
time that historic stream again played a most [jrominent i)art in the mili- 
tary game. 

The most exciting of all the moves in this connection, \vas the expe- 
tlition of Count Donop' tO' Red Bank, or Fort Mercer, on the Delaware 
River, near where is now Camtlen. It was his object to seize that place 
r.nd h(jl(l it so that it might be an open gatewa,y to foraging or other ])ar- 
ties into New Jersey, for the supplying of Howe's army, then at Philadel- 
]iiiia. Its possession was deemed of such importance by the Americans 
that it had been strongl}- fortified under the direction oif Colonel ChristO" 
phcr (jreene, and it was near this ])lace — the precise spot being unknown — 
that Fort Nassau was erected by Captain Cornelius Jacobse ^fey, in 1623, 
when he attempted the first settlement of New Jersey. 

Count Carl Kmil Kurt von Donop was sent out from Philadelphia 
v>!th four battalions of Hessian veterans, about two- thousand men. Oc- 
tober 2 1st they crossctl the Delaware at Cooper's P'erry, now Camden, 
marched to.FIaddonfield, and thence to the King's Highway above \\'ood- 
bury and toward Red Bank. They had intended taking a more direct 
route, but the Americans had destroyed the bridge over Timber Creek, 
obliging them to march four miles up stream to a shallow ford, at or near 
Clement's bridge. A portion O'f their ro'Ute to Red Bank still goes bv the 
name of "Hessian Run." 

The fact that Coicnel Greene w^as intrusted b}^ Washington with the 
command of a post that was of "the utmost importance to America," and 
ui)on which the whole defence of the Delaware absolutely depended, was 
a high tribute to the honor, valor and judgment of that ofllcer. 

Colonel Greene's force was but four hundred men, not sufficient to 
defend the entire fort, and he propoised to abandon about two-thirds of 


ii, (.ii.i.i .1 iliiuhle Ijnanl fence across tlie lower tliird ; protect it with woodeu 
pickets and the sharpened branches of trees ; place the cannon, masked 
with bushes, in such a ixjsition as to rake tlic upper part of the fort; and fill 
the space lietween tlie two fences with hay, old lumber and such other 
obstructions as were at hand, 'i'he cannon were heavily loaded with 
grape-shot and otiier missiles. Only a show of defence was to be made at 
the upper end of llie fort, which was to be abandoned as soon as the attaci-; 
was found tf> be in earnest, Avhen the troops were to fall back to the small 
enclosure or main f<irt below. This was to be dctcndCtl to the last c\- 

The enemy appeared late in the afternoon, and their vessels lay in 
the river, their visible from the fort. Colonel Greene had formed 
his men anil siiotted his fourteen ginis, when a Hessian ojticer rode out 
from the woods, across the open field, beariui;- a Hag of truce, and followed 
by a drummer. He liaited near to the works and shouted: 

"The King of England ou'ders his rebellious subjects to lay down their 
arms, and they are warned that if they stand battle n(j quarter will be 
y i\i'ii.'' 

Lcjlouei tneene deputized a man to luomu the |)ara|)et ami lling Ijack 
the answer: "We ask no (|uarter, nor will we give any." 

One trustworthy account says the exact words were: "We'll see 
King Geoirge be dannied first ; we ask no quarter." 

The Hessian officer n^le hack to his lines and the attack h-egan. It 
was then four o'clock in the afternoon, 'i'he battle continued for forty 
minutes, and during its progress a number of Americans were killed or 
wounded by the bursting of one of their own camion. The attack began 
with a battery fire intended to make a breach in tiie works, and the British 
sliips at the same time <lelivered their heavy broadsides. After a shore 
lime the Hessians advanced to the outer entrenchments, and tinding the:u 
abandof.ied, raised the cry of "\ictory!' The answer was given in gall- 
ing volleys by tlie patriots in the inner wurks. A^ain and again the Hes- 
sian officers led their men to the charge, only to see them ruthlesslv mowed 
down. Count Don<j]) was conspicuous for hi> reckless com-age, but h\< 
efifoal was imavailing. Repulsed in front of .the redoubt, bis men made 
an attack from the river side, init there they encountered the vollcvs frcjin 
the American galleys, and were driven into the woods in disorder. 

Another cohimn nnule a simultaneous attack ujxin the soiUh, biU were 

rc|inl>ed. and all retreated .save twenty, w Iio were standing against the 

'.'lei'.ings of the ])arapcl, under ;md out i/f the way of the !,ni;is wlun, ;• 

they were afraid to move, and these were captured. 
1 1 


Now came a dramatic miiiiu-iU in what was alread)- a reniarkal)l\- tlra- 
matic scene. The French engineer, M. clu I'lessis ]\lan(hiit. heanl fr(jni 
ianong a heap of mingled dead and wounded a voice exclaiming in broken 
English, "Whoever you are, draw hence." It was the gallant Donop. 
Manduit had him conveyed inside the fort, where it was found that his hip 
was broken, but his injuries were not thought to be fatal. He was suc- 
ceeded in the command by Alingerode, to whose appeals the troops failed 
to respond, and they soon began a promiscuous retreat. Some went toward 
Cooper's Ferry in detached bodies, begging food and shelter of those 
whom tliey had ])reviously mistreated. The transportation of the wounded 
caused much trouble, and as one detachment ap]>roached Haddonfield a 
farmer living near the road was, with his horse and cart, pressed into sei-\-- 
ice to carry those who were unable to walk further. Others retreated by 
wav of Elackwood or Chew's Landing. Near the latter ])lace they were 
met by a company of farmers' bo}S, w'ho held them at Ijay for some time. 
This detachment had with them a Ijrass cannon, Avihch they are said to 
have thrown into the creek near Chew's Landing. 

Count Donop died three days after recei\ing his wound. When told 
that his end was near, he said: "Tt is finishing a noble career early, but 
I die the victim of ambition and the avarice of ni}- sovereign." To Colonel 
Chmer he said: "Sec in me the \anity of all human pride. I have shone 
in all the courts of Europe, and now I am dying on the banks of the Dela- 
ware, in the house of an obscure Quaker." He was buried in the pathway 
half way between the old Wliitehall house and the lower end of the fort, 
liis feet toward the river. Some one jjlaccd at tlie head of the grave a 
rough stone upon wdiich were picked in a very crude way the words, 
"Here lies buried Count Dnnop." The Flessian slain \\ere buried in the 
ditch, south of the fort. Those Avho were not mortally wounded were 
taken to Thiladclpbia hy ^.landuil and exchanged. 

The loss in the engagement was as follow'S : Americans, fourteen 
killed, twenty-two Avounded and one taken prisoner; Hessians, eight}-- 
seven killed, one hundred and one wounded and twent}' taken prisoner. 

While the Hessians were assaulting Fort Mercer, the British fleet, 
besides firing in the direction of Red Bank, made an attack upon Fort 
Mifflin, across the river. The latter work was gallantly defended for si.x 
days. The British fleet cMuprised the "Augusta," sixty-four guns; the 
"Roebuck," forty-four guns; Iv.o frigates, each carrying thirty-two guns: 
the "Merlin," eighteen guns, and several galleys. The "Augusta" went 
aground, and was set on fire and blew up, .ijnd the "Merlin" suffered a 
similar fate. Commodore Hazelwood, commanding the American gal- 

HISTORY OF THE .\i:\\ JERSEY C04,\ST. 163 

^eys, took considerable spoils from the wrecks, including- two cannon, one 
an eit,'liteen jwunder and the other a twenty-four jwunder. 

Beginning Xovemher loth. Fort Mifflin was subjected to a boinlwrd- 
ment night and day. Six days later tiie fort was evacuated, the garrison 
retiring to Fort Mercer. Meantime Howe sent Cornwallis with reinforce- 
meius from Xew "^'ork to fall u].! u I'^irt Mercer. With two thousand 
men the latter named crossed the 1 )ela\\ are from Chester to IJillingsport, on 
November i8th. W'asiiington had been apjirised of this movement,and had 
previously disixitched troops under General Nathaniel Greene to reinforce 
the garrison. This force was to be increased by the addition of Glover's 
brigade, but Generals Greene and Lafayette (the latter not yet recovered 
from a wound received at Brandyw ine) crossing to New" Jersey, failed to 
connect with Glover's brigade, and, learning the strength of Cornwallis' 
army, General Greene went off to Haddouiield. Colonel Greene was there- 
fore ordered to evacuate Fort Mercer, as the British licet had, after the re- 
duction of Fort MifHin, gone toward! Philadelphia, anil he accordingly blew 
up the works ou November 20th. 

In recognition of his heroic defense of Fort Mercer, a sword was 
voted by Congress to Colonel Greene, but he did not live to receive it, and 
it was given to his son after his death. 

Colonel Greene met a pitiful ileulh. May i3th, 1781, near the Crolon 
River, New York, his regiment was sur^M-ised by a detachment of Tories 
consisting of about one hundred ca\alry and two hundred infantry, com- 
manded by the notorious Colonel James Delancey. They first attacked Col- 
onel Greene's and Major Flagg's quarters, and killed the Major while in 
bed. Colonel Greene fell after his single arm had slain a number of his 
assailants. Being badly wounded in the house, he was carried into the 
woods and barbarously murdered. Two subalterns and twenty-seven 
])rivates were also killed, and a lieutenant and surgeon, with about twenty 
men, were taken prisoners. 

In 1872 the National Government purchased a tract of about one 
lumdred acres 'along the Delaware River at Red Bank, including the .site 
of the fortifications and the old Whitehall house whose floors are still 
stained with the blood of wounded patriots and Hessians. 

In commemoration of the splendid defense of Fort Morcer, a mar- 
ble monument Avas erected. u|)f>ii \\hich were chiseled the following in- 
scriptions : 

Inscription on North Side — This moiuinient was erected on the 22(\ 
Octo., i82(j, to transmit t<> i)(isterity a grateful remembrance of the Pa- 
triotism and Gallantry of Lieutenant-Colonel Christopher Greere. who, 

1 64 


^^■\ih 400 men, cntiuered the Hessian army of 2,000 troops (then ni the 
British service) at Red Bank, on the 22d Octo., 1777- Among the slain 
was found the commander. Count Donop. whose body hes mterred near the 

spot where he fell. , , ^t t i o 1 

Inscription on East Side— A number of the New Jersey and Pennsyl- 
vania volunteers, being desirous to perpetuate the mem->ry ot the dis- 
tin-uished officer and soldiers who fought and bled m the glcr.ous strug- 
glc^'for independence, have erecte-d this monument on the 22d of October, 
A. D. 1829. 

Battle Monument. 

This shaft has been sadl\- marred by the chisel and hammer of the 
relic-hunter and vandal. The dilipidated condition o>f this tribute to 
patriotism and valor moves one to wonder that so wealthy a State as 
New fersey has so long neglected the work of restoration. 

After the abandonment of Forts Mercer and Mifflin, we read of the 
fortunes of a few foraging parties, but wintry weather soon came on, and 
the opposing armies were perforce Obliged to desist from active opera- 
tions, and Washington retired with his sorely ^^•orn forces to the misera1>lc 

securitv of Valley' Forge. 

With the earliest indications of the return of spring, active move- 
ments were begun on both sides, and one of the first was the incursion 


tlirougli Xcw Jersey of a force of st-nic 1.200 liritisli soldiers in searcli of 
])riivisioiis aiul iiorses, not so nuicii wiih the \ iew of satisfyiiiir their nwii 
needs as witli the purpose of pre\entin_e' snch supplies lieint;- (Hxerted to 
the uses of tlie Continental arni\-. Tiie fonxe landed at Salem and easil\ 
dis]ierscd some small Ijodies of militia under Colonels Hand and Holme 
.-.t Ouintcju's Briflge. On learning of this incursion W'ashingti n sent from 
\'alley Forge a regiment to New Jersey under Colonel Shrevc. to form, 
as it were, a trainetl central force around which the militia of the State 
might gather. Ijut when that gallant siklier had his way as far 
as Hadduntield. he found only about one hundred militia. The State, it 
sl'.ould be remembered, was at t'le time practically once nmre in the Hritisii 
hands, or rather its position was a pivotal one. J!y the possession of the 
Delaware, and by their freedom of the scalxjard and their na\y. the Ib-ilisli 
.could concentrate an attack upon almost any part of its territory within 
a brief time, and in such circumstances militarv ardor and the usual thirst 
for glory crept under cover. The militia of Xew Jersey at this juncture 
played a veiy insignilicant part in its defense, and ])ractically Colonel 
Shreve and his regiment fornied the only obstacle to the movements of tlie 
British troops within the State. E\en Shre\c had to yield to superior 
f<>rce after a while and retreat across the Delaware to sa\e his comniaml 
from loss, (jeneral Dickinson, Colonel Hand, Colonel Holme and the 
other l(xal commanders did their best as occasion offered, with the small 
forces they commanded, but their best did not amount to much. E\en the 
stores at Bordentown were permitted to be captured without anv \erv 
strenuous ojijiosition. But it is needless to follow the details of the story. 
Such fighting is not warfare, and had but little iniluence on the general 
eft'ect (cf the heroic struggle then going on elsewhere by which the future 
of the country was to be determined, still, everv cross road in Xew Jersey 
bad its tradition of skirmish or raid, suqjrise or encr.mpnicnt, and sucii 
traditions are keenly clierished and lose nothing of impnrtance in their tell- 
ing, generation after generation. 

Once again, however. i)efore the end. Xew Jersey was destined to Ite- 
come one nf the centres of liie struggle, .\fter the failure of Washington's 
scheme to capture or destroy the British army in rhila(lel])hia under Sir 
William Howe, by the result of the battle of (lermantown (mi October 4th, 
a result wiiich was only bri;uglu about by a bbnuler on the part oif one 01 
tlie Continental generals, the cani])aign of 1777 was ]>racticaliy ended, 
although it was not until the middle of December that Washington had his 
trniips resting and suffering in their fpiartcrs at N'alley I'orge. lint e\en 
amiil all the privations and horrors of that awful winter the Continental 
troops were not idle, llie arrival in camp of Baron Steuben, one of the 


best German tacticians of the time, led to a complete development of the 
discipline and fighting power of the little army. Besides, so long as the 
position at Valley Forge was maintained, the British were compelled to 
remain inactive in Philadelphia. They knew that Washington could not 
be dislodged', and so could do nothing but wait. But they waited in com- 
fort and pleasure-seeking, while the "ragged Continentals'' shivered in 
their miserable huts and were often glad enough to engage in drill for the 
sake of the warmth engendered- by the exertion. Clothing was scarce, 
shoes were a rare commodity, the elements played havoc with the huts, 
and the privations endured make up a stars' which even to-dav cannot 
\yt read without pain, ijut from it all the troops seemed to acquire by the 
spring a more confident sentiment than ever in the righteousness of their 
cause, and the generalship of their leader, and the certainty of ultimate vic- 
tory. Toward that end events were tending with a itipidity which at that 
time was hardly appreciable. The spell of inactivity at Philadelphia, follow- 
ed by the admitted failure of the whole campaign of 1777, had caused seri- 
ous discussion and much plain speaking in the English Parliament, and in 
May, 1778, Sir William Howe resigned his command and sailed for home 
from Philadelphia to defend himself. The command then fell to Sir Henry 
Clinton, and the e\'acuation of Philadelphia was determined upon, so tint 
New "li'ork sliould again become the headquarters of the army. The re- 
treat, for such it was, commenced on Alay i8th and the long march 
across New Jersey was begun. As soon as the full extent of the British 
plans was disclosed to Washington and his troops, they realized that even 
by their inaction at Valley Forge they had gained a victory, and it was 
hoped to strike a l>low which would at least emphasize the true inward- 
ness of tlie mo\ement as one of failure and send the army into its new 
headquarters with a fresh stigma of defeat. So Washington moved his 
whole army into New Jersey, crossing the Delaware at Coryell's Ferr)', 
and n'>aneuvered in order to secure a position that would block the advance. 
Clinton, wiio seems to have been in no hximor for an engagement at that 
time, changed his route on learning of W^ashington's movement, and 
diverting to the right, )ioi>ed to reach Sandy Hook without trouble, know- 
ing that there he would be safe, as that point could easily be defended, 
and, besides, the licet would be in readiness to aid in defence and in trans- 

Washington easily divined this purpose, ;uid appears to have been more 
intent than ever on bringing about an engagement. He detaclied a force 
as an advance guard to penetrate through Clinton's lines, dividing tlie 
British army in two and holding it so divided until he could bring up the 
rest oif his own troops. Reluctantly, it seem.s, he w^as compelled to place this 


advance force under tlie cnnimand nf (leneral I-ee. who had been ex- 
changed from his captivity. 

Tune 28th. 177S. the date of the hi'tlle wliich h.llowed, is <inc of the 
most memorable in .\merican history. The scene was laid in and near the 
village of Monmoutii Court House, or l-"reeliold, as it came to be called. 

The British army occupied the village, and its i>rincipal force lay 
westward from it. extending across the u^id u> l-".ns.;lishto\vn. About 
5 o'clock in the morning, bustle in the camp proclaimed an impending 
nioyement. This was detected by Cleneral Dickinson, who, with a force 
of 800 hundred men, was posted in observation in front of the British 
left, and he at once sent information by messenger to Washington and Lee. 
Alx)ut 7:30 o'clock Dickinson fell in with a small force of the enemy and 
a sharp skimiish ensued, this taking place on ground overlooking the 
morass behind which Washington placed the divisions of Greene and Ster- 
ling at a critical moment later in the day. 

Before this, about 3 o'clock in the morning. Colonel Grayson, in com- 
pliance with orders, had marched the brigades of Scott and X'arnum in the 
direction of the court house, and met Dickinson's men. wlu* were retiring 
after their encounter with the enemy as pre\iously noted, (irayson ad- 
vanced one of his regiments and a piece of artillery acrcjss a bridged 
ravine, and on reaching the plateau beyond discovered the British de- 
tachment which Dickinson had encoimtercd, and which now retreated. 

Xot far from the same time, Colonel lUitlcr, .-Kiing under orders from 
General .\nthony Wayne, with two hundred men advanced on the British 
n.ank and encountered a detachment of the Queen's Rangers, who occupied 
the ground whereon now stands the commemorative ^Monmouth Battle 
Monument. This force of the enemy was driven ])ast the court house and 
through the village. 

Following this, about 10:30 o'clock in the morning. Colonel Butler, 
about a mile northeast of the court house, near the Aliddletown road, was 
charged by a body of about three hundred cavalry, supported by a small 
infantry force. The cavalry were driven back by a well directed fire, and 
in their retreat they broke up their infantry support by riding through 
their ranks pell mell. .\t the same time General Eafayette. with a mounted 
force, pushed eastward from the court house and discovered the location 
of the enemy. 

Immediately after the Dickinson affair. (Icneral Lee found wluit ho 
took to be confirniati(in of his previous l)elief that the enemy was march- 
ing toward Middietown and that the tn:f»]>s which Dickin?<)n had met were 
a mere flanking party. The opportunity for delivering a blow against an 
exposed flank had passed by. 



General Lee s troops were placed ,n position on the ground winch had 
heen the scene of the skirmish l>etween Colonel Dickinson and the enemy. 
Meantime (kneral Clinton, the British commander, had taken alarm at the 
activitv of his enemv, and, disappointed in his expectation of reachmg he 
coa^t without serious trouhle. he turned to give battle, and formed h.s 
line rearward. The real battle now began, and here begin the disputations 
as to Lee-s conduct, which have vexed military students from that day 

to this. , 1 i. r 

Having completed their formation in the woods to the northeast of 
the court house, Lee s columns pressed on toward the village. Lafayette 
had directed Wavne to resist their advance with the regiments of Stewart 
and Livingston, but these were w holly inadequate and they went into re- 
treat Whether this retrograde movement was made under orders is a 
question. However that ma\- be, the other troops also moved rearward. 
Afterward the commanders of regiments said that they understood that 
orders for retreat had been given, or that they retreated because neighbm- 
ing regiments had alreadv retired. 

It seems to be bevond cavil, however, that there was no rout, nor 
more disorder than has frec|uentlv characterized the conduct of troops 
temporarily discomfitted, and who immediately afterward gave a good 
account of themselves. It is also to be said that the men had been m 
constant action, marching and counlermarching, and m battle, some from 
shortlv alter midnight and others from before daybreak, and that they 
were well nigh exhausted for want of food and rest. Again, it is but just 
to sav that, whatever mav have been his error of judgment or lack of 
heart' m the movements of the day. Lee gave his best effort to bringing 
liis troops safelv awav. and was among the last to cross the causeway 
through the morass which was to afford some measure of safety to the 
retreating forces. It was here that a part of Maxwell's brigade promptly 
re-formed and presented a battle line to the api>roaching enemy. 

Washington, ^^ithi^ hearing of the guns, was informe.l of the early 
conduct of the battle. Told that Lee had overtaken the British, and was 
in a fair wav to cut off its rear guard, he sprang into action to make more 
complete the victory which seemed to be within his gras)), and burned to 
the front with his troops. 

The coming of the Commander-in-Chief was hailed with joy l)y the 
broken regimenrs of Lees division. He at oncfe made personal dispositions 
for the renewal of the battle, \\ayne. \arnum, Oswakl. Stewart, Ramsey 
and Livingston were advantageously posted on the high groun.l near the 
old Tennent Church. Ramsey and Stewart, with two pieces of artillery, 
were charged with the protection of the left of the line, and Oswald's four 


guns, under General Knox, \vere posted on the right. To Lafayette was 
committed the formation of a new Hue. The fresh troops of General 
Greene and Lord Sterhng were also placed in position. 

The new battle was now on. The British advanced with intrepid 
courage, covered by a fierce artillery lire, but were helil in check by the 
well served cannon and incessant small arm vollies of the patriots. De- 
spairing of success in their front attack, they made a desperate attempt to 
crush the left flank, but were driven back under an enfilading fire from 
Kno.x's guns. Then came the grenadiers upon the position held by Wayne, 
and their repulse was practically the end of the l)attle. There was con- 
siderable firing on both sides, principally with artillery, for some time 
afterward, but no further attempt was made to dislodge the Americans. 
Lee's force at the beginning of the battle was about five thousand men, 
with twelve pieces oi artillery. Of this number, however, Morgan's six 
hundred riflemen and Dickinson's command of eight hundred men were not 
brought into action. \\'ith the fresh troops brought up by Washington the 
entire American force amounted! to about thirteen thousand men. The 
British force was somewhat less, and had been depleted liy from one thou- 
sand tO' two thousand desertions during the pre\-ious operations in New 

"J'hc American loss, according to- the original report of General Wash- 
ington, was eight ofiicers and sixty-one non-commissioned officers and 
privates killed, and eighteen ofiicers and one hundred and forty-two non- 
commissioned officers and privates wounded, a total of two hundred and 
twenty-nine killed and wounded. The missing numbered three htmdred 
and sixty, but many of these afterward returned to the ranks. Of this 
nnniher fifteen had been taken prisoners. 

General Sir Hemw Clinton reported four officers and one hundred 
and eighty-four men killed and nnssing. and sixteen ofiicers and one hun- 
dred and fifty-four men wounded, a total of tln-ee hundred and fifty-eight. 
These figures are not regarded as authentic, as four officers and two hun- 
dred and forty-five men were buried liy the .Vmericans. 

The Wa.shington-Lee episode, on the arrival of the former named on- 
flu- battlefield, has been variously reported. 

Dr. Samuel Forman, of Freehold, heard the story as told by his 
fatlier. who was one of Washington's guides that day. According to his 
narrative, Washington met Lee near the Tcnnent Church parsonage, and 
asked in astoni.shment, "Wijiat is the meaning of this?" Lee, wlio was 
confused and did not clearly understand the question, asked. "Sir?" 
Washington asked. 'AVhat is all that confusion and retreat for?" Lee 
answered that there was no confusion excepf what arose from his order 

HISTORY OF 11 1 1'. Xi:\\' JERSEY COAST. i;: 

not being properly ()l)e_vetl. Wasliington said he knew thai the enemy he 
had encountered was but a small covering part\'. to which Lee resjionded 
that it might be S'>, hut they were stronger than he. ami he had not thought 
it prudent to risk so much. Washington rejoined, "You should not have 
undertaken it," and rode away. Later in the day Washington asked Lee 
it he would take command there, and was answered that he had already 
been given command thiTc. Washington said he should expect him to 
take proi)er measures to check the enemw whereupon Lee answered that 
his connnand sliould be ol)eyed, and that he (Lee) "woukl not be tlie tirst 
to leave the field." Washington then rode away. 

Weenis, in his "Lite of Washington," quotes the Comniamler-in- 
Chiei as asking, "For God's sake. General Lee. what is the cause of this 
ill-timed prudence.''" To which Lee replied, "Xo man, sir, can boast a 
larger portion of that rascally virtue than your excellency!" 

'Hie Marquis de Lafayette, in 1824, in conversatiun with Daniel D. 
Tompkins, of Xew York, said : "This was the only time 1 e\er heard Gen- 
eral Washington swear. He called Lee a 'damned poltroon," and was in a 
towering rage." 

\'arious persons who claimed to have been witnesses to the scene 
quoted \\'ashington as using violently profane language. Xo witness at 
the court-martial of Lee, however, testified to any profanity, and neither 
Sparks, Bancroft or Marshall refer to that phase of the incident other- 
wise tlian to say, in effect, that Washington spoke in terms of warmth, 
implying disapprobation of Lee's conduct. 

Tiie sulisequent trial of General Lee by court-martial for disobedience 
of orders and misbehavior before the enemy resulted in his being sentenced 
to suspension from any and all command for twelve months, whereupon he 
retired to Philadelphia, and was never again called into service. 

On the evening the battle clo?cd, Washington made his dis])<)siti(ins 
, for assuming the ofYensi\e, but his troops were obliged to desist on ac- 
count of the impracticability of nuning through tlie morass and wocds in 
tlic darkness. He then directed that an assault should be made at dawn by 
Poor's and Woodford's brigades, and the entire army slept on their arms 
awaiting the hour. 

\\'hen morning daAvned, however, Clinton and his army had dis- 
appeared, and that night went into l)ivouac l^eyond Middletown. and on 
July 5tli reached Sandy Hook. 

A lonely grave by the side of the road near \'anderburgh is an en- 
during witness to an incident of tlie operations aliove narrated. The 
divisions of the British .\rmy having in charge the baggage train began 
its march from I'reehold at 3 o'clock in the morning of June jHth. 177S. 


.and l;_v dayliglit must have licen several miles from t'.ial place. Colonel 
Aslier IJolmes, with a ])(irti<jii of his re.^imeiit, made an att;ick upon llic 
train. !iut was reptilsed with tlie of one man killed and several 
wounded. The loss of the enemy was a flrummer boy and four soldiers 
killed. The young American who lost his life was Michael Fields, whose 
grave is represented in the engraving. The facts as here given were nar- 
rated to R. C. Smock Ijy his grandfather. Garret Sumck. who t(.'ok part 
in the attack. 

Gr.we of Mich.ael Fields. 

Washington pressed on through .\cw Jed'sey until he reached a posi- 
tion at Faramus on Saddle River, alxxit seven miles northwest from 
Hackensack, where he was within easy observation distance of Sir Henry 
Clinton's forces, and ready to meet any section of that army which should 
move from Manhattan or Staten Island, wl-.ere it was then safely (|uar- 
tered. gathering strength apparently for another effort tO' regain the laurels 
and the land which it had even then practically lost. The .\merican troops 
at I'aramus also enjoyed that period of rest and recuperation which they 
had so loyallv earned and so greath' needed. The tide of battle. howe\er. 
had for the time being again rolled away from New Jersey and the Lower 
Hudson, and in December, 1778, Washington sent his veterans into winter 
quarters, extending his lines from West Foint to the Delaware. -his own 
]ie;id(|narters being for some weeks at Bound F>rook. 

The winter was not idly spent by Washington, howexer. The ])lans 
for the campaign of 1779 had' been thought out and other emergencies 
and contingencies had to be pnnided against, for none knew better than 
the Commander-in-Chief that in many ways the struggling nation was 


faciiifj a crisis wliich few even in Congress tiidronglily ai)i)reeiate(l nr 
even understcxKl. It was simply this: Tlic men in llie field had d^ne their 
I'nll duty, those who directed the affairs of stale had not done theirs. Tlie 
time of Congress was taken up hy miserable discussions, jietty intrig^ues 
for place f)r power or personal slor\- ; the airins^- of ]Kiltry jealousie?- and 
an utter neg^lect of what should ha\c hcen at that juncture the one sole 
and supreme duty, the unqualified support of the fighting- arm. lUu some- 
times, as we read the reports of proceeding's in Congress and tlie local 
leg-islatures and study the now bleared and worn columns of the "(iazettes" 
and "Chronicles" we are almost ready to conclude that many of these 
now honored fathers nnag^ined that the war sliould be settled by a single 
grand battle; that all cf the maneu\ering and marching- and counter- 
marching was humbug, and that W'a'^hington and the other military leaders 
were prolonging the contest for their own selhsh ends. These re\-ered 
fathers wanted results and they argued while Wasiiington fought. IVut 
affairs were really in a sad mess, the affairs of the governing jrower. tiiat 
is to say. The public treasury was empty; Congress had no absolute power' 
no general authorit}', the money-paper mone\- was depreciated, and its 
buying power was daily becoming less; business in the cities, was stagnant, 
and provisions, even the necessaries of life, had risen in ])laces to famine 
prices. The condition of tlie army was a disgrace to Congress, jiav was 
in arrears and rations were meagre and uncertain, while unto'ni clothing- 
was a luxury and new shoes so rare as to Ix; a curirxsity. The troop-s were 
better off in their winter quarters in New Jersey than they were, cerlainlv, 
during the memorable days at Valley Forge, but slid much, \-ery much, 
was left undone that might have Ijee-n done to improve their condition. 
In particular the depreciation of the currency in which they were paiil 
marie their remuneration little more than nominal, so that while the men 
were serving their country and winning the thanks of unborn generations 
as heroes, the families of many of them were suffering from actual want. 
Early in May (1779) \Vasliington determined to send a force to the 
frontiers of Xew York and Pennsylvania with a view to reduce' the Indians 
of the Si.x Nations, ami in that force included a brigade of New Jerse\- 
troojjs which had l)een stationed during the winter at I-llizaljethtown 
watching the movements of the British r)n Staten Island, (ieneral Max- 
well at once, on receiving orders, forwarde<l a letter to Ceneral W'ash- 
ingtoii which occasioned that leader much solicitude, not for its own sake 
as from the (piestion which arose as to the existence of similar resent- 
ment, with the likelihood of similar results, throughout the ;irni\-, for 
be it remembered the position of the New Jersey soldiers was not one whit 


worse than those of the other States. \\'e wiU again let Historian Gordon 
tell the story of this singular incident. 

"General Maxwell replietl, in a letter to the Commander-in-Chief, that 
the officers of the first regiment had deli\"ered to their colonel a remon- 
strance, addressed to the State Legislature, declaring that unless their com- 
plaints on the subjects of pay andi subsistence obtained immediate attention, 
the_v were at the expiration of three daA's to be considered as having re- 
signed : and rec^uesting the Legislature, in that event, to appoint other offi- 
cers. General Maxwell added, This is a step tliey are extremely unwilling 
to take; but is such, as I make no doubt, they will take. Nothing but neces- 
sity, their not being able tO' support themselves in time to come, and being 
loaded witli debts contracted in time past, would have induced them to 
resign at so critical a juncture. They declared, however, their readiness 
to make every necessary preparation for obeying the marching orders 
which had been given, and to continue their attention to the regiment until 
a reasonable time for the appointment of their successors to the regiment 
should elapse. 

"General Washington was much afflicted by this intelligence, and 
nought in vain by paternal remonstrance to change their detennination. 

"The condition of these officers seems to have been one of extreme 
])ri\aticrn. By a resolution of December, 1777, Congress had recom- 
mended to the several States to furnish the officers of their respective 
quotas with certain clothing, at the prices current, when the army was 
established, in the year 1776, the surplus to be charged to the United 
.States. This resolution seems to ha\e been tardily and imperfectly 
1 >lieyed, notwithstanding the repeated applications of the soldiery. Their 
l)reteiisions were probably more strenuously urged in a memorial presented 
to the Assembly on the 27th of April, 1779, respecting their pay, sub- 
sistence and clothing, and were supported by an energetic letter from 
(General Maxwell; all of which were referred to a joint committee of both 
Houses. That committee reix)rted that proA'ision had beai already agreed 
upon as far as was consistent, previous to an application to Congress; 
l!iat, if upon such application, no measures are by them adopted in that 
behalf, it will then be the duty of the State to provide for its quota of 
troops in the best manner they can devise. This resolution was duly ap- 
proved, but another ofifered by the same committee, that the letter of Gen- 
eral ]\Iiaxwell contains indecent and undesen'ed reflections upon the repre- 
sentati\es of the State and that the same be transmittd to Congress with 
a ])roper expression of the disapprobation and displeasure of the Legisla- 
ture, was negatived. 

"Moved by the wretchedness of these officers and the troops they 
<)cmmanded. Governor I^ivingston, Robert Morris and others, during the 
recess of the Legislature, on the fifteenth of January, requested the treas- 
m^er to pay into the hands of Enos Kelsey, commissioner for the purchase 
fif clothing, the sum of seven thousand pounds to be applied in procuring 
•clothes for the officers, agreeably to the resolution of Congress, engaging 


to replace that siiiii in tlie ircasurv. pioNideil the Legislature at their next 
sitting should not direct it to be credited in the accounts of the treasiu'er. 
On the 30th of April this direction was given by the House, with orders 
to the coumiissioners to draw the further sum of tweni\-hve thousand 
pounds for the purj^se of furnishing to certain oflicers clothing to the 
amount of two huncn^ed pounds, as the prices then were, upon their pay- 
ing the sum it would have cost in the year 1776. Still there were condi- 
tions amie-ved to these grants which rendered them ineffective. 

"On the 7th of May the remonstrances of the officers were repeated, 
stating that diey were under marching orders, and in immediate want of 
a necessary sui)i)ly. Upon which the House directed the commissioner to 
furnish two hundred pounds, and to pay to the soldiers of the brigade 
the sum of forty dollars each. This disbursement removed the obstacle 
to the march of the brigade. The reason of the delay of the State in sup- 
l)lying her forces would seem to be a desire that some uniform rule to this 
■end should be adopteil by Congress, or that the Confederacy should as- 
sume the whole duty to itself." 

This matter was hardly adjusted bet\>re Washington i)ercei\ed that, 
with Xew York as liis base, .Sir Henry Clinton was about to attempt to 
obtain a complete mastery of the middle Hudson, including West I'oint, 
>viiich was really the key to the entire river. The pre\ious Ihitish assaults 
in that quarter had l.ieen to a certain degree successful, and P\>rts Mont- 
gomery and Clinton had fallen into their hands in 1777. J'ut West I'oint 
remained impregnable. To offset the loss of these forts others had Ix-'en 
Jaid out at Verplanck's Point and at Stony Point. 

As soon as this movement was und'erstood b\ Washington, he oi-dered 
a concentration of his forces at Morristown. and the roads of New Jersey 
again resounded to the tread of marching men. A large force was sent 
to West Point, while other battalions were so disposed that every avenue 
Avas covered by which West Point might l>e captured. The Jhitish plan 
began well. The fort at Stony Point and that at \'erplanck's Point were 
captured, but with that comparatively trilling measure of success the in- 
vaders had practically to rest content. The position of the American 
forces was again found to be too strong, too much .idapted by nature for 
defensice operations, tliat Clinton ap[>arently ceased, (.r at least ])ostponed 
his aims against ^\'est Point, and according to an expressive phrase of one 
of his own officers, proceeded "to harry Connecticut." ]5ut \\'ashington 
was too war}-, too keenly alive to tlie importance of the retention of West 
Point, to rcla.x his grip upon it in the least, and so, while the tide of battle 
seemingly rolled elsewhere, both armies really had their eyes upon that 
natural fortress, which still commanded the upper Hudson. Mad Anthony 
Wayne recovered Stony Point, but \'crplanck's Point remained in the hands 


of the British, in spite of several gallant efforts to capture it. Jts defenses- 
^\■ere greatly augmented, and so rendered the retention of Stony Point 
useless to the Americans, who therefore abandoned it. It was at once 
occttpied by the British again, and its armament and defending force 
strengthened. Lower down on the Hudson, across the ri\er from .Man- 
hattan Island, an attack was made in August on a British garrison sta- 
tioned at Paulus Hook, m which Major Lee carried off a large party of 
prisoners. It was a brilliant affair, but one which in reality had no result 
except to remind the British in New York City that they were hy no means 
secure from attack. 

In lune, 1780, General Knyphausen, in accordanc;e with instructions, 
made a "raid into New Jersey from New York which promised big results. 
It had been reported in British circles that the discontent throughout New 
Jersey had again become soi intense that the presence of a strong British 
force' marching thrcaigh the interior of the State was all that was necessary 
to cause the local military to desert their colors for those of King George, 
to impel •the people to rise, overturn llie l'ro\incial government and 
shake off forever the alliance with the other Colonies. So to 
Knyphausen was given the mission to w'm liack to the royal standard so 
desirable an acquisition. Why such a man \\-as selected for what e\-eu 
under the most favorable circumstances would have been a most delicate 
task, is utterly beyond comprehension. He had none of the qualities ot 
leadership or statesmanship necessary to win success on such an errand, 
and his selection, we can only conclude, seems simjily one of those many 
inane things which the British authorities did, and did even at critical 
times, which are now known to every student of history to have aideil 
the cause of libertv and independence just as much as some of the b.ard 
fought battles which the Continental forces won. Kinjibausen crossed 
from Staten Island to Elizabethtown with nearly 5.000 men, and marched 
to Connecticut I- arms (now Union), where a halt was ma<le. By that time 
it had liecome apparent to even the dullest min<l in tlie invading torce, 
tliat the expedition was doomed to failure, but Knyphausen, with the 
dogged determination of his race, determined to carry out his marching 
' orders and to proceed, his objective point being MorristoAvn Heights, 
whore he thought from the intelligence he received he might easily ca])- 
tu/e the camp' there and thus plant himself in a position of recognized 
ami tested strength. His first brush with the Continentals, an outpost 
of twelve men, had resulted in his favor, and besides, (General Stirling, 
who had ridden up to ascertain the cause of the trouble, was severely 
woiunded. So the victorious mercenaries passed on in triumph to Spring- 
field But as thev marche.l. their progress, with exery step, seemed to 

HISTORY OF Tin: NEW J1':RS]-:V coast. 1/7 

become more aiid more dangerous, lor, innu every clump of trees, shots 
were fired, wliile General IMaxweli, who liad m.arched to the scene of tlic 
trouble with a small body of regulars, quickly gathered to his assistance 
all the anned farmers he could find, and with this insignificant and hetero- 
geneous force soon compelled the surprised Knyphausen to call a halt. 
In the skirmish which followed the latter held his ground — his force was 
aljout twelve times that of Maxwell, but the New Jersey hero was steadily 
adding to his numbers, and on the hills beacons were burning and cannons 
were booming, giving notice to a wide range of country that the enemy 
was in its midst. Such extaisive publicity and delay were certain to 
defeat the entire movement, the success of which, it had from the beginning 
been pointed out, depended uu the celerity of its execution. But w'nh .Max- 
well in front contesting e\ery step, a halt had to be called, and then word 
readied the unfortunate Knyphausen that Washington, at the head of his 
entire army, was marching from Short Hills to wipe the expedition out 
of existence. So the retreat was sounded, and with a steadily increasing 
rush of infuriated jjatriots pressing on its sides and rear, firing at it from 
every vantage point, the colunm made its weiy back to Staten Island. 

During the retreat, however, a sad incident occurred which aroused 
the people to a degree of resentment which not even the invasion had 
done. ^.Irs. Caldwell, the wife of the Rev. James Caldwell — the fighting 
Presbyterian minister of Elizabethtown, who was absent with the army, 
being chaplain of the New Jersey brigade, — was shot to death at Con- 
necticut Farms, where she was staying. One record says : "On the ar- 
rival of the royal troops, Mrs. Caldwell entertained the officers with re- 
freshments, and after they had retired she and a young woman having 
Mrs. Caldwell's child in her arms, seated themselves on the bed. Upon 
seeing a British soldier looking at her, Mrs. Caldwell exclaimed, 'Don't 
attempt to scare me!' when he fired, shooting her through the breast. 
Soon after, a British officer came, and, throwing his coat over the corpse, 
carried it to the next house." There are several variations to this story, 
but they all resolve themselves into this, that tlic unfortunate woman was 
nnirdered by one of Knyphausen's troopers. The contention of the Brit- 
ish that the crime was the result of a random shot fired by some of the 
Jerseymcn, can hardly be entertained for a moment, and it is not likely 
to have been believed even by those who most loudly asserted it. 

The fate of this expedition might liave warned the British of the 
danger of further movements in New Jersey, but Sir Henry Clinton de- 
termined on yet another effort tn make its territory the base of a successful 
campaign. With an army of some six thousand men, effectively supported 

by artillcrv, he started on Tunc 2t,(\. 1780, irom Elizabethport, his first ol> 



jective point, as usual with such expeditions, being Morristown. He tried 
to cover his purpose by a renewed activity at other points, but Washington 
was watching every move of the British, and. as usual, cjuickly divined 
the real purpose of the new campaign. General Greene had been l,urried 
to Springfield with two lirigades of regulars to st: p Knyphausen had that 
general persisted in his advance, and was still there gathering and drilling 
all the militia he could raise, when word came of Sir Henry Clinton s 
new movement. He then took up a strong position near the town and 
waited for the arrival ni the enemy. He was strengthened by another 
brigade from headquarters, and \\'ashington was ready to render effective 
support should it l)e needed. 

As the British army neared Siiringheld it was closely pre.^sed by 
Major Lee and Colonel Dayton. j\.t the Rahway they found the bridge 
defended by American artillery under Colonel Angel, while a second 
crossing was covered liy a regiment under Colo>nel Shreve. The 1 ody of 
the Continental forces occupied a position in the rear o( the town, a position 
which Sir Henry at once saw was too strong to be carried by force and 
not likely, at that stage of the game, to be won by finess:. However, he 
pressed his advance, forced the passage of the Rahway, compelled the de- 
fending outposts to retire to their main lines, and entered Springfield in 
triumph. E\en then, hmvever, he saw that his ino\-ement was a failure, 
and, reducing the town to ruins by tire, he retreated t r Elizabethtown and 
from there crossed over to Staten Island, with the militia and farmers 
sending farewell shots after him during e\ery step of the we.iry ar.d dis- 
h-eartening march. 

It was during this destructicn of Springfield that the church which 
the zeal of the Rev. Jame> Caldwell made historic was burned down. He 
was ])resent at the l;attle. ar.d jierhaps the fresh memory of the cold-blooded 
murder of his wife made him on this occasion more of a fighter than a 
preacher. When at one time in the engagement the supply of gun-wadding 
threatened to gi\e out, he burst inti> the Methodist church, and, securing 
an armful of hymn books, distributed them among the troops, say'ing, 
''Put Watts into them, boys!" Caldwell was a brave man. A native of 
Virginia and a graduate of Princeton, he was for many years* minister at 
lillizabethtown. On the outbreak of hostilities he became noted for his 
intense patriotism and was appointe.l chaplain of the New Jersey forces. 
In 1780 his church and manse were both burned by the British, and it was 
this bit of malice that forced his wife to move to where she met her un- 
timely end. His own career similarly closed in a tragedy, for he was shot 
by an American sentry at Elizabethtown, November 24th, 1781. The mur- 


derer, Morgan, was delivered o\er to the civil aullniriiics. tiicd for the 
crime and sentenced to death, lie wa.s e.xecuteil at WcstheM. January j^th, 
1782, and his conduct during his trial and uj) to the minute tliat he stejipcu 
into eternity gave rise to a susj icion th it h; was a I'ritish spy. 

The battle of Springfield practically closetl the story of the War cf 
the Rebellion so far as Xew Jersey was concerned. .\rme<l men still occu- 
pied its soil, encampments stid hckl on to their vantage points ready for 
any emergency, but no operations on a large scale followed Sir Henry 
Clinton's retreat of June, 1780, until the end of hostilities, when the inde- 
pendence of the Colonies was acknowledged, and the last of the British 
farces in .America sailed out of Xew \ork harhi.r in 1783. 

Jn Liir survey we have only attempted to present Xew Jersey's position 
in the general story of the struggle: to show how nnich she cmtrihutcd 
to the military history of the war. Merely local incidents and tragedies and 
crimes and wTongs and sufferings ha\c been in the main axnjded. luit a 
few are to be briefly told. 

The people of Monmouth comity bore a si)!endiil part in the struggle. 
and its soil w^as the scene of some of its most stirring events. Their coasts 
made them easy of approach by the enemy, and they paid the jjcnalty of 
their patriotism in being lontinually harassed and plundered. At the 
outset, in their meetings, they supported every reasonable et1<irt toward 
restoring proper relations between the colonies and the mother countrv, 
and, this failing, a majoiity entered upon the revolution with great spirit. 

In November, 1775, the first company formed in the county, under 
command of Captain Longstreet, marched to Perth Amljov and otcupicd 
the l>arracks which had licen vacated by the Forty-seventh Jjritish Regiment. 
Ihis was a company of minute-men, and their uniform was an ordinary 
hunting-frock. These bodies were disbanded in February, 1776, and the 
men were incorporated in the militia. 

June 3d, 177'^), under a call by C< ngress. New Jersey was required to 
furnish three thousand three hundred troops. Monmouth and Middlesex 
counties were each required to furnish four companies for one of the 
Ixittalions. Nathaniel Heard, of Middlesex, was colonel, and David Fi)r- 
maii and Thomas Henderson, of Monmouth, were respectively lieutenant- 
colonel and major. 

Under a further call Monmouth county contrilnitcil three companies. 
These were as^igncd to a battalion of which (jeorge Taylor was to be 
colonel, but he refused to qualify and went over to the enemy, and Samuel 
Forman was commissioned in his stead ; both named were Monmouth 
county men. In 1778 the militia of Monmouth county was incorporated 
in the second of the two New Jersey brigades. 



The roll of Monmouth county Revokuionary soldiers is a long and 
honorable one. Daniel Forman, who was a lieutenant-colonel, became a 
brio-adier-o-eneral of militia, and subsequently was a colonel in the Conti- 
nental line; he commanded the State milit:a in the battle of Germantown. 

Colonels of State troops were David Brearley, Samuel Breese, John 
Covenhoven, Richard Poole, Samuel Forman, Daniel Hendrickson, Asher 
Holmes, Elisha Lawrence, Nathaniel Scudder (killed in battle), and John 


The lieutenant-colonels were Jonathan Forman, Thomas Henderson, 
Elisha Lawrence, Jr., Joseph Salter, David Rhea, Thoma. Seabrook and 
Auke WikofT. 

An interesting incident of the winter campaign of 1777 ^^^s un- 
earthed from New York newspapers of the day and from various family and 
governmental pension records by Mrs. M. C. Murray Hyde, of New York 
City who wrote the narrative for the "Xe\v York Times," February 23d, 
1896. The narrative which follows is based upon the piiblication named. 

During a period of unusually stormy weather early in February, 1777, 
an English "victualing ship" was cast ashore near where the v.llage of 
Seabright now stands. The Monmouth county militia, under command 
of Colonel Nathaniel Scudder, held a post at Black Point, the confluence 
of the Shrewsbury and Navesink rivers, from which they kept up a con- 
stant observation of Sandy Hook, which was infested by the enemy. 
Colonel Scudder's militia prepared to take possession of the st anded ves- 
sel and her cargo, but Tories conveyed information of the'.r purpose to 
Lord Howe, who dispatched a force of one hundred and seventy men 
under Major Gordon and Colonel Morris' regiment of New Y^ork royal- 
ists to compass their defeat. 

Stress of weather held the vessels off coast until daybreak of Febru- 
ary 13th, 1777, when under the pilotage of natives they passed up the river 
to the point where stands the present village of Parkerstown, and Major 
Gordon's men waded waist-deep to the shore of the Highlands, below the 
present light-houses. The force at once pushed forward toward the resi- 
dence of Richard Hartshorne, the advance post of the Monmouth county 
militia, but through the fault of their guide they pursued a circuitous route, 
and were unable to eft'ect the surprise they had projected, and were met 
with stout resistence. 

Meantime Colonel Morris moved down the beach to the. stranded ves- 
sel and captured the small guarding party. The prisoners were put aboard 
the British ship "Syren," and the cargo was removed to the light-house. 
The affair was reported at length by a British officer writing from 
Amboy, Februaiy 16th, 1777, as follows: 


'•On Monday (Felj. loth) last a Dclacliinent of ijo men from tlic 
26th Regiment under Major Gordon marched from Richmond, Statcn Isl- 
and, to Colis's Ferry, where they embarked for Sandy Hook, with the in- 
tention of cutting- off a p.'irty of Rebels stationed at the Higiilands of 
Xavesink. After being detained on board by hard Gales of Wind and 
bad weather for three Days, thev landed (wading up to their waists) on 
tiie Beech at the Highlands, about two miles below the Rebel Posts. 

"A little before they marched and surprised the advanced Guard with- 
out firing a shot. From thence they proceeded alwut a mile farther to 
the iiouse of one Hartshorn, at which they were approaching by two dif- 
ferent Ways (the flanking Companies taking to the right) a Guard posted 
at al)Out 200 yards from the house were lirst alarmed. These after firing 
a few shot, together with their Main Body, who at first afifected to form 
and make a stand, being pusiied by the Battalion, fled too soon for the 
Grenadiers and Light Infantry to come up in time enough to cut ofY their 
Retreat. Between 30 and 40 escaped. We found several dead Bodies 
in the Woods, whicli were buried by the Soldiers. The whole of the Pris- 
oners taken, amounting to 72 (amongst which are 2 Captains and 4 Lieu- 
tenants) were carried on board the Syren. Many had certificates about 
fhem of their having taken the Oaths of Allegance. Their Stores con- 
sisted of 2 or 3 Barrels of Powder, 770 Ball Cartridges, some Salt Pro- 
vision and 9 or 10 Quarters of fresh Beef, with a light Cart and Team. 
The 26th left one man killed. 

"The next day the Coimtry People who had met the Fugitives re- 
ported that many were wounded. The guides were intelligent and be- 
haved very well. Col. Morris' Xew Levies, with the Marines from 1 n 
board the Syren, who had been detached to a different Place, picked u]) 
some of those who had made their escape from Hartshorn's, together with 
an Officer and a small Party who had crossed the River from a Rebel Post 
at Black Point, for the business of Tory Hunting." 

Other accounts of the day put the militia loss at twenty-fi\ e killed and 
seventy taken prisoners. The government pensinn records and the rocnrds 
of Moniuoutli county contain corrolwrative evidence of the casualties of the 
battle. Pensions were granted in the cases of Lieutenant John Whitlock 
and Alexander Clark, w-ho were killed, and others were granted in the 
cases of some who died while imprisoned in the '"Old .Sugar House'' in 
New York. 

The "Sugar House'" prison may have been that near Chambers street, 
or another on Liberty street, in New York City. Jerseymen taken pris- 
oners at various times were incarcerated in one or the other of these, and 
on board the prison ships anchored in Wallabout Bay. The most noted of 
these was the "Old Jersey" — an old sixty-four gun ship, stripped of all 
her .spars and rigging, leaving her an unsightly, rotten hulk. Her dr.rk and 



filthy external appearance perfectly correspond with the death and de- 
spair that reigned within. 

One who was a prisoner on board wrote: "When I first became an 
inmate of this abode of sufifeiing, despair and death, there were alxi'Ut four 
hundred prisoners on board; but in a short time they amounted to twelve 
hundred, and in proporti-Mi to our numliers the mortality increased. All 

the most ilcadiv diseases were 
'' pressed mto service of the kmg 

of terrors, but his prime min- 
isters were dysentery, small- 
pox and vellow fever.'' After- 
ward the sick were carried to 
iwii hospital ships (one of 
which was sadly misnamed the 
"Hope"') anchored near each 
other about two hundred yards 
east from the "Jersey." These 
ships remained in the Walla- 
bout until New York was 
evacuated by the British. The 
'"Jersey" w'as the receiving 
shi]) — the others, truly, were 
the ships of Death ! It h;is ])ceii 
gcncrall}- thought that all the 
prisoners who died met their 
fate on board the "Jersey." 
This is not true; many may 
ha\e-died on board of her who- were not reported as sick, Ijut all the men 
whoi were placed on the sick-list were remo'\'ed to the h-ospital ships, from 
w hich they were usuall}' taken, sewed up in a blanket, to their long home. 

It is computed that on board these vessels and in the prisons near by 
more than eleven thousand Americans perished, many of whose names are 
unknown, and whose sufferings are buried in oblivion ! They lingered 
where no eye of pity wdtnessed their agony : where no voice administered 
consolation; no tongue could jjraist- their patriotic devoti.m, or friendly 
hand he stretched out for relief; only tO' pass the wean- day and night, 
unvaried, except by new scenes of painful endurauLre an.l new inflictions 
of hopeless misery. The hope of death was to them the only consolation 
wdiich thfir situation afforded. 

The {x^ople sustained great loss through the depredations of Clinton's 
army while it was passing across the State, and those of Monmouth coun- 

Old Jersey Piuson Ship. 


ty suffereil in a ixjculiar (le<;ree. Eig'ht farm houses near Freeliold wxre 
burned — tliose of Colonel Thomas Henderson, Benjamin Covcnhoven, 
George Walker, Hannah Solomon, Benjamin VanCleve, David Covcn- 
hoven and Garret Vanderveer. Four houses below the Monmouth court- 
house were burned — those of Matthias Lane, Cornelius Covenlioven, 
John Antoninus and one Emmons. In numerous instances houses were 
plundered. The {Koplc were so incensed at these outrages that many of 
them followed the Britisii army in its retreat and fired upon the soldiers 
from places of concealment. The "army committed similar depredations 
all along their line of march to Sandy Hook. 

A large number of Tories of Monmouth county went into British 
service as members of the New Jersey Royal \'ohmteers, commonly known 
as "Skinner's Greens," taking their name from their connnander, General 
Courtland Skinner, and the distinctive color (if their uniform. Elisha 
Lawrence, who had been sheriff of MonuKXith. commanded the first bat- 

Moimiouth county suffered more seriously than did any other from 
marauding bands who went by the name of lory Refugees. Their prin- 
cipal rendez\-ous was on Staten Island, and the\- maintained on Sandy 
Hook a camp which was called Refugees' Town. They found rivals in 
their dastardly business in a band of desperadoes who came from New 
York, who particularly infested the ])ine regions, and hence came to be 
known as the "Pine Wood Robbers." 

Plunder might satisfy the cupidity of these various gangs of scoun- 
drels, but they also revelled in scenes of brutality and' even cold-l)looded 
murder. The home of Thomas Farr and bis wife, an aged couple living 
near Imlaystown, was attacked and its doors hammered down. Farr was 
shot tin-ough the leg, and while he lay writhing in pain, he was beaten to 
death. His wife was killed by shooting, and their daughter wounded 
but managed to make her escape. 

At another time a party of "Skinner's Greens" went to the: place of 
John Burrows, near Middletown Point, bumed his mill and store, and 
K-illefl two men (Pearce and Van Brockle) and mortally wounded another. 

In a raid near Shrewsbury, seven Refugees killed one Russell, and 
fired five bullets into his little grandchild. Later, Joseph Murrav, a militia- 
man, while visiting his home in Middletown township, was fired upon 
from ambush and wounded. ITe grappled with one of his assailants, but 
was brought to the ground by a shot from another, and was then bayo- 
netted to death. 

Perhaps the most enterprising in deeds of cruelty and plundering was 
the hand headed by Jacob Fagan, who a few years later was shot and killed 


by some militiamen under tiie command of Captain Benjamin Dennis. 
A few days afterw^-rd his body was exhumed and i.ung in chains from a 
tree on the pubhc road, where it was suspended until the skeleton fell 
piecemeal to the ground. This was but one of thirteen well authenticated 
cases where such miscreants were l)roug-ht to retribution. 

Captain Benjamin Dennis had rendered himself particularly obnox- 
ious to the outlaws for the activity with which he had pursued them, and 
particularly to Fenton, for his part in the killing of Fagan. Dennis was 
waylaid and murdered by Fenton. His wife, who escaped, had at a previ- 
ous time been cruelly beaten by Hessian soldiers. 

General David Forman went by the name of "Black David," owing 
to his swarthy complexion, and to distinguish him from a cousin of the 
same name. To the Refugees he was known as "Devil David," on account 
of the enterprise which he displayed in hunting them down. They laid 
many plots for doing away with him, and on one occasion they fired upon 
him from ambuscade. At the moment, he involuntarily stepped backward, 
thus escaping the bullet, but his friend, Coloiiel Nathaniel Scudder, witli 
whom he was conversing, was killed on the spot. 

The atrocities committed by the Refugees and Pine Woods Robbers 
were epitomized by Governor Livingston in a message addressed to the 
legislature of New Jersey in 1777: 

"The>' have plundered friends as well ais foes : effects capable of di- 
vision they have divided; such as were not, they have destroyed. They 
Itave warred on decrepit old age, and upon defenseless youth ; they have 
committed hostilities against the ministers of religion, against public rec- 
ords and pri\-ate monuments, books of im^jrovcment and papers of curios- 
ity, and against arts and sciences. They have Imtchered the wounded when 
asking for quarter, mangled the dead while weltering in their blood, and 
refused to them the rite of sepulture; suffered prisoners to perish for want 
of sustenance; violated the chastity of women, disfigured private resi- 
dences of taste and elegance, and, in their rage of impiety and barbarism, 
profaned edifices dediciited tO' the wor.ship of .-Mmighty God." 

Tn 1779, so abominable had become the conduct of the lawless bands, 
that four hundred and thirty-six residents of Monmouth county banded 
themselves together in a defensive association which enacted and executeil 
sternly retributory measures. 

At a later day the State ofifered rewards for tlie destruction of these 
evil-doers, hue and cry was proclaimed, they were hunted down like wild 
beasts, and soon after the close of the war they had been practically e.x- 


W'liat is now tlie county of Atlantic was the scene of a bloody event in 
the autumn of 1778. The British, in order to protect their commerce, 
which had been sadly harassed by American privateers, sent an exi)edi- 
tion against Chestnut Xeck, in what is now Atlantic county, where Rich- 
ard Wescoat and Elijah Clark had erected a small fort, mounted with a 
number of cannon furnished by the Colonial authorities. October 5th, the 
British fleet of nine vessels — the sloops "Zebra," 'A'igilant" and "Xauli- 
lus," two galleys and four other armed boats, — commianded by Captain 
Henry Collins, of the "Zebra,"' appeared of¥ the bar of an inlet about a 
mile above Brigantine inlet. The vessels carried about three hundred 

Nearing the village of Chestnut X'eck the next day, th.e lleet was un- 
able to enter the harboi on account of adverse winds. However, Captain 
Patrick Ferguson, who commanded the troops, resolved that he would 
not wait for the passage of the slooi)s through the inlet, lie filled the 
galleys and armed boats with soldiers and started up the JNlullica River 
in the direction of Chestnut Neck, having been informed that there was 
there a wharf and storehouse for prize vessels and their goods. 

A landing was effected under cover of an artillery fire from the galleys, 
with the loss of but one man. The militia were driven out of their works 
into the adjoining woods, and the village, w ith several sloops and schoon- 
ers, and smaller craft in the harbor, were Inirned. Ferguson then went 
on to the mouth of Bass River, where he burned the salt works, a saw 
mill and a dozen houses. The following day he returned to the harbor. 

Meantime Washington had been informed of the movement, and lie 
ordered Count Pulaski w ith his Legion — three companies of light infantry, 
three tro.:>ps of light horse and a brass field-piece — to the defence of the 
place. Pulaski arrived on the evening of October 8th. 

Lieutenant Gustave Juliet, of the Legion, here perpetrated an act ot 
treachery of which he was abundantly capable. He had a year before de- 
serted from the Hessians to the Legion. The second in coiuiuand of th;it 
body, Lieutenant-Coli.nel de Bosen, despising a renegade, treated him with 
scant courtes}-. 

Juliet, seeking revenge, took five of his men ostensibly on a fishing 
expedition, succeeded in rendering three of them helpless through intoxi- 
cation, and betrayed the entire party into the hands of the British. On 
board the enemy's ships he gave an accurate account of I'ulaskis force 
and of its disposition, and also falsely re])firted that Pulaski had ordered 
that no quarter should be given any jMisoner taken. With this informa- 
tion the British commander prepared to surprise the camp of the Legion. 

