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THE  NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


THE  NEWi  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


EDITORS 

LANSING  B.  BLOOM 
PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 


VOLUME  I 
1626 


PUBLISHED  QUARTERLY  BY 

THE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  NEW  MEXICO 
AT  THE  MUSEUM  PRESS 
SANTA  FE,  NEW  MEXICO 


CONTENTS 

NUMBER  1  -  JANUARY,  1926 

New  Mexico  in  the  Great  War,  I    .  Lansing  B.  Bloom  3 

Frank  H.  H.  Roberts  15 

First  Term  of  the  U.  S.  Court  in  Taos 

Francis  T.  Cheetham  23 

Oiiate  and  the  Founding  of  New  Mexico 

George  P.  Hammond  42 

Necrology:     Ralph  Emerson  Twitchell          .  .78 

Melvin  Whitson  Mills 86 

Mrs.  L.  Bradford  Prince  ....  88 

Reviews  and  Exchanges 90 

Notes  and  Comments .       .  97 

NUMBER  2  -  APRIL,  1926 

N.  Mex.  in  the  Great  War  (cont'd) 

Walter  M.  Danburg  103 

Rupert  F.  Asplund  120 

Spanish  Folk-Lore  in  N.  Mex.      .  Aurelio  M.  Espinosa  135 

Onate  and  the  Founding  of  N.  Mex.  (cont'd)       .      .  156 

Fray  Marcos  de  Niza's  Relation      .    Percy  M.  Baldwin  193 

Reviews  and  Exchanges 224 

NUMBER  3  -  JULY,..  1926 

;>vV% 

N.  Mex.  in  the  Great  War  (cont'd) 

Alice  Corbin  Henderson    231 
Paul  A.  F.  Walter    245 


vi  CONTENTS 

The  Second  Spanish  Expedition  to  N.  M. 

J.  Lloyd  Mecham  265 

Onate  and  the  Founding  of  New  Mexico  (cont'd)  .  292 
Influence  of  Weapons  on  N.  M.  History 

F.  S.  Curtis,  Jr.  324 

Po-se the  late  A.  F.  Bandelier  335 

The  Last  Word  on  "Montezuma"  .    Benjamin  M.  Read  350 

Reviews  and  Exchanges 359 

NUMBER  4  -  OCTOBER,  1926 

Kit  Carson  ....  Francis  T.  Cheetham  375 
N.  Mex.  in  the  Great  War  (cont'd)  .  Paul  A.  F.  Walter  400 

Lansing  B.  Bloom  419 

Uncle  Sam's  Camel  Corps  .  .  Fred  S.  Perrine  434 
Onate  and  the  Founding  of  N.  Mex.  (cont'd)  .  .  445 
The  Six  Cities  of  Cibola,  1581-1680  .  F.  W.  Hodge  478 
Necrology:  Washington  E.  Lindsey 489 

Col.  Eugene  Van  Patten 

Malaquias  Martinez 

Judge  A.  A.  Freeman 

Dr.  Nathan  Boyd 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

The  Museum  Buildings facing      3 

Governor  Ezequiel  Cabeza  de  Baca 10 

Governor  Washington  E.  Lindsey 15 

Ralph  Emerson  Twitchell 78 

Mary  C.  Prince 88 

Charles  Springer 103 

Mrs.  W.  E.  Lindsey 244 

Map  of  Chamuscado's  Approach  to  New  Mexico      .    268 

Map  of  Chamuscado's  Expeditions 272 

Advertisement  for  the  Runaway  Boy,  Carson  .  .  375 
Carson's  Commission  as  Brigadier  General  .  .  .  388 
Kit  Carson  in  Later  Years  396 


THE  MUSEUM  BUILDINGS 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

Vol.  I  January,  1926  No.  1 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR 

I    The  Breaking  of  the  Storm 

The  winter  months  of  1916-1917  marked  the.  lull  before 
that  iStorm  which  was  to  involve  the  United  States  in  its 
violence  and  destructiveness. 

No  part  of  the  United  States  was  farther  removed  from  the 
storm  center  than  was  the  State  of  New  Mexico.  A  great  in- 
land commonwealth  on  the  watershed  of  the  continent,  the 
isolation  of  three  centuries  still  obtained  in  various  respects, 
-a  protecting  isolation  to  which  to  cling,  in  the  opinion  of 
some  perhaps;  certainly  an  isolation  to  be  overcome  if  New 
Mexico  was  to  share  on  a  par  with  her  sister  states  in  carrying 
the  Great  War  to  a  finish  :and  in  making  the  world  safe  for 
democracy. 

What  New  Mexico  did  to  help  meet  the  storm,  in  mobiliz- 
ing all  her  resources  and  in  sending  forth  her  sons  to  battle, 
is  to  be  set  forth  in  subsequent  chapters,  and  it  may  safely  be 
left  to  the  judgment  of  the  reader  t'o  say  whether  New  Mex- 
ico did  her  part  adequately  and  generously. 

But  before  any  consideration  of  the  civilian  and  military 
activities  of  New  Mexico,  it  will  be  well  to  glance  briefly  at 
the  situation  which  had  developed  in  Europe  by  the  winter 
of  1916-1917  and  to  review  the  events  which  had,  by  then, 
strained  our  relations  with  Germany  to  the  breaking-point. 
And  we  shall  also  see  that  when  the  break  came,  New  Mex- 
ico, inland  state  though  she  was,  responded  to  the  president's 
call  as  promptly  as  any  part  of  the  Union. 


4  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

In  Europe,  after  two  and  a  half  yeairs  of  ebb  and  flow  in 
the  fortunes  of  war  a  casting-up  of  the  whole  situation  seem- 
ed to  indicate  a  virtual  deadlock  between  the  central  powers 
and  the  entente  allies.  As  winter  settled  down,  Falkenhayri 
and  Mackensen  with  their  armies  of  Huns  were  continuing 
their  devaistation  of  Roumania  northwards  toward  the  Dan- 
ube River,  but  on  all  other  fronts  the  gains  and  losses  were 
relatively  insignificant  and  appeared  to  have  in  them  no  pro- 
mise of  anything  better  than  a  stand-off.  To  those  who  ap- 
preciated the  principles  of  justice  and  freedom  which  were 
at  issue,  to  those  who  pondered  on  the  awful  toll  of  blood 
aind  sorrow  already  exacted  from  crucified  peoples  and  a 
suffering  world,  such  a  conclusion  of  the  war  was  intolerable 
even  in  thought.  Yet  at  this  time  apparently  the  only  alter- 
native flroon  a  continuance  of  the  terrible  struggle  wa.s  a 
peace  which  would  have  left  Germany  dominant  in  central 
Europe,  a  menace  to  the  whole  liberty-loving  world. 

That  Germany  would,  at  this  time,  gladly  have  welcomed 
such  a  settlement  became  apparent  on  December  12,  1916, 
when  the  German  kaiser  proposed  to  the  hostile  powers  that 
they  enter  on  "a  peace  conference."  Chancellor  von  Beth- 
ma  nn-Hollweo;,  in  a  speech  before  the  reichstag  announcing 
this  action  of  the  kaiser,  boasted  of  "the  glorious  deeds"  of 
Geman  arms  and  in  a  thinly  veiled  threiat  gave  warning  of 
what  would!  follow  in  case  the  German  proposal  to  confer  were 
not  a.cceded  to.  Said  he :  "If  our  enemies  decline  to  end  the 
war,  ilf  they  wish  to  take  upon  themselves  the  world's  heavy 
burden  of  all  these  terrors  which  hereafter  will  follow,  then 
even  in  the  least  and  smallest  homes  every  German  heart  will 
burn  in  sacred  wrath  (sic)  agiainst  our  enemies  who  are  un- 
willing to  stop  human  slaughter,  in  order  that  their  plans  of 
conquest  and  annihilation  may  continue."  Many  and  more 
explicit  warnings  r-e/ached  the  United  States  government  that 
if  the  German  peace  move  proved  abortive,  the  submarines 
were  to  be  unleashed  for  unrestricted  and  ruthless  war  upon 
all  commeT'ce. 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  5 

It  is  well  to  remember  th;at,  coincident  with  this  peace 
move,  Germany  wais  issuing  her  apology  in  defense  of  her 
wholesale  deportation  of  Belgian  workmen,  an  outrage  which 
had  raised  to  a  new  pitch  the  wrath  of  the  allied  world  and 
protest  against  which  had  been  formally  registered  by  the 
United  States  government. 

But  what  aroused  the  United  States  most  directly  wjas  Ger- 
mjanyTs  use  of  her  submarines.  As  Germany  violated  repeat- 
edly all  accepted  principles  of  international  law,  the  position 
of  our  nation  as  a  neutral  power  bad  become  increasingly  dif- 
ficult. From  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania  on  May  7,  1915,  our 
controversy  over  this  matter  had  grown  more  and  more 
aicute,  and  up  to  "the  issuing  of  Germany's  peace  note  nearly 
200  American  lives  had  been  sacrificed  by  the  German  sub- 
marines. Nor  were  outrages  of  this  character  mitigated  by 
the  pa/pers  of  Wolf  von  Igel,  seized  in  New  York  by  secret 
service  men  on  April  26,  1916,  which  -revealed  German 
machinations  within  the  United  States  and  explained  num- 
erous outrages  which  had  occurred  throughout  the  country, 
outrages  in  which  the  German  embassy  itself  was  found  to 
be  directly  implicated. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  it  is  not  stnange  that  public  opinion 
in  this  country,  as  well  as  in  the  allied  countries,  realized  that 
such  a  peace  as  Germany  proposed  would  leave  the  world  in 
for  worse  situation  than  when  the  war  began  and  that  it  would 
in  effect  be  a  German  victory.  The  allied  world  had  gotod 
reason  to  become  utterly  sceptical  of  German  honor  and  con- 
sequently of  any  German  overtures,  and  they  were  therefore 
determined  to  see  the  war  through,  to  a  settlement  which 
should  carry  with  it  "adequate  reparation  for  the  past  and 
adequate  .security  for  the  future." 

Nor  is  it  strange  that  the  new  premier  of     Great  Britain, 

David  Lloyd-George,     announced  on  December  19th     to  the 

house  of  commons  that  the  first  act  of  his  adiministration  had 

been  to  reject  the  proposal  of  the  central  powers  for  "a  peace 

1* 


6  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

conference. ' '  He  announced  that  the  allies  separately  had  con- 
cluded to  reject  it,  although  they  had  exchange  views  inform- 
ally and  woujd  within  <a  few  days  present  a  joint  reply.  A 
comment  <on  Lloyd-George's  speech  appeared  in  the  Kreuz 
Zeitung  which  indicated  the  alternative  which  Germany  had 
in,  mind,  even  while  holding  out  her  blood-stained  olive 
branch :  '  *  We  have  learned  that  our  enemies  do  not  want 
peace  but  war  to  the  knife,  so  we  must  abandon  all  consider- 
ations and  grasp  all  the  means  of  war  at  our  disposal!. " 

Such  in  brief  was  the  situation  as  reported  in  the  dispatches 
of  December  20,  1916.  On  the  following  day  the  world  was 
startled  by  the  news  that  President  Wilson  had  issued  ian  ap- 
peal to  all  the  belligerents  that  they  discuss  terms  of  peace 
and  that  each  nation  announce  openly  just  whjat  it  was  fight- 
ing for.  The  president  had  done  this  on  his  own  initiative,  iki- 
dependently  of  the  various  suggestions  which  had  emanated 
from  Berlin  or  from  any  other  quarter,  and  he  asked  that  his 
request  be  considered  entirely  on  its  own  merits.  His  note  was 
in  effect  an  invitation  to  the  hostile  powers  to  compare  their 
views  as  to  the  terms  fundamental  to  any  peace  settlement 
and  it  was  issued  iJn  the  hope  that  such  an  interchange  of 
views  would  clear  the  way  at  least  for  conference  by  giving 
definiteness  to  the  .announced  aims  and  demands  of  the  res- 
pective nations.  His  request  seemed  a  reasonable  one  because 
of  the  similarity  in  some  respects  in  the  demands  of  the  hos- 
tile powers,  in  so  far  as  these  had  been  declared. 

Our  federal  administration  evidently  realized  thiat  our  na- 
tion might  be  compelled  to  give  up  its  attitude  of  careful  neu- 
trality and  to  take  an  active  part  in  reestablishing  peace  in 
the  world.  As  President  Wilson  said  at  Topeka  on  February 
2,  1916,  "We  are  not  going  to  invade  (any  nation's  right.  But 
suppose,  my  felLowcountrymen,  some  nation  should  invade 

our  rights.    What  then? I  have  come  here  to  tell  you  that 

the  difficulties  of  our  foreign  policy daily  increase  in  num- 
ber and!  intricacy  and  in  danger,  and  I  should  be  derelict  to 
my  duty  to  you  if  I  did  not  deial  with  you  in  these  matters 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  7 

with  the  utmost  candor,  and  tell  you  what  it  may  be  necessary 
to  use  the  force  of  the  United  States  to  do." 

On  May  25,  1916,  before  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  the 
president  outlined  the  main  principles  on  which  a  stable  peace 
must  rest,  principles  which,  if  accepted,  meant  that  the  United 
States  must  assume  the  responsibilities  of  a  world  power.  It 
was  /a  new  and  significant  note  in  our  foreign  policy  which 
he  sounded.  "So  sincerely  dio  we  believe  these  things  that  I 
am  sure  that  I  speak  the  mind  and  wish  of  the  people  of  Amer- 
ica when  I  s,ay  that  the  United  States  is  willing  to  become  a 
partner  in  any  feasible  association  of  nations  formed  in  order 
to  nealize  these  'objects  and  make  them  secure  'against  vio- 
lation." The  Sussex  outrage  had  occurred  just  two  months 
before  this  address;  the  von  Igel  papers  had  been  seized  in 
April.  These  and  other  recent  events  had  shown  up  Germany 
in  such  a  way  that  President  "Wilson's  views,  as  set  forth  in 
this  address,  were  very  generally  and  emphatically  endorsed 
throughout  the  nation. 

The  concessions  yielded  by  the  German  government  after 
the  Sussex  affair  seemed  for  some  months  to  have  been  made 
in  good  faith,  but  in  October  eight  Americans  were  lost  in 
the  sinking  of  the  Marina,  and  on  December  14th  the  Russian 
was  sunk  with  the  loss  of  seventeen  of  our  citizens.  In  view 
of  all  the  evidence  which  had  been  accumulating  on  the  cri- 
minal activities  and  intrigues  of  Germany  against  the  United 
States,  la  statement  given  out  by  Secretary  Lansing  on  Decem- 
ber 21st,  explanatory  of  the  president's  note,  is  interesting: 

"The  reasons  for  sending  of  the  note  were  as  follows: 

'It  isn't  our  material  interest  we  had  in  mind  when  the  note 
was  sent  but  more  and  more  our  own  rights  are  becoming  fn- 
volved  by  the  belligerents  on  both  sides  so  that  the  situation 
is  becoming  increasingly  critical. 

'I  mean  by  that,  that  we  are  drawing  nearer  the  verge  of 
war  ourselves  and,  therefore,  we  are  entitled  to  know  exactly 
what  each  belligerent  seeks  in  order  that  we  may  regulate 
our  conduct  in  the  future. 


8  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

''No  nation  has  been  sounded.  No  consideration  >of  the  Ger- 
man overtures  or  of  the  speech  of  Lloyd-George  was  taken 
into  account  in  the  formulation  of  the  document.  The  only 
thing  the  overtures  did  was  to  delay  it  a  few  days.  It  was 
not  decided  to  send  it  until  MondJay.  Of  course,  the  diffi 
culties  that  face  the  president  were  that  it  might  be  constru- 
ed as  a  movement  toward  peace  and  in  aid  of  the  German 
overtures.  He  specifically  denies  that  that  was  the  fact  in  the 
document  itself." 

The  suggestion  carried  by  this  statement  that  the  United 
States  might  shortly  be  drawn  into  war  caused  consternation 
in  diplomatic  circles  and  an  attempt  was  made,  with  partial 
success,  to  modify  its  effect  by  ia  second  statement  issued  the 
next  morning ;  but  'as  one  looks  back  with  a  knowledge  of  later 
developments  he  realizes  that  our  federal  administration  was, 
in  a  sense,  clearing  the  decks  for  lactkm,  should  " action" 
prove  necessary.  The  note  was  a  step  consistent  with  the 
president's  policy  to  keep  the  United  States  out  of  the  war  if 
this  could  be  done  with  honor,  yet  it  was  a  step  consciously 
taken  towards  "the  verge  of  war." 

Germany/®  reply  to  the  note  was  evasive,  for  it  declined  to 
state  her  terms  for  peace ;  and  in  view  of  the  refusal  of  the 
alliles  to  discuss  the  subject  unless  the  central  powers  would 
first  disclose  the  terms  on  which  they  would  end  the  war,  any 
prospect  of  peace  was  thus  made  impossible.  As  Lloj^d-Georgo 
put  it,  they  did  noti  propose  to  put  their  neck  in  a  npdse  of 
which  Germany  held  the  rope-end.  Germany  wanted  an  old- 
style  "conference",  and  this  the  allies  would  not  agree  to 
without  first  having  a  "compflete  guarantee  against  Prussian 
militarism  again  disturbing  the  peia.ce  of  Europe"  and  such 
guarantee  must  be  more  binding  than  a  treaty  which  might  be 
cast  aside  asia  mere  "scrap  of  paper." 

The  allies  considered  Germany's  peace  note  as  insincere  and 
not  a  peace  offer  so  much  as  .a  war  maneuver,  and  on  Decem- 
ber 30th  theft*  formal  reply  so  stated.  Their  answer  reviewed 
the  Belgian  invasion,  admitted  by  the  German  chancellor  on 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  9 

August  4,  1914.  to  have  been  "an  injustice  contrary  to  the  law 
of  nations",  and  remarked  that  "at  this  very  moment,  while 
Germany  is  pro'claiming  peace  and  humanity  to  the  world,  she 
Is  deporting  Belgian  citizens  by  thousands  and  reducing  them 
to  slavery/' 

Thus  the  year  1916  drew  to  a  close,  with  all  prospect  of  peace 
receding  into  the  unknown  future  beyond  many  a  blood-dren- 
ched battlefield.  Along  that  path  alone  lay  any  surety  of  genu- 
ine peace  and  therefore  in  that  path  the  allies  would  keep  their 
feet.  As  the  Albuquerque  Morning  Journal  of  January  1,  1917, 
well  said,  "It  was  easy  for  Berlin  to  launch  a  wiar  on  the  first 

day  of    August,  1914 but  making  peace  at  the  end    of  29 

months  of  desperate  bloodshed  was  quite  a  different  matter. 
Russia,  France  and  Great  Britain  had  to  go  to  war,  but  the 
time  has  not  come  when  they  have  to  make  peace." 

With  the  opening  of  the  year  1917,  the  situation  for  the 
United  States  drew  rapidly  to  the  breaking-point.  The  dis- 
patches which  came  out  of  Germlany  by  "wireless  to  the  As- 
sociated Press,  via  Sayville"  showed  that  government  deli- 
berately preparing  to  put  her  threats-  into  operation.  Luden- 
dorf  's  universal  service  law  was  in  force  •  stupendous  quanti- 
ties of  amunitions  were  being  assembled;  many  thousands  of 
guns  were  being  turned!  out  every  week.  In  a  word,  the  Ger- 
man government  was  resolved  to  drive  to  a  finish  the  storm 
of  destruction  which  it  had  loosed,  and  now  the  storm  was  to 
smite  the  United  States  and  other  neutral  counties  ias  well  as 
the  avowed  enemies  of  Germany. 

That  tbe  United  States  was  awake  to  the  impending  crisis 
was  evident  in  the  deliberations  and  enactments  of  congress 
during  the  winter  session.  Congress  had  hardly  convened 
after  the  holiday  recess  when  Senator  Lodge  created  -a  sen- 
sation by  openly  referring  to  the  German  ambassador,  von 
Bernstorff,  when  attacking  him  for  giving  out  an  interview 
on  the  president's  peace  note.  The  $800,000,000  military 
budget  for  1$18,  the  matter  of  oil  lands  for  the  navy,machine- 
guns,  motorcycles,  armored  tanks,  and  other  national  defense 


10  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

measures  were  subjects  which  had  a  generous  share  of  con- 
gressional attention.  Much  time  was  given  to  hearings  on, 
and  discussion  of,  the  federalized  national  guard  and  consi- 
derable support  developed  for  universal  military  training.  The 
Army  Act  which  later  embodied  this  principle  was.  not  passed 
until  May  18th,  during  the  first  session  of  the  War  Congress, 
but  the  exhaustive  consideration  given  to  the  matter  during 
the  winter  session  was  preparatory  to  the  later  action  and  the 
time  was  by  no  means  lost. 

Such  in  brief  survey  were  the  crowding  events  which  her- 
alded to  the  people  of  the  United  States  the  approaching 
storm.  Citizens  of  New  Mexico  who  read  the  daily  dispatches 
had  a  fair  knowledge  of  the  trtend  of  affairs,  but  it  can  hardly 
be  said  that  the  people  as  a  whole  realized  that  war  with  Ger- 
many was  almost  upon  us*.  For  the  present,  therefore,  state 
affairs  loomed  larger  for  New  Mexico  than  did  any  world 
crisis. 

This  New  Year's  Day  in  New  Mexico  marked  the  beginn- 
ing of  u  new  state  administration.  The  governor-elect  to  suc- 
ceed Governor  MacDonald  was  Ezequiel  Cabeza  de  Baca, 
descendant  of  the  famous  Spanish  explorer  of  four  centuries 
before.  De  Baca  had  served  as  lieutenant-governor  from  the 
beginning  of  statehood  and,  as  presiding  officer  of  the  state 
senate  through  three  sessions,  had  set  a  record  for  dignified, 
able,  and  impartial  administration. 

But  Mr.  De  Baca  was  destined  never  to  enter  the  executive 
office  nor  even  to  step  inside  the  executive  mansion  as  govern- 
or of  the  state.  Assailed  by  a  serious  malia;dy,  premonitions 
of  which  were  recognized  even  at  the  time  of  the  fall  camp- 
aign, Mr.  De  Bac<a  put  up  a  brave  fight  latid  increased  the 
high  esteem  in  which  he  was  already  held  throughout  the 
state.  He  haid  gone  in  November  to  a  hospital  in  Los  Angeles 
and  great  -anxiety  had  been  felt  lest  he  could  not  return  for 
the  inauguration.  But  he  made  the  journey  with  an  'attendant 
nurse  and,  in  a  room  at  St.  Vincent's  Sanitarium,  took  the 
oath  of  office  on  New  Year's  Day  in  the  presence  of  'a  few  of- 
ficials and  close  friends. 


EZEQUIEL  CABEZA  DE  BACA 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  11 

Washington  E.  Lindsey,  who  had  been  elected  to  the  office 
of  lieutenant-governor,  expressed  the  regard  which  Governor 
de  Baca  had  won  for  hhnself  by  his  brave  fight  against  dis- 
ease when,  on  this  occasion,  he  grasped  de  Baca's  hand  and 
said:  "My  name  is  Lindsey.  I  want  to  assure  you  of  my 
heartiest  cooperation  and  assistance  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  your  hisrh  office."  With  equal  warmth  Governor 
de  Baca  replied,  "Thank  you,  governor.  You  also  will  have 
my  cordial  support  in  your  own  office."' 

The  message  which  Governor  de^  Baca  sent  to  the  legislature 
on  January  9th  was  commendable  for  the  matters  on  which 
he  :a,sked  action.  Among  these  were  an  inheritance  tax,  a  tax 
on  mining  properties,  a  budget  system,  a  new  election  law 
providing  for  secret  ballot,  and  a  better  jury  system.  In  dig- 
nified, conservative,  sincere,  and  businesslike  mariner  he  in- 
vited the  cooperation  iof  the  legislature  in  the  program  which 
he  outlined.  Bills  along  the  lines  indicated  were  introduced 
but  none  of  the  measures  were  carried  through  until  after  his 
death. 

One  incident  occurred,  however,  during  de  Bia,ca's  brief  ten- 
ure of  office  which  may  wall  be  recorded  as  marking  the  first 
formal  expression  from  New  Mexico  relating  to  the  war.  It 
was  occasioned  by  the  crisis)  which  was  at  last  reached  when 
the  German  government  informed  our  administration  on 
January  31st  that  from  the  following  dlay  the  submarines 
would  attack  all  ships  sailing  for  allied  ports.  To*  such  a 
challenge  only  one  course  was  possible.  On  February  3rd  the 
German  ambassador  was  handed  his  passports  and  President 
Wilson  announced  to  congress  the  complete  severance  of  our 
relations  with  Germany.  It  was  on  the  same  day,  in  answer 
to  inquires  sent  out  by  the  New  York  World,  that  Governor 
de  Baca  sent  the  following  wire : 

"Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  Feb.  3,  1917 
4 'The  World,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

"New  Mexico  will  stand  loyally  behind  the  president  and 
hold  up  his  hands.  We  endorse  the  action  already  taken.  We 


12  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

believe  the  avenues  of  trade  on  the  high  seas  should  be  kept 
open  to  neutral  commerce  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  na- 
tions and  that  the  armed  force  of  the  United  States  should  be 
used!  for  that  purpose,  if  necessary. 

E.  C.  de  Daca, 
governor  of  New  Mexico" 

With  the  death  of  Ezequiel  C.  de  Baca  on  February  18th, 
Washington  E.  Lindsey  succeeded  to  the  office  of  governor, 
and  as  his  tenure  was  practically  coterminus  with  the  active 
period  of  the  war,  he  may  well  be  styled  "the  war  executive. " 

Just  a  week  after  his  inauguration,  the  Laconia  was  sunk 
with  the  loss  of  eight  American  lives,  and  President  Wilson 
asked  congress  to  take  the  next  step  towards  open  conflict 
by  authorizing  " armed  neutrality/'  It  was  characteristic  of 
Senator  A.  B.  Fall  of  New  Mexico,  and  to  his  credit  and  that 
of  his  state,  that  he  immediately  introduced  a  resolution 
authorizing  the  president  to  use  all  the  armed  forces  of  the 
country  in  protecting  its  right. 

In  his  inauerural  address  a  few  days  later,  President  Wil- 
son declared  that  there  could  now  be  mo  turning  back  from 
the  tragic  events  of  the  last  thirty  months  which  had  brought 
upon  Americans  a  new  responsibility  as  citizens  of  the  world. 
He  declared  anew  that  America  must  stand  for  peace,  for 
the  stability  and  self-government  of  free  peoples,  and  that 
the  seas  must  be  free  to  all. 

Nevertheless,  there  was  some  opposition  to  "  armed  neut- 
rality" until  the  fedteral  administration  jrave  out  the  text  of 
a  German  note  dated  January  19th  and  addressed  by  the 
foreign  minister  Zimmermann  to  the  German  minister  in 
Mexico.  This  note,  instigating  an  attack  by  Mexico  upon  the 
United  States  even  while  conducting  peace  negotiations  with 
us,  revealed  such  treachery  as  to  be  convincing  proof  thiat 
sooner  or  later  we  must  have  a  definite  settlement  with  this 
crimihial  among  nations.  Accordingly,  on  March  12th,  after 
Ambassador  Gerard  had  safelv  reached  home  and  reported, 
our  government  issued  orders  to  place  armed  guards  on  >our 


MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAB  13 

merchant  ships.  Then  at,  intervals  of  a  few  days  each,  caine 
in  reports  of  other  sinkings:  On  March  16th  the  Vilgilancia 
went  down  with  the  loss  of  5  Americans ;  two  days  later,  the 
€ity  of  Memphis  -and  tihe  Illinois,  with  a  loss  of  17 ;  the  Heald- 
ton  was  sunk  on  the  21st  ;and  7  Americans  perished;  and  on 
April  1st  the  Aztec  went  down  with  28  more.  As  officially 
stated,  "In  all,  up  to  our  declaration  of  war,  226  Americans^ 
many  of  them  women  and  children,  had  lost  their  lives  by  the 
action  of  German  submarines,  and  in  most  instances  'without 
the  faintest  color  of  international  right. " 

The  winter  session  of  the  New  Mexico  legislature  had  end- 
on  the  10th  of  March,  before  the  fedieral  administration  had 
decided  upon  "armed  neutrality",  but  our  citizens  showed 
in  various  ways  that  the  national  situation  was  being  watch- 
ed  with  keen  interest  and  with  that  cordial  sympathy  which 
Governor  de  Baca  had  voiced.  On  March  10th,  the  Santa  Fe 
chamber  of  commerce  affirmed  its  patriotic  support  of  the 
president  in  a  set  of  emphatic  resolutions,  tatnd  similar  action 
vras  taken  by  other  organizations  over  the  state.  By  the  mid- 
dle of  March,  the  Red!  Cross  was  energetically  engaged  in  re- 
cruiting- new  members,  and  war-gardening  was  already  well 
under  way.  Not  the  least  interesting  display  of  patriotism 
was  the  voting  of  a  gold  medal  by  the  state  legislature  to 
General  Pershing  in  appreciation  of  his  services  to  the  state, 
and  its  bestowal  by  Governor  Lindsey  at  El  Paso  on  March 
19th. 

Just  as  the  national  guard  on  the  border  was  being  must- 
ered out  of  federal  service  came  the  first  cal|L  from  Washing- 
ton for  navy  and  army  volunteers  and  recruiting  stations 
were  promptly  opened1  in  New  Mexico.  It  was  already  re- 
cognized very  generally,  however,  that  some  method  of  selec- 
tive service  must  be  formulated  and  put  into  operation,  and 
it  is  therefore  interesting  to  recall  that,  as  early  as  March 
26th,  Governor  Lindsey  sent  a  wire  to  New  York  City  in 
which  he  strongly  favored  action  by  the  war  congress,  call- 


14  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ed  to  convene  on  April  2nd,     which  should  provide  for  uni- 
versal military  training. 

"Good  Friday",  1917,  will  be  a  day  long  remembered  in 
Nieiw  Mexico,  for  on  that  d'ay  at  last  came  the  formal  declar- 
ation of  war  on  the  German  government.  April  6,  1917,  sum- 
moned New  Mexico  to  tine  field  of  combat,  both  at  the  home- 
baise  and  overseas,  and  nobly  did  she  rise  to  the  occasion  and 
take  up  the  gauge  of  battle,  equally  with  her  sister  states, 
A  special  session  of  the  state  legislature  was  promptly  called 
by  Governor  Lindsey  and  in  the  brief  space  of  eight  days 
measures  were  passeed  which  were  necessary  to  the  proper- 
carrying  on  of  our  part  in  the  war. 

Aside  from  appropriating  the  small  sum  of  $7,440  to  cover 
the  expenses  of  the  special  session,  the  legislature  enacted 
and  Governor  Lindsey  signed,  five  measures  which  were  very 
largely  to  shape  and  guide  the  activities  of    New  Mexico  d111"- 
ing  the  period  of  the  war. 

The  Public  Defense  act  appropriated  $750,000  for  prepared- 
ness and  defense,  the  money  to  be  raised  by  ttog  issuance  and 
salle  of  certificates  of  indebtedness,  and  expended  and  dis- 
bursed solely  under  the  direction  of  the  governor1.  It  creat- 
ed ia  state  council  of  defense  of  nijne  members.  It  authorized 
a  special  county  levy  of  not  to  exceed  one  mill  in  1917  and  1918 
for  the  repair  and  construction  of  highways.  It  empowered 
the  governor  to  equip  any  portion  of  the  national  guard  re- 
serve up  to  a  battalion  as  mounted  infantry  in  case  of  emer- 
gency. It  authorized  the  state  treasurer  to  invest  the  perman- 
ent state  funds  in  the  certificates  of  indebtedness  issued, 
and  gave  the  governor  authority  to  sell  certificates  to  the 
federal  reserve  banks  or  to  negotiate  loans  through  them  on 
the  certificates  as  security. 

Another  act  of  the  legislature  accepted  the  provision*  of 
the  National  Defense  act  and  arranged!  for  the  drafting  of 
men  for  the  national  guard. 

A  Third  enactment  provided  for  the  further  extension  of 


WASHINGTON  E.  LINDSEY 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  15 

cooperative   agricultural   work     and   made   possible   the   em- 
ployment of  an  agricultural  agent  in  every  county. 

A  fourth  bill  passed  accepted  the  provisions  of  the  Smith- 
Hughes  act  for  vocational  education  and  appropriated  $15,000 
annually  for  two  years  to  meet  a  lilke  appropriation  from  the 
federal  government. 

One  other  important  measure  was  enacted  which  empow- 
ered the  governor,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  aid  to-  the  na- 
tional government  or  providing  for  public  health,  welfare, 
and  safety  in  the  state,  to  organize  and  employ  all  the  re- 
sources of  the  state,  whether  of  men,  property,  or  Instrument- 
alities. 

Thus  unreservedly,  promptly,  -and  wholeheartedly  did  the 
people  of  New  Mexico,  through  their  chosen  representatives, 
throw  themselves  and  all  their  resources  into  the  Great  War. 
The  Sunshine  State  fears  no  storm. 

Lansing  B.  Bloom. 

II      The  War  Executive 

In  every  state  the  "War  Governor"  is  -of  special  interest 
-his  administration  is  more  generally  studied  than  those  of 
other  men  of  equal  ability  and  success.  There  is  no  question 
but  that  the  War  Governor  of  New  Mexico  will  be  of  special 
interest  to  the  future  historian .  His  ability  and  his  fidelity  to 
the  interests  of  the  State  and  Nation  will  rank  him  among 
the  outstanding  governors. 

Every  bijography  is  of  interest  to  two  classes  ~  the  young 
and  the  experienced.  Childhood  and  youth  and  their  form- 
ative influences  appeal  to  the  young,  while  opinions  and  acts 
hold  the  attention  of  the  mature. 

The  youth  of  Lincoln  or  of  Garf  Jeld  contained  no  more  in- 
teresting elements  of  privation  and  no  more  evidence  of 
surmounting  difficulty  than  can  be  found  in  the  life  of 
Washington  Ellsworth  Lindsey,  who  was  born  December  20, 
1862,  in  Belmont  County,  Ohio,  on  Capitana  Creek,  of  a  sturdy 
Scotch  parentage. 


16'  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Robert  Lindsey,  the  founder  of  the  family  in  America,  was; 
a  horsesho-er  in  Washington's  Army,  having  enlisted  from; 
Maryland.  His  son  Robert  L.  Lindsay  emigrated  from  Virginia 
lo  Ohi<5,  crossing  the  Alleghainy  Mountains  in  a  wagon  with 
a  water  tight  bed!  which  was  used  as  a  boat  when  the  Ohio- 
River  was  crtossed.  He  settled  on  a  branch  of  the  Capitana 
Creek  where  he  established  a  settlement  that  soon  grew  to  a? 
village.  He  was  the  owner  of  the  saw  mill,  the  flour  millr 
the  blacksmith  iaind  the  carpenter  shops,  and  a,  general  store 
His  son,  Robert  Washington  Lindsey  (father  of  the  subject  of 
this  sketch)  after  he  reached  his  maturity  enlisted  for  t»ie 
Mexican  War,,  but  peace  was  declared  before  he  was  ready 
for  service.  In  the  Civil  War  he  was  a  recruiting  office  •. 
Throughout  its  entire  history  the  family  lias  been  noted  for 
its  loyalty  and  its  sturdy  pioneer  qualities. 

Washington  E.  Lindsey  was  never  away  from  the  home* 
community  until  twelve  years  of  age,  when  he  went  to  a: 
nearby  railway  station  to  meet  his  father  who  had  been  at 
the  county  seat  serving  on  the  jury.  He  and  the  horses  had 
never  seen  a  train.  The  wagon  road  crossed  a  railroad  a 
short  distance  from  a  tunnel.  As  the  boy  and  horses  ap- 
proached the  crossing  a  locomotive  in  all  its  grandeur  and 
awe  inspiring  power  emer'ged  from  the  tunnel  both  boy  and 
horses  ran  away.  This  was  the  beginning  of  his  education 
in  ouitside  experiences. 

He  began  his  school  career  when  seven  years  old  in  an  eight 
cornered  brick  building.  There  were  sixty  pupils  and  the 
future  governor  was  permitted  to  recite  once  a  week.  He  at- 
tended this  school  for  three  or  four  months  every  year  until 
he  was  seventeen  when  he  entered  Scio  College,  where 
the  ''One  Study  System"  as  in  vogue.  The  student  devot- 
ed himself  exclusively  to  the  study  of  mathematics  until  he 
had  complete  the  required  amount,  then  he  took  up  the  study 
of  grammar  and  so  on,  until  the  course  was  finished.  Pro- 
fessor Smith,  by  his  close  personal  friendship,  inspired  the 
young  country  boy  to  continue  his  education  until  he  was 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  17 

graduated  by  the  University  of  Michigan  in  the  class  of 
1891  with  the  degree  LL.  B.  He  did  post-graduate  work  un- 
der Henry  Coates  Adanis  in  history  and  government.  He  was 
a  student  under  John  Dewey  and  a  classmate  of  James  R. 
Angell,  now  of  Chicago  Univieirsity. 

Upon  graduation  he  opened  a  law  office  in  Chicago,  where 
he  continued  the  practice  of  law  until  he  came  to  New  Mex- 
ico in  1900.  After  a  brief  stay  in  Roswell  he  settled  in  Port- 
ales  June  20,  1900. 

His  first  endeavor  for  community  building  was  in  writing 
a  bill  to  create  Roosevelt  County  and  securing  its  passage 
through  the  territorial  legislature.  He  was  aided  by  Albert 
Bacon  Fall,  then  a  member  of  the  council.  The  bill  was  in- 
troduced, passed  through  both  houses  of  the  legislature  and 
signed  by  the  governor  in  a  single  legislative  day.  He  was  ap- 
pointed probate  clerk  of  the  new  county  by  Governor  Otero 
and  from  that  time  on,  he  has  been  a  prominent  factor  in 
local  and  state  interests.  Although  a  republican,  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  constitutional  convention  of  1910  by 
a  constituency  that  was  'overwhelmingly  democratic.  He 
served  as  a  member  and  as  president  of  the  board  of  education 
of  Portales  fromj  1913  to  1917. 

Mr.  Lindsey  offered  his  services  to  his  country  during  the 
Spanish-American  War  and  was  comimisioned  captain  of 
Company  L  of  a  provisional  division  in  Illinois,  but  the 
armistice  was  signed  before  his  regiment  was  inducted  into 
service. 

At  the  republican  convention  of  1916  Mr.  Lindsey  was  no- 
minated as  candidate  for  the  office  of  lieutenant  governor 
and  at  the  November  election  he  received  a  majority  of  the 
votes.  He  was  sworn  iinto  office  January  1.  19|17,  and  presid- 
ed over  the  senate  from  .January  9th  to  February  19th,  on 
which  day  he  took  the  oath  of  office  as  governor  to  succeed 
E.  C.  de  Baca  who  died  in  office. 

Shortly  after  the  adjournment     of  the  regular  session  of 
the  legislature  came  the  declaration  of  war,  and     Governor 
2 


18  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Lindsey  called  a  special  session  of  the  members  of  the  third 
legislature  to  meet  on  May  1,  1917.  He  read  his  message  to 
both  houses,  in  which  he  asked  for  wider  powers  and  for  the 
appointment  of  a  war  committee  to  aid  in  the  recruiting  of 
soldiers  and  in  the  production  of  additional  food  stuffs.  He 
closed  his  message  with  the  following  words :  ' '  Let  me  there- 
fore, in  conclusion,  urge  that  in  this  great  crisis,  in  this  even 
tragic  time,  we  shall  all,  forgetting  stelf  and  political  bias, 
labor  earnestly  to  serve  most  efficiently  our  state  and  our 
nation.  This  it  seems  to  me,  is  our  supreme  privilege,  as,  no 
less,  it  is  our  supreme  duty." 

Governor  Lindstey  is  justly  proud  of  the  services  that  he 
has  rendered  the  state.  His  acts  as  "War  Governor",  his 
friendship  to  the  movements  in  education,  and  his  connect- 
ion with  state-wide  Prohibition  are  his  claims  to  a  place  in  the 
history  of  the  state.  He  issued  various  addresses  and  pro- 
clamations to  the  citizens  of  the  state,  among  which  "  A  First 
Lesson  on  the  War",  "Why  the  United  States  Entered  the 
War",  "An  Educational  Proclamation"  (under  date  of 
Sixteenth  Day  of  August),  "Our  Flag",  "The  Pinto  Bean", 
are  outstanding  in  patriotism  and  wisdom.  "Our  Flag"  is 
the  best  product  of  his  pen,  having  attracted  wide  attention, 
and  it  is  worthy  of  a  permanent  place  in  this  book. 

Our  Flag 

"  Tis  the  star  spangled  banner,  oh,  long  may  it  wave 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  homie  of  the  brave." 
A  flag  may  be  described  as  a  strip  of  cloth  of  a;  light  fabric, 
varying  in  form  and  color,  frequently  bearing  some  emble- 
nuatib  design,  and  ordinarily  displayed,  affixed  by  one  end  to 
a  staff,  pole  or  rope.    The  most  common  use  of  flags  is  as  em- 
blems of  nations. 

The  use  of  flags  is  of  great  antiquity.  In  the, book,  NUM- 
BERS, of  the  Bible,  we  read,  "Every  man  of  the  Children  of 
Isreal  shall  pitch  by  his  own  standard,  with  the  ensign  of 
their  fathers'  house." 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  19 

Standards,  ensigns,  flags  are  what  peoples  and  nations  make 
them  from  generation  to  generation,  from  age  to  age. 

The  Totem  of  the  North  American  Indian  has  no  vital  sig- 
nificance to  us,  but  to  him  it  is  Standard,  Ensign,  Flag,  Reli- 
gion, History  and  Government. 

The  Star  Spangled  Banner-flag  of  the  Republic  of  North 
America--OUR  FLAG,  had  origin  in  a  resolution  of  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  June  14th,  1777,  and  is  the  oldest  National 
flag  in  existence.  Its  Union  was  declared  as  "thirteen  stars, 
white  in  a  field  of  blue,  Representing  a  new  constellation,  and 
thirteen  bars,  alterate  red  and -white".  The  stars  in  OUR 
FLAG  stand  for  the  states  of  the  Union.  They  were  thirteen 
in  the  Revolution,  thirty-five  in  the  Civil  War,  forty-five  in 
the  war  with  Spain,  and  are  now  forty-eight. 

Those  stars,  white  in  a  field  of  blue,  those  bars,  alternate 
red  and  white,  are  to  you  and  to  me,  no  more  than  what  we 
make  them.  OUR  FLAG  is  ;an  affront  to<  the  traitor  in  the 
Nation.  The  seditious  mock  it,  and  cowards  flee  from  it,  but 
to  the  loyal  citizen  who  knows  our  history  and  is  acquainted 
with  the  heroic  deeds  of  our  fathers,  OUR  FLAG  is  the  sym- 
bol of  the  power,  the  honor,  the  glory,  the  thought  and  the 
purpose  of  our  people. 

In  the  American  Revolution,  LIBERTY  rocked  in  its  cna- 
dle  beneath  the  flaunting  folds  of  OUR  FLAG,  and  from 
then  untfl,  now,  that  flag  has  waved  in  majestic  silence  over 
H.  Nation  of  conquerors-conquerors,  not  for  conquest,  not 
for  subjugation,  not  even  for  indemnity  -  but  conquerors 
for  justice,  righteousness  and  truth.  With  those  ideals  em- 
blazoned upon  its  folds,  OUR  FLAG  ha  never  yet  been  fur- 
led in  defeat,  nor  trailed  in  the  dust.  Nor  will  it  i  ever  be. 

For  the  sixth  significant  time,  OUR  FLAG  is  being  proud- 
ly born  aloft  in  battle  line  on  earth  iand  sea,  and, for  the  first 
time,  high  above  the  earth  and  deep  beneath  the  ,sea.  The 
ground  and  reach  of  all  our  other  wars  have  been  vectional 
and  Iprescribed,  but  in  this  war,  they  are  world  wide,  reach- 
ing up  to  heaven  and  down  to  hell.  For  us,  they  are  the 


20  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

glorification  of  liberty  and  the  triumph  of  the  power  of 
right.  For  our  enemies,  they  are  the  perpetuation  of  servi- 
tude and  the  enthronement  of  the  power  of  might. 

Rightly  we  glorify  our  fathers,  who  for  justice  and  the 
preservation  of  the  Union,  have  died  beneath  the  folds  of 
OUR  FLAG  from  Lexington  to  Yorktown,  from  Balls'  Bluff 
to  Appomattox,  but  higher  <  glory  is  reserved  for  us,  if,  in  this 
world  war,  we  prove  worthy  sons  of  noble  sires  by  carrying 
OUR  FLAG  to  the  battlements  of  Berlin,  there  to  uncrown  the 
Hohenzollern  land  hamstring  the  Beast. 

''And  the  star  spangled  banner  in  triumph  shall  wave 

While  the  land  of  the  free  is  the  hiome  of  the  brave. ' ' 

W.  E.  Lindsey. 

In  a  statement  made  by  Governor  Lindsey  summing  up  his 
administration,  the  important  events  are  so>  clearly  :set  forth 
that  it  is  deemed  wise  to  let  him  speak  for  himself. 

The  illness  of  Governor  E.  C.  de  Baca  hung  like  a  pall  over 
the  members  of  the  Third  Legislature  and  little  was  accomp- 
lished during  the  early  days  of  the  Session.  After  his  death 
the  Legislature,  realizing  in  spite  of  the  general  grief  of  the 
state,  that  the  purpose  for  which  they  met  must  be  accomp- 
lished, took  up  thteir  work.  "In  the  remaining  twenty 
day  period  of  the  regular  session,  resolutions  were  adopted 
and  laws  enacted  which  went  far  to  consummate  the  desitfes 
and  hopes  of  the  forward  and  upward  looking  people  of  the 
state. 

"Among  those,  conspicuous  for  notation  and  remark,  was 
that  submitting  to  the  will  of  the  franchise  of  the  state,  Arti- 
cle XXIII,  of  the  Constitution,  prohibiting  the  manufacture 
and  importation  of  alcoholic  liquors  for  sale,  barter",  or  gift, 
from  and  after  October  1st,  1918.  The  timeliness  and  wis- 
dom of  this  action  were  conclusively  established  at  the 
November,  1917,  election  in  its  adoption  by  a  vote  of  ap- 
proximately three  for  to  one  against. 

"Other  acts  of  that  legislative  session  of  far  reaching  con- 
sequence to  the  people  of  iour  state  are  that  providing  for  a 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  21 

secret  ballot;  a  state  budget;  workmen's  compensation;  the 
consolidation  of  rural  schools;  the  determination  and  invest- 
ment of  the  state's  permaent  public  lands  fund,  an  act  relat- 
ing to  public  highways  and  bridges,  and  others. 

"From  the  very  hour  when  the  congress  of  the  govern- 
ment at  Washington  declared  that  the  imperial  German  was 
carrying  on  war  against  the  goverment  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  every  available  resource  of  power,  both  legislative 
and  executive,  jn  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  has  been  freely 
and  enthusiastically  contributed  to  aid  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  thte>  will  to  win  the  war " for  the  preservation  of  the 
nation  and  the  rights  of  free  governments  and  free  peoples. 
The  orders  of  the  President  as  commander  in  chief  of  the 
army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  in  theiir  application  to 
this  state,  have  been  faithfully  executed  and  the  require- 
ments of  the  general  government,  from  the  people  of  this 
state,  have  been  more  than  met  in  every  instance. 

"Twenty-  four  days  after  the  declaration  of  war,  the  legis- 
lature of  the  state  assembled  in  special  session  and,  in  the 
brief  period  of  eight  days,  enacted  laws  that  enabled  our 
peo-ple  to  pass  at  once  from  a  status  of  profound  industrial 
peace  promotion  to  a  status  of  univeral  war  promotion.  By 
Chapter  Three  of  that  session,  acts,  the  authority  and  exer- 
cise of  plenary  power,  was  not  only  freely  conferred  upon  the 
state  executive,  but  all  necessary  and  required  exercise  there- 
of was  demanded  of  him.  By  Chapter  Four  of  that  session 
a.cts,  provisions  for  arming  the  state  in  its  self  defense  were 
enacted;  and  Chapter  Five  thereof  created  thte  council  of  de- 
fense for  the  state  and  put  at  the  disposal  of  the  executive, 
war  credit  to  the  amount  of  $750,000." 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  special  session 
of  the  legislature,  the  Council  of  Defense  was  organized.  The 
governor  was  in  constant  touch  with  all  its  splendid  labors 
for  the  increase  of  foodstuffs,  for  the  rapid  and  effective 
mobilization  of  men,  for  the  encouragement  of  all  the  Liberty 
Loian  and  War  Fund  Drives. 


22  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Near  the  close  of  Governor  Lindsey's  administration  it  was 
reported  that  various  soldiers  at  Camp  Kearney  and  at  Camp 
Cody  were  being  discriminated  against.  At  the  bottom  of 
this  discrimination  was  the  ignorance  of  the  officers  higher 
up-  of  the  officers  who  did  come  in  contact  with  the  splen- 
did men  from  this  state.  Governor  Lindsey  went  to  Camp 
Kearney  and  protested  that  every  man  from  New  Mexico 
should  receive  proper  treatment,  no  matter  how  inadequate 
his  knowledge  of  the  English  language  might  be.  After  in- 
vestigating the  situation,  Major  General  Strong  wrote  Gov- 
ernor Lindsey  as  follows:  "I  am  glad  to  say  that  the  Spanish 
Americans  are  now  happily  situated.  When  we  began  to 
arrange  for  transfers,  much  to-  our  surprise  'and  delight  we 
found  that  commanding  officers  did  not  want  to  give  them 

up I  shall  take  a  personal  interest  in  looking  after  these 

men,  who,  from  the  fact  thiat  they  cannot  speak  English,  are 
at  a  disadvantage."  One  result  of  this  visit  was  that  schools 
of  instruction  in  the  English  language  were  formed  for  those 
who  could  not  speak  the  language.  A  similar  change  was 
effected  by  Governor  Lindsey's  visit  to  Camp  Cody,  in  im- 
proving the  condition  of  the  volunteers  and  draftees  who 
were  being  discriminated  against  beciauste  they  could  not  speak 
the  English  language. 

The  last  official  act  of  Governor  Lindseey  which  was  of 
special  importance  was  his  trip  to  Washington  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  compensation  from  the  government  for  expendi- 
tures at  the  College  of  Agriculture  and  Mechanic  Arts  and  at 
the  University  for  the  training  of  soldiers  in  the  Students' 
Army  Training  Corps,  and  also  to  interest  the  government  in 
the  reclamation  of  the  Rio  Grande  Valley. 

Governor  Lindsey's  administration  was  clean,  patriotic, 
effective,  and  worthy  of  the  great  state  of  New  Mexico. 

Prank  H.  H.  Roberts. 


FIRST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS          23 


THE  FIRST  TERM  OF  THE  AMERICAN  COURT 
IN  TAOS,  NEW  MEXICO. 

Francis  T.  Cheetham 

Hubert  Howie  Bancroft,  in  his  monumental  work  on  the 
History  of  the  Western  States,  devotes  two  volumes  to  Po- 
pular Tribunals.  He  might  have  used  tht  term  "Vigilante 
Justice."  He  shows  that  in  nearly  all  the  western  states,  it 
took  some  years  before  the  courts  began  to  properly  function. 
Jduges  and  District  Attorneys  were  chosen,  took  oaths  of 
office  and  drew  their  salaries ;  but  criminals  went  unpunished. 
The  invariable  rule  is  that  when  those,  whose  duty  it  is  to  in- 
force  the  law,  utterly  fail  to  do  their  duty  for  any  consider- 
able length  of  time  and  lawless  mien  are  permitted  to  disre- 
gard the  law  as  a  means  of  money  gathering,  the  commJon 
people,  when  the  breaking  point  is  reached,  rise  up,  take  the 
law  into  their  own  hands  and  administer  attempted  justice 
without  law.  This  is  the  experience  of  the  ages. 

An  examination  of  the  record  of  the  First  Term  of  the 
Circuit  and  District  Courts  for  the  Northern  District  of  New 
Mexico,  which  convened  at  Taos,  April  5,  1847,  a  copy  of 
which  record  is  hereto  appended,  discloses  a  remarkable 
a.chievment.  And,  while  it  took  from  two  to  ten  years  for  the 
courts  to-  begin  to  function  properly  in  the  other  western 
commionwealths,  this  court  established  a  record,  probably 
never  excelled  in  the  history  of  the  world,  for  the  dispatch 
and  sound  discretion  exercised  in  the  transaction  of  the 
business  then  before  the  court. 

As  to  the  personnel  of  this  Court,  it  will  readily  be  seen 
that  it  was  a  Trader's  and  Trapper's  Court.  Don  Carlos 
Reaubien,  the  presiding  judge,  was  a  native  of  Canada  of 
French  extraction,  who  came  to  New  Mexico  in  1823,  and 
settled  in  Taos;  -and  while  what  he  did  not  know  about  the 
law  would  fill  volumes,  yet  he  was  a  man  of  intelligence  and 


24  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

action.    That  his  reasoning  faculties  were  good  is  well  shown 
in  the  argument  he  advanced  against  Padne  Martinez  in  his 
answer  to  the  Hearned  padre 's  protest  agiainst  Beaubien  's  peti- 
tion for  the  Ijand  grant,  since  known  as  the  Maxwell  Land 
Grant.  Joab  Houghton  was  a  native  of  New  York,  a  college 
man  and  a  civil  engineer  by  profession.     He  came  to     New 
Mexico  in  November,  1843,  land  located  in  Santa  Fe.    He  had 
succeeded  Manuel  Alvarez  as  U.  S.  Consul  at  Santa  Fe  before 
the  Mexican  War.    When  Gen.  Kearney  organized  the  courts 
of  the     provisional  Territory,  he  appointed       Houghton,  an 
American,  Chief  justice,  and  Charles  Beaubien,  a  Frenchman, 
and  Antonio  el.  Otero,  of  Spanish  blood,  as  associate  justices. 
Frank  P.  Blair,  the  United  States  attorney  was  probably  the 
only  lawyer  present  and  he  had  just  lately  been  admitted  to 
practice  hi  his    native  state.    On  account  of  ill  health  he  had 
come  west  and  stopped  for  some  months  at    Bent's  Fort  on 
the  Arkansas,  and  when  the  Mexican  War  started  he  came 
in  with  the  army.     Of  the  nineteen  men  who  composed  the 
grand  jury,  four  were  Americans.  George  Bent  the  foreman 
was  a  brother     of  the  slain  governor.  James  S.     Barry  'and 
Joseph  M.  Graham  were  sturdy  mountain-men  and  Elliott  Lee 
was  a  relative  of  Stephen  Louis  Lee,  late  Sheriff  of  the  Coun- 
ty.    The  venire  of  the  petit  jury  contains  some  interesting 
names  indeed.    On  this  list  we  find  such  men  as  Lucien  Max- 
well, who  had  been  one  of     Fremont's  men  of  the  first  and 
second  expeditions  of  the  Pathfinder.  Joseph  Paulding  was 
a  noted  trapper  who  had  migrated  to  California  in  1832  and 
had  constructed  the  first  billiard  table  on  the  coast.     Baut- 
iste  Charleyfoe  had  trapped  all  the  way  from  the  Saskatcha- 
wan  to  the  Gila  and  came  near  losing  his  scalp  in  the  Snake 
country.  Charles  Town  was  likewise  one  of  Fremont's  men 
pnd  was  well  known     from  the1  Sweetwater  to  the  Gila.     Sir 
William  Stuart  knew  him  on  Lewis'  Fork  and  says  he  wrote 
a  song,  the  last  two  lines  of  which  ran  :— • 

"The  rock  rushed  down  with  a  mighty  din, 
And  broke  a  gun  and  a  Frenchman's  shin." 


FIRST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS          25 

Antonio1  Leroux  was  a  noted  scout  and  guide.    Benjamin  Day 
was  one  of  Ewing  Young's  trappers  back  in  the  'twenties  and 
bad  accompanied  the  latter  to  California  in  1831.     Asa  Estis 
was  probably  of  the  family  of  Geo.  H.  Estes,  who,  with  others 
had  petitioned  in  1884  for  a  grant  on  the  Sapello,  where  Ft. 
Union  was  afterwards  established.     Charles  Roubidoux  was 
also  a  noted  scout  and  guide  to  General  Kearney  and  others, 
and  afterwards  led  the  Sitgreaves  Expedition.     He  belonged 
to  that  noted  family  of  our  traders  who  founded  St.  Joseph, 
Mo.,  and  Riverside1,  Cal.,  and  who  maintained  two  forts  in 
the  mountain  country.     A  number  of  the  jurors  of  Spanish 
blood  had  long  been  trappers.       Their  contempt  fon  the  or- 
dinary type  of  Missouri  Volunteer  is  well  shown  in  the  fol- 
lowing lines  taken  from     Louis  H.  Garrard's  book  entitled 
"Wash-to-yah,  or  the     Taos  Trail,"  published  in  1850,-if  a 
digression  may  be  indulged,  for  it  throws'  an  interesting  side 
light     on  the  scene.     Garrard  visited  the  Taos    "carcel*''  or 
prison  on  April  9th,  1847,  the  day  of  the  first  judicial  hang- 
ing.   In  part  he  says : — 

" Entering  a  portal,  with  a  nod  to  the1  sentina]  on  duty,  we 
found  ourselves  in  a  court.  In  a  room  fronting  this,  was  a 
ragged,  ill-looking  pelado,  conversing  with  a  miserably- 
dressed  old  woman-  his  mother-and  discussing  greenish-blue 
tortillas,  and  chile  Colorado,  under  the1  espionage  of  a  slouch- 
ing attired,  long-haired,  dirty  and  awkward  volunteer,  who 
to  judge  by  his  outward  show,  was  no  credit  to  his  corps,  or 
silver-gilt  eagle  buttons.  He  leaned  in  a  most  unsoldierlike 
position  against  the  doorframe,  and  on  our  near  approach, 
drew  his  feet  somewhat  closer  to  perpendicular,  accosting 
us  with-  'Well,  strangers!  how  are  ye?' 
'Quite  wejll,  thank  you/  replied  one  of  us. 
"Them's  great  briches  of  yourn,'  broke  in  he,  abruptly, 
after  eyeing  my  fringed  buckskins  for  some  momients,  'Whar'd 
they  rig-mate-  SantyFee'?  Beats  linsey-woolsey  all  holler, 
down  to  Galaway  county.' 


26  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

'Santa  Fe,!'  replied  Hatcher,  disgusted  with  the  fellow's 
simplicity,  'Why  hoss,  them's  Calif orny!' 

1  Callyf  orny !  My  oh  !  let  rs  look  at  them,  stranger.  Calyf  orny  I 
way  over  yonder:!'  half  way  soliloquising,  and  staring  me 
doubtingly,  with  a  side  twist  to  his  head,  and  a  knowing- 
squint  from  his  poncine  eyes,  'now  yon  don't  mean  to  sayr 
you  was  in  them  briches  when  they  was  in  Calyf  orny  ?' 

'Him?'  interrupted  Hatcher,  wishing  to  astonish  the  man, 
'that  boy's  been  everywhar.  He's  stole  more  mule  flesh  from 
the  Spaniards,  and  raised  more  Injun  har  than  you  could 
tuck  in  your  belt  in  a  week.' 

'How  raise  Injun  hair?  like  we  raise  com  and  hemp  to 
Callaway  County  or  jest  like  we  raise  hogs  and  y'oxens.' 

'Oh!  you  darned  fool,'  retorted  Louy  Simonds,  'a  long 
ways  the  greenest  Ned  we  see  yet,  NoP  rejoined  he  imper- 
atively, 'when  an  Injun's  a  gone  beaver  we  take  a  knife  like 
this,'  pulling  out  his  long  scalp  blade,  which  motion  caused 
the  man  to  open  his  eyes,  'bettch  hold  of  the  top  knot  and  rip 
skin  and  all  rite  off,  quicker  an'  a  goat  could  jump.' 

'What's  a  gone  beaver,  stranger?7  again  spoke  up  our  ver 
clant  queries!. 

'Why,  whar  was  you  brung  up,  not  to*  know  the  meanifc* 
of  sich  terms-we'd  show  you  round  fur  a  curiosity  up  in  the 
mountains-  let's  go,  fellers.' 

We  started  to  another  part  of  the    jail,  but  werei  stopped 
by  a  final  question     from  our  brave  volunteer  to     Hatcher- 
'Stranger!  what  mout  your  name    be,  ef  I  mout  be  so  fneie 
like?' 

'Well,  hos!'  returned  the  questioned,  'my  name  mout  be 
Bill  Williams,  or  it  mout  be  Rube  Herring,  or  it  mout  be 
John  Smith,  or  it  mout  bei  Jim  Beckwith,  but  this  buffi  en  s 
call'ed  John  L.  Hatcher,  to-  rendevoo.  Wa.gh!" 

Garrard  left  behind  the  most  complete  narrative  of  the 
proceedings  o*f  this  court,  outside  its  own  record.  He  revolt- 
od  at  the  idea  of  the  hanging  of  a  man  for  high  treason.  No 
doubt  he  was  right,  but  the  mountainmen  evidently  thought 


FIRST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS          27 

that  Polo  Salazar  deserved  hanging  on  general  principles, 
for  they  did  not  hesitate  to  acquit  the  next  man.  charged  with 
the  same  offense.  Garrard,  at  the  time,  was  a  mere  boy  scarcely 
eighteen  years  of  age  and  he  had  not  learned  thei  code  of  the 
mountainmen,  which  required  an  eye  for  an  eye  and  a  tooth 
for  tooth.  Moreover  he  allows  his  poetic  inclination  to 
lead  him  into  some  errors,  as  to  the  facts,  as  will  appear  from 
the  court  record;  but  as  a  whole  his  narrative  ife  reliable  and 
intensely  interesting  and  as  a  literary  effort,  it  is  a  classic. 

This  Court  was  in  session  fifteen  working  days,  during 
which  time  seventeen  men  were  indicted  for  murder,  fifteen 
of  whom  were  found  guilty  and  two  not  guilty,  by  the  jury. 
Five  men  werei  indicted  for  high  treason,  one  of  whom  was 
convicted,  one  acquitted  by  the  jury  and  three  went  out  on 
a  nolle.  Seventeen  were  indicted  for  larceny  of  whom  six 
were  convicted,  three  found  not  guilty,  seven  discharged  by 
a  nolle  prosque  and  one  case  appears  to  have  been  continued 
for  the  term.  In  no  instance  was  a  plea  of  guilty  entered. 
Every  man  "put  himself  on  the  country-"  Therte  was  no  talk 
about  thei  law's  delays  here,  for  this  court  convicted  a  man 
of  murder,  for  each  and  every  working  day  of  the  term.  Ap- 
peals were  not  much  in  favor  in  this  court,  for  each  homicide 
convict  was  hnnged  before  a  transcript  could  havei  been  writ- 
ten. Before  this  Court  did  its  work,  the  Taos  country  had 
been  a  hotbed  of  revolution.  Practically  every  insurrection 
in  Northern  Mexico  had  had  its  inception  at  this  place.  But 
since  the  fifth  of  April,  1847,  revolution  has  not  been  po- 
pular in  the  Valley  of  Taos. 

The  record  of  the  Court  is  as  follows: — 

Be  it  remembered  that  on  this  Fifth  day  of  April  in  the 
vear  of  our  Lord  Eighteen  hundred  forty  seven.  The  Honor- 
able District  Court  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  conven- 
ed in  pursuant  to  an  order  from  the  judge  ther^r.f,  at  Don 
Fernandez  de  Taos,  in  said  Territory.  The  Honorable  Charles 
Beaubien  presiding  Judge  assisted  by  the  Honorable  Joab 
Houghton,  Judge  of  the  Central  District. 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  Marshall  proclaimed  the  Court  opened  in  due  form  and 
ready  for  the  transaction  of  business,  the  Marshal,!  returned 
the  venire  for  the  Grand  Jury,  with  the  names,  George  Bentr 
James  S.  Barry,  Joseph  M.  Graham,  Antonio  Ortiz,  Jose  Gre- 
gory Martinez,  Miguel  Sanchez,  Elliot  Lee,  Mariano;  Martin, 
Matias  Vigil,  Gabriel  Vigil,  Santiago  Martinez,  Ventutfa 
Martinez,  Jose  Cordova!,  Felipe  Romero,  Ramonde  Cordoval, 
Antonio  Medina,  Jose  Angel  Vigil,  Antonio  Jose  Bingo,  Jean 
Bennette  Valdez, 

The  Court  organized  the  grand  jury  by  appointing  George 
Bent  as  foreman,  who  took  the  necessary  obligation,  and  the 
others  took  the  oath  of  Grand  Jurors,  when  the  Court  charg- 
ed the  said  Grand  Jury  in  relation  to  the  duties  involved  up- 
*on  them  as  Grand  Jurors  as  aforesaid,  after  which  they  re- 
tired, when  the  Court  adjourned  until  tomorrow  morning  at 
nine  O'clock,  previous  to  which  Mr.  Theodore  Wheaton 
presented  his  Commission  from  the  acting  Governor  of  the 
Territory  of  his  appointment  as  Circuit  Attorney  for  the 
Northern  District  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  the  Court 
received  said  commission  and  ordered  it  to  be  filed. 

Robert  Carey 

Approved  Clerk 

Oharles  Beaubien. 

Don  Fernando  de  Taos,  April  6,  1847. 

"The  Court  opened  pursuant  to  adjournment.  The  Grand 
Jury  appeared  and  all  answered  to*  their  names,  when  they 
presented  several  Bills  of  Indictment,  among  whome  were  the, 
Territory  of  New  Mexico 

vs  Indictment  for  Murder. 

Jose  Manuel  Garcia. 

And  now  on  this  day  F.  P.  Blair,  Esq.,  appears  on  behalf 
of  said  Territory  and  is  prepared  for  trial.  The  Council  for 
the  defendant  not  being  ready  ask  the  Court  to  aidjourn  un- 
til the  afternoon.  Whereupon  the  Court  grants  said  request 
and  adjourns  accordingly.  The  Court  meets,  the  parties  ap- 
pearing, when  the  defendant  pleads  not  guilty  to  the  charge, 
whereupon  a  jury  is  called  and  sworn  consisting  George 
Long,  Lucian  Maxwell,  Joseph  Play,  Charles  Ortibus,  Antonio 
Dewitt,  Peter  Joseph,  Benjamin  Day,  Joseph  Paulding,  Ed- 
mong  Chadwick  Charles  Town,  Bautiste  Charleyfoe  and 
Henry  Katz,  the  evidence  being  submitted  to  them  they  re- 
turn the  following  verdict. 


FIRST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS          29 

We  the  Jury  find  the  defendant  Guilty  as  charged  in  the 
Indictment.  It  is  therefore  considered  and  adjudged  by  the 
Court  that  the  said  defendant  is  guilty  as  charged,  and  that 
he  be  taken  to  the  jail,  from  whence  he  came  and  there  re- 
main until  the  sentence  of  death  be  passed  upon  him  the  said 
defendant  after  which  the  Court  adjourned  until  tomarrow 
morning  at  9  O'clock, 

Robert  Carey 

Approve  Clerk. 

Charles  Beaubien* 

Don  Fernandez  de  Tiaos,  April  7,  1847. 

The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment,  the  Grand  Jury 
appeared  and  answered  to  their  names,  the  Prisoner  Jose 
Manuel  Garcia  who  had  on  the  previous  day  been  convicted 
of  Murder  was  brought  into  Court,  when  the  sentence  of  death 
was  passed  upon  him,  to-wit : 

That  on  Friday  next  the  9th  Inst.  he  be  taken  from  the  Jail 
of  said  County  to  the  place  of  execution  and  between  the 
hours  of  ten  O'clock  in  the  forenoon  and  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  and  hang  him  said  Jose  Manuel  Garcia  by  the  neck 
until  he  is  dead. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

vs  Indictment  for  Murder. 

Pedro  Lucero,  Manuel  Romero, 
Juan  Ramon  Trujillo,  Isidor  Romero. 

And  now  on  this  day  the  parties  appe'ar  and  are  ready  for 
trial,  the  said  defendants  plead  not  Guilty  to  the  Charges  as 
set  forth  in  said  Indictment,  whereupon  a  jury  is  called,  em- 
paneled and  sworn,  to-wit :  Juan  Miguel  Baca,  Julian  Lucero, 
William  LeBUanc,  Henry  Katz,  Bautiste  Charleyfoe,  Robert 
Fisher,  Manuel  Lafore,  Charles  Ortibus,  Elilah  Ness,  Peter 
Joseph,  C.  L.  Courrier,  Jose  Maria  Valdez.  The  Council  for 
the  defendants  submit  a  plea  to  quash  s'aid  Indictment,  the 
Court  after  due  consideration  overrules  said  plea  and1  the 
trial  proceeded,  the  Evidence  having  been  submitted  the  jury 
returned  the  following  verdict :  We  the  Jury  find  named 
defendants  Guilty  as  Charged  in  the  Indictment. 

It  is  therefore  considered  and  adjudged  by  the  Court  that 
the  said  Defendants  be  taken  from  the  place  of  their  con- 
finement, on  Friday  next  the  9th  Inst.  to  the  place  of  Execu- 
tion and  between  the  hours  of  ten  o'clock  of  the  forenoon 


30  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  two  o'clock  of  the  afternoon  hang  them  by  the  neck  un- 
til they  are  dead. 

Robery  Carey. 

Aprove :  Clerk. 

Charles  Beaubien. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  April  7"  1847. 

The  United  States  District  Court  open  in  the  regular  form, 

the  same  Judge  presiding.     The  Grand  Jury  appeared  and 

answered  to  their  names  and  presented  a  Bill  of  Indictment. 

United  States 

vs  Indictment  for  High  Treason 

Polo*  Salizar. 

And  on  this  day  Comes  the  U.  S.  District  Attorney,  F.  P. 
Blair,  Esq.  and  the  Defendant  with  his  Council,  who  pleads 
Not  Guilty  to  the  Charge  as;  set  forth  in  the  Indictment. 
Whereupon  a  Jury  is  called  empaneled  and  sworn,  to-wit: 
Juan  Miguel  Baca,  William  Le  Blac,  Henry  Katz,  Bapti'ste 
Charleyfoe,  Robert  Fisher,  Manuel  Lafore,  Charles  Ortibus, 
Elijah  Ness,  Peter  Joseph,  C.  L.  Corner  and  Jose  Manuel 
Valdez. 

The  evidence  being  submitted  to  the  Jury,  they  returned 
the  following  verdict:  we  the  Jury  find'  the  Defendant 
Guilty  as  charged  in  the  Indictment.  Robert  Fisher,  Fore- 
man. Whereupon  it-Considered  and  Adjudged  by  the  Court 
that  the  said  Defendant  -  the  penalties  of  la.w  and  that  he  be 
taken  to  the  Jail  and  there  remain  until  the  sentence  of 
Death  be  passed  upon  him  after  which  the  Court  adjourned 
to  tomarrow  Morning  at  nine  o'clock. 

Robert  Carey 

Aprove  Clerk. 

Charles  Beaubien. 

Don  Fernandez  d'e  Tao?.,  April  8th  1847. 
The  Circuit  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment,  the  Grand 
Jury  appeared  and  answered  to  their  names.  The  Prisoner 
Polo  Salazar  who  was  convicted  of  High  Treason  was  brought 
into  Court,  when  the  Sentence  of  Death  was  passed  upon  him 
to-wit:  That  on  Friday  next  the  9th  Inst  he  be  taken  from 
the  Jail  of  the  County  of  Ttaos.  to  the  place  of  Execution  and 
there  between  the  hours  of  Ten  o'clock  of  the  forenoon  and 


FIRST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS          31 

Two  o'clock  of  the     afternoon  he  the  said     Polo  Salizar  be 
hung  by  the  neck  until  he  is  dead, 

Francisco  Naranjo,  Jose  Gabriel  Somoro,  Juan  Domingo 
Matins  Juan  Antonio  Lucero  and  El  Curero*  has  been  indict- 
ed by  the  Grand  Jury. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico, 

vs  Indictment  for  Murder. 

Francisco  Naranjo,  Jose  Gabriel  Somoro,  Juan  Domingo  Mar- 
tins,  Juan  Antonio  Lucero  and  El  Cuerroe. 

And  now  on  this  day  comes  the  Cirucift  Attorney,  and  the 
said  defendants  with  their  counsel,  and  pleads  not  guilt}?-  as 
charged,  Whereupon  a  jury  is  called,  empaneled  and  sworn 
towit : 

Manuel  Lafore,  Edmund1  Cfoadwick,  Benj.  Davy,  Charles 
Town,  C.  L.  Corrier,  Elijah  Ness,  Lewis  Simmonds,  Basal  Le- 
Rew,  Baptiste  Charleyfoe,  Jos.  Paulding,  Thomas  Whitlo  and 
John  L.  Hatcher,  during  the  pendency  of  the  case  the  Court 
adjourned  to  tw-o  d 'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  the  Court 
met  and  the  trial  proceeded,  the  evidence  having  been  given 
to  the  jury  and  a  brief  argument  by  the  counsel  the  matter 
was  submitted,  they  returned  the  following  verdict.  We  the 
Jury  find  the  above1  named  defendants  Guilty  as  charged  in 
the  Indictment. 

Whereupon  the  Court  considered  and  adjudged  that  the 
s'aad  Defendants  suffer  the  penalties  -of  the  law  in  such  cases 
and  that  the  defendants  aforesaid  be  sent  back  to  the  Prison 
and  there  remain  until  the  sentence  of  death  be  passed  upon 
them  afte'r  which  the  Court  adjourned  until  Friday  the  9th 
Inst  at  nine  o'clock. 

Robert  Gary, 

Aprove  Clerk 

Charles  Bemibien. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl,  9,  1847. 

The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment,  Manuel  Miera, 
Manuel  Sandoval,  Rafael  Tafoya  and  Juan  Pacheco  who  had 
been  Indicted  for  Murder  and  Francisco  Rivole  charged  with 
High  Treason  who  all  plead  not  Guilty  as  charged.  The 
counsel  for  Francisco  Rivole  moved  the  postponment  of  said 
tritel  until  Mondav.  The  Court  considers  said  motion  and 


32  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

grants  said  request,  after  which  the     Court  adjourned  until 
Saturday  the  10th  Inst, 

Robert  Gary 

Approve  Clerk. 

Charles  BeaubieB, 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl  10-47, 

The  Court  met  pursuant  to  Adjournment;  Mr.  Allen  Coun- 
sel for  the  Five  Indians  who  were  convicted  of  Murder  on 
the  8th  Inst,  Submitted  a  Motion  to  the  Court  to  Set  the  Ver- 
dict aside  and  order  a  new  trial;  the*  Court  after  duly  con- 
sidering slald  Motion  it  was  overruled,  and  the  Sentence  of 
Death  was  passed  upon  said  Prisoners,  to-wit,  That  on  Fri- 
day the  30th  Inst  they  be  taken  from,  the  jail  to  the  place  of 
Execution  and  between  the  hours  of  Ten  O'clock  of  the  fore- 
noon and  Two  O'clock  of  the  afternoon,  of  said  day  they  be 
hung  by  the  neck  until  they  are  dead. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico1 

vs  Indictment  for  Murder. 

Manuel  Miera,  Manuel  Siandoval 
Rafael  Tafoya,  Juan  Pacheco. 

And  now  on  this  day  comes  the  Circuit  Attorney,  and  the 
said  Defendants  with  their  counsel  and  being  ready  for  trial 
a  Jury  is  called,  empaneled  and  sworn  to-wit:  Horace  Long, 
Jostetph  Pley,  Manuel  Lafore,  Peter  Joseph,  Benjamin  Dayr 
Joseph  Paulding,  Edmund  Chadwick,  Asa  Estes,  John  S. 
Hatcheir,  Louis  Simmons,  Thos.  Whitlo  and  Baptiste  Charley- 
foe.  The  evidence  being  Submitted  to  the  Jury  they  return- 
ed the  following  verdict.  We  the  Jury  find  the  above  named 
defendants  Guilty  as  charged  in  the  Indictment.  It  is  there- 
fore Considered  and  adjudged  by  the  Court  that  the  said  de- 
fendants suffer  the  penalties  of  the  law  in  such  cas-es  made 
and  provided,  'and  that  on  Friday  the  30th  day  of  April  nest 
they  the  said  defendants  be  taken  from  the  Jail  of  their  con- 
finement to  the  place  of  execution  and  between  the  hours  of 
Tten  0  'clock  of  the  forenoon  and  Two  0  'clock  of  the  after- 
noon 'O'f  said  day  they  be  hung  by  the  neck  until  they  are  dead, 
after  which  the  Court  adjourned  until  Morning  at  Nine  O'- 
clock. 

:  Robert  Cary, 

Aprove,  Clerk 

Charles  Baa-ubien. 


FIRST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS          33 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl  12"  1847. 

The*  Court  met  pursuant  to  Adjournment.  Grand  Jury  call- 
ed and  answered  to  their  names  and  presented  a  True  Bill. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

vs  Indictment  for  Murder. 

Asencio. 

And  now  this  day  comes  the  Circuit  Attorney  and  the  said 
defendant  with  his  counsel  and  said  defendant  pleaded  not 
Guilty  as  charged.  Whereupon  a  Jury  is  called,  empaneled 
and  sworn  to-wit:  Horace  Long,  Lucian  Maxwell,  Antonio 
Dutt.  Peter  Joseph,  Benj.  Day,  Asa  Estes,  Charles  Town, 
Elijah  Ness,  Manuel  Lafore,  Bapti&te  Charleyfoe,  Berall  Le- 
Rew  and  Rovert  Fisher.  The  Evfdence  having  been  given  to 
the  Jury  they  returned  the  fallowing  verdict :  We  tfye  Jury 
find  the  Defendant  Not  Guilty  as  charged  in  the  Indictment, 
Benj.  Da.y,  Foreman.  It  is  therefore  considered  and  adjudged 
by  the  Court  that  said  defendant  be  discharged  from  the 
custody  of  the  law  and  that  he  go  his  way,  after  which  the 
Court  adjourned. 

Robert  Gary, 

Aprove,  Clerk 

Charles  Beaubien. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl,  12,  1847. 

The  U.  States  District  Court  met.     Grand  Jury  called  and 
answered  to  their  names. 
United  States 

v  Indictment  for  High  Treason. 

Francisco  Revali. 

And  no'w  on  this  day  the1  U.  S.  Attorney  appeared  and  the 
defendant  with  his  counsel.  A  Jury  was  called,  empaneled 
and  sworn,  to-wit :  Horace  Long,  Peter  Joseph,  Benj.  Day, 
Jos.  Pauldijng,  Chas.  Town,  Antonio  Duet,  Basil  LeRew,  Jose 
Ignacio  Valdez,  Edmund  Chadwick,  Pedro  Valdez,  Asa  Estes 
and  Rafael  de  Serna.  the  evidence  being  submitted  the  jury 
return  the  following  verdict,  We  the  jury  find  the  defendant 
not  guilty  as  charged  in  the  Indictment.  Edmund  Chadwick, 
Foreman.  It  is  therefore  adjudged  and  considered  by  the 
Court  that  the  said  defendant  be  discharged  from  the  custody 
of  the  l-?w  and  tl.at  he  depart  without  day. 


34  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

vs  Indictment  for  Murder. 

Juan  Antonfo  Avile. 

The  Circuit  Attorney  Appears  and  the  defendant  with  his 
counsel  and  are  ready  for  trial     when  the  Court  adjourned 
until  tomarrow  at  Nine  O'clock. 
Approved. 

Ctoarles  Bteaubien. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl  12,  1847. 
The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment  and  the  case  of  the 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

vs 
Francisco  Revali. 

Continued.  A  Jury  was  called,  empaneled  and  sworn,  to-wit : 
Horace  Long,  Peter  Joseph,  Benj.  Day,  Jos.  PMding,  Char- 
les Town,  Antonio  Duet,  Basil  Le  Rew,  Jose  Ignacio  Valdez, 
Edmund  Chadwick,  Pedro  Valdez,  Asa  Estes  and  Rafael  de 
Luna,  the  matter  being  submitted  the  Jury  return  thie!  follow- 
ing verdict,  We  the  juiry  find  the  defendant  not  guilty  as 
changed  in  the  Indictment.  It  is  therefore  adjudged!  and  con- 
sidered, by  the  Court  that  the  defendant  be  discharged  from 
the  custody  of  the  Haw  and  that  he  go  his  way.  being 

entered  by  the  Court  as  an  attorney,  was  enrolled  accordingly 
after  which  the  Court  adjourned. 

Robert  Cary 
Charles  Beaubien. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  April  13,  1847. 
The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

v  Indictment  for  Murder. 

Juan  Antonio  Avila 

And  now  on  this  day  comes  the1  Circuit  Attorney  and  the 
defendant  with  his  counsel  and  being  prepared  for  trial  a 
Jury  is  empaneled  and  sworn  to-wit:  Robert  Fisher,  Antonio 
Deitt,  Peter  Joseph,  Joseph  Paulding,  Edmund  Chadwick,  C. 
L.  Corner,  Pedro  Valdez,  Vidal  Trujillo,  Asa  Este-s,  Jose 
Ignacio  Valdez,  Rafael  de  Luna  and  Benjamin  Day.  The 
evidence  having  been  given  to>  the  Jury,  they  returned  the 
following  verdict.  W>e>  the  jury  find  the  defendant  Guilty  as 
Charged  in  the  Indictment.  It  is  therefore  adjudged  and 


FIRST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS          35 

considered,  by  the  Court  that  the  defendant  suffer  the  penal- 
ties of  the  law  and  that  on  Friday  the  seventh  day  of  Mky 
next  he  be  taken  from  the  jail  of  thfei  County  to  the  place  of 
execution  and  between  the  hours  of  Ten  O'clock  of  the  fore- 
noon and  two  o'clock  of  the'  afternoon  of  said  day  he  the  saiJ 
Antonio  Avila  be  hung  by  the  neck  until  he  is  dead.  The  U. 
S.  District  Attorney  entered  a  nol  pirosque  in  the  case  of  the 
United  States  vs  Varua  Tafoya,  Felipe  Tafoya,  Pablo  Guerr- 
era,  charged  with  High  Treason  and  are  accordingly  dismiss- 
ed. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl  14,  1847. 
The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 
Martinez  v  Romero,  Suit  dismissed  at  the  cost  of  the  Plain- 
tiff. 

Lee  v  Truiillo,  Suit  renewed 
Lee  v  Martinez,  Suit  renewed 
Town  v  Wife,  Suit  dismissed  at  the  Cost  of  Plff. 
Day  v  Truly,  Suit  dismissed  at  the  Cost  of  Plff. 
Joseph  y  Montaiio,  Suit  renewed. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

v  Indictment  for  Larceny, 

Jesus  Silva, 

And  on  this  day  the  said  defendant  is  brought  into  !a*id 
pleads  not  guilty  as  charged,  he  asks  the  Court  thhrough  his 
counsel  to  postpone  the  case  until  the  15th,  the  Court  grants 
the  request  and  continues  the  case. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

v  Indictment  for  Larceny. 

Miguel  Vollina,  Farel  Peralta,  Soledad  Sandoval. 

The  defendants  appears  and  pleads  not  guilty  as  charged, 
when  the  Court  adjourned  to  cases  until  tomamow  the 

15th  Inst.     After  which  the  Court  adjourned  until  tomarrow 
morning  8  O'clock. 

Robert  Gary 
Aprove 
Charles  Beaubien. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl  15,  1847. 
The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 
Territory  of  New  Mexico  v  Jesus  Silva,  Continued  to  Mon- 
day the  19th  Inst. 


36  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

vs  Indictment  for  Horse  Stealing. 

Miguel  Molina. 

And  now  on  this  day  the  defendant  is  brought  into  Court 
and  pleads  not  guilty.  Whereupon  a  Jury  is  called,  em- 
paneled and  sworn,  to-wit  r-  Peter  Joseph,  Charles  Town,  C. 
L.  Corrier,  Basil  Le  Rew,  Thos.  Whitlo,  0la,ss  Trujillo,  Inline 
Lucero,  Jose  Ignacio  Valdez,  Edmund  Chadwick,  Momingue 
LeGrand,  Jose  Tafoya  and  Rafael  Sanchez,  the  evidence  being 
given,  the  Julry  found  the  following  verdict.  We  the  Jury 
find  the  Defendant  guilty  as  charged  and  assess  his  punish- 
miant  at  Fifty  lashes,  on  his  bare  back,  well  Md  on.  Ed- 
mund Chadwick  Foreman.  It  is  therefore  considered  by  the 
Court,  that  the  said  defendant  suffer  the  penalties  as  set  forth 
in  the  verdict,  to-wit:  that  in  Fifteen  minutes  after  the  said 
sentence  he  the  said  defendant  receive  twenty-five  lashes 
tomarrow  morning  at  8  'o'clock  he  receive  twenty  five  and 
be  further  remanded  to  Prison  until  the  Costs  in  this  behalf 
are  paid,  and  the  said  defendant  was  indicted  by  the  Grand 
Jury,  charged  with  Horse  Stealing,  and  the  Circuit  At- 
torney entered  a  nol  pros,  que  and  discharged  from  the  second 
Indictment,  after  which  the  Court  adjourned  until  2  o'clock. 

The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

Territory  <of  New  Mexico, 

v  Indictment  for  Theft. 

Teralto. 


And  now  on  this  day  comes  the  Circuit  Attorney  and  the 
defendant  with  his  counsel  and  pleads  Not  Guilty  as  charged, 
a  Jury  is  called,  empaneled  and  sworn,  to-wit:  Robert  Fisher, 
Manuel  Lafore,  Charles  Town,  Elijah  Ness,  Jose  Ignacio  Val- 
dez Jose  Tafoya,  Juan  Miguel  Baca,  Blass  Trujillo,  Thos. 
Whitto,  Chas.  Roselecheuf,  Rafael  Sanchez  and  Julian  Lucero, 
the  Jury  after  hearing  the  evidence  returned  the  following 
verdict.  We  the  Jury  find  the  Defendant  Not  Guilty,  Chas. 
Town,  Foreman.  It  is  therefore  considered  by  the/  Court, 
that  the  said  defendant  be  discharged  from  the  custody  of 
the  law  and  th'at  he  go  without  day-  after  which  the  Court 
adj.  until  tomarrow  at  9  O'clock. 

Robert  Gary 

Aprove,  Clerk 

Charles  Beaubien. 


FIRST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS  37 

v       •       :    '  •        g      •       ,      '       -  •  .':.<•         ;    :••••.••:      i      s/«J 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  April  16th  1847. 
.The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment.;        . 
Territory  of  New  Mexico,  .  •> 

*  vs  Indictment  for  Horse  Stealing. 

Jose  Fabian  Baca. 

The  defendant  'appears  with  his  '  counsel  and  '  pleads  not 
guilty.  o  Wtyetreupoir  a  Jury  is  called^  empaneled  sworn,  to-wit  : 
Jos  Pla~y,  Luois  Sheets,  .Chas,  Koubideaux,  C.  L.  Corrier,  Jos. 
Paulding,  Benj.  Day,  Peter  Joseph  and  Blass  .  Trujillo.  The 
evidence  being  submitted  to  the  Jury  the-  return  the  fol- 
lowing verdict.  '  We  therJuTy  find  Jose  Fabian'  Baca  (3-uilty 
as  charged  and  condem  him  to  receive  twenty  five  lashes  ori 
,his  bare  back,  Edmund  Chadwiek  Foreman.  It  is  therefore 
considered  by  the  ;Court  that  the  said  defendant  be  punished 
in  accordance  with  the  verdict,  and  that  at  Six  of  the  after- 
noon of  this  day  he  receive  upon  his  bare  back  lafrid  that  said 
defend;antr  satisfy  the  costs  nr  this  behalf  .^pendedv  \-" 

Territory  of  New  Mexico'  v  SoLeda<j  !Sandoval?  Case  continu- 
ed, r 

Territory  of  New  Mexico, 

v  Indictment  T  for  Larceny  . 

Jesus  Silva.  ' 

And  now  on  this  day  the  defendant  appears  witn  his  coun- 
sel who  plead  not  guilty  as  charged,  whereupon  a  Jury  is 
calledj  empaneled  and'  s^rorn,  towit  :  Antonio  Duett,  Basil 
Lenie,  Robert  Fished,  Le\vis;  Sheets,  Miiah  Ness,.  Horace  Loner, 
j.  Day^;  Ljucian  Maxwell  Charles  Town,  Peter  RushfoT'dt, 


Behj. 

Pablo  Archuleta  and  Jose  Ignaicio  Valdez.  The  evidence  be- 
ing  ,.  they  returned  the  following  verdict.  "We  the  Jury  find 
the,  defendant  Not  Guilty,  Lewis  Sheets,  Foreman.  It,  is  there- 
fore considered  and  adjudged  by  the  Court,  that  the  s'add'  de- 
fendant be  di$j;c.har£ed  from  tne  consideration  of  said  In4ict- 
ment,  b;iit'  the  Court  .ordered  fte  said  Defendant  back  tp 
prison,  and  th^ere  tp  await  the.  trial  ctf  another  Indi/ctmejit  of 
a  similiar  character  after  which  the  Court  'adjourned  unt;?} 
tomatrow  morning  ait  9  o  'clocjj. 

Robert  Car? 

Aprove  :'  Clerk 

Charles  Beaubien.  ;      1 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl  17,  1847. 

The  Court  met     pursuant  to  adjournment,  and     being  no 
3* 


38  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

business  prepared,  the  Court  adjourned  until  2  o/'clofck  of 
the  afternoon,  iat  which  timje  the  Court  met  and  still  no  busi- 
ness to  be  brought  forward  the  Court  adjourned  until  Mon- 
day Morning  at  9. 

Robert  Gary 

Aprove  Clerk 

Charles  Beaubien. 

Don  Fernandez  de  T-aos,  April  20,  1847. 
The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 
Territory  of  New  Mjeixico, 

vs  Indictment  for  Mule  Stealing. 

Jose  Mariana  Samora. 

And  on  this  the  parties  appeared  the  defendant  pleads 
not  guilty  as  charged  whereupon  a  Jury  is  called  to-wit:  A. 
B.  Robans,  Peter  Joseph,  Thos.  Whitlo,  Chas.  Town,  Elijah 
Ness,  Basil  Lerew,  Juan  Tafoya,  C.  L.  Carrier,  Vicente  Carde- 
nas, Juan  Trujillo  and  Jesus  Tafoya  who  being  duly  sworn 
to  try  the  cause,  (a<nd  hearing  the  evidence  they  return  the 
following  verdict.  We  the  Jury  find  the  above  named  de- 
fendant Guilty,  and1  assess  the  punishment  to  twiemty  five 
lash  on  his  bare  back.  It  is  thereupon  coi^sidered  and 
adjudged,  by  the  Court,  that  said  defendant  receive  the  pun 
ishment  as  set  forth  in  said  verdict  and  that  on  this  afternoon 
at  Six  o'clock,  the  slatid  defendant  receive  twenty  five  lashes 
on  his  bare  back. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico  vs  Archuleta,  by  agreement  of  coun- 
sel a  nol  pros  entered.  Same  v  Nicolas  de  Herrera  and  Jesus 
Mondracon  were  discharged  by  paying  costs.  Court  adjourn- 
ed until  2  o'clock. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl.  20-47. 

The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment,  the  Grand  Jury 
appeared  before  the  Court  and  prayed  that  the  Court  would 
discharge  s/aid  Grand  Jury  from  further  consideration  of  the 
duties,  for  which  they  had  been  called  together  as  they  had 
finished  the  business  as  enjoined  upon  them  by  the  Court. 
The  Court  hearing  said  prayer  from  said  Grand  Jury  and  ac- 
cordingly they  were  discharged. 

Territoiry  of  New  Mexico, 

vs  Indictment  for 

Jesus  Ba'ca. 


FIRST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS  39 

And;  now  on  this  day  the  Circuit  Attorney  and  counsel  for 
defendant  by  their  agreement,  a  nol  Pros  que  was  entered 
and  said  defendant  was  released  from  the  penalty  of  the  law 
and  the  cost  in  this  behalf  expended  be  rendered  against  said 
defendant  after  which  the  Court  adjourned  to  2  o'clock. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  April  20"  1847. 
The  Court  met  pursuant  to  adj-oirrnment. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

vs  Indictment  for  Larceny. 

Lugarde  Cortez  and  Guadelupe  Montoya. 

And  now  on  this  day  the  Circuit  Attorney  appears  and  also 
the  said  defendants  with  their  counsel  and  pleads  not  guilty, 
whereupon  ia  Jury  is  called,  empaneled  and  sworn,  to-wit: 
Wm.  Rutherford,  Elijah  Ness.  Peter  Joseph,  Jose  Tafoya, 
Juan  Miguel  Baca,  Juan  TruiiTlo,  Jesus  Romero,  Pedro  Val- 
dez,  Julian  Martinez,  Vicente  Cardenas  and  Juan  Cristobal 
Tafoya ;  thie  Evidence  beini?  given  to  the  Jury,  they  returned 
the  following  verdict.  We  the  jury  find  the  above  named 
Defendants  Guilty  and  assess  the  punishment  to  Lugarde 
Cortez  one  year  imprisonment  at  hard  labor  and  Guadelupe 
Montoya  a  fine  of  Ten  Dollars,  C.  L.  Corrier  Foreman.  It  is 
therefore  considered  and  adiudored  by  the  Court  that  said  de- 
fendants be  punished  as  set  forth  in  said  verdict  and  that 
the  costs  in  this  behialf  expended  be  tendered  against  them. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

v  Indictment  for  receiving  stolen  goods. 

Jose  Maria  Bent. 

And  now  on  this  day  appears  the  Circuit  Attorney  and  the 
said  defendant  with  his  counsel  and  pleads  not  guilty  as 
charged.  Whereupon  a  jury  is  called,  empaneled  and  sworn, 
to-wit:  A.  B.  Robann,  Thos.  Whitlo,  Elijah  Ness,  C.  L.  Cor- 
ner, Basil  LeRew,  Jose  Tafoya,  Jose  Maria  Sandoval,  Ped'ro 
Vald'ez,  Juan  Miguel  Baca,  Juan  Trujillo,  Jesus  Romero  and 
Juan  Tafoya,  the  Jury  affer  hearing  the  evidence  returned 
the  following  verdict:  We  the  Jury  find  the  defendant  not 
guilty,  C.  L.  Courier,  Foreman.  It  is  therefore  adjudged  and 
considered,  by  the  Court,  that  the  said  defendant  be  disch&lrg- 
ed  from  the  custody  of  the  law  and  that  he  go  without  day; 
the  sentence  of  Jose  Maria  Samora  wa*s  postponed  by  the 


$)  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  ,r 

Court  until  Thursday  the  23rd  Inst,  at  8  o'clock  of  the  fqre- 
aoon. 

Rwbietrt  OtarJ 

Aprove  Clerk 

Charles  JBeaubien. 

..'.••'•..          '  .  -      -  •  ;  •;;.,,.'.       :1 

Don  Fernandez  de  T-aos  April  23d  1847. 
. "  The  Court  met  Pursuant. 

Territory  of  New  Mexico 

vs  Indictment  for  receiving  stolen  goods. 

Rafael  Lucero. 

And  now  on  this  day  the  Circuit  Attorney  appears  and  the 
defendant  with  counsel  and  pileads  not '  Guilty  as  charged. 
Whereupon  a  Jury  is  Called,  Empaneled  and'  sworn  'to-  wit :' 
Chas.  Town,  Win  Rutherford,  Elijah  Ness,  Lucian  Maxwell, 
Basil  LeRew,  Antoine  Duett,  Peter  Joseph,  :  Tomafe  Romerbi 
Anton?o  Martinez,  Rafael  de  Luna,  Juan  Rafael  de  Serria  and 
Vicente  Martinez,  who  hearing  the  evidence,  the  Circuit  At-1 
torney  enterled  a  noil  pros  in  the  case.  Whereupon  the  Court 
discharged  the  said  Defendant  from"  the  custody  of  the  law. 

Territory  of  tfe'w  Mexico, 

vs  .Indictment  for,  receiving  stolen  goods; 

Mjariano  Martin.  .  .      ,      , 

And  on  this  day  the  parties  appear  and  the  defendant  pleads 
not  guilty  as  charged.  Whereupon  a>  Jury  is  called  to-wit: 
Peter  Joseph,  William  Rutherford,  Elijah  Ness,  Antonio. 
Duett,  Lucian  Maxwell,  Basil  Lerew,VChas;  Town^  Rafael  de 
Luna,  Tomas  Ltlcero  Juan  Rafael  de  Luna,  Vicente  Cardenas 
and  Antonio  Lucero,  who  being  duly  sworn  to  try  the  case 
and  after  the  evidence  being  submitted,  the  Circuit'  At  torney 
entered- a  Noll  pros  In  the  case,  and  : the  Court  'discharged 
said  defendant  when  the  Court  adjourned  till  2  o:<  clock  of  the 
afternoon. 

Robert  Cary 

Apro-v^  Clerk 

[  .       Charles  Bieiaubien. 

Dom  Fernandez  de  Taos,  April  23d  1847. 
The  Court  met  pursuant  .to  'adjournment.  :  < 

Territory  of  New  Mexico, 

Indictment  for  Larceny. 
Jesus  Silva. 


FIBST  TERM  AMERICAN  COURT  IN  TAGS  4l 

And  now  on  this  day  conies  the  Circuit  Attorney  and  the 
defendant  with  his;  counsel  and  pleads  not  guilty  to  the 
charge.  Whereupon  a  Jury  was  caHed,  tq^wit:,Ai  .  Bi  R6bans, 
Lewis  D.  Sheets,  Wm  Ruth  erf  otrd,  Antonio-  Duett,  Thos. 
Whitlo,  Peter  Joseph,  Henry  White-,  Basil  Lerew,  Chas.  Town, 
Juan  Tafoya,  C.  L.  Corrier  and  Elijah  Ness,  who  being  duly 
sworn  to  try  the  case,  the  Evidence  haying  been  submitted 
they  returned  the  following  verdict.  "We  the  Juty  find  the 
Defendant  Guilty  and  .assess  the  punishment  at  twenty  five 
lashes;,  A.  B.  Robaris  Foreman.  It  is  therefore  considered  by 
the"  Court,  that  the  said  defendant  receive  on  his  bare  back, 
Twenty  Five  lashes,  on  tfye..  24th,  Inst  :at  a  quarter  past  one  of 
the  afternoon,  after  which  the  Court  adjourned  to  9  o'clock 
tomarrow  morning1. 

Robert  Cary 

Aprove  Clerk 

Charles  Bte'aubien. 

Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  Apl  24  1847. 

,... The.  Court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment  and  there  being 
no  further  business  for  the  considerataion  of  the  Court,  an? 
adjournment  was  ordered  until  the  next  regular,  term  there-; 
tiff.  (On  the  margin  is  written  the, word  ll void/') i 

The  Circuit  Attormeiy  appears  and  also  the  counsel  for  rfose 
Maria  Samora  and  prays  the  Court  to  remit  the  punishment 
•of  said  defendant  and  to  impose  a  fine  of  one  hundred  Dol- 
l,ars:  and  costs,  the  Court  duly  considers  said  prayer  and  or-; 
iers  the  Sheriff,  to^remlt.- the  punishment  for  which  sai'd  d^ 
fendant  was  found  guilty,  and  the  execution  be  issued  for 
One  Hundred  Dollars.  The  after  which  the  pourt  duly  ex- 
amined the  nefcords  from  the  conimencement  and  finds  them 
correct,  signs  them  as  approved,  there  "being  nos  further  busi- 
ness for  the  consideration  of  the  Court,  order  an  adjoiurnmant 
until  the  next  regular  term.  > 

Robert  Cary 

Aprove  ,  .     Clerk 

Charles  Beaubien, 


42  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


DON  JUAN  DE  ONATE  AND  THE  FOUNDING? 
OF  NEW  MEXICO. 

A  NEW  INVESTIGATION  INTO  THE  EARLY  HISTORY 
OF  NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  LIGHT  OF  A  MASS  OF  NEW 
MATERIALS      RECENTLY.     OBTAINED      FROM     THE 
ARCHIVO  GENERAL  DE  INDIAS,  SEVILLE,  SPAIN, 

By 

George  P.  Hammond,  Ph.  IX 

Chapter  I. 
The  Early  Expeditions  Into  New  Mexica. 

Cabeza  de  Vaca.    The  northern  frontier  of  New  Spain  soori 
became  famed  as  a  land  of  mystery.     After  Cortes  had  com- 
pleted the  conquest  of  Tenoehtitlan  the  adventurous  Spanish 
conquistador es  began  to  seek  for  other  Mexicos  to  subjugate. 
A  hasty     exploration  of  the  surrounding  territory     soon  ne- 
vealed  the  fact  that  such  riches    were  not  to  be  found  near 
at  hand.     But  when  Cabeza  de    Vaca  in  1536  straggled  into 
Culiacan  from  Florida  after  an  eight  years  jaunt  through  a 
"no  man's  land"  his  stories,  retold  by  hungry  fortunie  seek- 
ers, were     sufficiently  astounding  to  provide     anyone  with 
material  fott  dreams  of  great  conquests  in  the  interior.  When 
he  went  to  Spain  and  told  the    wonderful  tale  of  his  experi- 
ences it  added  greatly  to  the  enthusiasm  in  the  De  Soto  ex- 
pedition then  preparing.     In  New  Spain,  where  Antonio  de 
Mendoza  had  but  recently  taken  up  his  duties  as  first  viceroy, 
Vaca's  accounts  stirred  his  ambition  to  acquire  those  fabled 
regions.     Of  course,  the  intrepid  Cabtea  did  not  visit     New 
Mexico.    But  "the  effective  part  of  his  statement  was  the  re- 
port,, obtained  from  the     Indians,  of     populous     towns  with 
large  houses  and  plenty  of  turquoises  and  tetmeralds.  situated 


THE  POUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  43 

to  the  north  of  his  route,  "l  He  was  thus  the  first  European 
to  approach  and  hear  of  New  Mexico,  and  hfls  hearsay  re- 
ports were  the  incentive  which  led  to  its  discovery  and  ex- 
ploration. 

Fray  Marcos  de  Niza,  Mendoza's  immediate  plans  for 
northern  exploration  failed  to  materialize.  Nevertheless  his 
interest  did  not  abate,  and  when  Coronado  became  the  gov- 
ernor of  Nueva  Galicia  he  had  instructions  for  carrying  on 
•certain  preliminary  discoveries  with  a  view  to  bigger  things 
should  there  be  any  excuse  therefor.  The  expedition  of  Fray 
Marcos  de  Niza,  a  Franciscan  missionary,  was  one  of  these 
tours.  It  was  arranged  by  Viceroy  Mendoza  through  his 
lieutenant  Coronado. 2 

Early  in  March,  1539,  Fray  Marcos  set  out  from  Culiacan 
on  a  reconnoitering  expedition.  He  was  accompanieid  by 
some  guides  and  the  negro  Stephen,  one  of  Vaoai's  companions, 
whom  the  viceroy  had  taken  into  his  pay.  Proceeding  into 
Sonora  Fray  Marcos  sent  the  meigro  on  ahead  to  leairn  what 
he  could.  He  soon  sent  back  notice  that  the  missionary 
should  follow  immediately,  great  news  had  been  obtained.  It 
was  the  Seven  Cities,  called  Cibola,  of  which  he  had  heard,  and 
whose  wealth  was  nothing  short  of  mairvelous. 

Inland  were  the  Seven  CStitets,  situated  on  la  great  height. 
Their  doors  were  studded  with  turquoises,  as  if  feathers  from 
the  wings  of  the  blue  sky  had  dropped  and  clung  thert 
Within  those  jeweled  cities  were  whole  streets  of  goldsmiths, 
so  great  was  the  store  of  shining  metal  to  be  worked. 

Beyond  these  Seven  Cities  were  other  rich  provinces,  each 
of  which  was  greater  than  any  of  the  famous  Seven. 


1.  Bancroft,    H.    H.    "History    of    Arizona    and    New    Mexico,"    18. 

2.  The  standard  books  on   the  expeditions  into   New   Mexico   are:    Bolton, 
H.    E.    "The    Spanish    Borderlands;    Spanish    Exploration    in    the    Southwest, 
1542-1700";     Bancroft,       ''Arizona     and     New     Mexico;"     Lowery,       W.       "The 
Spanish    Settlements    within    the    present    Limits    of   the    United    States,    1513- 
1561;'  Wlnship,  George  Parker,   The  Coronado  Expedition;   Twitchell,  R.   E. 
•'L,eadinff    Facts    of    New    Mexican    History."    The    quotations    are    from    the 
"Spanish    Borderlands." 


.44  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

So,  as  ever  in  these  tales,  the  splendor  within  reach  was  (al- 
ready- <Jim?ned  by  the  .splendor,  beyond'!  TO  Cibola,  th  ere- 
fora,  the  friar  set  out  on  the  second  day  .after  Easter. 

Continuing  northward  to  the  Gila  he  heard  of  Stephen:, 
accompanied;  by:,  .a  -band  of  three;  hundred  Indians,  farther  on 
ahead  toward  the  northeast.  Fsay  Marcos  .followed1  in  his 
wake,  ;but  s,oon  'learned  b$d  ,  njews.  A  fleeing  Indian  told  df 
Stephen  's  capture  ,at  ;  pibola,  •  w^eref  his  ;  party  was  met  by  a 
shower  of  arrows.  ,  It  was  jstated  by  some  that  he  fell  during 
the  attack.  I/ndaunted  by  the  news  the  friar  Continued  for- 
ward, going  far  enough^  to  get  a  glimpse  of  the  Seven  ••  Cities 
of  Cibpla  fromvar,plateaii.  There  :he  took  ,  possession  in  the 
name  of  the  king  and  then  hurried  back  fearful  of  being  at- 
v  but  teaphed  ,  Nueygi  G-alicia  in  safety.  -- 


In  the  city  !  of  Mexico  the  rdesicripti6ns  J  of  Fray  Marcos  of 
the  ,  great  city,  as  /he  believed  hie  had  *  seen  it  with  his  very 
eyes,  caused.  <a  tumult  ^Another  Mexico  had  at  last  been 
found!  ,  Th^j  discoyery.  w,as  proudly,  proclaimed  from  every 
pulpit.  .It  passed  from  .moutji  to  mouth  among,  the  cavaliter 
adventuriersi,  'dfcing  arid  dueling  away  their  time  arid  impa- 
tient for  richer  hafcairds  arid  hotter*  work  fotr  their  swords. 

Coroiriado.  Soo(n  ^  everybody  ;_  wanted  ,toi  'go  to  Cibola,  and  in 
a  short  time  tlie  viceroy  '  had  enlisted  three  hundred  Spani- 
ards land  ,  eight  hundred  Indian  allies  to  undertake  !the  sub- 
jugation k>f  the1  Sieven-  Cities  and  other  'wealthy  pi^O'Vinceis 
beydnd.  'Coreyliado''  was  "made  their  Racier.  The  -assembly 
took  place  ^  at  Com^psteia  in  february',.'  ,  1540,  whither  the 
viceroy  came  to  give  his  final  blessing  upon  the  vemture.  Two 
months  later  '  J  Cororiado  was  oh  his  wiay  to''  the  kingdom  of 
fabled  wealth'  J 

Coronado's  plan  was  to  hasten  forward  with  a  picked  body 
of  men.  including  the  missionaries  headed  by  Fray  Marcos. 
Early  in  July  he  came  within  sight  of  Cibola.  Bitter  Was  the 
disillusion.  Instead  of  great  '.cities  glimmering  in  wealth  the 
conquerors  saw  a  crowded  village  which  at  once  showed  fight: 
The  Indians  were  soon  driven  within  the  walls,  however,  but 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  & 

not  till  Coronado  had  been  knocked  from  his  horse  by  a  rock 
and  received  an  arrow  wound  in  the  foot.  The  diefhated  na- 
tives then  deserted  their  stronghold.  This  satified  the  Spani- 
ards as  it  was  well  stocked  with  food.  It  was  Hawikuh  which 
had  been  won,  the  ruins  of  which  are  to  be  seen  about  fifteien 
miles  southwest  of  Zuiii,  Coronado<  renamed  it  Granada,  and 
there  he  remained  till  November,  154-0. 

Fray  Marcos  soon  realized  that  Cibola  was  mo  place  for 
him.  It  is  not  recorded  that  he  was  treated  with  violence  by 
the  disgusted  soldiers,  his  cloak  protected  him,  but  it  did  not 
shield  him  from  the  terrible  imprecations  hurled  at  his  head. 
His  gross  'exaggeration  was  represented  as  falsehood,  and  he 
soon  went  south  to  escape  the  torment  of  his  companions. 

The  Grand  Canyon.  "While  Coronado  was  resting,  his  lieu- 
tenants were  sent  to  explore  othter  provinces*,  which  were  now 
reported  to  contain  the  wealth  not  found1  at  Cibola.  Captain 
Tovar  was  sent  to  Tuzayan,  the  present  Moqui  towns  in  Ari- 
zona. After  a  short  encounter  with  the  Indians  they  sued  for 
pelace  'and  became  vassals  of  the  king  of  Spain.  They,  to<o, 
had  stories  to  tell  and  spoke  of  a  great  river  several  days' 
journey  distant,  flowing  far  down  between  red  mountain 
walls.  Captain  Cardenas  was  sent  to  verify  the  report,  and 
thus  became  the  first  white  man  to  view  the  Grand  Oanyon 
of  the  Colorado.  His  men  made  futile  attempts  to-  descend 
the  gorge.  On  one  occasion  three  of  them  spent  a  day  in  try- 
ing, but  only  succeeded  in  goinnr  on©  third  of  the  distance. 

The  Buffalo  Country.  Durinj;  the  absence  of  Cardenas 
visitors  from  the  buffalo  country  came  to  call  on  Coronado. 
They  were  led  by  Bigotes,  their  be-whiskered  chief,  and 
sought  the  friendship  of  the  Spaniards.  They  told  of  nu- 
merous " humpbacked  cows'*  near  their  country  and  brought 
a  picture  of  one  on  a  piece  of  hide.  Alvarado  with  twenty 
men  was  sent  to*  Accompany  them  on  the  return.  Going  by 
way  of  Acuco  and  Tiguex,  in  ottoeir  words,  by  way  of  Acoma 
and  the  Tiguex  villages  on  the  Rio  Grande,  he  reached  Cicuye 
on  the  Uppdr  Pecos  on  the  border  of  the  plains  in  fifteen  days. 
Here  he  was  not  only  wieill  received  but  picked  up  a  find,  a 


46  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

really  good  story-teller  whom  he  called  El  Turco  from  his  ap- 
pearance. Before  returning  a  trip  wfas  made  to  the  buffalo 
plains  with  the  new  friend  as  guide.  Once  ba<ck  at  Tiguex, 
near  present  Beirnalillo,  he  found  Cardenas  preparing  winter 
quialrters  for  the  army,  and  here  he  awaited  Ooronado's  ar- 
trival.  The  latter  had  remained  at  Oibola  till  the  main  army 
came  up.  After  a  short  rest  it  also  set  out  to  join  Cardenas 
and  Alvarado. 

El  Turco 's  Tales.  El  Turco  delighted  the  hungry  fortune 
seekers  with  tales  of  a  new  El  Dorado  called  Quivira.  It  was 
his  own  home,  situated  far  to  the  teiast. 

The  chief  of  that  country  took  his  afternoon  nap  under  a 
tall  spreading  tree  decorated  with  an  infinitude  of  little 
goldleta.  bells  on  which  gentle  zephyrs  played  his  lullaby.  Even 
the  common  folk  there  had  their  ordinary  dishes  made  of 
"wrought  plate";  and  the  pitchers  tand  bowls  were  of  solid 
gold. 

This  cheering  news  made  the  army  more  hopeful  and  en- 
thusiastic. But  nothing  could  be  done  till  spring.  In  the 
meantime  trouble  occurred  with  the  natives.  Chief  Bigotfes 
was  put  in  chains  when  his  tribe  failed  to  produce  some  gold- 
en bracelets  said  to  have  been  stolen  from  El  Turco.  Coron- 
ado  next  demanded  three  hundred  blankets  from  the  Tiguas. 
When  these  were  not  produced  the  natives  were  stripped  of 
their  garments.  They  rebelled  and  a  battle  followed.  Soon 
the)  Indians  begged  for  peace  by  making  symbols  and  the 
Spaniards  responded  in  like  manner.  But  the  conqueror  was 
faithless.  About  twoi  hundred  were  seized,  many  were 
burned,  while  the  others  broke  away  or  died  in  the"  attempt. 
Never  -again  did  this  people  listen  to  proposals  of  peace  from 
a  race  which  could  not  be  trusted. 

The  Expedition  to  Quivira.  April  23,  1541,  Coronado  set 
out  for  Quivira  under  the  guidance  of  W  Turco.  By  June  he 
was  in  westetrn  Tex-as  where  the  maijn  part  of  the  army  was 
ordered  back  to  Tiguex.  With  a  chosen  body  of  men  he  con- 
tinued, now  veering  to  the  north.  In  five  weeks  time  the  home 
of  the  Wichita  Indians  in  Kansas  had  been  Heached. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  47 

There*  no  sparkling  sails  floated  like  petals  on  the  clear  sur- 
face of  an  immeasurable  stream.  No  lordly  chief  drowsed  to 
the  murmur  of  innumerable  bells.  The  w#ter  pitchers  on  the 
low  entrances  of  their  grassthatched  huts,  were  not  golden. 
"'  Neither  gold  nor  silver  nor  any  trace  of  either  was  found 
among  these  people,." 

El  Turco  confessed  that  he  had  been  telling  lies,  but  insist 
ed  that  it  wiais  at  the  instigation  of  the*  people  of  Cicuye,  who 
desired  that  the  Spaniards  might  perish  on  the  plains  -or  com<* 
back  in  such  weakened  condition  that  tthey  could  easily  b« 
overcome.  After  El  Turco  had  been  put  to  death  for  hJU 
perfidy  Ooironadoi  returned  to  Tiguex.  Here  exploring  parties 
were  sent  up  and  down  the  river,  north  to  Taos,  and  as  far 
youth  as  Socorro. 

The  Return  to  Mexico.  When  winter  came  a  great  deial  of 
suffering  and  discontent  came  with  it.  Next  spring  further 
explorations  were  planned,  but  then  Coronado  suffered  a  dan- 
gerous fall  during  a  tournament.  It  was  a  long  time  before 
his  recovery,  and  by  that  time  he  had  given  up  all  plans  of 
conquest. 

Hungry  and  tattered,  and  harassed  by  Indians,  Coronado 
and  his  army  painfully  made  their  way  back  towards  New 
Galicia.  The  soldiers  were  in  open  revolt;  they  dropped  out 
by  the  scotae  and  went  on  pillaging  forays  at  their  pleasure. 
With  barely  a  hundred  followers,  Coronado  presented  him- 
self before  Mendoza,  bringing  with  him  nothing  more  precious 
than  the  goldplated  armor  in  which  he  had)  siet  out  two  yeairs 
before.  He  had  enriched  neither  him/self  nor  his  king,  so  his 
end  is  soon  told:  4<he  lost  his  reputation,  and  shortly  there- 
after the  government  of  New  Galicia." 

A  >remnant  of  the  wrecked  expedition  remained:  in  New 
Mexico.  Some  Mexican  Indians,  whom  we  shall  meet  (again, 
two  soldiers,  whose  fate*  is  unknown,  and  two  missionaries  and 
a  lay  brother,  who  suffered  martyrdom  in  all  probability, 
miade  up  this  group. 

The  Rodriguez  Expedition.  During  the  four  decades  which 
now  elapsed  before  New  Mexico  again  came  into  prominence 
the  frontier  of  Sptamish  occupation  had  blazed  new  trails  to- 


4g  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ward  the  no'rth.  The  discovery  of  mines:  was  ever  an  im- 
poirtant  factor  in  expansion,  and  when  these  were  discovered 
in  the  San  Bartolome  valley  it  rapidly  became  the  center  of 
a  thriving  settlement.  There  were  Santa  Barbara  in  south- 
ern Chihtiahuta,  (frequently  written  Santa  Barbola  in  tLe 
early  records),  San  Geronimo,  San  Bartolome  and  Todos 
Santos  forming  a  group  of  towns  in  that  vicinity.  Here  was 
stationed  Fnafy  Augnstiii  Rodriguez,  a  Franciscan  lay  brother. 
who  had  heard  iotf  a  great  country  to  the  north.  His  ftnagi- 
nation  w&s  stirred  by  the  report  and  he  applied  to  the  viceroy 
for  permission  to  enter  the  land.  The  request  was  granted, 
but  the  soldiers  who  were  tof  accompany  him  were  limited  to 
twenty.  At  the  same  time  the  latter  were  allowed  to  barter 
with  the  Indians,  which  made  the  expedition  much  more  at- 
tractive. 
With  Rodriguez 

went  Fray  Francisco  Lopez,  Fray  Juan  de  Santa  Maria, 
nineteen  Indian  servants,  and  nine  soldier-traders.  The 
soldiers  were  led  by  Fransisco  Chamuseado,  "the  Signed/' 
They  were  equipped  with  ninety  hor&es,  co-ats  of  mail  for 
horse  and  rider,  and  six  hundred  cattle,  besides  sheep,  goiats 
and  hogs.  For  barter  with  the  natives  they  carried  mer- 
chandise. While  the  primary  purpose  of  the  stock  was  to» 
provide  food  on  the  way,  the  friars  were  prepared  to  remain 
in  New  Mexico  if  conditions  were  propitious. 

Leaving  Sainta  Barbara  June  5,  1581,  they  descended  the 
Concbos  to  the  Rio  Grande  and  then  followed  the  latter  to 
New  Mexico,  visiting  most  of  the  pueblo  groups  along  tt«e 
way,  the  Piros,  Tiguas,  and  Tanos.  At  that  point  Father 
Santa  Maria  determined  to-  return  for  the  purpose  of  giving 
an  acccount  of  the  land.  There  was  much  opposition  among 
his  companions,  but  he  went  nevertheless.  There  days  later 
the  Indians  took  his  life.  The  rest  of  the  party  meanwhile 
continued  northwatrd  to  Taos,  and  then  lisited  the  buffalo 
plains,  east  of  Pecos.  Returning  the  pa  cy  went  west  to 
Acoma  and  Zuiii,  where  they  found  four  Mexican  Indians 
who  had  remained  there!  from  Coronado-'s  time.  Practically 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  49 

the  entire  pueblo  region  had  been  seen  and  they  now  return- 
ed to  Santa  Barbara,  though  Fathers  Rodriguez  and  Lopez 
remained  at  Puaray  to  cfetablish  a  mission.  January  31,  1582, 
the  soldiers  departed  from  Puamy.  They  could  not  march 
rapidly  as  their  leader,  Chamuscado,  was  ill.  He  died  before 
they  reached  Santa  Barbara  two  and  one-half  months  later. 

Espejo's  Relief  Expedition.  Reports  were  now  made  to 
the  viceroy  on  the  prospects  of  the  land.  It  was  considered 
especially  desirable  to  succor  the  two  priests  (and  investigate 
the  mining  possibilities  reported  by  the!  soldiers.  But  before 
the  slow  moving  machinery  in  Mexico  or  Spain  could  be  set 
in  motion  a  private  enterprise  had  been  organized  to  rescue 
the  friars.  The  Franciscans  were  particularly  anxious  about 
their  brethren,  and  Fray  Bernardino  Beltran  was  eager  to  ac- 
company fltnother  "entrada."  At  the  samle  time  there  chanced 
to  be  visiting  at  Santa  Barbara  Don  Antonio  Espejo,  a  rich 
merchant  of  Mexico,  who  was  willing  to  act  as  le'ader  and 
pay  the  expenses  of  a  relief  expedition.  Accordingly  a  party 
of  fifteen  soldiers  was  organized  and  a  license  secured  from 
the  "alcalde  mayor"  of  Cuatro  Cienegas.  On  November  10 
1582,  the  party  set  out  from  San  Bartolome  equipped  with 
one  hundred  and  fifteen  horses  and  mules. 