Before midnight on the 14th, Captain Ferguson, accompanied by the 


renegade Juliet, left the fleet with two hundred and fifty British regulars 
and Jersey loyalists, besides a nr.niljer of marines. They purposed sur- 
prising Pulaski's picket guard of fifty men commanded by Baron de Bosen. 
Tlie British rowed to Osborn's Island, and landed between three and 
four o'clock in the morning. Captain Ferguson sent a party to guard the 
inmates of the home of Richard Osborn, Jr., and Osborn's son Thomas 
was compelled to serve as a guide. 

Marching across the island to a bridge over Big Creek, Ferguson 
left fifty men to guard this point and secure his retreat. Then silently 
proceeding about a mile o\er a rough corduroy road, his men came to 
the uplands, where they found a single sentinel, whom they captured be- 
fore he conld discharge his firelock. This soldier being secured, (and 
some accounts say he was killed,) the entire command of Ferguson made 
a rush for the three houses containing the picket guard. Thomas Osborn, 
the unwilling guide, had meanwhile concealed himself in the meadow grass, 
and from his hiding place he heard the cries of the men of the Legion as 
they were being massacred. Awakened by the shouts of the British, they 
had seized their weapons and prepared tO' make a defense. De Bosen led 
his men, and with sword and pistol he fought valiantly. Instantly his 
body was pierced l>y bayonets. The men cried for c[uarter, Ijut their ap- 
peals were unheeded. About forty men, including de Bosen and Lieuten- 
ant de la Borderie, were overpowered and butchered. Five men only were 
taken prisoners, and very few escaped. 

Notwithstanding the distance, more than a mile, Pulaski heard the 
firing, and he summoned his men tO' follow him, while he speeded his horse 
to the scene of carnage. But the deed had been accomplished, and Pu- 
laski was unable to reach the scene, the enemy ha\ing removed the jilank- 
ing from the bridge. 

On the ap])earancc of the Americans, (_)sborn. the unwilling guide, 
came out of his concealment and told Pulaski of the affair and of his 
compulsory agency in it. The infuriated soldiers disbelie\ed him, and 
flogged him severely. 

The British loss in this aft'air was two soldiers killed and two wound- 
ed. The tr(}ops were re-embarked. In endeavoring to pass over the bar, 
the flagship "Zebra" grounded, and was fired in order to keep her from 
falling into the hands of the Americans. For many years after the war 
ended, fragments O'f this wreck \vere still visible. 

The scene of the "Pulaski Massacre" is commemorated by a tablet of 
which the following is a representation, erected on the site by the Society 
of the Cincinnati of New Jersey: 



..gas g^iiigw w 753S ^ijy^^mi!^ i^i -v^Ji 
0,m' saogasois^ (ssas&M ^^otS-^aojc;]? ' 



-^ .1 rL-rjr^ry Ji 1. n-Tt-T»-_.«-::;|- 

Memorial Tablet f nectcd on the ^ite of the Ma&sacre by the Soeiety of the CiiieiQtiati iQ 
the State of New Jersey. 

Tlirougliout the war Little Egg Harbor was the outfittir.g pcint and 
rendezvous of many American privateers. Regarded by the P.ritlsh as a 
veritable "nest of rebels," frequent naval expeditions were sent against it. 
Its people were also harried by ".Skinner's Greens" and bands of refugees, 
who kept them in pcqietual disquietude and provoked them to active retali- 

The burning of the \illage of Toms l\i\cr was one of the notable 
events of the early part of 1782. At th il p'acc was a stout fortification 
called a block-house, but which was rather a stockade. It was of logs set 
upright in the ground to a height of ab )ut seven feet, with apertures for 
muskets. At each corner was mounted a small brass swivel, such as were 
used by the privateers in the bows of their whale-boats. In March. 1782, 
Captain Joshua Huddy was in command of the block-house, with twenty- 
five men of the local militia, and presumably a few men who came to aid 
him when they learned that an attack was expected. 

At the instigation of the lx)ard of associated loyalists, in New York, 
an expedition had l)een dispatched consisting of several whale-b lals carry- 
ing about one hundred and twenty men, under the c Mumand of Lieutenant 
Blanchard. At Sandy Hook these were joined by the British armed brig 
"Arrogant," under the command of Captain Stewart Ross. The flotilla 
was kept about tlie Hook by contrary winds for three days, and entered 
Cranberry Inlet after night on March 23d. landing the men at Coates' Point, 
where they were joined by Davenport's band of Ret'ugees. 

News of their coming was communicated to Captain Huddy, who 
made his dispositions for defense. At dawn next morning a picket came 
in, firing his nuisket to give notice of the ailvancing enemy. A demand for 


surrender met with an emphatic refusal, and Blanchard's men, nutinmilier- 
ing- Huddy's six to one, made an assault. The ammunition of the little 
garrison was soon exhausted, and the men defended themselves with pikes 
and bavonets. Thev were soon overcome, losing seven or nine men (the 
reports varying), and it is said that some of these were killed after their 
surrender. The enemy then spiked and threw into the river an iron can- 
non, burned the salt-honses and all dwellings in the ^-illage except two, and 
took away a number of whale-boats. 

Of the prisoners, three were taken In. the New York Sugar House 
Prison, where two of their number were exchanged ior Refugees. Cap- 
tain Huddy, the third, was closely confined until April 8th, when he was put 
aboard a sloop and placed in irons. Next day he was transferred to the 
guard-ship at Sandy Hook, and three da_\-s later he was taken by a party 
of Refugees to Gravelly Point, wdiere he was informed that he was to be 
executed. He was permitted to make his will, and he was then hung. 
Upon his breast was pinned a slip of paper upon which was written a 
statement tliat his death was in retaliation for the killing of Phil White. 

White was a Refugee, one of the most execrable of his class. It was 
charged that Huddy had cut off his arms, broken his legs, put out one of 
his eyes and told him to run for his life — an allegation which was abso- 
lutely baseless. 

Tire corpse of Captain Huddy w^as taken to Freehold, where assembled 
about four hundred of the leading people of Monmouth county, who drew 
up a lengthy address and statement of fact. This was transmitted to Wash- 
ington, who made demand upon Sir Henry Clinton for the delivery of the 
notorious Captain Eippincctt, who had command of Captain Huddy's exe- 
cutioners. Clinton refused to surrender him, and W^ashington instituted 
a reprisal. The lot to suffer death fell upon Captain Charles Asgill, who 
was taken prisoner at Yorktown, and whi> was of noble birth and an ex- 
em])lary man. The courts of Great Britain and France were interested in 
his behalf, and the execution of the sentence impending over him was de- 
ferred until the restoration of peace, when he was released. Captain 
Huddy, a man O'f blameless life and an ardent patriot, has long been known 
in history as the "Hero Martyr of Monmouth." Almost fifty-five years 
after his death his only surviving child, Martha Piatt, an aged widow, 
then living in Cincinnati, Ohio, memorialized Congress, asking for relief. 
T'.ie committee oi that Ijody to which the claim was referred reported 
favorably, testifying its high estimation and grateful remembrance of Cap- 
tain Huddy's services, and granting to his heirs the benefit of existing pen- 
sion laws, and also giving them an amount equivalent to seven years' pay 
as a captain of artillery and six hundred acres of the public land. 


Cai)laiii John Bacon was one of the most cruel and bloodtliirslv of 
the Refugees. One of his most cliaracteristic deeds was performed on the 
southern end of Bamegat Shoals, on the night of October 25th, ij^j. A 
British cutter from the West Indies, laden with supplies for the British in 
New York, had grounded there, and Captain Steelman, of Cape May, in 
tiie armed galley "Alligator," with alx)ut lwent_\-iive men, went to the 
w'reck to watch the crew and to secure the cargo. At night the patriots, 
wet and tired, builded a fire on the beach antl went to sleep. Towards 
morning a Refugee band, under Bacon, surrounded the sleepers and fired 
upon them, killing Steelman and about twenty of his men. The site of this 
barbarous slaughter is the southern end of w'hat is now Barnegat City. 

Bacon was brought to bay on several occasions by the militia, and 
sharp skirmishes were of frequent occurrence. His murderous career was 
ended April 3d, 1783. Captain John Stewart, cl Arneyti;)wn, and five men 
united to hunt him, one of the number, Joel Cook, seeking" vengeance for 
the killing of his brother by Bacon's men at a previous time. Bacon was 
found in a farm house, his rifle betw-een his knees. Summoned to sur- 
render, he jumiied to his feet and leveled his gun. Stewart leaped upon 
Bacon in a muscular encounter, which was ended by Cook driving his 
bayonet into Bacon's body. The wounded man attempted escape, when lie 
was shot and killed by Stewart. 

Cape May was distantly removed from the held of military operations 
during the Revolutionary war, and her soil witnessed an engagement not 
once. But her patriotic sons stood guard manfully, and lent efficient aid 
to the patriot cause, furnishing men and meeting their full share of the 
expenses of carrying on the war. 

At the beginning the population of Cape May county was about two 
thousand. In the summer of 1775 a battalion of infantry and a company 
of minute-men were recruited, and among the officers were John Mackey, 
colonel; and Nicholas Stillwell and Henry Ward, lieutenant-colonels. 
Elijah Hughes was a member of the colonial committee of safety. Events 
now succeeded rapidly. The secret committee of the continental congress 
April 17th, 1776, ordered that Thomas Learning be supplied with two hun- 
dred pounds of powder (at his own expense) for the militia of Cape May. 
In 1778 the Cape May companies were assigned to the second brigade of 
continental troops. In 1780 the last call was made for troops, and the 
quota of the county (thirteen men) were recruited by Lieutenant Amos 
Crcsse and marched to Monmouth Court House. 

'llie seafaring men acquitted themselves most creditably and usefully 
as privateersmen and whaleboatmen, who not only harassed the enemy but 


aided by watching their vessels and coniinnnicating intehigence of their 
movements to P'hiladelphia. 

It is worthy of note that leading women of the State, during the Revo- 
lutionary period, banded together for a noble work somewhat akin to that 
performed by the Sanitary Commission during the Civil war nearly a cen- 
tuiy later. 

The women of Pennsylvania had fi/nned an organization with tlie 
purpose of procuring means for the relief and encouragement of the Con- 
tinential anny. In emulation of this e.xample, a number of ladies of Tren- 
ton, '"for the purpose of manifesting our zeal in the glorious cause of lib- 
erty." fonned a similar body, and appointed committees of their sex in 
every county in the State. Tlie names of some of these women are pre- 
served, and they are recognized as among the most cultured of their day. 
No record of their accomplishments is extant, but family traditions and 
diaries serve to indicate that they were not only instrumental in nhtigating 
the sutTerings of the illy fed and clothed patriot soldiers, and in con- 
tributing to the necessities of their families, but that they exercised a 
salutary influence in maintaining good morals and an active patriotic spirit 
in their communities, and in discouraging vice and excesses in the army 




War wa.s declared by llie United Stales against (ire:it i'.ritain mi June 
19, i8i2. Hostilities had been long- impending, and two nicmlhs before 
the event named, Governor .Aaron Ogden had called npnn th-j Slate < f Xew 
Jersey for five thousand men lo protect it against ])i)ssible invasion. These 
men, then in the prime of manhcxKl, immediate descendants of siies ^\hI) 
had won liljerty for them, were imbued with patriotic and military spirit, 
and the force called for was assembled wilbont delay, and placed nnder the 
command of General Ludlow. 

May II, 1812, more than a month [)rior to the lornia! declaration of 
"war, five companies of infantry and one company of artilk-ry were iiosted 
at Xavesink Highlands to guard that point for a period of thirty days. 
The infantry companies were the Freehold Ride Company, commanded l)y 
Captain William Ten Eyck ; the Middletown Point Rifle Company, com- 
manded by Lieutenant James Ten Eyck, the Jersey blues, of 'J'reiUi >n : a com- 
pany from Orange, commanded by Captain Day, and Captain Davis' Ride 
Company,' of BloomfieUl; and the ajrtillei"\ ci inpany of Captain Plume's, of 
Newark. July 14th the companies of Ca])tain Ten Eyck and Lieutenant 
Ten Eyck were called out for a .second lour of duly. The terms of service 
of all the companies named were brief, averaging less than three months, 
aufl, while they were engaged in no active operations, their presence was 
highly necessary to assure the safety of the Monmouth county coast. 

Shortly after the commencement of hostilities, John R. Scull, of Egg 
ITarlK)r township, in what was then Gloucester but is now .\tlantic county. 
formed a com[>any for the protection of the harlxir and it maintained its 
organization until February 12th, 1815, after the restoration of peace. 

Captain Scull made excellent selection of a situation near Ihe river, 
commanding great Egg- Harbor, and here he erected a semi-circular fortili- 
cation si>me fifty feet in diameter, with a base of twenty feet, a width of 


fifteen feet on the parapet, and a height of six to ten feet. In this work 
were mounted four-aud six-pounder cannon — light calibre in this day of 
giant ordnance, but sufficient then against wooden vessels. The company 
stood guard ready for action night and day, but it does not appear that 
the point was ever attacked. The fortification was preserved, except as 
impaired; by the elements, until about 1885, when it w'as leveled to give 
place for modern improvements, and during the work of destruction numer- 
ous cannon balls were found on the ground where the patriot artillery 
had formerly been planted. 

In Ocean county a draft was made for troops. It is not to be inferred 
from the fact of military service being enforced, that there was a dearth 
of patriotic spirit. The habits of the people of that region, and their pe- 
culiar exposure to marauding naval expeditions, naturally inclined them to 
sea service, to be referred to hereinafter, and for these reasons they strove 
to evade v.hat was less congenial and less in their own interest. But sub- 
stitutes were secured on payment of a bouiuy of fifty dollars, lire 
drafted men were sent to man the fortifications at Sandy Hook. 

The long stretch of exposed sea coast of New Jersey was throughout 
the war a principal objective point O'f British naval vessels, whose crews 
committed numerous depredations, which, while annoying, in nowise ad- 
vantaged their case. On the contrarv, everv blow thev delivered ^vas 
well repaid, and when the balance was struck, the enemy counted more 
defeats and losses than did their adversaries. 

Off Sandy Hook was a favorite cruising ground for British ships 
of war which sought to paralyze the connuerce of New York City. On 
frequent occasions they entered the Bay, and at times to their sorrow. 
There were various instances where small armed British craft were taken 
b\- the daring American sailors. Notable among such was the gallant 
achie\ement of "Mad Jack Percival,"' wdio celebrated the Fourth of July 
in 1813 by sailing out in a fishing-smack with a party of men garbed as 
fishermen and attacking the sloop "Eagle," tender to the British man-of- 
war "Poictiers." The "Eagle," commanded by a midshipman, manned by 
a crew of eleven men, and armed with a howitzer, was boarded and cap- 
tured after a brief hand-to-hand fight, and was taken into New York 
harbor under the veiy nose of her great consort. 

It was lower down the coast, however, from Toms Ri\er to Cape 
]\Iay, that the enemy w-as most aggressive, and where they themselves 
sustained the greatest damage, while blockading the ix)rts which had been 
the seat of a thrifty commerce. The blockading squadron comprised many 
of the largest vessels of the British navy, and was commanded' by a splen- 
did officer. Commodore Hardy, who had for his flag-ship the "Ramillies," 


seventy- fuur guns. Maicli 31, 181 3, this \essel sent into Barncgat Bay 
a number of armed ship's boats, which undertook to tow out the lumber 
schooner "Greyhound,'' commanded by Captain Jesse Rogers, but she 
grounded on the bar and was burned. Many American coasting vessels 
were subsequently destroyed in and near Barncgat Bay. In one instance, two 
sloops, the "Maria," Captain Joshua Warren, and the "Friendship," Cajitaiu 
Thomas Mills, were chased ashore near Squan Beach by the "Raniillies. ' 
Boat crews were sent in to destroy them after they had been abandoned 
by the American sailors, and one of their men was shot from the beach 
by Jesse Giadwick. who had been a Revolutionary war soldier. The barges 
then returned to the flag-ship, which tore up the two vessels with her 
heavy gims. 

Late in 181 3 several coasters bound for Egg Harbor encountered a 
British schooner off Ca[>e Ma}'. The scliooner opened fire and ga\e chase, 
ajid tinally overtook the "New- Jersey,'' from May's Landing, with her 
captain (Burton) and two men. A midsliipman and three men were put 
aboard the prize, which was ordered to follow the British vessel while 
she continued in chase of the other craft. Xearing Egg Harbor, and night 
approaching, the British schooner abandoned the chase and put about for 
the Cajx.'. The prize followed slowly, the midshipman being an indiffer- 
ent seaman, and he was constrained to commit her sailing to Burton, her 
former master ajid now a prisoner, under orders to lay his coitrse for the 
Cape also. Burton designedly so steered the vessel as to make the moutli 
of Great Egg Harbor by daybreak, but he feigned ignorance of tlie place. 
His captors being confused, he watched his opportunity, and made them 
prisoners, and brought his recovered vessel into the friendly waters of 
Somers' Point. The Jiritish midshipman was held prisoner for a time, 
and then returned to his country, but the men of his prize crew remained 
in New Jersey, and one of their number, an Irishman, enlisted umlcr the 
flag which he came to tear down. 

The spirit of the hardy shoremen of New Jersey may be discerned in 
two well authenticated incidents of the times. Men from the British flag- 
ship "Ramillies" having killed fifteen head of cattle on Ivong Beach, be 
longing to Jeremiah S])ragg and Joim Allen, Commodore Hard)-, who was 
at once a well dispositioned man and a grdlant officer, proferred pa}nnent. 
This was refused l)y the owners, who averred that such a transaction would 
be not a whit better than for them to sell food to the enemy. 'J'hey after- 
ward asked compensation by Congress, which was refused, as was the 
claim of Captain Rogers, whose \osscl b ul b<cn dcsiroyed as [ireviously 

On artother occasion, the British vessel "I'oictiers," seventy-four .guns, 




sent ashore to Cape Island a boat under a flag of truce, Nvith the request 
that he be allowed to land to procure water for the ship s butts. Captani 
Humphrey Hughes, commanding a small party of men at the Island, re- 
fused the request, whereupon the British commander sent in another boat 
with notice that unless allowed to land peaceably he would f^re upon the vd- 
la<^e Captain Hughes, ou advice of his officers and residents of the place, 
gave the desired permission. He was subsequently arrested under a charge 
of treason, for furnishing supplies to the enemy, and narrowly escaped 

severe punishment. . , o , 

December 24, 1814, a treaty of peace between the United States and 
Great Britain was made at Ghent, by the authorized representatives of 
the two countries, and it was ratified by the Senate of the United States 
on Februarv^ 17th following, and was promulgated by Presidait Madison 

the next dav. 

For the war with Mexico, 1846-8, New Jersey was called ui^on tor 
but three companies of infantry. One of these, organized at Trenton, be- 
came Companv G, of the Tenth Regiment, United States Infantry, com- 
manded by Colonel R. E. Temple. In April, 1847, this command was 
embarked on the brig "G. B. Lamar,"' and proceeded to Brazos Santiago. 
Throuo-hout the war it remained in the vicinity of Matamoras, perform- 
ing fakhfully all duty to which it was assigned, but taking little part in 
acUve campaigning. The regiment was mustered.out of service m tlie tall 

of 1848. . ^ , 

The companv above referred to was commanded by Captain Joseph 
S Yard who after a life of great public usefulness passed his declining 
days in Farmingdale, Monmouth county. William S. Truax, who was a 
ser-eant at the muster-in of the company, was pr«noted to the rank of first 
lieutenant shortly after arrival at Brazos, and was transferred to another 
regiment. He served in the Civil war of 1861-5, and rose to the rank of 


To one who did not live in that day, no description of the stirring 
scenes of the Civil \\ar period can convey adequate idea of the tremendous 
excitement and superheated feeling that were occasioned by the overt act 
of rebellion which marked the beginning of the great struggle. The war 
from beginning to end was intensely dramatic, and scarcely a day trom 
the midsummer of 186 1 to the spring of 1865 was unmarked by a battle 
^cene of more or less importance at some point between the southern At- 
lantic coast and the western mountain ranges of Missouri, and in these 


:?cenes the citizen sutdiery of New Jersey bore a glorious part. Of the 
male population of the State of arms-bearing- age, nu:r.l>erirg 98,806, 
•88.305 performed military service, and out of the State treasury was paid 
nearly threj millions of dollars for organzing, equipping and putting her 
trtops in the field. 

The inspiring patriotism <»f the young men of the da\ who bore arms, 
who endured hardships and j)rivation, who toiled through weary marches, 
stood the long night watches, and were participants in the hard-fought 
battle, had its counterpart in the devotion of their mothers, wives and sis- 
ters, who while passing years of dreadful agony in fearful suspense, every 
hour dreading to hear fateful news of their loved ones, gave their dreary 
watch-hours to picking lint and providing comforts for the wounded and 

Nev Jersey was fortunate in having as executive an unllinching 
patriot in Governor Olden. Conservative though he was, while holding 
slavery to be an unmitigated e\il, \et deprecating any encroachment u])on 
the system upon ground not clearly jiermitted by the original compact, he 
liekl to the preservation of the Union, and loyally devoted his effort to aid 
the government by e\er\- means in his power. Api>ealing to the banks 
for means wherewith to etjuip troops and provide for the families of vol- 
unteers, he was speedily pledged nearly a half million dollars. He also 
convened the legislature in extraordinary session (April 30), and that 
body patriotically passed e\ery measure of his recommendation. 

Fort Sumter was fired upon April 15, 1861, and the same day Presi- 
ilent Lincoln made his call for 75,000 men to serve for a period of ninety 
<lays. The quota of New Jersey as fixed by the War Department was four 
regiments of 780 men each, or 3,120 men. Immediately upon receipt of 
the presiflential refpiisition, .\j)ril I7lh, Governor Olden issued; his proc- 
lamation directing all organizations and individuals \\illing to respond, to 
report within twenty daj'S, and at the same time he notified the govern- 
ment that the force required wr.uld be forthcoming. P.y the terms of 
(iovernor Olden's call, the major generals commanding the several mili- 
tary districts of the State, four in number, were each directed to detail one 
regiment of ten companies, also to organize the reserve militia in their re- 
spective districts. These officers were instructed to accept volunteers, and, 
in the event rif failing to secure a sufficient number, to make draft from the 
reserve militia to supply the deficiencv. 

The militia system of the .^tate had little existence save in name. It 
had not been proijerly fostered or sustained, and was but a motley array of 
military shreds and patches. Hence it was that, as was not so in many 
States, there was little immediately available force. The resjwnse to the 


call of the Governor was the spontaneous nprising of the A'igorous youthful 
manhood of the commonwealth, and within a week the number of volun- 
teers offering was three times what w'as requisite, and many of those who 
were unable to enter the ranks from their own State enlisted in New York 
and Pennsylvania regiments. _ 

The first company received and mustered into the service was the 
"Olden Guard," a militia org3.nization of Trenton, and April 30th the 
quota of the State was complete. The four regiments were as follows : 
First, Colonel Adolphus J. Johnson; Second, Colonel Henry il. Baker; 
Third, Colonel ^\'illiam Napton; and Fourth, Colonel i\Iatthew Miller. 
These were formed into the First Brigade, Brigadier General Theodore 
Rvmyon commanding. 

New Jersey was the first State with a fully organized brigade ready 
to march, and the command received orders May 2d to proceed to the de- 
fence of the National capital. The day following the troops were em- 
barked on propellers on the Delaware and Raritan canal, arriving at An- 
r.apolis during the night of the 4th. Four companies of the Second Regi- 
ment were left here, by order of General W'infield Scott, to guard the rail- 
road and telegraph between Annapolis Junction and' Washington. On 
the 6th the brigade reached the capital. Its arrival was joyfully hailed by 
all the loyalists in the city, and a; few days later it was honored by a visit ' 
from Lincoln, President and Commander-in-Chief, who spoke words of 
fervent commendation and encouragement. 

]\Iay oth and lOth the brigade mo\ed out to uMeridian Hill, in the 
outskirts of the city, and established a camp which was named Camp Mon- 
mouth. Large details were made daily to guard the roads in the vicinit}', 
and several hours each day were given to company and battalion drill. 

May 24th the brigade crossed the Long Bridge into Virginia, and the 
men were put to work constructing rifle-pits and redoubts covering the 
roads leading to Washington, and the most important of these works, in 
which were mounted several heax'y- guns, was named Fort Runyon, in 
honor of the commander of the New Jersey troops. These were said to be 
the first fortifications thrown up by the Federal troops in the Ci\il War. 

At a later diay the brigade was advanced toward Bull Run, and it 
formed a portion of the reserve force present during the memorable bat- 
tle on that ground, but, greatly to the chagrin of the men, it was held 
supinely within close view O'f the conflict. However, it faithfully per- 
formed what duty was devolved upon it, and when came the disastrous 
closing scene, it stood an effectual barrier between the retreating forces 
and their pursuers, and so manifest was the soldiery spirit of the well- 
dressed ranks and so splendid their carriage, that bluff' old Ben Wade, who. 


from an overlooking liciglit saw the retreating- soldiery drift hefurc iiini, 
exclaimed, "Give us a brigade of these Jerseymeii, and we'll beat the en- 
emy yet!"' 

July 24th and 25fh the regiments of the brigade were ordered to 
Washington City, where they were honoralily mustered out of service, 
their term of enlistment having expired. 'J he great majority of the men 
thus discharged almost immediately cnlistctl in long term regiments, and 
made honorable records in the following years of arduous cam[)aigning 
and heroic fighting. 

These troops were in greater part from the large cities of the State, 
and tiie coast and interior towns v>ere represented by few coni])lete organi- 
zations, although many of their young men enlisted individuallv in tiie 
First Brigade or other commands. 

In these regiments there were no organized companies from Union 
or Middlesex counties. Monmouth County was well represented in the 
Third Regiment, of which James S. Yard, of I'Veehold, editor of the 
"Monmonth Democrat," was major. 

Soon .after the organization of the first three months" troops, the gov- 
ernment made call for a force to serve for three years, and the quota or 
the State was three regiments, which, were promptly furnished, and were 
numbered, respectively, the First, Second and Third. These were formed 
into the Second New Jersey Brigade, and wit'i the First Brigade, previ- 
ously n.entioned, constituted the reserve di\ision commanded by General 
Runyon om the battle of Bull Run. July 25th the gallant Phil Kearny, 
of New Jersey, recently apiX)inted as Brigadier General of Volunteers, 
was assigned to the command of the New Jersey troops. A thorough 
soldier, and one whose magnetic qualities afforded him a splendid iK>pu- 
larity with his men. General Kearney brought his brigade to a high state 
of efficiency. In Marcli, 1862, his brigade distinguished itself in various 
skirmishes, and the Third Regiment was the first to enter the works at 
Manassas Junction, which had been precipitately abandoned by the enemy 
on the approach of the Union forces. The spoils of war were eighty bag- 
gage wagons, two hundred tents, large quantities of commissaiy and hos- 
pital supplies, and several locomotive engines. Among the trophies were 
seven flags, one of which was of white silk, Ijearing the motto, "Oaro- 
linians in the Field; Traitors, Beware;" and another bore the motto, "State 
Rights ; Sic Semper Tyrannis." 

The brigade, as a j/ortion of the Army of the Potomac, particii>ated in 
all the campaigns and many of the great battles in Virginia; and was linally 
honorably discharged from service in June, 1865, some two months after 
the ending of the war. 


To this brigade Union County contributed Company A. Captain 
David Hatfield, First Regiment ; Company A, Cajitain James Wilson, Sec- 
ond Regiment; and Company K, Captain John H. Whelan, Third Regi- 
ment. ?Jiddlesex County contributed to this brigade nearly four full 
coini>anies, C, E, I" and G, of the First Regiment; and Company H of tlie 
First Cavalry Regiment. Monmouth county was not represented b}- an_\- 
complete organization, but a considerable number of its j-oung men en- 
listed indi\-idualiy in one or other of the regiments. 

July J4, 1861, three days after the disastrous battle of Bull Run. the 
War Department made requisition upon Governor Olden for five addi- 
tional regiments to serve for a period of three years, and further calls were 
made at varioais times in after years. 

The Ninth Regiment, which was organized in the fall of 186 1, ami 
took the field December 4, contained two companies from Union County 
— Company G, Captain John Ritter, and Company K, Captain Elias J. 
Drake, and in these were many ]\ County men. 

The service O'f this command was arduous and glorious. It iVirmed 
a part of General Burnside's famous expedition to North Carolina, which 
was one of the most unique and thrilling incidents of the Civil War period. 
The troops were embarked on all descriptions of nondescript ocean-going 
and inland water craft, hastily assembled, and wholly unfitted for the 
purpose for which they were brought into use. The fleet encountered a 
fearful storm off Hatteras Inlet, and several foundered, some going down 
in collision with other ships of the fleet. 

The regiment participated in the famous battle of Roanoke Island, 
Fei)ruary 8, 1862, where the troops marched (or rather waded) to the 
conflict through a swamip which the enemy deemed impassable. The only 
cannon which could be brought into action was a small rifled piece which 
was dragged through the deep mud and water and tangled underbrusii. 
and was maimed during the action, almost entirely liy a detail drawn from 
the Ninth Regiment. The howitzers upon a gunboat \\hich forced itself 
up' the little stream were also manned by infantrymen from the same 

In this action, in which twelve regiments were engaged, the Union 
loss was 364 killed and wounded, of whom sixty-tw'o, or one-sixth of the 
whole numlx'r, were (»f the .\inlh. So meritorious was the conduct of the 
regiment tliat (jeneral Burnside complimented it in general orders, and 
directed that "Roanoke Island, February 8, 1862," should be emblazoned 
upon its colors in testimony. 

Shortl\- afterward, on Christmas E\e. the legislature of New jcrscv 


preseiued io the regiment a beautiful stand of colors costing S700. accom- 
panying- the gift with the following engrossed resolutions: 

"Resolved, That the Ninth Regiment of Xew Jersey \olunteers, by 
their {xttieiit endurance under privation and fatigue, and by their courage 
at tiie e\er-t(>be-remcmbcred battles of Roanoke and Xewbcrnc (a cour- 
age evinced by the havoc made in their own unwavering columns better 
than by tlie reports of partial journals), have sustained the high reputa- 
tion which since the days of the Revolution' has belonged to the soldiers 
of Xew Jersey, and as evidence of our appreciation of that acme of every 
manly virtue, 'patriotic devotion to countrv,' the (governor of the State is 
retjuested to have prepared and forwarded to said regiment a standard, 
on which shall be inscribed these words: 'Presented by Xew Jersey to 
her Ninth Regiment, in remembrance of Roanoke and Newbernc." 

"Resolved, That Col. Charles A. Heckman, who so gallantly led his 
well-ordered men to the conflict, is requested, at the i^roper time, to reiJort 
to the clerk of the House of Assembly the names of those who fell, killed 
or mortally wounded, on either of the said battle fields ; and that the clerk 
of the House, is, by vi'rtue of this resoluti<in. ordered to enter their names, 
with the ])lace where they fell, on the minutes of the Assemlily of New 
Jersey, as men -who have fallen in defence of the best go\-ernmait o^f the 

"Resolved. That New Jersey looks with pride on her soldiers in the 
field, without exception or distinction, and is prepared to honor them: 
and while extending congratulations that the occasion has not yet txrcurred 
when they have been put to flight by an aiemy. entertains entire confidence 
that such occasion will never be recognized by them. 

"Resolved. That New Jersey highly appreciates the disinterested fidel- 
itv of Brig.-Gen. I'hilip Kearny in declining proferred pnimotion rather 
than separate himself from the command of Jerseymen to him intrusted. 

"Resolved. That with the families, relatives, and friends of those 
members of the Xinth Regiment who, on the 14th day of March, met death 
in that form most courted by the true soldier, on the battle-field, with their 
faces to the foe, we most deeply sympathize and sincerely condole. 

"Resolved, That copies of these resolutions be forwarded to the gen- 
erals and colonels commanding the New Jersey troops." 

The operations of the regiment were confmed to the Carolinas until 
the autunni of 1863, during which period it took part in various hard- 
fought battles. Its subsefpient service was in Virginia iu\til the sinnmer 
of 1864, when it was transferred to North Carolina again. On account 
of its phenomenal service in the swamp regions, it gained for itself the 
sobriquet of "Jersey Muskrats." Its organization was maintained by the 
re-enlistment of a majority of the men as veteran volunteers in 1864. It 
took part in forty-two battles and minor engagements. It went into serv- 
ice with one thousand one hundred and fortv-two men and received many 


recruits as its ranks were depleted by battle and disease, and yet only six 
imndred men were mustered out with the colors at the end of the war. 
Eight officers were killed in action, and twenty-three were wounded, and 
the loss of enlisted men was sixty-tone killed and foiu" hundred wounded. 
One Inuidred and thirty officers and men fell into the hands of the enemy, 
of whom forty-seven died as prisoners. 

In the Eleventh Regiment, which went into service in August, 1862, 
there were two companies from Union Count)- — Company B, Captain 
William H. Meeker, and Company D, Captain Luther Martin. 

At a critical time, when in 1862 the so-called "peace resolutions" 
were under discussion, the regiment adopted resolutions condemnatory of 
all measures tending to a dishonorable peace — an expression of jxitriot- 
ism which at once gave great encouragement to the administration and 
was a deadly blow against marplots. The regiment participated in all 
the campaigns in Virginia and in many of their hardest fought battles. At 
Fredericksburg, with its division, it felt the full weight of "Stonewall" 
Jackson's charge, and aided in repelling five desperate assaults, sharing in 
the honor of capturing- eight battle flags. In this engagement its casualties 
were twenty killed and one hundred and thirteen wounded. In congratu- 
lating his regiment upon its behavior on this occassion. Colonel McAllis- 
ter said : "Youi who went in under the galling picket fire, Avhen the eyes 
of thousands of our comrades were upon you, and like veterans stood the 
raging storm of battle, not only holding but gaining ground, deserve my 
warmest praise."' And he added, speaking of the fallen, "We have before 
us the consoling fact that they died as brave soldiers, fighting for their 
country, and those of our day and posterity will do them justice." 

At Gettysburg, out of two hundred and seventy-trve officers and men 
of the regiment who went into action, eighteen men were killed, one hun- 
dred and thirty were wounded, and six were reported missnig. 

The Fourteenth Regiment had two companies from Union County 
— Company C, Captain Chauncey Harris, and Company E, Captain Jariies 
L. Bodwell. This command is referred to at length elsewhere in this 

Company B, Captain John N. Lewis, the only L^nion County com- 
pany in the Thirtieth Regiment, went into service September 17, 1862, 
for a term of nine months. It was assigned to duty among the defensive 
forces of the National capital, and participated in but one engagement, the 
desperate battle of Chancellorsville. 

The Twenty-eighth Regiment was organized in the summer of 1862 
and was mustered into service September 22, for a i)eriod of nine months. 


Seven of its ten companies and a large part of another conipan}^ were re- 
cruited in Middlesex County, and were as follows : 

Company A, which also contained a few men from Monmouth 
County, had for its first Captain, B. F. Lloyd, who died in hospital, and 
was succeeded in turn by J. R. Appleby and Wesley Stoney. 

Company B was commanded l)y Captain H. S. Disbnnv, a gallant 
officer, who was for a time commander of the regiment. l'~irst Lieutenant 
J. H. Gulick had seen service with the celebrated Ellsworth ZouaAcs, and 
was a most accomplished drill master. 

Company C was commanded by Captain Joseph C. Letson, a splendid 
officer, who, while gallantly leading his men as acting Major, in (he bat- 
tle of Fredericksburg, received a lifie Ixill through his arm, l)ut refused to 
go to the rear, and retained his command until the action was over, lie 
was again severely \vounded in the battle at Chaucellors\ille. 

Company D was commanded by Captain William II. Dunliam. The 
' First Lieutenant, Augustus Hatfield, was for a time acting Regimental 

Company I"" was commanded l)y Captain Isaac Inslee, Jr.. a most ca]Ki- 
b!e officer. Benjamin A. Robbins, the First Lieutenant, was soon com- 
missioned as Regimental Adjutant. 

Captain Joseph L. Crowell, commanding Company I, was wounded at 
Fredericksburg. Sergeant John IL Tvrrcll, for his liravery in the battle 
of Fredericksburg, where he lost a foot, was commissioned as Lieutenant, 
but was unable to rejoin his company. 

Company K, commanded by Captain George Storcr, had among its 
Sergeants, J. T. Bolton, who was promoted to a lieutenanc\- for conspic- 
uous bravery in the battle of Fredericksburg. 

Throughout its service, the regiment formeil a part of the Army of 
the Potomac. The first Colonel was Moses N. \VisewcIl, who was 
wounded in the battle of Fredericksburg and incapacitated for further 
service. He was succeeded by E. A. L. Rol>erts. and he by John A. Wild- 
rick, who had been a cajytain in the Second Regiment. Major S. K. Wil- 
son served throughout the term of service of the regiment, which he com- 
manded at times as saiior field officei* present. William D. Newell was 
Surgeon, and Benjamin N. Baker was Assistant .Surgeon. The Chap- 
lain was the Rev. C. J. Page, a Baptist minister of Piscataway. The regi- 
mental loss in the assault on the heights of Fredericksburg was one htm- 
dred and sixty-one killed and wounded, and twenty-nine missing, and at 
Chancellorsville it was thirty killed, wounded and missing. 

Monmouth county contributed to the l-'ifth Regiment one company, 
Company K, Captain Vincent M. Mount, who resigned and was succeeded 


by Edward A. Acton, who was killed in the second buttle of Bull Run, 
August 29, 1862. Tlie regiment went to the front August 29, 1861, and 
was attached to the Second New Jersey lirigride, in Hooker's Division. It 
served with the Army of the Potomac throughout the war, and fought in 
many of the most desperate battles, including those of the bloody Seven 
Days, the second Bull Run, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Gettysl)urg, 
the Wilderness, and the closing operations about Petersburg and on the 
Boydton Plank Road. 

The l*"ourteenth Regiment was one of five New Jersey regiments 
which were formed in response to President Lincoln's call for three hun- 
dred thousand men, made July 7, 1862. It was organized at Camp V^ren- 
denburgh, near the old Monmouth battle ground at the outskirts of Free- 
lu)]d, and it was mustered into ser\ice August 26, 1862. In its first ac- 
tion, that on the Rapidan River, September 15, 1863, it lost sixteen killed 
and fifty-eight wounded, and its gallant behavior was made the subject 
of a commendatory order issued by General Morris, the Brigade Com- 
mander. It bore a gallant part in the subsequent operations, and was par- 
ticularly conspicuous in the battle of the Monocacy, under General Lew 
Wallace, which in all probability saved the Federal capital by so retarding 
the march of the columns of the enemy as to enable Union troops to reach 
it before them. The regiment served under General Sheridan in the aut- 
umn campaign of 1864, fought in the battles at Cedar Creek and' Hatcher's 
Run, took ])iart in the assault upon Fort Steadman, and its Colonel, \\'ill- 
iani S. True.\-, received the surrender of Lieutenant General Ewell. with 
his staff and troops. It went into seiwice with nine hundred and fift)- 
men and received large riumbers of recruits, but so disastrous were battle 
and disease that the remnant of the regiment honorably discharged at the 
end of the war was but two hundred and thirty in number. Through its 
long service by the side of Sheridan's fleet riders it was known as the 
"Flatfooted Cavalry." 

This regiment contained three full companies from Mtmniouth county, 
as follows : 

Company A was commanded by Ca-ptain Austin H. Patterson, who 
resigned November 16, 1863, to accept a commission as Major of the 
Thirty-fifth Regiment. He was sticceeded by Henry J. Conine, who was 
killed in the battle of the Monocacy. The third Captain was Ciiarles M. 
Bartruft, who came up from the ranks, and who at the end of the war Ixjrc 
the brevet rank of Lieutenant Colonel. 

Company D went out under the command of Ca[)tain James W. Con- 
over, who died at Frederick City, Maryland, August 4, 1864, from wounds 
recei\'ed in the battle of the Monocacy on the preceding 9th of July. He 


was succeeded by llenn- I). Bookstaver. W'illiain 11. Crai"' was .succes- 
sively Second Lieutenant and J'"irst Eicutenanl. W'liilc holding the latter 
raiik he was wounded in the battle of .Monocacy, and lor his gallantry on 
tiiat occasion was commissioned Captain, hut was not mustered in as such, 
and was discharged on account of his wnuids, Xmcniher 8th fi)llo\\ing. 

Company Ci was commanded by Ca])tain John \'. .\l<tri)m. who was 
promoted to be Major of the Third Cavalry, ]\fay 6, i8()4, and was suc- 
ceeded by William \\\ Conover. 

Besides these, there were many Monnidiuh Count}' men in variu.iis 
other companies in the regiment. 

The Fourteenth Regiment had for its ilajor one of the most brilliant 
volunteer officers of his day, in the person of Peter Vrendenburgh. Jr., 
w!io gloriously fell in battle at a moment whei'. fame had marked him for 
more signal honors. 

He was born in Freehold, }*Ionniouth County. Xew Jersey, February 
12, 1837, eldest son of Judge Peter Vrendenburgh, an accomplished law- 
yer and one of the most distinguished jurists of the State, who went to his 
grave heartbroken for loss of his gifted son. 'J'lie junior \'rendenburgh 
inherited from his sire a disposition for law, and after diligent reading 
under the precq>torship of Hon. B. F. Randol])h, he was admitted to the 
bar soon after attaining his majority, and three years later was licensed as 
a counsellor. He began [)ractice in 1859, at Eatontown, and soon acquired 
a lucrative business. 

In the summer of i8<'')2 he aided in the recruiting of the Fourteenth 
Regiment, in which he was commissioned Major. At I'rederick City, 
Maryland, he was assigned to duty as Provost Marshal, and in that re- 
sponsible position he ac(|uitted himself with such excellent judgment and 
great tact that soldiery, press and pco]>le united in commendation of bim. 
September 5, i8<')3, he was placed on duly as inspector general of the '{"bird 
Division, Third Corps, and (leveloi)ed such aptitude for duty in that line 
that three months later he was advanced to the inspector generalship of the 
Third Corps, a veritable army of twenty-seven thousand men. In the re- 
organization of the armv in March, 1864, the Third Corps was discon- 
tinued, and Major Vrendenburgh was assigned to duty as inspector gen- 
eral on the staff ni Clencral Ricketts, commanding the Third Division. 
Sixtii Corps. 

In the riiiuine duties (jf inspectiun. upon which, greatly depended the 
efficient condition of the troops as to arms, clothing, cam]) and garrison 
equipage and transix>rtation, Major Vrendenburgh devotetl conscientious 
care. At the same time, on the marcii and Ijattlelield he was a nK)St efii- 
cient aide to his General, di.splaying at all times every quality which mark.s 


the gallant and enterprising officer. In tlie severe engagement at Cold 
Harbor he was asked by General Ricketls to lead the division in its as- 
sault iijjon the works of the enenw, and without hesitation he spurred his 
horse to the charge and surmounted the works in advance of the onrushing 

In the famous battle of the Monocacy, July 9, 1864, his conduct was 
such as to gain the warmest approval of the commanding officer, General 
Lew Wallace, who in his report mentioned him as an officer of inestimable 
•value : and Major Yard, who visited the battlefield to see to the burial of the 
dead and the caring for the woimded of the Fourteenth Reginrent. wrote 
that it was said of him, by those who witnessed the engagement, that ho 
exhibited greater courage than any other on the lield. 

July 17th following. General Ricketts v/as assigned to the command 
of the Sixth Corps, and Major Vrendenburgh became inspector general of 
that command. Some days later, however, the Major asked to be returned 
to his regiment, in the conviction that its great loss of officers rendered 
necessary his presence with it, Imt the request was denied by General Rick- 
etts, who endorsed upon his application a fervent tribute, in which he 
said, "while appreciating the high military feeling which prompts this ap- 
plication, it can not at present be granted without serious inconvenience; 
Major Vrendenburgh's admirable fitness for a staff officer, and his dis- 
tinguished gallantry, to which I am much indebted, induces this refusal." 

About a month later Major Vrendenburgh renewed his request, 
which was granted, and August 25th he assumed command of his regi- 
mtent as the ranking field officer present. On September 19th fo'lloAving, 
after a twenty-mile nigbt march, he led his command to the battle at 
Opequan. For some hours the men lay under a heavy fire from the en- 
emy's batteries six hundred yards distant, replying with their muskets in 
a desultory way, the troops opposed to them being well concealed in their 
rifle pits. About noon came an order toi assault the works. On the mo- 
ment ]\Iajor Vrendenburgh was in the saddle. With his foot in the stirrup 
he addressed his men in fervid encouragement, then his voice rang out in 
the order to charge, and the regiment rushed forward. A few yards of 
ground had been covered, when a shell tore open his throat, and the splen- 
did soldier fell from his horse a corpse. 

The untimely death of Major Vrendenburgh was sincerely mourned, 
not only by the men of his own regiment, Init by the entire corps. General 
Wright, desiring to pay all due honor to his memory, detailed the regi- 
mental chaplain, the Rev. F. B. Rose, to convey the remains of the fallen 
hero to the family home at Freehold. This was impracticable at the mo- 
ment and tcmpf)rary interment was made near the battlefield, the Iwdies 


of Lieutenant Green, also of the Fourteenth Rcginieut. .-'nd of ^lajor Dil- 
lingham, of the Tenth Vermont Regiment, being laid in the same grave. 
A few days later the body of ^lajor X'reiidenburgh was exhumed and 
conveyed to Freehold, where funeral services were held in the Reformeil 
Church, September 30th. On this solemn and deeply affecting occasion. 
the great funeral cortege inchnled a large number of soldiers wlm marched 
without arms or music. The last resting place of Major Vrendenliurgh, 
ardent patriot, gallant soldier and irreproachable citizen, is marked by 
an enduring granite monument in the Freehold cemetery. 

Camp \'rendenburgh, near Freehold, was the rendezvous for the re- 
cruits assembled for the Twenty-ninth Regiment, nine-months men, which 
was composed of ]Monmouth county men, with the exception of C<_)n!- 
pany H, which was practically recruited in Ocean county. 

The original field and staff officers were: Colonel, Edwin [■'. .\\)[)\o 
gate; Lieutenant Colonel, William R. Taylor; Major, Joseiih T. R. Davi- 
son; Adjutant, Edgar Whitakcr; (Quartermaster, Peter J. 1 lendrickson; 
Surgeon, Henry G. Cooke; .\ssistant Surgeon, Judson I". Shacklelon; 
Chaplain, Lester C. Rogers. 

The Monmouth county companies were commanded by the following 
named captains: A, George H. Green; B, 'Jliomas Robinson; C, Thomas 
A. Slack; D, Josq>h T. Field, wlio subsecjuently became Major; E, Joseph 
T. Lake; F, Robert R. ^bjunt ; G, John II. llycr; 1, Jeremiah \'. Spader; 
K, Joseph G. Stanton. 

The regiment left its camp of instruction September 28, iSdJ. and 
proceeded to Washington, where it was placed on duty as a part of the 
provisional force organized for the defence of the capital. Xovemljer 
30th it was attached to the Army of the Potomac, and it participated in the 
battle of Fredericksburg, but sustained only trilling loss, although greatly 
exposed and subjected to a severe lire. It lust a number of men in the 
subsequent battle of Chancellorsville. It served during the operations 
which preceded the battle of Gettysburg, and was mustered out of serv- 
ice at Freehold June 30, 1863. 

Monmouth county was munerously represented in \arious other or- 
ganizations, and particularly in Company I of tiie Eleventli Regiment. 
There were a considerable number of men from that county in the Thirty- 
fourth and Tliirty-fifth Regiments, and Company A of the Thirty-eighth 
Regiment was almost altogether made up from it. The officers of Com- 
pany A were Captain Thomas J. Swannel and Lieutenants Joseph E. Jnnes 
and John Grant. 

In the cavalry service, from ]^Ionmouth county, was a large number of 


men in companies F, H and I, of tlie Second Regiment. an<I companies B 
and K of the Third Regiment. 

The Second Cavahy Regiment took the field in October, 1863, and 
was assigned to General Stoneman's cavalry division of the Anny cf the 
Potomac. In November it vvas transferred to the Army of the Southwest, 
and took part in nearly forty battles and skirmishes on and near the lower 
Mississippi River. 

The Third Cavalry Regiment went into service in April, i8(:>4. march- 
ng overland to Annapolis, Maryland. It was attached to the cavalry corps 
of the Army of the Potomac, and bore a p>art in several engagements in 
the Wilderness and in the operations about Petersburg. In July it was 
transferred to General Sheridan's army operating in the Shenandoah \'al- 
ley. During its term of service it participated in thirty-five battles and 
skinnishes, including several of the most notable cavalry engagements of 
the war. 

In the artillery arm, INIonmouth County men were numerous in Hex- 
amer"s Battery A, Beam's Battery B and Woodbury's Battery D, and par- 
ticularly in the last named. 

Battery D went to the front September 20, 1864, and received its 
guns and equipments at Washington. In the ne.xt i\pril it was attached to 
the Tenth Army Corps, with which it took part in the operations before 
Petersburg. In Xovember, 1864. it was sent to New York City, in antici- 
jKition of the impending riots growing out of the draft and presidential 
election. When the crisis was passed it returned to the front and again 
wait into position in front of Petersburg, and remained with the Army of 
the Potomac until the close of the war. 

llie memory of one of the most gallant sons of Monmouth County 
is commemorated in the name of Arrowsmith Post. No. 61. Grand Army 
of the Republic, at Red Bank, and in a massive monument in the cemetery 
of that city, which, as its inscription records, was "Erected by his numer- 
ous friends (including survivors of his old regiment) in token of his dis- 
tinguished personal worth. ]>atriotic devotion and distinguished braven*-." 
The story of his life is well worth the telling, as showing of what stuff 
was made the patriot soldier of that day. 

George Arrowsmith was a native of New Jersey, born near Hannony 
meeting house, in Middletown township, Monmouth County, April 18, 
1839. His ancestors were English peoi)!e who settled on Staten Island 
alx)Ut 1683. His father, Thomas Arrowsmith, a farmer by occupation, 
was a man whose educational advantages were extremely limited, but 
whose native endowments were generous. He was a man of wide general 
infomiation, and an effecti\e public speaker. He served in the war of 



1812 ami was suhsctjuoutly a major c.f militia, lie Dccupied Narinus piil)- 
lic positions in the township and county, was a mcmlier of the le_CTislati\e 
council in 1835-O. State Treasurer in 18^3-3. and a lay judsje i>f the court 
of errors and appeals of Xew Jersey, 185J-8. in all these various positions 
he discharged his duties creditably, and his integrity was never assailed. 
His last years were embittered liy his deep sorrow for the loss of his son, 
and his own death occurred Decemlier 27, i8f)f). at the age of seventv-two 
yeais. His widow was Emma, daughter of Matthias Van I'.rackle, of 

Monmouth Comity, who, in 
1820, represented his district in 
the State Legislature: she sin-- 
vived the death of her husband 
a few years. 

The children of 'I'liomas and 
Emma Arrowsmitli were nine 
in number, — Joseph Edgar, a 
physician of Keyport; Jolui V., 
of the .same village; Eleanor, 
who became the uife of Daniel 
Roberts ; Cordelia, who died at 
the age of twenty years ; Thom- 
as, who became Quartermaster 
of the Eighth Penn.sylvania 
Cavahy Regiment, and after 
the war engaged in teaching; 
Stephen and Emma, who died 
young; George; who is the sui>- 
ject of this memoir; and Ste- 
phen \'., a successful educator. 
George .\rrowsmith entered the Middletown .\c;idem_\', where he 
had as fellow students a numlier of yoimg men of unusual promise — 
Thomas Field, who is now deceased ; Thomas Hanlon, who l>ecame a doc- 
ti>r ( f di\inity and the president of Pemiington Seminary; George C. Beek- 
man. who rendered valuable service as a member of the State Senate, and 
is well knowni as a capable lawyer and jurist; J. S. Applegate, who also 
was State Senator and attained distinction as a lawyer; and Jacob Stout, 
who became a prominent business man of Atl.mtic Highlands. 

In his earlv davs voung Arrowsmitli displaxxnl a fondness for mili-i 
tary literature; he read with avidity all he could command \\itli relation to 
Washington and Napoleon, and his first composition was ui>oii the foriuer 
named of these two great soldiers. In 1854 he entered the freshman class 

^.-t,-!--!,^ y^*- 


of Madison University, at Hamilton, Xew York, and although the young- 
est student, but sixteen years of age, he took and maintained a high rank 
both in class work and in the college literary societies. He possessed fine 
musical ability, and throughout his academic course he sang in the college 
choir and glee club. In early youth he became a member of the Baptist 
Church, and he lived a life of Christian uprightness until the end. He 
was a Democrat in politics, and long before he had attained his majority 
he was a forceful advocate of his principles in public addresses and through 
letters printed in the local journals. 

In 1 859, when twenty years of age, he became a tutor in the Hamilton 
Grammar School, and at the same time he began a course of law reading 
under the preceptorship of Plon. Charles Alason, the leading lawyer in 
the county, and a supreme court judge. 

In April, 1861, Mr. Arrowsmith passed a creditable examination and 
was licensed as a member of the New York bar. He was now well 
equipped for his pi'ofession, his talents had commendedi him to many influ- 
ential friends, and he was on the eve of entering upon a career which could 
not have been but useful to his fellows and highly honorable to himself. 
But on the -instant came the assault upon the Flag of the Union. It was 
in his eyes a dastardly crime, and his fervent patriotism impelled him to 
turn aside from the path which he had marked out for himself in order to 
give his effort to the preservation of the Union. 

The ink upon his lawy-er's license was scarcely dry when the attack 
upon Fort Sumter was made. A crowd of excited citizens were gathered 
about the post office in Hamilton, discussing the affair, and one of the 
number expressed his wish that the Southern cause might triumph, and 
asserted that he would fig-ht for it. Arrowsmith heard the remark and with 
terrible indignation denounced the speaker as a vile traitor, and then made 
a fervent appeal to his fellcnvs tO' enlist with him for the defaice of tire 
liag. Fifty men responded, and April 29th they organized under the name 
of the Union Guards, and elected Arrowsmith as their captain. A few 
daj's later business in the town was suspended, when the entire populace 
escorted the volunteers to the train which was to bear them to their ren- 
dezvous at Utica. A beautiful silk flag was presented to the company, antl 
revolvers to Captain Arrowsmith and his Lieutenants. Fervently patri- 
otic speeches were made, a minister offered a touching supplication, and 
jjarents and friends bade the patriotic youths tearful adieus. 

With ranks tilled to the maximum number, the Union Guards became 
Company D of the Twenty-sixth Regiment, New York Volunteers. For 
two months the regiment was in camp of instruction at Elmira. June 27, 
1861, it proceeded to Washington, and went into cantonment on j\Ieridian 


Heights. A month huer it was in the vicinity n\ I hill l\un, lij<> late (no 
fault of it t>r its officers) to participate in the haltlc, hut in ample time to 
assist in iireventin^" ])ursuit In- the Rehels ami in aiding in the restoration 
of ortler among the scattered Union troops. 

Captain .ArrowsPiith was, during all this time. de\i)ting his entire 
effort to increasing the efficiency of his company through persistent drill- 
ing. His men appreciated his moti\e and ser\'ices, and this they made 
manifest bv presenting him with a sword, military gUnes and complete 
tent furnishings. On various occasions duty required his presence in 
Washington, and he twice met President Lincoln. 

Service now became arduous, and Company 1) bore a full share in 
the campaigning toward Richmond — marching, throwing up entrench- 
ments, picketing and skirmishing. At I'ohich Church. Captain .Xrrow- 
smith, in command of his own and another company, made a reconnais- 
sance .some eight miles Ijeyond the lines, and dispersed a cavalry outpcjst. 
At Fort Lyon, in February. 1862, he was on duty for a fortnight as judge 
advocate of a general court martial. Somewhat later he again saw Presi- 
dent Lincoln, who reviewed the troops. 

In June. 1862. Captain Arrowsmith received a commission as Captain 
and Assistant .\djutant General, United .States Volunteers, issued hy Sec- 
retary (if \\ ar Stanton, this ])romotion being made u])on the recommenda- 
tion of his superior officers, among them (icneral Kicketts, the division 
commander. He was at once assigned to^ duty on the staff of General Z. 
B. Tower, commanding Second Brigade, Second Division, Third Corps, 
Anny of Virginia. In this jx^sition he ])articipated in the Imttles of Cedar 
Mountain, the Rappahannock, Thoroiighfare Gap and the second Bull 

In the lirst named battle, that of Cedar .Mountain, .\ugust 9, i8C)2, 
Captain Arrowsmith acquittetl himself most creditably, and gained warm 
approval from (ieneral Tower. \n the second Hull Run battle he displayed 
great bravery and received the soljriquet of "ihe young lion." General 
Tower was wfniiKJed and Captain .Vrrowsmith led the two regiments amid a 
shower of graix; and canister. His escape without a wound was almost 
miraculous. .\ bullet passed through his liair. another struck his sword 
scabbard, and a third buried itself in his rolled blanket. Shortly after- 
ward his ))hysical powers were gre.itly diminished through injuries in- 
curred in the fall of his horse, and General Tower asked for him a leave 
of alisence. .stating in his letter to the War Department that Captain .\r- 
rowsmith "for the last two months has continued on duty when most offi- 
cers would have re]K)rted sick, and has done active duty when it was very 
1 4 


painful lor liiin to sit uikhi his horse, sO' anxious was he to he at his post of 
(kit)- and danger." 

The leave \\as granted, and the young officer went to \\'ashington 
for recuperation. Shortly afterward, when new regiments were to he 
formed, Senator Foote and other prominent men sought to ha\e him ac- 
cept a colonelcy. This, hoiwever, would place his old Dersonal friend, Pro- 
fessor Brown, of Madison Universit}-, in a suhordinate position under 
him, and he magnanimously declined. The matter was pleasantly ter- 
minated by Brown being commissioned Colonel, with Arrowsmith as Lieu- 
tenant Colonel, of the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh Regiment, New- 
York Volunteers, which on September 25, 1862, left New York and a few 
days later w-ent into encampment at Centreville, Virginia, and became a 
part of Schurz's r)i\-ision, Sigel's Corps. There was. however, delay in 
the acceptance of Captain Arrow-smith's resignation from the Staff Corpys, 
and he did not join his new regiment until about the middle of November, 
nearly two^ months after it had taken the field. He was unknown to most 
of the men, but his reputation as a soldier w-as familiar to them, and he 
commanded their respect and admiration almost from his first appearance 
amongst them. 

The arduous campaign in which the regiment now engaged led up 
to the battle of Chancellorsville, in which the first desperate onslaught fell 
upon the Eleventh (Floward's) Corps, of wdiich it w'as a part. This was 
the first engagement for this regiment, but it acquitted itself most gal- 
lantly, and amid all the chaos of the hO'Ur its organization was maintaine<l 
intact, and it onlv fell back when so ordered. Towards night it made a 
counter-charge and took some prisoners. The regimental loss in the bat- 
tle was one hundred and seven men. Throughout the engagement Lieii- 
tenant Colonel Arrowsmith tore himself with great intrepidity, and he 
won for himself the admiration of his men and the Cduimendation of hi;> 

The regiment subsequentl_\- marched into Maryland and thence to 
meet Lee at Gettysburg. .Vrrowsmith was in frail condition from a recent 
illness, but he persisted in keeping his saddle. On the first day of the great 
battle, while marching in the direction of the cannonading on the front of 
the First Corps, Surgeon Hendrick remarked to him, "You must not go 
into the fight : von are not strong enough :" but Arrowsmith jested away 
the friendlv advice and remarked, 'T ha\e come to feel that the bullet is 
not moulded which is to kill me." The regiment soon came under fire. 
Tn the execution of a maneuver it fell into some confusion, from which 
it was extricated on the instant by the timely and ijrojier order of .\rrow- 
smith, and of which was said bv one of the men, "How glad we were to 


hear that voice, lor then we knew that uur LxHoved Lieutenanl Culouel, 
wlio had been ill, was with us.'' 