Like  the  Rodriguez  expedition  Espejo's  group  went  down 
the  Oo-nchos  to  the'  junction  and  up  the  Rio  Grande.  Above 
the  junction  the  soldiers  passed  through  Jumano  villages,  and 
after  passing  two  other  tribes  entered  the  pueblo  region. 
They  were  soon  at  Puaray  where  the  death  of  the  two  miission 
aries,  Rodriguez  and  Lopez,  was  verified.  With  the  purpose 
of  the  journey  completed  they  might  have  returned,  but  for 
this  Espejo  was  not  ready.  His  desire  for  exploration  was 
approved  by  Father  Beltran,  and  off  they  went  to  the  vicini- 
ty of  the  buffalo  plains.  They  soon  returned  and  spent  some 
time  visiting  most  of  the  pueblos  on  the  Rio  Grain de  and  its 
branches,  the  Queres,  S?a  and  Jemez.  Then  their  path  went 
westward  to  Acoma  and  Zuiii  where  they  conversed  with  the 
4 


50  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Indians  left  by  Ooronado.  A  part  of  the  expedition,  includ- 
ing Father  Beltran,  was  now  ready  to  return  to  Nueva  Vizc- 
aya.  But  the  rest  with  Espejo.  were  bent  on  finding  ta.  lake 
of  gold  which  had  been  reported  toward  the  northwest.  The 
mythical  lake  eluded  their  grasp,  but  at  Moqui  a  gift  of  four 
thousand  cotton  blankets  was  heaped  upon  them.  These 
Espejo  sent  back  to  Zuni  with  five  soldiers,  while  the  remain- 
ing four  accompanied  him  to  the  region  of  rich  ores  farther 
west.  This  was  in  the  western  part  of  Arizona,  in  the  region 
of  Bill  Wililiiams  Fork. 

Back  at  Zuni,  where  Espejo  now  proceedeki,  he  found 
Father  Beltran  still  waiting.  But  the  latter  was  tired  of  wait 
ing  and  now  returned  to  San  Bartolome,  while  Espejo  con- 
tinued to  search  for  riches.  Going  east  once  m'oire1  Espejo 
visited  the  Queres,  the  Ubates,  where  mineral  prospects  were 
found,  and  the  Tanos.  Then,  be'caus-e  of  the  smallness  of  his 
following,  he  determined  to  return.  Going-  down  the  Pecos 
one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  the  Jumanos  conducted  him 
to  the  Conchos,  He  reached  San  Bartolome  September  20, 
1583,  a  short  time  later  than  Father  Beltran. 

Results  of  these  Entraxlas.  Either  of  the  expeditions  of 
Rodriguez  and  Espejo,  small  as  they  were,  accomplished  al- 
most as  much  as  the  gre'at  army  which  Coronado  had  led.  In 
practical  results  they  were  vastly  more  important.  Coronado's 
entrada  had  demonstrated  that  the  Seven  Citiek  were  a  hol- 
low phantom.  His  exiploits  were  well  nigh  forgotten.  But 
the  glowing  accounts  of  Rodriguez  and  Espejo  stimulated 
new  interest  in  the  country  as  a  field  of  great  opportunity. 
A  lake  of  gold  and  mining  possibilities  had  been  reported. 
The  frontier  was  taglow  with  enthusiasm. 

The  Conquest  of  New  Mexico  Authorized.  Meanwhile  the 
viceroy  made  a  report  to  the  king  regarding  the  Rodriguez 
expedition.  In  response  came  a  royal  cedula,  April  19,  1583, 
instructing  him  to  make  a  contract  for  the  settlement  of  the 
new  region.  The  royal  treasury  could  not  be  drawn  upon 
for  this  purpose,  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies  had  to  approve 
whatever  plans  might  be  arranged. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  51 

The  Applicants.  Numerous  applicants  soon  appeared  to 
take  advantage  of  this  order.  The  first  was  Cristobal  Mar- 
tin, of  Mexico,  who  made  extravagant  demandte.  Aftei-  him 
came  Espejo,  who  negotiated  directly  with  the  crown.  Fran- 
cisco Diaz  de  Vargas,  an  official  of  Pueblo,  also  sought  the 
distinction.  Each  of  these  was  ready  to  spend  large  sums  of 
money  on  the  enterprise. 

Several  years  had  now  elapsed  and  nothing  had  been  accom- 
plished. Before  the  Marquis  -of  Villamanrique  was  sent  to 
New  S^ain  as  viceroy  the  problem  of  choosing  a  suitable 
candidate  was  thoroughly  considered  in  a  "junta"  which  he 
attended.  The  inference  is  that  none  of  those  who  had  till 
then  sought  the  privilege  were  judged  worthy.  In  order  that 
there  might  be  no  further  delay  Villamanrique  was  remind- 
ed of  the  importance  of  choosing  a  qualified  leader  a,t  once. 
He  was  given  full  power,  except  that  the  project  had  to  be 
m'a.dc  without  royal  support. 

Juan  Bautista  de  Lomas  y  Colmenares,  famed  as  the  weal- 
thiest man  in  Nueva  Galicia,  was  the  first  one  of  whom  we 
have  any  record  to  petition  Villamanrique  for  the  conquest 
of  New  Mexico.  Though  Lomas  was  very  exacting  in  his  de- 
nraoids  the  viceroy  approved  the  proposal  March  11,  1589, 
and;  it  was  then  forwarded  to  Spain  only  to  be  entirely  dis- 
regarded. 

Castano's  Illegal  March.  In  the  next  year  occurred  an  un- 
looked-for  entnada  which  put  a  stop  to  the  immediate  plans 
for  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico.  It  was  made  by  Gaspar 
Castafio  de  Sosa,  lieutenant  governor  of  Nueva  Leon,  who 
effected  an  unlicensed  entrance.  From  the  totwn  of  Alamadem, 
now  Monclova,  established  in  1590,  he  started  on  July  27, 
with  more  than  one  hundred  and  seventy  pers'oms,  including 
women  and  children.  About  August  21  messengers  had  been 
sent  to  Mexico,  iamd  im  September  the  expedition  halted  at 
the  Bravo  for  three  weeks  awaiting  their  return.3  They 
had  probably  been  sent  to  secure  the  viceroy's  approval  for 


3.    Bancroft,    "Arizona    and    New    Mexico,"    102'    note    15. 


52  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

entering  New  Mexico.  They  did  not  conue  back.  Meantime 
the  viceroy  informed  the  king  of  what  had  'occurred,  for  on 
April  9,  1591,  it  was  decreed  that  neither  Carabajal's  lieute- 
nant, nor  anyone  else,  might  conquer  New  Mexico  without 
the  viceroy's  order.  Moreover  the  king  ordered  that  no  out? 
named  by  Carabajal  should  be  chosen  to  carry  out  the  "  -n- 
quest.4  Meanwhile  Castaii-o,  unaware  of  what  was  coming, 
led  his  expedition  to  the  Pecos  after  overcoming  numerous 
hardships.  Late  in  December  the  first  pueblo  was  sighted, 
perhaps  Pecos.  In  the  exploration  that  followed  he>  may  have 
gone  as  far  north  as  Taos,  down  to  the  Queue®,  and  "to  the 
province  wheire  the  padres  were  said  to  have  been  killed 
years  before.  "5  On  returning  from  the  tour  to  the  latter 
place  he  was  informed  by  the  Indians  that  another  body  of 
Spaniards  had  arrived.  It  proved  to  be  Captain  Juan  Morlete, 
who  had  come  with  fifty  men  to  arrest  him  by  order  of  the 
viceroy  "for  having  made  an  entrada  of  New  Mexico  and 
enslaved  some  Indians  without  order  or  license  "6  Cast- 
afio's  entire  force  accordingly  left  New  Mexico  by  way  of 
the  Rio  Grande  in  the  summer  of  1591. 

Leyva  and  Humana.  About  1593  another  unauthorized  ex- 
pedition was  made  to  New  Mexico  by  Leyva  de  Bonilla  and 
Antonio  Gutierrez  de  Humana.  They  started  from  Nueva 
Vizcayia  and  spent  about  a  year  among  the  pueblos,  making 
Stan  Ildefonso  their  headquarters.  They  went  east  toi  the  buf- 
fale  country  and  finally  made  an  excursion  to  Kansas.  On 
the  way  Humana  killed  Leyva,  but  was  in  turn  destroyed  a 
little  later  with  most  of  his  followers. 

After  the  first  of  these  interruptions  had  passed  away  re- 
newed efforts  were  made  by  wealthy  individuals  to  win  the 
right  to  settle  New  Mexico.  Velasco  was  now  viceroy,  and 
to  him  Lomas  in  1592  repeated  his  earlier  petition.  Nothing 


4.  "Real   cedilla   al    virrey   de   la    Nueva   Espana,"   April   9,   1591 
Archive   General   de   Indias,  87-5-1 

5.  Bancroft,    Arizona    and    New    Mexico,    106. 

6.  "Real    Cedula    a    la    audiencia    de    Nueva    Eapafia,"    January      17,      1593, 
A.    G.    I.,    87-5-1. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  5J 

<oame  of  his  offer  since  the  terms  werte1  considered  exorbitant 
by  the  king.  7  Then  appeared  Francisco  de  Urdififcla,  lieu- 
Ijenant  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  a  contract  was  made 
with  him  for  the  conquest.  However  he  was  shortly  accus- 
ed of  poisoning  his  wife  and  thus  lost  the  opportunity.  Lomas 
made  a  third1  fruitless  (attempt  in  1595,  the  last  application  be- 
fore that  of  Don  Juan  de  Onate  of  Zacatecas. 


7.     "Koa.1  4-e/JuJ^i  H)   virre_v  de   Xuevu   Espana,"  January  17,   1593i,   A.     G-  I, 

S7-S-L 


4* 


54  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  BEVIEW       -, 

Chapter  II,  Y 

The  Controversy  over  Onate  rs  Contract 

Oiiate's  Qualifications,  It  was  not  till  1595  that  the  con- 
quest of  New  Mexico  was  finally  awarded  to  the  man  who 
was  destined  to  fulfill  the  mission.  At  that  time  Don  Jujan 
de  Onate,  the  descendant  of  a  family  distinguished  in  the1 
annals  of  New  Spain,8  was  given  the  contract. 9  The  condi- 
tions under  which  the  agreement  had  been  arranged  seemed 
favorable.  The  viceroy,  Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  was  his  inti- 
mate friendi,lO  and  had  accordingly  shown  great  generosity 
in  placing  his  sanction  on  the  entersprise.il  There  appeared 
to  be  no'  question  of  Don  Juan's  fitness  for  the  task,  even  if 
we  consider  certain  stringent  qualities,  which,  according  to 
an  earlier  decision  of  the  viceroy,  a  competent  adelantado> 
must  possess.  On  January  30,  1595,  shortly  after  Francisco- 
de  Urdinola  had  been  arrested  and  before  Onate  had  con- 
sidered going  to  New  Mexico,  Velasco  lamented  the  fact  that 
he  knew  of  no  one  in  the  kingdom  capable  of  managing  such 
a  great  undertaking,  "for  the  service  of  God  and  your  ma- 
jesty and  the  good  of  the  natives/ f!2  As  a  faithful  servant 
of  the*  king  it  was  his1  conviction  that  the  conqueror  must  con- 
tinue the  work  of  converting  the  heathen  even  though  gold 
or  silver  mines  might  not  be  discovered.  There  was  the  dan- 
ger. The  possibility  of  finding  precious  metals  was  a  prime 


8.  Cornish,  "The  Ancestry  and  Family  of  Juan  de  Onate,"  in  Stephens' 
and  Boltoii,  "The  Pacific  Ocean  in  History,"  452. 

S.  "Petition  to  the  viceroy,  Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  for  the  journey  of  ex- 
ploration    and  capitulations  of  the  viceroy  with  Don  Juan  de  Onate, 

Mexico,  September  21,  1595,"  in  Hackett,  C.  W.  "Historical  Documents  re- 
lating to  New  Mexico.  Xueva  Vizcaya,  and  Approaches  Thereto,  to  1773," 
225-255.  Herefter  cited  as  Onate's  contract. 

10.  Villagra,  Capitan  Caspar  de,  "Historia  de  la  Nueva  Mexico."    (Mexico, 
1900>  I,   27). 

11.  Onate's    contract,    in    Hackett,    "Hist,    Docs.,"    225-255,passim. 

12.  Letter  of  Viceroy  Velasco  to   the   king,   Mexico,   January   30,   1595,   in 
Ibid.,  221. 


THE  FOUNDING  OP  NEW  MEXICO  55 

motive  in  any  discovery,  tand  Velasco  regretted  that  ordinari- 
ly the  explorers  would  desert  as  soon  as  the  dearth  of  such 
wealth  was  realized.  The  proposed  pacification  and  con- 
version would  thereby  be  completely  defeated,  the  baptized 
Indians  would  at  once  relapse  into  barbarism,  and  the  desert- 
ing soldiers  and  colonists  commit  outrages  and  lassualts  on 
the  Indians,  which  must  invariably  make  the  very  name  of 
Christians  contemptible  and  odious  among  the  heathen.  The 
viceroy  realized  these  facts  and  confessed  that  such  had  beien 
the  experience  in  other  explorations.13 

Velasco  \s  discouragement  over  Urinolla's  fate,  as  evidenced 
by  the  above  letter,  was  forgotten  when  Onate  came  forward 
and  sought  to  lead  an  expedition  to  the  "'Oitro"  Mexico.14 
Various  motives  entered  into  Don  Juan's  determination  to 
risk  his  fortune  and  reputation  in  this  venture,  chief  of  which, 
perhaps,  was  the  hope  of  glory  and  material  gahi.  These 
considerations  always  playeid  a  part  in  any  conquest  under- 
taken by  the  Spaniard?.  15  Nor  can  we  overlook  the  religious 
reason  which  was  ever  prominent  in  these  entradias.  But  a 
different  incentive  also  appears.  Onate1  h'ad  just  suffered  the 
loss  of  his  wife,  and  like  the  famous  Simon  Bolivar  of  South 
America  determined  to  conquer  his  grief  by  dedicating  him- 
self in  a  greater  way  than  before*  to  the  service  of  his  mia- 
jesty.ie. 

The  first  negotiations  seemed  destined  to  bear  fruit.  In 
the  summer  of  1595  he  had  petitioned  th©  viceroy  for  the 
honor  and  privilege  of  undertaking  this  conquest,  which  had 
been  awtaiting  the  beckon  of  some  enterprising  character 
since  the  days  when  Espejo  reexplored  the  land  and  re- 
ported it  good.  To  Velasco  the  new  conquistador  seemed  the 
man  for  the  job.  Reporting  to  his  sovereign  the  circumst- 


13.  Letter  of  Velasco  to  the  king,  January  30,  1595,   in   ibid. 

14.  Onate's   contract,   in   ibid.,   225. 

15.  Cunninghame  Graham,   R.   B.   The   Conquest   of    New    Granada,   viii. 

16.  "Relacion    que    hlzo    Don    Luis    de    Velasco     del    estado    en    qtte 

hallo    y   dexo    aquel    reyno    quando    le    promevieron    al    virreynato    del    Peru, 
1595,"   A.    G.    I.,   2-2-4—4. 


56  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ances  of  the  contract  made  with  Onate,  he  stated  that  Don 
Juan  was  better  qualified  to  conquer  this  "new"  Mexi  ? 
than  any  of  those  who  had  formerly  sought  the  honor.17 
Moreover  before  Velasco  hlad  actually  accepted  Onate  for  this 
conquest  some  correspondence  had  taken  place  between  the 
two  in  which  the  viceroy  acknowledged  the  arreat  services  of 
Don  Juan's  ancestors  as  well  as  his  own  merits,  and  only  re- 
gretted that  things  were  in  such  a  condition  that  he  could 
not  then  open  negotiations. 18  If  additional  proof  of  Ofiate's 
standing  is  necessary  it  may  be  observed  that  Martin,  Lomas, 
and  Urinola  were  all  men  of  wealth  and  acievement,  19  and 
when  the  vicelroy  stated  that  Don  Juan  de  Onlate  was  bette- 
qualified  than  these  it  is  evident  that  he  was  highly  apprecia 
ed  by  his  contemporaries.20 

Family  Ties.  Don  Juan's  reputation  was  naturally  en- 
hanced by  the  standing  of  his  father,  Don  Cristobal,  for 
after  arriving  in  Mexico  in  1524,  the  latter  soon  became  en- 
gaged in  exploring  and  conquering  on  the  frontier  of  Nueva 
Galicia.2l  Here  he  proved  himself  equal  to  the  dangers  and 
responsibilities  of  the  frontier.  In  1538,  on  the  delath  of  the 
governor  of  Nueva  Galicia,  Don  Cristobal  he-Id  that  office  a 
short  time,  and  when  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado  was  nam- 
ed governor  in  1539,  he  beciame  lientenant  governor.  Heavy 
responsibilities  soon  devolved  on  him,  for  during  the  absence 
of  Coronado  in  New  Mexico  the  Indians  of  Nueva  Galicia 
revolted,  and  it  became  his  duty  to  quell  the  uprising.  In 
doing  so  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  prudence,  justice 
and  military  skill.22  After  the  Mixton  war,  as  this  revolt  is 


17.  Velasco  to  the  king,  Mexico,  October  14.  1595,  in  Hackett,  "Hist.  Docs.." 
257. 
18.Villagra,   "Hlstorla,"   I,   27. 

19.  See  Bancroft,   'Arizona   and    New    Mexico.   94-100. 

20.  Santiago   del     Riego   to   the    king,      Mexico     November     10,   1596,      in 
Hackett,   "Hist.    Docs.,"  369     ff.  Riego  gave  Don  Juan  a  remarkable  send- 
off  in  this  letter;  whether  it  was  nobility  of  character,  material  resources, 
or  the  support  of  wealthy  friends  and  relatives,  ke   possessed  them  all. 

21.  Cornish,   op.  cit.,  454. 

22.  Bancroft,    "History    of    Mexico,  '    II,    464-465;    490. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  57 

termed,  was  over,  Don  Cristobal  continued  his  exploring 
activities.  In  fact,  he  is  reported  to  have  conquered  and 
settled  the  major  part  of  Nueva  Galicia  at  his  own  expense.23 
In  1548  we  find  him,  in  company  with  three  notable  Spanisn 
officers,  exploring  and  pacifying  the  Indians  in  the*  vicinity 
of  Zacatecas.24  From  the  natives  rumors  of  rich  silver  lodles 
in  the)  neighborhood  reached  them  and  these  they  soon  dis- 
covered. So  abundant  were  these  veins  that  they  became  the 
four  wealthiest  men  ib  Americla  at  that  time.25 

Not  much  is  known  of  Don  Juan  de  Onate  before!  the  year 
1595.  He  appears  to  have  been  born  in  Mexico,26  but  neither 
his  native  town  nor  the  date  of  his  birth  has  been  preserved 
Our  knowledge  of  his  youth  is  equally  meager.  It  seems  that 
he  entered  ih&  service  of  the  king  early  in  life.  In  his  peti- 
tion to  Velasco  in  1595,  he  stated  that  for  more  than  twenty 
years  he  had  been  engaged  in  fighting  land  pacifying  the 
Chichimecas,  Guachichiles,  and  other  Indians  of  Nue»va  Gali- 
cia and  Nueva  Vizcaya  at  his  own  expense.27 

Influential  Friends.  The  meritorious  experiences  of  Onate 's 
youth  may,  indeed,  not  have  befen  different  from  those  of 
many  another  frontier  ciaptain.  However  the  distinguished 
services  and  great  wealth  of  his  father  were  a  marked  asset 
in  obtaining  preferment  in  the  royal  service.  Furthermore 
the  Onate  family  was  blessed  with  a  host  of  friends  among 
the  best  families  of  New  Spain  and  Nueva  Gailicia.  Don  Juan 
had  mjarried  into  one  of  the  famous  colonial  families.  His 
wife  was  Isabel  Tolosa  Cortesi  Montezuma,  great  grandaugh- 
tefr  of  Montezuma,  granddaughter  of  Cortes,  daughter  of 
Juian  de  Tolosa  and  Leonor  Cortes  de  Montezuma.28  Don 


23   Onate's    contract,  in   Hackett,   "Hist.   Docs.,"   227. 

24.  Mota    Padilla,    "Hist  or  in    de    la    conqnista    de    la    Nueva    Galicia,"    194- 
195. 

25.  Bancroft,    "Mexico,"    II,   554;      Bolton    and    Marshall,    ''Colonization    of 
North    America,"    55. 

26.  Probably    in    1549."Consulta    en    el    Consejo    de    Indias    ,"    April    6.    1622. 
A.    G.   I.,  66-5-10. 

27.  Onate's    contract,    in    Hackett,    "Hist.    Docs.,"    227. 

28.  Bolton,    "Spanish    Borderlands,"    170;    Cornish,    op.    cit.,    459,    and    table 
facing  452. 


58  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Juan's  four  brothers,  Don  Fernando,  Don  Cristobal,  Luis 
Nunez  Perez,  and  Don  Alonso.  were  all  wealthy  and  rendered 
valuable  assistance  in  the  conquest  <of  New  Mexico.  Of  these 
the  first  three  and  Maria  de  Gralarsa,  their  only  sister,  mar- 
ried successfully.29  Don  Alonso  seems  to  have  remained 
single. 

Don  Juiaai  also  had  the  support  of  four  famous  nephews, 
the  Zaldivar  brothers,  Cristobal,  Francisco,  Juan  and  Vi- 
cente, who  achieved  distinction  in  the  service  of  the  king.30 
In  addition  he  had  the  support  of  Diego  Fernandez  de  Vel- 
asco,  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  with  whom  he  had  con 
ferred  in  regard  to  the  contract  ;31  of  Rodrigo  del  Rio  de  Dosa, 
who  had  been  instrumental  in  opening  up  mines  in  Nueva 
Vizciaiya,  a  man  who  possessed  enormous  cattle  ranches  there 
and  had  at  one  time  been  governor  of  the  same1  province  ;3^ 
of  Santiago-  del  Riego,  an  "oidor1"  of  the'  audiencia  of 
Mexico,  who  in  1596  had  spent  thirty-three  years  in  audiencia 
service  ;33  of  Maldonado,  likewise1  of  the  aud&encia ;  of  Don 
Antonio  de  Figueroa ;  Ruy  Diaz  de  Mendoza ;  floid  Juan 
Cortes,  great  grandson  of  Cortes. 34  These  are  the  names  of 
some  of  the  influential  men  who  encouraged  Onatfe>  and  sup- 
ported him  in  the  proposed  oonquest.  Moreover  Velasco  the 
viceroy  always  dealt  liberally  with  him  and  recommended  him 


29.  Cornish,  op  cit..  461-462.  Mrs.  Cornish  states  that  Luis  Nunez  was  un- 
married, which  is  an   error.     He  was   married  to   a   daughter   of  Vicente  de 
Zaldivar.    "Memoria    de    carsros    y    capitulos    que    se    averigruaran    contra    H 
Doctor    Valderrama    Mexico,   1610. 

A.    G.    I.,   Camara,   no   273. 

30.  Cornish,   op.   cit.,  463.       There   has  been   some   argument   as  to  whether 
the  Zaldivar  brothers  were   Oriate's  coxisins  or  nephews.     In  the   documents 
they   are  always  referred  to   as   "sobrinos,"   never   as   cousins.    Cf.    Bancroft 
«'Arizona   and    New   Mexivo,"  117  note  9. 

31.  Villagra,    "Historia,"    I,   28. 

32.  Bolton    and    Marshall,    "Colonization,"    56,    58;    Hackett,    "Hist    Docs," 
16.   17. 

33.  Santiago   del   Riego   to   the   king,   November   10,   1596,   in    ibid.,   369-375; 
cl.  Villagra,  ''Historia"  I.   28. 

34.  Villagra,  "Historia,"  I.,  28-29.     Villagra  states  that  the  greater  num- 
ber  of   these   men   were   descendants   of   Juan   de   Tolosa,    founder   of    Zaca- 
tecas,   and    of   the   illustrious   Salas,   its   first   alcalde. 


THE  POUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  59 

to  the  king  for  the'  bestowal  oif  greater  favors,35  so  long  as 
these  demands  did  not  exceed  or  controvert  the  royal  ordi- 
nances of  1573,  regulating  new  discoveries.  Velasco  was  a  very 
popular  ruler,  intelligent  and  learned.  He  had  resided  in  the 
country  many  years  and  had  occupied  various  important 
positions.  As  viceroy  he  was  accordingly  beloved  by  his 
people.  This  fact  helps  us  to  understand  his  g'enerous  'attitude 
toward!  Don  Juan  de  Onate.36 

The  Petition  and  Contract.  The  lengthy  document  in  which 
Don  Juan  presented  his  petition  for  the  conquest  of  New 
Mexico  was  read  before  the  vicerroy  on  September  21,  1595.37 
He  examined  the  petition  and  contract,  and  gave  a  detailed 
opinion  <)<n  every  proposal  in  the  form  of  extensive  marginal 
notes.  Most  of  the  proposals  were  accepted  without  change; 
some  were  modified ;  and  others  rejected  outright.  Several 
copies  of  the  contract  have  recently  comle  to  light  as  the  re- 
sult of  investigations  in  the  Archivo  General  de  Indias,  Seville, 
Spain,  proving  abundantly  that  it  is  the  dlocument  by  which 
Onate  was  awarded  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  New  M'ecx- 
ico.38 

The  only  writer  who  has  seen  or  made  any  use  of  this  con- 
tract is  Josiah  Gregg.  He  obtained  a  copy  of  the  document 
from  the  Secretary  of  State1  at  Santa  Fe,  and  gave  a  brief  fle- 
sume  thereof  in  his  "Commerce  of  the  Prairies."  He  accur- 
ately stated  the  proposals  made  by  Onate,  but  gave  no  indi- 
cation a®  to  what  demands  were*  griatnted  or  rejected  by  the 
viceroy  in  his  marginal  decrees.  Gregg  merely  satisfied  him- 
self with  the  generalization  that  "although  these  exorbitant 
demands  wer^e  not  all  conceded,  they  go  to  demonstrate  by 
what  incentives  of  pecuniary  interest,  as  well  of  honors,  the 


35.  Oiiate's    contract,    in    Hackett,    "Hist,    Docs.,"    235,    237,    243. 

36.  Bancroft,    "Mexico,"    II,    758;    Riva    Palacio,    "Mexico    a    traves    de    los 
Hitflos,"    II,    449. 

37.  Onate's    contract,    in    Hackett,    "Hist.    Docs.,"    225-255.        According    to 
Villagra,    the    poet    and    historian    of    the    expedition,    the    viceroy    made    a 
contract   with   Onate   on    August    24,   1595.      There    is   no    evidence   to   support 
this    statement. 

38.  Two   copies   of   the   contract   are   in     A.     G.    I.,   1-1-3 — 22;      another   in 
58-3-15;    another    in    58-3-12;    another    58-3-14. 


60  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Spanish  monarch  sought  the  '  descubrimiento,  pacificacion  $ 
conversion,'  as  they  modestly  termed  it,  of  the  poor  ^aborigines 
of  America.  "39  Nor  does  Gregg  have  any  information  of  the 
delays  and  changes  that  occurred  with  the  coming  of  the  new 
viceroy,  the  Count  of  Montetrey.  Bancroft  was  unable  to  find 
a  copy  of  this  document  so  he  followed  Gregg  in  his  narra- 
tive.40 

Terms  of  the  Contract.  According  to  the  terms  of  the  con- 
tract which  Onlaite  had  entered  into  he  was  obliged  to  recruit 
a  minimumi  of  200  men,  fully  equipped  with  the  necessary 
suppies  and  provisions.  This  was  to  be  done  entirely  at  his 
own,  cost,  though  he  was  permitted  to  enlist  soldiers;  defray- 
ing their  own  expenses.  The  royal  treasury  was  not  to  be 
called  upon  to  provide  salaries  for  any  part  of  the  army  what- 
ever. Don  Juan  offered,  among  other  things,  to  take  1000 
helad  of  cattle,  3000  sheep  for  wool,  another  1000  for  mutton, 
1000  goats,  100  head  of  black  cattle,  150  colts,  150  mares, 
quantities  of  flour,  corn,  jerked  beef,  and  sowing  wheat. 
There  were  also  numelrous  minor  articles  including  horseshoe 
iron  and  nails,  footgear,  medicine,  bellows  iron  tools  of  vari- 
ous kindjs,  gifts  to  th'e  Indians,  cloth  and  plalper1.  These  sup- 
plies were  to  be  held  in  reserve  till  the  new  settlements  should 
be  reached,  but  in  case  of  extreme  necessity  could  be  used 
while  on  the  march.  For  this  latter  purpose  additional  sup- 
plies were  to  be  furnished  by  Onate.4l 

Don  Juan  realized  the  necessity  of  .providing  regally  fotr  his 
own  needs  on  this  great  expedition.  His  wardrobe  was  there 
fore  carefuly  selected.  As  part  of  his  personal  equipment  he 
agreed  to  take  twenty-five  horses,  a  like  number  of  mules  with 
mules,  six  light  cavalry  saddles,  six  trooper's  saddles,  six 
hiarness,  two  coaches  with  mules,  two  iron-tired  carts  with 
leather  shields,  six  lances,  twelve  halberds,  six  coats  of  mail, 
six  cuishes,  six  helmets  with  beavers,  six  sets  of  horse  armor. 


39.  Gregg,    Josiah.    "Commerce    of   the    Prairies,"    I,    117-'19. 

40.  Bancroft,    "Arizona    and    New    Mexico,"    116-117. 

41.  Onate's   contract   ,in  Hackett,   "Hist.    Docs.,"   227-229. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  ol 

six  harquebuses,  six  swords  and  daggers,  two  complete  cor- 
selets, two  stands  of  arms,  and  six  buckskin  jackets.  These 
things  Onate  promised  to  halve  in  readiness  art  Santa  Barbara 
by  the  end  >of  March,  1596,  but  with  this  the  viceroy  was  not 
satisfied  and  required  him  to  be  ready  two  months  earlier.42 

Onate's  Titles  Onate  was  granted  the  titles  of  governor 
-and1  captain-general  for  two  generations  on  condition  that  he 
fulfill  his  part  of  the  contract.  The  viceroy  promised  to  sup- 
plicate the  king  to  extend  this  period  an  'equal  length  of  time. 
He  was.  also  to  have  the  title  of  adelantado  on  taking  posses- 
sion of  the  land.  This  honor  was  to  endure  as  long  as  the 
governorship,  and  Velasco  agreed  to«  seek  a  similar  extension 
of  the  office.43 

Aid  Furnished  by  the  Crown.  To  minister  unto  the  Spani- 
ards and  convert  the  natives  Onate  was  granted  five  priests 
and  a  lay  brother,  with  all  nec'essary  equipment,  ia,t  royal  ex- 
pense. To  aid  in  maintaining  peace  in  the  province  he  was 
allowed  three  field!  pieces,  thirty  quintals  of  powder,  one 
hundred  quintals  of  lead  .and  one  dozen  coate  of  mail,  though 
he  had  to  pay  ftfr  the  latter  item. 44  Onate  also  secured  a  six 
year  loan  of  6000  pesos  ;45  much  more  had  been  requested.  In 
addition  he  might  requisition  the  carts  and  wagons  needed.46 

An  eagerly  sought  privilege  granted  Onaite  was  the  right 
of  "encomienda"  for  three  generations.  Landi  was  to  be 
given  the  settlors,  and  they  were  to  be  ennobled  and  to  be- 
come hidalgo®  with  the  right  to  enjoy  "all  the  honors  and 

privileges that  all  noblemen  and  knights  of  the  kingdom 

of  Castile en  joy.  "47 


42.  Onate's   contract,  ibid,  229. 

43.  Onate's  contract,  ibid.  235-237. 

44.  Onate's    contract,   ibid.,  231. 

45.  Onate's   contract,   ibid.,   237.     Many   accounts   state   that    Onate   receiv- 
ed  10,000  pesos,   of   which   4,000  were   a  gift.     See   Torquemada,    "Monarchic 
Indiana,"    I.    670;       Rivera      Cambas,    "I^os    grobernantes    de    Mexico,"    I,      70 
Vetancurt,    ''Cronica."    95;    Calle,   "Memorial    y    Noticias    Sacrns,"    102;    Cavo, 
"L.08   tres   siglos   de   Mexico,"   I,   226. 

46.  Onate's    contract,    in    Hackett,    Hist.    Docs.,    231-233. 

47.  Onate's    contract,    ibid.,   237-239. 


62  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Furthermore  Onate  was  to  receive  a  salary  of  6000  ducats^S 
to  name  the  officials  of  the  expedition,49  appoint  and  remove 
alguaciles,  set  up  a  royal  treasury  and  mine  its  official!sr 
exploit  mines  though  paying  only  a  tenth  instfelaid  of  the  usuai 
fifth,50  erect  forts,  suppress  rebellion,  make  laws  and  divide 
the  land  into  governmental  districts. 51  These  powers  were 
not  absolute,  but  usually  limited  to  approval  by  the  crown. 

Two  articles  of  Onate  rs  contract  were  of  special  signifi- 
cance. In  the  first  place  he  was  made  directly  subject  to  the 
Council  of  the  Indies.  Under  this  arrangement  neither  the 
viceroys  of  New  Spain  nor  neighboring  audienclas  could  in- 
terfere in  the  administration  of  his  government.  This  pro- 
vision was  considered  of  prime  importance  by  Onate.  It 
meant  that  he  would,  to  all  intents  land  purposes,  be  entirely 
independent.  He  would  not  be  subject  to  any  petty  intier- 
fdrence  from  officials  in  Mexico.  Only  to  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  in  Spain  would  he  be  required  to  remder  account  of  his 
actions.  From  New  Mexico  Seville  woud  indeed  be  far,  far 
away.52 

In  the  second  place  Onate  might  recruit  men  in  any  part  of 
the  kingdom  of  Spain.  This  was  in  a  manner  corollary  to  the 
above  privilege.  When  in  need  of  reinforcements,  which  must 
inevitably  be  secured  in  New  Spain  or  Nueva  Galicia,  it  would 
not  be  necessary  to  ask  permission  firom  the  viceroy  or  audi- 
encia.  Such  subservience  involved  the  possibility  of  refusal, 
and,  at  a  critical  time,  might  mean  the  difference  between 
success  and  failure  to  the  conquerors  of  New  Mexico.  The 
fact  that  Velasco  approved  Onfcte's  request  for  these  favors 
Is  not  startling,  for  it  was  done  by  authority  of  the  royal  or- 
dinances of  1573  regulating  new  conquests.53 


48.  Ibid.,  241. 

49.  Ibid.,    239. 

50.  Ibid.,   243. 

51.  Ibid.,  245. 

52.  Onate's   contract.   Ibid.,  247;    cf,   Cunningham,   "The:  Audienela   In  the 
Spanish   Colonies,"  21-24;   29. 

53.  Onate's    contract    ,in    Hackett,    "Hist.    Docs.,"    247.    In   1573   was    Issued 
a  set  of  ordinances  governing  new  discoveries,  conquest,  and  pacifications. 
They  were   intended   to   govern   and   control   all   exploration   and   settlement 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  63 

Some  additional  points  in  Onate's  agreement  with  the  vice- 
roy deserve  mention.  Practical  freedom  was  given  him  in 
levying  tribute ;  neighboring  officials  were  to  give  all  possible 
assistance  in  the  enterprise;  OQate  might  annually  bring  two 
ships  duty  free  to  his  proving;  provisions  for  the  colony  were 
exempt  for  ten  years  and  supplies  for  Onate's  household  for 
twenty  years,  while  excise  taxes  were  not  to  foei  paid  for 
twenty  years.  In  each  case  an  extension  of  these  privileges 
was  s-ought.54 

Some  of  the  outstanding  requests  refused  by  the  viceroy 
included  thiei  giving  of  encomiend'as  to  Onate's  brothers  in 
Mexico55  and  the  right  of  the  adelantado  to  ^appoint  a  sub- 
stitute that  he  might  leave  the  province.56 

On  his  part  Don  Juan  obligated  himself  to  execute  the  con- 
quest "in  all  pmce,  friendship  and  Christianity. "  At  the 
same  time  he  asked  that  instructions  be  given  him  for  his  guid- 
ance in  settling  the  problems  that  would  arise  in  New  Mexico. 
This  was  promised,  land  they  were  issued  a  short  time  later.57 

In  order  to  insure  success  Onate  requested  that  his  patent 
of  discovery  and  expiration  should  take  precedence  over  that 
of  any  other  person  who  might  conceivably  come  from  Spain 
with  -another  capitulation  signed  by  the  king.  To  this  Velasco 
replied  that  he  was  making  the  contract  "by  commission  and 
ordieir  of  his  majesty",  and  that  it  should  take  effect  from  the 
day  c<n  which  it  was  signed  and  sealed. 58  In  case  another 
should  come  from  Spain  with  prior  rights  he  was  reserved  the 


undertaken  in  the  colonies,  and  were  addressed  to  the  viceroys,  presidents, 
audiencias,  governors,  and  all  other  persons  whom  they  might  in  any  man- 
ner concern.  See  "Ordena.nzas  de  su  magestad  hechas  para  los  nuevos 
descubrimientos,  conquistas  y  pacificaciones.  -  Julio  de  1573,"  in  "Col  Dot\ 
Ined.,"  XVI.  142-187. 

54.  Onate's    contract,    in    Hackett,    "Hist.    Docs.,"    247-249. 

55.  Ibid.,   245. 

56.  Ibid.,  249. 

57.  Ibid.,   233.     They   were  issued   on    October   21,   1595. 

58.  Ibid.,   251.     There   is   no   documentary   evidence   that   this   was   not    on 
September    21,    1595.      Torquemada    and    Calle    state    the    capitulations    were 
finished      on    September    30.        Torquemada,    "Monarchia    Indiana,"    I,    670; 
Calle,    "Noticias,"   102.       I    believe    it    perfectly    certain       from    the    contract 
that   the   former   date   is  the   correct   one. 


64  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

privilege  to  collect  from  the  intruder  any  expenses  that  mignf 
already  have  been  incurred  for  the  expedition.59  Finally  the 
viceroy  pledged  in  the  name  of  the  king  to  carry  out  the  agree- 
ment  in  full  and  to  petition  for  the  many  addition/a!  favors 
and  privileges  sought  by  the  Zaeatecas  applicant. 

In  this  manner  the  Spanish  conquerors  enumerated  their 
own  obligations  and  the  concessions  which  the  king  must 
grant  them  before  they  would  risk  their  lives  and  fortunes  in 
seeking  wealth  and  glory  in  new  conquests.  Onate 's  contract, 
was  in  no  wise  extraordinary.  It  was  typical  of  the  capitul- 
ations made  by  all  the  conquerors  from  the  earliest  time.  It 
illustrates  the  devious  paths  a  man  must  follow  if  he  desired 
to  win  glory  in  subjugating  new  lands  and  rescuing  the  souls 
of  the  aborigines. 

A  Change  of  Viceroys.  It  was  unfortunate  for  the  hero  of 
our  stotry  that  a  change  of  viceroys  should  be  made  at  the  very 
time  when  the  contract  was  under  consideration.  Such  how- 
ever was  the  case.  On  September  18,  1595,the  fleet  from  Spain 
arrived  at  San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  bringing  Don  Gaspar  de  Zuriiga 
y  Acevedo,  the  Count  of  Monterey,  who  was  to  serve  as  vice- 
roy of  New  Spain.  At  the  same  time  the  incumbent,  Don  Luis 
de  Velasco,  was  promoted  to  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru.60  The 
Count  thus  arrived  to  take  charge  of  his  new  province  three 
days  before  Velasco  accepted  Onate  as  the  conqueror  of  New 
Meixico  and  concluded  a  contract  with  him  for  that  purpose. 

The  Oculma  Conference.  The  arrival  of  ta  new  viceroy  call- 
ed for  ceremonies  and  formalities.  These  took  place  at  the 
village  of  Oculma,  six  league®  from  the  city  of  Mexico,  whither 
Velasco  proceeded  to  welcome  the  new  official. 61  Amid  the 


59.  Ibid.,  251-253.  Professor   Hackett's  statement   that  if  "a ,  person   should 
come   from    Spain    with    a   similar    contract    signed    by    the    king,    this    was 
not  to  annul  his  contract,  but   on  the  other  'hand  he  was  to   be  permitted 
to  execute  it  notwithstanding,"  is  not  in  accord  with  the  documents  which 
he  edits.  Ibid.,  196.   The  viceroy   approved  the  contract,   and  sent   it  to   the 
king   for   final   confirmation,    reserving   to   Onate   the   right   to    collect    from 
his  rival  should  one  be  sent  by  the  king  in  the  meantime. 

60.  Velasco's  commission  was  signed   June   5,   1595.   Bancroft,     ''Mexico," 
II,  766. 

61.  Torquemada,    ''Monarchia    Indiana,"    I,    670. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  65 

festivities  of  the  occasion  the  two  viceroys  confeirre'd  on  the 
problems  that  the  Count  would  at  once  be  called  upon  to 
face.62  These  dealt  with  Vizcaino's  expedition  to  tbei  Califor- 
nias;  the  sending  of  the  annual  supply  ships  to  the  Philip- 
pines ,  providing  the  retiring  viceroy  with  some  means  of  go- 
ing to  his  new  charge  in  Peru;  and  the  Onate  expedition  for 
the  exploration  and  pacification  of  New  Mexico.  With  so 
many  big  undertakings  to  deal  with  at  once  the  Count's 
equanimity  was  somewhat  ruff  led.  63  But  he  went  to  work 
with  a  will  and  secured  from  his  predecessor  an  idea  of  tihe 
things  that  must  be  done.64 

Up  till  the  present  time  little  oir  nothing  has  been  known 
of  the  Ocutaa  conference  which  took  place  sometime  between 
October  14  and  November  5,  the  date  on  which  Monterey  enter- 
ed the  city  of  Mexico. 65  In  a  letter  to  the  king  written  in  Mex- 
ico on  October  14  Velasco  mentioned]  the  arrival  of  Monterely 
at  San  Juan  de  Ullo>a  on  September  18,  but  said  nothing  of 
having  seen  him.  On  the  contrary  he  wrote  "In  the  few  days 
that  remain  from  now  until  the  Count  will  enter  this  city,  I 
will  hasten  to  do,  as  I  ought  what  your  majesty  orders  me  by 
it ;  iand  what  I  am  not  able  to  do  I  will  communicate  to  the 
Count  so  that  he  may  carry  it  out.  .  .  ."66 

From  the  above  it  is  clear  that  the  two  officials  did  not 
meet  before  October  14.  That  they  met  directly  thereafter 
seems  equally  certain.  Wrting  in  1619,  Martin  Lopez  de 
Gauna,  then  "escribano  mayor,"  stated  that  on  October  21, 
1595,  Viceroy  Monterey  chose  Don  Juan  de  Oiiate  as  gover- 


62.  "Relacion    que    hizo    Velasco,"    1595.    Cf.    Martin    Lopez    de      Gauna    to 
Cristobal  de   Onate   and   L,uys   Nunez   Perez,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15. 

63.  Monterey   to   the   king,   February   28,   1596,    in   Hackett,   "Hist.   Docs.", 
259. 

64.  "Relacion   que  hizo   Velaaco,  1595.   The  document  is  not  signed   nor  is 
the  specific  date  given.  However  it  was  written  before  Christmas,  1595.  All 
the  letters  that  went  by  that  dispatch  boat  were  dated  between  December  16 
and  23.     The  next  batch   of  letters  were  sent   by   the  second   dispatch   boat 
and  were  written  on  February  28,  1596. 

65.  Torquemada,   "Moiiarehia  Indiana,"   I,   671. 

66.  Velasco  to  the  king,   October  14,  1595,  in  Hackett,  ''Hist.   Docs.,"  255. 


6'ft  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

nor  of  New  Mexico. 67  Furthermore  it  was  on  October  21  that 
TelasGO  issued  the  instructions  to-  Oilate  which  he  was  to  ob- 
serve in  New  Mexico  and  on  the  way  thithe'r.68  The  fact  that 
these  instructions  were  released  on  the  same  date  confirm® 
Gauna's  testimony.  Velastco's  action  in  issuing  them  was 
elearly  the  result  of  Monterey's  provisional  approval  as- 
given  at  Oeulma  on  October  21. 

The  Contract  Approved.'  Conditionally.  In  regard  to  what 
actually  occurred  at  Oeulma  we  have  brief  accoiunts  by  both 
of  the  principal  actors. 69  The  retiring  viceroy,  it  is  clear, 
laid  the  entire  subject  of  the  Oiiate  expedition  before  the 
Count.70  This  was  in  accord  with  Onate  rs  wish,  for  he  did  not 
want  to  go  ahead;  with  his  preparations  until  assured  that 
the  new  viceroy  would  approve  the  contract  which  Velasco 
had  made. 71  At  the  time  of  their  meeting  affairs  had  pro- 
gressed to  such  an  extent  that  it  required!  but  a  nod  of  assent 
from  Monterey  to  nuafce  the  contract  a  legal  document.  The 
Count  would  then  hav«  been  unable  to  make  any  changes 
should  he  later  have  deemed  it  expedient,  without  proceeding 
against  Onate  in  the  courts.  Monterey  hesitated  but  finally 
refus'ed!  to  give  the  requisite  approval  till  he  could  examine 
Don  Juan's  qualifications  for  the  task  and  the  provisions  of 
the  contract  with  care,  and  he  contended  that  this  could  not 
be  done  without  going  to  Mexico  city. 72 

Realizing     that  the  fortunes  of  his  friend  were  in    serious 


67.  Martin  Lopez  de   Gatma,   May  20,   1619.   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-18. 

68.  "Copia  do  la  instruceion  a  Onate,"   October  21,  1595,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15. 

69.  "Relaeion    quo    hi/.o    Velaseo,"    1595;    "eopia    de    un    capitiilo    de    carta 
One  *1   vlrrey    Don    l-uis   de    Velasco    scrivio   a    su    niagrestad,"    December*  23, 
1595,  A.    G.  I.,   58-3-15;    caria   del  Conde  de   Monterey   a   S.   M.  Mexico,   Febr- 
uary 28,  1596,  A.  G.  I.,  58-3-15. 

70.  Martin    Lopez   de     Gauna   to    Cristobal     de   Onate   and     Luis    Nunez 
Perez,  A.  G.   I.,  58-3-15;    "relaoion   qne  hhso   Velasco,"  1595;    "carta   del   Conde 
de  Monterey  a   S.  M.."  February  28,   1596. 

71.  Onate   to   Monterey,    Rio    de    Nasas,    September   13,    1595,    in    Hackett, 
"Hist.  Docs.,"  363. 

72.  Carta   del   Conde  de  Monterey  a   S.   M.,"  February   28,   1596.    Monterey's 
approval  of  the  contract,   after  Velasco   had  laid  it  before  him,   is  confirm- 
ed    by  Velasco.   "Kelaeion   que  hizo   Velasro,"   1595;   "el   Consejo   de    I  ml  ins   it 
S.  M.,"  Madrid,  June  9,  1600,  A.  G.  I.,  1-1-3—22. 


'THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  67 

Veiasco  now  proposed  that  Don  Juan  should  be  given 
his  patents  and  commissions,  and  he  even  went  so  far  in  his 
anxiety  for  Ofiate  '$  welfare  that  he  agreed  to  assume  the  res- 
ponsibility for  his  choice  as  leader  of  the  enterprise.73  Villagra 
-says  that  V^laseot  gave  Monterey  such  abundant  and  convin- 
cing proof  of  the  refutation  and  standing  -of  Don  Juan  and 
Ms  family  that  no  one  in  New  Spain  could  rival  him  as  the 
right  choice  for  the  leadership  of  the  expedition.74  Under 
such  circumstances  Monterey  felt  obligevd  to  permit  the  issu- 
ance of  Ofiate 's  warrants  on  October  21,  1595.  Nevertheless 
this  sanction  was  merely  provisional.  In  reglaird  to  the  actual 
provisions  of  the  contract,  no  final  decision  was  reached.  It 
was  agreed,  because  Velasco  insisted  upon  it,  if  we  are  to  be- 
lieve Monterey,  that  he  was  to  study  the  contract  somejwhat 
at  his  leisure.  Should  he  deem  it  desirable  that  any  Alterations 
be  made  he  was  to  be  at  liberty  to  do<  so.  This  is  the  Count's 
version  of  the  affair  ait  any  rate',75 

According  to  Villagra  Onate's  diplomatic  procedure  at  this 
particular  time  in  securing  the  provisional  permission  to  con- 
tinue the  expedition  was  of  significance.  He  dispatched  a 
courteous  letter  to  the  new  viceroy  congratulating  him  on  his 
arrival  in  New  Spiadn,  and  the  Count  made  a  gracious  reply 
in  which  he  expressed  regret  that  Velasco  had  not  concluded 
negotiations  with  Ofiate,  as  he  was  an  official  of  greiat  pru- 
dence and  distinction.76 

Judging  from  the  above  it  is  at  least  clear  that  the  two 
viceroys  were  not  in  complete  accord.  Velasco,  the  retiring  of- 
ficial, who  did  not  sail  for  Peru  till  February,  1596,77 


73.  "Carta   del   Coiide  do   Monterey    a   S.   M.,"   February   28,   1596. 

74.  Villagra,   "Historia,"    I,   31 

75.  «'Carta   del    Conde   de   Monterey   a    S.   M.,   February   28,   15196. 

76.  Villagra,    "Historia,"   I.    32,   34.      These    letters    are    not   extant.    Ofiate 
states   that   he   welcomed    the    viceroy   on   his   arrival.      Ofiate   to    Monterey, 
September  13,  1596,  in  Hackett,  "Hist.   Does.,"  363.   Villagra  goes   on   to   say 
that  the  Count  of  Monterey  approved  all  that  had  been  discussed  between 
Ofiate  and  Velasco  without  changing  anything  whatsoever,  and  that  he  did 
this   by    ordering   Ofiate   to   depart   without   delay    and   wishing   both    divine 
and  viceregal  blessings  on  the  enterprise.     Villagra,  "Historia,"  I,  32. 

77.  ''Don   Lui8  de  Velam-o  a  S.   M.."  February  25,  1596,  A.    G.  I.,  88-6-2. 


68  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tinued  to  follow  the  Onjate  expedition  closely.  On  December 
23,  in  a  short  letter"  to  the  king  regarding  this  matter,  he  gave 
an  explanation  of  what  had  occurred.  He  said  the  pacific- 
ation of  New  Me-xico  was  still  in  Onate  's  hamds,  but  on  certain 
conditions.  From  the  letter  it  does  not  appear  what  these 
provisos  were,  but  it  probably  refers  to  the  provisional  sanc- 
tion given  by  Monterey  at  Oculma.78 

That  the  contract  was  merely  given  provisional  approval  by 
the  Oooint  is  confirmed  by  Oiiate  also.  He  states  that  he  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  the  new  viceroy,  dated  a/t  Oculma,  in 
which  Monterey  "not  only  approved  and!  confirmed  what 

Velasco  had  done,  but ordered  me  to  gather  my  provisions 

and  ammunition  in  the  shortest  time  possible  for  the  said  ex- 
pedition, promising  in  the  same  letter  toi  examine  the  articles 
of  the  agreement  and  send  them  to  me.  after  correcting  in  them 
anything  that  seemed  to  need  it "79 

It  is  clear  that  the  outcome  of  the  first  tilt  with  Montere\y 
did  not  seem  unfavorable,  and  Oiiate  expected  to  receive  his 
final  papers  SOOD.  But  it  took  the  Count  a  long  time  before 
he  found  the  opportunity  or  the  'desire  to  review  these  negotia- 
tions. He  complained  it  was  because  of  the  large  amount  of 
business  on  hand. 80  As  we  shall  soon  see  Villagra  gave  a  very 
different  explanation  and  ascribed  the  delay  to  the  machin- 
ations of  Oiiate 's  enemies. 81  Whatever  the  cause  may  have 
been  Oiiate  had  to  wait  two  months  before  anything  was  done 
by  Monterey  in  this  matter. 

Meanwhile     Onate 's  brothers,     Cristobal  and  Luis     Nunez 


78.  "Copia    de   uii  .eapitulo    de    carta   que    el    virrey    Don    I/uis    de    Velasco 
scrivio   a   su   magestad."   December   23,   1595,   A.    G.    I.,   58-3-15.     Bancroft   ac- 
cepts  the   view   that     Monterey   had   requested   Velasco   to    delay     matters, 
"Arizona   and    New   Mexico,"  118. 

79.  Onate  to  Monterey,  September  13,  1596,  in  Hackett,  "Hist  Docs.,"  363. 

80.  "Copia   de   un    eapitulo    de   carta    que    el    virrey    Don    Liuis    de    Velasco 
scrivio   a   su   magestad,"   December  23,   1595.     Bancroft's   argument     is   that 
Monterey    opposed     Onate's    capitulation     because   he    favored     Don   Pedro 
Ponce  de  Leon.  "Arizona  and  New  Mexico,"  118.       There  is  nothing  to  sup- 
port this  view.     Ponce  was  backed  by  the  Council   of  the  Indies. 

81.  Villagra,  "Historia,"  I.  30.  Cf.  ch.   4  of   this  work. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  69 

Perez,82  represented  him.  in  Mexico  with  the  power  of  attorney 
which  had  been  given  them  at  Zacatecas  on  October  19,  1595.83 
On  December  15  they  appeared  before  Martin  Lopez  de^  Gauna, 
the  ' '  secretalriio  de  gobernacion'7  in  Mexico,  and  accejpted  the 
capitulations  made  by  Velasico  with  Don  Juan  for  the  conquest 
of  New  Mexico.  They  bound  him  to  fulfill  his  duties  in  every 
respect  and  promised  that  he  would  not  deviate  one  iota  from 
the  instructions  which  the  viceroy  had  promulgated  for  his 
guidance  on  October  21. 

Oiiarte's  Instructions.  It  is  of  interest  to  note  the  nature  of 
the  instructions  which  the  viceroy  had  issued  to  Onate  to  guide 
his  conduct  in  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico. 84  They  illustrate 
how  thoroughly  conquering  expeditions  were  clothed  in  mis- 
si  onaJry  disguise.  According  to  the  law  it  was  the  chief  de- 
sire of  the  crown  to  Christianize  and  civilize  the  natives.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  conquerors  undertaking  to  pacify  new  regions 
were  usually  bent  on  individual  profit  and  glory. 

First  of  all,  Onaite  was  instructed  to  take  oiath  and  render 
homage  to  Vicente  de  Zaldivar.  the  king 's  ' '  teniente  de  capitan 
general  de  Chichimecas."  He  was  reminded  that  the  chief 
purpose  of  the  expedition  wa,s  to  ??e!rve  God  OUT  Lord,  to  ex 
tend  the  holy  Catholic  faith,  and  to  conquer  and  pacify  the 
natives  of  the  provinces  of  New  Mexico.  To  this  end  the  ut- 
most efforts  should  be  e«xerted  without  violating  his  own  self- 
respect  or  oath  of  fealty.  He  was  to  fulfill,  in  every  regard, 
the  royal  'ordinances  of  1573  regulating  new  conquests,  and 
the  contract  made  with  him  in  accordance  with  those  laws ;  to 


82.     Villagra  is  therefore  mistaken  when  he  says: 
'•Y  luego  embio  poder  a  don  Fernando, 
A  don  Christoval,  y  a  Luys  Nunez  Perez, 
Trmbien  a  don  Alonso  sus  hermanos,    .    .    , 
Estos   capitulnron   la   Jornada,    .    .    ." 

Villagra,   "Historia,"   I.   28. 

80.  "Acei>tivcion  de  las  capitulaciones,"  December  15,  1595,  A.  G.  I.,  58-3-12. 
"Parecieron  el  thesorero  Luys  Nunez  Perez  y  Don  Xpoual  de  Onate  .  .  .  y 
dixoron  que  en  virtud  del  poder  que  tienen  de  Don  Juan  de  Onate  que  passo 
ante  pedro  venegas  scriva.no  rl  de  minas  y  registros  de  la  ciudad  de  nuestra 
senora  de  las  cacatecas  ..." 

84.     "Oopia  de  la   instruction   a   Onate,"   October  21,  1595,  A.   G.    I.,  58-3-15. 

5* 


70  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

carry  out  the  march  with  great  care  and  discipline,  informing 
the  settlers  and  soldiers  that  in  every  case  they  must  treat  the 
Indians  with  such  kindness  -as  to  insure  peace. 

Disorders  must  not  be  allowed.  The  missionaries  were  to 
be  treated  with  consideration,  for  how  otherwise  would  the 
natives  obey  the  padres?  Only  honorable  means  were  to  be 
used  in  converting  the  Indians,  and  interpreters  should  be  pro- 
cured, if  possible. 

In  view  of  the  belief  in  a  mythical  Strait  of  Anian  which 
connected  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific,85  Onate  was  instruct- 
ed to  inform  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  of  his  discoveries  in  the 
"North  Sea"  without  delay.  Careful  reports  were  to  be  mad'/ 
on  the  coastline.  Harbors  were  not  to  be  used  till  proper  re- 
gulations could  be  mnde.  for  the  great  secret  must  not  be  en- 
dangered. If  an  enemy  learned  of  these  things  it  would  P'eir- 
haps  rob  the  Spaniards  of  the  fruits  of  their  discovery. 

The  Indians  were  to  be  persuaded  to  serve  the  white  man, 
forced  labor  being  prohibited.  This  applied  to  mining  a®  well 
as  to  o<ther  occupations.  Success  in  handling  the  Indians  would 
eliminate  the  necessity  of  bringing  in  negros,  which  alway* 
complicated  the  problem  of  f-'overnment. 

All  of  these  things  Onjate  was  to  observe  with  the  diligence 
and  care  appropriate  in  oirder  that  the  conquest  might  redound 
to  the  service  of  God,  the  growth  of  the  holy  Catholic  faith, 
and  of  the  royal  crown. 8 6 

Monterey's  Delays.  Between  the  time  of  the  issuance  of 
theses  instructions  and  the  coming  of  Monterey  Don  Juan  was 
busy  preparing1  his  expedition.87  Seemingly  he  did  not  think 
of  obstructions  being  thrown  in  his  way.  But  many  were  in 
store  far  him,  due  to  the  arival  of  a  new  viceroy.  It  is  true 
that  Monterey  was  reputed  to  be  a  very  excellent  man,  but  he 
was  otherwise  unknown.  He  soon  proved  to  be  a  very  cautions 


85.  Bancroft   gives   a      description    of    the    current    Spanish      ideas    of   the 
Northern  Mystery.  "Arizona  and   New  Mexico,"  13-15. 

86.  "Copia   de   la   instruction   a    Onate." 

87.  Villagra,  "Historla,"  I,  31. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  71 

official  deliberating  policies  fully. 88  This  caution  on  his  part 
with  the  resultant  delay  gave  rise  to  most  of  Onate 's  difficul- 
ties, and  to  they  judgment  which  contemporaries  formed  of 
Monterey.  Torquemada  could  only  call  him  a  well  intentioned 
man!  He  lacked  the  vision  of  a  good  mler.89 

Considering  these  characteristics  of  the  new  viceroy  it  is 
easier  to  fallow  his  course  of  action  in  regard  to  the  projected 
conquest  of  New  Mexico,  which  had  besn  postponed  until  he 
could  familiarize  himself  with  the  whole  affair.90  On  Decem 
ber  20,  1595,  he  wrote  a  short  letter  to  the  king,  stating  that 
he  had  not  yett  reached  any  conclusion  regarding  the  appro- 
priateness of  Onate  's  contract. 01  He  therefore  asked  the  king 
to  await  additional  information  before  approving  the  con- 
tract, for  he  feared  that  efforts  were  being  miade  on  Don 
Juan's  part  to  seeure  final  confirmation  directly  from  the 
king.92 

Ofiate  Appeals  to  the  Crown.  Onate  had  been  growing  im- 
patient while  this  long  drawn  out  delay  was  slowly  wearing 
itself  away.  Unable  to  secure  the  expected  confirmation  from 
the  viceroy,  he  had,  /as  Monterey  feared,  appealed  directly  to 
the  king.93  Onate  recalled  the  distinguished  services  of  his 


88.  Bancroft,    "Mexico."    II,    766    ff;        Rivera    Cambas,    "L,os    gobernantes 
de   Mexico,"  I,  71. 

89.  Torquemada,  "Monarchia   Indiana,"   I.,  671;        Rivera  Cambas,   op,   cit, 

90.  «'Carta  del   Conde   do   Monterey   a   S.   M.,   February  28,   1596. 

91.  Monterey    to  the  king,   December  20,  1596,   in   Hackett,   "Higt.   Docs.," 
257-259.       This  is  apparently  a  contradiction,  for  Onate's  letter  of  December 
16,    1595,    mentions    one    specific    limitation    made    by    Monterey,    namely,    in 
regard    to    ordinance    69,    which    provided    that    he    should    be    directly    sub- 
ject  to  the  Council   of  the  Indies. 

92.  Monterey   to  the   king,   December  20,   1595,   in   Hackett,   "Hist.    Docs.," 
259.     Villagra  says  that  the  Count  was  doing  this  secretly: 

"Y  con   esto  escriuio   tambien  a  Espana, 
«on  notable  sccreto  y  gran  recato, 
A  vuestra  Real  Consejo  que  si  fuessen, 
De  parte  de  don  Juan  a  que  aprouasen, 
Aqueste   assiento  y  causa  ya  tratada, 
Se  suspendiese  todo  y  dilatase, 
Hasta  qiie  el   de  otra   cosa  diesse  auiso." 
See  his  "Historia,"  I.  30. 

93.  "Curtn    de    don    Juan    de    Onute   u    S.    M.,"    December    16,    1595,    A.    G.    I., 
5S-3-15. 


72  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

father  in  the  conquest  of  Nueva  Gralicia  and  his  own  deteir- 
minaion  to  spend  life  and  fortune  in  a  similar  cause.  His 
contract  had  been  accepted  by  Velasco.  Excessive  delays  which 
had  intervened  were  damaging  the  expedition  materially,  and 
he  humby  sought  a  favorable  decree  from  the  king  in  a  cause 
which  was  so  important  to  the  royal  service.  Onate  emphasized 
the  fact  that  he  had  not  contracted  for  anything  besides  what 
was  granted  in  the  ordinances  of  1573,  due  to  the  fact  that 
Lomas  andi  Urdinola  had  failed  in  the  same  cause  since  their 
demands  had  been  deemed  exorbitant.94  But  he  did  make  one 
urgent  request.  He  desired  to  be  directly  subject  to  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Indies,  in  accordance  with  the  law,  which  would 
make  him  independent  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  and  the 
audiencra's.95  This  had  been  granted  by  Veliisiio  but  vetoed 
by  Monterey. 96 

No  relief  followed  this  petition.  The  Count 's  report  of 
December  20,  and  Onate  'si  appeal  of  December  16,  were  evi- 
dently received  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies  at  the  same  time 
and  the  viceroy's  acted  upon  first. 97  Onate 's  meissage  was 
considered  on  March  11,  1595.98  The  Council  heaJrtily  encour- 


94.  The    statement    Onate    here    makes    is    bombastic    if    Monterey    spoke 
the  truth  when  he  said  that  he  modified  Onate's  contract  to  make  it  simi- 
lar to   UrdinoLi's.     Five  out   of  the  eight  articles   modified   were   fashioned 
after  that  model.     It  seems  to  be  true  however  that  Lomas'   contract  was 
very  extravagant.     Bancroft,   "Arizona   and   New   Mexico,"   99-100. 

95.  No.  69  the  "Ordenances  de  su  Magestad  hechas  para  los;  nuevos  des- 
cubrimientos   .    .    .   Julio  de  1573,"  in  "Col.  Docs.  Ined.,"  XVI,  161. 

96.  See  below. 

97.  This  is  inferred  from  the  decree  of  the  Council  in  regard  to  Onate's 
request,   which  read,   "que   esta  bien   como   se   a   respondido   al    virey."   De- 
cree  in   "Carta    de   don   Juan    de    Onate   a    S.    M.t"    December   16,    1595.        The 
reply    here   referred     to   is   unquestionably     the    decree     which    appears    on 
Velasco's    letter     of   October   14,    1595,    informing   the   king    of   the    contract 
made  with  Onate.     It  was  acted  upon  by  the  Council  on  March  4,  1596.  The 
decree  reads:   "Al  Conde  de  Monterey  se  escrivia  con  esta  rrelacion,  encar- 
gandole   que  entendido   el   estado   en   que   dexa   don   Luys   la  guerra   a   esta 
pacificacion   lo    procure   fauorecer   para   que    se   continue   como   cosa   que   se 
ha  deseado  y  ynporta,  y  abise  de  todo  la  que  se  hiziere.     Hay  una  rubrica." 
Decree    in   "Carta   de   don    I.uis   de    Velasco    a    S.   M.,   October   14.   1595,    A.    G. 
I.,   58-3-12. 

98.  See  "Carta  de  don  Juan  de  Onate  a  S.  M.,"  December  16,  1595.   "Vista 
en  XI  de  Marco,  1596." 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  73 

aged  Don  Juan  but  aside  from  thai  simply  asked  the  viceroy 
and  audiencia1  of  New  Spain  to  make/  further  reports  in  this 
matter.  Meanwhile  no  changes  were  to  be  made. 99 

Monterey's  Decision.  The  Count  of  Monterey  seems  to 
have  been  somewhat  inconsistent.  At  the  time  that  he  asked 
the  king  not  to  approve  Ofiate's  pretensions  he  had  already 
com'e  to  a  decision  in  regard  tor  at  least  one  point.  He  had  re- 
jected the  article  permitting  the  governor  of  New  Mecxico  to 
be  immediately  subject  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies.100  All 
other  doubts  weire  cleared  up  immediately  after  the  sending  of 
the  letter  of  December  20.  In  his  next  report  to  the  crown 
the  Count  stated  that  he  had  come  to  a  decision  in  regard  to 
Onate 's  contract  during  the  Christmas  holidays. 101  On  that 
occasion  his  capitulations  were  carefully  compared  with  those 
formerly  made  with  Lomas  and  Urdinolb,  likewise  for  the  con- 
quest of  New  Mexico,  and  his  conclusion  was  to<  limit  some  of 
the  articles  granted  by  Velasco  even  though  they  might  be 
sanctioned  by  the  laws  of  1573.  Monterey  professed  to  have 
many  reasons  for  acting  in  such  a  manner,  the  gist  of  which 
was  that  if  Onate  merited  reward  it  could  be  given  in  the  fu- 
ture. 

Reasons  for  his  Actio-n.  The  viceroy  went  on  to  explain  his 
treatment  of  Onate  at  some  length.  Ogano's  expedition  to  the 
Philippines,  in  which  it  seem  he  was  particularly  interested, 
and  Vizcaino's  expedition  to  the  Calif ornias  were  being  re- 
cruited at  the  same  time.  He  desi;red  to  speed  up  the  former, 
and  therefore:'  had  not  allowed  Onate  more  than  one  recruit- 
ing squad  although  he  thereby  delayed  the  organization  of  his 
arm}7.  His  reasion  for  this  was  practical  enough  as  he  feared 
that  so  many  simultaneous  efforts  to  fill  the  requisite  quotas 
would  lead  to  serious  trouble  with  the  Indians.  In  former 
years  there  had  been  much  difficulty  in  recruiting  the  neces- 
sary men  for  the  Philippine  service.  "While  the  troops  were 


99.  Ibid.       "Informen   cerca   desto   virey   y   audiencia   y   en   el   entretanto 
no  se  liaga   nobedad." 

100.  Tsrrta   de   don  Junn   tie   Onate   a   S.  M.,   December  16,  1595. 

101.  "C.irta    del    Comle   cle    Monterey   a    S.    M.,   February   28,   1596. 


74  -STEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

being  enlisted  tlie  city  of  Mexico*  would  be  in  a  state  of  tur- 
moil, since  compulsion  was  frequently  resorted!  to  in  order  to- 
get  the  desired  number.  Accordingly  Monterey  wanted  to- 
send  off  the  more  diffiout  seta-  expedition,  fearing  that  every- 
body would  flock  to  Onate's  standard  as  he  would  goi  by  land. 
The  results  were  as  expected.  Ogano  had  no  difficulty  filling 
his  quota,  and  thus  at  the'  time  Monterey  was  writing,  Febr- 
uary 28,  1596,  he  had  already  permitted  Oiiate  the  privilege  of 
sending  out  aditional  recruiting  squads  both  in  Mexico  and  in 
Nueva  Galicia.102  Monterey's  caution  in  regard  to  arousing 
the  Indians  was  in  acc>c\rd  with  his  general  policy  as  viceroy- 
He  was  determined  to  settle  the  Indian  problem  of  New  Spain 
which  his  predecessor  had  not  accomplished.  For  that  reason 
he  did  not  wish  to  incur  the  hatred  of  the  natives  before  at- 
tempting to  carry  out  the  plans  of  his  administration.  103 

In  a-dldition  the  new  viceroy  was  -opposed  to  some  parts  of 
Onate's  contract,  and  he  requested  that  these  be  not  granted. 
He  had  conferred  with  his  advisers  in  New  Spain  who  were 
better  infoJrmed  in  such  matters,  and  they  supported  him. 
Onate's  independence  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  was  not  al- 
lowed. 104  Monterey  felt  that  there  was  too  great  danger  in 
giving  him  such  freedom.  The  king's  subject  in  New  Spain 
should  hteve  recourse  to  the  crown  thejre.  and  not  only  in  dis- 
tant Spain.  He  considered  it  even  less  tolerable  that  there 
should  be  no  appeal  to  the  audiencias,  as  was  provided  in 
Onate's  contract.  The  audiencia  served  as  a  check  on  the  vi- 
ceroy ;  was  it  fitting  that  a  mere  governor  should  be  complete- 
ly unrestricted?  Moreover  doubts  were  cast  on  Onaters  fit 
ness  for  the  position  of  governor  of  New  Mexico  He  Locked 
property  and  funds,  and  was  burdened  with  debts,  so  it  was 
said. 105  These  aspersions  oniue  at  a  critical  moment.  Pre- 
viously, on  December  20,  1595,  Monterey  advised  delay.  Now, 


102.  Ibid. 

103.  Bancroft,  'Mrxh-o,"  II,  767;   Rivera  Cambas,   op.  rit..  I,  71-72. 

104.  See  below. 

105.  *'Carta  del   Conde   do    Monterey    a    S.   M.,"   February  28,  159G. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEAV  MEXICO  7o 

two  months  later,  he  not  only  recommended  reservations  but 
actually  cast  serious  reflections  on  Onate 's  ability  to  carry 
out  the  conquest.  These  statements  were  duly  considered  by 
the  Council  of  the  Indies.  They  ciaane  at  the  time  when  Dor* 
Pedro  Ponce  de  Leon  was  seeking  the  Council's  permission  to 
replace  Onate  as  governor  of  New  Mexico. 

The  Modifications.  The  limitations  made  by  Monterey  in 
Onate 's  contract  were  finally  made  known  at  Christmas  time, 
1595.  Notice  of  what  the  viceroy  had  decided  upon  was  sent 
to  Luis  Nunez  Pe"rez  and  Cristobal,  Onate 's  brothers  who  re 
presented  him  in  Mexico.  The  modifications  follow.106 

First,  the  right  to  enlist  soldiers  and  colonists  was  limited  to 
the  expedition  then  being  prepared  by  Onate.  If  reinforce- 
ments were  needed  a  special  order  must  be  sought  from  the 
viceroy.  The  appointment  of  the  commissioned  officers  was 
limited  in  the  same  way. 

Second,  Oilate's  right  to  appoint  royal  officials  with  suit 
able  salaries  was  limited  so  that  their  pay  should  not  exceed 
that  of  the  officials  in  Mexico. 

Third,  instead  of  being  independent  of  the  viceroy  and  audi 
encia  in  Mexico,  Onate  was  macl'e  responsible  to  the  viceroy  in 
all  matters  of  war  and  finance,  and  to  the  audiencia  of  Mexico 
in  judicial  and  administrative  affairs. 

Fourth,  Onate  had  been  permitted  to  send  some  ships  to  the 
"North  Sea"  which  he  was  about  to  discover.  This  privilege 
was  withdrawn. 

Fifth,  the  Indians  were  to  be  persuaded,  if  possible,  to  pay 
tribute  voluntarily.  The  governor  might  determine  the  amounti, 
but  he  was  required  to  seek  the  advice  of  the  royal  officials 
and  of  the  prelates  of  the  religious  orders. 

Sixth,  all  encomiendas  of  Indians  granted  by  Onate  must  be 
reported  to  the  king  and  confirmation  secured  within  three 
yearn 


106.     Martin    Lopez      de    Gauna     to    Cristobal    de    Onate    and    Luis      Nunez 
Perez    (December,   1596?)    A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15. 


76  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Seventh,  the  honor  of  becoming  hidalgo  with  the  same  pri- 
vileges as  nobility  of  that  rank  enjoyed  in  Spain,  was  limited 
to  those  who  persevered  in  the  conquest  for  five  years. 

Eighth,  Onate  was  ordered  to  pay  for  the  thirty  quintals  of 
powder  and)  one  hundred  quintals  of  lead  which  the  king  was 
to  provide. 

Acceptance  of  the  Modifications.  Cristobal  de  Onate  had 
been  informed  of  these  limitations  of  his  brother's  capitula- 
tions by  Martin  Lopez  de  Gauna,  the  "secretario  de  gober- 
nacion,"  without  delay,  it  seems.107  But  in  view  of  the  fact 
tha/t  Don  Juan's  privileges  had  been  so  severely  curtailed 
Cristobal  protested.  In  assuming  this  conquest  it  was  his 
brother's  principal  motive,  as  well  as  his  own,  to  continue  to 
serve  the  king  as  their  family  had  hitherto  done. 108  It  was  in 
thiait  manner  they  hoped  to  win  reward,  rather  than  by  seek- 
ing the  fulfillment  of  those  provisions  in  the  contract  which 
Monterey  had  limited.  For  that  reason  he  consented  to  the 
modification  of  Onate 's  contract,  as  the  Count  had  stipulated, 
in  order  that  the  expedition  might  go  on.  Obviously  that  was 
the  'only  course  open  to  him.  Cristobal  made  one  reservation, 
however.  He  retained  the  privilege  of  appealing  to  the  king 
for  the  restoration  of  the  limitations  which  he  had  just  (assent- 
ed to,  and  also  made  a  special  request  of  the  viceroy.  He  ask- 
ed that  Don  Juan  be  freed  from  the  obligation  of  paying  for 
the  powder,  lead  and  artillery  as  Monterey  had1  required. 
Cristobal  stated  that  it  had  been  granted  in  order  that  Leyba 
•aindl  Humana  and  their  companions,  who  were  thought  to  be  in 
New  Mexico,  might  be  apprehended.  The  Count  however  was 


107.  Martin    Lopez    de   Gauna   to   Cristobal     de    Onate   and  Luis     Nunez 
Perez    (December,  1595?)   A.   G.  I.,  58-3-15. 

108.  Letter  of  Cristobal   de  Onate,    (January,  1596)    A.  G.   I.,  58-3-15.   Cris- 
tobal's  reply   was   written    in   the   margin   of   Gauna's   letter   containing   the 
limitations   made   by   Monterey.     No   date   is   given   for   either   one,   but   it   is 
evident    that   this   correspondence   took    place    between    the   Christmas  Holi- 
days of  1595  and  January  13,  1596.     The   Count  said  he  made  the  modific- 
ations at  the  former  time.     On  the  latter  date  the  viceroy   issued   a  decree 
acknowledging   receipt     of   Don   Cristobal's   letter   wherein   he   agreed   to   the 
limitation  of  the  contract  in  the  name  of  his  brother.     This   decree  finally 
permitted   Onate  to   go   ahead   with   the  expedition. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  77 

adamant.  No  concession  woulld  be  made.  But  he  did  agree  to 
Investigate  the  particular  reasons  advanced  and  promised  that 
if  these  proved  sufficient  to  warrant  the  expense  to  give  at- 
tention to  the  request.  109 

The  Expedition  Authorized.  On  the  acceptance  of  Cristobal 
de  Onate's  letter  the  Count  immediately  dispatched  a  decree, 
giving  Don  Juan  permission  to  use  the  contract  which  Velasco 
had  made  with  him,  provided  the  above  limitations  were  add- 
ed.UO  He  was  thus  finally  gijven  an  unrestricted  right  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  conquest  and  to  enjoy  all  the  privileges  previous  - 
ly  granted,  with  the  exception  of  the  restrictions  just  noted 
For  Onate  the  cloiuds  of  trouble  at  last  seemed  to  have  rolled 
away,  but  in  the  meantime  a  plot  was  hatching  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Atlantic.  So  we  shall  now  leave  Onate  to  enjoy  his 
temporary  good  fortune  while  we  observe  the  development  of 
events  in  Spain.  For  a  time  these  affairs,  centering  about  Don 
Pedro;  Ponce,  de  Leon,  threatened  to  upset  Don  Juan's  hopes 
and  to  give  an  entirely  different  turn  to  the  stoj*y  of  the  con- 
quest of  New  Mexico. 


109.  Martin   Lopez   de     Gauna   to   Cristobal     de   Onate   and     Luis   Nunea 
Perez. 

110.  January    13,    1596.    "Aceptacion    del    consenttmiento    a    la    WJoderarion 
«Jp  las  eapitulaeiones .",  A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15. 


(To  be  continued.) 


78  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


RALPH  EMERSON  TWITCHELL 

AFTER  long  illness  and  intense  suffering,  death  came  to 
Colonel  Ralph  Emerson  Twitchell,  the  'Seventh  president  of 
the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico,  at  sunrise,  August  26, 
1925,  at  the  Cara  Barton  Hospital,  Losi  Angeles.  Burial  took 
place  in  Fairview  Cemetery,  Santa  Fe,  on  the  Sunday  follow- 
ing, after  services  in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Faith  (Episcopal) 
conducted  by  the  pastor,  Rev.  WTalter  Trowbridge.  The  Ma- 
sonic ritual  at  the  grave  concluded  the  obsequies. 

Ralph  Emerson  Twitchell  was  born  at  Ann  Arbor,  Michigan, 
November  29,  1859.  His  parents  were  Daniel  Sawin  and 
Delia  Scott  Twitchell,  both  of  distinguished  New  England  an- 
cestry whose  lines  have  been  traced  back  to  feudal  days  in 
England.  Early  in  life,  he  giave  evidence  of  a  flare  for  re- 
search -and  scholarship.  At  the  age  of  23,  he  graduated  from 
the  University  of  Michigan  with  the  degree  LL..  B.,  although 
the  University  of  Kansas  had)  been  his  earlier  alma  mater. 

As  a  Lawyer 

Having  chosen  the  law  for  his  profession  young  Twitchell 
entered  the  law  offices  of  Judge  Henry  L.  Waldo,  solicitor  for 
the  A.  T.  and  S.  F.  Railway  Company,  which  had  just  extend- 
ed its  line  to  Santa  Fe,  the  City  that  had  given  the  system  its 
name.  The  friendship  of  the  two  men  continued  for  three  die- 
cades,  closed  only  by  Judge  Waldo's  death.  The  latter  had 
trained  his  younger  associate  to  be  his  successor  but  somehow 
this  wish  of  the  able  jurist  failed  to  reach  fulfillment,  although 
Colonel  Twitchell  to  the  end  maintained  his  connection  with 
the  legal  department  of  the  railway  system.  Even  after  he 
had  been  pensioned,  he  was  called  in  >on  intricate  cases  and 
proved  his  value  to  the  railroad  comapny  in  important  dam- 
age suits.  As  a  tribute  to  his  standing  in  the  legal  profession, 
he  was  elected  to  the  presidency  of  the  New  Mexico  Bar  As- 
sociation. During  the  stormy  administration  of  Governor 


RALPH  EMERSON  TWITCHELL 


RALPH  EMERSON  TWITCHELL  79 

Lionel  Sheldon,  he  was  judge  advocate  of  the  Militia.  From 
1889  to  1892  he  was  district  attorney  for  the  First  Judicial 
district.  Of  late  years  he  was  a  special  assistant  to  the  at- 
torney general  of  the  United  States  being  assigned  the  duty 
of  examining  into  Pueblo  land  titles.  He  prepared!  an  ex- 
haustive) monograph  on  the  history  and  status  of  the  Pueblo 
land  grants  which  has  not  yet  been  published  by  the  federal 
government. 

In  Political  Life 

From  the  law  to  politics  was  a  natural  sequence.  Colonel 
Twitchell,  a  Republican,  threw  himself  with  characteristic  en- 
ergy into  the  political  turmoil  of  the  then  Territory.  He  was 
delegate  to  political  conventions  in  city,  county  and  state.  He 
was  in  demand  for  campaign  speaking  and  held  various  party 
positions  culminating  with  the  chairmanship  of  the  Republi- 
can Territorial  Central  Committee  in  1902  and  1903.  He  was 
appointed  to  territorial  and  state  boards  by  successive  gov- 
ernors, those  he  prized  most  highly  being  membership  in  the 
governing  board  of  the  Museum  of  New  Mexico  and  the 
chairmanship  of  the  Panama  California  Exposition  Board. 

Organizer  and  Publicist 

Colonel  Twitchell  loveid  the  spectacular  and  the  light  of  pu- 
bilicity.  He  was  a  born  advertiser  and  showman,  and  One  of 
his  early  triumphs  in  these  fields  was  at  the  session  of  the  Na- 
ational  Irrigation  Congress  held  in  Albuquerque  in  1908.  In 
making  the  arrangements  for  this  convention,  he  compiled  his 
first  big  volume  on  the  resources  of  New  Mexico.  As  first  vice- 
president  of  the  Congress,  he  contributed  to  the  formulating  of 
the  reclamation  policy  adopted  by  the  Nation.  As  president 
of  the  Santa  Fe  chamber  of  commerce,  he  was  a  factor  in  mak- 
ing the  Santa  Fe  Fiesta  a  nationally  known  event.  It  was  in 
the  New  Mexico  Exhibit  at  the  San  Diego  Exposition,  how- 
ever, that  his  genius  for  creating  spectacular  effects  and  for 
obtaining  publicity,  reached  its  apogee.  At  his  suggestion, 
New  Mexico  reproduced  for  its  building  the  Franciscan  Mis- 


SO  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sion  of  Acoma.  He  was  among  the  first  to  use  motion  pic- 
tures to  advertise  a  state's  attractions  and  resources.  Later 
the  Exposition  building  w:as  perpetuated  in  more  substantial 
and  elaborate  form  jjj  the  Art  Museum  at  Santa  Fe,  in  the 
construction  of  which  he  was  deeply  interested.  Several  vo- 
lumes of  clippings  from  newspapers  and  magazines,  tell  the 
story  of  achievements  by  New  Mexico  at  San  Diego,  the  ef- 
fects of  which  are  still  beneficially  felt  ten  and  more  years, 
later  throughout  the  entire  Southwest.  It  wias  for  this  ex- 
position that  Colonel  Twitchell  compiled  his  second  volumin- 
ous New  Mexico  publicity  volume..  The  fine  publicity  given 
Santa  Fe  for  years  by  the  A.  T.  and  S.  F.  Railway  Company  in 
the  way  of  beautifully  illustrated  pamphlets  and  folders,  had 
its  oirigin  iand  impetus  through  Colonel  Twitchell.  One  of  his 
last  pamphlets  was  for  publicity  purposes  of  the  Chamber  of 
Commerce, 

Orator  and  Lecturer 

As  an  orator  and  lecturer,  Colonel  Twitchell  was  much 
sought.  His  lectures,  ''The  Man  and  His  Book"  and  "When 
Women  Built  the  Temples "  were  repeatedly  given  to  large 
audiences.  A  handsome  presence,  a  sonorous  voice  and  a  gift 
for  emphiaisizing  the  human  interest  in  history,  assured  him 
rapt  attention  and  applause!  whenever  he  sipoke  in  public.  He 
illustrated  his  lectures  often  with  photographs  he  himself  had 
taken  or  with  pictorial  material  furnished  by  the  Museum  of 
New  Mexico  and  from  his  books. 

As  Historian  and  Writer 

It  is  as  a  historian,  a  writer  and  a  builder,  that  Colonel 
Twitchell  made  his  most  lasting  contribution  and  by  which  he 
will  be  longest  remembered!.  Quoting  from  a  tribute  paid  him 
by  Lansing  Bloom.  Secretary  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New 
Mexico,  at  a  memorial  meeting  held  in  th^  Palace  of  the 
Governors : 

"It  is  a  significant  fact  to  know  that  Colonel  Twitchell's 
first  interest  in  the  history  of  the  Southwest  gre;w  out  of  as- 


RALPH  EMERSON  TWITCHELL  81 

sociation  with  Adolf  Bandelier.  ...  In  the  midst  of  Bandelier?s 
research  in  the  Southwest,  Colonel  Twitchell  arrived  in  New 
Mexico  and  it  was  the  work  on  the  archives  especially,  which 
caught  his  interest  and  very  possibly  it  is  owing  to  this 
fact  that  we  now  have  these  (archives  at  all.  In  his 
'Leading  Facts'  Twitchell  states  simply:  'On  the  12th 
of  May.  1892,  the  Capitol  Building  was  destroyed  by  fire 
and  many  public  documents  were  lost.  The  collection  of  ancient 
papers  known  as  the  'Santa  Fe  Archives'  was  saved.'  The 
ifiact  (as  related  by  Colonel  Twitchell  in  personal  conversa- 
tion) is  that  he  ia,nd  one  or  two  others  kne-w  exactly  where 
these  papers  were,  went  directly  there  at  the  time  of  the  fire 
and  carried  them  to  safe'ty.  .  .  From  1917  down  to  date,  eleven 
bulletins  of  the  Society  have  been  published  and  of  these 
eight  came  from  his  pen.  And  other  papers,  including  the 
catalogs  of  our  collections,  which  were  largely  the  result  of 
his  labor  up  to  the  time  of  his  passing,  are  either  ready  for 
the  presis  or  nearly  so.  ...  In  1909  was  published  his  first 
book,  'The  Military  Occupation  of  New  Mexico,'  and  in  1911 
appeared  the  first  volume  of  'Leiading  Facts  of  New  Mexico 
History.'  This  was  followed  in  1912  by  Volume  II,  and  was 
later  supplemented  by  three  more  volumes.  In  1914  his  two 
volume  work  on  'The  Spanish  Archives  of  New  Meixico'  was 
published,  and  during  the  years  1913  to  1916,  he  successfully 
carried  the  historical  quarterly  'Old  Santa  Fe'  through  three 
volumes.  And;  (shortly  before  his  de>ath  his  last  book  'The 
Story  of  Old  Santa  Fe'  came  from  the  press. 

"Those  who  are  at  all  familiar  with  the  soiurces  of  South- 
western history  can  appreciate  in  some  measure  tha  great 
store  of  information  which  is  represented  by  these  briefly  re- 
cited facts.  To  use  the  phrase  of  Lummis,  Ralph  Emerson 
Twitchell  knew  the  'story  of  man'  here  in  the  Southwest  as 
few  others  have  done  or  may  hope  to  do*." 

It  was  Twitchell  who  was  most  enthusiastic  in  the  mainten- 
ance of  Santa  Fe  as  "The  City  Different."  The  socalled  Santa 
Fe,1  Mission  Style  of  Architecture,  found  in  him  its  most  elo- 
quent advocate  although  he  took  sides  against  those  who 
would  pedantically  condemn  any  variation  from  ancient  ex- 
amples of  the  Pueblo  style  of  building.  He  contended  that 
architecture,  like/  art,  is  the  unfolding  of  the  flower  of  human 
genius ;  that  unless  architecture  is  progressively  alive  and 


82  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

admits  of  variations,  expansion  and  adaptation  to  new  ma- 
terial, different  environment,  it  is  dead  and  has  but  academic 
interest  for  the  student.  To  prove  his  theory  he  remodeled  an 
old  non  descript  building  into  a  beia.utiful  residence  that  com- 
bined a  Spanish  round  tower  with  Pueblo  lines,  and  modern 
comforts  with  Indian  decorations.  It  is  there  he  loved  to  en- 
tertain and  it  is  today  one  of  Santa  Fe's  show  places. 

Historical  Society 

Although  ia  mejmber  of  the  New  Mexico  Archaeological 
Society  and  a  valued  regent  of  the  Museum  iof  New  Mexico  as 
well  as  member  of  the  managing  comftnittee  of  the  School  of 
American  Research,  it  was  his  interest  in  the  Historical  Socie- 
ty of  New  Mexico  that  was  paramount.  Once  more  quoting 
Mr.  Bloom,  Secretary  of  the  Society : 

"It  seems  strange  to  have  to  admit  that  our  own  rejcords  as 
a  Historical  Society  are  very  incomplete,  but  such  is  the  case. 
Perhaps,  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  Colonel  Twitchell  was  elect- 
Od  to  membership  in  the  early  '90s — the  earlier  record-books 
are  missing,  but  his  dues  were  paid  in  June,  1911.  One  earlier 
reference  to  him  is  found  in  the  minutebook,  when  on  January 
29,  1909,  he  was  elected  third  vice-president.  Here  again  pre- 
vious records  are  very  meager,  but  his  election  to  this  office 
indicates  that  he  had)  been  taking  an  active  part  in  the  work 
of  the  Society,  probably  for  some  years  before.  On  May  29, 
1912,  he  was  elected  to  life  membership,  in  recognition  of 
valuable  gifts,  and  in  subsequent  years  there  were  frequent 
acknowledgments  of  similar  gifts  from  him.  By  re-election  he 
was  continued  in  the  office  of  vice-president  down  to  Novem- 
ber 14,  1924,  when  he  was  elected  president  of  the  Society.  On 
March  17,  1919,  the  office  of  director  was  created  and  Colonel 
Twitchell  was  elected  to  this  additional  position,  the  resolu- 
tion reciting  that  he  'shall  be  charged  with  the  duty  of  auxi- 
liary organization  work,  the  securing  and  preparation  of  his- 
torical monographs,  the  collection  of  manuscripts,  their  pub- 
lication and  the  securing  of  funds  for  such  purposes  and  with 
such  additional  duties  as  the  Society  from  time  to  time,  may 
determine.'  Sufficiently  comprehensive  surely,  and  yet  the 
resolution  only  recites  lines  which  he  was  already  actively 
pursuing. ' ' 

It  was  a  dream  of  Colonel  Twitchell  to  correlate  the  work 


RALPH  EMERSON  TWITCHELL  83 

of  the  Society  with  that  of  the  Museum  of  New  Mexico  and  the 
School  of  American  Research.  It  was  for  that  reason  that  he 
had  the  collections  of  the  Society  arranged  and  catalogued  and 
that  he  established  an  office  in  the  Palace  of  the  Governors 
in  the  same  room  with  the  Acting  Director  of  the  Museum. 

Bioliophile  and  Friend  of  Art 

Colonel  Twitchell  was  a  collector  of  objects  of  Indian  handi- 
crafts ranging  from  basketry  and  pottery  to  Indian  fetishete. 
He  picked  u<p  a  mass  of  historical  material  and  loved  to  visit 
old  bookshops  and  scan  book  catalogs  for  works  on  the  South- 
west and1  on  Art.  He  presented  to  the  Museum  a  collection  of 
book®  on  Art  and  loaned  to  it  his  historical  library,  main- 
taining another  library  at  his  home.  He  had  an  instinct  for 
art  and  it  was  due  to  this  that  he  had  Kenneth  M.  Chapman 
draw  many  of  the/  illustrations  for  his  "Leading  Facts"  and 
that  the  pictorial  side  of  his  publications  always  received  the 
minutest  c>are.  It  was  on  his  order,  that  the  collection  of  en- 
largements of  portraits  of  men  prominent  in  New  Mefcdco  his- 
tory was  made  and,  after  exhibit  at  S'an  Diego,  given  a  per- 
manent place  in  the  Palace  of  the  Governors.  He  also  com- 
missioned Gerald  Cassidy,  the  Santa  Fe  artist,  to  paint  the 
portraits  of  Villagra,  De  Vargas,  Kit  Cars'om,  etc..,  for  the 
Historical  Society.  Strong  as  was  his  admiration  for  the  art 
of  men  like  Cassidy,  his  disapproval  of  the  modernist  sichool 
was  wellknown.  He  would  have  banned  their  exhibitions  from 
the  Museum  at  Santa  Fe.  When  men  like  George  Bellows, 
Leon  Kro:ll,  B.  J.  0.  Norfeldt  and  others  hung  their  paintings 
he  literally  raged  and  for  a  time  threatened)  to  resign  from  the 
Museum  Board.  Later  he  modified  his  views  very  much  and 
found  especial  delight  in  Robert  Henri's  "Dieguito"  and 
other  examples  of  the  modern  schools  that  did  not  go  to  ex- 
tremes. He  bought  paintings  in  a  modest  way  and  took  great 
pride  in  showing  them  to  visitors!  at  his  home.. 

Twitchell,  the  Man 

A  man  endowed    with  such  abundant  vitality    was  sure  to 


84  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

arouse  criticism.  He  made  enemies  but  he  made  many  more 
friends  for  himself  and  for  the  State  and  City  he  so  loved.  In 
friendship  he  was  gefnerous  to  a  fault.  He  was  extremely 
proud  of  the  esteem  of  men  like  Colonel  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
Hon.  Frank  Springer,  Dr.  Edgar  L.  Hewett,  (whom  he  always 
fondly  called  "Old  Hewett"  although  the  latter  was  the  youn- 
er  man),  F.  W.  Hodge  and  many  others.  The  writer  owes 
him  much  in  the  way  of  kindly  encouragement  and  unselfish 
loyalty  in  many  undertakings  for  the  advancement  of  the  Mu- 
seum -and  the  City  of  the  Holy  Faith. 

Colonel  Twitchell  was  twice  married.  At  St.  Joseph,  Mo., 
December  9,  1885,  he  took  as  bride,  Maragaret  Olivia  Collins, 
who  fourteen  years  later  was  taken  from  his  side,  by  the  Grim 
Reaper.  A  son  Waldo,  also  named  after  the  Sage  of  Concord, 
is  at  present  resident  in  Los  Angeles.  During  the  Great  Wiair, 
Waldo  wia*s  an  officer  in  the  Aviation  Service.  He  is  also  a 
University  of  Michigan  man,  an  engineer,  who  has  taken  an 
important  place  in  the  motion  picture  industry  and  is  the  au- 
thor of  scenarios  and  the  librettos  for  several  musical  plays. 
A  few  years  ago,  Colonel  Twitchell  married  Estelle  Burton, 
who  survives  him.  She  collaborated  in  the  writing  of  several 
of  his  later  historical  essays  and  is  the  author  of  several  papers 
andi  biographical  sketches  that  appeared  in  "Old  Santa  Fe." 
Quoting  in  conclusion  from  a  sketch  by  the  writejr,  made  ten 
years  ^go :  "  Perhaps,  the  mere  enumeration  of  activities  and 
achievements  of  a  useful  citizen  who  has  helpejd  to  form  public 
opinion  for  thirty  years  in  the  Southwest,  who  has  made  not- 
able contributions  to  history  and  literature,  who  has  been  bril- 
liantly successful  in  his  profession,  who  has  been  a  leader  in 
civic  and  political  movements,  does  not  visualize  adequately 
the  man  as  he  acts  and  lives.  In  the  Palace  of  the  Governors, 
hangs  a  large  portrait  of  the  man,  enlarged  from  a  snapshot 
surreptitiously  taken  in  Westlake  Park,  Los  Angeles.  There 
he  appears  in  all  his  splendid  physical  vitality,  with  the  lines 
in  the  face  that  proclaim  the  man  who  is  living  la  rounde'd-out 
existence,  with  cleft  and  firm  chin,  with  thoughtful  and  dteter- 
mined,  yet  shrewd,  eyes,  a  man  apparently  possessed  of  the 


RALPH  EMERSON  TWITCHELL  85 

saving  grace  of  humor,  a  man  with  imagination,  and  yet  a  man 
who  as  a  lawyer,  has  learned  to  weigh  evidence,  to  analyze, 
to  draw  conclusions  justified  only  by  the  facts.  Beneath  might 
be  written:  "He  has  found  happiness  where  happiness  alone 
can  be  found,  in  the  appreciation  of  art,  the  acquisition  of 
culture  and  the  constant  work  for  the  common  good. 

The  elements 

So  mix'd  in  him  that  Nature  might  stand!  up 
And  say  to  all  the  world:    'This  was  a  man!"' 
El  Palacio,  September  1,  1925. 

Santa  Fe  Daily  New  Mexican,  August  28,  31,  September  16, 
1925. 

Bibliography 

1909.— The  Military  Occupation  of  New  Mexico,  394  pp.  Illus- 
trated. 

1911. — Leading-  Facts  of  New  Mexico  History.  5  volsi     Illus- 
trated. 

1914. — The  Spanish  Archives  of  New  Mexico,  2  vols. 

1925.— The  Story  of  Old  Santa  Fe  488  pp.  Illustrated1. 

Genealogy  of  the  Twitchell  Family  —  in  manuscript 

Pamphlets  and  Bulletins. 

The  Bench  and  Bar  in  N.  Mex.,  1846-50  (Santa  F6  1891) 
Historical  Sketch  of  Gov.  William  Carr  Lane 
De  Anza,  Diary  of  Expedition  to  the  Moquis-  and  Biographical 

Sketch 

Spanish  Colonization  in  N.  Mex.,0nate  and  De  Vargas  Periods 
Story  of  the  Conquest  of  Santa  Fe  and  Building  of  Old  Fort 

Marcy 

Dr.  Josiiah  Gregg,  Historian  of  the  Santa  Fe  Tfail 
Capt.  Don  Gaspar  Perez  de  Villagra 
Palace  of  the  Governors,    The  City  of  Santa  Fe*  Its  Museums 

and  Monuments 

Biennial  Report,  Historical  Society  of  N.  Mex.,  1924 
The  Pueblo-  Revolt  of  1696 
Report  on  the  Pueblo  Land  Grants  (unpublished) 

*6 


86  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


MELVIN  WHITSON  MILLS 

A  life  member  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico, 
Melvin  Whitson  Mills,  who  died  at  Springer,  Colfax  County, 
on  August  19,  1925,  had  prepared  a  paper  which  he  was  to 
havd  read  at  the  meeting  of  the  Society  only  one  evening  be- 
fore the  above  date.  He  hadl  been  one  of  the  makers  of  history 
in  the  Southwest,  having  come  to  the  Territory  in  1869. 

Ooilonel  Mills  as  he  was  known  to  his  friends,  was  born  on 
October  11,  1845,  at  Sparta,  Ontario,  Canada,  of  Quaker  par- 
entage. His  father  'and  mother  were  Daniel  W.  land  Hannah 
Mills.  For  three  years,  Colonel  Mills  attended  high  school  at 
Adrian,  Michigan,  and  for  four  years:  he  was  a  student  at  the 
University  of  Michigan,  receiving  the  degree  of  LL.  B.  upon 
graduation.  In  that  year,  stories  of  gold  strikes  at  Elizabeth- 
town  reached)  Ann  Arbor  and  young  Mills  made  his,  way  to 
that  mining  camlp  the  same  year.  Here  he  hung  out  his  shin- 
gle and  also  engaged  in  mining  and  ranching.  The  camp  at 
that  time'  had  not  far  from  six  thousand  inhabitants  but  it 
soon  declined  and  the  county  seat  was  removed  to  Cimarron, 
Mills  moving  with  it. 

Of  those  stirring  days  before  the  coming  of  the  A.  T.  and 
S.  F.  Railway  in  which  Mills  pleyed  an  important  part,  thrill- 
ing incidents  are  told  in  Twitchell's  "  Leading  Facts  of  New 
Mexican  History"  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  78  to  83.  Colonel  Milk  was 
repeatedly  sent  to  the  territorial  legislature  and  was  instru- 
mental in  having  the  county  seat  moved  to  Springer  which 
town  he  had  platted  in  1877  with  William  Thornton,  with 
whose  fortunes  he  was  identified  until  his  death.  Early  days 
in  Springer  were  not  less  exciting  than  they  had  been  in 
Elizabethtown  and  Cimarron.  For  fifteen  years  prosecuting 
attorney  for  the  counties  of  Rio  Arriba,  Taos,  Colfax  and 
Mora.  Mills  figured  in  many  famous  trials!.  Several  times  he 
narrowly  escaped  mob  violence 

Colonel  Mills  wiais  an  expert  fruit  grower  and  for  years  his 


MELVIN  WHITSON  MILLS  87 

orchard  was  pointed  out  as  one  of  New  Mexico's  show  places. 
At  Springer,  he  built  a  great  three  story  mansion  of  more 
than  20  rooms,  wonderfully  decorated  for  its  day,  the  interior 
woodwork  being  walnut  artistically  carved.  It  was  his  dying 
wish,  that  he  be  carried  into  his  io>ld  -rloom  in  this  great  house, 
which  he  had  lost  through  financial  reverses.  His  wish  was 
acceded  to,  so  that  his  last  moments  were  spent  in  the  house 
he  had  loved  so  well, 

In  his  early  dlays  he  was  associated  with  Lucien  B.  Max- 
well, founder  of  The  First  National  Bank  of  Santa  Fe,  and  at 
the  time  of  hisi  death,  he  was  in  the  employ  of  the  Bank  look- 
ing after  its  property  interests  at  Springer.  Colonel  Mills 
was  married  on  January  6,  1877,  to  Ella  E.  House,  who  sur- 
vives him,  together  with  the  following  foster  children:  Mrs. 
Hugo  Sfcaberg  of  Raton ;  Whitson  E.  Mills  of  Denver ;  Mrs.  J. 
G.  Barton  of  Cleveland,  Ohio ;  and  Elsie  W.  Mills  of  Springer. 
A  foster  daughter,  Mrs.  George  W.  White  died  fourteen  years 
ago  in  California. 

P.  A.  F.  W. 


88  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


MRS.  L.  BRADFORD  PRINCE 

Surviving  her  noted  husband  only  a  few  years,  Mrs.  Mary 
0.  Prince,  widow  of  Former  Governor  and  Chief  Justice  L. 
Bradford  Prince,  gently  fell  sleep  in  death  on  Christmas  even- 
ing, at  the  old  Prince  residence  on  East  Palace,  Avenue,  which 
had  been  her  Santa  Fe  home  for  43  years. 

Mary  Catherine  Burckle  Be-ardsley  was  born  at  Oswego, 
New  York,  on  September  4,  1846,  the  daughter  of  Colonel 
Samuel  Bea,rdsley  of  the  "Iron  Brigade"  and  his  wife,  Char- 
lotte Elizabeth  Burckle.  Her  father,  who  died  on  the  Poto- 
mac during  the  Civil  War,  traced  his  ancestry  to  the  May- 
flower, while  on  her  mother's  side,  her  line  was  connected  with 
distinguished  ancestors  in  Germany.  Her  paternal  grand- 
father was  Judge  Levi  Beardsley  of  New  York. 

Mrs.  Prince  came  to  Santa  Fa  as  a  bride,  the  second  wife  of 
Governor  Prince,  whom  she  married  on  November  17,  1881. 
Bishop  Little  John  of  New  Yoirk  officiating.  Her  social  regime 
in  the  Palace  was  brilliant  and  until  her  death  she  maintained 
social  leadership  in  Santa  Fe.  Mrs.  Prince  held  high  positions 
and  honors  in  patriotic  societies,  such  as  The  Daughters  of  the 
American  Revolution,  and  was  active  in  the  affairs  of  The 
Church  of  the  Holy  Faith  (Protestant  Episcopal). 

Among  her  many  interests,  the  Historical  Society  of  which 
she  was  a  life  member,  was  always  close  to  her  affections,  and 
she  not  only  made  many  gifts)  to  the  Society,  but  transcribed 
and  translated  some  of  the  early  Spanish  archives.  Mrs. Prince 
was  the  author  of  several  stories  and  many  papers,  most  of 
which  were  read  before  The  Fifteen  Club  of  Santa  Fe,  one  of 
her  favorite  organizations.  She  was  zealous  in  her  endeavors 
to  have  New  Mexico's  historic  spots)  suitably  marked,  and  it 
was  as  much  due  to<  her  efforts,  as  to  those  of  any  one  else, 
that  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  in  New  Mexico  was  given  granite 


MARY  C.  PRINCE 


MRS.  L.  BRADFORD  PRINCE  89 

markers,  the  last  one  of  which  stands  in  the  Plaza  at  Santa  Fe. 
Brief  prayers  were  offered  by  Bishop  Frederick  B.  Howdten 
at  the  Prince  residence  on  Sunday  afternoon,  December  27, 
after  which  the  remains  were  taken  to  Flushing,  Long  Island, 
New  York,  by  her  son,  William  B.  Prince,  and  her  companion 
of  many  years,  Miss  Sara  Hart.  Funeral  services  were  held 
in  St.  George's  Chapel,  Flushing,  on  the  last  day  of  the  year, 
interment  being  at  the  side  of  Governor  Prince  in  St.  George's 
Cemetery. 

P.  A.  F.  W, 


6t 


W  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES 

Mesa,  Canon,  and  Pueblo, 

By  Charles  F.  Lummis.  (New  York,  Century  Company,  1925, 
517  pp.,  ill.,  $4.50) 

The  announcement  of  any  book  by  Charles  F.  Lummisi  is 
sufficient  to  arouse  lively  anticipations.  A  new  one  on  the 
Southwest  by  him  is  an  event  of  high  importance.  Not  eveiry 
book  that  iisi  called  'epoch  making'  can  succeed  in  living  up  to 
such  reputation;  but  the  writings  of  Charles  F.  Lummis  won 
that  distinction  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago —  and 
held  it.  That  fascinating  region  has  been  well  explored  from 
the  time  of  Coronado,  and  scientific  and  historic  reports  con- 
cerning it  make  sizable  libraries!.  But  in  literary  description 
of  it,  Lummis  took  the  lead  and  has  never  been  overtaken.  It 
is  safe  to  say  that  he  never  will  be. 

The  thousands  who  read  his  'Tramp  Across  the  Continent/ 
'Land  of  Poco  Tiempo,'  'Some  Strange  Corners  of  Our  Coun- 
try/ now  superseded  by  'Mesa,  Canon  and  Pueblo,'  and  a 
doizen  other  works  that  came  from  his  brain  in  those  marvel- 
ously  prolific  days,  have  found  everything  else  on  the  South- 
west a  bit  disappointing.  No  other  writer1  ever  crave  himself 
up  to-  it  as  he  did.  There  was  his  whole  life  for  many  years ; 
and  to  it  he  has  returned,  from  time  to  time,  to  find  it  the 
same  inexhaustible  source  as  in  the  old  days. 

As  a  result  of  his  later  excursions:,  there  comes  this  new 
wark,  'Mesa,  Canon  and  Pueblo,'  and  one  does  not  need  to 
read  far  to  find  that  the  master  is  still  here.  The  best  of  the 
stories  from  the  old  classic,  "Some  Strange  Corners  of  Our 
Country,'  are  carried  over  into  the  new  work,  rewritten  if 
there  was  any  need  for  it.  But  not  much  that  Lummis  ever 
wrote  has  needed'  rewriting.  The  great  amount  of  new  mat- 
erial that  has  been  added  brings  the  book  up-to-date  and 
makes  it  a  work  that  can  never  be  displaced.  There  are  parts 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  91 

of  the  world  in  which  no  one  would  travel  without  a  copy  of 
Herodotus  or  Pausanias,  and  it  will  be  so  to  the  end  of  time 
Likewise,  it  will  be  said  of  the  traveler  in  the  Southwest ;  he 
will  not  be  equipped,  be  it  centuries  from  now,  without  a  copy 
of  this  latest  book  by  Lummis,  as  well  as  some  of  the  earlier 

OlieiSi. 

E.  L.  H. 

Memorial  to  the  Robidoux  Brothers 

By  Orral  Messmore  Robidoux,    (Kansas  City,  Smith-Greaves 
Co.,  1924.  311  pp.,  ill.,  $5.00, 

In  the  considerable  group  of  French  traders,  trappers,  and 
merchants  who  e'arly  became  identified  with  New  Mexico 
history  were  Louis  and  Antoine  Robidoux.  "In  1822  Joseph 
Robidoux  of  Blacksnake  Hills  iand  his  two  brothers,  Antoine 
and  Louis1  Robidoux,  outfitted  a  caravan,  and  Antoine  and 
Louis  set  out  for  the  Southwest  country  and  settled  at  Santa 
Fe,  and  for  mjany  years  'after  their  frdeght  caravans  traversed 
the  plains  between  St.  Joseph,  Missouri,  and  Santa  Fe 
with  general  merchandise  to  the  Southwest,  and  buffalo,  bear, 
elk  skins  and  other  pelts  were  transported  to  the  Missouri 
River  points  and  to  St.  Louis."  "He  (Antodne)  was  one  of 
New  Mexico's  earliest  gold  miners,  sinking  $8,000.00  He  also 
was  interpreter  and  guide  with  the  Kearny  overland  column 
of  1846  to  California,  where  his  brother,  who  had  preceded 
him  by  two  years,  was  alcalde  and  juez  de  paz  at  San  Bern- 
ardino. " 

"Antonio"  Robidoux  figures  in  the  New  Mexico*  archives 
as  the  purchaser  at  Santa  Fe  in  1834  of  the  "cerro  d'el  oro" 
mine;  and  there  are  frequent  references  to  these  brothers  in 
such  New  Mexicana  as  Gregg's  "Commerce  of  the  Prairies," 
Bancroft's  history,  and  Twitch  ell's  "Leading  Facts." 

Such  memoirs  as  are  presented  in  this  book  are  of  especial 
value  in  the  personal  interest  which  they  give  to  history,  and 
the  insight  into  conditions  of  the  times. 

L.  B.  B. 


92  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  Southwestern  Trails  to  California  in  1849 

By  Ralph  P.  Bieber,  reprinted  from  the  Mississippi  Valley 
Historical  Review,  Vol.  XII,  No.  3,  Dec.,  1925. 

Epic  in  its  sweep  is  the  story  of  the  Southwestern  Trails  to 
Californial  as  told  by  Ralph  P.  Bieber,  of  Washington  Univer- 
sity land  a  Fellow  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico.  By 
rather  curious  coincidence,  just  after  his  monograph  was  writ- 
ten, Mabelle  E.  Martin  published  an  article  on  "California 
Emigrant  Roads  through  Texas, "  discussing  in  greater  detail 
the  migration  that  passed  through  Texas.  Both  writers  rely 
to  considerable  extent  on  diaries,  newspapers  of  the  day,  and 
official  documents,  revealing  how  much  interesting  and  half- 
forgotten  hisftory  may  be  dug  out  of  old  newspaper  files  and 
letters.  According  to  Bieber,  "  aproximately  9000  forty-niners, 
constituting  an  important  element  in  the  early  American 
settlement  of  Califotrnia,  reached  the  gold  mines  by  way  of 
southwestern  ttfails."  Several  of  these  centered  at  Santa  Fe 
whence  three  -  Cooke's  wagon  road,  Kearny's  Trail  and  the 
old  Spanish  Trlail-gave  a  choice  of  roads.  Says  the  author: 
"The  main  depot  for  supplies  was  Santa  Fe,  where  a  number 
of  argonauts  bought  'articles  at  high  prices  from  merchants 
who  trafficked  over  the  old  Santa  Fe  Trail.  Santa  Fe  was  a 
lawless  town  in  '49.  Drinking,  gambling,  and  general  rowdy- 
ism were  the  order  of  the  day  and  night,  to  the  great  amaze- 
ment of  those  who  had  been  reared  in  less  boisterous  sur- 
roundings. Many  emigrants  participated  in  the  local  pastime 
of  gambling,  with  the  result  that  a  number  were  relieved  of 
what  little  funds  they  possessed,  and  a  few  became  so  poor 
'that  they  were  reduced  to:  the  necessity  of  selling  their  cloth- 
ing, or  even  the  likenesses  of  friends.'  The  New  Mexican 
towns  through  which  the  overlandters  traveled  weire  very 
hospitable  and  entertained  the  visitors  with  fandlaing'oies. 
These  affairs  furnished  a  pleasant  and  unique  diversion 
for  the  weary  travelers,  who  were  always  unstinted  in  their 
praise  of  the  graceful  dancing  of  the  dark-eyed  senoritas. 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  93 

Most  of  the  emigrants  from  Arkansas  passed  the  vicinity  of 
Santa  Fe  between  May  and  August,  and  reached  the  gold 
mines  oif  California  in  about  seven  or  eight  months. ' ' 

The  route  of  m/any  lay  through  El  Paso  or  farther  south 
through  Durango,  Mexico.  Speaking  of  those  who  passed 
through  Mexico  the  author  Says:  "Emigrants  were  delighted 
with  some  of  the  scenery  along  the  way  and  showed  much 
interest  in  the  quaint  customs  and  habitations  of  the  natives, 
which  were  so  different  in  many  respects  from  their  own. 
Some  were  even  induced  to  remain  in  the  country  for  a  while 
to  aid  the  inhabitants  in  their  attempt  to  exterminate  several 
of  the  warlike  Indian  tribes.  A  number  of  Texans  who  were 
thus  employed  by  the  state  of  Chihuahua  had  a  rather  unique 
contract  which  provided  for  (remuneration  on  a  commission 
basis,  $200  being  paid  them  for  every  scalp  of  Apache  Indians 
over  fourteen  years  of  age  and  $100  each  for  all  scalps  of 
Apache  under  this  age."  No  wonder  the  Apache  was  implac- 
able in  later  years  when  on  the  warpath  against  the  pale  faces ! 

Says  the  writer,  "Between  the  latter  part  of  April  and  the 
middle  of  September  about  twenty-five  hundred  emigrants 
from  at  least  ten  states  left  western  Missouri  for  California 

via  the  S'anta  Fe  Trail The  argonauts  from  Missouri 

passed  the  vicinity  of  Santa  Fe  between  July  and  October, 
and  were  treated  with  the  same  hospitality  by  the  New  Mex- 
ican towns!  in  the  Rio  Grande  Valley  as  were  the  emigrants 
from  Arkansas  who  had  passed  earlier  in  the  year. 

"Those  who  made  the  best  time  traveled  to  the  northwest 
by  way  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake.  The  trails  in  this  direction 
began  at  Santa  Fe  and  Pueblo  and  extended  to  the  northern 
route  to  California,  joining  it  at  various  points  between  Fort 
/jaramie  and  Salt  Lake  City.  One  of  the  most  populatr  of  these 
was  the  old  Spanish  trail  from  Santa  Fe  to  Salt  Lake  City. ' ' 

"More  extensively  traveled  than  the  routes  to  the  north- 
west were  the  trails  to  the  souhwest  along  the  Gila  River.  By 
fair  the  most  popular  of  these  wlas  the  wagon  -rjoad  made  by 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Philip  St.  George  Cooke  and  his  Mormon 
Battalion  between  November,  1846,  and  January,  1847.  Leav 


04  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ing  the  Rio  Grande  at  a-  point  near  the  present  town  of  Rincoirr 
New  Mexico,  this  road  extended  to  the  southwest  across  the 
Kio  Mimbres  and  through  the  Guadalupe  Pass  to  the  San 

Pedro  river Kearny's  trail  was  used  by  a  considerable 

number  of  emigrants.  Well  known  to  the  fur  traders  ever 
since  the  early  part  >o\f  the  nineteenth  century,  it  had  been  fol- 
lowed! by  Kit  Carson  when  he  guided  General  Stephen  W. 
Kearny  and  his  'Army  of  the  West'  from  New  Mexico  to 
California  between  October  'and  December,  1846.  It  left  the 
Rio  Grande  a  short  distances  noirth  of  the  point  where  Cooke's 
road  began,  and  proceeded  west  along  the  Gila  River  to  the 
Pimia  Indian  villages,  where  it  was  .joined  by  Cooke's  road 
and  continued  to  California.  Another  trail  used  by  a  few 
emigrants  extended  west  from  Albuquerque  to  Zuni,  and 
thence  southwest  to  the  Gila  by  way  of  the  valley  of  the  Salt 
River." 

Professor  Bieber  in  the  thirty  pages  of  printed  matter  sup- 
plemented by  a  double  p<age  map,  tells  the  sitory  of  the  49  's 
with  great  restraint,  there  being  an  avoidance  of  dramatics 
and  but  mere  reference  to  incidents  that  make  the  story  of 
the  Argonauts  one  of  the  most  thrilling  and  dramatic  in  all 

history. 

P.  A.  F.  W. 

The  Colorado  Magazine  of  January  (1925)  has  a  paper 
by  L.  R.  Hlaifen  discussting  the  "Early  Mail  Service  to 
Colorado,  1858-60."  The  facts  presented  are  based  on  sources 
to  which  the  reader  is  referred.  The  relation  of  the  subject 
to  New  Mexico  is1  indicated :  "The  little  embryo  towns  of 
Auraria  and  Denver  on  the  South  Platte  were  in  the  no-man's- 
land  triangle  between  the  two  famous  highways  to  the  west-the 
Santa  Fe  and  the  Oregon  trails.  Eight  years  prio'r  to  the  dis- 
covery of  placer  gold  on  the  South  Platte  by  W.  Green  Rus 
sell,  monthly  mail  lines  had  been  established  frtomi  Independ- 
ence, Missouri,  to  Sialt  L'ake  City  and  to  Santa  Fe  respective- 
ly." As  stated  in  footnotes,  the  postal  route  to  Santa  Fe  was 
established  in  1847,  but  service  on  this  route  was  not  begun 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  95 

rnitil  1850.  An  extended  description  of  this  route  will  be 
found  in  "The  Overland  Mail  toj  the  Pacific  Coast,  1849-69'' 
which,  Dr.  Hafen  writes,  is  to'  be  brought  out  by  the  A.  H. 
Clark  Company  in  the  spring. 

The  October  number  of  the  Missouri  Historical  Review  is 
notable  for  several  articles  covering  the  earlier  periods  of 
the  state's  history.  Among  the  "Personal  Recollections  of 
Distinguished  Miss>oiuri]ans  "  is  found  one  by  Daniel  M.  Gris- 
som  on  "Sterling  Price."  He  ^controverts  the  impression 
created  by  eastern  newspapers  during  the  Civil  War  that 
General  Price  was  uncouth  in  manner  and  uneducated.  He  was 
^'tall  and  commanding  in  person,  with  frank  latnd  open  fea- 
tures, he  possessed  a  bearing  and  manners  that  placed  him  at 
ease  in  any  company.  He  was  not  an  ofrator,  nor  debater,  but 
he  never  rose  on  any  occasion  nor  in  'any  presence  to  speiaik 
without  securing  perfect  attention.  Few  men  possess,  in  a 
higher  degree  than  he  possessed,  the  personal  force  and  au- 
thority that  subdues  a  turbulent  assembly,  and  brings  it  to 
order."  The  writer  states  that  General  Price,  like  General 
Donovan  and  General  Harney,  was  six  feet  twoi  inches  in 
height  "and  it  might  be  said  that  three  finer  looking  men 
could  not  be  found  in  the  world. ' '  Other  articles  having  New 
Mexico  interest  include:  "The  Liberal  Republican  Movement 
in  Missouri,"  "Early  Gunpowder  Making  in  Missouri, "'  "The 
Osage  War,  1837,"  "The  Warrensburg  Speech  of  Frank  P. 
Blair,"  and  a  "Jim  Bridger"  anecdote,  quoted  from  Adven- 
ture Magazine. 

Mrs.  Cyruisi  Beard,  in  Annals  of  Wyoming  for  October,  in 
discussing  early  Wyoming  history,  gives  various  data  regard- 
ing the  Sublettes,  Jim  Bridger,  Jedediah  Smith,  and  Capt. 
Bonneville-  who  may  be  the  Col.  B.  L.  E.  Bonneville  who  was 
in  Santa  Fe  in  1860  and!  wias  elected  a  member  of  the  New  Mex- 
ico society  on  Apr.  30th  of  that  year.  The  notes  on  changes 
in  prices  for  beaver  skins  are  of  value  for  comparison. 


%  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  Wisconsin  Magazine  of  History  for  June,  in  the  jour- 
nal of  Bishop  Kemper,  "Trip  thru  Wisconsin  in  1838,"  gives; 
a  brief  description  of  the  archaeological  site  Aztalan  and  ex- 
plains the  origin  of  its  name, 

Minnesota  History  for  June  gives  a  delightful  picture  of  the- 
French  Canadian  "Voyageur"  of  a  hundred  years  ago  and 
his  part  in  the  fur-trade. 

Chronicles  of  Oklahoma  for  June  has  a  paper  by  Grant  Fore- 
ftian  on  "Early  Trails  through  Oklahoma"  which  touches 
Ne1v  Mexico  history  at  many  points. 

The  Legislation  of  the  forty-first  General  Assembly  of  Iowa,, 
Which  convened  early  in  1925,  is  reviewed  land  analyzed  in 
the  October  number  of  the  Iowa  Journal  of  History  and  Poli- 
ties. Such  a  review  would  also  be  timely  in  New  Mexico,  and 
should  be  extended  not  only  to  the  work  of  the  1925  Legisla- 
ture, but  of  all  the  proceeding  sessions  since  the  American 
Occupation.  Jacob  A.  Swisher,  one  of  the  Botaird  of  Curators 
of  the  State  Historical  Society  of  Iowa,  which  publishes  the 
Journal,  is  the  author  of  the  article. 

A  letter  by  Wm.  D.  Marmaduke  written  from  Dry  Diggins- 
ville,  California  October  14,  1849,  is  published  in  the  Missouri 
Historical  Review.  He  tells  that  in  the  seven  weeks  since  his 
arrival  he  had  taken  out  over  $1,000  in  gold  from  the  fifteen 
square  feet  of  ground  which  are  allotted  to  each  miner.  He 
spaks  of  living  being  excessively  high,  and  that  it  is  costing 
him,  as  much  as  $9.00  a  week,  with  pork  at  fifty  cents  a  pound, 
flour  twenty-five  to  thirty  cents  a  pound,  mackerel  fifty  cents 
per  piece,  onions  two  cents  an  ounce  and  Irish  potatoes  at  two 
dollars  a  bushel. 


:NOTES  AND  COMMENTS  97 


NOTES  AND  COMMENTS 

If  any  reasons  are  needed  for  the  launching  of  the  NEW 
MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  they  may  be  found  in  the 
importance  of  the  field,  in  the  source  material  available,  and1 
in  the  interest  of  research  students  in  this  part  of  the  South- 
west. 

New  Mexico  is  the  meeting  ground  of  three  distinct  cul- 
tures. For  nearly  four  hundred  years,  the  native  Indian  and 
the  Spanish-American  cultures  have  lived  side  by  side ;  and  for 
more  than  a  hundred  years  the  Anglo-American  cultulre  has 
played  itsi  part  also,  the  integrity  of  each  having  maintained 
itself  and  each  of  the  three  reacting  on  the  others  in  many 
significant  ways.  This  fact  alone  suggests  many  fascinating 
lines  of  study,  and  in  such  study  historical  research  has  an 
important  part. 

As  to  source  material,  that  part  of  the  Spanish  and  Mexican 
archives  of  New  Mexico  which  wasi  removed  twenty-three 
years  ag>o  to  the  Library  of  Congress  is  again  in  Santa  Fe, 
where  the  archives  relating  to  land-grants  have  always  re- 
mained. The  important  libraries  of  the  School  of  American 
Research  a'nd  the  Historical  Society  are  receiving  accessions 
of  manuscripts  and  New  Mexicana.  The  records  and  papers 
of  several  state  departments  have  supplied  valuable  material, 
and  others  are  available. 

An  increasing  number  of  research  students  is  coming  to 
Santa  Fe  for  work,  and  others  have  been  furnished  transcripts 
and  phoitostat  copies.  The  REVIEW  is  intended  to  serve  as 
a  medium  of  publication  for  these  students  and  for  the  general 
reader  in  Southwestern  history.  Since  the  suspension  of  OLD 
SANTA  FE,  shortly  before  the  war,  monographs,  translations, 
and  miscellaneous  papers  have  accumulated  and  the  REVIEW 
will  publish  these  as  fast  as  possible. 

Many  giratifying  experessions  of  approval  and  good  wishes 
have  answered  the  announcement  of  the  REVIEW.  From  Los 


0#  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Angeles,  Charles  F,  Luminis  writes:.  "I  am.  very  glad  to  leans 
of  the  Review,  That  is  a  worthy  field  and  a  rich  one."  Prof!. 
Etienne  B.  Renaud,  University  of  Denver,  says,  "your  pro- 
gram is  very  interesting  and  of  great  educative  value.  .  .  This- 
will  be  a  true  contribution  both  to  the  Souhwest  iand  to  His- 
tory. *'  From  Prof.  R.  P.  Bieber,  Washington  University,  comes; 
the  word,  "I  want  to  congratulate  you  uipon  inaugurating' 
the  REVIEW  and  allied  publications.  ...  A  publication  of  this; 
kiindl  fills  a  gap  which  has  long  been  feUt  by  students  of  New 
Mexican  history.  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  cooperate  with  you 
in  any  wiay. 'r  Frederick  W.  Hodge  writes  from  New  York,, 
"No  organization  devoted  to  similar  purposes  has  a  wider  or 
more  attractive  field  ...  I  wish  it  every  success/'  Prof.  H.. 
E.  Bolton,  University  of  California,  says,  "I  had  already 
learned  with  de-light  <xf  the  birth  of  the  REVIEW.  We  cer- 
tainly need  such  an  organ.  I  congratulate  yon." 

These  and  similar  expressions  are  sincerely  appreciated  by 
the  editors,  as  well  as  the  large  response  in  subscriptions.  And 
the  annual  membership  of  the  Society  has  nearly  doubled 
since  the  first  announcement  of  the  REVIEW. 

The  quarterly  is  being  published  on  the  Museum  Press, 
where  a  new  linotype  machine  will  be  in  service  before  the 
hext  issue.  This  will  allow  greater  flexibility  in  the  proper 
handling  of  source  material  iand  annotations.  Features  of  the 
April  number  will  include  Fray  Marcos  de  Nizars  "Relacion," 
edited  by  Prof.  P.  M.  Baldwin,  State  College,  N.  Mex.,  ancf 
"Po-se,"  a  tale  of  Sian  Ildefonso  pueblo  forty  years  ago,  left 
in  manuscript  by  Adolph  F.  Bandelier, 

L.  B.  B. 

Anent  the  proceedings  of  the  first  American  court  in  Taos 
as  presented  by  F.  T.  Cheetham  in  this  isstue,  Mr.  Benj.  M. 
Read  gives  the  following  passage  from  a  letter  in  his  posses- 
sion, dated  April  12,  1847,  from  Father  Antonio  Jose  Martinez 
to  Bon  Manuel  Alvarez  in  Santa  Fe : 

"The  Judge  of  crimes,  Don  Carlos  Beaubien,  and  his  assio-ci- 
ates  a.re  endeavoring  to  kill  all  the  people  tof  T,aos.  On  the 


WNTBIBUTORS  '99 

day  they  sentenced  six  and  these  were  hanged  the  third 
»iay ;  the  second  day  nine  were  sentenced  to  death  but  their 
execution  has  been  delayed  until  the  arrival  of  reinforcements 
•asked  for  'by  the  Colonel,  lie  fearing  a  disturbance  or  a  revolt 

'by  the  people I  am  sending  by  the  bearer  of  this  letter  a 

•detailed  report  of  what  is  taking  place  at  Taos  to>  Colonel 
Price  and  beg  of  you  to  take  charge  of,  and  make  presentation 
«of,  said  report  to  Colonel  Price.  ^ 


CONTRIBUTORS 

Prank  H.  H.  Roberts.  -  educator,  author,  lecturer;  B.  Pd., 
A.  M.,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D.,  formerly  connected  with  schools  and 
liigher  institutions  of  Ohio,  Wyoming,  Colorado',  and  New 
Mexico;  1910-21,  president  of  N.  M.  Normal  University;  since 
1921  president  Junior  College,  El  Paso,  Texas.  Author  o£  nu- 
merous books  and  articles  in  educational  laind  political  jour- 
nials.  Active  in  work  of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  andi  the  Methodist 
Church;  Rotarian. 

Francis  T.  Cheetham.  --  attorney  at  law,  Taos  N.  Mex.  He- 
•search  student  in  New  Mexico  history,  with  especial  reference 
to  Kit  Carson  and  the  Tiaos  Valley;  vice-president  Historical 
Society  of  N.  M;  member  committee  on  Masonic  history  and 
research,  Grand  Lodge  of  N.  Mex.,  A.  P.  and  A.  M. 

George  P.  Hammond.  -  M.  A.  and  Ph.  D.  (Univ.  of  Calif.) ; 
for  two  years,  faculty  member,  Univ.  of  N.  Dakota;  1922-23, 
fellow  of  "Native  Sons  of  the  Golden  West"  in  Paicific  Coast 
History;  now  ass't  professor  of  history,  Univ.  of  Arizona. 
Author  of  various  articles  and  reviews  in  the  "North  Dakota 
Quarterly"  and  the  "Southwestern  Historical  Quarterly." 


100  iSpEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 

of  the  late  Ralph  Er  Twitchell 

price,  carriage  extra 
Milftairy  Occupation  of  N.  Mex.,  304  pp.,,  ill., $2.50 

Leading  Facts  of  N.  M.  History,  2  vols.,,  ilL,  indexed  -  -  $12.00 

Spanish  Archives  of  N.  M.,  2  vols  ill.,,  indexed $12.00 

Story  of  Old  Santa  Fer  488  pp.,  ill.,,  indexed      $7.50 

(for  monographs,  see  Publications  of  Historical  Society) 

OLD  SANTA  FE,     historical  quarterly,     1913-16,  3 
tols.,  Unbound: 

a  few  complete  seta  13.00 

sets  complete  except  HO.  5  (Jan.  '15)      -      ~  -.      $11.00 

single  volumes,  no&.  I  and  III,       -      -  $4.00 

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single  numbers,  except  no.  5  -      -      -  $1.00 

To  meet  orders  on  above  items,  $1.50  each  will  be  paid  for 
clean  copies  of  OLD  SANTA  FE,  no.  5  (Jan.  15) 

Address  orders  to 
Lansing  B.  Bloom,  secretary 
Historical  Society, 

Santa  Fe,  N.  M- 


CHARLES  SPRINGER 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

Vol.  I.  April,  1926  No.  2 

NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GEEAT  WAR 
III     The  State  Council  of  Defense 

New  Mexico  responded  quickly  and  willingly  to  the 
nation's  call  for  the  mobilization  and  use  of  its  resources 
to  prepare  for  and  maintain  the  public  defense  and  to  as- 
sist in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  Germany.  Im- 
mediately following  the  issuance  of  the  declaration  of  war 
against  Germany,  Governor  Washington  E.  Lindsey  sum- 
moned a  group  of  representative  citizens  to  convene  at  the 
state  capitol  as  a  council,  to  discuss  ways  and  means  of 
preparing  New  Mexico  to  fully  meet  the  emergencies  and 
requirements  of  war.  The  council  convened  in  Santa  Fe 
on  April  21st,  1917.  Governor  Lindsey,  presiding,  briefly 
reviewed  the  war  situation  and  prophetically  summarized 
the  things  that  the  citizens  of  the  state  would  be  called  up- 
on to  do  to  provide  for  state  and  national  security  and  to 
aid  the  entente  allies.  A  state  of  war  existed!  New  Mex- 
ico would  perform  its  full  duty.  The  conviction  was  ex- 
pressed by  members  of  the  conference  that  sooner  or  later 
the  United  States  would  be  obliged  to  tax  its  resources  to 
the  utmost  and  wage  an  offensive  war  in  order  effectively 
to  protect  our  country  and  conquer  Germany.  There  was 
no  debate,  no  dissenting  opinions.  The  council  appointed 
a  committee,  with  Edward  C.  Crampton,  of  Raton,  as  its 
chairman,  to  formulate  plans  and  make  recommendations 
for  the  designation  and  organization  of  a  permanent  war 
body.  On  the  same  day  the  committee,  reporting  back 


104          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  the  council,  recommended,  among  other  things,  that  a 
permanent  "War  Committee"  be  formed,  consisting  of  one 
member  from  each  judicial  district  of  the  state  and  four 
members  at-large,  to  be  appointed  by  the  governor,  with 
the  governor  as  ex-officio  member  of  the  committee;  that 
the  committee  should  take  immediate  steps  to  organize  the 
agricultural  resources  of  the  state  for  a  greater  production 
of  food  stuffs  and  to  provide  for  the  economic  and  military 
defense  of  the  state  and  nation;  that  the  governor,  in  his 
discretion,  should  call  a  special  session  of  the  legislature  to 
provide  the  means  for  carrying  out  the  war  program,  and 
that  the  War  Committee,  as  soon  as  appointed,  should  im- 
mediately organize  and  remain  in  session  from  day  to  day 
until  every  requirement  had  been  met.  These  and  other 
recommendations  of  the  committee  were  unanimously 
adopted  by  the  council.  Immediately  after  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  council,  Governor  Lindsely  appointed  the  fol- 
lowing war  committee :  Charles  Springer,  Cimarron ; 
C.  R.  Brice,  Roswell;  E.  C.  Crampton,  Raton;  Ed.  M 
Otero,  Los  Lunas;  B.  C.  Hernandez,  Tierra  Amarilla;  R. 
E.  Putney,  Albuquerque;  Jose  Gonzales,  Las  Cruces;  W. 
A.  Hawkins,  Three  Rivers;  Secudino  Romero,  Las  Vegas; 
Rafael  Garcia,  Albuquerque;  J.  M.  Sully,  Santa  Rita;  and 
Eufracio  Gallegos  of  Gallegos. 

The  war  committee,  selecting  E.  C.  Crampton  as  its 
permanent  chairman  and  Miss  Edith  Wileman  as  its  tem- 
porary secretary,  was  formally  organized  on  April  25th. 
At  this  meeting,  Neil  B.  Field,  of  Albuquerque,  presented 
the  following  resolution  adopted  at  a  public  meeting  of  the 
citizens  of  that  city  favoring  the  calling  of  a  special  session 
of  the  legislature : 

"BE  IT  RESOLVED,  that  it  is  the  sense  of  this  meet- 
ing that  the  governor  should  be  requested  to  call  immedi- 
ately an  extra  session  of  the  legislature  to  pass  all  such 
laws  as  may  be  necessary  to  mobilize  the  resources  of  the 
state  for  the  present  emergency  and  the  raising  of  such 
funds  as  may  be  required  for  that  purpose." 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  105 

The  committee  considering  the  resolution  in  connection 
with  its  own  information  declared  that  public  necessity  re- 
quired early  enactment  of  war  measures  and  adopted  and 
addressed  the  following  resolution  to  Governor  Lnidsey: 

'That  it  be  the  sense  of  this  committee  that  the  gover- 
nor be  requested  to  call  a  special  session  of  the  legislature 
immediately,  and  the  work  of  the  session  be  confined  to  the 
matter  of  economic  agriculture  and  military  offensive  and 
defensive  operations  of  the  state  and  nation  growing  out 
of  the  present  emergency." 

On  the  following  day,  April  26th,  Governor  Lindsey 
issued  his  proclamation  calling  the  Third  State  Legislature 
to  meet  in  special  session  on  Tuesday,  May  1st,  1917,  to 
enact  such  legislation  as  would  enable  New  Mexico  to  "pro- 
vide for  its  own  defense  and  to  assist  the  United  States  in 
the  prosecution  of  the  war.  " 

The  War  Committee  continued  to  meet  daily  until  it 
was  succeeded  by  the  State  Council  of  Defense.  In  addition 
to  considering  many  important  matters  and  taking  appro- 
priate action  concerning  them,  the  War  Committee  appoint- 
ed auxiliary  committees  in  each  county,  secured  valuable 
information  regarding  the  agricultural  and  industrial 
resources  of  the  state,  considered  'and  recommended 
measures  to  the  governor  for  the  public  defense  and  of- 
fered suggestions  for  emergency  legislation.  Upon  the  pass- 
age and  approval  of  the  Public  Defense  Act,  May  8th,  1917, 
the  War  Committee  was  dissolved. 

The  Third  Legislature  met  in  extraordinary  session 
on  May  1st,  1917.  Among  other  laws  enacted  was  the  Pub- 
lic Defense  Act,  passed  and  approved  on  May  8th,  which 
created  the  Council  of  Defense  of  New  Mexico  consisting 
of  nine  members  to  be  appointed  by  the  governor,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate,  to  serve  during 
the  period  of  the  war,  and  for  such  further  time  thereafter 
as  the  governor  deemed  necessary.  The  act  appropriated 
the  sum  of  $750,000.00,  or  so  much  thereof  as  might  be  re- 
quired, to  be  expended  and  disbursed  by  and  under  the 
direction  of  the  governor  in  such  manner  and  for  such 
7* 


106          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

purposes,  and  through  such  agencies,  and  under  such  reg- 
ulations, as  he  might  deem  neccessary  or  proper  to  provide 
for  the  increase  of  domestic  production  of  articles  and  ma- 
terials essential  to  the  support  of  armies  and  to  provide  for 
the  public  defense.  The  act  provided  that  the  funds  appro- 
priated should  be  raised  by  the  issuance  and  sale  of  war 
certificates  from  time  to  time  in  such  amounts  as  the  gov- 
ernor might  determine. 

Immediately  following  his  approval  of  the  Defense  Act 
on  May  8th,  the  governor  appointed  the  following  to  mem- 
bership on  the  Council  of  Defense:  B.  C.  Hernandez,  C.  R. 
Brice,  Charles  Springer,  W.  A.  Hawkins,  Secundino  Ro- 
mero, Rafael  Garcia,  J.  M.  Sully,  Eufracio  Gallegos  and  R. 
E.  Putney. 

These  appointments  were  promptly  confirmed  by  the 
senate  on  the  same  day.  It  will  be  noted  that  all  of  the 
members  of  the  Council  of  Defense  had  served  on  the  War 
Committee.  On  May  10th  Secundino  Romero  was  elected 
chairman  of  the  Council  and  Phil.  H.  LeNoir  its  general 
secretary. 

It  will  be  seen  that  New  Mexico  had  held  a  special  ses- 
sion of  its  legislature  and  had  organized  an  official  war 
body,  all  within  the  space  of  thirty-five  days  and  during 
that  period  had  done  many  things  to  place  the  state  upon 
a  war  footing. 

Mr.  Putney  and  Mr.  Garcia,  sheriff  of  Bernalillo  Coun- 
ty, both  resigned  shortly  after  the  organization  of  the 
Council  because  of  other  public  and  private  demands  upon 
their  time.  Eduardo  M.  Otero  succeeded  Mr.  Putney 
through  appointment  by  the  governor,  but  the  vacancy 
caused  by  the  resignation  of  Sheriff  Garcia  was  never  fill- 
ed. 

Mr.  LeNoir,  general  secretary,  compelled  to  give  up  his 
work  on  account  of  ill  health,  resigned  the  secretaryship 
in  October,  1917.  Mr.  LeNoir  rendered  very  efficient  ser- 
vice, especially  in  organizing  the  Conference  of  War  Work- 
ers held  at  Albuquerque  during  the  week  of  October  7th, 
1917.  So  far  as  known  this  was  the  first  state-wide  war 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  107 

conference  held  in  the  United  States.  Following  his  resig- 
nation in  October,  the  present  writer,  Walter  M.  Danburg, 
was  elected  general  secretary  of  the  Council. 

With  the  exception  of  the  changes  noted  the  personnel 
of  the  Council  remained  the  same  throughout  its  existence. 

Following  its  organization  the  Council  adopted  com- 
prehensive plans  for  increasing  production  of  food  crops 
and  acted  upon  many  other  matters,  including  the  mobili- 
zation of  the  New  Mexico  National  Guard. 

It  early  became  evident  that  all  members  of  the  coun- 
cil could  not  remain  at  Santa  Fe.  Upon  request  of  the 
members  the  governor  appointed  an  executive  commit- 
tee composed  of  Charles  Springer,  chairman,  B.  C.  Hern- 
andez and  C.  R.  Brice.  The  executive  committee  was  cloth- 
ed with  all  of  the  powers  of  the  Council  and  authorized  to 
act  and  discharge  the  duties  imposed  during  the  interim 
between  meetings  of  the  Council. 

Although  the  members  of  the  Council  were  often  con- 
sulted by  the  executive  committee  and  the  writer  concern- 
ing various  phases  of  the  war  work,  they  never  met  in  reg- 
ular session  after  the  appointment  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee. The  Executive  Committee,  however,  was  in  ses- 
sion almost  continuously  during  the  war  emergency,  and 
thereafter  as  often  as  the  business  of  the  Council  required 
until  its  voluntary  dissolution  in  the  fall  of  1920.  Judge 
C.  R.  Brice  was  appointed  disbursing  agent  for  the  dis- 
bursement of  the  "War  Fund"  under  the  direction  of  the 
Council  of  Defense  and  its  Executive  Committee.  The  Coun- 
cil of  Defense  and  the  Executive  Committee  were  designat- 
ed by  the  governor  as  the  chief  agencies  for  carrying  out 
the  provisions  of  chapters  III  and  V  of  the  acts  passed  by 
the  legislature  at  its  special  session. 

At  one  stroke  of  the  pen  Governor  Lindsey  made  it 
possible  to  coordinate  and  systematize  the  state's  war  acti- 
vities. 

By  an  act  of  congress  the  State  Council  of  Defense  and 
the  county  and  community  councils  of  defense  became  of- 
ficial auxiliaries  to  the  National  Council  of  Defense  for 


108          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

carrying  out  its  instructions  and  suggestions  and  the  orders 
of  the  president  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  efficient 
prosecution  of  the  war. 

For  its  own  complex  tasks,  and  in  order  to  co-operate 
effectively  with  the  government  through  the  National 
Council  of  Defense  and  all  other  accredited  agencies  en- 
gaged in  war  and  relief  work,  the  State  Council  develop- 
ed auxiliary  organizations  and  appointed  committees  and 
agents  throughout  the  state.  County  councils  of  defense 
were  organized  at  an  early  date.  Financial  agents  were  ap- 
pointed throughout  the  state  to  handle  the  Council's  agri- 
cultural activities  in  the  sale  and  distribution  of  seed  at 
cost  on  both  a  cash  and  credit  plan.  Later  by  the  National 
Council  of  Defense  county  councils  of  defense  were  asked 
to  organize  community  councils  in  every  school  district  or 
other  proper  district  within  their  respective  counties.  Pre- 
vious to  that  time  the  New  Mexico  Council  had  caused  war 
committees  to  be  organized  in  many  of  the  school  districts 
of  various  counties.  In  such  cases  the  personnel  and  busi- 
ness of  war  committees  was  practically  the  same  as  pre- 
scribed by  the  National  Council  for  the  Community  Coun- 
cils. Merely  changing  the  name  of  these  subsidiary  units 
gave  our  state  an  early  lead  in  the  organization  of  Com- 
munity Councils. 

The  work  of  the  county  councils,  community  councils, 
local  committees  and  agents,  was  carried  on  in  every  coun- 
ty of  the  state  by  volunteers  who  served  without  pay.  In 
addition  to  the  specific  work  laid  upon  them  by  the  Coun- 
cil, these  volunteers  were  in  most  instances  the  local  rep- 
resentatives, organizers  and  workers  for  Liberty  Loans, 
War  Savings,  Food  and  Fuel  Conservation  and  Production, 
the  Red  Cross  and  other  war  relief  undertakings.  The 
splendid  record  credited  to  New  Mexico  in  respect  to  all 
matters  pertaining  to  the  war  speaks  more  eloquently  for 
the  many  men  and  women  who  gave  of  their  time  without 
stint  than  any  words  I  might  set  down  speaking  of  their 
sacrifices  and  accomplishments.  The  records  show  that 
the  people  of  New  Mexico  over-subscribed  every  Liberty 


:NEW  iviExrco  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR       109 

"Loan  quota  and  that  the  quotas  for  Red  Cross,  Salvation 
.Army,  Knights  of  Columbus,  Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  other  ac- 
credited war  relief  organizations  also  received  large  over- 
subscriptions. In  the  record  in  other  directions  especially 
in  the  matter  of  the  state's  contribution  to  the  military  and 
naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  a  still  greater  testimonial 
to  the  loyalty  of  the  people  of  New  Mexico  will  be  found. 
For  over  sixty  years  the  people  of  New  Mexico  sought  to 
igain  admission  to  the  Union  for  their  territory,  but  it  was 
not  until  1912  that  New  Mexico  was  admited  to  statehood* 
just  a  scant  five  years  prior  to  war  being  declared  against 
Germany  by  the  United  States. 

As  the  council's  war  activities  increased  it  was  found 
necessary  to  appoint  certain  committees  and  create  certain 
•departments  and  bureaus  with  state-wide  jurisdiction. 
With  one  or  two  'exceptions  the  various  chairmen  and 
directors  served  without  pay.  It  is  impossible  to  cover  all 
of  the  activities  of  the  Council  of  Defense  and  its  various 
departments  and  auxiliary  and  subsidiary  Committees  with* 
In  the  pages  of  this  short  review  or  to  mention  the  names 
of  all  of  the  many  persons  who  contributed  to  the  success 
of  the  many  undertakings.  Brief  reference,  however,  to 
these  committees,  bureaus  and  departments  in  the  order 
of  their  creation  will  give  some  idea  as  to  the  scope  and 
magnitude  of  the  emergency  activities. 

The  Woman's  Committee 

The  Woman's  Auxiliary  of  the  Council  of  Defense,  as 
it  was  known  in  the  first  instance,  was  organized  May  5th* 
1917,  when  women  delegates  appointed  by  the  War  Com- 
mittees from  the  various  counties  met  at  Santa  Fe  during 
the  special  session  of  the  legislature.  Mrs.  W*  E.  Lindsey 
was  named  chairman  of  the  Auxiliary.  The  Women  quickly 
effected  a  state-wide  organization  with  precinct  and  coun- 
ty chairmen.  The  Auxiliary  was  organized  and  function- 
ing before  the  complete  organization  of  the  Woman's  Com- 
mittee of  the  National  Council  of  Defense.  Early  in  1918 
the  Auxiliary  was  reorganized  under  the  name  of  the  "Wo- 


110          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

man's  Committee"  and  otherwise  made  to  conform  more 
closely  to  the  scheme  of  organization  and  work  finally  pre- 
scribed by  the  Woman's  Committee  of  the  National  Coun- 
cil of  Defense.  Matters  of  organization,  including  the  per- 
sonnel of  the  committee,  its  activities  and  accomplishments: 
are  reviewed  in  a  separate  chapter  and  such  matter  will 
not  be  detailed  here.  It  should  be  said,  however,  that  the 
Woman's  Committee  and  the  women  of  the  state  under  its- 
leadership  contributed  in  service  and  accomplishment  in  a 
very  large  way  to  New  Mexico's  splendid  war  record.  In 
a  number  of  instances  the  committee  and  its  auxiliary  or- 
ganizations achieved  notable  results  and  surpassed  the  re- 
cords made  by  similar  organizations  in  some  of  the  older 
and  more  densely  populated  states.  Did  space  permit  men- 
tion would  be  made  of  the  exceptional  services  rendered 
by  many  women  throughout  the  state  and  credit  would  be 
given  to  many  of  the  women  of  the  Woman's  Committee 
who  worked  continuously  and  faithfully  throughout  the 
emergency  without  monetary  remuneration  and  who  per- 
formed extraordinary  services.  A  large  share  of  the  credit 
for  the  accomplishments  of  the  auxiliary  and  the  commit- 
tee should  go  to  the  late  Mrs.  W.  E.  Lindsey,,  wife  of  our 
war  governor.  Under  her  leadership  New  Mexico  was  pro- 
bably the  first  state  to  perfect  a  woman's  state-wide  or- 
ganization. Despite  her  duties  as  First  Lady  of  the  State 
and  despite  the  handicap  of  ill  health,  which  caused  her  to 
relinquish  the  chairmanship  of  the  committee  at  the  time 
of  its  reorganization,  she  kept  in  constant  touch  with  the 
work  of  the  committee  and  assisted  in  directing  its  affairs. 
During  the  three  strenuous  months  or  more  preceeding  the 
signing  of  the  Armistice,  Mrs.  Lindsey  was  in  active  charge 
of  the  work  and  affairs  of  the  Woman's  Committee  owing 
to  the  absence  of  the  chairman  from  the  state. 

Publicity  Department 

The  publicity  department  of  the  Council  was  created 
May  22,  1917,  with  Guthrie  Smith  as  director.  Through 
this  department,  with  Mr.  Smith  as  editor,  was  published 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          111 

the  New  Mexico  War  Neivs,  issued  weekly  for  the  purpose 
of  keeping  the  war-workers  and  the  public  informed  as  to 
all  war  activities  including  the  work  of  the  State  and  Na- 
tional Councils  of  Defense.  In  addition  to  the  publicity 
work  of  the  council,  the  publicity  department  conducted  the 
publicity  campaigns  in  New  Mexico  for  the  Council  of  Na- 
tional Defense,  the  United  States  Shipping  Board,  the  Pro- 
vost Marshal  General's  office,  the  United  States  Public 
Service  Reserve  and  the  United  States  Boy's  Working  Re- 
serve.  On  July  15,  1918,  the  department  commenced  the 
publication  of  a  Spanish  edition  of  the  War  News,  with 
Senator  A,  V.  Lucero  as  it  editor.  The  Spanish  edition  was 
sent  to  those  who  did  not  read  English  readily  and  reached 
a  large  number  of  persons  who  did  riot  regularly  read  any 
newspaper.  The  publicity  department  rendered  a  distinc- 
tive service  and  was  highly  complimented  by  the  officials 
in  charge  of  the  various  departments  at  Washington  for 
its  effective  support  and  work.  The  War  News  came  into 
national  prominence  by  reason  of  the  council's  campaign 
against  the  Hearst  publications.  The  council  had  been  in- 
structed to  watch  carefully  all  newspapers  which  had  been 
disloyal  or  pro-German  before  the  United  States  entered 
the  war  and  those  suspected  of  exerting  a  bad  influence 
over  our  citizens  in  connection  with  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  Articles  that  had  appeared  in  some  of  the  Hearst 
papers  were  republished  in  the  War  News  in  connection 
with  some  of  the  facts  relating  to  the  asserted  disloyalty 
of  the  Hearst  papers  and  the  news  dealers  and  people  were 
asked  not  to  purchase,  sell  or  read  such  papers.  News  deal- 
ers in  many  sections  of  the  state  discontinued  the  sale  of 
the  Hearst  papers  and  publications.  In  some  way  the  phrase 
"Hearst  Publications"  crept  into  the  publicity  and  as  a  re- 
sult the  International  Magazine  Company,  a  purported 
Hearst  publishing  concern  sought  to  enjoin  the  members  of 
the  council  of  defense,  the  governor,  the  attorney  general, 
Guthrie  Smith,  the  writer  and  others  from  doing  anything 
further  in  pursuance  of  an  alleged  "unlawful  scheme  and 
purpose"  to  injure  the  business  of  the  Magazine  Company 


112          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

in  the  sale  of  the  magazines  published  by  it.  None  of  the 
Hearst  newspaper  concerns  were  parties:  to  the.  court  ac- 
tion or  made  any  attempt  to  justify  their  policy  pursued  in\ 
relation  to  the  war  or  to  prevent  the  council's  activities,, 
other  than  might  be  inferred  from  the  action  of  the  Mag- 
azine Company,  The  Magazine  Company  probably  had. 
good  reason  to  complain  and  secured  a  temporary  injunc- 
tion ag&inst  tne  defendants  in  the  United  States  Court.  The 
council  members  and  other  defendants  appealed  from  the- 
decision  granting  the  temporary  writ  to  the  Circuit  Court 
of  Appeals.  Before  the  matter  came;  up  for  hearing  the- 
war  ended  and  neither  the  company  nor  the  council  took 
any  further  notice  of  the  matter. 

The  publication  of  the  War  Neivs  was-  discontinued 
immediately  after  the  signing  of  the  armistice. 

Agricultural  Operations 

The  most  serious  problem  confronting  the  state  was 
that  of  increasing  the  production  ol  the  more  important 
food  crops.  New  Mexico  farmers  were  producing  only  about 
fifty  per  centum  of  the  staple  food  products,  other  than 
meat,  required  for  home  consumption.  After  a  careful 
survey  of  the  state  the  conclusion  was  reached  that  certain 
crops,  notably  wheat,  pinto  beans  and  corn  could  be  raised 
successfully  in  many  sections  upon  lands  used  almost  wholly 
for  grazing  purposes.  In  some  localities  it  was  felt  that 
dry  farming  operations  had  failed  principally  through  the 
lack  of  proper  soil  treatment  and  cultivation  and  the  plant- 
ing of  crops  unsuited  to  the  soil  and  climatic  conditions. 
The  council  lost  no  time  in  perfecting  plans  to  stimulate 
and  increase  the  production  of  food  crops.  Working  in 
co-operation  with  the  Extension  (farm)  Service  of  the  New 
Mexico  College  of  Agriculture,  the  council  soon  had  many 
agencies  at  work  in  the  agricultural  field.  Eleven  coun- 
ties had  agricultural  agents  or  farm  experts.  Governor 
Lindsey  auuthorized  the  expenditure  of  $35.000  for  the  em- 
ployment of  agricultural  agents  in  the  other  seventeen 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          113 

fcounties  and  such  agents  were  quickly  employed.  This 
step  was  more  than  justified  for  within  a  year  increased 
production,  improved  farming  methods  and  greater  inter- 
est in  agricultural  pursuits  were  plainly  visible. 

It  was  determined  that  the  money  available  for  farm- 
ing operations  could  best  be  used  for  purchasing  selected 
,seed  and  selling  it  to  farmers  at  cost  for  cash,  or  on  cred- 
it in  those  cases  where  the  farmer  could  not  otherxvise  se- 
cure seed.  In  this  connection  the  council  secured  from 
the  U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture,  services  of  an  expert 
seed  man,  Mr.  Roland  Harwell,  who  selected  practically  all 
of  the  seed  purchased  and  distributed  by  the  agents  of  the 
council.  Many  car  loads  of  seed  wheat,  oats,  rye,  barley, 
beans,  kafir  corn,  cane  and  potatoes  were  purchased  and 
distributed.  A  total  of  $131,208.40  was  paid  out  of  the  War 
fund  for  this  purpose.  No  money  was  loaned  to  any  person 
for  any  purpose.  $80,000.  or  more  had  been  repaid  to  the 
state  when  the  council  turned  its  affairs  over  to  the  state 
when  the  council  turned  its  affairs  over  to  the  state  auditor 
in  1920.  Notes  and  mortgages  were  turned  over  to  the 
auditor  to  cover  the  greater  portion  of  the  balance  remain- 
ing unpaid. 

That  the  effort  to  increase  production  was  successful 
is  best  evidenced  by  the  figures  of  the  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Crop 
Estimates.  In  1916  the  production  of  wheat  totaled  2,104,- 
000  bushels  on  113,000  acres.  In  1919  the  state  produced 
6,100,000  bushels  of  wheat  on  283,000  acres.  The  pro- 
duction of  corn  was  also  increased,  the  state  being  credited 
with  a  7,000,000  bushel  production  in  1919. 

The  increase  in  wheat  and  bean  production  was  largely 
due  to  the  planting  of  winter  wheat,  and  beans,  in  the  dry 
farm  sections.  Over  60%  of  the  1919  wheat  crop  was  pro- 
duced on  the  so  called  dry  farms,  and  77%  of  the  total  bean 
crop  was  produced  on  similar  lands.  The  total  crop  value 
in  New  Mexico  in  1918  was  given  as  $37,644,000.  The  1919 
total  value  came  to  $58,362,000.,  or  an  increase  of  over 
$20,000,000. 

It  is  noteworthy  in  this  connection  that  85%  or  more 


114          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  total  production  of  wheat  and  beans  during  1919  is 
credited  by  the  Bureau  of  Crop  Estimates  to  those  coun- 
ties that  received  85%  of  the  seed  sold  and  distributed  by 
the  council  on  the  credit-sales  plan. 

As  a  part  of  its  agricultural  program  the  Council,  in 
co-operation  with  the  U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture, 
conducted  an  extensive  campaign  for  the  extermination  of 
noxious  rodents  and  predatory  wild  animals.  The  co-oper- 
ative campaign  against  predatory  animals  was  commenced 
in  February,  1918,  and  the  campaign  against  the  noxious 
rodents  in  April,  1918.  The  expenses  for  this  work  were 
shared  equally  by  the  council  and  the  federal  government. 
The  results  obtained  were  so  satisfactory  upon  completion, 
December  31,  1919,  of  the  work  called  for  under  the  co- 
operative agreement,  that  the  Fourth  Legislature  made 
provision  for  the  continuance  of  the  co-operative  work,  and 
authorized  the  expenditure  of  $50,000.  by  the  council  for 
such  purpose,  the  work  to  be  continued  and  carried  on  by 
the  State  College  and  the  U.  S.  Biological  Survey.  The  de- 
tailed reports  concerning  these  activities  cover  a  number 
of  pages  in  the  council's  final  report.  Mr.  S.  E.  Piper,  of 
the  U.  S.  Biological  Survey,  was  in  charge  of  predatory 
animal  control  operations,  and  Mr.  Charles  F.  Bliss,  bio- 
logical assistant,  was  in  charge  of  rodent  pest  repression. 
Their  work  was  efficient  and  highly  commendable. 

Military  Operations 

When  war  was  declared,  April  6th,  1917,  the  state 
faced  an  unusual  situation.  The  New  Mexico  National 
Guard  had  just  been  mustered  out,  upon  its  return  from  the 
Mexican  border  where  it  had  been  in  active  service  for  some 
eighteen  months.  National  Guard  appropriations  had  been 
exhausted  and  funds  were  lacking  for  reorganization  and 
recruiting  purposes,  and  camp  facilities  and  equipment 
were  lacking.  When  the  Guard  was  called  into  federal 
service  again,  on  April  21,  1917,  the  actual  strength  of  the 
Guard,  including  Battery  "A,"  was  49  officers  and  39  en- 
listed men.  Recruiting  the  Guard  up  to  war  strength  was 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          115 

first  undertaken  by  the  War  Department.  The  recruiting 
work  progressed  so  slowly,  however,  that  the  regular  army 
officers  seriously  considered  abandonment  of  the  attempt 
and  the  mustering  out  of  those  already  recruited.  In  this 
emergency  Governor  Lindsey,  upon  the  recommendation 
of  the  Council  of  Defense,  ordered  Adjutant  General  James 
Eaca  to  undertake  the  recruiting  work.  The  council  was 
authorized  to  pay  the  expenses  of  recruiting  and  mobiliza- 
tion. The  recruiting  progressed  rapidly  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Adjutant  General  Baca  and  the  First  Infantry  Re- 
giment and  Battery  "A"  were  quickly  brought  up  to  war 
strength. 

It  was  then  found  that  the  mobilization  and  training 
camps  to  be  provided  by  the  national  government  would 
not  be  ready  for  several  months.  Again  the  council  acted. 
Governor  Lindsey  authorized  it  to  proceed  to  construct  and 
eqiup  a  complete  training  camp  at  Albuquerque.  The  can- 
tonments and  other  buildings  were  rapidly  constructed  and 
the  New  Mexico  National  Guard  was  mobilized  at  Albu- 
querque about  June  1,  1917,  and  was  given  intensive  train- 
ing for  four  and  one-half  months.  Battery  "A"  went  to 
Camp  Greene,  North  Carolina,  and  soon  left  for  France 
where  it  figured  prominently  in  the  allied  offensive  known 
as  the  second  battle  of  the  Marne.  It  was  one  of  the  bat- 
teries that  fired  the  opening  guns  at  Chateau-Thierry  and 
was  cited  for  exceptional  and  effective  service.  The  In- 
fantry Regiment,  under  Col.  E.  C.  Abbott,  was  sent  from 
Albuquerque  to  Camp  Kearny,  California,  where  it  became 
a  part  of  the  40th  Division  and  finally  saw  service  in 
France. 

The  New  Mexico  State  College,  the  Roswell  Military 
Institute  and  the  State  University  were  called  upon  by  the 
War  Department  to  provide  training  for  enlisted  men  in 
technical  and  mechanical  branches  and  to  provide  facilities 
for  training  recruits  in  the  Student  Army.  Governor  Lind- 
sey was  determined  that  New  Mexico  should  make  good  in 
very  branch  of  war  work  and  he  authorized  the  Council  of 
Defense  to  construct  necessary  quarters  at  the  State  Col- 


116          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

lege  for  the  housing  of  210  soldiers  and  to  purchase  re- 
quired equipment.  Appropriations  were  also  made  to  the* 
Military  Institute  and  to  the  University  to  provide  proper 
facilities  for  their  work. 

Hew  Mexico  took  the  lead  in  other  work  of  a  military 
character  and  was  the  first  state  to  undertake  medical1 
and  hospital  treatment  for  discharged  soldiers,  until  such 
time  as  the  federal  government  might  provide  for  their 
care.  Another  operation  of  the  council  was  the  selection 
of  legal  advisory  boards,  working  through  the  county  com- 
cils  to  aid  in  the  enforcement  of  the  selective  service  law. 
A  legal  committee,  composed  of  Ira  L.  Grimshaw,  Levi  A., 
Hughes,  Benjamin  M.  Read,  J.  0.  Seth  and  Charles 
Springer  was  appointed,  and  in  turn  local  county  legal 
committees  were  selected,  to  give  advice  and  assistance  to 
persons  called  for  military  service  and  dependents  and  re- 
latives of  soldiers  and  sailors.  A  legal  booklet  prepared  by 
Mr.  Grimshaw  for  the  use  of  the  committees  was  issued. 
These  committees  under  direction  of  the  state  legal  com- 
mittee gave  free  advice  to  registrants  as  to  their  affairs 
and  legal  rights,  and  to  soldiers'  and  sailors'  dependents 
regarding  insurance,  allotments,  allowances  and  compensa- 
tion matters.  Many  cases  were  referred  to  the  Council 
of  Defense  and  satisfactorily  disposed  of. 

The  council  also  created  a  medical  department,  with 
Dr.  J.  A.  Massie  of  Santa  Fe  as  director.  This  department 
under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Massie  and  with  the  assistance 
of  Dr.  J.  W.  Elder,  capt.  Med.  Corps  and  medical  aide  to 
the  governor,  rendered  most  valuable  service.  The  results 
obtained  by  the  department  caused  the  legislature  to  create 
a  permanent  State  Health  and  Welfare  Department. 

Historical  Service  Department 

A  Board  of  Historical  Service,  consisting  of  Edgar  L. 
Hewett,  Benjamin  M.  Read  and  Col  R.  E.  Twitchell,  with 
Lansing  B.  Bloom  as  executive  secretary,  was  appointed  at 
an  early  date,  to  arrange  and  preserve  all  facts  and  records 
relating  to  the  services  and  activities  of  our  citizens  in  con- 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          117 

nection  with  the  war,  including  a  complete  record  of  the 
services  of  every  New  Mexico  soldier.  The  results  of  its 
work  are  shown  in  part  in  a  separate  chapter. 

Speakers'  Bureau 

The  speakers'  bureau  of  the  Council  consisted  of  four- 
teen members,  with  Col.  R.  E.  Twitchell  as  its  chairman 
and  director.  The  first  work  undertaken  by  the  bureau 
was  in  connection  with  the  recruiting  of  the  New  Mexico 
National  Guard,  and  in  this  work  Colonel  Twitchell,  speak- 
ing throughout  the  state  and  otherwise  assisting  the  coun- 
cil, Adjutant  General  Baca,  Captain  Edward  L.  Safford, 
and  others,  rendered  exceptional  service.  In  1918  the  Bu- 
reau was  consolidated  with  the  Four  Minute  Men's  organiz- 
ation and  Mr  Laurence  F.  Lee,  chairman  of  that  body,  suc- 
ceeded Colonel  Twitchell  as  chairman  of  the  bureau.  The 
effective  work  of  the  Speakers'  Bureau,  which  includes  the 
Four  Minute  Men,  is  reflected  in  the  results  obtained  in  all 
drives  for  funds  and  the  increasing  ease  with  which  all 
work  was  being  accomplished  as  the  war  progressed. 

Department  of  Education  and  Labor 

Jonathan  H.  Wagner,  state  superintendent  of  public 
instruction,  directed  the  affairs  of  this  department.  He 
was  also  federal  state  director  of  the  Public  Service  Re- 
serve and  of  the  Boys'  Working  Reserve.  New  Mexico  was 
one  of  the  first  states  in  the  union  to  register  and  exceed 
its  quota  of  workmen  for  the  shipyards.  This  department 
organized  the  community  war  labor  boards.  Through  it  the 
National  Council's  educational  program  was  carried  out 
in  New  Mexico.  The  state  legislature  took  cognizance  of 
the  effective  work  done  by  Mr.  Wagner  and  his  co-workers 
and  continued  some  of  the  department's  activities  for  an 
indefinite  period. 

The  council  had  other  committees,  including  the  High- 
ways Transport  committee,  with  five  district  chairmen  and 
a  director,  George  S.  Singleton  of  Clovis;  and  the  Motor 

8 


118          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Minute  Men's  organization  whose  members  volunteered  the 
use  of  their  cars  and  their  services  for  any  and  all  war 
work. 

On  account  of  the  disturbed  conditions  along  the  Mexi- 
can border  during  1918,  and  in  order  to  give  proper  pro- 
tection to  life  and  property,  it  was  found  necessary  to  re- 
establish the  New  Mexico  Mounted  Police.  Under  rules 
and  regulations  prescribed  by  the  committee  on  State 
Police,  composed  of  Charles  Springer,  Victor  Culberson 
and  Charles  Ballard,  the  Mounted  Police  consisted  of 
Captain  Herbert  McGrath  of  Silver  City,  two  sergeants 
and  fourteen  paid  privates,  its  operations  being  directed 
from  the  council  headquarters.  The  police  were  paid  from 
the  war  fund  and  served  from  May  1,  1918,  to  December  31, 

1918,  when  the  force    was  disbanded.     On    January  2nd, 

1919,  the  force  was  restablished  by  Governor  Larrazolo 
and  the  Council    of  Defense  was  directed   to  continue  to 
pay  the  salaries  and  expenses  of  the  organization.  The  1919 
legislature  made  the  force  permanent  and  provided  funds 
for  its  maintenance,  but  the  force  was  abolished  in  1921. 
During  1918  the  police  performed  very  valuable  service  to 
the  state  and  nation. 

Of  the  $750,000  war  certificates  authorized  to  be  is- 
sued, only  $370,000  thereof  were  issued  and  sold.  The 
total  war  debt  of  the  state  therefore  amounted  to  $370,000. 
Under  the  policy  followed  by  the  council  and  the  governor 
short  term  certificates  only  were  issued,  and  on  May  1st, 
1921,  all  of  the  certificates  so  issued  had  been  redeemed 
and  cancelled,  thus  wiping  out  New  Mexico's  war  debt. 

Under  the  provisions  of  the  Public  Defense  Act,  and 
amendments  thereof,  the  Council  of  Defense  was  to  con- 
tinue its  work  until  peace  should  be  formally  declared  by 
the  United  States.  At  the  time  of  the  signing  of  the  Armis- 
tice and  thereafter,  the  council  by  reason  of  legislative 
action  was  engaged  in  winding  up  certain  of  its  activities 
and  at  the  same  time  continuing  certain  activities  delegated 
to  it.  Provision  had  been  made  to  transfer  any  and  all  un- 
finished business  to  the  state  auditor  at  such  time  as  the 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          119 

council's  term  expired.  Early  in  May,  1920,  it  appeared 
that  it  might  be  some  time  before  peace  would  be  formally 
declared  and  it  was  thought  advisable  to  discontinue  the 
Council.  In  order  to  do  this  the  Executive  Committee 
authorized  its  secretary  to  ask  the  members  of  the  coun- 
cil to  resign.  Acceptance  of  the  resignations  by  the  gover- 
nor would  naturally  accomplished  the  desired  result.  The 
final  reports  of  the  council  and  of  its  disbursing  agent  were 
prepared  and  filed  with  the  governor  as  of  May  31,  1920. 
The  members  of  the  council  submitted  their  resignations, 
and  upon  their  acceptance,  the  council  turned  over  its 
business  and  records  to  the  state  auditor. 

No  one  ever  need  apologize  for  New  Mexico's  war 
record.  Measured  by  the  standards  of  wealth,  population 
and  responsiveness,  its  record  equalled  that  of  any  state  in 
the  union  and  in  instances  its  contribution  to  the  cause 
exceeded  that  of  many  of  the  other  states.  In  the  matter 
of  voluntary  enlistments  in  the  army  and  navy,  New  Mexico 
stood  fifth  among  the  states.  Over  17,000  of  her  sons  ser- 
ved in  the  various  branches  of  the  military  service.  Twenty- 
one  per  centum  of  the  state's  physicians  were  in  active 
service.  Every  quota,  whether  for  men  or  money,  was 
exceeded.  Every  call  was  answered  quickly.  There  was 
not  a  single  disturbance  or  strike  of  the  slightest  import- 
ance during  the  emergency.  If  trouble  seemed  to  be  brew- 
ing, the  situation  was  promptly  and  effectively  handled  by 
the  officers  of  the  council  or  its  agents  acting  under  speci- 
fic instructions. 

Governor  W.  E.  Lindsey  cooperated  with  the  Council 
of  Defense  in  every  possible  way.  His  absolute  honesty 
and  devotion  to  the  duties  of  his  office  and  the  fidelity 
with  which  he  served  the  people  reflected  great  credit  up- 
on his  administration. 

During  every  emergency  some  strong  man  is  found 
to  direct  the  important  undertakings.  New  Mexico  had 
its  strong  man,  a  man  of  unusual  patience  and  wisdom ;  one 
whose  courage  never  faltered  in  any  situation.  He  could 
pour  oil  upon  troubled  waters  with  greater  facility  and  ef- 


120          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

fectiveness  than  any  man  I  ever  met.  He  was  tolerant  to 
a  fault  of  other  men's  deficiences.  The  aggressive  side  of 
his  character  is  tempered  with  an  unusual  gentleness.  His 
sincerity  and  unquestionable  integrity,  his  accomplish- 
ments and  services  rendered  to  the  state  without  financial 
reward,  easily  stamp  him  as  New  Mexico's  most  useful 
citizen.  I  refer  to  Charles  Springer  of  Cimarron  who  was 
chairman  of  the  council's  executive  committee  and  to  whom 
the  credit  belongs  for  the  work  and  accomplishments  of 
the  state  draft  board,  chairman  of  the  state  highway  com- 
mission, and  the  directing  head  of  other  activities.  He  dis- 
charged all  of  his  various  duties  with  fidelity  and  with 
marked  success.  Always  interested  in  everything  that  af- 
fects the  welfare  of  the  people  of  the  state,  Mr.  Springer 
finds  time  somehow  to  help  in  a  practical  and  effective 
way,  and  I  know  of  no  man  in  the  state  who  has  rendered 
more  unselfish  service  than  he. 

WALTER  M.  DANBURG 

IV     Civilian  Activities 

By  civilian  war  activities  are  meant  the  activities  of 
individuals,  institutions,  and  agencies  outside  of  the  milita- 
ry organization.  In  a  sense  the  "Great  War"  was  a  civilians' 
war  in  that  practically  all  New  Mexicans  who  did  mili- 
tary service  were  in  civilian  pursuits  previously.  The  great- 
est civilian  activity  of  the  war  was  the  bearing  of  arms  by 
civilians.  But  apart  from  those  under  arms,  civilians  per- 
formed exploits  of  almost  incredible  multiplicity  and  mag- 
nitude. From  the  national  organization  down  to  the  most 
remotely  isolated  cabin  there  developed  a  close  bond  of  un- 
derstanding and  cooperation  in  the  mighty  undertaking  of 
"winning  the  war"  for  the  freedom  of  the  world.  This  was 
brought  about  through  the  Councils  of  Defense,  national, 
state,  county,  and  community,  representing  a  splendid 
achievement  of  civilian  enterprise,  an  achievement  which 
requires  a  separate  chapter  for  adequate  treatment.  Let 
it  be  noted  here,  however,  that  the  State  Council  of  Defense 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          121 

for  New  Mexico  has  stood  in  the  van  of  similar  state  or- 
ganizations in  supervising  and  stimulating  with  such  signal 
success  the  numberless  activities  which  it  initiated. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  in  this  chapter  to  speak  of  the  ef- 
forts of  the  splendid  women  of  the  state,  although  their 
work  comes  under  the  general  head  of  civilian  activities 
under  whatever  form  it  was  carried  on.  The  remarkable 
assistance  rendered  by  newspapers,  industrial  and  other 
concerns,  and  by  institutions,  public  and  private,  can  be 
merely  mentioned  as  part  of  the  sum  total  of  civilian  effort. 
While  these  agencies  are  treated  in  other  chapters  of  this 
volume,  it  is  difficult  not  to  remark  upon  the  evidence, 
found  everywhere,  of  the  spirit  of  Kipling's  lines : 

"It  aint  the  guns  nor  armament,  for  funds  that  they 
can  pay, 

But  the  close  cooperation  that  makes  them  win  the  day, 

It  aint  the  individual,  nor  the  army  as  a  whole 

But  the  everlasting  teamwork  of  every  blooming  soul." 

The  story  can  in  fact,  be  told  only  in  outline.  Here 
and  there  a  name  may  be  mentioned,  but  the  list  of  patrio- 
tic men  and  women  who  contributed  to  the  success  of  our 
great  adventure,  must  be  elsewhere  permanently  record- 
ed. The  story  begins  with  the  organization  of  the  Red 
Cross  work  in  the  spring  of  1915,  and  this  was  the  only 
form  of  activity  carried  on  until  the  stage  was  set  for  the 
entrance  of  the  United  States  in  the  final  scene.  Then  rep- 
resentative men  of  the  state  visited  the  East  and  brought 
back  those  urgent  messages  that  set  the  people  of  New 
Mexico  to  their  heroic  task. 

During  the  war,  New  Mexico  selected  more  than  fif- 
teen thousand  of  its  best  young  men  for  active  military 
service.  The  remarkable  feature  of  this  selection  is  that 
the  machinery  was  almost  entirely  civilian.  In  charge  of  the 
selective  draft  was  Captain  R.  C.  Reid  acting  at  first  for 
Adjutant  General  James  E.  Baca  and  later  as  draft  execu- 
tive, with  a  medical  advisor  also  holding  a  captain's  com- 
mission. The  state  was  organized  into  two  districts,  the 
8* 


122          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

northern  and  the  southern,  each  under  an  exemption  board. 
In  each  county  at  first,  the  county  sheriff,  the  county  clerk, 
and  three  other  civilians  had  supervision  over  the  selection 
with  powers  of  exemption.  Later  the  number  of  members 
on  the  local  board  was  reduced  to  three.  Under  the  reg- 
ulations issued  by  the  provost  marchal-general,  medical, 
dental,  and  legal  advisory  boards  usually  of  three  members 
each  were  organized  to  aid  the  county  draft  boards  in  their 
work.  In  each  county  a  lawyer  was  appointed  to  act  for 
those  appealing  for  exemption.  Every  doctor,  dentist,  and 
lawyer  in  the  community,  however,  was  asked  to  assist  in 
the  work  of  selecting  our  soldiers  from  those  registering  on 
June  5,  1917,  and  June  5,  August  24,  and  September  12,  of 
1918.  The  entire  cost  of  the  selective  draft  in  New  Mexico 
was  about  §80,000.  or  approximately  one  dollar  per  regis- 
trant. This  low  cost  was  brought  about  by  the  fact  that,  in 
most  of  the  counties,  the  members  of  the  various  boards 
made  no  claims,  or  very  moderate  claims,  for  reim- 
bursement. With  infinite  patience  and  strict  honesty,  as 
well  as  incalculable  sacrifice  of  time  and  effort,  these  men 
have  served  their  state  and  nation  beyond  our  power  to 
fully  appreciate. 

The  Y.  M.  C.  A.  campaign  for  $30,000.  was  in  charge 
of  Ralph  E.  Twitchell  and  was  initiated  at  Santa  Fe  with 
a  banquet  attended  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  representative 
men.  On  that  occasion  alone  $2,500  was  pledged.  The 
campaign  was  carried  on  vigorously  throughout  the  vari- 
ous counties  with  the  result  that  the  state's  quota  of  $30,- 
000,  was  exceeded  by  $30,603,  making  the  total  $60,603, 
double  the  quota.  In  this  connection  mention  should  be 
made  of  the  Y.  W.  C.  A.  campaign  in  1917,  when  there  was 
subscribed  approximately  $5,000.  The  subscriptions  were 
practically  all  secured  from  women,  the  "drive"  being  in 
charge  of  local  Y.  W.  C.  A.  organizations  and  the  State 
Federation  of  Women's  Clubs. 

In  August  1918,  the  Knights  of  Columbus  initiated  a 
campaign  for  war  funds.  A  remarkable  banquet  was  held  in 
the  historic  De  Vargas  Hotel  in  the  city  of  the  Holy  Faith 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  123 

at  which  men  were  present  representing  all  religious  be- 
liefs, and  addresses  were  made  by  an  Episcopal  rector,  a 
Methodist  minister,  and  a  Jew,  as  well  as  by  Roman  Catho- 
lics. As  a  result  the  sum  of  $4,000  was  pledged,  a  part  of 
which  was  later  included  in  the  amount  raised  in  the 
United  War  Work  campaign.  In  the  whole  state, 
the  pledges  reached  a  total  of  $20,000.  The  Knights  of 
Columbus'  drive  was  under  the  direction  of  Honorable  E. 
P.  Davis  who  labored  even  more  earnestly  when  the  move- 
ment was  merged  with  those  of  six  other  organizations. 

The  Salvation  Army  drive  came  July  24,  25,  1918.  In 
New  Mexico,  the  campaign  was  in  charge  of  the  Bene- 
volent and  Protective  Order  of  Elks,  Mr.  P.  A.  Lineau,  Ex- 
alted Ruler  of  the  Santa  Fe  Lodge  and  Deputy  State  In- 
surance Commissioner,  being  the  state  chairman.  The  us- 
ual thorough  preparation  was  made  to  meet  the  state's 
quota  of  $18,000  and  again  New  Mexico  went  beyond  the 
mark  with  subscriptions  aggregating  $24,623.72  exceeding 
the  quota  by  37  per  cent. 

The  United  War  Work  Campaign  began  September 
first,  1918,  under  the  direction  of  S.  J.  Brient  of  El  Paso. 
In  the  campaign,  seven  organizations  worked  harmonious- 
ly, each  with  a  representative  from  the  state  at  large,  as 
follows:  Young  Men's  Christian  Association,  George  A. 
Kaseman,  Albuquerque ;  Young  Women's  Christian  Associ- 
ation, Mrs.  F.  W.  Parker,  Santa  Fe ;  National  Catholic  War 
Council,  E.  P.  Davies,  Santa  Fe;  Jewish  Welfare  Board, 
Alfred  Grunsfeld,  Albuquerque;  War  Camp  Community 
Service,  E.  T.  Chase,  Albuquerque;  American  Library  As- 
sociation, Evlyn  Schuler,  Raton;  Salvation  Army,  T.  J. 
Mabry,  Albuquerque.  At  the  head  of  this  committee  was 
R.  E.  Twitchell,  who  gave  himself  whole  heartedly  to  the 
work  of  inspiration  and  leadership  in  all  civilian  activi- 
ties. At  a  conference  held  at  Albuquerque  on  September 
19,  1918,  practically  every  county  was  represented  and 
plans  were  well  laid  with  a  view  to  an  effective  campaign. 
The  quota  for  the  state  of  $204,600  was  accepted.  The 
organization  was  complete  and  reached  into  practically 


124          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

every  community  in  the  state.  The  state  was  divided  into 
six  districts  with  a  director  and  a  chairman  for  each.  Each 
county  also  had  its  chairman  and  there  was  besides  an  ad- 
visory committee  of  one  hundred  members.  The  campaign 
was  directed  along  several  lines  of  endeavor  including  the 
following  divisions:  The  Boys  and  Girls  Earn  and  Give 
Clubs;  Student  work;  Women's  organizations;  Spanish 
speaking  communities;  Indians  (Zuni,  Navajo,  Apache, 
Mescalero,  and  Pueblo)  ;  Speakers  Bureau.  The  drive  be- 
gan on  November  11,  1918,  the  day  of  the  signing  of  the 
armistice,  and  in  spite  of  difficulties  and  handicaps  it  estab- 
lished a  record  of  which  our  state  may  indeed  be  proud. 
According  to  reports,  3,584  boys  gave  $5,320  and  4,339 
girls  $6,179.  The  educative  values  suggested  in  these  fig- 
ures is  significant.  In  the  five  state  institutions  open  at 
the  time,  the  University,  the  Spanish-American  Normal, 
the  New  Mexico  Military  Institute,  the  Agricultural  Col- 
lege and  the  School  of  Mines,  1,000  students  and  members 
of  faculties  gave  $6,000.  The  pupils  of  the  Indian  School  at 
Albuquerque  gave  $750  and  those  in  the  Indian  School  at 
Santa  Fe  $100.  Indians  on  the  reservations  contributed 
approximately  $3,000.  Miners  contributed  generously  as 
did  employers  in  all  the  industries.  One  of  the  largest 
contributions  was  that  of  $35,000  by  the  Chino  Copper 
Company  of  Grant  County.  So  thoroughly  had  the  work 
been  done  that  the  state  was  third  in  reaching  its  quota 
and  on  November  24th  it  was  found  that  the  state  had  con- 
tributed $286,153. 

Types  of  organizations  for  meeting  war  quotas  and  for 
performing  the  community's  part  in  all  activities  were  the 
"War  Chest"  in  Colfax  County,  the  "Lick  the  Kaiser"  Club 
in  Eddy  County  and  the  "Patriots'  Fund"  in  Albuquerque. 
The  last  mentioned  fund  was  made  up  of  contributions 
made  upon  the  basis  of  one  per  cent  of  the  income  follow- 
ing the  Kenosha  Plan.  In  Santa  Fe,  the  Red  Cross  require- 
ments were  met  by  systematic  monthly  payments.  These 
various  plans  show  the  earnest  spirit  in  which  civilians 
were  determined  to  "see  it  through." 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          125 

In  the  four  Liberty  Loan  campaigns  of  May  and  Octo- 
ber, 1917,  April  and  September,  1918,  New  Mexico's  quotas 
-were  respectively  $1,375,400  $3,095,700,  $3,658,500  and 
$3,243,300.  The  subscriptions  amounted  to  $1,834,600, 
$3,945,750,  $6,001.750  and  $6,170,300.  This  is  a  record  of 
which  New  Mexico  is  justly  proud.  Individual  credit  can- 
jiot  be  distributed  as  it  seemed  that  all  lent  their  aid  in  ac- 
cordance with  ability  and  opportunity.  The  figures  for  the 
third  loan  in  the  northern  district  where  Judge  Reed  Hollo- 
.man  was  in  charge  are  typical.  In  that  campaign  in  the 
ten  counties  of  Colfax,  McKinley,  Mora,  Rio  Arriba,  San 
Juan,  San  Miguel,  Sandoval,  Santa  Fe,  Taos  and  Union, 
•every  county  oversubscribed  its  quota.  The  total  quota  for 
the  ten  counties  was  $1,058,300  and  the  subscriptions 
amounted  to  $2,323,450,  the  number  of  subscribers  being 
12,694.  All  the  counties  and  fifty-five  towns  and  villages 
in  this  district  wrere  awarded  honor  flags.  The  southern 
district  under  the  directorship  of  Max  Nordhaus  of  Albu- 
querque, was  no  less  patriotic.  In  the  campaign  for  raising 
New  Mexico's  quota  of  War  Savings  Stamps,  it  was,  for 
several  reasons,  impossible  for  the  people  of  the  state  to 
buy  the  amount  assigned  to  it,  yet  many  of  the  counties 
made  splendid  efforts  to  reach  the  mark  set  for  them,  Luna 
County,  however,  being  the  only  one  to  exceed  its  quota. 
Grant  County  subscribed  for  $218,110.04,  or  62  per  cent  of 
its  allotment.  Although  New  Mexico  failed  to  raise  its 
quota  of  seven  million  dollars,  only  two  million  dollars  be- 
ing subscribed  for,  the  ratio  per  capita  will  compare  favor- 
ably with  those  in  many  of  the  more  prosperous  states; 
and  this  in  spite  of  a  three  years'  drought  and  an  utter 
lack  of  war  profits  or  business  stimulation  such  as  other 
sections  enjoyed.  For  the  remarkable  results  obtained,  the 
unwearied  efforts  of  the  director  of  the  campaign,  Mr.  Hal- 
lett  Raynolds  of  Las  Vegas,  are  chiefly  responsible. 

The  whole  machinery  of  the  State  Food  Administra- 
tion was  in  the  hands  of  civilians,  thirteen  hundred  agents 
work  under  the  directorship  of  Ralph  C.  Ely.  There  is  not 
and  representatives  devoting  their  time  and  efforts  to  this 


126          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

space  in  this  chapter  to  tell  of  this  work  or  of  that  of  the 
Fuel  Administration  at  the  head  of  which,  until  his  death, 
was  former  Governor  William  C.  McDonald,  with  organiz- 
ations in  all  the  counties.  Sixty  or  more  civilians  acted  as 
agents  for  the  issuance  of  permits  to  handle  explosives. 
There  were  organizations  of  livestock  growers,  of  whole- 
sale and  retail  merchants,  of  restaurant  and  hotel  keepers, 
each  planning  in  conference  and  all  working  for  the  com- 
mon aim  of  "winning  the  war."  These  conferences  took 
place  as  a  rule  either  at  Santa  Fe  or  at  Albuquerque,  a  gen- 
eral conference  of  all  war  workers  being  at  Albuquerque, 
May  9th  and  10th,  1918. 

The  Highways  Transport  Committee,  under  the  chair- 
manship of  George  Singelton  of  Clovis,  organized  the  state 
into  five  districts  each  in  charge  of  a  chairman.  The  aim 
of  this  committee  was  to  facilitate  the  movement  of  com- 
modities in  every  way  possible  and,  had  the  war  continued,, 
its  well  laid  plans,  involving  the  co-operation  of  hundreds 
of  persons,  would  without  doubt  have  achieved  the  desired 
results. 

The  thorough  organization  of  the  "Four  Minute  Men" 
in  every  county  in  the  state,  as  perfected  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Laurence  F.  Lee  of  Albuquerque,  was  a  noteworthy 
feature  of  civilian  activities.  Very  little  of  the  literature 
relating  to  the  war  was  printed  in  Spanish  and  public  ad- 
dresses were,  as  a  rule,  the  most  effective  means  of  appeal- 
ing to  Spanish-speaking  people.  The  results  of  the  vari- 
ous campaigns  in  the  northern  counties  of  the  state  are  suf- 
ficient evidence  of  the  generous  reponse  to  these  appeals. 
The  "Four  Minute  Men"  began  their  work  in  August,  1917, 
but  for  a  time  reports  were  sent  directly  to  Washington. 
From  March  11  to  December  31,  1918,  there  were  two 
thousand  two  hundred  ninty  four  addresses  made  to  audi- 
ences aggregating  four  hundred  ninety-two  thousand  four 
hundred  twenty.  It  is  conservatively  estimated  that  fully 
as  many  talks  were  made  and  as  many  people  heard  them 
in  the  period  from  August  1917  to  March  1918.  Santa  Fe 
County  reported  twenty  speakers  making  a  total  of  seventy- 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          127 

five  talks  and  together  addressing  eighteen  thousand  per- 
sons. In  the  city  of  Roswell  one  hundred  fifteen  talks  were 
made  to  a  total  of  forty-six  thousand.  In  the  organization 
were  thirty-one  chairmen  and  two  hundred  fifty  regularly 
enlisted  speakers,  not  including  clergymen.  Churches, 
motion  picture  theatres,  school  houses,  public  buildings  of 
all  kinds  and  many  homes  were  freely  offered  for  use  by 
the  "Four  Minute  Men."  The  extent  to  which  the  work 
was  voluntary  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the  total  ex- 
pense incurred  in  this  wrork  for  the  whole  state  during  the 
entire  war  period  was  less  than  five  hundred  dollars. 

In  connection  with  "war"  meetings,  mention  should 
be  made  of  Liberty  Choruses  which  furnished  patriotic 
music  on  numerous  occasion.  Wherever  an  enthusiastic 
musician  could  be  found  to  lead,  groups  were  formed  to 
sing  the  songs  of  America  and  her  allies.  Whole  communi- 
ties were  thus  taught  the  national  songs  of  the  United 
States,  England,  France  and  Italy, 

For  the  purposes  of  this  chapter,  one  holding  an  of- 
fice under  the  national,  state,  county,  or  municipal  govern- 
ment is  a  civilian.  Practically  every  man  in  public  life  in 
the  state  was  called  upon  to  perform  duties  in  connection 
with  war  activities  as  a  speaker,  or  as  a  chairman  of  a  com- 
mittee in  charge  of  some  important  work.  Thus  our  nine 
district  judges  were  leaders  in  the  Liberty  Loan  campaigns 
in  their  respective  districts.  All  justices  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  were  active  participants  in  the  various 
"drives."  But  our  officials  also  performed  important  work 
by  virtue  of  the  office  which  they  held.  As  to  Governor 
Lindsey,  some  account  of  the  leadership  and  service  of  our 
"War  Governor"  has  already  been  given. 

The  state  bank  examiner,  George  H.  Van  Stone,  con- 
tributed much  to  the  effectiveness  of  the  excellent  organiz- 
ation of  the  banks  of  the  state  in  promoting  all  forms  of 
work  and  in  addition  gave  of  his  time  and  efforts  to  arous- 
ing interest  in  increased  food  production.  Through  the 
interest  and  cooperation  of  R.  P.  Ervien,  commissioner  of 
public  lands,  22441  acres  of  land  leased  for  grazing  pur- 


128         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

poses  were  planted  in  crops,  and  the  raising  of  corn,  beans"., 
forage  and  potatoes  was  materially  increased.  The  State 
Corporation  Commission  was  instrumental  in  securing  low- 
er freight  rates  on  feed  for  livestock  that  saved  the  grow- 
ers of  sheep  and  cattle  over  $100,000  in  one  season.  The 
state  treasurer  invested  three  quarters  of  a  million  dollars; 
of  Permanent  Funds  of  the  state  institutions  in  Liberty 
Bonds. 

The  State  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  was 
called  upon  again  and  again  to  set  the  machinery  of  the 
school  system  of  the  state  into  motion  to  assist  in  various 
undertakings.  As  state  director  of  the  United  States  Pu- 
blic Service  Reserve  and  of  the  Boys  Working  Reserve, 
Superintendent  Wagner  and  his  office  staff  enrolled  3700 
men  and  2624  boys.  Of  the  men  enrolled,  seven  hundred 
skilled  workers  and  three  thousand  unskilled  laborers  en- 
tered the  employ  of  the  government  in  various  parts  of  the 
country.  Of  the  boys  enrolled  eight  hundred  and  sixty  re- 
ported seventy  nine  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty  seven 
days  of  work  with  net  earnings  amounting  to  one  hundred 
twelve  thousand  four  hundred  and  three  dollars  and  thirty- 
eight  cents.  In  addition  the  state  department  of  education 
supervised  the  organization  of  girls  in  a  similar  manner, 
enrolling  one  thousand  three  hundred  and  forty-one  mem- 
bers of  whom  eight  hundred  and  nine  reported  sixty-two 
thousand  two  hundred  one  working  days  with  total  net 
earning  of  forty-one  thousand  one  hundred  fifty  nine  dol- 
lars and  sixty-nine  cents.  Associated  with  Superintendent 
Wagner  in  bringing  about  these  splendid  results  was  Mr, 
Guthrie  Smith  as  executive  secretary.  These  results,  it 
must  be  noted,  were  reached  practically  without  cost  "to 
either  state  or  nation.  Through  this  office,  the  Thrift 
Stamp  Campaign  was  carried  into  every  school  in  the 
state.  The  director  of  industrial  education,  Mrs.  Ruth  C. 
Miller,  was  director  also  of  the  Home  Economics  Division 
of  the  State  Food  Administration  and  was  one  of  the  most 
active  in  spreading  the  gospel  of  production  and  food  con- 
servation. Among  county  and  city  officials,  too,  there  was 


NEW  MEXIICO  IN  THE  GKEAT  WAR 

the  same  readiness  to  answer  every  summons  to  service, 
The  duties  of  county  clerks  In  connection  with  the  selective 
draft  were  heavy ;  sheriffs  were  called  upon  to  assist  in 
bringing  in  "slackers"  of  all  classes;  assessors  made  in- 
vestigations concerning  property  of  aliens;  and  county  su- 
perintendents served  as  organizers  of  rural  communities 
through  the  medium  of  the  schools. 

Those  citizens  of  the  state  who  held  positions  under 
the  federal  government  during  the  war  were  all  in  the 
civilian  division  of  our  army.  Postmasters  and  postal  em- 
ployees were  overburdened  with  work  naturally  pertain- 
ing to  their  employment,  and  yet  new  duties  were  constant- 
ly added  as  a  result  of  the  government's  war  plans,  For 
example,  postmasters  were  appointed  agents  for  securing 
laborers  for  war  work  and  were  expected  to  assist  in  the 
sale  of  War  Savings  Stamps.  The  officials  of  the  various 
U.  S.  Land  offices  in  the  state  and  forest  supervisors,  all 
of  whom  were  civilians,  redoubled  their  efforts  to  improve 
conditions  for  quickly  increasing  production.  In  this  state 
and  in  Arizona,  as  one  result,  the  number  of  cattle  grazed 
on  national  forest  reserves  increased  by  70,000  over  the 
previous  year,  and  the  number  of  sheep  by  48,000. 

The  various  state  educational  institutions,  in  addition 
to  being  centers  of  patriotism  and  loyalty,  joined  in  every 
campaign  for  war  funds.  At  the  University  of  New  Mex- 
ico, the  service  flag  numbers  one  hundred  seventy-five 
stars,  evidence  enough  of  the  loyalty  of  the  institution  and 
its  members.  From  the  opening  of  the  war  in  April,  1917, 
the  president  and  board  of  regents  of  the  University  sought 
opportunities  for  cooperation  with  the  state  and  nation  in 
their  war  plans.  The  offer  of  its  three  hundred  fifty  acre 
campus  for  the  location  of  barracks  was  accepted  by  the 
National  Guard.  The  curriculum  was  adjusted  to  war  con- 
ditions. Public  lectures  were  given  by  members  of  the 
faculty  on  war  topics.  The  columns  of  the  "Weekly"  and 
the  "News"  were  devoted  to  disseminating  war  inform- 
ation. All  "drives"  were  given  the  undivided  support  of 
instructors  and  students  by  generous  subscriptions  as  well 


130          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

as  by  participation  as  workers  in  each  organization.  On 
October  1,  1918,  the  University  opened  its  doors  on  practi- 
cally a  military  basis  in  connection  with  the  Student's 
Army  Training*  Corps.  One  hundred  sixty  young  men  reg- 
istered for  military  training  in  addition  to  college  courses. 

The  varied  and  extensive  operations  conducted  by  the 
New  Mexico  College  of  Agriculture  and  Mechanic  Arts  can 
hardly  be  even  outlined  in  a  paragraph.  Many  of  these  op- 
erations were  carried  on  in  connection  with  the  Council  of 
Defense  and  accounts  of  some  of  them  will,  no  doubt,  have 
3  place  in  other  chapters.  The  whole  equipment  of  the  in- 
stitution and  all  its  organization  and  facilities  were  offered 
to  the  government.  In  the  engineering  department,  new 
courses  were  offered  and  old  ones  readjusted  in  accord- 
ance with  war  training  requirements.  For  example  a  Radio 
and  Buzzer  Operators'  School  was  established  from  which 
forty  operators  were  trained.  Special  training  was  given 
in  many  trades  required  in  the  army,  even  before  the  as- 
surance that  the  institution  would  be  used  for  soldier  train- 
ing. Of  the  Student  Army  Training  Corps,  one  hundred 
men  registered  in  various  departments,  half  of  them  elect- 
ing work  in  engineering.  A  total  of  five  hundred  and 
seven  men  were  sent  to  the  college  for  military  training: 
during  the  summer  and  fall  of  1918. 

Because  of  the  results  of  many  years  of  study  and  ex- 
perimentation, the  College  was  found  ready  to  assist  the 
State  Food  Administration  and  the  Council  of  Defense  in 
the  production  and  conservation  of  food  and  forage.  Num- 
erous bulletins  were  issued  to  supplement  former  public- 
ations. Information  was  promptly  furnished  along  lines 
that  had  to  do  with  methods  for  securing  the  best  results 
quickly.  Through  the  efforts  of  the  agents  and  instructors 
in  the  College,  it  has  been  estimated  that  the  production  of 
crops  was  increased  in  the  state  by  thirty  per  cent.  In  the 
extension  department,  the  office  and  field  force  was  ex- 
panded until  there  were  one  hundred  ten  persons  on  the  pay 
roll  all  using  their  utmost  efforts  to  assist  the  people  of 
the  state  in  their  war  work.  Four  thousand  members 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          131 

were  enrolled  in  the  Boys'  and  Girls'  Club  Work  in  1918  in 
:nearly  twenty  different  classes  of  projects  with  the  value 
products  amounting  to  one  hundred  twenty  thousand  dol- 
lars and  profits  of  seventy  five  thousand  dollars. 

With  the  expansion  of  the  work  of  the  College  due  to 
war  demands  into  so  many  fields,  it  might  be  supposed  that 
less  attention  would  be  paid  to  Liberty  Loan,  Red  Cross 
and  other  campaigns.  The  record  shows  however,  a  total 
of  $55,934.30  pledged  by  the  members  of  the  faculty  and 
the  students  for  war  funds. 

Eighty-six  per  cent  of  the  students  enrolled  in  1916  at 
the  New  Mexico  School  of  Mines  were  found  at  the  close 
of  the  war  to  have  been  in  active  service,  thirty-eight  per 
cent  of  these  receiving  commissions.  Considering  the  fact 
that  this  institution  does  not  include  military  training  in 
its  courses,  this  is  a  remarkable  evidence  of  the  character 
of  engineering  work  done  and  the  spirit  of  patriotism  char- 
acterizing the  school,  its  faculty  and  students. 

The  New  Mexico  Normal  University  was  active  in  all 
war  enterprises.  Its  instructors  made  over  150  patriotic 
addresses  in  various  parts  of  the  state;  faculty  and  stu- 
dents took  $30,000  in  Liberty  Bonds  and  War  Savings 
Stamps;  and  Red  Cross  Work  was  carried  on  constantly. 
The  institution  had  charge  of  the  war  gardens  in  the  town 
of  Las  Vegas  where  205  boys  and  girls  were  enrolled  and 
vegetables  produced  of  the  value  of  $3844.80.  In  the  reg- 
ular school  work  courses  were  readjusted  to  meet  the  de- 
mands of  war  conditions. 

The  New  Mexico  Normal  School  at  Silver  City  has  a 
long  list  of  items  to  its  credit  in  the  civilian  activities  ac- 
count. Only  a  few  typical  ones  can  be  here  given.  Faculty 
members  and  students  performed  their  full  share  of  Red 
Cross  requirements.  Practically  all  boxes  used  for  ship- 
ping the  suppiles  of  the  Grant  County  Chapter  were  made 
by  the  manual  training  pupils  of  the  Normal  School.  The 
support  of  orphan  children  of  France  and  Belgium  was 
assumed  by  the  instructors  and  students  of  the  school  and 
by  means  of  various  entertainments  the  institution  assist- 


132         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ed  in  raising  one  thousand  dollars  for  the  Blind  Soldiers* 
Fund.  As  volunteer  workers  for  the  draft  board,  as  mem- 
bers of  canteen  committees*  to  care  for  sick  soldiers  passing- 
through  Silver  City  on  their  way  to  Fort  Bayard  and  gen- 
erous subscribers  to  all  war  funds,  these  teachers  and  stu- 
dents proved  themselves  patriotic  and  capable  in  the  high- 
est degree.  In  the  regular  school  work  emphasis  was  laid 
en  courses  in  First  Aid,  Home  Care  of  the  Sick,  Surgical 
Dressing  and  in  Food  Conservation. 

The  New  Mexico  Military  Institute,  in  addition  to  the 
participation  of  its  students,  past  and  present,  in  active 
war  service,  shared  in  all  other  activities  incident  to  war 
needs.  Upon  the  opening  of  hostilities,  the  whole  work  of 
the  institution  was  readjusted  to  assist  the  government. 
Military  training  was  intensified  and  every  effort  made 
to  prepare  young  men  to  become  officers  in  the  army.  Stu- 
dents were  sent  into  various  communities  to  serve  as  drill 
masters  in  local  high  schools  and  to  assist  in  organizing 
military  units.  When  the  Student  Army  Training  Corps- 
unit  was  established  at  the  Institute,  seventy-six  students 
were  inducted  into  the  service;  sixty-six  others  were  en- 
rolled but  the  armistice  took  place  while  their  papers  were 
under  consideration  at  Washington. 

The  work  of  the  director  of  the  Museum  of  New  Mex- 
ico and  his  staff  in  connection  with  child  welfare  and  the 
collection  of  historical  material  relating  to  New  Mexico's 
part  in  the  war  must  be  classed  with  civilian  activities.  So 
must  the  service  rendered  by  public  libraries  in  their  use 
of  war  posters  and  bulletin  boards.  It  was  largely  through 
the  librarians  of  the  state,  led  by  Miss  Evelyn  Shuler  of 
Raton,  that  ten  thousand  volumes  were  collected  in  twenty^ 
two  towns  for  the  reading  rooms  at  the  various  camps. 

The  increase  in  crop  production  under  the  stimulus  of 
war  demands  is  still  another  evidence  of  civilian  energy 
and  enterprise.  The  acreage  planted  in  wheat  increased 
from  113,000  acres  in  1916  to  213,000  in  1918  and  the  pro- 
duction from  2,104,000  to  3,334,000  bushels.  Of  corn, 
4,250,000  bushels  were  raised  in  1918  as  compared  with 


MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          IBS 

2,625,000  in  1916.  The  potato  yield  was  816,000  bushels 
Jin  1916  and  1,276,000  bushels  in  1918.  In  the  former  year, 
64,000  acres  were  planted  in  beans  and  207,000  acres  in 
1917.  It  is  estimated  that  the  bean  crop  In  1917  reached 
a  total  of  70,000,000  pounds.  In  Eddy  County  6,500  bales 
<of  cotton  were  picked  and  in  Dona  Ana  County  14,700 
crates  of  canteloupes  were  shipped  in  one  season. 

In  war  garden  work,  men,  women  and  children  res- 
ponded splendidly  to  the  appeal  for  greater  production. 
In  all,  there  were  about  3,000  war  gardens,  Tucumcari  for 
example,  reporting  140  gardens,  Las  Vegas  400,  and  the 
little  town  of  Willard  in  Torrance  county  had  40.  Mrs. 
Isaac  Earth  was  the  head  of  the  home  gardens  division. 

As  a  war  measure,  the  adoption  of  the  prohibition  con* 
stitutional  amendment  at  an  election  held  November  6, 
1917,  should  not  be  overlooked.  On  that  date  the  civilians 
of  New  Mexico  decreed  by  a  splendid  majority  of  16,585 
that  they  would  not  suffer  their  efforts  to  win  the  war  to 
be  handicapped  by  the  liquor  traffic.  On  October  1,  1918, 
therefore,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  amend- 
ment adopted,  all  saloons  in  the  state  closed  their  doors 
and,  it  is  believed,  closed  them  forever. 

We  are  not  permitted  in  this  brief  resume  to  more 
than  mention  that  in  one  of  the  Liberty  Loan  campaigns, 
twenty-seven  convicts  in  the  state  pentientiary  joined  in 
the  purchase  of  a  one  thousand  dollar  bond,  each  contri- 
buting an  amount  of  from  two  dollars  to  four  hundred  dol- 
lars ;  that  practically  all  owners  of  automobiles  placed  their 
cars  at  the  disposal  of  all  committees  and  agencies  engag- 
ed in  war  activities  as  Motor  Minute  Men;  that  traveling 
men  in  their  several  itineraries  about  the  state  added  to 
the  sum  total  of  civilian  activities  by  spreading  the  spirit 
of  loyalty  and  by  reporting  to  the  proper  authorities  the 
slightest  signs  of  disaffection;  that  miners  in  the  Gallup 
coal  fields  volunteered  to  assist  in  the  saving  of  the  fruit 
crop  in  San  Juan  county ;  that  Indian  farmers  on  the  Mes- 
9 


134          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

calero  reservation  increased  the  acreage  of  potatoes  plant- 
ed from  three  acres  to  seventy-eight  acres  in  one  year ;  that 
in  several  towns  and  cities  of  the  state,  men  formed  Home 
Guard  companies  and  drilled  persistently  until  the  war 
closed.  In  fact,  the  special  activities  here  mentioned  are 
merely  typical  of  the  loyal  spirit  of  New  Mexicans.  They 
have  been  selected  at  random  and  the  list  could  be  greatly 
extended. 

The  story  of  civilian  activity  in  New  Mexico  told  here 
in  brief  outline,  could  not  be  fully  told  by  recounting  mere- 
ly what  was  done  or  attempted.  What  the  people  of  the 
state  did  not  do  should  also  be  a  part  of  the  history  of  the 
state  for  the  period  of  the  war.  In  obeying  all  suggest- 
ions and  appeals  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  part  of  the 
United  States  has  been  more  scrupulous  than  our  own 
state.  The  food  restrictions,  often  embarrasing,  were  sel- 
dom disregarded.  The  hampering  regulations  which  gov- 
erned traveling  and  transportation  met  with  cheerful  com- 
pliance. Needing  school  houses  and  other  public  build- 
ings, all  construction  was  promptly  suspended  at  a  suggest- 
ion from  Washington.  This  was  true  also  to  a  large  extent, 
of  the  work  on  roads  and  bridges  which  had  been  planned 
by  the  county  and  state  highway  officials.  In  fact  if  the  sum 
total  of  civilian  self-restraint  and  sacrifice  could  be  measur- 
ed, it  would  equal  even  the  splendid  aggregate  of  what  we 
might  call  positive  forms  of  activity.  While  thousands  in 
New  Mexico  served,  tens  of  thousands  obeyed  and  waited. 
They  were  all  parts  of  the  remarkable  system  of  cooper- 
ation that  evolved  so  rapidly  and  that  placed  New  Mex- 
ico in  the  front  ranks  of  the  states  of  the  Union  in  war 
activities. 

Rupert  F.  Asplund 


SPANISH  FOLK-LOBE  135 


SPANISH  FOLK-LOKE  IN  NEW  MEXICO 
AURELJO  M.  ESPINOSA 

One  of  the  richest  fields  for  the  collecting  and  study 
of  Spanish  folk-lore  is  the  southwestern  part  of  our  own 
country,  particularly  the  states  of  Texas,  New  Mexico, 
Arizona  and  California.  Some  of  these  regions  are  very 
old  in  Spanish  traditions,  being  some  of  the  oldest  settle- 
ments made  by  the  Spaniards  after  the  conquest  and  colon- 
ization of  Mexico  or  Nueva  Espana,  and  they  have  very 
tenaciously  preserved  many  precious  treasures  of  old  Span- 
ish folk-lore  that  other  regions  of  the  Spanish  world  and 
even  Spain  herself  have  completely  forgotten.  For  the  com- 
parative study  of  Spanish  folk-lore,  and,  therefore,  ethno- 
logy and  culture,  the  collection,  publication  and  study  of 
folk-lore  materials  from  the  above  mentioned  regions  of 
the  United  States  are  of  the  greatest  interest  and  import- 
ance to  science. 

Very  little  has  been  done  in  the  collection  and  public- 
ation of  really  old  and  traditional  materials  of  Spanish 
source  from  any  of  these  regions  with  the  single  exception 
of  New  Mexico.  In  the  all-important  field  of  New  Mexican 
Spanish  language  and  folk-lore  the  author  of  this  article 
has  worked  almost  alone,  but  even  so  he  has  been 
fortunate  enough  to  collect  abundant  materials  that  have 
been  published  in  various  American  and  European  jour- 
nals. Some  of  these  materials,  particularly  the  purely  lin- 
guistic studies,  the  folk-tales,  and  the  romances  tradiciona* 
les,  or  traditional  ballads,  have  been  very  welcome  contri- 
butions to  Spanish  linguistics  and  folk-lore.1  The  tradi- 
tional Spanish  ballads,  for  example,  that  are  ten  in  num- 


1.  My  Studies  in  Neiv-Mexican  Spanish  (studies  in  linguistics  and  dialectology) 
were  published  in  Germany,  in  the  Revue  de  Dialectologie  Ro-mane  (Part  1.  Phono- 
logy, 1909,  Part  II.  Morphology,  1911,  and  Part  III.  The  English  Elements,  1914.) 
A  special  article,  Syllabic  Consonants  in  New  Mexican  Spanish  was  published  in 
the  December,  1925,  number  of  Language,  journal  of  the  Linguistic  Society  of 


136         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ber  and  are  found  in  twenty-seven  versions,  furnish  us  one 
of  the  most  interesting,  important  and  most  archaic  col- 
lections of  Spanish  ballads  that  have  been  collected  any- 
where in  the  Spanish  world.  Some  of  them  are  versions 
of  old  Spanish  ballads:  that  were  brought  to  the  New  World, 
by  the  early  Spanish  settlers  in  the  XVIth  century,  and  are,, 
therefore,  some  of  the  most  precious  materials  oi  Spanish 
folk-lore  that  have  been  found  in  Spanish  America. 

But  the  New  Mexican  field  has  not  been  exhausted  by 
any  means.  Much  more  material  is  available  no  doubt  andt 
it  only  awaits  enthusiastic  collectors  and  students  of  folk- 
lore who  will  appreciate  its  worth  and  save  it  from  obli- 
vion. New  Mexican  institutions  unfortunately  have  taken 
little  interest  in  the  study  or  preservation  of  the  Spanish 
language  in  New  Mexico  or  in  the  collection  and  study  of 
its  folk-lore.  The  New  Mexico  Historical  Society  as  now 
constituted  is  now  to  take  the  leading  part  in  this  great 
work  and  has  asked  the  present  writer  to  publish  in  the  new 
journal  of  the  Society  articles  on  the  Spanish  language  in 
New  Mexico  and  on  New-Mexican  Spanish  folk-lore.  Thisi 
is  the  first  ray  of  hope  for  New-Mexican  Spanish  language 
and  folk-lore  and  the  plans  of  the  New  Mexico  Historical 
Society  will  be  seconded  by  all  students  of  linguistics,  folk- 
lore and  ethnology.  The  present  article,  therefore,  is  an  at- 
tempt to  present  to  the  readers  of  the  Neiv  Mexico  Histo- 
rical Revieiv  an  outline  of  New-Mexican  Spanish  folk-lore 
studies  and  to  suggest  the  methods  best  suited  to  the  pur- 
suit of  these. 


America.  Most  of  tny  articles  and  stttdieff  on  New-Mexican  Spanish  folk-lore  were 
published  in  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  during  the  years  1910-1916,  with 
the  general  title  New -Mexican  Spanish  Folk-Lore,  as  follows:  Part  1.  Myths,  Part  II* 
Superstitions'  and  Beliefs,  Part  III.  Folk-Tales,  Part  IV.  Mexican  Proverbs,  Part  V. 
Popular  Comparisons,  Part  VI.  Los  Trovos  del  Viejo  Vilmas,  Part  VII.  More  Folk- 
Taleg,  Part  VIII.  Short  Stories  and  Anecdotes,  Part  IX.  Riddles,  Part  X  Children's 
Games,  Part  XI.  Nursery  Rhymes.  Fourteen  more  New- Mexican  Spanish  folk-tales 
were  published  in  the  Bulletin  de  Dialectoloffic  Romane,  Germany  (1914.)  My  collection 
and  study  of  the  traditional  Spanish  ballads  froii*  New  Mexico  was  published  in  the 
Revue  Hispanique,  Paris  in  1915,  with  the  title  Rotnetncero  Nuevomejicano.  As  we 
have  said  above,  there  are  ten  ballads  in  twenty-seven  versions,  although  Mr.  C.  F. 
Lummis  in  his  work  The  Land  of  Poco  Tiempo,  New  York,  1893,  stated  that  no 
traditional  Spanish  ballads  were  to  be  found  in  New  Mexico. 


SPANISH  FOLK-LORE  137 

In  California  there  are  more  collectors,  according  to 
reports,  but  very  little  has  been  published  as  yet  that  has 
any  great  value  for  Spanish  folk-lore  studies.  The  author 
of  this  article  has  collected  and  published  a  small  number 
of  traditional  Spansh  ballads,  which  like  the  New-Mexican 
are  real  gems  on  account  of  the  archaic  character  of  the 
versions.  They  are  published  unedited  in  the  Memorial 
Volumes2  published  in  Spain  recently  in  honor  of  Don  Ra- 
mon Menendez  Pidal,  the  greatest  living  authority  on  Span- 
ish language  and  literature,  and  who  is  collecting  for  pub- 
lication the  Spanish  balladry  of  the  whole  Spanish-speak- 
ing world.  He  has  the  theory  that  the  Spanish  ballads  are 
found  in  oral  tradition  wherever  the  Spanish  language  is 
spoken,  and  thus  far  his  theory  has  been  upheld  wherever 
folk-lorists  have  looked  for  such  materials.  The  author  also 
has  an  unpublished  collection  of  folk-tales  from  Spanish 
California.  As  for  Spanish  popular  songs  and  lyrics,  the 
only  interesting  collection  for  the  Southwest  as  a  whole  is 
the  publication  of  Miss  Eleanor  Hague,  Spanish  American 
Folk-Songs,  New  York,  1917.  These  songs,  however,  are 
not  very  old.  The  recent  publications  of  Mr.  Lummis, 
Spanish  Songs  from  Old  California,  are  XlXth  century 
songs,  and  of  little  interest  to  folk-lore. 

From  Arizona  and  Texas  I  do  not  know  of  any  import- 
ant published  documents  of  traditional  Spanish  folk-lore. 
Now  that  interest  in  the  Spanish  language  is  spreading  over 
our  country,  thanks  to  the  just  appreciation  on  the  part  of 
Americans  for  a  language  that  is  spoken  on  this  continent 
by  some  fifty  million  people  with  whom  we  must  live  in  con- 
tinual commercial  and  cultural  relations,  and  that  is  one  of 
the  great  languages  of  the  world,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  pro- 
fessors and  teachers  of  Spanish  in  our  universities  and  col- 
leges will  make  an  earnest  effort  to  interest  their  students 
in  Spanish  folk-lore,  an  almost  virgin  field  that  lies  at  our 
doors. 

The  American  Folk-Lore  Society,  thanks  to  the  efforts 


2.    Homena,je  a  Don  Ramon  Menjndez  Pidal,  2  volumes,   Madrid,   1925. 

9* 


138          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  Professor  Franz  Boas  of  Columbia  University,  has  tak- 
en a  very  active  interest  in  the  collecting  and  publishing: 
€>f  Spanish  folk-lore  from  every  possible  source.  But  the 
funds  of  the  society  are  limited,  and  unless  material  aid' 
is  constantly  received  from  persons  of  wealth  it  is  very  dif- 
ficult to  carry  on  these  investigations.  In  order  to  have 
a  large  collection  of  peninsular  Spanish  folk-tales  for  our 
comparative  studies  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  de- 
cided several  years  ago  to  send  a  special  investigator  to* 
Spain.  The  generosity  of  Mrs,  Elsie  CIew»  Parsons,  past 
president  of  the  society,  and  one  of  the  most  eminent- 
American  folk-lorists,  made  possible  the  expedition  to> 
Spain,  and  the  result  was  most  fortunate.  We  came  back 
from  Spain  with  some  three  hundred  folk-tales  that  will  be 
of  inestimable  value  to  our  comparative  studies.8  We  have 
in  these  Spanish  materials  conclusive  proof  of  the  theories 
we  formerly  held  about  the  general  character  of  the  Span- 
ish-American material,  namely  that  it  is  for  the  most  part 
traditional  and  very  old.  For  the  ballads  the  creative  period, 
ended  in  the  XVIth  century.  From  that  time  to  the  end  of 
the  XVIIIth  century  they  came  to  the  New  World  through 
various  channels  of  tradition.  In  other  fields  the  creative- 
period  has  had  a  longer  life.  In  the  case  of  the  copla^,  the 
decimas,  or  ballad-like  compositions  of  a  narrative,  amor- 
ous or  philosophic  character,  the  vigor  of  modern  tradition 
vies  with  the  old. 

And  to  collect  these  materials  from  the  Spanish-speak- 
ing Americans  of  our  great  Southwest  a  work  really  her- 
culean is  necessary*  To  cry  for  funds  to  carry  on  these  re- 
searches may  seem,  in  our  commercially  mad  age,  like  a 
voice  that  cries  in  the  wilderness.  But  it  does  not  matter. 
For  even  without  funds  some  of  this  precious  material  may 
be  collected  by  some  of  us. 

In  the   following  pages  we   give  samples   of  genuine 


8.  These  materials  are  now  being  published  in  the  Stanford  University  Publica- 
tions, with  the  title,  Cuentos  Popul&res  Espanoles.  Volumes  I  and  II  appeared  in 
1923  and  1924.  Volume  III  is  now  in  press. 


SPANISH  FQLR-LOftE  139 

New-Mexican  Spanish  folk-lore,  for  the  most  part  taken 
rfrom  my  various  studies  already  published.  For  the  sake 
of  brevity  and  because  I  am  here  reprinting  in  part  from 
;my  own  articles  I  shall  omit  all  references  to  source* 

As  already  indicated  the  most  precious  materials  for 
the  study  of  comparative  literature  and  folk-lore  are  the 
romances  tradlcionoles  or  old  Spanish  ballads.  According 
to  a  theory  of  Ram6n  Menendez  Pidal  the  old  Spanish  ro- 
mances were  derived  from  the  old  cantarvs  de  gesla  or  old 
epic  poems.  From  all  the  evidences  derived  from  the  Span- 
ish chronicles  of  the  XHIth,  XlVth  and  XVth  centuries  the 
old  Spanish  jongleurs  and  troubadours  recited  and  sang 
the  national  epics  to  the  people  during  those  centuries. 
"Como  dicen  los  juglares  en  sus  cantares  y  en  sm  fablas," 
is  a  commonplace  expression  to  be  found  In  the  old  chroni- 
cles when  they  wish  to  indicate  the  sources  of  the  national 
legends.  And  more  than  that,  the  prose  accounts  very 
often  reveal  the  old  verse  epic  by  copying  down  whole  pas- 
sages of  prosified  verse  from  the  cantares.  The  cantares^ 
however,  were  handed  down  in  the  mouths  of  the  people 
and  from  these  are  derived  the  first  romances  or  ballads, 
The  old  Spanish  ballads,  so  admirably  appreciated  and 
translated  into  English  by  Lockhart  and  Longfellow,  are 
pieces  of  the  old  epic  songs.  These  historical  ballads  wers 
handed  down  in  oral  tradition  from  the  XHIth  and  XlVth 
centuries  to  the  XVIth  and  XVIIth  centuries  when  the  bal- 
lad collectors  and  the  national  dramatists  like  Lope  de  Vega 
and  Guillen  de  Castro  saved  them  from  oblivion  and  gave 
them  dramatic  form.  Some,  however,  have  survived  in 
oral  tradition  even  to  the  present  day,  and  they  may  be 
found  in  the  oral  tradition  of  Castile  and  other  parts  of 
Spain,  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula  among  the  Jews  that  were 
exiled  from  Spain  in  1492,  in  Chile  and  Mexico,  and  in  our 
own  New  Mexico. 

The  opening  lines  of  the  best  versions  of  the  ten  tradi- 
tional Spanish  ballads  found  by  me  in  New  Mexico,  and 
which  may  be  useful  to  those  who  wish  to  seek  other  ver- 
sions, are  the  following: 


140          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

1.  Delgadina  se  paseaba  por  una  sala  cuadrada. 

2.  Gerineldo,  Gerineldo,  mi  camarero  aguerrido. 

3.  Una  nina  en  un  balcon  le  dice  a  un  pastor  :-Espera, 

4.  Francisquita,  Francisquita,  la  del  cuerpo  muy  sutil. 

5.  Andabame  yo  paseando  por  las  orillas  del  mar. 

6.  En  una  playa  arenosa  una  blanca  sombra  vi. 

7.  Catalina,  Catalina,  pano  bianco  de  lino  es. 

8.  Chiquita,  si  me  muriere  no  me  entierres  en  sagrado. 

9.  Atencion,  seiiores  mios,  Membruno  se  va  a  casar. 

10.  El  piojo  y  la  liendre  se  quieren  casar. 

There  is  an  eleventh  New  Mexican  Spanish  version  of 
a  traditional  Spanish  ballad,  the  one  found  by  Miss  Bar- 
bara Freire-Marreco  of  Oxford,  England,  when  studying 
ethnology  among  the  New-Mexican  Pueblo  Indians  and 
published  by  me  in  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  in 
December,  1916,  with  a  comparative  study.  Later  I  myself 
obtained  another  version  of  the  same  ballad  from  Taos 
(see  Revue  Hispanique,  Paris,  1917.)  The  complete  list  to 
date,  therefore  of  traditional  Spanish  ballads  found  in  New 
Mexico  contains  eleven  ballads  in  twenty-nine  versions. 
There  are,  of  course  more  ballads,  but  they  are  not  really 
old  and  traditional. 

I  now  give  versions  of  two  of  the  old  ballads  in  full.4 

LA  APARICION 
(Recited  by  Gregorio  Garcia  of  Socorro,  New  Mexico) 

En  una  playa  arenosa  una  blanca  sombra  vi, 

y  entre  mas  me  retiraba  mas  se  acercaba  de  mi. 

— ^Donde  vas,  caballerito,  alejandote  de  mi? 

— Voy  en  busca  de  mi  esposa,  que  hace  dias  no  la  vi. 

— Ya  tu  esposa  ya  esta  muerta,  con  mis  ojos  yo  la  vi ; 

cuarto  duques  la  llevaban  a  la  ciudad  de  Madrid. 

El  coche  en  que  la  llevaban  era  cle  oro  y  carmesi ; 

la  tapa  que  le  pusieron  era  de  oro  y  de  marfil. 

Casate,  caballerito,  y  no  te  quedes  ansi, 

y  al  primer  nino  que  tengas  ponle  noinbre  como  a  mi. 


4.    Since  we  are  not  concerned  at  present   with   the   peculiarities  of   New-Mexican 
Spanish  I  shall  transcribe  all  the  folk-lore  materials  in  the  standard  Spanish  alphabet. 


SPANISH  FOLK-LORE  141 

Ya  murio  la  flor  de  mayo,  ya  murip  en  el  mes  de  abril ; 
ya  murio  la  que  reinaba  en  la  ciudad  de  Madrid. 

CAMINO  DEL  CALVARIO 

For  el  rastro  de  la  cruz  que  Jesucrito  llevaba 
camina  la  Virgen  Pura  en  una  fresca  manana. 
Como  era  tan  de  manana  la  hora  que  caminaba 
las  campanas  de  Belen  todas  tocaban  el  alba. 
Encontro   a  San  Juan  Bautista   y  de   esta   manera  le 

habla : 

— ,;No  me  has  visto  por  aqui  al  hijo  de  mis  entranas? 
— Por  aqui  paso,  senora,  antes  que  el  gallo  cantara. 
Cinco  mil  azotes  lleva  en  sus  sagradas  espaldas. 
Tres  clavos  lleva  en  sus  manos  con  que  ha  de  ser  en- 

clavado, 

y  una  corona  de  espinas  con  que  ha  de  ser  coronado. 
Una  cruz  lleva  en  sus  hombros  de  madera  muy  pesada ; 
tanto  el  peso  le  rendia  que  caia  y  se  levantaba ; 
una  soga  en  su  garganta,  que  era  una  pena  doblada. 
Cada  estiron  que  le  daban  mi  Jesus  se  arrodillaba. 
Al  punto  que  oyo  la  Virgen  cayo  al  suelo  desmayada. 
San  Juan,  como  buen    sobrino,  luego  acudio   a  levan- 

tarla. 

— Levantese,  tia  mia,  que  no  es  tiempo  de  tardanza; 
que  el  martirio  de  Jesus  es  libertad  de  las  almas. 

This  last  ballad,  which  is  the  Taos  version  of  a  very 
old  traditional  Spanish  ballad  dating  from  the  XVth  cen- 
tury or  earlier,  is  a  very  vivid  account  of  a  traditional 
episode  of  the  tragedy  of  Golgotha.  My  father  tells  me  that 
it  is  part  of  the  repertoire  of  religious  songs  that  describe 
the  Passion  of  the  Saviour  and  form  the  Holy  Week  ritual 
of  the  Hermanos  Penitentes,  the  New  Mexico  flagellants, 
the  last  and  degenerate  sons  of  the  Third  Order  of  St. 
Francis  that  still  exist  and  practice  their  rites  in  New 
Mexico  and  Southern  Colorado.  Their  organizers  and 
leaders  in  the  New  World  were  the  early  Franciscan  mis- 
sionaries. Other  interesting  old  religious  ballads  may  be 
found  in  the  ritual  of  this  society.5 


5.     For  a   general   account   of  the   history   of   the   New-Mexican    flagellants   see   my 
article,   Los  Hermanoa  Penilentcs,   in    The   Catholic   Encyclopedia. 


142          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Just  as  important  as  the  old  romances,  in  some  respects 
even  more  important,  are  the  New-Mexican  Spanish  folk- 
tales. The  number  of  these  must  be  very  large.  In  all  my 
collections  already  published  the  number  does  not  reach 
fifty.  In  fact  I  have  published  only  some  thirty  really 
long  traditional  tales.  The  study  of  the  New-Mexican  Span- 
ish folk-tales  has  always  been  important  because  it  helps 
us  to  trace  very  definitely  the  Indian  influence,  if  any.  The 
New-Mexican  materials  are,  for  the  most  part,  Spanish  and 
traditional.  The  Indians  have  been  influenced  by  the  Span- 
ish in  the  folk-tale  transmission,  but  the  reverse  influence 
has  been  found  to  be  negligible.  My  trip  to  Spain  in  1920 
has  convinced  me  of  this  fact  absolutely,  although  before 
the  Spanish  expedition  I  had  expressed  the  same  view.  The 
New-Mexican  Spanish  version  of  the  Tar-Baby  story,  for 
example,  is  one  derived  from  the  Spanish  Sanson  story 
found  by  me  in  Spain,  and  the  Spanish  tale  as  well  as  the 
well-known  negro  tales  of  similar  character  are  all  in  fact 
modern  versions  of  the  old  Hindu  tale  of  the  Demon  with 
the  matted  hair.  The  Engilsh  folk-lorist  Joseph  Jacobs  is 
substantially  of  the  same  opinion.  In  fact  it  is  very  pro- 
bable that  the  tale  has  travelled  from  India  to  Europe  and 
from  Europe  to  Africa  and  America  through  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  versions,  as  Dr.  Elsie  Clews  Parsons  has  very 
well  shown.9 

To  give  even  a  brief  account  of  the  folk-tales  of  Span- 
ish provenience  that  may  be  found  in  New  Mexico  would 
take  us  far  beyond  the  limits  of  this  article.  I  may  give 
a  comparison  to  illustrate  the  abundance  of  the  traditional 
material  that  I  confidently  believe  is  still  waiting  in  New 
Mexico  for  the  pious  sympathy  of  some  scholar.  During 
my  six  months  stay  in  Spain  in  the  year  1920  collecting 
Spanish  folk-tales  I  collected  some  three  hundred  old  tales 
of  the  greatest  interest  for  comparative  folk-lore  studies. 
It  is  my  guess  that  a  similar  number  of  old  Spanish  f  olk- 


6.    See  Joseph   Jacobs,   Indian  Fairy   Tales,   London,    1892,    page   9,   and   folk-Lore, 
vol.  XXX,  pages  227-234,  London,   1919. 


SPANISH  FOLK-LORE  143 

tales  could  be  collected  yet  in  New  Mexico  in  the  same 
length  of  time.  New-Mexican  tradition  represents  a  very 
archaic  epoch  with  very  little  foreign  influence  since  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  ceuntury.  A  collection  of 
some  ten  or  more  versions  of  the  well-known  picaresque 
tale  of  Pedro  de  Urdemalas  alone  would  be  at  present  a 
very  desirable  project.  My  few  New-Mexican  versions 
published  in  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore  awakened 
a  genuine  interest  in  the  genre  throughout  the  Spanish- 
speaking  countries  and  recently  some  have  been  published 
from  Chile  by  Ramon  A.  Laval.7 

Comparative  studies  in  the  folk-tale  material  reveal  to 
us  surprising  procedures  in  folk-loristic  psychology.  With- 
out entering  into  a  detailed  comparative  study  of  the  mate- 
rial I  give  below  versions  of  a  Spanish  tale,  both  modern 
versions  of  an  old  tale  from  India,  one  found  in  the  Pants- 
chatantra  and  the  Calila  and  Digna.  Both  Spanish  versions, 
the  one  being  one  found  by  me  in  Spain  in  1920,  the  other 
in  New  Mexico  and  recited  to  me  by  my  mother  many  years 
ago  and  recorded  for  publication  in  1912,  date,  no  doubt, 
from  a  time  when  the  Calila  and  Digna  popularized  the 
Arabic  versions  in  Spain  in  the  Xlllth  and  XlVth  centur- 
ies.8 Both  are  excellent  examples  of  the  vigor  of  Spanish 
tradition  in  isolated  districts  in  Toro,  Spain,  and  New 
Mexico. 

The  two  Spanish  versions  follow.  I  may  add  that  the 
Spanish  version  from  Toro,  Spain,  was  the  very  first  tale 
collected  by  me  in  Spain.  The  reader  can  imagine  the  joy 
and  surprise  I  received  when  I  heard  this  my  first  penin- 
sular Spanish  find  of  what  was  to  be  a  collection  of  some 
three  hundred,  and  recalled  the  similar,  almost  identical 
version  that  I  had  heard  when  a  child  from  the  lips  of  my 
mother.  Perhaps  other  and  longer  versions  may  yet  ap- 
pear from  New  Mexico. 


7.  Ctientos  de  Pedro  de    Urdemales,   Santiago  de   Chile,    1925. 

8.  See  Theodore  Benfey,  Pantschatantra,  Leipzig,   1869,  vol.  I.  pages  609-610. 


144         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

•-.*• 

A.  Version  from  Toro,  Spain 

LA  PEGA  Y  sus  PEGUITOS 
(The  magpie  and  her  little  ones) 

Habia  una  vez  una  pega  que  vivia  en  un  ponjo  donde 
tenia  un  nido  con  varios  peguitos.  Todos  los  dias  venia  un 
zorro  y  le  decia  a  la  pega : 

— 'Peguita,  dame  un  peguito, 
que  si  no  te  corto  el  ponjo. 

La  pega,  con  grande  dolor  de  su  corazon,  le  tiraba  del 
ponjo  un  peguito  y  el  picaro  del  zorro  se  lo  comia.  Volvia 
el  zorro  y  pasaba  siempre  lo  mismo.  El  zorro  le  decia  a  la 
pega  que  le  diera  un  peguito  y  que  si  no  le  cortaba  el  ponjo. 
y  la  pega,  con  grande  dolor  de  su  corazon,  le  tiraba  uno. 

Ya  el  zorro  acababa  con  los  peguitos,  cuando  llego  un 
dia  a  visitar  a  la  pega  su  primo,  el  alcaravan.  Cuando 
£ste  se  entero  de  lo  que  pasaba  le  dijo  a  su  prima,  la  pega : — 
Si  el  zorro  viene  otra  vez  no  le^des  un  peguito.  Y  si  te  dice 
que  te  corta  el  ponjo  le  dices  tu : 

El  hocil  si  corta  el  ponjo, 
pero  no  el  rabo  (d)el  raposo. 

Se  fue  el  alcaravan  y  a  poco  Ileg6  el  zorro  y  le  dijo  a  la 
pega: 

— Peguita,  dame  un  peguito, 
que  si  no,  te  corto  el  ponjo. 

Y  la  pega  le  respondio  como  le  habia  dicho  su  primo,  el 
alcaravan : 

— El  hocil  si  corta  el  ponjo, 
pero  no  el  rabo  (d)el  raposo. 

El  zorro  le  dijo  entonces  a  la  pega : — I  Quien  te  ha  dicho 
que  me  dijeras  eso?  Seguramente  fue  tu  primo,  el  alcara- 
van. Pues  yo  le  pillare  culo  arriba  en  un  cascajal.  Y  con 
efecto  el  zorro  se  dio  mafia  para  coger  al  alcaravan.  Lo 
cogi6  y  se  lo  trago  vivo.  El  pobre  del  alcaravan  le  decia 
desde  la  tripa: — Sueltame,  hermano  zorro.  Dejame  salir. 
El  zorro  se  negaba  a  ello  y  por  fin  le  dijo  el  alcaravan : — 
Ya  que  no  quieres  dejarme  salir  por  lo  menos  vete  delante 
del  ponjo  de  mi  prima,  la  pega,  y  grita  desde  alii  bien  alto 
para  que  todos  se  enteren:  \  Alcaravan  comi! 

Asi  lo  hizo  el  zorro.  Fue  y  se  puso  delante  del  ponjo  de 


SPANISH  FOLK-LORE  145 

la  pega  y  grito  muy  alto : — \  Alcaravan  comi !  Pero  al  gritar 
abrio  la  boca  tan  grande  que  el  alcaravan  se  escape  y  ex- 
clamo : —  ;  A  otro,  que  no  a  mi ! 

B,  Version  from  New  Mexico9 
LA  PALOMA  Y  sus  PICHONES 

Una  paloma  viyia  en  el  monte  y  tenia  un  nido  en  un 
encino  con  cuatro  pichoncitos.  Un  dia  llego  un  coyote  y  le 
dijo: 

— Paloma,  dame  uno  de  tus  pichones. 

Y  la  paloma  le  respondio: 

— No,  no  te  lo  doy. 

Entpnces  le  dijo  el  coyote: 

— Si  no  me  lo   das,  te  corto  el   encino  y  me  los   como 
todos. 

Y  coinenzo  colazo  y  colazo  a  darle  al  encino.  La  pobre 
paloma  se  espanto  y  de  miedo  le  tiro  uno  de  sus  pichones 
y  le  coyote  lo  agarro  y  se  lo  comio. 

Luego  llego  el  calvo  (el  palomo)  y  hallo  a  la  pobre  pa- 
loma llorando  y  le  dijo: — iPor  que  lloras?  Y  la  paloma  le 
respondio:  — i.Como  no  he  de  llorar?  Vino  el  coyote  y  me 
quito  uno  de  mis  pichoncitos.  — £Pa  que  se  lo  diste? — le 
dijo  el  calvo.  Y  la  paloma  le  respondio:  Porque  me  dijo  que 
si  no  le  daba  uno  me  cortaba  el  encino  y  se  los  comia  todos. 
Y  el  calvo  le  dijo  entonces: — Si  vuelve  a  venir  no  le  des 
nada.  Y  si  te  dice  que  te  corta  el  encino  y  se  los  come  todos 
le  dices: 

Haeha,  burro,  corta  encino, 
no  cola  de  raposino. 

A  poco  que  se  fue  el  calvo  vino  de  nuevo  el  coyote  y  le 
dijo  a  la  paloma: 

— Paloma,  darne  uno  de  tus  pichones. 

Y  la  paloma  le  respondio : 

— No,  no  te  lo  doy. 

Entpnces  le  dijo  el  coyote : 

— Si  no  me  lo  das  te  corto  el  encino  y  me  los  como  todos. 

Y  la  paloma  le  dijo  entonces : 


9.  I  am  calling  this  a  New-Mexican  version  because  I  believe  it  is  really  a  tale 
that  may  belong  to  New-Mexican  tradition,  but  just  how  long  it  has  been  divorced 
from  a  peninsular  Spanish  tradition  I  would  not  pretend  to  determine.  My  mother 
learned  it  from  her  mother,  but  beyond  that  we  do  not  know  from  where  it  came. 
My  mother's  paternal  grandmother  came  directly  from  Spain  toward  the  end  of  the 
XVIIIth  century  and  she  may  have  brought  the  tale  from  her  home  in  Castile. 


146          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

— -Hacha,  burro,  corta  encino, 
no  cola  de  raposino 

El  coyote  se  fue  muy  nojao,  maliciando  que  el  calvo 
era  el  de  la  culpa  y  lo  hallo  bebiendo  agua  en  un  ojito.  Arri- 
mandose  poco  a  poco  y  muy  quedito,  lo  pesco  y  le  dijo: — 
Ora  si  te  voy  a  comer,  porque  tu  fuiste  el  que  le  dijiste  a  la 
paloma  que  no  me  diera  otro  pichon.  Y  el  calvo  le  res- 
pondio: —  No,  manito  coyotito,  no  me  mates.  Mira  que  yo 
soy  el  rey  de  todas  las  aves  y  yo  te  llevare  onde  te  las  comas 
todas.  Subete  arriba  de  aquella  lomita  y  te  paras  en  las 
patas  de  atras  y  gritas:  jAlcaravan  comi!  y  todas  las 
aves  vendran  y  te  las  comeras. 

El  coyote  dijo  que  estaba  bueno,  que  asi  lo  haria.  Y 
se  fue  como  el  calvo  le  dijo  pa  arriba  de  la  lomita,  se  paro 
en  las  patas  de  atras  y  abri6  la  boca  muy  grande  pa  gritar 
lo  que  el  calvo  le  habia  dicho.  Pero  abrio  la  boca  tan  grande 
cuando  grito  \  Alcaravan  comi !  que  el  calvo  se  escape  y 
le  dijo : —  i  M —  comiste ! 

New  Mexico  seems  to  be  particularly  rich  in  tradi- 
tional Spanish  proverbs  and  riddles.  Some  of  these  are  in 
assonance  or  rhyme  and  represent  very  archaic  materials. 
A  complete  or  fairly  complete  collection  of  the  New-Mexi- 
can Spanish  proverbs  would  be  easy  to  compile  among  the 
Spanish  pupils  in  the  schools.  They  could  be  asked  to  col- 
lect them  in  their  homes  and  some  one  could  arrange  them 
and  publish  them.  The  same  might  be  done  with  the  riddles. 
These  last  are  often  presented  in  the  form  of  decimas  or 
riddle-tales.  My  own  published  collection  of  proverbs  con- 
tains six  hundred  and  one  and  the  riddles  number  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty-five.  The  proverbs  are  of  the  greatest  pos- 
sible interest.  Of  the  entire  six  hundred  and  one  in  my 
publication  exactly  four  hundred  and  twenty,  or  about  sev- 
enty per  cent  are  to  be  found  in  the  Diccinario  de  la  Lengua 
Espanola  published  recently  in  the  15th  edition  by  the 
Royal  Spanish  Academy.  In  other  words  seventy  per- 
cent of  the  entire  collection  (with  here  and  there  insigni- 
ficant changes  in  words  or  dialectic  changes)  are  part  of 
the  general  store  house  of  Spanish  proverb  tradition  so 
skillfully  used  by  the  great  Cervantes  in  the  mouth  of  San- 


SPANISH  FOLK-LORE  147 

cho  Panza.    The  following,  which  I  select  at  random  from 
my  published  collection,  may  be  given  as  examples : 

A.  In  assonance  or  rhyme 

El  que  se  enoja  no  moja  ni  come  maiz  de  la  troja. 

El  que  tiene  hi  jo  varon  que  no  de  voces  ni  preg6n. 

El  que  nacio  para  guaje  haste  jumate  no  para. 

El  que  da  lo  que  ha  menester  el  diablo  se  rie  de  61. 

El  muerto  al  pozo  y  el  vivo  al  negocio. 