The Eleventh Corps came into action at an opportune moment, and 
stayed the tide of battle which had well niy^h o\erwhelmed the First Corjjs. 
But the enemy soon brought fresh troops into action, and the regiment, 
whose movements we unte. was in danger of being cut off by a Hank at- 
tack, which it was ordered to re])el. It advanced to within fift\- yards of 
the oncoming column. Arrowsmith was on the right of liis regimental 
line, a superb figiire, his voice heard in encouragement above the din ot 
battle. A few moments later, and the gallant soldier fell, struck liy a riHe 
ball full in the forehead. One near by said he never stirred after his fa|ll. 
His personal effects were secured for his friends, Avith the exception of 
a ring and abcnit one hundred and sixty dollars taken by a thieving soldier. 
The greater part of this sum and the ring were subsequently recovered. 

In the desperate engagement in which the splendid soldier came to his 
death, the regiment was almost annihilated, its loss in^ killed, wcninded and 
prisoners being three hundred and seven out of an aggregate of alxnit 
three hundred and fifty who went into action. Of this number one hun- 
<lred and fourteen were; prisoners, so closely were the opixjsing forces in- 

The body of Lieutenant Colonel Arrowsmith was Ijuricd on the field. 
It was afterward exhumed by Dr. Joseph E. Arrowsmith. a brother of the 
fallen soldier, and conveyed to Aliddletown, Xew Jersey, where funeral 
services took place in the Baptist Cliurch_. Sunday, July 26, 186,^, in the 
presence of a large and deeply affected assemblage of friends and neigh- 
bors. An impressive sermon was delivered by the Re\-. David J). .Stout, 
and an obituary paper was read by the Rew Dr. Samuel Lockwood. 

On Decoration Day, 1891, at Red Bank, New Jersey, Hon. John 
S. Applegate delivered, at the request of .\rrowsniith Post, Xo. ()i. (irand 
Army of the Republic, an adilress presenting the life and character of 
Lieutenant Colonel Arrowsmith, who had been his playmate in lx>yhoocl 
and his roommate at Colgate University. In 1893, with this address as 
a foundation, Mr. Applegate published a volume of two hundred and 
fifty-four pages under the title "Reminiscences and Letters of George Ar- 
rowsmith," with an appendi.x containing the funeral discourse delivered 
by the Rev. David B. Stout, the resolutions of condolence adopted by the 
Brigade Board of the Monmouth and Ocean Brigade, and by the class of 
1859 of Madison University, and other tributes to the memory Of the 
fallen soldier. 

From the pages of this volume iiave been derived the facts presented 



in the foregoing narrative, and from U is also taken the following trihute 
from the pen of the author : 

"Thus lived and died Lieutenant Colonel George Anwsnnth at the 
earlv a^e of vventv-four years. While full n.aturhy of character had not 
been attfined, yet there wL exhibited a sound and ^^^o.^n^sj^^^ 
tiful in its svmmetry, and toweruig ua Us aspu-ations. Though tallm in 
the springtime of lif;, he dul not live u. vain. The prn.ciple tor .duch 
he <^Ta ped his sword was vindicated. The rebelhon was crushed, and 
const tuLnal l.bertv was preserved. It was he m common wU othei 
brave hearts and strong arms, who accomplished this great resul He 
U'd loi^ en "gl. to share in the glorious work and to render brdhantly 
consnicuous the virtues of his noble character. 

•'He gave his all to his country, cultivated talents, alluring prospects 
in civilpursuits, a young life; as a patriot he couUl have ^^^^or'. 
Of his courage I need not speak. It is attested by heroic deeds on se^- 
eral battle-fields, which are at once his monuments and his eulogies. 

"In manhood he was the soul of honor, with an innate contenipt toi 
wdiatever was mean or intriguing. He possessed a high ^enseo dirty 
which characterized his whole life, a steady purpose to do what he be- 
lieved to be right He honored his father and mother, and in the sacied 
orecincts of his own home he was the light and joy ot their hearts. 

"There was no gulf between him and others of less tavored position- 
He had no snobbish pride or silly vanity. Hence he was the idol of the 
volunteer soldier. He possessed a dignity in bearing and a gravity in 
repose but when approached his genial salutation relieved all uncertainty^ 
] le was proud, but it was the honoralile iiride born ot true nobility of 
character. He was ambitious, but it was the laudable ambition to excell 
in good works and deeds. , , , 

"In conversation and social intercourse he was rehned and courteous. 
\ coarse or profane expression never fell from his lips. It was a strong 
point made in one of the testimonials presented to Governor ^lorgan 
recommending his promotion, that he \n:us an officer who nexxr used pro- 
fane language. 

"His knowledge of history an<l general English literature was ex- 
tensive He had a good memory, keen perceptions and a pleasant vein of 
humor. To these he united gifts of soul that enabled him to bind to his 
heart all who knew him with Viands of steel. 

"His patriotism was not the enthusiasm of the hour to l)e chilled by 
the first reverse or defeat. It was a settled determination, a firm con- 
viction, that underlving the contest was a great moral principle. Scenes 
of perii, of exposure, of exertion, he encountered without a murmur. Nor 
did he 'entertain a thought of terminating his military career before the 
end of the war. To the advice of a friend that he should limit his term 
of service, his reply was that 'as long as the war lasts. I will serve my 

countrv.' .. , . , • 

"His natural qualities were conspicuously manitested in his army lite. 


l'"ri>in the patient and ioain>takinu stndeni lie became a Uionnigli instructor 
anil tactician in cam]). From a g'cnial companion in society lie passed as 
tiie tvpe (>l good telluwsiiip by tlie camp-tire. His tjentle and sympathetic 
nature endeared liim to the \ictims of ])ain ;'.nd sufferini^. b"a\iired with 
a stronjj physical organization', lie could endure hardships without ex- 
haustion. Possessed of great moral pride, he was a lion in danger, and 
liis natural impetunsity made him a thimderbolt in Ijattle. 

"It is idle to s])eculate upon what he might have been- had his life 
been s])ared. We a.ccei)t him with admiration anil gratitude for what he 
was. Enlisting as a mere bo_\. without rank, he was at once unanimously 
chosen by his fellow volunteers as the commandant of the company. In 
one year, for merit, he was promoted to the office of Assistant .\djutant- 
(jeneral u])<in the stalif i>f Cieneral Tower, upon the recommendation of the 
Division Commander, (ieneral Ricketls. XVitiiout leaving the army, he 
was elevated to the field office of Lieute;i;nu Colonel by the (Governor of 
New York, who was thus prMuiptcil by the fanne of the soldier, and was 
only restrained from appointing him Colonel by his generous refusal to ac- 
cept the position over a. friend. On the eve of Gettysburg his comrades 
urged his higher ]iromotion, with flattering testimonials frran ])ersons of 
ilistinguished military rank, but here was end'ed his rising career. It w;uj 
an honorable death, and his epitajih is briefly written: a sterling soldier, 
a true p:.trii.t. and a brave man." 

Ocean county was unre[)rcsented by any (jrganization under the early 
■calls for troops, but some indi\i(luals enlisted in comjianies recruited else- 
where. In later days, however, it bore a full jjarl and contriliuted to the 
ranks of various notable regiments. 

April _'5, i86j. the l)oard of freeholders made an appro|)riation of 
$2,000 to defray the expense of lecruiting and to supply the needs of the 
families i>f volunteers suddenly called from their accustomed labors. 

Company D. Ninth Regiment, was mustered iuto service Sq)tember 
J3, 1861, and served until July u, iSf);. The first Captain was Thomas 
W. Middleton, who was wounded duri'ng Ilurnside's campaign in Xorih 
Carolina, and was succeeded by Edward Kissam, who was discharged in 
February, 1865. on account of disability, and was succeeded bv Amos H. 
Evans, who commanded tiie company during the remainder of the 
The First Lieutenants were, in turn, George G. Irons, Charles Huft"\-, who 
became Captain of Company C, and Joseph C. Bowker. The Second Lieu- 
tenants, in turn, were Andrew J. Elberson, J. Madison Drake and Ed- 
ward H. CJreen. The company com|)rised two hundred and sixteen men 
from first to last, and of this number twenty-nine ilied, thirty-six were 
tiansferred to other companies, and twenty-three were discharged for 

The board of freeholders expended $900 in recruiting Companv F 


of. the Fourteenth Reginier.t. The company went into ser\ice August 15, 
1862, and was mustered out June iS, i'865. Of its total of one hundred 
and thirty-fi\e men, twenty-seven died, eighteen were transferred to other 
comjianies, and twelve were discharged! on accoimt of disability. The 
first Captain, Ralph B. Gowdy, was succeeded by John C. Patteiscn, who 
was promoted in turn to Major, Lieutenant Colonel and Colonel, and was 
succeeded in the captaincy by Vincent R. Marsh. The First Lieutenants 
were Samuel C. Bailey, who rose to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel ; Jarv^is 
Wanser and Barton Applegate. The- Second Lieutenants were Benjamin 
F. Patterson, Charles H. White, who became Captain of Company G, and 
William S. Conover. Sergeant James Chafife}' became a Lieutenant in 
Company K, and Sergeant Samuel G. Hill a Lieutenant in Company A. 

• Company H, Twenty-ninth Regiment, was called into service in Aug- 
ust, 1862, and served until June 30, 1863. Its officers were Albert S. 
Cloke, Captain; Charles L. Kimball, First Lieutenant; and M. Perrine 
Gravatt, Second Lieutenant. It numbered ninety-nine men, of whom three 
died, eleven were discharged for disability, and one transferred. 

Among other commands in which Ocean county was represented was- 
the famous First Cavalry Regiment. 

Owing to its sparse population, and the fact that the naval service 
was particularly inviting as well as necessitous, Atlantic county contribf- 
uted no considerable number of troops in one body. It was well repre- 
sented, however, in the First, Second, Tliird and Fourth Xew Jersey Reg- 
iments of Volunteers, both in the three months and three years service, 
and subsequently in the Sixth, Seventh and Tenth Regiments. All these 
served in the Army of the Potomac. 

Beniah L. Stevens, who is now a business man of Atlantic City, who 
served in the Navy, rendered conspicuous service at a most opportune 
time. He enlisted in the United States Marine Corps January 13. 1858, 
and was assigned to the United States ship "Pawnee," Commander PL 
J. Hartstene, in which he cruised about the Atlantic and Pacific oceans 
until 1861. On January 9, 1861, he personally hoisted the United States 
flag over Fort McHeniy. He was engaged in the destruction oif the Nor- 
folk Navy Yard (made necessary to keep it from falling into the hands of 
the Rebels), on April 21st, Avhen he was promoted for gallant scr\ices and 
ordered to the L'nited States steamer "Mississippi." 

This ship was one of Farragut's squadron <hu-ing the blockade of 
New Orleans, and it was there that Stevens distinguished himself by a 
remarkable and reckless act of daring, which, for cool conception, has been 
rarely equalled. On April 24th. during Farragut's attack upon Forts Jack- 
son and St. Philip, the "Mississippi" was in mid-stream protecting the 


remainder uf the lleel from the Rebel rams. So effecli\e Avas the old ship's 
work tliat the commander of the Confederate ram "Manassas" determined 
to sink her. and he made for the Union vessel at fnll speed, lie sirnck 
her about midsliip, and the force of the impact caused the "Manassas" 10 
kee! half over. On the upper deck of the "Mississippi"' was Stevens, in 
command of a si.x-gfun battery, which was exposed to the fire of tJie Con- 
federates. He saw an 0]>pf)nunity, at great risk, of effectually disabling 
the Rebel ram, and, without considering the danger to himself, and witl:- 
out orders from his superiors, he sprang to one of his guns, which was 
somewhat shattered with a sixty-eight pound shell, and. quickly depress- 
ing the muzzle, he sighted almost through the enemy's smokestack, and 
I)ullcd the lanyard. The shell penetrated to the engine room of the ram, 
where it exploded antl wrecked the machinery, rendering the vessel liors 
dc combat. The "Manassas," wrecked and shattered, drifted helplessly 
down the stream beyond the power of doing further harm. Before Ste- 
vens fired the shot he was wounded' in the knee by a Rebel minie-ball, which 
caused him to fall, but only for a moment, as he again sprang to his task. 
His greatest injuries, hov.evcr, were received from the terriiic recoil of 
the gim, which in his crippled condition he could not avoid. His hurt 
proved so great that shortly after he was honorably discharged. 

Joe Hooker Post, No. 32, Grand Army of the Republic, at Atlantic 
City, honors tlie memory of the patriot dead by maintaining a .Memorial 
Hall, which is its own property. 

A resident of Cape May county (Mr. \V. E. Miller) rendered i^e- 
culiarly useful service to the government at a most opportune time. .V 
telegraph line connecting Philadelphia and Cape Island had Ix^cn aban- 
doned by its owners. So early as April 21, 1861, not more than a week 
after Fort Sumter was fired upon, Mr. Miller suggested to Governor Ol- 
den the desirability of reopening the line in order to admit of the War 
and Navy departments communicating with government vessels off the 
Capes. Governor Olden was quick to perceive the necessity, and he m- 
structed Mr. Miller to repair the line, which was speedily done, at an ex- 
pense of nearly eight 'lundred dollars. 

The conditions in the county were peculiar. The moment hostilities 
began, military companies were formed in various towns, but thev were 
not brought into service. At the general election in i860 a large majority 
of the votes cast were for Mr. Lincoln, bat at the time the war began the 
board of freeholders Vi-as not in sympathy with the administration, and 
that Ixxly manifested its hostility by refusing to make repairs on the car- 
riage of "Long Tom," a cannon which had lieen in ser\ ice <iuring the 
war of 1812, and also by declining to render any assistance to Captain 


West's Cape Jslaiul Home (hiards. During the summer. Samuel R. 
IMagonagle, editor of the ■"Ocean Wave." formed a company which was 
not mustered into the service, hut tlie greater numljer of its members sul)- 
sequently enhsted in \arious commands. In the autumn of 1861 Captiiin 
Joseph E. Corson organized the .SeaviUe Rangers (Company B. Atlantic 
Brigade), which was armetl 1)_\- the State, and rendered efficient duty in 
guarding the telegraph line and in other ways. 

In August. 1861, the Ixjard of freeholders appointed a relief commit- 
tee to care for the families of volunteers, and its members served untii 
May, 1862, when their successors were appointed.' 

Company A, .Seventh Regiment, mustered into service August 23, 
1 86 1, was composed largely of men from Cape May county. Among its 
members was George W. Smith, who at the organization liecame First 
Sergeant. He was successively promoted to Sergeant Major, Second Lieu- 
tenant of the company, First Lieutenant of Company H, and- Captain of 
Company C. At the battle of M'ahern Hill, as the senior officer present, 
he commanded the regiment. He was womided in action at Chancellors- 
ville. May 3, 1863, and this caused his resignation January 7, 1864. He 
returned home and became jirominent in civil and military life. He was 
elected to the City Council, rmd in 1872 he was Sergeant-at-iarms of the New 
Jersey Senate. In 1875 he organized Company H. Sixth Regiment. Nev 
Jersey State Guards, was elected to the captaincy, and was promoted to 
]\Iajor in 1882, and to Lieutenant Colonel in 1885. He resigned in 1887. 

The .Seventh Regiment participated in the \arious campaigns of the 
Army of the Potomac, and suffered great loss at Gettysburg. 

The Twelfth Regiment went into service July 7, 1862, and fought 3t 
Chancellorsville. Gettysburg, and in various other engagements. Among 
its officers was J. Howard Willetts. ulio had been a Captain in the Sev-i 
enth Regiment : he was Lieutenant Colonel of the Twelfth at its organi- 
zation, was promoted to the colonelcy l"ebruary 27, 1863. and resigned 
Uecanber 19. 1864, on account of wounds received in the battle of Chaii«- 
cellorsville. Richard S. Thomi)son. als> of Cape May. was originally 
Captain of Company !•'. and was promoted through the various grades to 
the Lieutenant Colonelcw He cimimanded the regiment in the battle of 
Ream's Station, where he was so severely wounded that he was obliged 
to retire from .service February 17. 1865. having in the meantime, and 
while on crutches. ser\ed as president of a general court martial. Lieu- 
tenant Richard H. Townsend, .mother Capo May soldier, fell in the bat- 
tle of Gettvsburg, shot through the heart. He had been promoted from 
the Tenth Regiment, and had been with his nev comnnmd only three days 
when he met his death. 


Tlie Twenty-tiflh Regiment, niiistered into scr\ice Scptenil)er 26, 
1862. for a ]>eri()(l of nine nionlhs. was first assigned to tlic defence of 
AN'ashington, and participated in the liatlle of Frcdericl<s1jnrg and in some 
minor engagements. Three companies, E. (_i and 1. were ])rincipail\ made 
up of Cape May County men. 

Company I- was recruited in greater part in Dennis and Lower lown- 
sliips and Cape Ishmd. Of the commissioned ofticers, I-'irst Lieutenant 
Nicholas \\ . (jodfrey and Second Lieutenant Henry N, W illetts were 
residents of tlie county. The former named resigned and was succeeded 
by W'iiietts, and Reuben Foster succeeded the latter named. 

Ccjmpany (r was ])rincipa]ly composed of upper Ca])e .Ma\- C'ount_\- 
men, and of men from Tuckahoe, on the Atlantic County side, with a few 
from Marshallville, then in Cumberland County. The officers were Charles 
R. Powell, Captain: and Ewing W. Tibliles and Nicholas Corson, First 
and Second Lieutenants, respectively. 

Two-thirds of the members of Com])an\- J were from Cajie May 
■County, and the remainder from Atlantic Count}'. The h'irst Lieutenant 
was John F. Tomlin, who was promoted to Captain when .^amnel E. 
Douglass (Second Lieutenant) was promoted to First Lieutenant, and J. 
Granville Leach ( Sergeant Major) became .Second Lieutenant. Lieuten- 
ant Leach recei\'ed his promotion for gallant conduct in the battle of ]''red- 
ericksburg. In i<S65 he founded the "Cai)e May Daily Wave." lie after- 
ward removed to Philadelphia, and was elected to the legislature of Penn- 
sylvania, l-'rom 1887 to 1891 he was Commissary (leneral of the Na- 
tional Guard of Pennsylvania. He served under President Harrison as 
appraiser at the i)ort of Phiiadeli)hia. b'or many years he closely followed 
literary pursuits, and his contributions to ".\]>pleton's Cyclopedia of .\mer- 
ican Biogra]>hy" have been more numerous than those of any other con- 
tributor aside from the editorial staff. 

The Thirty-eighth Regiment was nnistered into service September 
30, 1864, and was assigned to a ]>ro\isional brigade of the .\rmy of the 
James, and it took part in the operations in front of Petersburg. It was 
commanded by Colonel William J. Sewcll, who afterward twice became 
United States Senato'-. In this regiment were man\- Cape ^L^y County 
men in Companies H and K. In Com])any K were First Lieutenant .\1- 
l)ert E. Hand and .Sergeant Sanuiel !•'. DoMglass. the latter named of whom 
was promoted to Sec^Mid Lieutenant 

The First Ca\alry Regiment made a splendid record. It was organ- 
ized under the name of Ilalstead's Cavalry, in the summer of 1861. and 
arrived September i at Washington City. It was attached, in turn, to the 
Cavalrv Divisi(;n of the .\rmv of the Potomac, the Militarv District of 


Washington, the JJeparlment of the Rappahannock, the Army of Virginia, 
llie defenses of Washington, the Army of the Potomac, and again to the 
defenses of Washington. In point of service, rapid marches and number 
of engagements fought, ninety-seven in number, its record is unsurpass- 
al)Ie, and is equalled by but few mounted organizations of the war period. 
It was one of the first regiments to receive uniforms of the regular army 
pattern, and the novelty of blue cape-overcoats with yellow linings brought 
them the designation of the "Butterfly Regiment." 

In this regiment perhaps every county on the Xew Jersey coast was- 
represented. Middlesex county contributed nearly all the members of 
Company H. In Company B were a number of men from Cape May coun- 
ty, one of whom passed through experiences imexampled in the annals of 

Ilenry Washington Sawyer, a native of Pennsylvania, at the age of 
nineteen years came in 1848 toi Cape Island, where he engaged in his 
trade as a carpenter. He was among the first to respond to President 
Lincoln's call for the first army of seventy-five thousand men, in April, 
1861. As there was no probability of a company being organized in Cape 
]\iay, lie went to Trenton and saw Governor Olden, who gave him im- 
portant letters to Secretary of War Cameron. There were then (x-\pril 
19) but a handful of soldiersi in the national capital, and Sawyer was de- 
tailed as one of a company of guards organized to protect the government 
liuildings. Later he became a private in a Pennsylvania regiment, and 
soon afterward he was appointed Sergeant, and a month later he was com- 
missioned as Second Lieutenant. The tenn of service of the regiment 
having expired, he was discharged. February 19, 1862, he was commis- 
sioned Second Lieutenant in Company D, First Cavalry Regiment, and he 
was promoted to First Lieutenant April 7, and to Captain of Company K 
on October 8. 

June 9, 1863, Captain Sawyer commanded his cijiiipany in the battle 
of Brandy Station, one of the most desperate cavalry engagements of the 
war. W'ell toward its close, he received two pistol bullets — one passed 
through his thigh, and the other struck his right cheek, passing out at 
the back of his neck near the spinal column. Despite his wounds, he kept 
his saddle until his horse was shot under him and fell a\ ith him to the 
ground', his senses leaving hinn with the concussion. On recovering con- 
sciousness, he found himself a prisoner. His wounds were pronounced very 
dangerous, if not mortal. Recovering suf^ciently to adinit of his removal, 
he was conve\ed to Richmond, where he was committed to the famous 
Libby Prison. 

July 6th, without preparation, he was called to face an ordeal which 


might well r.piial the stoutest heart. With nthef captives of the rank of 
captain, he was called into the presence ui General Winder, coniniandant 
of the Prison. They entered with hope, anticipating,'- release hy exchanse. 
but to their horror were informed that two of their number were to be 
selected to Ije shot in retaliation for the execution by General Burnside 
of two (Confederate officers who had been taken while engaged in recruit- 
ing within the federal lines. 

The little company were formed in a hollow square to witness the 
lottery of death. The name of each was written on a separate slip of paper, 
and these slips were placed in a box; the commander giving notice that the 
first two slips drawn would designate the men to be executed. To those 
from whom the victims were to Ite taken was granted permission to select 
those who should conduct the drawing. 

At the suggestion of Captain Sawyer, who maintained a marvelous 
self-possession, the pitiful task was committed to Chaplain Brown, of the 
Sixth Maryland Regiment. Amid the most awesome silence the chaplain 
drew a slip, that bearing the name of Captain Sawyer, and another, bear- 
ing that of Captain Flynn, of the Fifty-tirst Indiana Regiment. Testimony 
to the splendid fortitude of Captain Sawyer is afforded by one of the 
first rebel journals of the day, the "Richmond Dispatch," which said, 
"Sawyer heard it with, no apparent emotion, remarking that some one had 
to be drawn, and he could stand it as well as any one else." 

The doomed men were at once placed under special guard, and were 
notified by General Winder that they need not delude themselves with any 
hope of escape, and tiiat their execution would take i)lace July 14th, eigiit 
days hence. Sawyer, however, did not abandon hope, and he asked and 
received permission to write a letter to his wife, conditioned upon its read- 
ing by the prison authorities. This epistle is at once remarkable for its 
dis[)lay of cool delil>eration in planning for the preservation of his life, 
courageous resignation in the event of death, unflinching- patriotic devo- 
tion, and the infinite pathos of his farewell to his loved ones. It is welt 
worthy of preservation to the remotest days of history as illustrative of 
one of the ufjblest t\-])es of the .\merican solrlier : 

" Marshal-General's Office. 
Richmond, Va., July 6th, 1863. 
"My Dear Wife: — I am under the necessity of infi>rming' you that 
my prospects look dark. 

"This morning all the captains now prisoners at the Libby Militaiy 
Prison drew lots for two to be executefl. It fell to my lot. Myself and 
Captain Flynn, of the l-'ifty-first Indiana Infantry, will be executed for 
two captains executed I)y I'urnside. 


"The Provost ^Marshal-General, J. 11. Winder, assures me that the 
Secretan,- of War of the Southern Confederacy will permit yourself anxi 
my dear children to visit me before I am e.xecuted. You will l>e permitted 
to bring an attendant. Captain' \\hilldin, or Uncle W. W. Ware, or Dan, 
had better come with vou. ^ly situation is hard to be borne, and I cannot 
think of dying without seeing you and the children. You will be allowed 
to return without molestation to your home. 1 anr resigned to whatever 
is in store for me. with the consolation that I die without having com- 
mitted any crime. 1 have no trial, no jury, nor am I charged with any 
crime, but it fell to my lot. You will proceed tO' Washington. My gov- 
ernment will gi\e you transportation for Fortress Monroe, and you will 
g"et here by flag of, and return in the same way. Bring with you a 
shirt for me. 

■"It will be necessaiy for you to preserve this letter to bring evidence 
-at Washington of my condition. My pay is due me from the ist of March, 

which you are entitled to. Captain B owes me fifty dollars, money 

lent to him when he went on a furlough. You will write to him at once, 
and he will send it to you. 

"My dear wife, the fortune of war has put me in this position. If I 
must die. a sacrifice to my country, with God"s will I must submit : only 
let me see you once more, and I will die becoming a man and an officer: 
but. for God"s sake, do not disappoint me. Write to me as soon as you 
get this, and go to Captain Whilldin ; he will advise you what to do. 

"I have done nothing tO' deserve this i>enalty. But you must sulMuit 
to your fate. It will be no disgrace to myself, you or the children: but 
}T>u may point with pride and say : T gave my husbaral :' my children 
will have tlie consolation to say : T was made an orphan for my country.' 

"God will provide for you: never fear. Oh! It is hard to leave you 
thus. I wish the ball that passed through my head in the last battle would 
ha\e done its work: but it was not to l^e so. My mind is somewhat iiv 
fiucnccd, for it has come so suddenly on me. Write to me as soon as you 
get this; leave your letter open, and I will get it. Direct my name and 
rank, by way of Fortress Monroe. 

"Farewell! farewell!! and I hope it is all for the best. I remain yours 
until death, 

"H. W. S.'^WYER, 

"Captain First Xew Jersey Cavaln,-." 

Sawyer and Flynn were now placed in close confinement in an un- 
derground dungeon so damp that their clothing mildewed. Feeble light 
and foulest air were admitted by a six-inch square hole in the door, out- 
side of which stood a sentinel, who every half-hour, day and night, chal- 
lenged the i)risoncrs, who were obliged to respond. Owing to these cease- 
less calls, and the jiresence of a multitude of great rats, the miserable men 
Avere well nigh totally deprived of sleep. 

P.iU although they were unaware of it, deliverance for the captives 


was at hand. Sawyer's faitlifnl wife, norvini.; lierself to a licroisni akin, 
to that of lier iiohle husband, hastened to W'asiiington and laid Ijefore tlie 
J 'resident the message had Ijeen received. She needeil to make no plea when 
she gazed into the pitying, careworn face of the tender-hearted Lincoln. 
Bidding her take courage, he set to work e\ery agency to sa\e the con- 
demned men. and also procured lor the poor woman a safe-conduct which 
enabled her to visit her husband, who, with his companion, was granted a 
tifteen-day res])ite. 

I'nilcr the direction of the President and the Secretary of War. a son 
of General Koberl E. Lee and a son of General Winder, the Libby Prison 
commandant, then prisoners in the hands of the federal authorities, were 
ordered into close confinement, and General Benjamin F. Butler was di- 
rected to notifx' the lUnfederate government that these men would be 
executed iiumediateK' u[)on recei])t of information of the death of Sawyer 
and Flxiin. 

The notice was snflicienth' deterrent in terms, but its torcetulness 
was augmented liy the naming of General PJutler as the agent of retrii)u- 
tion, for his determination in the use of heroic measures was ])rovcrl)iaI. 
Tlie executions were postponed from time to time. After a three weeks 
incarceration in the noisome dungeon. Sawyer and Flynn were remo\ed 
to the same quarters with the other ])risoners. Meantime the Richmond 
newspapers clamored for their execution, and they never once felt that 
their lives were really saved until in March, 1864. nine months after their 
capture, and eigiit months after their condemnation to death, when they 
v.alked out to freedom, through exchange for the Confederate officers held 
as hostages for them, and under similar sentence. 

Captain Sawyer was lionorably mustered out of service, with the 
bre^'Ct rank of Lieutenant Colonel, in Sei>teiuber. 1865. lie was 
quently offered a lieutenancy in the regular army, which he declinetl. 
As a capital guard of 1861 he received a medal of Jionor from the State 
of Pennsylvania. For several years he was a member of tiie City Council 
of Cape May. and he was at one time Superintaident of the Life Saving 
Service for the coast of New Jersey, and a member of the Xew Jcrse}" 
State Sinking Fund Commission from 1888 to 1891. His death occurred 
October 16. 1893, and was due to lieart failure. He Ixjre in bis body to 
the last one of the balls which be received in battle. 

Llis ])rison companion. Ca])tain Flynn, who with him was sentenced to- 
deatli, ra])i(IIy declined during his imprisonment, and died about six months 
after regaining his liberty. 



It is estimated that not less than tliree thousand men whose homes 
were on the Xew Jersey coast went into the navy, a service for which they 
were admirably fitted by reason of their salt-water tastes and training. 
Nor is the fact to be lost sight of that, in Ocean and Cape May counties 
l>articularly. many seafaring men, \-essel owners and sailors, were through- 
out the war engaged in the transportation o-f army supplies, food and 
clothing for men, forage for animals and ammunition, to the anuies along 
the Maryland, Virginia and Carolina coasts — a service as necessary as 
was the maintaining of a lighting force, and one fraught with great peril. 
For these hardy sailors encountered not only the fury of the ocean tempest, 
hut the}' were endangereil by the war craft of the enemy on the sea, by 
torpedoes in the streams, and by ambuscaders on the shores. 

A number of Ocean County sailors rose to distinction in* the naval 
service. Thomas Edwards was acting master of the U. S. Ship "Oneida," 
from 1 86 1 to 1863, and subsequently commanded the U. S. Ship "Stock- 
dale." William Rogers commanded the U. S. Ship "Pembina," in 1861 ; 
the U. S. Ship "Mary Sandford," in 1863, and the "Hetzell," in 1864-5. 
Jerome B. Rogers was in command of the U. S. Ship "Restless," in 1862, 
and of the U. S. Ship "Sebago," in 1863-4. 

Cape May contributed to the navy a considerable number of experi- 
enced sailors who acquitted themselves most honorably, and some of whom 
rose to important positions. Perhaps the most conspicuous of these was 
Henry W. Hand. 

He was of colonial ancestry, a lineal descendant of Mark Hand, who 
was a soldier under Oliver Cromwell. He was a son of Christopher S. 
Hand, and he was born at Green Creek, July 8, 1833. He began the life 
of a sailor when he was seventeen years of age, and when he was twenty- 
one years old he was master of a \essel in the merchant marine. His life 
was full of adventure. At Mobile, .-Mabama, in 1856, he was arrested and 
tried for abducting a negro slave, but was acquitted. 

An ardent Unionist, and also an Abolitionist, he entered the naval 
service of the federal government at the beginning of the Rebellion. No- 
vember 13, 1 86 1, he was made master and assigned to duty on the U. S. 
Ship "Keystone State," on board which he served as division and watch 
officer when it made its long cruise in jjursuit of the Confederate block- 
ade runner "Nashville." He was on duty with Admiral Dupont's fleet in 
the (Tperations against and capture of the ports on the South Carolina coast, 
and he serx'cd in the division of sailors and marines placed on shore duty in 


connection with tlic cxpcditinn. lie was detaclicd from his ship as prize 
master of t!ie captured Confederate jjrivateer "Dixie." He was suljse- 
quentiy ordered to ihity on i)oard the monitor "Passaic," ami was placed 
in command of her turret thxision. lie was transferred, in turn, to the 
U. S. Ships "X'ernioiu"' and "Xcw 1 lanipshire," and was successix'ely 
executive officer of both these \essels. Incidents of his service were 
in the blockade of Charleston, South Carolina, and with the naval brigade 
under General Hatch, in South Carolina, in February, 1865, ojierating 
35 a diversion to distract attention from (jcneral Sherman's march from 
Savannah to the Atlantic coast. 

Captain Hand's service under the <;-o\ernment did n<;t terminate with 
the end of the war. For three years afterward he was watch officer on 
the U. S. Ship "Lackawanna," en<^aged in survevinj;' dut\- in the Pacific 
Ocean, with headquaiters at Honolulu, Sandwich Islands. In 1X1.9 he re- 
tired from the sea. and was a teacher in schools in Cape Mav until JSS3, 
when he withdrew to gi\e his entire attention to editorial work on the 
""Cape May \\'a\e." 

Xiunerous other Cape May seamen performed meritorious service 
iitloat during the Civil War. lulward 1). Springer served as Acting Ensign 
in the Mississipjn S(piadron. Eli D. Edmunds was Acting Master's Mate 
on the U. S. Ship "Crusader," in 1862; Acting lui'^ign in the Potomac 
llotilla, in 1863-4, and in 1866 commanded a coast survey steamer. Henry 
W. Hand, Acting Master, served on the U. S. .Shi]> "X'crmont." James 
Mecray, Jr., Acting Assistant Surgeon, ser\ed in the I^ast Gulf r>lockad- 
ing Squadron. 

After more than four years of horrible war came the sun.-hine of 
peace. The armies of the Union were disbanded, and a multitude of their 
hosts came back into a world which had I)ecome new to them. They were 
but school-boys or tyro apprentices when they enlisted. They had left 
their school-books unfinished, their trades unlearned, and they were now 
too old to begin again at the turned-down page or make ;i new beginning 
with tools they had forgotten the use of. Some older ones had left a 
desirable occupation fom- \ears ago, but they came home to find that others 
had stepped into the work they had )>egun. Old avenues were closed to 
them, old ambitions were dead, and they walked as men, do in dreams. 

To some, by-and-by, came new aspirations, leading them to emlKU-k 
in ventures thev would not have dared but for the self-reliance acquired 
in days of hardsliii^s and conflict. They took up the struggle against Fate 
iuid those who, refusing to do duty for country, had thus far outstripped 


them in the race of Hfe, and, despite the odds against them, ])nshed for- 
ward to success and honorahle (hstinction. They led the vanguard of 
civilization in the unexplored places of the land, building up comnuinities 
and creating States, planting e\-er3\vhere the sch(X>l-house, the church and 
the printing-press, and leading into channels of thrift and enterprise all 
who gathered about them. Others passed Ijeyond the confines of their 
own land, traveling beyond tiie seas, spreading commerce and in\ention, 
to the ad\ar.cement of Iheir own fortune and to the honor of their country. 

Others, broken in body and weary of spirit, stooped their shoulders 
to the burden nearest them. Poor were they in this world's goods, yet 
were the\' rich — rich in a life of noble effort, of heroic deed, of patriotic 
unselfishness.' of broadened manhood, of conscientious citizenship. 

Such as these were the sires and exemplars of another noble genera- 
tion — the splendid young men who more than a third of a century later, 
n'^arched side by side with the sons cf men against whom their fathers liad 
fought, and with them vindicated the honor of a re-united nation and made 
glorious the one flag fioating over it. 


In a military sense, the State of New Jersey was in admirable c<jn- 
dition to enter upon its jjart in the war with S])ain — a gratifying contrast 
with its unpreparedness at the liegiiming of the Civil War. 

In the preparation for the approaching struggle, the Congress of the 
United States, on .'Vpril 22, 1898, passed the act commonly known as the 
"Hull Bill,"" provided that all able-bodied male citizens of the United States, 
and persons of foreign birth who had declared their intention to become 
citizens of the United States under and in pursuance of the laws thereof, 
between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years, should constitute the 
national forces, and. with such exceptions and luider such conditions as 
might be iirescribed In- law. lialjle to perform duty in the service of the 
United States. It also declared that in time of war the army should con- 
sist of two branches to be designated res])ectivcly as the regular army and 
the volunteer army of the United States. 

.\])ril 2^^i\, the day after the passage of the aliove named Act of Con- 
gress, President McKinley issued his proclamation calling out a volunteer 
army of 125,000 men, the same to be apportioned, as far as practicable, 
among the se\-eral States and Territories and the District of Columbia, 
according to population, and to serve for two years, unless sooner dis- 

A|)ril 25th Congress declared an existent state of war 1>etween the 

HISTORY OF TUL: new JLRSEV coast. 22S 

United Stales and Spain, and enipuwered tlie President to call into actual 
service the militia of the several States to such extent as he might deem 
necessary to carry the Act into effect. 

On the same dav the Secretary of War addre^scd Hon. Fnster M. 
Voorhees. Governor of New Jersey, notifying him that the (juota of the 
State, under the Presidential call, was three regiments of infantr_\-. 

The following day, April 26th, a conference of the military author- 
ities of the State was held in the executive chamhers at Trenton, the Gov- 
ernor being' present, and the next morning an order was issued tnr the 
calling out of three regiments of the National Guard as the quota of New 
Jersey under the tirst call for troops. It was i)rovided that all officers 
and enlisted men in the National Guard entering the volunteer service 
should be considered as "absent with leave" during the term of service. 

Between April 28th and 30th the prescribed medical examinations of 
the various commands had been made, and the Governor, through General 
William S. Stryker, Adjutant General, ordered the mobilization of suffi- 
cient State forces to constitute three regiments. These were to report at 
the State camp ground at Sea Girt, which was constituted a military post 
under command of Major General Joseph W. Plume, of the New Jersey 
National Guard. These orders were carried into effect with remarkable 
celerity. On Monday afternoon. May 2d, at one o'clock, Companies A, 
C and G, Sixth Regiment, National Guard, and Company E, Seventh Regi- 
ment, National Guard, all of which organizations were to Ije attached to 
the Tliird Regiment, marched into camp. At three o'clock the First Regi- 
ment, headquarters at Newark, and the Third Regiment, headquarters at 
Elizabeth, arrived at Sea Girt. At four o'clock the same afternoon the 
Second Regiment, headquarters at Paterson, reported in camp, and twenty- 
fi\e minutes thereafter General Plume had the camp colors hoisted and 
Camp Voorhees was formally established. 

Captain William C. Buttler, Third Infantry, United States Army, as- 
signefl to duty as mustering officer of the New Jersey troops, reported tO' 
the Governor, and Company B, Inrst Regiment, was the first company 
mustered into the service of the United States for the war, Mav 6th, and 
the mu.stering in (if the entire three regiments was concluded Sundav, May 

Jime iith. General Plume was relieved from command of the mili- 
tary post at Sea Girt, and on the 20th of June he received a commission 
as Brigadier General of United States Volunteers, and soon afterward re- 
ported for duty with the Second Army Corps at Camp Alger, A'irginia. 

Notwithstanding the State had filled three regiments of troops to the 
maximum numljer of officers and men under the first call of the President. 



it was now deemed jjroper hy llie War Department that nearly a tliuusaiid 
nidre men should he enlisted fur these three regiments. June 13th the 
reeruits so called for l>egan to arrive in camp at Sea Girt, and the next 
day their medical e.xa.minatioii and mustering in began and continued until 
July 8th. "J'he contingent for the First Regiment left for Camp Alger on 
July 1st. and on the same day the recruits for the First Battalion of the 
Third Regiment started for Pompton Lakes, Xew Jersey. The recruits 
for the Second Regiment, at Jacksonville, Florida, left Sea Girt on July 
7th, and those for the Second and Third Battalions of the Third Regi- 
ment ;it h'ort Hancock, San.dy Hook, New Jersey, left July 8th. 

June _'Sth the President called for an additional force of 75,000 vol- 
unteers, and under this call the Fourth Re.giment was )>rought into camp, 
and mustered intc» service July i8th. 

The organization of these regiments liaving l)een thus stated, it re- 
mains to make a brief narrative of their service, which was an once hon- 
orable and useful, despite their disappointment in not seeing actual war 

^lay iTith the First Regiment recei\ed orders to rendez\ous at Camp 
Alger, near Washington City, it broke camp on the e\'ening of the 19th, 
fully armed, uniformed and equipped, provided with all the necessary tent- 
<ige, one hundred thousand rounds of ammunition, ten days' iixedi rations 
and twO' davs' tra\'el rations, and arri\ed at its destination earl_\' the next 
'day, and was assigned to the First Brigade, First Division, Second Army 
Corps, Colonel Edward A. Campbell commanding the brigade. May 27th 
the troops were reviewed by Major General Graham, and on the 28th by 
President McKinley. July 17th Colonel Campbell was relieved of the 
command ui the Brigade by Joseph W. Plume, who had been commissioned 
as Brigadier General of Volunteers. August 4th the brigade was ordered 
to be ])iaced in readiness for duty in Porto Rico, but owing to the approach- 
ing close of hostilities this order was not carried into effect, and Septem- 
ber 3d the regiment returned to camp at Sea Girt to be mustered out of 
service. On its return to^ Newark it was received by the Mayor, and re- 
ceived a great ovation from the jieople of the city. 

Th.e I'irst Regiment was purely a Newark organization, and was ad- 
mirably well drilled and disciplined, its excellent personnel and the real 
soldierly character of its officers and men was attested Iw its plienomenally 
sinall sick list, the daily average being but four, or less than one-half of 
one per cent. It was commanded by Colonel Edward A. Campbell. 

The .Second Regiment. Colonel iulwin W. Hine commanding, from 
Paterson and vicinity, was ordered. May 30th. to the natitmal camp at 
Chickamauga Park, Tennessee. June ist, while little advanced on its 


j(_)unie\'. a sccimd order was receixed fur it> iransfer tn Cam]) Cuba Lil)!"c, 
at [acksonville. Flurida, where il was assigned U> the Sevenlli Corps, (jen- 
eral Fitzhugh Lee coniinantling. The personnel of tliis regiment was e.\- 
cellent. Xo regiment excelled it in drill and disci])line as it marched 
through the streets of Jacksonville, and so il continued, applauded and 
lujnored l.)v all. On an unfortunate day, howe\cr, fever swept across the 
camp, many men sickened and a few of them died, and this disaster, so 
incident to campaigning on southern hattlchelds. carried much distress t') 
the men themselves and to their families at home. The regiment returned 
to Paterson on September 2()\.h and was reviewed hy the ( io\ernor and han- 
■queted In' the citizens. 

May 25tli the Third Regiment broke camp' at .Sea (iirl, and the I'irst 
Battalion proceeded to Pompton Lakes, Passaic county. Xew Jersey, and 
the Second and 'J'hird r.attalions to Fort Hancock. Sandy Hook. 

The service performed by this regiment was at once most unique and 
of unusual importance. At the outset, it was greatly feared that the 
harbor of Xew York and adjacent waters would be entered by a .Spanish 
fleet, and at the same time it was deemed im])orlant to closely guard the 
great powder manufactories at P(.)mpton Lakes. 

At the latter named point the l'"irst J'attalion. luider the per.sonal 
•command of Colonel Cenjamin .V. Txc, rendered diligent service, and 
many of its men distinguished themsel\-es by their heroism on the occasion 
cjf the great ])owder mill e.\])losion. 

The Second and Third Battalions of the Third Regiment. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Benjamin 1'. I lolmes and Major Julius C. Shailer. were charged 
with the safety of Fort Hancock, at the extremity of Sandy Ib^.k. The 
heavy ordnance at that place was of the most valuable and important de- 
scription, and the detachment of artillery of the Regtilar .Army in charge 
of these guns needed this protection. The batialions were, during their 
term of ser\'ice. as well disciplined :is lany organizations in the army, and 
received the highest jjraise from every soldier competent to gi\-e an in- 
telligent criticism. Flad their services been needed before the destruction 
of the Spanish licet, there is no doubt whatever that they would have 
rendered most important and \aluable aid in jirotccting the liarI)or of 
Xew ^'ork. 

In. this regiment were many men from the coast towns, among them 
Captain Herman O. Bauer, Lieutenant Richard S. White and Lieutenant 
Simeon P. Dey. of Keyporl : .\(ljutant Louis C. iauch. Captain Charles 
Morris and Lieutenant William T. Cobb, of I-ong l>ranch : Captain Jerome 
R. ^luddell, of Bradley I'each; and Lieutenants Jolm H. Ryuo and George 
E. White, of Asbury Park. 


The Fourlli Regiment, Colonel Robert G. Smith, was recruited in 
and about Jersey City, and was a magnificent organization. Its camp was 
at Middletown, Pennsylvania. 

The service performed by the Xaval Reserve of New Jersey was in- 
valuable to the government, and the narrative of its accomplishments is of 
peculiar interest. 

This arm of the service comprised two battalions — the Battalion of 
the East, Commander Washington Irving, of Short Hills, and the Bat- 
talion of the West, Commander Charles B. Dahlgren, of Trenton. 

May 2 1 St a large detachment of the Battalion of the East was mus- 
tered into the service of the United States, and on the 29th was trans- 
ferred from the U. S. Ship '"Portsmouth," at Hoboken, to the U. S. Ship 
"Badger," at New York City. June 6th the "Badger" sailed for Province- 
town, Massachusetts, for duty with the North Atlantic Patrol Squadron. 
On arrival it went into night patrol service, giving some assistance to 
the U. S. Ship "San Francisco," ashore at Cape Cod, and then proceeded 
to the coast of Maine. From June 13th until June 20th the "B'adger" 
was on this duty, with headquarters at Bar Harbor. June 26th the vessel 
left for Key West, Florida, reaching there July 1st, and on July 4th it ar- 
rived in front of Havana, Cuba, where it was assigned to Station Xo. 6 
and took part in the blockade of that port for one week. July nth the 
vessel was ordered to Nuevitas for duty with the blockading fleet at that 
pert, where it remained until the 26th of July in active service, pre\'enting 
many vessels from reaching the harbor. July 26th it captured three vessels 
flying- Spanish flags and the red cross, which reported yellow fever on 
board. Nearly four hundred soldiers were found on board, but very few 
sick. A prize crew was put in charge, and under the convoy oi the 
"Badger" these vessels were brought to the blockading squadron before 
Havana. August 7th the "Badger" sailed from Key West for Guantana- 
mo, and became the flag ship of Commodore Watson for several days. 
August i8th the "Badger" left for Montauk Point, Long Island, with 
soldiers of the Thirty-fourth Michigan \'olunteer Infantry ; it arrived at 
its destination August 23d, and sailed immediately for Boston. Sq>tember 
26th the "Badger" left Boston for League Island Navy Yard, and on Oc- 
tober 7th the detachment of men of the Battalion of the East serving on this 
steamer was mustered out of service at Hoboken. 

The Battalion of the ^^'est took charge of the monitor "Montauk" at 
League Island Navy Yard, Philadelphia, on May 4th. The detachment 
consisted of seven line officers, two engineer officers, five chief petty offi- 
cers, twenty-six seamen, sixteen firemen and coal passers and seven mess- 


men and cooks, all luuler cmntmaiicl of Lifulcnant C(;jiiiiiian(lcr Harry R. 
Cohen. Tlie "Montauk" sailed frum Philadelphia Xavy Yard on !May 
/til. and anchored under stress of weather that evening inside the Dela- 
ware Breakwater. May gth she proceeded on her way, heading for Mon- 
tauk Point, and anchored in Virgiiria llaven, ^[artha's Vineyard, on ac- 
count of the heavy fog. She prdceeded ihence to Portland, Maine, where 
she arrived May nth. Se\'eral otticers ruid men nf this detachment re- 
mained on the "3iIontauk"' at Portland harbor during the war; the re- 
mainder of the officers and men were discharged, and on their way to 
New Jersey enrolled themselves for service on the U. S. Ship "Resolute." 
May 13th the Battalion of the \\"est proceeded to the Navy Yard. New 
York, to report on JDoard the U. S. Ship "Resolute." May 24th the "Reso- 
lute" proceeded to Newport, Rhode Island, and loaded up with dynamite, 
mines and gunpowder for the fleet off Santiago de Cnl)a. The vessel 
joined the rendezvous, reported to Admiral Sampson off Santiago, and 
immediately began to carry orders for the bombardment of the forts at 
the entrance to the harbor. The "Resolute" was then sent to Guantanamo 
Bay, w'hich was the base of supplies, and until June loth was constantly 
employed in delivering mines and ammunition between (iuantanamo and 
Santiago. She made one trip to Tampa, Florida, July loth, for coal, and 
on July 2d was again with tl\e fleet before Santiago. 

The Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera came out of the harbor that 
morning, and, engaging the American fleet, steamed to the westward. 
The "Resolute" was at that time about one and one-half miles out from 
Morro Castle and a little to the eastward. The first shot fired by the 
Spanish fleet struck about twenty-five yards on the starboard riuarler of the 
"Resolute." which vessel, pursuant to orders, immediately steamed away to 
notify Admiral Sampson, on the U. S. Ship "New York." Another shot 
followed immediately under the stern of the vessel. On reporting to 
Admiral Sampson he ordered the "Resolute" to proceed to (iuantanamo 
Bay and to notify the U. S. Ships "Massachusetts," "Marhlehead" and 
"Newark" to proceed to the scene of conflict. She notified the U. S. Ship 
"Harvard" and the transports under her convoy, which immediately put 
to sea, and then notified the U. S. Ships "Indiana" and "Iowa." The 
"Resolute" was fired upon by the Socapa Battery at the western entrance 
of Santiago harbor, one shot passing l^etween the foremast and the smoke- 
stack, and the other just over the two forward guns. After tiiis en- 
counter, .the vessel steamed westward and saw the complete destruction of 
the enemy, arriving at the scene of surrender of the "Cristobal CoUm" be- 
fore she struck her flag. Tiie "Resolute" received the prisoners fmm the 
"Colon," nineteen officers and four luuKh'cd ami ninetv-fi\e men, and un- 


der instructions proceeded to Guantanamo Bay, transferring a jiorticm of 
the prisoners to the U. S. Ship "St. Paul," and the remainder to the U. S. 
Ship "Har\'ard." Having transferred all the ammunition and mines on 
board the vessel to the U. S. Ship "Vulcan," she proceeded north, and 
July 15th, arrived ofif Tonipkinsville, Staten Island. At this point she took 
on stores for the sick and wounded at Santiago and nurses for yellow fever 
sufferers, and on July 19th left for Santiago. 

August 1 2th the "Resolute" was sent to^ bombard ^Nlanzanillo. The 
bombardment was opened l)y the U. S. Ship "Newark," but on the morn- 
ing of the 13th intelligence was received that the protocol of peace had 
been signed. Another trip was made north from Guantanamo Bay with 
the U. S. Marine Battalion, and the vessel was then refitted at the Navy 
\'ard for the United .States Evacuation Committee, which it conveyed to 
Havana and thence to Nuevitas. Yellow fever broke out at this place, 
and one ofincer, Lieutenant Frederick H. PuUen, died of fever. The 
vessel was thoroughly disinfected and proceeded under orders to Quaran- 
tine Station, Tonipkinsville, Staten Island, and October 25th the Battalion 
of the \\'est was discharged. 



In this cha])liT we are to ileal with the cnunties of the cnasl. Their 
principal cities and tuwiis, as well as those known as sea-coast resorts, 
are reserved for mention elsewhere. 

'J"he counties which may he included in the term "on the Jersey coast" 
are L'nion, Middlesex, Mtmmouth, Ocean. Biirlinoton, Atlantic, Cape May 
and Cunihcrland. The claim o^f the latter named cmnitv, as its coast line 
is altogether on Delaware Buy, might not he allowed in a strict interpreta- 
tion, hut is to be considered cjut of its relationship to the others. 

The great stretch of Jerse_\- territory facing on "the exerlasting sea," 
Uuffeted, twisted, gnarled at for at least six nii.nths in each \ear hy 
storms of all degrees, a coast line which is famous among seamen tor its 
treachery, and which in summer presents one long line of white, glistening 
sand, lias possibly, within the jiast fortv years, had a more wonderful 
story of improvement than any sinnlar length of water front in the L'nited 
States. In 1850, roughly siieaking, the entire region was a waste — 
solitary, solemn, yet grantl even in its solitude. In places a little wa\- back 
from the coast, dense masses of brush bade defiance to wind and weather, 
and defied the elements b\' the luxuriance and densitv of their growth, 
and won even a beauty of their own by the loveliness of the wild llnwcr 
which somehow shot up in their mid^t and imparted a warmth of color 
which gave a charm e\en to the wildest busii forest — forest which had 
tlourisiied and withered and flourished again from the most remote times, 
and attracted the attention of the first white wanilerers who landed on 
the coast and left behind stories of what they saw. They were full of 
wild game, too, until the advent of tlie white man, and even long after, 
for the Indian, while a "mighty hunt(;r," was innocent of gunpnwder. and 
in a ])erpetual contest with bows and arrows, and even primiti\e snares, 
the game had a chance. Here and tiiere, too, there rose real forests still 
further back from the coast — forests of pine, hemlock, sjirnce. cedar, main- 
ly, with here and there a veteran which hail stimd detiantly the storms 
of a hundred vears, and a worthv descendant of that dense forest which 


some assert covered tlie entire face of tlie country in times earlier than 
even tradition tells of; a time that antedated the presence of the red man, 
and when the inhabitants — if there were any, as it seems there must have 
been according to ethnological report — belonged to a race which has long 
disappeared and been forgotten. 

Still further back from the coast rise here and there glimpses of 
hills, but these as a general rule are of little account in any study of the 
coast, and, even where they are visible to the passing mlariner, simply form 
a background fur a picture which in summer is one continuous long line 
of beauty, and in winter an apparently hopeless scene of woe and desola- 
tion. Yet we are told that even in midwinter those who dwell along this 
coast find much to admire in the way of natural and scenic beauty, and 
that the sea tempers the wind and softens the cold. Still, at times, the 
elements break loose and work their will without giving much heed to the 
precautions of human skill. A storm which can lift an iron pier as easily 
as thdugh it were a childish toy, which can sweep away a hundred feet 
of solitl emliankment "warranted storm proof," which can take up fifty 
feet of roadway at one swoop and cast it into the sea, is not likely to stand 
on ceremony with anything that opposes its progress. 

The Jersey coast runs on the Atlantic seaboard from Perth Amboy to 
Ca])e May, a distance of nearly one hundred and tifty miles, and about 
forty miles on the Delaware. Until the middle of the past century it was 
dotted with \illages. a very few with manufacturing interests, but all 
more or less depending upon the sea. The soil, a rich sandy loam in 
places, was eminently suitable for agriculture and gardening, and a suc- 
cession of thrifty farms, generally stnall holdings, formed an almost con- 
tinuous line a little way back from the actual sandy bar — although that 
bar was itself a mile wide in places. But the main reliance of the people 
on the ocean and gulf fronts was the '"harvest of the sea." Its oyster 
interest alone supported a large population, and the coasting trade was 
an exceedingly im])ortant one. But, in spite of their industry and thrift, 
the people moved along in primitive lines, and exi)erience(l many hard-' 
shi[)s — hardships which came from poverty — and each winter had many 
a dreary story to tell. The coast was also famous for its game, and many 
an enthusiastic city sportsman wended his way to points remote from 
*'thc haunts of men," but such visitors added little, if anything, to the local 
wealth. The era of fashionable sporting life and of huge individual for- 
tunes had not arrived, and the city sport was content to share in the 
shelter of the fisherman's hut, and cooked and ate the product of his skill. 

Xcw Jersey became a State on July 2d, 1776, by adopting a constitu- 
tion which altered but little the form nf colonial government, and contained 


a provisiuii that the ducuuient should not be operative after a possible 
reconciliation between England and New Jersey. Its counties then in 
existence were Essex, Mnnnmutli. Bergen, Middlesex, Sonu'r>et, Cape 
ISlav, Burlington, Gloucester, Salem, Morris and Cumberland. 

iMiddlesex, the oldest of all the coast political divisions, was created 
under the Proprietors in 1682. This really presents but a very small front 
on the Atlantic, and hence needs little attention in this narrative. An 
incident of its history was its reduction, in 1688, by the territory which 
was made Somerset County. The preamble to the act is interesting as 
showing the reason: ; 

"Forasmuch as the uppermost part of the Raritan river is settled by 
persons whom, in the husbandry and manuring their land, forced upon 
quite different ways and methods from other farmers and inhabitants' of 
Middlesex, because of the frequent floods that carry away the fences on 
the meadows, the only arable lai:d they have, and so by consequence of 
their interest is divided from the other inhabitants of said county; be it 
theref<ire enacted." etc. 

Its bounds have been altered at different times, and the present area 
is about twenty-five miles long, with an average width of fifteen miles. 
Tiie surface is diversified — the central and southeastern portion fairly 
le\e!. the southern and southwestern hilly, and the northeastern quite 
mountainous. The soil of the hills is mostly clay loam, the plain is sandy 
loam and the mountain valleys are limestone. In 1810 the county had a 
population of 20,381; in 1830, 23,157; in 1890, 61,754; and in 1900, 
79.762; so that its progress in that respect cannot be regarded as wonder- 
ful as such increases go. Xew Brunswick is the county seat. 

The iK)liticaI history of Middlesex County is closely related to that 
of Berth AmlK)y, which was laid out in 1083 by Samuel (iroome, one of 
the then proprietors. In 1684 the boundaries c>f the town were extended 
by Gawen. Laurie, the deputy governor, who, from a close examination of 
the site and surroundings seems to have concluded that it was destined 
to become the mercantile depot of the new world, the seat of commerce 
and in time a mighty city. So it would luidoubtedly have become had 
appearances on the surface controlled its destiny, but they did not; they 
seldom do so in fact. The laws of trade work out their own solution, 
seemingly independently of the notions of man. On the surface it cer- 
tainly seemed as though this little town ofifered a better chance for the 
movements of commerce than did Xew York itself, an island and situated 
further from the open sea. But, someliow, Xew "^'ork secured tiie trade, 


the traffic of the continent pcmred into it, and tn its jjiers the navies of 
the world paished their way. ])assing Gawen Eaurie's harbor witlKmt so 
nuicli as giving it a tlionght. Laurie, liovvever, was hopeful of the future. 
He had named the new town Perth, in honor of the leader of the Pro- 
prietors, James Drummond. the fourth Earl of Perth. As the town still 
bears his title it may not be out of place to recall here a little of his pef- 
sonal history. H'is life reads like a romance : but to him the romance had 
a good deal of stern tragedy in it. 

He was l)orn in 1648, was educated at St. .\ndrew"s University, and 
succeeded his father in the earldom on the latter's death in 1675. When 
James H became King, Lord Perth announced that he had become a Roman 
Catholic, and he won a high place in that sovereign's regard. For a few 
years he was virtually ruler of Sciitland. being not only Lord Chancellor 
of the Kingdom, but the holder of other executive offices. In Scotland, 
however, he was decidedly un])opular, on account of his cruel persecution 
of those wh(5 professed Presbyterianism. So' when King James was forced 
to fly from his ancestral kingdom, the mob in Edinburgh rose in their 
might to retaliate on Perth for tlie cruelties he had inflicted, and to escape 
their wrath he was compelled, like his royal master, to fly. The mob, 
however, plundered his hcjuse. Perth tried to reach France, but was 
captured Ijv some of King William's troops and taken to Sterling Castle, 
where he was confined as a close prisoner for some four years. On his 
release, in 1693, he went to France, formed the mimic court which Jarnes 
II maintained there, and received the barren honor of being made a Duke 
— Duke of Perth. The remainder of his life was passed in exile. 

Laurie not only staked out the lots in the new town of Perth — its 
full title then— but he built several houses, and the Proprietors were so 
pleased with the outlook that they instructed him to make it the seat of 
government and to arrange for its incorporation into a city. It seems to 
have been so incorporated, but its municipal life did not really begin un.til 
the charter of 1718 was granted, and then was adopted the seal which 
has been used to the present day. This bears, de.xter, a hunting horn, and 
aliove it the legend "Arte uoii Inij\'tu ;" and. sinister, a ship at anchor in 
harbor, and beneath it the legend 'Tortus Optiiiius." Enclosing these 
designs is the legend, ''Sigiliitin Civitatis, Perth Ainboyeii Sis." 

In 1747 the people sought to have the town made the residential seat 
of Governor Belcher, but he preferred Elizalicth Town, as did not. how- 
e\er. his successors, who made Perth Amboy their seat. 

The first County Court of Middlesgx County was held at Piscataway. 
lune 19. iC)83. with Samuel Dennis as President or Judige. The second 
court was held in Woodbridge, Sq)tember i8. 1683. and the records show 


that courts were alternately held in these two places until June 28, 1688. 
when the first session in Perth Amboy was held. Thereafter, and until 
1699. the courts alternated between all the three villages named. 

The last session of the old County Court was held in September. 
I(j9(). at Perth Amboy. In 1703 Lewis Morris and dthers were consti- 
tuted "Her .Majesty Queen Anne's Justices," under a commission issued by 
Lord Cornl)ur\-. 