El  que  a  las  ocho  no  se  va  a  las  nueve  I  que  espera  ?  Que  lo 

agarren  de  la  mano  y  lo  echen  fuera? 
El  que  regala  bien  vende  y  el  que  lo  recibe  lo  entiende. 
Eres  come  Juan  Gomez  tu  lo  das  y  tu  te  lo  comes. 
El  que  da  lo  que  tiene  no  desea  lo  que  ve. 
El  que  de  santo  resbala  hasta  el  infierno  no  para. 
El  dinero  del  mezquino  dos  veces  anda  el  camino. 
El  martes  ni  te  cases  ni  te  embarques. 
Favor  referido  ni  de  Dios  ni  del  diablo  es  agradecido. 
Haz  bien  y  no  acates  a  quien. 
Hace  mas  el  que  quiere  que  el  que  tiene. 
La  suerte  de  la  fea  la  bonita  la  desea. 

No  hay  dolor  que  dure  cien  anos  ni  enfermo  que  lo  aguante. 
Natural  y  figura  haste  la  sepultura. 
No  prometas  ni  a  los  santos  votos  ni  a  los  ninos  bollos. 
Piensa  el  ladron  que  todos  son  de  su  condici6n. 
Recaudo  hace  cocina,  no  Catalina. 
Si  quieres  pasar  mal  dia  deja  tu  casa  y  vente  a  la  mia. 
Tanto  va  el  cantaro  al  agua  hasta  que  se  cae. 
Vale  mas  saber  que  tener. 
Vanidad  y  probreza  son  de  un  pieza. 
Zamora  no  se  gano  en  una  hora. 

B.  Not  in  assonance  or  rhyme 

A  palabras  necias  oidos  sordos. 

A  cada  uno  su  gusto  le  engorda. 

Asi  le  paga  el  diablo  al  que  bien  le  sirve. 

Al  que  se  hace  de  miel  se  lo  comen  las  moscas. 

A  la  bondad  le  dicen  salvajada. 

Al  caballo  y  al  amigo  no  hay  que  apurarles. 

Al  que  Dios  se  la  tiene  San  Pedro  se  la  bendice. 

Al  que  tiene  manada  le  dan  potrillito. 

Buen  abogado  mal  vecino. 

Caras  vemos  pero  corazones  no. 


148          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Con  la  vara  que  mides  seras  medido. 

Con  deseos  no  se  hacen  templos. 

Cada  loco  con  su  tema  y  yo  con  mi  terquedad. 

Cuando  el  diablo  reza  enganar  quiere. 

De  tal  palo  tal  astilla. 

Digotelo  a  ti,  mi  hija,  y  entiendetelo  tu,  mi  nuera. 

El  que  busca  el  peligro  cae  en  el. 

El  que  da  un  paso  da  dos. 

El  que  ha  de  ser  real    sencillo  aunque  ande   entre  los  do- 

blones. 

El  que  esta  hecho  al  mal  el  bien  le  ofende. 
La  esperanza  no  engorda  pero  mantiene. 
La  caridad  bien  ordenada  comienza  por  si  mismo. 
No*  hay  mal  que  por  bien  no  venga. 
^Para  que  quiere  lavandera  el  que  no  tiene  camisa? 
Pajaros  de  una  misma  pluma  se  reconocen. 
Se  espantan  los  muertos  de  los  degollados. 
Vale  mas  un  toma-toma  qeu  un  aguardate-tantito. 

The  riddles,  although  not  so  numerous  as  the  proverbs, 
are  just  as  important  for  folk-lore  studies.  They  are  fre- 
quently more  archaic,  especially  those  preserved  in  poetic 
form.  There  is  one  type  that  is  of  special  value  for  com- 
parative folk-lore,  the  long  and  complicated  riddle  that  is 
preserved  in  oral  tradition  in  the  form  of  a  decima.  A  de- 
cima  is  in  Spanish  a  poetic  composition  in  hendecasyllabic 
or  octosyllabic  metre  in  five  strophaic  groups,  the  first  of 
four  verses  and  the  last  four  of  ten  each.  The  popular  de- 
cima is  found  in  all  Spanish-speaking  countries  and  on  al- 
most any  subject.  Political  subjects  are  frequently  treated 
in  the  decimas.  In  Spanish  literature  they  are  very  old. 
In  the  riddle-decima  we  have,  therefore,  a  popular  poetic 
composition  of  great  interest  and  importance  and  a  tradi- 
tional genre  that  very  eloquently  gives  testimony  of  the 
vigor  of  Spanish  tradition.  It  is  most  surprising  that  such 
long  compositions  should  be  handed  down  in  oral  tradition 
and  preserved  so  long  unchanged.  A  collection  of  these 
riddle-decimas  from  New  Mexico  is  published  in  my  Ro- 
mancero  Nuevomejlcano  already  mentioned.  But  that  col- 


SPANISH  FOLK-LORE 


149 


lection  is  small  and  we  need  many  more.     The  following 
one  will  serve  as  an  example: 

El  dia  en  que  yo  naci 
ese  dia  m«  bautizaron; 
ese  dia  pedi  mujer, 
y  ese  dia  me  casaron. 


ConfiieBo  que  aoy  criatura, 
,y  de  la  tierra  naci; 
y  antes  de  f-ormarm<e  a  mi 
'hicieron  mi  sepialtura. 
Y  me  vide  en  tal  altura 
qne  mnchos  me  respetaron, 
€on  cuatro  letras  me  hfc 
y  para  mas  entender, 
hi  ego  qu«  yo  tuve  e!  ser, 
on  la  horn  me  bautizaron. 


Mi  madre  es  una  criatura 
que  no  tiene  entendimiento 
ni  luz  ni  conocimento; 
iii  sabe  hablar  pnrque  es  muda, 
Mi  padre  es  imagen  pura, 
ancomprensible,  y  asf 
qae  h^biendome  rriado  a  mi 
-con  su  poder  sinsegundo, 
trie  nombro  solo  en  el  murido 
en  el  dia  en  que  naci. 


Fui  en  el  nacer  admirable, 
porque  no  soy  engendrado, 
ni  tampoco  bautizado 
•en  la  iglesia,  nuestra  madre, 
y  para  qtre  mas  les  cuadre; 
tres  y  uno  solo  me  criaron; 
por  mi  nombre  me  ilarnaron, 
y  para  m^s .  entender, 
lueg    que  yo  tuve  el  ser, 
en  la  hora  me  bautisaron. 

Yo  soy  padre  de  mi  herrnana 
y  me  tuvo  por  esposo; 
pues  Dios,  come  poderoso 
m-j  la  did  por  desposada. 
Pues  ella  no  fue  engendrada, 
Dios  la  crio  con  su  poder. 
De  mi  edad  la  quiso  hacer 
con  su  poder  infinito; 
y  yo,  por  no  estar  solito, 

ese  dia  pedi  mujer. 

(Adat\ 


In  the  field  of  popular  poetry  New  Mexico  is  indeed 
a  veritable  mine  of  folk-loristic  materials,  important  both 
as  traditional  legendary  material  and  as  new  native  pro- 
duct. We  have  already  spoken  of  the  romances  tradiciona- 
les  or  popular  ballads,  the  proverbs  and  riddles.  There 
are  many  other  genres.  Of  those  not  yet  discussed  perhaps 
the  most  important  is  the  copla  popular  or  octosyllabic 
quatrain  known  in  New  Mexico  as  verso.  Echar  versos,  to 
compose,  sing  or  recite  the  popular  coplas  or  versos  was 
during  the  XVIIIth  and  XlXth  centuries  a  popular  pastime 
in  New  Mexico  at  almost  any  social  gathering.  Sometimes 
they  took  the  form  of  poetic  competitions  and  the  canta- 

10 


150         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

dores  or  popular  poets  and  singers,  the  jongleurs  and  tron- 
badours  of  New  Mexico,  were  held  in  high  esteem  among: 
the  people.  These  popular  poets,  of  whom,  let  us  hope, 
there  may  exist  yet  a  few  in  New  Mexico,  are  the  same  ones 
that  compose  and  sing  and  recite  any  kind  of  popular  poetic 
composition,  but  the  verso  was  the  most  popular  genre 
cultivated  by  them.  At  baptisms,  at  weddings,  at  the  pren- 
dorios  and  other  important  social  events,  and  between  the 
copitas  de  vino,  or  something  a  little  stronger,  the  canta- 
dorcs  were  the  center  of  attraction  and  interest.  The  mono- 
tonous tones  of  the  guitarrista  or  the  more  melodious  me- 
lancholy music  of  the  New-Mexican  violinista  accompanied 
as  a  rule  the  popular  cantador  in  his  entertainment. 

A  very  large  and  important  part  of  the  repertoire  of 
versos  of  the  New-Mexican  cantador  have  always  been  tra- 
ditional material  that  came  from  Spain,  and  It  is  therefore 
similar  to  that  found  in  all  Spanish  countries.  In  fact  the 
institution  itself  of  echar  versos  is  not  of  New-Mexican 
origin.  The  old  Spanish  juglar  and  trovador  of  the  past 
ages  that,  at  the  courts  King  John  II  in  the  XVth  century, 
or  even  earlier,  sang  in  popular  song  the  deeds  of  the  old 
Spanish  heroes  or  the  tragic  loves  of  the  Provenzal  trou- 
badours, is  the  direct  ancestor  of  the  New-Mexican  canta- 
dor just  as  the  Spanish  Franciscan  friar  of  the  XVth  cen- 
tury is  the  direct  ancestor  of  the  modern  degenerate  peni- 
tente  who  flogs  himself  in  public  despite  the  admonitions 
of  his  ecclesiastical  superiors.  The  material  of  the  verso 
popular,  however,  is  not  entirely  old.  These  versos  are  a 
constant  growth  and  new  forms  appear  every  day.  Many 
of  them  are  of  a  proverbial  or  sententious  character  and 
may  be  changed  and  adapted  to  fit  almost  any  occasion. 
The  versos  are  the  philosophy  of  the  people  and  express  in 
beautiful  and  rhythmic  verse  the  feelings  and  ideas  of  the 
Spanish  people.  The  real  character  of  the  Spanish  race 
may  be  very  well  studied  in  the  popular  copla.  In  it  are  ex- 
pressed its  joys  and  its  sorrows,  its  hopes  and  its  skeptic- 
ism, its  sentiments,  feelings  and  ideas.  In  short  it  express- 
es the  life  of  the  people  in  artistic  form.  My  collection  of  po- 


SPANISH  FOLK-LORE  151 

piiiar  coplas  or  versos  contains  about  one  thousand  and  is 
-as  yet  unpublished.  The  collection  being  now  so  large  it  is 
desirable  to  make  it  as  complete  as  possible  and  for  that 
reason  I  hope  that  New-Mexican  teachers  and  others  who 
may  be  able  to  collect  material  may  be  good  enough  to  send 
It  to  me.  No  doubt  there  will  be  many  repetitions  and  du- 
plicate versions  sent,  but  the  task  is  well  worth  while.  Col- 
lections have  been  published  of  popular  coplas  from  various 
parts  of  Spain  by  Rodriguez  Marin  in  his  five  volume  edi- 
tion of  Cantos  Populares  Espanvles  (Madrid,  1882-1884), 
Ledesma  in  his  Cancionero  Castellano,  etc.  Our  New-Mexi- 
can collection  promises  to  be  even  larger  and  more  import- 
ant than  these  if  our  New-Mexican  friends  will  continue 
their  active  help. 

The  New-Mexican  verso  is  an  octosyllabic  quatrain 
that  expresses  in  its  four  short  verses  a  complete  judgment 
or  idea.  The  verses  are  as  a  rule  united  by  assonance  or 
rhyme.  When  in  assonance  only  the  second  and  fourth  ver- 
ses are  so  joined.  This  metre  is  the  Spanish  national  metre 
par  excellence  and  is  the  verse  of  the  Classic,  and  XlXth 
century  drama.  The  following  New-Mexican  versos,  taken 
at  random  from  my  collection,  will  serve  as  examples  of 
this  poetic  genre  known  to  all  New  Mexicans.  I  confident- 
ly believe  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  New  Mexican 
of  Spanish  descent  who  could  not  recite  or  sing  at  least  a 
half  dozen  of  them.  The  local  newspapers  printed  in  Span- 
ish often  publish  a  few  of  them  and  a  small  collection  could 
be  compiled  from  these  newspapers  alone. 

1  3 

Dicen  que  lo  negro  es  triste,  Antenoche  fui  a  tu  casa 

yo  digo  que  no  es  verdad;  y  vide  luz  en  tu  ventana; 

tu  tienes  los  ojos  negros  era  la  luz  de  tus  ojos, 

y  eres  mi  felicidad.  lucero  de  la  manana. 

2  4 

De  tu  ventana  a  la  mia  De  los  chinos  de  tu  frente 

me  tirates  dos  abrazos;  me  daras  una  semilla, 

uno  se  quedo  en  el  aire  para  sembrar  en  1'  oriente 

y  el  otro  se  hizo  pedazos.  una  rosa  de  Castilla. 


152 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


El  rio  grande  va  crecido 
y  el  chiqurto  va  hecho  tin  mar, 
Manuelito  ea  la  otra  banda 
y  yo  sin  poder  paaar. 

6 

Ya  la  luua  tieae  cueiHOS 
j  el  lucero  la  acoinpana. 
jAy,  que  triste  queda  un  hombre 
cuando  una  guera  lo  engana  I 

7 

Vale  mas  morir  a  palos 
que  de  eeios  padecer; 
vale  mas  querer  a  un  perro 
que  no  a  una  iagrata  mujey, 

8- 

Cuatro  palomitas  blancaa, 
sentadas  en  un  romero, 
una  a  la  otra  se  deeian :- 
—No  hay  amor  coino  el  primero. 

9 

Dices  que  me  quieres  tanto 
no  me  subas  ran  arriba,. 
que  las  hojas  en  el  arboi 
no  duran  toda  la  vida. 

10 

Arbolito  enfloreeido. 
verde,  color  de  esperanza; 
mi  corazon  no  te  olvida 
ni  de  quererte  se  cansa. 

11 

Ninguno  cante  vitoria 
aunque  en  el  estribo  este^ 
que  muchos  en  el  estribo 
se  suelen  quedar  a  pie. 


12 

Si  Dios  me  diera  dinero- 
como  aren&a  tiene  el  mar,, 
gastaria  como  un  )ocor 
todoa  los  dias  un  real. 

IS 

Me  ban  dicho  que  tienes  otro 
qu-e  lo  qaieres  mas  que  a  mi. 
Gozalo  pur  mucnos  aaos; 
no  le  pagues  como  a  mi. 

14 

Cuando  un  pcbre  te  emb 
y  un  rico  en  sa  compania, 
Ja  del  pobre  es  borraehera,. 
la  del  rico  es  alegria. 

15 

La  que  se  casa  con  viejo 
ha  de  tener  dos  traLajt.  s, 
el  sobarle  las  rodillas 
y  estirarle  los  zancajos. 

16 

jMal  haya  la  ropa  negra 
y  el  sastie  que  la  corto! 
Mi  morena  tiene  Juto 
sin  que  r»e  haya  muerto  yo- 

17 

Cuando  quise  no  quisites 
y  ahora  que  quieres  no  quiero; 
llora  tu  tu  aoledad 
que  yo  la  Here  primero. 

18 

De  tus  hermosos  cabellos 
me  daras  para  un  cordon, 
y  yo  te  dare  por  elloa 
la  vida  y  el  corazon. 


A  subject  that  has  a  direct  relation  to  New-Mexican 
Spanish  ethnology  and  folk-lore  is  New-Mexican  music. 
We  find  here,  of  course,  that  Spanish  tradition  is  also  very 
strong.  When  I  travelled  through  the  villages  of  Old  Cas- 
tile during  my  trip  to  Spain  in  1920  I  was  more  than  once 


SPAOTSH  FOLK-LORE  153 

agreably  surprised  to  find  that  a  New-Mexican  ionadilla 
or  tune  known  to  me  since  childhood  was  practically  the 
same  as  one  yet  current  in  Castile,  In  Salas  de  los  Infantes, 
near  Burgos,  I  heard  a  few  Christmas  carols  sung  by  chil- 
dren and  there  was  among  these  one, 

Senora  Santa  Ana, 
Senor  San  Joaquin, 

Arrollad  este  nino, 
Se  quiere  dorrnir, 

that  had  the  "same  words  and  practically  the  same  tune  as 
the  New-Mexican  one,  showing  evidently  a  direct  relation. 
The  history  of  Spanish  popular  music  is  a,  subject  that  is 
unknown  to  me,  but  I  venture  to  suggest  that  in  New  Mex- 
ico there  are  important  materials  for  its  study  in  the  New 
World.  One  thing  is  certain.  There  seems  to  be  in  the 
music  and  also  in  the  development  of  the  popular  dances 
some  native  Indian  influence.  In  the  music  of  the  popular, 
traditional  poetic  forms  there  may  be  little  or  no  Indian  in- 
fluence whatever.  The  following,  for  example,  are  tunes 
to  which  are  sung  popular  versos,  and  these,  I  believe,  are 
really  of  Spanish  source: 


ife 


negroes  tns-te,    yo     di-go     que  nq_es  ver-dad 


3P 


Tu  'tie-nes     lo»     o  -jjoa  n»-groft    XjP*res  mi        f«  »  li   •  ci  -  dad. 
CHORUS:  prtstinimo,  mareafo. 


=#±* 

La,    la,  Ja,      la.  etc. 


im 


154          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 
N?4 


i  J  J.M  J 

1*   •  "ftJ1  **' 


De    lo»  chi-no»    to 


frea  -to 


dur 


ni-Jla,  pa- 

pr^ftuimo^marcato. 


na     ro-aa  de  Cas  -  ti  -  lla. 


U,    U,     U,  U,«ta 


The  music  of  the  follov/ing  indita,  however,  betrays 
SL  very  decided  Indian  influence.  The  term  indita  has  a 
variety  of  meanings  in  New-Mexican  Spanish.  It  may  mean 
a  modern  type  of  ballad  written  either  in  the  traditional 
octosyllabic  romance-  verse  or  in  octosyllabic  quintillas  or 
five  verse  strophies.  But  it  also  denotes  a  popular  song  and 
dance  formed  after  the  pattern  of  the  Spanish  jota  that  may 
be  a  song,  a  dance,  or  both.  The  following  indita  is  one  of 
the  second  type,  and  any  one  that  has  heard  native  New- 
Mexican  Indian  music  will  at  once  observe  the  Indian  flavor 
of  its  notes.  The  way  the  Spanish  octosyllabic  verse  with 
a  perfectly  well  defined  iambic  accentuation  and  asson- 
anced  scheme  has  been  combined  and  harmonized  with 
music  of  Indian  source  (probably  of  the  Pueblo  type)  or 
at  least  strongly  influenced  by  it  is  explained  only  by  the 
fact  that  primitive  rhythm,  the  only  indispensable  and  ab- 
solutely essential  principle  in  verse  or  music,  is  not  the 
special  patrimony  of  any  people  or  race. 

LA  INDITA  DE  COCHITI 

|Mal  haya  las  indias  Juanas 
y  el  alma  que  las  pario, 
que  como  no  son  cristianas 


SPANISH  FOLK-LOKE 


155 


Teniegan  de  quien  las  crio! 
Indita,  indita,  indita, 
indita  de  Cochiti; 
no  le  hace  que  sea  indita, 
al  cabo  no  soy  pa  ti. 


:fc 


Mai         ha-ya   las   io-dbs      Jua-nas  y        el  altna  que  Us  pa» 


que       CD  -mono  son  cris  -  tia-nas          rt    -    nie-gaq  de  quien  las 


crj6 


m 


que     co-mo  no  son  cris  -    tia  -  nas       re    -     oie-gan  de  quien 


156          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


DON  JUAN  DE  ONATE  AND  THE  FOUNDING 
OF  NEW  MEXICO 

By  George  P,  Hammond,  PR.  D. 

Chapter  I1L 
Don  Pedro  Ponce  de  Leozs 

Ponce  Plans  to  Conquer  Neiv  Mexico.  l*n  the  early 
months  of  1596,  there  appeared  on  the  scene  still  another 
competitor  in  the  person,  of  Bon  Pedro  Ponce  d'e  Leonr 
Count  of  Batten,  ambitious  to  undertake  the  conquest  of 
New  Mexico.  He  wag  not  a  total  stranger  in  New  Spain,111 
for  he  had  g&ne  there  with  the  Count  of  Coruna,  who  had 
served  as  viceroy  from  1580  till  his  death  in  1582V12  Presum- 
ably Ponce  had  soon  again  returned  to  Europe  as  he  does 
not  reappear  in  the  records  of  New  Spain,  but  during  1596 
and  1597,  while  seeking  to  win  the  leadership  of  the  New 
Mexico  project,  he  frequently  occupied  the  attention  of  the 
Council  of  the  Indies. 

Before  the  month  of  April,  1596,  had  progressed  very 
far  he  had  petitioned  the  king  for  the  right  to  lead  an  ex- 
pedition for  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico.  On  the  7th  the 
Council  of  the  Indies  drew  up  a  statement  in  regard  to 
Ponce  which  disclosed  the  fact  that  he  had  by  that  time 
memorialized  the  crown  for  the  right  to  undertake  the 
coveted  enterprise.118  His  purpose  in  assuming  the  direc- 
tion of  this  great  undertaking  was,  according  to  his  own 
statement,  entirely  unselfish.  He  openly  boasted  that 
nothing  other  than  the  desire  of  furthering  the  service  of 
his  majesty  could  induce  him  to  leave  Spain.  The  station 
in  life  which  he  filled  was  already  secure.  His  ancestors 
as  counts  of  Bailen  had  never  experienced  want,  but  had 
always  been  able  to  serve  the  king.  His  object  therefore 


111.  The  Council    of  the  Indies  to  the  king,  April  7,  1596,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Does., 
293. 

112.  Priestley,   The  Mexican  Nation,   88-89. 

113.  The  Council  to  the  king,  April  7,  1596,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  293. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  157 

was  to  distinguish  himself  above  his  forbears  in  some  not- 
able manner,  and  he  purposed  to  win  that  glory  by  ex- 
tending the  dominions  of  the  king  to  New  Mexico.  He 
sought  no  reward  till  the  goal  had  been  achieved,  but  actu- 
ally insisted  that  none  be  provided.114 

The  Council  Supports  Ponce.  When  the  Council  took 
Ponce's  memorials  under  consideration,  it  was  already  in 
possession  of  the  letter  written  by  the  Count  of  Monterey 
en  December  20,  1595.UB  In  this  letter,  it  will  be  recalled, 
the  latter  had  asked  the  king  that  Ofiate's  expedition  be 
not  confirmed  till  he  should  have  time  to  examine  the  con- 
tract with  greater  care.  The  Council  now  stressed  this 
incident  in  a  report  to  the  king  regarding  Ponce's  desire 
to  be  the  conqueror  of  New  Mexico.  It  further  reported,11' 
after  having  considered  his  petitions  regarding  this  posi- 
tion, that  in  its  opinion  it  would  be  possible  to  give  the 
leadership  of  the  undertaking  to  him,  since  Onate's  con- 
tract had  not  been  accepted  by  the  Count  of  Monterey  when 
he  became  viceroy. 

The  reasons  advanced  to  substantiate  this  argument 
are  interesting.  First  of  all  the  Council  emphasized  the 
personality  of  Don  Pedro  Ponce,  whose  intelligence  and 
general  qualifications  particularly  fitted  him  for  the  task. 
These  favorable  conditions  would  enable  him  to  attract  a 
large  following,  especially  in  New  Spain,  which  would 
serve  a  double  purpose.  Not  only  would  the  expedition 
benefit  thereby,  but  Mexico  would  be  freed  of  many  idle 
and  useless  people  who  were  a  nuisance  to  the  officials  of 
the  province.  Furthermore  the  practical  members  of  the 
Council  of  the  Indies117  seemed  quite  willing  that  the  Count 
of  Bailen*  should  leave  his  peaceful  and  quiet  life  in  Spain 
to  exchange  it  for  a  life  of  privation  on  the  frontier  of 
America,  in  order  that  he  might,  as  he  had  previously  stat- 


in. Don   Pedro   Ponce  de  Leon  to  the  king,   Madrid,   April  23,   1596,   in   Hackett, 
Hist.  Docs.,  299. 

115.  This  is  apparent  from  the  royal  decree  of  May  8,   1596.     See  ibid.,  203    For 
Monterey's   letter  of   December   20,    1595,   see   ibid.,   257. 

116.  The  Council  to  the  king,  April  7,   1596,  in  ibid.,  293-295. 

117.  Th«   Council   was   usually   made   up   of  high   officials   who  had   served   in   th« 
New  World.     Cunningham,     The  Audiencia  in  the  Spanish  Colonies,   15. 


158          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ed  in  his  memorials,  perform  a  great  service  for  the  king. 
Seemingly  the  Council  gave  only  slight  attention  to  the 
rights  of  Onate  other  than  to  slur  his  reputation.  It  did 
however  recommend  that  the  viceroy  be  instructed  to  re- 
pay him  if  he  should  have  made  any  preparations  worthy 
of  recompense.118 

When  the  king  received  this  communication  he  took  no 
immediate  action.  He  desired  additional  information  and 
requested  the  Council  to  advise  him  more  fully  regarding 
Onate.119  This  was  done  without  delay.  The  reply  con- 
sisted of  a  bitter  attack  on  Onate.120  He  was  said  not  only 
to  have  wasted  his  fortune  but  to  have  incurred  debts 
amounting  to  thirty  thousand  pesos,  and  was  holding  off 
his  creditors  by  deceitful  means.  Since  he  was  without 
money  he  would  be  unable  to  secure  followers  of  repute, 
and  his  army  must  necessarily  degenerate  into  a  mob  of 
desperadoes  and  vagabonds.  His  unfitness  had  already 
been  demonstrated,  for  on  a  former  expedition  he  had  been 
unable  to  inspire  respect  or  obedience  among  his  men.  These 
reports  were  said  to  have  been  given  by  persons  of  high 
standing  who  knew  Onate  and  had  had  dealing  with  him.121 

Ponce  on  the  other  hand  was  represented  as  an  admir- 
able gentleman,  an  individual  of  such  high  standing  and 
so  well  known  in  Mexico  that  he  would  at  once  secure  a 
following  of  the  best  people  in  the  province,  since  he  in- 
tended to  grant  the  latter  all  the  profits  on  the  new  coun- 
try. Ponce  wished  nothing  for  himself,  but  simply  desired 
that  any  reward  which  he  might  receive  for  his  service 
should  be  left  entirely  to  the  generosity  of  the  king.  In 
the  eyes  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  Ponce  was  thus  a  dis- 
tinguished and  able  man,  while  Onate,  whose  contract  had 
already  been  delayed  by  the  viceroy,  was  painted  in  sordid 


118.  The  Council  to  the  king,   April  1,   1596,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  295. 

119.  Royal  decree  in  report  of  the  Council  of  April  7,  1596.  A.  G.  I.,   140-7-38.     It 
is  not  printed  by  Hackett. 

120.  The  Council  to  the  king,   April  25,   1596,  in  Hackett,   Hist.  Docs.,  299  ff. 

121.  Villagra    vigorously    assails    those    who    were    spreading    false    reports    about 
Onate   and   lauds   the   courage   and    fortitude   which   he   showed    under   those   attacks. 
Historia,  I,  31. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  159 

colors.  The  Council  desired  that  the  king  confirm  the  for- 
mer immediately  so  that  the  Ofiate  expedition  might  be  re- 
called before  it  was  too  late.122 

The  King  Suspends  Onate.  Acting  upon  this  advice 
the  king  decreed  that  instructions  be  given  the  Count  of 
Monterey  to  suspend  the  execution  of  the  contract  which 
had  been  made  with  Don  Juan.128  He  also  authorized  the 
Council  to  examine  the  proposals  which  Ponce  offered  for 
the  conquest  of  New  Mexico,  and  to  reach  an  agreement 
with  him  if  possible.  The  members  of  the  Council  could 
now  rejoice,  for  the  candidate  of  their  choice  had  seem- 
ingly won. 

After  having  expedited  a  formal  decree  to  the  viceroy 
of  New  Spain  embodying  the  king's  order  to  suspend 
Onate,124  the  Council  appointed  the  licentiate  Augustin 
Alvarez  de  Toledo  to  confer  with  Ponce  and  to  examine  the 
conditions  which  he  proposed  for  making  the  expedition."5 
Alvarez  was  also  authorized  to  acquaint  him  with  the  de- 
tails of  Onate's  capitulations,  and  in  addition  to  take  note 
of  how  much  more  favorable  terms  Don  Pedro  would 
voluntarily  offer  for  making  the  same  conquest.  A  state- 
ment, drawn  up  in  accordance  with  this  order  setting  forth 
the  claims  of  both  Onate  and  Ponce  was  therefore  made 
and  sent  to  the  king,  so  that,  as  the  Council  suggested,  he 
could  see  for  himself  that  Ponce's  offer  was  really  much 
more  advantageous  than  that  of  Don  Juan.  At  the  same 
time  it  definitely  recommended  that  Ponce  be  awarded  the 
contract  and  urged  immediate  action  in  order  that  he  might 
be  ready  to  sail  with  the  fleet  for  New  Spain.  To  this  re- 
commendation the  king  was  not  averse,128  and  he  therefore 


122.  The  Council  to  the  king,   April  25,   1596,   in   Hackett,   Hist.  Docs.,  301. 

123.  Royal   cedula   in   report  of  the   Council  of   April   25,    1596,   in   ibid.,   303.   See 
also  Historic,,  I.  36,   and   "Memorial  sol  re  el  descubrimiento  del  Nuevo  Mexico  y  SUB 
acontecimientos.      Anos  desde   1595   a   1602,"'   in    Col.   Doc.   Ined.,   XVI,    191. 

124.  Royal  cedula  to  the  viceroy  of  Spain,   May   8,    1596,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs., 
803. 

125.  The   Council  to  the  king,   May   19,   1596,   in   ibid.,   303. 

126.  The  king   usually     accepted   the   advice     of  the   Council   of   the     Indies   in   all 
matters     relating    to   the   colonies.       Moses,    B.    The   Spanish   Dependencies   in   South 
America,  I.  232-234. 


160          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ordered  that  an   agreement   be  made  with  Ponce   for  the 
conquest  of  New  Mexico.127 

Ponce's  Liberal  Offer.  The  statement  which  the 
Council  referred  to  as  showing  the  eminent  desirability 
of  Ponce's  contract  in  preference  to  Onate's,  and  of  which 
a  copy  was  sent  to  the  king  at  the  same  time,  has  recently 
come  to  light  in  the  Spanish  archives.123  It  compares  the 
terms  offered  by  Ponce  with  those  made  by  Don  Juan  and 
vividly  shows  the  advantages  of  the  former's  capitulation."* 
For  example  Onate  had  bound  himself  to  enlist  over  two 
hundred  soldiers  and  colonists;  Ponce  would  increase  this 
by  one  hundred  mounted  men.  Don  Juan  had  agreed  to  take 
20,000  reales  worth  of  flour,  maize,  wheat  and  jerked  beef; 
Ponce  offered  to  spend  39,000  reales  for  these  materials.130 
Of  live  stock  incluuding  cattle,  sheep,  goats,  colts  and 
mares,  Onate  had  provided  for  6,400  head,  but  again  Ponce 
completely  outdid  him  by  offering  to  increase  this  number 
to  13,900.  Instead  of  six  bellows,  as  Onate  had  stipulated, 
Don  Pedro  would  bring  fourteen;  in  a  group  of  materials 
including  footgear,  medicine,  gifts  to  the  Indians,  paper, 
cloth,  iron  tools,  and  iron  for  horseshoes,  Onate's  offer  was 
completely  eclipsed.  His  sum  was  38,400  reales;  that  of 
Ponce  79,400.  Twenty  ox  carts  had  been  specified  by  Onate ; 
his  competitor  would  provide  thirty.  In  no  case  did  any 
of  Ponce's  proposals  fall  below  those  made  by  his  rival.  The 
latter's  personal  equipment  of  horses,  mules,  saddles,  arms, 


127.  The  Council  to  the  king,  May  19,  1596,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  303-305. 

128.  "Statement  of  what  Don  Juan  de  Onate  and  Don   Pedro   Ponce  de  Le6n  of- 
fer   for   the   exploration,    pacification,    and    settlement    of    New   Mexico,    [1596?]"    in 
Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  281  ff.     It  bears  no  date  or  signature,  but  it  was  made  before 
May  19,  1596,  since  the  Council  states  that  a  copy  was  sent  to  the  king  on  that  dat« 
together  with  its  report  regarding  Don   Pedro.     Council  of  the  Indies,  May   19,   1596, 
in  ibid.,  303.     Furthermore  it  could  not  have  been  drawn     up  before  May  2,  for  not 
till  that  time  did  the  king  order  Onate's  contract  suspended.     At  the  same  time  h« 
had  authorized  the  Council  to  make  a  separate   capitulation   with   Don    Pedro.   Royal 
cedula  in   report  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies   of  April   25,    1596,   in   ibid.,   S03. 

129.  The   statement   is    in   double   column,    each   article   in    Onate's   contract   being 
paralleled  by  and  contrasted   with   Don   Pedro's   offer. 

130.  The   figures   in     Ponce's   offer    are   given    in     reales,    while   on     Onate's   side 
of  the  ledger  they  are   expressed   in   pesos.       For   the   sake   of    convenience   in   com- 
parsion  I  have  converted  the  latter  to  reales. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  161 

etc.,  was,  in  general,  increased  an  equal  amount,  and  in  ad- 
dition Ponce  would  take  shields,  helmets,  muskets  and 
crossbows,  for  which  no  provision  had  been  made  by  Don 
Juan.  Moreover  many  of  the  concessions  demanded  by 
Onate  were  not  now  mentioned.131  By  this  strong  bid  Ponce, 
Count  of  Bailen,  thus  strove  to  secure  the  honor  of  conquer- 
ing New  Mexico. 

Ponce  and  Alvarez  Negotiate.  During  the  summer 
months  of  1596,  the  licentiate  Agustin  Alvarez  de  Toledo, 
acting  for  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  reached  an  agreement 
with  Ponce  for  the  proposed  conquest,  and  forwarded  it 
to  the  Council  for  approval.  This  was  given,  and  the  papers 
were  then  sent  to  the  king  for  final  confirmation  Septem- 
ber 7,  1596.18a 

While  the  terms  of  a  contract  v/ere  being  arranged 
the  aspiring  conqueror  specified  some  particular  things 
which  he  desired  his  contract  to  contain.  Some  of  these 
requests  have  been  preserved  in  the  Archivo  General  de 
Indias  in  Seville,  Spain,133  in  the  form  of  rough  notes,  evi- 
dently made  by  some  clerk  for  the  convenience  of  Alvarez 
or  the  Council.184  They  are,  with  one  exception,  undated 
and  unsigned,  but  do  contain  decrees  of  approval  or  dissent 
and  carry  rubrics.133  Their  chief  importance  rests  in  the 


131.  Statement  of  what  Onate  and  Ponce  offer,   in   Hackett,   Hist.  Docs.,   281.   ff. 

132.  The  Council  to  the  king,   September  7,   1596,   in   ibid.,   805. 

133.  A.  G.  I.,   1-1-3/22. 

134.  "Don    Pedro    Ponce   de     Leon    prays   that   your    worship    will     propose  to   the 
members  of  the  Council  that  they  shall   grant  him   what   is   stated   in   the   following 
articles.      [Madrid,    April   23,    1596],"    in    Hackett,    Hist    Docs.,    295-299.      The   decrees 
approving  or  refusing  these  requests  are  not  giv-_n  by   Professor  Hackett. 

135.  These  papers   v/ere   published  by   Professor   Hackett  under  date  of  April   23, 
1596,  which  is  date  of  a  letter  of  Ponce  de  Leon,  in  which  he  elaborates  on  his  rea- 
son for  desiring  to  undertake  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico.    (See  Hackett, HisL  Docs., 
295-299)      None  of  the  other   papers   were  written   that  early,   as   an   examination   of 
the  internal  evidence  shows.     It  was   not  till  May  2,    1596,  that  the  king  authorized 
the  Council  to  look  into  the  conditions   proposed  by   Ponce,      (Royal  decree   in  report 
of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  of  April  2  >,  1596,  in  ibid.,  301-303)   and  on  May  19  that 
Alvarez  was  named  to  act  for  the  Council.     Moreover   Ponce  stated  in  one  of  these 
notes  that  a  creditable  person  had  come  to  Madrid  from  New  Spain,  bringing  certain 
information    which    showed    Onate's    inability    to    manage    the    expedition    honorably ; 
that  his  captains  had  left  Mexico  with  only  a  handful  of  men,  most  of  whom  were 
half-breeds   and  mulattos ;  and  that  so  many  outrages   had  been   committed  that  the 
viceroy  and  audiencia  had  been  constrained  to  send  an  alcalde  to  punish  the  lawless 


162          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

fact  that  they  show  us  some  special  privileges  which  Ponce 
requested  in  order  to  make  his  venture  successful.  In  parti- 
cular he  wanted  to  be  made  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  on 
completion  of  the  incumbent's  term.188  That  would  enable 
him  to  place  a  lieutenant  in  that  government,  and  to  order 
reinforcements  sent  to  New  Mexico  without  appealing  to 
the  officials  in  New  Spain,  which  was  usually  a  dubious 
affair  and  likely  to  involve  ruinous  delay. 

Ponce's  request  was  not  granted.  The  king  merely 
informed  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  of  the  contract 
and  ordered  him  to  aid  the  new  conqueror  in  whatever  he 
might  need  and  ask  for,  specifically  requiring  him  to  re- 
turn any  runaway  soldiers  found  in  Nueva  Vizcaya.137  That 
was  as  far  as  the  king  would  go  in  this  matter.  He  did  not 
want  the  adelantado  of  New  Mexico  to  become  too  pewer- 
ful. 

Nature  of  the  Contract.  The  contract  which  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Indies  had  made  with  Ponce  de  Leon  does  not  dif- 
fer materially  from  the  one  which  the  viceroy  had  conclud- 
ed with  Onate,  though  its  provisions  are,  on  the  whole, 


bands.  This  "creditable  person"  could  not  possibly  have  reached  Madrid  as  early 
as  April  23.  On  February  28  the  viceroy  had  reported  to  the  king  (Carta  del  condc 
de  Monterey  a  S.  M.,  February  28,  1596,  A.  G.  I.,  58-3-15)  that  the  New  Mexico 
expedition  was  being  recruited  and  that  it  was  planned  to  carry  out  the  march  to 
the  new  province  in  June.  On  April  17  further  reports  were  sent.  Most  of  the 
colonists  assembled  in  Mexico  were  then  on  the  march,  said  the  viceroy,  and  the  rest 
would  be  hurried  forward  in  order  that  the  expedition  might  be  made  that  year. 
(El  Conde  de  Monterey  d  S.  M.,  April  17,  1596,  A.  G.  I.,  58-3-15)  No  disturb- 
ances are  mentioned,  but  when  writing  on  November  15,  (Monterey  to  the  king,  in 
Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  377,  he  reported  that  it  had  been  necessary  to  send  an  alcalde, 
Don  Lope  de  Ulloa  y  Lemos,  to  stop  the  outrages,  "which  were  not  so  bad  as  rumor 
indicated."  These  complaints  reached  the  viceroy  by  the  first  of  June.  (Order  of 
Monterey,  June  10,  1596,  in  Ulloa  visita,  A.  G.  I.,  58-3-14)  In  view  of  the  slowness 
of  communication  it  is  safe  to  state  that  the  report  did  not  reach  Madrid  till  July 
or  August,  and  that  Ponce  then  sent  his  note  to  the  Council. 

Another  point  might  be  singled  out  for  mention.  Ponce's  contract,  approved 
September  25,  1596,  allowed  him  to  bring  two  ships  of  two  hundred  tons  burden 
each  to  the  Indies.  This  proved  impracticable  and  he  petitioned  for  permission  to 
use  vessels  of  different  size,  and  to  sail  before  the  flota.  (See  Ponce's  petition  in 
Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  297.  The  king's  answer  came  on  October  26,  1596,  granting 
Ponce's  request  in  full.  (Royal  cedula,  in  ibid.,  341)  It  would  thus  seem  more  accurate 
to  date  these  papers  in  September  rather  than  in  April,  1596. 

136.  Petition  of  Ponce,   in  Hackett,   Hist.  Docs.,   297. 

137.  Royal  cedula,   October   19,   1596,   in  ibid.,   327. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  163 

characterized  by  greater  concessions  to  Ponce.138  This  is 
not  strange  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  latter  had  demand- 
ed less  of  the  king  and  had  promised  to  equip  a  larger  ex- 
pedition entirely  at  his  own  expense.  Nor  can  we  forget 
that  the  Council  particularly  favored  his  cause  and  seem- 
ingly urged  him  to  accept  favors  at  the  hands  of  the  king.139 

It  has  already  been  observed  that  Ponce  agreed  to 
assemble  three  hundred  soldiers  for  the  expedition,  all  to 
be  recruited  in  the  Indies.  In  order  to  enlist  so  many  men 
every  facility  was  placed  at  his  command.140  The  supplies 
required  for  the  support  of  the  expedition  after  the  new 
lands  had  been  reached,  the  flour,  maize,  wheat,  cattle, 
etc.,  remained  the  same  as  Ponce  had  first  proposed  to  the 
Council  early  in  1596.141  One  new  article  of  importance 
provided  that  he  would  bring  one  hundred  and  thirty  of- 
ficials and  servants  of  his  own  household  to  New  Mexico, 
the  married  ones  to  be  accompanied  by  their  wives  and 
families.  In  addition  thereto  one  hundred  soldiers  might 
be  recruited  at  home.  After  all,  the  entire  three  hundred 
need  not  be  secured  in  the  colonies,  and  the  king  instructed 
the  Casa  de  Contratacion  to  permit  them  to  leave  Spain.143 
The  order  was  in  no  way  compulsory,  only  certain  objec- 
tionable classes  being  prohibited  from  going  to  the  Indies.148 

No  export  duties  were  to  be  paid  by  any  of  these  men 
who  enlisted  in  Spain,  nor  was  Ponce  to  pay  such  duties. 
Cedulas  embodying  these  favors  were  issued  by  the  king 
and  sent  to  officials  in  New  Spain  and  Nueva  Galicia.144 


138.  It  was  approved  by  the  king  on   September  25,   1596.   ibid.,   305. 

139.  See  the  Statement  of  what  Onate  and  Ponce  offer,  in  ibid.,  281-293,   passim. 

140.  Contract  and  agreement  with  Don  Pedro  Ponce  de  Leon,  September  25,   1596, 
in  ibid.,  307-317.      (Hereafter  cited  as  Ponce's  contract)      For  special  cedula  confirm- 
ing this  privilege,  see  ibid.,  323-325. 

141.  The  contract  reads   that   290   colts   and  200   mares   were  to  be  taken   to   New 
Mexico,  which  is  evidently  an  error  for  250.     See  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  485  note  27. 
My  copy  of  the  same  document  also  gives  the  number  as  290. 

142.  Royal  cedula,   October  16,   1596,  in   Hackett,   Hist  Docs.,   335. 

143.  Licenses  had  to  be  procured  for  going  to  the  Indies,  and  the  emigrant  had  to 
prove  himself    an   orthodox   Catholic     before   it   would     be   issued.      Robertson,   W.   S. 
History  of  the  Latin-American   Nations,    124. 

144.  Ponce's  contract,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  315  ;  royal  cedula,  October  19,   1598, 
in   ibid.,   337-339. 


164          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

In  the  personal  equipment  of  the  two  conquerors  we 
also  find  a  decided  difference.  Ponce  in  particular  had 
bound  himself  to  bring  an  elaborate  supply  of  materials  for 
this  purpose,  presumably  to  emphasize  the  greater  distinc- 
tion of  his  own  person.146 

There  were  also  some  special  provisions  in  Ponce's 
contract  with  the  king.  He  agreed  to  carry  out  its  terms 
within  a  year  and  a  half  after  it  had  been  approved.146  In 
Mexico  his  army  was  to  be  inspected  by  the  viceroy  in  order 
that  the  king  might  know  that  he  had  fulfilled  his  obliga- 
tions. On  the  whole  he  was  to  remain  under  the  viceroy's 
supervision  while  in  New  Spain  and  Nueva  Galicia,  but  as 
soon  as  New  Mexico  was  reached  he  was  to  be  wholly  inde- 
pendent. He  would  then  be  directly  responsible  to  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Indies.  Civil  cases  involving  one  hundred  pesos 
or  more  could  be  appealed  to  Spain,  and  the  same  was  true 
of  criminal  cases  where  the  sentence  was  death,  or  the 
permanent  injury  or  removal  of  a  limb.  However  the  ap- 
peal might  be  made  to  the  nearby  audiencia  of  Nueva  Gali- 
cia. Aside  from  these  points  Ponce  was  the  highest  source 
of  justice  within  New  Mexico."7 

Numerous  aids  and  incentives  were  granted  Ponce. 
He  was  made  governor  and  captain-general  with  a  salary 
of  twelve  thousand  ducats,116  twice  the  amount  allowed 
Oilate.  He  could  engrave  stamps  and  dies  with  the  royal 
arms  to  mark  the  precious  metals.  He  could  establish  royal 
treasuries,  name  the  officials  thereof,  and  after  these  had 
become  explorers  and  settlers,  divide  the  Indians  among 
them,  even  though  there  might  be  prohibitions  against 
holding  these  two  privileges  at  the  same  time.14'  Royal 


145.  Ponce's  contract,  in  ibid.,  SCO. 

146.  Ibid. 

147.  Ibid.,   317.     A  special  cedula  was   issued  concerning   Ponce's   independence  of 
the   officials   in    America,   in    which   the   viceroys   and   audiencias    and   other   officials 
in   New  Spain   and  Nueva   Galicia  were   warned  of  this   fact.     Royal   cedula,   October 
26,  1596,   A.  G.  I.,  139-1-2. 

143.  Ponce's  contract,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  SIS ;  special  cedulas  to  this  effect 
were  issued,  but  the  king  was  to  be  under  no  obligation  to  pay  that  salary  if  there 
was  no  money  in  New  Mexico.  Ibid.,  325  ;  339-341. 

149.     Ponce's   contract,   in   ibid.,   313 ;   for  special   cedulas,   see   ibid.,   339. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  165 

funds  might  be  used  in  suppressing  rebellion,  provided  a 
majority  of  the  royal  officials  approved.150  He  was  priv- 
ileged to  make  ordinances  for  the  regulation  of  mines  and 
the  government,  though  royal  sanction  must  be  secured 
within  three  years.  He  could  divide  the  province  into  dis- 
tricts and  appoint  officials,  but  royal  approval  must  eventu- 
ally be  had.  He  might  also  name  a  cosmographer  who  was  to 
make  scientific  descriptions  of  the  province  and  to  select 
suitable  sites  for  the  establishment  of  towns.151  Three  cities 
were  to  be  founded  within  six  years,  and  in  each  Ponce 
agreed  to  construct  a  fort.152  After  their  completion  he  was 
to  have  command  of  them  for  the  remainder  of  his  lifetime 
with  an  annual  salary  of  one  hundred  thousand  maravedis 
for  each  one.150  He  would  also  build  vessels  to  examine  the 
rivers  and  parts  of  the  North  and  South  Seas  in  case  his  dis- 
covery should  lead  him  to  either  of  these  bodies  of  water.154 

Concerning  war  materials  more  was  given  Ponce  than 
his  competitor.  His  allowance  consisted  of  four  pieces  of 
artillery,  forty  quintals  of  powder,  a  hundred  and  thirty  of 
lead,155  and  sixty  quintals  of  fuse,  for  which  he  had  petition- 
ed the  crown.  If  more  powder  should  be  needed  this  might 
be  purchased  in  Mexico  at  the  same  rate  as  the  crown  had 
to  pay.156 

Ponce  de  Leon  was  given  some  other  powers  similar 
to  those  granted  Onate,  namely :  the  right  to  arrest  anyone 
who  might  have  entered  New  Mexico  without  authority;107 
to  take  along,  as  interpreter,  an  Indian  woman  who  had 
come  from  that  province;158  and  to  give  all  the  Indians  of 


150.  This  was  a  special  concession.     Royal  cedula,  October  12,  1596,  in  ibid.,  337. 

151.  Ponce's  contract,  in  ibid.,  313-319  ;  for  special  cedulas,  see  ibid.,  329  ;  373  ;  331. 

152.  Ponce's   contract,   in   ibid.,    317. 

153.  The  maravedis  is  an  old   Spanish  coin  worth  about  one  sixth   of  a  cent. 

154.  Ponce's  contract,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   311. 

155.  Ibid.,   315. 

156.  Royal  cedula,   October   16,   1596,   in   Hackett  Hist.  Docs.,   329. 

157.  This   refers   to   Bonilla   and   Humana   who   made   an    unauthorized   expedition 
to  New  Mexico  in   1593. 

158.  Ponce's  contract,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  315  ;  royal  cedula,  October  16,  1596, 
in  ibid.,  331-333. 

11 


166          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

New  Mexico  in  encomienda  among  the  soldiers  and  settlers 
of  the  first  three  generations.  However  the  ports  and 
capital  cities  must  be  reserved  for  the  crown.  Ponce  was 
especially  warned  that  all  the  royal  regulations  designed 
to  protect  the  natives  must  be  observed.  One  point  was 
singled  out  for  emphasis  and  provided  that  the  aborigines 
should  be  taxed  according  to  the  New  Laws  of  1542.159  If 
more  than  the  proper  amount  of  tribute  should  be  exacted 
by  an  encomendero  he  was  to  be  deprived  of  his  encomienda 
and  permanently  disqualified  from  holding  any  such  privi- 
lege again.  Ponce  was  also  permitted  to  give  pasture  and 
farm  land  to  the  settlers,  but  in  order  to  acquire  permanent 
title  to  such  land  the  prospective  owner  had  to  "homestead" 
for  five  years.  No  taxes  of  any  kind  were  to  be  levied  on 
those  who  had  erected  sugar  mills  and  used  slaves  to  oper- 
ate them,  nor  could  a  tax  be  put  on  the  slaves  or  the  equip- 
ment used.1"0 

A  number  of  important  exemptions  were  granted  to 
Don  Pedro  Ponce.  The  customary  royal  fifth,  always  im- 
posed on  the  precious  metals,  pearls  and  valuable  stones, 
was  reduced  to  a  tenth  during  the  first  twenty  years  of  the 
conquest.181  The  much  hated  alcabala,  or  excise  tax,  uni- 
versally despised  in  the  Spanish-American  colonies,18'  was 
withheld  for  twenty  years.  Both  of  these  privileges  were 
to  date  from  the  time  when  the  first  town  should  be  found- 
ed. Mention  should  also  be  made  of  the  almojarifazgo,  an 
import  and  export  duty  on  all  commerce,  from  which  the 
colonists  of  New  Mexico  were  freed  for  a  decade.183 

Some  additional  articles  of  Ponce's  contract  remain  to 
be  noticed.  All  the  officials  in  the  army  of  soldiers  and 
colonists  were  to  be  appointed  by  him,  and  the  king's  agents 
in  America  were  specially  instructed  to  give  all  possible  aid. 


159.  Royal  cedula,     October   16,   1596,   in   ibid.,   323 ;   for   a   summary    of  the   New 
Laws,  see  Priestley,     The  Mexican  Nation,  62-64. 

160.  Ponce's   contract,    in    Hackett,    Hist   Docs.,    315-319 ;    for   special   cedulas,    see 
ibid.,   323;   335. 

161.  Ponce's  contract,   in  Hackett,   Hist.  Docs.,   315 ;   for  special  cedula,   ibid.,   338. 

162.  Priestley,   The  Mexican  Nation,   131-132. 

163.  Ponce's   contract,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   315-317. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  167 

Even  if  there  were  men  in  the  army  who  had  committed 
crimes  they  were  not  to  be  detained  unless  some  one  insist- 
ed on  prosecuting  them.  As  a  special  favor  Ponce  was  per- 
mitted to  take  fifty  negro  slaves  to  the  Indies  free  of  duty, 
both  in  Spain  and  in  New  Spain.  But  thereupon  the  order 
was  to  be  destroyed  lest  it  be  used  again.164  So  carefully 
was  the  commercial  monopoly  guarded.1"5 

Then  too  Ponce  was  allowed  to  select  his  heir  for  the 
continuance  of  the  conquest  should  he  himself  die  before 
its  completion.166  Ofiate,  it  win  be  recalled,  was  accorded 
the  same  privilege,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  viceroy 
of  New  Spain. 

Ponce  had  petitioned  the  king  for  permission  to  leave 
the  province  of  New  Mexico  at  the  end  of  six  years  after 
it  had  been  explored  and  settled.  This  was  granted,  as  was 
his  request  to  leave  a  qualified  substitute  in  his  place.107 
Oiiate's  petition  for  the  same  privileges  had  been  refused, 
but  there  is  this  point  to  be  noted.  Ponce  asked  to  leave 
after  having  successfully  completed  his  task,  whereas  Ofiate 
desired  freedom  to  go  at  any  time  wherever  he  pleased. 

The  privilege  of  becoming  hidalgo  was  granted  to 
Ponce's  settlers,  but  the  honor  did  not  hold  should  they 
abandon  the  province.188  This  restriction  was  evidently  de- 
signed to  promote  the  growth  of  New  Mexico  as  a  Spanish 
province.  Onate's  settlers  had  to  remain  only  five  years  to 
win  the  coveted  glory.  Titles  of  towns  and  cities  could  be 
given  by  Ponce  as  a  further  inducement  for  going  to  New 
Mexico.169  Political  and  military  "plums"  were  to  be  dis- 
tributed among  the  sons  and  grandsons  of  the  original  set- 
tlers, and  they  could  not  be  deprived  of  their  offices.170 


164.  Ibid.,  319-321 ;   for  special  cedulas,   ibid.,  331 ;  339. 

165.  For  an     account    of    the   mercantile    system,   see   Haring,     C.    H.    Trade  and 
Navigation  between  Spain  and  thr.  Indies,  cbs.  I  and  VI. 

166.  Ponce's   contract,    in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,    321. 

167.  Ibid.,  321  ;  343. 

168.  Ponce's  contract,   in   Hackett,   Hist.  Docs.,   319  ;   for  special   cedula.   Bee   ibid., 
343. 

169.  Given   in   two   cedulas    issued   October   19,    1596.   ibid.,    335-337. 

170.  Cedula  of  October   19,   in   ibid.,   337. 


168          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Regarding  the  missionaries  who  were  to  accompany 
the  expedition  and  undertake  the  conversion  of  the  land, 
Ponce  had  agreed  to  pay  all  their  expenses.  Jesuits  had 
been  procured  for  this  purpose,  and  the  contract  so  provid- 
ed.171 But  for  some  reason  which  does  not  appear  a  dif- 
ferent arrangement  had  been  made  by  October  28,  1596, 
Franciscans  having  been  substituted  for  the  Jesuits.  On 
the  date  mentioned  the  king  requested  the  Father  Provin- 
cial of  the  Franciscan  Order  of  New  Spain  to  give  Ponce 
six  religious  to  engage  in  ministering  unto  the  Indians  of 
New  Mexico.1'2  This  remained  the  final  disposition. 

Ponce's  Secure  Position,  1596.  It  is  thus  evident  that 
in  September  1596,  When  Ponce's  contract  was  approved 
by  the  king,  his  ascendency  was  complete.  The  Council  of 
the  Indies  supported  him.  Philip  II  had  accepted  the  re- 
commendations of  his  advisers  seemingly  without  reserve. 
The  contract  read  that  "it  is  my  royal  and  determined  will 
that  you  and  no  other  person  whosoever  shall  undertake 
the  said  pacification,  settlement,  and  exploration,  or  if  it 
has  been  commenced  by  another  that  you  shall  continue  and 
finish  it.178  In  accord  with  this  policy  so  forcefully  expressed 
the  king  instructed  the  Count  of  Monterey  of  the  royal  will 
in  this  matter  and  of  the  necessity  of  detaining  Don  Juan 
de  Onate  wherever  he  might  be.174  Truly  there  seemed  to 
be  no  hope  for  him. 

Reversal  of  Fortune,  1597.  Nothing  is  known  of  what 
actually  transpired  between  the  first  part  of  November, 
1596,  and  the  early  part  of  February,  1597.  It  seems  that 
Ponce  passed  through  a  critical  illness,375  and  that  his  for- 
tunes, on  the  whole,  suffered  a  serious  check.  This  change 
is  seen  in  a  letter  of  the  Council  to  the  king.178  It  reveals 
the  fact  that  Ponce,  previous  to  that  date,  had  petitioned  the 


171.  Ponce's  contract,  in  ibid,,   307. 

172.  Cedula  of  October  26,   1596,   in  ibid.,   843. 

173.  Ponce's  contract,   in   ibid.,   321. 

174.  Cedula  of  October   19,    1596,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   335. 

175.  The  Council  to  the  king,   February   18,   1597.   in   ibid.,   347. 

176.  The  Council  to  the  king,   February  7,   1597,   in   ibid.,   345. 


THE  FOUNDING  OP  NEW  MEXICO  169 

3dng  for  the  right  to  place  a  mortgage  on  his  estate  in  order 
to  complete  his  preparations  for  the  expedition  to  New 
Mexico.  If  this  was  not  favored  he  desired  the  king  to  loan 
him  a  certain  sum  which  would  enable  him  to  carry  on  what 
he  had  begun.  It  further  shows  that  the  Council  was  still 
•acting  as  spokesman  for  Ponce,  urging  that  he  should  go 
very  soon.  When  the  Council  wrote  this  report  it  had  just 
received  information  from  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  to 
the  effect  that  Onate  had  been  advised  of  the  cedula  of  May 
8,  1596,  stopping  the  expedition.  With  his  army  halted 
the  opportunity  for  Ponce  was  as  good  as  ever,  and  he  was 
anxious  to  conclude  the  necessary  arrangements.  But  the 
king  again  acted  with  deliberation.  He  asked  to  see  the 
papers  which  Monterey  had  sent  dealing  with  these  mat- 
ters.177 

In  spite  of  the  king's  lack  of  warmth  for  Ponce's  cause 
the  Council  reiterated  its  preference  for  him.178  In  a  sum- 
mary of  the  whole  situation  it  pointed  out  that  in  Decem- 
ber, 1595,  Monterey  had  been  dissatisfied  with  both  Oiiate 
and  his  contract.  Now  all  this  was  changed.  His  recent 
letters  had  urged  that  Onate  be  retained  as  leader  of  the  ex- 
pedition.179 This  change  of  heart  displeased  the  Council. 
Ponce  was  ready  to  leave  on  eight  days'  notice.  He  had  a 
brother  in  Seville  preparing  the  ships,  arms  and  provisions 
necessary.  If  a  change  should  be  made  at  that  stage  of  af- 
fairs his  reputation  would  suffer  greatly.  Such  a  rebuff 
would  be  an  extremely  poor  reward  for  a  man  who  had 
volunteered  to  serve  his  majesty  with  much  spirit  and  gen- 
erosity. Furthermore  the  Council  charged  that  the  doubt 
cast  on  Ponce's  cause  was  the  work  of  a  brother-in-law  of 
Onate,  an  oidor  of  the  audiencia  of  Mexico.  His  stand  was 
that  a  captain  coming  from  Spain  would  be  unable  to  cope 
with  conditions  in  the  New  World.  But  this  was  of  minor 


177.  Royal  decree  in  report  of  the  Council  of  February  7,   1597,  in  ibid.,  345, 

178.  The  Council  to  the  king,   February  18,   1597,  in  ibid.,  347. 

179.  The  reference  is  to  Monterey's   letter  of  November   15,    1596.   Hackett,   Hist. 
Docs.,  377. 

11* 


170         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

importance,  maintained  the  Council,  and  it  recommended 
that  Ponce  himself  should  bear  the  news  of  the  king's  deci- 
sion to  the  Indies.180 

King  Philip  Suspends  Ponce.  On  this  occasion  King: 
Philip  did  not  accept  the  advice  of  his  royal  Council.  He 
felt  that  since  Ponce  was  in  poor  health  and  lacked  the  ne- 
cessary funds  no  immediate  decision  should  be  made.  The 
Council  was  instructed  to  keep  him  in  suspense  for  the  time 
being,  meanwhile  making  secret  inquiry  of  the  viceroy  as 
to  whether  Onate  still  had  everything  In  readiness  to  con- 
tinue the  expedition.  If  so,  he  should  be  authorized  to  pro- 
ceed to  New  Mexico,  but  if  his  force  had  fallen  to  pieces, 
the  king  was  to  be  promptly  informed.181  The  Council,  how- 
ever, was  in  no  mood  to  leave  matters  in  such  an  uncertain 
muddle.  Since  Ponce  was  continuing  Ms  preparations  at 
much  expense  it  seemed  proper  that  he  be  undeceived  at 
once  or  that  he  be  informed  that  no  decision  could  be  made 
for  a  year  and  a  half,1*2  To  this  the  king  laconically  replied 
that  he  should  be  informed  that  nothing  could  be  determin- 
ed for  a  year.183 

Shortly  after  these  events  had  occurred  the  king's  will 
was  embodied  in  a  formal  cedula  to  the  Count  of  Monterey. 
This  was  merely  a  repetition  of  his  orders  to  the  Council 
that  Onate  should  be  permitted  to  conquer  New  Mexico  if 
he  was  prepared  to  do  so.184  With  this  sudden  termination 
Ponce's  good  fortune  came  to  an  abrupt  end.  As  far  as  the 
expedition  to  New  Mexico  is  concerned  he  is  not  heard  of 
again.  In  fact  nothing  more  is  known  of  Don  Pedro  Ponce 
de  Leon. 


180.  The  Council  to  the  king,  February  18,   1597,  in  Kackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  347. 

181.  Royal  decree  in  report  of  the  Council  of  February   18,   1597,   in  ibid.,   349. 

182.  The  Conncil  to  the  king;  March   7,   1597,   in  ibid.,   349. 

183.  Royal  decree  in   report  of  the  Council  of  March  7,    1597,  in  Haekett,   Hi*t. 
Does.,  349. 

184.  Eoyal  cedula,  April  2,  1597,  in  ibid.,  345. 


THE  POUNDING  OP  NEW  MEXICO  171 

Chapter  IV. 
Onate  in  the  Wilderness 

Preparing  the  Expedition.  The  contract  which  the 
viceroy  made  with  Oiiate  was  formally  approved  Septem- 
ber 21,  1595,  as  we  have  seen/"5  and  preparations  for  the 
:great  enterprise  were  soon  under  way.  It  was  undertaken 
in  feudal  style.  Important  positions  were  given  to  wealthy 
friends  and  relatives.  These  did  homage  and  swore  fealty 
to  Onate  and  raised  companies  at  their  own  expense.181 
Ofiate's  nephew  Juan  de  Zaldivar  was  at  once  named 
•maestre  de  campo;  another  nephew  Vicente  de  Zaldivar 
became  sargento  mayor;  the  wealthy  Juan  Guerra  de  Resa 
was  made  lieutenant  eaptain-general.  Onate's  brothers 
Cristobal  and  Luis  Nuiiez  Perez  were  made  his  personal 
representatives  in  Mexico.18' 

The  preparations  were  carried  forward  enthusiastical* 
ly  for  a  time.  If  we  believe  the  picture  given  by  Villagra, 
the  soldier-poet,  a  spirit  of  friendly  helpfulness  prevailed 
among  the  soldiers.  Not  even  the  bees,  under  the  stimulus 
of  the  April  sun,  could  make  honey  with  greater  haste  than 
the  future  conquerors  of  New  Mexico  prepared  themselves 
for  their  work.  Proclamations  were  made  in  the  most  fre- 
quented streets,  picturing  the  many  privileges  given  to 
those  who  would  serve  in  the  conquest*  Banners  were 
hoisted,  trumpets  sounded,  fifes  played  and  drums  beat. 
Mingled  with  these  martial  notes  was  the  clamor  of  the 
soldiers  who  were  burning  with  eagerness  to  set  off  for  the 
land  of  promise,  the  "otro  Mexico,"  immediately/88 


185.  See  chapter  II  of  this  study  in  Vol.  I  of  the  Review. 

186.  Bolton,   Spanish  Borderlands,   170 ;   Bancroft,   Arizona  and  New   Mexico,   117. 

187.  They  were  given  this   power  on   October  19,   1595,   in   Zacatecas.     Aceptacidn 
de  las  capitulacio-n.es,  December  15,   1595.  A.   G.  I.,   58-3-12.     Villagra  mentions  only 
Cristobal.     Hiatoria,  I,  29. 

188.  Villagra.  Historia,  I,  30. 


172         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  scenes  enacted  by  Onate  and  his  followers  re- 
sembled those  which  had  occurred  when  Coronado  organ- 
ized his  army  in  1540,  to  explore  the  Northern  Mystery. 
In  the  city  of  Mexico  where  only  one  recruiting  squad  was> 
permitted,  Vicente  de  Zaldivar  was  put  in  charge  with  auth- 
ority to  enlist  both  foot  and  horse.  Far  this  privilege  his 
friends  were  so  happy  that  they  carried  him  to  the  palace 
to  kiss  the  Count's  hands.  Proceeding  to  the  grand  plaza 
a  salute  of  artillery  was  fired  to  indicate  that  enlistment 
was  under  way,"* 

Opposition  from  Onate's  Foes.  The  start  so  brilliant- 
ly begun  soon  struck  obstacles.  Monterey  the  new  viceroy 
entered  upon  his  duties  in  Mexico  in  November,  1595,1** 
and  Onate's  contract  was  submitted  to  him  for  his  ap- 
proval.101 Office  seekers  flocked  to  his  court,  and  among: 
them  were  enemies  of  Onate.192  These  malcontents  were 
probably  the  main  element  in  prejudicing  the  viceroy 
against  the  enterprise. 

Discouragement  of  the  Soldiers.  Before  the  two  vice- 
roys came  to  an  agreement  at  Oculma  in  regard  to  Ofiate's 
contract  the  uncertainty  and  delay  caused  by  the  change 
in  government  nearly  ruined  the  army  which  had  commen- 
ced to  assemble.  "It  faded  and  dried  up  like  an  unwatered 
flower,"  said  the  poet.  Gossip  and  slander  had  been  so 
widely  circulated  that  the  soldiers  lost  faith  in  their  lead- 
er and  shamelessly  believed  the  charges  against  him.108  In 
an  appeal  to  the  king  Onate  himself  painted  the  difficulties 
under  which  he  was  working  during  the  latter  part  of  1595. 
He  complained  that  the  delay  in  forwarding  his  warrants 
had  occasioned  enormous  damage ;  that  some  of  the  soldiers 
had  lost  interest  and  were  completely  discouraged ;  and  that 
the  outlook  was  growing  more  dubious.  It  might  not  be  pos- 


189.  Torquemada,  Monarckia  Indiana,  I,  671. 

190.  Ibid;  Bancroft,  Mexico,  II,   766. 

191.  See  chapter  II. 

192.  Villagra,   Historia,   I,   27;  30;   Bancroft   follows   Villagra,   Arizona,  and  New 
Mexico,  118. 

193.  Villagra,  Historia,  I,  31. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  173 

sible  to  carry  out  the  expedition  before  the  rainy  season 
commenced.  That  possibility  would  involve  great  expense, 
and  be  extremely  disheartening  to  the  entire  army.194 

By  tactful  management  he  succeeded,  together  with 
his  lieutenant  Juan  Guerra  de  Resa,  in  preventing  the 
break-up  of  the  expedition,  and  at  the  conference  of  Mon- 
terey and  Velasco  at  Oculma  he  was  permitted  to  go  on  with 
the  enterprise.195 

The  news  of  that  decision  was  sent  to  the  camp  by  let- 
ter and  caused  an  outburst  of  joy.198  Recruiting  again  went 
forward  with  enthusiasm  and  the  expedition  was  nearing 
completion  in  January,  1598,  according  to  Ofiate's  claims.197 
Such  a  statement  is  probably  an  exaggeration,  but  it  indi- 
cates that  all  was  progressing  as  rapidly  as  could  be  ex- 
pected.198 

At  last  nothing  was  lacking  except  the  final  warr- 
ants,109 but  trouble  was  brewing.  During  the  Christmas 
season  of  1595,  Monterey  carefully  scrutinized  Ofiate's 
capitulation"00  and  concluded  to  limit  his  privileges  in  some 
important  particulars.  As  already  intimated  it  is  possible 
that  this  decision  was  due  to  suspicions  aroused  by  discon- 
tented fortune  seekers  disgusted  at  Ofiate's  success. 

When  the  news  of  this  additional  misfortune  reached 
the  army  it  was  thrown  into  utmost  confusion.  The 
angry  soldiers  turned  on  their  leader  again.  It  was 
clear  to  them  that  the  privileges  which  had  been  so 
tantalisingly  displayed  at  the  time  of  enlistment  had 


194.  Carta  de  Don  Juan  de  Onate  a  S.  M.,  December   16,   1595,  A.   G.  I.,   58-3-15. 

195.  See  chapter  II. 

196.  Villagra,  Historia,  I.   33. 

197.  Letter   of    Cristobal     de    Onate,    [January,    1596]  ;    order   of     Monterey,    June 
6,   1506,   in   Traslado  de  la  visita   quc  por  comision  del  senor  virrey   t.omd  Don  Lope 
de  Ulloa  y  Lemos  d  Don  Juan  de  Onate,  de  la  gente,  armas  y  munic tones  que  ttevo 
para  la   conquista  del   Nuevo   Mexico,    A.    G.    I.,     58-3-14.      Hereafter     cited   as    Ulloa 
visita.     See  also  Santiago  del  Rieco  to  the  king,  November  10,  1596,  in  Hackett,  Hist. 
Docs.,  369. 

108.  The  Vizcaino  expedition  to  the  Californias  was  being  organized  at  this  same 
time,  and  though  Monterey  had  objections  to  it  and  was  dubious  of  the  outcome,  he 
did  not  hinder  its  progress.  Chapman,  C.  E.  History  of  California,  124-126. 

199.  Letter  of  Cristobal  de  Onate,    [January,   1596]  ;   cf.   Villagra,   Historia,   I,   33. 

200.  See  chapter  II. 


174          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

been  mere  mockery.  Charges  of  deception  and  even  of 
treachery  were  leveled  at  him,  and  it  was  with  much  dif- 
ficulty that  their  suspicions  were  allayed  and  order  re- 
stored anew.  The  assistance  of  the  faithful  Juan  Guerra 
seems  to  have  been  important  in  bringing  this  about.201 

Success  in  Enlisting  Men.  Ofiate's  representatives 
did  not  hesitate  in  coming  to  a  decision  in  regard  to  the 
viceroy's  limitations.  These  they  accepted,202  and  then  the 
governor  was  immediately  given  complete  and  final  author- 
ity to  go  on  with  the  enterprise.808  Additional  facilities 
were  also  given  for  enlisting  soldiers  and  Monterey  thus 
felt  that  the  journey  to  New  Mexico  could  be  made  that 
season.804 

In  spite  of  the  many  reverses  which  had  served  to  dis- 
credit the  expedition  the  captains  seemed  to  meet  with  suc- 
cess in  securing  men.  The  attitude  of  the  viceroy  had 
now  changed  and  he  was  represented  as  friendly  to  the 
project.  This  aided  in  stimulating  enlistment  and  many 
married  men  volunteered.808  In  fact  matters  progressed  so 
f<ast  that  on  April  17,  Monterey  reported  that  almost  all 
of  the  soldiers  recruited  in  Mexico  were  already  on  the  way 
to  Zacatecas.  Haste  was  necessary  if  the  journey  was  to 
take  place  that  year,  as  the  viceroy  realized,  and  he  was 
hurrying  along  those  who  had  not  then  departed.208 

Arranging  the  Visita.  At  the  same  time  Monterey  was 
making  other  plans  in  order  that  Onate  might  not  leave 
Zacatecas  for  New  Mexico  with  a  smaller  number  of  men 
and  less  supplies  than  he  had  agreed  to  bring.  In  order 
to  safeguard  the  welfare  of  the  soldiers  and  settlers  in  the 
army  and  to  protect  the  Indians  and  possessions  of  the 
mining  settlements  in  Nueva  Galicia  and  Nueva  Vizcaya, 


201.  Villagra,  Historia,  I,  34-35. 

202.  Letter  of  Cristobal  de  Onate,    [January,   1596]. 

203.  Accptacion   del   consentimiento     que   se   hizo    por   Don  Juan   de     Onate   d   la 
moderation  de  las  capitulaciones,  Januaryl-3,   1596.   A.   G.  I.,   58-3-15. 

204.  Carta  del  Conde  de  Monterey  d  S.  M.,   February  28,   1596. 

205.  Torquemada,  Monarchia  Indiana,  I,   671. 

206.  Monterey  d  S.  M.,  April  17,   1596.  A.   G.  I.,   58-3-12. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  175 

which  were  situated  along  the  line  of  march,  he  determined 
to  send  a  reliable  officer  to  review  the  army.  If  we  may 
believe  his  own  words  he  appears  to  have  been  somewhat 
perturbed  about  the  performance  of  this  duty,  because 
much  suffering  had  already  been  caused  Onate  and  this 
inspection  would  probably  give  additional  reason  for  com- 
plaint.207 Nevertheless  he  proposed  in  an  acuerdo  de  hazi- 
enda,  held  on  May  18,  1596,  that  the  inspection  should  be 
held,  and  the  plan  was  approved.208 

With  these  necessary  arrangements  completed  the 
Count  nominated  the  captain  of  the  viceregal  guard,  Don 
Lope  de  Ulloa  y  Lemos,  as  juez  visitador  y  teniente  de 
cap  itan-general  for  the  New  Mexico  expedition.  His  in- 
structions required  him  to  overtake  the  colonists  and  accom- 
pany them  from  Zacatecas  to  Santa  Barbara  in  order  to 
become  thoroughly  familiar  with  conditions  in  the  army. 
The  visita  was  not  necessarily  to  be  held  at  Santa  Barbara, 
but  near  there.209  Onate's  contract  had  stipulated  that  the 
army  should  be  assembled  at  that  place,  the  last  settlement 
in  the  conquered  territory,  and  there  he  should  give  proof  of 
having  fulfilled  his  obligations.210  If  the  inspection  proved 
that  the  requirments  of  the  contract  had  been  fulfilled 
he  was  to  be  permitted  to  go  on,  otherwise  he  should  be  de- 
tained.211 

One  other  commission  was  given  Don  Lope  de  Ulloa. 
Recruiting  was  dragging  on  more  slowly  than  had  been  an- 
ticipated. Some  of  the  soldiers  and  colonists  were  still  in 
Mexico  on  June  6,  1596,  in  spite  of  efforts  to  hurry  them 
on  toward  Onate's  rendezvous.  Small  groups  were  departing 


207.  Monterey  d  S.  M.,  April  17  ,1596,     A.  G.   I.,  58-3-12. 

208.  Order  of  Monterey,   June   6,   1596,   in    Ulloa  visita. 

209.  Ibid;  see  also   "Memorial  sobre  el  descubrimiento,"   in   Col,   Doc.   In£d.,   XVI, 
191;   Villagra,   Historia,   I,   35. 

210.  Onate's  contract,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  231. 

211.  Monterey  to  the  king,  November  15,   1596,  in  ibid.,  377.  Ulloa  was  also  given 
several   assistants.      Antonio   de     Negrete,    who   had     served    in   the     royal   council   of 
Castile,   was   made  secrctario;   Francisco   de   Esquivel,   who  had   seen   military  service 
in    Flanders     and    Portugal,     was   named   comisario;   and   Jaime     Fernandez    went   as 
alguacll.     See  order  of  Monterey,  June  6,    1596,   in   Ulloa  visita. 


176          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

for  Zacatecas  at  irregular  intervals,  and  it  was  rumored 
that  they  were  disturbing  the  inhabitants  and  causing  more 
or  less  property  damage.212  These  complaints  reached 
the  viceroy  in  the  first  part  of  June.  To  punish  such 
offences  and  eliminate  future  occurrences  Monterey  gave 
Ulloa  full  power  to  deal  with  any  trouble  that  might  arise. 
At  the  same  time  he  was  to  observe  friendly  relations  with 
Onate.  The  latter  was  to  remain  free  to  govern  his  people 
and  to  enforce  military  discipline.  Ulloa  should  only  inter- 
fere to  protect  the  settlements  or  to  punish  those  guilty 
of  crimes.  These  special  cases  were  left  entirely  to  his 
discretion.  As  soon  as  the  inspection  had  been  held  Onate 
should  be  compelled,  if  it  was  successful,  to  continue  the 
journey  in  order  that  he  might  enter  New  Mexico  in 
August,  1596.2'3  Monterey  did  not  want  the  army  to  linger 
and  excite  the  newly  pacified  areas  of  Nueva  Galicia  and 
Nueva  Vizcaya.  These  orders  were  fulfilled  at  once.  On 
June  11,  the  various  officers  left  Mexico  to  assume  their 
duties.814 

On  their  journey  northward  Ulloa  and  his  company 
carried  letters  from  Monterey  to  Onate,  wherein  he  wished 
him  the  good  fortune  which  so  illustrious  an  individual  and 
his  distinguished  relatives  deserved,  and  bade  him  God- 
speed in  the  conquest.  He  did  not  desire  that  Onate  should 
be  worried  about  the  inspection  which  Ulloa  was  to  make, 
and  attempted  to  overcome  objections  by  saying  that  it  was 
ordered  as  a  formality  rather  than  because  on  any  suspi- 
cions that  the  contract  had  not  been  fulfilled.  These  glad 
tidings  were  received  with  joy  by  the  soldiers,  for  it  seemed 
to  augur  a  speedy  march,  and  they  celebrated  with  tour- 
naments and  merrymaking.215 

Appraising  the  Supplies.  Before  the  inspection  could 
take  place  certain  preparations  had  to  be  made  to  enable 


212.  Order  of  Monterey,  June  6,   1596,   in   Ulloa  visita. 

213.  Order  of  Monterey,  June  10,   1596,  in   Ulloa  visita. 

214.  Report  of  Antonio  de  Negrete,   June  11,   1596,   ibid. 

215.  Villagra,   Historia,   I,   35. 


THE  POUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  177 

Ulloa  to  hold  it  Onate,  for  example,  had  bound  himself 
to  take  along  five  hundred  pesos  worth  of  medicine.  Many 
other  articles  in  the  contract  were  given  in  the  same  man- 
ner.218 In  order  to  determine  upon  a  scale  of  prices  for  the 
visita  Monterey  ordered  that  two  appraisers  should  be 
chosen,  one  by  the  king  and  the  other  by  Onate,  to  make 
such  an  adjustment.  This  was  done  in  Mexico  City.  Gordian 
Casasano,  contador  of  the  royal  alcabala  of  New  Spain,  and 
Baltasar  Rodriguez  were  chosen  for  this  purpose  by  the 
respective  groups.217  They  were, to  appraise  the  horseshoe 
iron,  nails,  footgear,  medicine,  iron  tools,  iron  for  making 
tools,  paper,  frieze  and  sackcloth,  and  things  for  bartering 
and  for  making  gifts  to  the  Indians,  according  to  the  prices 
prevailing  in  Zacatecas,  Flour,  maize,  wheat  and  jerked 
beef,  on  the  contrary,  were  to  be  regulated  by  the  prices  in 
the  frontier  towns  of  Guadiana  (Durango),  La  Puana  and 
Santa  Barbara.  When  the  appraisers  presented  their  re- 
port in  Mexico  on  June  18,  two  of  these  items,  the  medicine 
and  the  things  for  the  Indians,  could  not  be  definitely  ap- 
praised, and  they  suggested  that  it  would  have  to  be  done 
in  Zacatecas.2  8 

Meanwhile  Ulloa  and  his  staff  proceeded  to  Zacatecas 
where  he  soon  delegated  the  second  of  his  commissions, 
containing  certain  police  powers,  to  the  commissary  Fran- 
cisco de  Esquivel,  instructing  him  carefully  to  follow  the 
army  to  Santa  Barbara  and  to  punish  all  disorders.  To 
simplify  this  task  he  was  ordered  not  to  permit  the  soldiers 
to  scatter  about;  none  were  allowed  to  wander  more  than 
half  a  league  beyond  the  camino  real.  Ulloa  gave  him  full 
power  for  enforcing  these  measures  and  appointed  an 
alguacil  to  assist  him.216 

Inspecting  the  Medicine.  Having  relieved  himself  of 
these  disciplinary  functions  Ulloa  next  turned  his  attention 


216.  Oiiate'3  contract,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  227-229. 

217.  Statement  of  Monterey,  June   14,   1596,   in   Ulloa  visita. 

218.  Report  of  Gordian  Casasano  and  Baltasar  Rodriguez,  Mexico,  June  18,   1596 
in  ibid. 

219.  Order  of  Don  Lope  de  Ulloa,  Zacatecas,  July  19,   1596,  in  ibid. 


178         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  the  inspection  and  ordered  that  the  five  hundered  pesos 
of  medicine  which  was  to  be  valued  according  to  the  current 
Zacatecas  price,  should  be  appraised  at  once.  To  reach  an 
agreement  on  this  score  he  appointed  as  his  agent  Pedro  de 
Vergara.  At  the  same  time  Crist6bal  de  Zaldivar,  Onate's 
representative  in  the  province,  chose  Alonso  Sanchez 
Montemolin  to  cooperate  with  him.22*  They  appraised  the 
materials  in  question,  but  the  total  value  only  amounted  to 
three  hundred  and  six  pesos,  or  one  hundred  and  ninety- 
less  than  was  required  to  fulfill  the  contract.221 

The  Order  of  Suspension.  The  record  of  what  happened 
during  the  next  six  weeks  is  almost  a  blank.  We  do- 
know  that  the  army  continued  marching,  as  it  reached  the 
Nazas  river  on  September  9.222  It  is  also  clear  that  Onate 
was  completing  his  preparations  for  the  inspection  by  pur- 
chasing such  cattle  and  supplies  as  were  still  needed.22* 
Aside  from  that  there  was  probably  nothing  to  record. 

While  the  soldiers  were  thus  plodding  forward  dis- 
couraging news  from  Mexico  was  about  to  overtake  them. 
In  the  latter  part  of  July234  the  viceroy  received  an  order 
from  the  king,  in  response  to  his  letter  of  December  20> 
1595,  suspending  Onate  as  leader  of  the  expedition  and  pro- 
hibiting him  from  entering  New  Mexico.  If  the  journey 
should  already  have  commenced  the  army  was  to  come  to 
an  immediate  halt.  He  was  to  remain  under  that  ban  till 
the  king  pleased  to  order  otherwise.22*  This  cedula  had  been 
ordered  on  recomendation  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies 
which  was  vigorously  campaigning  for  Don  Pedro  Ponce 
de  Leon  in  order  that  he  might  become  the  conqueror  of 
New  Mexico.234 


220.  Order  of  Ulloa,    Zacatecas,   July  20,    1596,   in   Vlloa  visita. 

221.  Report   of    Pedro    de    Vergara    and    Alonso    Sanchez    Montemolin,    Zacatecas, 
July  24,   1596,   in  ibid. 

222.  Notification  to  Onate,  Rio  de  las  Nazas,  September  9,  1596,  in  Hackett,  Hist.. 
Docs.,   351. 

223.  On  August  24,  1590,  Onate  was  at  Santa  Catalina,  three  leagues  from  Avino, 
where  he  contracted  for  a  quantity  of  wheat.     See  Ulloa  visita. 

224.  Monterey  to  the  king,  November  15,   1596,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  377. 

225.  Royal  cedula,   May   8,   1596,   in  ibid.,  Villagra,   Historia,  I.   36. 

226.  See  chapter  III. 


THE  FOUNDING  UF  NEW  MEXICO  179 

When  Monterey  received  the  cedula  he  forwarded  it 
to  Ulloa,  and  accompanied  it  by  an  order  of  his  own  of 
August  12,  1596."7  In  rigorous  terms  he  added  warning 
and  severe  penalties  to  the  king's  decree  should  it  not  be 
obeyed.  Onate  was  prohibited  from  going  beyond  the  place 
where  the  cedula  should  be  received,  though  Ulloa  might 
allow  him  to  go  a  few  leagues,  if  he  found  it  necessary  to 
do  so,  to  better  hold  the  people.  Any  such  arrangement  had 
to  be  made  in  writing.  Failure  to  comply  with  the  king's 
cedula,  was  the  dire  threat,  would  mean  the  loss  of  all  the 
privileges,  granted  in  the  contract. 

Onate  Dissimulates.  The  bitter  news  contained  in 
these  messages  did  not  reach  Oil  ate  till  September  9,  1596, 
while  the  army  was  camped  at  the  Rio  de  las  Nazas  in 
Nueva  Vizcayar*  On  that  day  there  came  hurrying  to  the 
camp  a  messenger  asking  albricias229  for  the  dispatch  which 
he  brought  from  the  viceroy.  Believing  that  it  contained 
orders  for  the  continuation  of  the  journey  he  proclaimed 
good  news,  saying  that  the  entire  camp  was  finally  ord- 
ered to  enter  New  Mexico.  But  it  was  all  a  tragic  mistake. 
When  the  seal  was  broken,  and  Onate  took  the  precaution 
to  do  this  behind  closed  doors,  it  was  found  to  be  the  royal 
order  delaying  the  whole  affair.230  Onate  however  did  not 
falter,  but  remained  true  to  his  king  as  on  former  occasions. 
He  respectfully  kissed  the  unwelcome  letter  and  reverently 
placed  it  upon  his  head  in  token  of  obedience.231 

What  was  now  to  be  done?  If  the  army  should  learn 
the  true  nature  of  the  message  it  would  be  demoralized* 
All  were  anxiously  waiting  to  hear  the  news  and  Onate 
soon  satisfied  their  curiosity.  Putting  on  a  bold  front  he 


227.  Order   of    Mcnterey,   August     12,    1596,    in     Villagra     Historia,    I,   36-38;     cf« 
'"Memorial  sobre  el  descubrimiento,"   in   Col   Doc.   Intd.,   XVI,   191-192. 

228.  Notification   to     Onate,    in    Hackett,    Hist,   Docs.,    351;     Onate   to     Monterey, 
September  13,   1596,  in  ibid.,   353. 

229.  Reward   for  some  good  news. 

230.  Villagra  Historia,  I,   36  ;  Santiago  del  Riego  to  the  king,   November  10,  -596, 
in   Hackett,   Hist.  Docs.,   371. 

231.  Notification  to   Onate,   in   ibid.,   351 ;   Villagra,   Historia,   I,   39. 


180          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

too  proclaimed  good  news;  the  entrada  would  be  made 
without  delay.  The  overjoyed  soldiers  gave  vent  to  their 
feelings  by  displaying  their  skill1  on  horseback.  A  race  was 
first  run,  and  then  a  tilting  match  was  staged,  led  by  the 
two  best  men  in  the  camp,  the  Zaldivar  brothers,  Juan  and 
Vicente.  Onate  also  celebrated  by  riding  forth  to  witness 
the  spectacle,  and  when  he  dismounted  his  gayly  bedecked 
steed  on  returning"  to  camp  he  gave  the  messenger  the 
reward  expected  for  the  good  news  he  had  borne.232 

This  additional  discouragement  was  hard  to  bear. 
Onate  had  already  suffered  extraordinary  expenses  due 
to  the  earlier  delays.  His  army  had  now  been  assembled 
practically  a  year  and  the  situation  was  more  dubious  than 
ever  before*  It  is  true  that  there  was  still  a  ray  of  hope  on 
the  horizon.  Further  orders  were  expected  from  Spain 
by  the  fleet.  It  would  come,  at  the  very  latest,  in  October.239 
Hope  was  now  pinned  on  the  possibility  that  the  king  might 
countermand  the  decree  of  suspension.2*4  In  the  meantime 
he  could  not  prevent  the  desertion  of  large  numbers  of  the 
soldiers  if  they  should  learn  the  truth.  Monterey  took  what 
precautions  he  could  in  order  to  help  him  in  this  respect, 
for  there  were  rumors  afloat  in  the  city  of  Mexico  that 
Don  Pedro  Ponce  was  coming  to  displace  Onate.  This  story 
had  been  learned  in  private  letters  from  Madrid.  To  dis- 
credit them  Monterey  said  as  much  as  he  dared  in  public 
to  counteract  such  hearsay,  and  Ulloa  dissimulated  in  the 
same  manner  in  Onate's  army,  where  he  was  waiting  to 
hold  the  inspection.  If  the  fleet  should  arrive  at  the  ac- 
customed time,  the  expedition  would  thus  be  found  intact.285 

Juan  Guerra  Promises  Aid.  While  Onate  was  await- 
ing the  receipt  of  such  news,  however,  his  supplies  must 
deteriorate  and  losses  of  horses  and  cattle  would  be  inevi- 
table. Up  till  this  time  he  had  already  expended  more  than 
one  hundred  thousand  Castilian  ducats  on  the  expedition. 


232.  Villagra,   Ilistoria,   I,   39-40. 

233.  Monterey  to  the  king:,  November  15,  1596,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs.,  379. 

234.  Onate  to  Monterey,  September  13,   11:96,   in   ibid.,   353. 
235.  Monterey  to  the  king,   November  15,   1596,  in  ibid.,  379. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  181 

His  captains  and  soldiers  had  spent  more  than  twice  that 
amount.  They  had  sold  their  lands  and  would  be  practic- 
ally destitute  on  the  break-up  of  the  army.  This  inform- 
ation was  included  in  a  report  made  by  Ulloa's  secretary, 
Antonio  Negrete.236  It  is  perhaps  a  proper  antidote  to 
Villagra's  estimate  of  half  a  million  ducados  largos  which 
Onate  was  said  to  have  expended  on  the  enterprise.  It  is 
at  any  rate  clear  that  Onate  was  again  in  straightened  cir- 
cumstances. In  his  difficulty  he  turned  to  his  friend  and 
relative  Juan  Guerra  de  Resa,  the  lieutenant  captain-gen- 
eral of  the  expedition,  and  revealed  the  actual  condition  of 
affairs  to  him.  Juan  Guerra  had  long  ere  this  won  dis- 
tinction because  of  the  great  work  and  large  sums  of  money 
he  had  spent  in  the  service  of  the  king,  and  he  did  not  fail 
his  friend  now.  "Like  the  illustrious  Jacob,  who,  charmed 
by  the  beautiful  Rachel  wished  to  live  with  Laban  again," 
so  did  Guerra  once  more  desire  to  serve  the  king,  and  with- 
out considering  the  services  he  had  already  performed, 
pledged  Onate  one  hundred  thousand  pesos  annually  from 
the  income  of  his  estates.  He  accepted  joyfully.237 

When  the  above  events  had  transpired  the  expedition 
halted  at  the  mines  of  Casco  by  Ulloa's  order.  The  place 
proved  an  unfortunate  stopping  place,  according  to  the 
poet,  as  it  was  barren  of  provisions,  grazing  land  and 
water.238  These  mines  were  reached  November  1,  1596.288 

Failure  of  the  Fleet.  The  slender  hopes  which  Don 
Juan  had  nourished  regarding  the  arrival  of  additional 
news  from  the  king  that  fall  were  shortly  dashed  to  the 
ground.  On  October  22,  Monterey  dispatched  a  message, 


236.  Notification     to   Oiiate,     September    9,    1596,    in    Hackett,     Hist.    Docs.,    851; 
Onate  also   pictures  the  poverty   of  the   soldiers   and   colonists   who  had   staked  their 
all  on  the  successful  outcome  of  the  expedition.     Onate  to  Monterey,   September   13, 
1596,   in  ibid.,   359. 

237.  Villagra,  Historia,  I,  39-40. 

238.  Ibid. 

239.  "Discurso  de  las  jornadas  que  hizo  el  Campo  de  su  Magestad  desde  la  Nueva 
Espana  a  la  provincia  de  la  Nueva  Mexico.     Ano  de   1596,     Ytinerario  de  las   minas 
del  Caxco,  .  .  ."  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  XVI,  228-276.     Hereafter  cited  as  "Ytinerario." 

12 


182          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

notifying  him  that  the  ships  had  not  left  that  year,  and 
therefore  no  news  could  be  expected  till  spring.240  The  in- 
formation was  received  on  November  22,  while  the  army 
w/as  still  at  Casco.  In  view  of  this  condition  of  affairs 
Onate  was  again  warned  that  the  ban  of  suspension  was 
still  in  effect.  It  was  a  desperate  situation  which  he  was 
facing,  but  no  sign  of  disobedience  was  shown.241  Villagra 
tells  how  the  viceroy  tried  to  assuage  Onate's  ruffled  feel- 
ings by  expressing  the  utmost  confidence  in  him,  but  the 
poet  scoffed  at  such  condolatory  expressions.242 

Onate  Protests.  While  the  army  was  worrying  away 
the  weary  days  at  the  mines  of  Casco  renewed  efforts  were 
made  by  the  leaders  in  this  drama  to  influence  the  viceroy 
and  the  king  for  a  favorable  decision.  Onate  sent  a  pains- 
taking and  exhaustive  report  to  Monterey.218  Freely  now 
did  he  express  his  emotions.  He  was  quite  beside  himself 
with  grief  over  the  new  misfortune  and  complained  that 
the  extreme  penalties  provided  in  the  viceroy's  order  ac- 
companying the  royal  cedula  of  suspension  were  unnecess- 
ary for  a  true  and  faithful  vassal  of  the  king.  He  protest- 
ed that  he  had  no  intention  to  do  otherwise  than  to  obey, 
even  though  it  might  mean  an  extraordinary  reversal  of 
fortune  for  him,  loss  of  all  the  money  and  labor  expend- 
ed, and  irretrievable  diminution  of  reputation  and  prestige. 
He  promised  obedience  both  in  form  and  spirit,  and  volun- 
teered to  make  every  effort  to  hold  the  expedition  together 
until  his  majesty  ordered  differently. 

Facing  the  facts  squarely  Onate  informed  Monterey 
that  only  a  handful  of  soldiers  or  colonists  would  remain 
in  the  army  should  it  be  learned  that  a  new  leader  was  ex- 


240.  Order   of   Monterey,    October   22,    1596,    in    Ulloa   visita;    "Memorial   sobre   el 
descubrimiento,"  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  XVI,  192 ;  due  to  the  wars  in  Europe  only  eleven 
fleets  came  to  Vera  Cruz  between  1580  and  1600.     Bourne,  E.  G.  Spain  in  America, 
285-286. 

241.  Notification  to  Onate,  November  22,  1596,  in  Ulloa  visita. 

242.  Villagra,   Historia,   I,   41. 

243.  Onate  to   Monterey,    September   13,    1596,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   352-367. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  183 

pected.  There  were  obvious  reasons  for  this.  The  army 
was  a  feudal  organization.  Should  Onate  and  his  chief  of- 
ficers go  the  key  stone  would  fall  from  the  arch.  The 
soldiers  would  follow  their  old  leaders  whom  they  admir- 
ed. Moreover  Onate  had  followed  the  customary  methods 
of  the  frontier  in  organizing  his  army.  He  was  accustom- 
ed to  Indian  warfare  and  had  acted  from  experience.  Euro- 
pean methods  of  fighting  would  be  futile  against  the  na- 
tives. Consequently  any  one  coming  from  Spain  must 
necessarily  be  at  a  great  disadvantage  in  managing  an 
army  organized  to  conquer  a  new  province  like  the  "otro 
Mexico.'' 

Onate  thus  argued  that  the  threatening  change  of  lead- 
ership would  bring  about  the  destruction  of  the  expedition. 
Some  had  already  deserted,244  and  others  were  being  re- 
tained by  rather  dubious  means.  These  facts  were  soon 
seen  by  Ulloa,  who  was  then  with  the  expedition.  He  gave 
Onate  all  the  assistance  at  his  command  in  preserving  the 
intactness  of  the  force.  Don  Juan  appreciated  this  kind- 
ness. He  was  glad  that  all  straggling  bands  of  soldiers  had 
been  compelled  to  unite  with  the  army.  The  evil  these  iso- 
lated groups  had  inflicted  on  the  countryside  was  as  bad 
for  Onate  as  for  anyone  else.  The  rumors  of  their  depre- 
dations were  giving  the  expedition  a  black  eye  and  furnish- 
ing its  enemies  an  opportunity  to  discredit  its  leader  before 
the  king.245 

Onate  Requests  an  Inspection.  While  thus  attempting 
to  make  secure  his  position  as  leader  of  the  expedition 
Ofiate  was  also  seeking  to  safeguard  his  rights  by  giving 
proof  of  having  fulfilled  the  contract.  On  November  1,  a 
large  part  of  the  army  reached  Casco.248  Other  parts  were 
at  Santa  Barbara  and  La  Puana.  Normally  the  inspection 


244.  Santiago  del  Riego  to  the  king,   November  10,   1596,  in   Hackett,   Hist.  Docs., 
369. 

245.  Onate  to  Monterey,   September   13,   1596,   in  ibid.,   359. 

246.  See  above. 


184          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

would  have  been  held  without  delay,  but  would  if  be  done 
now  that  the  enterprise  was  under  suspension?  It  was  a 
matter  of  importance  for  Ofiate.  Further  delay  might 
mean  the  disintegration  of  the  expedition  and  he  could  be 
charged  with  failure  to  carry  out  his  obligations.  Respon- 
sibility for  defeat  would  therefore  be  his  own.  But  he  justly 
insisted  that  the  inspection  was  also  necessary  to  fulfill  the 
king's  duty  toward  him,  and  so  he  earnestly  beseeched  Mon- 
terey to  order  Ulloa  to  carry  it  out.  He  wanted  to  demon- 
strate that  the  contract  had  been  liberally  furnished,  and 
that  poverty,  which  had  been  ascribed  to  him  in  public,  was 
unfounded.  "Upon  your  lordship's  doing  me  this  favor 
depends  all  my  reputation,  honor  and  credit."  It  would  be 
of  material  help  in  preventing  desertion  among  the  soldiers 
since  they  would  feel  that  preparations  for  departure  were 
steadily  progressing. 

Moreover  though  the  status  of  his  future  part  in  the 
enterprise  was  so  doubtful  he  requested  permission  for  the 
entire  camp  to  move  forward  to  Santa  Barbara,  the  last 
settlement  on  the  frontier.  The  valley  in  which  it  lay  was 
a  fertile  region  where  the  expense  of  supporting  the  army 
would  not  be  so  great.  There  the  inspection  could  con- 
veniently be  held  and  the  army  could  settle  down  to  await 
the  king's  pleasure  at  the  minimum  cost.  Ofiate  had  no  ul- 
terior motives  in  mind  when  asking  for  these  favors.  He 
gave  his  word  of  honor  not  to  advance  a  step  beyond  Santa 
Barbara  without  express  order  from  the  viceroy  If  Don 
Pedro  Ponce  or  some  one  else  should  be  given  the  leader- 
ship of  the  expedition  he  promised  to  make  no  disturbance 
whatever.247 

Santiago  del  Riego's  Appeal.  Doctor  Santiago  del 
Riego,  an  oidor  of  the  audiencia  gave  his  support  in  this 
cause,  and  sent  an  impassioned  appeal  to  the  king  in  favor 
of  Ofiate.  He  maintained  that  expeditions  coming  from 
Spain  were  never  successful,  because  those  who  enlisted  in 


247.     Ofiate  to  Monterey,   September   13,    1596,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   365-367. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  185 

Europe  were  usually  poor  people  attracted  by  false  promi- 
ses of  mountains  of  gold.  When  it  was  learned  how  tho- 
roughly the  truth  had  been  concealed  from  them  and  how 
greatly  they  had  been  deceived  they  would  cry  out  to  God 
in  their  misfortune,  and  worst  of  all,  return  home—  broken. 
After  making  a  brief  summary  of  the  things  required  for 
such  an  expedition  as  Onate's,  he  exclaimed:248 

What  man,  indeed,  in  these  kingdoms  will  wish,  or  be 
able,  to  help  the  people  procure  these  things  ?  What  length 
of  time  will  he  need  to  secure  it  all?  How  will  he  succeed 
in  providing  it  with  four  or  five  thousand  head  of  cattle 
which  must  be  taken  ahead  for  food  unless  he  wishes  to  en- 
ter by  robbing  the  Indians  in  their  poverty?  How  will  he 
provide  four  or  five  thousand  quintals  of  biscuit  which  will 
be  needed  for  the  road  and  the  interval  until  they  begin  to 
cultivate  and  work  the  land?  How  will  he  provide  fifty  or 
more  carts  with  the  awnings  which  will  be  needed  for  the 
trip,  and  other  things  that  are  necessary  for  such  a  long 
journey,  and  at  the  least  more  than  twelve  hundred  oxen 
which  will  be  needed  to  draw  them? 

Santiago  del  Riego  asserted  that  this  mass  of  supplies, 
plus  an  infinite  number  of  other  things  that  would  be  need- 
ed, could  not  be  secured  for  one  hundred  thousand  ducats 
by  any  one  bringing  an  expedition  from  Spain.  Experience 
had  proven  moreover  that  armies  organized  in  the  Indies 
usually  achieved  brilliant  success,  and  he  recalled  the  work 
of  Cortes  and  Pizarro  as  proof  of  his  contention.  Further- 
more he  argued: 

With  what  justice  can  the  expedition  be  taken  away 
from  the  one  who  made  the  contract  and  agreement  with 
two  viceroys  who  represented  the  person  of  your  Majesty? 
What  he  spent  in  virtue  of  this  agreement,  which  must  be 
a  very  large  sum,  he  must  lose,  and  the  viceroys,  who  make 
the  contract  in  the  name  of  your  Majesty,  must  cheat  their 
liegemen,  which  does  not  seem  to  be  just.  .  . 


248.  Santiago  del  Riego  to  the  king,  November  10,  1596,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs., 
371.  Riego  mentioned  several  men  who  had  come  with  expeditions  from  Spain  and 
had  failed.  He  named  Serpa,  in  New  Andalucia ;  Juan  Ponce  in  Florida ;  Luis  de 
Carbajal  in  New  Leon;  and  others  whose  identity  has  been  lost. 

12* 


186          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Monterey  Consults  the  Audiencia.  The  pressure  which 
Onate  and  his  friends  thus  brought  to  bear  on  the  viceroy 
had  the  desired  effect.  His  attitude  changed,  but  he  was 
nevertheless  perplexed  as  to  what  course  of  action  to  pur- 
sue toward  him  when  the  fleet  failed  to  come.  What  should 
he  do  if  some  of  Onate's  men  strayed  off  or  broke  away  and 
left  for  New  Mexico  contrary  to  the  royal  orders?  Finally 
he  determined  to  bring  the  whole  affair  to  the  attention  of 
the  audiencia  in  order  to  learn  its  opinion.  It  felt  however 
that  nothing  should  be  done  until  the  king's  will  was  known, 
and  that  in  the  meantime  Onate  should  remain  at  the  head 
of  the  army.  It  was  still  possible  that  ships  would  soon 
come  bringing  definite  orders  from  Spain.  Till  then  the 
expedition  ought  to  be  preserved.  But  Monterey  was  not 
satisfied  with  the  Council's  recommendation.  He  continued 
to  urge  upon  the  king  the  desirability  and  necessity  of 
continuing  the  enterprise  as  then  constituted,  but  at  the 
same  time  he  refused  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  send- 
ing the  army  on  to  New  Mexico,  and  the  audiencia  likewise 
declined  to  take  upon  itself  any  part  of  the  viceroy's  bur- 
den.249 

Reasons  for  Favoring  Onate.  In  order  to  convince  the 
king  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies  of  the  very  good  reasons 
why  Onate  should  be  allowed  to  carry  out  the  conquest  the 
viceroy  sent  them  a  detailed  list  of  notes,  including  his  own 
opinion,  that  of  the  audiencia  and  others,  in  regard  to  the 
matter.200  These  documents  are  of  interest  and  importance. 
They  indicate  why  the  king  at  last  approved  Onate  for  this 
enterprise  when  Ponce's  cause  began  to  weaken. 

First  of  all,  Onate's  contract  had  been  legally  made. 
If  the  project  should  be  committed  to  another  he  would 
have  a  claim,  which  could  not  be  denied,  to  collect  interest 
from  the  crown  on  the  expenses  incurred. 


249.  Monterey  to  the  king,  November  15,   1596,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   379 ;   re- 
port of  the  fiscal,  in  ibid.,  391. 

250.  Reasons   why  Onate  should  go  to  New  Mexico,   November   15,   1596,   in  ibid., 
383-389  ;  report  of  the  fiscal,  in  ibid.,  389-395. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  187 

Many  had  sold  or  mortgaged  their  estates  and  brought 
their  families  with  them  on  the  expedition.  If  not  permitted 
to  go  their  plight  would  be  serious,  all  of  which  ought  to 
be  taken  into  consideration. 

If  the  soldiers  were  disbanded  they  would  scatter  all 
over  the  country,  and  robberies  and  outrages  might  be 
perpetrated  on  the  inhabitants.  Some  might  join  the  In- 
dians and  excite  them  to  adopt  their  old  habits  as  bandits 
and  thieves,  thereby  breaking  the  peace  which  had  recent- 
ly been  established,251 

There  was  danger  that  some  of  the  soldiers  might 
unite  and  go  to  New  Mexico  without  authority.  They 
would  probably  mistreat  the  Indians  and  discredit  the 
Spaniards  and  their  religion.  In  that  case  future  attempts 
to  pacify  the  country  would  be  extremely  difficult. 

The  annoying  disturbances  that  New  Spain  and  Nueva 
Galicia  had  experienced  while  the  expedition  was  being 
organized  would  have  to  be  endured  again,  should  Onate's 
following  be  dispersed. 

Oiiate's  expedition  had  been  highly  esteemed  among 
the  people.  If  now  defeated  it  would  be  virtually  impossible 
to  find  any  one  in  the  Indies  willing  to  organize  such  an 
expedition,  and  no  one  would  enlist. 

Should  another  army  be  equipped  long  delays  would 
occur.  As  the  chief  purpose  of  the  conquest  was  the  con- 
version of  the  natives,  for  which  Onate  was  well  prepared, 
that  mission  must  necessarily  be  jeopardized. 

There  was  very  serious  doubt  as  to  whether  any  one 
coming  from  Spain  and  without  property  in  the  New 
World,  could  collect,  by  money  alone,  the  people  and  sup- 
plies necessary. 

Moreover  at  the  head  of  the  expedition  should  be  a 
man  accustomed  to  deal  with  the  Indians.  Experience  had 
demonstrated  that  a  person  coming  from  Spain  did  not  pos- 


251.     The  reference    is   probably  to   the   peace    established   along  the     frontier  by 
Velasco  in   1591.     See  Bancroft,   Mexico,   II   763-764. 


188          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sess  that  quality  in  a  high  degree,  and  was  accordingly  an 
important  reason  for  retaining  Onate.252 

The  Delay  of  the  Inspection.  Meanwhile  the  army  was 
still  stationed  at  the  Casco  mines  where  the  goddess  of  good 
fortune  seemed  unable  to  find  it.  The  inspection  which 
Ulloa  had  been  delegated  to  perform  was  still  awaited.  The 
viceroy  stated  it  had  been  postponed  because  Onate  did  not 
lead  the  expedition  to  the  last  settlement,  and  that  he  did 
not  arrive  there  in  time  to  make  the  entrance,  as  had  been 
ordered.  But  this  was  clearly  impossible  as  the  cedula  of 
suspension  had  prohibited  him  from  taking  another  step 
unless  by  Ulloa' s  written  order.  The  real  reason  is  pro- 
bably to  be  sought  elsewhere.  Perhaps  Ulloa  had  been  or- 
dered not  to  hold  the  inspection  if  he  believed  that  Onate 
could  pass  it  satisfactorily,  as  he  would  then  be  able  to 
charge  interest  on  his  expenditures.  This  idea  is  ascribed 
to  the  audiencia  and  may  be  true.  At  the  same  time,  so 
runs  this  story,  should  Onate  threaten  to  hold  the  inspec- 
tion without  Ulloa's  presence,  then  it  should  be  done  by 
the  latter  in  order  to  avoid  any  opportunity  for  fraud,  "and 
in  order  that  it  should  not  appear  as  though  the  truth  were 
not  being  sought."  Furthermore  both  Monterey  and  the 
audiencia  were  agreed  that  Ulloa  should  remain  with  the 
expedition  regardless  of  the  expense  involved,  since  the 
soldiers  would  certainly  be  undeceived  and  immediately 
disperse  when  his  departure  became  known.'53 

As  the  weeks  continued  to  roll  by  without  further  de- 
velopments the  soldiers  finally  despaired  and  the  army  was 
on  the  verge  of  disintegration.  At  that  moment  Onate  re- 
ceived help  from  an  unexpected  quarter.  Dona  Eufemia, 
wife  of  the  real  alferez  Penalosa,  a  woman  of  singular 
valor,  beauty  and  intelligence,  according  to  the  poet,  har- 
angued the  soldiers  in  the  plaza.  But  it  does  not  appear  that 


252.  Reasons  why  Onate  should  go  to  New  Mexico,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   385- 
387  ;  report  of  the  fiscal,  in  ibid.,  393-395. 

253.  Monterey  to  the  king,   November   15,   1596,   in   Hackett,   Hist.  Docs.,   383. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  189 

her  appeal  to  the  courage  and  honor  of  the  colonists  had 
more  than  momentary  effect.  They  continued  to  leave.  As 
Villagra  said,  "Weak  souls  cannot  desist  from  their  in- 
tent."25' 

Meanwhile  Onate's  trouble  increased  with  the  dis- 
satisfaction of  his  men.  He  was  growing  very  impatient 
over  the  endless  excuses  advanced  by  Ulloa  for  not  making 
the  visita.  On  November  28,  1596,  he  explained  to  Ulloa 
that  his  army  was  assembled  at  the  Casco  mines  and  at 
Santa  Barbara.  This  had  entailed  heavy  expense.  Sup- 
plies were  running  low,  soldiers  deserting,  cattle  horses  and 
mules  being  lost,  and  New  Mexico  was  still  far  away.  He 
therefore  demanded  an  immediate  inspection.  Ulloa  how- 
ever paid  little  attention  to  this  appeal.  It  was  repeated 
on  the  same  day,  but  he  merely  acknowledged  acceptance 
of  the  message.**  On  December  2,  and  again  on  the  5, 
Onate  renewed  his  request,  with  the  same  result.258 

The  Inspection  Ordered.  On  December  9,  the  inspector 
delayed  no  longer.  Onate  had  in  the  meantime  threatened 
to  hold  it  himself  before  a  royal  notary.  Replying  to  his  ap- 
peals Ulloa  signified  his  readiness  to  carry  out  the  visita 
even  though  it  would  be  very  expensive  for  the  king  as  the 
expedition  was  widely  scattered.  However  such  action  was 
not  to  be  construed  as  repealing  the  orders  prohibiting  the 
continuation  of  the  entrada.257  Thereupon  he  ordered  Onate 
to  take  oath  that  all  the  supplies  and  other  materials  offered 
for  inspection  were  his  own,  and  that  nothing  had  been 
given  him  simply  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  creditable 
showing.258 


254.  Villagra,   Historia,  I,   42. 

255.  Onate  to  Ulloa,   November  28,   1596,   in   VUoa  visita;   cf.   "Memorial   sobre  el 
descubrimiento,"   in   Col.   Doc.   Ined.,   XVI,   192-193. 

256.  Onate  to  Ulloa,   December  2,  and  5,   1596,   in   UUoa  visita. 

257.  Order  of  Ulloa,   December  9,   1596,   m  ibid. 

258.  Second  order  of  Ulloa  of  December  9,   1596,   in  ibid.     Morover  if  anyone  had 
loaned   anything   to   Onate   he  must  appear   within   three   days   to   make   a   statement 
thereof.     Four  soldiers  reported  that  they  had  sold  certain  goods  to  him.  They  were 
Juan  Moreno  de  la  Rua,  Captain  Pablo  de  Aguilar,  Alonso  Gomez  and  Captain  Joseph 


190          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  inspection  at  Casco  was  then  begun,  but  dragged 
on  for  more  than  two  months.  Practically  every  class  of 
goods  showed  a  substantial  surplus,  and  there  were  quanti- 
ties of  supplies  which  had  not  been  specified  in  the  capit- 
ulations. Of  medicine  there  was  still  a  deficit,  though 
some  additional  things  had  been  forwarded  by  Cristobal  de 
Zaldivar  from  Zacatecas.  To  overcome  this  deficiency 
Onate  requested  that  some  supplies  of  sugar,  oil,  wine  and 
other  things  be  substituted,  as  these  were  essential  for  sick 
people.  In  this  manner  all  difficulties  were  swept  aside 
and  the  inspection  at  Casco  was  concluded  toward  the  end 
of  January,  1597,2S* 

Again  there  came  a  break  in  Onate's  plans.  On  Jan- 
uary 26,  just  as  the  inspectors  were  ready  to  go  to  Santa 
Barbara  to  continue  the  visita  at  that  place,  word  was  re- 
ceived from  Mexico  that  Ulloa  had  been  appointed  com- 
mander of  the  Philippine  flota  for  that  year.  Ofiate  there- 
fore immediately  requested  him  to  go  to  Santa  Barbara  to 
complete  the  inspection,  protesting  that  if  Ulloa  did  not  do 
so  and  if  the  inspection  showed  any  deficits  the  respon- 
bility  would  not  be  his.  But  Ulloa  did  not  want  to  go  to 
Santa  Barbara.  He  was  willing  to  finish  the  job  at  Casco. 
To  the  more  distant  place  he  would  send  the  commissary 
Esquivel.280  The  latter  was  accordingly  provided  with  the 
necessary  power  for  that  purpose.2*1 

Before  Ulloa  left  for  Mexico  Onate  tried  to  secure  a 
statement  from  him  in  regard  to  the  elaborate  equipment 
of  the  expedition  when  the  order  of  suspension  came.  The 
visitor  however  did  not  feel  that  his  instructions  would 
permit  him  to  do  as  Onate  suggested.  For  that  reason  he 
agreed  that  he  might  make  such  a  record  himself  .afla 

On  Februuary  1,  1597,  Onate  and  the  inspecting  of- 
ficers left  Casco  for  Santa  Barbara,  twenty-eight  leagues 


259.  See  the   Vllca  visita  for  January  31,   1597. 

260.  Onate  to  Xllloa  and  reply,  January  27,   1597,  in  ibid. 

261.  Order  of  Ulloa,   January   30,   1597,   in  ibid. 

262.  Onate  to  Ulloa  and  reply,  January  30,   1597,  in  ibid;  cf.   "Memorial  sobre  el 
descubrimiento,"  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  XVI,   194-195. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  191 

distant.203  They  arrived  there  four  days  later,  and  on  the 
5,  commenced  the  final  part  of  the  inspection.284  By  the  19, 
all  the  supplies  had  been  listed  with  the  exception  of  cer- 
tain extra  goods  which  Onate  and  the  soldiers  had  brought 
along.  The  governor  claimed  to  have  forty  thousand  pesos 
worth  of  negro  slaves,  Chichimecas,  clothing,  wrought 
silver  and  numerous  other  things.  Others  in  the  expedi- 
tion had  similar  possessions  of  great  value  which  amount- 
ed to  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pesos. 
Onate  insisted  that  all  this  should  be  recorded.  There 
was  some  basis  for  his  claim.  Monterey  had  so  ordered 
In  his  instructions  to  Ulloa,  as  Esquivel  realized,  but  he 
replied  that  the  latter  had  not  given  him  the  necessary 
authority.  With  that  the  matter  dropped.283 

When  it  was  seen  that  nothing  was  lacking  of  what 
was  required  Esquivel  issued  an  order,  already  promulgat- 
ed by  Ulloa  on  January  30,  prohibiting  Onate  from  mov- 
ing the  army  till  orders  should  be  received  from  the  vice- 
roy. As  on  previous  occasions  Don  Juan  promised  to  com- 
ply.208 

The  Successful  Completion.  Before  the  end  of  Feb- 
ruary Esquivel  finished  his  task.  At  the  mines  of  Casco 
there  were  found  to  be  one  hundred  and  thirty-one  soldiers, 
at  Santa  Barabara  thirty-nine  and  at  La  Puana  thirty- 
five.  The  total  number  thus  amounted  to  two  hundred 
and  five,  or  five  more  than  Oiiate  was  obliged  to  furnish. 
Of  supplies  and  provisions  there  was  a  surplus  of  well  over 
four  thousand  pesos.267 

The  fact  that  Onate  had  been  able  to  make  such  a  fine 


263.  The  "Ytinerario"  gives  this  distance  as  twenty-four  leagues.  Col.  Doc.  /ne'e?., 
XVI,   229-231. 

264.  Report  of   Esquivel,   February   4,   in   Ulloa  visita. 

265.  Oiiate  to  Esquivel  and  reply,  February  19,  1597,  in  Ulloa  visita;  cf.  "Memorial 
sobre  el  descubrimiento,"   in  Col.  Doc.   In6d.,   XVI,   196-197. 

266.  Order  of  Esquivel,   February   18  ;   Ofiate's  reply,   February   19,    1597,   in    Ulloa, 
visita. 

267.  "Memorial  sobre  el  discubrimiento,"   in  Col.  Doc.   hi6d.>   XVI,   196. 


192          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

showing  after  having  experienced  an  almost  endless  series 
of  delays  was  clearly  a  tribute  to  his  leadership  and  to  the 
support  of  his  wealthy  lieutenant  Juan  Guerra  de  Resa  and 
others.  Under  the  circumstances  it  was  a  source  of  won- 
der to  all  New  Spain,  says  the  chronicler.  As  soon  as  the 
result  was  known  Ofiate's  brothers  in  Mexico  appealed  to 
the  viceroy  for  permission  to  proceed.  But  Monterey  was 
still  awaiting  orders  from  Spain  and  unable  to  do  anything 
in  their  behalf.  He  did  write  encouraging  letters,  point- 
ing out  that  it  was  still  possible  that  matters  might  be  suc- 
cessfully adjusted.268  In  this  there  was  small  comfort  in- 
deed. 


268.     Villagra,   Historia,  I,   43. 


FRAY  MARCOS'  RELACION  193 


FRAY  MARCOS  DE  NIZA  AND  HIS  DISCOVERY 
OF  THE  SEVEN  CITIES  OF  CIBOLA 

PERCY  M.  BALDWIN,  PH.  D. 

Although  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  (Friar  Mark  of  Nice) 
was  the  first  white  man  who  indisputably  set  foot  on  the 
soil  of  New  Mexico,1  there  has^  hitherto  been  published  no 
good  translation  into  English  of  his  Relation,  or  the  report 
which  he  made  to  his  official  superiors  upon  his  return. 
Indeed,  the  only  previous  translation  that  I  have  been  able 
to  discover  is  one  given  in  Haluyt's  Voyages2  and  this  was 
not  made  from  the  original  Spanish,  but  from  a  very  im- 
perfect Italian  rendering  by  Ramusio.8  A  French  version 
may  be  found  in  Ternaux-Compans'  Voyages*  and  this  was 
made  from  the  Spanish  manuscript  copy  at  Simancas,  but 
unfortunately  it  is  a  careless  and  unreliable  piece  of  work,5 
The  present  translation  has  been  prepared  from  the  printed 
copy  contained  in  the  Documentos  Ineditos  del  Archivo  de 
Indias  (Vol.  Ill,  pp.  325  et  seq). 

The  report  of  Fray  Marcos  raised  to  fever  heat  the 


1.  Mr.  Twitchell  and  others  have  accorded  this  honor  to  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  but  the 
claim  is  rejected  by  most  historians. 

2.  Hakluyt,      Richard:     Navigations,     Voyages,    Traffiques    &    Discoveries.      The 
"Relation"  of  Fray  Marcos  is  in  Vol.  IX  of  the  Glasgow  edition  of  1904  and  in  Vol. 
Ill  of  the  London  edition  of  1810.     It  is  also  given  as  an  appendix  to  Mrs.  Bandolier's 
translation    of    The   Journey   of   Alvar   Nunez   Cabeza   de    Vaca   from   Florida   to   the 
Pacific,   1528-1536;  New  York,   1905. 

3.  Ramusio,  Giovanni  Battista:  Navigationi  et  Viaggi,    3  Vols.,  Venice,   1554-1583. 
The  translation  of  Fray  Marcos's  report  is  in  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  356  A-359  D. 

4.  Ternaux-Compans,    Henri :    Voyages,    Relations,    et    Memoires    Originaux    pour 
servir  a  I'historie  de  la  decouverte  de  I'  Amerique.     Paris,  1837-1841.     The  translation 
of  the  "Relation"  is  in  tome  IX,  pp.  2C6-284.     At  the  end  of  it  appears  the  follow- 
ing  note:      "J'ai   collationne   cette     copie   avec     1'original,    qui   est     a   Simancas,   le   3 
septembre,    1781. --Juan   Bautista   Muiioz." 

5.  Several  examples  of  this  are  quoted  in  footnotes  to  the  translation  given  here- 
with and  more  are  mentioned  by  Bandelier    (article  cited  below),  who,  however,  was 
in  error  in  thinking  that  Ternaux-Compans  translated  from  Ramusio. 

13 


194          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

interest  of  the  Spanish  adventurers  in  "the  seven  cities  of 
Cibola"  and  Coronado's  army  set  out  wi£h  high  hopes  of 
duplicating  or  surpassing  the  exploits  of  Cortes  in  Mexico. 
When  these  hopes  were  grievously  disappointed  and,  in- 
stead of  marvellous  cities  exceeding  in  wealth  and  grand- 
eur anything  yet  discovered  in  the  New  World,  were  found 
only  the  Indian  pueblo  villages  of  Zuni  and  its  neighbor- 
hood, the  father  was  roundly  traduced  as  a  liar.  Cortes, 
at  the  court  of  Madrid  in  1540,  declared  that  the  report 
was  simply  an  elaboration  of  some  information  which  he 
(Cortes)  had  received  from  Indians  and  which  he  had  com- 
municated to  the  Friar  and  he  alleged  that  the  Friar,  in 
thus  relating  what  he  had  neither  seen  nor  heard,  was 
merely  following  a  practice  for  which  he  had  become  noto- 
rious in  Peru  and  Guatemala.6  This  charge  is  grotesque, 
because  Fray  Marcos  accompanied  Coronado  to  Cibola  and, 
had  he  not  been  over  the  ground  previously,  the  fact  would 
have  become  painfully  evident  as  the  expedition  proceeded. 
However,  this  does  not  clear  the  Friar  of  the  charges 
of  exaggeration  preferred  against  him  by  Coronado  him- 
self.7 Castaneda  de  Nagera,  the  principal  chronicler  of  the 
Coronado  expedition,  gives  a  story  of  Stephen  Dorantes' 
death  and  subsequent  events  which  differs  in  several  parti- 
culars from  the  "Relation."  He  says  the  Indians  killed  only 
Stephen  and  let  his  companions  go  and  that  when  these 
met  the  "friars"  (plural),  they  incontinently  fled,  so  that 
they  never  came  within  sight  of  Cibola.8  This  is  tantamount 
to  a  charge  that  the  Friar's  report,  presented  immediately 
after  his  return  and  solemnly  sworn  to,  was  deliberately 
falsified  to  cover  an  act  of  cowardice.  But  Castaneda  is 
evidently  wrong  when  he  speaks  of  there  being  three  friars, 


6.  Smithsonian  Institution :     Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethno- 
logy, in  article  by  Winship   on   "The  Coronado   Expedition,"   p.   367. 

7.  Letter  of   Coronado   to   the   Emperor,     October   20,    1541.      Given    by    Ternaux- 
Compans,   IX,   362,  and  by   Winship,   op.   cit.   supra,   p.    583. 

8.  Winship's  translation  of  Castaneda,  op.   cit.   supra,   p.   475.   Or,   Hodge's  trans- 
lation in  Spanish  Explorers  in   the  Southern   United  States,   1528-1542,   p.   290;   New 
York,   1907. 


FRAY  MARCOS'  RELACION  195 

whom  he  mentions  by  name  as  Marcos,  Daniel,  and  Antonio 
de  Santa  Maria.  Fray  Marcos  expressly  speaks  of  his  be- 
ing alone  and  having  no  one  with  whom  he  could  take  coun- 
sel, having  left  his  companion  Onorato  (not  Daniel  nor 
Antonio)  behind  at  Vacapa.  His  official  superiors  must 
have  known  how  many  companions  he  had  and  an  error 
on  this  point  would  have  been  obvious.  Castafieda's  ac- 
count was  written  more  than  twenty  years  after  the  events 
he  describes  and,  when  it  comes  to  a  question  of  his  word 
against  the  Friar's,  there  is  centainly  no  reason  to  accept 
his. 

Some  historians  have  been  almost  as  unkind  to  Fray 
Marcos  as  were  his  contemporaries.  Ternaux-Compans 
speaks  disparagingly  of  him9  and  Haynes,  in  Winsor's 
Narrative  and  Critical  History,  says:  "We  think  that  he 
fairly  deserves  the  epithet  of  the  'lying  monk/  which  has 
been  bestowed  upon  him,  in  spite  of  the  air  of  probability 
which  pervades  the  greater  part  of  his  narrative."10  On  the 
other  hand,  as  John  G.  Shea  remarks:  "Haynes  follows 
his  real  narrative  and  does  not  note  a  single  statement  as 
false  or  bring  any  evidence  to  show  any  assertion  untrue/'11 
F.  H.  Gushing  has  brought  to  light  Indian  traditions  which 
corroborate  a  part  of  the  Friar's  story.12  A.  F.  Bandelier 
has  stoutly  defended  him  and  has  given  plausible  explan- 
ations of  all  his  statements,  as  well  as  traced  his  probable 
route,  in  his  Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  South- 
ivestern  Portion  of  the  United  States.™  J.  P.  Winship,  in 
discussing  his  credibility  writes:  "Friar  Marcos  undoubt- 
edly never  wilfully  told  an  untruth  about  the  country  of 
Cibola,  even  in  a  barber's  chair."11  C.  F.  Lummis  goes  so 


9.  Ternaux-Compans,    op.   cit.   supra,   tome   IX,    "Preface   de   1'   editeur   fran^ais," 
pp.  v-vi. 

10.  Op.   cit.,   II,   499. 

11.  Shea,   John   Gilmary :   The  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days,   p.   117,   footnote. 

12.  In    The   Magazine   of   Western   History,   cit  id    by     Bandelier     in   Southwestern 
Historical  Contributions,   p.   106. 

13.  Bandslier,  op.  cit.,  in  Papers  of  the  Archaeological  Institute  of  America,  Amer. 
series,   Vol.   V,   pp.    106-178. 

14.  Winship,   op.  cit.   supra,   p.   366. 


196          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

far  as  to  say  warmly :  "He  has  been  accused  of  misrepre- 
sentation and  exaggeration  in  his  reports ;  but  if  his  critics 
had  not  been  so  ignorant  of  the  locality,  of  the  Indians  and 
of  their  traditions,  they  never  would  have  spoken.  Fray 
Marcos's  statements  were  absolutely  truthful."1' 

The  Friar  himself,  in  concluding  his  report,  says :  "I 
simply  tell  what  I  saw  and  what  was  told  me  concerning 
the  countries  where  I  went  and  those  of  which  I  had  in- 
formation." All  through  his  narrative  he  is  careful  to  dis- 
tinguish between  observation  and  hearsay  and  certainly 
nothing  that  he  spates  from  observation  can  be  set  down 
as  deliberately  false.  On  the  contrary,  as  Bandelier  has 
shown,  it  conforms  pretty  accurately  with  what  we  know 
of  the  ethnology  and  topography  of  the  region  over  which 
he  travelled. 

There  are,  however,  two  statements  for  which  he 
vouches  that  are  open  to  question.  One  is  his  observation 
have  made  an  error  here  of  about  3°  30'  in  his  latitude 
that  in  35°  the  coast  suddenly  turns  to  the  west.  He  must 
which  does  not  say  much  for  the  knowledge  of  cosmography 
that  Fra.  Antonio  ascribes  to  him  and  which  is  given  as  one 
of  the  reasons  why  he  was  chosen  for  the  exploration.  Even 
with  the  crude  instruments  of  those  days,  3^2  degrees  is 
a  large  error.  But  the  most  puzzling  point  is  that  at  a  pre- 
vious point  in  his  journey  he  had  found  himself  40  leagues 
from  the  coast  and  his  subsequent  traveling  must  have  led 
him  away  further  still.  Bandelier  estimates  that  he  must 
have  been  200  miles  away,18  and  seems  to  think  that  he  made 
a  special  trip  to  the  coast  to  ascertain  its  direction.  But 
nothing  in  the  text  would  indicate  that  he  made  any  such 
important  deviation  from  his  route.  He  was  hurrying  on 
after  Stephen  Dorantes  and  he  was  only  a  day's  march 
from  Cibola  when  he  met  the  fugitive  who  gave  him  the 
first  news  of  Stephen's  disastrous  end.  This  lone  observa- 
tion of  our  cosmographer-priest  is  unfortunately  of  no  as- 


15.  Lummis,    Charles    Fletcher:    The   Spanish   Pioneers,    p.    SO. 

16.  Op.  cit,  supra,  p.  143. 


FRAY  MARCOS'  RELACION  197 

sistance  to  us  in  determining  his  route.  Nowhere  else  does 
he  mention  his  latitude  and  he  gives  only  vague  clues  as 
to  the  direction  in  which  he  is  marching. 

The  other  dubious  statement  is  that,  from  a  distance, 
Cibola  appeared  to  him  bigger  than  Mexico.  Castaneda 
later  wrote:  "There  are  mansions  in  New  Spain  which 
make  a  better  appearance  from  a  distance,"17  and  he  tells 
us  that  Fray  Marcos  found  it  unsafe  to  remain  with  Coro- 
nado's  army  when  his  exaggerations  became  apparent,  and 
returned  to  New  Spain.  However,  allowance  must  be  made 
for  the  difference  in  point  of  view.  Friar  Mark  had  been 
given  many  glowing  accounts  of  the  greatness  of  Cibola 
by  the  Indians;  these  accounts  had  checked  with  one  an- 
other and  the  Indians  had  been  truthful  in  all  else.  His 
mind  was  primed  to  expect  a  big  city  and  no  doubt  distance 
lent  enchantment  to  the  view.  After  all,  his  was  only  com- 
mon human  failing  of  being  prone  to  believe  what  he  want- 
ed to  believe  and  to  see  what  he  wanted  to  see. 

It  is  altogether  probable  that  the  accounts  which  the 
adventurers  in  Coronado's  army  had  heard  were  grossly 
exaggerated  and  garbled  versions  of  Fray  Marcos's  report. 
It  is  possible  that  some  of  these  got  into  print  and  that  one 
of  them  was  used  by  Ramusio  for  his  Italian  version.  How 
else  can  one  explain  the  extraordinary  interpolation  in  con- 
nection with  the  description  of  Cibola?  (See  page  218)  It 
is  difficult  to  believe  that  Ramusio  invented  it  and  deliber- 
ately foisted  it  into  the  text.  Certainly  Fray  Marcos  should 
not  be  held  responsible  for  these  embellishments  of  his 
narrative. 

In  one  respect,  at  any  rate,  the  Friar  deserves  our  ad- 
miration. He  is  fair  to  the  Indians  at  every  point.  He  de- 
scribes their  joy  at  being  set  free  by  Mendoza;  he  draws 
attention  to  their  agriculture  being  neglected  due  to  war- 
like raids  upon  them  by  the  "Christians"  of  San  Miguel; 
he  will  not  break  faith  with  the  messengers  he  sent  to  the 


17.     Winship,   op.   cit.   supra,   p.   483. 

13* 


198          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sea  coast  from  Vacapa ;  he  declines  to  receive  gifts  from  the 
aborigines  in  a  country  where  white  men  have  not  been 
previously  known;  he  gratefully  acknowledges  their  hospi- 
tality and  aid  at  every  stage  of  his  journey;  he  testifies  to 
their  great  truthfulness;  he  does  not  blame  them  when 
they  manifest  a  hostile  disposition  towards  himself  after 
the  massacre  of  their  companions;  he  evidently  regards 
their  anger  as  arising  naturally  from  their  grief  and  says 
that  it  would  be  against  his  will  if  Christians  should  come 
to  avenge  his  death.  He  seems  to  be  moved  throughout  by 
missionary  zeal  and  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  him  in- 
sincere, even  though,  as  Castaneda  insinuates,  the  ambition 
to  be  elected  Father  Provincial  of  his  order  may  not  have 
been  absent  from  his  thoughts. 

When  all  is  said,  the  fairest  treatment  we  can  give  him 
is  to  let  him  speak  for  himself,  and  therefore  the  subjoined 
translation  of  his  "Relation"  is  given  for  the  benefit  of  the 
readers  of  the  Neiv  Mexico  Historical  Review.  The  report 
is  written  in  a  nai've  style  that  does  not  lack  interest  and 
we  feel  sure  that  New  Mexicans  will  be  willing  to  accord 
the  discoverer  of  their  land  an  attentive  hearing. 


INSTRUCTION  OF  DON  ANTONIO,  VICEROY  OF  NEW  SPAIN 

[Fray  Marcos  de  Niza,  this  is  what  you  have  to  do  in 
the  expedition  which  you  are  undertaking  for  the  honor 
and  glory  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  for  the  propagation  of 
our  holy  catholic  faith]  / 

First:  As  soon  as  you  arrive  at  the  province  of 
Culiacan,  you  shall  exhort  and  encourage  the  Spaniards, 
who  reside  in  the  town  of  San  Miguel,  to  treat  well  the  In- 
dians who  are  at  peace  and  not  to  employ  them  on  ex- 
cessive tasks,  assuring  them  that  if  they  do  so,  they  shall 
find  favor  with  and  be  rewarded  by  H.  M.  for  the  labors 


1.      This    introductory    paragraph     is    given    by     Ternaux-Compans.       It    is     no*    in 
the  Documentos  ineditoa. 


FRAY  MARCOS'  RELACION  199 

which  they  have  there  undergone,  and  in  me  they  shall 
have  a  good  supporter  for  their  claims,  but  if  they  do  the 
contrary,  they  shall  be  punished  and  out  of  favor. 

You  shall  give  the  Indians  to  understand  that  I  send 
you,  in  the  name  of  H.  M.,  to  order  that  they  be  treated 
well,  and  that  they  may  know  that  he  is  afflicted  by  the 
affronts  and  injuries  which  they  have  received,  and  that 
henceforward  they  shall  be  well  treated,  and  that  those 
who  do  them  harm  shall  be  punished. 

Likewise  you  shall  assure  them  that  they  shall  no 
longer  be  made  slaves,  nor  removed  from  their  lands,  but 
that  they  shall  be  left  free  on  them,  without  hurt  or  dam- 
age; that  they  shall  lose  their  fear  and  recognize  God  Our 
Lord,  who  is  in  heaven,  and  the  Emperor,  who  is  placed 
by  His  hand  on  earth  to  rule  and  govern  it. 

And  as  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado,  whom  H.  M. 
has  appointed  governor  of  that  province,  will  go  with  you 
to  the  town  of  San  Miguel  of  Culiacan,  you  must  advise 
me  how  he  provides  for  the  affairs  of  that  town,  in  what 
concerns  the  service  of  God  Our  Lord  and  the  conversion 
and  good  treatment  of  the  natives  of  that  province. 

And  if  by  the  aid  of  God  Our  Lord  and  the  grace  of 
the  Holy  Ghost,  you  shall  find  a  way  to  go  further  and  to 
enter  the  country  beyond,  you  shall  take  with  you  Stephen 
Dorantes  for  a  guide,  whom  I  order  that  he  obey  you  in 
all  and  by  all  that  you  command  him,  as  he  would  myself, 
and,  if  he  does  not  so,  he  shall  be  in  jeopardy  and  shall 
incur  the  penalties  which  befall  those  who  do  not  obey  per- 
sons who  hold  power  from  H.  M.  to  command  them. 

Likewise  the  said  governor,  Francisco  Vazquez,  has 
with  him  the  Indians  who  came  with  Dorantes  and  some 
others,  that  it  has  been  possible  to  gather  from  those  parts, 
in  order  that,  if  to  him  and  to  you  both  it  may  seem  advis- 
able that  you  take  some  in  your  company,  you  may  do  so 
and  may  use  them  as  you  see  is  good  for  the  service  of  Our 
Lord. 

You  shall  always  arrange  to  go  in  the  safest  manner 
possible,  and  inform  yourself  first  if  the  Indians  be  at 


200          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

peace  or  war  with  one  another,  that  you  may  give  them 
no  occasion  to  commit  any  indiscretion  against  your  per- 
son, which  would  be  the  cause  of  proceeding  against  them 
and  chastizing  them.  If  such  were  the  case,  instead  of 
doing  them  good  and  bringing  them  light,  it  would  be  the 
opposite. 

You  shall  take  much  care  to  observe  the  people  that 
there  are,  whether  they  be  many  or  few,  and  if  they  are 
scattered  or  live  close  together. 

Note  the  quality  and  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  climate 
of  the  country,  the  trees  and  plants  and  domestic  and  wild 
animals,  which  there  may  be,  the  nature  of  the  ground, 
whether  rugged  or  level,  the  rivers,  whether  great  or  small, 
and  the  stones  and  metals  which  there  are  in  the  country. 
Send  or  carry  back  samples  of  such  things  as  it  is  possible 
to  do  so,  to  the  end  that  H.  M.  may  be  advised  of  every- 
thing. 

Always  endeavor  to  obtain  information  about  the  sea 
coast,  that  of  the  North  as  well  as  that  of  the  South,  be- 
cause the  land  may  narrow  and  in  the  country  beyond  some 
arm  of  the  sea  may  enter.  And  if  you  come  to  the  coast  of 
the  South  Sea,  bury  letters  concerning  whatever  may  ap- 
pear to  you  noteworthy,  on  the  prominent  points,  at  the 
foot  of  some  tree  distinguished  for  its  size,  and  on  the  tree 
make  a  cross  so  that  it  may  be  known.  Likewise  make  the 
same  sign  of  the  cross  and  leave  letters  by  the  most  re- 
markable trees  near  the  water,  at  the  mouths  of  rivers  and 
at  places  suitable  for  anchorage.  Thus,  if  we  send  ships, 
they  will  go  advised  to  look  for  such  signs. 

Always  arrange  to  send  news  by  the  Indians,  telling 
how  you  fare  and  are  received  and  particularly  what  you 
may  find. 

And  if  God  Our  Lord  be  pleased  that  you  find  some 
large  town,  where  it  may  seem  to  you  that  there  is  a  good 
situation  to  establish  a  monastery  and  to  send  religious  to 
undertake  the  work  of  conversion,  send  word  by  Indians 
or  return  yourself  to  Culiacan.  Send  such  word  with  all 
secrecy,  in  order  that  what  is  necessary  may  be  provided 


PRAY  MARCOS'  KELACION 

without  commotion,  because  in  bringing  peace  to  the 
country  which  may  be  found,  we  look  to  the  service  of  Our 
iLord  and  the  good  of  the  inhabitants. 

And  although  all  the  earth  belongs  to  the  Emperor 
our  lord,  you  in  my  name  shall  take  possession  of  the  coun* 
try  for  H.  M.,  and  you  shall  erect  the  signs  and  perform 
the  acts,  which  seem  to  yon  to  be  required  in  such  case,  and 
you  shall  give  the  natives  of  the  country  to  understand  that 
there  is  a  God  in  heaven  and  the  Emperor  on  the  earth  to 
command  and  govern  it,  to  whom  all  men  must  be  subject 
and  whom  all  must  serve*~Z>(m  Antonio  de  Mendoza* 

ACKNOWLEDGMENT  OP  RECEIPT 

I,  Fray  Marcos  de  Nixa,  of  the  order  of  St.  Francis,  <le» 
clare  that  I  received  a  copy  of  these  instructions  signed  by 
the  most  illustrious  lord  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  vice- 
roy and  governor  of  New  Spain,  the  which  was  delivered 
to  me,  by  command  of  his  lordship  and  in  his  name,  by 
Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado,  governor  of  this  New 
Galicia.  The  said  copy  is  taken  from  these  instructions 
de  verbo  ad  verbum,  corrected  by  them  and  made  to  agree 
with  them.  I  promise  faithfully  to  fulfill  the  said  instruc- 
tions and  not  to  go  against  nor  to  exceed  them  in  anything 
therein  contained,  now  or  at  any  time.  And  as  I  will  thus 
adhere  to  and  fulfill  them,  I  sign  hereto  my  name,  at  To- 
nala,  on  the  twentieth  day  of  the  month  of  November  in  the 
year  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty-eight,  where 
were  given  and  delivered  to  me  in  the  said  name  the  said 
instructions,  and  which  is  in  the  province  of  this  New 
Galicia.-Fra.  Marcos  de  Niaa. 

RELATION 

With  the  aid  and  favor  of  the  most  holy  Virgin  Mary* 
our  Lady,  and  of  our  seraphic  father  St.  Francis,  I,  Fray 
Marcos  de  Niza,  a  professed  religious  of  the  order  of  St. 
Francis,  in  fulfillment  of  the  instructions  above  given  of 
the  most  illustrious  lord  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  vice- 
roy and  governor  for  H.  M.  of  New  Spain,  left  the  town 


202         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  San  Miguel,  in  the  province  of  Culiacan,  on  Friday, 
March  7th,  1530.  I  took  with  me  as  companion  Friar 
Honoratus  and  also  Stephen  of  Darantes,  a  negro,  and  cer- 
tain Indians,  which  the  said  Lord  Viceroy  bought  for  the 
purpose  and  set  at  liberty*  They  were  delivered  to  me  by 
Francisco  de  Coronaclo,  governor  of  New  Galieia,  along 
with  many  other  Indians  from  Petatlan  and  from  the  vil- 
lage of  Cuchillo,  situated  about  fifty  leagues  frcm  the  said 
town.  All  these  came  to  the  valley  of  Culiacan,  manifest- 
ing great  joy,  because  it  had  been  certified  to  them  that 
the  Indians  were  free,  the  said  governor  having  sent  in. 
advance  to  acquaint  them  of  their  freedom  and  to  tell  them 
that  it  was  the  desire  and  command  of  H.  M.  that  they 
should  not  be  enslaved  nor  made  war  upon  nor  badly  treat- 
ed. 

With  this  company  as  stated,  I  took  my  way  towards 
the  town  of  Petatlan,  receiving  much  hospitality  and  pres- 
ents of  food,  roses  and  other  such  things;  besides  which, 
at  all  the  stopping-places  where  there  were  no  people,  huts 
were  constructed  for  me  of  mats  and  branches.  In  this 
town  of  Petatlan  I  stayed  three  days,  because  my  compan- 
ion Friar  Honoratus  fell  sick,  I  found  it  advisable  to  leave 
him  there  and,  conformably  with  the  instructions  given  to 
me,  I  followed  the  way  in  which  I  was  guided,  though  un- 
worthy, by  the  Holy  Ghost.  There  went  with  me  Stephen 
Dorantes,  the  negro,  some  of  the  freed  Indians  and  many 
people  of  that  country.  I  was  received  everywhere  I  went 
with  much  hospitality  and  rejoicing  and  with  triumphal 
arches.  The  inhabitants  also  gave  me  what  food  they  had, 
which  was  little,  because  they  said  it  had  not  rained  for 
three  years,  and  because  the  Indians  of  that  territory  think 
more  of  hiding  than  of  growing  crops,  for  fear  of  the 
Christians  of  the  town  of  San  Miguel,  who  up  to  that  time 
were  accustomed  to  make  war  upon  and  enslave  them.  On 
all  this  road,  which  would  be  about  25  or  30  leagues  be- 
yond Petatlan,  I  did  not  see  anything  worthy  of  being  set 
down  here,  except  that  there  came  to  me  some  Indians 
from  the  island  visited  by  the  Marquess  of  Valle,  and  who 


TRAY  MAKCOS'  EELACION  203 

informed  me  that  it  was  really  an  island  and  not,  as  some 
think,  part  of  the  mainland.  I  saw  that  they  passed  to  and 
from  the  mainland  on  rafts  and  that  the  distance  between 
the  island  and  the  mainland  might  be  half  a  sea  league, 
rather  more  or  less.  Likewise  there  came  to  see  me  In- 
dians from  another  larger  and  more  distant  island,  by 
whom  I  Yvras  told  that  there  were  thirty  other  small  islands, 
inhabited,  but  with  poor  food  excepting  two,  which  they 
said  had  maize.  These  Indians  wore  suspended  from  their 
necks  many  shells  of  the  kind'  which  contain  pearls;  I 
showed  them  a  pearl  which  I  carried  for  sample  and  they 
told  me  that  there  were  some  in  the  islands,  but  I  did  not 
see  any. 

I  took  my  way  over  a  desert  for  four  days  and  there 
went  with  me  some  Indians  from  the  islands  mentioned 
as  well  as  from  the  villages  which  I  left  behind,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  desert  I  found  some  other  Indians,  who  were 
astonished  to  see  me,  as  they  had  no  news  of  Christians, 
having  no  traffic  with  the  people  on  the  other  side  of  the 
desert.  These  Indians  made  me  very  welcome,  giving  me 
plenty  of  food,  and  they  endeavored  to  touch  my  clothes, 
calling  me  Sayola,  which  means  in  their  language  "man 
from  heaven,"  I  made  them  understand,  the  best  I  could 
by  my  interpreters,  the  content  of  my  instructions,  name- 
,ly,  the  knowledge  of  Our  Lord  in  heaven  and  of  H.  M.  on 
earth.  And  always,  by  all  the  means  that  I  could,  I  sought 
to  learn  about  a  country  with  numerous  towns  and  a 
people  of  a  higher  culture  than  those  I  was  encountering, 
but  I  had  no  news  except  that  they  told  me  that  in  the 
country  beyond,  four  or  five  days'  journey  thence,  where 
the  chains  of  mountains  ended,  there  was  an  extensive  and 
level  open  tract,2  in  which  they  told  me  there  were  many 
and  very  large  towns  inhabited  by  a  people  clothed  with 
cotton.  When  I  showed  them  some  metals  which  I  was 
carrying,  in  order  to  take  account  of  the  metals  of  the  coun- 
try, they  took  a  piece  of  gold  and  told  me  that  there  were 


2.      "Abra." 


'264         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW' 

vessels  of  it  among  the  people  of  the  region  and  that  they 
wear  certain  articles  of  that  metal,  suspended  from  their 
noses  and  ears,  and  that  they  had  some  Httk  blades  of  it,. 
With  which  they  scrape  and  relieve  themselves,  of  sweat. 
But  as  this  tract  lies  inland  and  my  intention  was  to  stay 
near  the  coast,  I  determined  to  leave  it  till  my  return,  be- 
eauae  then  I  would  be  able  to  see  it  better.  And  so  I  march- 
ed three  days  through  a  country  inhabited  by  the  same 
people,  by  whom  I  was  received  in  the  same  manner  as  by 
those  I  had  already  passed..  I  came  to  a  medium-sized  town; 
named  Vacapa,  where  they  made  me  a  great  welcome  and 
gave  me  much  food,  of  which  they  had  plenty,  as  the  whole 
land  is  irrigated.  From  this  town  to  the  sea  is  forty  lea- 
gues. As  I  found  myself  so  far  away  from  the  sea,  and! 
as  It  was  two  days  before  Passion  Sunday,  I  determined 
to  stay  there  until  Easter,  to  inform  myself  concerning 
the  islands  of  which  I  said  above  that  I  had  news.  So  I 
gent  Indian  messengers  to  the  sea,  by  three  ways,  whom 
I  charged  to  bring  back  to  me  people  from  the  coast  and 
from  some  of  the  islands,  that  I  might  inform  myself  con- 
cerning them.  In  another  direction  I  sent  Stephen  Dor- 
antes,  the  negro,  whom  I  instructed  to  take  the  route  to- 
wards the  north  for  fifty  or  sixty  leagues  to  see  if  by  that 
Way  he  might  obtain  an  account  of  any  important  thing- 
such  as  we  were  seeking.  I  agreed  with  him  that  if  he 
had  any  news  of  a  populous,  rich  and  important  country 
he  should  not  continue  further  but  should  return  in  per- 
son or  send  me  Indians  with  a  certain  signal  which  we  ar- 
ranged, namely,  that  if  it  were  something  of  medium  im- 
portance, he  should  send  me  a  white  cross  of  a  hand's 
breadth,  if  it  were  something  of  great  importance,  he 
should  send  me  one  of  two  hands'  breadth,  while  if  it  were 
bigger  and  better  than  New  Spain,  he  should  send  me  a 
great  cross.  And  so  the  said  negro  Stephen  departed  from 
me  on  Passion  Sunday  after  dinner,  whilst  I  stayed  in  the 
town,  which  I  say  is  called  Vacapa. 

In  four  days'  time  there  came  messengers  from  Ste- 
phen  with  a  very  great  cross,  as  high  as  a  man,  and  they 


PRAY  MARCOS  RELACION  205 

told  me  on  Stephen's  behalf  that  I  should  immediately 
come  and  follow  him,  because  he  had  met  people  who  gave 
him  an  account  of  the  greatest  country  in  the  world,  and 
that  he  had  Indians  who  had  been  there,  of  whom  he  sent 
me  one.  This  man  told  me  so  many  wonderful  things 
about  the  country,  that  I  forebore  to  believe  them  until 
I  should  have  seen  them  or  should  have  more  certitude  of 
the  matter.  He  told  me  that  it  was  thirty  days*  journey 
from  where  Stephen  was  staying  to  the  first  city  of  the 
country,  which  was  named  Cibola.  As  it  appears  to  me  to 
be  worth  while  to  put  In  this  paper  what  this  Indian,  whom 
Stephen  sent  me,  said  concerning  the  country,  I  will  da 
so.  He  asserted  that  in  the  first  province  there  were  seven 
very  great  cities,  all  under  one  lord,  that  the  houses,  con- 
structed of  stone  and  lime,  were  large,  that  the  smallest 
were  of  one  storey  with  a  terrace  above,  that  there  were 
others  of  two  and  three  storeys,  whilst  that  of  the  lord  had 
four,  and  all  were  joined  under  his  rule.  He  said  that  the 
doorways  of  the  principal  houses  were  much  ornamented 
with  turquoises,  of  which  there  was  a  great  abundance, 
and  that  the  people  of  those  cities  went  very  well  clothed* 
He  told  me  many  other  particulars,  not  only  of  the  seven 
cities  but  of  other  provinces  beyond  them,  each  one  of 
which  he  said  was  much  bigger  than  that  of  the  seven 
cities.  That  I  might  understand  the  matter  as  he  knew 
It,  we  had  many  questions  and  answers  and  I  found  him 
very  intelligent. 

I  gave  thanks  to  Our  Lord,  but  deferred  my  depart- 
ure after  Stephen  Dorantes,  thinking  that  he  would  wait 
for  me,  as  I  had  agreed  with  him,  and  also  because  I  had 
promised  the  messengers  whom  I  had  sent  to  the  sea  that 
I  would  wait  for  them,  for  I  proposed  always  to  treat  with 
good  faith  the  people  with  whom  I  came  in  contact.  The 
messengers  returned  on  Easter  Sunday,  and  with  them 
people  from  the  coast  and  from  two  islands,  which  I  knew 
to  be  the  islands  above  mentioned  and  which,  as  I  already 
knew,  are  poor  of  food,  though  populated.  These  people 


206          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

wore  shells  on  their  foreheads  and  said  that  they  contain 
pearls.  They  told  me  that  there  were  thirty-four  island® 
near  to  one  another,  whose  names  I  am  setting  down  im 
another  paper,  where  I  give  the  names-  of  the.  islands  and 
towns.  The  people  of  the  coast  say  that  they,  as  well  as 
the  people  of  the  islands,  have  little  food,  and  that  they 
traffic  with  one  another  by  means  of  rafts.  The  coast 
trends  almost  directly  towards  the  north.  These  Indians 
of  the  coast  brought  to  me  shields  of  oxhide,  very  well 
fashioned,  big  enough  to  cover  them  from  head  to  foot,, 
with  some  holes  above  the  handle  so  that  one  could  see 
from  behind  them;  they  are  so  hard,  that  I  think  that  d, 
bullet  would  not  pass  through  them.  The  same  day  there 
came  to  me  three  of  those  Indians  known  as  Pintados, 
with  their  faces,  chests  and  arms  all  decorated;3  they  live 
over  towards  the  east  and  their  territory  borders  on  those 
near  the  seven  cities.  They  told  me  that,  having  had  news 
of  me,  they  had  come  to  see  me  and  among  other  things 
they  gave  me  much  information  concerning  the  seven  cities 
and  provinces,  that  the  Indian  sent  by  Stephen  had  told 
me  of,  and  almost  in  the  same  manner  as  he.  I  therefore 
sent  back  the  coast  people,  but  two  Indians  of  the  island* 
said  they  would  like  to  go  with  me  seven  or  eight  days. 

So  with  them  and  the  three  Pintados  already  men- 
tioned, I  left  Vacapa  on  the  second  day  of  the  Easter  festi- 
val, taking  the  same  road  that  Stephen  had  followed.  I  had 
received  from  him  more  messengers,  with  another  big- 
cross  as  big  as  the  first  which  he  sent,  urging  me  to  hurry 
and  stating  that  the  country  in  question  was  the  best  and 
greatest  of  which  he  had  ever  heard.  These  messengers 
gave  me,  individually,  the  same  story  as  the  first,  except 
that  they  told  me  much  more  and  gave  me  a  clearer  ac- 
count. So  for  that  day,  the  second  of  Easter,  and  for  two 
more  days  I  followed  the  same  stages  of  the  route  as  Ste- 
phen had;  at  the  end  of  which  I  met  the  people  who  had 


3.      "Labrados"— Bandelier    would     translate    this    word    by     "tattooed."     Ternaux- 
Compans  says  "peints."     The  word  here  used  leaves  it  indefinite  like  the  Spanish. 


FKAY  MARCOS'  HELACION  207 

given  Mm  news  of  the  seven  cities  and  of  the  country 
beyond.  They  told  me  that  from  there  it  was  thirty  days' 
journey  to  the  city  of  Cibola,  which  is  the  first  of  the  seven. 
I  had  an  account  not  from  one  only,  but  from  many,  and 
they  told  me  in  great  detail  the  size  of  the  houses  and  the 
manner  of  them,  just  as  the  first  ones  had.  They  told  me 
that,  beyond  these  seven  cities,  there  were  other  kingdoms 
named  Marata,  Acus  and  Totonteac,  I  desired  very  much 
to  know  for  what  they  went  so  far  from  their  homes  and 
they  told  me  that  they  went  for  turquoises,  cowhides  and 
other  things,  that  there  was  a  quantity  of  these  things  in 
that  town.  Likewise  I  asked  what  they  exchanged  for 
such  articles  and  they  told  me  the  sweat  of  their  brows 
•and  the  service  of  their  persons,  that  they  went  to  the  first 
city,  which  is  called  Cibola,  where  they  served  in  digging 
the  ground  and  performing  other  work,  for  which  work 
they  are  given  oxhides,  of  the  kind  produced  in  that  coun- 
try, and  turquoises.  The  people  of  this  town  all  wear  good 
and  beautiful  turquoises  hanging  from  their  ears  and  noses 
and  they  say  that  these  jewels  are  worked  into  the  prin- 
cipal doors  of  Cibola.  They  told  me  that  the  fashion  of 
clothing  worn  in  Cibola  is  a  cotton  shirt  reaching  to  the 
instep,  with  a  button  at  the  throat  and  a  long  cord  hang- 
ing down,  the  sleeves  of  the  shirts  being  the  same  width 
throughout  their  length ;  it  seems  to  me  this  would  resem- 
ble the  Bohemian  style.  They  say  that  those  people  go  girt 
with  belts  of  turquoises  and  that  over  these  shirts  some 
wear  excellent  cloaks  and  others  very  well  dressed  cow- 
hides, which  are  considered  the  best  clothing,  and  of  which 
they  say  there  is  a  great  quantity  in  that  country.  The 
women  likewise  go  clothed  and  covered  to  the  feet  in  the 
same  manner. 

These  Indians  received  me  very  well  and  took  great 
care  to  learn  the  day  of  my  departure  from  Vacapa,  so  that 
they  might  furnish  me  on  the  way  with  victuals  and  lodg- 
ings. They  brought  me  sick  persons  that  I  might  cure 
them  and  they  tried  to  touch  my  clothes ;  I  recited  the  Gos- 
pel over  them.  They  gave  me  some  cowhides  so  well  tan- 


2G£         NEW  MEXICO"  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ned  and  dressed  that  they  seemed  to  have  been  prepared 
by  some  highly  civilized  people,  and  they  aJl  said  that  they 
came  from  Cibola. 

The  next  day  I  continued  my  journey,  taking  with  me 
the  Pintados,  who  wished  not  to  leave  me.  I  arrived  at 
another  settlement  where  I  was  very  well  received  by  its 
people,  who  also  endeavored  to  touch  my  clothing'.  They 
gave  me  information  concerning  the  country  whither  I  was 
bound  as  much  in  detail  as  those  I  had  met  before,  and 
they  told  me  that  some  persons  had  gone  from  there  with 
Stephen  Dorantes,  four  or  five  days  previously.  Here  I 
found  a  great  cross  which  Stephen  had  left  for  me,  as  a 
sign  that  the  news  of  the  good  country  continually  increas- 
ed, and  he  had  left  word  for  me  to  hurry  and  that  he  would 
wait  for  me  at  the  end  of  the  first  desert  Here  I  set  up 
two  crosses  and  took  possession,  according  to  my  instruc- 
tions, because  that  country  appeared  to  me  better  than, 
that  which  I  had  already  passed  and  hence  it  was  fitting: 
to  perform  the  acts  of  possession. 

In  this  manner  I  travelled  five  days,  always  finding1 
people,  who  gave  me  a  very  hospitable  reception,  many 
turquoises  and  cowhides  and  the  same  account  of  the  coun- 
try- They  all  spoke  to  me  right  away  of  Cibola  and  that 
province  as  people  who  knew  that  I  was  going  in  search 
of  it.  They  told  me  how  Stephen  was  going  forward,  and 
I  received  from  him  messengers  who  were  inhabitants  of 
that  town  and  who  had  been  some  distance  with  him.  He 
spoke  more  and  more  enthusiastically  of  the  greatness  of 
the  country  and  he  urged  me  to  hurry.  Here  I  learned 
that  two  days'  journey  thence  I  would  encounter  a  desert 
of  four  days'  journey,  in  which  there  was  no  provision 
except  what  was  supplied  by  making  shelters  for  me  and 
carrying  food.  I  hurried  forward,  expecting  to  meet 
Stephen  at  the  end  of  it,  because  he  had  sent  me  word  that 
he  would  await  me  there. 

Before  arriving  at  the  desert,  I  came  to  a  green,  well 
watered  settlement,  where  there  came  to  meet  me  a  crowd 
of  p^oplo,  r?.?n  and  women,  clothed  in  cotton  ar.cl  some 


FRAY  MARCOS'  RELACION  209 

covered  with  cowhides,  which  in  general  they  consider  a 
better  dress  material  than  cotton.  All  the  people  of  this 
town  wear  turquoises  hanging  from  their  noses  and  ears; 
these  ornaments  are  called  cacona.  Among  them  came 
the  chief  of  the  town  and  his  two  brothers,  very  well 
dressed  in  cotton,  encaconados,  and  each  with  a  necklace 
of  turquoises  around  his  neck.  They  brought  to  me 
a  quantity  of  game—venison,  rabbits  and  quail— also  maize 
and  meal,  all  in  great  abundance.  They  offered  me  many 
turquoises,  cowhides,  very  pretty  cups  and  other  things, 
of  which  I  accepted  none,  for  such  was  my  custom  since 
entering  the  country  where  we  were  not  known.  And  here 
I  had  the  same  account  as  before  of  the  seven  cities  and  the 
kingdoms  and  provinces  as  I  have  related  above.  I  was 
wearing  a  garment  of  dark  woollen  cloth,  of  the  kind  call- 
ed Saragossa,  which  was  given  to  me  by  Francisco  Vazquez 
de  Coronado,  governor  of  New  Galicia.  The  chief  of  the 
village  and  other  Indians  touched  it  with  their  hands  and 
told  me  that  there  was  plenty  of  that  fabric  in  Totonteac 
and  that  the  natives  of  that  place  were  clothed  with  it.  At 
this  I  laughed  and  said  it  could  not  be  so,  that  it  must  be 
garments  of  cotton  which  those  people  wore.  Then  they 
said  to  me :  "Do  you  think  that  we  do  not  know  that  what 
you  wear  and  what  we  wear  is  different?  Know  that  in 
Cibola  the  houses  are  full  of  that  material  which  we  are 
wearing,  but  in  Totonteac  there  are  some  small  animals 
from  which  they  obtain  that  with  which  they  make  a 
fabric  like  yours."  This  astonished  me,  as  I  had  not  heard 
of  any  such  thing  previously,  and  I  desired  to  inform  my- 
self more  particularly  about  it.  They  told  me  that  the 
animals  are  of  the  size  of  the  Castilian  greyhounds  which 
Stephen  had  with  him ;  they  said  there  were  many  of  them 
in  Totonteac.  I  could  not  guess  what  species  of  animals 
they  might  be. 

The  next  day  I  entered  into  the  desert  and  at  the  place 
where  I  had  to  go  for  dinner,  I  found  huts  and  food  enough, 
by  the  side  of  a  watercourse.    At  night  I  found  cabins  and 
14 


210          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

food  again  and  so  it  was  for  the  four  days  that  I  travelled 
through  this  desert.  At  the  end  of  them,  I  entered  a  very 
well  populated  valley  and  at  the  first  town  many  men  and 
women  came  with  food  to  meet  me.  They  all  wore  many 
turquoises  suspended  from  their  noses  and  ears,  and 
some  wore  necklaces  of  turquoises,  like  those  which  I  said 
were  worn  by  the  chief  of  the  town  on  the  other  side  of 
the  desert  and  his  brothers,  except  that  they  only  wore  one 
string,  while  these  Indians  wore  three  or  four.  They  were 
dressed  in  very  good  cloaks  of  ox  leather.  The  women 
likewise  wore  turquoises  in  their  noses  and  ears  and  very 
good  petticoats  and  blouses.  Here  they  had  as  much  in- 
formation of  Cibola,  as  in  New  Spain  they  have  of  Mexico 
and  in  Peru  of  Cuzco.  They  described  in  detail  the  houses, 
streets  and  squares  of  the  town,  like  people  who  had  been 
there  many  times,  and  they  were  wearing  various  objects 
brought  from  there,  which  they  had  obtained  by  their 
services,  like  the  Indians  I  had  previously  met.  I  said  to 
them  that  it  was  not  possible  that  the  houses  should  be  in 
the  manner  which  they  described  to  me,  so  to  make  me  un- 
derstand they  took  earth  and  ashes  and  mixed  them  with 
water,  and  showed  how  the  stone  is  placed  and  the  edifice 
reared,  placing  stone  and  mortar  till  the  required  height 
is  reached.  I  asked  them  if  the  men  of  that  country  had 
wings  to  climb  those  storeys;  they  laughed  and  explained 
to  me  a  ladder,  as  wrell  as  I  could  do,  and  they  took  a  stick 
and  placed  it  over  their  heads  and  said  it  was  that  height 
from  storey  to  storey.  Here  I  was  also  given  an  account 
of  the  woolen  cloth  of  Totonteac,  where  they  say  the  houses 
are  like  those  at  Cibola  but  better  and  bigger,  and  that  it 
is  a  very  great  place  and  has  no  limit. 

Here  I  learned  that  the  coast  turns  to  the  west,4  almost 
at  a  right  angle,  because  until  I  reached  the  entrance  of 
the  first  desert  which  I  passed,  the  coast  always  trended 
towards  the  north.  As  it  was  very  important  to  know  the 
direction  of  the  coast,  I  wished  to  assure  myself  and  so 


4.     Ternaux-Compans   says,   "vers   le  nord,"   but  the   Spanish   is   "al   Poniente." 


FRAY  MARCOS'  RELACION  211 

went  to  look  out5  and  I  saw  clearly  that  in  latitude  35  de- 
grees it  turns  to  the  west.  I  was  not  less  pleased  at  this 
discovery  than  at  the  good  news  I  had  of  the  country. 

So  I  turned  to  follow  my  route  and  was  in  that  val- 
ley five  days.  It  is  so  thickly  populated  with  fine  people 
and  so  provided  with  food  that  there  would  be  enough  to 
supply  more  than  three  hundred  horse.  It  is  all  watered 
and  is  like  a  garden.  There  are  villages  at  every  half  or 
quarter  league  or  so.  In  each  of  them  I  had  a  very  long 
account  of  Cibola  and  they  sp&ke  to  me  in  detail  about  it, 
as  people  would  who  went  there  each  year  to  earn  their 
living.  Here  I  found  a  man  who  was  a  native  of  Cibola. 
He  told  me  he  had  fled  from  the  governor  whom  the  lord 
had  placed  there  in  Cibola — for  the  lord  of  these  seven 
cities  lives  and  has  his  residence  in  one  of  them,  which  is 
called  Ahacus,  and  in  the  others  he  has  placed  persons  who 
command  for  him.  This  citizen  of  Cibola  is  a  man  of  good 
disposition,  somewhat  old  and  much  more  intelligent  than 
the  natives  of  the  valley  and  those  I  had  formerly  met;  he 
told  me  that  he  wished  to  go  with  me  so  that  I  might  pro- 
cure his  pardon.  I  interrogated  him  carefully  and  he  told 
me  that  Cibola  is  a  big  city,  that  it  has  a  large  population 
and  many  streets  and  squares,  and  that  in  some  parts  of 
the  city  there  are  very  great  houses,  ten  storeys  high,  in 
which  the  chiefs  meet  on  certain  days  of  the  year*  He 
corroborated  what  I  had  already  been  told,  that  the  houses 
are  constructed  out  of  stone  and  lime,  and  he  said  that  the 
doors  and  fronts  of  the  principal  houses  are  of  turquoise; 
he  added  that  the  others  of  the  seven  cities  are  similar, 
though  some  are  bigger,  and  that  the  most  important  is 
Ahacus.  He  told  me  that  towards  the  south-east  there  lay 


5.  "Y  asi  fui  en  demanda  della."  "Demanda"  is  a  nautical  term  for  "look-out" 
and  this  translation  seems  to  be  indicated,  as  Fray  Marcos  goes  on  to  say  that  he 
saw  clearly  that  the  coast  turned  to  the  West.  Being  familiar  with  navigation  (see 
the  attestation  of  Fray  Antonio)  it  would  be  natural  for  him  to  use  a  sailor's  ex- 
pression and  the  mention  of  the  latitude  points  to  an  actual  observation.  Never- 
theless, this  remains  a  very  puzzling  statement,  as  Fray  Marcos  was  evidently  too 
far  from  the  coast  to  see  it.  Perhaps  the  meaning  is,  "after  inquiry,  I  perceived 
etc." 


212          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

a  kingdom  called  Marata,  in  which  there  used  to  be  many 
very  large  towns,  having  the  same  kind  of  houses  built  of 
stone  and  with  several  storeys ;  that  this  kingdom  had  been 
and  still  was  at  war  with  the  lord  of  the  seven  cities ;  that 
by  this  war  Marata  had  been  greatly  reduced  in  power, 
although  it  was  still  independent  and  continued  the  war. 

He  likewise  told  me  that  to  the  south-east6  there  is  a 
kingdom  named  Totonteac,  which  he  said  was  the  biggest, 
most  populous,  and  the  richest  in  the  world,  and  that  there 
they  wore  clothes  made  of  the  same  stuff  as  mine,  and 
others  of  a  more  delicate  material  obtained  from  the 
animals  of  which  I  had  already  had  a  description;  the 
people  were  highly  cultured  and  different  from  those  I  had 
hitherto  seen.  He  further  informed  me  that  there  is  another 
province  and  very  great  kingdom,  which  is  called  Acus — f  or 
there  are  Ahacus  and  Acus ;  Ahacus,  with  the  aspiration,  is 
one  of  the  seven  cities,  the  most  important  one,  and  Acus, 
without  the  aspiration,  is  a  kingdom  and  province  by  itself. 

He  corroborated  what  I  had  been  told  concerning  the 
clothes  worn  in  Cibola  and  added  that  all  the  people  of  that 
city  sleep  in  beds  raised  above  the  floor,  with  fabrics7  and 
with  tilts  above  to  cover  the  beds.  He  said  that  he  would 
go  with  me  to  Cibola  and  beyond,  if  I  desired  to  take  him 
along.  I  was  given  the  same  account  in  this  town  by  many 
other  persons,  though  not  in  such  great  detail. 

I  travelled  in  this  valley  three  days  and  the  natives 
made  for  me  all  the  feasts  and  rejoicings  that  they  could. 
Here  in  this  valley  I  saw  more  than  two  thousand  oxhides, 
extremely  well  cured ;  I  saw  a  very  large  quantity  of  tur- 
quoises and  necklaces  thereof,  as  in  the  places  I  had  left 
behind,  and  all  said  that  they  came  from  the  city  of  Cibola. 
They  know  this  place  as  well  as  I  would  know  what  I  hold 
in  my  hands,  and  they  are  similarly  acquainted  with  the 
kingdoms  of  Marata,  Acus  and  Totonteac.  Here  in  this 


6.  Ternaux-Compans    and     Hakluyt    both     say    to    the    west,     which    seems     more 
reasonable,  as  Marata  lay  to  the  south-east. 

7.  "Ropas,"  perhaps  blankets. 


PRAY  MARCOS'  BELACION 

valley  they  brought  to  me  a  skin,  half  as  big  again  as  that 
<of  a  large  cow,  and  told  me  that  it  was  from  an  animal 
"which  has  only  one  horn  on  its  forehead  and  that  this  horn 
is  curved  towards  its  chest  and  then  there  sticks  out  a 
straight  point,  in  which  they  'said  there  was  so  much 
•strength,  that  no  object,  no  matter  how  hard,  could  fail  to 
break  when  struck  with  it.  They  averred  that  there 
were  many  of  these  animalB  in  that  country.  The  color  of 
the  skin  is  like  that  of  the  goat  and  the  hair  is  as  long  as 
one's  finger. 

Here  I  had  messengers  from  Stephen,  who  told  me  on 
his  behalf  that  he  was  then  entering  the  last  desert,  and 
the  more  cheerfully,  as  he  was  going  more  assured  of  the 
-country ;  and  he  sent  to  me  to  say  that,  since  departing 
from  me,  he  had  never  found  the  Indians  out  in  any  lie, 
but  up  to  that  point  had  found  everything  as  they  had  told 
him  and  so  he  thought  to  find  that  beyond.  And  so  I  held 
it  for  certain,  because  it  is  true  that,  from  the  first  day  I 
had  news  of  the  city  of  Gibola,  the  Indians  had  told  me  of 
everything  that  till  then  I  had  seen,  telling  me  always 
what  towns  I  would  find  along  the  road  and  the  numbers 
of  them  and,  in  the  parts  where  there  was  no  population, 
showing  me  where  I  would  eat  and  sleep,  without  erring  in 
one  point.  I  had  then  marched,  from  the  first  place  where  I 
had  news  of  the  country,  one  hundred  and  twelve  leagues,  so 
it  appears  to  me  not  unworthy  to  note  the  great  truthful- 
ness of  these  people.  Here  in  this  valley,  as  in  the  other 
towns  before,  I  erected  crosses  and  performed  the  appropri- 
ate acts  and  ceremonies,  according  to  my  instructions.  The 
natives  of  this  town  asked  me  to  stay  with  them  three  or 
four  days,  because  there  was  a  desert  four  leagues  thence, 
and  from  the  beginning  of  it  to  the  city  of  Cibola  would  be  a 
march  of  fifteen  days  and  they  wished  to  put  up  food  for  me 
and  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  for  it.  They  told 
me  that  with  the  negro  Stephen  there  had  gone  more  than 
three  hundred  men  to  accompany  him  and  carry  food,  and 
that  many  wished  to  go  with  me  also,  to  serve  me  and  be- 
14* 


214          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

cause  they  expected  to  return  rich.  I  acknowledged  their 
kindness  and  asked  that  they  should  get  ready  speedily,, 
because  each  day  seemed  to  me  a  year,  so  much  I  desired 
to  see  Cibola,  And  so  I  remained  three  days  without  go- 
ing forward,  during  which  I  continually  informed  myself 
concerning  Cibola  and  all  the  other  places.  In  doing  so  I 
took  the  Indians  aside  and  questioned  each  one  by  himself, 
and  all  agreed  in  their  account  and  told  me  the  number  of 
the  people,  the  order  of  the  streets,  the  size  of  the  houses 
and  the  fashion  of  the  doorways,  just  as  I  had  been  told 
by  those  before. 

After  the  three  days  were  past,  many  people  assem- 
bled to  go  with  me,  of  whom  I  chose  thirty  chiefs,  who  were 
very  well  supplied  with  necklaces  of  turquoises,  some  of 
them  wearing  as  many  as  five  or  six  strings.  With  these 
I  took  the  retinue  necessary  to  carry  food  for  them  and  me 
and  started  on  my  way.  I  entered  the  desert  on  the  ninth 
day  of  May.  On  the  first  day,  by  a  very  wide  and  well 
travelled  road,  we  arrived  for  dinner  at  a  place  where  there 
was  water,  which  the  Indians  showed  to  me,  and  in  the 
evening  we  came  again  to  water,  and  there  I  found  a  shel- 
ter which  the  Indians  had  just  constructed  for  me  and 
another  which  had  been  made  for  Stephen  to  sleep  in  when 
he  passed.  There  were  some  old  huts  and  many  signs  of 
fire,  made  by  people  passing  to  Cibola  over  this  road.  In 
this  fashion  I  journeyed  twelve  days,  always  very  well 
supplied  with  victuals  of  venison,  hares,  and  partridges 
of  the  same  color  and  flavor  as  those  of  Spain,  although 
rather  smaller. 

At  this  juncture  I  met  an  Indian,  the  son  of  one  of 
the  chiefs  who  were  journeying  with  me,  who  had  gone  in 
company  with  the  negro  Stephen.  This  man  showed  fatigue 
in  his  countenance,  had  his  body  covered  with  sweat, 
and  manifested  the  deepest  sadness  in  his  whole  person. 
He  told  me  that,  at  a  day's  march  before  coming  to  Cibola, 
Stephen  according  to  his  custom  sent  ahead  messengers 
with  his  calabash,  that  they  might  know  he  was  coming. 


PRAY  MARCOS'  RELACION  215 

The  calabash  was  adorned  with  some  rows  of  rattles7* 
and  two  feathers,  one  white  and  one  red.  When  they  ar- 
rived at  Cibola,  before  the  person  of  the  lord's  represent- 
ative in  that  place,  and  gave  him  the  calabash,  as  soon  as 
he  took  it  in  his  hands  and  saw  the  rattles,  with  great 
anger  he  flung  it  on  the  ground  and  told  the  messengers 
to  be  gone  forthwith,  that  he  knew  what  sort  of  people 
these  were,  and  that  the  messengers  should  tell  them  not 
to  enter  the  city,  as  if  they  did  so  he  would  put  them  to 
death.  The  messengers  went  back,  told  Stephen  what  had 
passed.  He  said  to  them  that  that  was  nothing,  that  those 
who  showed  themselves  irritated  received  him  the  better. 
So  he  continued  his  journey  till  he  arrived  at  the  city  of 
Cibola,  where  he  found  people  who  would  not  consent  to 
let  him  enter,  who  put  him  in  a  big  house  which  was  out- 
side the  city,  and  who  at  once  took  away  from  him  all  that 
he  carried,  his  articles  of  barter  and  the  turquoises  and 
other  things  which  he  had  received  on  the  road  from  the 
Indians.  They  left  him  that  night  without  giving  any- 
thing to  eat  or  drink  either  to  him  or  to  those  that  were 
with  him.  The  following  morning  my  informant  was 
thirsty  and  went  out  of  the  house  to  drink  from  a  nearby 
stream.  When  he  had  been  there  a  few  moments  he  saw 
Stephen  fleeing  away  pursued  by  the  people  of  the  city  and 
they  killed  some  of  those  who  were  with  him.  When  this 
Indian  saw  this  he  concealed  himself  and  made  his  way 
up  the  stream,  then  crossed  over  and  regained  the  road  of 
the  desert. 

At  these  tidings,  some  of  the  Indians  who  were  with 
me  commenced  to  weep.  As  for  myself,  the  wretched  news 
made  me  fear  I  should  be  lost.  I  feared  not  so  much  to 
lose  my  life  as  not  to  be  able  to  return  to  give  a  report  of 
the  greatness  of  the  country,  where  God  Our  Lord  might 
be  so  well  served  and  his  holy  faith  exalted  and  the  royal 
domains  of  H.  M.  extended.  In  these  circumstances  I  con- 
soled them  as  best  I  could  and  told  them  that  one  ought 


N'EW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

not  to  give  entire  credence  to  that  Indian,  but  they  said  to 
me  with-  Biany  tear&  that  the  IradlaB  only  related,  what  he 
had  seen.  So  I  drew  apart  from,  the  Indians  to  commend, 
myself  to  Our  Lord  and  to  pray  Him.  to  guide  this  matter 
as  He  might  best  be  served  and  to  enlighten  my  mind.  This- 
done,  I  returned  to  the  Indians,  and  with  a  knife  cut  the 
sord&  of  the  packages  of  dry  goods  and  articles  of  barter 
which  I  was  carrying  with  me  and  which  till  then  I  had 
not  touched  nor  given  away  any  of  the  contents.  I  divid- 
ed up  the  goods  among  all  those  chiefs  and  told  them  not 
to  fear  and  to  go  along  with  me,  which  they  did.. 

Continuing  our  journey,  at  a  day's  march  from  Ci- 
foola,  we  met  two  other  Indians^  of  those  who  had  gone  with 
Stephen,  who  appeared  bloody  and  with  many  wounds.  At 
this  meeting,  they  and  those  that  were  with  me  set  up  such 
a  crying,  that  out  of  pity  and  fear  they  also  made  me  cry.  So 
great  was  the  noise  that  I  could  not  ask  about  Stephen 
nor  of  what  had  happened  to  them,  so  I  begged  them  to  be 
quiet  that  we  might  learn  what  had  passed.  They  said  to 
me :  "How  can  we  be  quiet,  when  we  know  that  our  fathers,, 
sons  and  brothers  who  were  with  Stephen,  to  the  number 
of  more  than  three  hundred  men,  are  dead?  And  we  no 
more  dare  go  to  Ciboia,  as  we  have  been  accustomed/' 
Nevetheless,  as  well  as  I  could,  I  endeavored  to  pacify 
them  and  to  put  off  their  fear,  although  I  myself  was  not 
without  need  of  someone  to  calm  me.  I  asked  the  wounded 
Indians  concerning  Stephen  and  as  to  what  had  happen- 
ed. They  remained  a  short  time  without  speaking  a  word, 
weeping  along  with  those  of  their  towns.  At  last  they  told 
me  that  when  Stephen  arrived  at  a  day's  journey  from 
Ciboia,  he  sent  his  messengers  with  his  calabash  to  the 
lord  of  Ciboia  to  announce  his  arrival  and  that  he  was  com- 
ing peacefully  and  to  cure  them.  When  the  messengers 
gave  him  the  calabash  and  he  saw  the  rattles,  he  flung 
it  furiously  on  the  floor  and  said:  "I  know  these  people; 
these  rattles  are  not  of  our  style  of  workmanship;  tell 
them  to  go  back  immediately  or  not  a  man  of  them  will  re- 


FRAY  MARCOS5  RELACION  217 

main  alive."  Thus  he  remained  very  angry.  The  messen- 
gers went  back  sad,  and  hardly  dared  to  tell  Stephen  of 
the  reception  they  had  met.  Nevertheless  they  told  him 
and  he  said  that  they  should  not  fear,  that  he  desired  to 
go  on,  because,  although  they  answered  him  badly,  they 
would  receive  him  well.  So  he  went  and  arrived  at  the 
city  of  Cibola  just  before  sunset,  with  all  his  company, 
which  would  be  more  than  three  hundred  men,  besides 
many  women.  The  inhabitants  would  not  permit  them  to 
enter  the  city,  but  put  them  in  a  large  and  commodious 
house  ouutside  the  city.  They  at  once  took  away  from 
Stephen  all  that  he  carried,  telling  him  that  the  lord  so 
ordered.  "All  that  night,"  said  the  Indians,  "they  gave 
us  nothing  to  eat  nor  drink.  The  next  day,  when  the  sun 
was  a  lance-length  high,  Stephen  went  out  of  the  house 
and  some  of  the  chiefs  with  him.  Straightway  many  people 
came  out  of  the  city  and,  as  soon  as  he  saw  them,  he  be- 
gan to  flee  and  we  with  him.  Then  they  gave  us  these 
arrow-strokes  and  cuts  and  we  fell  and  some  dead  men 
fell  on  top  of  us.  Thus  we  lay  till  nightfall,  without  dar- 
ing to  stir.  We  heard  loud  voices  in  the  city  and  we  saw 
many  men  and  women  watching  on  the  terraces.  We  saw 
no  more  of  Stephen  and  we  concluded  that  they  had  shot 
him  with  arrows  as  they  had  the  rest  that  were  with  him, 
of  whom  there  escaped  only  us." 

In  view  of  what  the  Indians  had  related  and  the  bad 
outlook  for  continuing  my  journey  as  I  desired,  I  could  not 
help  but  feel  their  loss  and  mine.  God  is  witness  of  how 
much  I  desired  to  have  someone  of  whom  I  could  take 
counsel,  for  I  confess  I  was  at  a  loss  what  to  do.  I  told  them 
that  Our  Lord  would  chastize  Cibola  and  that  when  the 
Emperor  knew  what  had  happened  he  would  send  many 
Christians  to  punish  its  people.  They  did  not  believe  me, 
because  they  say  that  no  one  can  withstand  the  power  of 
Cibola.  I  begged  them  to  be  comforted  and  not  to  weep 
and  consoled  them  with  the  best  words  I  could  muster, 
which  would  be  too  long  to  set  down  here.  With  this  I 
left  them  and  withdrew  a  stone's  throw  or  two  apart,  to 


218          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

commend  myself  to  God,  and  remained  thus  an  hour  and 
a  half.  When  I  went  back  to  them,  I  found  one  of  my  In- 
dians, named  Mark,  who  had  come  from  Mexico,  and  he 
said  to  me:  "Father,  these  men  have  plotted  to  kill  you, 
because  they  say  that  on  account  of  you  and  Stephen  their 
kinsfolk  have  been  murdered,  and  that  there  will  not  re- 
main a  man  or  woman  among  them  all  who  will  not  be 
killed."  I  then  divided  among  them  all  that  remained  of 
dry  stuffs  and  other  articles,  in  order  to  pacify  them.  I 
told  them  to  observe  that  if  they  killed  me  they  would  do 
me  no  harm,  because  I  would  die  a  Christian  and  would 
go  to  heaven,  and  that  those  who  killed  me  would  suffer 
for  it,  because  the  Christians  would  come  in  search  of  me, 
and  against  my  will  would  kill  them  all.  With  these  and 
many  other  words  I  pacified  them  somewhat,  although 
there  was  still  high  feeling  on  account  of  the  people  kill- 
ed. I  asked  that  some  of  them  should  go  to  Cibola,  to  see 
if  any  other  Indian  had  escaped  and  to  obtain  some  news 
of  Stephen,  but  I  could  not  persuade  them  to  do  so.  See- 
ing this,  I  told  them  that,  in  any  case,  I  must  see  the  city 
of  Cibola  and  they  said  that  no  one  would  go  with  me. 
Finally,  seeing  me  determined,  two  chiefs  said  that  they 
would  go  with  me. 

With  these  and  with  my  own  Indians  and  interpreters, 
I  continued  my  journey  till  I  came  within  sight  of  Cibola. 
It  is  situated  on  a  level  stretch  on  the  brow  of  a  roundish 
hill.  It  appears  to  be  a  very  beautiful  city,  the  best  that 
I  have  seen  in  these  parts ;  the  houses  are  of  the  type  that 
the  Indians  described  to  me,  all  of  stone  with  their  storeys 
and  terraces,  as  it  appeared  to  me  from  a  hill  whence  I 
could  see  it.  The  town  is  bigger  than  the  city  of  Mexico.8 


8.  Here  Ramusio,  III.  359B,  interpolates :  La  citta  e  maggior  che  la  citta  di 
Temistitan,  laqual  passa  venti  mila  case,  le  genti  sono  quasi  bianche,  vanno  vestiti, 
&  dormono  in  letti,  tengono  archi  per  arme,  hanno  molti  smeraldi,  £  altre  gioie, 
anchor  che  non  apprezzino  se  non  turchese,  con  lequali  adornano  li  pareti  delli 
portali  delle  case,  &  le  vesti,  &  li  vasi,  &  si  spende  come  moneta  in  tutto  quel  paese. 
Vestono  di  cotone,  &  di  cuoi  di  vacca:  &  questo  e  il  piu  apprezzato,  &  honoreuole 
vestire:  vsano  vasi  d'oro,  &  d'argento,  perche  non  hanno  altro  metallo,  delquale  vi 
e  maggior  vs.  &  maggior  abbondanza  che  nel  Peru,  &  questo  comprano  per 


FRA  YMARCOS'  RELACION  219 

At  times  I  was  tempted  to  go  to  it,  because  I  knew  that  I 
risked  nothing  but  my  life,  which  I  had  offered  to  God  the 
day  I  commenced  the  journey;  finally  I  feared  to  do  so, 
considering  my  danger  and  that  if  I  died,  I  would  not  be 
able  to  give  an  account  of  this  country,  which  seems  to 
me  to  be  the  greatest  and  best  of  the  discoveries.  When 
I  said  to  the  chiefs  who  were  with  me  how  beautiful  Ci- 
bola  appeared  to  me,  they  told  me  that  it  was  the  least  of 
the  seven  cities,  and  that  Totonteac  is  much  bigger  and 
better  than  all  the  seven,  and  that  it  has  so  many  houses 
and  people  that  there  is  no  end  to  it.  Viewing  the  situ- 
ation of  the  city,  it  occurred  to  me  to  call  that  country  the 
new  kingdom  of  St.  Francis,  and  there,  with  the  aid  of 
the  Indians,  I  made  a  big  heap  of  stones  and  on  top  of  it 
I  placed  a  small,  slender  cross,  not  having  the  materials 
to  construct  a  bigger  one.  I  declared  that  I  placed  that 
cross  and  landmark  in  the  name  of  Don  Antonio  de  Men- 
doza,  viceroy  and  governor  of  New  Spain  for  the  Em- 
peror, our  lord,  in  sign  of  possession,  in  conformity  with 
my  instructions.  I  declared  that  I  took  possession  there 
of  all  the  seven  cities  and  of  the  kingdoms  of  Tontonteac 
and  Acus  and  Marata,  and  that  I  did  not  go  to  them,  in 
order  that  I  might  return  to  give  an  account  of  what  I  had 
done  and  seen. 

Then  I  started  back,  with  much  more  fear  than  food, 
and  went  to  meet  the  people  whom  I  had  left  behind,  with 
the  greatest  haste  I  could  make.  I  overtook  them  after 


turquese  nella  provincia  delli  Pintadi,  doue  si  dice  che  vi  sono  le  minere  in  grande 
abbodanza.  D'altri  regni  non  potetti  hauere  instruttione  cosi  particolare,  alcune  volte 
fui  tentato  andarmene  fino  li  .  .  . 

Hakluyt  translates  this  passage  as  follows :  The  people  are  somewhat  white, 
they  wear  apparell,  and  lie  in  beds,  their  weapons  are  bowes,  they  have  Emeralds 
and  other  iewels,  although  they  esteeme  none  so  much  as  turqueses  wherewith  they 
adorne  the  walles  of  the  porches  of  their  houses,  and  their  apparell  and  vessels,  and 
they  use  them  instead  of  money  through  all  the  Country.  Their  apparell  is  of  cot- 
ton and  Oxe  hides,  and  this  is  their  most  commendable  and  honourable  apparell. 
They  use  vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  for  they  have  no  other  mettall,  whereof  there 
is  greater  use  and  more  abundance  then  in  Peru,  and  they  buy  the  same  for  tur- 
queses in  the  province  of  the  Pintados,  where  there  are  sayd  to  be  mines  of  great 
abundance.  Of  other  Kingdoms  I  could  not  obtain  so  particular  instruction.  Divers 
times  I  was  tempted  to  goe  thither  .  .  . 


220          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

two  days'  march  and  went  with  them  till  we  had  passed 
the  desert  and  arrived  at  their  home.  Here  I  was  not  made 
welcome  as  previously,  because  the  men  as  well  as  the  wo- 
men indulged  in  much  weeping  for  the  persons  killed  at 
Cibola.  Without  tarrying  I  hastened  in  fear  from  that 
people  and  that  valley.  The  first  day  I  went  ten  leagues, 
then  I  went  eight  and  again  ten  leagues,  without  stopping 
till  I  had  passed  the  second  desert. 

On  my  return,  although  I  was  not  without  fear,  I 
determined  to  approach  the  open  tract,"  situated  at  the 
end  of  the  mountain  ranges,  of  which  I  said  above  (page 
5)  that  I  had  some  account.  As  I  came  near,  I  was  in- 
formed that  it  is  peopled  for  many  days'  journey  towards 
the  east,  but  I  dared  not  enter  it,  because  it  seemed  to  me 
that  we  must  go  to  colonize  and  to  rule  that  other  country 
of  the  seven  cities  and  the  kingdoms  I  have  spoken  of,  and 
that  then  one  could  see  it  better.  So  I  forebore  to  risk 
my  person  and  left  it  alone  to  given  an  account  of  what  I 
had  seen.  However,  I  saw,  from  the  mouth  of  the  tract 
seven  moderate-sized  towns  at  some  distance,  and  further 
a  very  fresh  valley  of  very  good  land,10  whence  rose  much 
smoke.11  I  was  informed  that  there  is  much  gold  in  it  and 
that  the  natives  of  it  deal  in  vessels  and  jewels  for  the  ears 
and  little  plates  with  which  they  scrape  themselves  to  re- 
lieve themselves  of  sweat,  and  that  these  people  will  not 
consent  to  trade  with  those  of  the  other  part  of  the  valley ; 
but  I  was  not  able  to  learn  the  cause  for  this.  Here  I  placed 
two  crosses  and  took  possession  of  all  this  plain  and  valley 
in  the  same  manner  as  I  had  done  with  the  other  posses- 
sions, according  to  my  instructions.  From  there  I  continu- 
ed my  return  journey,  with  all  the  haste  I  could,  till  I  ar- 
rived at  the  town  of  San  Miguel,  in  the  province  of  Culi- 
acan,  expecting  to  find  there  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coro- 


9.  "Abra." 

10.  Here  Ternaux-Compans  inserts:   "et  une  tres   jolie  ville,"   which   brings   down 
upon   him  a  severe  criticism   from   Bandelier. 

11.  Hakluyt  says:     "out  of  which   ran   many   rivers."      This   is   his  own   mistrans- 
lation,  as   Ramusio   writes   "fumos." 


PRAY  MARCOS*  RELACION  221 

nado,  governor  of  New  Galicia.  As  I  did  not  find  him 
there,  I  continued  my  journey  to  the  city  of  Compostella, 
where  I  found  him.  From  there  I  immediately  wrote  word 
of  my  coming  to  the  most  illustrious  lord,  the  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  and  to  our  father  provinical,  Friar  Antonio  of 
Ciudad-Rodrigo,  asking  him  to  send  me  orders  what  to  do. 
I  omit  here  many  particulars  which  are  not  pertinent ; 
I  simply  tell  what  I  saw  and  what  was  told  me  concerning 
the  countries  where  I  went  and  those  of  which  I  was  given 
Information,  in  order  to  make  a  ^report  to  our  father  pro- 
vincial, that  he  may  show  it  to  the  father  of  our  order,  who 
may  advise  him,  or  to  the  council  of  the  order,  at  whose 
command  I  went,  that  they  may  give  it  to  the  most  illus- 
trious lord,  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  at  whose  request  they 
sent  me  on  this  journey. — Fray  Marcos  de  Niza,  vwe  comis- 
sarius, 

ATTESTATIONS 

I,  Friar  Antonio  of  Ciudad-Rodrigo,  religious  of  the 
order  of  the  Minorites  and  minister  provincial  for  the  time 
being  of  the  province  of  the  Holy  Evangel  of  this  New 
Spain,  declare  that  it  is  true  that  I  sent  Fray  Marcos  de 
Niza,  priest,  friar,  presbyter  and  religious,  and  in  all  vir- 
tue and  religion  so  esteemed  that,  by  me  and  my  brethren 
of  the  governing  board  who  take  counsel  together  in  all 
arduous  and  difficult  matters,  he  was  approved  and  held 
as  fit  and  able  to  make  this  journey  and  discovery,  as  well 
for  the  aforesaid  character  of  his  person,  as  for  being 
learned,  not  only  in  theology,  but  also  in  cosmography  and 
navigation.  When  it  had  been  considered  and  decided  that 
he  should  go,  he  departed  with  a  companion,  a  lay-brother 
named  Friar  Honoratus,  by  the  command  of  the  lord  Don 
Antonio  de  Mendoza,  viceroy  of  this  said  New  Spain.  His 
lordship  gave  him  all  the  furnishings  and  equipment  neces- 
sary for  the  said  journey  and  exploration.  His  instruc- 
tions which  are  here  written,  which  I  saw  and  which  his 
lordship  communicated  to  me,  asking  my  advice  thereon, 


222          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

were  given,  as  they  appeared  to  me  good,  to  the  said  Fray 
Marcos,  by  the  hand  of  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado.  He 
duly  received  them  and  executed  them  faithfully,  as  in  fact 
has  appeared.  And  as  the  above  is  the  truth  and  there  is 
no  mis-statement  in  it,  I  have  written  this  faithful  testi- 
mony and  signed  it  with  my  name.  —Executed  in  Mexico, 
on  the  twenty-sixth12  day  of  August,  in  the  year  one  thou- 
sand five  hundred  and  thirty-nine. — Fra.  Antonio  de  Ciu- 
dad-Rodrigo,  minister  provincial. 

In  the  great  city  of  Temixtitan,  Mexico  of  New  Spain, 
on  the  second  day  of  ths  month  of  September,  in  the  year 
of  the  birth  of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  one  thousand  five 
hundred  and  thirty-nine,  before  the  very  illustrious  lord 
Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  viceroy  and  governor  for  H.  M. 
in  this  New  Spain,  president  of  the  audiencia  and  royal 
chancery,  residing  in  the  said  city,  and  being  present  the 
very  magnificent  lords,  the  learned  judge  Francisco  de 
Ceifios,  oidor  for  H.  M.  in  the  said  royal  audiencia,  and 
Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado,  governor  for  H.  M.  in  the 
province  of  New  Galicia,  and  in  the  presence  of  us,  Juan 
Baeza  de  Herrera,  chief  secretary  of  the  said  royal  audi- 
encia and  of  the  government  of  the  said  New  Spain,  and 
Antonio  de  Turcios,  secretary  to  Their  Majesties  and  of 
the  said  royal  audienciaf  appeared  the  very  reverend  father 
Fray  Marcos  de  Niza,  vice-commissary  in  these  parts  of  the 
Indies  of  the  Ocean,13  of  the  order  of  San  Francisco,  and 
presented  before  their  lordships  and  before  us  the  said 
secretaries  and  witnesses  the  appended  writings,  these  in- 
structions and  this  relation  signed  with  his  name  and  seal- 
ed with  the  general  seal  of  the  Indies,  the  which  have  nine 
leaves,  including  this  in  which  go  our  signatures;  and  he 
said,  affirmed  and  certified  to  be  true  the  content  of  the 
said  instructions  and  relation  and  that  what  is  contained 
therein  occurred,  in  order  that  H.  M,  may  be  informed  of 


12.     Ternaax-Compans  gives  the  27th, 
IS.     "Las  Indias  del  mar  Oceano." 


FRAY  MARCOS'  RELACION  223 

the  truth  of  that  which  is  made  mention  of  therein.  And 
their  lordships  ordered  us  the  said  secretaries,  that,  as  the 
said  vice-commissary  presented  it  and  declared  it  to  be  such, 
we  attest  the  same  at  the  foot  thereof  and  that  we  declare 
It  for  truth,  signed  with  our  signatures. — Witnesses  pres- 
ent: the  above-named,  and  Alamaguer14  and  Friar  Martin 
of  Ozocastro,  religious  of  the  same  order. 

In  faith    whereof,  I  the  said  Juan  Baeza,  the  above- 
named  secretary,  affix  here  this -my  seal,  thus 
In  testimony  of  truth. 


— Juan  Baeza  de  Herrera. 

And  I  the  said  Antonio  de  Turcios,  the  above-named 
secretary,  who  was  present  at  what  is  here  said,  affix  here 
this  my  seal,  XTS.  *n  testimony  of  truth. 


— Antonio  de  Tureios, 


CONTRIBUTORS 

Aurelio  M.  Espinosa.  —  educator  and  author;  M.  A» 
Ph.  D.;  former  professor  Univ»  of  N.  Mex*,  Univ.  of 
Chicago,  and  since  1910  professor  of  Spanish  at  Stanford 
University;  editor  Hispania,  assoc.  editor  Journal  Am. 
Folk-Lore;  corr.  mem.  Real  Academia  Espanola,  hon.  mem. 
Chile  Folk-Lore  Society,  fellow  Hist.  Soc.  of  N.  Mex. 

Percy  M.  Baldwin.  —  M.  A.  (Queen's  Univ.,  London)  ; 
research  student  in  Spain;  Ph.  D.  (Univ.  of  Calif.)  ;  since 
January,  1925,  professor  of  history,  N.  Mex.  College  of  A. 
&M.A. 


14.   Ternaux-Ccmpans   gives   "Antonio  of  Almaguez." 


224          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES 

The  Frontier  Times  for  January  publishes  a  biograph- 
ical sketch  of  Kit  Carson,  which  in  view  of  the  centennary 
of  Carson's  first  trip  to  Santa  Fe,  is  of  special  interest, 
Among  other  contributions  in  the  current  issue  is  one  by 
George  S*  Roper  of  Two  Harbors,  Minnesota,  who  tells  of 
"Soldiering  on  the  Frontier"  fifty  five  years  ago.  Roper 
was  a  trooper  in  the  Eighth  Cavalry  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral «L  Orvin  Gregg,  He  says  among  other  things : 

"We  got  to  Kit  Carson,  Colorado,  and  the  first  thing 
we  saw  the  next  morning  were  two  fellows  strung  up  under 
a  railroad  bridge  where  they  had  been  hung  the  night  be- 
fore by  a  vigilance  committee At  Kit  Carson  we 

were  given  guns,  and  we  picked  up  a  bunch  of  'doughboys' 
headed  for  the  15th  Infantry  ....  There  we  started  on  our 
long  march  of  nearly  1,200  miles  to  New  Mexico.  Any  one 
now  passing  over  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  from  Los  Aninias,  Colo- 
rado, to  San  Marcial,  New  Mexico,  probably  would  not  ap- 
preciate what  a  God-forsaken  country  that  hike  took  us 

through  back  in  the  fall  of  1870 Trinidad  was  just 

one  street,  with  a  few  scattering  adobe  shanties  down  near 
the  river.  We  crossed  the  Raton  Mountains  at  Dick  Woot- 
en's  ranch,  and  found  the  Red  River  of  the  South,  west  of 
the  foot  of  the  mountains,  only  about  10  feet  wide.  One 
place  where  we  camped  for  a  night  there  was  a  rancher  liv- 
ing. It  was  said  that  at  this  house  they  had  soda  biscuits 
three  tim.es  a  day,  365  days  in  the  year.  I  had  a  good  many 
meals  there  and  I  never  found  any  other  kind  of  bread ;  so 
it  must  be  so.  At  this  place  we  saw  our  first  Indians..  They 
were  Utes,  and  one  of  them  had  on  a  Major  General's  dress 
uniform,  coat,  epaulets,  and  all,  which  had  been  given  him 
by  General  Sherman.  .The  old  chief  also  had  a  letter  from 
the  General  which  he  prized  very  highly.  The  letter  advised 
the  reader  to  watch  the  old  fellow  very  close,  that  he  would 
carry  away  anything  he  could  get  his  hands  on.  Cimarron 
was  about  the  only  place  we  found  that  would  lead  one  to 
believe  that  there  had  ever  been  anything  but  a  Mexican  in 
that  country.  Fort  Union  was  the  headquarters  of  the  8th 
Cavalry.  I  was  fortunate  enough  to  be  assigned  to  troop 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  225 

B,  with  Captain  Wm.  McCleave  in  command.  He  is  long 
since  dead,  but  I  want  to  go  on  record  as  believing  that 
there  were  very  few  officers  that  were  his  equal.  At  Fort 
Union  we  lost  the  men  who  were  assigned  to  troops  at  that 
station,  and  also  those  at  Fort  Garland.  After  a  few  days' 
rest  we  again  took  up  the  weary  march,  and  two  days  after 
we  camped  at  Las  Vegas,  an  old  Mexican  town.  What  is 
now  East  Las  Vegas  was  not  at  that  time  even  a  hole  in  the 
ground.  At  Albuquerque  we  first  saw  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
lost  our  comrades  that  were  enroute  for  Fort  Wingate.  At 
Fort  Craig  the  fellows  for  Fort  Selden  and  Fort  Bayard 
kept  on  down  the  riyer;  and  we  that  were  going  to  Fort 
Stanton  crossed  the  river  and  hiked  east  through  the  sandy 
desert.  The  first  of  November  we  reached  our  long  looked 
for  'happy  home.'  We  were  not  long  in  taking  up  the  duties 
of  soldiers,  with  foot  and  mounted  drill  nearly  every  day. 
We  had  a  splendid  drillmaster  in  Sergeant  Patrick  Golden, 
an  old  soldier  of  several  years'  service.  A  short  time  be- 
fore we  reached  the  pest  the  Apaches  killed  one  of  pur 
troop,  and  also  a  member  of  Co.  I  of  the  15th  Infantry  with- 
in a  few  miles  of  the  post.  A  scout  was  at  once  started  after 
the  murderers  who  were  followed  so  closely  that  in  order 
to  let  the  bucks  get  away  the  squaws  got  in  the  way  of  the 
charge  going  up  a  narrow  canyon,  knowing,  as  they  did, 
that  in  order  to  get  around  them  it  would  delay  the  charge. 
Several  prisoners  were  taken  and  we  found  them  still  in 
confinement  at  the  post  with  a  guard  over  them.  That  post 
was  not  very  desirable.  We  enlisted  at  $16  a  month,  but 
Congress  got  funny  and  reduced  our  pay  to  $13.  Of  course, 
that  did  not  set  very  good,  and  the  result  was  the  army  lost 
many  men  by  refusal  to  re-enlist  and  by  desertion.  One  of 
the  latter  was  my  bunkey.  It  would  be  hard  for  one  who 
has  not  passed  through  the  experience  to  realize  the  irk- 
some sameness,  or  want  of  variety  of  a  soldier's  life  in  New 
Mexico,  and  especially  at  Fort  Stanton  in  the  early  70's. 
The  nearest  point  of  anything  that  might  be  called  civiliz- 
ation being  Las  Vegas,  more  than  150  miles  away.  Not  a 
book  or  anything  to  read.  Mail  once  a  week  and  taking 
from  four  to  five  weeks  for  a  letter  from  as  far  East  as 
Ohio.  Where  one  was  fortunate  enough  to  have  a  friend 
who  sent  them  the  home  paper  it  was  read  by  every  man 
in  the  troop  until  entirely  worn  out.  There  was  nothing 
to  attract  one's  attention  except  the  same  old  round  of  sold- 
ier duty,  an  unending  sequence  of  guard,  stable  police, 
15 


226          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

kitchen  police,  and  fatigue;  and  then  back  over  the  same 
thing.  We  cavalrymen  had  a  little  the  best  of  the  infantry- 
men. We  got  all  the  escort  duty,  scouting  and  other  things 
of  that  kind.  For  a  few  days  we  had  a  chance  to  lose  sight 
of  the  old  stone  buildings  of  the  post.  We  looked  forward 
with  delight  to  the  afternoon  that  we  were  the  old  guard, 
as  we  then  had  the  splendid  duty  of  herding  the  horses  for 
grazing.  It  certainly  was  fun  to  get  the  horses  all  excited 
in  the  corral  (when  there  were  no  commissioned  officers 
around),  and  then  turn  them  loose  and  run  them  until  they 
got  their  play  out.  We  all  felt  as  though  we  had  lost  our 
best  friend  when  mounted  drill  was  taken  off.  All  of  the 
officers  of  the  regiment  above  Second  Lieutenant  had  seen 
service  during  the  Civil  War.  Several  of  them  had  reach- 
ed the  rank  of  Brigadier  General.  With  us  as  we  were  mak- 
ing our  tramp  was  four  Second  Lieutenants  that  had  grad- 
uated with  the  class  of  1870.  I  think  only  one  of  them  is 
now  living,  Brig.  Gen.  Samuel  W.  Fountain,  retired.  Lieut. 
R.  A.  Williams  only  lived  long  enough  to  get  his  Captain's 
commission.  I  have  understood  that  Lieut.  F.  E.  Phelps  lost 
a  leg  at  Wounded  Knee,  and  was  retired ;  Lieut.  Godwin  be- 
came a  Brigadier  General,  retired.  S.  B.  M.  Young  was  one 
of  our  original  captains,  appointed  in  1868.  He  was,  I  think 
the  last  one  to  die.  Capt.  J.  F.  Randlett  was  transferred 
to  the  regiment  in  1870  and  was  a  captain  for  16  years. 
This  letter  starts  by  saying  '55  years  ago  I  put  on  the  blue/ 
Now  I  close  it  by  saying  that  50  years  ago  Major  J.  H. 
Mahnked,  Regimental  Adjutant,  handed  me  my  discharge 
at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  for  expiration  of  term  of  service, 
signed  by  General  Gregg,  and  the  Major  was  kind  enough 
to  write  the  word  'excellent'  under  the  black  line." 

The  Frontier  Times  also  publishes  in  this  issue  a 
list  of  Confederates  who  were  stationed  at  different  points 
in  New  Mexico  during  the  Civil  War.  The  list  included  a 
number  of  documents  pertaining  to  these  troops  furnished 
by  Henry  J.  Brown  of  Santa  Rita.  A  copy  of  the  pay-roll 
is  also  attached. 

SANTA  FE'S  FIRST  AMERICAN  PORTAIT  PAINTER 

The  latest  annual  report  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution 
prints  a  portrait  and  biographical  sketch  of  John  Mix 
Stanley,  by  David  I.  Bushnell,  Jr.,  whose  portraits  painted 
from  life  among  forty-three  different  tribes  of  Indians 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  227 

during  ten  years  that  he  spent  in  New  Mexico  and  other 
western  states,  were  entrusted  to  the  Smithsonian  Institu- 
tion. Unfortunately,  all  of  these  except  five  were  destroyed 
In  the  fire  of  January  24,  1865,  which  damaged  the  main 
building.  The  following  are  excerpts  from  the  biography : 

"In  1842,  accompanied  by  Sumner  Dickerman,  of  Troy, 
he  visited  the  Indian  country  in  Arkansas  and  New  Mex- 
ico and  made  sketches  and  pictures  of  the  Indians  and  In- 
dian scenes The  opportunities  afforded  by  his 

constant  contact  with  the  Indians  were  improved  by  almost 
daily  paintings  and  sketching.  In  attempting  to  paint  the 
portrait  of  the  Cherokee  chiefs  Mr.  Stanley  found  a  dif- 
ficulty in  their  caprice  and  superstition.  They  insisted  that 
portraits  should  first  be  painted  of  Jim  Shaw,  a  Delaware, 
and  of  Jess  Chisholm,  a  Cherokee,  under  whose  protection 
Mr.  Stanley  had  been  conducted;  if  these  men  should  con- 
sent to  sit  and  should  receive  no  harm  from  the  operation, 
then  the  Cherokee  chiefs  would  sit.  It  was  done  in  this 
way.  They  came  forward  in  the  order  of  their  rank  and 
were  delighted  with  the  idea  of  being  painted,  considering 
it  a  great  honor.  Mr.  Stanley  spent  part  of  the  year  1845 
in  New  Mexico.  By  the  year  1846  he  had  painted  83  can- 
vases, and  in  January  of  that  year  he  and  Mr.  Dickerman 
exhibited  them  in  Cincinnati  and  Louisville In  Octo- 
ber, 1846,  he  visited  Santa  Fe  to  paint  still  more  pictures. 
Here  he  joined  the  expedition  of  Gen  S.  W.  Kearny,  who 
led  the  dangerous  march  overland  to  San  Diego,  Calif.  He 
was  placed  under  the  immediate  command  of  Captain 
Emory,  of  the  Topographical  Corps,  United  States  Army. 
At  the  mouth  of  the  Gila  River  they  had  a  battle  with  some 
California  irregulars.  This  was  during  the  time  when 
General  Flores,  the  counter  revolutionist,  held  Los  Angeles 
and  Commodore  Stockton,  in  opposition,  held  San  Diego. 
In  this  march  Mr.  Stanley  was  also  in  the  actions  at  San 

Pasquale,  Calif In  1853  Mr.  Stanley  was  appointed 

to  be  the  artist  of  the  expedition  sent  by  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  to  explore  a  'Route  for  the  Pacific 
Railroad  near  the  forty-seventh  and  forty-ninth  parallels 

of  latitude  from  St.  Paul  to  Puget  Sound The  Indians 

were  impressed  by  Mr.  Stanley's  ability  to  make  pictures 
of  them  with  his  brush.  Also  the  daguerreotype  process 
which  he  sometimes  used  was  to  them  a  thing  inspired  be- 
cause produced  by  the  light  of  the  sun As  a  member 


228          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  the  expedition  he  made  a  large  number  of  sketches  of  the 
various  points  of  interest,  and  as  a  novel  experiment  he 
carried  a  daguerreotype  apparatus,  probably  the  first 
taken  up  the  Missouri.  In  the  report  of  the  expedition  is 
this  note:  'August  7,  1853.  Mr.  Stanley,  the  artist,  was 
busily  occupied  during  our  stay  at  Fort  Union  with  his, 
daguerreotype  apparatus,  and  the  Indians  were  greatly 
pleased  with  their  daguerreotypes.,  " 

Of  the  five  paintings  still  on  exhibition  in  the  Smith- 
sonian, three  bear  evidence  of  having  been  painted  in  New 
Mexico.  One  is  that  of  a  Towoccono  Warrior. 

"This  man  distinguished  himself  among  his  people  by 
a  daring  attempt  at  stealing  horses,  in  the  night,  from  Fort 
Milan,  on  the  western  frontier  of  Texas.  He  succeeded  in 
passing  the  sentries,  and  had  secured  some  eight  or  ten 
horses  to  a  lariat,  and  was  making  his  way  to  the  gates  of 
the  fort,  when  he  was  discovered  and  fired  upon.  The  night 
being  dark,  the  shots  were  at  random;  he  was,  however, 
severely  wounded  by  two  balls,  received  two  sabre  wounds 
upon  his  arms,  and  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life.  He  is 
about  twenty-three  years  of  age,  and  by  this  daring  feat 
has  won  the  name  and  standing  of  a  warrior  among  his 
people." 

The  second  painting  is  entitled  "A  Buffalo  Hunt  on  the 
Southwestern  Prairies,"  while  the  third  is  a  protrait  of 
Black  Knife,  an  Apache  chief  who  accompanied  Kearny  on 
his  march  from  Santa  Fe  to  California. 


MRS.  WASHINGTON  E.  LINDSEY 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 

REVIEW 

Vol.  I.  July,  1926  No.  3. 

NEW  MEXICO  Iff  THE  GEEAT  WAR 

(Continued) 

V     The  Women's  Part 

The  Woman's  Auxiliary  of  the  State  Council  of  De- 
fense came  into  being-  during  the  special  session  of  the  legis- 
lature called  by  Governor  Lindsey,  May  1,  1917,  when  wom- 
en delegates  from  each  of  the  twentj^-eight  counties  ap- 
pointed by  the  War  Committee  for  the  purpose  of  forming 
a  Woman's  Auxiliary  to  the  State  Council  of  Defense,  met 
at  the  State  Capitol  on  May  5,  3  917,  and  elected  the  follow- 
ing officers : 

Mrs.  W.  E.  Lindsey,  chairman;  Mrs.  A.  A.  Kellam,  1st 
vice  chairman;  Mrs.  H.  J.  Hammond,  2nd  vice  chairman; 
Mrs.  F.  L.  Myers,  secretary;  Mrs.  Walter  M.  Danburg  as- 
sistant secretary;  Mrs.  R.  M.  Fergusson,  treasurer;  Mrs. 
R.  Harwell,  auditor; 

Chairmen  at  large:  Mrs.  A.  A.  Kellam,  Albuquerque; 
Mrs.  R.  Harwell,  Estancia ;  Mrs.  Walter  M.  Danburgr,  Santa 
Fe ;  Mrs.  F.  L.  Myers,  East  Las  Vegas. 
Judicial  Districts:  1st.  Mrs.  Otero- Warren,  Santa  Fe;  2nd. 
Mrs.  Alfred  Grunsf eld,  Albuquerque ;  3rd  Mrs.  Henry  Stoes, 
Las  Cruces;  4th.  Mrs.  W.  E.  Gortner,  Las  Vegas;  5th.  Mrs. 
J.  T.  Stalker,  Clovis;  6th.  Mrs,  R.  M.  Fergusson,  Tyrone; 
7th.  Mrs.  M.  C.  Mechem,  Socorro;  8th.  Mrs.  H.  J.  Ham- 
mond, Clayton. 

Publicity  Chairman:  Mrs.  Wm.  P.  Henderson,  Santa  Fe. 
Subsequently  county  and  precinct  chairmen  were  appointed 
throughout  the  State. 


232          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

New  Mexico  was  thus  one  of  the  first  states  —  if  not 
the  first  —  to  mobilize  its  women  for  war  service  through 
an  effective,  state-wide  organization. 

As  will  be  seen,  the  Woman's  Auxiliary  was  formed 
before  the  complete  organization  of  the  Women's  commit- 
tee of  the  Council  of  National  Defense,  which  was  created 
as  a  sub-committee  of  the  Council  of  National  Defense  at 
Washington,  with  Dr.  Anna  Howard  Shaw  as  its  chair- 
man. But  with  the  appointment  of  Mrs.  W.  E.  Lindsey, 
wife  of  the  governor,  as  state  chairman  of  the  Women's 
Committee  of  the  Committee  of  National  Defense,  the  Wom- 
an's Auxiliary  became  automatically  the  state  division 
of  the  national  body,  just  as  the  state  Councils  of  Defense 
were  state  divisions  of  the  National  Council  of  Defense. 

As  there  was  always  a  certain  amount  of  confusion, 
however,  resulting  from  the  fact  that  the  New  Mexico 
division  had  a  different  name  and  a  slightly  different  form 
of  state  organization,  the  Woman's  Auxiliary  was  reorgan- 
ized in  March,  1918,  to  conform  more  closely  to  the  other 
state  divisions  of  the  Woman's  Committee  of  the  National 
Council  of  Defense,  with  state  department  heads  as  fol1 
Honorary  Chairman:  Mrs.  W.  E.  Lindsey,  Santa  Fe;  State 
Chairman:  Mrs.  Ceo.  W,  Prichard;  Department  of  Regis- 
tration, Mrs.  Kate  Hall,  Santa  Fe;  Victory  Gardens,  Mrs. 
Isaac  Earth,  Albuquerque ;  Food  Conservation,  Mrs.  Walter 
M.  Danburg;  Child  Welfare,  Mrs.  Max  Nordhaus,  Albu- 
querque; Health  Recreation  and  Social  Service,  Dr.  Janet 
Reid,  Deming;  Liberty  Loan  and  Thrift  Stamps,  Mrs.  How- 
ard Huey,  Santa  Fe;  Publicity,  Mrs.  R.  E.  Twitchell,  Santa 
Fe ;  Women  in  Industry,  Mrs.  H.  L.  Hall,  Charna ;  Woman's 
Land  Army,  Mrs.  R.  L.  Fergusson,  Tyrone ;  Patriotic  Edu- 
cation and  Americanization,  Mrs.  Alfred  Grunsfeld,  Albu- 
querque; Home  Economics,  Mrs.  Ruth  C.  Miller,  Santa  Fe; 
Publicity  Markets,  Mrs.  B.  C.  Hernandez,  Canjilon;  Home 
and  Foreign  Relief,  Mrs.  A.  B.  Renehan. 

In  order  to  avoid  confusion  in  this  account,  the  term 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR          233 

"Woman's  Committee"  will  be  used  to  apply  equally  to  the 
organization  existing"  previous  to  March,  1918,  as  well  as 
that  existing  afterward.  The  two  were  in  fact  identical 
in  scope  and  purpose. 

Before  passing  from  the  subject  of  organization,  it 
may  be  well  to  say  a  word  in  regard  to  the  purpose  of  the 
Woman's  Committee  of  the  Council  of  National  Defense. 
This  Committee  was  created  as  a  sub-committee  of  the 
Council  of  National  Defense  "to  co-ordinate  the  activities 
and  the  resources  of  the  organized  and  unorganized  women 
of  the  country  in  order  that  their  power  might  be  immedi- 
ately utilized  in  time  of  need,  and  to  supply  a  new  and  direct 
channel  of  communication  and  co-operation  between  women 
and  governmental  departments."  It  was  meant  as  a  vast 
clearing-house  of  women's  activities,  to  serve  as  a  telephone 
or  railway  system  in  a  country  that  had  before  been  with- 
out one;  to  serve  as  an  artery,  not  only  of  trade  and  com- 
merce, but  of  ideas  and  inspiration.  And  it  abundantly 
justified  its  promise. 

It  implies  no  discredit,  however,  to  the  women  of  New 
Mexico  to  say  that  in  the  beginning  they  were  a  little  mys- 
tified by  the  problem  of  organization.  In  a  country  so  new, 
so  sparsely  settled,  and  with  geographical  and  racial  condi- 
tions making  each  county  as  distinct  from  the  next  as  many 
states  are,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  women  knew  more 
about  work  than  they  did  about  organization.  It  took  them 
only  a  short  time,  however,  to  learn  that  the  one  is  as  im- 
portant as  the  other,  and  it  is  a  tribute  and  a  credit  to  the 
state  that  the  unusual  conditions  confronting  the  women  of 
New  Mexico  were  so  far  overcome  that  they  not  only  pro- 
duced tangible  material  results  in  the  way  of  Red  Cross 
and  Navy  League  work,  contributions  to  all  war  funds,  and 
an  increased  production  of  food,  but  that  when  it  came  to 
a  thing  like  securing  signatures  to  the  Hoover  Pledge  cards, 
they  turned  in  results  that  averaged  higher  than  those  of 
many  more  thickly  populated,  railway-articulated  states! 
16* 


234          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

For  instance,  the  official  tabulation  of  pledge  card  returns 
at  Washington  credited  New  Mexico  with  34%  of  families 
signed  up,  whereas  Massachusetts  and  New  York  each  had 
only  27%  and  Ohio  24%. 

It  is  doubtful  if  one  who  does  not  know  the  actual 
conditions  can  appreciate  what  it  meant  to  roll  up  the  re- 
turns on  those  Hoover  pledges  in  New  Mexico!  Little 
things  like  getting  stuck  in  the  middle  of  an  arroyo  during 
a  cloud-burst  and  having  to  wait  until  the  water  subsided — 
if  luckily  one  were  not  drowrned  by  it  —  can  hardly  be  ap- 
preciated by  canvassers  outside  the  state.  Just  what  a 
house  canvass  in  New  Mexico  means  can  only  be  under- 
stood by  one  who  has  "jitneyed"  by  narrow  gauge  railway, 
stage-coach,  bronco,  or  burro  over  some  of  the  rugged  or 
sandy  landscape  of  New  Mexico  —  where  distances  between 
houses  are  measured  not  by  blocks  but  by  arroyos,  moun- 
tains, or  mesas.  Nor  is  there  another  state  in  the  union 
in  which  one  half  of  the  population  can  not  understand  the 
other  half  without  an  interpreter.  And  yet  these  things 
only  added  to  the  zest  with  which  the  women  of  New  Mex- 
ico tackled  their  problems.  One  thing,  of  course,  which 
simplified  the  problem  was  the  fact  that  although  the  state 
is  bi-lingual,  there  was  never  the  least  question  of  disloyal- 
ty or  of  anything  but  complete  willingness  and  a  desire  ta 
be  of  service  on  the  part  of  New  Mexico  women.  Nothing 
could  have  been  more  inspiring  than  the  deep  earnestness 
of  the  English,  Spanish,  and  Indian  speaking  women  who 
met  over  the  canning  kettle,  or  across  the  Red  Cross  table 
where  a  common  impulse  moved  them  and  a  common  pur- 
pose obviated  any  need  of  an  interpreter  —  the  will  to  win 
the  war!  In  New  Mexico  certainly  it  has  been  amply  de- 
monstrated that  racial  variety  is  indeed  no  barrier  to  na- 
tional unity,  when  democracy  and  not  autocracy  is  the  gov- 
ernment practised. 

The  women  in  New  Mexico  did  not  wait  to  be  mobi- 
lized, they  did  not  wait  for  organization  —  they  went  to 
work.  They  knew  what  the  women  of  England  and  France 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  235 

had  done;  they  knew  what  the  women  of  Belgium  and 
northern  France  and  Servia  and  Poland  and  Armenia  had 
suffered;  they  knew  what  was  expected  of  them.  That  is 
why,  in  answer  to  requests  for  reports  sent  out  during  the 
early  part  of  1917,  letters  like  the  following  would  come  in : 

"Our  women  are  not  indifferent;  they  are  busy.  They 
are  hard  at  work  for  the  Red  Cross  and  conserving  and 
drying  and  canning  food,  and  in  a  quiet  way  they  are  doing 
everything  that  they  possibily  can.  They  do  not  under- 
stand organization  very  well,  but  they  will  in  a  little  while." 

And  this  proved  true.  But  the  point  to  be  emphasized 
is  the  fact  that  the  women  of  New  Mexico  were  doers  rather 
than  talkers;  theirs  was  not  an  organization  existing  only 
on  paper,  but  an  organization  of  hands  and  hearts. 

During  the  summer  of  1917  dozens  of  letters  like  the 
following  one  came  in : 

"While  only  a  few  of  the  districts  in  the  county  have 
sent  in  a  written  report  of  the  work  they  are  accomplish- 
ing, we  find,  on  investigation,  that  the  women  of  the  coun- 
ty are  quietly  and  earnestly  practising  economy  and  con- 
servation in  their  homes.  All  with  whom  we  have  talked 
say  that  they  have  doubled  and  trebled  their  usual  supply 
of  canned  and  dried  fruit  and  vegetables." 

In  this  brief  summary  it  will  not  be  possible  to  do  more 
than  indicate  some  of  the  things  accomplished  by  the  wom- 
en of  New  Mexico.  Statistics  and  figures  are  historically 
far  less  important  than  the  mass  result  and  the  spirit  un- 
derlying its  achievements.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  the 
women  of  New  Mexico  never  failed  to  give  what  was 
required  of  them  —  and  more,  abundantly  more. 

Whatever  the  powers  at  war  may  have  thought  about 
it  in  the  beginning,  they  soon  realized  that  this  war  could 
not  be  won  without  the  women.  In  England  and  France 
the  influence  of  the  women,  in  industries,  military  and 
civil,  can  not  be  measured.  In  this  country  the  first  re- 
cognition of  the  supreme  need  for  co-operation  on  the  part 
of  the  women  was  in  the  appeal  of  the  Food  Administration 


236          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  the  women  of  the  United  States  to  win  the  war-  by  sav- 
ing and  conserving  food.  Millions  of  hungry  people  over- 
seas had  to  be  fed,  and  only  strict  economy  and  conserva- 
tion could  accomplish  the  task.  This  was  so  largely  in  the 
hands  of  the  women  of  the  nation  that  each  one  felt  it  a  per- 
sonal responsibility  to  do  her  utmost. 

In  New  Mexico  the  co-operation  of  the  women  was 
hearty  and  enthusiastic.  Home  gardens  and  open  markets 
were  urged  by  the  Women's  Committee  in  letters  and  ar- 
ticles sent  to  the  press  throughout  the  state,  with  gratify- 
ing results.  At  Santa  ,Fe  particularly  the  open  market 
maintained  during  the  two  summers  of  1917  and  1918  was 
a  notable  success.  In  connection  with  the  conservation  of 
food,  the  Hoover  Food  Administration  pledge  cards,  asking 
each  woman  to  pledge  herself  to  f  ollow  the  directions  of  the 
Food  Administration  and  observe  certain  wheatless  and 
meatless  meals  and  days,  were  issued  and  distributed  by 
the  Woman's  Committee;  and  a  remarkably  high  percent- 
age of  returns  was  received,  as  noted  above. 

With  these  cards  were  also  sent  out  the  registration 
blanks  of  the  Woman's  Committee,  following  the  model 
furnished  by  the  National  Board.  These  cards  served 
somewhat  the  purpose  of  a  selective  draft  and  questionnaire 
combined.  Each  woman  who  signed  pledged  herself  for  a 
limited  or  complete  amount  of  service  and  time,  should  the 
need  arise,  and  specified  also  her  particular  capacity  and 
training  in  any  given  line.  Many  women  in  the  beginning 
did  not  understand  the  special  function  of  classification  to 
be  served  by  these  cards.  Many,  who  were  already  devot- 
ing every  moment  of  their  spare  time  to  war  activities, 
thought  that  some  further  pledge  was  here  demanded  of 
them,  instead  of  the  mere  statement  of  the  time  and  ser- 
vice already  contributed  by  them ;  for  this  reason  the  regis- 
tration returns  were  not  as  high  as  those  of  the  Hoover  food 
pledge  cards,  but  they  were  nevertheless  remarkably 
high  considering  all  the  circumstances,  and  registration  was 
still  going  on  when  the  war  stopped. 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  237 

Both  these  registration  blanks  and  the  Hoover  cards 
were  printed  in  Spanish  and  English  at  the  expense  of  the 
State  Council  of  Defense  and  distributed  to  the  county 
chairmen  of  the  Woman's  Committee,  who,  with  their  pre- 
cinct chairmen  and  special  committees,  conducted  the  can- 
vass. 

The  one  engrossing  subject  during  this  period  was  the 
subject  of  FOOD:  food  production,  food  conservation,  food 
preservation.  To  give  the  period  a  name,  we  may  call  it 
the  period  of  'the  search  for  the^substitute."  Innumerable 
meetings  were  held  devoted  to  the  subject  of  the  discovery 
and  adaptability  of  all  substitutes  for  wheat  flour  or  for 
meat,  and  other  foods  which  the  Food  Administration  want- 
ed conserved. 

Substitute  menus  were  prepared  and  discussed,  and 
wherever  two  or  three  women  were  gathered  together,  it 
was  pretty  sure  that  the  subject  under  discussion  was  the 
relative  advantages  of  suggested  substitutes.  In  co-oper- 
ation with  the  local  branches  of  the  Woman's  Committee, 
the  home  demonstrators  from  the  State  College  of  Agri- 
culture held  meetings  throughout  the  state,  demonstrating 
the  latest  methods  of  canning  or  drying  fruits  and  vege- 
tables. Incidentally,  in  connection  with  these  meetings  it 
was  discovered  that  New  Mexico,  owing  to  its  climate  and 
traditions,  had  advantages  over  other  states  in  so  far  as  the 
preservation  of  food  was  concerned,  not  only  because  of 
the  favorable  dryness  of  the  atmosphere  but  also  because 
almost  all  the  natives  and  ranch  women  knew  and  practiced 
the  art  of  drying  fruit  and  vegetables.  The  following  letter 
from  a  county  chairman  is  an  example  of  many  similar  re- 
ports : 

"Our  native  women  carefully  dry  apples,  peaches, 
pears,  plums,  sweet  corn,  green  and  red  chili,  also  meat. 
Most  of  our  American  housekeepers  dry  the  fruits  and 
corn,  and  can  fruits,  vegetables,  pickles,  etc. 

The  Indians  also  dry  cantaloupes,  cut  in  half,  with 
seeds  and  outer  skin  removed. 

All  ranchers  bury   (or  pit)   potatoes,  cabbage,  beets, 


238          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

turnips  and  carrots   for  winter  use  and  store   squash  and 
pumpkins." 

At  the  request  of  the  Food  Administration,  descrip- 
tions and  photographs  of  native  and  Indian  methods  of  dry- 
ing food  were  sent  to  the  headquarters  at  Washington. 

During  the  Patriotic  Week  at  Albuquerque,  food 
kitchens  were  maintained  at  which  the  latest  menus  and 
substitutes  were  demonstrated.  The  Food  Show  in  the 
New  Museum  at  Santa  Fe,  held  under  the  auspices  of  Mrs. 
Walter  Danburg,  state  chairman  of  the  Food  Department, 
and  Mrs.  Harry  L.  Wilson,  chairman  of  the  library  division 
of  the  food  administration,  was  illustrative  of  the  intense 
interest  on  the  part  of  the  women  in  one  another's  recipes. 
Bread,  cakes,  and  candies  made  from  all  kinds  of  substi- 
tutes for  wheat  or  sugar  were  exhibited  with  the  menus 
appended,  and  throngs  of  women  came  and  tasted  and  spent 
hours  copying  one  another's  recipes  for  use  in  their  own 
homes.  Later  on  these  recipes  were  printed  in  the  Santa 
Fe  New  Mexican  and  circulated  through  the  state  by  the 
Food  Administration. 

The  Food  Show  was  followed  by  a  Potato  Show,  sti- 
mulating the  use  of  potato  dishes  in  order  to  dispose  of  the 
mammoth  supply  which  would  otherwise  have  gone  to  waste 
and  in  order  to  release  other  foods  to  be  shipped  abroad. 

These  few  instances,  of  course,  are  merely  typical  of 
other  food  shows  and  other  meetings  held  throughout  the 
state. 

On  June  24-29,  1918,  a  "Mother-Daughter"  Congress 
was  held  at  Albuquerque  under  the  joint  auspices  of  the 
State  Agricultural  College,  the  State  Food  Administration, 
the  State  Council  of  Defense,  and  the  Woman's  Committee. 
To  this  congress  all  the  counties  sent  several  "teams,"  each 
team  consisting  of  a  mother  and  a  young  girl  —  hence  the 
title  of  the  congress  —  to  learn  the  latest  methods  of  home 
economics  and  other  branches  of  domestic  and  social  ser- 
vice. Lectures  and  demonstrations  were  given  by  experts 
of  national  reputation.  Three  separate  kitchens  were 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  239 

maintained  by  the  Food  Administration,  the  Extension 
Service  division  of  the  College,  and  the  Woman's  Commit- 
tee of  the  Council  of  Defense.  At  these  on  successive  days 
there  were  canning,  drying,  bread-making,  cheese-making, 
and  pinto-bean  demonstrations,  and  demonstrations  of 
other  "home  economic"  subjects. 

Of  course,  during  this  period  of  the  "search  for  the 
substitutes,"  other  activities  went  on  and,  indeed,  multi- 
plied. Red  Cross  work  never  flagged.  At  the  same  time, 
there  were  many  "drives"  for  relief  funds,  for  Red  Cross 
and  allied  purposes,  for  comfort  kits  for  the  soldiers  in 
camp,  for  the  Smilage  Campaign,  for  the  Permanent  Blind 
Relief  Funds,  for  the  Armenian  and  Servian  Relief  funds, 
for  the  Liberty  Loan  bonds  —  all  these  were  either  helped 
or  actually  pushed  over  the  top  by  the  women. 

In  all  the  Liberty  Loan  drives  the  women  played  a 
conspicuous  part.  At  the  time  of  the  first  Liberty  Loan 
sale  the  women  were  barely  organized;  the  campaign  for 
the  second  will  be  remembered  by  the  Liberty  bonfires 
which  were  collected  and  lit  by  the  women  throughout  the 
state;  and  when  the  time  came  for  the  third  and  fourth 
campaigns  the  women,  splendidly  organized,  under  the 
chairmanship  of  Mrs.  Howard  Huey,  were  sending  out 
teams  that  worked  well  abreast  of  and  sometimes  out  dis- 
tanced the  men's  committees.  During  the  Fourth  drive, 
the  women  of  one  county  outdistanced  the  Men's  Commit- 
tee by  approximately  $100,000.00.  In  another,  the  two 
chairmen  reported  sales  made  by  the  Woman's  Committee 
alone  which  practically  doubled  the  county  quota.  In  a 
third,  the  women's  chairman  took  over  the  work  of  the 
men's  chairman,  who  was  ill  with  influenza,  and  under  her 
direction  committees  of  both  men  and  women  doubled  the 
county  quota,  of  which  amount  the  women  obtained  three 
fourths.  Indeed,  in  many  of  the  counties  the  women  ob- 
tained a  large  percentage  of  the  amount  subscribed,  chiefly 
through  a  house  to  house  campaign  for  bonds,  most  of  these 
being  of  small  denomination.  As  an  effective  aid  to  cam- 


240          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

paigning,  and  as  a  general  patriotic  incentive,  mention  must 
be  made  of  the  Liberty  Choruses,  instituted  in  every  town 
and  village  through  the  department  of  Patriotic  Education 
and  Americanization  of  which  Mrs.  Alfred  Grunsfeld  was 
state  chairman.  At  every  important  rally,  these  Choruses 
sang  patriotic  songs,  and  in  many  places,  as  one  report 
reads,  the  Liberty  Chorus  "literally  sang  the  Liberty  Loan 
over  the  top!" 

In  every  phase  of  home  and  foreign  relief  the  women 
were  equally  active. 

It  is  impossible  to  give  any  estimate  of  the  Red  Cross 
work  done  by  the  women  of  the  state,  since  there  was  no 
separate  state  head  of  the  organization  —  the  work  of  the 
state  coming  under  the  Rocky  Mountain  division  with 
headquarters  at  Denver  —  but  the  state  had  been  well 
organized,  and  innumerable  cases  of  knitted  goods,  re- 
fuge garments,  hospital  and  first-aid  supplies  were  ship- 
ped to  the  headquarters  at  Denver.  Not  only  in  the  larger 
towns,  but  in  the  most  remote  mountain  villages  and  in  the 
Indian  pueblos,  Red  Cross  auxiliaries  piled  up  work  re- 
presenting the  devoted  service  of  women  to  the  cause  of 
winning  the  war.  In  the  Indian  pueblos  of  San  Juan  and 
Santa  Clara,  to  mention  single  instances,  it  was  recorded 
that  Indian  womeen  "have  knitted  sweaters,  socks,  scarfs, 
and  made  kits  for  the  soldiers;  have  made  dozens  of  band- 
ages, sponges,  wipes,  handkerchiefs,  tray  cloths,  etc.,  for 
the  hospitals;  and  children's  dresses,  underwear,  hoods 
and  baby  clothes  for  the  refugees,  these  latter  being  trim- 
med with  fancy  stitches  and  crocheted  edges  showing  their 
loving1  interest  in  the  work.  Even  the  children  did  their 
part  in  making  gun  wipes/'  It  goes  without  saying  that 
in  all  the  larger  towns  the  women  carried  on  the  Red  Cross 
work  with  enthusiasm  and  determination,  the  work  usually 
representing  the  sacrifice  of  all  the  leisure  time  at  their 
disposal,  as  well  as  a  curtailment  of  regular  domestic 
duties.  Nor  did  the  work  cease  with  the  signing  of  the 
armistice.  All  the  Red  Cross  branches  continued  to  turn 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  241 

out  clothes  for  destitute  children  and  citizens  of  the  war- 
stricken  countries. 

Although  the  campaign  for  the  Fund  for  the  Father- 
less Children  of  France  was  instituted  somewhat  late  in 
New  Mexico,  the  state  was  soon  supporting  130  French 
orphans  and  almost  all  of  these  were  adopted  after  August, 
1918,  when  Mrs.  I.  H.  Rapp  became  state  chairman  for  the 
Fund.  It  was  estimated  that  there  were  in  France  about 
5,000,000  children  who  were  without  fathers  as  a  result  of 
the  war.  In  order  to  make  it  possible  for  these  children 
to  remain  with  their  families,  and  grow  up  and  rebuild  and 
perpetuate  the  nation  that  has  meant  and  means  so  much 
to  the  cause  of  civilization  and  liberty,  this  American  fund 
was  started.  It  cost  but  10  cents  a  day,  $36.50  a  year,  to 
become  a  godparent  to  one  of  these  children,  and  the  Fund 
undertook  to  fill  New  Mexico's  quota  of  488  children.  It 
is  interesting  to  note  that  the  Girl  Scouts  of  Santa  Fe  were 
the  first  organization  in  New  Mexico  to  adopt  a  French 
orphan.  They  gave  a  dinner  hoping  to  make  enough  to 
adopt  one,  and  made  enough  for  three ;  later  they  took  two 
more. 

Indeed,  no  account  of  Woman's  war  activities  in  New 
Mexico  would  be  complete  without  mention  of  the  Girl 
Scouts,  who  fetched  and  carried  for  the  Red  Cross,  collected 
newspapers  and  fruit  pits,  tended  babies  for  mothers  who 
wished  to  do  Red  Cross  work,  and  in  every  way  contributed 
willing  and  efficient  service. 

A  movement  brought  into  existence  by  the  war  of  far- 
reaching  importance  was  that  of  the  Woman's  Land  Army 
which,  in  New  Mexico,  achieved  quite  remarkable  results. 
Of  course  a  great  deal  of  work  in  this  line  was  accom- 
plished before  any  organization  had  been  perfected ;  women 
in  many  districts  helped  save  fruit  and  grain  crops  — 
notably  in  San  Juan  county  in  1917;  and  of  all  this  great 
amount  of  work  no  report  is  available.  That  the  supply 
of  food  thus  saved  was  very  great,  however,  there  can  be 
no  question.  In  the  spring  of  1918,  however,  under  the 


242          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

organization  achieved  by  the  state  chairman  of  this  depart- 
ment, Mrs.  R.  L.  Fergusson,  the  movement  began  to  take 
definite  shape.  The  work  was  undertaken  with  the  thought 
that  American  women  might  have  to  take  the  place  of  men 
on  the  land  as  French  and  English  women  had  done.  Work- 
ing in  connection  with  the  county  agricultural  agents  the 
Woman's  Committee  made  a  survey  of  the  labor  problem 
in  each  county,  and  women  and  girls  were  organized  pre- 
paratory to  help.  When  the  harvest  and  fruit  seasons 
came,  various  "squads'*  were  assigned  to  certain  districts, 
and  the  squad  invariably  made  good,  as  was  attested  by 
their  employers.  To  give  but  a  few  instances :  in  Mimbres 
Valley,  Grant  county,  eight  women  mowed,  raked,  and 
stacked  sixteen  tons  of  hay.  In  the  Gila  Valley,  Grant  Coun- 
ty, about  thirty  women  and  boys  proved  that  they  could 
pick  and  pack  fruit  so  that  it  arrived  at  market  in  perfect 
condition,  and  at  Mountain  Park,  Otero  County,  fifty  wom- 
en practically  solved  the  problem  of  labor  shortage  and 
saved  the  fruit  crop ;  the  estimates  proved  that  they  handled 
about  31%  of  the  crop-picking,  grading  and  packing  of 
about  27,700  boxes  of  apples.  These  women  came  from 
ten  counties  in  the  state.  Most  of  the  workers  slept  on  the 
floor  on  alfalfa  or  pine  boughs;  the  heat  in  the  harvest 
fields  where  these  women  worked  was  often  110-116  de- 
grees at  noon ;  yet  all  not  only  survived  the  work  but  were 
physically  benefitted  by  it  without  exception.  During  the 
excessive  heat,  the  working  hours  for  the  "harvest  hands" 
were  from  6:30  to  11:30  A.  M.;  3:00  until  8:00  P.  M.  with 
a  short  interval  at  five  o'clock  for  tea.  Such  an  organiza- 
tion abundantly  proved  that  in  a  war  emergency,  the  wom- 
en could  do  their  bit  as  effectively  and  willingly  in  this 
country  as  in  England  and  France. 