1 he "tdun house" in Perth Amboy. built in 1685. was rc])laced in 
^7^3) ^y ^ court house, which was also used for the sittings of the Gen- 
era! Assembly. This building was destroyed Ijy fire about 1765. and was 
rebuilt. In January. 1778. Xew Brunswick became the countv scat. 


Union County can scarcely be called one of the coast divisions of 
Xew Jersey, but, as it contains quite an extended water front and has more 
than one port of entry, it seems hardly fair to ignore it altogether. Its 
three principal cities are advancing rapidly in wealth and population, 
Elizabeth having in the census of 1900 credit for 52,130, Plainfield for 
15.369 and Railway for 7,935, and besides, it is impossible to write much 
of the history of the State without liringing in this old county, for it was, 
especially in the early days, the scene where most of the real history of the 
State (outside of mere colony planting) was transacted. 

Our interest, so far as the county is concerned, mainly centers in 
Elizai)ethtr)\vn and the villages on the Kill \on Kull. Sir Richard XicolLs- 
had hardly done much more than consolidate his power on Manhattan and 
Long Island before he received a petition from residents at Jamaica 
asking ijermission to found a fresh colony in some other part of "his 
majesty's dominions," to which he at once agreed, promising to gi\e "the 
undertakers all due encouragement in so good a work." So the signers 
of the petition crossed over to Staten Island and bought from the Indian 
Sachem there for two coats, two kettles, twenty fathom of trading cloth, 
two guns, twenty handfuls of powder and a few other things, a tract of 
land which, according to the deed, covered all the territory between the 
Hudson and the Delaware rivers- in a general way, and more particularly 
the Achter Kol, or Newark Bay, and its scaithern estuary. The deed was 
dated October 28, 1664, and on December ist following the Governor ap- 
jiroved it and the tran.saction was legally comi)lete. 

The new colony grew slowly. In August, 1663, there were only 
lour families. On this point, however, there is much room for argument. 
Ihe tract which passed into the hands of the original i)atentees was so 
large that the newcomers spread over it as their fancy dictated. Gov- 
erm r Xicolls, however, had issued ;i f nmal patent for the new township 


or colony, and while it was not so generous in its details as that secured 
from the unsophisticated Indians, it was extensive enough for all prac- 
tical purposes. It embraced over five hundred thousand acres, and in- 
cluded the whole of the present Union and parts of ^lorris and Somerset 

In 1665, when the good ship "Philip" arrived in New Port harbor, 
bearing Philip Carteret and a party of thirty sailors from Old England, 
together with a copy of a patent showing that the region between the 
Jiudson and the Delaware (to be henceforth known as Nova Caesarea, or 
New Jersey) had been sold by the Duke of York to parties represented by 
Carteret, and that the Duke's servant, Governor Nicolls, had no longer 
anv authority in that part of '"his majesty's dominions.'" there was a flurry 
of troulile. Nicolls was inclined to be defiant at first, but yielded to the 
inevitable, and Captain Carteret settled upon the ground to which Gov- 
ernor Nicolls had given a patent, and gave to the territory the name of 
Elizabeth Town. He acknowledged the validity of the Nicolls patent, and 
confirmed it, in fact. In 1666 he laid off from the township, by a fresh 
grant, the ground on which the city of Newark stands and the townships 
of W'oodbridge and Piscataway. Pie, however, exerted himself to develop 
Elizabeth Town, fixed upon it as the seat of government of the territory, 
and there the first General .\jssembly of New Jersey met, May 26th. i668. 
It was a small gathering, but it aroused apparently as much excitement 
as could one of ten times its size. The Legislature did not continue to 
meet regularly in Elizabeth Town. It migrated between it and Perth 
Amboy and Burlington, until it became finally established at Trenton, but 
most of the public offices of the province were at Elizabeth (it was 
the ]>rovincial capital for twenty-one years) and for a long time it was 
the largest and most important town in New Jersey. 

But even with all its attractions it filled out slowly. Gawen Laurie, 
writing in 1684. said, "Here wants nothing- but people. There is not a 
poor body in the province or one that wants. Here is abundance of pro- 
visions — pork and beef at two pence per pound; fish and fowl plenty; 
oysters, I think, would serve all England; Indian meal two shillings and 
si.xpence per bushel — it is exceeding good for food every way, and two oi- 
three hundred fold increase; cyder, good ruid plenty for one jienny per 
quart; good drink that is made of water and molasses stands about two 
shillings per barrel — wholesome like our eight-shilling beer in England; 
good venison plenty, bought in at eighteen pence per quarter; eggs at three 
pence per dozen ; all things very plenty ; land as good as ever I saw, vines, 
walnuts, peaches, strawberries and many other things in plenty in the 


Surely a land equi\alent u; the okl Liiblical encomiuni of "tlowing 
with milk and honey.'' 

It was not until 1693 that the township was fully organized, and in 
1740 it became a borough, in the war of the Revolution it jilaycd.. as 
we have seen in th(^ section of this work dealing with that grantl story, a 
prominent part. Abraham Clark, nnc of the signers of the Declaration 
of Independence, belonged tO' an Elizalicth family, and was born within a 
few miles of the town, midway between it and Rahway ; and (leneral Elias 
Dayton, one of the militar)- heroes of the war. was born in the good old 
town. When all was over, and liberty emerged triumphant from the strug- 
gle, Elizabeth Town was about depopulated, but she soon rallied, and when 
\\'ashingt(jn made his inemorable journey across Xew Jersey on his way 
to Xew York to be in;uigurated as first President of the United States. 
he was nowhere more ciilhusiastically received than in this place, itself 
so full of memories of the war. 

After the war there is little in the way of historic interest to detain 
us in Elizabeth Town. It slowly became quite a manulacturing centre, 
adopted all modern improvements in the way of gas and water, education 
and municipal amenities from time to time, and, as it kept up frequent 
and rapid connection with New York, it became the home of quite a num- 
ber of wealthy business men from the great city. The port trade slowly 
increased, and when it was connected by railroad with the remainder of 
the ccnmtry, large quantities of coal and iron were shipped from it. 

Elizabeth, however, grew^ too ambitious, and as a result, in the late 
'70s. it became involved in financial troubles on account of adopting im- 
provements in e.xcess of the ability of its re\enue to bear. It has since 
managed slowly to emerge from that disheartening condition of confusion, 
and seems again fairl\- started on successful lines, and in spite of its draw- 
backs has proven attractive to manufactiu'ers and home makers. 

Monmouth, magint'icent in its scenery, prolific in its soil, rich in its 
colonial and re\'olutionary history, is one of the most famous counties in 
the State, r>ccup\ing a position pre-eminently its own. and' in which it is 
without a rival. 

'The most northern of the seacoast counties, it has a d<:iuble ocean 
v.ater frontage. Including its peninsular projection terminating in the 
point world-famous as Sandy Hook, its northern shores, api>roximately 
twenty miles, are washed by the waters of the beautiful Rarilan Bay and 
Sandy Hook Bay, while its eastern shore, somewhat longer, stretches 
southward along the Atlantic, imlented at frequent intervals by ocean in- 
lets or bv the bav-like mouths of inland streams. 


The miist iniportant wattrcourses are Xavesink (or Xorth Shrews- 
bury) River, aiul the South Shre\ Ri\er, both tidewater .streams. 
T'le Xax'esink has its origin in ni'iHicrous small streams in the central and 
nc.jrihwestern ]xu't of the count}-, several of these uniting to form Swim- 
ming River (really the main part of the Xa\esink), which, at the ]K)int 
where it loses its identity, broadens out irito a lake-like expanse bounded 
on the northeast Ijy the shores pointed by the historic Highlands, and past 
whicii it flows tO' reach Sandy Hook Bay. The Shrewsbury River (more 
properly the .South Shrewsbury) is formed by some small streams flowing 
into it from the west and south. The stream itself, with an average width 
of about one and one-half miles, flows almost northerly for a distance of 
six miles until it unites with the Navesink. It is about this region, ])e- 
■culiarlv ])ictiu'esque, that romance lip.s worked <i'Ut. upon t^hreads of history 
and tradition, some of the most entrancing stories of lo\-e and adventiu'e. 

Three-fourths of the way southward from Sandy Hook. Shark River 
reaches the ocean. The river itself, an inconsequential stream, is in its 
lower part practically a narrow ocean inlet which three miles inland ex- 
pands intO' what is known as Shark River Pond, a lake-like sheet of mingled 
ocean, and fresh water more than a. mile in width at its broadest point. 

The Manasquan River, which reaches the ocean at the southeast cor-, 
ner of Monmouth county, forming a portion of its southern boundary, 
comes from far inland and receives many small afiluents. Paralleling 
the upper part of its main stream are numerous watercourses, and, these, 
soon deflecting southward, reach the north branch of the ]^Ietedeconk 
River, which enters the sea in Ocean County. 

The county is curiously irregular in its geograjjliical outlines. The 
major part (.'f its acreage is contained within a resemblance to a parallelo- 
gram lying east of a iine i)rojected southward from the e.xtraiie north- 
■east corner of the county on Raritan Bay rmd terminating at the Ocean 
Count\- line — an area ap]>ro\imately t\\ enty-fi\'e miles in length, and lif- 
teen miles in width from the inkuid ]joint on the line described, eastward 
to the ocean. The remainder of the territory of the county is comprised 
in an irregular ])arallelogram extending southwestwardly from the west 
side of the fn--;t ])arallelogram, having an ajiproximate length of twenty- 
three miles, and a width varying from eight to ten miles. 

The land surface is uneven, but there are no very great elevations, 
and, generally speaking, froiu the standpoint of an agriculturist, but a 
small proportion of it is impracticable for farming. The geological for- 
mation is largely cretaceous, and in the plastic clay beds have Ijeen found 
niany organic remains. These have not been restricted to vegetable s|>eci- 
mens. Fragmentary remains of great saurians have been found, and, in 


a few instances, almost complete skeletuns. 'i"he l;est specimens have 
found their way to the Academy of Natural Sciences in I'hiladelphia. hut 
there are many in the museum of Ruti;ers Colk\ne and in the hands of 
private collectors. In the so-called drift dep<;sits have hcen found I'emains 
oi \arious great animals, such as the reindeer and walrus. 

The county has jjeen an extremely interesting iield for archaeologists, 
and. covering this line of research, interesting rejiorts ha\e Ijeen made 
t'» the Smithsonian Institution ;uid other scientific hodies by Dr. Ran and 
Dr. Lockwood. Besides the ordinary Inniting and domestic implements 
and utensils of the Indian, there ha\e been frecjuent finds of fragments 
of stone implements and pottery, soiue of which have been ascribed to an 
earlier age than that n\ the Indir.n knt.wn in our histcry. 

The story of the peopling of ^lonmouth county, of the development 
of its material resources, of the sowing of seed from which sprang the 
institutions of religion and education, of the foundation laying of the i)rin- 
ciples of local self-g(.-\'ernmcnt :uid law, nf the defence of tlie liberties of 
the people — all this is told in other chapters dcNoted to some of these in- 
dividual topics, and in connection with the local historj of the towns and 
villages which were the scene of momentous events. It is onlv to be pre- 
nii.sed here that, from the first settlement. Monmouth county was an asv- 
luni lor men and woiiien who craved libert}- to worship God according 
to the dictates of their own conscience, and that, when they came to occupy 
the soil, the aboriginal owners were ready sellers, and recei\ed what was. 
in those times and under existing conditions, a reasonable equixalent. It 
is also to be borne in mind that the imiuigrants had no idea that they were 
luaking land speculations; their i>rescience did not comprehend the tremend- 
ous tlevelopment which was to follow their coming: their entire expecta- 
ti(^n for the future was bounded In- their immediate ambition — that of 
home making. 

llie history of the county as a political dixision may be said to ha\e 
been l>egini in the year 1663. when civil order was i)ro\idcd for under the 
crown concessions. Under the Xicolls ])atent the people of the "two towns 
of Navesink" (Shrew.sbury and Aliddletown) performed the functions 
of government through a general assembly comprising the ])atentees. asso- 
ciates and general dqjuties, which held its sessions at \arious tiiues at each 
of the places named, and later at Portland Point. That this ixuly was at 
once a prototype of the town meeting and board of freeholders of later 
days, is evident from proceeflings had at a session held at Shrewsbury. 
December 14. 1667. where and when measures were ado])ted regulating 
debate in such meetings, and providing for elections to be held by the in-i 
habitants. This body also acted in the capacity of a court. 


Political autonomy was recognized Xo\'eml)er 13, 1O75. when the As- 
sembly passed an act with I'eference to the territory in what afterwanl be- 
came Alonmouth county, pro\iding that tJie "two towns of Xev\sink"' 
(Shrewsbury and IMiddletown) l^e made a county, which county was desig- 
nated as the "County of Nevysink," although in a few instances it is re- 
ferred to as the "County of Middletown." 

By act of the Assembly passed in March, 1683, the four counties of 
Bergen, Essex, Middlesex and Monmouth were created and their bounds 
were prescribed. By the terms of this enactment Momnouth county was 
to begin at the westera bounds of Middlesex county, and to extend west- 
ward, southward and northward "to the extreme bounds of the province." 
In this connection it is to be noted that Monmouth county received its 
name at the suggestion of Lewis Morris, Surveyor-General of the province, 
who thus commemorated his native county, Monm.outhshire, in England. 

\'arious later designations of boundary lines were made to remedy 
the confusion arising from original vague description. In 1709-10 an 
act was passed defining the boundary line between the counties of Middle- 
sex and JMonmouth, and anothei^ for the same purpose (including the coun- 
ty of Somerset) was passed in 1713-14, but it does not appear that Alon- 
mouth county was materially affected. In 1844 a part of Middlesex county 
(a portion of the township of Monroe) was attached toi Monmouth county. 
In the following year this territory iwas restored to Middlesex county, 
but three years later a small portion of Middlesex county was again de- 
tached, to become a part of Millstone township, in Monmouth county. 
The southern boundary line of Monmouth coiuity was fixed from the 
first, being the province line established by George Keith, Surveyor-Gen- 
eral, in 1687. 

In 1693 \\ere formed the three original townships of Monmouth coun- 
ty — Middletown, Shrewsbury and Freehold. Middletown included the 
presents townships of Raritan, Holmdel and Matawan, and a portion of 
Atlantic township; Shrewsbury included the present townships of Howell, 
Wall, Eatontown and Neptune, nearly all of Ocean township, all of Ocean 
county, and a part of Atlantic county. 

Some time about 1730 the township of Upper Freehold was formed 
out of parts of the townships of Freehold .and Shrewsbury, a part of what 
is now the township of Millstone, in Monmouth county, and a large por- 
tion of the present Ocean count)-. 

In 1749 the township of Stafford was created, its territory being 
detached from Shrewsbury township, south of Barnegat Inlet, and in i7<)7 
the township of Dover was also created out of Shrewsbury township. 
Both these detachments are now included in Ocean county. 


In 1801 Howell luwiiship was furmcil by detachment from Shrcws- 
bur_\- townshi])'. At its creatiim it inchi<leil. in addition to its present ter- 
ritiii'}-, that which afterward ( 1S51J became Wail township, and a north- 
ern portion ol Ocean count v. 

In 1844 the township of .Millstone was created out of portions of 
Freehold and I'pper I'reehold iownshi])s in .Monmouth coinit}'. The lat- 
ter detachment neces.sitated subsequent rc-adjustmcnts. 

In the same year (1844) the township of Jackson was created out of 
Freehold, L"pper I'reehold and Do\-er townships; this is now comprised 
in Ocean county, as are the former Monmouth county townships of Plum- 
sted and Union, respectively created in 1S45 and 1846. 

The township of Atlantic was formed in 1847 out of territory taken 
from the townships of Freehold, Shrewsbury anrl ^liddletown. In 1848 
Raritan township was formed by detachment from the tnwuship of Alid- 
dletown, and territory was taken from the townslhi) of b'reehold tu form 
the townships of Marlborough and ^lanalapan. 

In 1849 (3cean to\vnshi]>, which included the present township of 
Neptune, (created 1879), and the greater part of the jircsent township of 
Eatontown. (created 1873), was formed out of a part of Shrewsbury 

In 1857 M'atawan and Holmdel townships were formed (»ut of terri- 
tory taken from Raritan township. In 1867 the townshi]) of Lincoln was 
created, its territory taken from Ocean township, liut the act of creation 
was repealed in the following- year. 

November 16, 1790, the legislature of New Jersey ceded to the United 
States its jurisdiction in and over four acres of land at the point of Sandy 
Hook, on which were situated the lighthouse and other buildings. 

By act of the legislature, February 15. 1850. the southern portion- 
of Monmouth county, comprising the greater part of its territory, was 
detached and created a county under the name of Ocean county. 

In. 1890 the population of Monmouth county was 69,1:28, and in 1900' 
it was returned at 82.057. the increase of 18.7 per cent, being due almost 
entirely to the increased attractiveness and devekipment of the shore 

Burlington county comes next in point of age. dating from J(»^4. but 
its original limits were reduced in 1710 1)\' the formation of Hiunerdi>n 
county, which made the .\ssun])ink (running through the city of Trcntnn) 
its northern boundary. It is the only county tliat reaches across the width 
of the State, yet it does not reacii the ocean e.\ce])t by the legal liction 
which projects a land boundary into adjacent waters, for in 1890 it lost 




a part of its ocean front, when Little Egg Harbor townslnp- was annexed 
to Ocean connty, and it was left with only one township that entitles it 
to a place in a work dealing with the coast-that o>t Bass River. 

Burlington has not flo-nrished during recent years as have many of 
its neio-hbors. It and Hunterdon were the two counties m New Jersey 
that showed a decrease in population in the census figures of 1900. Bass 
River township felt the sanre decay ; it reported a population o 853' i" ^^y^ 
and 800 in 1900. It has sun.e manufactu.res,. but most of the people aie 
enoaoed in agriculture or fishmg. New Gretna, the principal village of 
Budmgton county, is a somewhat scattered place well supplied w, h 
schools and churches. The township was first settled in 1713 by John 
Mathis and two others. Mathis in a short time bought out his associates, 
and continued to clear his property so as to make ,t available for farm 
purposes, and it is said by local antiquaries that most of the old fan.l e. 
■, L vi initv are descended from him. The tuture development of Ba s 
Kiver would'seem to depend upon the progress of its manufacturing n- 
dustries. It has ample water power, and for milling purposes is excelled 
by no place on the coast. 

Ocean county, the secoud. of the four sealx>ard counties, lies imme- 
diately south of Monmouth county. Its coast line is longer than that ot 
tv ler countv reaching more than forty miles from Manasquan In et, 
" -crsepa."^^^^^^ from Monmouth county, to Little Egg Harbor Inlet^ 
Tk coa t line is a long slender thread of sand-upon which however, aie 
p ntermrv thrifty v-iHages and pleasant resorts-and behmd this sepa- 
Sinc. :t from the mam land, ebb and flow the waters of Bamegat Ba), 
h ou^.ern portion of which is known as Little Egg Harbor, or Tucke - 
on b" Tending southeasterly in the northern part of the county 1 the 
M tecSconk River, which empties expansively into a considerable body 
near ^e northern boundary. The principal stream, however, is Tom 
Xr which rises well westwardly m the northern part ot the county, n. 
dose proximity to the Monmouth county Ime, and pursues a sou heaste ly 
couTse to where it reaches Barnegat Bay, expanding m its last few miles 
il hl^-llke width. Many smaller streams throughout the county 
nfford excellent water power for numerous industries. 

Tl e countv is almost triangular m shape, its apex touching on Lit le 
TT Vi.Zr Its area is larger than that of any other ot the twenty- 
Egg Haiboi._ It^;-^'^^ '^ - ^.^withstanding this fact, the m-ost 

Z:r^Z^^^^^ Cap^ May alone excepted. At the time of 

ts creation the countv numbered 10,032 inhabitants, and forty years later 

this hTd not doubled, being 19,474 in .900. It Ues in the pme belt, m wha. 



geologists designate as the tertiary sand and gravel plain. The countv has 
7,332 acres of beach land, 72,681 acres under water, 40,400 acres of tide 
or salt marsh, and 3()0, 171 acres of n])land. Of the vipland onlv 47,084 
acres are cleared, the remaining 313,080 acres being woodl.and. This 
means that less than ten ])er cent, of the acreage is cleared upland, nearl_\- 
si.\t_\--live per cent, is uncleared woodland and fifteen per cent, is under 
^vater. The northern portimi of the county contains considerable fertile 
farming- land. The soulhern portion is inn.e liarrens, but except in the very 
swamps is susceptible to cultivatitju and will bear \egetables and sni;dl 
fruits. The swamps, too, have their value, much of this area having been 
cleared and put into cranberrv bogs, with the result that the counlv [iro- 
diices more than one-iialf the total cranberry crop of the State. 

The first comers found Indians, and evidences of their villages yet 
e.xist in various localities. In 1802, when the last land cession was made 
to the whites, they reserved the right to hunt, lish and cut basket wood ^.n 
the unoccupied land which they had sold. One of the Indians, however, 
Elisha Ashatama, absolutely refused to depart with his tribe, and, while 
he lived a somewhat vagrant life, he continued to make his home ( in-so- 
far as he had one) at Tnckerton. He served on the U. S. frigate "Chesa- 
j)eake'" during the war with Great Britain in 1812, and was drowned in the 
jMullica River during a tit of intoxication, about 1S33 or 1S34. He was 
buried in the old ^Methodist cemetery at Tuckerton. 

The earliest comers to this regimi were undoubtedly fishermen, whose 
precarious calling and nomadic hal)its scarcely entitled them to be classed 
as settlers. The first actual land occupant, as shown by the records, was 
Henrv Jacobs Falkinburg (or 1 lenrie Jacobsen Falcimbre. as it snmetinies 
appears I a native oi Schleswig-Holstcin, v.ho acquired a tract of eight 
hundred acres from the Proprietors, F'ebruary 7, 1698. He was a use- 
ful man, and acted as interpreter between the Fnglisli and the Indians in 
their land dealings. He was followed b_\- Edward and Mordecai .\ndrews, 
who were Quakers from Oyster Bay, Long Island, where they ai>iiear to 
have been born, Edward .Andrews built a grist mill in 1704 at what after- 
ward became the town of Tuckerton, and in 1704 he established a Friends' 
Meeting, and he built a house of worship for his sect. Jacob Ong also took 
up land at Egg Harbor in i6g8. and between that year and 1716 other 
settlers were Thomas Ridgway. Richard Osborn. Roger Osborn, Jolm 
Mathis, Jo.sq>h Wiiitts, Ive Belangee, William Birdsall and l\i>l»eri .\lleu. 
About 1720 Jarvis Pharo settled at West Creek, and Thomas Tow is re- 
corded as living at Barncgat in the same year. In 1737 a society of 
Rogeriiie (or Quaker) Baptists settled at what is now known as Ware- 


It was not, however, until about 1740 tliat the real settlement of the 
countv began. In that year numerous tracts of land began to be taken up, 
as is evidenced by records of purchases from the Proprietors and surveys. 
Saw mills (the first had been set up by Anthony Woodward and Edward 
Beakes in 1734) soon became numerous, and to facilitate their oi>erations 
bridges were erected over various streams. Shortly afterward the salt 
industrv had its comniencenient, and iron furnaces were established not 
long before the beginning of tb.e Revolutionary \\'ar. About the same time 
shipbuilding had reached large prcportioris. The mechanical industries of 
the region were at their height in 1850 and for some years folloAving. Dur- 
ing this period an advertisement calling for one thousand wood-choppers 
appeared in a Toms River newspaper, and the schooner sailings from the 
port named were so many as a di.zen a week. 

Shipbuilding declined and disappeared with the exhaustion of the 
limber supply, as did the bog iron interests under the competition of richer 
mineral fields elsewhere, and the people found new channels into which to 
tlirect their energies. About 1845 the cranberry had become an important 
article of food consumption, and gave to the marsh regions of the State a 
reputation which extended throughout the land. The wild cranberry had 
come into favor, but its cultivation was not thought of until about the 
year named, when some small farmers, engaged in draining swamp* 
in order to utilize the land for -.neadow purjioses, conceived the idea of 
using such tracts as cranberry bogs. John Webb, of Jackson township, in 
Ocean county, who went by the name of "Old Peg-Leg Webb,"' gained re- 
nown l)v such .a venture, realizing as much as fifty dollars a barrel from 
Philadelphia merchants who sold them tc whalers and other long distance 
voyagers as an antiscorbutic. Webb's example proved contagious, and the 
cranberry industry assumed dimensions of a craze, particularly about 1863 
and in the two years iujmediately .succeeding. The cultivation of the cran- 
berry is continued on a large scale and with much profit at various points 
along the coast, the largest plantations in the State being in Ocean county. 

At the same time, the oyster and clam trade (among the oldest indus- 
tries of the county) came to be pursued after a more systematic fashion. 
For some fifteen years past o}Ster culture has been the chief business of 
the residents along Toms River from its mouth to Tuckerton. and all 
available ground in Barnegat and Tuckerton Bays are staked off tmd 
planted with native or Virginia oysters. The clam trade has reached im- 
mense proportions, and the shipments from Tuckerton alone will amount 
to an average of a carload of sixty thousand clams for each day in the 


Ocean countv became a corporate division by act of the legislature, ap- 


proved Februan- 15. 1850. I'rinr to iliat time its political histury is ci,)ii- 
tained in that of Monmouth county, of which it is a part, constituting- a 
portion of Shre\vsl)ury wlien that and Middletown were the only townsliips 
in tlie parent county. 

The lirst township establislied within the present limits of Ocean coun- 
ty, was the township of Stafford, which was set off from Shrewsbury 
township hy a patent issued by Governor Belcher, under the authority of 
King George II. M.arcli 3, 174';. when it was a part of MonnioiUb count\'. 
Stafford township then included all of the present townshii)S of Staft'ord, 
Eagleswood. E'nion and Ocean, comprising all the territory between Oys- 
ter Creek and Little Egg Harbor Inlet. The township is said to have re- 
cei\'ed its name from one who came from Staffordshire, England — James 
Havwood — whose descendants have been prominent people in the county 
from that day to this. The original townships of the county are accounted 
for in the history of IMonmouth county. 

By the same legislative act which created the county, Brick township 
was erected, named in honor of Joseph W. Brick, who was ])rominent in 
varii>us manufacturing and other enterprises. This was constituted out of 
Territory in old Howell township, of Monmouth county, and Dover town- 
ship, of Ocean county. 

Manchester townsliip was created in 1865. out of territory taken from 
Driver township, and received its name from William A. Torrey, in honor 
of his native city in England. 

Lacey township, erected in 1871, was named for General John Lacey, 
a native of Pennsylvania, who was engaged in the reduction of bog iron 
ore at Forked River as early as 1809. 

Eagleswood township was created in 1874, out of lower Staft'ord 
township territory. 

Some two centuries after b.c flourished as one of the Proprietors, 
the memory of Lord Berkeley was commemorated in the name of a new 
township created in 1875. In the next year (1S76) Ocean township was 
constituted from portions of Lacey and Union townships, and in 1892 
Lakewood townshi]> was created out of the western portion of Brick town- 

The oldest township in what is now Ocean county Tl-ittle Egg Har- 
bor) was next to the last to be attached to it. in the year 1891. Little 
Egg Harbor township was created in 1741, as a portion of P.urlingt(Mi 
county, of which it remained a part for a century and a half, and until its 
transfer to Ocean county, as noted. 

The first countv officers, appointed by the Governor, were: Judge, 
James Guliek : Prosecutor. John Patterson; Sheriff', Joseph Parker: County 


Clerk, John J. Irons; Surrogate, David I. C. Rogers. The first board of 
freeholders assembled May lO, 1850. Economy was the watchword, and a 
motion to appropriate $2,000 for county expenses was defeated, and the 
reduced amount of $e,Soo was provided. Pending the erection of pub- 
he buildings, co^nrt sessions were held in a ^Mormon meeting house at the 
county seat, Toms River. 

A Board of Commissioners, consisting of John S. Forman, John W. 
Cox and Joel Haywood, for Ocean county, and Forman Hendrickson, 
Charles Parker and Thomas Arrowsmith, for Monmouth county, was 
appointed to effect a settlement of accounts between the two counties. 
This was accomplished, and the new county received from that from which it 
was detached $3,719.15 on the general account, $165,07 on surplus land 
account, and bonds and mortgages (including interest) to the value of 

May 5, 1850, a court house building committee was appointed, com- 
prising- \\'i!liam B. Hill, Edwin Shreve and Samuel M. Oliphant, who sub- 
sequently i-eported, recommending a building similar to the Hudson coun- 
ty court house, but of smaller dimensions and somewhat less ornate. 
George W. Bennett, Amos Falkinburg and Samuel C. Dunham were added 
to the committee, and June 13, 1851, the edifice was completed at a total 
cost of $9,956.50, 

In 1850, the year it was set off tie. mi ^Monmouth county. Ocean county, 
notwithstanding its sparse population and its want of political importance 
( returning but one member to the House of Assembly) enjoyed the dis- 
tinction O'f furnishing the (iovernor to the State — Dr. George F, Fort, a 
Democrat. Three years later, another of its residents, the Rev, Joel Hay- 
wtood, was the Whig candidate for Governor, and made a brilliant can- 
vass, greatly reducing the parK- plurality of his opponent, Rodmqn M, 
Price, Yet three years later was elected as the first Republican Governor 
of New Jersey, William A. Newell, whom Ocean county people are wont 
to regard as almost one of themselves. 

Atlantic county was taken out of the territory of the ancient county 
of Gloucester. Under the jiroprietary rule, the proprietors, freeholders and 
inhabitants, as early as 1686 (May 28) assumed legislative and judicial 
powers in and for the "third and fourth tenths, alias county of Gloucester," 
and established courts. 

Gloucester countw ho\ve\cr, was not legally created until 1694. and 
its boundaries were not dctinitely esta1)lished until 1710. It originally ex- 
tended from the .Atlantic Ocean to the Delaware River, and out of it were 
created the county of Atlantic, in 1837, and the county of Camden, in 


1844. 'I'lic iiuiiR'iisc are;i was si_> ilividcd thai, as imw onstitutcil. the 
present (iloucester comity approximately e(iuals in extent both the counties 
taken from it, Atlantic county closely apiiroachint^ it in size, and Camden 
county being comparatively small. 

In 1834, according to "Gordon's Gazetteer," Atlantic ciaint}' (as yet 
undivided) contained 3.075 householders whose ratables did nrit exceed 
thirty dollars in value. There were twenty-one fisheries, forty-live grist 
mills, two cotton and tv><) woolen factories, four carding machines, four 
bia^t furnaces, three forges, sixty-three saw mills. se\-en glass factories 
and numerous other small industries. May's Landing had about thirty 
dwellings, Tuckahoe not so man\-. and the land upon which Atlantic City 
was not yet, was merely meiuioned as "Absccum Beach." There were in 
th.e county se\-eral academies for teaching the higher educatinn. and ]iri- 
niary schools in luost neighborhoods. There is mention of many tem- 
perance associations "v/hich have almost rendered the immoderate use of 
ardent spirits infamous.'' But in the next paragraph the chronicler notes 
the existence of twenty-nine distilleries as returned by the county assessors. 

Atlantic county was created February 3, 1837, and contained but four 
townships — Galloway, Egg Harbor, Weymouth and Hamilton. These 
contained, according to the Federal census of 1830, 8,164 of the total num- 
ber of 28,431 inliabitants of the county. With this as a basis, a Board of 
Commissioners made an apportionment of the public moneys and values^ 
after making alloiwancc for public debts, and set off the amount of $17,- 
247.69 to Gloucester county, and $6,947.75 to Atlantic county. 

Atlantic county has for its ocean frontage Brigantine Beach and Ab- 
secon Island, together about twenty miles in length, and between these 
and the mainland of the county are the waters of Great Bay and Little 
Bay, with their numerous islets. The mainland ])<>rtion of the county is 
very nearly square. It is splendidly watered Ijy numerous streams tlowing 
into Great Bay; by Great Egg Harbor River which heads near its west 
central boundary and courses southeastwardly to the sea; and by numerous 
afHuents of the Tuckahoe River, which furms its soutliern boundary. 
Pine forests formerly extended over the greater part of the county, but 
the same lands now produce large quantities of vegetables and fruits. 

In 1890 the population of Atlantic county was 2S.836, and this num- 
ber had increased to 46,402 in 1900 — the increase being largely in .\tlantic 

The history of the settlement of Atlantic county is v.ell cuvered in 
that of .Xbsecon Island and of various inland towns. 

Al).secon Island is in all wavs similar \<< the > ccan--iirri)utnle<l lands 


northward and southward from it. Jt e.Ktends from Absecon Inlet south- 
westwardly for a di.stance of al^out ten miles to Great Egg Harbor. Its 
width is greatest at the northern extremity, on Absecon Inlet, where it is 
not quite two miles, and is least something more than one mile from its 
southern termination, where it is less than one-half a mile. It is princi- 
pally made up of sand dunes and meadow lands, and has an elevation of 
about six feet above high water mark. Its distance from the mainland is 
five miles, the intervening space being an expanse of bays, sounds and salt 

The Indian occuiiation has been well established, and the fact has 
been perpetuated in the name which the island bears. Tlie true Indian 
etymology was Absegami, meaning "little sea-water," and this has^ been 
from time to time corrupted, appearing as Absecam, Absecum, Absecom 
and linally as Absecon. Dr. Thomas K. Reed, of Atlantic City, whose col- 
lection of Indian relics is unsurpassed by that of any private collector in 
the country, has in his possession fragments of human remains, many ar- 
rows, stone knives, stone mills used for cracking corn, and other utensils 
and implements, taken from in and a1)out the city. These Indians were of 
the Lenni-Lenape tribe, and they were in possession of the soil until the 
coming of the English and Scotch from Long Island, in 1645. 

The liistory of the region as told by white men has been carefully 
studied by Mr. A. ^l: Heston and rehearsed in his "Hand Book of At- 
lantic City." This writer shows that it began as early as September 1-2, 
1609, when Hemy Hudson sailed iiis Dutch ship, the "Half-AIoon," to 
Absegami and Eyre Haven. Tlie discovery of the inlets alwve and below 
Absegami are credited to Captain Cornelius Jiacobse Mey, of the ship 
"Fortuyn," who left Xew Amsterdam in June, 1614, and cruised down 
the coast. He called the inlet, now known as Barnegat, by the Dutch name 
of Barende-gat. Absecon Inlet he also called Barende-gat, these words 
being used first, not as a name, but merely as a description of the inlet. 
On Vanderdonck's Dutch map, made in 1656, it is Barndegat, and in his 
description of the coast, in one place, he calls Absecon "Bear-gat." Gabriel 
Thomas, who wrote a "History of New Jersey" in 1698, mentions Great 
Egg Harbor River, "up w)hich a ship of two or three hundred tons may 
sail." This country, he ad<ls. "is noted for its good store of horses, cows, 
sheep, hogs, etc., the lands thereabouts being much improved and built 
npon." On the ma]) which accompanies his book the beach nr island, the 
modern name of which is Absecon Beach, is described as having "some 
woodland and some sandy ground." Some of the "wonderful things" 
found in this part of the country can be described best in the language of 
the quaint historian last quoted: "There are, among other various sorts 


of fi'Dg-s," he says, "the hiill-tmi;'. which makes a roan'n,!;- imisc. lianlly to 
be (Hstinguished Innn that well known of the licast from which it takes 
its name. There is another sort of frog that crawls up to tiie tops of trees, 
there seeming to imitate the notes of several birds."' 

Jean Le Barre, a Frenchman, visited the region in 17S7. ami ])uh- 
Hslied an account of his travels, in which, he spoke of the exceptional dry- 
ness of the atmosphere on Absecon Beach. He added that in all his trav- 
els (^and he was a great traveler) he had only found one other place in 
the world, on the seacoast, that could be compared w ith it in the matter of 

The original owner of tliat portion of Absecon Lsland upon which 
Atlantic City was built was Tliomas Budd, in 1695. The pleasant rela- 
tions which existed between the first white settlers and the Indians is 
made to appear in a pamphlet published l)y Budd, some years later, 
wherein he says "tlie Indians have been very serviceable to us," and he 
quotes a speech made by an Indian : 

"W'e are your brothers and intend to live like brothers with you. We 
have no mind to w'ar, for when we have war we are only skiu' and Ixmes; 
the meat that we eat doth not do us good ; we are always in fear: we have 
not the benefit of the sun to shine on us; we hide us in holes and corners; 
we aie minded to live in peace. If wc intend at any time to make war on 
you, we will let }-ou know of it. and the reasons why we make war with 
you: and if you make us satisfaction for the injury done us. for which the 
war was intended, then we will not make war u])<m you: and if yon intend 
at any time to make war on us. wc woiUd hax-e you let us know of it. and the 
reason: and then if we do not make satisfaction for the injury done unto 
you. then you may make war on us, otherwise you ought not tO' do it. You 
are our brothers, and we are willing to live like Irrothers with you: we are 
willing to have a l)road path for you and us to walk in. and if an Indimi 
is asleep in this path, the FInglishman shall pass In-, and do him no harm; 
and if an Englishman is a.sleep in this path, the Indian shall pass him by, 
and say. 'He is an Englishman, he is asleep; let him alone, he loves to 
sleep.' It shall be a plain path ; there must not l)e in this path a stump to 
hurt our feet." 

Budd was not an actual settler, nor did the persons to whom he sold 
become settlers. It was not until about the time of the Revolutionarv W'ar 
that permanent residents came- — Daniel Ireland, William Boice and (ieorge 
Stibbs. and it is uncertain how long they reujained. Jeremiah Leeds is 
creflited with l>eing the first permanent settler, in 1S04. He owned the 
entire island, farming a portion of it, and leaving other parts for salt 
works. At a l>ank dinner held in Atlantic City in Januar\-. iS8f;. I'eter 
Boice, aged about eightv-four years, of Absecon, ga\e a description of 


AlisecDii Beach as he knew it when a young man of eighteen or twenty 
years, when he came to help Jeremiah Leeds reap and harvest his grain. 
"In those days," said lie, "the greater portion of the island was sand-hills, 
duck-ponds, swamps, brier thickets and nesting places for the -wild io\x\. 
I\Iany of these wild fowl could be killed with clubs, and it is said that they 
were so numerous at times in lighting upon trees the branches would 
break. Very few people had guns in those days, consequently they re- 
sorted to other means of capturing game." Another old resident, as: 
quoted by Mr. Heston, said that immense flocks of snipe and ducks settled 
in the ponds, especially in the vicinity of Arctic and North Carolina ave- 
nues. The district between ^Maryland and South Carolina avenues, from 
Atlantic to the meadows, was known as "Squawktown," on account of the 
large number of squawks which nightly roosted there. The land was 
low and swampy and was covered with an undergrowth of bushes, vines 
and briers. About 1835 Jeremiah Leeds fired into a flock of these birds at 
this point and killed forty-eight. Besides quail, rabbits and foi.xes, there' 
were, at that time, minks, muskrats, loggerheads, terrajiins and snakes — 
black snakes, garter snakes and adders. Strange to say, there were no 
lizzards or bull-frogs. The frogs made their appearance after the found- 
ing of the city. 

In 1838 Jeremiah Leeds died and his lands descended to his children: 
Rubanna Conover, Rachel Steelman, Andrew Leeds, Judith Leeds, after- 
ward Judith Hackett, Chalkley S. Leeds and Robert B. Leeds. The mother 
of the Leeds progeny at this time kept the old Atlantic House as a tavern 
for oystermcn and traders, near Baltic and Massachusetts avenues. 

Tlie county of Cape May comprises the splendid peninsula which is 
the so'Uthern termination of the State, lying between the Atlantic Ocean 
on the east and Delaware Bay on the west. Its northern boundary is gen- 
erally marked by Great Egg Harbor and a line projected thence west- 
ward. It is nearly thirty-two miles long, and its greatest width is thirteen 
miles. The soil is alknial and quite level. Formerly it bore considerable 
timber, which has all but disappeared. Grasses grow luxuriantly, and pas- 
turage for domestic animals is abundant. 

Paralleling the mainland, on the ocean side, is a succession of sandy 
beaches named Peck's, Ludlam"s, Seven ^filc, Tlve Mile, Two -Mile and 
Poverty, upon which stand numerous handsome little villages and private 
mansions. Between the beaches and the mainland are expanses of ocean 
water dotted with miniature islands. Oysters, clams and fish abound in 
these waters. On the Delaware Bay side the land shelves gradually to the 
water and finds no ol)struction short of the l^elaware shore. 


In ]X)int f>f discovery and occupation by whites, Cape May has a pr'iucl 
distinction of priority as compared witli many portions of the State of 
Xew Jersey. CorncHus Jacohse Mey, wiiDse name iigures so conspicu- 
ously in the maritime annals of his times, explored Delaware I>ay in iCj2I, 
in the interest of the Dutch West India Contpany, Init he does not seem 
to have had more to do with Cape May than to give it his name, which is 
preserved euphoniously if not orthographically. 

The proprietary rights in the Cape May county have Lcen noted in 
the chapter on "The Proprietary System." Our only concern in this con- 
nection is with the actual settlement. Under this head, it is asserted by 
Benedict, in his "History of the Baptists." that a church uf this denomina- 
tion was established at Cape 'May in 1675, in which year came a com- 
pany of immigrants among whom were two Baptists, George Taylor and 
Philip Hill. But Dr. Beesley, in his "Early History of Cape May County," 
finds no evidence that Cape May was positively inhabited until 1685, when 
Caleb Carman and Jonathan Pine were respectively apiK>inted l)y the leg- 
islature to the positions of Justice of the Peace and Constable. 

Other authorities assert that John Townsend and Jacob Spicer, who 
came from Long Island in lOStj, were the earliest permanent white set- 
lers. and that Richard, son of the former naine<l, was the lirst white chihi 
born within the limits of the county. 

John Townsend was an Englishman and a Ouakcr. who for the latter 
offense (such it was then) was fined and iniprisnned in Xew "^i'ork. and 
linaliy banished. He first located in ^Monmouth county, whence he came to 
Cape May county. It is related of him that wdien he was to build bis cabin 
he traveled a considerable distance to find two other settlers to assist him. 
\\ bile engaged in the work, a number of Indians came, and a rivalry as 
to physical strength arose between them and the whites, whereupon a 
wrestling match ensued, in which one of the latter overcame bis copper- 
colored antagonist, and ended the struggle by tossing him into a tree. 
This feat so impressed the Indians that the whites were thenceforth re- 
garded with respect, if not absolute fear. 

Of the early families of Cape May c<junty, none figure so conspicu- 
ously as do those of Learning and Spicer, and these names are associated 
together for all time, .\aron Learning and Jacob Spicer (of the second 
generation, namesakes for their fathers) are liere particularly referred to. 

Christopher Leamyeng (Leaming) came about iTj-q from England 
to Long Island, where he married Esther Burnet. In 1691 he came to 
Cape May and took up land. Among bis children was a son, Aaron, who 
embraced the Quaker religi<in. He acquired considerable ])ro])crty. and 
was a man of inflncnrc, serving as Justice of the I'eace. Clerk and As- 


.senil>lynian. He married Lydia Shaw, and of tlie marriage were Ijorn 
four children, of whom the eldest was iXaron. 

.\an>n Learning (second), born in 1715, became one of the most 
important figures of his day. He was splendidly educated for the times, 
and »vas a man i)f great force of character. He carried on business affairs 
upon a large scale, and was prominent in public life, and a member of the 
■assembly for thirty years. He and Jacob Spicer (second) who was a year 
his junior, were assigned tO' the task of compiling for the assembly the 
grants and concessions made to the Lords Proprietors, and the laws of 
both the Jersey Pro\-inces. This great task they performed w illi scrupu- 
lous care. 

Aaron Leaming died August 28, 1780, in the sixty'-sixth year of his 
a,ge. Upon the monument covering his grave in the old family burying 
ground in Middle township. Cape May county, was chiseled the following 
insciiptinn ; 

"Beneath this stone here lies a name 
That once had titles, honor, wealth and fame. 
How loved, how honored, now a\-ails thee not, 
To whom related, or by whom begot: 
A heap of dust remains alone of thee. 
'Tis all thou art, and all the proud shall be." 

It is reasonable to infer that this \evse was from his own ]xu. moved 
l>y his own mo'desty and freedom from personal \anity. Certain it is that 
his eminently useful and distinguished service in behalf of the people and 
Slate would not permit one who had known him to inscribe so lielittling a 
sentiment. For of him Dr. Maurice Beesley wrote: "No man e^-er re- 
ceived greater honors from the cmmty, and none, jierhaps, better de- 
served them." 

Jacob Spicer (second), the colleague of Leaming, was a son of Jacob 
Spicer, wlic came to Cape May about 1691, from Gravesend, Long Island. 
The senior Sjiicer \\as of Puritan parentage. The son was liberally edu- 
cated, became a busy man of ai^'airs and was for some twenty years a 
member of the assembly. He was scrupuknisly methodical in noting all 
his financial transactions, and his journals are a marvel of minute infor- 
matiiin showing the habits of life of the people about him. lie was 
twice married — first to Judith Hughes, anil after lier death to JJeborah 
Hand Leaming, widow of Christopher Le.aming. In his will he dis- 
pla_\e<l the same great carefulness which marked his everyday life, and 
this long document of thirty-nine pages is noteworthy as the most elaborate 
and voluminous testamcntarv document ever recorded in the State. In 


lliis he m;ule liberal bequests ti) all the various religinus Ixjdics in the 
nei,i;hb<jrhu<Kl,, and it alsu contained his cuniplaiut that he had been unjustly 
treated, vilely defamed and grossly abused by the jjopulace. This lengthy 
paper he directeil should be read in public in the ISantisl meeting house,_ 
and he also' ptovided that a sermon-like address should be jjrinted in 
pamphlet form and distributed. Upon his t<mbstone was inscribed: 

'Tf aught that's good and great could save, 
Spicer had nc\er seen the grave." 

He left four children, among whom was Ijut one son. and in the male 
line the family is now extinct. 

The reproach in which Sjiicer was held Ijy some of the people, as re- 
ferred to in his will, was presumably based upon some of his land transac- 
tions. For more than sixty years the Coxe lands had been marketed 
through an agent of the \\'est Jersey Society, and these had been ex- 
hausted, save what were known as vacant lands \vith "natural privileges" 
in the adjacent sounds and bays. Leaming and Spicer were b(jth desirous 
of possessing these vacant lands, and the}- were rivals in their effort in 
this, no matter how cordially they had been allied together in public affairs, 
but Spicer drove a successful bargain, and became the owner. Concern- 
ing this transaction, Dr. Beesley says: 

'Tt has been handed down that Sfjicer obtained the grant for the pro- 
prietary right in Cape May, of Dr. Johnson, agent of the society at Perth 
Antboy, at a time when the influence of the wine bottle had usurped the 
place of reason, or he could not have obtained it for so inconsiderable a 
sum as three hundred pounds ; and that the Doctor, sensible he had be- 
trayed the trust reposed m him, left the society at his death a thoiisand 
pounds as a salvo." 

Cape ilay was created a count), inider the J'roprietors, in 1083. when ■ 
its northern boundary was fixed nearly as at present — a line drawn at the 
most northerly i)oint of (jreat Harbor. Xo\ember 12, 1692, the county 
was constituted by act of assembly; the bounds were more carefully desig- 
nated in 1694, when the residents of Egg Harbor were transferred to 
Gloucester county, and a further adjustment was made in 1709. which 
difl not materially change the boundaries. 

The earliest courts under the proprietary government were held in 
]iri\ate houses. In 169 1 Daniel Coxe, who was then the great landlord 
and \irtual governor, erected what was known as "Coxe's Hall," an ex- 
ten>ive edifice for the times. ne:ir Town Bank and Cold S[)ring. The 
Ifxation was designated as PortsmoiUh (afterward known as Town Bank, 


or Cape ]\Iay Town), and the building- was used as a court house and a 
house of worship. 

In 1745 Cape May Court House became tlie county seat, and Daniel 
Hand donated one acre of land as a building site. Upon it now stands a 
modern edifice. The village is situated on the Winslow Junction and Cape 
]\Iay branch of the Atlantic City Railroad, and on the Camden and Cape 
May branch of the West Jersey and Sea Shore Railroad. The pupulatinn 
in 1900 was 900. 

In 1890 the population of Cape May county was 11,268, and in 
1900 it was 13,201. 

Cumberland should almost be considered a coast county. It has for 
its south frontage the lower Delaware Bay, and its eastern boundaries are 
the counties of Cape .May and Atlantic. Its principal stream is the ]\laurice 
River, which at Millville, in the northern part of the county, expands to 
the proportions of a lake, and which, for the last five miles of its length, 
is similarly expansi\'e. 

The county was the early home of a Puritan colony, and it was made 
a political division in 1747, receiving- its name in honor of the Duke of 
Cumberland. The population in 1890 was 45,438, and in 1900 it w-as 
5i.i(>3. The county seat is Bridgeton, which is the seat of large glass 
manufactories and fruit and vegetable canning establishments. 



If tliere is auyiit in the history of New Jcrscv that is so conipit'telv 
established as lO' be wholl}- outside tlie pale of controversy, it is the fact 
that its early colonists were a deeply religious people. Indeed, had they 
been less conscientious juid less iniyielding- as religionists, the political 
structiu'c which they aided in rearing would doulitless lune been of (ithcr 
design. It was decreed in a very early day that the coimtry was to be es- 
sentially English, and dominated by English thought and policies — tiie 
withdrawal of the Dutch fleet and the Dutch Governor settled that matter. 
Had the Englishmen and Scotchmen then on the groimd been time-ser\ ers, 
had they abandoned tlieir meetings and conventicles, they woiUd doubtless 
have i)ruven as truculent in their political conduct, and — wotdd there have 
been the Revolution? ^\nd this suggests another {|uery : Had the Establish- 
ed Church of England utilized the Methodisim oi Wesley in England, and 
displayed a conciliatory attitude toward the Presbyterians of Scotland, is 
it iiLit probable that there would have Ijecn an Established Church in 
America, with Trinity Church standing in the new land for what Canter- 
bury does in the mother country? 

.\ frtiitful field for speculation this, but there is suflicient of moment- 
ous interest in what did actually occur. And so, it may be repeated that 
the early colonists — who did not come, as did nian_\- of the New Englanders, 
to found a theocracy — were a deeply religious people, and this is not the 
less true if, as was the case, with different standards, their conduct was 
in many instances somewhat at \ariance with that expected of professed 
religionists in the present day. Hut it may well be questioned if human- 
ity, as it goes, is any more successful now than it was then in combatting 
some besetting' sin which lies in wait for every one of us. 

The early Dutch colonists may be said to have brought their ciiiuch 
with them when they settled in New Xetheiiand. To these good, pious 
wanderers a place of worship was as necessary as a dwelling; and we never 
find any settlement without also discovering some arrangement there for 


divine services, either the setting aside of a sufficient amount for a clergy- 
man's ministrations or for tlie emi)l()yment of a teacher and reader, or at 
least for securing the services of an authorized visitor to the sick, whose 
dutv it also was to read the Scriptures to the people on Sundays. .And as 
this people increased in numbers, and new settlements were formed, and 
more ministers were n.eeded, they turned to their own youth ior their 
spiritual leaders, and founded their own literar\- ami theological schools. 

The first oi the Scotch Presbyterians came in 1685 out of their native 
country, whence they were driven by cruel religious persecution. For re- 
fusal to engage in prelatic worship and for their attendance upon con- 
venticles, these poor people were despoiled of their property, thn;)wn into 
prison, banished and practically sold as slaves. About one hundred men 
and women were imprisoned in Dunottar Castle, wdiere they were treated 
with great severity, stinted for food and water, and cramped for want oi 
room, ilanv were tortured for attempting tO' escape. Late in the summer 
these prisoners were marched to the sea-coast, a distance of about si.xty- 
three miles, many with their hands tied behind their backs. They were under 
sentence of banishment toi.-America, and a number of them w-ere committed 
to the care of George Scot, laird of Pitlochie, who had chartered a vessel 
to convey him to- New Jersey, iu order to escape the persecution to which 
he had been subjected for the sake of his religion. The voyagers suffered 
dreadfully from a virulent fever, and to add to the misery of their condi- 
tion the master of the vessel, a most inhuman creature, visited upon them 
all sorts of cruelty, even to throwing down upon them large pieces of timber 
when they were engaged in worship between decks. Three score of peo- 
ple, among them the laird and his wife, died during the voyage. The sur- 
vivors disembarked near Perth Aniboy, in December, 1685. It is pathetic 
to read tliat the vessel which bore these immigrants from their heather- 
land sank soon after reaching the harbor to which it had conveyed them. 
And with this goes the story, better authenticated than is usual in tradition- 
ary narratives, that this same vessel had lain a sunken hulk in the harbor 
whence Uiey sailed, and was raised to afford them passage. The wonder is 
that such a craft survived the three months" voyage. It is only to be added 
that many of the immigrants were obliged by the civil courts to make pay- 
ment for their enforced passage. 

\\'ith the particular history of the ^•arious denominations in the State 
at large we are not particularly concerned. The present purpose is to 
trace the beginnings of religion in the counties on the coast, and this, of 
necessitv, includes some account of a number of individual churches which 
are recognized as memorial stone? in religious history, testifying to events 


as important as were <onie of ib.osc in which figured apostles and saints 
of old. 

The quaint old town of Middletown (and the name, so far as con- 
cerns the early days, applies at times to the village and again to the town- 
ship), was the seat of the first settlements in ,M>inmi/Uth. cnunty, and here 
were set up religious lights which shone out to remote places. It was a 
heterogeneous population — (Juakers, Scotch and Dutch Indcijcndenls. 
Presbyterians and Baptists, and those of the Established Church (if Eng- 

There has been controversy as to priority in church founding in the 
iiistoric old village, and even as to the particular shade of faith held by 
some of the active churchmen of the day. One fact is admitted — that the 
first minister was John Bowne, but who can say of what sect was he. or 
what his creed, after reading his "words of advice ir cnuncil to his 
children as he lay on his death-bed" January 3, 1CJ83-4; 

"There is no way in the wdiole. world for a man to obtain felicity, in 
this world or in the world to come, but to take heed in the ways of the 
Lord, and to put his trust in Him, who deals faithfully and truly w'ith 
all tnen ; for He knocks at the door of your hearts, and calls you to come 
and Iniy, without money and without price. 

"My desire is, that in all actions of Meum and Teum you deal not 
deceitfully, but plane hearted with all men, and remember that ycmr dving 
Father left it with you for your instruction, that when trust is with )our 
Honor to preserve it. And in all contracts and bargains that you make, 
violate not your promise, and you will have praise. Let your Mother be 
your Counsellor in all matters of difference, and goe not to Lawyers, but 
ask her coimcell first. If tat any time any o'f you have an advantage of a 
poor man at law, O jnirsue it not, but rather forgive him if he hath done 
you wrongue, and if you do so, you will have the help of the Law of God 
and of his people. Give not away to youthful jolities and sports, but im- 
prove your leisure time in the service of God. Let no good man be dealt 
churlishly by you, but entertain when they come to your hoitse. But if 
a vitious. wicked man come, give him meat and drink to refresh him,, 
and let him pass by your doors. It has beai many times in my thoughts, 
that for a man to marry a wife and have children, and never take anvcare 
to in.nruct them, but leave them worse than the Beasts of the Field, that 
if a nian ask concerning the things of God, they know' not what it means. 
O. this is a very sad thing. But if we can season our hearts, so as to de- 
sire the Lord to assist us. He will help us, and not fiv from us." 

One writer fthe Rev. Morgan Edwards, in his "History of the Rai^^ 

tists of New Jersey"), is satisfied that John Bowne was the first minister 

and the donor of the first lot upon which the first meeting house was built, 

and upon this statement has been founded the assertion that this first 


meeting house was built Ijy Baptists for their own use. This last propo- 
sition, however, has been called in question by a highly capable and careful 
local in\'estigator and writer (Mr. James Steen}, who shows it to be doubt- 
ful, if not absolutely untenable. 

Returning to the one uncoaitroverted fact that John Bowiie was the 
first minister, it is to i>c remethbered that the settlement at Middletown was 
made under the conditions imposed by Governor Xicolls, one of which was 
that '"every township is obliged to pay their -minister according to such 
agreement as they shall make with them and no man to refuse his propor- 
tion, the Minister being elected by the Major part of the Householders 
Inhabitants oif the town." The liberality of this concession is ranarkabie, 
when it is remembered that the granting authority came from a servant 
of that monarch who was at once King and Defender of the Faith — the 
faith being that of the Established Church of England. 

In 1684 Peter Watson, a Scotchman living in Perth Amboy, wrote to 
a friend in Scotland, referring tO' the several towns in East Jersey : "There 
are very good, religious people, they go under the name of Independents, 
but are most like the Presbyterians. * * * The people meet together 
every Sabbath day and read and pray and sing psalms in their meeting- 

At this time, Watson must have been familiar with the conditions at 
[Middletown, for he was then negotiating for property in that to\Vn.ship 
(at Matawan) and it is presumable that he had the Middletown meeting- 
house in mind. And so, from the evidence, and from what we knowof the 
beginnings of a church in a new settlement, it would appear that the early 
Middletown meeting-house was wdiat would be now called a Union 
Church, such as many Jerseymen yet li\ing have aided in establishing in 
the western States — a church wherein people of all denominations assem- 
bled for worship, ministered to by clergymen of various daiomiiiations, 
until, as the community increased, there came to be a sufficient number of 
a particular faith to separate from their fellows and set up' a church so- 
ciety of their own. And so it doubtless was with the Baptists, Presby- 
terians. Quakers and Puritans who met together in John Bowne's first 
meeting house. In all probability, at one time or other — for meetings were 
held irregularly — all w-ere privileged to hear preachers of their own sect: 
]\Iorgan. the Dutch dominie; Innes. the Scotch non-juring clergyman; 
Ashton, a Baptist, and others. Of the old meeting-house itself, it is to be 
said that, according to neighborhood tradition, it was primarily built for 
town purposes. It passed into decay, but the spiritual liglit kindled within 
its walls survived its fall, to illuminate other neighborhoods and other 
generations of worshippers. 


From out of tlie old meeling-house came those of all sects who in 
time erected houses of worship ol their own. It is pleasant to know that 
tiadilion lias faithfully preser\-etl the description of those early church 
buildings, and of the manner of service which they witnessed. 

The early church building was of the utmost plainness, fur the people 
were plain in themselve's and in all about them, and there was no market 
to provide luxuries and adornments. The plain board sides were destitute 
of paint, inside and out, and it was long before there was either fireplace 
or sto\e. For some years the Dutch churches were entirely without seats ; 
in others there were benches of rough hewn planks. The Episcopalians 
set up a modest altar, which was afterward adorned as means and ma- 
terials would permit. These people, with a beautiful and time-honored 
ritual, engaged in the service to which they had been accustomed in the 
mother country, but wil^h less elaboration for want of music^ and that 
service is substantially the same to-day, saving the slight changes made 
necessary on account of the altered political conditions growing out of the 
Revolution. The Dutch were true to the traditions of their nati\c •laiul, 
and their mode of worship was what they had liecn accustomed to from 
their youth. The Quakers sat mute in their meetings until they weie 
moved to speech by the Holy Ghost, and there are those now living who, 
in their youth, attended their gatherings Sunday after Sunday for weeks 
without hearing a spoken word. 

The Presbyterian Church was impressive in a manner peculiar to 
itself. The pulpit stood high up, and in front of it was a low platform 
whereon were seated the elders. The worshippers came well jirepared 
for their religious duties. With them the Sabbath was already well l)egun. 
The W'Omen devoted Saturday to cooking food for that sacred day whereon 
no avoidable labor was to lie performed, and Saturday night had been 
given to religious meditation. At such an hour, too, some member of the 
family would read a chapter or tw'o from the Scriptures, or from one of 
those volumes treasured in nearly every Presbyterian home — often tlie 
entire family library — Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress," Baxter's "Saints' 
Everlasting Rest," Young's "Night Thoughts,'' or Doddridge's ''Rise and 
Progress of Religion in the Soul." 

The Sabbath church service began with a solemn prayer which con- 
tinued for a ciuarter of an hour or more, and after this a chapter of the 
Bible was read and expounded, 'llie singing was most impressive. Only 
the Psalms were used — it was before the days of hymns — and these were 
according to the quaint version of Rouse, of which the following (Psahn 
xxii) is a Ijeautiful example: 


"The Lord's my Shepherd, I'll not want, 
He makes me dawm to lie 
In pastures green ; he leadeth me 
The quiet waters by. 