Of  incalculable  importance  was  the  Child  Welfare 
division  of  the  Woman's  Committee,  which  did  splendid 
work  in  New  Mexico  under  the  joint  auspices  of  the  Wom- 
an's Committee,  the  Federated  Women's  Clubs,  and  the 
State  Council  of  Defense  with  Mrs.  Max  Nordhaus  as 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  243 

Chairman  of  the  Child  Welfare  department  of  the  Woman's 
Committee  and  Dr.  Edgar  L.  Hewett  of  the  School  of 
American  Research  at  Santa  Fe  as  director  of  examina- 
tions. This  work  was  under  the  supervision  of  the  Chil- 
dren's Bureau  of  the  Department  of  Labor  of  which  Miss 
Julia  Lathrop  was  the  head. 

For  the  purpose  of  examining  all  children  in  the  state 
under  six  years  of  age,  an  appropriation  of  $1500  was  made 
by  the  State  Council  of  Defense  and  a  training  school  for 
workers  was  instituted  at  Santa  Fe  during  the  week  of 
September  16-23,  1918.  In  instituting  this  training  course 
New  Mexico  had  the  advantage  of  the  experience  of  other 
states  conducting  earlier  campaigns,  in  which  the  mistake 
was  made  of  having  the  examinations  made  by  women  not 
adequately  trained.  At  the  Child  Welfare  conference  in 
Santa  Fe  the  instruction  in  mental  testing  was  given  by  a 
trained  expert,  Miss  Montana  Hastings  of  San  Diego, 
California,  and  the  work  in  physical  examination  by  Dr. 
Hewett  and  several  Santa  Fe  physicians.  Forty-one  dele- 
gates from  various  counties  attended  the  conference,  each 
of  these  women  pledging  herself  to  give  at  least  six  weeks 
to  the  work  of  examining  the  children  in  her  community. 

Instruments  required  for  different  physical  measure- 
ments and  tests  were  made  by  the  children  in  the  manual 
training  classes  of  the  Santa  Fe  High  School  and  by  chil- 
dren in  the  Indian  School  at  Albuquerque,  these  children 
themselves  manifesting  deep  interest  in  the  work. 

The  work  was  progressing  well  and  many  children 
had  been  examined  when  unfortunately  the  influenza 
epidemic  intervened.  It  is  estimated  that  300,000  children 
die  annually  in  the  United  States  of  preventable  causes, 
and  of  this  number  it  is  estimated  that  a  high  percentage 
could  be  saved  through  examination,  diagnosis,  and  treat- 
ment. Undertaken  primarily  as  a  war  measure,  to  repair 
the  losses  of  the  men  killed  in  action,  this  work  is  an  equally 
important  peace  measure —  too  obvious  to  be  neglected  by 
any  enlightened  state.  For  child  welfare  means  adult  wel- 


244          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

fare  —  the  welfare  of  the  community  and  the  state.  The 
detection  in  childhood  of  physical  and  mental  delinquencies, 
involving  their  correction  whenever  possible,  is  of  such 
far-reaching  importance  that  no  progressive  state  can  af- 
ford to  ignore  this  avenue  of  social  improvement.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  New  Mexico  will  create  some  permanent  state 
fund  for  continuing  this  work,  and  create  and  maintain  a 
children's  bureau,  as  other  states  are  now  doing. 

In  connection  with  this  work  may  be  mentioned  the 
work  of  the  Woman's  Committee  under  the  department  of 
Health,  Recreation  and  Social  Service.  This  department, 
under  the  chairmanship  of  Dr.  Janet  Reid  of  Deming,  did 
much  for  the  social  betterment  of  the  soldiers  in  camp,  co- 
operating in  every  respect  with  the  government  in  this  im- 
portant work. 

There  are  many  phases  of  this  social  service  work  of 
vital  importance  to  the  state,  not  only  during  war  but  in 
time  of  peace,  but  the  subject  is  too  extensive  to  be  gone 
into  here. 

One  of  the  last  features  of  the  activity  of  the  Woman's 
Committee  before  the  signing  of  the  armistice  was  the  re- 
gistration of  women  as  student  nurses  to  fill  the  place  of 
those  sent  abroad.  Under  the  chairmanship  of  Mrs.  Kate 
Hall,  77  women  and  young  girls  from  the  various  counties 
were  registered  for  this  service. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  this  account  can  not  embrace 
the  activities  of  every  group  of  women  and  of  every  wom- 
an in  New  Mexico  who  contributed  services  to  the  work  of 
winning  the  war,  but  a  list  of  these  and  of  their  accomplish- 
ments would  require  a  separate  volume.  It  seems  highly 
fitting,  however,  that  tribute  should  be  paid  to  Mrs.  W.  E. 
Lindsey,  who,  as  active  state  chairman,  devoted  an  un- 
limited amount  of  time  and  energy  to  the  organization  of 
the  Woman's  Committee,  and  whose  interest  and  co-oper- 
ation never  ceased  even  after  the  pressure  of  other  duties 
made  her  relinquish  the  active  chairmanship  to  Mrs.  Geo. 
W.  Prichard,  who,  in  her  turn,  carried  on  and  developed 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  245 

to  a  high  degree  of  efficiency  the  work  begun  by  her  pre- 
decessor. But  indeed  all  the  officers  of  the  organization, 
and  all  the  "privates,"  deserve  ''service  stars"  for  their 
willing  and  patriotic  contribution  of  time  and  effort  to 
the  cause. 

As  will  be  seen  from  this  all  too  fragmentary  sum- 
mary, the  work  of  the  women  of  New  Mexico  was  construc- 
tive throughout.  That  is  why  it  seems  essential  that  it 
should  be  continued  through  some  permanent  form  of  or- 
ganization. Certainly  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  period 
of  re-construction  is  as  vital  as  was  our  winning  the  war. 
Even  from  this  brief  outline  of  what  the  women  of  New 
Mexico  did  — and  the  half  has  not  been  stated — it  is  evi- 
dent that  with  concerted  effort  they  might  accomplish  un- 
told benefits  for  the  community  and  for  the  state  in  times 
of  peace.  It  is  to  be  hoped  therefore  that  most  of  these  de- 
partments of  the  Woman's  Committee  of  the  Council  of  De- 
fense may  be  maintained  and  perpetuated  for  the  good  of 
the  community. 

The  generosity,  the  sacrifice,  the  will  to  serve  on  the 
part  of  the  women  of  New  Mexico  during  the  war  was  im- 
pressive. Their  spirit  of  public  enterprise,  of  social  intelli- 
gence, co-operation  and  faith  should  augur  well  for  the 
future  of  the  commonwealth. 

ALICE  CORBIN  HENDERSON. 

VI     The  Press  and  Public  Opinion 

Like  a  corps  of  well  disciplined  veterans,  the  news- 
papers of  New  Mexico  without  a  moment's  wavering  fell 
into  battle  line  and  placed  themselves  voluntarily  at  the 
disposal  of  the  government  and  all  the  recognized  agencies 
that  were  bent  upon  winning  the  war.  It  was  nothing  short 
of  marvelous,  epoch-making,  the  unanimity  of  spirit  and 
action.  Public  opinion  responded  enthusiastically  to  the 
leadership  thus  unselfishly  assumed  by  the  press.  The 
seedlings  of  sedition,  of  pro-Germanism,  even  of  dissent 
carefully  planted,  it  seemed,  by  enemy  propaganda,  weak- 
17 


246          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ened  and  died  under  the  withering  comment  of  news  and 
editorial  columns,  while  at  the  same  time  the  plants  of 
courage,  of  self-sacrifice,  of  patriotism  took  deeper  root 
and  grew  rapidly  and  flourished.  The  blast  that  consumed 
the  forces  of  disintegration  on  the  one  hand,  also  fanned 
the  fires  of  national  consciousness  into  flames  that  leaped 
the  Atlantic.  This  unanimity  of  the  press,  especially  in 
New  Mexico,  was  the  more  surprising  when  one  remem- 
bers that  the  right  of  dissent,  or  to  fight  the  party  in  power, 
or  to  attack  officials,  is  not  only  the  most  cherished  pall- 
adium of  the  press,  but  also  is,  in  many  instances,  the 
reason  for  the  existence  of  many  a  newspaper.  It  is  true 
to  a  large  extent,  that  the  newspaper  which  isn't  fighting 
something  or  somebody  in  high  places,  or  isn't  scolding  this 
or  the  other  official  in  every  issue,  soon  loses  influence  and 
esteem  and,  with  these,  loses  subscribers  and  business.  The 
press  that  had  made  it  its  business  continually  to  question 
motives,  to  harp  against  officials  and  government  action, 
all  at  once  admitted  that  "theirs  was  not  to  reason  why" 
but  simply  to  do  what  the  government  deemed  best  for  the 
winning  of  the  war. 

This  unanimity,  it  must  be  said  emphatically,  was  not 
inspired  by  narrow,  local  self-interest  or  fear.  It  was  not 
the  unanimity  that  at  times  is  purchased  by  favors  or 
brought  about  by  coercion.  There  was  no  reptilian  press 
in  New  Mexico.  If  anything,  the  Federal  government 
treated  the  newspapers  in  a  step-fatherly  fashion.  It 
mulcted  them  by  increasing  the  cost  of  the  mails  to  them, 
which  newspaper  owners  had  to  pay  in  addition  to  the  taxes 
which  fell  upon  them  as  upon  every  one  else.  It  restricted 
the  amount  of  paper  they  could  use  and  even  prohibited 
their  giving  credit  to  subscribers  or  exchanging  free  copies 
with  other  publications. 

The  censorship  never  weighed  heavily  upon  New 
Mexico  papers  nor  was  the  espionage  law  necessary  to  keep 
them  in  line  and  in  step.  In  most  instances,  the  New  Mex- 
ico press  went  farther  than  the  Government  in  combating 
disloyalty,  pro-Germanism  and  other  "isms"  that  were  not 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  247 

in  hearty  accord  with  America's  methods  and  spirit  dur- 
ing the  War.  It  is  undoubtedly  due  to  this  solidarity  of  the 
press  in  insisting  upon  the  most  outspoken  patriotism,  that 
there  were  comparatively  few  cases  of  real  disloyalty 
brought  to  the  attention  of  the  authorities  during  the  en- 
tire war.  It  was  an  example  of  altruism  that  would  ac- 
complish marvels  for  the  State  in  other  fields  if  it  were 
possible  to  center  intelligently  the  support  of  the  140  or  so 
periodical  publications  in  the  State  in  favor  of  any  given 
specific  cause. 

It  must  be  said,  however,  that  it  was  fortunate  for 
Nation  and  State  that  the  War  came  to  the  United  States 
after  the  presidential  campaign  of  1918  had  been  fought, 
after  the  president  had  been  again  inagurated,  after  the 
new  congress  was  organized  and  after  most  of  the  state 
legislatures  had  completed  their  sessions.  It  was  the  most 
auspicious  time  for  an  era  of  good  feeling  in  which  parti- 
sanship would  be  forgotten  in  a  great  common  cause.  It 
was  fortunate  too,  that  the  War  had  been  practically  won 
before  the  congressional  and  state  campaigns  of  1918  were 
in  full  swing,  for  voices  of  disagree  ment,  of  severe  criti- 
cism, again  found  utterance  as  the  campaign  progressed  and 
here  in  New  Mexico  too,  President  Wilson  and  his  politics, 
the  State  Council  of  Defense  and  the  conduct  of  the  War 
were  criticised  with  partisan  bitterness  from  October  on, 
when  according  to  Frank  H.  Simonds  of  the  American  Re- 
view  of  Reviews,  the  military  decision  of  the  Great  War 
had  come  at  Cambria  and  St.  Quentin. 

One  can  not  measure  adequately  the  beneficent  result 
of  the  solidarity  of  the  New  Mexico  press  in  aiding  the  Na- 
tion in  every  manner  possible  to  win  the  War.  The  happen- 
ings along  the  border  had  brought  forth  sharp  criticism  in 
New  Mexico  and  inspired  vigorous  conflict  of  opinion.  The 
disintegration  of  the  National  Guard  upon  its  return  to 
home  armories  and  the  fight  waged  in  the  Legislature  to 
abolish  it  altogether,  were  not  conducive  to  voluntary  en- 
listment. But  the  press  of  New  Mexico  quickly  wrought 
a  change  of  sentiment  and  it  was  due  to  its  insistence  that 


248          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

New  Mexico  men  must  give  unquestioning  allegiance,  that 
practicially  one  half  of  the  military  enlistments,  besides  all 
of  the  naval  recruits,  were  volunteers,  and  that  when  the 
draft  came,  there  was  a  willing  response  to  the  Nation's 
call.  For  reasons  given  in  other  chapters,  the  situation  in 
New  Mexico  was  far  more  difficult  and  complicated  than 
in  other  states  and  the  draft  boards  readily  acknowledged 
that  but  for  the  liberal  support  and  patriotic  fervor  of  the 
press,  the  task  of  calling  the  men  to  the  colors  would  have 
been  infinitely  more  burdensome.  The  opposition  of  the 
press,  even  if  it  could  not  have  defeated  conscription,  would 
have  made  its  enforcement  a  continuous  riot.  The  Nation 
and  the  people  should  recognize  that  the  press  was  the  ful- 
crum for  the  lever  that  furnished  the  power  which  raised 
armies,  supplied  billions  of  dollars,  and  upheld  the  morale 
of  the  country.  Other  interests  may  have  given  as  gener- 
ously and  as  whole  heartedly,  but  certainly  none  gave  more 
effectively  than  did  the  newspapers  in  every  cause  for  the 
winning  of  the  War. 

If  one  were  to  figure  the  value  of  the  space  given  to 
the  Liberty  Loan,  Red  Cross,  United  War  Work  and  other 
drives,  the  sum  would  be  formidable  indeed,  although  it 
could  in  no  way  compare  with  the  value  of  the  editorial 
support  of  the  War  by  the  newspapers.  In  the  United  War 
Work  campaign  in  November,  1918,  four  daily  newspapers 
in  Albuquerque,  Las  Vegas,  and  Santa  Fe  gave  free  of 
charge  something  like  400  columns  of  editorial  and  other 
reading  matter.  The  other  newspapers  did  as  well  in  pro- 
portion. Multiply  this  by  the  number  of  the  various  other 
causes  supported  at  that  and  other  times,  and  the  total 
during  the  nineteen  months  of  war  amounted  to  thousands 
of  pages.  It  must  be  remembered  that  this  was  in  addition 
to  the  actual  news  of  the  war,  the  news  notes  about  the 
men  who  participated,  and  the  space  given  to  advertisers, 
all  of  which  aided  in  bringing  the  conflict  home  to  the 
people  and  to  maintain  their  fervor  for  the  American  cause. 

During  the  War,  the  records  show,  not  one  New  Mex- 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  249 

ico  newspaper  was  prosecuted  under  the  Espionage  Act. 
In  only  one  instance  was  the  loyalty  of  ah  editor  questioned 
and  that  was  more  for  utterances  made  by  his  newspaper 
before  the  United  States  had  declared  war  than  for  any 
expressions  or  acts  afterwards.  In  fact,  the  paper  con- 
cerned was  most  zealous  in  its  support  of  President  Wilson 
and  his  politics  and  long  before  the  end  of  the  War  dissi- 
pated any  and  all  doubt  about  its  patriotism.  True,  most 
of  the  papers  of  the  State  print  no  editorial  expressions 
except  during  the  heat  of  a  political  campaign,  and  some 
of  them  carried  very  little  if  any  news  or  comment  on  the 
war  itself,  but  they  all  gave  liberally  of  their  space  to  the 
war  causes  and  to  the  local  aspects  of  war  policies  and  acts 
and  thus  helped  to  crystallize  public  opinion  in  favor  of 
the  draft,  assisted  in  raising  billions  of  dollars  through 
taxation  and  popular  loans,  and  dissipated  whatever  senti- 
ment there  existed  against  the  Allies,  especially  Great 
Britain.  At  the  same  time  it  assured  parents  that  their 
sons  received  every  care  and  attention  in  camp  and  canton- 
ment, that  the  boys  were  safeguarded  as  far  as  humanly 
possible  against  immoral  and  sinister  influences,  and  arous- 
ed local  pride  to  emulation  of  the  example  set  by  other  com- 
munities. 

Several  New  Mexico  newspapermen  gave  their  time 
freely  as  publicity  agents  in  various  drives.  E.  Dana 
Johnson,  editor  of  the  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican,  was  in 
charge,  for  instance,  of  the  publicity  for  the  State  Food 
administration.  Guthrie  Smith  was  editor  of  the  New 
Mexico  War  News  for  the  State  Council  of  Defense,  State 
Senator  A.  V.  Lucero  taking  charge  of  the  Spanish  edition. 
Willard  E.  Holt  of  the  Deming  Graphic  became  secretary 
of  Camp  Activities  at  Camp  Cody.  Quite  a  number  of  news- 
paper employees  enlisted  either  in  active  military  service 
or  in  war  construction  work,  Lieut.  Frank  Newkirk,  editor 
of  the  Pecos  Valley  Neivs  at  Artesia  for  instance,  serving 
in  France.  Several  newspapers  were  seriously  crippled  be- 
cause their  employees  had  gone  to  war.  If  there  were  any 


250          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

slackers  in  any  respect  among  the  State's  journalists,  the 
public  records  available  do  not  disclose  it.  It  is  safe  to  say 
that  the  War  left  no  New  Mexico  publisher  richer  in  mat- 
erial wealth  than  he  went  into  it. 

It  is  interesting  to  follow  the  evolution  of  newspaper 
opinion  in  New  Mexico  from  the  day  that  Austria  declared 
war  upon  Servia  until  the  days  that  followed  the  armistice 
and  it  is  significant  that  right  from  the  start,  the  bulk  of 
New  Mexico  newspapers  were  anti-German  if  not  pro- Ally. 
As  early  as  August  2,  1914,  the  Albuquerque  Morning 
Journal  said  editorially: 

"Whatever  may  occur  to  the  other  nations  involved, 
Germany  will  be  crushed.  It  is  hardly  probable  that  she 
will  come  out  of  the  struggle,  if  real  war  ensue,  without 
the  loss  of  Alsace  and  Lorraine  to  France  and  of  German 
Poland  to  Russia.  It  is  not  likely  that  Great  Britain  would 
permit  further  diminution  of  the  empire,  because  it  would 
seriously  disturb  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe,  which 
the  English  nation  has  been  building  up  since  the  downfall 
of  Napoleon." 

However,  in  those  early  days,  the  Journal  as  most 
other  papers,  did  not  place  the  blame  for  the  War  entirely 
on  the  Central  Empires.  Says  an  editorial  on  August  1, 
1914: 

"Nor  is  Austria,  from  its  own  point  of  view,  to  blame 
for  this  present  grave  condition.  Austria  precipitated  it, 
to  be  sure,  but  the  crisis  is  really  due  to  conditions  that 
make  a  conflict  inevitable.  Servia  is  not  entirely  a  victim." 

Very  early  in  the  War,  the  press  recognized  the  real 
German  aim.  Said  the  Albuquerque  Morning  Journal  on 
August  3,  1914 : 

"The  real  contest  centers  about  the  spirit  of  pan-Ger- 
manism, as  represented  by  Russia  and  the  Balkan  states. 

The  key  to  the  situation  has  been  the  kaiser The  game 

Germany  has  played  is  a  terribly  perilous  one.  We  of  the 
United  States  can  only  hope  that  the  punishment  nearly 
sure  to  come  to  her  may  not  be  too  severe,  for  to  the  Ger- 
man people  this  Nation  and  the  World  owe  a  debt  of  lasting 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  25i 

gratitude  for  the  great  advances  they  have  made  in  learn- 
ing and  research  work  which  has  blessed  all  mankind/' 

Still,  the  Journal  as  well  as  many  other  newspapers, 
was  mistaken  about  the  strength  of  Russia.  It  headed  its 
leading  editorial  on  August  4,  1914:  "Russia  the  Uncon- 
querable," and  predicted  that  Russia  "may  dictate  peace 
from  Vienna  or  Berlin.  The  other  powers  combined  could 
dictate  peace  from  St.  Petersburg." 

As  early  as  August  7,  1914,  the  Journal  pointed  to  the 
necessity  of  a  shipping  program  by  the  United  States,  say- 
ing: 

"It  is  not  likely  that  the  war  will  last  long  enough  to 
shift  world  shipping  to  the  American  flag  as  largely  as 
it  was  shifted  a  century  ago,  but  such  temporary  impulse 
would  utilize  our  ocean  shipping  more  than  subsidies." 

The  editorial  attitude  of  the  Morning  Journal  is  cited 
because  it  became  immediately  articulate  in  its  opinion  up- 
on war  events  and  was  not  prone  to  take  its  cue  merely 
from  the  press  of  the  great  news  centers  of  America.  How- 
ever, there  are  other  newspapers  in  New  Mexico  of  whom 
this  can  be  said  although  the  Journal,  being  the  only  morn- 
ing and  every-day  publication  in  New  Mexico,  had,  inde- 
pendent of  its  statewide,  large  subscription-list,  a  consider- 
able influence  in  shaping  the  opinions  of  many  of  the  other 
newspapers.  It  was  important  therefore  that  the  Journal 
recognized  early  in  the  War  that  the  press  must  be  solidly 
behind  the  American  authorities,  for  it  said  on  August  9, 
1914: 

"It  is  the  duty  of  the  press,  of  the  civil  authorities, 
and  of  the  people  themselves,  no  matter  what  their  per- 
sonal sympathies  and  antipathies  may  be,  to  speak  calmly. 
It  is  the  duty  of  every  one  at  an  hour  like  this  to  hold  his 
tongue." 

The  press  right  from  the  start  recognized  the  hope- 
lessness of  Germany's  ambition.  On  August  14,  1914,  the 
Santa  Fe  Neiv  Mexican  said : 


252          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"It  is  hard  to  believe  that  Germany  can  get  off  with 
what  she  has  undertaken/' 

However,  the  New  Mexican,  like  the  Journal,  evidently 
believed  at  that  time  that  the  blame  was  not  entirely  on 
Berlin  and  Vienna,  for  in  speaking  of  the  death  of  the  Pope 
on  August  20,  1914,  and  his  dying  appeal  for  peace,  it  said : 

"And  how  blasphemous,  in  contrast,  appear  the  boast- 
ing of  Gaul  and  Teuton  and  Russ  and  Anglo-Saxon  each 
that  'God  is  on  our  side' !" 

In  fact,  the  New  Mexico  daily  papers  were  loath  to 
believe  the  first  stories  of  German  outrages  in  Belgium. 
Said  the  Neiv  Mexican  on  August  20,  1914: 

"It  is  only  fairness  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
daily  dispatches  picturing  the  alleged  barbarity  and  in- 
humanity of  the  Germans  come  entirely  from  prejudiced 
sources  and  entirely  through  partisan  channels." 

On  August  26,  1914,  the  Albuquerque  Morning  Journal 
expressed  itself  on  the  same  subject  as  follows: 

"We  are  having  the  usual  crop  of  stories  that  always 
come  with  any  war,  of  outrages  perpetrated  by  one  set  of 
belligerents  on  soldiers  of  the  other  and  on  the  non-com- 
batants   It  is  always  well  to  discount  stories  of  this 

sort,  especially  when  they  are  told  while  the  passions  of 
war  still  rage  and  while  those  who  tell  them  have  a  direct 
interest  in  influencing  public  opinion  against  their  adver- 
saries. War  is  not  a  parlor  game.  It  is  decidedly  rough. 
Adherents  of  one  side  of  the  struggle  are  not  apt  to  be  any 
too  gentle  with  those  of  the  other.  Charges  of  brutality  are 
to  be  expected  when  one  set  of  men  are  trying  their  utmost 

to  kill  another In  every  army  there  are  soldiers  of 

brutal  instincts  commanded  by  officers  who  do  not  exer- 
cise the  proper  restraint  over  them." 

On  August  16,  1914,  the  Morning  Journal  foreshad- 
owed a  League  of  Nations  as  the  solution  for  the  war  prob- 
lem. It  said : 

"The  barriers  between  men  are  artificial.  Take  them 
down  in  a  federation  of  some  kind  and  men  will  not  fight. 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  253 

They  don't  need  to  and  they  don't  wish  to.  War  is  the  great 
illusion.  The  United  States  proves  it." 

Two  days  later,  the  Journal  expressed  the  opinion  that 
the  War  would  end  soon.  At  least,  it  said : 

"The  war  cannot  last  for  years  unless  the  armies  of 
Europe  and  the  peoples  of  Europe  fall  back  upon  primitive 
conditions,  for  they  cannot  support  the  war  financially.  It 
is  estimated  that  the  cost  of  it  now  is  approximately  $50,- 
000,000  a  day.  At  that  rate,  Europe  will,  as  Bismark  pre- 
dicted of  the  first  great  war,  be  bled  as  white  as  veal." 

But  it  was  only  two  weeks  later,  that  the  Journal  came 
to  the  conclusion: 

'The  more  Germany  succeeds,  the  more  certain  it  is 
that  the  war  will  be  a  long  one.  But  there  can  be  but  one  end 
to  it — Germany  will  be  crushed,  but  at  an  awful  price  of 
blood  and  treasure." 

It  was  on  the  same  day  that  the  Journal  said: 

"It  is  easy  to  guess  that  fully  ten  million  voters  in  the 
United  States  are  thankful  that  Theodore  is  not  now  presi- 
dent." 

The  next  day,  the  Journal  again  referred  to  the  stories 
of  atrocities  in  Belgium : 

"We  may  take  with  several  grains  of  salt  the  stories 

of  atrocities  committed  by  the  Germans We  must 

remember  there  were  crops  of  such  stories  of  American 
outrages  in  the  Philippines  and  of  British  outrages  com- 
mitted against  the  Boers.  While  war  is  hell,  most  of  such 
reports  are  false." 

However,  all  of  New  Mexico's  newspapers  became 
more  and  more  convinced  that  the  stories  of  German  brut- 
ality in  Belgium  and  France  were  the  truth  and  their  com- 
ment became  increasingly  bitter.  Most  pronounced  in  its 
anger,  even  after  the  signing  of  the  armistice,  was  the 
Albuquerque  Evening  Herald,  which  insisted  that  Germany 
and  its  people  must  be  made  to  pay  the  last  ounce  of  their 
ability  and  even  referred  to  the  attitude  of  Shylock  in  de- 
manding the  fulfilling  of  his  contract,  as  the  proper  one 


254          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  assume  toward  Germany's  petitions  to  modify  the  terms 
of  the  armistice. 

The  Las  Vegas  Optic  was  filled  with  similar  indigna- 
tion, and  said  editorially  on  Christmas  Eve,  1918: 

"There  is  something  sickening  in  the  contrast  between 
smug,  comfortable  Germany,  welcoming  her  soldiers  after 
their  debauch  of  wanton  cruelty,  and  these  poor,  desolate 
French  towns  with  their  more  desolate  people.  It  is  well 
to  bear  this  contrast  in  mind,  as  the  peace  conference  as- 
sembles. Then  there  will  be  little  danger  that  any  peace 
terms  dictated  to  Germany  will  seem  too  harsh  to  any  na- 
tion save  Germany  herself.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  will  be 
a  difficult  matter  for  any  men  inherently  decent  to  im- 
pose terms  that  are  harsh  enough  to  be  adequate  punish- 
ment for  all  the  ruin  and  horror  that  Germany  has 
wrought." 

If  any  provocative  was  needed  to  set  the  newspapers  of 
New  Mexico  more  firmly  against  Germany,  it  was  the 
sinking  of  the  Lusitania.  The  Albuquerque  Morning  Journal 
said  in  commenting  on  this  wanton  act: 

"The  act  of  the  German  submarine  admits  no  excuse. 
That  it  was  planned  by  the  German  Navy,  with  the  full  as- 
sent of  the  kaiser's  government,  cannot  be  doubted.  It's 
planning  was  as  deliberate  as  its  execution  was  dastardly. 
But  it  does  not  constitute  cause  for  war  by  this  country. 
The  sinking  of  the  Gullflight,  from  the  viewpoint  of  inter- 
national law,  was  far  more  serious  ...  As  for  Germany, 
the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania,  in  the  language  of  Talleyrand, 
was  worse  than  a  crime,  it  was  a  blunder.  That  act  has 
caused  a  shudder  of  horror  throughout  the  civilized  world, 
far  greater  than  was  caused  by  the  wanton  destruction  of 
Louvain.  It  gives  more  color  to  the  charge  by  Germany's 
enemies  that  crass  materialism,  in  which  mercy, -justice 
and  God  are  not  considered,  rules  the  thought  and  the  ac- 
tions of  that  empire  and  inspires  its  policies  of  government." 

The  Santa  Fe  Neiv  Mexican  declared  on  May  10,  1915 : 

"At  one  blow  the  German  nation  has  forfeited  and  ir- 
retrievably lost  the  sympathy  and  moral  support  of  the 
people  of  America  in  her  war  with  the  allies." 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR 

Still,  newspaper  opinion  in  New  Mexico  was  not  yet 
ready  for  war  with  Germany.  Said  the  New  Mexican  on 
May  8,  1915 : 

"The  time  is  not  one  for  precipitate  action;  but  it  is 
one  for  absolutely  determined  and  unwavering  action,  no 
time  for  temporizing-.  The  assassination  or  attempted  as- 
sassination of  American  men,  women  and  children  is  the 
culmination  of  a  series  of  outrages  upon  America,  Ameri- 
can citizens  and  the  American  flag." 

The  Morning  Journal  add6d  on  May  3,  1915 : 

"We  can  hardly  conceive  of  the  sending  of  an  Ameri- 
can expeditionary  force  across  the  Atlantic  to  take  part 
in  the  war  in  Belgium  and  in  France.  Besides,  the  allies 
have  all  the  fighting  forces  there  that  can  be  used  effective- 
ly." 

Less  than  a  year's  persistence  of  Germany  in  its  un- 
restricted submarine  warfare  changed  all  this  and  New 
Mexico  papers  sturdily  swung  in  line  for  war  to  the  hilt. 
Yet,  as  late  as  March  2,  1917,  the  Glenrio  Tribune-Progress 
queried  and  answered,  editorially: 

"  'Is  the  pacifist  a  traitor  or  patriot?'  asks  the  Literary 
Digest.  Decidedly  the  latter,  for  he  or  she  prevents,  by 
honest  means,  harm  coming  to  the  good  old  U.  S.  A." 

The  Neiu  Mexican  on  March  20,  1917,  put  it  very 
strongly  when  it  said : 

"It  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  when  the  last  ditch  is 
crossed  we  have  been  driven  and  bullied  and  pushed  and 
goaded  across  it  by  the  German  in  a  way  never  before 
known  in  history.  And  it  is  well-  to  bear  in  mind  that  the 
man  in  America  who  at  this  pass  will  seek  to  justify  Ger- 
many for  murder  of  Americans,  for  murder  of  Americans 
on  the  high  seas,  is  little  different  virtually  from  the  man 
who  directs  the  torpedo's  flight  from  the  bowels  of  the 
Teuton  submarine.  Certainly,  he  has  no  business  in  the 
United  States.  For  a  couple  of  years  the  United  States 
has  been  warred  upon  and  has  not  resisted.  And  the  Ger- 
mans say  we  are  'seeking  it' !" 

On  April  1,  1917,  the  Morning  Journal  declared: 


256          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

"We  have  to  lick  the  Kaiser,  but  that  is  no  reason  why 
we  should  make  every  man  who  was  born  in  Germany  the 
object  of  our  wrath." 

On  April  2,  1917,  the  Journal  said  further : 

"We  must  fight  with  every  ounce  of  powder  we  have- 
every  dollar,  every  pound  of  man-power  in  the  industries, 
at  home  or  in  the  trenches  abroad." 

The  following  day  an  editorial  heading  confidently 
proclaimed:  "Democracies  always  Win,"  and  on  April  4, 
1917,  two  editorial  headings  were:  "We  must  be  One 
People,"  and  "Show  your  Patriotism."  On  April  8,  editorial 
captions  announced  confidently  "The  Kaiser  Must  Go,"  and 
"No  Weak  Peace."  Yet  there  was  still  compassion  for  the 
enemy,  for  the  Journal  in  speaking  of  the  fruits  of  the  war 
which  would  accrue  from  a  victorious  peace,  said :  "It  will 
result  in  the  liberation  of  the  German  people  themselves." 
Truly  it  seems  the  spirit  of  prophesy  does  at  time  dwell  in 
editorial  sanctums. 

Yet,  less  than  two  weeks  later,  the  Journal  exclaimed 
editorially : 

"What  is  the  matter  with  New  Mexico? 
We  can't  respond,  'She's  all  right/  because  she  is  not. 
We  are  without  friends,  without  organization,  with- 
out head  or  tail." 

However,  this  was  merely  a  wail  in  a  determined  cam- 
paign to  force  the  calling  of  a  special  session  of  the  legis- 
lature. Some  of  the  newspapers  were  not  convinced  that 
a  special  session  was  necessary  but  once  it  was  called, 
practically  every  newspaper  admitted  the  wisdom  of  the 
step  and  approved  of  the  action  taken.  There  was  division 
over  some  of  the  measures  hastily  proposed  and  over  the 
question  of  the  emergency  appropriation  for  war  purposes. 
But  there  never  has  been  any  hesitancy  about  the  general 
proposition  that  everything  must  be  done  to  help  the  nation 
win  the  War.  Said  the  Tucumcari  American : 

"The  gravity  of  the  situation  is  not  understood  by  the 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  257 

rabble,  but  the  patriotic  American  who  must  stand  or  fall 
under  the  folds  of  Old  Glory,  who  is  looking  with  a  clear  vis- 
ion in  the  future  and  who  is  steeled  for  the  conflict,  is  not 
giving  up  any  blarney.  He  realizes  what  war  with  its  inci- 
dent train  of  disaster,  its  destruction  of  property  and  life 
and  its  miserable  miseries  may  bring  to  our  loved  country. 
War  is  a  sacrifice ;  war  is  misery,  and  Sherman  was  right, 
when  he  said:  War  is  hell.  But,  we  are  in  it.  Some 
men  doubt  that  there  was  ever  a  just  war.  Others  love  it 
for  war's  sake,  and  the  soldier  of  fortune  is  conspicuous 
in  romance,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  a  man  who  has 
nothing  to  do  with  bringing  it  about  is  among  the  first  to 
take  up  arms  in  the  defense  of  the  flag.  No  rational  hu- 
man being  wants  war,  but  the  heritage  of  liberty,  handed 
down  to  us  by  the  founders  of  this  government,  no  matter 
what  the  cause  that  brings  its  perpetuation  into  jeopardy, 
must  be  defended  with  the  life  and  property  of  the  nation. 
And  in  entering  into  the  war,  let  us  stand  unitedly  in  both 
spirit  and  purpose  and  let  harmony  and  unity  guide  and 
temper  our  action.  Let  us  do  the  right  thing  under  the 
circumstances  always  and  give  our  substance  and  our  loyal 
service  to  the  country." 

On  April  13,  1917,  the  Silver  City  Enterprise  broke 
an  editorial  lance  in  defense  of  the  National  Guard  which 
had  been  in  service  on  the  Mexican  Border.  At  the  same 
time,  the  Enterprise  spoke  as  follows  of  conscription: 

"As  a  matter  of  fact  there  is  nothing  undemocratic 
about  the  draft  system.  Certain  things  necessary  for  the 
welfare  of  the  country  must  be  done.  Every  man  of  mili- 
tary age  should  be  considered  ready  to  serve  his  country 
when  called  upon  and  a  careful  selection,  made  with  all  the 
facts  available,  would  probably  work  the  minimum  hard- 
ship. In  any  event  the  pay  should  be  made  commensurate 
with  the  service  rendered." 

The  Enterprise  a  month  later  commended' the  special 
session  of  the  legislature  as  follows : 

"The  special  session  of  the  legislature  which  adjourned 
Tuesday  took  only  eight  days  to  transact  all  its  business 
and  adopted  measures  of  great  value  to  the  state  in  the 
present  national  crisis.  Such  a  good  record  naturally 
arouses  the  envy  and  malice  of  those  small-souled  people 


258          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  newspapers  who  would  inject  politics  into  a  situation 
which  requires  at  this  time  great  patience,  foresight,  judg- 
ment, and  complete  laying  aside  of  all  prejudices,  political 
and  otherwise." 

The  Tatum  Democrat  was  not  so  favorably  impressed, 
for  it  printed: 

"The  New  Mexico  legislature  is  in  session  and  its  ses- 
sions are,  as  usual,  marked  with  a  lot  of  useless  juggling 
and  cheap  wrangling.  If  there  be  any  statesmanship  in  a 
man  it  surely  would  show  up  at  a  critical  period  like  now." 

The  Carrizozo  News,  had  both  praise  and  blame,  for 
it  delivered  itself  of  the  following  editorially : 

"At  this  time  and  at  this  distance  it  appears  that 
the  people  of  New  Mexico  have  the  upper  house  of  the 
state  legislature  to  thank  for  killing  some  rather  question- 
able war  legislation  proposed  by  the  lower  house.  No  crisis 
in  the  Country's  affairs  is  of  sufficient  gravity  it  would 
seem  to  overcome  the  small  bore  politician's  propensity  to 
play  politics." 

Even  more  severe  were  several  of  the  criticisms  of  Dem- 
ocratic papers  in  commenting  upon  the  appointment  of  the 
State  Council  of  Defense  by  the  State's  Executive,  charg- 
ing him  with  appointing  too  few  Democrats.  The  Las  Vegas 
Journal,  the  Sierra  Free  Press  and  the  Portales  Valley 
News  were  among  those  especially  outspoken.  At  the  same 
time,  the  Estancia  News-Herald  pounced  upon  the  float  re- 
presentative from  Torrance,  Santa  Fe  and  Guadalupe  coun- 
ties for  introducing  and  having  passed  by  the  lower  house 
a  measure  to  tax  the  railroads  on  cars  and  engines  by  the 
'car  mile/  a  procedure,  which,  according  to  the  News 
Herald,  would  have  taxed  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad  to  the  ex- 
tent of  $3,000,000  a  year  or  more,  ample  to  meet  not  only 
all  extraordinary  war  expenses  but  also  all  of  the  ordinary 
expenses  besides.  Said  the  paper  further : 

"Of  course,  the  introducer  knew  just  as  much  about 
the  bill  as  Tobe's  pup — and  no  more.  It  was  a  sandbag  bill, 
prepared  by  somebody  for  the  purpose  of  swatting  some- 
body else." 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  259 

In  other  words,  the  federal  censorship  and  unanimity 
of  effort  to  win  the  War  had  not  robbed  the  New  Mexico 
press  of  picturesque  expressions  in  criticizing  legislators 
and  officials.  The  Rio  Grande  Republican  made  mince 
meat  of  a  proposition  to  have  the  state  appropriate  the  sum 
needed  to  raise  and  equip  a  cowboy  cavalry  regiment  to  be 
commanded  by  "Rough  Riders."  Its  local  contemporary, 
the  Las  Cruces  Citizen  had  peppery  editorial  comment  upon 
measures  fathered  by  Cipriano,  Lucero,  a  member  of  the 
lower  house  from  Santa  Fe  County.  The  Fort  Sumner  Lea- 
der as  well  as  the  Santa  Fe  Eagle,  felt  moved  to  comment 
adversely  upon  legislators  and  legislative  employees  accept- 
ing pay  for  their  services  during  the  special  session. 

The  press  seconded  enthusiastically  the  efforts  of  the 
State  Council  of  Defense  to  increase  agricultural  produc- 
tion. It  was  no  doubt  due  in  part  to  the  insistent  urging 
of  the  newspapers  that,  despite  drouth  and  every  possible 
untoward  condition,  the  total  crop  values  for  1918  were 
greater  than  ever  before  in  the  history  of  the  common- 
wealth. Typical  is  the  comment  of  La  Voz  Publica  at  Santa 
Rosa: 

"Wear  a  'frijole'  as  a  pin  on  your  tie,  but  also  wear  a 
callous  or  two  on  your  hand  as  additional  appendage  that 
you  are  proving  your  words  by  your  works.  Make  a  couple 
of  beans  grow,  where  'nairn  grpwed  before.'  Its  lots  of 
fun,  it's  profitable  too,  and  patriotic,  by  the  way." 

On  July  10,  1917,  the  New  Mexico  War  News  was 
ushered  into  existence  by  the  State  Council  of  Defense.  It 
was  published  weekly  with  Guthrie  Smith  as  editor,  and 
toward  the  end,  with  State  Senator  A.  V.  Lucero  editor  of 
the  Spanish  edition.  It  was  modeled  no  doubt  after  the 
first  similar  publications  in  other  states,  and  was  to  serve 
the  same  purpose  in  the  state  that  the  Official  Bulletin  pub- 
lished at  Washington,  D.  C.,  was  designed  to  serve  in  the 
nation.  But  it  was  a  good  deal  snappier,  although  it  shared 
with  the  Official  Bulletin  the  cordial  opposition  by  the  other 
papers  that  attaches  to  every  kind  of  newspaper  that  is 


260          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

subsidized  and  which  serves  mere  propaganda.  Guthrie 
Smith's  and  George  Creel's  editorial  peers  were  loath  to 
make  use  of  the  excellent  material  which  both  publications 
offered  them  free  of  charge.  Still,  Smith  was  quoted  much 
oftener,  in  proportion  to  size  of  clientele,  than  was  George 
Creel  and  his  publication.  When  the  War  News  became 
more  and  more  outspoken  against  the  Hearst  newspapers,  it 
aroused  as  much  of  a  storm  in  the  State  as  did  the  Official 
Bulletin  with  its  aircraft  predictions  and  accounts  of  naval 
victories.  To  emphasize  its  patriotism,  the  War  News  was 
printed  in  blue  ink  on  white  paper.  The  fireworks  started 
by  its  utterances  no  doubt  furnished  the  red  in  several  of 
the  editorial  sanctums,  even  no  farther  away  than  the  Capi- 
tal City.  The  climax  came  with  injunction  proceedings 
brought  by  the  International  News  Company  in  the  Federal 
Court,  in  which  Guthrie  Smith  was  made  one  of  the  defend- 
ants. With  its  teeth  partly  pulled  by  judicial  decree,  its 
press  force  crippled  by  the  "flu,"  and  the  end  of  the  war  in 
sight,  the  War  News  was  discontinued,  having  valiantly  ser- 
ved its  purpose  and  having  furnished  historical  archives 
in  New  Mexico  with  part  of  their  most  precious  and  valu- 
able records. 

One  could  go  on  citing  paper  upon  paper,  editorial  after 
editorial,  which  helped  to  hold  the  lines  at  home  while  the 
New  Mexico  men  were  being  trained  in  increasing  num- 
bers and  rushed  to  the  trenches  in  France  to  help  throw 
back  the  invaders  of  France  and  Belgium.  Very  early  in 
the  draft,  the  Otero  County  News  dwelt  in  praise  upon  "the 
physical  shape  of  the  young  men  who  come  in  from  the 
mountain  districts  of  the  country."  The  Silver  City  Inde- 
pendent, equally  proud  of  Grant  County  men  who  attended 
the  first  officers'  reserve  camp  at  the  Presidio,  devoted  a 
leading  editorial  to  them.  The  Farmington  Times-Hustler, 
which  wore  blue  spectacles  repeatedly  when  making  war 
comment,  relieved  its  mind  of  the  following: 

"Watch  for  the  names  of  those  who  buy  Liberty  bonds 
and  see  if  those  who  are  most  posing  as  patriots  are  on  the 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  261 

lists.  Some  people  are  very  patriotic  when  there  is  a  chance 
of  getting  some  money  from  the  government,  whose  en- 
thusiasm wanes  when  they  are  asked  to  give  some  money  to 
help  the  government.  It  is  every  man's  duty  who  can  pos- 
sibly spare  the  money  to  assist  in  making  this  loan  a  suc- 
cess!" 

The  Rio  Grande  Republican  appeared  to  be  peevish 
when  it  said : 

"There  is  something  peculiarly  offensive  in  having  the 
women  of  wealthy  families  going"  about  the  cities  in  their 
automobiles  and  calling  on  the  more  humble  people  urging 
them  to  practice  economy  in  the  use  of  food.  Those  hum- 
ble people  have  studied  and  practiced  economy  from  sheer 
necessity  all  the  days  of  their  lives,  and  now  that  the  cost 
of  the  necessities  of  life  has  reached  outrageous  figures, 
wholly  out  of  proportion  to  wages  and  salaries,  circum- 
stances force  an  economy  more  exacting  than  the  society 
dames  are  able  to  conceive  of." 

The  Neiv  Southwest  at  Reserve,  in  its  first  number  on 
December  1,  1917,  headed  its  leading  editorial  "War  to  the 
Knife  and  the  Knife  to  the  Hilt",  and  voiced  vigorously  the 
sentiments  that  animated  the  New  Mexico  Press. 

The  Portales  Valley  News  thought  it  "funny  that 
General  Crowder's  revised  draft  rules  make  first-class  men 
of  some  of  those  who  fail  to  support  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren," and  in  the  same  issue  pleads  for  publicity  and  in- 
formation in  place  of  suppression  of  important  triumphs 
of  American  mobilization  when  the  publication  of  such 
knowledge  would  hearten  Americans  as  well  as  Allies  and 
discourage  the  enemy. 

The  Clayton  Citizen  as  late  as  August  2,  called  down 
the  men  from  its  own  town  who  sought  to  have  Union 
County's  Liberty  Bond  quota  reduced  and  resented  the  in- 
sinuation that  it  was  pro-German.  In  speaking  of  the  "Work 
or  Fight"  movement,  it  declared : 

"It  would  also  be  well  for  some  of  the  useless  and  un- 
necessary coupon  clippers  who  talk  much  and  spend  much, 
to  emulate  the  working  man  in  his  patriotism  by  doing  some 
useful  service." 
18 


262          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  W.  W.  W.  and  the  International  Sociolists  received 
short  shrift  from  the  pens  of  New  Mexico's  editorial  writ- 
ers, and  there  was  practical  unanimity  in  condeming  slack- 
ers of  every  kind  and  denouncing  those  of  pro-German  or 
pacifist  leaning's.  In  fact,  at  first,  there  was  lack  of  con- 
demnation and,  every  now  and  then,  thinly  veiled  praise 
for  those  who  resorted  to  mob  methods  in  their  patriotic 
fervor,  real  or  assumed,  to  stamp  out  opposition  to  the  war 
or  unfriendliness  to  the  government.  After  President  Wil- 
son and  Governor  Lindsey  had  made  it  clear  that  such  mob 
violence  worked  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  the  press  was 
unanimous  in  condemning  it,  although  there  were  again 
utterances  of  commendation  when  convicts  at  the  State 
Penitentiary  tarred  and  feathered  an  army  officer  from 
Camp  Cody  who  was  confined  there  for  safe  keeping  under 
charges  preferred  against  him  under  the  espionage  act. 

The  Spanish  language  press  was  as  loyal  and  as  fervent 
in  its  editorial  comment  on  the  war  and  war  measures  as 
the  papers  printed  in  English.  Such  weeklies  as  La  Revista 
de  Taos  and  La  Voz  del  Pueblo,  and  certainly  La  Revista 
CoMlica..,  were  more  philosophical,  and  at  times  perhaps 
more  just,  in  their  observations.  The  last  named  on  April 
8,  1917,  called  for  "Mas  Prudencia  y  Mas  Justicia!"  in  an 
editorial  which  said : 

"La  Prensa,  mas  bien  cierta  parte  de  la  prensa,  fue  la 
causa  de  la  guerra  del  98 ;  y  la  prensa,  casi  toda  ella,  es  la 
causa  de  nuestra  participacion  en  la  presente.  Algunos 
dicen  que  si  esta  o  no  esta  subvencionada  para  esto;  por 
supuesto.  los  periodicos  principales  lo  niegan;  con  todo 
estan  haciendo  la  obra  tan  bien  como  si  para  ello  recibieran 
una  remuneration.  Si  entramos  en  la  guerra,  y  ya  no  nos 
cabe  la  menor  duda  de  que  esto  sera  lo  primero  que  decidira 
el  Congreso,  se  lo  debemos  al  sentimiento  que  ha  creado 
fomentado,  y  sostenido  la  prensa." 

In  speaking  of  patriotism,  it  cited  with  approval 
Brownson's  "War  and  Loyalty,"  saying: 

"El  verdadero  patriotismo  se  manifiesta  con  obras,  y 
no  con  palabras.  Los  verdadoros  patriotas  americanos  no 
son  esos  seres  ligeros  de  cascos  y  de  corazon  apocado  que 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  263 

estan  continuamente  cacareando  el  espiritu  americano,  el 
genio  americano,  los  intereses  y  la  grandeza  americana  .  . .  ; 
sine  aquellos  espiritus  reposados,  calladps  y  serenos,  a 
quienes  rara  vez  se  les  ocurre  preguntarse  si  son  americanos 
o  no,  y  son  demasiado  sinceros  y  ardientes  en  su  patriotismo 
para  sonar  que  sea  necesario  hacer  alarde  de  sus  titulos. 
Su  patriotismo  no  tiene  sospechas,  ni  celos,  ni  temor,  ni  es 
arrogante.  Es  demasiado  profundo  para  describirlo  con 
palabras.  Es  callado  y  majestuoso.  Donde  esta  la  patria 
alii  esta  el ;  hace  lo  que  ella  manda,  y,  aunque  sacrif ique  todp 
sobre  las  aras  de  la  patria,  nunca  se  le  ocurre  que  esta 
haciendo  cosa  extraordinaria.  Hay  probablemente  mas  de 
este  patriotismo  puro  entre  el  pueblo  americano  que  los 
estranjeros  o  nosotros  mismos  creemos." 

The  editor  of  La  Revista  de  Taos  expressed  his  con- 
tempt for  those  who  in  profound  ignorance  volunteer  sug- 
gestions on  how  to  win  the  war,  though  it  was  a  striking 
virtue  of  the  New  Mexico  press  that  it  very  seldom,  if  ever, 
suggested  how  the  war  should  be  fought,  thus  differentiat- 
ing its  attitude  from  that  of  many  newspapers  during  the 
Civil  War  and  even  the  Spanish  American  War.  Says  the 
Revista  under  the  headline  "Dislatas  y  Disparates" : 

"En  tiempos  de  agitacion  y  dc  efervescencia  popular 
que  trae  consigo  el  prospecto  de  una  guerra,  los  consejeros 
voluntaries  son  los  que  siempre  se  adelantan  a  discurrir  y 
proponer  medios  y  arbitrios  que  se  senalan  por  su  falta  de 
razon  y  de  sentido  comun.  De  este  generp  son  las  pro- 
posicipnes  que  se  han  de  levantar  un  regimiento  de  Indios 
Navajoes,  y  otro  de  Indios  de  Pueblo." 

It  is  this  editor  too  who  declared  that  dreams  of  a 
league  of  nations  and  universal  peace  are  a  chimera,  say- 
ing: 

"La  quimera  de  la  paz  y  el  buen  acuerdo  entre  todas 
las  razas  y  naciones  del  mundo  ha  recivido  su  glope  de 
muerte,  y  no  volvera  a  reaparecer  en  la  imagination  de  los 
hombres  de  sentido  sino  como  un  sueno  o  un  delirio  que 
jamas  puede  convertirse  en  realidad.  Lo  que  si  veran  las 
generaciones  presente  y  f uturas  es  guerras  mas  mortiferas 
y  asoladoras  cada  dia  en  todas  partes  del  universe." 

By  the  summer  of  1918,  newspaper  offices  were  liter- 
ally swamped  with  publicity  matter  sent  out  by  govern- 


264          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ment  and  its  agencies  as  well  as  by  war  charities.  In  many 
if  not  most  offices,  envelopes  containing  publicity  matter 
were  dumped  into  the  waste-basket  without  being  read. 
The  publicity  that  found  its  way  into  print  gave  the  gen- 
ever  a  time  when  the  mythical  office  cat  was  fed  so 
flood  of  readable  and  interesting  publicity  matter  poured 
into  editorial  offices.  It  happened  that  an  editor  would 
get  in  the  same  mail  three  or  four  copies  of  the  same  publi- 
city clip  sheet  or  half  a  dozen  identical  appeals.  Nor  was 
there  ever  a  time  when  the  mythical  office  cat  was  fed  so 
much  printed  and  mimeographed  matter.  Said  one  New 
Mexico  editor  at  the  Capital:  "This  stuff  could  not 
jimmy  its  way  into  this  paper  with  a  crow  bar.  When  we 
are  cut  down  to  a  minimum  in  the  use  of  paper,  these 
reams  and  reams  of  publicity  matter  fill  our  waste-bas- 
kets day  after  day  as  if  in  derision."  However,  the  press 
continued  with  the  utmost  liberality  to  give  its  most  valu- 
able space  in  great  prodigality  to  the  Fourth  Liberty  Loan, 
and  even  after  the  Armistice  was  in  effect,  to  the  United 
War  Work  Drive,  the  Red  Cross  Roll  Call  and  the  Armen- 
ian Drive. 

It  is  hardly  fair  to  confront  an  editor  with  his  utter- 
ances made  years  before  under  circumstances  that  differ 
vitally  from  those  today,  and  yet  no  truer  mirror  of  the 
times,  no  juster  account  of  events,  can  be  given  than  is 
found  in  the  New  Mexico  press  from  August  1,  1914,  to 
November  11,  1918.  Fortunate  and  far-seeing  is  he  who 
has  kept  a  file  of  his  favorite  home  paper  for  future  gene- 
rations to  .enjoy.  In  fact  he  himself  will  find  no  more  in- 
teresting pastime  in  after  years  than  to  browse  through 
these  papers.  Many  a  veteran  lived  over  the  Civil  War  in 
files  of  Harpers'  Weekly,  and  many  a  survivor  of  the  Great 
War,  in  glancing  over  the  old  copies  of  some  humble  New 
Mexico  weekly,  will  recall  vividly  the  beautiful,  unanimous 
loyalty  with  which  New  Mexico  answered  the  Nation's 
call  for  men,  for  means,  for  moral  support,  in  the  days 
when  the  world's  fate  trembled  in  the  balance. 

PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        265 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION  TO  NEW  MEXICO 
J.  LLOYD  MECHAM 

An  Account  of  the  Chamuscado-Rodriguez  Entrada  of  1581-1582 

After  the  sorry  outcome  of  the  Coronado  expedition, 
no  white  men  appeared  within  the  present  confines  of 
New  Mexico  for  a  period  of  forty  years.  The  complete 
failure  of  the  first  entrada  has  generally  been  regarded 
as  an  eloquent  warning  which  discouraged  further  ex- 
ploration into  the  New  Mexican  region.  But  this  alone 
cannot  explain  the  lapse  of  interest  in  the  far  north.  The 
great  Indian  revolt,  the  Mixon  War,  in  Nueva  Galicia, 
which  occurred  during  the  absence  of  Governor  Coronado, 
pointed  out  a  pertinent  lesson  to  the  Spaniards  regarding 
the  advisability  of  natural  and  compact  frontiers.  Also, 
the  discovery  of  rich  mines  in  Zacatecas,  Guanajuato,  and 
Durango  engaged  the  interest  of  treasure  seekers  and  ex- 
erted an  even  greater  influence  in  expelling  the  once  glam- 
orous New  Mexico  from  the  minds  of  men. 

During  the  forty  years  succeeding  the  Coronado  ex- 
pedition, there  was  a  steady  northward  advance  from  Nueva 


1.  The  principal  printed  sources  regarding  the  entrada  are  those  documents 
contained  in  Coleccion  d«  documentos  ineditos  relutivoa  al  descubrimiento,  conquiata 
y  colonizacidn  de  las  poaeaionea  eapanolaa  en  America  y  Oceania,  aacados,  en  an 
mayor  parte.  del  Real  Archivo  de  India*  (Madrid,  1864-1886),  XV.  Most  of  these 
are  translated  in  H.  E.  Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration  in  the  Southwest,  1542-1707 
(New  York,  1916),  137-160.  Accompanying  his  translation  of  the  soldiers'  nar- 
ratives, Bolton  refers  in  his  footnotes  to  two  unpublished  accounts  which  had  just 
come  into  his  possession:  (1)  Baltasar  de  Obreg6n,  "Cronica  comentario  6  relaciones 
de  los  descubrimientos  antiguos  y  modernos  de  N.  E.  y  del  Nuevo  Mexico,"  1584 
(Archivo  General  de  Indias,  1-1-3/22);  and  (2)  Hernaii  Gallegos,  "Relacion  y 
concudfo  de  el  viage  y  subseso  que  Francisco  Sanchez  Chamuscado  con  ocho  soldados 
BUS  companeroB  hizo  en  el  descubrimiento  del  Nuevo  Mexico  en  junio  de  1581"  (A. 
G.  I.,  1-1-3/22).  Beyond  this  slight  use  these  documents  have  never  been  consulted  for 
an  authoritative  account.  In  the  preparation  of  this  article  the  writer  has  made 
use  of  the  materials  mentioned  above,  and  unpublished  documents  which  he  found 
in  the  Archivo  General  de  Indias. 


266         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Galicia2  into  the  newly-organized  province  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya3.  By  1580  the  limits  of  Spanish  settlement  were  car- 
ried north  to  Santa  Barbara,  located  i  nsouthern  Chihua- 
hua on  one  of  the  sources  of  the  Rio  Conchos.  There  were 
congregated  miners,  soldiers,  and  Franciscan  friars.  It 
was  from  this  northern  outpost  that  the  soldiers  and  mis- 
sionaries were  recruited  to  undertake  the  second  invasion 
of  New  Mexico. 

Santa  Barbara  was  the  center  of  a  rich  mining  dis- 
trict, but  unfortunately  for  the  mine  owners,  the  native 
population  was  all  too  sparse  to  insure  profitable  working 
of  the  mines.  To  supply  the  labor  deficiency  numerous 
slave-hunting  expeditions  were  made  far  to  the  north,  some 
beyond  the  Rio  Grande.4  On  these  raids  the  frontiersmen 
learned  about  a  country  still  farther  to  the  north  where 
there  were  people  who  wore  cotton  garments,  irrigated 
their  fields  of  maize  and  beans,  and  lived  in  large,  well- 
built  "cities."  Thus  were  revived  tales  of  New  Mexico, 
adorned  as  of  old  with  magnetic  glamour.  These  rumors 
found  ready  listeners  in  some  of  the  restless  soldiers  and 
missionaries  of  Santa  Barbara. 

The  principal  organizer  and  guiding  spirit  of  the  ex- 
pedition to  New  Mexico  was  Father  Augustin  Rodriguez,  a 
Franciscan  lay-brother  stationed  at  San  Bartolome,  a  little 
mining  camp  a  short  distance  to  the  northeast  of  Santa 
Barbara.  Closely  associated  with  the  friar  in  the  work  of 
organizing  the  entrada  was  Francisco  Sanchez,  commonly 
called  "El  Chamuscado,"  or  "the  singed,"  because  of  his 
flaming  red  beard.  Father  Rodriguez  was  undoubtedly 
encouraged  by  his  lay  associate  to  secure  a  license  for  an 
expedition  because  it  was  much  easier  for  a  religious  to 
obtain  permission  to  enter  unexplored  lands.  By  the  terms 


2.  Organized  by  Nuno  de  Guzman    (1529-1535).     The  Audiencia  of  Nueva  Galicia 
was  created  in   1548. 

3.  Conquered    and   settled   by    Francisco   de    Ibarra     (1562-1575).      Nueva    Vizcaya 
comprised  approximately  the  present  Mexican  states  of  Durango,  Chihuahua.  Sinaloa, 
and  Sonora. 

4.  Diego  Pdrez  de  Luxan,  "Entrada  que  hizo  en  el  Nuevo  Mexico  Anton  de  Espejo 
en  el  ano  de  82"    (A.   G.  I.,   1-1-3/22). 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        267 

of  the  Ordinance  of  1573,  no  one  was  allowed  to  enter  un- 
explored territory  beyond  the  frontiers  of  New  Spain  with- 
out first  obtaining  permission  from  the  viceroy,  audien- 
cia,  or  royal  council.  This  of  course  retarded  exploration 
for  it  was  very  difficult  to  obtain  a  license.  The  religious 
orders  were  favored,  however,  for,  says  the  ordinance,  "let 
the  discovery  be  entrusted  to  them  (the  religious)  rather 
than  to  others,  and  authority  be  granted  them  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  let  them  be  favored  and  provided  with  all  neces- 
saries for  such  a  holy  and  worthy  undertaking  at  our  ex- 
pense/'8 

In  November,  1580,  Father  Agustin  presented  in  per- 
son a  petition  to  Viceroy  Lorenzo  Suarez  de  Mendoza,  ask- 
ing that  he  be  granted  a  license  to  lead  some  missionaries 
beyond  Santa  Barbara  "for  the  purpose  of  preaching  the 
Holy  Gospel."6  The  viceroy,  in  consideration  of  the  great 
zeal  of  the  padre,  granted  him  permission  to  take  with 
him  as  many  friars  as  he  desired,  and  a  maximum  of 
twenty  soldiers,  "for  the  safety  of  their  persons,  and  in 
order  that  they  might  be  able  to  preach  the  Holy  Gospel."7 
He  was  also  given  a  captain's  commission  to  bestow  upon 
one  of  the  soldiers  as  leader  of  the  expedition.  Father 
Augustin,  presumably  according  to  previous  arrangement, 
gave  the  commission  to  Chamuscado. 

Preparations  for  the  expedition  were  made  in  Santa 
Barbara,  the  northernmost  pueblo  on  the  Christian  fron- 
tier. The  personnel  consisted  of  three  Franciscan  friars 
and  nine  soldiers.  Besides  Father  Agustin  Rodriguez,  the 
religious  were  Father  Francisco  Lopez  and  Father  Juan 
de  Santa  Maria.  Father  Lopez  was  designated  the  superior. 
The  soldier  guard  was  composed  of  Captain  Francisco 
Sanchez  Chamuscado,  Herman  Gallegos,  (official  scribe 
and  chronicler  who  gives  us  the  fullest  account  of  the  ex- 


6.  "Ordenanzas    de    Su    Magestad    hechas    para    los    nuevos    descubrimientos,    con- 
quista*  y  pacificaciones,"   in   Col.   Doc.   In£d.,   XVI,    142-187. 

«.     Obreg6n.   Crdnica    (A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22) 

7.  "Permission   was    not   given    for   more   men    to   go   because    your   majesty    had 
i»Buad    instructions   that    no   entries    should    be   made    without   your   express    opinion" 
("Report  of  the  Viceroy,"   in   Bolton,   Spanish  Exploration,   158). 

the  expedition  had  reached  New  Mexico. 


268          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

pedition),  Pedro  de  Bustamante,  Hernando  Barrado,  Felipe 
de  Escalante,  Pedro  de  Heviera,  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Fuen- 
salida,  Juan  Sanchez  de  Fuensalida,  and  Sanchez  de 
Chavez.8  There  were  also  in  the  party  nineteen  Indian 
servants,  two  of  them  being  Indian  women."  All  equip- 
ment and  supplies  were  furnished  at  the  viceroy's  expense, 
for  the  expedition  was  to  be  made  in  his  service.  They 
had  good  offensive  and  defensive  arms,  such  as  arquebuses, 
coats-of-mail,  and  armour  for  the  horses ;  munitions,  ninety 
saddle  and  draft  horses,  six  hundred  cows,  goats,  ewes, 
sheep,  and  hogs,  ground  maize,  and  pieces  of  iron  and 
trinkets  to  be  bartered  with  the  natives.10 

All  arrangements  having  been  completed,  the  mission- 
aries and  soldiers  departed  from  Santa  Barbara  on  June 
5,  1581.  On  that  day  they  traveled  down  the  San  Gregorio 
River  to  the  frontier  outpost  San  Bartolome,  or,  as  it  was 
sometimes  called,  San  Gregorio.11  On  the  the  next  day, 
June  6,  1581,  the  explorers  resumed  their  march  down  the 
San  Gregorio  River  to  the  junction  of  the  Conchos,  Florido, 
and  San  Gregorio  rivers.  Thereafter  they  followed  the 
Conchos  to  its  junction  with  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte. 

The  first  wild  Indians,  called  Chichimecos,  found  by 
the  explorers  were  the  Conchos,  who  occupied  a  strip  of 
territory  about  fifty  leagues  in  extent  along  the  banks  of 
the  Conchos  River  and  north  of  the  Conchos-Florido  junc- 


8.  Escalante  and   Barrado,    "Brief  and   True  Account  of  the   Exploration   of   New 
Mexico,  1588,"  in  Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration,  154  ;  Gallegos,  Relacion,  and  Obregon, 
Crdnica,  in  A.  G.  I.,  1-1-3/22)  ;  Gallegos  to  the  King,  March  14,  1583    (A.  G.  I..  66- 
6-16). 

9.  Obregdn,   Crdnica    (A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22).      Pedro   de   Bustamante,    ("Declaration 
of   Pedro  de   Bustamante,    1582,"    in   Eolton.Spanish   Exploration,    144)    testified   that 
the  soldiers   had   an   Indian   servant   apiece,   and   that   the   friars   took   seven    Indians 
from  Santa  Barbara. 

10.  Gallepros,    Relacidn    (A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22). 

11.  A  comparison   of  the  sources  leads   to   the   inference  that   San   Bartolome  and 
San   Gregorio  were  located  on   the  same  site.     See   Espejo,    "Account  of  the  journey 
to   the    Provinces    and    Settlements    of    New    Mexico,    1583,"    in    Bolton,    Spanish   Ex- 
ploration,  170;  Luxan,   Entrada,  and   Gallegos,  Relacion,   in  A.   G.   I..   1-1-8/22;   Ban- 
croft   (Arizona  and   New  Mexico,   74)    says  that  the   present   Allende- Jimenez   region 
was  known  by  the  various  names  of  San   Bartolome,  Santa  Barbara,   Santa  Barbola, 
and  San  Gregorio. 


>  (Albuquerque) 

NUQVO 
HEX/CO 


U  M\A  N OS 


(Chihuahua) 


BOLSON    DC  MAPIMI 

) 

CHAMUSCADO-  RODRIGUEZ 

EXPEDITION 

1581  -  15S2 

N  17  E  V  A        l  BROACH   TO    N&VMEX/CO. 
COMPILED  BY  J.  LLOYD  MECHAM 
NOT£:  MODERN  NAMES  ARE  IN  PARENTHE5E5 


ion  Greqorio 
5antoL  Barbara 


VI  ZC  A  Y  A 

Culiacan  „ 


SCALE 

Sfatutc.  Miles,  77  «  1  Inch 


DRAWN   &Y    W.L. CORNELL 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        269 

tion.12  These  Indians  were  in  a  very  low  state  of  develop- 
ment, and,  indeed,  compared  very  unfavorably  with  the 
natives  who  lived  north  of  them.  They  were  an  unclothed 
people,  and,  living  principally  by  the  chase,  they  had  no 
permanent  homes.  They  did  not  sow  maize,  but  ate  ground 
mesquite,  prickly-pears,  calabashes,  fish,  and  game.  They 
were  described  by  Gallegos  as  ugly,  lazy,  and  filthy.  Not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  these  Indians  had  been  visited 
occasionally  by  missionaries,  thejr  principal  contact  with 
the  Spaniards  had  been  with  the  slave  hunters.  There- 
fore, with  good  reason  the  Conchos  viewed  the  approach 
of  Chamuscado  and  his  companions  with  alarm.  Often 
they  fled  into  the  mountains,  but  generally  the  padres  were 
able  to  reassure  them  and  convince  them  of  the  peaceful 
purpose  of  their  mission. 

After  the  explorers  had  marched  fifty  leagues  through 
the  Conchos  nation,  they  came  to  another  tribe,  the  Paza- 
guantes.13  Here  solar  observations  were  taken  by  Father 
Santa  Maria,  who  was  a  trained  astronomer,  and  he  found 
that  they  were  near  the  twenty-ninth  parallel  of  north 
latitude.11  The  Pazaguantes  had  been  visited  by  the  slave- 
hunting  expeditions,  and,  like  the  Conchos,  displayed  great 
alarm  upon  witnessing  the  approach  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  friars  reassured  them,  as  they  had  the  Conchos,  and 
to  protect  them  from  future  harm  by  the  slavers,  they 
erected  crosses  in  their  villages  so  that  the  Christians,  up- 
on seeing  them,  would  not  harm  the  Indians.  The  Paza- 
guantes inhabited  the  banks  of  the  Conchos  River  for  a 
distance  of  only  about  forty  miles.  Chamuscado's  party, 
therefore,  was  soon  within  the  borders  of  a  third  Indian 
nation,  the  Jumanos.15 


12.  Obregon,    Cronica    (A.    G.    L,    1-1-3/22). 

13.  According  to  Obregon  and  Gallegos  the  Conchos'  neighbors  on  the  north  were 
the   Cabri.     The   Cabri  have  been   identified   with   the   Pazaguantes,   See   Luxan    (En- 
trada,  A.  G.  I.,  1-1-3/22)   and  Espejo    (Account  of  the  Journey  to  New  Mexico.   171). 

14.  This  would  be  near  Cuchillo  Parado.     The  distance  from  the  Conchos-Florido 
junction  to   29°    north   latitude   is   about  fifty   leagues    "as   the  crow  flies;"   therefor* 
the  Spaniards   were   not  far   wrong  in   estimating  their  location. 

15.  Espejo    (Account  of  the  Journey  to  New  Mexico,   171)    said  that  he  met  the 
Toboso  Indians  after  the  Pazaguantes.     The  Tobosos  are  not  mentioned  by  Obreg6n. 
Luxan,  and  Gallegos.     At  a  later  date  the  Tobosos   were  encountered  in  this  region. 


270          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  Jumano  nation  inhabited  an  extensive  region 
about  the  confluence  of  the  Conchos  and  Rio  Grande.  They 
were  divided  into  several  branches,  speaking  different  dia- 
lects, but  nevertheless  related.  Those  bordering  on  the 
Pazaguantes  on  the  Conchos  River  and  extending  some 
distance  up  the  Rio  Grande,  were  called  Patarabueyes  or 
Otomoacos.  Those  living  at  the  Rio  Grande-Conchos  junc- 
tion and  south  of  it  were  called  Abriadres.  The  Indians 
who  roamed  the  plains  northeast  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  quest 
of  the  buffalo  were  the  Jumanos  proper.18  Although  basic- 
ally their  culture  was  no  different  from  the  Conchos'  and 
Pazaguantes',  the  Jumanos  were  finer  physical  specimens, 
and  displayed  a  higher  degree  of  intelligence.  Although 
they  cultivated  maize  and  beans  to  a  certain  extent,  their 
principal  sustenance  was  from  game  and  fish. 

On  July  6,  1581,  Captain  Chamuscado  and  his  compan- 
ions arrived  at  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte  at  a  point  about 
five  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the  Conchos.  They  had 
been  advised  by  the  Indians  to  leave  the  Conchos  where 
it  bends  to  the  southeast  and  march  overland  directly  north 
to  the  Rio  Grande.17  They  had  traveled,  since  leaving  Santa 
Barbara,  about  seventy  leagues  of  the  most  desolate,  barren 
country,  and  the  most  difficult  of  the  whole  journey  to 
negotiate. 

The  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  near  the  Conchos  junc- 
tion was  called  "Valle  de  Concepci6n,"  the  river  being 
called  "La  Concepcion."1'  Along  the  banks  of  the  river 
they  found  a  great  number  of  Otomoaco  Indians  living  in 
"well-constructed  pueblos"  of  palisades  and  mud.  These 
were  the  first  fixed  residences  that  they  saw  on  the  ex- 
pedition. According  to  Espejo  the  Indians  in  this  district 


16.  Gallegos,   Relacion,   Obregon,   Cronica,   and   Luxan,   Entrada,   in   A.   G.   I.,    1-1- 
8/22;   Espejo,    Account   of  the   Journey   to   New   Mexico,    172.      For   the   Jumano   In- 
dians,  see   F.   W.    Hodge,   Handbook   of  American   Indians   north   of   Mexico    (Wash- 
ington,  1907),   I,   636. 

17.  Gallegos,   Relacion,   and   Obregon,   Cronica,   in   A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22. 

18.  Obreg6n   called   the   river   by   various    names :    "Del    Norte",    "Rio    de    Nuestra 
Senora',,    and    "Rio   de   la    Concepcion".      Luxan    called    it    "El    Rio    Turbio."    Busta- 
mante    (Relacion,   145)    called   it  .the   "Guadalquivir,"   but  this   name  was   not  applied 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        27l 

numbered  about  ten  thousand.19  The  explorers  were  con- 
vinced that  the  respect  and  homage  paid  them  by  the  In- 
dians was  due  to  the  "miracles"  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  That 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  had  passed  through  that  land  is  certain, 
for,  upon  being  asked  if  they  had  seen  other  people  like 
the  Spaniards,  they  answered  that  many  years  before  they 
had  seen  four  bearded  men.  These  must  have  been  Cabeza 
de  Vaca  and  his  companions.  Espejo,  the  following  year, 
was  told  by  the  same  Indians  about  Cabeza  de  Vaca.20 

Chamuscado  and  his  men  remained  in  "Valle  de  la 
Concepci6n"  only  a  day.  When  they  were  told  about  "clothed 
people  with  large  pueblos,  who  lived  far  in  the  interior," 
they  decided  to  move  on  immediately.  Many  Indians  ac- 
companied them  as  they  marched  up  the  river.  There  was 
not  a  day,  it  was  said,  when  they  were  accompanied  by  less 
than  three  hundred  Indians.21  Forty-five  leagues  from  the 
Conchos,  they  found  a  considerable  Otomoaco  settlement. 
This  settlement,  named  Magdalena,  was  located  about  ten 
miles  south  of  Fort  Quitman,  and  on  the  Mexican  side  of 
the  Rio  Grande.  Magdalena  marked  the  limits  of  the 
Jumanos  up  the  Rio  Grande,  for  a  short  distance  beyond 
the  explorers  came  to  another  tribe  called  Caguates  or 
Caguases.22  The  Caguates,  according  to  Luxan,  were  re- 
lated to  the  Otomoacos,  and  spoke  almost  the  same  lang- 
uage. These  natives  told  Chamuscado  that  the  people  In- 
dians were  about  a  seven  days*  journey  up  the  river,  and 
The  Caguates'  estimation  of  the  time  necessary  to  traverse 
the  barren  stretch  which  separated  them  from  the  pue- 
blo region  proved  to  be  much  too  short.  Three  days  later 
the  Spaniards  found  a  vast  marshland  of  about  eight 


19.  Espejo,    Account   of   the   Journey   to   New   Mexico,    172. 

20.  Obreg6n,   Cronica,   Gallegos,   Relacion,   and   Luxan,   Entrada,   in   A.   G.    I.,    1-1- 
8/22 ;  Espejo,   Account  of  the  Journey  to  New  Mexico,   173. 

21.  Gallegos,   Relacion,    (A.   G.   I.,   1-1-3/22). 

22.  Gallegos,  Relacion,  and  Obregon,   Cronica,  in  A.   G.  I.,   1-1-3/22;  Espejo    (Ac- 
count of  the  Journey  to  New  Mexico,   173)    reported  that  the  Jumanos  extended   up 
the   Rio   Grande   for   a   twelve   days'    journey;    Luxan    (Entrada,    A.    G.    I.,    1-1-3/22) 
said  that  after  traveling   four   leagues   from   the   last  habitation   of  the   Jumanos,   or 
forty-nine   leagues   from   the   junction   of  the  rivers,   they   came   to  the   Caguates   na- 
tion.     Thus   the   Jumanos   extended   forty-five   leagues   up   the   Rio   Grande. 


272          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

leagues  in  extent  which  was  formed  by  the  river  when  it 
overflowed.23  Although  it  abounded  in  game  of  all  kinds, 
it  was  uninhabited.  A  year  later  Antonio  de  Espejo  found 
a  tribe  of  Indians  named  Tampachoas  near  the  great 
marshland.  That  Chamuscado  did  not  see  these  people 
may  be  explained  by  the  fact,  that  since  they  were  nomadic, 
they  were  probably  not  in  that  locality  when  Chamuscado 
and  his  companions  went  through.24 

From  the  marshlands,  called  "Valle  de  Valientes," 
the  explorers  continued  up  the  river  for  fifteen  days28 
without  meeting  any  Indians.  They  were  now  about  sev- 
enty leagues  from  the  Caguates,  and  near  the  border  of 
the  pueblo  region,  although  they  did  not  realize  this.  Since 
they  had  been  on  the  road  many  days  longer  than  the  Cagua- 
tes had  informed  them  would  be  necessary,  they  feared  that 
they  had  been  purposely  misinformed.  The  near-exhaust- 
ion of  their  supplies  added  to  their  discouragement.  When 
their  spirits  were  lowest  they  were  finally  rewarded  by 
finding  some  Indians,  and,  shortly  after,  they  came  to  an 
old,  uninhabited  pueblo.  It  was  a  weather-beaten  three- 
storied  affair,  and  appeared  not  to  have  been  inhabited 
for  a  long  time.28  Two  leagues  beyond,  on  August  21,  1581, 
they  discovered  the  most  southerly  of  the  Piro  pueblos  of 
New  Mexico.  They  had  tramped,  since  leaving  the  Con- 
chos-Rio  Grande  junction,  121  leagues,  which  were  covered 
in  forty-five  days.27 

The  first  Piro  pueblo,  which  they  called  San  Felipe, 
was  located  in  the  San  Marcial  region,28  probably  on  a  small 


23.  This   broad   stretch   of  marshland   begins   at   about   Guadalupe   and   extends   up 
the  west  side  of  the  river  to  the  neighborhood  of  El  Paso. 

24.  Luxan,  Entrada    (A.  G.  I.,   1-1-3/22) 

25.  The  Espejo  expedition  also  marched  over  this  exact  distance  in   fifteen  days. 

26.  Luxan   mentions   a   ruined   pueblo   two    leagues   southe   of  the   first     inhabited 
pueblo,    San    Felipe.      It   appears   that    Espejo   followed    substantially   the   same    route 
as   Chamuscado,   and   that   neither  of   them   crossed   the   Ria    Grande   before   reaching 
the  pueblos. 

27.  Gallegos,   Relacion,   and   Obregon,   Cronica,   in   A.    G.   I.,    1-1-8/22. 

28.  "The   region   of     San    Marcial   not    only   indicates   the     southern   limit     of   the 
pueblos   of   the   sivteenth    century,   but   it   seems   also   that   the   many-storied    type   of 
architecture    at    no    time    extended    farther    down    the    Rio    Grande    Valley"       (A.    F. 
Bandelier,    Final   Report   of   Investigations   among    the   Indiana   of   the   Southwestern 
United  States,   Cambridge,   1892,   Part   11,   252). 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        273 

hill  near  the  later  site  of  Fort  Craig.  Since  it  was  made 
up  of  about  forty-five  houses  of  two  and  three  stories,  and 
was  located  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  this  throws  out 
Bandelier's  conclusion  that  Qualacu,  the  most  southerly 
Piro  village  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  was  the 
San  Felipe  of  the  Chamuscado-Rodriguez  expedition.29  Nor 
can  we  conclude  that  Trenaquel,  opposite  Qualacu,  and  the 
most  southerly  Piro  village  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river 
was  San  Felipe.  There  is  no  mention  by  Gallegos  of  a 
pueblo  opposite  San  Felipe,  but  two  leagues  above  it,  and 
opposite  each  other,  were  the  pueblos  of  San  Miguel  and 
Santiago,  which  pueblos  were  probably  Trenaquel  and 
Qualacu  respectively.  San  Felipe  was  therefore  two  leagues 
below  Trenaquel  (or  San  Miguel),  and  that  it  conceivably 
could  be  near  the  present  Fort  Craig  is  supported  by  Ban- 
delier.80 

Before  entering  San  Felipe,  the  Spaniards  carefully 
examined  their  arms,  to  be  prepared  for  any  eventuality. 
These  precautions  were  unnecessary,  for,  excepting  a  sick 
Indian,  the  pueblo  was  deserted.  The  Indians  had  aban- 
doned their  homes  the  night  before.  Although  a  great 
quantity  of  maize,  cotton,  and  turkeys  had  been  left  in  the 
pueblo,  Chamuscado  would  not  allow  his  men  to  touch  any- 
thing because  he  desired  to  convince  the  natives  that  he 
had  come  with  peaceful  intentions.  When  the  Indians  found 
that  their  possessions  had  not  been  harmed  they  were  reas- 
sured and  came  in  increasing  numbers  to  the  Spaniards' 
camp,  which  had  been  established  a  short  distance  from 
San  Felipe.  At  one  time,  it  was  said,  there  were  over  two 
thousand  Indians  in  the  camp.  The  padres  took  advantage 
of  this  opportunity  to  preach  the  Holy  Gospel  to  the  na- 
tives.31 


29.  Gallegos,    Relacion    (A.    G.    I.,    1-1-3/22)  ;    Hodge    Handbook   of   American    In- 
dians,  II,    814 ;   Bandelier,    Final  Report,    II,    252.    The    Piros    were   the   southernmost 
of  the   pueblo  Indians.      They   extended   from   about   San    Marcial   to   Sevilleta,    where 
they  bordered  the  Tiguas. 

30.  Gallegos,  Relacidn    (A.   G.  I.,   1-1-3/22).     "There  may  possibly  be  some  pueblo 
ruin  a  few  miles  south  of  San   Marcial  near  Fort  Craig"    (Bandelier,   Final  Reports, 
II,  252). 

31.  Obregon,   Cronica,   and   Gallegos,    Relacidn,   in   A.    G.   I.,    1-1-3/22. 


274          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

After  remaining  four  days  in  San  Felipe,  the  explor- 
ers marched  up  the  river,  which  was  now  called  the  Guadal- 
quivir, and  discovered  many  more  pueblos  upon  its  banks. 
The  pueblos  of  the  Piros  Indians  extended  for  twenty 
leagues,  or  as  far  north  as  Sevilleta.82  The  Spaniards 
named  and  described  these  pueblos,  but  the  descriptions 
are  generally  so  meager  as  to  make  the  assignment  of  their 
locations  difficult,  and  often  impossible.  As  noted  above, 
there  were  two  pueblos  above  San  Felipe,  situated  upon 
opposite  banks  of  the  river  and  facing  each  other.  The 
one  north  of  San  Felipe,  and  probably  occupying  the  site 
of  Trenaquel,  was  named  San  Miguel.  It  had  forty-seven 
houses  of  two  stories.  Santiago,  the  Qualacu  of  Bandelier, 
was  on  a  height  of  ground  on  the  opposite  (east)  side  of 
the  river.  It  had  twenty-five  houses.  The  next  pueblo 
discovered  on  the  west  side  was  San  Juan,  which  had  forty 
houses.  Since  there  are  no  indications  that  there  ever 
existed  pueblos  between  the  modern  village  of  San  Antonio 
and  San  Marcial,33  it  is  probable  that  Senecu,  located  at  San 
Antonio,  and  San  Juan  are  the  same  pueblo.  Our  evidence, 
however,  does  not  end  here.  San  Juan,  according  to  Galle- 
gos,  was  located  on  the  brow  of  a  hill,  and  Senecu  also 
was  "on  an  eminence."  In  addition,  whereas  opposite 
Senecu  on  the  other  bank  of  the  river  was  San  Pascual,34 
in  like  manner  Piastla,  a  pueblo  of  thirty-five  houses,  was 
said  by  Gallegos  to  be  on  the  other  bank  of  the  river  facing 
San  Juan.  Therefore,  the  location  of  these  five  pueblos 
is  fairly  certain. 

As  for  the  region  between  San  Antonio  and  Alamillo, 
archaeological  evidence,  with  the  exception  of  the  ruins 

32.  According  to   Obregon,   the   Province  of   San   Felipe    (the   Piros,)    was   twenty 
leagues  long  and  six  leagues  wide,  and  was  made  up  of  twelve  pueblos  of  250  houses. 
Gallegos    stated    that   there   were    "twenty    and    more    pueblos."      "In    1630,    Sevilleta, 
twenty  miles  north  of  Socorro,  was  the  most  northerly  of  the  Piros  pueblos"    (Hodge, 
Handbook  of  American  Indians,  II,  515)  ;   ''Certainly  the  Piros  did  not  extend  north 
of    Los    Lentes     (near    Sevilleta)"     (Bandelier,     "    An    Outline    of    the     Documentary 
History  of  the  Zuni  Tribes,"  in  A  Journal  of  American  Ethnology  and  Archaeology, 
1*92,   III,   61). 

33.  Bandelier,   Final  Report,   II,   251. 

34.  Ibid.,  247,   250. 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        275 

of  Socorro,  is  very  scant.35  The  first  group  of  pueblos,  as 
has  been  demonstrated,  extended  as  far  north  as  Senecu 
and  San  Pascual.  Five  leagues  to  the  north,  according  to 
Luxan,  were  four  large,  and  one  small,  uninhabited  pue- 
blos. This  was  undoubtedly  the  Socorro  district  where 
there  are  many  ruins.  Luxan  mentions  next  two  pueblos 
three  leagues  farther  up  the  river.  These  two  pueblos,  as 
I  shall  soon  show,  were  the  ones  named  by  Gallegos,  El  Oso 
and  La  Pedrosa,  and  were  located  at  Alamillo.  Two  more 
pueblos  mentioned  by  Gallegos,  Pina,  with  eighty-five 
houses,  and  Elota,  with  fourteen  houses,  and  located  be- 
tween Senecu  and  Alamillo,  remain  to  be  accounted  for. 
Our  most  natural  surmise,  based  upon  archaeological  evi- 
dence, is  that  they  were  located  in  the  Socorro  district. 

We  now  come  to  the  northern  border  of  the  Piros.  The 
next  pueblos  discovered  and  named  by  Chamuscado  were 
El  Oso  and  La  Pedrosa;  the  former  with  fifty  houses,  the 
latter  with  fourteen.36  El  Oso  was  situated  on  a  high  hill, 
and  was  only  "dos  tiros  de  arcabus"  distant  from  La 
Pedrosa.  Evidence  regarding  the  site  of  Alamillo,  "situ- 
ated a  few  miles  south  of  La  Joya,  on  a  bluff  not  far  from 
the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande,"37  points  to  Alamillo  and  El 
Oso  being  the  same  pueblo.  Between  Alamillo  and  the 
Tigua  nation,  Chamuscado  passed  two  more  small  pueblos, 
Pueblo  Nuevo  of  twenty  houses,  and  Ponsitlan  of  twenty- 
five  houses.  Both  of  these  pueblos  were  upon  the  east  bank 
of  the  river,  and  one  of  them  can  probably  be  identified 
with  Sevilleta,  which,  in  1630,  was  the  most  northerly  of 
the  Piro  villages.38 

The  pueblos  of  the  Piros  were  two  and  three  storied 
structures  of  adobe  and  stone.  They  were  well  constructed 
with  windows,  corridors,  and  courts.  The  walls  were  white- 
washed and  were  generally  ornamented  with  paintings  of 


35.  Bandelier  (Ibid.,  241)  says  that  the  Christian  pueblo  of  Nuestra  Senora  del 
Socorro,  founded  in  1628,  was  founded  on  the  site  of  the  sixteenth  century  pueblo 
Pil-o-Pue. 

86.  GaJlegos,  Relacitn    (A.   G.   I.,   1-1-3/22). 

87.  Bandelier,   Final  Report,   II,   239. 

88.  Bandelier,  Documentary  History  of  the  Zuili  Tribes,   III,  61. 


276          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

animals  and  people.  The  clay  dishes,  jars,  and  vases  of 
these  natives  particularly  impressed  the  Spaniards,  for 
they  said  that  they  were  more  artistically  made  than  those 
of  the  ancient  Aztecs.  Their  clothing  was  of  cotton  cloth, 
although  some  chamois  and  deer-skins  were  worn.  They 
wore  sandals  made  of  buffalo-hides.  Near  the  pueblos 
were  extensive  fields  where  they  cultivated  maize,  beans, 
calabashes,  and  cotton.38 

Chamuscado  and  his  companions  next  entered  the 
lands  of  the  Tigua  nation.  The  first  pueblo  discovered 
^as  Caxtole  (fifteen  houses)  located  upon  the  east  bank 
of  the  river  fronting  a  large  pueblo  of  one  hundred  houses, 
named  Piguina-Quatengo.  The  latter  pueblo  has  been 
identified  with  the  Tigua  pueblo  of  San  Clemente,  located 
on  the  present  site  of  Los  Lunas,  and  the  only  Tigua  ruin 
discovered  south  of  Isleta.40  Above  Caxtole  they  discov- 
ered Mexicaltingo,  a  pueblo  of  forty  houses;  and  next, 
Tomatlan,  a  large  pueblo  of  170  houses.  This  was  un- 
doubtedly the  large  pueblo  of  250  houses  mentioned  by 
Luxan,  which,  he  says,  was  six  leagues  below  the  Puaray 
pueblo  group.  Fronting  Tomatlan,  on  the  west  bank  of 
the  river,  was  another  large  pueblo  of  123  houses.  This 
pueblo,  named  Taxomulco,  was  probably  Isleta,  which  now 
stands  on  the  old  site.41  Between  Isleta  and  the  Puaray 
group  no  pueblos  were  discovered  by  Chamuscado.  Espejo, 
however,  found  a  pueblo  named  Los  Guajolotes  in  this  dis- 
trict. Since  the  only  ruins  now  existing  between  Albuquer- 
que and  Isleta  are  those  of  Pur-e-Tu-ay,  on  the  Mesa  de  los 
Padillas,"  a  few  miles  north  of  Isleta,  this  must  have  been 
the  site  of  Los  Guajolotes.  I  have  now  accounted  for  six 
pueblos  in  the  Isleta  district,  and  find  with  considerable 


39.  Gallegos,   Relacitin,   and   Obregon,   Cronica,   in   A.    G.   I.,    1-1-3/22.    No   attempt 
is  made  in  this  paper  to  describe  the  native  culture  of  New  Mexico. 

40.  Bandelier,     Final   Report,    II,    233;     Handbook   of   American   Indians,     I,    623; 
Luxan,   Entrada    (A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22). 

41.  "According   to     Lummis   it   stands     on   the     old   site"      (Hodge,     Handbook   of 
American  Indians,   I,   622). 

42.  Bandelier,   Final  Report,   II,   232. 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        277 

pleasure  that  Bandelier  inferred  that  this  southern  group 
of  Tigua  settlements  consisted  of  at  least  six  pueblos. 

About  six  leagues  above  Isleta,  Chamuscado  entered 
the  most  densely  populated  district  of  the  Tiguas.    So  close 
were  the  pueblos  to  each  other  that  the  Spaniards  passed 
twelve  in  one  day.     Luxan  recorded  that  there  were  thir- 
teen pueblos  in  this  group,  and  Castano  de  Sosa  recorded 
that  he  saw  at  one  time  fourteen  pueblos,  and  some  of  them 
were  only  a  quarter  of  a  league  apart.1"    The  first  pueblo 
of  this  group  which  Gallegos  mentions  was  Santa  Catalina 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  river.     In  1681  Alameda  was   on 
the  west  bank,  about  eight  leagues  north  of  Isleta.    In  all 
probability  Santa  Catalina  and  Alameda  were  the  same.14 
There  is  a  ruin  on  the  east  bank  which  Bandelier  errone- 
ously located  as  Alameda.  This  ruin  is  on  the  site  of  Puaray 
as  located    in  1680,    which    was    then    one    league    above 
Alameda    on  the    opposite  bank  of    the  river.43     The  San 
Mateo   (fifty  houses)   of  Gallegos,  which  was  on  the  east 
bank  opposite  Santa  Catalina,  was  the  Puaray  of  1680. 
Immediately  north  of  San  Mateo  was  a  large  pueblo  of  120 
houses.     It  was  named  Puaray  by  Gallegos,  but  was  pro- 
bably the  pueblo  of  Sandia,  which  was  one  league  above 
the  Puaray  of  1680.46    Across  the  river,  according  to  Galle- 
gos, was  a  pueblo  of  sixty-two  houses,  named  San  Pedro. 
On  the  opposite  bank  from  Bernalillo  are  many  pueblo  ruins 
so  to  this  district  can  be  ascribed  the  pueblos  of  Cempoalla, 
Analco,  Culiacan,  Villarassa,  and  La  Palma.     They  had 
84,  84,  100,  and  134  houses,  respectively.     The  explorers 
discovered  more  pueblos  on  the  east  bank  above  Puaray, 
but  since  no  Tigua  ruins  are  known  to  exist  north  of  Berna- 
lillo, I  conclude  that  these  pueblos  were  located  between 


43.  Gallegos,   Relacion,   Obregon,   Cronica,   and   Luxan,   Entrada,   in    A.    G.   I.,    1-1- 
3/22  ;   Dorothy  Hull,   "Castano  de  Sosa's  Expedition  to  New  Mexico  in   1590,"   in  Old 
Santa   Fe,    III,    S30. 

44.  C.  W.   Hackett,   "The  Location  of  the  Tiyua  pueblos  of  Alameda,   Puaray,  and 
Sandia,   1680-1681,"   in   Old  Santa  Fe,   II,   383. 

45.  Ibid. 

46.  Ibid. 

19 


278          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Sandia  (Puaray)  and  Bernalillo.47  They  were  Nompe, 
Malpais,  and  Caceres,  having  77,  123,  and  145  houses  res- 
pectively. These  pueblos,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  were 
located  very  near  each  other  on  the  site  of  Bernalillo.  Ac- 
cording to  Bandelier,  "There  stood  one  pueblo,  perhaps 
two,  on  the  site  of  Bernalillo  in  the  sixteenth  century."48 

The  Chamuscado  expedition  arrived  in  Caceres,  on 
the  northern  Tigua  frontier,  on  September  2,  1581.  The 
Tigua  pueblos  were  described  by  Gallegos  as  being  larger, 
higher,  and  better  built  than  those  of  the  Piros.  The  people 
although  they  spoke  a  different  language,  wore  the  same 
kind  of  clothes,  and  were  accustomed  to  the  same  modes  of 
living.  Likewise,  like  the  Piros,  they  received  the  Span- 
iards very  kindly,  and  gave  them  supplies  of  food-stuffs. 

Six  leagues  north  of  the  Tiguas  of  Bernalillo  were  the 
Queres,  who,  according  to  Obregon,  inhabited  five  pueblos. 
There  is  agreement  with  Bandelier  here,  for  he  says,  "The 
Queres  inhabited  five  pueblos;  three  on  the  Rio  Grande: 
Cochiti,  Santo  Domingo,  and  San  Felipe,  and  two  in  the 
Jemez  Valley:  Cia  and  Santa  Ana."  All  the  pueblos  dis- 
covered by  Chamuscado  have  been  identified  with  these 
five.48  After  leaving  Caceres,  the  Chamuscado  party  went 
up  the  river  to  the  first  Queres  pueblo,  Campos.  This 
pueblo,  which  had  seventy  houses,  was  on  the  east  bank  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  and  was  undoubtedly  the  Santo  Domingo 
of  Castano  de  Sosa,  and  the  Ji-py-y  of  Juan  de  Onate.  It 
stood  nearly  on  the  site  of  the  present  village  of  Santo 
Domingo.  Fronting  Campos,  on  the  other  bank  of  the 
river,  was  a  pueblo  of  seventy  houses  named  Palomares. 
Across  the  river  from  Santo  Domingo,  near  Cubero,  are 
the  pueblo  ruins  of  Kat-isht-ya,  or  the  first  San  Felipe.50 
This  was  the  probable  site  of  Palomares.  The  third  Queres 


47.  "The  ruins  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river  are  the  following:  the  burned  pue- 
blo  of   Bernalillo,    a   ruin    near    Sandia,    one    near    Los    Corrales    south    of    Bernalillo, 
and    the    old    pueblo     of    Alameda     midway     between     Bernalillo    and     Albuquerque," 
(Bandelier,  Final  Report,  II,  230). 

48.  Bandelier,   Final  Report,   II.   222;   Gallegos,   Relacion,    (A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22). 

49.  Bandelier,  Final  Report,  II,   139,   146. 
60.     Ibid.,   188. 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        279 

pueblo  on  the  Rio  Grande  to  be  visited  by  the  Chamuscado 
party  was  Medina  de  la  Torre,  situated  on  or  near  the  site 
of  Cochiti,  which  site  it  has  certainly  occupied  since  the 
sixteenth  century.51  This  pueblo  was  very  large,  for  it  had 
230  houses.  Since  we  know  that  it  was  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  river,  we  can  be  doubly  certain  that  it  was  Cochiti, 
for  there  was  no  other  large  pueblo  on  that  side  of  the 
river  between  San  Felipe  and  Santa  Clara.52 

The  explorers  did  not  visit  the  Queres  pueblos  in  the 
Jemez  Valley  until  later.  They  now  made  their  first  jour- 
ney away  from  the  river.  Near  Medina  de  la  Torre  the 
Santa  Fe  rivulet  emptied  into  the  Rio  Grande.  The  Span- 
iards marched  up  the  valley  of  this  stream  until  they  came 
to  four  pueblos,  Guaxitlan  (seventy-six  houses),  Guarda, 
(one  hundred  houses),  Valladolid  (two  hundred  houses), 
and  La  Rinconada,  (sixty  houses).  These  pueblos  which 
were  discovered  on  September  6,  1581,  may  very  conceiv- 
ably be  some  of  the  ruins  which  line  the  banks  of  the  Santa 
Fe  River.  The  most  important  of  these  is  Tze-nat-ay,  op- 
posite the  little  settlement  of  La  Bajada.53  Since  Coronado 
did  not  visit  this  valley,  Chamuscado  and  his  followers 
were  the  first  Europeans  to  come  near  the  present  site  of 
Santa  Fe. 

From  the  Santa  Fe  region  they  went  a  short  distance 
to  the  south  to  the  pueblo  of  Malpartida  in  the  Galisteo 
valley.  Here  Father  Juan  de  Santa  Maria  announced  his 
intention  to  return  to  Mexico  to  render  a  report  of  all  that 
had  been  done."  His  determination  met  with  bitter  op- 
si.  Ibid. 

52.  Luxan    mentions    "Zashiti"    as   a    large    pueblo   of   three-storied    houses    which 
they  visited   four  leagues   above   Puaray. 

53.  Bandelier,    Final   Report,   II,    95-6. 

54.  "Arriving  at  Galisteo,  and  seeing  the  docility  of  the  Indians,  the  three  friars 
(having   been    deserted   by   the   soldiers)    agreed   that   one   of   them    should    return   to 
inform  the  prelates   what  had   been  seen,   and  to  ask   for  more  priests.    Father  Juan 
de   Santa   Maria   offered   himself   for   the   journey"      (Geronimo   de    Zarate-Salmeron, 
"Relacion   de  todas  las  cosas  que  en  el   Nuevo  Mexico  se  han   vista  y  sabido  asi   por 
mar  como  por  tierra  desde  el  ano  fle  1538   haste  el  de   1626,"  inDoc.   Hist.  Mex.,   3d. 
Ser.   IV.   Mexico.    1856.     Translated   by   C.    F.   Lummis,   Land  of  Sunshine,   XI,   340). 
Zarate-Salmeron    is   in   error  on  two   points:    (1)    Santa   Maria   did   not   depart   from 
Galisteo,  and    (2)    He  did  not  leave  after  the  departure  of  the  soldiers   nor  with  the 
permission  of  his   friar-companions. 


280          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

position  from  his  brother  friars  and  the  soldiers.  They 
argued  that  it  would  be  both  foolhardy  and  dangerous  for 
him  to  go  alone,  and  that  his  murder  by  the  Indians  would 
occasion  serious  consequences  for  them  because  it  would 
destroy  the  Indians'  belief  in  the  Spaniards'  immortality. 
They  also  declared  that  his  report  would  be  valueless  be- 
cause they  had  hardly  commenced  to  explore  those  lands. 
Notwithstanding  the  objections  of  his  companions,  Father 
Santa  Maria  persisted  in  his  determination,  and,  unac- 
companied, set  out  on  the  long  journey  back  to  Mexico. 
To  protect  himself  and  his  companions  from  unjust  accu- 
sation, Captain  Chamuscado  ordered  Hernan  Gallegos,  the 
scribe,  to  prepare  an  affidavit  setting  forth  the  circum- 
stances of  the  padre's  departure.  This  was  done,  Septem- 
ber 10,  1581,  and  the  document  which  was  found  by  the 
writer  in  the  Archive  de  Indias  is  indisputable  evidence 
that  Father  Santa  Maria  left  his  companions  against  their 
will,  and  at  a  time  long  prior  to  the  return  of  the  soldiers 
to  Nueva  Vizcaya.55 

It  was  Father  Santa  Maria's  intention  to  find  a  new 
and  more  direct  route  to  Mexico.  He  purposed  to  keep  to 
the  east  of  the  Manzano  Mountains  by  way  of  the  salines, 
and  from  there  to  go  due  south  to  the  Rio  Grande.66  But 
on  the  third  day  after  his  departure  the  unfortunate  padre 
was  killed  by  the  Indians.  The  probable  location  of  his 
martyrdom  was  in  the  vicinity  of  the  copper  camp  of  San 
Pedro.57  The  Chamuscado  party  did  not  hear  about  Father 
Santa  Maria's  death  until  some  time  later  when  they  were 
returning  from  the  buffalo  country.  The  pueblo  from 


55.  (Affidavit),   San   Felipe,   New  Mexico,   September   10,    1581    (A.   G.   I..   58-3-9). 
For  a  translation   of  this   document,   see   J.   L.   Mecham,    "Supplementary   Documents 
Relating    to    the     Chamuscado-Rodriguez     Expedition,"     in     Southwestern    Historical 
Quarterly,    XXXIX,    224-231. 

56.  "He  was  a  great  astrologer    (astronomer?)    and  traced  out  land  to  show  how 
they  might  have  traveled  shorter"    (ZArate-Salmeron,  Relacion  de  todas  las  cosas  que 
en  el  Nuevo  Mexico,  XI,   340). 

57.  Ibid.,    341.      The    circumstances    of    Santa    Maria's    death    are    the    subject    of 
controversy;   for  a  discussion,   see   J.   L.   Mecham,    "The   Martyrdom   of   Father   Juan 
de   Santa   Maria,"    in    The   Catholic   Historical   Review,    VI,    No.    3. 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION         281 

which  Santa  Maria  departed  was  called  by  Gallegos,  "Mal- 
partida." 

After  the  departure  of  Father  Santa  Maria,  the  Span- 
iards continued  their  exploration  up  the  river  to  the  Tewas, 
who  lived  north  of  the  Queres.58  The  first  pueblo  discov- 
ered was  located  near  an  arroyo  with  water  in  it  on  the 
east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  it  had  about  forty  houses. 
Gallegos  didn't  name  it,  but  it  was  undoubtedly  San  Ilde- 
fonso.59 In  the  Canada  de  Santa  Cruz,  a  short  distance 
above  San  Ildefonso,  there  are  ruins  of  both  historic  and 
prehistoric  pueblos.60  The  Chamuscado  party  failed  to  dis- 
cover these  pueblos,  or  at  least  Galleries  failed  to  mention 
them ;  the  next  pueblo  named  by  him  was  Castilla  dc  Avid. 
It  had  two  hundred  houses  and  was  located  on  the  pres- 
ent site  of  San  Juan  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Chama 
River.  North  of  Castilla  de  Avid  were  two  more  pueblos, 
Suchipila,  with  ninety  houses,  and  Talaban  with  eighty 
houses.  One  of  them  was  perhaps  Picuries,61  which  with 
Taos,  belonged  to  the  northern  group  of  the  Tiguas. 

The  explorers  now  left  the  Rio  Grande  and  went  to 
Taos,  or  Nueva  Tlascala,  as  it  was  called.  There  can  be  no 
mistaking  of  this  pueblo,  for  it  was  the  largest  in  this 
region.  According  to  both  Gallegos  and  Bustamante  it 
had  about  five  hundred  houses.  Although  the  Indians  of 
Taos  told  the  Spaniards  about  larger  Indian  settlements 
ten  days  to  the  north  (which  were  mythical),  they  decided 
to  go  no  farther,  but  returned  to  Castilla  de  Avid.  There 
they  crossed  the  river  and  explored  the  Chamita  Valley,92 


58.  "The   Tewa   group    of   pueblo   tribes    belong   to   the    Tanoan    linguistic    family, 
and  now  occupy  San  Ildefonso,  San  Juan,  Santa  Clara,  Nambe,  Tesuque,  and  Hano" 
(Hodge,    Handbook    of    American    Indians,    II,    737). 

59.  Bandelier,   Final  Report,   II,   82. 

60.  Ibid.,   83  ;   J.   P.   Harrington,   "The   Ethnogeograpby   of  the   Tewa   Indians,"   in 
Twenty-ninth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American   Ethnology,   1907-1908,   Map 
No.   28,   p.   301  ;   Hull,   Castano  de  Sosa.   825. 

61.  See   map    in    Bolton,    Spanish   Exploration,    212.      Mr.    Bloom   advises    me   that 
Picuries   was    probably   too     far   back    from   the     Rio    Grande   to   be     identified     with 
Suchipila   or   Talaban,   and   that   these   two   pueblos    were   more    probably    in    the    Rio 
Grande  valley  to  the  north  of  San  Juan,  where  there  are  a  number  of  archaeological 
sites. 

62.  See  Harrington,  The  Ethno geography  of  the  Tewa  Indians,  Maps   10  and  11. 


282          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

where  were  discovered  three  pueblos.  The  first,  Castilla 
Blanca,  was  located  at  the  mouth  of  the  valley,  and  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Chama  River  fronting  Castilla  de  Avid. 
This  pueblo,  which  had  two  hundred  houses,  can  be  identi- 
fied with  Chamita  or  Yuque  Yunque.03  Farther  up  the 
valley  they  discovered  the  pueblo  of  Buena  Vista  (two 
hundred  houses),  and  La  Barranca  (seventy  houses).  There 
are  several  important  archaeological  sites  up  the  Chama 
valley,  one  of  which  was  excavated  by  Jeanc.on  in  1919. 

The  explorers  returned  to  the  Rio  Grande  and  marched 
south  to  the  mouth  of  the  Galisteo  River.  Having  been 
told  that  the  buffalo  could  be  found  about  thirty  leagues 
east  of  the  river,  they  determined  to  go  in  search  of  them. 
Five  leagues  up  the  Galisteo  Valley,  called  San  Mateo, 
they  found  four  pueblos:  Malpartida  (100  houses),  Mala- 
gon  (80  houses),  Piedrahita  (300  houses),  and  Galisteo 
(140  houses).  That  there  existed  in  the  sixteenth  century 
a  group  of  pueblos  in  the  Galisteo  basin,  is  supported  by 
archaeological  evidence6'  and  by  the  records  of  early  ex- 
plorers such  as  Castafieda's  account  of  the  Coronado  ex- 
pedition, and  Castano  de  Sosa's  Memoria.  Castaneda  said 
that  in  going  from  the  pueblo  of  Pecos  westward  to  the 
Rio  Grande  they  found  three  pueblos.  One  was  unnamed, 
and  the  other  two  were  called,  Ximena,  and  Los  Silos.05 
Castano  de  Sosa,  after  leaving  the  Queres,  went  to  a  dis- 


cs. "At  Yukiwingge  was  established  in  1598,  by  Juan  de  Onate,  the  colonizer  of 
New  Mexico,  the  settlement  of  San  Gabriel  de  los  Espanoles"  (Hodge  and  Lewis, 
Spanish  Explorers  in  the  Southern  United  States,  1528-1543.  New  York,  1907,  340). 
The  Martinez  Map  (Bolton.Sjjants/i  Exploration,  212)  shows  that  Chama  was  on 
the  north  bank  of  the  Chama  River,  whereas  San  Gabriel  was  on  the  south  bank. 
This  may  show  that  Bandelier,  Hodge  and  Lewis,  Harrington,  and  others  were  in 
error  in  assigning  the  site  of  San  Gabriel  as  that  of  Chamita.  Mr.  Lansing  Bloom, 
however,  is  of  the  opinion  that,  since  space  on  the  Martinez  map  was  so  limited, 
tho  cartographer,  to  show  two  places  which  were  close  together,  placed  San  Gabriel 
incorrectly,  to  the  south  of  the  confluence.  He  states  that  no  archaeological  sites 
south  of  the  confluence  have  ever  been  identified. 

64.  Bandelier,  Final  Report,  II,   100-107  ;  Harrington,   The  Ethnogeography  of  the 
Tcwa  Indians,  480-488.  For  a  description  of  the  ruins,  see  N.  C.  Nelson,  "Pueblo  Ruins 
in  the  Galisteo  Basin,  New  Mexico,"  in  Anthropological  Papers  of  the  American  Mu- 
seum  of   Natural   History,    New   York,    1914,    XV,    103. 

65.  Hodge  and  Lewis,   Spanish  Explorers,   356, 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION         283 

trict  where  there  were  four  pueblos  all  in  sight  of  one 
another.  Three  of  these  named  San  Marcos,  San  Lucas, 
and  San  Cristobal,  have  been  identified  with  ruins  around 
Galisteo.00  In  1630,  Father  Benavides  reported  that  there 
were  five  Tano  pueblos.  These  have  been  identified  with 
the  Galisteo  group.67 

With  the  above  information,  it  now  remains  to  identify 
the  Galisteo  pueblos  discovered  by  Chamuscado.  Since 
Piedrahita  was  on  the  border  of  the  buffalo  country,  I 
therefore  conclude  this  pueblo  to  be  San  Cristobal  which 
was  the  easternmost  pueblo  of  the  Galisteo  basin.  Piedra- 
hita also  was  "built  of  stone/'  whereas  a  distinguishing 
feature  of  the  San  Cristobal  ruins  is  the  rock  enclosure,88 
San  Marcos,  four  miles  northeast  of  Cerrillos,69  was  the 
first  pueblo  mentioned  by  Castano  when  he  entered  this 
region,  and  can  therefore  be  identified  with  Malpartida, 
which  seems  likewise  to  have  been  the  first  pueblo  of  the 
group  discovered  by  the  Chamuscado  expedition.  The  next 
pueblo  mentioned  by  Gallegos  was  Malagon,  a  small  pue- 
blo, near  Malpartida.  San  Lazaro,  twelve  miles  southwest 
of  Lamy,  is  a  small  pueblo  ruin.70  and  since  it  is  near  San 
Marcos,  it  is  probable  that  San  Lazaro  and  Malagon  were 
the  same.  Galisteo  remains  to  be  identified,  and  since  of 
the  known  historic  sites,  only  one,  Galisteo,  remains  un- 
assigned,  obviously  then  Chamuscado's  Galisteo  should  be 
located  at  this  place.  The  fact  that  the  names  are  the  same 
gives  weight  to  this  conclusion. 

On  September  28,  the  explorers  departed  from  the 
pueblo  of  Piedrahita  for  the  buffalo  country.  They  were 


66.  Hull,    Castano    de    Sosa,    327 ;     Bandelier,    Final    Report,    II,    101 ;     Twitchell, 
Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History,  I,  296. 

67.  "In   addition   to   the   three   historical    pueblos    of   Galisteo,    San    Crist6bal,    and 

San  Lorenzo,  the  other  two  pueblos  were  San   Marcos  and  Cienega To  sum 

up  the  situation :    ( 1 )    San  Marcos,  and  perhaps  the  village  of  Cienega,  as  well,  were 
pueblos   founded  after   Coronado's   visit,   but   some   time   before   Castano's   arrival; (2) 
the   two    Galisteo    pueblos,    San    Lucas    (Galisteo),    and    San    Cristobal,    had    been    re- 
habilitated  since    1541"    (Nelson,    Galisteo   Ruins,    26). 

68.  Gallegos,   Relacion    (A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22)  ;   Bandelier,   Final  Report,   II,    104. 

69.  Harrington,      The  Ethnology  of  the   Tcwa  Indians,   552. 

70.  Nelson,    Galisteo   Ruins,   98. 


284          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

told  that  the  herds  were  but  two  days  away.  In  fact,  the 
Indians  said  that  at  certain  times  of  the  year,  the  buffalo 
came  within  eight  leagues  of  the  pueblos.71  This  led  them 
to  expect  a  short  easy  journey.  They  skirted  the  northern 
edge  of  the  table-land  between  Galisteo  and  the  Pecos 
River,  but,  since  they  were  looking  for  a  pass  through  the 
mountains,  they  remained  in  the  plains  country  and  did 
not  cross  the  hills  separating  them  from  the  Pecos  Valley. 
Finally,  on  October  3,  the  fifth  day  out,  they  discovered 
the  Pecos  River  near  the  present  Anton  Chico.  They  named 
the  river  "El  Rio  de  Santo  Domingo/'  and  it  was  described 
as  being  large  and  beautiful. 

Four  leagues  down  the  Pecos  they  found  a  large 
rancheria  of  Indians,  the  first  seen  by  them  since  leaving 
Piedrahita.  These  Indians,  to  the  number  of  four  hun- 
dred warriors,  threatened  the  Spaniards,  but  Father  Rod- 
riguez was  able  to  assure  them  of  his  peaceful  mission. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  rancheria  were  Querechos,  a  naked 
nomadic  people,  whose  food  consisted  mostly  of  raw  buf- 
falo meat.  The  explorers  were  interested  in  the  Indians' 
clogs  that  were  equipped  with  pack-saddles  on  which  they 
carried  loads  of  fifty  to  seventy-five  pounds  for  three  or 
four  leagues  a  day.  The  buffalo,  they  told  the  Spaniards, 
were  two  days  away,  and  were  "as  numerous  as  grass  in 
the  fields  or  sand  in  the  rivers."72 

Leaving  the  Pecos  at  their  backs,  they  traveled  in  an 
easterly  direction  until,  on  October  10,  1581,  they  discov- 
ered great  herds  of  buffalo.  They  had  covered,  since  leav- 
ing Piedrahita,,  about  forty  leagues,  but  since  they  had 
been  marching  in  a  circuitous  way,  it  was  hardly  more 
than  twenty  leagues  to  the  pueblos.73 

The  explorers  killed  a  number  of  the  buffalo,  and  so 
great  was  their  skill  with  their  firearms  that  their  Querecho 


71.  Obregon,    Cronica,   and   Gallegos,    Relacion,   in   A.    G.    I.,    1-1-3/22. 

72.  Ibid. 

73.  Bustamante,    Declaration,    148 ;    Gallegos,    Relacion,    and    Obregon,    Cronica,    in 
A.    G.    I.,    1-1-3/22.      The    "Valle   de    San    Francisco,"    where    Chamuscado    found    the 
buffalo,  was  formed  by  one  of  the  upper  sources  of  the  Canadian   River. 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        285 

guide  was  filled  with  amazement.  Laden  with  buffalo- 
meat,  they  returned  to  the  Querecho  rancheria.  Then,  by 
their  old  trail,  they  returned  to  the  pueblo  of  Galisteo. 

Since  their  supplies  were  near  exhaustion  they  asked 
aid  of  the  inhabitants  of  Piedrahita.  They  were  inclined 
to  refuse,  but  when  the  soldiers  discharged  their  guns  in 
the  air,  the  Indians  complied  with  alacrity.  However,  since 
they  knew  that  the  Spaniards  were  not  supernatural  be- 
ings, for  they  had  heard  about  the  death  of  Father  Santa 
Maria,  they  secretly  plotted  against  them.  They  began 
to  put  their  evil  designs  into  effect  by  killing  some  of  the 
horses.  This  act  so  angered  the  soldiers  that  they  deter- 
mined to  punish  the  culprits  so  that  others  would  be  de- 
terred from  any  additional  acts  of  violence.  Although  the 
Indians  were  said  to  number  over  a  thousand,  the  soldiers 
attacked  the  pueblo  of  Malagon  and  captured  three  Indians. 
Chamuscado  then  pretended  to  condemn  them  to  public 
decapitation.  At  the  psychological  moment  the  padres  in- 
terfered and  rescued  the  captives.  This  act  won  the  friend- 
ship and  confidence  of  all  the  natives.74 

From  Galisteo  the  explorers  returned  to  the  Rio 
Grande  and  then  went  to  the  Jemez  Valley.  Five  leagues 
up  the  valley,  called  "Valle  de  Santiago,"  they  discovered 
two  pueblos:  Puertofrio,  which  had  three  hundred  houses, 
and  Banos,  with  one  hundred  houses.  These  pueblos  were 
probably  located  near  the  present  Santa  Ana  and  Cia,75  since 
these  two  were  the  only  important  pueblos  in  the  lower 
Jemez  Valley.78  It  is  impossible,  however,  to  distinguish 
between  these  two  pueblos,  although  I  am  inclined  to  be- 
lieve that  Banos  and  Cia  were  the  same. 

While  at  Puaray  the  Spaniards  heard  that  about 
thirty-five  leagues  to  the  west  were  many  settlements  and 
mines.  To  verify  these  reports  they  left  the  Rio  Grande 


74.  Obregon,   Cronica    (A.   G.   I.,    1-1-3/22). 

75.  Santa   Ana   is   situated   about   five   miles    up     the   Jemez   River     on   the   north 
bank.      Cia   is   eight  miles   northwest   of   Santa   Ana   and   also   on   the   north   bank   of 
the   Jemez. 

76.  Bandelier,  Final  Report,  II,   196. 


286          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

pueblos  and  marched  for  two  days  in  a  westerly  direction 
until  they  came  to  the  pueblo  of  Acoma.  It  was  described 
by  Gallegos  as  having  five  hundred  houses  and  occupying 
the  best  fortified  position  in  Christendom.  Bandelier's 
emphatic  statement  that  "Chamuscado  certainly  went  to 
Zuni  but  did  not  visit  Acoma"77  is  thus  disproven.  From 
Acoma  they  went  to  Zuni,  and  since  it  is  known  that  they 
passed  El  Morro,  or  Inscription  Rock,  where  Chamuscado 
and  seven  soldiers  inscribed  their  names,78  we  can  be  fairly 
certain  that  their  trail  from  Acoma  to  Zuni  passed  by  the 
famous  Inscription  Rock,  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Zuni 
River  at  Pescado.  We  have  documentary  evidence  that 
such  a  trail  existed  as  early  as  1540. 

In  Zuni,  located  about  seventy-five  miles  west  of 
Acoma,  Chamuscado  discovered  six  pueblos.  According  to 
Gallegos  they  were  named:  Aquima,  Maca,  Aconagua, 
Allico,  and  Acana.  They  had  seventy-five,  one  hundred, 
forty-five,  sixty,  one  hundred  eighteen,  and  forty  houses, 
respectively.  This  is  our  first  list  of  the  villages  of  Cibola 
with  their  original  names,  notwithstanding  Bandelier's 
assertion  that  Onate  gave  us  the  first  list.  Since  Luxan 
also  gives  the  native  names  for  the  pueblos,  Onate  was  not 
the  first  but  the  third.79  Maca  was  the  most  northeasterly 
of  the  Zuni  pueblos.  It  was  located  at  the  foot  of  the  north- 
east corner  of  Thunder  Mountain  in  the  Zuni  Valley.  Allico 
was  the  most  southwesterly  pueblo  of  the  group,  for  it  was 
from  this  pueblo  (Agrisco)  that  the  Espejo  party  left  to 
go  to  Moqui.  This  pueblo  was  also  the  first  one  (Aguicobi) 
discovered  by  Coronado  who  approached  from  the  west, 
and  it  was  mentioned  as  the  largest.  It  was  the  largest 
Zuni  pueblo  seen  by  Chamuscado,  having  118  houses.  It  was 


77.  Ibid.,  331. 

78.  "In   1888  Mr.   Gushing  discovered  the  names  on  the  rock"    (Ibid..   33). 