My soul he doth restore again 

And me to walk doth make 
iWithin the paths of righteousness 

Ev'n for his own name's sake. 

Y'ea, though I walk in death's dark \ale 

Y'et will I fear none ill ; 
For thou art with me, and thy rod 

And staff me comfort still. 


]\Iy table thou hast furnished 

In presence of my foes; 
My head thou dost \\'ith oil anoint 
And my cup overflows. 

Goodness and mercy all my life 
Shall surely follow me; 
• And in God's house for ever more 
My dwelling-place shall be." 

The Psalm w-as "given out" by the minister or an elder, two lines at 
a time. Musical instruments were not tolerated — they were too suggestive 
of prelatic worship or of sinful amusements — and the Psalms were sung 
slowly and heartily to some dear old tune brought from tlie land of Knox, 
after the home-coimtry fashion, as told of by Burns: 

"They chant their artless notes in simple guise. 
They tune their hearts, l)y far the nobler aim. 

Perhaps Dundee's wild warbling measures rise, 
Or plaintive Martyrs, worthy of the name, 

Or noble Elgin beats the heav'nward flame, 

The sweetest far of Scotia's holy lays." 

The semion was usually jwoiiounccdly doctrinal, and was of considera- 
ble length, often exceeding an hour. In many churches an hour-glass stood 
upon the pulpit, and, on ordinary occasions, the preaciier was expected 
to finish the "lastly" of his discourse with the running out of the sands, 
but there were instances when the glass was turned the second' and even the 
third time l>efore the conclusion was reached. If no minister were present, 
an elder would read a discourse from a volume of sermons by some noted 
divine of an earlier^day, even so ancient a worthy as the martyred Latimer. 


After the sermon, anotlicr i)ra_\er 'was (ifferccl, and aiiuiher Psalm uas 
sung. On occasion a baptism took place, immediately alter the regular 
service, and, once each month, the sacrament of tiie Lord's Supper was 
administered in connection with the ser\ ice. There was frequently an 
afternoon service, but very seldom was there one at night, and not then 
until the days of sconces anil tallow dijis. 

Mrs. Gertrude Lefferts X'anderhilt has written ni the mode of wor- 
ship in the early Dutch churches on Long Island, and families in Mon- 
niouth county, New Jersey, preserve similar traditions relating to the 
churches of their ancestors in the region wherein they now li\e. Mrs. 
\'anderbilt writes : 

"A board, on which were placed the numbers of the Psalms to be sung 
during the service, w\as hung in a conspicuous position, for all the mem- 
bers of the congregation were expected to take part in the singing. These 
curious old Psalm books had silver corners and clasps. There were also 
small silver rings on them; through these were cords or long silver chains, 
by means of which they were hung on the backs of the chairs when chairs 
were used instead of pews. We look with interest at the quaint four-sided 
notes printed on the bars, for each Psalm was set to music, and we wonder 
how they sang in those days, slowdy, of course, for there are no short 
notes. The Xew Testament and Psalms were bound together, and these 
were carried to church every Sunday. 

"It is probable that many Dutch families own one or more of these 
books still. Some of them were published at Dordrecht, in 1758, others 
in Amsterdam, in 1728, and there may be others of a still earlier date. 
The title page is as follows: 


ofte alle Boeken 
Des Nieuwen \'erbondts 
door last 
van de H. M. Heeren 
Staten General 
der \'ereenigde Nederlangen 
en volgens het besluit von de 
Sinode Nationale gehoudin in 
de Jaren 1618 en de 1619 tot 
Dordrecht 1758. 

■■p.elow the date of the copy fmm which the above was taken is a lion 
hohhng a sword, encircled with tlie motto "Een dracht maakt macht." 
A picture of a city facing the Nortli Sea finishes the ])age. Most of the 
books which have been preserved in the families of the Dutch are of a 
religious character, and we cannot but feel that they were a religious 


people. Although the Psalms only were sung in the churches, they were 
fond of sacred poetry. In a time-stained book entitled 'Finding the Way 
to Heaven,' published at Nymegen, in 1752, which seems to have kept its 
place beside the Dutch Bible, we find an old hjonn to which the well-worn 
volume opens at once, as if to some favorite page: 

"Den Hemel zelf, 
■ Dat schoon gewelf, 
1 Daar't dag is zonder' nachten : 

Is't hoog vertrek darr't Eiigelen choor, 

Al zingend ous verwachten. 
O zalig! zalig Zinkcn! 
O zalig to verdrinken ! 
In't eenwig zalig ligt." 

The Methodists reared their houses of worship somewhat later, but 
in their primitive temples in New Jersey was Methodism exhibited in all 
its pristine vigor. The oratory of their preachers was fervently exhorta- 
tory. Little stress was laid upnn doctrine, !nit every faculty was called into 
play to arrest the attention of the sinner and turn him aside from the paths 
of inicpiity. Startling stories arc told of some of those early-day pul- 
piteers. On one occasion, at a meeting held in the woods, after Freeborn 
Gru-retson had delivered a fer\ent discourse, the Rev. Benjamin Abbott 
arose and, looking over the congregation with a penetrating gaze, pointed 
significantly at a man and exclaimed. "Lord, begin the work ; Lord, begin 
the work nozc; Lord, begin the wtjrk just there!" And the one upon whom 
he looked and to whum he pointed '"fell as suddenly as it he had been shot, 
and cried for mercy." It is said of the same noted di\ine that a terrific 
thunder-storm broke while he was preaclnng in a church building on the 
coast. His \-oice was wellnigh overwhelmetl lay the tremendous noises of 
nature, when he rose to a supreme eti'orl, and exclaimed in stentorian tones, 
"Thunder outrfide, my Lord, while 1 thunder within!" And the annalist 
says that "men and women all through tlie house suddenly fell, as though 
a frigate had poured a broadside of shot into the congregation." 

About 1S27 Thomas G. Stewart was junior preacher on the Free- 
liold circuit. Of him it was said that he was a small man. but with 
such ponderous voice that "he thundered when he preached." His ser- 
mon would often affect his congregation to tears. At one time his fervor 
led him into a iirolracled exordium wherein he lost his thread of language, 
and lie broke off abruptly with the exclamation "I would not give the 
grace of God for all the grammar in the world!'' and then made a fresh 
besiinning in his discourse. He would pray (as was said by one who heard 


him) "lis if iiea\en and carili were exuning together." At the cuuelusicjii, 
lie would make an appeal to the unconverted, and then, n^i waitinij to 
go down the pulpit stairs, would jump over the fmut of the pulpit and 
address himself personally to those wdio were without the pale nf the 

But the primitive house of worship' has passed away and the old- 
time Christian ministers imd laymen have left no descendants of their own 
kind. Each sect now rears such ornate temple as its means will permit. 
and frecpiently anticipates the future by incurring a great debt in its build- 
ing. In the conduct of worship only the staid Quakers maintain any sem- 
blance of the original simplicity, and even they have their regular preacu- 
ine and their Sundav-school. The Prcsbvterians, who so abhorred anv- 
thing at all imitative of what they regarded as Catholicism, repeat the 
Creed, chant the Gloria, read the Psalms antiphonally with the minister. 
and sing popular hymns led by a grand organ and a salaried choir, in 
only a few feeble congregations of Covenanters, well back in the remote 
hill regions, are the old traditions preserved. The followers of \\'esley 
vie with their Presbyterian brethren in making their service elaborate, even 
to the introduction of vested' choirs, and the old time revival and powerful 
exhortation remain only in story. 

Not long after their coming the Scotch Presbyterians had develojied 
sufficient numerical strength to enter upon the work of rearing a church 
of their own. A number of this people who had come to America, as 
nre\'iously narrated, had settled (about 1685) near the site of the present 
village of Matawan, and named their settlement New Aberdeen, but the 
larger part of the compjany went further and located about and near a 
well-timbered eminence, to which they gave the name of "Free Hill." about 
five miles northwest of the present town of Freehold. Here, under the 
leadership of Godl}' men, among whom was AValter Ker, an Elder in the 
Church of Scotland, who had been banished from his native land because 
of his religion, was founded (in 1692, as near as is ascertainable) the 
"Old Scots Church." For this the claim has been made that it was 
"the first one settled with the gospel ministry in East Jersey west ( souiii) 
of t!ie Raritan River." It is doubtful if this is entirely accurate, but it is 
scarcely to be questioned that it was the first recognized Presbyterian 
Church in that region, and "the small beginning of a great stream of ur- 
ganized American Presbyterianism." Its organization is quaintly set 
forth, in the court records of Monnioutii county, as follows : 

"The meeting Flouse for Religious W'orshi]) belonging U' the Prolisl- 
ant discenters Called ye Presbyterions of ye town ni Freeinild In yc Ci'unty 
of Monmouth in yc Province of New Jersey is Scituate built lying & being 


at & upon a pece of Rising- ground or little liill ComniDnly known & Called 
by the name of free hill In sd town. 

"Mr. John Bo\^ Minister of the sd Presbyterians of ye town of free- 
hold did also Parsonally appear & did desire that he might be admitted to 
qualify as the law directs in that behalf." 

December 27, 1706, this piece of ground, destined to become historic 
for all time, was the scene of a memoraljle event, for then and there was 
held, so far as is established by record evidence, the first meeting of a 
Presbytery, and when occurred the first Presbyterian ordination in Amer- 
ica. The Rev. Francis Makemie, whose memory is revered as "Father 
of the American Presbyterian Church," was the moderator, and other cler- 
gymen present were the Rev. Jedediah Andrews and the Rev. John Hamp- 
ton, respectively the first pastors of the first Presbyterian Churches in 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and Snow Hill, IMaryland. The occasion of 
this Presbyterial assembly was the examination and ordination of the first 
pastor of the "Old Scots Church," John Boyd, who had come from Glas- 
gow, Scotland, to enter upon the sacred office. It is presumable that, prior 
to his coming, services were conducted by Elder Ker, who has been previ- 
ously mentioned. ' 

The meniMrics attaching to the "Old Scots Church" are at once glori- 
ous and pathetic. Within little more than a half-century, it had fallen into 
disuse and decay. Father Boyd died about two years after entering upon 
his ministry, leaving behind him evidence of a permanent influence for 
good. He was buried mider the eaves of the church, and upcm his tomb 
was laid a brown sandstone slab bearing an inscription in Latin. Nearly 
one hundred and seventy-five years later (in i(S83) tlie stone was cleansed 
of the dirt and lichens which covered it, and was planted upright at the 
head of the gra\e. This stone was subsequently committed to the custody 
of the Presbyterian Historical Society and placed in the Presbyterian 
Building in I'hiladelphia. and upon the spot whence it was taken the Synod 
of New Jersey erected a beautiful and enduring monument, rarely sig- 
nificant in conception and execution. 

This beautiful structure is of granite brought from Scotland, Ireland 
and New England, thus commemorating the lands whence came the men 
who composed the Presbytery of 170C. The undressed base is of \^emiont 
granite, and upon this is imposed second and third bases of fine Irish grey- 
stone. Reared upon these, of Scotch granite, are four cornered pillars 
hearing arches which sup]3ort an ornate central shaft terminating in a 
thistle, the emblem of Scotland. 

The \arious inscriptions are of great significance. Upon the base ap- 








iPPWpl i' I S I P' ■' ^ 

f .1^; g te fS R _ 


pears' the words "Religious Liberty" — tlie legend of the rreshylLrian 
■Church of Monun'Utii county — and on the second base is the inscription: 

"To the untiring efforts of the Uev. Allen Henry Brown, which led 
to tiie erection of this monument, this tablet is set as a memorial by the 
Synod of New Jersey." 

Enclosed within the columns of the monument are four bronze tab- 
lets, one of which is as yet uninscribed. The one in front contains the ded- 
catorv inscription, the one on the west side contains a fac-simile of the 
original epitaph upon the tombstone of Father Boyd, and that on the east 
side contains the English translation of the same. These arc slujwn on an- 
other page. 

Upon each of the four gables on the central column is a representation 
of one of four historic seals — the seal of the Presbyterian Church North, 
■displaying an open Bible and a serpent upon a cross ; the seal of the Presby- 
terian Church of Monmouth county, displaying a tree, with the legend 
"Religious Libert}';'' the seal of the Scotch-Irish Society of America — 
an American flag upon which is imposed a shield bearing an npen hand, 
Avith the legend. "Liberty and Law:" and the seal of the Presbyterian 
Church South — -an anchor surmounted by the sacred letters 'T H S" en- 
closed in a sunburst, and the legend "Spcs Xostra." 

The monument was unveiled June 14. 1900. l)y Walter Kerr, of New 
York City, a lineal descendant of Walter Ker, the founder and first elder 
•of the "Old Scots Church." Distinguished clergymen took ])art in the 
impressive ceremonies, and the historian of the Synod, in his account 
of the event, records that as the shaft appeared to public view for the first 
time amid great applause, "at the same instant the only rain during the 
•exercises, a few large drops, fell and wet the monument, a token of heav- 
en's benediction upon the auspicious occasion, a Presbyterian l)a])tisni." 

In the same burying ground are numerous ancient toml)stones, sev- 
•eral of which bear Scotch names. 'J'here are also slight depressions in the 
ground which point to graves unmarked by memorial stones. The site 
of the "Old Scots Church" is identified by the outlines of the funndation 
of the old edifice, and the absence of graxes. 

After the death of Father Boyd, the Rev. Joseph Morgan became pas- 
tor of the "Old Scots Church" and he labored from 1709 to 1729. He was 
a man of considerable ability, but erratic. He ministered to the Dutch in 
their own language as well as to the English speaking Presbyterians, and 
lie is more fully spoken of in connection with the Reformed Dutch Church. 

In 1730 the Rev. John Tennent came to the pastorate of the "Old 
Scots Church." which he found in a deplorable condition. He li\ed only 


two years, but during- this brief period he effected an excellent work in 
restoring the church to a condition of usefulness. He was a man of great 
evangelistic power, and, preceding Edwards, W'hitetield and Wesley, he 
has been termed "'the Morning Star of the Great Spiritual ^Vwakening." 
In the first y'ear of his coming the congregation built another house of 
worship on White Hill, five miles south of the parent edifice. An incident 
of its founding (gi\-en on the authority of the Rev. Frank K. Symmes, in 
his '"History of the Old Tennent Church") is curiously indicative of the 
tenacity with which the sturdy Scotch people adhered to the literal mean- 
ing of the sacred word. At the laying of the corner-stone, those in charge 
had fixed upon a low spot of ground for the edifice. Whereuixm a Godly 
woman, Janet Rhea, exclaimed, "Wha ever heard o' ganging choii to the 
hoose o' the Lord, an' nO' o" ganging oop to the hoose o' the Lard ?" And 
she picked up the stone, and climbed laborious!}- with it to the summit of 
the hill, where the building was erected. 

Rev. John Tennent conducted services alternately in the two build- 
ings, as did his brother, William Tennent, Jr., who succeeded him. The 
latter named was a graduate of the school which was founded by his fa- 
ther — the "Log College," ever famous in the educational annals of Penn- 
sylvania and New Jersey. The junior W^illiam Tennent, a man of deep 
piety and wonderful influence, left an ineffaceable mark upon the people 
of his time, and set in operation infltiences which are yet discernible. With 
his name are associated some of the most important events in religious 
development in the Colony. , In 1749 (February 21st) Governor Belcher 
granted a charter to the Trustees of the Presbvterian Church of IMou- 
mouth county, these officers representing several contiguous congrega- 
tions, of which the Tennent Church was the head, and including those at 
Shrewsbury and Allentown. In 1760 was adopted a seal of rare signifi- 
cance — an eiglit-pointed star, upon which was borne a tree enclosed by the 
words "Religious Liberty" — and this has been declared the oldest known 
corporate seal of any Presbyterian Church in America. It had long been 
lost sight of, when it was discovered and re-adopted in 1897 as the seal of 
the First Presbyterian Church of Freehold, which grew out of the old Ten- 
nent Church in 1838. 

The "Old Scots Church" had fallen into disuse and decay, and in 1753 
the new church (now known as the "Old Tennent Church") was enlarged 
to forty by sixty feet, double its original size. The pulpit was midway of 
the building on the north side. The i)ews were after the fashion of the 
day, high and narrow, and would seat about five hundred people, while a 
spacious gallery would seat three hundred more. 

In 1777 J\Ir. Tennent died, after an eminently useful pastorate of 



forty-four years, lacking three inoiUlis, and his remains were huried within 

the clinrcli, under the central aisle. Little more than a year later, the 

battle of Monmouth raged near by the ground, and a cannon liall ^lruc!c 

the parsonage, entering the room which long had been his study. 
With the excqotion of some 

minor interior alterations. 

and renewal of a portion m 

the outside siding, the "Old 

Tennent Ohurch" remains 

substantially as it was at tlu 

time of tlie death of Air. Ten- 
nent. The original old com 

munion table is yet in u^c. 

and the charter of incorpora 

tion of 1749 is carefully pre 


Alx>ut 1727 a Presbyter 

ian Church was erected at 

Shre^\'sbur^■, antl was suii- 

plied first by the Rev. Josepl 
Morgan, and afterward b\' 
the Rev. John Tennent. In 
1734 the pastor at Shrews- 
bury (the Rev. Samuel Blair) also supplied the churches at ]\Iiddletown 
Point, Shark River and Middletown. From all of these churches, including 
the "Old Scots Church," went out a wide influence, and to them is primarily 
traceable the extension of Presbyterian influence through a wide range of 
territory in the coast region of the State. 

There are evidences of a church at Cape May, under the pastorate 
of John Eradnor, in 1714, and there were churches at other points in that 
region between 1752 and 1758, these including one at Egg Harbor. About 
1761 John Brainerd, a man of w-onderful activity, took up his abode near 
Atsion (in Burlington county) whence he traveled to considerable dis- 
tances, ministering to the Indians, following them over the country, 
preaching to them, protecting them from temptations to intemperance and 
from the cupidity of white people, training them to fence in and sow their 
lands, and often succeeding in settling their disputes. His congregations 
usually consisted of whites as well as Indians, and after praving and 
preaching for the Indians in their own language, he would conduct a ser- 
mon for the whites in English. The crowded assemblages and the readi- 
ness of the people to comply with his exhortations as to erecting mecting- 

Tennent Church. 


houses and preparing the way fur the Guspel ministry, testify liuw ac- 
ceptable he was. Bridgeton, Bordentown (with tlie Indian viihige of 
Pennsborough across tiie Delaware). Timlier Creek. \\'ui)dl>ur\-. Wepink 
(a Diitch settlement in that part), Salem, Penn's Neck, Cape i\Iay, Great 
Egg Harbor, Manahawkin, Toms Ri\-er, Cedar Bridge, all these names 
and others carry us on his rounds over ;i wide district to be officered so 
well by one man. 

The Revolutionary War practically ended for the time all i-eligious 
efforts, and churches languished or were irretrievably disrupted. These 
conditions afflicted all denominations. In 1789 the first General Assem- 
bly of the Presbj'terian Church was held, when four hundred and nineteen 
churches reported only one hundred and seventy-seven ministers. 

But the inevitable reaction set in, .nnd in 1809 the church was in 
such condition as to justify the beginning of a monumental work — the 
establishment of a Theological Seminary. The proposal was made to the 
General Assembly in the form of an overture from the Presbytery of Phil- 
adel])hia. The committee to whom the overture was referred recom- 
mended that certain plans he suljmitted ti> the Presbyteries, and the reports 
received from them m 1810 led the General Assembly in that year to 
appoint a committee to prepare a "Plan for a Theological Seminary." to 
be rei>orted to the next General Assembly. In 181 1 the plan reported was 
adopted. In 1H12 the location of the Seminary was fixed temporarily at 
Princeton, a Board of Directors was elected, and the Rev. Archibald Alex- 
ander. D. D., was appointed Professor of Didactic and Polemic Theology. 
In I Si 3 the Rev. Samuel Miller was appointed Professor of Ecclesiastical 
Historv and Church Government, and tlie location at Princeton was made 

The Trustees of Princeton College showed their interest in this set- 
tlement bv allowing the use of its buildings to the Seminary students, and 
bv offering space on the college campus for the erection of any buildings 
necessarv. Thev also engaged that there should be no Professor of Theol- 
ogy in the college as long as the Seminary remained in Princeton. The 
classes were held at first in Dr. Alexander's study, and later for a time in 
the college building. 

In 1815 the Assembly determined to erect a hall which should con- 
tain l)oth the lecture rooms needed and lodgings for the students. The 
corner stone of this building, now known as Alexander Hall, was laid in 
that year, and it was first occupied in the autumn of i Si 7. It was built 
upon a tract of land containing seven acres, which had been purchased for 
the use of the seminary. In 1820 the Assembly authorized the Professors 
to api)oint an assistant teacher of the Oriental Languages of Holy Scrip- 


tiire; aiul in the same }cai" they appointed to tiiis oftice Mr. Cliarles Hodge, 
a graduate of the Seminary, and a licentiate of tlic church. y\y. I l(Klge 
accepted the appointment and was ordained. In 1822 he was elected l)y 
the General Assembly to the Professorship of Oriental and Biblical Liter- 

August 12, 1812, the first seminary- session commenced. Three 
students were present and fourteen were matriculated during the session. 
In 1822 the Legislature passed an act incorporating tlie "Trustees of the 
Theological Seminary of the Presbyterian Church."' and with this incor- 
poration the seminary was constituted as at present. During the ninety 
years of its existence, five thousand and seventy-three students have l)een 
matriculated. Of these, two hundred and eighty-six have entered upon 
foreign missionary^ work. 

The library, which is in the two buildings erected for it in 1843 '^"'^^ 
1879 by the late James Lenox, LL. D., of Xew York, contains 68,400 
bound volumes, chiefly theological. 

Stuart Hall, an admirable structure, erected by .Messrs R. L. and A. 
Stuart in 1876, affords most ample and complete accommodations in the 
way of lecture rooms and apartments devoted to other public uses of the 

Alexander Hall, long known as the Old Seminary, was the first build- 
ing erected by the Presbyterian Church in the United States for seminary 
purposes. It was first occupied by the students in the fall of 1817. It is. 
now a dormitory. 

Brown Hall is a memorial of the munificence of I\Irs. Isabella Brown, 
of Baltimore. The corner stone was laid by the Moderator of the General 
Assembly on the 21st of May, 1864. and it was occupied in the fall of 1865. 
It is the dormitory of single rooms. 

Hodge Hall, built out of money bequeathed by Mrs. Mary Stuart, 
widow of Mrs. Robert L. Stuart, of Xew York, was completed during the 
summer of 1893. The rooms are in suites, each study having a sejiarate 
connecting bed-chamber, or. in the few cases where the study is to be 
shared by two occupants, a separate sleeping apartment for each. 

Here we arc to consider the ])owerful Anaba])tist intlucnce, and 
it is to be premised tiiat the Anabaptists have iieen too nnich confounded 
with the Quakers, or Friends. 

December 19. 1645. Governor Kieft, of Xew Amsterdam, granted a 
patent "in both the Dutch and English" to Lady Delx)rah Moody, Sir 
Henry Moody. Bart.. Ensign George Baxter, Sergeant James Hubbard 
and their associates, for lands .m Grn\esend Ilr.v. Long Island. It is said 


■of Lady M(X)dy tliat she made too long a visit in the city of London. Hav- 
ing a home elsewhere, the law permitted her to be absent from it only for 
a limited number of days. This law was probal>ly strictly enforced in 
her case because she was found to be in sympathy with some of the re- 
ligious sects then growing strong and numerous in the city of London. 
She left England and came to Massachusetts. There she and her friends 
were persecuted because they opposed infant baptism. Hoping to find 
peace with the Dutch they obtained the Cra\-esend patent. For the pro- 
motion of colonization, the Dutch were at this time offering an asylmn 
to the persecuted colonists of New England. 

It has been said that Lady Delwrah Moody was a Quakeress, and her 
followers were persecuted members of that sect, but this was not possible, 
for George Fox did not begin to preach the doctrine of his sect until two 
years after the granting of the Gravesend patent, and ten years before his 
persecuted followers began to flee to America. Roger 'W'illiams arrived 
in Salem about 1640, and began to preach against infant baptism. He 
was an Anabaptist — ^a follower of the Swiss .'Xnabaptists of the sixteenth 
century, whose principles had a most powerful influence in the development 
of the United States, and especially among the people of Rhode Island, 
New Jersey and the Middle West. Because of the political importance of 
those principles we quote the following summary of them from a mono- 
graph on "The Anabaptists of the Sixteenth Century," by the Rev. Henry 
Swect>er Burrage, D. D., published in "Report and Papers of the Third 
Annual ]\Ieeting of the American Society of Church History," Decem- 
ber 30-31, 1890: 

■'/. That the Scriptures are the only authority in matters of faith 
and practice. 

"_'. That personal faith in Jesus Christ alone secures salvation; there- 
fore, infant bainism is tO' be rejected. 

"?. That a church is comi)osed of believers who' have been baptized 
on a personal confession of their failli in Jesus Christ. 

''4. That each church has the entire control of its afifairs without in- 
terference on the part of any external power. 

"5. That the outward life mmst be in accordance with such a con- 
fession of faith, and to this end it is essential that church discipline should 
be maintained. 

"d. That while the State may properly deniand obedience in all 
things not contrary to the laAv of God, it has no right to set aside the dic- 
tates of conscience, and compel the humblest indi\idual to surrender his 
religious views, or to inflict punishment in case such surrender is refused. 
Every human soul is directly responsible to God.'" 

HISTORY OF Till-: XKW J1':US1-:V COAST. 271 

These principles were emhoilied in the Cnnstilutiim c)f l";jih df sc\en 
Anabaptist congregatitjns in London in 1646; in the Confcssiun i^i l*"aith 
of one hundredi congregations in London and Wales gathered in Lundori, 
in 1689, and adopted by the Baptist Association at Philadelphia on Sei)- 
tember 25th, 1742. There were nian\- Dutch whu held to these tloctrines 
and who w^ere in consecpience sternly persecuted l)y the State church at 
home, and who doubtless sought refuge in America. The political con- 
sequences of these principles were at the fotmdation of the intense bitter- 
ness of all the persecutions of the Anabaptists in their progress from 
Switzerland down the Rhine to the sea. Robert Barclay's "Concise View 
of the Chief Principles of the Christian Religion, as professed by the 
People called Quakers," also embodies the political principles of the Ana- 
baptists, and made them ecpially hateful to all sects supporting a State 
church. Upon these principles Roger Williams laid the foundations of 
the Conunonwealth of Rhode Island, and the English of Gravesend had 
them embodied in the patent which they obtained from Nicolls — the !\b:)n- 
niouth Patent. 

The Friends, or Quakers, were anaong the earlier sects to manifest 
activity in Monmouth county, but they were destined to preserve their 
identity in less degree than did other sects about them. There is evidence 
in the journal of George F^ox that in 1672 some Friends were building a 
meeting house in Shrewsbury, but the exact locality remains unknown. 
George Keith was a leader in this sect, and a preacher, and it was largely 
through his instnmientality that a meeting house was built at Topanemus, 
a little west of the site of the present village of ^Marlborough. 

George Keith was one of the strangest and most erratic of the early 
preachers in America. He was born at Aberdeen, Scotland, in 1645, ^'^J 
was educated at Mareschal College, with the view of becoming a Presby- 
terian clergyman. Soon after he was graduated, he renounced Presbyter- 
ianism and joined the Society of Friends. He was then induced by the 
leading Quakers in his native city to emigrate to America, with the view 
not only of improving his own temporal condition, but also of aiding in 
the spread of their doctrines iii the New^ W^orld. Fie arrived at New York 
in 1684, and for four years was Surveyor of New Jersey, and during this 
time he was influential among the Friends. In 1689 he removed to Phil- 
adelphia, where he conducted a Friends' school, but that occupation was 
tr>o quiet jand monotonous to suit his notion, and he soon gave it up. 
We next find him traveling through the country like a Quaker Don Quix- 
ote trying to win people over to the views of the Society. In Xew Eng- 
land he engaged in heated controversies with Increase Mather, Cotton 
^Mather and others, and he made considerable conunotion, but. so far as 


can be made out, few converts. On his return to Philadelphia, being in 
a belHgerent mood, he quarreled with the Quakers there, the quarrel being; 
undoubtedly caused by his own intirm temper, his o\Vn sense of the fail- 
ure of his mission, and to some peculiar innovations he advocated, and 
which none of the brethren seemed disposed to listen to. Then he went 
to England and laid his whole case before William Penn, but that leader 
denounced him as an apostate, and Keith was excommunicated from the 
Society as completely as the gentle Quakers could excommunicate anybody. 

Then Keith founded a religious denomination of his own, which he 
called the Christian or Baptist Quakers (properly called the Keithians), 
and in which he had opportunity to ventilate some original views he held 
on the millennium and concerning the transmigration of souls. The Keith- 
ians, however, did not hold long together, and in 1701 the founder was 
a fnll-tledged and enthusiastic minister of the Church of England. Here, 
pro'bably because years had softened the natural contentiousness of his 
disposition, or the cliurch itself allowed more latitude for individual views 
on various doctrinal matters, he found a secure foothold. Nay, more — 
he found an opportunity for repaying the Society of Friends for its sum- 
mary treatment of him. He was sent as a missionary to Pennsylvania 
and New Jerse}-, with the view of converting as many Quakers as possi- 
ble, and he afterwards was wont to boast that in that expedition some 
seven hundred Friends were by his instrumentality received into comnutn- 
ion with the English Church. It was then that he visited Lcmg Island. 
Soon after his return to England he was appointed vicar of Edburton, in 
Essex, and in that beautiful parish his declining years were spent in tran- 

Keith was a man of decidedly superior cast of intellect, an eloquent 
and attractive speaker and preacher, an able and ready controversialist, 
and, but for his choleric disposition, would have lived a life of more than 
ordinary usefulness, and might even have attained to real power and emi- 
nence. He was a voluminous writer, and in the fifty or more voluiues, 
some in bulky quarto, or pamphlets which we know to have come from his 
pen, we can trace the current of his religious views through all their 
changes. He appears in them all to have been singularly honest, making 
no attempt to conceal or belittle his own denominational changes, and he 
even published retractions of his own published writings. His later works 
were mainly taken up with what he regarded as the fallaciousness of Qua- 
kerism, and he attacked the Society of Friends from every point of view 
and with even savagery. 

At Shrewsbury the trustees of the Friends' Meeting inuxhased land 
in 1695. and erected a brick meeting-house \\1iich was occupied imtil 1816, 


and in 1817 another editice was erected un an a(Ij<)inin<j; lot. Wlien the 
sect divided in 1827-8, the Hicksites came into possession of tlic nieel- 
ing-house and lot, and this l>rancli surxives. The orthotlnx hranch l>e- 
canie practically extinct. 

In what is now Ocean county the Ouakers made a tirmcr tLioting-. 
A noted figure in the early days was lulward Andrews, an early settler 
in Tuckerton. He gave no evidence of being a religious man until ahout 
1704, when he became associated with the l-riends, to whom (in 1708) 
lie deeded tw(j acres of land whereon to build a meeting-house and estab- 
lish a graveyard. 

In 1 71 5 tiie iTiontiily meeting of Little Egg Harbor was established, 
and from this grew a strong inilnence. lor seventy years no other sect 
found a lodgment within thirty miles of its church home, and no public 
house or tavern existed. In i7_'6 Friends from this community founded 
a monthly meeting at Cape ]May. The influential people of those days 
after Edward Andrews, were his sons Jacob and Peter, Isaac Andrews 
(another son or nephew of Edward Andrews), and Ann Gauntt. All 
these were traveling preachers, and Hon. George Sykcs has said of the 
Andrews family that it is generally conceded that no other monthly meet- 
ing in New Jersey has produced three more eminent ministers. Ann Gauntt 
was also a famoiis preacher, who extended her ministrations to Long Isl- 
and, and, in later years, her niece, Ann W'illits, traveled up and down the 
Atlantic coast as a preacher. 

This excellent i>eoi>le left a jK-rmanent influence for good, although 
they eventually came to practical extinction as a sect. 

The Reformed Dutch Chmxh had its begiiming in the Reformed 
Church of Xavesink, afterward known as the Dutch Reformed Church 
of Freehold and Middletown (having congregations at both places), and 
of which the old Brick Church of Marllx>rough is the presait immediate 
representative. Some sort of a church organization was formed in 1^)99, 
and for some years afterward ministers came from Long island to preach 
at stated times. .\m(ing those were W'ilhelnius Lupardus, Vincentius An- 
trmides and Bernardus I'reeman, who filled their appointments at cost of 
considerable inconvenience and no little danger, on account of miserable 
roads and the i>assage across the bay in small Ixjats. 

October 19th, 1709, a Dutch church with forty-nine communicants 
was fully organized, and Joseph Morgan was installed as dominie — the 
second pastor of a Reformed Church in Xew Jersey, the first being the 
Rev. Guillaume Bertholf, who was installed at Hackensack in 1694. Mor- 
gan was at the time the ]>astor of the "Old Scots Qiurch."' and his call- 



iiig to the office of dominie (as the Dutch ministers were called) was 
owing to his ability to preach in the foreign tungue. The Dutch, being 
numerically the stronger, and therefore better able to afford him support, 
were favored with al)out three-fourths of his time in preaching and visit- 
ing. He served for about twenty-nine }-ears, during which time he received 
one hundred persons into the church, .and baptized more than live hundred 
infants. He was finally dismissed for irregularity of life, but eventually 
recovered himself. 

Mr. Morgan was succeeded by the Rev. Gerardus Haeghoort, who 
preached to two congregations — those at Freehold and IMiddletown — on 
alternate Sundays. During his ministry of four years a house of worship 
was erected on the site now occupied by the Brick Church. For many 
years it contained nO' pews, the people sitting on benches, the women in 
the centre, and the men against the walls. 

The Rev. Reynhard Erickzon served a pastorate of twenty-seven 
years, and was succeeded by the Rev. Benjamin Du Bois, who was settled 
pastor for the phenomenal period of sixty-three years, by far the longest 
pastorate in the history of the Reformed Church in America. During 
this time (about 1764) a new house of worship was erected on the site 
of the former building in Middletown, and this was known for many 
years as the "Red Meeting House," and in 1785 the church at Freehold 
was repaired and improved. During the pastorate of Mr. Du Bois a con- 
troversy arose as to the language in which the services were to be con- 
tducted. The Freehold congregation had accepted English with a good 
;g:ace, but at Middletown opposition was determined and bitter- — ^for some 
years both elements, foreign and native, were addressed in their own lan- 
guage, but it was long before the foreign tongue was finally silenced. 

To this time the clergymen had been foreigners. Morgan was pre- 
. surnablv a Welshman, and he was a Presbyterian besides, and had little 
in sympathy with the Dutch. On the other hand, Haeghoort was a Hol- 
lander and Erickzon was a Swede, and these two had little in sympathy 
with the English speaking people about them. ]\Ir. Du Bois was the first 
native born minister of the Reformed faith. After him, all his successors 
were educated in America, and Imt one was of foreign birth. Their his- 
torv cannot be minutely followed, but it is to be said that among them 
were men of great ability and usefulness. 

In 1825 the two congregations of Freehold and IMiddletown, which 
had maintained one church e.xistence to this time, became two distinct 
bodies — the First Reformed Church of Freehold, and the Reformed 
Church of Middletown, this last being now known as the Reformed Church 
of Holmdel. It is somewhat confusing to now read of the Second Re- 


furnied Cliurcli of Freelmld (the (Jiily diu- nf its (Iciiominatinn in thai vil- 
lage), wiiicli was fdnnerly kiinwn as ihe Eirsl Refurnicd C'liurcli of the 
same place, the change having been made Ut distinguish it from the mother 
church at the present village of ISradevelt. The congregation in the lat- 
ter named place, after occupying the old building for more than ninety 
years, in 1826 erected what is now known as the "Old lirick C'luuch" upon 
the site of the former edifice, and the first services held within its walls 
were over the remains of a former revered pastor, the Rev. Benjamin Uu 
Bois. Tills was under the pastorate of the Rev. Samuel A. Van Vranken. 

"The Old Brick Church" is glorious in its memories o.f a sjilendid 
past. It commemorates a church which for the first fifteen years of its ex- 
istence was the only one of its faith in Monmouth county, and out of 
which grew- eight other independent bodies. In one way it is more elo- 
■quently suggestive of the development of what we term Americanism than 
is any other religious edifice in southern New Jersey. The people who 
formed the original church came strangers to a strange land. At their 
•coming, all conditions pointed to a new Holland, wherein they should 
preserve their customs and their mother tongue. But sovereignty passed 
to an English monarch, and an English and Scotch immigration set in. 
To the honor of all these i)eoi)les be it said, no antagonism arose. Each 
devoted its efforts t(» the highest purpose — that of home-making — and, in 
the close relationshii) which grew up between them, each was benefitteil 
by loss of something which was distinctively its own, and by gain of some- 
thing in its stead. Tlie Englishman and the Scotchman were almost un- 
conscious of the changes going on in themselves. But the Hollander was 
painfully aware of change in himself, for he was casting aside the language 
he had learned from the lips of his mother, and his children were l)cing 
reared to say their prayers and sing their hymns in words he could scarcely 
comprehend. There is much of pathos in the thought, and we may well 
excuse his oft-time impatience, and honor him the more for his sacrilice. 

Dr. Van Vranken was the first pastor in Monmouth County to come 
as a graduate from the Theological Seminary of the Reformed Church in 
America. This institution was founded in New Brunswick in 1784, and 
had its origin in a desire to educate young men for the ministry, and obvi- 
ate the necessity of bringing clergymen from Holland. 

The first professor of theologv- was the Rev. Dr. J. H. Livingston. 
For many years the infant school was intimately associated with Rutgers 
College. In 1856 the Peter Hertzog Tlieological Hall was erected at a 
cost of $30,700. furnished for the purpose by Mrs. Ann Hertzog, a mem- 
ber of the Third Reformed Church of Philadelphia, and was named after 
her deceased husband. In 1873 was erected the James Suydam Hall, 


the gift of James Suydam, Esq., of New York, whicli contains a 
Museum of Biblical Anticjuities and Curiosities, a Historical Museiun, 
Recitation Rooms and a Gymnasium. In 1874 the Gardner A. Sage 
Library Building was provided by the gentleman for whom it was named, 
who also made 'a gift of $20,000, the income from which is devoted to 
the purchase of books. The library contains more than 45,000 \-olumes, 
3,000 oif which were selected and given by Mrs. Bethune from the library 
of the Rev. Dr. Bethune. In 1902 the faculty numljered six professors 
and a number of lecturers, with the Re\-. Dr. Samuel ]\1. W'oodbridge as 
President. The number of students in attendance was thirty. 

^\'hatever the controversy, as regards tlie individuals forming its 
membership, it appears to be the fact that the Baptist Church of Middle- 
town Avas the first of its denomination in New Jei'sey. Its organization 
is dated from 1668. The claims that John Bowne was the first preacher 
have been previously mentioned. Morgan Edwards, in his "History of 
the Baptists," asserts that Bowne gave the lot on which the first meeting- 
house was built, and Colonel Holmes names Richard Stout, John Stout, 
James Gro\-er, Jonathan Bo-wiie, Obadiah Holmes, John Ruckman, John 
Wilson, Walter Wall, John Cox, Jonathan Holmes, George Mount, Will- 
iam La\-ton, William Compton. James A.shton. John Bowne. Thomas Whit- 
lock and James Grover as those who constituted the original church. That 
various at the persons named had connection vvith the church has been 

The term Middletown Church is misleading without explanatinn. It 
comprised two congregations in the township of Middletown — one in the 
village of that name, known as the "Lower Meeting-House," and that at 
"Baptisttown" (now Holmdel), known as the "Upper Meeting-House." 
This distinction was maintained until 1836, when the two congregations 
formed separate church organizations, that worshipping in the "Lcnver 
Meeting-House" retaining the name of Middletown Church, and the other 
being known as the Second Middletown Church. 

llie first church (Middletown village) was fr^m the beginning tiie 
most important of the two bodies. It is believed that James Ashton was 
ordained as its minister in 1688. He was succeeded by the Rev. John 
Burrowes, who, among his useful labors, laid the foundation of what Ije- 
came the Baptist Church in Freehold. His successor was the Rev. Abel 
Morgan, a man of sound learning and excellent judgment? He left to 
the church his library and sermons, all of which are carefully preserved. 

The congregation worshipping in the "Upper Meeting-house" num- 
bered among its constituait meml^ers Jonathan and Obadiah Holmes. 


grandsons of the Rev. Obadiah Jlnlnies. wlio was a Baptist minister and 
one of the Monmouth patentees, though he (Hd not become a resident on 
tliat tract. John Bray was a resident and properly owner in 1668, the 
year of tlie reputed organization of the churcii. His name does not ap- 
pear among the constituent meml)ers, l)Ut in later years he appears as a 
preacher, and he was a sincere and (jodly man. He made a gift of land 
for church p^l^poses, and upon this was built (as asserted by the Rev. T. 
S. Griffiths, the church historian) "certainly the first T^aptist parsonage 
in New Jersey, and doubtless the first meeting-house built by Baptists 
for their own use." In 1738 the church was aided by a bequest of £400 
(a large sum then) from Jopathan Holmes, Jr., a great-grandson 
of Obadiah Holmes, and a minister. In 1809 a new house of worship 
was completed, and out of this has grown, by successive improvements, 
the [iresent edifice. 

The Baptists appear to have formed a society in what is now Ocean 
County, at Manahawkin, in .August, 1770, under the ministry of the Rev. 
Benjamin Miller, and this probably grew out of the missionary visits of 
a traveling preacher, the Rev. ]\Ir. Blackwell. The church organized with 
nine members, and increased to fifteen, when it was disrupted Ijy the Rev- 
olutionary war. It was resuscitated in 1801, with four memliers. In 
1805 a church was formed where is now Burrs\illc; this was called the 
Baptist Church of Squan and Dover, and numbered forty— fi\e members 
in 1807 — a goodly congregation. 

One of the strongest of the early day Baptists was the Rev. Xaliianiel 
Jenkins, who was minister of the Cape May Church in j 71 j- 17 50. lie 
was a ^^'elshman by birth, and a man of only fair education but great 
natural ability. He was a member of the Assembly in 1821, when a l)iil 
was introduced providing for the punishment of such as denied the doc- 
trine "of the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, and the inspiration of the I Injv 
Scriptures." The 1)ill, which was designed to fasten the doctrines of the 
Established Church upon the i)eople, was antagonized by Mr. Jenkins, 
wdio said "I l)elieve the dfKtrines in cpiestion as firmly as the promoters 
of that ill-designed bill, but will never consent to oppose the opposcrs with. 
law, or with any other weapon save that of argument." This spirited 
displfly oi indepeiulence had its effect. The bill failed, as remarked by 
Morgan Edwards, '"To the great mortification of them who wanted to 
raise in Xew Jersey the spirit which so raged in Xew England." 

According to lOr. Morgan Edwards, the first Baptists to arrive in 
Cape May county were George Taylor and Philip Mill, in \(>/;^. 1 aylor 
ccrtulucted services in his own house until his death, in 1702. after which 
Hill continued to conduct meetings until 1704. when he also died. In 


J712 (he first cluircli was formally orsianizcd, by tlic Rev. Timothy Brooks, 
of Cohaiisey, and of tliis org-aiiization Mr. Edwiartls says it "may be 
deemed an original chinch, having- sprang from none other, but having 
originated in the i>laee wliere it exists." 

Tiie Protestant Episcopal L lunch of today had its origin under the 
Established Church of England. In the year 1700 Lewis Morris, who was 
then President of the Council of I'^ast New Jersey, in a letter to the Bishop 
of London, said that about one-half the people at EreehoKl were "Scotch 
Presbyterians and a sober people;" in Shrewsbury there were about thirty 
Quakers, and "liie rest of the ix?ople are generally ol no religion." "The 
youth of the whole Province are very debauched and very ignorant, and 
the Sabbath day seenis to be set apart for rioting and drunkenness." There 
was not theji a Church of England in either West or East Jersey, and. 
(so wrote Morris), "except in two or three towns there is no place of any 
public worship of any sort, but the iXH)ple live very mean — like Indians." 

Mo\ed by pious zeal to remove these irreligimis conditions, Morris 
priKured the appointment of the Rev. Cicorge Keith tcv come to these (so 
he deemed tliem) benighted regions. Keith was supimscd to be endowed 
with peculiar gifts for his mission — lor reasi.flis heretofore given. He 
isrrived in 170J, and pre;\ched at Perth Amboy, whence he came to Mon- 
nuuitli county. There be attended a yearly Ouaker meeting in Freehold 
township, and was iH-ruiitted In preach. At times during the years 1703-4 
he held services in l-'ieehoKl and elsewhere. 

Mr. Keith returned to England in 1704, and alter his departure the 
Rev. .\le\ander Ituies held services in Shrew.sbury, Middletown and Free- 
hoKI. lie donated ten acres of ground u\>tm which stands the church at 
Middletown. at\d. ihniug his ministry, Oueen Anne made her gift of the 
communion service which is now sacredly treasured in the Shrewsbury 
Church. .Mr. Junes died about 1713. In the absence of records it is not 
known who ministered to these congregations from this time until 1733. 
The church at Shrew.>bury and the one in Middletown were one. with two 
congregations, until 1S54, when the property was divided and they became 
separate bodies. 

The tirst Lhrist Churcii etlificc was ]>robably erected alwut 1715. and 
its successor, the present building, was erected in 17(H). It is a frame 
building, with shingled sides, extremely plain, and will seat about four 
hundred jKople. The small steeple is surmounted by an iron crown, and 
this i.rnament excited the ire of the patriot soldiers during the Revolution- 
ary war, when they occupied the building as a barracks. Making a target 
of it, their bullets nicked it in many places, but failed to destroy it. They 


then endeavored to Inini the building. l)ut William I'arkcr, a (Juaker, 
smothered the llames with his coat. 

The interior of the building is after the old lMigli-~h cnuiitry church 
style. The chancel, in the southern end. has an elevation of about four 
feet above the floor. The chancel chairs were made out of the wood of 
a giant oak tree which yet stands near the building, and which meas- 
ures sfimelhing more than sixteen feet in circumference at a 
point three feet aljove the ground. 'J'he Bishop's Chair is a beautiful 
specimen of the wood carver's art. In the soutlieast corner of 
the chancel stands a superb memorial to the Rev. Harry Finch, 
who was for thirty-four years the rector of the church. This is a while 
marble cross entwined with i\_\', imposed upon a black marble base which 
rests upon a pedestal of white marble. It bears the name of the deceased 
rector, and the mottoes "Semper Faratiis" and Semper J'idelis." The 
pulpit bears two venerable volumes — one a Bible printetl in 1717. at Ox- 
ford, England, the gift of "Rol>ert Elliston, Cent.. Cinilndler of Her .Ma- 
jestie's Customs of Xew Y'ork in America,'' and bearing the Elliston coat- 
of-arms with the motto "Det Bene Dens." This is a beautiful specimen of 
typography, and contains many illustrations designed by Thornhill. and 
engraved on copper by Du Bose. The other volume is a Book of Common 
Prayer, printed at Cambridge. England, in ijOo. and presented to the 
church by Governor William Frariklin in 1707. A priceless relic which is 
preserved with religious care is a communion service, consisting of a silver 
cup and platter, the gift of Queen Anne, in 1708. On cither side I'f the 
church and near the chancel is a canopied pew, occupieil in olden times by 
the Governor of the province and the rector of the church. Such is tlie 
church to-day, save that it was subsequently frescoed and refurnished. 
At the same time a new altar font and lectern were pn>\ idcd by Mr. Cjeorge 
De Hart Gillespie, who had previously placed in rear of the chancel one 
of the most beautiful cathedral glass windows in the country, in memory 
of many of his ancestors whose remains repose in the church \ar(l ad- 
joining the sacred edifice. 

The Rev. John Forbes was missionary in ^Monmouth county from 1733 
to 1738, and was succeeded by the Re\-. John Miln, who laljored until 
1746. The Rev. Thomas Thompson, who was missionary from i7-i'> to 
1751, kept a diary (printed in 1758) in which he records that he had three 
churches in Monmouth County immediately in his charge, and he also 
went as far as Manasquan and Shark River. The Rev. Samuel Cooke, 
who came to Shrewsbury in 1751, w-as rector when the present .Shrewsbury 
Qiurch was erected, and in 1766 it was the scene of a meeting of clergy 
to consider the feasibility of creating an American Episcopate. At the 



commencement of the revolution Mr. Cooke joined liis fortunes with the 
royaHsts. leaving his congregation.s Uv l)econie .scattered, while he hecame 
a chaplain in the British army. 

Christ Church of Shrewsbury, the parent I'rutestant Episcopal Church 
in Monmouth County, entered upon a new- existence in 1788 under the 
Rev. Henrv W'addell. the first rector after the close of the revolutionary 
war. In 1830 the Rev. Harry Finch became rector, and during a term of 
service covering nearly thirty-four years the separate parishes of the Nave- 
sink, the Highlands, Red Bank and Long J5ranch were organized from 
among the i)eople to whom he ministered, and at a later day the parish of 
Eatontown was formed. 

Christ Church, Shrewsbury. 

The nld graveyard adjoining Christ Church bears mute but eloquent 
testimonv to the li\es of a Godly people who were useful in their genera- 
tion, and whose works do follow them. 

Prior to 1774 all New Jersey comprised two Methodist Episcopal 
circuits, with a traveling preacher in each, tu J 779 but one hundred and 
fifty ^Methodists were reported in this entire territory. During these years 
it is presumed that occasional meetings were held at Blue Ball, a hamlet 
three miles from Freehold. Here was organized the first Methodist Epis- 
copal Cbin-ch in Monmouth County, for many years known as the Metho- 


•dist Cluirch of Monmouth, and afterward as Bethesda Methodist Churcli. 
Thi-s was probably organized alwut 1780. Among the original menil)ers 
was Honce Richmond, said to have been tlie first Methodist in all that 
region, and Job Throckmorton. 'J he latter named made his house a home 
for preachers, and it is supposed that Bishop Asbury was his guest while 
passing through the country at intervals after 1782. Bishop Asbury notes 
in his diary that he preached in Monmouth in 1785, and again in 1791. 
In 1795 he was at "Emlay's Church.'' where "the great revival of religion 
was some years ago." 

The date of church building at Blue Ball has never been ascertained. 
The earlier meetings were said to have been held in a l)arn owned by 
Jonathan Cro.xsou. In 1797 a church building was in use. and to it came 
the Methodists of Freehold, Keyport, Bethany, Cheesquakes and Bennett's 
Mills — a wide scope of territory. Among the early preachers was Thomas 
Morrell, who had been a major in the revolutionary army and was wound- 
ed in the battles at Germantown and at Lung Island. In 1785 Ezekiel 
Cooper was licensed to preach, and of him it is narrated that he was con- 
verted, when thirteen years of age, under the preaching of Freeborn Gar- 
retson. The present church edifice was erected in 1S49. 

Freehold Circuit is first mentioned in the Conterence minutes of 1793, 
when it was separated from Trenton Circuit, and when James Wilson 
and John Foimtain were appointed to the charge, .\fter the division, i'rce- 
hold Circuit (which probably included .nil the territory east of Trenton) 
numbered four hundred and seventy-seven members. lea\ing but one hun- 
dred and severity- four members in Trenton Circuit. 

]£dwin Salter has put on record his belief that Methodist jireachers 
traveled along the Ocean county shore during the revolutionary war, and 
fie names among these Thomas Webb and Barliara Heck, the former 
named oi w'hom "may be claimed as the founder of Methodism in liie 
United States." The Rev. Benjamin Abbott ]ireachcd at Toms River in 
1778. Tradition points to a Methodist Church at Tuckerton, about 1800, 
as ha\ ing Ijeen built upon ground donated by one Morgan, a schoolmaster. 
A church was established .at Manahawkin in 1803. In 1809 a church 
was organized at Good Luck, under the ministry of the Rev. Noah Ed- 
wards.- and this liody purchased a meeting-house which had been used 
by the Universalists. In 1828 the first Methodist Church at Toms i\iver 
•was erected, and the following year one v,as built at Barnegat. 

In southern New Jerse}' there were at various times some forms of 
religious expression which were unique, from the standiioint of the onlj- 
Tiary religionist. 


In 1737 a society of yuaker Baptists settled where is now W'aretowii. 
Tliese were followers of John Rogers (and hence \\ere known as Rogerine 
Baptists) who were equally opposed to rigid Puritanism and to Established 
Church ritualism. They held one day to' be as sacred as another, and per- 
sisted in working on the Sabbath. Some went so far as to take their tools 
and material tO' their meeting-house, where, while services were being hekU 
the nijen would miake axe-handles or basket splints, and the wiomen would 
do their sewing or knitting. It was not unusual at these meetings for 
members of the congregation to interrupt the preacher with spoken com- 
ments, and even contradictions, 

Universalism in New Jersey- had its origin in a circumstance so 
strange and romantic that the narrative would be regarded as fiction were 
it not well authenticated. 

Jn 1766 one Thomas Potter was living at Good Luck, in Ocean 
county. He was a man of considerable means, but was wholly illiterate. 
l>eing unable to read or write. Of a deeply religious nature, he had built 
a meeting-house in which he permitted any traveling preacher (papists 
excepted) to hold services. While he tolerated all preaching, and was an 
intent listener, he accepted the entirety of nothing which he heard, but 
he evolved out of his own thought, based upon such scripture as he had 
memorized from hearing, a doctrine of his own which was almost identical 
whh what came to be known as universalism. 

In 1770 the British brig "Hand-in-Hand," bound for New York, 
being driven otit of her coiirse, put into the mouth of Toms River in quest 
of provisions. The supercargo, John Murray, came ashore and fell in 
with Potter, who at once insisted that he was convinced when he first saw 
the vessel that it ])ore some man who came to preach the Gospel as he 
himself understood it, and that this Murray was he. IMurray proved to be 
a Universalist himself, a preacher in England, who had left his country 
to escape from his calling, to w-hich he felt impelled by a sense of duty, 
but which was distasteful to Him. He reluctantly yielded to the solicita- 
tions of Potter, and delivered a discourse, with the result that he resumed 
preaching in Potter's meeting-house, which thus became the first Univer- 
salist Church in America. The property was devised to Murray by Potter 
by will, May nth, 1777, and was used by the Universalists until 1809. 
when it was sold to the ]^Iethodists. Two churches of the sect have grown 
out of it. 

Mormon missionaries appeared in 1837 at New Egypt, in Ocean cotm- 
tv, where a congregation of fifty members was formed. In 1840 Joseplr 
Smith, the founder of the faith, \isitcd the place and "sealed" a considera- 
ble numljer of converts. William i^nfilh. a brother of Joseph Smith, and Jnhii 


Taylor, who succeeded the "Prophet" in the leadership of the Church in 
Utah, at times preached and baptized converts in Toms river and I-'nrked 
river. Churches were erected at various places, liut these finally disap- 
l>eared, and there is no lunger a trace of this ])tTuliar pe<>ple. Jt is to be 
noted in this connection that all the preachers of this faith studiously re- 
frained from any advocacy of polygaiuy. 

There is no well authenticated evidence of Roman Catholic churches 
until 1853, when one of this faith was organized at hVeehold. undc-r th(? 
pastorate of the Rev. John Schollard. Other churches are of more recent 

An efficient agency for good was established in 181 7 in the Mon- 
mouth County Bible Society. It was during a time when there were but 
few organized churches or ministers, and certain philanthropic people 
became impressed with the conviction that an effort should be maile to 
furnisii a copy of the Scriptures to families not already ])rovided. 

Tlie Society was organized in Freehold, with the Rev. Dr. J<:)hn T. 
Woodhull as President a.nd Corlies Lloyd as Secretary. It was made 
auxiliary to the New Jersey Bible Society — an organization which was un- 
represented in southern New Jersey. Funds were secured by gifts from 
well-disposed people, and Bibles were given to destitute families, to schools 
and to jails, as far away as Squan Neck. 

In course of time tlie Society ceased to pcrforiu an active work, but it 
was resuscitated in 1827 through the effort of Luther Halsey, Sr.. who 
had been an army ofificei- during the Revolutionary War. .\ deeply pious 
man, believing that many families were unprovided with the Scriptures, 
he visited various portions of the county and found far greater destitution 
in this respect than he had imagined. As a result of his investigation a 
meeiing of former meiubers of the old society was held. Representatioit 
was made of the "deplorable destitution of the Scriptures in the county," 
and as a result it was resolved that before a year every destitute famil\- in 
the county .should be furnished with a copy. 

It is stated by conteiuporaneous obsei'vers that this action on the part 
of the Monmouth County Bible Society was decidedh the most iiuportant 
that had ever been made in the Bible cause, arousing the religious ])eople 
of the entire State to an urgent duty. For, one week later, at a session 
of the Nassau Hall P>ible Society in Princeton, the Kev. Jol) ¥. Ilalsc\' :un\ 
the Rev. Dr. John T. Woodhull, delegates from the Moiimouth C' muy 
Society, introduced a resolution to the effect that the Nassau Mall Bible 
Society, with the co-operation of the other Bible Societies in the Slate, 
should resolve to supjily, within one year, every destitute family in the 


State of New Jersey with a Bible, and tliis, with slight iiKxHticatinn, was 

A pliilosojjher has written poetically of the "growth of an idea." 
He would have delighted in the illustration afforded by the effect of this 
resolution. Other counties and States followed the example ; two years 
later the American Bible Society resolved to supply all destitute families in 
the United States ; shortly afterward the New Jersey Bible Societv deter- 
mined to supply the natives of the Sandwich Islands with such portions 
of the Scriptures as had been translated into their tongue, and in 1833 
the American Bible Society laid plans looking to^ supplying the entire ac- 
cessible population of the globe within a given time. 

The necessity for the excellent effort of the Monmouth County Bible 
Society is evidenced in the fact that, in the first year, that body found in 
their county (which then included Ocean county) one thousand families 
destitute of the Bilile. The work was prosecuted from time to time with 
excellent results, which were epitomized in an address delivered by the 
Rev. Dr. William Reiley, of Ilolmclel, upon the occasion of the fiftieth 
anni\ersary of the Society, held in Freehold, on .September 1 i. 1S66. To 
that time the Society had placed in the county of Monmouth 10,151 Bibles 
and 5.<Si7 Testaments, and, in, addition, more than 2,500 Testaments to 
soldiers in the army, at an aggregate cost of more than five thousand dol- 
lars, while it h,-i(l cc;>ntributed far more than that sum to the .\mcrican 
Bible Society for its general work. Certainly the speaker was justified in 
5-aying "Xo one can tell this day how much the Monmouth County Bible 
Society has done to raise the standard of intelligence and morals in the 

The anniversar)' occasion practically marked the end of local neces- 
sit>'. Well supported churches and Sunda^'-scliools and the era of cheap 
printing has Avell nig-h provided for all at home. But there remained the 
lately liberated slaves, the Tndiar.s and peo]>les beyond the seas, and to 
liberally aiding to supply the wants of these the effort of this beneficent or- 
ganization was thenceforth devoted. 



Information concerniii"; educational conditions during the early Co- 
lonial times is exceedingly meagre. It is probal)le, however, that the first 
organized school in the State was in tlie town of Bergen, now a part of 
Jersey City, in 1662. The school was maintained out of a tax levy, anti, 
ten years after its establishment, litigation arose out of the refusal of some 
to make payment, their refusal being based upon the assertion that the 
school was too far distant to admit of their children attending it. The 
courts, however, decided against them. The first teacher was probably 
Steenhuysen Englebart, who w^as a preacher as well as a schoolmaster, and 
he used the school building for church purposes on Sunday. On the ground 
which was occupied by this pioneer school now^ stands Public School No. 
II, of Jersey City, with its twenty- four teachers and its accommodations. 
for a thousand pupils. 

In 1682, in various settlements, a share of the conunou lands was set 
apart for school purposes, and the local annals of Middlesex count}- refer 
to schools held intermittently. The first school established in West Jersey,, 
of which there is any record, was at Burlington, in 1683. The income de- 
rived from the revenues of an island in the Delaware, opjxjsite the town, 
was set apart to defray tlie exj^cnses of the scIkjoI. The fund thus esial>- 
lished is still in existence, and the income is apprnpriated for iniblic school 

In 1693 the proprietary authorities enacted that the inhabitants nnglu 
meet and chfK>se three men to make a rate and estaljlish the salary of a 
schoolmaster for as long as they should think proper. 

In 1769, in the reign of George III, the School Trustees of \\'o<:>d- 
bridge were incorporated by royal charter, and the phraseology of this 
document is noticealjle, proving as it does for "the maintenance of a frciT 
school." Of fully as much interest is the scant reference found with re- 
lation to the interest taken by the ])eople in educational enterprises. In 


Woodbridge they were peculiarly active, for there, in 1765, four years 
prior to the granting of the chaiter referred to, a proposition to devote 
a portion of the school land money for "ye Schooling of Poor People's 
children" was brought to vote. It was defeated at the election, but in 1789 
an almost similar measure was enacted, and, with it, a provision that the 
amount of tax assessed upon dogs should also be devoted to that particular 
purpose. In 1793 the famous Woodbridge Academy was built, the funds 
being provided by popular subscription. 

The great difference between the school of the Colonial period and us 
modern successor was that in the formei- moral and religious training were 
the most important features, wliile in our day secular education in the puljlic 
schools takes precedence of all else. 

The old-time schoolmaster was little better than an inferior assistant 
to the minister, "the minister's man," as the kaleyard novelists and the 
Scotch story-tellers call him. It is impossible to estimate very clearly the 
value of his school in the wa)- of secular training. That it was the means 
of instilling into the minds and hearts of several generations a knowledge 
of God and His commandments, a reverence for the Scriptures and all 
things sacred, and won for the people of New Jersey most deservedly a 
reputation for being a God-fearing, honest, moral and reliable race, is 
certain ; but it certainly failed to make the mass educated, which, in modern 
times we would interpret as what was most to be desired in any system 
•of education. The letters and manuscripts of the 'se\-enteenth and eighteenth 
centuries which have come down to us show equally a so\-ereign con- 
tempt for spelling and capitalization; grammar was an unknown cjuantit_\y 
and punctuation a nnsterv beyond human ken. We ipiestion if, say 
i;i 1750. an ordinary boy could be found who- would be able to define 
the boundaries of the Province in which he lived, or who could repeat the 
names of a dozen men outside O'f his own circle of acquaintances, or tell 
the whereabouts of a dozen ])laces in the country apart from the section in 
which his own days were spent. Of history he knew nothing il>eyond 
a few bare facts concerning Holland or England or Scotland, which came 
to him more in the form of traditions than as actual incidents. He took 
his notions of civil government from his church, and the minister was his 
guide, philosopher and friend, at once his spiritual and his secular director, 
his prayer-book and his encyclopedia. As he advanced in life, his leading 
idea about government was that it was good wlicn it interfered the least 
v.ith his movements and cost the smallest amount in taxes. 

Even when the Revolutionary struggle was fought and wan, it is im- 
possible to say that education — secular education — had advanced much 
beyond the 1750 stage. The children at school plodded on much as before, 


wrestling with moral and religious questions, hut tla- pi^lilical uplu'aval had 
taught the people niucii more. The agitation and (liscussii>n piior to the 
outbreak of hostilities had brought to their knowledge ancient and modern 
history, an understanding of the principles of government and a full reali- 
zation of the drift of human progress, li brought them face to face with 
the rest of the world, and showed what had to be accomplished, so that 
tliey might hold their own in the national struggle for existence which set 
in as soon as peace was declared and independence was acknowledged, in 


In 1817 the Legislature created a school fund, the income from which 
was to be devoted exclusively to school purjioses. This fund w^as placed 
under the control of the Governor, the \'ice-Presidcnt of the Council, the 
Speaker of the Assembly, the Attorney-General and the Secretary of State. 
Certain United States bonds, bank stocks and other securities were set 
apart from the fund. In 1871 the moneys received from the sale and rental 
of lands under water owned by the State were made a part of the fund. 
By an amendment to the State Constitution the principal oi the fund must 
be kept invested and the income devoted exclusively to the support of free 
public schools. The principal of the fund now amounts to $3,690,682.62, 
and $200,000 of the income is appropriated annually for the sui>iiort of 
public schools. Tlie school tax in 1901 was .00256, aiul the appropriation 
from the State fund, as a part of the tax for the current year, was thirty- 
five per cent, of the tax, or over $800,000, so that the actual State tax for 
school purposes paid by each taxpayer was reduced from $2.56 to $1.67 
on each $1,000 of ratables. Tlie State fund is derived from the taxes 
on corporations, there being no tax on the people for State purposes, so 
that the appropriation of $800,000 from this fund is an actual saving, to 
tiiat amount, to the people of the State. 

Jn 1820 the Legislature authorized tlie several townships to levy a tax 
for the education of "such poor children as are paupers, belonging to the 
said township, and the children of such poor parents, resident in said town- 
ship, as are or shall be, in the judgment of said committee, unable to pay 
tor schooling the same."' This law remained in force for some years, being 
amended from time to time, and in such a manner as to provide for free 
schools for such time as the moneys received from the school fund and 
from local taxation would permit, and allowing tuition fees for the remain- 
der of the year. 

In 1829 the Legislature first began to make annual appropriations 
for the support of common schools. In that year $20,000 were ajipor- 
tioncd to the several counties in proportion to the amount of taxes paid by 
liic iniiabitants. This act also provided for tlie election of school commit- 


tees in each township. In 1S38 the inhabitants of each township were rec- 
ommended to raise, by taxation or otherwise, money for school purposes. 
This act also authorized the trustees to use the State appropriation exclu- 
sively for the education of the poor. The most important change made 
from the old law was the provision that the public money, which had been 
paid to the trustees of the districts, should now be paid to the several 
schools in the township, whether they were public, private or parochial. 
This change was made in obedience to the demands of the religious ile- 
nominations in the State. Schools had been established by churches and 
meetings in all parts of the commonwealth, and the friends of these de- 
manded, -and finally obtained, part of the annual appropriation from the 
public treasury. The money was therefore distributed among all schools 
in proportion to the number of children taught. 

The Constitution adopted in 1844 declared that it should n(3t be com- 
petent for the Legislature to borrow, appropriate or use the school fund, 
or any part thereof, under any pretense whatever, for any other puqjose 
than for the support of public schools for the etjual benefit of all the peo^ 
pic. The general school law was amended in 1846 so as to require every 
township to raise for school purposes a sum of money at least e<|ual to its 
ixjrtion of the State appropriation. In 1851 the annual appropriatioin was in- 
creased to $40,000. The act of that year provided also that the public 
money should be apportioned to the counties in the ratio of their popula- 
tion, and to the townships in proportion to the number of children be- 
tween the ages of five and eighteen years. In 1866 the State Board of 
Education was established, and the distribution of public money to private 
and parochial schools was discontinued, and the State appropriation was- 
reserved for the public schools. In 1867 the school law was remodeled, 
the best features of the old system were retained, and important new pro- 
visions w^ere adopted, and subsequent legislation has constantly followed in 
the same line of general advancement. 


The present school system is remarkably complete, and scarcely ad- 
mits of improvement. At its head is a State Board oif Education, appointed 
by the Go\-ernor and confinned b\- tlie Senate. The Board is comjjosed of 
two members from each Congressional District, who shall not belong to 
the same political party. Tlie term of office is five years. The memliers 
serve without compensation, but are paid the actual expenses incurred by 
them in the discharge of their official duties. 

The board appoints the County Superintendents of Schools, makes 


rules for the holding of teachers' institutes, the exauiinatiun of teachers 
and for carrying into effect the school laws of the State, it has the con- 
trol and- management of the State Normal School, the Scho^il for the Deaf, 
the Farnuni I'reparatorN- School, and the Manual Training and liuhistrial 
School for Colored Youth. 

The State Superintendent of Public Instruction is ajipointed liy tiie 
Governor and confirmed h\- the Senate, ilis term of oflice is three years. 
He has general supcrvisjou over the schools, and, by law. is made a court 
of liiuited jurisdiction, having the power to investigate and decide, suliject 
to appeaJ U) the State Board of Education, all disputes that arise under the 
school laws, and may enforce his decision by withholding all school moneys 
from the district inuil his decision is obeyed. He is. c.v-cfl'icio. the Secre- 
tary of the State Board of Examiners and of all local fJoards of Examineis. 

The County Superintendents have supervision over the schools of 
their respective counties, apportion the school moneys, license teachers, 
and, together with the local boards of education, prescribe the cnurses of 
study for their respective counties. 

The entire State is divided into school districts, each city, town and 
township constituting a separate district. There are two classes of dis- 
tricts, viz., municipalities tlivided into wards and mimicipalities not divided 
into wards. The first class includes the cities and large towns. In these 
districts members of the Board of Education may be a]>pointed by the 
Mayor or elected by the people, 'ihe amount of mnney to be ap])ri)pri;ited 
locally for the supixjrt of schools is determined by the Jjoard of School 
Estimate, consisting of the Mayor, two members cjf the financial board in 
the municipality, and two ineml;ers of the Board of Education. The sec- 
ontl class includes the tuwnshi])s and small boroughs. In these districts 
the members of the Boards of Education are elected and all appropriation.s. 
are made by direct vo'.e (.>f the jjeople. By the law. Boards of Etlucatioii 
arc made todies coqxjrate, and are not a part of the municipal government. 

The Legislature passed a law in 1881 providing that whenever a school 
district established a manual training sch(Kjl or added manual training to. 
tlie course of study, the State would appropriate each year an amount 
equal to the sum raised in the district for that purpose; provided, that the 
total appropriation by the State to a district should not exceed $5,0x30. 
Under this law two cities have estaljlished manual training schools and 
twenty-four districts hnve added ruanual traimng to their courses of study. 
The total amount ajipropriated by the State in 1900 for manual training 
was $46,000. 

TTie State gives to each school annually ten dollars, provided such 



school raises a like sum, to- be used for the purchase of apparatus or to 
inaintain a library for the use of the pupils. 

Legislation making the kindergarten an integral part of the public 
school system was secured in March. 1900, and 15,066 was the first official 
record of the kindergarten enrollment in the New Jersey- schools. Said 
enrollment has, in addition to offsetting the usual increase in the number 
enrolled in primary grades, also reduced it 5.513 below that of the preced- 
ing school year, thus showing that many pupils rightfully belonging to the 
kindergarten had been attending in the primary grades. 

For the year ending- June i, 1901, the number of school houses in the 
State was 1,875, ^"d ^''^^ number of class rooms was 6,408, providing ac- 
commodations for 310,328 pupils. The value of school property was 
$15,634,471, an increase of $1,860,371 over the previous year. 

There were employed in the public schools 907 male teachers, at an 
average annual salary of S866, and 6,105 female teachers, at an average 
annual salary of $500. Of the 7.102 teachers, 3,415 had a normal train- 
ing and 409 were college graduates. 

There were enrolled in the public schools 322,575 pupils, and in private 
schools 47,453, making the total number of children in school 370,028, or 
eighty-one per cent, of the children in the State. The average daily at- 
tendance in the public schools was 207,947. The average time the schools 
were kept open was 186 days. 

In addition to the public schools, there are comprised in the State 
educational establishment various institutions designed for special pur- 

The State Normal School at Trenton was established in 1855. There 
is, in connection with it, a iMode! School, which affords to the pupils in 
the Normal School an opportimity for practice teaching. The number of 
pupils enrolled in the Normal School was 639, and the number in the Model 
School was 568. Tlie law requires that each graduate of the Normal 
School shall pledge himself to teach in the State for at least two years after 
graduation. This pledge is more than fulfilled; in the year 1900, 1,181 
graduates of the school were teaching in the State. The total e.xpenses 
of the school that year amounted to $74,708. 

The School for the Deaf, in Trenton, was established in 1882. Prior 
to that date the deaf children were educated at the expense of the State 
in institutions in New York and Pennsyh'ania. The number of puiiils was 
155, and the cost of maintenance was $38,993. 

The Farnum Preparatory School, an adjunct of the State Normal 
School, is located at Beverly. It was built by Paul Farnum and presented 
bv him to the State. In bis will he gave the school an endowment of 



$20,000. 'I'lie number of p'lnils cnmlled was 149. ami the cost of mainte- 
nance was $5,780. 

The .Manual Training- School and Industrial School for Colored 
Y'outh, at Bordentown, was established in 1894, and was under the care 
of a separate Board of Trustees. In kjcxj it was placed under the care of 
the State Board of Education. In 1900 there were enrolled 118 i)Ui)iis, 
.and the cost of maintenance was S5.354. 

Outside the technicalities of public .school instruction, the friends of 
■education — teachers and laymen, men and women — have so widely ex- 
tended the sphere of usefulness of the educational system that it is diffi- 
cult to say where, in this day, the influence of the school room finds its 

Perhaps the most imiwrtant innovation was the establishment of pub- 
lic school libraries. Education does not consist merely in knowledge of 
facts derived from text-books. Long ago was asked the (juestion, "What 
is Truth?" and, luinianly s])eaking-, it remains as yet unanswered. The 
question includes another, "What is Knowledge?" This, too, remains un- 
answered, ]jut we reach toward an answer daily — listening for it in the 
voice of the speakfr. searching for it on the page of the writer, and locjk- 
ing for it in everv manifestation of the works of the Creator. 

Realizing all this — that the true end of school education is but to 
lead the searcher after knowledge intOi the broad fields of investigation — - 
the thought came to sonic that if scliool does no more than to lead children 
to become good methodical readers, lovers of good literature, then it will 
have fulfilled a high mission. For it is only in good lx>oks that the child 
meets and associates with the great and noble men and women of all ages, 
and, as he studies the character and deeds of such, his own life must take 
on some of their noble qualities. .Such is the decision of the most eminent 
educators. And Carlyle says, "No sadder proof can be given by a man 
of his own littleness than disbelief in great men." 

And so the .school library was established. In many districts it is 
the only collection of lx>oks practically open to the entire population. In 
all it is, in quality, superior to the ordinary public library, with its super- 
abundance of "the latest" literary alx)rtion — stories of mawkisii sensation- 
alism and distorted historical facts, padded out to Ixtoklike proportions 
when their proj>er setting would be the column rules of a cross-roads news- 
paper. For it is to be said tliat the school libraries are made up of really 
standard works — history, travel, biograi>hy and such romance as instills 
noble principles and begets a taste for real elegance in literary style. 

That the school library is not a fad. that it fills a p-jsitive want and 


meets with hearty appreciation, is evident from the fact that few schools 
now consider themselves jiroperly equippeidi witHnxtt it, and that most of those 
as yet unsupphed are making strenuous effort to supply the want. In tlie 
recent year from which our statistics are drawn, the amount expended in 
l!:e State for school libraries was $1,570 more than in the year preceding. 
During the year cited, the amount contributed for liljrary purposes by the 
several school districts was $6,650. Under the provisions of the law , a 
like amount was contributed l)y the State, niaking the library fund $12,150. 
In atldition, many school districts were holding additional funds in re- 
serve until future State appropriations should become available. The de- 
lay is mucli to be regretted, as the lx)oks which such funds would purchase 
are needed in the school libraries immediatclv, and the children at present 
in school should have the use of them. 

The cliief cause for regret, however, is that the amount appropriated 
by the State to stimulate this important interest is so meagre. In mis 
respect New Jersey is not as liberal as she can well afford to- be, iTor as 
progressive as some other States. 

in various places Mothers' Meetings have exerted a healthful influence 
u])on the schools. Airs. E. C. Grice, a, memljer of the Board of Education 
of Riverton, was the pioneer in this movement. Through the earnestness 
of her effort she soon enlisted the s_\nnpathy and hearty avoperatinn of 
the teachers of the school in the undertaking. In the village named, as 
elsewhere, there seemed ti> be nn vital connection between the sciiool and 
the people. One expressed himself thus: "We never hear anything about 
the schcKjl except when called upon to vote money for its support, or wlien 
something goes wrong." For some reason people were apt to feel that 
they would be intruding if the}' were to visit the schools: that possibly 
the teachers or pujMls oir members of tlie Boards oif Education might ac- 
cuse them of presuming. Others were wholly absorbed in other luatters 
too important, so they thought, to permit them to think of the interests 
of children, and yet others were wholly indifferent. To combat these er- 
ronetius conceptions and to unite all the people of the town for the best in- 
terests of the school, these earnest A\'omjen lalxwed foa- four years. The ex- 
perimental stage for them has passed, and their example is finding emula- 
tion in similar effort elsewhere. 

A sample programme of a Mothers' Meeting suggests the importance 
and usefulness of such gatherings. Tlie papers read and the topics dis- 
cussed were "The Physical Condition of Children — Care of the Body. 
Clothing, Diet, Ventilation, Emergencies :" "Christian Problem.s — Evils 
Prevalent in the Celebration of Qiristmas, the True Christmas Spirit, 
Gifts that Children Can Make, Christmas Stories ;" "How Shall Morals be 


1 aught? — Intluence of Parents, Co-operatiin witli Teachers. Courtesy in 
the Home;" "Rig-lit and Wrong Punisliment :'" "Xeed of tlie Beautiful in 
the Home, the School and Everywhere, and its Intluence on Character, 
Habits, Usefulness in Later Life and Success in Business." 

(rrowing out of such and similar effort, in many places, much interest 
has been taken in schools in the matter of school decoration. In some of 
the larger schools there are now many handsome pictures. In some com- 
munities many line gifts of pictures ha\e been made by citizens. In other 
places money has been raised by subscri|ilion for the purchase of pictures 
and statuary. In yet other places it is a pleasant custom for the graduating 
class to leave a framed picture as a mcmentM. All these efforts lo^ make 
the school house attractive are worthy of the highest praise. The 
value of pictures in training the aesthetic sense, as well as in deepening the 
impression made by lessons in literature, history and geography, are lie- 
yond measurement. 

A beautiful custom in vogue in nearly all schools is the observance 
of Arbor Day. In many places not only is a suitable ])rogramme carried 
out in the schools, but the practical side of the w<iti"k is made ])rominent 
by the distribution of a large (juanlity of seeds, vines and shrubs among the 
children, to be planted at home or on the school grounds. In (Jrange, 
through the efforts of the ladies of the Educational Union and the officers 
of the Xew Jersey Floricultural Society, some twelve hundred packages of 
flower seeds, eight huntlred packages of vegetable seeds, six hundred vines 
an<l flowering plants and twelve hundred chrysanthemums were given to 
the children, with printed instructions showing how to plant and care for 
them. During the term fre([ueni reports were made of the ])rogress of 
the growing plants, and at the close of the season each child was asked 
to write what he could concerning his exjjerience. The resiKinse was verv 
gratifying, showing that the children had taken a genuine interest and 
that much gcx)d had been done. Such work is educational in its best sense, 
and such training will e.xert a salutary influence u]X)n the lives and char- 
acters f)f the children. It will also an increased interest in the ap- 
I>earance of the home, the school and the village, fostering civic pride antl 
conducing to gcxxl citizenship, and. in all. will certainly tend to earnest 
emulation in various ^communities throughout the State. 


In Monmouth county well established schools were in existence as 
«arly as the Revolutionary War period, and probably much earlier. Cer- 
tain it is that classical schools were carried on in the township of F"reehoki 


in Ihe times first mentioned, and an advertisement of one of this class ap^ 
pears in "Collins' Gazette," dated March 14, 1778. Soon after 1800, an 
English and classical school was opened in the village of Freehold by the 
Rev. Andrew Fowler, who was then rector of St. Peter's Protestant Epis- 
copal Church. It is related that shortly afterward Mercy Lerton taught 
rear the village in a log school house which was built by General David 
Forman, of Revolutionary fame, who maintained the school for his own 
children and those of the neighborhfjod. About ,1820 James ^McGregor, 
spoken of by his pupils (Dr. Robert Laird among them) as "a testy old 
Scotchman," taught in the village, and his was for many years the only 
public school in the vicinity. 

It is no fancy picture we draw off the school of the early days, and long 
after the close of the Re\-olutionary War, for it was in one such that the 
writer of this made his beginning in education. 

The school house was a log building with two windows. A great fire- 
place, wide enough to take in a cordstick, occupied one-half the width of 
the room. The seats were rough planks supported l>y legs let into augur 
holes at either end, and without Itacks. At the sides of the Ijuilding were 
rough planks resting upon puncheous. and at these stood the pupils over 
unruled copy books, lalioriousl}- tracing with a gcwse-quill pen the copy set 
b}' the master — capitals and small lettelrs, aud then such alliterative sen- 
tences as "Many Men of ISiaiiy Minds." It was before the days of "Read- 
ers," too, and two or three generations learned to read and spell from the 
Bible. If the master was an amial^le creature, he would turn the children 
tO' the plain short word passages in the Gospels. If he was irascible and 
domineering, he would "give out" a chapter in the ])entateuch, and his 
gorge would increasingly rise as the frig'ntencd youngsters stumbled over 
the impro-nounccable names in the old g-enealogies. But the youth tlias 
taught became admiralile readers, and the pulpiteer or rostrum speaker 
who was taught in such fashion iiad no (lirtictiltv in lieing clearly undei- 
stood by his hearers. Indeed, were there no other reason to cling to the 
Bible, it were valuable before all other liooks for its splendid influence in 
the formation of a clear and concise use of the English language, whether 
in utterance nr in writing. 

-Aside from the Bible, there was no uniformity of te.Kt-books in liiose 
early schools, each scholar bringing such as the family closet woiUd afford, 
and, as a consequence, Ihere were rarely two alike. Those were the palmy 
times of the "Three R's" — "reading", 'riling' and 'rithmetic." He was ac- 
counted something of a mathematician who was ready in vulgar fractions, 
tare and tret, and the double rule of three. If perchance one had a gram- 
mar, or a geography, he was \iewed by bis less favored fellows as one 


whose learning' would enai)le liini U'> nuike a great mark in the world. 
And the learned despnt who ruled in this hall of learning! The typical 
schoolmaster of the [)eriod was a Scotchman or Irishman, who wrote a 
clerkly hantl and had some kntjwledge of the classics. His post (ff • l.serva- 
tion was in the chimney corner, where he sat enjoying a pipe, and appar- 
ently immersed in a book, but not so abstracted but that he noted any inat- 
tention to study or disposition to horseplay, which brouglit from him a 
sharp "draw near," and a volley of blows from his convenient birch ( ;d- 
niost a cudgel) when the head or shoulders of the offender were within 
reach. Similar punishment attended a failure in a lesson, and it was a 
lucky lad who worrieil through a day without a castigation more or less 

Tender-hearted, after all, in a {ashion, was this old-time schoolmaster, 
and in later years, wlien old and infirm, he would drag himself to the ot'tice 
or home of him who had been his scholar, whom he regarded with almost 
paternal affection, and whose punishing, he fn-mly believed, was the chief 
instrumentality in forming his character, a!id in providing him with that 
mental equipment wdiich enabled him to take an luMiorable and useful po- 
sition among men. 

In 1847 was founded the Freehold Institute for Boys, under the i)nn- 
cipalship of Oliver R. Willis. In 1862 Professor Baldwin succeeded to the 
management, and he introduced a system of military drill and discipline. 
The institution subsecjuently passed into the hands of Colonel Charles J. 
Wright, and has come to be known as the New Jersey Military Academy. 
During its existence of more than half a century, this school has had as 
pupils hundreds of young men, many of whom went from it into colleges 
and universities, or immediately took up prepar;ition for professional or 
business life, and came to occupy honorable and useful ix)sitions in life. 

An earlier institution, the Freehold Academy, was founded in 1831, 
and had for one of its earliest teachers (and perhaps the first) James Mc- 
Burney. At one time it was conducted by James Shields, who in later 
years became famed as a Major-General in the Federal army din"ing the 
Civil War, and at other times enjoyed the rare distinction of representing 
two States in the United States Senate. This academy occupied a useful 
place for many years, but finally deteriorated, and was abandoned. 

The cause of education in J^Ionmouth county found a most cairabie 
and zealous advocate in Dr. Samuel Lockwood, who was at once a divine. 
a scientist and a literateur. In 1854 he became pastor of the Reformed 
Church in Keyport. When he came into the county the schools were in 
a sadly neglected and inefficient condition. He was anxious to see im- 
provement, and he found those who were of similar desire — Dr. Willis, 


the foiinder of the Freehold Institute; Amos !\ichardson, principal of the 
Young I^idies' Seminal y; William V. Lawrence, a most capable teacher; 
and the Rev. A. Millspaugh. For several years these public benefactors 
maintained a County Teachers" Association, which met semi-annually in a 
Ivvo-day session, with a public evening meeting when were delivered ad- 
dresses intended tO' arouse a healthy iiublic interest in education. So de- 
voted was Dr. Lockwood to this purpose that, when it was suggested that 
the various villages in ihe county should be visited by some one who would 
undertake to arrest the attention of the people, he assumed' the task of 
lecturing in each one upon the needs of the schools. So intensely was 
he in earnest, that inability to pay for the use of a conveyance was no de- 
terment, and he performed his travel on foot diu'ing one of the severest 
winters ever experienced in the State.. 

In 1859 Dr. Lockwood was elected School Superintendent of Raritan 
township, and this was the beginning of his career of higher usefulness. 
A law requiring that the Board of Freeholders should appoint a Board of 
E.xaminers to [lass upon the cjualihcations of teachers and toi license such 
in their discretion, had been long inoperative. In 1865. howe\er, a law 
was enacted which vested these powers in the State Board of Education in 
the event of the Board of Freeholders failing to act, and under this stim- 
ulus tlie freeholders appointed Dr. Lockwood and the Rev. A. Millspaiugh 
to the positions of examiners — positions which involved great labor, and 
wholl\- without compensation. The teachers in each township were as- 
sembleil at convenient points, where the work of oral examination was 
performed. The results were disappointing, but a moveinent had been 
made in the right direction, and good results came later. 

]\leantime. Dr. Lockwood had been an earnest meml>er <,if the State 
Teachers' Association, and, largely through the efforts of that body, and 
under his inspiration, a new school law was enacted in 1867, which, among 
other pro\isions. abolished the offices of Township Su])erintendent and 
Examiners, and created that of County School Snperintentlent. with a 
staff' of examiners. His eminent fitness marking him as the one man for 
the position. Dr. Lockwood was at once ai>i)ointed County Sui^erintendent, 
the first in Monmouth county. He had previously served for nine years 
as Township Superintendent, and for fifteen years he had occupied the 
pastorate of his church in Keyport, and he resigned the latter position and 
remoAcd to F"reehold in order to give his undivided attention to educational 

Dr. Lockwood discharged the duties of County Superintendent of 
Schools with rare intelligence and discretion during the long period of 
twenty-seven years, and luuil his death, which occurred in 1894. During 


this time and tlie preceding years lie effected a complete (ir<;anizati<in <>t 
agencies for public ediicatii>n in the ctmnty. and lived v> witness the must 
gratifying results. During his time the free school had suppl.anted that 
maintained under the rate .system, and the high school had its birth. The 
illiterate class of school age had been reduced to two per cent., while the 
■efficiency of teachers had increased fully fifty per cent., and each year the 
schools graduated a considerable number of puiiils whose attainments 
were far superior to those of the average school teacher when Dr. Lock- 
Avood hrst entered \\\M)n his educational work. The county institutes had 
increased in membership from a j)altry score of teachers to a s]>lendid 
gathering of two hundred, all filled with eiithusiasm for their work. School 
property in the county had increased in \alue from t\\ent_\- thousand dol- 
lars to nearly four hundred thousand dollars. 

In 1S78 Dr. Lockwood, debilitated by his great exertions, was induced 
to visit the Paris Exposition and make a tour of Euro])e, his e.xpenses being 
defrayed by the teachers ;ind friends of education in Monmouth county, 
as a testimonial to his worth. On his return he re-engaged in his work 
with renewed energy, and abated nothing of his eft'ort until shortly before 
tiis death. 

It is not the province of the present writer to enter into the history 
and useful life of Dr. Lockwood in detail. .\ graduate of the Xew \'ork 
University, and a doctor of philosophy, he was a .scholar of rare attain- 
ments — an accomplished naturalist, and archaeologist, and a member of 
numerous scientific societies: a di\inc an(' teacher of great ability: a force- 
ful writer and pleasant s])eaker : and, withal, a broad-minded Christian 
citizen and gentleman. l)e\-oted to duty, as he saw it. his most useful 
Avork was that performed in behalf of education, and in his accomplish- 
ments in that field he undesignedly buikied toi himself a more stately and 
enduring monument than his wannest admirers could rear. 

i'lie work liegun by Dr. Lockwood was taken u]) no less conscien- 
tiously by Professor John Enright, who succeedeil liim in the County Su- 
perintendency of Schools immediately after his death, and who has served 
in that cajjacity without intermission to the present time. 

Prcjfessor Enright entered the State Normal School at Trenton when 
he was but seventeen years of age, and at once took high rank in his 
classes. He finished the ])rescril)ed two-years course in three-fourths that 
time, and after his graduation, when nineteen years of age. was engaged to 
teach a school in Freehc>l(i. He was successful in his calling from the 
■outset, and when a new school building was erected in 1S73 he was called 
to the princi[)alship. and he organized the school, established a course of 
«tU(Iy, and founded one of the first graded schools in Monmouth county. 


In 1 89 1 -2 he was President oi the State Teachers' Association. For very 
nearly twenty years preceding his aiipoinlment as County Superintendent 
of Schools he served continuously as a member of the County Board of 
E.xaminers — a position which he occupied for a longer period than did any 
other teacher in the State. 

The Asbury Park schools made an excellent showing during the 
vear ending June 30, 1901. A new high school building was erected dur- 
ing that and the following year. Its departments are now those of Eng- 
lish, Mathematics, Science, History, Classical Languages. Modern Lan- 
guages, Drawing, Manual Training and Domestic Arts, Music and Elocu- 
tion. The teacher in each of these departments is a specialist. 

The high school department was last year equipped throughout witlr 
new furniture. To the Science Department was added a biological labora- 
tory, furnished with a porcelain sink, si.x tables sufficiently large to ac- 
commodate four students each, and a wall-table supplied with water and 
gas, and suitable in length for the accommodation of twenty students. 
This places the work of the Science Department in its four branches ot 
Zoology, Botany, Physics and Qiarastry on the upper floor Oif the build- 

The courses of study have been so broadened and modified as to per- 
mit considerable freedom in choice of studies. The high school offers the 
five courses — Classical, Literary, Scientific, Liberal and Commercial. No 
limit of time is imposed for the conipletion Oif the course. The school is 
able to offer four years o^f, four years of Mathematics, including: 
Trigonometry and Advanced Algebra, three years, and possibly next year 
four years ; of Science, four years ; of Latin, Greek and German, three- 
years each; two years of French and four years of Histor}-; also one year 
of Social and Political Science; four years of Drawing, and two years of 
Domestic Science and Art. The Commercial course offers also several 
years' training in the usual business subjects. 

The Reference Library founded for the high school departments in 
1899 has grown toi a total of 342 volumes. !Most of these books are stand- 
ard reference books, in Grecian, Roman. Mediaeval, ^Modern-European, 
English and American History, although the departments of English and 
Science are well represented. 

The manual training rooms are well eciuiijjjcd with all the necessaiy 
tools and suitable material, and the work there prepared f(jr the scliool 
exhibit at Buffalo, New York, was of an interesting nature, and reflected 
credit upon the department. 

The em-ollment in two grades of the kindergarten department has 
reached 131. with an average daily attendance of thirty to forty [nipils. 


The institution of Mothers' Meetings in connection with tlic kiiidcriL^artcu 
provetl a decided lielp in the work of the school in bringing tlic home and 
tlie school together. The department has been fully equipped with all 
necessary furniture and materials. 

Much interest has been shown on the part of teachers and pupils in 
decorating and l>eautifying the school rooms. The Alumni Assuci.ition 
has also devoted its energies to this end. The result has been the piacuig 
upon the walls of the .school rooms more than nne hundred dollars wurtli nf 
pictures, reproductions from masterpieces, etc. Several pieces of statuary 
have also l>een placed in the corridor and auditorium. So excellent a be- 
ginning in this good work augurs still larger accomplishment in the future. 

In 1901 a new sc1kx)1 building was erected in Red Bank at a cost of 
$60,000. The sch<X)ls in that city are a model of efficiency, and include 
a complete high school course and a manual training department. In the 
year cited, the total enrollment was 1,027, willi a daily attendance of 707. 
A class of twenty-five pupils was graduated — the largest in the history of 
the school. 

In addition, two other •school buildings were erected during the year 
in Monmouth county — a one-room building in Upper Freehold township, 
costing $1,000, and a four-room brick structure at Oakhurst. in (Jcean 
township. The latter is one of the most hands(jme and commodious four- 
room school structures in the county, and the building cost was $12,000. 
There nowl remains but one place along the coast frcjm Sandy Hi ujk to the 
Ocean county line with indifferent school accommodations — Neptune City 
— which recently voted ten thousand dollars for a new school house. 

In Monmouth county, during the year ending June 30, 1901, the total 
number of children enrolled was 17,072, with an average daily attendance 
of 10,562. The number of teachers eniployed was seventy-three males 
and three hundred and three females, and their average monthly salary 
was $72.43 and $50.87, respectively. 

A County Teachers' Association was formed at Long P.rancii in Jan- 
uary, 1901. One hundred and seventy teachers attended the first meeting. 
These meetings are not designed to take the place of the local teachers' 
circles, held in the different townships, but rather to supplement and sup- 
port them. If the initial efficiency and enthusiasm exhibited at the lir^t 
be maintained, these meetings will certainly result ad^■antageously. 


There is little available of early educatioual history in Ocean c unty. 
There is evidence, however, that earlv in the ijeginning < i the TuckertiHK 


.■~eUlc.nent schools were establislietl for the cckicatioii of hoth sexes, and, 
c\'cn after the establishment of schools under the first puhlic school law, 
the Society of I-'riends maintained, at their own expense, schools for the 
education of their children. At the same time they sent many of their chil- 
dren to Philadelphia and elsewhere for a more finished education than the 
local schools could afford. For a period of twenty years beginning about 
1S45, however, there -a ere in the township several select schools, most of 
them for girls. 

The educational history of Little Egg Harbor is quite similar, and 
schools there were fostered from the l>eginning. The ttnvnship has ])ro- 
duced an unbroken line of clergymen of much ability, and men who. have 
honored every useful calling in life. A native of Egg Harbor, Jacob Ridg- 
•way, founded the Rush Library, of Philadelphia. 

In New h^gvpt. the New Egypt Seminary and I^'emale College was 
chartered by the Legislature and clothed with full collegiate powers shortly 
before the. beginning of the Civil War. Its history has been most useful, 
and it has sent out into the learned professions and into business life scores 
of men who ha\e reflectetl honor uixin their alma uuitcv. and many of its 
female graduates have become accomplished educators or ornaments to 
societN- in domestic life. For thirty-seven years this institution was con- 
ducted bv (ieorge D. Homer, A. M., who was succeeded by the Rev. Dr. 
Wallace, an eminent divine. 

In the county, for the year ending June 30th. u>oi, the enroll- 
Jitent was 4,682, an increase of 42, and the average dail\- atteuidance was 
2,716. an increase of 91. The percentage of daily attendance, based on 
the a\erage enrollment, was 85, a slight increase over that of the previous 
year. The a\-erage salary paid to males ]>er month for teaching was $51.88, 
and the average monthly salary paid U> female teachers was $35.57, a slight 
•decrease for the males and a slight increase for the females over the previ- 
ous \ear. 

There are twenty .school districts in Ocean county, si.xty-eight public 
school-houses, four of which were erected during the year: 122 class-rooms, 
and three private .schools. The value of schcxil property was estimated 
at $161,050, an increase of $40,200. During the year, four commodious 
new school buildings were completed — a six-room frame building at West 
Point Pleasant, valued at $6,000; a four-room frame building at Bar- 
negat, costing $7,000: an eight-room ])rick buildnig at Toms Ri\cr, cost- 
ing $18,000, and' a six-room brick building with assembly-room, at East 
Lakewood, costing $19,000. 

During the school year the Ocean County Teachers' Association 


lield eleven dixisional nieetin<;s and Due ijeneral nieetini;;, and Ocean and 
Monmouth coimties united in an annua! institute in Xnveniljer, njoo, at 
Ocean Grove. 


In 183O tlie finuidations of education in Atlantic county were laid 
by Richard Risley, who came from the maiidand tn the ])resent site of 
Atlantic Citv, on Absecon Island, to instruct the children of the I^eeds 
families. The private tutorshii)- (for such it was) resulted in a school 
for all wlio desired to attend. Folloaving the advent of the railroad, in 
1854, various ])rivate schools were established, and wci-e taught liy .Mi>s 
Anna M. Gaskill, ]{d\\ard .S. Reed, a Miss Thomas, and others, .\rthur 
W'estcott, who afterward Ijecame city assessor, taught a private school in a 
small building erected for the ])urpose. There were in those days perhaps 
a half hundred children on the island. 

The first public schcK>l in Atlantic City was openetl about 1838, ni 
the old Ocean House, with Charles S. Varney as the teacher. In the fol- 
lowing year the trustees erected tlie first public school building — a frame 
edifice. -Mr. \ arney was succeeded by Alexander L. Bellis, who was a 
graduate of the State Normal SchiX)l, and whose innovations in educa- 
tional and disciplinary methods proved highly efficitnit, but occasioned much 
comment and created some antagonism. 

.About 1863 the school-house became inadequate and the trustees. 
awariled to Richard Souder the ctnitract for erecting a two-story four- 
room front addition to the old building. Sufficient funds were not forth- 
coming, and K<»bert L. Evard. with great public s])irit, completed the work. 
For many yeiirs afterward he served as a sch(K>l trustee, and his services, 
were invaluable in maintaining and advancing school interests in the earlv 
formative days. 

In the autumn (if 1863 Silas K. .Mi use. an accomplished teacher, was 
appointed to the princijjalship of the schools. He served most acceptably 
for a [)eriod of nine years, an<ll for se\'en years of this time he had a most 
capable assistant in his wife, to ^vhom he had been married just priiir to- 
his moving to the town. 

In 1877 John F. Hall became princiixil. He was a most excellent 
teacher, but his school room service was of shurt duratinn. as he resigned 
after two years to engage in journalism. 

-About 1881 a separate school for colored children was oi)ened. and it 
was successfully conducted for several years, then to be closed on account 
of the adverse public sentiment against such schools. 


In 1 89 1 Prof. William A. Deremer became principal. He died after 
Jie had served only two years, but during this brief period his service was 
phenomenally useful. He was an indefatigable Avorker, and his bound- 
less enthusiasm and rare tact enabled him to bring to his aid t!ie best pos- 
sible effort on the part of his assistants. He introduced the manual train- 
ing system, and during his administration large additions were made to 
several school buildings, and the number of teachers was increased from 
thirty-tive to forty-seven. He also called to his aid his associate teachers, 
and introduced methods of investigating the condition of the suffering 
worthy poor, and of relieving their necessities. 

In the year 1900 there were in Atlantic City six school buildings con- 
taining sixty-eight rooms, and representing a valuation of $205,000. Since 
then a new ward school building was completed, and also a high school 
building, the latter costing $80,000. The school enrollment was 4,760, 
an increase of 739 over the previous year. The regular teaching force 
comprised eighty-one regular grade teachers and six special teachers. Of 
the regular teachers, ten were engaged in the colored schools, which occupy 
rooms in the same buildings where white children attend. The separation 
is continued as far as the seventh grade, after which the two classes are 
combined. The number of colored children in the advanced grades is nec- 
essarily very small. 

The curriculum is broadly comprehensive, and includes a post-grad- 
uate course. Graduates are fitted to immediately enter the higher institu- 
tions of learning. There are five rooms for the manual training course, 
vvhich is oijen to all pupils in the grammar grade. A thorough commer- 
cial course is maintained, and vocal music is taught as a class study. The 
sum of two hundred dollars was raised for the support of the school 
libraries. This, with the additional funds received from the State, was 
carefullv and judiciously expended in the purchase of an additional num- 
Ijer (jf valuable library l)ooks. Numerous teachers' meetings have been 
held during the vear. and these have been in charge of special teachers 
or of the Supervising Principal, and have always been for the .special con- 
sideration of matters relating to the work of the respective grades. General 
monthly meetings have been held during the year. At these meetings the 
chief aim was the study of the writings of noted educators and of their 
intluence upon modern education. 

Tlie school was splendidly represented in the Educational Exhibit at 
Buffalo. New York, and was highly commended by many distinguished 

In Atlantic county (outside Atlantic City) the total enrollment during 
the school year cited was 8,876, and the average daily attendance w^s 5,501. 


The number of teachers employed was 29 male-> ar.d 155 females, and their 
average monthly salary respectively was $56.33 and $38.97. 

Outside of Atlamic City, no new schonl Iniildings were erected during 
the year, but many additions and ininroxemenls were made. In V.i^i^ llar- 
bor City two new rooms were furnished and steam heat was intri)duced 
throughout the building. The pupils of Egg Harbor City, by individual 
contributions, raised sutiticient mone\- to purchase a handsome new piano. 
]\I(usic in ibis place, as well as in JlamniDntim and .Mays Landing, has 
lieen made a part of the regular course of study. 


Dtn'ing the latter part of the eighteenth century the only schools in 
the county were such as were taught for short terms at long intervals by 
itinerant schoolmasters. Aarnn Leaming records in 1765 that his children 
attended school for alxjut :i month. At the lieginning of the following 
centur)- there were three teachers of considerable inip<irtance wlio went 
about the countrv- teaching and "boarding aroimd."' 
f From 1810 to 1820 the teachers of sufficient prominence to be men- 

tioned in the annals of the times were Jacob Spicer (third), Constantine 
F'oster and Joseph Foster. After 1830 schools w'ere fairly well main- 
tained in the principal settlements. In 1840 there were in Dennis Town- 
ship four schools with 205 scholars — this in a population of 1350. In 
the same year there were in Middle Township (population 1624) five 
schools with 328 scholars; in Lower Township (population 1,133) there 
Avere six schools and 240 scholars ; and in Cold Spring, "a thickly settled 
agricultural neighborhrKxl," there was an academy for both se.xes, of w^hich 
the Rev. Moses Williamson was principal. 

Among those who in later years accomplished much for the cause of 
education were some who afterward l>ecame prominent in other fields. 
Dr. Theophilus T. Price taught for three years beginning in 1848. and 
was subsequently township sui>erintendent of the public scIkkiIs of Little 
Egg Harbor for eight years. Joseph S. Leach was a teacher at Seaville 
shortly after his coming to tlie county in 1840, and he followed that oc- 
cupation until 1855, when he ])urchased the "Ocean Wave" newspa-[)ei". 
Me was subsequently town superintendent of public schtx>ls, and he occu- 
pied various other responsible positions. In i860, when the population 
of the county was 7,130. there were twenty-seven schools, in which were 
thirty-two teachers and 2,373 scholars. The only academy was at Cold 
Spring, yet conducted by Mr. \\ illiamson. 

For many years and until 1881 the scholarly Dr. Maurice Beesley 


was county superintendent uf ptiblic schools, and he contributed more thaix 
did any other of his time to increasing the efficiency of the ptibUc educa- 
tional system in the county. He was succeeded by the Rev. Edward P. 
Shields, D. D., a highly capable man, who three years later renuned to 
Eriftol, Pennsylvania, to enter ujjon the pastorate of the Presbyterian 
Church there. His term of pastoral ser\ice with the Presbyterian Churcli 
at Cape May had extended over a i^eriod of thirteen years, and in duration 
it was only exceeded by that of the Rev. Moses Williamson, at Cold 
Springs, who served for forty-six yeiirs. Mr. Shields was succeeded in 
the county superintendency of schools by \'inccnt O. Miller, who served 
most faithfully and usefully for thirteen years. Aaron Hand became 
county school superintendent in the year of the retirement of Mr. Shields, 
and is yet serving in that position. Since 1895 ]\Ir. Hand has been editor 
and manager of the "Star of the Cape" newspaper. 

In the county, during the year ending June 30th, 1901, tlie total en- 
rollment of pupils was 2,981, and the daily average attendance was 1.727 
The number of teachers employed was 30 males and 43 females, and their 
average monthly salary was $55.64 and $34.05 respectively. 

Two notable events oif the year were the erection of a handsome new 
school building at Cape !May and the creation of the new district of Wild- 
wood. The Cape May building cost $35,000 exclusive of the furnishings. 
It contains twelve class-rooms and a large assembly-room, aud is equipped 
with all the latest and best sanitary appliances. At Wildwixxl another 
handsome new building was being erected at a cost of about $7,000. A 
building is to* be erected at Woodbine to supply the necessity for more 
room in that growing town. 

In the year J901 the number of private schcK>ls in the State, each 
having twenty-H\e pupils or more, was 303. of which 155 were sectariaiL 
and T48 were non-sectarian. The total numljer was sixty-three less than in 
the fwevious year, and the decrease is ascribed to the increased efficiency 
of the public schools. 


To this ix>int our concern has been with elemaitary an<l secondary 
educational institutions. The former comprises the ordinary public scliool 
grammar course, which occupies the attention of the pupil, say from his 
sixth to his fourteenth year. Secondary education is that of academical 
scojie, occupying the pupil (approximately) from his fourteenth to his eight- 
eenth year, and fitting him for entrance tO' college. Among secondary in- 


stnictional institutions are now included the pulilic hig-h scIkxiI. wliicli in all 
of the cities of New Jersey, and in most of the tmvns and lart^er villages, 
affords a curriculum and metho<ls of training which sujiply e\ery need of 
the industrious student who seeks to enter upon the higher education. 

The term higher education is that which designates the iiltinui tliule 
of class and lecture room instruction. The seeker after knowledge here 
attainable has. in his first educational stage, acepured an elementary knowl- 
edge of the ordinary branches — his own language, history and niathc- 
matics — but this is necessarily fragmentary and disjointed. Jn his second 
stage, his knowledge of letters is broadened, and he is intr(xluccd to the 
study of causati<Mi and conse(|uence. But his mental view is as yet kaleide- 
scopic, and it is the lirovince of the higher educati(jn to f<icus his intel- 
lectuality — to afford him a comprehensive view of the results of the vast 
labors of investigators in all departments of human knowledge in all the 
ages, to develop his ability to correllate his mental accjuisitions, and enable 
him to intelligentlv retich out into, that illimitable field of a philosophy which 
comprehends all ijhilosophies. 

The mettle of those peo])le of diverse nationalities who came to .\mer- 
ica two and two and a half centuries ago is nowhere so clearly discernetl 
as in their attitude toward education. Perhaps they ha<l belter foundation 
than have some of their descendants of to-day, for in thei.r early school 
days the Bible was their reading b<x>k. At any rate the religious spirit 
dominated their lives, and all the colleges of their founding were inspired 
l)v religious purix>se. Harvard, founded in 1636 by the Puritans, was 
dedicated to Christ, and its mission was to prepare young men for the 
C"Iiristian niinistr)-, and Yale, with similar motive, was founded in 1700. 
'i'hese were lx>th constituted by Protestant dissenters, while the College of 
William and Mary, in \'irgini;i. founded in 1692, had for one of its prin- 
ci])al objects the providing of suitai>le instruction for such as intended to 
take orders in the b'stablish^l Church. It is tO' Ive said O'f all these, 
ami (.if (/thers which were established later, that, if they did not directly 
grow (Alt of ancient Plnglish universities, they derived from them their 
animus, inherited their traditions, adoi>tefl their curricula, and tcxik them 
for an exemplar in all things, save that they were (perhaps unconsciously, 
in large degree), affected by the new political conditions, and developed 
a broader and more progressive spirit. 

In New Jersey were founded two educational institutions which have, 

one for more than a caitury and a half and the other for nearly a century 

and a third, pursued careers of wonderful usefulness, and have colored 

the historv not only of the commonwealth but. of the nation. As in the 

Xew England colonies, these were grounded in religious sentiment. The 


fouiulers of the College of New Jersey had fur their purpose the intel- 
lectual and religious instruction of \t)uth, including the training of can- 
didates fur the ministry, but, according to tlie charter, those of every re- 
ligious profession were to have equal privilege and advantage of educa- 
tion. Rutgers College, founded by Hollanders, was "for the education of 
youth in the learned languages, liberal and useful arts and sciences, and 
especially in divinity, preparing them for the ministry and other good 

The College of New Jersey (now hcnowai as Princeton University) 
\\%s the fourth collegiate institution in America. It was at the beginning 
more American in character than were those then existent in the Ne\r 
England colonies, for it did not represent the convictions of any one 
church or nationality — its founders represented various religious sects and 
different natiwialities, and hence it may be said that, in educational lines, 
it stood for that Ameincanism which gre\v out of the blending of all these 
diverse (and, in some respects, antagonistic) elements. 

The Iiistory of the founding of the college is intimately associated 
with that of Presba'terianism in America. By 1720 the Presbyterian 
Church on the Atlantic coast and contiguous region had a veritable being, 
and at \-arious s}niodical meetings plans were suggested for the estab- 
lislnment of an institution of learning in order to avoid dq)endence upon 
schools in the inother country or in New England. .Some ministers, un- 
ivilling to wait for concerted action, opened pri\-ate scliools in which they 
taught what would be called an academical course, while ajt the same 
lime thev served as precq>tors to some who took up theological studies. 
Among these were two Presbyterian clergyymen who in subsequent years 
became, in turn. Presidents of the College of New Jersey — Jonathan Dick- 
inson of Elizabethtown, and Aaron Burr of Newark. 

In this connection is to be named another Presbyterian minister, 
William Tennent, who, then residing at Neshaminy, in Pennsylvania, there 
esta!)li?hetl a school of liberal learning and of divinity. He himself reared 
for the purixjse a log house about twenty feet long, and not quite so broad, 
of which George Whitefield said in his journal, — "It is in contempt called 
ilic College." From this pioneer place of learning came many who were 
afterward conspicuous in various relations, but with its history^ we are 
not concerned save in so far as it relates to educational beginnings in New 
iersev. One of its graduates was Samuel Davies, who became the fourth 
president of the College of New Jersey, and it is presumable that his suc- 
cessor. Samuel Pinley, was another of Tennent's students. 

In 1739 the newly formed Presbyterian Synod received and acted 
upon overtures looking to the establishment of a saninary of learning, 


Jjut iiotliing came i>t il. RolLMiin!;' U< this eiuliui;'. liistDrians of J'rincet<jn 
University have remarked lliat. \vm\ tlie Synod fuimded a college, it is not 
probable that I'rincelon would have been selected as its site, and that, liatl 
Princeton been selected, the institution, by its official relation to the church, 
would ha\'e had a character ami career very different fmni that nf the 
College of New Jersey. 

Soon began a conllict in the church, into which entered the questii>n 
of Tennent's "Log College." The Synod had pronounced against the 
licensing by any Presbytery of ministerial candidates having only a prisate 
education, while a number of graduates and friends of the "Log College" 
had formed the Presbytery of New Brunswick, and this body had given 
ministerial license to one who was a "Log College' student, and had sent 
him within the bounds of the i'resbytery of Philadelphia, which was in 
violation of the rules of the Synod. The differences in the Synod finally 
resulted in a rupture, and in 1745 the Synod of New York was created by 
a. union of the Presbyteries of New Y'ork, New Brunswick and .\'ew 
Castle, the latter composed entirely of "Log College" men. Tennent died 
the same year, and with his death expired the hopes of those who had 
■desired that his sch(X)l should be adopted as the synodical college. 

At this juncture tour clergymen — Jonathan Dickinson, Aaron Burr 
and John Pierson, who were graduates of Yale, and Ebenezer Pemberton, 
a graduate of Harvard — ^undertook the founding of a college, and with 
them were associated three laymen. William Smith. Peter Van Brugh Liv- 
ingstone and William Peartree Smith. These were all I'resbyterians. but 
the}- were also broadl)' American, and, w hile providing for the education of 
cajididates for the ministry, they regarded this as but one ot' the functions 
of the proposed college, and made ample provision for instruction neces- 
sar}- for admission to other professions. 

Tlieir first attempt at an organization was aborti\e. They had en- 
tered upon a terra incognita when they applied to^ Governor Morris for a 
charter, and he had summarily dismissed their petition for reasons which 
are only to be inferred. No college had received its warrant from such 
authority — two of them then existing, Har\ard and Yale, had been char- 
tered by act of legislature of their respective colonies, and the third, \\'ill- 
iam and Marv', received its charter from the sovereigns whose names 
it bore. Governor Morris may iiave lield., with these precedents, that he 
was without authority in the premises. It is also presumable that his 
zeal as a churchman moved him to refusal, for he had previously tleniod 
a charter to a Presbyterian Churcli on the ground that there was no pre- 
•cedent for so privileging a company of "dissenters." 

Governor Morris died the fallowing :ind was succeeded byjolui 


Hamilton. President of the Council. To him the college projectors re- 
newed their ai>i>lication, and he granted them a charter on October 22d, 
1746. The act and the diocument itself were profoundly significant as 
seen in the light of subsequent events. It is not presumable that the Gov- 
ernor, or those to whom he committed such broad authority as he did, 
were conscious of how. that important charter forecast in some degree 
that larger liberty which a few years afterward was to shine out in the de- 
claration of the indq^endence of the colonies. 

The charter of the College of New Jersey was the first granted to 
an educational institution by a colonial governor. He was not only the 
royal representative, but he was also a representative of the Established 
Church of England, and that which was created by his act was solely under 
the direction of Presbyterians, who were of the strictest sect of dissenters. 
Moreover, the board of trustees which he created rqjresented four royal 
provinces, while his authority as governor extended over but one of them. 
'I he charter contained noi restrictive clauses, except the provision that no 
acts for the go\einuneiit of the college should be passed \\-hich were re- 
pugnant to the laws of Great Britain or of the Province of Ne\v Jersey, 
nor did it pro\ide for any governmental representation in the board of 
trustees. By its tenns it safeguarded liberty otf conscience by the pro 
vision that no person should be debarred of any of the privileges of the 
college on account of any sjieculative principle of religion, and that those 
of every religious profession should have equal privilege and advantage 
of education. 

This iniportant paper was not rccnrded. but its substance has been 
preserxed by contemporary annals. In the summer fnllDwing its grant- 
mg (.\ugtist 13, 1747), the "Presbyterian Gazette." printed an advertise- 
ment in which were given the names of tbe se^'en trustees before men- 
tioned. These had, as provided for by the charter, chosen five others to 
;ict with themselves, A\ith ecpial power and authdrity, and these were the 
Rev. Richard Treat and four clerical representatives of the "Log College" 
interest. Samuel Blair. Gilbert Tennent. William Tcnnant. Jr.. and Sam- 
uel Finley. 

May 4th, 1747, the c<illege was o]>ened in Elizabethtnw n. under the 
presidency of the Rev. Jonathan Dickinson, who was the principal in- 
structor, with the Rev. Caleb Smith as a tutor, and this was the aitire 
organization. October 7th following. Dr. Dickinson died. He was a 
native of Massachusetts, a graduate of Vale, and an eminent clergyman. 
He was not twenty-one years old wihen he became minister of the Presby- 
terian Church in Elizabethtown, with which he remained for nearly forty 
years. He was in all things a bone pastor. He had read medicine, and he 


treated his sick parishioners; he knew snniethiii!^ of law. and he aided them 
in tlieir legal difficulties, lie was an accomplished scholar, and a sincere 
Christian. He had li\ed to witness the heginning of the college enterprise 
wiiich he !iad zealously laI)ored for. and to which he hail intended to de- 
vote his best effort during the remainder of his life, lie had for a few 
months given instructions to the small tirst class in the embryo college. 
But even these were great accomplishments at that infant stage of the in- 
stitution, and if he were denieil part in the greater work which was to 
follow, his effort had maile that work pos^iljle. and his example and spirit 
were to prove a potent stimulus to those who were to follow after him 
and further advance that enterprise which, he had begun. 

Meantime, and prior to the death of Dr. Dickinson. Jonathan Belcher 
liad been appointed Governor of the ])ro\ince. Trior to his coming, while 
Governor of the Massachu.setts C<>k)ny, he had been actively interested 
in Harvard College, and when he came to New Jersey he gave his aid to 
its new sch(X)l, so recently founded, actively and sincerely. iXfter much 
correspondence and ci'uference with the trustees of the institution, in 
course of which various differences were adjusted, (iovernor Belcher, in 
the name of the King, on September 14th, 1748, issued a new charter to 
the College of New Jersey, the document reciting as its purpose the in- 
struction of youth in the learned languages and in the liiieral arts and 
sciences, and jjroviding that those of every denomination should have free 
and equal liberty and advantage of education, any ditTerent sentiments in 
religion notwithstanding. The original incorporators were renamed, with 
the exception of Dr. Dickinson, who had dietl. and the Re\ . Samuel I'in- 
ley. The omission of the latter named was presumably due to the fact 
that he was unable to^ serve, inasmuch as he was already burdened with 
the cares of a church and the conduct of an academy in .Maryland, wdiich, 
in the then existing conditions, vv«re far distiuit from the held which 
would claim a share of his attention. 'Hie number of the trustees was 
increased to twenty-three. Of the entire number, twehe were clergymen, 
and of these si.K were graduates of N'ale. three were graduates of Harvard, 
and three had been trained at the "Log College" un<ler the elder Teiment. 
Of the lay trustees, one was a graduate of Harvard, and three were 
graduates of Yale; two others were members of the Society i>f I'riends. 
and one was a member of the Established t hurcli — all others were I'rcs- 
byterians. In the face of strong opix>sition, the (ioxernor of the province 
was constituted c.v oflicio a meml>er of the Ixxard of trustees. There is no 
room for tiioug'ht that this provision, which was urged by Governor 
Belcher himself, was intended to im|)ose u]>on the board any governmental 
influence exce])t in a hel])ful way. and his zealous interest was recognized 


by the trustees, in 1755, when they addressed liim in grateful terms as 
the founder, patron and benefactor of the college. Tlie first of .these terms 
(founder) was unhappy, for another Governor (Hamilton) had granted 
a prior charter, and the real founders of the institution were Dr. Dickinson 
and his associates. But otherwise the tribute toi Governor Belcher was 
vvell deserved. 

Concerning the charter of 1748 it only remains to be said that it is 
the present warrant for the existence of the present college. It was 
amended at times, but in each instance the amendment only served to 
confer greater powers, or tO' more properly indicate the enlarging scope 
of the institution. October 22, 1896, the one hundred and fiftieth anni- 
versary of the grant of the first charter was made the occasion far a 
sesqtiicentennial celebration, when the College of New Jersey took the 
iiaiTie of Princeton University. The celebration was attended by the Pres- 
ident of the United States and the Governor of New Jersey', together 
with representatives of the Universities and learned societies of the United 
States and of many from similar institutions in Europe. 

Dr. Dickinson was succeeded in the jiresidency of the college by the 
Rev. Aaron Burr, and t'lie |)upds were removed from Elizabethtown to 
Newark. November 7th. 174S. the first conmiencemcnt was held, and its 
significance was appreciated bv all concerned. A procession was formed 
at the residence of the (iovernor and nKJved to a suitable hall. The charter 
was read, the new Trustees suljscribed to the i>rescribed oaths and decla- 
rations, and President I'urr was installed, lie deli\ered an oration in 
Latin, in which lie lauded the educational advantages i>f the mother coun- 
try and of the New England Colonies, and gladl}' hailed the dawn of the sun 
of learning upi n the Province o-f New Jersey. Me eulogip^ed the Governor 
as.'a' gejiercais ])atrcni whose friendship^ was manifested in the liberal pro- 
visions of the royal charter, which afforded privileges the most ample con- 
sistent with the natural and religious riglits of mankind, laying the axe 
to the root of that ami-Christian bigotry which had been in every age the 
parent of jiersecution and the plagtie of mankind, such bigotry as would 
have no place in the College of New Jersey. Six questions in philosophy 
and theology were then debated in Latin by the students. Six young men 
received the degree of Bachelor of Arts — some, if not all of these, had been 
under the instruction of the lamented Dr. Dickinson, and among these was 
Richard Stockton, who was afterward one of the signers of the Declaration 
of Independence. 

On the same day the Trustees prescriljed the standard of future adT 
mission to the college, and, for the times, it was one of considerable dig- 
nity. The candidate was required to be capable of rendering into Eng4 



lisli tlie iratioiis of Ciceri) ami \'irt;il: riml of translating English into 
Latin, and the Greek (iospels into Latin or linglish. T!ie curriculum was 
corresjxxuling'lv broatl — Latin. Cireek and mathematics were to he studied 
throiig'hont the entire course; pliysical science was rq)resented In' natural 
philosophv and astrr>noniv ; logic was based ui)on text-books anil wa> i)rac- 
ticed in discussions; rhetoric was taught in the same manner, and essays 
and declamations were required. Mental and moral ])hilosophy were prom- 
inent studies of the advanced classes. 