79.  Bandelier,    Documentary    History    of    the    Zuni    Tribes,    III,    84-85  ;    "In    1598 
Onate    named    the    pueblos,    Aguicobi,    Canabi,    Coaqueria,    Halonagu,    Macaqui,    and 
Aquinsa"    (Hodge,   Handbook   of   American   Indians,    II,    1017)  ;    "There   are   six   pue- 
blos   named    Maleque,    Cuaquema,    Agrisco,    Olona,    Cuaguima,    and    Cana"     (Luxan, 
Entrada,   A.    G.   I.,    1-1-3/22).    See   Fewkes,    A   Journal   of   American   Ethnology   and 
Archaeology,   I,   95,   for  map   of  the   Zuni   Valley. 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        287 

on  the  south  side  of  the  Zuni  River,  about  fifteen  miles 
southeast  of  Maca.  The  other  pueblos  were  located  be- 
tween Maca  and  Allico.  Aconagua  (the  Halonagu  of  Onate) 
was  but  a  short  distance  south  of  the  present  site  of  the 
pueblo  of  Zuni.  Aquima  (Pinana)  was  also  a  short  dist- 
ance west-southwest  of  Aconagua.  Coaguima  (Kia-Kima) 
was  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  southwest  corner  of  Thunder 
Mountain.  Here  tradition  says  the  negro  Estevan  was 
killed  in  1539.  One  more  pueblo,  Acana  (Canabi)  remains 
to  be  accounted  for.  It  was  probably  located  two  miles 
east  of  Allico  on  the  Ojo  Caliente.80 

While  at  Zuni  the  explorers  were  told  that  at  a  two 
days' journey  to  the  west  was  the  Moqui  settlement  with 
five  large  pueblos.  They  were  not  able  to  visit  Moqui  be- 
cause of  a  heavy  snowfall.  The  return  to  the  Tigua  pueblo 
of  Puaray  on  the  Rio  Grande  was  made  over  the  same  trail 
which  they  had  taken  in  going  to  Acoma  and  Zuni. 

After  the  return  from  Zuni,  another  side  trip  was 
made  east  of  the  Rio  Grande.  On  this  occasion  they  ex- 
plored the  saline  country  east  of  the  Manzano  Mountains. 
Which  route  they  took  in  going  from  Puaray  to  the  salines 
is  not  known,  but  it  is  presumed  that  they  passed  through 
the  mountains  by  way  of  the  San  Pedro  Valley.  Near  the 
salines,  about  fourteen  leagues  east  of  the  mountains,  they 
found  several  pueblos.  Gallegos  names  five  of  these: 
Zacatula  (125  houses),  Ruiseco,  (200  houses),  La  Mesa 
(90  houses),  La  Joyal  (95  houses),  and  Francavilla,  (65 
houses).  The  salt  lakes  proper  and  the  plains  to  the  north 
of  them  as  far  as  Galisteo,  are  today  without  vestiges  of 
human  occupation.  But  to  the  northwest  near  Chilili,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  creek  by  the  same  name,  there  is  a  pue- 
blo ruin  which  seems  to  be  the  most  northerly  of  this  group 
of  pueblos.  Between  Chilili  and  Tajique,  which  is  fifteen 
miles  to  the  south,  there  are  no  ruins.  Likewise,  between 


80.     Bandelier,   Final  Report,   II,   336-338 ; Documentary  History  of 

the   Zuili   Tribes,    III,    35-37 ;    Luxan,    Entrada,   and    Gallegos,    Rclacion,    in    A.    G.    I., 
1-1-3/22. 


288          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Tajique  and  Manzanos,  the  country  is  barren  of  pueblo  re- 
mains. Both  at  and  around  Manzano,  however,  there  are 
many  pueblo  ruins  one  of  the  most  important  being  Cuar-ay 
(quarai)  six  miles  east  of  Manzano  and  on  the  southwest- 
ern edge  of  the  salt  lakes.  I  conclude,  therefore,  that  the 
five  pueblos  named  by  Gallegos  must  have  been  the  Tigua 
pueblos  located  between  Chilili  and  Manzano.81  The  ex- 
plorers heard  about  three  other  larger  pueblos  farther 
from  the  salines.  These  pueblos  must  have  been  Abo, 
Tenabo,  and  Tabira.  They  were  not  able  to  visit  them  be- 
cause of  the  snow,  and  for  that  reason  returned  by  the  same 
route  to  Puaray.82 

It  was  now  over  six  months  since  the  explorers  had 
left  Santa  Barbara.  Notwithstanding  their  paucity  of 
numbers,  they  had  been  eminently  successful  in  exploring 
not  only  the  entire  pueblo  region  on  the  upper  Rio  Grande, 
but  also  as  far  west  as  Zuni  and  as  far  east  as  the  Canadian 
River.  A  thorough  reconnaisance  having  been  made,  it 
was  felt  that  an  immediate  return  should  be  made  to  render 
a  report  to  the  viceroy.  The  two  friars,  Rodriguez  and 
Lopez,  stated  their  intention  of  remaining  among  the  In- 
dians. Realizing  the  great  dangers  the  padres  courted,  the 
soldiers  argued  that  it  was  not  only  dangerous  for  the  reli- 
gious themselves  to  remain,  but,  in  the  event  of  their  death, 
it  would  be  doubly  difficult  for  other  missionaries  to  enter 
that  land.  Their  arguments  were  without  avail  for  the 
friars  persisted  in  their  intention  to  remain.  Another  af- 
fidavit similar  to  the  one  prepared  by  Gallegos  after  the 
departure  of  Father  Santa  Maria  was  drawn  up  by  the 
scribe,  setting  forth  their  unsuccessful  efforts  to  induce 
the  friars  to  return  to  Mexico  with  them.83 

Since  he  was  not  able  to  shake  the  friars  from  their 


81.  Escalante    and    Ban-ado,    Brief    and    True    Account,    157;    Gallegos,    Relacidn, 
(A.  G.  I.,   1-1-3/22)  ;  Bandelier,  Final  Report,  II,  253-260. 

82.  Ibid.,   268;   Gallegos,   Relation    (A.   G.  I.,    1-1-3/22). 

83.  (Affidavit),    Province   of   San    Felipe,    February    13,    1582    (A.    G.    I.,    58-3-9). 
For   a   translation   of  this   document,    see   J.    L.    Mecham,    Supplementary    Documents 
Relating  to  the  Chamuscado- Rodriguez  Expedition,  224-231. 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION        289 

purpose,  Chamuscado  did  all  in  his  power  to  make  their 
stay  as  safe  and  comfortable  as  possible.  The  Indians  were 
told  that  the  soldiers  were  leaving  to  bring  back  more 
Christians,  and  the  Indians  were  asked  to  care  for  the 
padres  during  their  absence.  The  soldiers  also  left  the 
friars  most  of  their  own  supplies,  and  a  few  of  the  Indian 
servants  who  had  accompanied  them  from  Mexico.  After 
promising  to  exercise  all  possible  haste  in  returning  to  Mex- 
ico and  in  sending  back  help,  they  left  Puaray  on  January 
31,  1582. 

The  fate  of  the  two  Franciscans  remained  unknown  to 
the  soldiers  until  after  their  return  to  Mexico.  About  three 
months  after  their  arrival  in  Santa  Barbara  there  appeared 
at  that  place  two  of  the  Indian  servants,  Francisco  and 
Geronimo,  who  had  remained  in  New  Mexico  with  the 
padres.  Their  story  is  the  only  authentic  information  we 
have  regarding  the  martyrdom  of  Fathers  Rodriguez  and 
I  Lopez.  They  said  that  shortly  after  the  departure  of  the 
soldiers,  the  Indians  of  Puaray  killed  Father  Lopez.  Fran- 
cisco and  Geronimo,  being  frightened,  ran  away,  and  while 
I  they  were  running  they  heard  outcries  in  the  pueblo  and 
from  this  they  judged  that  the  Indians  had  attacked  Father 
Agustin.84 

From  Puaray  Chamuscado  and  his  eight  soldier-com- 
panions returned  to  Santa  Barbara  by  the  same  route  over 
which  they  had  entered  the  pueblo  region.    On  the  return 
trip  they  stopped  now  and  then  to  prospect  for  minerals 
in  the  mountains  near  the  Rio  Grande.     Throughout  the 
I  expedition  they  had  always  been  on  the  lookout  for  "pros- 
i  pects,"  thereby  betraying  their  personal,  material   interest 
I  in  the  expedition.     Some  of  the  more  noteworthy  "finds" 


84.  Barrado,  Declaration,  151-3 ;  Report  of  the  Viceroy,  159.  Obregon  laconically 
states  that  the  Indians  killed  the  padres  because  they  coveted  the  supplies  the  soldiers 
had  left  them.  Zarate-Salmeron  (Relacion  de  Nuevo  Mexico.  XI,  341),  gives  de- 
tails concerning  the  deaths  of  the  padres  ;  he  says,  "Father  Lopez  was  killed  a  little 
distance  from  the  pueblo  (Puaray)  with  two  blows  of  a  war-club.  Father  Rodriguez 
was  taken  to  Santiago  one  and  one-half  leagues  up  the  river,  but  was  killed  also, 
and  his  body  cast  in  the  river."  Since  Zarate-Salmeron's  account  is  replete  with 
error,  we  ftmst  regard  this  story  as  hearsay. 


290          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

were:  (1)  One  in  the  San  Mateo  Mountains  south  of  San 
Felipe;  (2)  one  near  the  pueblo  of  Malpartida  in  the  Cerri- 
llos  district;  (3)  the  mine  of  Santa  Catalina,  five  leagues 
southwest  of  Malpartida  in  the  Manzano  Mountains.  Esca- 
lante  and  Barrado  testified  that  they  discovered  good  min- 
eral prospects.  Specimens  were  taken  to  Mexico  City  where 
they  were  assayed,  and  some  were  found  to  be  worth  thirty- 
six  marks  per  quintal.86 

Captain  Chamuscado,  because  of  the  hardships  of  the 
journey  and  his  advanced  years,  for  he  was  near  seventy 
years  of  age,  became  very  ill  when  the  explorers  were  below 
El  Paso.  He  was  bled  with  difficulty  because  all  of  the 
surgical  instruments  had  been  left  with  the  missionaries.; 
Thereafter  the  soldiers  had  to  proceed  slowly  to  give  their 
captain  an  opportunity  to  regain  his  strength.  But  he  de- 
clined slowly,  and  since  he  was  too  weak  to  ride  a  horse,  j 
a  litter  was  made  to  be  carried  between  two  horses.  Since 
even  their  axes  had  been  left  with  the  padres,  they  were 
compelled  to  use  their  swords  to  cut  poles,  and  to  obtain 
leather  they  were  forced  to  kill  a  horse.  Their  desire  to 
reach  Santa  Barbara  where  the  last  sacrament  could  be 
administered  to  the  sick  captain  was  not  fulfilled,  for, 
when  they  were  about  forty  leagues  away,  Chamuscado 
died.  They  buried  him  as  best  they  were  able,  and  marked 
the  spot  in  order  that  if  ever  opportunity  afforded,  his 
body  might  be  removed  to  Santa  Barbara.  The  Espejo 
party  discovered  the  cross  marking  the  grave  two  leagues 
below  the  junction  of  the  San  Pedro  and  Conchos  Rivers.86! 
The  eight  soldiers,  with  Hernan  Gallegos  in  command,  ar- 
rived in  Santa  Barbara  on  April  15,  1582,  after  an  absence 
of  nearly  eleven  months. 

The  explorers  were  joyfully  received  by  the  vecinos  ol 
Santa  Barbara,  for,  because  of  their  long  absence,  theja 
were  thought  to  be  lost.  Although  New  Mexico  had  been 
explored  by  virtue  of  a  viceregal  commission,  and  there-S 


85.  Escalante  and   Barrado,  Brief  and  True  Account,   157 ;   Gallegos  to  the   Kinw 
March   14,    (A.  G.  I.,   66-5-16). 

86.  Luxan,   Entrada    (A.   G.  I.,   1-1-3/22). 


THE  SECOND  SPANISH  EXPEDITION         291 

fore  was  regarded  as  being  under  the  direct  jurisdiction 
of  the  viceroy,  the  alcalde  of  Santa  Barbara  pretended  to 
claim  the  new  lands  for  Diego  de  Ibarra,  the  governor  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya.  He  ordered  Hernan  Gallegos  to  surrender 
all  of  his  papers,  and,  seeing  that  resistance  was  useless, 
Gallegos  agreed  to  do  so  the  following  day.  Early  in  the 
morning,  however,  he  left  Santa  Barbara  secretly,  with  his 
papers  and  two  companions.  The  other  soldiers  remained 
in  Santa  Barbara,  "to  prevent  any  person  from  entering 
the  newly-discovered  region  untirthe  viceroy  had  acted  on 
the  matter."87  They  arrived  in  Mexico  City  on  May  8,  1582. 
There  they  saw  the  viceroy  and  gave  complete  reports  of 
the  expedition.  They  also  exhibited  such  specimens  of 
the  new  lands  as  cotton-cloth,  buffalo-hides,  minerals, 
wicker  baskets,  and  earthenware.  Hernan  Gallegos  return- 
ed to  Spain  soon  after,  and,  in  Madrid,  on  March  30,  1583, 
he  petitioned  the  crown  for  a  capitulation  "similar  to  that 
granted  Francisco  de  Ibarra"  to  undertake  the  conquest 
of  New  Mexico.  Of  course  his  petition  was  not  granted, 
but  nevertheless  we  must  add  the  name  of  Hernan  Gallegos 
to  the  list  of  applicants  for  the  grant  to  conquer  New  Mex- 
ico.88 

"Only  nine  men  dared  to  enter  that  land  and  accom- 
plished what  five  hundred  men  were  unable  to  do,"  wrote 
Gallegos.  Although  it  is  certain  that  the  immediate  achieve- 
ments of  Chamuscado  did  not  equal  those  of  Coronado, 
nevertheless  it  is  true  that  the  smaller  expedition  was  at- 
tended by  far  greater  consequences.  Coronado's  enter- 
prise resulted  in  vague,  hazy  rumors  of  an  almost  forgotten 
land;  Chamuscado's  entrada  was  the  immediate  occasion 
of  Espejo's  expedition,  which  in  turn  culminated  in  Onate's 
colonization  of  New  Mexico.  In  the  Chamuscado  expedi- 
tion of  1581-1582,  we  witness  the  first  steps  in  the  found- 
ing of  Spanish  New  Mexico. 


87.  Gallegos,  Relation    (A.  G.  I.,  1-1-3/22) 

88.  Hernan  Gallegos  to  the  King,  Madrid,  March  30,  1583    (A.  G.  I..  66-5-16).  For 
a  list  of  the  applicants,   see  G.   P.   Hammond,   "Don   Juan  de  Onate  and  the   Found- 
ing  of   New   Mexico"    in   New   Mexico   Historical  Review,   I,    51-53. 


292          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO 

(continued) 
Chapter  V. 

The  Final  Inspection 

The  Religious  Motive  of  the  Expedition.  On  the  com- 
pletion of  the  inspection  conducted  by  Ulloa  and  Esquivel 
early  in  1597,  satisfactory  though  it  was,  the  soldiers  in  the 
army  could  do  nothing  save  wait  for  good  news  from  the 
king.  And  though  a  favorable  decision  was  soon  made  the 
summer  of  1597  waned  before  the  report  could  be  carried 
to  the  frontier  of  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

In  the  meantime  it  is  necessary  to  follow  another  and 
very  important  phase  of  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico,  the 
story  of  the  missionaries.  The  religious  object  of  conquer- 
ing expeditions  was  always  a  leading  motive  in  their  or- 
ganization.288 The  Spanish  monarchs  were  not  only  inter- 
ested in  reaping  a  great  harvest  of  gold  and  silver ;  they  also 
wanted  to  save  souls.  Thus  friars  invariably  accompanied 
the  military  tours  to  preach  the  gospel  and  to  baptize  the 
willing  natives.  Onate's  expedition  was  no  exception.  Prac- 
tically every  appeal  which  he  or  his  friends  made  to  the 
king  pretended  that  the  proposed  conquest  was  undertaken 
solely  for  the  conversion  of  the  natives.270  When  Onate  re- 
ceived the  news  of  the  order  of  suspension  he  bemoaned 
the  success  of  the  devil  to  prevent  and  delay  that  which  was 
to  have  been  done  by  this  expedition  for  a  multitude  of 
souls  —  who  are  under  his  dominion  but  who  are  longing 


269.  See  Merriman,  R.   B.  Rise  of  the  Spanish  Empire  in  the  Old   World  and  the 
New,  III,  621-2,  631  and  652,  regarding  missionary  activity  and  the  search  for  riches. 

270.  Onate  to  the  king,   December   16,    1596   A.   G.   I.,     58--3-15  ;     Oiiate's   petition 
and   contract,   September   21,    1595,   in   Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   227 ;   order  of  the  king, 
March   4.    1596,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-12. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  293 

for  the  bread  of  the  divine  gospel  —  by  bringing  them  to 
the  knowledge  of  our  sacred  faith."1 

The  reason  for  placing  so  much  emphasis  on  this  point 
was  that  expeditions  for  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  new 
regions  could  only  be  carried  out  under  the  guise  of  religi- 
ous conquests.  The  New  Laws  of  1542-1543,  better  known 
for  the  attempt  to  check  the  encomienda  system,  prohibited 
the  former  marauding  campaigns  which  had  wiped  out 
thousands  of  Indians,  thereby  arousing  eternal  hostility  in 
the  hearts  of  the  survivors  against  the  Spaniards.  These 
laws  attempted  to  regulate  some  of  the  worst  features  of 
the  Spanish  colonial  system,  and  though  they  were  not 
immediately  successful  it  was  a  step  forward.  The  crown 
definitely  laid  down  the  policy  that  our  chief  intention  and 
will  has  always  been  and  is  the  preservation  and  increase 
of  the  Indians,  and  that  they  be  instructed  and  taught  in 
the  matters  of  our  holy  Catholic  faith,  and  be  well  treated 
as  free  persons  and  our  vassals,  as  they  are.272 

The  Council  of  the  Indies  was  charged  with  the  duty 
of  continually  guarding  the  welfare  of  the  natives.  One  or 
two  missionaries  must  accompany  every  expedition  to  care 
for  their  spiritual  welfare.  No  excesses  would  be  tolerated 
either  by  governors  or  by  private  persons.  Moreover  dis- 
coverers could  not  bring  away  Indians  from  their  province 
except  three  or  four  interpreters.  The  penalty  for  violation 
of  the  law  was  death.273 

Additional  regulations  of  a  like  nature  were  provided 
in  1573,  but  with  particular  reference  to  new  discoveries. 
The  religious  purpose  of  new  pacifications,  for  the  word 
"conquests"  should  not  be  used,  was  again  stressed  and  the 
missionaries  were  to  be  given  preference  in  pacifying  new 
lands,  if  there  were  any  priests  who  desired  to  go.874 

The  First  Band  of  Franciscans.     The  redemption  of 

271.  Onate   to   Monterey,    September    13,    1596,    in    Hackett,    Hist.    Docs..    358;    cf. 
Santiago  del   Riego   to  the  king,   November   10,    1596,   in   ibid.,   373. 

272.  Stevens,   Henry  and   Lucas,   Fred  W.,   The  New  Laws  of  the  Indies,   VII. 
278.     Ibid.,    XVIII. 

274.     "Ordenances  de  su  Magestad,  .   .  .   1573,"  in  Col.  Doe.  Intd.,   XVI,    151-152, 

20 


294          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

souls  was  thus  a  prominent  end  to  be  achieved  by  the  con- 
quest undertaken  by  Onate.  Consequently  as  soon  as  the 
early  controversy  over  the  limitation  of  the  contract  had 
been  settled  he  asked  Father  Pila,  Franciscan  commissary- 
general  of  New  Spain,  for  missionaries.  The  latter  respon- 
ded by  naming  Fray  Rodrigo  Duran  apostolic-commissary 
of  the  band,  which  was  to  consist  of  five  friars  and  one  lay 
brother,  according  to  Onate's  contract.  In  the  group  were 
Fray  Baltasar,  Fray  Cristobal  de  Salazar,  Onate's  cousin, 
characterized  as  "eminent  in  letters,"  Fray  Diego  Marquez, 
the  representative  of  the  Inquisition,  called  "the  good"  by 
Villagra,275  and  Fray  Francisco  de  San  Miguel.278  They  were 
on  the  point  of  leaving  Mexico  for  Zacatecas  on  May  11, 
1596,277  while  preparations  for  an  early  departure  for  New 
Mexico  were  rapidly  being  concluded  by  the  army. 

Dispute  over  Jurisdiction.  The  appointment  of  these 
Franciscans  was  the  occasion  for  a  dispute  between  the 
church  and  the  regular  clergy  in  regard  to  jurisdiction  over 
New  Mexico.278  The  bishop  of  Guadalajara  in  this  case  in- 
sisted that  the  province  was  within  the  confines  of  his 
bishopric  and  that  he  could  exclude  all  friars  pretending  to 
administer  -the  sacraments.  Monterey  feared  that  some 
serious  scandal  might  result  if  both  parties,  independent 
of  one  another,  were  allowed  to  send  laborers  into  the  new 
field.  The  old  rivalry  of  the  secular  forces  would  break 
out  and  the  salvation  of  souls  be  forgotten.  For  that  rea- 
son he  submitted  the  question  to  theologians  and  to  the 
audiencia  for  their  opinion.279  There  is  nothing  to  indicate 
that  the  bishop's  demands  were  granted.  It  is  likely  that 
he  became  less  enthusiastic  when  the  region  failed  to  bring 
forth  the  wealth  in  minerals  which  had  been  expected.  For 


275.  Villagra,  Hiftoria,  I.   34;  cf.  Torquemada,  Monarchia  Indiana,   I,   671. 

276.  Monterey  a  S.   M.,   May   1,    1598,   A.   G.   I.,   58-   3-   13. 

277.  Carta  del  Conde  de  Monterey  d  S.   M.,   May   11,    1596,   A.   G.   I.,    58-8-15.  ' 

278.  The   jealousy   of   the   church    and   the   orders    was    very   bitter   in   the   Indies. 
Tithes,  tribute  and  the  right  of  administering  the  sacraments  being  the  chief  causes 
of  conflict.     See   Bancroft,   Mexico,   II,   663-674. 

279.  Carta  del  Conde  de  Monterey  d  S.  M.f  May  11,   1596. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  295 

many  years  New  Mexico  was  to  remain  a  missionary  field 
of  the  Franciscan  Order.280 

Recall  of  Fray  Mdrquez.  In  regard  to  the  good  Fray 
Marquez  some  further  trouble  arose.  Monterey  was  very 
much  displeased  that  he  had  been  named  the  agent  of  the 
Inquisition,  which  had  been  done  without  his  knowledge. 
In  the  first  place  Marquez  had  been  born  in  New  Spain  and 
was  an  intimate  friend  of  Onate,  and  in  the  second  place 
Monterey  questioned  the  right  of-  the  Inquisition  to  extend 
its  authority  over  the  province/51  He  therefore  warned 
the  Holy  Office  that  its  claim  could  probably  not  be  main- 
tained, at  least  not  without  a  special  order.  The  two  ob- 
jections were  effectively  argued  with  the  result  that  the 
Inquisition  agreed  to  permit  his  recall  and  to  refrain  from 
naming  another  in  his  place.  There  were  of  course,  but 
comparatively  few  Spaniards  in  Onate's  army,  and  as  the 
activity  of  the  tribunal  could  not  be  extended  to  the  Indians 
it  was  evident  that  there  would  be  little  need  for  Marquez's 
presence.282  Monterey  explained  the  situation  to  the  com- 
missary-general, who  required  Marquez  to  return  to  Mex- 
ico. He  took  leave  of  the  army  in  1598.  Onate  was  loath 
to  see  him  go,  and  in  view  of  the  close  relations  between 
them  his  feelings  can  readily  be  appreciated.2*3 

Father  Durdn  Withdraws.  It  was  while  these  events 
were  in  the  initial  stage  that  Onate  received  the  royal  ce- 
dula  suspending  his  enterprise,  in  which  state  it  was  to  re- 
main a  whole  year  without  any  sign  of  relief.  Fray  Duran 
became  thoroughly  discouraged  and  determined  to  return 
to  Mexico.  The  disappointed  governor  begged  him  to  re- 
main but  his  requests  were  of  no  avail.  The  friar  departed 
with  some  of  his  companions,  leaving  Father  San  Miguel 


280.  Bolton,  Spanish  Borderlands,  177-178  ;  see  the  famous  Memorial  of  Fray  Alonso 
de   Benavides,    1630,    translated    by    Mrs.    Edward    E.    Ayer   and   annotated    by    F.    W. 
Hodge   and   C.    F.   Lummis. 

281.  Carta  del  Conde  de  Monterey  a  S.   M.,   May    11,    1596.      The   Inquisition   had 
been  established   in   New  Spain  in   1571.     Priestley,     The  Mexican  Nation,   112  ;   Ban- 
croft, Mexico,  II,   675   ff. 

282.  Monterey  a  S.  M.,  May   1,    1598;   cf.   Villaera,   Historia,   I,   44. 

283.  For  the  departure  of  Marquez  see  below. 


296          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

in  his  place.284  Not  all  of  the  missionaries  left,  however. 
Father  Salazar,  Onate's  cousin,  did  not  leave,  nor  did 
Marquez,  not  till  he  was  compelled  to  somewhat  later. 

The  Friars  Seek  Additional  Favors.  There  has  come 
down  to  us  an  interesting  memorial  dealing  with  the  pro- 
posed conversion  of  New  Mexico.  It  was  probably  com- 
posed by  the  Franciscan  friars  while  they  were  preparing 
to  go  to  New  Mexico.  The  petition  was  sent  to  the  com- 
missary-general of  the  order  who  approved  practically  all 
of  its  provisions,  whereupon  it  was  directed  to  the  viceroy 
in  the  hope  of  securing  official  sanction.  As  the  king  was 
to  pay  the  expense  of  the  missionaries  royal  consent  was 
necessary  before  any  increase  of  missionary  force,  as  asked 
in  the  petition,  could  be  made.285 

The  memorial  sought  to  delimit  the  activities  of  the 
religious  and  temporal  authorities.  It  is  obvious  that  in 
such  a  frontier  community  there  would  be  many  oppor- 
tunities for  conflict  between  the  soldiers,  bent  on  wealth 
and  glory,  and  the  friars,  ambitious  to  augment  the  king- 
dom of  God,  and  the  purpose  of  the  memorial  was  the  elim- 
ination of  the  former. 

The  petitioners  requested  the  viceroy  to  increase  the 
number  of  missionaries  going  to  New  Mexico  from  six  to 
twelve;  to  prohibit  the  governor  and  royal  officials  from 
interfering  with  the  establishment  of  churches  or  schools 
wherever  the  friars  might  desire  to  locate  them ;  to  have  the 
governor  assemble  the  Indians  in  towns  that  they  might 
be  more  easily  reached  by  the  fathers ;  to  permit  trips  into 
the  interior  by  the  padres  without  military  escort.  This 
last  request  was  frowned  upon  by  the  commissary-general, 
for  some  of  the  friars  might  go  on  such  missions  merely  to 
court  martyrdom.  The  memorial  further  sought  to  reserve 
to  the  religious  freedom  of  communication  with  the  viceroy 


284.  Monterey  d  S.  M.,   May   1,   1598;   cf.   VillaEra,   Hisloria,   I,   44. 

285.  Memorial  para  el  yllustrisimo  senor  vissorrey  en  lo  perteneciente  a  la  doctrina 
y  ministros  del  Nuebo  Mexico,  undated,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15.     It  was  sent  to   Spain   by 
Martin   Lopez  de  Gauna,   the  secretario  de  gobernacion. 

286.  This  point  had  also  been  emphasized  in   Onate's  instructions. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  297 

and  their  superiors;  to  guarantee  the  natives  freedom 
from  serving  the  Spaniards  in  order  not  to  incite  their 
hostility;280  to  insure  the  governor's  leniency  in  making  a 
census  of  the  province  which  was  to  be  used  in  apportion- 
ing tribute ;  to  secure  as  interpreter,  an  Indian  woman  who 
had  been  brought  from  New  Mexico,  and  some  orphan 
boys  in  New  Spain  who  would  be  taught  the  language  of  the 
natives  of  New  Mexico ;  and  to  safeguard  the  new  land  from 
devastation  by  pardoning  LeyVa  and  Humana  of  their  mis- 
deed in  entering  the  land  without  authority.  It  was  evi- 
dently in  response  to  this  appeal  that  Father  Martinez 
early  in  1598  was  able  to  lead  nine  other  padres  to  New 
Mexico.287 

The  Army  Leaves  Casco.  It  is  now  necessary  to  re- 
turn to  the  thread  of  the  story.  We  left  Onate  and  his  fol- 
lowers encamped  at  the  Casco  mines,  where  most  of  them 
had  been  stationed  since  November  1,  1596.  By  February, 
1597,  the  inspection  had  been  satisfactorily  completed,  but 
the  army  was  not  permitted  to  march.  On  August  1  of  the 
same  year  it  was  set  in  motion,  evidently  to  bring  the  Casco 
division  to  Santa  Barbara.  This  occurred  on  August  19, 
and  here  at  the  farthest  outpost  of  civilization  camp  was 
pitched  to  await  the  final  inspection.  28S 

The  Royal  Cedula  of  April  2,  1597.  Meantime  the 
Count  of  Monterey  received  the  royal  cedula  of  April  2, 
1597  with  the  fleet."stt  The  decree  was  found  to  release 
Ofiate  from  the  ban  of  suspension  and  authorized  him  to 
continue  the  expedition,  provided  the  men  and  supplies  re- 
quired by  the  contract  were  still  held  in  readiness.290  When 
the  viceroy  forwarded  this  order  to  Onate  he  urged  him  to 
declare  frankly  that  the  expedition  was  hopelessly  ruined, 


287.  See  chapter  VI,   note   346.      The   interpreter   mentioned   was    Dona   Ynes   who 
had    been    brought    from    New    Mexico   by    Castano   in    1591.      She    never    learned    her 
native  tongue  again.     See  "Ytinerario,"   in   Col.  Doc.  In6d.,  XVI,   258. 

288.  "Ytinerario,"   in   ibid.,   XVI,   231. 

289.  Ordinarily   it   arrived   in   August  or   September.      In    1591   it   came   September 
23-29;  in   1595  on   September   18. 

290.  Royal   cedula,   April  2,    1597,   in   Hackett   Hist,   Docs.,   845. 


298          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

if  such  should  be  the  case,  in  order  that  the  conquest  should 
not  be  put  off  any  longer.  Delay,  he  argued,  would  merely 
increase  his  loss  and  cause  his  friends  and  relatives  greater 
suffering.  But  Ofiate  replied  with  great  confidence  that 
he  was  able  to  carry  out  the  expedition  at  once.  Monterey 
Was  so  impressed  with  the  "extreme  earnestness"  of  this 
letter  that  he  determined  to  send  an  officer  at  once  to  in- 
spect the  army.'81 

Salazar  Sent  to  Inspect  the  Army.  On  September  18, 
1597,  Monterey  commissioned  Juan  de  Frias  Salazar  to 
perform  the  required  inspection.292  Salazar  was  a  native 
of  the  Burgos  mountains  and  an  inhabitant  and  miner  of 
Pachuca.  According  to  Monterey  his  choice  was  generally 
considered  excellent.  Salazar  was  rich,  well  up  in  years 
and  possessed  the  character  and  intelligence  required  for 
the  task.  He  was  experienced  in  military  affairs,  having 
served  in  Flanders  for  several  years.  Moreover  he  was 
said  to  be  entirely  reliable  and  free  from  any  personal  or 
political  ties  which  might  hinder  him  in  performing  his 
duty  thoroughly  and  conscientiously. 

Nearly  a  year  had  passed  since  Ulloa's  inspection  and 
it  was  therefore  probable  that  many  of  Onate's  soldiers 
and  his  stock  of  provisions  would  have  dwindled  consider- 
ably. This  led  Monterey  to  demand  a  thorough  inspection 
in  order  that  there  might  be  no  question  as  to  his  right  to 
carry  on  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico.290  Salazar  was  given 
absolute  power  to  carry  it  out.  Onate  and  all  his  captains 
and  soldiers  were  ordered  to  render  obedience  to  him.  In 


291.  Monterey   to   the   king,    November   26,    1597,    A.    G.    I.,    58-3-12;    cf.   order   of 
Monterey,   September  18,   1597,   in   Traslado  authorizado  en  virtud  de  poder  que  para 
cllo  el  senor  virrey  Condc  de  Monterey  para  enviar  a  S.  M.,  y  d  su  Real  Consejo  de 
las  indias  acerca  de  la  visita  de  la  Jornada  del  Nuevo  Mexico   que  hizo   en  comisidn 
don  Juan  de  Frias  Salazar,    A.   G.   I.,   58-3-14.      Hereafter   cited   as   Salazar   visita. 

292.  Order    of    Monterey,    September    18,    1597,    in    ibitl.,    cf.    "Memorial    sobre    el 
deccubrimiento,"   in  Col.   Doc.  Ined.,   XVI,    197. 

293.  Monterey  to  the  king,   November   26,    1597,    A.   G.   I.,   58-3-12.     Captain   Luis 
Guerrero    was    named    Salazar's    assistant    and    Jaime    Fernandez    was    made    notary. 
Salazar   received    a   salary   of   three   hundred    pesos    per   month,    Guerrero    four   pesos 
per  day,   Fernandez   three,   the   constable   two  and   one-half  and   the   interpreter  two. 
The  cost  was  to  be  met  by  the  real  hacienda  as  expenses  of  war.     Order  of  Monterey, 
September   18.   1597,   in  Salazar  visita. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  299 

case  of  any  disturbance  the  inspector  was  to  mete  out 
justice  strictly.  Salazar  was  thus  serving  in  a  dual  capa- 
city, both  as  visiiador  and  juez  superior™ 

The  instructions  which  Salazar  carried  for  the  per- 
formance of  this  inspection  are  known  only  in  part.  We 
know  that  he  was  required  to  take  minute  account  of  all 
the  things  Onate  had  agreed  to  bring,  as  stated  in  his  con- 
tract, and  also  of  all  other  things  taken  along.  If  it  was 
shown  that  Onate  had  fully  complied  with  his  obligations 
he  was  to  proceed  with  God's  blessing.  But  if  there  were 
deficiencies  it  was  left  to  Salazar  to  determine  what  should 
be  done.  A  lack  of  as  much  as  one-eight  part  of  the  required 
amount  might  be  excused,  but  that  was  the  maximum.  If 
any  such  insufficiency  existed  security  had  to  be  given  so 
that  the  supplies  could  be  forwarded  to  New  Mexico.295 

Salazar's  Arrival  at  Santa  Barbara.  When  Salazar 
reached  Zacatecas  about  the  middle  of  October,  1597,  some 
of  Onate's  colonists  were  still  there.  These  he  ordered  to 
leave  within  three  days,  directing  them  to  go  by  way  of 
Fresnillo,  eight  leagues  distant,  where  he  would  join  them 
in  order  to  make  regulations  for  the  march.2"5  By  Novem- 
ber 16  he  had  reached  Santa  Barbara,297  where  his  arrival 
was  the  occasion  for  a  great  demonstration.  The  gover- 
nor and  his  officers  appeared  in  full  military  regalia  and 
fired  a  salute  to  honor  their  official  guest.  When  Onate 
and  Salazar  met  they  embraced,  further  military  ceremo- 
nies were  staged  and  all  marched  to  the  camp  where  a 


294.  Ibid. 

295.  Copia   de   un   capitulo   de   la   comunicacion    que   llevd   Juan   de   Friaa   Salazar 
Quando  fue  a  visitar  el  campo  de  Don  Juan  de  Onate  antes  de  entrar  en  el  Nuevo 
Mexico.   A.    G.    I.,    58-3-13    undated. 

296.  Order  of  Salazar,   undated,   in   Salazar   visita.     Since   it   required   about  three 
weeks   to   go   from   Mexico  to   Zacatecas   and   approximately   an   equal   length   of  time 
to   Santa   Barbara   the  order   was   probably   given   about  the   middle   of   October. 

297.  Salazar  to  Onate,   November  16,   1597,   in  ibid.     This  notification   is  the  first 
indication  we  have  of  his  arrival  at  Santa  Barbara. 

298.  Villagra,  Historia,  I,  46.     Villagra  vividly  depicts  these  scenes  and  the  change 
in   the   esprit   de   corps  of   the   army.      In   their   joy,    he   states,   the   soldiers   strutted 
about  like  peacocks. 


300          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

second  salute  was  given.  The  inspector's  arrival  had  a  re- 
markable effect  on  the  army.  Hope  in  the  future  was 
high.298 

The  enthusiasm  exhibited  in  this  ostentatious  manner 
soon  turned  to  bitterness.  Immediately  after  his  arrival, 
for  instance,  Salazar  advised  Onate  that  faithful  obedience 
to  all  instructions  would  be  necessary  if  the  outcome  of  the 
inspection  was  expected  to  be  successful.  Then  he  ordered 
that  the  entire  camp  be  put  in  immediate  marching  order ."" 
This  was  on  November  16.  At  the  same  time  he  required 
Onate  to  furnish  a  list  of  all  the  officers  and  men  in  the 
army  and  ordered  every  member  of  the  expedition  to  ap- 
pear personally  before  him.300  Onate  received  this  order 
with  disappointment.  The  ruin  of  the  enterprise  seemed 
imminent,  according  to  Villagra,  for  many  days  would  be 
needed  to  prepare  and  load  the  carts  and  wagons.801  Never- 
theless immediate  compliance  with  the  order  was  promised, 
though  it  was  accompanied  by  a  mild  remonstrance,  since 
the  army  was  comfortably  established  and  prepared  to  un- 
dergo the  visitation  in  that  locality.308 

Salazar  soon  made  provision  for  protecting  the  in- 
habitants in  the  neighborhood  of  the  camp.  Captain  Juan 
de  Gordejuela,  the  alcalde  of  the  province,  was  authorized 
to  protect  them  and  to  redress  all  wrongs  whether  inflicted 
on  Spaniards  or  Indians  by  soldiers  or  colonists  from  the 
army.  Members  of  the  expedition  were  prohibited  from 
taking  anything  which  did  not  belong  to  them.  For  the 
first  offense  the  guilty  one  must  pay  for  the  stolen  goods 
at  the  rate  of  four  times  its  value  and  receive  six  lashes.  A 
second  offense  would  necessitate  more  rigorous  punish- 
ment. The  order  was  publicly  proclaimed.303 

The  Army  Forced  to  Leave  Santa  Barbara.  Six  days 
had  now  passed  since  the  inspector  first  required  Onate  to 


299.  Ibid. 

300.  Aviso.    November   16,    1597,   in   Salazar  viaita. 

301.  Villagra,   Historia,   I,   46. 

802.  Aviso,    November   17,   1597,   in   Salazar  viaita. 

808.  Orders  of  Salazar,   November  21,   1597,   in  ibid. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  301 

have  the  army  in  marching  order  and  it  was  still  at  Santa 
Barbara.  A  second  notice  was  given  and  a  warning  sounded. 
Again  the  governor  promised  to  comply,  but  a  louder  pro- 
test was  made.  All  his  supplies  were  stored  in  Santa  Bar- 
bara warehouses  and  he  contended  that  the  inspection  ought 
to  be  held  there.  In  spite  of  this  situation  he  claimed  to  be 
exercising  all  the  diligence  and  haste  possible.  On  the  same 
day  Salazar  forbade  anyone,  either  within  or  without  the 
army,  to  loan  Ofiate  anything  in  order  to  help  him  pass  the 
inspection.  If  this  had  been  done  immediate  notification 
had  to  be  made  thereof.304 

Notwithstanding  the  above  orders  the  army  remained 
in  camp,  and  as  a  result  a  third  notice  came.805  The  gover- 
nor was  now  ordered  to  break  camp  and  to  set  out  toward 
the  frontier,  continuing  till  a  suitable  place  for  holding  the 
visita  should  be  found.  Salazar  maintained  that  it  could 
not  be  done  satisfactorily  at  Santa  Barbara.  On  December 
5  there  came  a  fourth  order  of  like  tenor,  which  also  re- 
quested him  to  account  for  his  failure  to  obey.  Onate  was 
warned  that  this  delay  was  at  his  own  risk.308  This  elicited 
a  vigorous  response  from  the  aggrieved  governor.  Great 
injury  was  being  done  him,  he  insisted.  According  to  his 
contract  the  inspection  should  be  held  at  Santa  Barbara 
where  the  army  was  then  stationed,  as  that  was  the  last 
settlement.  Nevertheless  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  men 
had  been  inactive.  Their  preparations  were  so  far  along 
that  the  march  could  be  undertaken  within  a  week..307 

Though  Onate  was  so  very  indignant  because  Salazar 
would  not  hold  the  inspection  at  Santa  Barbara  it  is  clear 
that  the  latter's  orders  were  not  all  unfavorable  to  him. 
Thus  he  prohibited  the  soldiers  from  scattering  while  on 
the  march.  No  one  might  turn  back.  The  damage  already 
inflicted  on  the  country  was  bad  enough,  and  returning 


804.  See  reports  under  date  of  November  23,   1597.   in  ibid. 

805.  Tercero  apercibimiento,   November  30,    1597,   in   ibid. 

806.  Quarto  apercibimiento,    December   5,   1597,   in   ibid. 

807.  Notification,   December   5,    1597.   in   ibid. 


302          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

bands  of  soldiers  would  probably  be  in  more  desperate  cir- 
cumstances and  cause  further  trouble.  This  order  was 
occasioned  by  the  departure  of  some  soldiers  on  December 
4.  Onate  was  notified  that  if  these  deserters  did  not  return 
as  ordered  the  matter  would  be  placed  in  the  viceroy's 
hands.80"  In  his  reply  the  governor  agreed  to  cooperate  with 
Salazar.  He  promised  that  the  army  should  march  with- 
out being  divided.  He  expressed  pleasure  that  no  one  would 
be  allowed  to  depart,  for  that  was  exactly  what  he  desired. 
Regarding  the  soldiers  who  had  left  the  day  previous  he 
could  only  say  that  they  had  gone  without  permission  to 
round  up  some  cattle.  Such  was  the  story  told  in  Santa 
Barbara.  In  compliance  with  Salazar's  order  he  forbade 
them  to  take  part  in  the  enterprise.808 

Final  Arrangements  for  the  Inspection.  Plans  for 
the  inspection  were  meanwhile  being  formulated  and  en- 
forced by  stern  discipline.  By  one  order  every  member  of 
the  expedition  had  been  required  to  declare  personally  what 
he  was  bringing,  whether  it  was  provisions  or  munitions, 
horses  or  cattle,  or  anything  else.  This  order  had  been  is- 
sued November  16.810  Now  it  was  decreed  that  this  had  to 
be  done  within  four  days  or  the  goods  would  be  subject. to 
confiscation..811  The  order  was  generally  observed,  though 
a  few  stragglers  appeared  later  in  December.  Those  at 
Todos  Santos  gave  their  declarations  between  January  4 
and  6,  1598.  Salazar  wanted  to  secure  a  record  of  what  each 
man  possessed  in  order  to  distinguish  their  goods  from 
what  Onate  was  bringing.812  A  short  time  later  it  was  de- 
creed that  no  one  might  leave  for  New  Mexico  without  the 
inspector's  approval  under  penalty  of  death ;  nor  could  any 
live  stock  be  taken  along  unless  first  seen  by  the  inspect- 
ing officers.813 


308.  Auto.   December  6,   1597.   in   ibid. 

309.  Notificacion.    December   5.    1597,    in    ibid. 

310.  See  above. 

311.  Hondo,   December  5,   1597,   in   Salazar  visita. 
112.  Manifestacidn.    in    ibid. 

SIS.  Bando.    December  9,    1597,   in   ibid. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  303 

After  oft  repeated  orders  Onate  finally  set  the  army 
in  motion  on  December  18,  1597.314  The  next  two  days  were 
spent  rounding  up  the  cattle  and  crossing  the  San  Barto- 
lome river.  Two  and  one-half  leagues  farther  on  a  halt 
was  ordered  at  the  San  Geronimo  river  where  the  inspec- 
tion was  ordered  to  be  held.315  This  aroused  Villagra's  ire, 
for  it  was  a  barren  spot.  Some  relief  was  afforded,  how- 
ever, when  a  few  small  springs  furnishing  an  ample  water 
supply  were  found  near  by.  The  faithful  poet  ascribed 
this  discovery  to  the  mercy  of  God.819 

Without  further  delay  Salazar  made  the  final  arrange- 
ments for  the  inspection.  Two  experienced  stockmen  were 
named  to  assist  in  inspecting  the  animals.817  Then  notice 
was  served  that  the  inspection  would  actually  begin  on 
December  22  at  the  San  Geronimo  river,  one  league  from 
the  mines  of  Todos  Santos.318  The  governor  was  required 
to  take  oath  that  all  the  things  in  his  possession  were  his 
own  and  that  nothing  had  been  furnished  him  secretly.  This 
he  did  in  the  inspector's  presence.819 

In  the  neighborhood  of  Santa  Barbara  lived  several 
men  who  possessed  large  holdings  and  great  herds  of  cat- 
tle. Salazar  feared  that  Onate  might  have  made  corrupt 
arrangements  with  them  to  help  him  pass  the  inspection. 
He  required  these  men,  Bartolome  Delgado,  Pedro  Sanchez 
de  Chaves  and  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Fuensalida,  to  give  sworn 
statement  of  the  cattle  they  had  given,  sold  or  loaned  him. 
Only  Pedro  Sanchez  de  Chaves  had  aided  Onate,  having  sold 
him  several  hundred  head  of  stock.  As  it  was  a  legitimate 
sale  no  objections  were  made.320 


814.  Fee,  December  19,   1597.  in  ibid.     The  "Ytinerario"  gives  the  date  when  the 
•tart  was  made  as  the  17.  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  XVI,  231. 

815.  This    was    December   20,    ibid. 

316.  Villagrd,   Hiatoria,   I,   46. 

317.  They    were    Bartolome    Delgado    of    Nombre    de    Dios    and    Juan    Sanchez    de 
Ulloa   of  Todos   Santos.     Auto,   December   20,    1597,    in    Salazar   visita. 

318.  Auto,   December  21,   1597,   in   ibid. 

319.  Auto,    and    Onate's    reply,    December    22,    1597,    in    ibid.      At    the    same   time 
Onate  chose  the  contador  Alonso  Sanchez  to  represent  him  during  the  viaita. 

820.     Order  of  Salazar  and   reply,   December  21,    1597,   in   ibid.      Pedro  de  la   Cruz 
also  appears  as  one  of  the  prominent  inhabitants  of  this  locality. 


304          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Before  actually  beginning  the  inspection  Salazar  or- 
dered that  no  one  would  be  allowed  to  leave  the  camp  or 
the  quartel  de  armas  for  any  reason  whatsoever,  except  by 
his  express  order.321  This  proclamation  filled  the  army 
with  dismay.  It  caused  the  soldiers  who  were  guarding 
the  stock  to  come  into  camp,  for  instance,  leaving  the  latter 
to  stray  and  to  cause  further  confusion.322  But  the  visita 
was  begun  on  December  22  as  had  been  decreed. 

While  the  inspection  was  under  way  it  became  evident 
to  Salazar  that  injuries  were  being  done  the  ranchers  of 
the  neighborhood  by  the  soldiers.  Perhaps  the  stringent 
measures  adopted  fostered  a  spirit  of  rebellion.  At  any 
rate  cattle  were  disappearing  from  the  vicinity  without 
any  more  reasonable  explanation  than  that  they  were 
stolen  and  slaughtered  by  the  soldiers.  So  it  was  ordered 
that  cattle  should  not  be  killed  outside  of  the  quartel,  and 
that  slaughtering  should  occur  on  only  one  day  during  the 
week,  Onate  being  privileged  to  designate  the  day.  Both  he 
and  Salazar  then  chose  a  representative  who  were  to  inspect 
the  cattle  on  the  stated  day.  They  had  to  note  the  brand 
and  report  to  the  inspector.823 

The  Outcome  of  the  Inspection.  From  December  22, 
1597,  to  January  8,  the  inspection  was  in  progress.  Salazar 
gave  it  his  personal  attention,  for  it  was  not  to  be  a  mere 
formality,  according  to  the  viceroy's  instructions.  The 
inspector  obeyed  literally,  if  the  poet  is  to  be  trusted.  The 
cattle  were  first  listed,  one  kind  at  the  time.  It  was  never 
known  till  the  day  previous  what  particular  kind  would 
be  inspected  in  the  morning.  This  compelled  the  men  to 
go  out  at  night  to  round  up  the  scattered  animals.  If  more 
should  later  be  found  Salazar  refused  to  enter  it  in  his  re- 
cord.824 Onate  did  fall  short  of  his  obligations  in  some  res- 
pects, but  whether  Villagra's  excuses  are  the  right  ones  is 


821.  Order  of   Salazar,   December   21,    1597,   in   ibid;   Villagra,    Hiatoria,   I,    47. 

822.  Ibid. 

323.  Order  of  Salazar,   January   4,   in  Salazar  visita. 

824.  Villagra,  Hiatoria,  I,   47. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  305 

another  story.  It  is  obvious  that  Salazar  had  his  own  dif- 
ficulties in  carrying  out  his  task.  A  brief  table  will  illus- 
trate Onate's  chief  deficits. 

Name  Required  Deficit 

goats  1000  head  284  head 

sheep  for  wool  3000  head  483  head 

sheep  for  mutton        1000  head  617  head 

quicksilver  150  head  54  head 

powder  150  head  "  49  head 

leads825  500  pesos  125  pesos 

frieze  &  sackcloth         500  pesos  500  pesos 

gifts  to  Indians  600  pesos  37  pesos 

medicine  500  pesos  375  pesos 

iron  for  tools  500  pesos  144  pesos 

jerked  beef  500  pesos  331  pesos 

wheat  100  quintals  22  quintals 

mares  30  quintals  4  quintals 

colts  10  quintals  5  quintals 

There  was,  on  the  other  hand,  a  surplus  in  some  di- 
visions, notably  in  the  footgear,  flour  and  iron  tools.  Onate 
also  brought  some  things  not  stipulated  in  the  contract.828 
These  surplus  materials  were  substituted  for  some  of  the 
less  important  deficiencies.327  Nevertheless  the  final  count 
showed  that  he  was  short  over  two  thousand  three  hundred 
pesos.328 

When  the  inspection  of  the  cattle,  supplies  and  provi- 
sions was  completed  the  final  review  was  ordered  to  be  held 
at  the  mines  of  Todos  Santos  on  January  8,  1598.  Indians, 
mulattos  or  mestizos  were  barred  from  the  review  unless 
they  made  declaration  of  their  status.  If  anyone  proposed 
to  enlist  with  the  intention  of  remaining  behind  after  hav- 

325.  Onate   offered   twenty   quintals   of  greda   as   a   substitute   for   the   lead.    How- 
ever  when   Salazar   passed   San   Geronimo  on   the   way   to   Mexico   city   he   found   two 
Indians    with   a   cart   and   oxen    digging    up    the   said   greda.      They   said   that    Onate 
had   sold   it   to   Pedro  de   la   Cruz,   one   of   the   residents   of   that   region.      Reports     of 
Salazar  and  Negrete,   February  6,   1598,  in   Salazar  visita. 

326.  Visita,   in   ibid. 

327.  Monterey   a  S.   M.,   May   4,    1598,   A.   G.   I.   58-3-13. 

328.  "Memorial  sobre  el  descubrimiento"  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  XVI,   197. 


806          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ing  helped  the  governor  through  the  muster  Salazar  threat- 
ened the  death  penalty.  They  were  given  a  free  chance  to 
leave,  as  were  those  who  might  have  been  persuaded  to  join 
the  army.838 

On  the  eve  of  the  review  Salazar  had  learned  that  a 
number  of  soldiers  were  dependent  on  Onate  for  their 
equipment  and  he  requested  him  to  declare  the  truth  under 
oath.  He  named  twenty-two  men  and  desired  to  know 
what  each  was  to  receive.  From  this  statement  can  be  in- 
ferred how  great  a  struggle  Onate  was  putting  forth  to  ful- 
fill the  terms  of  the  contract.  Only  in  this  way  could  he 
get  soldiers  to  remain  through  the  long  delays.  In  his  re- 
ply only  twenty  men  were  named  as  dependent  upon  him 
and  he  specified  what  each  was  to  receive.  With  slight  ex- 
ceptions this  included  two  horses,  helmet,  visor,  coat  of 
mail,  cuishes,  harquebus  and  horse  armor.380  It  is  signifi- 
cant to  note,  however,  that  of  the  twenty  only  eleven  ap- 
peared in  the  final  review.  What  had  become  of  the  others  ? 
Villagra  says  that  many  took  advantage  of  Salazar's  offer 
permitting  the  return  of  those  who  wanted  to  do  so.881  Evi- 
dently the  faint-hearted  took  advantage  of  that  opportunity 
and  deserted  the  friends  who  had  striven  so  hard  to  keep 
the  expedition  at  its  full  number. 

The  review  at  Todos  Santos  was  held  as  ordered,  the 
performance  taking  place  within  the  church.  It  was  con- 
ducted in  the  following  manner.  As  each  appeared  his 
name  was  recorded,  together  with  his  birthplace  and  his 
father's  name.  His  personal  appearance  was  briefly  de- 
scribed, and  he  had  to  present  the  arms  with  which  he  was 
provided.  When  the  task  was  completed  at  the  end  of  the 
day  one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  had  appeared  before  the 
inspector,  seventy-one  less  than  the  required  number.38* 


829.  Orders   of   Salazar,   January   7,    1698,    in   Salazar   visita. 

830.  Auto,   and   Onate's  reply,   January   7,    1598,   in   ibid. 

881.  Villa&ra,  Historic,   I,   47-48. 

882.  Muestra  y   lista  de   la  gente,   January   8,    1598,    in   Salazar   visita;    Monterey 
d  S.  M.,  May  4,   1598,  A.  G.  I.,   58-3-13.     The  "Memorial"  says  there  were  one  hun- 
dred  and   thirty   men.   Col.   Doc.   Ined.,    XVI,    198.      Besides    these   Onate    had   other 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  307 

With  that  the  inspection  was  over  except  in  so  far  as 
Onate's  personal  equipment  was  concerned.  It  was  listed 
the  next  day  and  found  to  contain  more  than  had  been 
agreed  upon.833 

As  Salazar's  instructions  had  authorized  the  continu- 
ance of  the  expedition  provided  bond  was  given  for  mak- 
ing good  any  deficiencies  which  might  appear,  Ofiate  was 
forced  to  avail  himself  of  that  opportunity.  Again  he  sought 
aid  from  his  cousin  Juan  Guerra,  the  wealthy  miner  of 
Avino.  The  appeal  was  promptly  answered.  Juan  Guerra 
and  his  wife,  Dona  Ana  de  Zaldivar  y  Mendoza,  bonded 
themselves  to  pay  for  whatever  deficits  the  inspection  had 
revealed.  The  guarantee  was  drawn  up  at  Avino  January 
21, 1598.  Presenting  the  inspector  with  this  security  Onate 
requested  permission  to  proceed.  This  was  not  given,  how- 
ever, till  he  had  certified  that  this  should  cover  the  expenses 
of  eighty  soldiers,  of  everything  that  would  be  required 
for  their  journey  to  New  Mexico,  of  all  damages  that  might 
be  committed  on  the  march  and  of  the  cost  of  an  inspection 
of  such  reinforcements.834  With  this  new  indebtedness  on 
his  hands  Onate  at  last  directed  his  force  toward  New  Mex- 
ico. 


soldiers,    but    they   did    not   dare   to    enlist.      They    had    evidently    committed    offenses 
and   incurred   Salazar's   displeasure.     Monterey  d  S.   Af.,    May   4,    1598. 

333.  Para   la   persona,    January   9,    1698,    in   Salazar   visita. 

334.  Escritura  otorgado   en   favor   de   la   real  hacienda  por   Don   Juan  de   Onat*, 
January  27,  1598,  A.  G.  I.,  68-3-12  ;  Monterey  d  S.  M.,  May  4,   1598. 


308          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Chapter  VI. 

The  Establishment  of  the  Colony 

The  Army  Leaves  Santa  Barbara.  With  the  ordeal  of 
the  Salazar  inspection  over  the  final  preparations  for  the 
march  to  the  north  began.  These  were  soon  completed,  and 
on  January  26,  1598,  the  expedition  began  moving  out  of 
San  Geronimo,385  where  it  had  been  stationed  since  Decem- 
ber 20,  1597. 

When  the  Conchos  river  was  reached  on  January  30 
a  week's  halt  was  made  in  order  to  review  the  army  and 
formally  finish  the  inspection.  Spanish  travellers  in  Amer- 
ica never  encamped  on  the  near  side  of  a  river,  but  always 
made  haste  to  cross  and  camp  on  the  farther  shore.88"  The 
scene  that  now  took  place  when  Onate's  army  reached  the 
Conchos  is  vividly  portrayed  by  Villagra.  One  hundred 
and  twenty-nine  soldiers,  eighty-three  wagons  and  seven 
thousand  head  of  stock  had  to  cross  the  river.337  No  one 
dared  tempt  the  rushing  stream.  Seeing  the  fainthearted 
soldiers  lag  Onate  mounted  a  charger  and  made  a  stirring 
challenge  to  his  men.  Then  he  spurred  his  horse  into  the 
river  and  soon  gained  the  opposite  bank.  Returning  to  the 
army  he  took  the  lead  in  goading  the  stock  across  the 
stream.338 

One  incident  in  this  scene  called  forth  a  novel  plan. 


335.  "Ytinerario,"  January  26,  1598,  in  Col.  Doc.  In6d.,  XVI,  232.  The  "Ytinerario" 
will  hereafter  be  cited  by  date  entry  only. 

336.  Bancroft,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,   124. 

337.  "Ytinerario,"   April   1-2,    1598;   Villagra,   Historia,   I,   35,49.     When   the  Ulloa 
inspection  took   place  only  forty  three  carts   were  listed,   nineteen  of   which  belonged 
to   various    captains   and   soldiers.      In   the    Salazar   inspection    only   the   twenty    four 
carts  Onate  possessed  were  noted.     On  the  other  hand  the  "Ytinerario"  states  speci- 
fically  that   eighty-three   wagons    were   taken   to    New   Mexico,    twenty-one   being   de- 
serted by  the   wayside  as  they   were   emptied  of   provisions.      See   below.      The   latter 
figure   is   undoubtedly   correct   as   the   personal    possessions    of   the   soldiers    were   not 
all   listed. 

338.  Villagra,   Historia,  I,   50-51. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  309 

When  the  sheep  were  driven  into  the  water,  many  sank  as 
the  wool  became  water  soaked.  To  remedy  this  tragic  situ- 
ation the  governor  ordered  his  astonished  followers  to  con- 
struct a  bridge.  It  was  a  primitive  pontoon  structure.  Two 
dozen  cart  wheels  were  placed  in  the  stream  some  distance 
apart  and  secured  by  ropes.  Trees  were  felled,  stripped 
of  branches  and  placed  on  top  of  the  wheels.  A  layer  of 
brush  and  sticks  was  added,  then  a  covering  of  earth,  and 
the  bridge  was  completed.  The  sheep  crossed  dry-shod, 
and  the  structure  was  quickly  destroyed  as  night  settled 
on  the  scene.339 

Departure  of  the  Visitor.  The  following  morning  the 
people  assembled  to  witness  the  departure  of  the  visitor.840 
All  expected  an  encouraging  message  of  farewell  while  the 
governor  hoped  to  receive  authority  to  continue  the  expedi- 
tion. He  was  deeply  disappointed.  After  mass  had  been 
said  Salazar  informed  him  that  he  might  proceed  with  the 
conquest,  and  without  further  ado  turned  his  eyes  toward 
Mexico  city.341 

The  reason  for  the  inspector's  action  is  clear.  Onate 
had  not  been  able  to  meet  his  obligations,  and  Salazar  re- 
fused to  declare  the  contract  fulfilled  without  consulting 
the  viceroy.  The  permission  to  enter  New  Mexico  was  thus 
really  conditional,  as  Monterey  informed  the  king.  If  Onate 
did  not  prove  satisfactory  it  would  still  be  possible  to  take 
different  action.842 

With  the  visitor  out  of  the  way  the  expedition  was  soon 
ready  for  the  march.  On  February  7,  1598,  the  camp  at 
the  Conchos  river  was  deserted.  But  instead  of  following 
the  course  of  that  stream  to  the  Rio  Grande  as  previous 
expeditions  had  done,  Onate  struck  out  directly  toward  the 


339.  Villagra,   Historia,   I.   52. 

340.  This   was    perhaps    February    2.    Salazar's   last   order    from    the   Conchos    was 
made  at  that  time  when  he  ordered  the  death  penalty  for  anyone  turning  back.  Order 
of  Salazar,  in  Salazar  visita. 

341.  Villagra,   Historia,    53. 

342.  Monterey  d  S.  M.,  May  4,   1598,  A.  G.  I.,   58-3-13. 

21 


310          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

north,  opening  a  new  trail  to  the  river.843  In  the  first  three 
days  march  the  colonists  went  eleven  leagues  to  the  San 
Pedro  river.  Here  a  month  was  spent  awaiting  the  arrival 
of  a  new  body  of  Franciscans.8" 

It  is  of  interest  to  note  that  about  this  time  Fray  Diego 
Marquez,  whom  Villagra  calls  the  only  confessor  in  the 
army,  returned  to  Mexico.  The  governor  implored  him 
to  remain,  all  to  no  avail.  As  he  remained  obdurate  Onate 
ordered  a  guard  to  accompany  him,  Captain  Farf an  in  com- 
mand. It  departed  as  the  army  approached  the  San  Pedro 
river  on  February  10.045  In  less  than  a  month,  March  3, 
Farfan  returned  escorting  the  Franciscans  on  the  final 
stretch  of  their  journey  to  join  the  expedition.  Fray  Alonso 
Martinez  was  the  new  commissary  of  the  group.  Their 
arrival  was  celebrated  with  ceremonies  befitting  the  oc- 
casion.5"6 

Zaldivar  Explores  the  Road.  Meanwhile  on  February 
14,  the  governor  sent  out  a  party  of  seventeen  men,  led  by 
the  sargento  mayor  Vicente  de  Zaldivar,  to  find  a  wagon 
road  to  the  Rio  del  Norte.847  Many  difficulties  were  en- 
countered by  this  force.  Their  guides  proved  a  sorry  lot. 
Water  was  hard  to  find,  at  one  time  three  days  being  spent 
without  any.  Provisions,  also,  were  running  low.  Then 
Zaldivar  sent  a  part  of  his  force  back  to  the  camp,  giving 
them  strict  orders  not  to  utter  a  word  regarding  the  hunger 
and  thirst  they  had  experienced.848  With  his  remaining 


343.  See  below. 

344.  "Ytinerario,"  February  10,   1598. 

345.  Villagra,   Historia,   I,    55-56.        Bancroft     leaves     the     impression   that     Fray 
Marquez  left  the  expedition  at  the  same  time  as  the  visitor,  which  took  place  about 
February   2,    1598.     Arizona  and  New   Mexico,   124. 

346.  "Ytinerario,"    February    10,    1598;   the    Franciscans    were:    Alonso    Martinez, 
Francisco  dc  Zamora,  Juan  de  Rosas,  Francisco  de  San  Miguel,  Juan  Claros,  Alonso 
de    Lugo,    Crist6bal   de   Salazar,    Andres    Corchado,    and    two    lay    brothers,    Pedro   de 
Vergara  and  Juan  de  San   Buenaventura.     Three  brothers  are  also  named,  Martin, 
Francisco   and   Juan   de   Dios. 

347.  "Ytinerario,"    February    10,    1598.      Onate    says    that    Zaldivar    had    sixteen 
men.     Onate  to  the  king,  Rio  de  las  Conchos,  March  15,  1598,  in  Hackett,  Hist.  Docs., 
897. 

348.  On  the  contrary  they  were  to  dissimulate  by  announcing  good  news.  Villagra, 
Historia,  I,   56-58. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  311 

companions  the  sargento  mayor  reached  the  Rio  del  Norte 
on  February  28,  after  innumerable  hardships.  From  the 
Conchos  to  the  Rio  Grande  they  had  traveled  about  seventy 
leagues.349  Their  purpose  having  been  fulfilled  they  rejoined 
the  camp  on  March  10,  three  days  after  the  return  of  the 
first  group.350 

From  the  San  Pedro  to  the  Rio  Grande.  The  entire 
expedition,  including  the  missionaries,  being  now  united, 
camp  was  broken  the  very  day  of  Zaldivar's  return.351  Two 
days  later,  from  the  Nombre  de  Dios  river,  Captain  Landin 
was  sent  to  Mexico  city  with  letters.852 

Gradually  the  little  caravan  crawled  forward  with 
little  of  importance  to  record.  March  20  was  a  day  of  rest 
which  was  spent  in  adoration  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament. 
A  little  chapel  was  built,  and  the  missionaries  spent  the 
night  in  penitence  and  prayer,  petitioning  the  Lord  to  guide 
them  on  their  march  as  he  had  formerly  led  the  children  of 
Israel  out  of  Egypt.353 

As  it  was  Easter  time  the  Spaniards  gave  every  ob- 
ject or  stopping  place  a  name  befitting  the  season.  These 
names  have  not  been  retained,  so  it  is  difficult  to  map  out 
Onate's  precise  route.  In  a  general  way  it  followed  the  line 
of  the  Mexican  Central  Railway. 

On  March  30  a  short  rest  was  taken  in  the  Valle  de  San 
Martin,  the  latitude  being  exactly  thirty  degrees.864  The 
governor  frequently  found  it  difficult  to  find  water  for 

349.  On   this   trip   they   heard   of   the    pueblos   which    were   said   to   be   sixteen   or 
twenty    leagues    beyond    the    Rio   Grande.      The   scouting    party    had    left    the    hostile 
Pataragueyes  forty  leagues  to  the  right.     These  were  the  Jumanos  near  the  junction 
of  the  Conchos  and  the  Rio  Grande.     Onate  to  the  king,  March  15,  1598,  in  Hackett, 
Hist.   Docs.,   397. 

350.  "Ytinerario,"   February   10,    1598;  cf.   Villagra,   Historia,  I,  68. 

351.  "Ytinerario,"  March  10,   1598. 

352.  Ibid.,  March  14,   1598 ;  cf.  Villagra,  Historia,  I,  58.     One  of  these  letters  was 
from   Onate  to  the   king.     Again   he  told  the  story  of  his   troubles   in   order   to   con- 
vince  the   crown   that   the  contract,   as   confirmed   by   Velasco,   ought   to   be   restored. 
It   was   dated   March   15,    1598.     See  Hackett,   Hist.   Docs.,   897. 

353.  Villagra,    Historia,   I,    58-   59;    "Ytinerario,"    March   20,    1598.      Villagra   says 
that   in   a   secret   spot   known   only   to   himself,   Onate   spent   part   of  the   day   on   his 
knees,  lacerating  his  shoulders  and  asking  divine  guidance  in  carrying  out  his  mission 
as  leader  of  the  expedition.     Many  others   did   the  same.     Historia,   I,   69. 

354.  "Ytinerario,"    March    27-30,    1598, 


312          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

both  men  and  beasts.  On  April  1  this  deficiency  was  some- 
what miraculously  supplied.  That  day  all  had  been  com- 
pelled to  march  without  water,  but  an  extraordinarily 
heavy  rain  left  the  water  standing-  in  large  pools,  so  that 
the  entire  herd  of  seven  thousand  animals  drank  their  fill. 
Two  days  later  the  dry  bed  of  a  river  was  discovered.  Near- 
by was  a  marsh  formed  by  some  hot  springs.  This  was  in 
latitude  thirty  and  one-half  degrees.355 

On  April  9  the  army  approached  the  region  of  the 
sand  dunes.  This  was  in  approximately  thirty-one  degrees, 
for  on  the  next  day  camp  was  pitched  in  precisely  that  lati- 
tude.356 Some  days  were  now  spent  in  avoiding  the  sand 
dunes  and  finding  a  route  not  destitute  of  water.  For  this 
reason  the  expedition  marched  within  reach  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  in  order  that  the  cattle  might  go  to  the  river  for 
water.  On  April  20  the  main  part  of  the  caravan  reached 
the  great  river  about  twenty-five  miles  south  of  El  Paso, 
at  a  place  where  the  stream  was  very  sluggish  and  the  bed 
soft  and  muddy.  Here  nearly  a  week  was  spent  until  the 
entire  expedition  could  unite.  It  had  been  forced  to  march 
in  separate  detachments  in  order  to  secure  water.857 

Taking  Possession  of  the  Land.  Having  reached  the 
Rio  Grande  its  course  was  followed  till  April  30,  the  day 
of  the  Ascension  of  the  Lord,  when  the  governor  planned 
to  take  official  possession  of  the  land.  A  campsite  parti- 
cularly appropriate  for  that  purpose  was  selected,  and 
everyone  in  the  expedition  was  ordered  to  don  his  finest 
clothes  to  make  a  splendid  show  on  the  festive  day.858  There- 
upon the  customary  elaborate  ceremony  of  taking  posses- 
sion was  observed.  Not  only  New  Mexico  was  claimed  for 
God,  King  Philip  and  himself,  but  all  the  adjoining  prov- 
inces as  well.859 


355.  Ibid.,   April   1   and  4,   1598.     See  also  Villagra  Historia,   I,   75. 

356.  "Ytinerario,"   April   9-10,    1598. 

357.  Ibid.,   April    12-20,    1598;   cf.    Bolton,    Spanish   Borderlands,    172. 

358.  "Ytinerario,"  April  30,   1598  ;  Carta  de  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  d  S.  M.,  March 
22,   1601,  A.  G.  I.,   1-1-3/22. 

359.  The  curious  document  which  tells  of  this  ceremony  is  given  in  full  by  Villagra. 
It   was   witnessed   by   Juan    Perez   de   Donis,   the   royal   notary,   by  all   the   friars  jmd 
also  by  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army.  Historia,  I,  77-81. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  313 

As  part  of  the  festivities  Fray  Alonso  Martinez 
preached  a  learned  sermon.  But  it  was  also  a  time  for  re- 
joicing and  merry  making,  the  "otro"  Mexico  was  not  far 
distant.  In  the  afternoon  the  royal  standard  was  blessed 
and  placed  in  charge  of  the  royal  ensign,  Francisco  de  Sosa 
y  Pefialosa.800  The  day  ended  with  the  presentation  of  an 
original  comedy  written  by  Captain  Farfan.  Its  theme 
dealt  with  the  reception  which  the  church  would  receive  in 
New  Mexico.881 

El  Paso  del  Norte.  Following  these  events  the  march 
continued  up  stream.  May  3  the  first  Indians  from  the 
river  region  were  brought  to  camp.  These  were  kindly 
treated,  clothed  and  sent  to  bring  their  companions.  The 
next  day  the  army  was  shown  a  convenient  ford,  el  paso, 
to  which  the  natives  came  for  leagues  around  when  going 
injland.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  ford  by  which 
Onate  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  is  the  modern  El  Paso,  a 
name  that  has  been  retained  from  his  day  till  our  own.  Here 
about  forty  natives  appeared,  armed  with  bows  and  gayly 
decorated  with  paint.  Presents  were  generously  distributed 
among  them,  in  return  for  which  they  aided  the  Spaniards 
in  getting  the  sheep  across  the  river.  They  told  the  Euro- 
peans, by  signs,  that  the  settlements  were  only  eight  days' 
march  ahead.382 

Reconnoitering  the  First  Pueblos.  The  expedition 
was  now  on  soil  which  had  already  been  traversed  by  Span- 
ish feet.  The  tracks  left  by  Castano's  wagons  when  he  was 
led  captive  from  New  Mexico  in  1591,  were  seen  on  May 

360.  Writing   to  the   king   three   years   later   Don   Luis   de   Velasco   charged   Onate 
with    irregularities    in    handling   the    royal    standard    during    the    performance.    Carta 
de  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  d  S.  M.,  March  22,   1601.     This  was  also  one  of  the  charges 
later   brought   against   Onate   by   the   fiscal   of   the  audiencia   of   Mexico.      Teathnonio 
de  las  sentencias,   May   16,   1614,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-17. 

361.  Villagra,   Historia,   I,   76;      "Ytinerario,"   April   30,    1598. 

362.  Ibid.,  May  3-4,  1598 ;  Villagra  also  refers  to  these  events  but  only  in  a  general 
way.    Historia,    I,    76.      On    April   30   the   army     reached   the    Rio     Grande   exactly    in 
latitude  thirty-one   and   one-half   degrees.      On   May   4   it   was   at   El   Paso   in   latitude 
thirty-one    precisely.      About    eight    and    one-half    leagues    had    been    traversed,    and 
though   the   march   was   upstream   half  a   degree   had   been    lost.      Such    is   the   record 
given  in  the  "Ytinerario".     It  is  true  that  there  is  a  bend  in  the  river,  but  not  enough 
to   account   for  this   discrepancy. 


314         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

4.  At  other  places  stories  of  Castano's  escapade  were  heard. 
The  march  continued,  and  on  May  12  Onate  sent  Captain 
Aguilar  with  six  soldiers  to  reconnoitre.  He  had  orders 
not  to  enter  any  of  the  native  settlements  under  penalty 
of  death.883  This  nearly  proved  his  undoing,  for  when  he 
returned  on  the  20,  he  had  visited  the  first  of  the  New 
Mexico  pueblos.  For  disobeying  in  this  manner  the  gover- 
nor was  on  the  point  of  garroting  him,  but  relented  when 
the  captains  and  soldiers  interceded  in  his  behalf.  Fear- 
ing that  the  Indians  would  now  become  frightened  and 
hide  their  maize  Onate  set  out  for  the  pueblos  two  days 
later  with  a  picked  body  of  men.  He  was  also  on  the  look- 
out for  Humana  and  Leyva,  for  it  was  not  yet  known  that 
they  were  dead.  The  rest  of  the  colonists  were  left  to  follow 
more  slowly  with  the  wagons."84  The  point  from  which 
Onate  here  set  out  was  fifteen  and  one-half  leagues  from 
El  Paso.885 

The  governor's  small  force  moved  along  under  great 
hardships.  The  road  was  new  and  extremely  difficult  and 
water  always  scarce.  It  was  the  famous  "Jornada  del 
Muerto"  which  was  being  crossed.  May  25,  when  the  trail 
again  followed  the  river,  greater  progress  was  made,  and 
in  two  days,  after  an  additional  twenty-two  leagues  had 
been  traversed,  the  soldiers  reached  "la  cienega  de  la  mesilla 
de  guinea,"  a  distinctive  mesa  of  black  rock.888  This  con- 
spicuous landmark,  according  to  Bpndelier,  corresponds 
with  the  present  San  Marcial.807  The  next  day  the  first 

863.  "Ytinerario,"  May  4-12,   1598. 

864.  Ibid.,  May  20  and  22,  1598.     With  Onate  were  Fathers  Martinez  and  Salazar, 
the  aargento  mayor  and  the  maestre  de  campo.     Villagra  says  there  were  fifty  men 
in   the  group.     Historia,  I,   82.     Onate  gives  the  number  as  sixty.     See  his   letter  of 
March  22,   1599,   in   Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration,   213. 

865.  See  "Ytinerario,"  for  dates  up  to  May  22,   1598. 

866.  Ibid.,  May  27,   1598. 

867.  Bandelier.    A.    F.    A.    Final   Report   of   Investigations   among    the   Indians   of 
the  Southwestern   United  States,   carried  on  mainly  in  the  years  from  1880   to   1885, 
I,    130-131,   131   notel.      This   is   further  substantiated   by   the   detailed   account   of  the 
pueblos  given   by  the  Chamuscado   Rodriguez   expedition.      Hernan   Gallegos,   Relacidn 
y  concudio  de  el  viaje  y  subseso  que  Francisco  Sanchez  Chamuscado  con  ocho  soldados 
sus  companeros  hizo  en  el  descubrimiento  del  Nuevo  Mexico  .  .  .  1581-1582,  A.   G.  I., 
1-1-8/22.     A  copy  of  this  document  is  in  the  Ayer  collection  of  the  Newberry  Library. 
Chicago. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  315 

pueblos  were  seen  after  a  march  of  four  leagues.  Here  camp 
was  pitched  near  the  second  one,  called  Qualacii.  The  In- 
dians, excited  and  suspicious  at  the  approach  of  the  stran- 
gers, deserted  their  homes.  Generous  gifts  of  trinkets 
quieted  them  somewhat,  and  the  soldiers  remained  camped 
near  the  river  for  some  time  in  order  not  to  unduly  arouse 
them.  Meanwhile  provisions  were  sent  back  for  the  sol- 
diers who  were  following.8"8 

About  a  fortnight  later  the  march  was  resumed  by 
the  advance  party.  June  14  the  men  marched  three  leagues 
and  halted  in  front  of  Teipana,  or  Socorro,  as  the  Spaniards 
called  it,  because  there  they  found  a  much  needed  supply 
of  maize.  This  stop  seems  to  have  been  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  present  Socorro.868  Another  seven  leagues  beyond 
Socorro  was  the  pueblo  of  New  Seville,  which  may  corres- 
pond with  the  old  pueblo  of  Sevilleta,  near  La  Joya.370  At 
that  place  the  Spanish  soldiers  dallied  five  days.  Then 
they  went  to  the  new  pueblo  of  San  Juan  Baptista,  four 
leagues  to  the  north.871  It,  too,  had  been  quickly  abandoned. 
From  this  time  numerous  pueblos  were  seen  on  either  side 
of  the  river,  though  they  were  generally  deserted  by  the 
frightened  natives. 

In  the  meantime  Onate  had  heard  of  two  Mexican  In- 
dians, Thomas  and  Crist6bal,  when  they  sent  a  spy  to  visit 
him  at  San  Juan  Baptista.  These  two  had  remained  in 
New  Mexico  since  the  time  of  Castafio's  entrada,  and  would 
be  invaluable  as  interpreters  and  guides.  So  the  governor 
set  out  for  Puaray,  sixteen  leagues  beyond  San  Juan  Bap- 


868.  "Ytinerario,"    May    22-28,    1598.      The    itinerary    states    that    they    remained 
encamped   by  the   fiver  a   month.     This   ia   contradicted   a   little   later   when    it   says 
they  left  after  a  stay  of  two  weeks. 

869.  Bancroft,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  129.     The  total  distance  from  El  Paso  is 
given  as  forty-one  and  one-half  leagues  and  is  an  aid  in  arriving  at  this   conclusion, 
as  are  the  subsequent  marches  of  the  soldiers. 

870.  Bandelier,   Final   Report,   II,   238. 

871.  "Ytinerario,"   June   12-16,   1598.     So  called   because  it   was   reached  on   Saint 
John's  day.     It  should   not   be  confused   with   San   Juan   de   los   Caballeros.      Perhaps 
the   ruins   at   Sabinal   indicate  the   location   of  San    Juan    Baptista.      Bandelier,    Final 
Report,   II,   238. 


316          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tista,  in  order  to  find  them.  He  reached  it  on  June  21.87a 
In  this  period,  as  Hackett  has  demonstrated  in  his  study 
of  the  reconquest  after  the  great  revolt  in  1680,  Puaray 
was  situated  one  league  above  Alameda,  or  about  nine  lea- 
gues above  Isleta.378  This  is  further  substantiated  by  the 
"census"  made  by  the  Chamuscado-Rodriguez  expedition 
in  1581.™ 

At  Puaray  Onate  was  told  that  the  two  Indians  in 
question  were  at  Santo  Domingo,  six  leagues  distant.  Ac- 
companied by  his  maestre  de  campo  he  immediately  set  out 
to  secure  the  two  men,  and  on  the  following  day  took  them 
unawares  and  brought  them  back  to  Puaray.  Now  all  pre- 
pared to  go  to  Santa  Domingo,  but  before  doing  so  the  two 
Zaldivars  and  Father  Salazar  visited  the  pueblo  which  they 
called  Tria,  perhaps  Sia.375  Then  the  party  moved  on  to 
San  Felipe,  almost  three  leagues,  and  on  June  30  the  sol- 
diers reached  Santa  Domingo,  four  leagues  more.376  At  that 
time  the  pueblo  stood  very  near  the  present  Santo  Do- 
mingo.877 

Santo  Domingo  Renders  Obedience.  Here  Onate  re- 
mained approximately  a  week  in  order  to  bring  the  In- 
dians of  the  surrounding  country  under  his  authority. 
Various  chiefs  were  summoned,  and  on  July  7  there  was 
held  the  first  council  of  seven  chiefs  in  response  to  the 
governor's  call.978  Many  other  native  leaders  were  pres- 


872.  "Ytinerario,"  June  24-27,  1598;  Villagra,  Historia,  I,  84.  The  natives  of 
Puaray  received  Onate  very  hospitably.  The  friars  were  lodged  in  a  newly  painted 
room.  When  the  paint  had  dried  they  saw  pictures  of  Fathers  Rodriguez  and  Lopez, 
which  the  Indians  had  tried  to  conceal.  These  two  friars  had  remained  in  New 
Mexico  in  1581.  Both  had  suffered  martyrdom. 

378.  Hackett,  "The  Location  of  the  Tigua  Pueblos  of  Alameda,  Puaray,  and 
Sandia  in  1681."  in  Old  Santa  Fe.  II,  881-391. 

874.     Hernan  Gallegos,   Relacion  y  concudio,   A.   G.   I.,   1-1-3/22. 

876.      See   Hodge,   Handbook   of   American   Indians,    II,    562. 

876.  "Ytinerario,"  June  28  and  30,    1598;   Villagra,   Historia,   I,   85.     As   Bancroft 
«ays    "not    much    importance   can    be   attached    to    exact    distances    in    these    records. 
Clearly  San   Felipe  and  Santo  Domingo  correspond   with  those  still  so  called,   though 
it    is    not   certain    that   the   sites   were     not   slightly   changed   in    the     next    century." 
Arizona  and  New  Mexico,   130  note   5.     For  a  discussion   of  the  Spanish   league  Bee 
Bandelier,  Documentary  History  of  the  Rio  Grande  Pueblos,   8-9. 

877.  Bandelier,    Final   Report,   II,    185    note    1. 

878.  "Ytinerario,"   July  7.   1598, 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  317 

ent  for  the  occasion,  as  well  as  the  Spanish  officers  and 
missionaries.  All  gathered  in  the  great  estufa  of  the  pue- 
blo. The  interpreters  were  sworn  in,  and  Onate  explained 
to  the  assembled  chiefs  the  purpose  of  his  coming.  He  had 
been  sent  by  the  most  powerful  monarch  in  the  world,  King 
Philip  of  Spain,  who  wished  that  they  should  be  his  sub- 
jects. If  they  submitted  they  would  be  protected  from 
their  enemies.  But  he  was  especially  eager  for  the  salvation 
of  their  souls.  Onate  explained  the  doctrine  of  salvation 
and  the  fate  awaiting  those  who  did  not  accept  baptism. 
After  having  listened  to  these  new  ideas  the  chiefs  willing- 
ly agreed  to  accept  the  God  and  king  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
as  a  sign  of  their  submission  kneeled  and  kissed  the  hands 
of  the  father  commissary  and  the  governor.879  Whether 
or  not  Ofiate's  speech  on  conversion  and  vassalage  was 
understood,  it  was  a  necessary  affair,  and  the  Indians  ac- 
cepted the  new  position,  perhaps  as  Bancroft  says,  because 
"present  disaster  and  future  damnation"  seemed  "insepar- 
ably connected  with  refusal."080 

The  Capital  Established  at  San  Juan.  After  having 
received  the  submission  of  these  tribal  chieftains  at  Santo 
Domingo  Onate  soon  set  out  on  further  explorations.  He 
evidently  went  to  Bove,  renamed  San  Ildefonso,881  as  soon 
as  the  ceremony  at  Santo  Domingo  was  over,  (the  distance 
was  eight  leagues),  for  on  July  10  he  left  that  place  and 


379.  "Obediencia   y   vasallaje    a   su   Magestad   por   los    indies  de  Santo  Domingo" 
in   Col.  Doc.  Ined.,   XVI,   101-108. 

380.  Bancroft,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  130-131. 

881.  The  "Ytinerario"  says  nothing  of  the  trip  from  Santo  Domingo  to  Bove. 
It  states :  "Patrimos  de  Bove,  que  llamamos  Sant  Ildefonso.  ...  ay  casi  ocho  leguaa 
y  algun  mal  camino.  .  .  ."  It  does  not  state  where  they  came  to  at  the  end  of 
the  eight  leagues,  but  continues :  "A  honce,  andabimos  dos  leguas,  al  pueblo  de  Caypa, 
que  llamamos  Sant  Joan  .  .  ."  There  is  clearly  an  error  in  this  account.  Instead 
of  leaving  Bove  they  must  have  gone  to  Bove,  a  distance  of  nearly  eight  leagues, 
and  reached  it  on  the  10th.  Then  on  the  llth  two  leagues  to  San  Juan.  This  ex- 
planation corresponds  with  the  actual  distances  and  also  makes  possible  the  detour 
of  the  carts  by  way  of  San  Marcos.  Bancroft  moved  San  Ildefonso  farther  south 
in  an  effort  to  make  it  agree  with  the  "Ytinerario".  But  that  is  incorrect,  for 
San  Ildefonso,  according  to  another  source,  was  three  leagues,  from  San  Juan. 
Testimony  of  Jusepe  Brondate  in  Copia  de  una  informacidn  que  hizo  Don  Francisco 
de  Valverde,  June  28,  1601.  A.  G.  I.,  58-3-15.  Compare  Bancroft.  Arizona  and 
New  Mexico,  181. 


318          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

went  two  leagues  to  Caypa  which  he  reached  the  next  day. 
The  carts  were  compelled  to  make  a  detour  of  an  additional 
six  leagues  by  way  of  San  Marcos  because  the  direct  road 
was  not  fit  for  wagons.  Here  at  Caypa  Onate  established 
his  capital.  It  was  christened  San  Juan,882  the  name  by 
which  it  has  ever  since  been  known.  In  Onate's  time  it 
was  frequently  called  San  Juan  de  los  Caballeros,  but  the 
origin  of  the  name  is  obscure.883  The  Spaniards  maintained 
their  headquarters  here  till  the  establishment  of  San 
Gabriel  west  of  the  Rio  Grande.384  Just  when  the  change 
was  made  is  uncertain,  but  at  the  time  the  relief  expedi- 
tion arrived  at  Christmas,  1600,  the  capital  had  been 
changed  to  that  place.885 

Hasty  Exploration  of  the  Land.  This  period  of  the 
preliminary  exploration  of  New  Mexico  by  Onate  and  his 
friends  was  a  period  of  great  hopes.  Might  not  any  mo- 


382.  "Ytinerario,"  July  9-11,  1698.  Twitchell  holds  that  the  carts  on  their  de- 
tour passed  near  the  present  site  of  the  city  of  Santa  Fe.  Leading  Facts,  319  note 
325.  That  they  may  have  passed  near  the  site  of  the  city  is  quite  possible,  but 
Twitchell  has  the  carts  going  south  to  reach  San  Juan !  He  is  misled  by  the 
"Ytinerario"and  has  the  carts  set  out  from  San  Ildefonso,  going:  up  the  present 
Pojoaque  river  by  way  of  the  pueblo  of  Tesuque,  thence  over  a  divide  of  two  leagues 
to  the  Rio  Santa  Fe  to  San  Marcos.  A  careful  study  of  the  "Ytinerario"  shows 
clearly  that  the  party  went  from  Santo  Domingo  to  San  Ildefonso,  the  carts  per- 
haps going  over  the  rout*  suggested  by  Twitchell,  but  in  the  reverse  order.  They 
were  going  north,  not  south. 

883.  Villigra  says  it  was  so  named  in  order  to  commemorate  the  fame  of  those 
who  first  raised  the  banner  of  Christ  in  those  regions.  Historia,  I,  87.     Because  of 
•  story,  also  told  by  Villagra,  of  how  the  padres   produced  some  much   needed   rain, 
Bancroft  infers  that  the  name  was  due  to  the  courtesy  of  the  Spaniards.     Arizona 
and  New  Mexico,   181.     Twitchell  holds  that  it  was  so  named  because  of  the  friend- 
liness with  which  the  Indians  of  San  Juan  received  Onate.  Leading  Facts,  I,  315. 

884.  There    is    a   controversy    regarding   the    location    of    San    Gabriel.      Professor 
Bolton,  relying  on  a  contemporary  map,  places  it  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Chama, 
while   Twitchell  insistes   it   was   on   the  left   bank  of  that   stream,    holding   that   the 
map   is   in   error.      He  bases  his   contention   on   ruins   found   there   and   on   traditions 
of  the  Tndians.     He  quotes  a  document  of  1710  to  support  his  view.     But  it  should 
be  noted  that  the  map  referred  to  has  a  pueblo  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Chama  and 
tradition  may  readily  have  confused  the  two  as  regards  the  location  of  Onate's  head- 
quarters during  those  first  years  in   New   Mexico.     See   Bolton,   Spanish  Exploration 
in  the  Southwest,  203,  and  map  facing  212 ;  Twitchell,  Old  Santa  Fe,   17,22. 

385.  "Entrasemos  en  el  real  y  pueblo  de  San  Gabriel  donde  hallamos  a  Don  Juan 
de  Onate  y  la  demas  gente.  .  .  ."  Testimony  of  Fray  Lope  Izquierdo,  in  Auto  del 
gobernador  de  Nuevo  Mexico  y  diligcncias  para  que  se  levante  el  campo,  September 
7.  1601.  A.  G.  I..  58-3-15.  The  capital  was  still  at  San  Juan  as  late  as  March,  1599. 
Bolton.  Spanish  Exploration,  203  note  1. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  319 

ment  reward  their  search  with  the  discovery  of  untold 
wealth?  Consequently  we  find  the  governor  on  the  road 
again  on  July  13,  going  in  the  direction  of  Picuries,  six 
leagues  from  San  Juan,  which  stands  on  nearly  the  same 
spot  today  as  it  did  then.886  On  the  way  some  one  found 
a  bit  of  ore  which  had  accumulated  in  the  riffles  of  a  creek, 
but  that  was  the  sole  extent  of  the  precious  metals  dis- 
covered. Thence  Oiiate  proceeded  to  Taos,  another  six 
leagues.  Its  location  has  changed  a  few  hundred  yards, 
the  former  site  being  farther  toward  the  northeast.  This 
was  the  northern  limit  of  exploration  at  that  time.887 

By  July  19  the  governor  was  back  in  San  Juan,  but 
not  to  stay.  The  next  day  he  started  a  tour  which  went 
through  San  Ildefonso,  San  Marcos,  San  Crist6bal,  Galis- 
teo and  Pecos.388  Returning  at  once  he  reached  Santo  Do- 
mingo on  July  27,  where  the  maestre  de  campo  Zaldivar 
had  arrived  with  the  carts  and  the  main  body  of  the  troops 
on  his  way  to  San  Juan.889  One  can  perhaps  imagine  the 
eagerness  with  which  the  newcomers  listened  to  the  stories 
of  their  friends  who  had  already  seen  much  of  the  "otro" 
Mexico,  though  not  much  of  the  looked  for  treasure. 

Continuing  the  tour  on  August  2,  the  governor's  party 
visited  Tria  on  the  way  to  Emmes.  Here  was  a  whole  group 
of  pueblos,  eleven  in  number.  This  was  the  Jemez  group, 
but  modern  archaeologists  have  not  been  able  to  determine 
the  number  or  location  of  the  various  pueblos.*0  The  Span- 
iards were  astonished  at  their  almost  inaccessible  location. 


386.  "Ytinerario,"    July    13,    1598:    Bandelier.    Final   Report,   I,    123. 

387.  "Ytinerario,"    July    13,    1598;    Hodge   Handbook,    II,    688. 

388.  San  Ildefonso  was  reached  the  20,  San  Marcos,   five  leagues  distant,  the  21, 
San  Cristobal  the  22,  Galisteo  the  24,  and  Pecos  the  25.  On  the  26  the  party  returned 
to   San   Marcos,    a   distance  of   five   leagues,    where  ores     were   extracted     from   some 
mines,  and  on  the  27  to  Santo  Domingo.  See  "Ytinerario,"  for  dates  mentioned. 

San  Marcos  was  near  Callaite,  famed  for  its  "turquoise  mines."  Bandelier. 
final  Report,  II,  92-93.  San  Cristobal  was  five  miles  east  of  Galisteo.  Ibid.,  103-105. 
Galisteo  was  near  its  present  location.  Ibid.,  100-101,  and  Hodge,  Handbook,  I,  481. 
Pecos  was  on  an  upper  branch  of  the  Pecos  river.  Ibid.,  II,  220.  See  also  Bandelier, 
Final  Report,  I,  127ff ;  II,  125ff. 

389.  See    "Ytinerario"    for   dates    mentioned. 

390.  Ibid.,   August   2-5    1598;   Bandelier,   Final   Report,    II,   204-207,    Hodge.    Hand- 
book, I.   629. 


320          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

With  this  trip  over  they  returned  as  far  as  San  Ildefonso, 
which  they  reached  on  the  9,  and  undoubtedly  to  San  Juan 
the  next  day.391  Nowhere  had  Onate  found  the  things  which 
were  primarily  sought.  It  was  obvious  that  he  would  have 
to  go  farther  afield  in  his  search,  and  the  next  few  years 
were  spent  chasing  numerous,  but  ever  elusive,  hopes. 

The  Arrival  of  the  Carts.  Meantime  the  carts  and 
wagons  had  experienced  even  greater  difficulties  than 
Onate's  advance  party,  as  it  took  them  over  a  month  to 
traverse  the  distance  to  the  first  pueblos  covered  by  the 
governor  in  less  than  a  week.  June  26  the  eighty-three 
wagons,  now  reduced  to  sixty-one,  approached  the  first 
settlements.  Santo  Domingo  was  reached  on  July  27.  The 
twenty-two  carts  not  accounted  for  had  been  deserted  as 
they  were  emptied  of  provisions.892  The  soldiers  and  colo- 
nists bringing  the  carts  were  discontented,  largely  because 
of  a  lack  of  provisions.  As  a  result  there  was  difficulty  in 
maintaining  discipline.383  To  avoid  trouble  and  hurry  them 
along  Onate  sent  his  maestre  de  campo  to  be  their  leader. 
Finally  on  August  18  they  reached  the  capital  which  had 
been  established  at  San  Juan.  From  San  Bartolome  they 
had  traveled  one  hundred  and  sixty-one  weary  leagues.394 

The  First  Church  is  Built.  Shortly  after  this  a  church 
was  added  to  the  little  Spanish  settlement  in  New  Mexico. 
It  was  San  Juan  Baptista,  begun  on  August  23  and  so  far 
completed  in  fifteen  days  that  the  dedicatory  exercises 


891.  "Ytinerario,"  August  9,  1598.  This  document  only  tells  of  Onate's  progress 
as  far  as  San  Ildefonso,  but  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  he  went  on  to  San  Juan  where 
the  construction  of  an  irrigation  ditch  was  begun  on  the  11.  This  canal  was  for  the 
"city  of  San  Francisco."  Fifteen  hundred  Indians  gathered  to  assist  in  buliding  it. 
Ibid..  August  11,  1598. 

392.     Ibid.,  July  4,   1598. 

893.  When   Onate  went  ahead   "to  pacify"  the  land  he  had  sent  Zubia  back   with 
a  supply  of  maize.     Onate  also  found  it   necessary  to  return   to  the  army,   but  went 
forward   again     into    New     Mexico    and     reached    his     advance    party     on    June     12. 
"Ytinerario,"  June  12,   1598.     Captain  Velasco  said  that  they  were  out  of  provisions 
while  still  fifty  leagues  from  the  first  settlements.     He  further  states  that  they  were 
in  such  extremity  of  hunger  that  it  was  difficult  for  the  governor  to  go  ahead  and 
bring  back  the  maize.  Carta  de  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  a  S.  M.,  March  22,   1601.     But 
it   should   be   observed  that   he   wrote  at   a   time   when    great   efforts   were   being   put 
forth  to  discredit  the  entire  enterprise. 

894.  "Ytineraro,"   July  4,   1598 ;  August  18,   1598. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  321 

could  be  observed  September  8.  It  was  finished  in  the  early 
part  of  October.395  The  occasion  was  a  festive  one,  and  in 
their  amusement  the  Spanish  gallants  demonstrated  how 
much  of  the  crusading  spirit  still  coursed  in  their  veins. 
To  honor  the  event  what  else  was  appropriate  but  a  sham 
battle,  the  soldiers  being  divided  into  opposing  groups 
labeled  Moors  and  Christians.  The  latter  fought  on  horse- 
back with  lances  and  shields,  while  the  former  were  on  foot 
and  used  muskets.396  The  spectacle  must  indeed  have  been 
a  novel  one  for  the  Indians. 

A  part  of  the  ceremony  of  the  day  included  the  Indians 
who  had  been  assembled  from  far  and  near  for  the  event. 
Onate  met  them  in  the  kiva,  accompanied  by  his  officers 
and  the  missionaries,  and  there  he  expounded  the  same 
ideas  as  already  presented  to  their  brothers  at  Santo  Do- 
mingo. They  must  swear  obedience  to  Father  Martinez 
and  Ofiate,  the  representatives  of  God  and  King  Philip, 
and  obey  the  new  superiors.  Thus  their  souls  would  be 
saved  and  earthly  happiness  insured.  All  agreed  to  these 
conditions  with  the  customary  ceremony.887 

During  the  observances  at  San  Juan  Baptista  the 
missionaries  were  assigned  to  their  various  fields  of  labor.898 
Fray  Francisco  de  Zamora  was  to  have  the  provinces  of 
Pieuries  and  Taos  and  Father  San  Miguel  went  to  Pecos. 
Both  had  been  accompanied  to  their  pueblos  by  the  father 
commissary.  Father  Rosas  was  established  in  the*  province 
of  the  Queres,  called  Hores,  to  minister  to  San  Felipe,  Santo 
Domingo,  Cochiti  and  others.  Father  Lugo  was  placed  at 
Jemez,  Father  Corchado  at  Sia,  with  authority  over  the 
pueblos  to  the  west,  Acoma,  Zuni  and  Moqui,  and  Father 
Claros  was  sent  to  the  province  of  the  Teguas.  At  San 
Juan  there  remained  Father  Cristobal  de  Salazar,  together 

395.  Ibid.,    August    23,    1598 ;      Onate    to     Monterey,    March    22,    1599,     in    Bolton, 
Spanish  Exploration,   215. 

396.  "Ytinerario,"  September  8,   1598. 

397.  "Obediencia  y  vasallaje  a  su  Magestad  por  los  indios  del  pueblo  de  San  Juan 
Baptista,"    in   Col.   Doc.   Ined.,    XVI,    108-117;    "Ytinerario,"    September   9,    1598. 

398.  Ibid.,  September  15,  1598  ;  Account  of  how  the  padres  of  San   Francisco  took 
charge   of  the   provinces   discovered   in   New   Mexico,   September   8,    1598.   Bolton   MS. 


322          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

with  two  lay  brothers,  Fray  Juan  de  San  Buenaventura 
and  Fray  Pedro.  The  father  commissary  also  stayed  at 
the  capital  when  not  with  Onate  or  on  excursions  to  other 
pueblos.899 

Dissension  in  the  Camp.  At  no  time  had  Onate  found 
it  an  easy  task  to  maintain  discipline  among  his  adventur- 
ous followers,  nor  did  his  burden  prove  any  lighter  in  New 
Mexico  itself.  In  the  latter  part  of  August,  1598,  a  serious 
disturbance  was  discovered  when  forty-five  captains  and 
soldiers,  about  a  third  of  the  force,  formed  a  plan  of  es- 
caping to  New  Spain.  Onate  reported  that  the  rebellious 
soldiers  and  colonists  were  disgusted  with  the  whole  enter- 
prise because  they  had  not  immediately  found  quantities 
of  silver  on  the  ground  and  because  they  had  not  been 
allowed  to  maltreat  the  natives  or  despoil  them  of  their 
possessions.  It  was  a  bad  situation.  Two  captains  and  a 
soldier,  among  them  Captain  Aguilar,  said  to  be  the  guilty 
plotters,  were  arrested,  but  the  army  and  missionaries  were 
able  to  persuade  Onate  that  the  matter  should  be  dealt  with 
leniently.  They  were  accordingly  released.  To  minimize  the 
gravity  of  the  affair  it  was  said  that  they  were  not  traitors, 
but  had  merely  been  planning  a  plundering  expedition.400 

Just  a  few  days  after  this  episode  another  of  the  same 
kind  was  discovered.  It  is  evident  that  the  fires  of  dis- 
satisfaction -tfere  still  smoldering,  for  they  now  burst  into 
flame  once  more.  Four  soldiers  fled  from  the  camp  with 
a  large  number  of  horses  in  violation  of  numerous  pro- 
clamations. Immediately  Captains  Villagra  and  Marquez 
with  some  companions  were  sent  in  pursuit  with  orders 
to  overtake  and  punish  them.401  This  proved  a  difficult 
task,  and  it  was  not  till  two  weeks  later  that  two  of  the 
fleeing  horse  thieves  were  caught  near  Santa  Barbara. 


899.  "Ytinerario,"  September  16-23,  1598;  Villagra,  Historia,  I,  96;  Obedicncia  y 
vasallaje  a  BU  Magestad  por  los  indios  del  pueblo  de  San  Juan  Baptista,"  in  Col. 
Doc.  In4d.,  XVI,  113-116. 

400.  Onate   to    Monterey,    March    2,    1599,    in    Bolton,    Spanish    Exploration,    214 ; 
"Ytinerario,"  August  20-21,   1598;   Villagra,   Historia,   I,   88. 

401.  Onate  to  Monterey,  March  2,  1599,  in  Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration,  214-215; 
Villagra,Ht«torta,   I,  88-89. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  323 

They  were  promptly  hanged.  The  others  narrowly  escaped 
capture.  The  severe  punishment  inflicted  on  these  men 
was  one  of  the  charges  on  which  Onate  and  the  captains 
concerned  were  later  brought  to  trial.402  Having  fulfilled 
their  duty,  Villagra  and  his  companions  visited  Santa  Bar- 
bara before  setting  out  on  the  return  journey.  There  they 
wrote  to  the  viceroy  of  what  had  occurred.40* 


402.  Ibid.,  89  ;  Tcstimonio  de  las  sentencias.  .  .  .  May  18,  1614,  A.  G.  I.,  68-8-17. 

403.  Villagra,  Historia,  I,  89;  Onate  to  Monterey,  March  2,  1599,  in  Bolton,  Span- 
h    Exploration,    214-215. 


324          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

TH1  INFLUENCE  OF  WEAPONS  ON  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORY 
P.  S.  Curtis,  Jr. 

Of  the  many  factors  which  have  brought  about  the 
events  we  call  history,  the  influence  of  weapons  has  per- 
haps received  the  least  attention.  The  history  of  New 
Mexico,  as  it  happens,  furnishes  rather  an  interesting  pic- 
ture of  both  the  development  of  weapons  and  certain  very 
curious  phases  of  the  effect  of  that  development  upon 
human  events. 

The  original  inhabitants  of  New  Mexico,  of  course. 
present  a  complete  and  perfect  example  of  the  weapons  of 
prehistoric  man,  and  here,  longer  than  anywhere  else,  these 
primitive  weapons  continue  to  exist  and  be  used  in  constant 
association  with  the  latest  products  of  the  armorer's  in- 
vention. The  pre-Spanish  period,  moreover,  presents  an 
interesting  historical  problem  which  can  be  given,  in  the 
present  state  of  our  knowledge,  nothing  better  than  a  hypo- 
thetical solution,  but  for  which  the  factor  of  weapons  can 
offer  an  interesting  and  reasonably  probable  hypothesis. 

The  problem  itself  is  simple:  if,  as  certain  archaeo- 
logists assert,  the  Pueblo  civilization  was  declining  at  the 
Spanish  Conquest,  what  was  the  cause  of  the  decline?  There 
is  little  evidence  of  loss  of  energy  or  population  through 
epidemics.  The  migrations  of  which  we  know  were  merely 
from  one  site  to  another  within  the  Pueblo  area.  Religion 
made  no  demands  for  human  sacrifice.  Agriculture  does 
not  seem  to  have  suffered  any  really  formidable  calamities, 
so  that  continued  famine  would  not  seem  to  be  the  cause. 
The  architecture  and  arrangement  of  the  towns  seems  to 
have  been  most  appropriate  for  the  defensive  tactics  which 
had  for  centuries  protected  the  Pueblos  from  their  maraud- 
ing enemies.  What,  then,  is  a  reasonable  solution?  The 
one  which  occurs  most  readily  to  a  student  of  the  mechani- 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  WEAPONS  325 

cal  side  of  history  is  that  one  or  more  of  the  hostile  tribes 
had  developed  a  bow  of  greater  range  and  accuracy  than 
that  of  the  Pueblos,  and  were  thus  enabled  to  overwhelm 
the  weaker  towns  and  to  reduce  the  man-power  of  the 
stronger  ones  to  a  point  where  the  production  of  food  and 
the  maintenance  of  security  occupied  so  much  of  the  pop- 
ulation that  there  was  not  time  for  cultural  development 
or  even  the  preservation  of  the  culture  of  former  times. 

The  most  obvious  instance  of  the  effect  of  weapons  on 
the  history  of  the  state  is,  naturally,  the  Spanish  Conquest. 
In  the  period  between  1540  and  1599  we  see  small  bodies 
of  Spaniards  roaming  at  will  over  the  entire  Southwest, 
and  finally  assuming  mastery  of  an  enormous  empire,  all 
in  the  face  of  an  incredibly  disproportionate  native  pop- 
ulation, whose  love  of  liberty  and  whose  courage  in  battle 
were  inferior  to  those  of  no  race  on  earth.  Superiority  of 
Weapons,  and  that  alone,  made  such  exploits  a  possibility. 
It  was  the  Stone  Age  against  the  Age  of  Metal  and  of  Gun- 
powder, and  the  Stone  Age  had  no  recourse  but  submission 
or  flight.  Against  stone-tipped  arrows  and  lances,  obsidian 
daggers,  stone-headed  clubs,  and  the  propelling  force  of 
the  human  arm  alone,  the  Spaniards  opposed  steel-tipped 
arrows  and  lances,  steel  swords  and  daggers,  and  the  pro- 
pelling force  of  gunpowder.  Against  the  buffalo-hide 
shield  the  Spaniard  could  match  complete  armor  of  steel, 
and  the  defensive  powers  of  the  two  are  comparable  only 
in  ridicule.  It  is  true,  of  course,  that  the  Spanish  armor 
could  be  pierced  at  sufficiently  short  range  -  Villagra's  ac- 
count of  the  death  of  Juan  Zaldivar  assures  us  of  that  much- 
and  it  is  also  true  that  it  could  be  crushed  if  the  wearer 
ventured  to  points  where  great  rocks  could  be  dropped  up- 
on him,  but  for  every  Spaniard  so  wounded,  there  were 
five  hundred  Indians  struck  down  for  lack  of  adequate  de- 
fense against  the  Spanish  weapons.  It  is  also  true  that 
the  Spanish  fire-arms  -  wheellocks  or  matchlocks,  as  they 
were  -  were  uncertain  of  operation,  fearfully  inaccurate, 

22 


326          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  capable  of  no  more  than  one  or  two  shots  per  minute, 
while  such  cannon  as  were  capable  of  transportation  were 
of  small  size  and  little  real  use,  but  against  such  weapons 
as  the  Indians  had  they  were  enough,  and  the  fact  was  only 
too  clear  to  the  Indians,  so  that  in  all  the  period  of  conquest 
we  find  but  four  .important  battles  recorded.  The  first 
two  of  these,  Coronado's  battles  at  Zuiii  and  Tiguex,  were 
sufficient  proof  of  Spanish  prowess  to  subdue  all  opposition 
for  more  than  fifty  years.  The  third,  the  first  of  the  fights 
at  Acoma,  was  an  Indian  triumph,  but  due  far  more  to 
Spanish  carelessness  and  mismanagement  than  to  any  other 
factor.  The  hopes  it  had  raised,  however,  were  quickly 
crushed  in  the  terrific  three-day  battle  in  which  Vicente 
Zaldivar,  with  no  more  than  eighty  men,  not  only  avenged 
his  brother,  and  restored  the  prestige  of  Spain,  but  reduced 
the  population  of  Acoma  to  a  bare  six  hundred,  and  from 
that  time  onward  for  eighty-three  years  the  Pueblo  Indian 
regained  at  peace.  Courage  he  had,  in  abundance  -  the 
fight  at  Acoma  was  one  of  the  most  furious  and  most  gal- 
lant of  the  whole  history  of  America  -  but  courage  against 
superior  machinery  of  war  is  of  little  use,  and  the  Pueblo 
Indian  was  wise  enough  to  face  the  fact. 

The  nomadic  Indians,  on  the  other  hand,  furnished  a 
problem  which  the  Spaniard  never  solved  in  full,  and  one 
which  took  the  American  many  years  of  the  very  most 
strenuous  effort  to  settle  permanently.  Faced  with  the 
problem  of  surrender  or  flight,  he  chose  flight,  for  unlike 
the  Pueblo,  he  had  nothing  to  lose,  no  home  to  defend,  and 
not  even  the  desire  for  a  fixed  place  of  residence.  War 
was  his  industry  and  his  diversion,  and  the  Spaniard  meant 
no  more  than  a  new  enemy  who  had  to  be  dealt  with  more 
cautiously  than  the  old.  To  the  Spaniard  this  type  of  enemy 
was  a  really  serious  problem.  To  subdue  him  was  impos- 
sible, for  the  heavily-armed  Spaniard  could  not,  either 
afoot  or  on  horseback,  come  to  grips  with  an  enemy  who 
would  not  wait  for  him,  and  who  could  escape  him  nine 
times  out  of  ten,  because  of  superior  speed.  To  settle  over 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  WEAPONS  327 

wide  areas  in  the  face  of  such  an  enemy  was  equally  im- 
possible, for  his  sudden  raids,  delivered  without  the  slight- 
est warning  and  always  against  the  least  protected,  gave 
no  chance  for  defense  or  for  battle.  The  only  solution,  and 
that  which  the  Spanish  adopted,  was  much  the  same  as  the 
Pueblos  had  chosen  centuries  before,  the  concentration  of 
population  around  a  few  strong  and  well-defended  towns 
where  the  superiority  of  their  weapons  could  be  used  for 
defense  at  least.  Here,  then,  we  find  the  reason  why  New 
Mexico  remained  so  long  a  region  of  towns  instead  of  farms, 
a  region  where  the  gap  between  rich  and  poor  was  so  wide, 
where  peonage  and  illiteracy  flourished,  and  where  feudal- 
ism outlived  its  time  because  the  necessity  which  created 
feudalism  in  Europe  was  still  alive  in  America. 

A  further  (and  a  very  wise)  measure  of  the  Spanish 
government  was  a  law,  couched  in  stringent  terms,  and 
carried  out  with  the  utmost  care,  forbidding  the  sale  of 
weapons  to  the  Indians.  That  this  law  was  really  effective 
n|ay  be  seen  from  two  instances  where  it  did  not  apply, 
one  the  massacre  at  Tome  by  Comanches  who  had  secured 
firearms,  the  other,  the  terrible  defeat  of  Don  Pedro  de 
Villasur  in  the  battle  on  the  Platte  River  in  1719,  where 
the  opposing  forces  -  Indians  and  a  few  Frenchmen  -  were 
fully  equipped  wih  firearms,  and  from  which  only  six  men 
returned,  a  force  representing  over  half  the  garrison  of 
Santa  Fe  having  been  left  dead  on  the  field  of  battle. 

The  Pueblo  Revolution  is  a  further  and  an  impressive 
exhibit  in  the  case  of  the  weapon  in  history  for  several 
reasons.  The  last  great  effort  of  the  Pueblo  Indian  against 
the  domination  of  the  Spaniard,  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  a  large  part  of  the  determination  to  revolt  came  from 
the  gradual  acquisition,  piece  by  piece,  of  such  small  store 
of  weapons  as  gave  ground  for  the  feeling  that  the  advan- 
tage held  by  the  Spaniard  was  at  least  reduced  to  the  point 
where  a  favorable  outcome  could  reasonably  be  expected. 
The  early  results,  moreover,  were  quite  in  accordance  with 
first  expectations,  and  the  hearts  of  the  Pueblos,  as  well  as 


328          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

their  hands,  must  have  been  greatly  strengthened  by  the 
first  tide  of  success,  which  had  overwhelmed  every  settle- 
ment in  New  Mexico  except  Ysleta  and  Santa  Fe  as  well 
as  placing  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians  a  supply  of  nearly 
three  hundred  hackbusses,  not  to  mention  swords,  lances, 
and  other  steel  weapons.  That  the  Spaniard  should  have 
been  so  stricken  is  due  to  no  fault  of  the  weapons  they  pos- 
sessed, but  rather  to  that  wise  planning  of  the  Indians 
which  gave  no  opportunity  for  resistance.  No  time  was 
given  for  the  Spaniards  to  arm ;  no  chance  offered  for  one 
town  to  assist  another  -  save  for  the  expedition  of  Garcia 
from  Ysleta  to  Jemez  -  and  only  the  strong  points  of  Santa 
Fe  and  Ysleta  withstood  the  storm. 

That  these  two  should  have  been  able  to  survive  the 
first  shock,  and  later  to  remove  to  a  place  of  safety  through 
a  country  swarming  with  the  enemy,  is  due  partly  to  their 
weapons  and  partly  to  the  reputation  which  the  Spaniard, 
armed  and  prepared  for  battle,  had  made  in  the  past.  At 
the  Siege  of  Santa  Fe  Governor  Otermin  with  a  bare  155 
men  fit  for  service  (and  of  these,  to  quote  his  own  records, 
"only  thirty-six  having  complete  armor,  and  the  most  part 
afoot,  and  with  bad  or  broken  hackbusses,  and  without  even 
leathern  jackets  for  their  protection"),  defended  a  total 
population  of  2500  souls  against  the  attack  of  more  than 
three  thousand  fighting  men,  the  figures  themselves  giving 
a  clear  picture  of  the  great  weight  that  armament  cast  in- 
to the  Spanish  side  of  the  scale. 

Between  the  Revolution  and  the  Reconquest  we  find 
an  interesting  division  of  mind  taking  place  among  the 
victorious  Indians.  With  some  the  victories  of  the  Revolu- 
tion seem  to  have  had  such  influence  that  they  felt  them- 
selves invincible.  Others,  however,  saw  most  clearly  the 
failure  to  destroy  the  Spaniards  under  Otermin  and  Garcia, 
and  realized  that  armed  opposition  to  the  Spaniards  in 
arms  was  as  hopeless  as  ever.  Those  of  the  first  opinion, 
regardless  of  their  shortage  of  ammunition  and  lack  of 
skill  with  the  arms  they  had  acquired,  remained  in  their 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  WEAPONS  329 

towns  before  the  expedition  of  Otermin  and  Cruzate,  and 
the  result  was  exactly  what  might  have  been  expected. 
Otermin  took  Ysleta  and  Cruzate  took  Zia,  each  with  little 
loss,  but  with  terrible  slaughter  of  the  enemy.  For  either 
governor  to  proceed  further  in  the  work  of  Reconquest, 
however,  was  impossible  because  of  a  number  of  factors  of 
which  not  the  least  was  the  course  followed  by  those  wiser 
Pueblos,  who,  realizing  the  futility  of  open  combat,  bor- 
rowed the  tactics  of  their  enemies  of  the  Apacheria,  left 
their  towns  for  the  recesses  of  the  mountains,  and  har- 
rassed  the  Spaniards  by  sudden  raids  upon  small  foraging 
parties,  by  stampeding  their  horse-herds,  and  by  a  thou- 
sand other  stratagems  each  insignificant  in  itself,  but  help- 
ing to  swell  a  total  that  barred  out  the  Spaniards  as  effect- 
ively as  an  actual  defeat. 

The  inherent  nature  of  the  Pueblo,  however,  coupled 
with  his  native  enemies,  soon  brought  matters  back  to  their 
former  status.  As  a  roving  nomad,  even  though  his  roving 
was  confined  within  very  small  limits,  the  Pueblo  was  not 
a  success,  for  he  was  neither  able  to  make  himself  comfort- 
able, nor  to  repel  the  attacks  of  the  truly  nomadic  tribes, 
without  the  assistance  of  his  adobe  village;  and  it  was  but 
a  short  time  before  he  returned  to  his  accustomed  dwelling, 
prepared,  for  the  most  part,  to  submit  peaceably  when  the 
Spaniard  returned,  exchanging  a  precarious  liberty  for  a 
certain  safety  and  relative  comfort.  At  the  coming  of  De 
Vargas  some  few  made  one  last  effort  at  resistance,  but 
Santa  Fe  and  the  pueblo  on  the  Potrero  Vie  jo  were  soon 
taken,  with  the  usual  terrific  losses  on  the  part  of  the  In- 
dians, and  only  the  kindliness  of  De  Vargas  -  perhaps  sup- 
plemented by  a  shortage  of  ammunition  -  saved  the  re- 
fugees on  the  Mesa  of  San  Ildefonso  from  a  similar  fate. 
So,  then,  the  Reconquest  ended,  and  the  problem  of  Spanish 
settlement  had  been  finally  solved,  with  superiority  of 
weapons  aiding  in  no  small  degree  to  the  solution. 

The  problem  of  expansion  in  the  face  of  roving  tribes 
was,  as  already  stated,  one  which  the  Spaniards  never  en- 


330          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tirely  settled,  and  in  the  hundred  and  fifty-odd  years  be- 
tween the  Reconquest  and  the  Civil  War  the  failure  to 
settle  it  kept  New  Mexico  in  virtually  a  feudal  state  of 
civilization,  the  feudal  parallel  being  carried  to  its  fullest 
extent  by  the  great  land-grants  made  to  men  and  families 
whose  reputation  as  Indian  fighters  stood  highest. 

In  this  same  area  at  least  two  great  occasions  arose 
on  which  superiority  of  weapons  might  have  played  a  great 
part,  but  in  both  cases  a  recourse  to  arms  was  avoided  by 
purely  diplomatic  means,  one  instance  being  the  Texas- 
Santa  Fe  Expedition,  in  which  the  astute  conduct  of  Gover- 
nor Armijo  avoided  a  clash  where  Texas  rifles  might  have 
altered  New  Mexico  history  to  a  remarkable  extent,  and 
the  other  the  capture  of  New  Mexico  by  General  Kearney, 
in  which  the  same  Armijo  was  -  well,  persuaded  -  that  re- 
sistance to  the  well-armed  troops  of  the  United  States  was 
profitless.  A  view  in  miniature  of  what  might  have  hap- 
pened on  the  two  occasions  is  offered  by  a  number  of  minor 
incidents  in  which  the  rifle  contended  aginst  the  smooth- 
bore, and  among  these  Lobato's  defeat  at  the  hands  of 
"Snively's  Avengers"  and  the  fight  at  Turley's  Mill  during 
the  Taos  Rebellion  are  worthy  of  mention.  Lobato's  battle 
was  of  short  duration,  but  of  some  effect,  his  small  force, 
though  nearly  equal  to  Snively's,  being  gobbled  up  with 
such  celerity  that  General  Armijo,  who  had  intended  to  des- 
troy Snively  with  the  main  body  of  his  troops,  suddenly 
decided  that  Santa  Fe  was  a  far  better  military  position 
than  the  one  he  then  occupied,  and  translated  his  decision 
into  action  with  commendable  promptness.  In  the  Turley's 
Mill  fight  eight  men  armed  with  rifles  and  well  supplied 
with  ammunition  held  out  for  two  days  and  a  night  against 
a  force  of  rebels  amounting  to  well  over  five  hundred,  and 
at  the  end  of  that  period,  their  ammunition  being  ex- 
hausted, three  of  the  eight  fought  their  way  out. 

The  Taos  Rebellion  as  a  whole  furnishes  further  proof, 
if  such  is  needed,  of  the  wisdom  of  Armijo  in  refusing  to 
meet  the  forces  of  Kearney,  and  illustrates  the  ability  of 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  WEAPONS  331 

the  American  forces  to  compel  submission  through  superi- 
ority of  armament.  In  the  three  battles  of  La  Canada  de 
Santa  Cruz,  Embudo,  and  the  Pueblo  de  Taos  the  enemy 
invariably  occupied  a  superior  position,  and  probably  out- 
numbered the  Americans  actually  engaged  yet  in  all  the 
enemy  was  defeated  completely  and  remarkably  quickly, 
since  the  actual  time  consumed  by  all  three  seems  to  have 
been  very  little  more  than  four  hours,  most  of  which  was 
consumed  at  the  battle  at  the  Pueblo. 