The college having been ()rganized. its ])ermanent location U'lw be- 
came a question of commanding importance. The Trustees were as sa- 
gacious business men for their time as are their far removed successors 
of to-day, and the)- were intent upon selecting such a place as wotild be 
most desirable in point of accessiljility and wi>uld at the srune time most 
lil)erally aid them in providing suitable Iniildings and equipments, .\ewark 
was decided ag-ainst as being too near to New York to. satisfy the Trus- 
tees who resided in Pennsylvania. In 17^0 the Trtistees deciiled up<'n 
New Brunswick or Princeton, conditioning their choice between the two 
upon the firumcial inducements offered by these two villages, and in May 
following they named New Brunswick, provided its people should secure 
to the college one thousand pounds in pri>clamntion money, ten acres of 
ground for a college campus, and two hundred acres of woodland not 
farther from the town than tln-ee miles. But Princeton w\as not inactive, 
and it soon complied with the conditions which had lieen submitted to 
New Brunswick, but had not been acted u|T<>n, and in Septemlier. 1732, 
the location of the college was fixed in the former named ]ilace. 

In July, 1754, ground was broken for the college Imilding. which 
was completed in 1757, under Robert Smith as architect. It was of stone, 
one hundred and seventy feet long and fifty-four feet wide, with a central 
projection of four feet to the front and twelve feet rearward. .\s now, it 
was of three stories, and was surmounted by a cupola. Its rooms woidd 
accommodate one hundred and forty-seven students. The assembly hall 
was the largest and finest in any college in tlie country, and contained a 
gallery in which was set up an organ purchased liy voluntary subscription, 
and full-length portraits of the King and Governor Belcher, the latter sur- 
mounted by his coat-of-arms in carved and gilded woorl. On the second 
floor was the library-, which contained about twelve hundred vohnnes. which 
were the gifts of friends of the college in .Ameiica and in England. In 
the lower story were the dining hall and kitchens and steward's apartments. 
Governor Belcher was one of the most liberal iIoikms to the building fund, 
and aided the young college in all possible ways. In recognition of his in- 
terest nnd services, the Trustees ptirposed to name the building in his 


honor, but he modestly decHucd this distinction and raiuested them to. 
call it Nassau Hall, after his royal master. King \\'illiam III. who was 
of the illustrious House of Nassau, and his wish met with compliance. 
In this building, in the autumn of 1756. with seventy students, Presideiu 
Burr opened the first collegiate session in Princeton, and on that occasion 
he delixered aii appropriate discourse. 

Tire cost of the college building had exceeded the means of the Trus- 
tees and their inmaediate friends, and two clergymen — the Rev. Sanuiel 
Davies and the Rev. Gilbert Tennent — had l^een sent abroad to solicit as- 
sistance. Tliey were sanctioned in their mission by the Smod of New 
Yorlc. and Governor Belcher provided them with letters of appeal to his 
friends in Great Britain. Tlieir efforts were attended with abundant suc- 
cess, and the Trustees were enabled to proceed with the building of the 
college, and also to provide a residence for the President. The cnntrilni- 
tions included twehe hundred pounds sterling contributed in London, and 
five hundred pounds from the west of England and from Ireland. In ad- 
dition, collecliiHis for the college were takai in the Presbyterian churches 
in Scotland under authority of the General Assembly of the Church of 
Scotland, and in Ireland under authority of the Synod of Ulster, and three 
.hundred ijounds were also contributed to tilie ministerial educational fund. 

The original college building was of such excellent material and so 
wci! constructed that its walls survived two disastrous conflagrations (in 
j8o2 and in 1855) which destroyed the interior. 

The \oung college sustained a great loss in the death of President 
Burr, wliich occurred in. September. 1758. less than a month after the death 
of its stalwart friend. Gox-ernor Belcher. President i'lurr was but forty- 
one years of age, and he had been President for the entire elevai years of 
the existence of the college, excepting the few months of President Dickin- 
son's inaugiu^arv administration. He was studious, devout and sagacious. 
Of him was said by his jxinegyrist. the Rev. Caleb Snnth. that "his arms 
were opai to any gootl man of any denomination. A sweetness of temper, 
obliging courtesy and mildness of behavior, added to an engaging candor 
of sentiment, spread a glory over his reputation, endeared his i)erson to all 
his acquaintances, recommended his ministr\- and whole profession to man- 
kind in general, and greatly contributed to his extensive usefulness." The 
death of Dr. Burr occurred immediately prior to an event which, had he 
livctl to witness it, would ha\e filled his soul with joy. and would seem to 
have been a fitting close to his nobly useful life. For four days after his 
passing awav occurred (in Sei)tember. 1757). the first commencement in 
Princeton, when a class of twenty-two was graduated. 

The Trustees met, and sev-enteen out of the twentv Noted to call to 


the I'lesidencv of the college the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, then of StocK- 
bridge. Massachusetts, and the father-in-law of the man whose [josition he 
was called to till. Mr. FiJdwards was reluctant to lea\e his work among the 
Indians, and it was oulv alter rci>eatetl and most urgent solicitatinn that he 
finally complieil, and this marks the l)eginning of a pathetic incident, lie 
arrived in Princeton and was installed as President i''el)ruary \(>. 173S .\ 
week later he was inoculated for protection against smalli)o.\. and he died 
March 22d, not much more than a month after his coming. (_)f un man 
could it be more truly said that "his v\'orks do follow him.'" His connec- 
tion with the college was singularly brief, but its intluence was of the wid- 
est and most enduring. It is .said that he only propounded a few questinns 
■on divinity subjects to his class, but his comments ujion the answers given 
■were so instructive as to be remembered by the students with the greatest 
satisfaction and wonder. His illustrious name, in itself, gave the college 
a notable prestige, and. as was remarked by Dr. Maclean. "prnl)al>ly no 
man connected with this institution has contributed s<i much u> its reputa- 
tion both at home and abroad." 

The ministerial work of Mr. Daxies. who was termed as. next to 
A\'hitetield. the most elixpieut i)reacher of his age, belongs tiv ecclesiastical 
history. He was a determined supporter of the cause of religious liberty, 
and to him, as much as to any one, the Presbyterians of X'irginia were 
indebted for the \indication of their rights to worship their (lod after tTie 
mauner of their saiiUed fiirbears. I lis cru'eer as a cullege head was con- 
spicuously useful during his brief career of but a \ear and a half, his death 
■occurring February 4, 1761, when he was but thirty-seven years of age. 
He possessed strong elements of popularity, and the college had conse- 
<juently greatly increased its number of students. He modified existing 
modes (,f correction of nftending students, and he ]x>pularized the college 
hbrary by pul)lishing its catalogue, [irefacmg it with his suggestions t<i the 
students as to their reading, and characterizing the library as ''the most 
ornamental and useful furniture of a college, and the mo>t proper and val- 
iiable fund with which it can be endowed." 

The Re\'. Sanuiel I-'inley was the unanimous choice of the Trustees as 
the succeeding President, at an election held May 31, 1761. He was a 
tiative of Ireland, of Scotch jmraitage. He came to America when nine- 
teen years of age and here he was prepared for the ministry. He ha<l been 
for ten years an active meml)er of the Board of Trustees, and he was en- 
tirely conversant with the condition and needs of the college, and he had 
successfully conducted another school, the Xottingham Acadc^ny. in .Mary- 
land. During his Presidency of five years (his death < ccurring July 17. 
I7r)6), tlie college prosi)ered bev'ond al! previous e.\])erience. The in- 


crease in number of students was constant, and in 1765. the last coitl- 
mencement prior to the death of President Finley, thirty-one students re- 
cei\ed the first degree in Arts, and eleven were made Masters. The cur- 
riculum was broadened, and two additional tutors were ani)loyed. Among 
those serving at this time in that capacity were Samuel Blair and the sec- 
ond Jonathan Edwards, both of whom became college Presidents, the one 
of the College of New Jersey and the other of Union College. It is to be 
here remarked th'at until the succeeding administration there were no pro- 

As a teacher, Mr. Finley was a man of surpassing ability. One of 
his students (the Rev. Dr. John Woodhull, of Monmouth county), said 
"his learning wa.s ver\' extensive. Every branch of study appeared to be- 
familiar to'him. Among other things he taught Latin, Greek and Hebrew 
in the senior year. He was greatly beloved and highly respected Ijy the 
students, and had ven.- little difficulty in governing the college."' His death; 
was undoubtedly hastened by his unremitting attention to his college 
duties. He was the fifth President to pass away during the first twent)^ 
years of the existence of the college, and these quickly succeeding events- 
exerted a depressing efi^ect upon the friends of the institution. 

.\fter the death of President Finley, the Trustees undertook the task 
of placing the school upon a complete collegiate fcKjting by the creation of 
professorships. John Blair, a native of Ireland, who was educated at the 
"Log College," and became, as was said by Dr. Archibald Alexander, 
"a theologian not inferior toi any man in the Presbyterian Church in his- 
day," was made Professor of Divinity and Morality, and was ])laced iir 
tharge of the college in the capacity of Vice-President. Jonathan lulwards 
(son of the late President Edwards) who was a tutor in the college, was 
made Professor of Languages and Logic, and Dr. Hugh Williamson, of 
Philadelphia, was made Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosojihy. 

In the meantime, Richard Stockton, a member of the Board of Trus- 
tees, who was then in England, was authorized tO' invite to the Presidenc)"- 
the Rev. Dr. John Witha"spoon. of Paisley. Scotland. This call was de- 
clined, and the Trustees elected the Rev. Samuel Blair, whoi was a grad- 
uate of the college, in which he had served as tutor for three years. He 
was a teacher and preacher of greiit ability, and withal a man of suqiassing- 
beauty and strength of character. He accepted the proffered position^ 
but placed his declination in the hand,s-oif one of the Trustees, to take effect 
in the event of Dr. Witherspoon being persuaded to reconsider his de- 
termination, in full knowledge of the great desirability of engaging that 
eminent man should it be at all possible. More urgent appeals were made- 
to the latter named, who finally accepted the call, Mt. Blair's resignatioii 


having been previously given effect as arranged. Dr. W'itherspcKjn ar- 
ri\ed in .America cm .August 6, 1768. and on the 17th day of the same 
month he was installed as the si.xth President of the College of New jersey. 

lM)llo\ving a goodly class of men, some of them of great ability ancl 
widely influential. ])r. Withe rs{XK>n was endowed by nature with those 
tfaits of character which shone resplendently in a crucial time, lie luui 
held a position of acknowledged eminence in the Scotch Church, and iiis 
high reputation brought great prestige to ihe college. But the institution 
was hampered for want of means — so much so that it was found expedient 
to prcKure and accept the resignation of Mr. Blair as Prc.fessor of Di- 
vinity and impose his duties upon the new President, who also delix'ered 
lectures in other tlepartments, and also taught Hebrew and French to some 
of the students. It has been said that probabh- no conteiiiporaiw teacher in 
America was more successful in impressing up< n the thought of his stu- 
dents the great features of the system of philosophx- which he expoundetl. 
He also bore a large share of the effort to proside me;uis for the main- 
tenance of the college, and he made several journeys into New England to 
solicit subscriptions, in which missions his success was gratifying. He 
secured considerable sums for eralowinent purjioses. increased the teach- 
ing force, broadaied the cuniculum, and succeetled in attracting a larger 
nunjber of students and from a wider area than e\er before. Other large 
plans he had for adding to the efficiency of the college, but political affairs 
were rapidly approaching a crisis and were .soon to paralyze, in large 
measure, all ejclucaitional establishments. Hostile armies were to camp on 
either side of the college, its campus was to be the scene of carnage, and its 
halls were to become the barracks of armed men. Trcasure<l mementoe.'^ 
of those days and those scenes are two cannon which \\cre used in the bat- 
tle at Princeton, and now ]x>int over the college grounds. During the 
months when Princeton was the temporary seat of g-ovei"nment. the Con- 
gress held its sessions in the libran,- rwnn of the college, and the dormi- 
tories were used as committee rooms. In 1783 tiie commencement exer- 
cises were witnessed by Washington, then Commander-in-Chief of the 
Revolutionary- army, accompanied by a brilliant array of army officers and 
foreign ministers, and in this room is now a portrait of that great soldier. 
painted at his own e.vpense. by the artist Peale. 

A de\'Out christian, a conscientious minister and teacher. Dr. \\ ithcr- 
spoon was also a thoroiy^-h American and patri(;t. In. full sympathy with 
the struggle for independaice, he aided if with his \''oice-fmd pen. and en- 
couraged the students in their patiiotic utterances, even if- he were obliged 
to disband their societies at one time when theii- fer\oT lerl them to excess- 
of rivalrv between thcmscKp^. 


Dr. Witlierspuou presided at the comntencemeut in 1794. on Septem- 
ber 23d. and he dietl on Novaiiber 15th following. He had served with 
signal nsetulness for twenty-six years — a period exceeding the combmed 
years of service of his five predecessors. Dnririg his administration had 
been gratluated the largest class of the eighteenth century. Before his 
coming' had been educated within the walls of the College of Xew lersev 
many who had become famous in military life during the Revolutionary 
AVar, in congressional and legislative assemblages during the same period, 
in the learned professions and in business affairs. Considering- the num- 
bers and careers of his graduates, upon whom he set the seal of his per- 
sonality, and whose heart thoughts and motives were in some degree a 
reflection of his own. the administration of President Witherspoon was 
sur]xissingly illustrious. Under him were graduated one who Ijecame 
President of the United States, one who- became Vice-President, three 
who became Judges of the United States Supreme Court, and others — 
thirteen Go\eniors of States, six delegates to the Continental Congress, 
twenty United States Senators, twaity-four Representatives, and thirteen 
•college Presidents. Of one so noble, so useful, well mav it l;e said : 


"Servant of God, well done! 
They ser\e Him well who' sen-e His creatures." 

Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith, who- had been \"ice-President for the 
previous six years, succeeded to the Presidei:cy in 1795. He was a native 
of Pennsylvania, and !ie was the first graduate of the college to be called 
to its headship. One of his first acts was to create tiie Professorship of 
Chemistry — the first in any college in tlie United States — and the fiist to 
■occupy its chair was John Maclean, a native of Scotland, and a graduate 
of Glasgow University. Professor Maclean's work attracted wide atten- 
tion, ami it is of interest to know that Benjamin Silliman. who l:)ecame the 
first Professor of Chemistry in Yale College, was aided greatly by him in 
his preparation for the field which he came to fill so worthily. 

The college had been greatly imixn-erished during the Re\dlutionar)' 
"War — its treasury was depleted, its buildings were seriously damaged, 
and its library and apparatus were scatteretl or destroj^ed. In this emer- 
gency the State made an apjjropriation of six hundred pounds, proclama- 
tion money, annually for a period of three years, to repair the material 
losses. In 1802 the interior of the college building was completely 
destroyed] by fire. An appeal was made to the jieople of the United States, 
and subscriptions amounting to forty thousand dollars were procured for 
rebuilding and endowment purposes. 


Durinsi^ all these years the collcije had been dominated lar;j;ely liy Pres- 
bvterian intluences, to which it was indebted in large degree for its sup- 
]3ort. This led to o\ertures from the General Assembly of the Presby- 
terian Church looking to the establishment of a theological seminary w hick 
should be so intimately associated with the college as to ultimately com- 
bine the two institutions in one. The plan was aliandoned as inexpedient,, 
but both parties concurred in the conclusion that it would be well to es- 
tablish the theological seminary in close i)ro.\imit\' to the c<illege. in 
which event the latter woidd not estal;lish a chair of theology. Thus the 
college ret;iined its freedom from ecclesiastical authority, and the pro- 
posed theological seminary (in 181 j) entered upon an independent exist-i 

President Smith resigned in 1812, after occujiying his chair lor sev- 
enteen years. Dtiriug this ])eriod he had gi\'en training to man\' who Ije- 
came noted in public life — a \'ice-President of the L'nitcd States, two Pres- 
idents Of the United States, nine United States Senators and twenty-tive 
Rejiresentatives, four Cabinet officers, fi\e Ministers to foreign courts, 
eight Governors of States, thirty-four Judges and Chancellors, rmd twenty- 
one Presidents of colleges or college professors. 

Dr. -Ashbel Green, another graduate of the college, which he had 
served as Trustee, tulor and professor, was called to the Presidency on 
the retirement of P'resiclent Smith. He was an able divine of the Presliy- 
terian faith, and he was greatly instrumental in the establishment of his 
denoniinatiou in America^ upon a platf<irm of the l)roadest religious liberty. 
His son. IJr. Jacob (ireen. was ( in 181S) called to the new chair of Experi- 
mental Philosophy, Chemistry and .\atural IJisti ry. and serve.! until the fa- 
ther resigned, on account of ill health, in 1822. 

Dr. John H. Rice, a Presbyterian c!ei"gyman of Richmond, \"irginia. 
was elected President, but he <lcclined, and tlie college was temporarily 
conducted by \'ice-President Lindsley, who also declined an election ti> 
the headship. 

The Rev. J;mies Carnahan, a graduate of the college, was then chosen, 
and his administration was destined to cover the ]jhenomenal ])eriod of 
thirty-one years (exceeding in duration that of any of his predecessors), 
and terminating with his resignation in 1853. He was inducted t<) office 
in troublous times, when students were few iu- numlier, and the Trustees 
were at variance as to a«lministrative policies. His intluence and labors 
were most salutary, and the history of the college during the years of his 
service is of rare interest. The curriculum was extended, new chairs were 
created, and the number of students was materially increased. In the 
decade beginning in 1829 the luimber had grown from seventy to two hun- 


dred and seventy. In llie grand Mimniing up. Dr. Carnahan admitted six- 
teen hundred and seventy-se\'en students to the tirst degree of the arts (an 
annual axerage of more than fifty-four), a larger numljer than had been 
graduated during the administi'ations of all his predecessors. Anuong 
these were many who came to occupy distinguished i»sitions — eight 
United States Senators and twenty-six Representatixes, four Cabinet mem- 
bers, seventy-three Presidents or Professors in colleges and academies, and 
a great number of eminent professional men. 

Under President Cai'nahan, several new chairs were established, and 
the facult}- included at various times such accomplished teachers as Pro- 
fessor Maclean, Ancient Languages and i^iterature; Professor Dod, Math- 
ematics ; Professor Veihake, Natural Philosophy ; Professor Torrey, Chem- 
istry and Natural History; Professor Howell, Anatomy and Physio'logy; 
Professor Hargous, j\Iodern Languages; Mr. Alexander, Adjunct Profes- 
sor of Ancient Languages and Literature; Josei>h Henry, Natural Philo- 
sophy; James W, Alexander, Belle Lettres; Stephen Alexander, Astron- 
omy; Arnold Guyot, Geology and Physical Geography, and others. For 
two years a law class was maintained, but conditions were not favorable 
to professional schools, and it was discontinued. 

Two notable organizations had their founding under Dr. Carnahan's 
administration — the Philadelphia Society and the Alumni Association, 
both in 1826. The former named was in its day what the Young Men's 
Christian Association now is, and it was the first of that character in cosn- 
nection with any college in the United States. The Aluumi Association 
\vas the first of the College of New Jersey, and its first President was James 
Madison, of Virginia. . ..;;\ 1 

The same iieiicd was one of great activity in the work o-f material bet- 
ternicnls. Two dormitories were built — the East College in 1833 and the 
West College in 1836. These were four stories in height, built of stone, 
with brick partitions and iron stairways, and cost nearly $14,000 each. 
Two of the college societies were ]>rovided with b.alls which were not only 
well designed for their purpose, but were gems of architectural art. W i'.ig 
Hall was in Ionic st\'le, modeled in design after the lem])le of Dionysius, 
in the city of Zeus, with hexastyle [xjrticos adorned with columns copied' 
after those of an Athenian temple. Clio' HaJl, the other building, was 
similar in design. 

President Carnahan was succeeded by Dr. Ji.'hn Maclean, a native of 
Princeton, a graduate of the college, and the son of the first Professor of 
Chemistry in that institution. .After teaching in an academy at Lawrence- 
ville for two years, he became connected with the faculty of his ahiia 
jiialci, with which he served uninterrupted!}- mitil his election to the Presi- 


•tleiicy. ile entered upon the latter iianieil pnsitiun in 1^34. and his a<.l- 
luinistratinn ccn'ered a peril )d of fouilecr. \cais, clusni^- with his resij^na- 
tion in i86y. W itli his pre\iiius service as tn'nr and professur, his .'ictive 
■connection with the colle<;e iiad e> tended i>\er a full half century. 

He entered upon the duties of President at an unpropiiious time, 
and difhculties increeisetl with the following yejirs. In the lirst year of his 
Presidency the colle^^e buiUliny was a sccimd time deslrined (,inieri<irl\) 
by tire. This loss was scarcely repaired when the great fin;uicial panic of 
1857 swept over the country, and for the time ended all effort toward se- 
curing further endowment. Then ensued a long period of financial de- 
pression, followed immediately by the beginning of the Civil W ar. In 
sjjite of all these untoAvard circumstances and discouragements, Dr. Mac- 
lean accomplished a magnificent work. \\ ith the aid of his colleagates 
(particulail)- Dr. ^iatthew B. Hope and IJr. J-yman H. Atwater) he was 
iible to acquire considerable permanent funds for the college, in the ag- 
gregate aljout S450,ooc)^aii amount prubabl}' exceeding all wliich had 
been contributed from its founding down to the beginning of his adminis- 
iration, a period of not much less than a century. 

In point of iiunil.'er of s.tudents the college was greatly benefited. 
\\'hen Dr. Maclean came to the Presidency the number enrolled was two 
hundred and forty -seven. Notwithstanding the discouraging conditions 
previously mentioned, this number had been increased to three hundred 
and fourteen when the Civil War began in 186 1. In that year the graduat- 
ing class would have numbered nearly one hundred, had it not been for the 
exodus of young men who laid down their books to take a i^art in the 
strife then just opening. At tlia.t time the college contained students from 
twenty-six of the thirty-one States of the Union, and more than one-third 
of the whole number v.ere from the South. The war carried aAvay to the 
field practically all the young men of physical ability of the age of eigliteeu 
3^ears, and in 1868, three years after the restoration of peace, the number 
of students airoUed at Uie opening session was but one hundred and seven- 

James AlcCosh became President in 1868, and he ser\ed for twenty 
years, resigning in 1888. Flis life Jiistory is of really i-xjmantic interest, 
and its telling were worthy the pen of a Walter Scott. 

He was a son of Scotia, born near .Ayr, the home of the i)lougliinan 
bard, and there he began his education in a small school. When thirteen 
year old he entered tiie University of Glasgow, in which he was a student 
for five years. He then entered the University of Edinburgh, where he 
had as tutors the eminent theolr)gians Thomas Chalmers and Da\id Welsh, 
and the great philosophical teacher. Sir A\illiam Hamilton. In 1S35, \\'hen 


tweiitv-fotir years of age, he was made a licentiate under the Established 
Chnrch of Scothuid, and the same year iie became minister at Arbrtiath^ 
famous as Fairport in Sir Walter Scott's "Antiquary." In 1838 he wa.s 
appointed by the crown to a large church in Brechin, antl he gathered into 
his fold congregations to the number of fourteen hundred souls. In 1843. 
the ecclesiasticaJ-ix>litical conditioa;s impelled him to resign liis living, and he 
organized more than eight hundred of his parishioners into a Free Church. 
Not much later he began work as a writer upon philosophical and meta- 
physical themes. His writings broiight him into notice, and in 1852 he 
accei>ted the chair of Logic and Metaphysics in the newly founded Queen's 
College, in Belfast, Ireland, and this marked the beginning of a more 
brilliant career as a class-room lecturer and author. The eminent value 
of his thought is at once evidenced by the glowing encomiums f>f Chal- 
mers, Guthrie, Hugh Miller, Sir William Hamilton, Dean Mansel. the 
Duke of Argyll and Mr. Gladstone, and by the criticisms of John Stuart 
Mill, the rasping comment of Ruskin, atid the genial humor of Thackeray^ 

In 1866 Dr. McCosh made a visit to the United States. Two years 
later he was called to llie Presidency" of Princeton College (as it had now 
generally come to be known), aaid he entered upon his duties the same 
year. The conditions at his coming have been, in part, jjreviously referred 
to in connection with the close of Dr. Maclean's administration. It need 
onlv to be here said that the college had not recovered from the war-time 
parahzation — the faculty numbered sixteen, and there were two hundred 
and hfty students, and scholarship and discipline were on a comparatively 
low plane. The coming of President McCosh wrought an immediate 
change. Facidty and students sprang into new life through the magnetic 
stimulus he imparted, and the work of improvement which began imme- 
diatelv continued until his retirement. The printed narrative can not af- 
ford adequate idea of the effect of his wonderful personality up< m the minds 
and souls of his associate teachers and' the studaits over w horn they were 
placed — the only story can be told is of those accomplishments which aj^- 
pear in statistics. 

-At the time of President McCosh's retirement, the faculty liad in- 
creased from sixteen members to^ forty-three (many of these being Prince- 
ton graduates), and the number of students had been more than doubled. ' 
The curriculum was revised and modernized', and the entire corps of teach- 
ers and studaits developed a hitherto unknown mentality and morale. 
Tiie college acquired such prestige as to command the attention and ad- 
miration of the most distinguished men, and such notables as President 
Grant, the German professors Dorner and Christlieb, the Fraich historian 
Froude, the Duke of Argyll and Matthew Arnold, were well pleased to l)e 


among its visitors. T'le utility oi tlie instructinn gi\en (lurin<;- these years 
finds eloquent attestation in the fact that nearly one hundred and twenty 
of Dr. McGosh's pupils subsequently de\-oted their etYort to the cause of 
higher edtication, and that twenty-four of their nunilier at one time i.k:cu- 
picd faculty positions under his successor in the college headship. The 
material impro\-ements made tku'ing the administration of Dr. McC'-sh are 
mentioned elsewhere. 

Dr. Cosh maintained his atiectionate interest in the college to ihe 
last, but never interfered with its conduct. His eightieth birthda\- oc- 
curred April 1. 1891, and the college and community made him a kindly 
visit. He was the most conspicuous and most honored figure at the Inter- 
national Congress of Education, lield in connection with the \\ orld's Ex- 
position in Chicago, in July, 1893, and this miay be said to have been his 
last public appearance. His death occurred November i6th of the fol- year, and he preserved all his mental faculties to the last. 

The successor of Dr. McCosli was the Rew Dr. Francis Landey J'at- 
ton. He was born in Bermuda, of Scotch and English ancestry. He re- 
ceived his literary education in the ETniversity of Toronto, Canada, and 
pv.rsued his theological course in the Princeton ( Xcw Jersey)) Theologi- 
cal Seminary, from wliicli he was graduated when twenty-two years oi 
age. He was engaged in the ministry until 1870, when he became a mem- 
ber of the faculty of .Al'cCormick Seminary, Cliicago, Illinois, with which 
he was connected for nine years, durmg a portion of the time also preach- 
ing and acting as editor of the "Interior." From 1881 to 1S88 he was a 
member of the faculty of the Theological Seminary at Princeton. New 
Jersey, from which he was called in the year last mentioned to the Presi- 
dency of I^rinceton Ernvcrsit}-. As an administrator of college affairs 
President Patton demonstrated imusual ability — a fact quite remarkaijle^ 
whai it is considered that his .^reat strength, as a scholar and teacher lies 
in theological lines — pursuits w hich fretpiently unlit men for more i)ractical 

President Patton resigned June 9. 1902, desiring to have larger oj>- 
p<jrtunity for pursuing literary work. Fie retained, however, his chair as 
Professor of Ethics and the Philosophy of Religion. 

His successor was immediately chosen in the person of Professor 
Wo^drow Wilson, a native of Virginia, and a graduate of Princeton. In 
1886 he received the degree of Doctor of Philosophy from John Ilopkin.s 
University, and in 1887 the rlegree of Doctor of Laws from Wake Forest 
College, North Carolina. In 1888 he was elected to the chair of History 
and Political Fxonomy in W'esleyan E'niversity. and in 1890 he became 
Professor of Jurisprudence and Political Economy in Princeton Univer- 


sity. He has written several volumes and numerous magazine articles 
on topics pertaining to political science. 

The retirement of President Patton and the inauguration of I'resi- 
dent Wilson marks the end of one remarkable regime and the beginning 
of another whose trend is most significant and pregnant witli wonderful 
possibilities. Until this event, the college management had l^een vested 
in an unbroken line of theologians inheriting the traditions and finnly 
founded in the faith of Presb}terianism. They were men of splendid at- 
tainments and strong traits of individual character, and the impress they 
left upon the minds and character of their thousands of students during 
more than one and one-half centifries was nothing but salutaiy. But stand- 
ards had lieen slowly and surely ch?_nging through all these years, and the- 
ological dogma had come tO' take second place after a vital and active con- 
ception of practical Christianity. Christiaji principles had become identified 
with and made a part of all that enters -into the world's work, whether in 
education, in political science or in business life. In a way this was to 
the disparagement of theolog}- and of theological teachers, 'l^'et this 
disparagement Avas more apparent than real. Cbristianity in its more 
practical manifestations had not brought down the pulpit or degraded tlie 
minister — it had brought humanity upward and into closer relations, into 
<^leeper sympathy and community of interest and ef^'ort, with the minister. 
And so came about appreciation of the fact that all conscientious workers, 
of whatever calling, are engaged in the Master's business — that of making 
men wiser and better — and that ?.ll who were capable and conscientious 
were equally commissioned to engage in that business. And. at the same 
time, another truth came to be acknowledged — that the scholarship of the 
A\'orld had so broadened that learning was not restricted to those of any 
one calling, and this was a departure from the old traditions that the clergy- 
man was the one highly educated man in his community, and that he was, 
because of this, stamped alx)ve all others as the guide and instructor of 
youth. It only remains to be said that in this develoi>ment of iBeas there 
was no crusade directed against the clergAinan — as a matter of fact, save 
in a very few instances, he was among the leaders in ad\anced thought and 
action, as in the case of President Patton, who voluntarily stepped aside to 
aid in. the substitution of a non-clerical for a ministerial teacher in one 
ot the most conservative collegiate institutioais in the countrj^ one which 
had clung longest to the old traditions and manner of conduct. 

During the first ileca;le of its existence the College of Xew Jersey 
owned neither grounds nor buildings, and the early classes w^re taught in 
the residence of the President or in con\enient rooms. The present Univer- 
sitv buildings form a stately group situated upon a beautiful tract of two 


iinnilre.l and l\\ (.'nty-ri\ e acres of !;rc>uuil. TIr' imist sirikiiit;- huililiiij;' is 
old Nassau liall. dating" (roni 17=;''. its i\y-clad redilish gray sandsl<die 
walls redolent of glorious history. Auollier old edifice is a sti>ue building 
erected in 1803, which contains the L'niversit}' offices. The others of the 
early buildings have been previoiisly nientioneil. 

Idle material impro\enients made under the administration of Presi- 
dent ^IcCosh were of iiumense importance. In 1869 were erected the 
Halstead Obser\-alory and the Gymnasiimi. in 1870 a Iniilding was 
erected for academical class room work, through the benefaction of J(jhn 
C. (ireen, who named it Dickinson llcdl, in niemory of the first President 
of the college. In the same year was erected a dormitory building cou" 
taining fifty-four suite?. The Uuuls were donated by members of l)t>th 
schools of the Presbyterian Church, who, to commemorate the reunion 
of their respective church branches, named it Reunion Hail. The corner- 
stone was laid by the General Assembly. In 1873 was built the libraiy 
building, named for Chancellor Green. It was provided for by J( hn C. 
Green, who had previously created the Elizabeth Fund for the purchase of 
books. Mr. Green also founded the School of Science in 1873. Univer- 
sity Hall, a dormitory building, was erectal in 1876, and in die folloiwling 
year was built W'itlu-rspoun Hall, for similar pur[)ose, and named for an 
early President of the college. The Obser\atory of Instruction was built 
in 1878, Murray Hal! m 1879. ami Edwards Hall (dormitories) in 1880, 
Marquand Chapel in '881, and the Biological Library (presented by the 
class of 1877) and the .\rt Aluscuni in 1887. 

Marquand Chapel, the gift of Mr. Henry G. Manpiand. of New 
York, is a beautiful structure of browiistone, in shape of a Greek cross. 
The mural and window decorations are noteworthy. The -St. (lauden's 
heroic bronze higii relief of the late President McCosh. erectetl by the 
class of 1879, faces the visitor on entering: b\' its side are the low relief 
memorial tablet to Professor Tosc])li Henry and the bronze tablet to Pro- 
fessor Arnold Guyot, the latter set in a fragment of a Swiss glacial boulder 
presented by the authoi ities of his native city, Neuchatel. On the east wall 
of tlic southeast corner of the chapel is t!\e memoi-ial tablet to Rev. James 
Oririsl>ee Murray, first Dean of Princeton University, presented to the 
I'niversity in November, 1901. 'i'his tablet consists of rose-colored' 
Numidian marble, upon which is a medallion portrait in bas-relief of white 
marble. suiTounded by an embossed wreath. 'Hie north and south win- 
dows are in memory of Frederick Marquand. of the class of 1876. and 
William Earl Dodge, of the class of 1879. The west windnw is the gift 
of Mrs. T. Harrison Garrett, of Pialtimore, in mcmorv of her son, Horatio 


W. Garrett, of the class of 1895. The daily morning sa-vices and Sunday 
\es-pers are held in this chapel. 

Of mare necait date, and most beautiful in construction and decura- 
tioai is Alexander Hall, the gift of Mrs. Charles B. Alexander. This is 
used for conmiencement and class day e.Kercises. public lectures, and other 
university gatherings of a general character. The auditorium is arranged 
with sloping floor and high gallery, so that an audience of fifteen hun- 
dred may be comparatively near the speaker. The rostrum and President's 
chair are finished in colored marbles and polychromatic mosaic. Behind 
the rostrum is a row of mosaic wall pictures illustrative of the Homeric 
story. A large organ stands in one of the small galleries. The budding is 
constructed of granite and brownstone in the Romanesque style of western 
France. The front toward the south exhibits a large rose-window beneath 
a gable roof. Beneath the window is a seated figure of Learning, on one 
siile of which are allegorical figures of Architecture, Sculpture. Painting, 
Poetry, Music and Belles Lettres, and on the other are Oratory, Theology, 
Law. Histonr, Philosophy and Ethics. There are other sculptures about 
the rose-window and in the niches around the ambulatory. 

After the accession of President Patton to the Presidency, numei'ous 
additional buildings were erected. 

Albert B. Dod Hall, built in 1890, by Mrs. David Brown, of Prince- 
ton, in memoiy of her brother. Professor Albert Brddwin Dod, of the 
class of 1822, is in Italian style, tlie body stone of granite with trimmings 
of Indiana limestone, while the columns flanking the entrance are of 
Georgia marble. The small amount of car\-ing over the main entrance is 
Byzantine. The building has accommodations for one hundred students. 

David Broavn liali, a dormitory of fifty suites, is another valual)le 
gift froni Mrs. Brown, and was erected in 1891. It is modeled after a 
Florentine palace in the Italian renaissance style and forms a hollow square 
of four stories enclosing a courtyard. The first three stories are of granite 
and the foundation, is Pompeiian brick. 

Blair Hall, a sesquicentcnnial gift from the late Hon. John Insley 
Blair, was the first representative of the style of architecture which has 
since been adopted for the later Princeton dormitories. The style is the 
Norman, or English collegiate. Blair Hall is built of Indiaria limestone, 
and is one of the largest dormitories on the canrpus, comprising ninety- 
eight suites. The square massive central tower is pierced by an archway 
which, with the terraces and flight of steps, forms the aitrance to the cam- 
pus from the southwest. 

Stafford Little Hall, the gift of the Hon. Henry Staft'urd Little of the 
class of 1844, is the newest and most complete of the dormitories. It 


\va.s erected in 1899. and its seveiitx-two -uites iia\e the ad\aiUage of all 
tlie conveniences of a tliomui^hly apixiintcd dorniilory huildin"-. A sec- 
ond Stafford Little Hall, the gift of the same t;enerous Ijenefactor, is to 
atljoin the first, thus fonning, with llall at one end and the new 
Gvmnasium at the other, a scries of arcliitccturally harmonious huildings 
marking the western confines of the campus. 

University Hall was i^/riginally planned as a hotel, hut now serves as 
a domiitory. The main hall on the ground Hoor is used for concerts, ])ul)- 
lic meetings, dinners, etc. 

Two otha' domiitories are the Upper and Lower Pync l)uildings, 
erected by "SI. Taylor P\iie, of the class of 1S77. 

The most important recent huiMing is that huilt f«ir the L'niversity 
Library, by the Pyne estate of Xew York City — a splendid edifice in per- 
pendicular Gothic style, in quadrangular form, after the fashion of an 
O-xford College building. The various liook collections (in the main li- 
braiy ami in other Iniildings) aggregate 239,656 volumes, of which 
68,400 are contained in the lihraiy of the Theological Seminary. Tlie 
various departmeriits of geology, paleontology, archaeology, biology and 
ornithology have excellent collections, and the museum of historic art is 
wonderfully comprehensive. 

In 1902 the faculty and instructors of PriiKeton University num- 
lx?red 1 01, and the ofihcers and curators were fifteen. The students num- 
Ijered 1.354, represaiting forty-one States and Territories, with four from 
Great Britain, three from Turkey, and one each from Japan. China, (ier- 
niany, Holland. Eg}pt and Canada. 

A remarkable fact in the history of Princeton l'niversity is that 
nearly all the Chief Justices and Associate Justices of Ke\v Jersey who re- 
ceived collegiate education came out of it, and this ser\es to indicate how 
useful the institution has been in preparing men for the most important 
fields of effort. It is aisi) peculiarlv interesting to note that, with one ex- 
ception, every Qiief Justice of the State since the Revolution has heen a 
Presbyterian, and the large majority of the Associate Justices ha\e also 
been attached to the same denomination, many iif them holding the office 
of Elder. 

\'ct Princeton, while dominated by a deeply Christian s])irit. has 
never been a denominational scIuk^I: no creed has e\er heen taught within 
its walls, nor has any proselyting efYort ever l>cen exerted, .\mong its 
faculty and Trustees have been and are adherents of various religions 
sects, as have l>een and are manv of its alumni. ;is Meade, Mclhaine, 
Hf:i)arts and Johns, ail iiishops in the Protestant l-"pisco])al Church, and 


many more conspicuous examples could Ije given were it necess;irv t ■ the 


The founding" of Rutgers College grew out of the urgent necessity for 
ministers to supply the growing demands of the Reformed Dutch Church. 
From the coming of the Hollanders until more than a centuiy after New 
Netherland had come under English control, its ministers -were l>roiight 
from Holland. But the need was far greater than could l>e met: not more 
than one-third the number of ministers desired could be thus prrx:ured, and 
at one time, while there were sixty churches, the ministers numbered only 
seventeen. A Coetus was formed, and to tliis was gi\-en power to ordain 
ministers, under certain restrictions, but this method was unsatisfactory in 
various respects, and in none more conspicuously than in the want of pro- 
vision for what was most earnestly desired — ^a constant succession of lib- 
erally educated men for the ministry. 

Li 1/55 ^^ American Classis was organized, and the Rev. Theodorus 
Frelinghuysen, of Albany, was comiTiissioned tO' \isit Holland for the pur- 
pose of prcxuring means for the establishment of a school of learning. His 
going was, however, clefei-red until 1759, and what his encouragement 
was remained unknown, for he died while on his retitrn voyage and when 
within sight of his destination. 

Meantime, the projectors of the school received overtures froin Kings 
College and from the College of New Jersey, both of which were tlesirous 
of absorbing an element which they looked upon as promising of rivalry. 
These were declined, and an organization was formed (1769) inider the 
name of Queai's College. ]\Iarch 20, T770, Governor William Franklin 
granted a charter creating a toard Of forty trustees, including (c.v-oificio) 
the Governor, the Chief Justice and the Attorney General of the Province, 
liie d(Kimient declared that the college should be "for the education of 
youth in the learned languages, liberal and useful arts and sciences, and 
especially in di\-init\-, preparing them for the ministry and other good 
offices,'" and also provided that there should alwiays Ije at least one pro- 
fessor or teacher to give instruction in English, and that all the records 
of the institution should be kept in that language and in no other. This 
was a long step forward, for in the inception of the enterprise its pro- 
moters had considered only the conditions of those of their own age, 
whose mother tongue alone was familiar and grateful to them. But fif- 
teen years had now inter\ened. and a yoimger generation of their oa\ti 
bl(X>d were as unfamiliar with Dutch as they themselves were with Eng- 
lish, and in their intei"est, and with, conception O'f the future, all Init a few 
had given their approval of the charter provision as to language. 


Tlie Trustees met May 7. 1771. at lJ;ukcn>ack. wliose jieople greatly 
ilesired that the college should he there estahlished. Hut Dr. J. llanlen- 
bergh and Heutlrick Fisher made representations as to the greater desira- 
bility of New Brunswick, tlien a place of considerable im]i<. nance, .-uid re- 
inforced tlieir arguments with one another altogether unans\verai)le — a 
liberal subscription — and New Brunswick was declaretl to be the seat of 
the new institutiou. 

The e.xact date of the opening of Queens College is not ascertaina- 
ble owing to the non-discovery of the early records. Mr. liradlex' placed 
it as prior to 1775, and proljably as early as 1772. Dr. John H. Li\ingslon 
declined the i'residenc}'. and at the outset the teachers were members of 
the Board of Trustees, but it has Ijeeu ascertained that Dr. 1 lardenliergii 
was acting as President in 1776, as appears from a diploma under his sig- 
nature, and Ixjaring date of Octo1>er 5th of that year. No man could have 
}>een more active than was he. Although he was at the same time pastor 
of the church at Raritan, he gave in^^truction iu' tlie I^anguages. Moral Philo- 
sophy and other branches, and he (with the Rev. John Leydt) made per- 
sonal appeals throughout the neighborhooid for eiidowment funds. The 
first tutor in the college was Fretlerick Frelinghnysen (a stq)son of Mr. 
Harden bergh), who was an accomplished scholar, and subse(|uently becaiue 
a man of great prominence. Another early day tutor was Ji»hn Taylor, 
who wrote some excellent text-lxx>ks on natural philosophy. He was also 
an ardent patriot, and drilled his students in military tactics, and he him- 
self ixirticipated in the battles of Princeton and Gcrmantown. Under the 
instruction of these men thirteen, students were graduated jirior to 1776, 
and one of these, Simeon DeWitt, subsequently became L'nited States 
Surveyor-General and devised the method after which the western public 
lands were laid out. 

In the aulunm of 1776 the British army \\\'is in ]i(?ssession of New 
Brunswick, the school was disrupted, and its first buildmg was presumabl)- 
burned during this time. Subsequent scholastic sessions were held in Mill- 
stone and North Branch, and again at New Brunswick in i77<S, when com- 
mencement exercises were held. In 17S5 Dr. Hardenbergh became perma- 
nent President, and he served most capabl_\' in that position, until failing 
health obliged him to resign, and his death occurred a few months huer. in 

The college was im]x>verished during the Revolutionary War, and it 
was only after severe struggling that tlie Trustees were enabled to crtxn a 
building in 1790. This was a twoi-stoiy frame house, without a cupola or 
IjeJfry, and was built (it is believed) on the same ground upon which the 
original college building stood — the ground now occupied by the Second 


Presbyterian Church. In 1795 the college was closed on account of \vant 
of means. A good w'ork had been accomplished, however — more than 
sixty students had lieen graduated, ten of whijm became ministers in the 
Reformed Dutch Church, wdiile several others arrived at distinction in pub- 
lic life, in science and literature. 

In 1807 the coillcge was revived und'er the inspiration and through the 
earnest personal effort of the Rev. Dr. Ira Condict. who became President 
and served in that capacity until 1810, when he died. His work in con- 
nection with the re-establishment and conduct of the college was eminentiy 
useful. Through his instrumaitality the Gaieral Synod agreed to establish 
a tlieological professorshi]). and S 10,000 were sul>scribe<l in New York 
City for the support of the chair, to which was appointed Dr. J. H. Living- 
ston. Dr. Condict taught the most advanced college classes, and the other 
members of his faculty were his own son, Harrison Condict, as tutor, and 
Robert Adrian, LL. D.. instructor in mathematics. This was the highest 
approach as }'et toward the dignity of college establishment, and the ma- 
terial improvement was commensurate with it. Hon. James Parker pro- 
cured from the heirs of his father a donation of five acres of ground, to 
wliich was added by purchase an adjoining tract oi one and one-third 
acres, and these form the present beautiful campus. Dr. Condict secured 
upwarils of sixty thousand dollars in and near New Bnniswick, and this 
sum was increased l)y about eleven thonsand dollars procured by means 
of a lottery (a no unusual method for such purposes in those diays) under 
authority of the Legislature. The erection of the college building — a 
substantial stone edifice — was begun in 1807, and in 181 1 its constniction 
was so far adx-anced as to justify its occuiiarcy. 

.\fter the death of Dr. Condict, Dr. Livingston was installed as Presi- 
dent, but his interest in his class in theology claimed the larger share of 
his attention. At the sanae time the Trustees were tniable to ]>r(x:ure means 
for completing the building and to ])roperly sui>port the college, and in 
1816 the classes were suspended. During this period forty-one students 
were graduated. 

President Living'ston died in 1825. and Dr. John l)c\\'itt proposed the 
resuscitation of the college. I lie theological department bad l)een main- 
tained while the college pr<)])er was in a quiescent condition. More than 
$50,000 \\ere subscribed for the snpjiort of the theological dqrairtment. 
with the imderstanding tliat the three professors should give, gratuitous 
literary instruction. .\l)out the same time the college property was trans- 
ferred to the General Synod, which defrayed a debt incurred by the Trus- 
tees. The college was granted free use of certain portions of the Iniilding. 
Dr. Millcdolor was made President, and a course of study was provided 


foi', co\eriiig all departments of a ministerial educatinii. A nipnla with a 
l>ell was added to the building, the library was increased, a niineralogical 
cabinet was conmienced, and a natural histury society was loruied by the 
studaits. The name of the institution was changed to that of Rutgers Col- 
lege, out of gratitude to Colonel Henry Rutgers, wluv had made a consider- 
able subscription toward the endowment fund. The school now numbered 
si.xty students. 

In 1835 th.e last medical degree was conferred, .'ind the niedic:d school, 
which had been irregiilarly maintained, was abandoned. In 1840 President 
^lilledolor resigned and was succeeded by Abraham B. Hasbrouck. Be- 
tween 1825 and 1840 the number of students graduated; was two hundred 
and tifty-eight. of whom se\-enty-one were licensed liy the Ixeformed Dutcii 
Ciiurch. Many others became conspicuous in public life and in the learned 
professions. In the class of 1836 alone were Joseph P. Bradley, afterward 
an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court: Frederick G. 
Frelinghuysen, who bei"ame a United States Senator: William A. Xewell, 
who became (io\-ernor of New Jersey. an<l distinguished Jiimself in con- 
nection with the Life Saving Service: Cortlandt Parker, who. liccrune one 
of the most eminent lawyers in the State: and (ier^rge W. Coakiey, wiio 
was for years a member of the faculty of the I'nixcrsity <if Xcw ^'ork. 

'Tlie relations between the College and the Synod were partially sun- 
dered in 1840, and larger pro\ision was made for the collegiate woik 
proper. Additional buildings were erected, new ]>rofessorships were cre- 
ated, and) the endowment fund was increased. In iHitj occurred the death 
of Theodore Frelinghuysen, who had been President for some years, and 
he was succeeded by the Rev. Dr. William H. Campbell. In i<Sr)3 tlie 
Rutgers Scientific School was establisJied to meet the demands for more 
thorough instruction in scientific and ]>ractical studies, and llie following 
year the State College of Agriculture (noted in the ch;'.])tt'r ( n "Wgricu.l- 
ture") was created by the Legisk'.ture and made a part i>\ the Scientitic 
School. In 1865 matters were finally adjusted between tlie College and 
the Synod, and tlie former became indepentlent and non-sectarian. 

In 1870 was celebrated the centennial anniversan,- of the college, and 
this was made the occasion for a determined effort to place the institution 
upon a substantial financial foundation. Under the masterly direction of 
President Campbell nearly $150,000 w'as sukscribeick and during :i few- 
years following various substantial bequests were made to the endowment 

Dr. Austin Scott succeeded to the Presidency of the college in 1S90. 
He was graduated from "N'ale in 1869, t(H)k his Master's degree from the 
University of Michigan in 1870. was made a Doctor of Philoso])hy at 


Leipsic in 1873, and received the degree of Doctor of Laws from Prince- 
ton University in 1891. 

The old "Queen's College," built in 1808-9. occu])ies the centra! jio- 
■sition of the group of buildings, and has an air oi antiquity which is almost 
awesome. It contains the splendid Henr\' Janeway Westou' Memorial 
Collection oif books, engravings and curios relating toi Napoleon I, depos- 
ited in a roonii fitted for the uses of the students, particularly those pur- 
suing certain elective courses in history. This valuable collection was 
given by the late Mrs. Kathar'ine Weston, who^ furnished the mora, and at 
her decease left a sum to provide for its maintenance. 

The Fine Arts Building was erected in 184J-2. and was formerly used 
as the residence of the President. It contains the Thomas L. Janeway 
Memorial Collection, illustrative of the topograii^hy, art and literature ai 
Ancient Greece and Rome. This was the gift of the heirs of Dr. Thomas 
L. Janeway, of the class of 1863. 

Van Nest Hall was erected in 1845, and was named for Abraham \'an 
Nest, F^q., a liberal Trustee, in recognition of his services and gifts to the 
college. In 1893 it w-as beautified by the additioin of a stone i>orch, the 
gift of Mrs. Ann Van Nest Bussing, daughter of Abraham \'an Nest, who 
at the same time refitted the eastern portion of the second story into a 
handsome hall for the regular and occasional exercises of the students in 
elocution. Dtu'ing the same year the Trustees added a third story to the 
original Iniilding, creating 'a large and well-lighted room for the use of 
the classes in draughting-. 

The Daniel S. Schanck Observatory, erected in 1863, is a two-stoiy 
brick building with revolving dome. It contains an equaturial refracting 
telescope and all other necessary equipments. 

The Geological Hall, erected in 1871, contains all necessary philo- 
sophical lecture apparatus. The most recent building is the Kirkpalrick 
Chapel and Library-, of brownstone, after French Gothic nnxlels of the 
fourteenth century. The library comprises 42,656 volumes. 

Rutgers College comprises two schools, the Classical and the Scien- 
tific, whose relations are so close that the facilities of both are oi>en in 
large part to students of each. In the Classical School the various courses 
lead on the one hand to the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and on the other 
to the degree of Bachelor of Letters. In the Scientific School each of the 
five courses leads to the degree of Bachelor of Science. All courses re- 
quire four years for their completion. 



^^'hate\•er the conflict between the Enghsli ami the Dutcli fur pos- 
session of the territory in which was inchuled wliat is now New Jersey, 
and whatever tiie awkw'ard situations gro\vin,<;- i.ut of the claims of rival 
grantees or proprietors — these are not of great mnment with reference to- 
the topic now^ in hand. The imix>rtant fact remains that the English sys- 
tem of jurisprudence alone secured a firm and enduring establishment. 
That exaggerated powers were assumed and exercised by ser\anls of the 
crown is true, but these conditions were incident to the times. 

Under the Dutch rule, locaJ government was of a crude and patri- 
archal nature. Governor Kieft was a believer in government by procla- 
mation, and soon after his arrival he had the trees an<l fences in and around 
New Amsterdam covered with proclamatinn placards ordaining all sorts 
of regulations, even prescribing the hoiu" when people should go to bed and 
when thej- should arise to pursue their usual vocations. He was quite a 
fussy tyrant, too, and interfered in all sorts of ways with the i)rivate af- 
fairs and arrangements of his subjects. His conduct more than <incc called 
down the denunciation of Domiiue Bogardus in the pulpit, and he re- 
taliated by causing his soldiers to beat their drums and play all sorts of 
noisy pranks outside the cliurch, so that the good clergyman had to con- 
fine himself to moderate language for the sake of being permitted to 
preacli in peace. Tlie Governor wias also a court oi last resort in all clis- 
putes, even the most trifling. 

Governor Stuyvesant, who .succeeded Kieft. was of more equalile dis- 
position, yet he was jealous of his authrrity. L'ndcr him the town sys- 
tem of Kings and Queens may be said to base develdped. and I'lathush, 
Flatlands, Newtown. Flushing and Hempstead amse under his -signature. 
I'ut he would not permit them to self-government <ir permit their 
Scliepens to be more than figurelieads. In short, while tlic huv ])ermitted 
tlicse municipalities to he formed, he made it iiis business to see to it tint 


his wishes and views were i>aramount to those of Schepens or i>eople. 
This the Long Island conmuinities louglit against, andi on Decemher ii, 
1653, delegates from each of the towns met and drew np a protest against 
Stuyvesant's methods, which they addressed to the Governor and Council 
and "to the Council of the High and Mighty Lords the States General of 
the United Provinces." In the conrse O'f it they said: 

"We acknowledge a jiaternal government which God and nature has 
established in the world for the maintenance and preservation of peace 
and the welfare of men, not only principally in conformity to the laws of 
nature, but according to the law and precepts of God, to which we con- 
sider ourselves obliged by word ajid therefore submit to it. The Lord our 
God having invested their High Mightinesses the States General, as his 
ministers, with the power to promote the welfare of their subjects, as well 
of those residing within the United Provinces as those on this side of the 
sea, which we gratefully acknowledge; and having commissioned in the 
same \-iew .some subaltern magistrates and clothed them with authority 
to promote the same end, as are the Lords Directors of the privileged ^^'est 
India Company, whom we acknowledge as Lords and patrons of this 
place, next to your Lordships, as being their representatives." 

After further homage of this sort the representati\'es of the village 
or towns then set forth their comjjlaints. They refer to the arliitrary gov- 
ernment set up by Stuyvesant, to the apiK>iiument of local ofilicers without 
an expression of the wdl of the people, to the putting in force, as occasion 
arose, obsolete laws, so that good citizens hardly knew wlien tliex' were 
not violating some ordinance or ])i\xdamation. to- the length of time in 
which honest aj>plications for land patents were kept pending, and to the 
prom])t and easy manner in which large tracts of A^aluable land were 
awarded to those favm'cd indixiduals who liaid some sort of a "pull."' as 
modern politicians would call it, with the authorities. Therefore, trust- 
ing to their "High Mig-htinesses" to "heal our sickness and pain," the 
delegates signed the dcxument. 

But the Go\ernor had no toleration for such documents, woiild hardly 
manage to be civil to the Deputies who presented the pai>er. and denied 
that Irlrooklyn, Flatbush and Elatlands, at any rate, any right to elect 
delegates to such meetings. He believed it was an evidence of incipient 
rebellion and treason, and l>lamed the English resiflents as the cause of the 
>vho!e trouble, and he ordered the delegates to disperse and "not to assem- 
ble again on such business." and the citizens meekly obeyed. He went so 
far in the following year as to refuse to conru-m the election of the Grave- 
send delegates, Baxter and Hubbard, as magistrates of that town, and 
went thei-e in person to allay the excitement which that arbitrary proceed- 
ing occasioned. 


\'ct, this same Stuyxesant. actint;' in the name "i the Lurds Slates 
(jeneral. issued a patent ( SeptenilxM" 5, i')fii 1 under wliich was ojusti- 
tuted the tirst court of law in wliat is now New Jersey, at Bergen. Tliis 
ilocument named three judges selected l)y the (rovernor; their jurisdiction 
was restrictetl to the munici])alit\', and their powers, which were limited 
to adjudicature between individuals in small atTairs, were minutely set 
forth in about a score of different provisions. 

Late in August, 1664. an English fleet under Sir Richard Xicolls took 
possession of Xew York, and Scjitemlicr 8th the adniini>i ration of Gov- 
erni>r Stuyvesant and the Dutch supremacy came to an end. 

When Cliarles II (March 12, 1663-4) made his royal grant to the 
Duke of York, convexdng to him the territory, he clothed him and his heirs, 
deputies, agents, commissioners and assigns with all g-inernmeutal powers 
";igreeal)le to the laws, statutes and government of this our realm of Eng- 
land,'" properly reserving to the crown "the receiving, hearing and deter- 
mining of the appeal and appeals of all or any person or persons oi, in o^r 
l)elonging to the territories or islands aforesaid, in or touciiing any judg- 
ment or sentence to be there made or gi\en." Among the powers specdi- 
cally delegated was tljat to "make, <jrdain. and establish all manner of car- 
ders, laws, directions, instructions, forms and ceremonies of go\'ernment 
and magistracy fit ajid necessary for and concerning the government of 
the territories and islands aforesaid, so alwavs that the same be not con- 
trary tO' the laws and statutes of this our realm of England, but as near as 
may be agreeable thereunto." 

AN'ith this as his warrant, .Sir Richard Nicolls, as Deputy Governor, 
I)r(..ceeded to establish civil order after the English fashion. He began 
by changing some of the names of his vast Ijailiwick. i'he old name of 
.\ew Netheriaiud was changed to Xew York, in h<nior of one title of his 
royal patron, and Fort Orange became Albany in honor of another. 
.\bout the same time Englisli names were gi\en to various towns which 
had hitherto Ixirne names given them by the Dutch. 

lUu, in the line of our narrative, one of the most imp<irtaut earlv acts 
of Governor Xicolls (September 30, 1664) was his ])roclamation offering 
the conditions under wliich ])lanters might settle in the new territories, for 
upon this was based the beginnmg of social or<ler and of political institu- 
tons in Xew Jersey. By the terms of this dcxument it was iirovided that 
"the purchasers are to set out a town and inhabit together," that "the 
several townships have liberty to make their p.articular laws, and deciding 
all small causes within dmnselves :" and that "every townshi]) hath the free 
choice of all the officers, Ixith civil and military." 

In 1665 Governor Xicolls issued a call for an assembly of <lelegates 
from the various towns of Long Island. This call contained the f(»llowing: 


"In discharge, therefore, of my trust and duty, to settle good and 
kncjwn laws within this Go\-ernnient for the future and receive your best 
ad\ice and information in a general meeting, I have thought it best to 
publish unto you that upon the last day of this present February, at Hemp- 
stead, upon Long Island, shall be a general meeting which is to consist 
of deputies chosen by the major part of the freemen only; which is to be 
understood of all persons rated according to their estates, whether English 
or Llutch, within }-our several towns and precincts. 

"You are further to impart to the inhabitants from me that I do heart- 
ily recommend to them the choice of the most sober, able and discreet 
jpersons, without partiality or faction, the fruit and benefit whereof will 
return to themse]\'es in a full and perfect composure of all controversies 
and the propagation of true religion amongst us." 

To this Assembly was submitted the code known as "The Duke's 
Laws." The laws, in themselves, were just and equitable. The Indians 
were protected so far as a sale of their lands recjuired the consent of the 
■Governor. The uttermost toleration was allowed in religious matters. Its 
legal administration, with a town court, a court of sessions and a court of 
assizes, seemed adecpiate for the needs of the Province. There was a 
Sheriff for the shire, and a Deputy Sheriff for each riding. Each town was 
to elect a Constable, and eight (afterward reduced to four) Overseers, 
who W'Cre entrusted with the maintenance of good order. They made up 
the town court, wdiich took notice of all cases of debt or trespass under 
Jive pounds, and at which a Justice of the Peace(appoinle(l l>v the Governor) 
was to preside when present. The Court of Sessions was com]>osed of the 
Justice of the Peace in each town in each riding, and had jurisdiction over 
ail criminal cases and over civil cases wliere the iumount was above five 
pounds. Under suits fur less than twenty pounds tlie judgment of tlie 
court was to be final, <j\er that sum there was the right of appeal to the 
Court of Assizes. It was a jury court, seven jurymen lieing the number 
fixed for all cases not capital, and for such twelve were required, and a 
unanimuus verdict was necessaiy to conxict. The death penalty was the 
fate decreed for those who denied God or His attributes, w1m> were found 
guilty of treasO'U, or w illful murder, or taking life by false testimony, or 
who engaged in man-stealing, and for sevei-al other crimes. 

These law^s were remarkable for their utilitv as w ell as for their broad 
and tolerant spirit, quite different in that respect from the regulations 
prevailing over the greater part of New England'. Many of the members 
•constituting the Assembly had been banished from New England because 
of their nonconformity WMth Puritanism in religion, and others had left 
that region in order to escape the penalties of fine, imprisonment and 
whipping which were visited upon some of their fellows. Were it not that 


Ave knew diltercntly, ii would be apparent thai tlie>e men were llie authors 
■of this code, which so carefully guarded the personal religii)us freedi>m they 
sought for themselves. But it does not appear that the Assembly had any 
hand in its framing, and it is rather evident that that Inxly was only called 
together to give it their formal sanction, which it did. The laws were 
presumably writien by Jklatthias XicoUs, a nephew of the Governor, and 
this well grounded assumption reflects great credit upon him, a3 well as 
ujx>n his uncle, of neither of wlhoni so much could scarcely be expected 
when we remember what their own pi>litical and' religious ideas were, and 
that they represented a kingly authority in wliicli Church and State were 
practically one and the same. 

"llie Duke's Laws" are also w orthy of notice in view of tlic fact that, 
about tiie lime of their enactment and shortly afterward, there was con- 
siderable emigration from Long Island thnnighout the Jersey Provinces; 
and it is highly presumable that the emigra'.Us based upon them many of 
t'.ie local regulations which were made for that region. There are tradi- 
tions pointing to a local court near Hackensack, in Bergen county, in 1677, 
two years after "The Duke's Laws" were promulgated, but these are dis- 
•credited' by close investigators of judicial history. There is some real 
evidence of the existence of local courts in the same ye;ir, in ?\Ionm<iuili 
county. Such courts were doubtless the local assemblies which were held 
under the authority of the Nicolls Patent, and wJiich, for the time, exer- 
cised rather broad powers under the provisions of that instrument. There 
was, how^evei", grave question as to the legitimacy of such bodies, their 
jurisdiction was limited, and they are stx)n lost to sight. 

But to return to the Province of New Jersey. February 10, 1664-65, 
Lord Berkeley and' Sir George Carteret, the assignees of the Duke of 
York, in their capacity as 'T><:)rds Proprietors of the Province of New 
Cesarea, or Xew' Jersey," promulgated their "Grants and C«icessions ' 
— a dociuiient which is regarded as the first Constitution of the Province. 
It is of peculiar interest in one important particular — it providetl for the 
establishment of a judicial system, and this in a day when Governi>r Xic- 
olls, of the more populous Province of New York, was getting along with- 
out such agencies, questions of dispute being brought before him on pe- 
tition for his adjudication. 

The "Grants and Concessions" were, for the times, and midcr tlie 
circumstances, extremely liberal. To analyze motives is often a miserable 
task, and sometimes leads to unjust rellections. In the present case a state- 
ment of e.xistent conditions may aid us in arriving at a just verdict. 

The Province of Jersey, so far as it was inha1)ited. was occupied by a 
•conglomerate population, in which the Dutch and T'.nglish elements greatly 


j>reiK>nderated. Tlie former people were of sterling cliaracter and their 
virtues were strongly domestic. Excellent qualities these, but not just 
such as the Lords Propriett)rs looked to for such energetic aid in the de- 
velopment of the virgin cotmtiy as would lead to that high commercial 
and political importance they had in view. For this they, Englishmen 
themseh^es, looked to- Englishmen. Yet witli the great majority of their 
■fellow-countrymen then on the groimd, they were not in full svnni^ath}'. 
The English commonwealth had failed', and the monarchy had been re- 
established. Very many of the Englishmen then in Jersey had been among 
the Revolutionists in the mother countr\-, and it was natural that their 
American landlords, who' had been and were steadfast royalists, would 
cheris'h ta\vard than a strong antipathy and make their wiay no smoother 
than was absohitely necessaiy for their own interest. But the Lords Pro- 
prietors were desirous of attracting emigration, and it was evident that this 
end would l>e l)est accomplished by display of the utmost tolerance in re- 
ligious alYairs and such freedom in political matters as could be af- 
forded without serious impairment of their oavu authority. L'pon these 
grounds a large emigration was tO' be expected from the British Isles. 
And, again, object lessons had been presented to them in the conditions 
elsewhere upon American soil. ]Many of the New England colonists had 
grown restive under the proscriptive Puritanism of New England, and 
were casting about for a region wiiere perfect tolerance should prevail. 
To such, Manland ottered peculiar inducements, for there Lord Baltimore, 
a deA'O^it Romanist in religion, had based' his go\-ernment upon the most 
liberal principles that could be asked — principles which, by legislative act 
in 1649 (fifteen years prior to this time), had provided that "no person 
whatsoe\'eT professing tO' believe in Jesus Christ, shall lie in any way trou- 
bled, molested or discountenanced for and in respect of his or her religion, 
nor in the free exercise thereof, nor in any way comjjelled to the belief or ex- 
ercise of any other religion against his or her consent." And so, it is fair 
to presume, in view of the immigration wliich soon set in. and of its char- 
acter (largely Scotch Presbyterian and Quaker) that the "Grants and 
Concessions" were as potent in peopling the country as were, in a later 
day, the more material advantages offered by new States in the trans- 
Mississippi region — cheap lands, low tax rates and liberal ])roperty ex- 
emptions from sheriff's sale. 

Among the provisions of the document under discussicwi, wliicli has 
been called by some the "Magna Charta of New Jersey," are the following: 

"Item. That no person qualified as aforesaid within the said Prov- 
ince, at any time shall be in any ways molested, punishe<l, disquieted or 


called in question for any Difference in opinion or practice in matter of Re- 
ligious Conceniiuents, who do not actually disturb the civil I'cace of the 
said Province; but that all and every such Person and Persons may from 
time to time, and at all Times, freely aaid fully have and enjoy his and their 
Judgments and Consciences in matters of Religion throughout the said 
Province, they beha\-ing themselves peaceahly and quietly, and not using 
thi-- J^ibertv to Licentiousness, nor to the civil Injury or otitward disturb- 
ance of others ; any Law, Statute or Clause contained or to be contained, 
usage or custom of this Realm of Englan<l, to the contrary thereof in any- 
wise notwithstaixling. 

"Item. * * * We do hereby grant unto the General Assembly of 
said Province. Power by Act to constitute and appoint such and so many 
Ministers or Preachers as they shall think fit, and to establish their [Main- 
tenance, giving liberty besides to any Person or Persons to keep and main- 
tain what Preachers and Ministers they please. 

" That the Inhabitants being Freemen * * * make choice of 
twelve deputies or representatives from amongst themselves ; who being 
chosen are to join witli the said Governor and council for the making of 
such laws, ordinances and constitution as shall be necessary for the present 
good and welfare of the said Province.'' 

The charter prescribes that the body of representati\es. or the major 
part of them, shall, witii tiie Governor and Council (therein pro\ided for) 
be the "General Assembly" of said Province, and among its powers 
w'hich are enumerated, and include those for taxation and the like, are the 
following : 

"II. To enact and make all such laws, acts and constitutions as shall 
be necessary- for the well government of the said Province, and them to re- 
peal : provided, that the same lie consonant to reason, and as near as may 
be cfineniently agi"eeal)le to the laws and customs of his Majesty's king- 
dom of England; provided also, that they be not against the interests of 
us the Lords Proprietors, our heirs or assigns, nor any of those our con- 
cessions, especially that they be not repugnant to the article for liberty of 
conscience above mentioned. * * * 

'"III. By act as aforesaid, to constitute all courts, together with the 
limits, powers and jurisdictions of the same ;_ as also the several offices and 
numlier of otilicers belonging to each court, with their respective salaries,, 
fees and perquisites, their appclations and dignities, with the penalties 
that sliall be due to them, for the breach of their several and respective 
duties and trusts." 

The last two ])aragra])hs quoted are those with which this chapter is 
concerned — the warrant for the o institution of courts. And to these are re- 
lated the following : 

"The Govern<ir is with his Council before E.xpress'd. First. To sec that 
all courts establish'd by the laws of the General Assembly, and all min- 



isters and officers, civil and military, do and execute their several duties 
and offices respectively, according to the laws in force; and to punish them 
for swerving from the laws, or acting contrary to their trust, as the na- 
ture of their ofifences shall recjuire. 

"U. According to the constitution of the General Assembly, to nom- 
inate and commissionate, the several judges, members and officers, of 
courts, whether niagistratical or ministerial and all other civil officers, 
coroners. &c., and their commissions, powers and authority to revoke at 
pleasure; provided, that they appoint none but such as are freeholders in 
the Province aforesaid, unless the General Assembly consent. 

"III. According to the constitution of the General Assembly, to ap- 
point courts and officers in cases criminal; and to empower them to inflict 
penalties upi.n offenders any of the laws in force in the said 
Province, as the said laws shall ordain ; whether by fine, imprisonment, 
banishment, corporal punishment, or to the taking away of member or 
life itself if there be cause for it."' 

But it do'es not appear that courts were established under this charter 
until more than ten years later. As a matter of fact there is no evidence of 
court establishment in the Province of New Jersey until the creation of 
that at Newark, in January, 1668. where and when was first set up in Jer- 
sey territory a court based upon the fundamental principles of English 
jurisprudence — one composed of presiding m;ig-istrates and a trial jury. 
Tiie e\"ent is of historic impoirtance. There was no roij^al mandate for the 
creation of this tribimal. nor was there legislative authority — il was in- 
stituted l)y the people out of their own innate ideas of justice and of such 
orderly procedure as would at once safeguard the peace of the community, 
afford protection to person and property, and insure a fair and impartial 
hearing tu those accused of misdoing, and sa\e them from penalty unless 
convicted by a sworn jury of their peers. The establishment of this 
court was public ]>roclani.ition of those principles of equity which the 
jMiglish speaking race had brought tO' fullest perfection, and it was an 
example which found imitation far and wide, marking the beginning of 
the end of a line of petty ju<lges of a type scarcely less abhorrent to fair- 
minded men than was Jeft'rexs "'self. \\ho, then polluting the judicial er- 
mine in the motlier country, wa;. bv his excesses in authority, unconsciously 
aiding in the establishment of a better judicial and political order. 

The warrant for the historic Newark court is contained in the follow- 
ing excerpt from the records of tliat town : 

"ftciii. the Town hath .Xgreed that there shall be Two Courts in our 
Town Yearly, to hear and try all Causes and Actions that shall l>e Neces- 
sarv and desired within our Compass and according to our Articles, and 
that the same shall pass by the Verdict of a Jury of Six men. And one 


of the Terms is to be the Last l'"ourth day of the week commonly called 
Wednesday, in the muntli of Eebruary, and the other is tiic Second 
W'ednesilay of the next following month of September." 

The magistrates chosen at tliis time — the first in the l'ro\ incc to be so 
choseti, and to preside over a real court of justice created after the bjiglish 
models — were 'My. Crane and Air. Treat. They were men of the highest 
character, respected for all Christian \-irtues, and held in contidence for 
tl!eir services in the interests of the people, among wihoni they had been 
leaders, whether in their older homes on the Connecticut, ur in the Passaic 
countrv to which they bad renrnved. About the same lime the .\e\v;irk 
court came into being, a similar tribunal was established at Woodbridge, 
and these e.vaniples were S(-»on followed by other communities, as appears 
by the records of town meetings. I'^-ont these it would appear that the 
magistrates were chosen by election, that great care was exercised in choos- 
ing men of character and position, and that they were regarded with deep 
respect. Their jiowers were not detinitely prescribed, and it is evident 
that there ,was little to engage their attention except the settlement of 
such mini'T disputes as were apt to arise in a small community where grave 
crimes were unknown and where indivitlual rights were generally respected. 
The fees of magistrates and otiicers were lixed hy v(.)te of the jKjople. 

The first legislative assembly of the province was convened in 1668. 
but at neither of its two sessions was any provision made for the estab- 
lishment of courts, and this matter received no attention tmtil the second 
asseniblv convened seven years later. IXiring all this period the local 
courts were of the same character as that first established in Newark. 

The sudden recapture of the country by the Dutch (July 13th. 1^)73), 
brought about little more than a temporary change of sovereignty. True, 
the "Duke"s Laws" were susjiendcd. b>ut the council of Dutch commanders 
answered a petition (jf the inhabitants of Elizabethtown. Newark and 
Piscataway by ordering that "all the inhabitants of those towns shall be 
granted the same privileges and freedom as will be accorded to native 
l)orn subjects and J3utch towns,"' and "the above privileges" were at the 
verbal recpiest of their deiKities granted to the towns of Wooxlbridge. 
Shrewsbury and Middletown. But these gracious favors did not include 
*'the privileges obtained from their previous patrons." The Shrewsbury 
magistrates nominated by their assemlily were rejected by Governor Cohe 
as "persons whose religion will not suffer them, to take any oath or ad- 
minister the same to others." and he required other nominations to be 
made. The conditions were verging on the chaotic, and it was difficult 
to say what "rights and privileges" shonUI be left to the i)eo|)Ie. who were 
not ob.stinate. however. Xovember 18th. of the same year, was promul- 


gated a code of general laws enacted by the "Schout and Schepens of Ach- 
tei" Kol Assembly," lield at Elizabethtown. These laws, on the whole, 
were mild and unobjectionable, but the\- cannot be said to ha\-e really 
gone into effect, for within three months the territory' of New Nether- 
lam! and all connected with it reverted to the English crown, which re- 
established its authority in the person of Sir Edmund Andros, as deputy 
Governor under the Duke of York, who immediately promulgated again 
the "Duke's Laws." His action, however, was of little effect, for events 
were now moving along rapidly toward the establishment of one of the 
chief civil institutions by the people themselves, and individual preroga- 
ti\e was on the highway toward^ disappearance. 

The first Legislature assanbled under authority of the '"Grants and 
Concessions" convened in Elizabeth Town in May, 1668. There are no 
records extant to convey to us a pen-pictin-e of its members, yet it is not 
difficult to imagine of what description the}- were, ^^'e of to-day \\ell 
know man)- stalwart Jerseymen who a half century ag'o went to what \vas 
then known as a new countiy beyond the Mississippi. They wei-e mostly 
fanners, and a fe^v were fishermen. The}'' were men of fair (some of 
liberal) education, deeply religious, industrious and economical. They 
went as home-makers, and when they came together in a community they 
organized the county and village, and to^ some of these they ga\-e Jersey 
names. The regulations which they enacted at once reflected the moral 
code they had accepted for themsehes, and prescribed penalties for such 
crimes as the}- knew of — there were none among them whom the_\- deemed 
cajxible of flagrant misdoing, but, in the development of society and the 
thickening of population, the vicious grow up side by side with the vir- 
tuous, and they sought the future good of their infant communit\- by pro- 
tecting it against evil which they knew Wduld come to it sooner or later. 
Of such character and having such purpose as these later emigrants were 
doubtless those who constituted the first Gaicral Assembly of New Jersey, 
and in such spirit did they enter upon their deliberations and discharge 
their duties. 

Of the si.x members of the Governor's Council, something is known. 
Daniel Pierce was said to have bear a leader of the Massachusetts emi- 
grants from Newburyport, and was the founder of A\'oodbridge. He does 
not appear to have attended any but the initial meeting of the legislature. 
Robert Bond, Samuel Edsall and William Pardon figured prominently 
among the Elizabeth Towti settlers. The latter named was a pliant tool 
of Governor Carteret, who made him memlaer of a court appointed to tr\' 
citizens charged with riot. He was quarrelsome ajiiong the people, and to 
him is ascribed the destruction of some of the legislative records. Tire 


foregoing- named were in'csuniably iMiglishmen. Of llic remaining two, 
Nich<ilas Verlet had been a grantee ;'.t Hobuc (llnboken) in the time <^t 
Go\-ernor Stuyvesant. The other, ]^obert Yanciuellin ( als(j known as Sieur 
de Prairie), who was a Surveyor-General, was a b'renchnian. He was out 
of his element among the Elizaiaeth Town settlers antl removed to W'oiu.l- 
bridgc. The Secretary of the Council was James Bollen, who was also a 
Justice. He was a close adherent of Governor Carteret, and made himself 
so obnoxious to the people of Elizabeth Town that he removed to Wood- 

The Legislature was in session four days, and during this time it 
passed four acts, and the first of these was one providing fi»r the uphold- 
ing of the provincial government. This decreed that any <>ne resisting 
the authority established by the Lords Proprietors, Justices or any inferior 
officers, "either in words or actions," should be liable to such fine or cor- 
poral punishment "as the court shall judge upon the examination thereof." 
Two <jther, acts, respectively, (i) required each male inhabitant of si.x- 
teen years and upwards to provide himself with a ser\iceaible gun and am- 
nnmition for the defence of the colony, and (2) provided for annual meet- 
ings of the General Assembly. Members of the Assemblv who al)sented 
themselves, wilfully or without having sufficient excuse were to be fined 
forty shillings. An assessment of thirty pounds was laid to defray tlie 
expenses of government, and this was to be lx>me proportionately by the 
towns whose delegates constituted the Assembly. 

The most voluminous of the acts was that relating to crimes and mis- 
demeanors. Li reading of this it must be borne in mind, as has been pre- 
viously suggested, that the lawmakers were providing against such misdoing 
as they knew of in the old and thickly populated mother country, else we 
must imagine an im])Ossil)Iy horrible and immoral conditi(_>n. Many of these 
pro\isions were based upon the Mosaic code, and some were given in its iden- 
tical verbiage. Thirteen offenses Avere punishable by death — the mode of 
which was not prescribed — these being murder, arson, rape, infamous crimes, 
kidnapping, jjcrjury, incorrigible burglary, invading or seizing a town or 
a fort, highway robbery, incorrigible thieving, witchcraft, and striking 
or cursing a parait. In the latter case it wouUl ai>i>ear that a culjirit was 
practically to be permitted to go scot-free, for il was provided that he could 
only be punished on complaint of or proof made by the pareiu. "and not 
otherwise." With reference to theft, degrees short of incorrigibility were 
recognized and pro\ided for. A stealer of cattle. I>easts or goixls was ti> 
make treble restitution for the first, second and third offenses (the court 
also imposing such corporal punishment as it might deem pro])er), after 
which he was to be sold into ser\ itude for such time as wtxild be necessary 


to work out the amount in which he was miilcted. Without furtlier specifica- 
tion, it is presumable that after this he was considered '"incorrigible" and 
was given over to the hangman. \'arious misdemeanors were si>ecified, 
and for these penalties were proA'ided. All lunnily perscms and disturbers 
of the peace were to be put in the stocks. For profane swearing, a fine 
of one shilling was imposed, and this was to- he divided between the in- 
former and the coaintr}^ Dnmkenness was characterized as a "beastly 
vice," for which the fine was one shilling f<ir the tirst offense, two shillings 
each for the second and the third, and two shillings and six^Dence for each 
subsequent offense. In default of payment the offender was to suft'er cor- 
poral punishment. 

The marriage rite was also provided for. The act made no reference 
to the age of the persons -marrying, but prescribed that none could marry 
without the consent of parents, masters or overseers, and then only after 
tlie publishing of the banns at some public meeting or in kirk, in the place 
where the persons lived, or in some particular house, fonrteen davs before 
the marriage was to take place. The Governor was privileged to grant 
license in certain cases. The marriage ceremony could only be performed 
in some public place, and by none but '"approvedi Ministers"' or Justices of 
the Peace. 

Lastly, the Legislature enacted "Concerning taking away of a man's 
life." that "no man's life shall be taken away imder any jjretense but by 
virtue if sime law established in this province, that it be proved by the 
mouth of two or t]n"ee witnesses." 

The Legislature then adjourned, after a session (if four days, to Xo- 
veml>cr 3 following. It had made some \-en- salutary laws, and had laid 
out. perhapiS, considerable business for the constable, and perchance for the 
lirrngman. Bui all these pni\isii)ns were to- stand inoperative for want of 
one all important enactment — one constituting coiu'ts wherein offenders 
were to be brought to trial. 

The Legislature met pursuant to adjournment. Owiiig to jxjlitical 
disquietude, little l)usiness of importance wias trajisacted, although thirteen 
acts were jiassed, and among these was one requiring each town to estab- 
lish an ordinary, or inn, and another rc<|uiring horses and cattle to be 
branded with a distincti\e mark for each town. 

This second session, as was the first, was of four days' duration, and 
it was adjourned November 7. Again, as before, no provision had been 
made for the institution of conrts to carry out legislative mandates, and 
it was destined tliat no further legislative b<Kly was to assemble until No- 
vemlier 5, 1675. within a few days of seven years later. 

During this time an extraordinary condition of affairs existed. L nder 


the terms < t' the ■■("■rants and C<incessi(,iis" the laws enacted by tl;c first 
Let^islaturc were limited in their operation to the ■■space of one _\ear and 
no more unless contradictetl by the Ijorcls Pn.]irietors.' Hence, during 
the long; period of seven years (less a few days) in which, (jwini;- to the 
disordered political ccjuditions, there were no lei;"islati\e assemblaijes. there 
was not a single enacted lawi in force in the province. 

In what manner justice was administered during this time i^ only 
to be surmised. It is pre-ii.mable. howe\er. that such ])ett\- courts as 
ha\e l;een sjjokcn 'of maintained a cjinisi existence and adjusted Siuall difti- 
culties lietween ind'ividuals. Bearing u[>on this phase (,f the (juestion it is 
knowu that in iCijo disputes as to the payment of qtiit-rents sprang up be- 
tween Go\ernor Carteret and some of the early settlers. In this dilemma, 
Carteret sought to enforce his claims through the cotn-ts at Bergen and 
W'oodbridge. These had, howe\-er, exercised the simjilest magisterial pow- 
ers, and were found incapable of affording him the aid he needed. Heiice 
he sought to enlarge their jurisdiction, but in this he utterh' failed — 
whether because the ntagistrates were not sufficiently sul)ser\ lent, or be- 
cause they simply proved inefficient, dcjes not appear. 

The second Legislature assemliled in Elizabeth Town. Xoveniber 1^^, 
iC)75, pursuant to the summon?, of (iovern<ir James Carteret, but an ad- 
journment was taken to the jgth day of the same month. Representatives 
were present from seven towns — IClizabeth Town. Bergen. Newark, 
Woodbridge, Xew Piscatacjua, Midd.letown and Slu'ewsbury. One of the 
delegates (William Shatlock. from Shrewsbur}- ) refu--ed to take the oath 
of allegiance to the King and the Lords Proprietors, and was dismissed. 

'J"he Legiskiture was in session until (about) Decemlier 9, and it en- 
acted thirty-seven difi'erent laws. The last of these, known as the ■■.\ct 
of Oi)livion," might with propriety been the first, for it took cog- 
nizance of a long- legal interregnunit w hicli had existed, and declared an 
amnesty. This dccument. in its aIl-com])rehending forgi\ingness. so well 
depicts the conditions of the times that it ma.v well be given [ilace here: 

"Acts of Oblivion. XXXVH. JVIiercas divers disorders and dis- 
turbances have arisen in this Province by reason of some entleavouring 
and inaking an alteration of the Government established by the Lords Pro- 
prietors thereof, by which means se\'eral d.'unages, costs and charges have 
accrued to divers the inhabitants of the same, and the Lords Proprietors 
liavijig by their last orders given liberty to such as have received such 
damages, costs and charges to recover the same by due course of law, 
whereby many actions, quarrels and other difYerences may arise among 
the inhabitants, in general, for prevention whereof: zdicrcforc be it enacted, 
bv this C]eneral Assemblv, that there shall be an utter aliolishing of all 


actions, tending to recover damages, costs and charges for any action, 
committed or done against ;uiy one within this Province, that hath been a 
partv or any way concerned in the endeavouring and making an altera- 
tion in the Government here settled by the Lords, any time from the year 
1670, imtil June, 1673, and likewise of all actions tending to recover price 
for any goods, or labor employed during the same time for the defence 
of the said Province, excepting such accounts as have been settled and 
allowed by this Assembly. And be it further enacted by the authority 
aforesaid, that no contract made with any parties, then in rebellion against 
the government, or any person of that party, to the use and behoof or 
maintenance of the said difference against this government, or any per- 
son belonging to the same, shall be actionable in any court within this 
Province. And the honoured the Governor and his Council, out of their 
tender affection to- the inhabitants of this Province, is further pleased that 
it should be enacted, and it is enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all 
the inhabitants and members of this Province shall be absolutely and freely 
pardnned of all the offences whatsoever, capital, or other cinnmitted or per- 
petrated at any time from the aforesaid year, 1670, until the first of June 
in the year 1673. And for the better presei'ving of peace and unity, it is 
also enacted by the aforesaid authority, that all revihng speeches, prac- 
tices, or intents tending to the disturbance of the amity desired and in- 
tended, namely all reviling or upbraiding of others with matters of differ- 
ence whatsoever, remitted and pardoned by the honoured Governor, or 
abolished by virtue of this act, upon pain of imprisonment during pleasure, 
fine, banishment, stocking, whipping, any or more of these as upon due 
examination, all circumstances being first considered, the court of assizes 
shall judge meet. Provided, that whatsoever hath teen recovered by law 
from any person or persons, or im]X)sed by way of fine or otherwise at 
any court or courts within this Pri)\ince to this present sessions, shall 
stand good and not lie discharged or made void' by this act." 

This Legislature also specifically re-enacted the major jxjrtion o<f the 
laws passed diuring the session of 1668. and it was the practice for some 
years afterward fur the Legislature to renew existent laws for the ensuing 

In the session of 1676 (October) was passed an act designating a day 
of inil)lic thanksgiving, of whicli the follmving is the text: 

"X. Whereas there hath been signal demonstration of God's mercy 
and favour towards us in this colony, in the preserving and continuing 
our ])eace in the midst of wars round al)out us. together with many other 
mercies which we are sensible of. which call aloud for our acknowledge- 
ment and thanksgiving to the Lord, 

"Wherefore l>e it enacted by this .\ssembly. that there lie a day of 
publick thanksgiving, set apart throughout the whole Province, to give 
God the glory and praise thereof, and oblige us to live to his praise, and 


in tliis fear always, whicli day sliall be the secoml Wednesday in Xo\ember 
next ensuing." 

Tliese are digressions, interesting and timely en'Ugh. hut we must re- 
cur to our proper subject. 

The first law enacted by the Legislature of i'>75 was one pro\iding 
for the creation of courts with well defined jurisdiction and clothed witli 
necessary powers, and in this law is contained the first mention of coinities, 
but without designation of their bounds. The preamble recites that "iiax- 
ing taken into serious consideration the great Change that hath been oc- 
casioned by a Necessity of kee])ing Courts w ithin this Province, as also the 
Necessity that Courts of Justice be maintained and upheld amongst us, 
Avhich said ci-)urts may go under the Dcnoniin.-'.tiMU of County Courts," 
and enacts that "there be two of the aforesaid Courts kept in the year in 
each respective County, viz: Bergen and the adjacent Plantations about 
them, to be a County and to have two Courts in a year, whose sessions shall 
be the first Tuesday in March and third Tuesday in September; Wood- 
bridge and Piscataqua to be a County and to have two Courts, the first 
of them the third Tuesday in March and on the second Tuesday in Septem- 
ber. The two towns of Nevysink (in what became Monmouth county) to 
make a County, their sessions to be the last Tuesday in March and first 
Tuesday in September." 

In these courts (County Courts of Sessions) the judges were elected 
by the people and from themselves. They were clolhcdi with ]x>wer to try 
■"all causes actionable." which included both ci\il and crinnnal cases. There 
■were, however, no laws or rules prescribing their mode of precedure, nor 
any code of practice. Appeal could be taken from these courts where the 
judgment amounted to twenty i)ounds or more, to the "Bench" of "Court 
of Chanceiy." This tribunal is n<it si»ecilically iilentilied. hut it is taken 
to be the "Court of Assize," which was also created by the Legislature 
■during the same session. This was to sit each year in W(KH!bri<lge. or 
elsewhere as the Governor a.nd Council might direct. From the decision 
of this court appeal might be taken to the Governor and Council, and 
finally to the Crown. The "Ci>urt of Assize" was also one of original juris- 

Somewhat out of the order, it is to be said that the ])resent Justices' 
courts grew out of enactments by the Legislature, in the establishment 
of courts for the trial of f)etty cases. The jutlges were to be two or three, 
as the people nnght deem proper ; they were to be electe<l. and one nuist 
be a Justice of the Peace. Sessions were to be held monthly in each town, 
and jurisdiction extended onlv to cases in\-i>|\ing ,t sum less than forty 


Such were the curls existing ni East Jersey until if.82, in which 
ye;u- the province was divided by act of the Legislature into the four coun- 
ties of Bergen, Essex, Middlesex and. M'onmotith. In that year it was 
de-reed that the county court in each county should sit four times each 
year The judges were to be the Justices of the Peace. Gran.l juries were 
to appear at the sessions of county courts, Init the manner ot summoning 
them an<l the precise nature of their duties were left undefined. ihis 
orio-inal form of county co^irt was ^^•hat is now the circuit and common 
pleas co.n-t. It was in '1682, also, that the "Cnurt of Alssize" (the supreme 
court of the province), came to be known as the "Court ot Co-nuwo.i 
Right," composed of "twelve members, o-r six at least." Ihis was to hola 
quarterly sessions ea:ch year in Elizabeth Town, but in i(,86 Perth Amtoy 
was made the court town. _ 

In 1682 also, the Legislature provided specifically tor tnal by a jury 
of twelve men, "as near as may be peers or equals, and of the neighbor- 
hood where the fact arises." In cases capital or criminal, there was to be 
a grand inquest to first present the o-ffense, and then twd^■e men ot the 
neichborh.KKl were to trv the offender, to whom "reasonable challenges 
were to be allowed. At the same session a law was enacted which con- 
tained some provisions wo«h noticing. If a man borrowed an anunal ot 
his neighbor, and it was hurt or died, the owner not being with it, the 
borrower was to make good the loss; if the o.vner were with it, or_. were 
hired then the user was not liable. Whoever should atflict the wido-u ov 
fatherless was to be punished "according to the nature of his transgression. 
Of the estate of a "nuutherer," after the payment of debts, one-third was 
to 0-0 to the next of kin of the man slain, mu\ the remainder to the next 
of tin of the criminal. A man absconding .vith the wife ot a neighbor 
(without his cousent) was to receive ten lashes upon the hare back, and 
the woman was to receive similar treatment. 

The practical operations of the courts thus created may be discerned 
from the rules laid down by the first County Court of Middlese.x county, 
heUl at Piscataway. June 19. 1683 ; prescribing the mode ot precedure: 

••The First Couniv Court held at Piscataway June ye _ 19th. 1683, 
* * * by act of the Generall Assembly and by virtue ot a Conution 
then published under the seal of the province and sigfned by Order ot Coun- 
cil of 'J'hos. Rudvard bearing date ye 28th of March, 1683. 

•'The members of the sd Court were as foUoweth . Mr. Saml D n- 
„ic President or Judge. Mr. Edward Slater. Mr. Jaaues Giles. Captn Johi> 
Bishop Mr. Saml Hall, Mr. Benjamin Hall, Assistants. 

■John Pike Jura- of ^^■oodbridRe Clerk of the County Court allowed 
bv virtue of a Comition from the Hone Governor & Councill bearing date 
tlie -8th dav of Alarch Anno Dom, 1683. & allowed by the said Court. 


"Jeforv Mailing- made clioyce of and appointed to be Marshall or 
Cn'cr ()f the sd Court. 

"jnne the 19th 1O83. Rules or Order tor the County Court uf Midlx. 

"ily That the Declaration shall be entered at the taking out ui the 
writi ; or at least the Declaration to be entered in the Clerks ottice five days 
exclusi\e before the court. 

"2lv 'lliat the Pleas of the Defcndnt be entered two days before the 
Court: if not the Plaintf not to be dq^irived of his trial before that Court; 

'■^Iv If the Declaration be not entered five days before the Court, 
then the defennt desiring it shall have a non suite; 

"4ly That to the County Court there shall not be allowed more than 
one Essoine. 

"5ly That in causes wherein the defent is arrested in accoiit of Del>t, 
Detinue trespass for goods actions upon the case Except Slander; If the 
Debt or damage amout to five pounds Speciall Baile to be given except it 
be against an heir, executor or administrator ; 

"61y That in battery, conspiracy false imprisonment noe spetiall liaile 
of course without spetiall order of the Court; 

■■/Iv Spetiall bade in all cases of causes above mentioned shall be 
underst(K)di double the dd)ts or da.mages demanded, laide or reco\ered : 
Comon baile tenn pound. 

"Sly that the principle rendring himself at any time after baile put in, 
and before or on the day of api)earance of Scieri facias returned in bill or 
in case there l>e any action of tlebt brought upon the Ixmd or recognizance 
against the baile if the principle shall render himself upon or before process 
returned served no further proceedings to be ag^ainst the baile. 

■'<>ly In case tlie plan of after ishue shall refuse tO' .goe to triall the 
next Court after the Ishue joyned nor shall discontinue his action on rec- 
ord the defendant motiving the Court to proceed may bring on the case by 
provisoe, and if the plaintf be nonsuited at trial or discontinue his action the 
defendnt shall l>e allowed reasonable costs by ye Court.'' 

That courts were operati\'e at this time is evidenced by the records. 
In 1683 one William Towns, of Woodbridge, for an assault up'on a woiiiian, 
was indicted, convicted and sentenced to receive thirty-nine lashes. In 
the following yaw, in the same place, William Ingle was placed in the 
stocks for "breach of his Majesty's i>eiacc;" Matthew M(K>re. indicte<l and 
found guilty of "speaking- reproachful words against the authorit}" was 
fined three ix)unds; and, in numerous cases if theft, the culprit was fined 
in a sum double the value of the ])ropert\- taken. .Somewhat later ( iJJy) 
a negro man named Prince was convicted of the murder of William Cook, 
and sentenced to death 1)\- 1)urning-. and the sentence was put in execution 
only two days later. 

Keginningin iGSi the (then) two Provinces of East Jersey ami West 
Jersey coiKJucted se])arate governments, and this continued initil 1702, 
when the two provinces were united under Oucen .\nne. 


From the first, the edicts of the Proprietors of West Jersey bore the 
impress of Quaker fairness and lenienc\-. The authorship of the -Con- 
cessions," which apijealed to and attracted so splendid a class of people as 
came into the settlements, has been attributed to William Penn, and it 
were certainly worthy of him. This remarkable paper, a veritable De- 
claration of Independence, declared that "no man nor num'lier of men upon 
earth have power or authority to rule over men's consciences in religious 
iTiatters; therefore it is agreed and ordained that no person or persons 
whatsoever within the said Province shall at any time hereafter, in any 
way or upon an}- pretense whatsoe\er. be called in question, or in the least 
punish.ed or hurt, either in person, privilege or estate, for the sake of his 
opinion, judgment, faith or worship, in matters of religion." The go\-- 
ernment was vested in Commissioners appointed by- the Proprietors, who 
were to exercise their powers in accordance with the Concessions, and 
under direction of a major portion of the Proprietors. .Yn»ng the duties 
devolved upon them were a supervision of the courts: to provide for the 
due discharge of their duties by the law officers, whom they were auth: prized 
to remove in the event of their tailing in their duty. Xo oath was to be 
taker, !)>■ a imblic officer, but he must give his solemn promise to truly 
and faithfully discharge his trust, and, in case of violation of this obliga- 
tion, he incurred fine or punishment, and was to l)e declared incapable of 
liolding anv office in the colony. Not even a witness .before a court of 
justice was required to be sworn; his testimony was received upon his 
solemn affinnation, and concealment of the truth or false evidence ren- 
dered him liable to a fine ami inhibited liim from ever being accepted as 
a witness or of ever holding a public office. 

The term of office of these Commissioners was to expire on a given 
date, when, and annually thereafter, until the election of a General Free 
r\ssanbly, their office should lie filled by "ten honest and able men to be 
elected bv the proprietors, freeholders and inhabitants. "' 

The Concessions moreover provided for the election of one hundred 
persons who should constitute the "general, free and supream assembly of 
said Province," which body was empowered to make all la^\-s necessary 
for the well govemmart of the Province, provided that "the same lie as 
near as may be conveniently, agreeable to the primitive, antient and funda- 
ntental laws of the nation of England ;" provided also that "they he not 
against any of those our Concessions." Power was also given to the As- 
sembly to create courts of law, and to define their powers and jurisdiction, 
and to appoint the judges and officers of the same, and fix their compen- 

The first "General Free Assembly" (as it was termed in the Coitces- 


sions) convened lit Burlington, November 9, 1681, and it continued in 
session until the 28th day of the same montii. Great care was exercised 
in framing a leng'tliy paper tennetl "Eundrunentals," or wliat niiglit prop- 
erly Ije cidled a Bill of Rights. In the preamble the Legislature, speaking 
for the inhabitants whose representatives they were, declared llicnisclves 
"a people wliom it hath pleased God toi bring into the Province <jf Xew 
Jersey and settle us here in safety, that we may be a people to the jiraise 
and honor of his name, who hath so dealt with us." In its tenns the tlocu- 
meiit was intended to safeguard- the rights of the people, and seven of its 
ten clauses were restrictive of gubernatorial authority. 

It is curious t(j note, in the enactments of this Legislature, \arinus 
references to courts, while no provision is made for the creation of any 
such tribunals. The verliiage would lead to the inference that such al- 
ready existed, presuniabl}' with meagre powers. The second of the acts 
recjuires the Governor and Commissioners to see that "all ctnirts estab- 
lished or to be established" shall execute their duties properly, and another 
act declares that no one shall be deprived or condemned of life, limbs, 
liberty, estate, property, "or any \\a}s hurt,'" withnut a "due tryal and 
judgment passed by the twelve good men and lawful men of the neighboi- 
hood first had according to the laws of England." And yet another act 
makes a curious jury provision, setting forth that there shall be in every 
court three justices or commissioners, at least, who shall sit with "the 
twelve men in the neighborhood, and with them to hear all causes, and to 
assist the said twelve men of the neighborhood in case of law. and that 
the said justices or commissioners shall pronounce such judgment as they 
shall receive from and be directed liy the said twehc men, in whom only 
the judgment resides; and in case of their neglect or refusal, that then 
one of the twelve, by consent of the rest, shall pronounce their o\\ n judg- 
ment as the justices or commissioners should have done." 

I'he penal code was remarkaljly lenient, and in this regard it was 
strangely dissimilar from that O'f East Jersey, with its miany penalties 
drawn from the harsh Mosaic law, and its prescription of the death jienalty 
for thirteen separate crimes. In West Jersey laws there was actually no 
death penalty ])ro\ide(!, for whatever cause, and during the Quaker regime, 
but one year short of a quarter-century, there was not a single indictment 
drawn for murder or arson. Indeed, there was no> tribunal in the Province 
■which could take cognizance of a capital ofifence vmtil 1699, when the court 
of oyer and terminer was created, its judges l)eing one ap])ninted b\- the 
Governor, and two or more justices of the county wherein the crime was 
committed. In case nf cnnxictinn, the penalty was designated by the Gov- 
ernor ajid Council. 


Less heinous offenses were treated with niiUhiess. and in all the thirty- 
six laws enacted bv the first Legislature, there is hut one specific penalty 
named and that was a fine of three pounds for exery act ot selling strong 
liquor to an Indian. Perjury xvas punishable by fine in such amount as 
the court might decree, and the offender was forever disqualified from 
being afterward a witness m a court, and from public employment within 
the Province. Those affronting the public authority were to be fined m 
the discretion of the court. Personal xiolence conunitted upon another 
was to be punished the nature of the offense," '•which was 
to l,c determined bv tNvelve men of the neighboi-hood. One guilty of rob- 
beiT or theft was to "restore fourfold, or be made to work for his theft 
for so long a time as the nature of the offense shall require, or until re- 
stitution be thereby made fourfold." 

Exemplification of the latter curious provision is found in the case of 
•cue Wilkes, wlio was indicted September lO. 1686, in the Cil.^nicester coun- 
ty court, for stealing goods from a house in Philadelphia. In these days 
no indictment would lie for a crime committed outside the State or Prov- 
ince Uut no such fine distinctions were madfe then— the accused was a mem- 
ber of the comnunity in which resided the court, and he must answer 
The defendant pleaded guilt)', but his plea was ignored and he was tried 
by a jurv. which found him guilty. Being fined in the sum of sixteen 
pounds, wdiich was not paid, the following sentence was passed: 

-Sentence: The bench appoints that said Wilkes shall pay the afore- 
sai.l Lins f 16 bv way of servitude, viz: If he will be bound by indentures 
to the prosecuto'r. then to serve him the term of four years, but if he con- 
descend not thereto, then the court award that he should be a servant and 
so abide ior the term of fixe years. Aud so be accommodated in the time 
of his servitude bv his master with meat, drink, clothes, washing and 
lodging according to the customs of the countiy and fit for such a ser- 

Tender mercy was the crowning trait of character of the gentle 
Quaker, and he strove to make fnc courts of his country, the guardians 
of his own security, as forgiving as he was in his personal concerns. And, 
in this spirit, it was enacted by the same early Legislature, that, except 
in cases of murder, treason, ati'd felony, all and eveiy person and persons 
prosecuting or preferring any indictment for any personal matters, in- 
juries or matters criminal, should be master of his or their own process, 
and ha\-e full power to forgixe and remit the penalty or punishment in- 
flicted upon the person or persons xvlio have offended against him or them- 
selves, as xvell before as after judgment and condemnation. 


In East Jersev, tHr several _\ears i:rinr in the suneiider if authnrit)' 
by tlie Proprietors, an aicrininninns disjjnle was carried (in l)et\\ecn ,\n- 
<h"e\v Hamilton and Jeremiah iiasse. ri\al claimants to the (iovernor- 
siiip. This quarrel was ci>m[)licated, in Monmciith county, with contro- 
\ersies as to the respective merits of land titles derived from the Rrojirie- 
lors, on the one hand, and umler the Xicrlls Patent, on the other. These 
led to grave disturbances in winch ]>ractically all the people iiecame in- 
volved (particularly between 1695 and i/Oj). and during this period the 
courts were set at defiance and practically abrogated, vl ct arm is. 

At Perth Amlxiv, Mav 11. iO(j<). the Court of Conmion Right, Gov- 
ernor Basse presiding, was invaded by Lewis Morris, who denied the ati- 
tiiorilv of the tribunal. Morris was nrilered into custody, but resisted, 
making- an attempt toi draw his sword. iJe was overcome and fined fifty 
jx)unds, and, with George Willocks, v.-as committed to the jail in Wood- 
bridge in default of lK)nd, to appear before the court at its October term. 
Whercuixju, before daylight, a mob battered down the jail door and re- 
leased the prisoners. 

On March 3, ijcx), a mob collected and prevented the In aiding of a 
court at Piscatawa)-, also in Middlesex county, by nailing up the doors 
of the "Publick Meeting-Hmise"" in which sessions were wont to lie held. 

In E.ssex county, at .\ewark, September 12, 1700, \\'illiam Sandnml, 
the President of the County Court, was pulled off the bench, deprixed of 
his liat and wig, and his sword was taken from him and broken. The 
other Justices and the Clerk were also abusefl, and their clothes were torn. 

In Monmouth county there were also many disturbances, the most 
serious of which occurred March 25, 1701. On this cxrcasion. Justices 
Jeilcdiah .Allen and Samuel Denness were attem]oting toi hold court at ^lid- 
dletown, in the presence of Cjovcrnor .Andrew Hamilton, and Lewis Morris 
and Sanuie! Leonard, members of his Council. The combined array of 
executive and judicial authority were set upon by the populace, which 
took them into cnstod\' and held them under an armed guard for four 

llie condition of affairs was such as to move Lewis Alorris to write 
to the Lords of Trade: "Xew Jersie is still without government * * 
l>eing without law or gospel, having neither Judge nor Priest." 

These times are strange to look back upon. There Avas unreasonable 
turmoil, and out of excess grew greater excesses on the part of large por- 
tions of the people. Out of these conditions, it may be now discerned, 
was gradually developing that spirit which eventually was manifested in 
open revolution, and made a pathway for liberty. At various times there 
wcie outbreaks throughout the eastern p;n"t of Xew Jersey, down to the 


]<e\-..lutionary War period. Courts were in some instances prevented from 
exercising then- functions by mobs whose principal animosity was directed 
a^-ainst the lawyers. It is to be said of this class, in truthfulness, that its 
nterabers were, for the far greatei" number, most determined in their oppo- 
sition to the oppressive acts of the mother country ; indeed, they led all 
other classes in objection and protest, as when they declared against the 
Stamp Act, and practically abandoned a large portion of their Ixismess 
until that instrument was set aside by Parliamentar>' repeal. But many of 
the people cherished bitter hatred against the legal profession, whose mem- 
bers it heltl culpable for encouraging unnecessary litigation and of exact- 
ing exorbitant fees. Some lawyers may have been guilty of all that was 
charged, but the great majority of them Avere ^vorthy citizens uliose in- 
tegrity and regard for their fellows were bej'ond reproach. The fact ap- 
pears to l)e that the people were encumbered with debt, and their creditors 
resorted to the law to enforce their demands, just in themselves, ho'W- 
ever oppressive upon the debtors. An unreasonable cnisade ensued, wbich 
finally ended as all such crusades do end— in the vindication (.1 law and of 
the agents through whom law is made operative. 

Wbile, as has been shown, there was wide difference between the 
criminal codes of the two Provinces, there was marked similarity in legis- 
lation affecting material interests. Both began on common ground, pro- 
vision being made by the proprietors of each, in their first instruments, 
for the proper recording of deeds. 

In 1679, before the creation of the Province of West Jersey, the Leg- 
islature had made lands (unentailedi) lialile for the payment of the debts 
of the owner, and had specified the manner of procedure. In 1682 (atter 
the separation of the Provinces) the Legislature of East Jersey passed 
an act providing for the recoA-eiy of claims against an abscondmg debtor 
by collection out of his personal or real estate, and reciting that summons 
might be made bv service of the writ upon any member of his tamily, or by 
leaving it at anv'of his houses or plantations. In the same year, the same 
Legislature laid dbwn the important rule that no conveyance of the es- 
tate of a married woman .should be valid unless she made acknowledg- 
ment, in private examination in the court of common right, that the doc- 
ument was executed by her of her own free will, and without threat or 
compulsion of Irei" husband. 

The second Legislature of West Jersey (in 1682) enacted a law. simi- 
lar to that of 1679, with reference to the liability of real and personal prop- 
erty for debt. In 1683 a law was passed somewhat similar to the East 
Jersey law^ of the previous year, providing for the collection of debts ow- 
in<r b'y an absconding debtor, but containing the more equitable provision 


tlial 110 iiUachnieul shuuld issue until after thin_\' daxs" notice, in order that 
the property to be attached- should be equally distributed cUiioug the credi- 
tors \vhi> should within that time make proof of the debts o\\in<>- to them. 

In 1702 the Provinces were united under the Crown, 'and in the fol- 
Jcwing year Lord Cornbury came as Go\ernor of New Jersey and New 
York. He pronuiltjatiou of his commission in both of the old Jersey 
Provinces, at Amboy and at Uurlington. He made New York his seat 
of governmait, but returned to New Jersey in November of the year in 
which he came, and opened the Legislature, at Perth Amb(;y. The ses- 
sion continued little more than a month, and the body adj(iinned Decem- 
ber 1.3. Several bills were passed, but only one receivetl the approval of the 
Governor — one regulating the purchase of land from the Indians, in 
fact, the matter \\ iih which the members of the Legislature were principally 
coiu-erned was an endeavor t(.) secure to themselves that freedom of tlebate 
and action to which they had been accustomed, and the (iovernor seemed 
to be nmre disposed to assert his cwn authority than to conciliate the 
P'Cople to whom he came. 

Yd Lord Cornl>ury did pcrli rm a useful scr\icc in proxiding fi r the 
more orderly administration of justice. He wrought no startling inno- 
vations, hut he gave to existing courts an added dignity and permanencv, 
an<l created such tribunals as, in the nature of things, had come to be nec- 
essary. In brief, he maile of disjo-intetl memliers a more svmmetrical 

The work i>f Lord Cornbury was jjerfo-rmed t'.r catlicdra — without the 
assistance of the Legislature, however much he may ha\e been aided b\- his 
Council or other advisers — and it was *-iven promulgation in T704. T!-.c- 
courts which he named, and the jiowers which he detincd, are herein- 
after described. 

Justices' Courts were to have jurisdiction in all cases of debt and tres- 
pass to the value of forty shillings, and such ca.uses as might be tried a,nd 
determined witln'tit a jury. Tiie method of procedure was minuteh' ])re- 

A Court of General Sessions of the Peace was to be held (piarterlv each 
year, in every county, at a place designated. This was a court of appeal in 
wliich were heard causes coming up from the Justices" Courts where the 
amount in question exceeded twenty shillings. 

A Cmut of Common Pleas was to be held in every county where 
was held a General Court of Sessions, immediately after the adjournment 
of the iatter named tribunal. It was clotlied Avith power to hear and de- 
tennine all actions triable at common law, subject to appeal in cases where 
the judgment was for ten pounds or more, or where title in land was in 



question. The court to Nvhicli appeal was to be made was not designated 
—presumably it was the Supreme Court which was created b)- the same 


A Supreme ("supream" in the text of the ordinance) Court was to sit 
alternately at -Ambo-v (in old East Jersey) and in Burlington (in old W est 
Tersey). and it w^as to hold two sessions each year, ot not to exceed hve 
days each. This was the most remarkable and comprehensiveh- usetul 
lec^al body of its dav. It was at once the sitmmnm bonnm of the juris- 
prudence 'of the mother country— for it was placed on the same footing 
with the English courts of Oueen's bench, common pleas or exchequer, as 
to rules of practice-and it was the prototype of the body of the same name 
of the present dav. Indeed, in the language of Judge Field, m his ims- 
tei-ly dissertation upon this subject, "If the question were now asked: 
What is the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of New Jersey, as at pres- 
ent constituted? the only answer that could be given would be. m the 
langtiage of the ordinance of Lord Cornbury : 

•To hav Cognizance of all Pleas, civil, criminal and mixt as fully 
and amplv. to all intents and purposes whatsoever, as the Courts ot 
Oueen-s Bench, Common Pleas and Exchequer within her Majesty's King- 
dom of England, have or ought to have, in and to which Supream Court 
all and eveVv Person and Persons whatsoever shall and may, if they see 
meet commence any Action or Suit being upward of Ten Pounds, and 
shall or mav. bv Certiorari, Habeas Corpus, or any other Ijuvtul W rit re- 
move out of an'v of the respective Courts of Sessions of the Peace or Com- 
mon Pleas aiw Information or Indictment there depending, or Judgment 
thereupon givai, or to be given, m any Criminal matter whatsoeNer, 
cognizable before, or to be given of them; as also all actions, Pleas or 
Stdts real personal or mixt, depending in any of the said Courts and all 
Judgments thereupon given, or to be given,— Provided alway^ That the 
Action or Suit depending, or Judgment given, be upwards of the value ot 
Ten Pounds, or that the Action or Suit there depending or determined, be 
concerning the, Right or Title of any Free-hold." " 

\\'here so much care was exercised in prescribing the powers of the 
Supreme Court— the most .important body in all the judicial establish- 
ment, and one which, in its essential features, was to splendidly survive— 
it is reason for wonder that the number of judges was not specified, and 
that no particular persons were named for Chief Justice or for Associate 


Under Lord Cornbury's t rdinance were also constituted Circuit 
Courts. These were to be held once each year in every county, by one of 
the Justices of the mam (Supreme) Court, with two or more Justices of 


the Peace of the cmiiuy in whicli the sessiuii was lichl. Tlie cmrt terms were 
ot two da_\s only. 

In all tliese couris the right in propert}" of a suitor wr.s not to he 
determined without the interventio.n of a jury, except in cases where there 
was an actual confession of the fact 1>\- the parties thereto, or in case of 
default of appearance. 

A section of tJie ordinance establishing;' the Circuit L'l.iurt ])rescrihe<l 
a considerable degree of state for the reception of the Justice or Jn.-tices 
going to the holding of a session. Every circumstance of the ceremonial 
was modeled after English usage. The Sheriff, with as many Justices 
and other gentlemen on horseback as could be con\enicutly collected, were 
to await the Judge at the count\' line, and tliev were tO' escort that dignitary 
to his lodgings. Durin.g his stay within a county, the Judge was to be 
attended by the same personages, together with the Mayor and .MderuKM. 
Daily, ajt the oi:)cning- and closing of Court, he was to be escorted to and 
from the Court by the Sheriff and Constables, in court the Judge w^ne 
("probably beginning- in 170J and continuing- until some time after the 
Revolutionary \\'ar) a scarlet robe with deep facings and cuffs of 'black 
velvet. He also wore a powdered wig, and this fact led Judge FicM to 
remark that "it is not probable that, like their brethren in England, they 
considered it necessary to carry four of these indispensable article.s — t!ie 
brown scratch wig for the morning, when not in court: the powdered dress 
wi,g for dinner; the tie wig ^vitll the black coif when sitting on the ci\il side 
of the court ; and the full-bottomed one for the criminal side." 

]n -May, 1765, the Su])reme Court made a rule retjuiring all pers'^ns 
pnicticing as counsel at the bar. whether before the Supreme Court or in 
an\- of the courts on the circmts, to hai)it himself in the bar-gown ;and 
band commonly worn by barristers at Westminster and on the circuits in 
England, under penalty of contempt, and this rule was observed until 
1 791, when it was abrogated on petition from leading counselors seiting 
forth' its uselessness and troublesomeness. From the l)eginning. however, 
counselors of the Quaker faith were pri\ileged to appeal" in their vwu cus- 
tomary garb. 

It is not our province to deal with the technicalities of courts and 
their proce<lu!'e. but only to write in a manner nnderstantlable t« > the lay- 
man. And so it is to be premised that the English judicial system, as 
established in Xew Jersey under the Colonial government, survived the 
downfall of that government, and afforded an altogether adequate founda- 
tion for the law establishment or the present day. Indeed, under the Con- 
stitution of T776. when New Jersey became a State, no change was made 
in the title. jmMsdiction or mode of procedure of any of the courts. The 


manner of selecting" magistrates was, ho\ve\er. necessarily changed. The 
Colonial Governors had ap]>ointed the various Judges and Justices of the 
Peace, and this power was nVw divided between the Legislature and the 
Governor — the Go\-ernor n;imed the Justices of the Supreme Court, sub- 
ject to the sanctioii of the Senate, and the Legislature chose the Judges of 
the Court ol Common Pleas and the Justices of the Peace. 

In J844 the order of things was somewhat changetl Tinder the Con- 
stitution adopted that year. The Sujireme Ci urt, the Couit of Common 
Pleas and the Justices* Courts remained substantially the same as re- 
gards jurisdiction and powers. The choosing of Justices of the Peace 
was relegated toi the people. The Common Pleas Judges were to be elected 
b\- the Legislature m j( int session, but a subsequent statute vested their 
appointment in the Governor, subject tO' approval by the Senate. The 
most important constitutional change was that with reference to the Couru 
of Chancery. Chancery powers resided in the Colonial Governor from 
about or prior to 1675, and tliesc had descended to the Governor o-f the 
State who, as a consequence, must needs be a lawyer. The Governor was 
now relieved of what had come to be most bun.lensome duties in this line, 
by tiieir dcvolvemcnt upon a newly created otftcer. a Chancellor, who was 
to l)e nominated by the Governor, subject to confirmation by the Senate. 
Jn course of time the Chancellor came toi be o\'erbin"dened. and a \'ice 
Chancellor was created, and at the present time there are live officers known 
1j\- that title. The Chancellor presides in the Court of Errors antl .Ap- 
peals, his associates in that bod}- being the Justices of the Supreme Court 
and si.\ Judges who arc ai)])ointed Ijy the Governor with the consent of 
the Senate. 

The Supreme Court, as now constituted, comprises the Chief Justice 
and eight .Associate Justices. Circuit Coiu-ts are held thrice yearly in every 
county, the Chief Justice or .Associate Justice presiding. 

At no time, do^wn tO' the very present, have the statute books of New 
Jersey been unsusceptible of criticism. There are instances in which that 
has been done which could have been better done, cr which, perhaps, 
should not have l)eeu done at all ; and there are other instances where what 
should have been do'.ie has been left undone. There are instances in 
v\hich the bench has been occupied bv those Avhose ignorance or inatten- 
tion have militated for the time against the usefulness of their high oflice. 
But, in spite of this, it is to be said, in all truthfulness, that the development 
of law and of courts in New Jersey has been orderly and progressive — 
that at no time has it suffered b\- comparison with its sister States, and, in 
various instances, it lias shone brilliantly in the contrast. Indeed, it is 
held by the legal profession of the State tlitit not a niist.nke h;is been made 


in the selectimi nf tlie Chief ju.-'lice fnnn the organization nf the Slate in 
1776 down to the present time. It is inii)nssihle, within the rans^e of tliese 
pages, tn refer to all to whom honor is (hie for a splencHd share in the 
work aecompHshecL .\li tliat is jiracticahle is to present a hrief aixounl 
whieh will serve to imheate the development of legal institntions in the 
State, and to identify some lawyers and jurists who were peculiarly con- 
spicuous at some important lime. 

The principal interest centers in the Supreme Court. The first term 
of that body was held in Burlington Xovemlier 7. 1704. Roger .Mompes- 
son. who was Chief Justice of Xew York as well as of Xew Jersey. i)re- 
sided, and by his side sat William Pinhorne. as Associate Justice. Mom- 
pesson came to the Provincial bench with high prestige. He was of ex- 
cellent family: in England he was well regarded as a lawyer, and he had 
twice sat in Parliament. When he came to New Jersey he bore a flatter- 
ing letter from William Penn, who regarded him as peculiarly well fitted 
for the position to which he had been appointed. Despite all this, he dis- 
apnointed even" exjiecration except, in all probability, that of Lord Corn- 
]n\vy. with whom he was a favorite, .'and whose interests he subserved at 
every turn, as a Member of Council, on the bench and personally. His 
chief concern as a law officer apjiears to have been to magnify ".My Lord." 
whose 'relations with the ])eople were exceedingly unpleasant. IMompes- 
son seemed to regard himself as a guardian of the fame oif his master, and 
he jjrocured various indictments — in one instance two against the same 
individual — for the most trilling ofYenses of speech in criticism of the 
Governor's political conduct. "The (iovernor had dissolved) the assem- 
blv. but thev could get another as good, and if the Governor liked it not, 
he might go whence he came; the assembly could have done their business 
well enough, Imt that the Governor dis.solved it, which he was satislied 
was because thev would not give him money enough." Such utterances 
were i)resented as seditious. The Grand Jm-y ignored these indictinents, 
whereu|Km the Governor directed the Attorney General to file informa- 
tions, which he did, and in the identical language of the instruments 
which had been discredited by the (irand! Jury. The trials which followed 
were after the most summary fashion, and in entire disregard of law an<l 
ilecency. Some of the accused were forced to- trial forthwith. In an(»ther 
case. a continuance was granted with the i)rovision that the accused should 
give security for appearance and to ensure his good behavii r and keeping 
of the peace: and the defendant, failing in compliance, was committed for 
contempt. In a third case, a trial resulted in acquittal, but before the ac- 
cused was set at liberty he was obliged to pay the costs of his own prose- 


cution. Mompesson resigned, shortly after the reniuxal ut Lnrd Cornbury 
from the Governorship. 

Mompesson was succeeded by Thomas Gordon, a nonentity as a law- 
yer, and manifestly useless on the bench. He resigned after a lew 
mfcjuths, 'and Mompesson again came to the bench, but he gave way the 
following year (1710) toi David Jamison. 

Chief Justice Jamison came from Xew York, ^vhere he had been 
prominent as a lawyer. He was well read in his profession, and was par- 
ticularly well versed in the Scriptures, from which he quoted freely in 
charging- a jury. He was thoroughly orthodox — according to the stand- 
ards of his day — and he believed, in impeachment o^f all guilty of any man- 
ner of heresy, and particularly those practicing witchcraft, an art which 
he regarded as of veritable and dangerotts existence. His utterance 
upon such topics was, however, a bniluiii fiiliiwii in the eyes of the lenient 
Quakers, and in the entire absence of law for the punishment of what 
were, in his mind, woeful offenses. He soon came into disfavor with the 
people, and out of this resulted a \eritable cause cclcbrc in the judicial 
annals of the Province and of the country. In this affair it would ap- 
pear that Judge Jamison bore himself with dignity and strict regard toi the 
law. Indeed, the Quakers, famed for their law-abiding disposition, seem 
to have been those who were in the wrong: 

At a term of the Court held in Burlington, in Xovcmber, 1715, a 
Quaker summoned to duty as a Grand Juryman declined to take the 
oath, objecting his scruples of conscience. In this he was amply sus- 
tained by the provisions of