By  no  means  to  be  forgotten  is  the  fact  that  the  com- 
merce of  the  Santa  Fe  Trail,  which  not  only  aided  greatly 
in  the  financial  support  of  the  state  at  a  time  when  such 
support  was  a  vital  necessity,  but  also  called  the  attention 
of  the  United  States  most  strongly  to  the  Southwest,  was 
maintained  and  made  possible  by  the  rifle.  Here  was  the 
beginning  of  the  solution  of  the  problem  of  the  roving  In- 
dian, for  despite  his  invariable  willingness  to  try  to  capture 
some  part  of  the  immense  wealth  that  rolled  across  the 
plains  under  his  very  nose,  the  rifles  of  the  waggoners 
and  their  escort  rendered  his  efforts  useless  in  all  but  a 
minimum  of  cases,  and  these  cases  in  which  the  number 
of  travellers  -  and  consequently  the  booty  obtained  -  was 
so  small  as  to  make  the  cost  quite  disproportionate  to  the 
returns. 

Except  for  questions  of  mere  probability  the  Civil  War 
in  New  Mexico  offers  little  from  the  viewpoint  of  this 
paper.  That  the  Southern  forces  operating  in  New  Mexico 
must  have  been  better  armed  than  the  majority  of  the  Con- 
federate Army  we  know,  because  the  surrender  of  General 
Twiggs  in  Texas,  and  the  capture  of  Forts  Fillmore  and 
Stanton,  of  Major  Isaac  Lynde's  command,  and  of  the  Depot 
at  Albuquerque  necessarily  placed  in  their  hands  large 
quantities  of  the  small  arms  and  artillery  of  the  Regular 
Army,  so  that  the  troops  under  Canby,  including  the  New 
Mexico  Militia,  could  have  had  very  little  superiority  in 
regard  to  weapons,  if,  indeed,  they  possessed  any.  The 
Colorado  Volunteers,  however,  may  well  have  had  some  of 


332          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  newer  type  of  rifle  which  the  Federal  Government  had 
adopted  in  '61  and  '62,  as  they  were  equipped  at  Fort  Union, 
a  point  in  relatively  direct  communication  with  the  centers 
of  manufacture,  and  one  which  the  government  was  mak- 
ing" every  effort  to  supply  in  expectation  of  an  impending 
attack.  Further  plausibility  is  gained  for  such  an  idea 
from  the  fact  that  when  the  Colorado  troops  met  Sibley's 
forces  in  the  battles  near  Apache  Caflon  the  triumphant 
advance  of  the  Confederates  not  only  met  its  first  serious 
check,  but  was  turned  back  into  a  retreat  that  very  soon 
took  on  the  aspects  of  a  rout,  ending  all  possibility  of  a 
conquest  of  New  Mexico  by  the  Confederacy, 

Another  question,  however,  immediately  took  the  place 
of  this  one,  and  continued  to  occupy  the  energies  of  both 
State  and  Federal  governments  for  nearly  twenty-five 
years  of  practically  continuous  effort.  Even  before  the 
defeat  of  Sibley  the  concentration  of  Federal  troops  had 
left  many  outlying  points  undefended,  and  the  hostile  tribes 
had  been  quick  to  take  advantage  of  the  situation.  After 
the  menace  of  the  Confederate  invasion  had  been  removed 
the  National  forces  in  New  Mexico  were  reduced  to  a  mini- 
mum, and  the  hostiles  became  even  bolder,  with  the  result 
that  the  New  Mexico  troops  and  such  units  as  the  War  De- 
partment had  left  in  the  state  were  almost  constantly  oc- 
cupied by  punitive  expeditions  to  all  points  of  the  compass. 
Nor  did  the  surrender  at  Appomatox  mean  peace  for  New 
Mexico,  for  though  the  end  of  the  Civil  War  enabled  the 
government  to  send  aid  with  a  liberal  hand,  and  though  that 
aid  was  continued  until  the  necessity  was  over  and  was  sent 
at  an  expenditure  that  seems  incredible,  the  fighting  con- 
tinued sporadically  until  the  very  threshold  of  the  20th 
century.  The  causes  for  so  prolonged  a  struggle  are  natur- 
ally many  and  varied,  among  them  the  isolation  of  the  field 
of  action,  the  extreme  difficulty  of  the  terrain,  and  the 
extraordinary  military  abilities  of  the  enemy  (the  Apaches 
in  particular  having  proved  themselves  perhaps  the  most 
efficient  body  of  fighters  the  world  has  ever  seen)  but  the 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  WEAPONS  333 

factor  which  most  concerns  us  at  present  is  that  of  fire- 
arms, and  in  this  particular  situation  the  firearms  factor 
functioned  largely  as  both  a  cause  and  a  solution. 

In  the  years  following  the  American  occupation  the 
hostile  tribes  first  began  to  get  a  supply  of  modern  weapons, 
and  from  that  time  until  the  end  this  supply  was  con- 
stantly on  the  increase.  The  Government  itself,  at  various 
times,  issued  guns  to  Indians  on  Reservations,  troubling 
itself  very  little  over  the  fact  that  the  Reservation  Indian 
of  today  was  only  too  likely  to  be  the  hostile  of  tomorrow, 
and  that  the  possession  of  a  practical  firearm  was  of  itself 
a  strong  temptation  to  the  warpath.  The  gun-runner  flour- 
ished like  the  green  bay-tree,  and  both  his  mode  of  life  and 
his  occasional  death  at  the  hands  of  his  customers  were  re- 
garded as  uproariously  funny  by  the  average  settler.  That 
the  arms  furnished  the  Indians,  whether  by  Government 
or  gun-runner,  were  obsolete  is  quite  true;  the  Indian  got 
most  of  his  really  good  weapons  by  capture;  but  after  two 
hundred  and  fifty-odd  years  of  fighting  the  white  man  and 
studying  the  tactics  best  adapted  for  his  ruin  the  Indian  did 
not  need  any  advantage  in  weapons  to  make  trouble.  Any 
gun  that  would  go  off  with  reasonable  regularity  was  quite 
sufficient  for  Indian  purposes,  and  was  more  than  good 
enough  from  the  point  of  view  of  settler  and  soldier. 

With  the  Indian  possessed  of  modern  arms,  then,  in 
addition  to  his  other  military  equipment,  the  white  man 
was  really  hard  pressed,  and  for  his  defense  he  called  up- 
on every  resource  he  could  use,  both  military  and  mech- 
anical. Of  the  military  men  we  hear  much.  The  names  of 
Carson,  Chavez,  Crook,  Howard,  Eugene  A.  Carr,  and  a 
dozen  others,  are  familiar  to  every  student  of  the  Indian 
Wars,  and  almost  everyone  has  some  idea  as  to  the  identity 
of  the  men  named.  The  inventors,  however,  are  far  dif- 
ferent. The  Kawkens,  Christian  Sharp,  Tyler  Henry,  Win- 
chester, Hotchkiss,  Colt,  Remington,  Spencer  and  Lee  - 
some  few  of  these  names,  perhaps,  suggest  great  corpor- 
ations and  the  making  of  money,  none  the  making  of  his- 
tory, yet  had  it  not  been  for  the  inventive  genius  of  these 


334          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

men  and  many  more  in  the  making  of  ever  better  weapons 
of  ever  greater  range,  accuracy  and  rapidity  of  fire,  our 
state  might  still  be  struggling  to  attain  domestic  peace  and 
security  with  the  goal  not  yet  in  sight.  The  hours  spent 
in  the  workshop  by  a  few  men  have  shortened  a  hundred 
for  one  the  hours  spent  on  the  battlefield  by  thousands  of 
their  fellow-citizens,  and  throughout  the  whole  of  New 
Mexico's  history  there  has  been  standing,  far  off  in  the 
background,  unseen  and  unheeded,  the  grimy  figure  of  a 
man  with  the  clever  fingers  of  the  mechanic  and  the  dreamy 
eyes  of  the  inventor,  watching  that  history  work  out  its 
course,  its  tools  the  weapons  he  has  fashioned. 


PO-SE  335 


PO-SE 
By  the  late  Adolph  F.  Bandelier.1 

Looking  eastward  from  the  railroad  which  follows 
along  the  western  bank  of  the  Hio  Grande  del  Norte,  near 
the  southern  ending  of  the  valley  of  La  Joya,  and  half  be- 
tween the  Tegua  Indian  village  of  Santa  Clara  and  that  of 
San  Ildefonso,  may  be  seen  the  round-topped,  mesa-like 
mountain  which  the  Teguas  call  Tun-go  Ping  (The  Basket 
Mountain).  The  native  Mexican  people  have  named  this 
mountain,  La  Mesilla  (The  Little  Mesa)  ;  while  the  Amer- 
icans -  always  practical  -  call  it  merely  The  Round  Moun- 
tain. Its  barren  top,  conspicuous  in  its  isolation  and  in  its 
somewhat  more  symmetrical  proportions,  rises  consider- 
ably above  the  eastern  sand  hills.  The  river,  winding  about 
its  western  base,  flows  almost  beneath  its  overhanging 
hills,  and  one  must  be  a  hardy  climber  indeed  who  would  at- 
tempt to  scale  them  from  the  river  side.  Only  from  the 
southeastern  corner  may  one. ascend  with  safety. 

Once  up,  the  top  shows  a  flat,  ashy  surface  containing 
some  fifteen  or  twenty  acres,  strewn  here  and  there  with 
stones,  some  of  which,  from  their  regular  shapes,  appear 
to  have  been  used  in  the  erection  of  house  walls ;  scattered 
about  are  many  broken  pieces  of  pottery,  some  yet  showing 
the  broken  lines  of  the  old  decorations,  some  of  them  glazed, 
and  some  of  the  class  of  vessels  that  were  used  for  cook- 
ing; and  a  keen-eyed  searcher  may  find  as  a  reward  for 
his  patience,  or  as  a  memento  of  his  visit,  still  a  few  arrow 
heads  which  have  been  washed  up  by  an  occasional  rain. 
Along  the  edge  of  the  top,  flush  with  the  sides,  rude  walls, 
parts  of  them  still  intact,  may  be  observed,  built  up,  as  some 


1.  A  tale  of  San  Ildefonso  pueblo,  forty  odd  years  ago,  left  by  Bandelier  in 
manuscript  and  presented  to  the  Historical  Society  by  Mrs.  Samuel  Eldodt,  Chamita, 
New  Mexico. 


336          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

suppose,  to  make  more  difficult  the  ascent  of  the  hostiles, 
or  to  prevent,  may  be,  the  falling  over  its  precipitous  sides 
of  some  careless  dweller  above.  All  these  evidences  of 
domestic  life,  of  defensive  and  offensive  warfare,  lead  the 
fanciful  to  conclude  that  a  permanent  inhabitancy  existed 
long  since,  or,  at  least,  its  dry  and  deserted  top  may  have  been 
used  as  a  place  of  retreat  from  stronger  forces  than  the 
ancient  dwellers  in  the  valley  below  were  able  to  muster. 
But  there  is  yet  another  theory  which  may  account  for  the 
fallen  ruins  on  the  top,  the  broken  pottery,  the  arrow  heads 
and  the  wall  remnants.  The  following  account  not  only 
seems  to  give  color  to  the  theory,  but  rather  seems  to  con- 
firm the  argument  made  that  the  mountain  was  one  of  the 
numerous  Indian  shrines  with  which  the  country  abounds. 

-I- 

It  was  the  middle  of  February  in  one  of  the  years  of 
the  earlier  80's  that  Dr.  Rand  and  myself  set  up  our  camp 
in  San  Ildefonso.  The  gentle  winds  falling  into  the  valley 
from  the  snowy  tops  of  the  Santa  Fe  and  the  Jemez  ranges 
were  warmed  by  the  increasing  rays  of  the  sun  rapidly  re- 
turning northward,  making,  the  doctor  observed  in  his  wise 
and  positive  way,  "Just  the  proper  mixture  in  the  air  to 
counteract  disease  germs". 

I  was  convalescing  from  a  long  sickness,  and,  in  truth, 
from  the  very  first  day  I  began  to  grow  strong  and  take  a 
deep  interest  in  the  doctor's  investigations.  His  energy 
and  zeal,  always  bubbling  and  stewing  with  enthusiasm,  in- 
fected me  and  I  became  a  willing  assistant  in  many  of  his 
projects.  We  had  ransacked  the  dimly  written  record  books 
of  the  old  church  and  made  some  copies  of  what  the  doctor 
declared  to  be  valuable  matter ;  we  had  quizzed  the  Indian 
villagers,  buying  our  way  when  persuasion  was  ineffective ; 
our  incursions  among  the  cliff  and  mesa  ruins  with  pick 
and  spade  had  added  many  a  curious  relic  of  the  dead  past 
to  our  impedimenta ;  while  our  daily  associations  and  night- 
ly juntas  had  made  of  us  tolerable  experts  in  the  peculiar 


PO-SE  337 

inflections  of  the  Tegua  language.     So  occupied  were  we 
that  April  had  passed  before  we  thought  of  moving. 

"The  middle  of  May  is  an  ideal  time  for  Rocky  Moun- 
tain travel  for  one  hundred  and  one  reason",  the  doctor 
replied  pompously  and  finally,  when  I  had  suggested  a 
transfer  and  a  change  of  activities. 

And  I,  not  ill  pleased  at  his  dictum,  continued  to  amuse 
myself  with  old  Po-se,  taking  care  to  show  no  greater  pro- 
ficiency in  Indian  lore  than  the  doctor  was  able  to  acquire. 
Now,  Dr.  Rand  was  a  very  capable  physician,  my  elder  by 
some  fifteen  years,  and  the  best-natured  and  most  open- 
hearted  man  alive,  and,  notwithstanding  his  disposition 
to  exercise  a  sort  of  paternalism  and  show  his  superiority 
I  nearly  always  gave  in  to  his  theories  and  rarely  criticised 
his  conclusions.  Because  he  had  traveled  much  and  had 
spent  a  short  time  once  before  in  the  valley,  I  easily  looked 
over  his  pride  -  almost  vanity  -  in  his  accomplishments  and 
in  his  ability  to  learn  new  things.  If  his  peculiarities  be- 
came tiresome  I  made  excuse,  without  offense,  to  make 
excursions  on  my  own  account.  At  night  we  would  meet 
again,  the  best  of  friends,  to  compare  the  labors  and  pas- 
times of  the  day. 

But  not  a  drop  of  rain  had  fallen  since  early  in 
March;  towards  the  latter  end  of  that  month  the  winds 
seemed  to  gather  force,  and  in  April  the  days  were  mere 
repetitions  of  unchanging  wind  storms  with  every  particle 
of  moisture  squeezed  out ;  then,  because  of  the  almost  verti- 
cal rays  of  the  sun  the  winds,  blowing  from  the  southwest, 
became  hot  blasts  through  the  lengthening  days ;  they  hard- 
ly ceased  at  night ;  they  parched  the  whole  valley's  expanse, 
and,  rushing  along  the  mountain  sides  and  up  the  short 
canons,  browned  the  vegetation  and  dried  up  the  little  canon 
streams  almost  to  their  very  sources;  the  Rio  Grande  it- 
self had  become  a  mere  brook  as  its  scant  and  shallow  flow 
found  way  through  the  burning  wastes  of  sand.  At  length, 
about  the  middle  of  May,  the  forests  on  the  lower  mesas 
and  along  the  sides  of  the  moutains  caught  fire,  and  this 


338          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

disaster  fast  dried  up  the  little  remaining  water  and  pas- 
turage ;  by  day  those  fires  appeared  in  the  distance  literally 
a  "Pillar  of  Cloud"  from  the  smoke;  by  night,  a  "Pillar  of 
Light"  from  the  flames ;  yet  there  was  no  promise  of  good 
because  of  them ;  rather,  did  the  people  stand  aghast  as  they 
gazed  upon  the  far  off  conflagrations,  knowing  that  the 
fires  promised  present  as  well  as  future  evil.  Thus  did  the 
last  days  of  May  pass,  and  the  first  of  June  -  a  Sunday  - 
was  ushered  in  by  the  same  irritating,  nerves-racking 
wind,  dry  and  parching  heat. 

The  wind  on  that  Sunday,  as  it  had  for  a  day  or  two 
before,  came  not  in  gusts  as  usual,  but  the  blow  was 
straight,  steady  and  hard.  Towards  evening,  disgusted 
and  nervous  with  the  never-ceasing  sounds  and  the  flying 
dust  and  sand,  I  fell  asleep.  Sometime  afterwards  I  awoke, 
disturbed  by  the  positive  voice  of  the  doctor  outside.  As 
I  lay  listening,  I  saw  and  wondered  at  a  curious  curtain  of 
smoke  which  hung  in  the  tent  doorway.  I  realized  that  it  came 
from  the  doctor's  cigar,  but  why  it  should  fill  the  doorway 
and  become  a  screen,  upon  which  fell  the  prismatic  rays 
of  the  setting  sun  as  they  filtered  through  some  torn  holes 
in  the  tent  walls,  seemed  more  like  some  fantastic  dream. 
Musing  upon  the  strange  spectacle  of  the  smoke  curtain,  I 
listened  for  the  wind  sounds.  They  had  ceased.  I  bounded 
up  and  rushed  outside  to  enjoy  once  more  mountain  air 
unstirred  and  unmixed  with  flying  dust  and  sand. 

The  doctor's  companion  was  old  Po-se  and  they  were 
good  naturedly  disputing  over  the  signs  of  the  probable 
weather.  Their  language  was  singularly  different.  In 
the  main  -  each  understanding  the  other  -  it  was  the  lang- 
uage of  the  old  Conquistadores.  The  pronunciation,  as  well 
as  the  grammatical  construction  of  the  white  man's  speech, 
was  wretched  and  interspersed  now  and  then  with  an  Eng- 
lish word,  more  for  the  purpose  of  advising  that  English 
•was  his  native  tongue,  and,  with  the  occasional  use  of  a 
Tegua  word,  to  show  that  he  was  acquainted  in  some  mea- 
sure with  the  Indian's  own  tongue ;  still,  curious  and  faulty 


PO-SE  339 

as  was  his  use  of  the  language,  he  spoke  without  any  hesi- 
tation. The  Indian's  use  of  the  Spanish,  while  much  more 
grammatical,  was  quite  as  peculiar;  although  he  made  no 
use  of  his  natural  tongue,  as  if  it  were  a  sacrilege,  a  native 
Mexican  would  have  said,  "It  is  the  accent  of  a  Tegua".  I 
shall  translate,  since  their  words  may  not -be  intelligibly 
written. 

The  Doctor,  dogmatically,  "No,  Juan"  —  Juan  was 
the  Indian's  baptismal,  or  Spanish  name  —  "No  rain  yet. 
Tomorrow,  more  wind.  When  it  is  full  moon,  then,  may 
be,  yes".  And  the  Indian  quite  as  wise  in  his  own  conceits: 
"The  moon  has  now  but  five  days.  It  is  the  growing  (cre- 
ciente  -  first)  quarter ;  when  she  has  six,  may  be  seven,  then 
will  come  the  rain". 

He  stepped  to  the  corner  of  the  tent  and  made  use  of 
that  peculiar  gesture  with  the  mouth  by  putting  out  his 
lips  and  indicated  where  the  crescent  hung  over  the  west- 
ern mountains  growing  brighter  with  the  fast  fading  light 
of  the  sun. 

"The  moon",  he  calmly  went  on,  "you  see  is  red,  like 
the  fire,  the  other  moon  was  white  all  the  time  — " 

"It  is  the  smoke,"  broke  in  the  doctor,  "from  the  burn- 
ing forests  through — " 

The  Indian  paid  no  attention  to  the  interruption  but 
doggedly  continued :  " — but  that  moon  sometimes  is  going 
to  make  a  big  lie.  It  is  not  the  moon,  no  —  no,  sir !  It  is 
that  wind.  The  wind  tells  no  lie." 

Just  then  we  heard  the  slow  beat  of  an  Indian  drum 
and  the  low,  even  chant  of  two  or  three  male  voices  in  uni- 
son, the  sounds  coming  from  the  Estuf a  (council  chamber) . 
I  thought  I  detected  in  the  imperfect  light  a  contemptuous 
smile  on  the  Indian's  face  as  he  turned  towards  the  sounds 
and  uttered  with  something  of  bitterness  in  his  tones: 

"Even  the  people  know  when  to  deceive.  Now  they 
make  the  big  dance  and  then  it  will  rain".  He  laughed  a 
low,  bitter  laugh  and  added,  as  he  turned  toward  us,  "But 
some  day  that  rain  will  come  too  fast  and  too  much". 


340          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

His  last  words  contained  a  real  prophecy  which  I  re- 
called afterwards.  At  the  time,  I  thought  of  them  only  as 
the  mutterings  of  a  disappointed  man. 

The  doctor  had  gone  within  and  impatiently  asked 
about  supper. 

"Going  to  spend  the  night  at  the  Estufa?"  I  asked. 

"Yes,  I  am  going  to  see  the  whole  works  this  time.  To- 
morrow takes  place  the  Rain  Dance  and  tonight  is  the  last 
of  the  preparation." 

The  Indian  still  stood,  gazing  into  the  west.  I  asked 
him  if  he  would  come  over  and  talk  after  the  doctor  had 
gone. 

In  his  own  tongue  he  answered  me:  "Behind  Ku-si 
ping"  (the  highest  of  the  western  range)  "the  moon  will  fall 
there,  then  shall  I  arrive." 

Thus  did  he  often  dignify  me  when  he  dropped  his 
Spanish  and  used  the  Tegua  dialect.  Speaking  with  the 
doctor  he  always  used  the  white  man's  language ;  but  I  was 
his  younger  brother  (ti-u)  ;  therefore  would  he  use  the 
words  that  an  older  brother  (pa-di)  Might  speak  to 
his  younger  brother.  Without  turning,  nor  saying  more, 
he  brushed  aside  the  low  bushes  growing  near  and  went 
away,  silently,  with  no  more  noise  than  a  cat  might  have 
made. 

The  doctor  came  outside  and  looked  around.  Not  see- 
ing the  Indian,  he  exclaimed:  "What  in  the  world  have 
you  done  with  Juan?  It  looks  as  though  he  might  have 
been  swallowed  up  by  that  moon  of  his." 

"Po-se  is  a  pretty  good  type ;  he  comes  and  goes  silent- 
ly", I  replied.  "What  a  pity,  doctor,  that  he  does  not  get 
along  better  with  his  fellows!" 

In  his  usual,  over-wise  manner,  the  doctor  answered: 
"So  always  with  tyrants  —  and  men.  He  belongs  to  the 
minority;  those  who  are  best  equipped  for  counselors  are 
not  always  in  the  council  chamber.  He  is  too  wise  to  rule. 
His  character,  also,  accounts  for  the  name  he  has  among 
his  people". 


PO-SE  341 

"I  have  never  heard  that". 

"The  Indians  are  too  polite  to  insult  your  friend  in  your 
presence ;  but  to  me  they  often  call  him  Chu-ge  The  word 
is  a  little  stronger  than  the  Spanish,  brujo;  a  little  worse 
than  our  English,  wizard." 

After  supper  the  doctor  bade  me  good  night  and  went 
towards  the  Estufa  leaving  me  to  think  over  the  strange 
character  of  my  Indian  friend.  Many  a  tramp  had  we  taken 
together,  many  a  story  had  he  told  me  of  the  old  days,  much 
of  the  old  customs  and  much  of  his  peculiar  tongue.  A  di- 
plornat  in  his  way,  he  professed  to  believe  in  the  changes 
that  were  advocated  by  the  new  teachers,  yet  he  still  held 
tenaciously  to  much  that  was  old,  and  I  concluded  that  even 
his  weak  advocacy  of  the  white  man's  improvements  would 
change  if  only  his  faction  could  count  a  working  majority, 
for  no  race  is  a  greater  stickler  for  a  majority  rule  than 
that  of  the  Indian ;  yet  he  had  a  profound  suspicion,  in  his 
crude  way,  of  the  "Square  Deal"  so  long  as  the  pack  re- 
mained in  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  So  he  preferred  seces- 
sion to  submission. 

In  other  ways  Po-se  fully  satisfied  my  earlier  formed 
ideals  of  an  Indian  hero.  He  was  large  for  an  Indian,  but 
a  giant  among  the  Pueblos ;  his  massive  shoulders,  his  large 
hands  and  feet,  his  straight,  wiry  form,  his  bold,  aquiline 
face,  made  a  figure  to  be  picked  out  and  set  apart  from  a 
race  that  is  fast  deteriorating. 

-II- 

As  I  sat  waiting  outside  in  the  unaccustomed  stillness 
of  the  night  air,  the  monotonous  beat  of  the  drum,  the 
weird  chant  of  the  singers,  the  regular  stamping  of  the 
dancers'  feet  upon  the  resonant  floor  of  the  estufa  —  the 
sounds  muffled  by  the  thick  walls  of  the  building  —  pro- 
duced a  drowsiness  and  I  was  wishing  that  I  had  not  asked 
my  Indian  friend's  company.  I  began  to  frame,  half  un- 


342          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

consciously,  some  kind  of  an  excuse  to  get  rid  of  him  upon 
his  arrival,  when,  of  a  sudden,  I  was  startled  by  a  dark 
shadow,  lengthened  to  uncommon  and  apparitious  pro- 
portions, just  in  front  of  where  I  sat.  Looking  up  I  saw 
Po-se  approaching  and  several  feet  away,  but  in  the  op- 
posite direction  from  which  I  expected  him.  He  was  in  a 
direct  line  with  the  almost  disappearing  rays  of  the  moon 
and  I  wondered  if  he  might  not  have  stood  guard  at  some 
safe  distance  to  be  sure  of  nature's  time  piece. 

Advancing,  he  entered  the  light  space  thrown  out  by 
the  tent  lamp  beyond  the  darker  shade  wherein  I  sat.  I 
could  not  but  admire  the  graceful,  blanketed  figure,  erect 
and  moving  in  a  direct  line  with  a  quick  but  noiseless  tread 
as  of  some  animal  of  prey. 

Fully  satisfied  that  Po-se  had  waited  beyond  the  tent 
for  the  appointed  hour,  as  soon  as  he  had  seated  himself 
upon  the  ground  I  went  into  the  cook's  tent  and  brought 
him  out  a  heaping  plate  of  food.  My  surmise  had  either 
been  correct,  or  he  had  met  with  scant  cheer  at  home,  for 
he  ate  ravenously. 

The  meal  seemed  an  effective  lubricant  to  his  tongue, 
for,  as  he  slowly  rolled  his  cigarette,  he  cautiously  asked, 
"Ke-ma  (friend),  is  the  medico  (physician)  still  gone?" 

Now  the  head  gate  leading  to  an  Indian's  information 
need  not  be  opened  too  wide  at  the  beginning.  I  answered 
carelessly,  "Yes,  nearly  an  hour." 

"He  will  arrive  when?" 

"In  the  morning  when  the  day  breaks,  he  told  me." 

He  was  silent  for  several  minutes  while  the  smoke 
curled  above  his  head  and  floated  off  into  the  darkness. 
Then,  like  one  feeling  his  way  over  an  unfamiliar  trail,  he 
asked,  "He  has  not  talked  to  you  about  the  trouble  between 
me  and  the  people?" 

"Yes,  but  he  has  heard  only  the  other  side ;  maybe  he 
knows  not  all  the  truth.  Tell  me  your  side  and  I  will  listen. 
Then  I  shall  know  the  truth." 

"I  will.    But  first  I  will  tell  you  of  the  dance  which 


PO-SE  343 

we  make  when  it  is  very  dry  and  then  you  will  understand." 
He  began  in  that  strange  monotone,  peculiar  to  re- 
lators  and  orators  of  his  race.  He  used  the  Spanish  which 
I  best  understood,  yet  now  and  then,  as  if  he  found  the 
foreign  tongue  unworthy,  he  spoke  a  word  or  a  phrase  in 
the  Tegua. 

"Years  ago,  just  after  the  planting,  when  the  Rain 
Priest  (Po-a-tun-go),  and  those  with  him,  had  prayed  long 
for  the  rain  and  had  done  all  else  to  bring  down  the  water 
from  the  clouds  that  blew  quickly  away,  and  when  the 
Rain  Priest  saw  that  it  was  very  dry  and  more  yet  of  sad- 
ness would  come  unless  the  good  rain  should  fall;  because 
the  Guan-sa-be  (The  Navajo)2  had  set  fire  to  the  mountain 
sides  so  that  the  deer  (Pa-i)  and  the  elk  (  )3  and  the 

little  rabbit  (Pu)  and  the  big  rabbit  (Quong)  had  run  away 
and  the  rattle  snakes  (  )4  had  gone  far  down  into  the 

earth  —  for  all  these  the  people  knew  it  could  not  rain. 
Then  they  heard  that  their  friends  who  dwelt  beyond  the 
eastern  mountains  had  gone  far  away  to  the  great  river  and 
all  the  buffalo  (Ko)  had  gone  with  them.  That  made  the 
people  very  sad  because  their  friends  would  not  come  in 
the  time  of  the  ripe  corn;  they  would  not  bring  the  good 
meat  nor  the  skins  that  were  warm  because  of  the  long 
wool,  since  there  would  be  no  meal  nor  corn  to  pay  for  them. 
"Then  the  Po-a-tun-go  went  away  for  three  days  and 
when  he  came  again  he  called  the  people  and  said  what  must 
be  done  for  he  had  found  out  the  way.  So  he  chose  all  the 
young  men  that  were  of  him,  who  had  no  women,  and 
taught  them  a  new  dance.  On  the  first  day  they  must  eat 
no  food  at  all  and  for  six  days  more  they  might  eat  only 
the  food  which  the  Po-a-tun-go  brought  down  from  the  top 
of  the  Estuf a  which  the  women  placed  there ;  for  none  of 
the  dancers  might  see  a  woman  nor  come  close  to  one.  On 


2.  Harrington,    Ethnogeography    of    the    Tewa    Indiana,    107,    gives    the    spelling, 
"Wan-sa-ve." 

3.  Bandelier   left   blank.     The   Tewa   term    "Ta"    is   given    by    Juniua    Henderson, 
Ethnozoology  of  the  Tewa  Indians,  p.   16  —  editor. 

4.  Ibid,  p.   51   "Qw  ae'  npu." 


344          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  eighth  day  they  must  go  to  the  flat  rock  which  is  on 
the  south  side  of  Tun-go  Ping,  and  there  they  must  dance 
all  the  day  long,  or  until  it  might  rain;  first  they  would 
sing  the  song  and  beat  the  drum  slowly  and  not  too  loud; 
afterwards,  louder  would  they  beat  the  drum  and  faster 
would  they  sing  the  song  and  the  dancers  would  go  very 
fast.  Towards  the  evening  the  snakes  would  come  out  from 
beneath  the  mountain  and  because  it  had  been  very  dry 
these  had  gone  very  far  down. 

"Thus  they  did  according  to  the  way  the  Po-a-tun-go 
had  been  told.  And  the  young  men  who  danced  saw  not 
the  face  of  any  woman  during  all  of  the  eight  days,  they 
made  not  one  mistake  and  obeyed  all  that  their  father,  the 
Po-a-ttm-go,  had  told  them  to  do,  for  they  looked  into  all 
of  the  six  ways  and  threw  meal  Up  (Ma-ka-no,)  Down 
(Non-so-oino-ge),  East  (Tom-pe),  West  (Tsom-pe),  South 
A-kom-pe),  North  (Pim-pe). 

"From  the  top  of  Tun-go  Ping  the  women  and  the  men 
who  did  not  dance  nor  sing,  looked  down  and  saw  that  the 
dance  was  good  and  they  were  very  glad;  but  the  women 
covered  the  face  that  none  who  danced  might  see;  when 
these  brought  up  water  the  men  would  let  it  down  over  the 
side  that  the  young  men  might  drink  and  not  fail.  Then 
came  the  rain  and  it  was  good  for  all  the  people,  and  the 
snakes,  because  they  came  out  and  brought  the  rain,  they 
took  care  of  and  made  for  them  the  little  room  by  the  flat 
rock.  So  always  when  it  is  dry  for  a  long  time  the  people 
make  the  Great  Dance,  that  the  snakes  may  not  go  away. 

"Yet  now  the  Po-a-tun-go  is  a  bad  man  and  does  what 
the  0-ge-ke  (Winter  Cacique)  tells  him,  and  when  the 
people  dance  they  make  many  mistakes;  they  do  not  sing 
the  song  in  the  old  way  nor  dance  as  they  should  and  soon 
they  will  have  no  more  the  dance  because  they  are  very 
bad." 

The  old  man  paused  and  I  asked  so  as  not  to  offend, 
"Will  it  not  be  better  when  all  the  people  have  forgotten 
the  dance?" 


PO-SE  345 

But  he  replied,  using  that  peculiar  Tegua  word  ex- 
pressing strong  doubt,  holding  up  both  hands  and  shrug- 
ging up  his  shoulders,  "Ga-ha!" 

Then  I,  thinking  to  make  an  impression,  argued,  "0, 
my  friend,  when  your  people  think  less  of  the  dance,  they 
will  have  more  time  to  think  of  work  and  all  things  else 
which  help  you  to  live  better  and  have  more  !  For  will  not 
the  rain  come,  or  not  come?  Is  not  that  God's  business 
anyhow?" 

-III- 

Po-se  gave  no  heed  to  my  little  sermon  and  I  thought 
at  the  time  that  I  had  only  wasted  words  ;  but  afterwards 
I  found  that  the  meaning  had  found  lodgement  in  his  crude 
mind. 

He  went  on  : 

"Now  I  will  tell  of  the  trouble  and  I  will  tell  you  the 
truth.  The  time  of  the  year  was  the  same  as  now,  and,  as 
the  mountain  fires  burn  now,  in  the  same  way  they  burned 
then. 

"The  governor  then  was  my  father  who  asked  the 
Po-a-tun-go  what  he  was  doing.  That  one  said  he  had  done 
everything  else,  but  only  the  Great  Dance  on  the  flat  rock 
must  be  done. 

"Then  my  father  cried  from  the  top  of  the  Estufa  and 
told  the  people  to  wait  and  be  good,  for  the  Po-a-tun-go  was 
going  to  make  the  dance  and  then  it  would  surely  rain. 

"I  was  very  glad  when  I  heard  the  words  because  I 
am  of  the  Kai-dge  (one  of  the  two  divisions  of  the  Teguas)5 
and  at  that  time  I  was  very  swift  and  strong.  No  other 
knew  the  song  nor  the  dance  as  well  as  I,  and  the  Po-a-tun- 
go  liked  me  better  than  all  the  others  because  I  obeyed  all 
his  words.  He  was  very  good  to  me  and  taught  me  more 
than  all  the  others.  Qua-sang-wi  was  his  wife  and  a  bad 
woman.  She  always  helped  Kai-e,  her  son,  who  was  as  bad 


5.     The   "summer  people."   Harrington    (Elhnogeography,   p.   78)    gives   a  different 
phonetic  spelling  —  editor. 


346          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

as  his  mother.  The  Po-a-tun-go  was  always  afraid  of  them, 
and  he  was  almost  as  strong  and  swift  as  I,  but  not  quite, 
but  because  he  was  the  Rain  Priest  he  could  not  quarrel 
with  them  and  make  them  obey;  for  that  is  the  way  with 
the  Po-a-tun-go;  he  must  not  quarrel  but  must  always  do 
his  duty  and  be  good  to  all  the  people.  Kai-e  was  of  the 
Qua-di  (the  other  division  of  the  Teguas)'  like  his  mother 
and  he  was  almost  as  strong  and  swift  as  I,  but  not  quite, 
for  I  beat  him  always  and  that  made  him  feel  sad  and  his 
mother  hated  me. 

"When  the  time  came  to  make  ready  for  the  dance  I 
went  to  Tset-ha,  —  she  was  the  one  that  all  the  people  had 
agreed  should  be  my  wife  —  and  I  told  her  not  to  carry  any 
water  only  in  the  early  morning,  for  in  the  evening  I  would 
have  to  watch  from  the  top  of  the  Estufa.  Then  I  could 
make  no  mistake  and  forget  and  look  upon  her  face.  Tset- 
ha  was  always  good  and  obeyed  me  in  every  thing:  so  she 
said  she  would  do  as  I  said,  but  because  it  was  very  dry 
and  hot  they  would  need  water  the  day  before  the  dance, 
and  only  on  that  day  in  the  evening  she  would  bring  water. 
And  I  said  it  was  good  and  surely  I  would  not  look  on  the 
last  day.  Then  when  I  had  obeyed  all  the  days  and  stood 
the  last  day  and  looked  long  upon  the  place  of  the  flat  rock, 
I  felt  glad  because  we  could  make  the  good  dance  the  next 
day. 

"While  I  stood  and  thought  no  evil,  I  heard  Tset-ha  go 
along  the  pathway  and  she  said  'Na-di'  (I  am  here  to  those 
who  stood  near  and  I  knew  her  voice  and  step.  But  Kai-e  saw 
it  all,  for  his  mother  had  told  him  how  to  do.  There  he 
stood  in  the  way  and  when  he  saw  my  own  pass  he  caught 
her  sabina  (the  head  cloth)  ;  she  cried  out  and  took  hold 
of  the  jar  that  it  might  not  fall  and  then  the  cloth  fell  from 
her  face.  When  I  heard  her  voice  I  forgot  and  looked ;  and 
because  her  sabina  had  fallen  away  I  saw  her  face. 

"When  the  people  saw  how  I  had  been  fooled  they 
laughed  but  Tset-ha  ran  to  her  house  because  she  was 


i.     The  "winter  people."   For  variant  spelling,  see      ibid.   p.   76. 


PO-SE  347 

afraid.     I  saw  how  it  was  and  I  said  to  Kai-e,  'Some  day 
shall  I  pay  you ;  the  longer  you  wait,  the  more  shall  I  owe.' 

"Then  because  I  had  made  a  mistake  I  could  not  dance ; 
only  could  I  help  in  the  place  of  the  snakes  and  sing.  And 
when  the  day  of  the  dance  came  and  the  others  had  danced 
all  the  day  long  and  had.  done  everything  else,  it  did  not 
rain  for  a  long  time  and  the  people  met  and  said  I  was  to 
blame.  They  said  I  could  not  have  Tset-ha,  but  that  Kai-e 
should  have  her.  They  shut  me  up  in  the  Estufa  for  a  long 
time  and  not  even  my  father  would  see  me. 

"Tset-ha  then  said  she  did  not  like  me  but  that  she  liked 
Kai-e  better,  and  in  that  way  she  fooled  them  and  they 
let  me  out.  When  they  let  me  out  the  rains  had  come  and 
the  people  said  they  would  have  a  big  feast  and  then  they 
would  give  my  own  to  Kai-e.  But  before  they  could  do 
that  I  met  Tset-ha  in  the  willows  by  the  river,  and  then  we 
laughed  a  long  time  because  we  were  going  to  fool  all  the 
people. 

"She  said,  'Let  us  run  away  to  Te-ma-ge  (Cochiti) 
and  they  will  not  know;  there  is  where  lives  my  two  cou- 
sins who  are  very  strong  and  swift/ 

"And  I  said,  'It  is  a  good  way.  Run  back  now  to  your 
house  and  I  will  wait;  when  the  moon  is  behind  Ku-si-ping 
we  will  go.  All  this  night  we  will  run  and  tomorrow  we 
will  be  with  your  cousins/ 

"So  she  ran  back,  but  in  the  way  she  met  Kai-e  who 
caught  her  by  the  arm.  All  the  time  he  was  saying,  'Na- 
vi-e!  Na-vi-e!'  (my  own!  my  own!)  while  she  was  calling 
to  me  and  fighting  to  keep  him  away.  I  heard  them  and 
ran  swiftly  from  behind  and  with  a  big  stone  I  struck  him 
so  that  he  fell  down  like  one  dead.  When  the  people  came 
to  take  him,  he  opened  his  eyes  and  laughed  and  kept  on 
saying  'Na-vi-e!  Na-vi-e!'  So  the  people  met  and  because 
they  saw  that  Kai-e  was  Ping-e-he  (crazy),  they  said  that 
Tset-ha  was  to  blame.  They  shut  her  up  in  the  Estufa, 
but  one  night  her  two  cousins  came  from  Te-ma-ge,  be- 
cause I  ran  there  and  told  them,  and  we  stole  her  away. 


348          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

We  went  to  the  priest  and  I  told  him  the  truth.  Then  he 
married  us.  So  then  the  people  could  say  no  more  about 
us  and  they  could  do  nothing  at  all.  Now  you  know  the 
truth." 

"But  what  became  of  the  old  Po-a-tun-go?"  I  asked. 
"Your  present  one  is  about  your  own  age." 

He  hesitated  before  making  his  reply;  then,  as  if 
weighing  his  words:  "He  died,  yet  he  was  not  sick." 

"And  Qua-sang-wi?" 

"The  people  all  met  and  said  she  was  chu-ge  (witch) 
because  she  made  her  husband  die  when  he  was  not  sick. 
All  the  people  were  very  angry,  so  they  burned  her  till  she 
died." 

"What  of  Kai-e?" 

The  old  man  laughed  at  the  question  — .  a  hard,  cruel, 
remorseless  laugh.  As  he  straightened  up  to  his  full  height 
and  stood  in  the  shadow  I  thought  I  could  detect  that  pe- 
culiar expression  of  an  unfeeling  victor  flash  from  his  eyes 
while  he  pointed  over  the  flat  roofs  to  the  opposite  edge 
of  the  village ;  his  words  were  distinct  and  bitter,  the  mem- 
ories of  the  past  and  deep  hate  preventing  a  connected  ut- 
terance :  "He  lives  yonder  —  the  fool  -  with  his  real  father, 
the  governor  for  this  year  —  laughing  always  —  he  says 
to  everyone  —  to  a  man,  to  a  woman,  to  a  little  boy,  to  a 
little  girl,  to  a  burro,  to  a  dog  —  the  same  words,  'Na-vi-e ! 
Na-vi-e!" 

I  thought  it  best  not  to  pursue  the  subject  further,  for 
the  old  man  seemed  deeply  wrought  up  over  the  remem- 
brances of  the  past.  Without  thinking  of  the  effect  of  my 
words,  I  said  quietly, 

"Po-se,  my  friend,  come  and  go  with  me  to  the  dance 
tomorrow ;  I  have  the  governor's  permission ;  only  must  we 
go  by  the  trail  up  the  southeast  corner." 

The  old  man  wheeled  'round,  drawing  his  blanket 
closer  about  his  shoulder;  I  saw  I  had  made  a  mistake  in 
mentioning  the  governor  but  I  awaited  his  words  as  I  sat, 
fascinated  by  the  glitter  in  his  eyes.  His  compressed  lips 


PO-SE  349 

trembled  as  he  paused  for  a  full  minute  before  replying. 
Then  his  speech  came  and  his  words  fell  hissing  from  be- 
tween his  slightly  parted  lips  like  escaping  steam: 

"ticensia  del  gobernador !  /  (the  governor's  permis- 
sion!) I  need  it  not.  I  have  my  rights.  Who  will  prevent 
me?  I  shall  not  go  by  the  trail,  but  by  the  Shay-i  (ladders),. 
Go  with  me,  na  vi  ke-ma,  (my  own  friend)  and  I  will  show 
you  the  way  up  the  Tun-go  Ping  Shay-i  (the  ladders  of 
Tun-go  Ping).  Only  the  medico  (physician)  may  not  go 
with  us." 

"I  will  go  as  you  say,  my  friend." 

"It  is  a  good  way.  Be  ready  early,"  he  said.  Again  he 
parted  the  bushes  and  was  gone. 


350          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

THE  LAST  WORD  ON  "MONTEZUMA" 
Benjamin  M.  Read 

Those  who  read  the  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  may  re- 
call, in  its  issue  of  May  23,  1925,  my  article  on  the  origin 
and  history  of  the  name  "Montezuma",  in  which  I  comment 
on  the  so-called  New  Mexico  Indian  traditions :  that  Monte- 
zuma was  born  at  the  Indian  pueblo  of  Pecos,  whence  he 
rode,  centuries  ago,  on  the  back  of  an  eagle  to  the  site  of 
the  present  City  of  Mexico;  that  the  Pueblo  Indians  of  New 
Mexico  are  related  to  the  Aztecs  of  Old  Mexico;  that 
"Montezuma"  is  an  Aztec  word  which  had  its  origin  in  New 
Mexico  -  the  truth  of  all  of  which  statements  I  denied  in 
my  article. 

THE  NAME  "MONTEZUMA"  OF  SPANISH  ORIGIN 

The  word  "Montezuma",  in  its  original  use,  was  un- 
doubtedly pronounced  differently  by  the  ancient  Aztecs 
from  the  form  in  which  it  has  been  embalmed  by  historical 
writers.  The  first  historian  to  give  us  the  ancient  Aztec 
pronunciation  of  the  name  was  Fr.  Bernardino  Sahagun, 
who  went  to  Mexico  shortly  after  the  conquest  by  Hernan 
Cortes.  Father  Sahagun's  first  work  in  the  New  World 
was  the  preparation  of  a  History  of  the  Discovery  and  Con- 
quest of  the  West  Indies,  which  he  recorded  in  the  Aztec 
language  in  twelve  volumes,  of  which  the  ninth  volume 
deals  with  the  history  and  conquest  of  the  Aztec  Empire. 
Sahagun's  work  was  translated  and  published  years  later 
in  Spain.  In  chapter  one  of  the  volume  noted,  in  referring 
to  the  first  embassy  despatched  by  Montezuma  to  inter- 
view Juan  de  Grijalva,  captain  of  the  expedition  sent  by 
Velazquez  from  Cuba  to  Mexico,  who  had  just  arrived  with 


THE  LAST  WORD  ON  "MONTEZUMA"          351 

his  fleet  at  "San  Juan  de  Ulua',1  Father  Sahagun  says,  in 
regard  to  Grijalva's  business  in  the  New  World,  that  the 
chief  of  the  embassy,  on  being  asked  by  Grijalva  who  had 
sent  him,  replied  that  the  great  ruler  "Mocthecuzuoma" 
had  sent  them  to  meet  the  Spaniards.  Bandelier,  in  his 
article  "The  Montezuma  of  the  Pueblo  Indians,"2  says: 
"There  is  no  need  of  proving  that  the  name  of  the  Mexican 
"Chief  of  men"  (Tlaca-tecuhtli)  who  perished  while  in  the 
custody  of  the  Spaniards  under  Hernando  Cortes  in  1520, 
w&s  Mo-techu-zouma,  literally  "Our  Wrathy  Chieftain." 
Bandelier  then  adds:  "Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  an  eye- 
witness and  the  much-prejudiced  author  of  the  True  His- 
tory of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico/  is  responsible  for  the 
corruption  into  Montezuma,  which  has  since  become  pop- 
ular and  most  widely  known." 
Further  on  Bandelier  says: 

"No  mention  is  made  of  Montezuma  in  Spanish  docu- 
ments on  the  Southwest  of  an  earlier  date  than  1664,  when 
speaking  of  the  (then  recently  discovered)  ruins  of  Casas 
Grandes,  in  northwestern  Chihuahua,  Francisco  de  Gor- 
raez  Beaumont  and  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento  speak  of 
those  buildings  as  the  old  'houses  of  Montezuma/ 

In  prehistoric  times,  and  as  early  as  1440,  the  Indian 
name  of  the  fifth  king  of  the  Aztecs  was  "Ilhuicamina 
Mocthecuzoma,"  but  it  seems  that  officially  he  was  known 
as  Mocthecuzoma  only,  which  was,  as  above  stated,  cor- 
rupted by  the  Spaniards  into  Montezuma  and  Moctezuma 
(as  claimed  by  Bandelier).3 

The  first  time  the  name  "Montezuma"  was  used  was 
on  the  arrival  of  Cortes  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  first  Span- 
iard to  use  it,  or  rather  to  corrupt  its  pronunciation,  was 
Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  who,  in  relating  the  interview  be- 


1.  This   is   the   name   given    by    Grijalva   to   the   small    island   opposite    Vera   Crut 
where  stands  the  ancient  Spanish   fortification   known   by  that  name  to  this  day,   at 
which  place  GrijalvtTs  fleet  had  arrived  on  Saint  John's  day,  June  24,   1518. 

2.  American  Anthropologist,  vol.   V.   pp.   319-326,  Washington,   October   1892. 

3.  In   connection   therewith   see   Leduc,    Lara   y    Pardo,   Diccionario   de   Geografia, 
Historia  y  Biografiat  Mexicanaa",  p.   631. 


352          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tween  Cortes  and  the  Indian  chief  of  the  embassy  which 
the  Aztec  emperor  sent  to  Cortes,  stated  that  he  was  a  ser- 
vant of  the  great  Montezuma,  his  Lord,  who  had  sent  them 
there  to  learn  who  the  Spaniards  were  and  what  they  were 
seeking  and,  further,  to  ascertain  if  they  were  in  need  of 
anything,  and,  if  so,  to  provide  them  with  all  things  for 
which  they  might  ask.4 

It  is  well  to  observe  that  in  my  reference  to  original 
authorities  I  have  preferred  those  who  either  heard  the 
name  first  from  the  lips  of  the  Aztec  Indians  during  the 
time  of  the  conquest  by  Cortes  in  1519-21,  like  Bernal  Diaz 
del  Castillo,  who  was  not  only  one  of  the  conqueror's  most 
valiant  soldiers,  but  was  also  the  historian  of  and  co-con- 
queror in  that  remarkable  achievement,  or  who,  like  Fr. 
Bernardino  de  Sahagun,  who  arrived  in  Mexico  five  or  six 
years  after  the  fall  of  the  Aztec  capital  in  August,  1521,  and 
who  was  the  first  Spanish  author  to  learn  the  Mexican 
language  and  to  write,  in  that  language,  the  first  History  of 
the  Conquest,  above  cited.  The  next  early  author  of  the 
history  of  the  conquest  to  be  considered  is  no  less  a  person 
than  a  son  of  one  of  the  companions  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
during  the  most  notable  journey  recorded  in  the  annals  of 
the  New  World.  I  refer  to  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  journey  from 
Florida  to  Mexico  in  1528-36.  This  author  was — 

BALTAZAR  DORANTES  DE  CARRANZA 

Baltazar  Dorantes  de  Carranza  was  the  son  of  Andres 
Dorantes  de  Carranza  who  accompanied  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
across  the  continent  from  Florida  to  Mexico,  as  above 


4.  "Y  dende  obra  de  media  aora  QUO  obimos  surgido  vinieron  dos  Canoas  muy 
grandes,  que  en  aquellas  partes,  a  las  canoas  grandes,  llaman  piraguas  y  en  Ellas 
binieron  muchos  yndios  mexicanos,  y  como  vieron  los  Estandartes  y  El  navio  grande 
conozieron  que  alii  avian  de  yr  a  hablar  al  capitan  y  fueronse  derechos  al  nabio  y 
entran  dentro  y  pregutan  qual  Era  El  Tatuan  que  en  su  lengua  dizen  El  senor  y 
dofia  marina  que  bien  lo  entendio,  porque  aabia  muy  bien  la  lengua,  se  le  mostro 
a  Cortes  y  los  yndios  hizieron  mucho  acato  a  Cortes.  A  su  Vsanza  y  le  dizeron  que 
fuese  bienvenido.  E  que  vn  criado  del  gran  montezuma,  les  enviava  A  saber  que 
hombres  eramos,  E  que  buscavamos  E  que  si  algo  oviesemos  menester  para  nosotros 
y  los  navios  que  se  los  dixesemos."  —  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  Historia  de  la  Con- 
quista  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  vo.,  I.  pp.  105-06. 


THE  LAST  WORD  ON  "MONTEZUMA"          353 

stated.  Baltazar's  mother  was  a  lady  of  the  Aztec  nobility. 
Baltazar  wrote,  in  1604,  a  complete  genealogy  of  all  the 
Spanish  explorers,  conquerors,  laborers,  soldiers,  etc.,  un- 
der the  title  Sumaria  Relation  de  las  Cosas  de  la  Nueva 
Espana.  In  referring  to  the  Aztec  emperor  (p.  7)  Baltazar 
calls  him  "Motectzumatzin".  This  work  was  not  discovered 
until  1902,  when,  as  stated  by  its  discoverer,  Don  Jose 
Maria  de  Agreda  y  Sanchez,  it  was  published  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Museo  Nacional  of  Mexico. 

BALTAZAR  DE  OBREGON 

Baltazar  de  Obregon,  well  known  as  the  first  historian 
of  Mexican  nationality,  wrote  several  books  toward  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Among  his  more  notable 
works,  was  the  Historia  de  los  Descubrimientos  Antiguos  y 
Modernos  de  Nueva  Espana,  written  in  1584.  This  manu- 
script was  not  known  to  exist  until  the  year  1924  when  it 
was  discovered  by  the  Rev.  Mariano  Cuevas,  S.  J.,5  and,  like 
the  Sumaria  Relation  of  Baltazar  Dorantes  de  Carranza, 
was  published  by  the  Department  of  Public  Education  of . 
Mexico  in  the  year  named.  In  his  references  to  the  Aztec 
emperor,  Obregon  calls  him  by  the  name  "Moctezuma" 
(chap.  I,  p.  9),  a  fact  showing  that  many  of  the  first  his- 
torians of  Spanish  and  Mexican  extraction  used  both  the 
original  and  the  corrupted  name  of  that  ruler,  some  em- 
ploying the  name  "Montezuma"  following  the  corrupted 
change  made  by  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  and  others  re- 
cording "Moctezuma"  or  the  original  name  "Mocthecu- 
zoma".  Referring  to  this  unfortunate  misspelling  of  the 
original  Indian  name,  Bandelier  says:8 

"It  is  interesting  how  that  misspelling  has  taken  hold 
of  the  public  mind,  how  it  has  completely  supplanted  the 
original  true  orthography  and  meaning.  Meaning  even  is 
out  of  place  here,  for,  while  Motecuzoma  is  a  legitimate 


5.  Revista  Catdlica,  El  Paso,  Tex.,  Feb.  15,  1925,  also  Western  American,  El  Paso, 
Tex.,  Feb.   14,   1925. 

6.  Op.  cit.,  p.  319. 


354          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Nahuatl  word  with  a  very  plain  signification,  and  also  a 
typical  Indian  personal  name,  Montezuma  has  no  signifi- 
cation whatever;  and  yet,  in  Mexico,  even  the  Nahuatl  In- 
dians -  those  who  speak  the  Nahuatl  language  daily  -  know 
only  Montezuma  and  would  hardly  recognize  the  original 
name  as  applicable  to  him,  whom  they  have  been  taught 
to  call  an  'emperor'." 

Further  on  Bandelier  says:  "The  confusion  between 
those  two  personages  had  already  been  procreative  of  a 
mythical  Montezuma  in  the  minds  of  the  educated  people. 
Is  it  to  be  wondered  at  if  that  mythical  figure  took  a  still 
stronger  hold  on  the  conceptions  of  the  simple  Indian?" 

THE  NAME  IN  NEW  MEXICO 

We  will  now  consider  the  Montezuma  worshipped  by 
our  Pueblo  Indians  and  its  probable  introduction  here  in 
New  Mexico. 

In  1882,  Hon.  W.  G.  Ritch,  then  Secretary  of  the  Terri- 
tory of  New  Mexico,  published  a  pamphlet  under  the  title 
New  Mexico,  A  sketch  of  its  History  and  Review  of  its  Re- 
sources, in  which  (p.  11)  the  author  makes  a  statement 
that,  so  far  as  my  researches  go,  is  not  substantiated  by  any 
"written  record  which  is  to  be  found  in  some  of  the  pue- 
blos." No  creditable  present-day  historian  can  vouch  for 
Mr.  Ritch's  statement,  although  one  well-konwn  author, 
Mr.  Adolf  F.  Bandelier,  ten  years  after  Ritch's  book,  ap- 
peared, published  his  article  on  the  "  'Montezuma'  of  the 
Pueblo  Indians",  above  cited,  which,  it  is  fair  to  presume, 
was  written  by  Bandelier  for  the  purpose  of  refuting 
Ritch's  story.  In  a  statement  shrouded  in  doubt,  Bandelier 
tries  to  explain  the  existence  of  Ritch's  "written  record" 
respecting  Montezuma,  and,  although  he  does  not  claim 
to  have  seen  any  such  document,  he  says  that  Bishop  Lamy 
told  him  that  he  (the  Bishop)  had  seen  it  at  the  Pueblo  of 
Jemez.  The  importance  and  relationship  of  Ritch's  essay 
and  Bandelier's  article  are  so  apparent  that  it  justifies  the 
reproduction  of  both.  We  will  take  them  in  their  chrono- 
logical order.  The  Ritch  statement  follows: 


THE  LAST  WORD  ON  "MONTEZUMA"          355 

"A  written  record  which  is  to  be  found  in  some  of  the 
Pueblos  is  that  Pecos  pueblo  was  the  birth-place  of  Mon- 
tezuma ;  that  after  he  had  grown  to  man's  state7  he  showed 
himself  possessed  of  supernatural  powers;  that  he  at  a 
certain  time  assembled  a  large  number  of  his  people  and 
started  from  New  Mexico  on  a  journey  south,  Montezuma 
riding  on  the  back  of  an  eagle ;  and  thus  riding  in  advance, 
vil|as  to  his  people  as  was  the  star  to  the  wise  men  of  the 
East.  The  sign  of  arriving  at  the  site  of  the  great  city  and 
capital  of  the  Aztec  nation  was  to  be  the  alighting  of  the 
eagle  upon  a  cactus  bush  and  devouring  a  serpent.  This 
event  took  place  when  the  eagle  arrived  at  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Mexico,  then  first  made  a  city  and  capital." 

One  may  assume  that  Ritch  had  read  the  history  of 
the  conquest  of  Mexico,  and  very  likely  had  been  told  that 
the  Pueblo  Indians  had  been  brought  up  with  that  tradi- 
tion in  their  minds.  Omitting  the  unfounded  theories  of 
those  who  have  given  to  the  world  the  Montezuma  myth, 
the  question  naturally  presents  itself,  Where  did  the  Pue- 
blo Indians  first  receive  the  information  about  the  legend? 
I  have  never  been  able  to  find  any  plausible  answer  to  this 
question,  unless  we  reach  the  conclusion  that  the  first 
Spaniards  who  came  to  New  Mexico  had  related  to  the 
Pueblo  Indians  the  semi-historical  story  about  the  Aztecs 
having  migrated  into  Mexico  from  the  North.  Be  that  as 
it  may,  Montezuma  was  not  born  in  New  Mexico,  neither  is 
there  any  traceable  connection  between  the  Aztecs  and  the 
Pueblo  Indians. 

ADOLPH  F.  BANDELIER 

Referring  to  the  probable  time  when  the  Montezuma- 
New  Mexico  myth  reached  New  Mexico,  Bandelier  states :' 

"We  now  come  to  the  time  when  the  Montezuma  story 
assumed  a  prominent  position  among  the  New  Mexican 
Pueblos.  The  manner  in  which  this  happened  is  not  devoid 
of  interest. 

"In  the  year  1846,  when  war  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico  was  imminent,  a  singular  document  was  con- 


7.  "Estate"  ? 

8.  Op.  cit.,  pp.  323-4. 


356          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

coded  (according  to  its  tenor,  at  least)  in  the  City  of  Mex- 
ico. It  is  written  in  Spanish  and  was,  to  my  knowledge, 
never  printed,  but  exists  in  several  manuscript  copies  in 
New  Mexico.  It  purports  to  be  a  'History  of  Montezuma'. 
Beginning  with  the  folk-tale  current  among  the  Tehuas 
about  their  hero  god  Pose-yemo  or  Pose-ueve,  it  applies 
that  part  of  the  story  relating  to  the  latter's  childhood  to 
the  childhood  of  Montezuma,  and  then  goes  on  to  relate 
the  career  of  the  latter,  of  his  sister  and  mother,  etc.,  un- 
til it  makes  of  him  a  conqueror  of  Mexico.  There  Mon- 
tezuma becomes  connected  with  the  Malinche.  What  the 
Malinche  was  is  well  known.  The  name  itself  is  a  corrup- 
tion of  the  Spanish  name  Marina  by  the  Nahuatl,  who,  not 
having  the  letter  'r'  in  their  alphabet,  substituted  always 
the  letter  T,  thus  making  "Malina"  out  of  'Marina'.  Marina 
was  the  interpreter  en  chef  of  Cortes  during  his  conquest 
of  Mexico.  The  document  cited  makes  of  the  Malinche  a 
daughter  of  Montezuma,  and,  after  bringing  Cortes  and 
his  conquest  and  victory  over  Montezuma,  concludes  by 
marrying  Malinche  to  Cortes,  and  by  representing  New 
Mexico  as  part  of  the  dower  which  the  Indian  maiden 
brought  to  her  Spanish  husband.  Such  document,  manu- 
factured at  a  time  when  an  American  invasion  of  New  Mex- 
ico was  apprehended,  written  at  the  City  of  Mexico  and 
circulated  in  every  New  Mexican  pueblo  [?]  that  could  be 
reached,  is  plainly  what  may  be  called  a  'campaign  docu- 
ment', conceived  in  view  of  strengthening  the  claims  of 
Mexico  upon  New  Mexico  in  the  eyes  of  the  Pueblo  Indians 
and  refuting  anything  to  the  contrary  that  might  be  antic- 
ipated from  the  side  of  the  United  States.  It  is  written  in 
a  style  peculiarly  within  the  grasp  of  the  Indian,  it  being 
Spanish  after  the  fashion  in  which  the  Pueblo  Indian  uses 
ttyat  language  in  conversation.  Whether  written  in  New 
Mexico  and  only  dated  from  the  capital,  or  written  at  that 
capital,  it  is  certain  that  the  author  deserves  great  credit 
for  the  shrewdness  with  which  he  has  adapted  both  story 
and  style  to  the  imagination  and  power  of  understanding 
of  the  aborigines.  Since  the  circulation  of  that  document 
the  story  of  Montezuma  has  become  stereotyped  in  the 
mouths  of  many  Pueblo  Indians,  and  when  interrogated 
by  tourists  and  ethnological  volunteers  they  repeat  it  with 
greater  or  less  precision." 

We  will  now  listen  to  Mr,  Bandelier's  statement  re- 


THE  LAST  WORD  ON  "MONTEZUMA"          357 

garding  the  source  of  his  information  on  the  existence  of 
the  alleged  Montezuma  document:9 

"I  never  succeeded  in  seeing  it,  but  the  Most  Reverend 
Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe  [Lamy],  during  one  of  his  official 
visits  to  Jemez,  obtained  permission  to  peruse  the  mysteri- 
ous volume.  It  proved  to  be,  as  we  ascertained  by  com- 
paring it  with  a  copy  in  my  possession,  a  copy  of  the  letters 
(Cartas)  of  Cortes  edited  by  Lorenzana  and  illustrated 
with  pictures  of  Mexican  costumes.  From  this  book,  the 
existence  of  which  was  known  to  all  the  Pueblos  [?],  and 
about  the  contents  of  which  they  had  been  partially  in- 
formed, it  would  have  been  easy  to  gather  material  for  the 
'History  of  Montezuma'  of  1846,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that 
it  has  been  the  source  of  the  latter,  except  of  the  intro- 
ductory portions,  which  embody  a  genuine  tradition  of  the 
Tehua  Indians,  which  was  easy  to  obtain  from  any  one  of 
the  more  communicative  members  of  that  or  of  any  neigh- 
boring tribe.  The  Montezuma  of  New  Mexico,  is,  therefore, 
in  its  present  form  a  modern  creation." 

We  will  now  hear  Bancroft:  but  I  wish  first  to  avail 
myself  of  the  opportunity  to  express  to  Mr.  F.  W.  Hodge, 
of  the  Museum  of  the  American  Indian,  my  thanks  for  his 
valubale  assistance,  for  it  was  through  him  that  I  obtained 
Bandelier's  interesting  paper,  by  the  loan  of  his  own  printed 
copy,  without  which  this  would  have  remained  incomplete. 

HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 
Mr.  Bancroft  says  :10 

"It  is  also  still  the  custom  of  most  writers  to  refer  to 
the  ruins  and  relics  of  this  region  as  undoubtedly  of  Aztec 
origin,  and  to  adopt  more  or  less  fully  the  theory  that  the 
ancestors  of  the  Pueblo  tribes  were  Aztecs  left  in  Arizona 
during  the  famous  migration  from  the  north-west  to  Mex- 
ico. As  the  reader  of  my  Native  Races  is  aware,  it  is  my 
belief  that  no  such  general  migration  occurred,  at  least  not 
within  any  period  reached  by  tradition ;  but  whether  this 
belief  is  well  founded  or  not,  I  have  found  no  reason  to 
modify  my  position  that  the  New  Mexican  people  and  cul- 

9.  Ibid. 

10.  History  of  Ariz.,  and  N.  M.,  pp.  4-5, 

24 


358          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ture  were  not  Aztec.  The  Montezuma  myth  of  the  Pueblo 
communities,  so  far  at  least  as  the  name  is  concerned  if  not 
altogether,  was  certainly  of  Spanish  origin." 

CONCLUSION 

The  above  resume  is,  so  far  as  my  knowledge  of  the 
alleged  legend  is  concerned,  all  there  is  to  the  so-called  tra- 
dition regarding  the  migration  and  relationship  of  the 
Aztecs,  —  the  origin  of  the  name  Montezuma,  and  of  the 
alleged  flight  of  that  ruler  from  Pecos  pueblo  in  New  Mex- 
ico to  the  City  of  Mexico. 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES        359 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES 

The  Rise  of  the  Spanish  Empire.  By  Roger  Bigelow 
Merriman,  Professor  of  History  in  Harvard  University, 
(The  MacMillan  Company  New  York,  1926)  It  is  seven 
years  since  the  publication  of  Volume  II  by  Professor 
Merriman  of  his  scholarly  history  of  the  Spanish  Empire. 
The  first  volume  was  given  to  Spain  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  in  Volume  II  the  story  of  the  Catholic  kings  was  told, 
while  Volume  III  is  devoted  to  the  reign  of  Charles  V,  300 
of  its  700  pages  covering  Spain's  conquest  in  the  New 
World.  Volume  IV  is  to  take  the  history  down  to  the  death 
of  Philip  II. 

Professor  Merriman,  in  covering  a  span  of  history  for 
which  the  sources  are  prolific  and  which  has  been  exam- 
ined and  re-examined  by  historians  of  various  nationalities, 
particularly  those  of  Germany  and  Austria,  is  generous 
in  giving  credit  to  those  to  whom  he  feels  indebted  and  in 
pointing  out  the  sources  which  have  thrown  new  light  for 
him  upon  wellknown  historical  facts.  He  admits  that  the 
final  word  is  never  said  upon  any  epoch  or  historical  episode 
and  confesses  that  there  have  been  compensations  for  the 
delay  of  seven  years  in  publishing  the  third  volume  in  that 
this  delay  has  enabled  him  "to  utilize  several  books  whose 
recent  appearance  has  made  the  study  of  Spanish  history, 
and  particularly  of  the  period  of  Charles  V,  both  easier 
and  more  fruitful  than  ever  before."  His  conclusions  are 
the  latest  word  of  scholarship  but  surely  not  the  last  upon 
the  period  under  review,  for  he  himself  says :  "The  amount 
of  practically  unutilized  printed  material  for  Spanish  his- 
tory still  remains  so  vast,  that  it  is  quite  as  important  that 
it  should  be  thoroughly  explored  as  that  extensive  re- 
searches should  be  made  for  something  new." 

Professor  Merriman  has  not  only  the  viewpoint  but 
also  the  method  of  the  modern  scientific  historian.  He 


360          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

appears  without  prejudice  though  decided  in  expressing 
his  opinions  after  weighing  all  authorities  at  his  command. 
He  realizes  the  danger  of  generalization  and  yet  says:  "If 
there  was  any  one  characteristic  common  to  all  ranks  and 
classes  of  the  Spain  of  that  period,  it  was  certainly  dislike 
and  distrust  of  foreigners.  The  reasons  for  this  are  not 
far  to  seek.  Geographical  facts  and  historical  traditions 
furnished  the  background.  A  natural  pride  in  glorious 
deeds  done  under  the  Catholic  Kings,  and  a  consequent 
tendency  to  look  down  on  others  who  had  accomplished  less, 
counted  for  much."  He  quoted  Guicciardini :  "They  are 
by  nature  proud,  and  believe  that  no  other  nation  can  be 
compared  with  their  own.  In  their  conversation  they  are 
constantly  vaunting  their  own  exploits.  .  .  .  They  have  little 
use  for  strangers,  and  are  exceedingly  rude  in  their  deal- 
ings with  them." 

"That  Charles  knew  little  of  Spain  and  of  the  Span- 
iards, and  that  most  of  that  was  wrong"  was  the  opinion 
expressed  by  the  bishop  of  Badajoz  in  a  letter  to  Cardinal 
Ximenez  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Charles  V  and 
the  history  is  therefore  not  only  that  of  Spain  but  also  the 
development  of  the  young  ruler  who  gave  no  "promise  of 
the  ability,  ambition  or  independence  which  he  was  after- 
wards shown  to  possess."  It  is  a  striking  portrait  which 
the  author  draws  of  the  appearance  and  personality  of  the 
Emperor  and  his  deeds  which  reconciled  the  Spaniard  to 
the  fact  that  Spain's  greatest  glory  came  at  the  initiative 
of  and  under  a  foreign  sovereign,  a  prince  of  the  house  of 
Hapsburg  at  that.  It  was  Cardinal  Ximenez  who  looms 
dominant  in  Spain  in  the  first  few  months  of  the  reign  of 
Charles.  Incidentally,  the  efforts  of  the  Cardinal  "for  the 
progress  and  prosperity  of  the  Spanish  dominion  across 
the  Atlantic,  and  for  the  fair  treatment  of  the  American 
Indians,  form  an  interesting  and  important  episode  in  the 
history  of  Spanish  civilization  in  the  New  World."  Never- 
theless, the  "most  intimate  adviser  was  the  Burgundian 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  361 

Chievres,  for  whom  Charles  entertained  affection  and  pro- 
found respect." 

The  problems  of  taxation  and  of  government  during 
the  reign  of  Charles  V  are  vividly  presented,  The  conditions 
of  life  as  they  existed  four  hundred  years  ago  in  Spain  and 
as  the  author  interestingly  describes  them,  were  in  their 
tendencies  not  much  different  from  those  of  today.  There 
are  petitions  to  the  Emperor  to  forbid  cards  and  dice  "as 
has  been  done  in  the  kingdom  of  Portugal."  One  of  the 
commonest  demands  is  for  the  codification  of  laws  into 
one  volume  and  in  language  that  the  people  could  under- 
stand. There  are  requests  that  the  ancient  histories  of 
the  realm  be  collected  and  printed  and  that  "books  of  lies 
and  vanities"  over  which  "youths  and  the  young  women 
spend  their  idleness"  be  burned.  Much  attention  was  given 
to  higher  education.  One  petition  says:  "Since  fathers 
and  mothers  send  their  sons  to  the  universities,  and  care- 
fully provide  them  with  food  and  clothes  and  books,  and 
the  students,  on  the  pretext  that  they  need  to  purchase 
these  things,  seek  to  get  money  by  loans  or  by  pawning 
their  books  and  effects  and  then  gamble  it  away  or  spend 
it  for  other  evil  purposes  and  are  thereby  distracted  from 
their  studies"  let  it  be  forbidden  "to  imprison  students 
for  such  debts."  Another  complaint  has  it  that  the  apothe- 
caries are  seldom  present  in  their  shops  but  leave  behind 
them  incompetent  persons  "who  mix  up  the  drugs  and  make 
other  mistakes,  from  which  great  harm  results  for  those 
who  take  the  said  medicir»3s."  The  petitioners  ask  that 
no  one  be  permitted  to  practice  without  a  thorough  ex- 
amination and  the  degree  of  bachelor  of  arts.  The  procura- 
dores  were  also  greatly  concerned  over  the  march  of  luxury 
and  reckless  expenditure.  As  stated :  "It  often  happens  to 
a  poor  woman  who  has  nothing  but  a  place  in  a  doorway 
and  a  bed  of  cloths,  which  she  has  collected  as  a  dowry  for 
her  daughter,  that  the  guests  who  are  imposed  on  her  ruin 
her  bed  and  destroy  it."  Gay  clothes  and  carriages  were 
another  cause  of  complaint.  "Such  is  the  insolence  that 


362          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

coaches  and  all  their  following  have  been  seen  to  pass  the 
Holy  Sacrament  in  the  streets  without  a  single  obeisance.  . 
.  moreover  there  have  occurred  countless  terrible  accidents 
through  people's  rushing  and  confusion,  through  the  fright- 
ening of  horses  and  mules,  and  the  falls  of  their  riders." 
There  were  also  efforts  to  mitigate  the  harsh  punishments 
of  the  day.  "Since  those  who  are  condemned  by  the  Her- 
mandad  to  be  shot  with  arrows  are  shot  alive,  without  first 
being  strangled,  and  this  seems  to  be  inhuman,  and  some- 
times causes  a  lingering  death,  we  beg  your  Majesty  to 
give  orders  that  no  one  shall  be  shot  with  arrows  without 
first  being  strangled." 

Much  space  is  given  to  the  wars  with  the  Infidels  and 
especially  the  pirate  Barbarossa  and  is  followed  by  an  ac- 
count of  the  effort  of  the  Emperor  to  root  out  Protestant- 
ism which  ended  so  disastrously  for  Charles.  The  mar- 
riage of  Philip  to  Queen  Mary  of  England  and  the  retire- 
ment and  death  of  Charles  in  the  convent  of  Yuste  close  a 
story  of  dramatic  intensity. 

In  the  chapters  that  follow  is  told  concisely  and  graph- 
ically the  narrative  of  Spain's  conquests  and  government 
in  the  New  World,  centering  of  course,  around  the  epoch- 
making  feats  of  Hernando  Cortes,  who  because  of  "his 
fondness  for  brawling  and  amorous  adventures"  gave  up 
his  studies  of  the  law  at  the  University  of  Salamanca  to 
enter  upon  a  career  that  led  to  brilliant  successes  through 
his  sheer  audacity.  "In  his  passion  for  gambling,  and  in 
his  looseness  of  his  relation  with  women,  he  was  typical 
of  the  Spaniard  of  his  day,"  says  the  writer,  "but  he  kept 
business  and  pleasure  rigidly  separate,  and  when  he  recog- 
nized the  moment  for  decisive  action,  drove  forward  with 
a  power  that  refused  to  be  denied.  His  followers  could 
not  resist  the  magic  of  his  appeal.  Under  his  leadership 
they  attempted  and  achieved  the  impossible!"  The 
writer  quotes  Cortes's  chaplain  and  apologist  Gomara, 
in  discussing  the  trouble  of  Cortes  with  Governor 
Velasquez  which  "originated  in  Cortes's  refusal  to  fulfill  his 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  363 

promise  to  marry  a  lady  whom  he  had  persuaded  to  become 
his  mistress,"  but  prefers  to  give  credence  to  Las  Casas,  the 
historian  and  eye-witness  of  the  scenes  he  describes,  and 
who  reports  that  Cortes  became  deeply  involved  in  a  plot 
agjainst  Velasquez  who  had  befriended  Cortes.  However, 
Cortes  married  the  lady  he  had  wronged  and  Velasquez, 
apparently  reconciled,  conferred  on  Cortes  the  office  of 
alcalde  and  actually  stood  godfather  to  one  of  his  children. 
"But  smouldering  jealousy  and  distrust  still  remained"  and 
out  of  them  grew  the  events  that  were  destined  to  shape 
the  future  history  of  the  Americas. 

Merriman  follows  Bernal  Diaz  pretty  closely  in  outlin- 
ing the  salient  facts  in  the  life  of  Cortes  but  also  cites  Pro- 
fessor A.  S.  Aiton  of  the  University  of  Michigan,  especially 
as  to  the  last  years  of  the  Conqueror,  who  even  at  the  mo- 
ment that  Charles  V.  rendered  his  verdict  in  favor  of  Cortes 
deprived  him  of  the  management  of  finance  by  naming  a 
contador,  the  certificate  of  whose  appointment  was  found 
in  the  archives  of  the  Indies  by  Aiton.  The  appointment 
of  Mendoza  as  viceroy  and  of  the  second  audiencia,  even 
though  it  took  Mendoza  six  years  to  get  his  instructions 
and  reach  his  post  ousted  Cortes  completely.  He  sought 
to  retrieve  his  fortunes  in  Algiers.  "Like  many  another 
loyal  servant  of  the  Spanish  crown,"  he  "was  ruthlessly 
cast  aside  and  suffered  to  die  in  neglect." 

Equally  vivid  is  the  recital  of  Pizarro's  conquest  of 
Peru.  Coronado,  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza,  De  Soto,  Narvaez, 
are  other  figures  that  pass  over  these  pages  and  which 
serve  to  tie  up  the  American  Southwest  with  the  great 
monarch  who  dominated  the  world  for  so  many  years. 

It  is  just  four  hundred  years  since  Charles  V  wedded 
Isabella  of  Portugal.  Of  this,  the  historian  says:  "The 
spring,  summer,  and  autumn  months  which  followed  his 
marriage  were  probably  the  happiest  of  Charles's  whole 
life.  His  union  with  Isabella  had  been  dictated  by  policy, 
not  affection ;  in  fact,  he  wrote  to  his  brother  Ferdinand 


364          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

that  he  wedded  her  to  get  her  dowry  and  an  acceptable 
representative  when  he  had  to  be  away.  But  the  Emperor 
was  to  be  more  fortunate  in  his  marriage  than  he  knew; 
for  besides  the  financial  and  political  advantages,  he  had 
the  additional  satisfaction  of  falling  in  love  with  his  wife. 
His  nature  was  not  romantic.  The  cares  of  state  weighed 
ceaselessly  upon  him  and  left  scant  space  for  the  develop- 
ment of  his  affections.  But  he  yearned  for  sympathy, 
loyalty,  and  devotion,  and  these  Isabella  offered  him  in 
full  measure.  Though  slight  and  pale,  she  bore  herself 
like  an  empress;  her  head  and  her  heart  were  both  in  the 
right  place;  she  was  as  a  contemporary  justly  observed, 
'of  the  sort  that  men  say  ought  to  be  married.'  Certainly 
she  was  an  ideal  companion  for  Charles.  Though  he  had 
married  her  in  part  to  get  a  regent  in  his  absence,  he  was 
to  find  it  unexpectedly  difficult  to  leave  her  side.  Most  of 
their  honeymoon  was  spent  at  Granada,  where  they  took  re- 
fuge from  the  great  heats  of  the  valley  of  the  Guadalquivir. 
It  was  the  first  time  that  Charles  had  visited  Andalusia, 
and  he  gazed  with  wonder  and  delight  on  what  he  saw." 

It  is  these  revelations  and  human  touches  that  make 
the  volume  more  than  a  history  and  cause  the  pages  to  teem 
with  romance,  although  every  statement  is  well  docu- 
mented. The  footnotes  and  references  are  voluminous,  the 
typography  excellent,  the  maps  informative,  and  altogether, 
the  book  is  one  that  delights  the  bibliophile,  the  student, 
the  historian  as  well  as  the  general  reader. 

P.  A.  F.  W. 

Pioneer  Days  in  the  Southwest  By  Grant  Foreman, 
(A.  H.  Clark  Co.,  Cleveland,  Ohio.)  The  centenary  of  Kit 
Carson's  arrival  in  Santa  Fe  and  of  Jedediah  Smith's  entry 
into  California  is  more  fittingly  marked  by  the  publication 
of  a  volume  such  as  "Pioneer  Days  in  the  Early  Southwest" 
by  Grant  Foreman,  than  it  would  be  by  the  erection  of 
monuments  in  bronze  or  stone  to  the  pioneers  to  whom  the 
United  States  owes  the  acquisition  of  an  empire. 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  365 

The  author  opens  with  an  account  of  the  early  ex- 
plorations of  Louisiana  Territory.  He  declares:  "From 
the  mouth  of  the  Verdigris,  in  its  day  the  farthest  thrust 
of  the  pioneer,  the  conquest  of  a  large  part  of  the  South- 
west was  achieved.  The  story  of  this  campaign  covering 
a  period  of  nearly  fifty  years,  has  never  been  written, 
though  it  contains  much  of  romance  that  even  in  the  form 
of  isolated  or  related  incidents  it  is  possible  to  record."  He 
continues:  "The  earliest  explorers  of  the  Southwest  were 
Spaniards.  The  first  known  visitors  were  DeSoto  who 
croesed  the  Mississippi  in  1540,  and  Coronado  who  came 
from  the  south  the  next  year.  Schoolcraft  traces  the 
march  of  DeSoto  to  the  north  of  the  Verdigris."  It  was 
not  far  from  there  that  Coronado  passed  on  his  march  to 
find  Quivira.  The  author  then  tells  of  the  illfated  expedi- 
tion of  Captain  Villasur  who  left  Santa  Fe  in  1719  and 
after  a  march  of  600  miles  was  massacred  with  all  his  men 
except  "the  priest  who  escaped  on  his  horse." 

The  expedition  of  Zebulon  Pike  in  1806  and  that  of 
Don  Facundo  Melgares  sent  out  from  Santa  Fe  in  antici- 
pation of  Pike  (Melgares  who  later  conveyed  Pike  as  a 
prisoner  to  Chihuahua)  were  parties  to  one  of  the  first 
conflicts  between  Spanish  and  American  authorities  that 
found  their  climax  in  the  Texas  invasion  of  New  Mexico 
in  1841,  and  the  capture  of  Santa  Fe  by  General  Stephen 
W.  Kearny  on  August  18,  1846  It  was  then,  according  to 
the  author  that  "the  Southwest  of  the  trader,  trapper  and 
explorer  gave  way  to  the  Southwest  of  the  immigrant,  the 
herdsman,  the  goldseeker,  arid  agriculturist.  With  the 
birth  of  a  new  era  was  closed  the  last  chapter  of  an  old." 

It  is  with  crucial  incidents  of  the  thirty  years  between 
1816  and  1846,  that  the  volume  mostly  concerns  itself.  The 
author  has  gone  to  original  sources  and  has  made  good 
use  of  official  documents  as  well  as  published  reports.  The 
chapter  headings,  perhaps,  give  the  best  synopsis  of  the 
riches  one  finds  in  the  350  pages  of  beautiful  typography 


366          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

marred  only  here  and  there  by  some  typographical  error 
which  slipped  by  the  proofreader : 

Establishment  of  Fort  Smith  in  1817. 

Expeditions  of  Fowler  and  James  to  Santa  Fe  in  1821. 

Establishment  of  Fort  Gibson  in  1824. 

Earliest  known  traders  on  Arkansas  River. 

Washington  Irving  at  Fort  Gibson,  1832. 

Peace  Attempts  with  Western  Prairie  Indians,  1833. 

The  Osage  Massacre. 

Colonel  Dodge  Reaches  Villages  of  Western  Indians. 

Western  Garrison  Life. 

Governor  Houston  at  His  Trading  Post  on  the  Verdi- 
gris. 

Governor  Houston's  Life  among  the  Indians. 

The  Stokes  Treaty  Commission. 

Governor  Stokes's  Views  and  Difficulties. 

Indian  Warfare  between  Texas  and     Mexico. 

Expeditions  of  Bonneville  and  other  Early  Traders. 

Governor  Stokes's  Uncompleted  Plans. 

Warfare  on  the  Texas  Border,  1836. 

Border  Warfare  and    Texas. 

The  bibliography,  the  index  and  and  a  map  showing 
early  explorations  and  routes  of  expeditions  are  valuable 
addenda. 

The  author  recalls  that  John  G.  James  who  left  St. 
Louis  on  May  10,  1821,  opened  a  store  in  Santa  Fe  where 
he  had  arrived  on  December  1,  1821.  James  spent  six 
months  in  Santa  Fe  and  then  returned  east  by  way  of  Taos. 
However,  Glenn  who  headed  the  Fowler  expedition  was 
the  first  to  go  from  the  mouth  of  the  Verdigris  to  Santa 
Fe. 

Still  earlier,  Col.  A.  P.  Chouteau  &nd  Julius  DeMun 
had  been  trading  in  Spanish  territory.  In  1815  they  were 
trading  with  the  Arapaho  Indians  at  the  headwaters  of 
the  Arkansas.  They  returned  to  St.  Louis  the  following 
year.  Says  the  author : 

"In  their  absence,  a  friendly  governor  at  Santa  Fe 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  367 

had  been  succeeded  by  one  hostile  to  Americans.  Disre- 
garding the  permission  granted  by  his  predecessor  for  the 
Americans  to  enter  Spanish  territory,  the  governor  caused 
the  arrest  of  Chouteau  and  DeMun  with  their  men,  as 
they  were  about  to  leave  the  Arkansas  for  the  Crow  In- 
dian country  on  Columbia  River.  They  were  thrown  in- 
to prison  at  Santa  Fe,  where  they  were  confined  for  forty- 
eight  days,  part  of  the  time  in  irons;  their  lives  were 
threatened,  and  they  were  subjected  to  other  indignities; 
the  final  and  most  poignant  of  all  was  that  Chouteau  and 
DeMun  were  compelled  to  kneel  to  hear  a  lieutenant  read 
the  sentence  pronounced  by  the  governor,  and  were  then 
'forced  likewise  to  kiss  the  unjust  and  iniquitous  sentence, 
that  deprived  harmless  and  inoffensive  men  of  all  they 
possessed  —of  the  fruits  of  two  years'  labor  and  perils,' 
as  reported  by  them  to  our  government."  The  description 
of  Chouteau's  establishment,  feudal  in  its  extent  and  man- 
agement, the  visit  of  Washington  Irving,  the  sketch  of  Mrs. 
Nicks,  the  first  American  business  woman  in  the  far  West, 
make  a  delightful  chapter.  Countless  thousands  of  prairie 
chickens,  numberless  herds  of  buffalo,  gave  some  hint  of 
the  wealth  of  game  that  covered  the  western  prairies. 

"A  party  of  twelve  traders  had  left  Santa  Fe  in  Decem- 
ber, 1832,  under  Judge  Carr  of  Saint  Louis  for  their  homes 
in  Missouri.  Their  baggage  and  about  ten  thousand  dollars 
in  specie  were  packed  upon  mules.  They  were  descending 
the  Canadian  river  when,  near  the  present  town  of  Lathrop 
in  the  Panhandle  of  Texas,  they  were  attacked  by  an  over- 
whelming force  of  Comanche  and  Kiowa  Indians.  Two  of 
the  men,  one  named  Pratt,  and  the  other  Mitchell,  were 
killed:  and  after  a  siege  of  36  hours  the  survivors  made 
their  escape  at  night  on  foot,  leaving  all  their  property  in 
possession  of  the  Indians.  The  party  became  separated 
and  after  incredible  hardship  and  suffering,  five  of  them 
made  their  way  to  the  Creek  settlements  on  the  Arkansas 
and  to  Fort  Gibson  where  they  found  succor.  Of  the  other 


368          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

five  only  two  survived.     The   money  secured   by   the  In- 
dians was  the  first  they  had  ever  seen." 

This  and  other  incidents  in  the  year  of  the  great  flood 
and  of  star  showers  (1833)  led  to  the  displacement  of  the 
Rangers  by  the  Dragoons,  commanded  by  Major  Henry 
Dodge,  and  Lt.  Col.  Stephen  Watts  Kearny,  who  was  des- 
tined 13  years  later  to  take  Santa  Fe.  Jefferson  Davis, 
only  a  few  years  out  of  West  Point,  became  a  first  lieuten- 
ant in  the  regiment.  "While  the  Rangers  wore  no  uniforms, 
Congress  went  to  the  other  extreme  in  the  organization 
of  the  Dragoons,  who  must  have  created  a  sensation  in  all 
beholders,  if  one  can  visualize  them  in  their  splendor:  A 
double-breasted  dark  blue  cloth  coat,  with  two  rows  of  gilt 
buttons,  ten  to  the  row;  cuffs  and  collar  yellow,  the  latter 
framed  with  gold  lace  and  the  skirt  ornamented  with  a 
star.  Trousers  of  blue  gray  mixture,  with  two  stripes  of 
yellow  cloth  three-quarters  an  inch  wide  up  each  outside 
seam.  A  cap  like  in  infantryman's,  ornamented  with  a 
silver  eagle,  gold  cord,  and  with  a  gilt  star  to  be  worn  in 
front  with  a  drooping  white  horsehair  pompon.  Ankle 
boots  and  yellow  spurs;  sabre  with  steel  scabbard  and  a 
half -basket  hilt;  sash  of  silk  net,  deep  orange  in  color,  to 
be  tied  on  right  hip  and  worn  with  full  dress.  Black  patent 
leather  belt;  black  silk  stock,  and  white  gloves.  For  un- 
dress uniform,  the  dark  blue  coat  had  only  nine  buttons 
on  each  breast,  one  on  each  side  of  the  collar,  four  on  the 
cuffs,  four  along  the  flaps,  and  two  on  the  hips;  an  epau- 
lette strap  on  each  shoulder.  There  was  also  a  great  coat 
of  blue  gray,  made  double-breasted  and  worn  with  a  cape. 
Add  the  soldier's  equipment  of  rifle  and  ammunition,  and 
picture  these  helpless  tender-feet  from  northern  states 
starting  in  the  middle  of  summer  on  an  expedition  of  seven 
hundred  miles,  to  impress  the  Indians  with  the  splendor 
of  their  raiment  and  the  menace  of  their  arms  and  num- 
bers ;  marching  over  the  blazing  prairies  in  heavy  uniforms 
and  through  the  suffocating  thickets  of  underbrush  and 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  369 

briars  that  entangled  with  the  countless  buttons  and 
snatched  off  the  towering  cap  with  the  white  pompon." 

Enough  has  been  quoted  to  give  an  inkling  of  the  sus- 
tained interest  of  the  volume  which  gives  so  vivid  a  picture 
of  the  "Conquest  of  the  Southwest." 

P.  A.  F.  W. 

The  United  States  and  Mexico  By  Pauline  Safford 
Relyea.  (Smith  College  Studies  in  History)  The  diplo- 
matic relations  between  the  United  States  and  Mex- 
ico under  Porfirio  Diaz,  1876-1910,  are  the  theme  of 
one  of  the  recent  Smith  College  Studies  in  History.  It 
is  by  Pauline  Safford  Relyea.  Considerable  space  is  given 
in  the  introduction  to  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two 
countries  from  1825  to  1876.  In  conclusion,  the  writer 
says : 

"The  undercurrent  of  hostility  to  American  interests  is 
not  found  to  have  been  shared  by  the  Mexican  government. 
The  administration  pursued  the  same  friendly  course  as 
during  the  preceding  years,  but  the  question  that  arose  at 
the  time  of  the  introduction  of  Diaz's  policy  to  invite  for- 
eign capital  into  Mexico,  the  question  as  to  whether  the 
government  would  be  able  to  establish  its  own  feeling  in 
the  minds  of  those  whose  private  interests  were  engaged, 
must  now  be  answered  in  the  negative.  Two  currents  of 
feeling  were  present  in  Mexico  at  this  time— that  of  the 
government  still  friendly  to  the  United  States  and  to 
American  interests;  that  of  many  Mexicans  who  resented 
the  results  of  the  government  policy  and  laid  their  wrongs 
at  the  door  of  American  intervention  in  Mexican  develop- 
ment. If  this  intervention  could  have  been  guided  from 
the  United  States  by  a  policy  of  'usefulness',  it  might  great- 
ly have  aided  Diaz  in  the  success  of  his  policy,  but  exploi- 
tation was  more  often  the  policy  under  which  Americans 
worked.  The  government  was  thus  pursuing  the  same 
friendly  attitude.  In  1907,  the  boundary  question  was 
further  settled  by  a  convention  for  the  equitable  distri- 
bution of  the  waters  of  the  Rio  Grande,  whereby  the  Unit- 
ed States  undertook  to  deliver  60,000  acre-feet  of  water  an- 
nually to  Mexico  without  cost.  In  the  same  year  the  second 
question  left  by  the  Commission,  the  matter  of  'bancos',  was 
settled  by  a  line  drawn  through  the  deepest  channel  of  the 


370          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

river  for  the  present  but  providing  that  all  future  ques- 
tions should  be  settled  by  reference  to  the  old  bed  of  1848. 
The  third  question,  that  of  the  El  Chamisal  tract,  was  sub- 
mitted to  arbitration  and  settled  satisfactorily  in  1910. 
As  important  as  the  settlements  themselves  was  the  culmi- 
nation of  the  policy  of  arbitration  in  the  treaty  of  1908 
for  submitting  to  the  Hague  Tribunal  all  controversies  be- 
tween the  two  republics  not  capable  of  settlement  by  ordi- 
nary diplomatic  means." 

There  is  also  an  interesting  note  on  the  attempt  to 
continue  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  into  Mexico. 

P.  A.  F.  W. 

A  Manual  of  Navaho  Grammar.  By  Fr.  Berard  Haile, 
0.  F.  M.  of  St.  Michael's,  Ariz.  (Santa  Fe  New  Mexican 
Publishing  Corporation,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mex.,  324  pp.)  If 
"infinite  capacity  for  taking  pains"  is  genius,  then  the  book 
is  the  work  of  a  genius.  The  Navaho  language  is  natur- 
ally in  keeping  with  the  Indian's  way  of  thinking;  and  be- 
ing a  child  of  nature,  the  accidental  qualities  of  things  and 
actions  obtain  great  prominence.  This  calls  for  minute,  or 
rather  indinite  detail  of  expression.  Fr.  Berard  is  exception- 
ally well  qualified  to  work  out  and  give  us  this  detail.  Hav- 
ing been  in  the  field,  living  among  the  Indians  at  St. 
Michael's  Chin  lee,  Lukachukai ;  and  speaking  the  lang- 
uage for  upwards  of  27  years,  he  is  naturally  familiar  with 
the  Indian's  way  of  thinking  and  expressing  himself.  His 
is  the  knowledge,  not  of  the  theorist,  but  of  the  practical 
man  and  student. 

The  alphabet  used  is  essentially  the  same  as  that  used 
in  the  "Ethnologic  Dictionary"  and  the  "Vocabulary  of  the 
Navaho  Language"  published  some  years  ago  by  the  Fran- 
ciscan Fathers;  but  it  is  rounded  out  and  simplified  by 
applying  suggestions,  found  in  the  "Phonetic  Transcrip- 
tion of  Indian  Languages"  (Smithsonian  Miscellaneous 
Collections,  Vol.  66,  No.  6)  published  in  1916. 

The  work  is  dedicated  to  the  memory  of  the  late  Fr. 
Anselm  Weber,  0.  F.  M.,  who  so  valiantly  fought  the  battles 
of  the  Indians,  and  especially  the  Navahoes,  against  the 


REVIEWS  AND  EXCHANGES  371 

neglect  and  oppression  of  the  white  man;  and  was,  with- 
out doubt,  the  most  noted  of  Indian  Missionaries  of  recent 
date. 

The  publishers  are  to  be  complimented  on  their  ability 
to  solve  the  intricacies  of  the  amazing  alphabet  and  word 
grouping. 

All  in  all,  the  work  is  one  that  will  not  easily  be  dupli- 
cated, and  ought  to  prove  a  valuable  aid  to  students  of  the 
language. 

Fr.  T.  M. 


NOTES  AND  COMMENTS 

Referring  to  Prof.  Baldwin's  paper  in  the  April  Re- 
view, Mr.  H.  R.  Wagner  of  Berkeley  writes: 

"I  certainly  dispute  the  fact  that  Niza  ever  set  foot 
on  the  soil  of  New  Mexico,  and  there  are  plenty  of  others 
who  do  not  believe  it.  I  am  quite  convinced  that  he  never 
went  any  farther  than  the  Gila  Valley,  all  the  rest  being 
imagination.  As  far  as  Cortez'  remarks  are  concerned, 
Niza's  own  account  bears  internal  evidence  that  he  had  re- 
ceived information  either  from  Cortez  himself  or  someone 
who  had  accompanied  him." 

For  detailed  discussion  of  this  point,  with  citation  of 
important  documents,  see  Wagner,  The  Spanish  Southwest, 
pp.  45-49.  In  the  author's  opinion,  these  sources 

"go  a  long  way  to  bear  out  the  statements  of  Cortez,  who 
after  all  would  never  have  dreamed  of  saying  that  he  told 
Niza  the  stories  he  heard  from  the  Indians  unless  there 
had  been  some  foundation  for  it." 

In  connection  with  the  Chamuscado  paper  by  Dr. 
Mecham  in  the  present  issue,  the  facts  regarding  a  lost  map 
bearing  on  this  expedition  as  stated  by  Mr.  Wagner  in  the 
same  work  (p.  76)  are  of  interest: 

"A  marginal  reference  in  Hakluyt,  390,  to  a  map  in  his 
possession  which  he  said  had  been  made  by  Chamuscado, 


372          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

is  interesting.  Purchas,  IV,  1561,  also  refers  to  a  map  of 
New  Mexico  in  his  possession,  made  in  1585,  no  doubt  the 
one  referred  to  by  Hakluyt.  There  is  not  much  doubt  that 
it  was  the  map  made  by  Francisco  Dominguez,  who  in  his 
petition  to  the  Council,  undated  but  after  1584,  A.  G.  I.,  58- 
6-19,  expressly  states  that  he  had  made  a  map  of  New 
Mexico  at  the  request  of  the  Viceroy  Conde  de  Coruna.  The 
King  afterward  complained  that  this  had  not  been  re- 
ceived,— we  now  see  because  the  English  had  intercepted 
it." 


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§ 
II  AT  C>uj«*> 
bo?-  itbobt 

of  nit  .fttfe,  but  (hick  tet;  light  bu 
» 


ADVERTISEMENT  FOR  THE  RUNAWAY 
BOY,  C,  CARSON 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL 
REVIEW 

Vol.   I.  October,  1926.  No.  4. 

KIT    CAUSON 

Pathbreaker,  Patriot  and  Humanitarian 

BY  F.  T.  CHEETHAM 

Just  one  hundred  years  ago,  next  month,  there  arrived 
in  Santa  Fe,  with  a  belated  caravan  from  the  Missouri 
River,  a  run-away  boy  of  sixteen  years,  who  was  destined 
to  win  the  spurs  of  fame  on  the  American  frontier.  Though 
of  such  tender  years,  he  possessed  a  modesty  of  demeanor 
coupled  with  a  firm  self-reliance  that  became  outstanding 
characteristics  of  his  career.  His  name  was  Christopher 
Carson,  but  he  soon  became  affectionately  know  by  all  who 
knew  and  loved  him  as  "Kit"  Carson. 

During  the  two  years  next  preceding  he  had  been  ap- 
prenticed to  David  Workman  in  a  saddlery.  He  loved  the 
great  out-of-doors  and  the  work  at  a  bench  became  irk- 
some to  him.  He  therefore  ran  away.  He  found  his  way 
to  Independence,  Missouri,  where  he  secured  passage  to 
New  Mexico.  Upon  his  arrival  in  Santa  Fe,  he  remained 
but  a  short  time,  when  he  proceeded  to  Taos  where  he  spent 
the  winter  with  an  old  friend  of  his  family,  by  the  name  of 
Kincade. 

In  the  spring  of  1827,  probably  suffering  from  an  acute 
attack  of  nostalgia,  he  started  to  return  home.  He  got  as 
far  as  the  Arkansas  River  where  he  met  a  caravan  on  the 
way  to  Mexico.  The  spirit  of  adventure  overcame  his 
homesickness  and  he  faced  about.  He  accompanied  this 


376         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

party  as  far  as  El  Paso  when  he  returned  to  Santa  Fe  and 
Taos. 

He  again  spent  the  winter  in  Taos,  cooking  for  Ewing 
Young,  the  trader  and  trapper  who  afterwards  figured  so 
conspicuously  in  the  early  history  of  Oregon.  The  spring 
following,  Carson  again  started  for  Missouri  and  on  reach- 
ing the  Arkansas  River  he  met  Colonel  Tramell,  a  trader 
bound  for  Chihuahua.  Carson  hired  to  him  as  interpreter 
and  accompanied  the  train  to  its  destination.  While  in 
Chihuahua,  Kit  was  employed  by  Robert  McKnight  to  go 
to  the  copper  mines  near  the  River  Gila.  He  worked  there 
for  a  time  as  a  teamster,  but  in  August,  1828,  he  returned 
to  Taos. 

About  the  time  Carson  returned  to  Taos,  Ewing  Young 
had  associated  with  himself  David  E.  Jackson  of  Jackson's 
Hole  fame  and  Dr.  David  Waldo,  under  the  firm  name  of 
Jackson,  Waldo  &  Co.  This  firm  had  dispatched  an  expedi- 
tion to  the  Salt  River  which  had  been  defeated  and  driven 
back  by  the  Indians  that  inhabited  that  region.  In  Au- 
gust, 1829,  a  stronger  party  was  organized  under  the  lead- 
ership of  Ewing  Young  to  trap  the  River  Gila  and  go  on 
into  California.  Carson  joined  this  party.  They  left  Taos 
travelling  a  northwest  course  until  they  had  passed  be- 
yond the  sphere  of  Santa  Fe  and  the  governor's  customs 
agents.  On  reaching  a  safe  distance  they  altered  their 
course  to  the  southwest  and  reached  the  head-waters  of 
the  Salt  River.  There  they  were  attacked  by  the  same  tribe 
that  had  driven  back  the  preceding  expedition.  In  the 
fight  that  followed  the  Indians  were  worsted  and  the  party 
proceeded  on  their  way. 

After  a  successful  catch  the  party  divided.  One  por- 
tion of  the  original  p&rty  returned  to  New  Mexico  with 
the  furs  while  the  other,  which  Carson  joined,  went  on 
to  the  Colorado  River  and  into  California.  They  picked 
their  way  across  the  desert  until  they  struck  the  Mojave 
River.  This  they  followed  to  its  source,  crossed  the  range 
through  Cajon  Pass  and  in  a  few  days  arrived  at  Mission 
San  Gabriel. 


KIT  CARSON  377 

They  rested  a  few  days  at  this  mission  and  then  went 
to  Mission  San  Fernando.  From  there  the  party  went 
north  to  the  Sacramento  River  where  they  commenced  trap- 
ping. There  they  found  a  Hudson  Bay  Company  party 
under  the  leadership  of  Peter  Skene  Ogden.  Young's  party 
remained  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Sacramento  until  Septem- 
ber of  the  following  year  when  they  returned  by  way  of 
the  Pueblo  of  Los  Angeles,  having  disposed  of  their  furs 
to  a  trading  schooner.  At  Los  Angeles,  the  Mexican 
authorities  tried  to  apprehend  the  whole  party  by  getting 
them  intoxicated.  Young  intrusted  his  horses  and  camp 
equipment  to  the  youthful  Kit,  whom  he  sent  on  the  way 
while  he  managed  to  get  his  other  men  out  of  the  place. 
They  returned  to  New  Mexico  by  way  of  the  copper  mines 
where  they  cached  the  furs  they  had  taken  enroute.  From 
there  the  party  proceeded  to  Santa  Fe,  where  Young  secured 
a  license  to  trade.  He  took  Carson  with  him,  returned  to 
the  copper  mines,  "traded"  for  his  furs  and  returned  with 
the  same  to  the  capital.  By  April,  1831,  Carson  was  back 
in  Taos. 

In  the  fall  of  that  year,  young  Kit  joined  a  party  under 
Fitzpatrick  to  trap  in  the  Northwest.  For  the  next  ten 
years  he  engaged  in  trapping  in  the  Rocky  Mountain 
region,  even  venturing  as  far  as  the  eastern  slope  of  the 
Sierras.  During  this  time  he  explored  nearly  every  im- 
portant stream  and  mountain  pass  from  the  headwaters 
of  the  Platte  and  Missouri  to  California  and  Oregon.  He 
also  became  intimately  acquainted  with  all  the  mountain 
men  of  note.  He  participated  in  many  battles  with  the 
savages,  many  times  against  heavy  odds.1  During  these 
yqars  he  particularly  fitted  himself  for  those  larger  and 
more  important  duties  which  the  future  had  in  store  for 
him. 

Probably  the  first  mention  of  Kit  Carson  in  the  nar- 


1.  See  Kit  Carson's  Own  Story  of  His  Life,  the  "Peters  Manuscript,"  edited 
and  published  in  full  for  the  first  time,  by  Blanche  C.  Grant,  Taos,  N.  Mex.,  at  the 
Santa  Fe  New  Mexican  press. 


378         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ratives  of  the  early  western  travellers,  is  found  in  the 
Rev.  Samuel  Parker's  "Exploring  Tour  Beyond  the  Rocky 
Mountains/'  first  published  in  1838,  while  Carson  was 
quite  a  young  man  and  was  just  winning  his  title  as  a 
"Na-chi-gaime"2  of  the  hunters  and  trappers.  Parker  re- 
lates how  Carson  tamed  a  French-Canadian  bully  named 
Shunan. 

By  the  year  1841,  the  price  of  furs  had  so  declined 
that  the  trappers  were  forced  to  adopt  some  other  means 
of  gaining  a  livelihood.  The  prices  which  the  market  af- 
forded were  not  commensurate  with  the  dangers  incurred 
and  hardships  endured  in  taking  the  peltries.  So  Carson 
drifted  into  Bent's  Fort,  situated  on  the  then  international 
boundary,  on  the  Arkansas  River,  opposite  the  river  Pisipa, 
near  the  present  city  of  La  Junta,  Colorado.  This  fort 
had  been  erected  and  maintained  as  a  trading  post  by  the 
enterprising  firm  of  Bent  &  St.  Vrain  to  catch  both  the 
fur  trade  and  the  trade  with  Santa  Fe  and  Chihuahua.  Here 
he  was  offered  employment  as  hunter  for  the  fort.  This 
position  he  accepted  and  during  the  following  winter  pro- 
vided this  great  trading  post  with  an  abundance  of  meat. 

In  April,  1842,  the  wagon  trains  of  Messrs.  Bent  &  St. 
Vrain  departed  for  the  Missouri  River,  and  Carson,  desir- 
ing to  return  home  after  sixteen  years  of  adventure,  joined 
them.  After  visiting  his  boyhood  home,  he  went  to  St. 
Louis.  On  his  return  he  took  passage  on  the  same  steam- 
boat on  which  Lieut.  John  C.  Fremont  and  his  exploring 
party  were  proceeding  westward.  While  on  board,  Car- 
son had  several  interviews  with  Fremont,  who  had  hoped 
to  employ  Captain  Dripps  as  his  chief  scout  and  guide. 
Carson  modestly  told  him  that  he  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  region  to  be  explored  and  believed  he  could  guide 
the  party  anywhere  they  desired  to  go.  Fremont  took 
time  to  make  inquiries  as  to  Carson's  fitness  and  before 
they  separated  employed  the  latter. 


2.     The  word   "Na-chi-gaime"   is  &  Pueblo  Indian  word  used  to  signify  one  who 
has  finished  all  his  training  and   proved  himself  an  accomplished  hunter. 


KIT  CARSON  379 

The  exploring  party  landed  at  Ciprian,  Chouteau's 
trading  post  on  the  Kaw  and  from  there  started  overland, 
following  largely  what  was  then  the  Oregon  Trail.  While 
enroute,  they  met  with  a  war  party  of  the  Dakotah  tribe 
of  Indians,  but  by  the  exercise  of  "Indian  diplomacy" 
avoided  hostilities.  The  objective  of  this  expedition  was 
the  Rocky  Mountains  and  the  South  Pass.  Fremont  scaled 
the  peak  which  now  bears  his  name  and  the  expedition 
about-faced.  Carson  left  the  party  at  Ft.  Laramie  and 
returned  to  Bent's  Fort.  From  there  he  went  to  Taos 
where  in  February,  1843,  he  was  married  to  Josefa  Jara- 
millo,  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  most  respected  families  of 
New  Mexico. 

In  April  of  that  year  he  again  started  for  St.  Louis 
with  the  wagon  trains  of  Bent  &  St.  Vrain.  At  Walnut 
Creek  they  met  four  companies  of  U.  S.  Dragoons  under 
the  command  of  Capt.  P.  St.  George  Cook.  The  captain 
had  lately  received  information  that  a  large  party  of  Texans 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Sniveley  was  waiting  along 
the  trail  to  waylay  and  capture  Governor  Armijo's  wagon 
train  in  retaliation  for  his  treatment  of  their  countrymen 
of  the  ill-fated  McCleod  Expedition.  Captain  Cook  em- 
ployed Carson  to  carry  a  dispatch  to  Armijo.  The  latter 
was  accompanied  as  far  as  Bent's  Fort  by  Dick  Owens 
and  from  there  he  travelled  alone  to  Taos.  At  Taos  he  de- 
livered the  dispatch  to  the  alcalde  who  accepted  the  respon- 
sibility of  transmitting  it  to  Santa  Fe. 

After  resting  a  short  time,  Carson  again  returned  to 
Bent's  Fort  and  upon  his  arrival  learned  that  Fremont 
had  just  departed  on  his  second  pathfinding  expedition. 
On  learning  that  Fremont  was  not  more  than  seventy  miles 
from  the  fort,  Carson  decided  to  overtake  him,  not  with 
a  view  of  seeking  employment  but  merely  to  visit  his  for- 
mer employer.  On  seeing  Carson  again,  Fremont  im- 
mediately implored  him  to  accompany  the  expedition.  This 
Carson  agreed  to  do  and  was  immediately  sent  back  to 
Bent's  Fort  to  purchase  mules.  This  he  accomplished  and 


380         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

joined  the  expedition  at  St.  Vrain's  Fort  on  the  South 
Platte. 

At  Fort  St.  Vrain,  the  party  divided,  Major  Fritz- 
patrick  with  the  larger  portion  going  by  way  of  Fort 
Laramie,  and  Fremont  with  Carson  for  guide,  going  up 
the  Big  Thompson,  Cache-la-Poudre,  below  the  New  Park 
into  the  Sweet  Water.  From  there  they  followed  the  Oregon 
Trail  until  they  reached  the  Soda  Springs  on  Bear  River. 
Fremont  then  dispatched  Carson  to  Fort  Hall  for  pro- 
visions, and  the  latter  rejoined  the  expedition  on  the  north 
shore  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake.  While  camped  on  the  shore 
of  the  lake,  Fremont  decided  to  explore  a  large  island  lying 
immediately  in  front  of  their  camp.  This  he  accomplished 
by  means  of  a  rubber  boat  carried  along  for  such  pur- 
poses. Kit  accompanied  him  on  this  hazardous  enterprise. 

From  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  the  party  went  to  Fort 
Hall  and  down  the  Columbia  to  the  Dalles  where  they 
rested  while  supplies  were  secured  from  Fort  Vancouver. 
From  the  Dalles,  the  expedition  proceeded  southward  along 
the  east  side  of  the  main  range  past  Pyramid  Lake.  Con- 
tinuing on  southward,  after  encountering  deep  snows  and 
enduring  untold  hardships,  they  crossed  the  main  range 
of  the  Sierras  through  Kit  Carson  Pass  in  what  is  now 
Mono  County,  California.  From  there  they  went  to 
Colonel  Sutter's  Fort  on  the  American  Fork  of  the  Sacra- 
mento where  they  were  well  and  graciously  received  by 
friends. 

At  Sutter's  Fort,  Fremont  rested  his  men  and  refitted 
for  his  return  trip.  Leaving  this  fort  he  proceeded  south- 
ward along  the  west  side  of  the  Sierras  until  he  reached 
the  south  end  of  the  San  Juaquin  Valley.  He  then  crossed 
the  range  through  a  low  pass  and  struck  the  old  Spanish 
Trail  from  the  Pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  to  Santa  Fe  and 
Taos.  This  they  followed  until  they  reached  Vega  Santa 
Clara,  whence  they  proceeded  to  Utah  Lake  and  crossed 
the  Wasatch  Range  to  Robidoux'  Fort  on  the  Uintah.  They 
then  followed  a  circuitous  route  back  to  Bent's  Fort 


KIT  CARSON  381 

where  they  arrived  in  time  for  a  Fourth  of  July  feast, 
just  one  year  after  their  departure  from  that  place. 

Carson  here  took  leave  of  Fremont  and  returned  to 
Taos.  He  remained  at  that  place  until  the  spring  of  1845 
when  he  and  Dick  Owens  made  a  settlement  on  the  Little 
Cimarron  about  forty-five  miles  east  of  Taos.  There  they 
erected  cabins,  cleared  and  broke  some  land  and  planted 
crops  of  grain.  But  on  leaving  Fremont,  Carson  had  pro- 
mised that  in  the  event  of  his  return  for  another  expedi- 
tion his  services  would  be  available.  In  August  of  that 
year,  Fremont  returned  to  Bent's  Fort  on  his  third  ex- 
pedition. He  sent  a  dispatch  to  Carson  and  the  latter, 
true  to  his  word,  sold  out  his  claim  at  a  loss  and  reported 
for  duty. 

This  expedition  pursued  a  more  direct  route  to  Cali- 
fornia again  touching  at  the  Great  Salt  Lake.  On  reach- 
ing the  Sierras,  the  party  again  divided,  one  portion  under 
Talbot  and  Walker  making  a  detour  to  the  south  while 
Fremont  and  Carson  crossed  the  Range  by  a  direct  route 
to  Sutter's  Fort.  After  securing  supplies  at  the  fort  they 
proceeded  on  south  hoping  to  find  the  other  detachment 
of  their  party.  This  they  failed  to  do  and  on  arriving  at 
San  Jose  they  learned  that  Talbot  was  on  the  San  Juaquin. 
Carson  was  then  sent  to  get  in  touch  with  them  and  bring 
them  in. 

After  the  party  had  re-united,  Fremont  started  for 
Monterey  to  re-outfit  for  the  return  trip.  On  arriving 
within  about  thirty  miles  of  that  place  he  received  a  per- 
emptory order  from  General  Castro  to  leave  the  country 
at  once.  Fremont  went  into  camp  and  rested  his  men, 
being  constantly  harrassed  by  threatened  attacks.  After 
giving  his  men  sufficient  rest,  Fremont  moved  northward 
by  the  way  of  Sutter's  Fort.  From  there  he  followed  the 
Sacramento  to  Peter  Lassen's  Fort.  There  he  secured 
supplies  and  started  for  the  Columbia  River.  They  had 
gotten  as  far  as  the  Klamath  Lakes  when  they  received 
a  dispatch  from  Lieutenant  Gillespie  who  was  trying  to 


382         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

overtake  Fremont.  He  was  the  bearer  of  important  ord- 
ers and  messages  some  of  which  had  not  been  entrusted 
to  writing.  Fearing  that  so  small  a  party  as  Gillispie's 
would  be  attacked  by  the  Klamath  Indians,  Fremont  took 
a  party  of  ten  men,  of  whom  Carson  was  one,  and  re- 
traced his  steps  hastily.  Meeting  the  lieutenant  they  camped 
for  the  night.  Fremont  sat  up  late  reading  the  letters  and 
dispatches  just  received.  He  had  retired  only  a  short  time 
when  the  keen  ear  of  Carson  heard  the  thud  of  a  tomahawk. 
Before  he  could  awaken  the  tired  sleeping  men  two  of 
their  number  were  slain.  Carson  rushed  to  the  counter- 
attack and  soon  the  savages  were  driven  off.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  trained  ear  of  Kit  Carson  there  is  no  doubt 
but  that  the  whole  party  would  have  been  annihilated. 

In  pursuance  of  the  orders  and  messages  received, 
Fremont  at  once  about-faced  his  entire  command  and 
mardhed  back  for  California.  They  again  touched  at 
Peter  Lassen's  Fort  where  they  secured  necessary  pro- 
visions. From  there  they  went  on  south  and  found  the 
whole  country  in  a  state  of  excitement.  Fremont  was  an 
officer  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States  but  he  had  as 
yet  no  official  information  that  war  had  been  declared  and 
could  not,  therefore,  wage  war  against  a  friendly  nation. 
The  Bear  Flag  Party  was  being  organized.  Fremont  was 
a  man  of  action.  He  put  away  his  American  Flag  and 
joined  the  Bear  Flag  Party.  Carson  participated.  Every- 
thing was  swept  before  them.  The  Mexican  forces  fled 
southward.  On  July  2nd  the  American  fleet  under  the 
command  of  Commodore  Sloat  entered  Monterey  har- 
bor and  on  the  7th  the  city  was  surrendered  to  him. 

Fremont  and  his  command  arrived  in  the  city  on  the 
19th.  Lieutenant  Walpole  of  the  British  Ship  Collingwood, 
in  his  Four  Years  in  the  Pacific,  says:  "He  has  one  or 
two  with  him  that  enjoy  a  high  reputation  in  the  prairies. 
Kit  Carson  is  as  well  known  there  as  'the  Duke'  is  in 
Europe/'3  By  this  time  Commodore  Sloat  had  relinquished 

3.     The  reference  here  is  to  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 


KIT  CARSON  383 

his  command  of  the  American  squadron  to  Commodore 
Stockton.  The  latter  immediately  requested  Fremont  to 
organize  what  became  known  as  the  California  Battalion. 
A  concerted  movement  was  then  set  on  foot  to  reduce  south- 
ern California,  and  the  combined  forces  of  Stockton  and 
Fremont  soon  captured  Los  Angeles  and  San  Diego. 

It  became  necessary  to  apprise  the  government  at 
Washington  of  what  had  been  accomplished.  Kit  Carson 
was  ordered  to  carry  dispatches  to  the  seat  of  government 
and  lost  no  time  in  getting  on  his  way.  He  followed  the 
southern  route  by  way  of  the  Gila  and  had  reached  what 
is  now  the  city  of  Socorro  when  he  met  General  Kearny 
on  his  westward  march.  General  Kearny  ordered  Car- 
son to  deliver  his  dispatches  to  Fitzpatrick  and  return  with 
him  to  California  as  his  chief  scout  and  guide.  Kearny 
also,  on  learning  of  the  success  of  Stockton  and  Fremont, 
reduced  his  force  by  ordering  back  two  companies  of 
dragoons.  The  general  pushed  rapidly  on  and  upon  near- 
ing  San  Diego,  began  to  be  harrassed  by  the  Californians 
who  had  been  reorganizing  in  Sonora.  The  battles  of 
San  Pascual  were  fought  and  Kearny  lost  heavily.  In 
fact  he  found  his  little  company  outnumbered  and  sur- 
rounded. With  his  usual  modesty  and  fortitude  Kit  Car- 
son stepped  forward  and  offered  to  make  his  way  through 
the  enemy's  lines  and  go  for  help.  Lieutenant  Beale  of 
the  Navy,  who  was  with  the  expedition,  offered  to  ac- 
company him.  An  Indian  also  joined  the  "forlorn  hope." 
They  made  their  way  in  the  nightime  through  the  lines 
of  the  Californians,  enduring  such  hardships  that  the 
lieutenant  was  two  years  in  recovering  therefrom.  Com- 
modore Stockton,  on  learning  of  General  Kearny's  predi- 
cament immediately  dispatched  a  force  to  his  relief.  With 
Kearny's  arrival  in  California  the  uprising  of  the  Califor- 
nians was  soon  put  down. 

It  was  not  long  before  Carson  was  again  ordered  to 
Washington  with  dispatches.  James  Madison  Cutts,  in 


384         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

his  Conquest  of  California  and  New  Mexico,  published  in 
1847,  in  speaking  of  this  says  :— 

"About  the  25th  of  February,  Colonel  Fremont  sent 
dispatches  to  the  United  States  government  through  passed 
Midshipman  Beale,  Lieutenant  Talbot,  and  a  personage  who 
has  often  figured  in  these  sketches;  and  whose  memoir, 
from  very  competent  hands  is  here  inserted — not  alone 
in  justice  to  him,  but  that  it  fills  up  details,  perhaps  want- 
ing, in  this  narrative, — Kit  Carson. 

"Under  this  name,  within  a  few  years,  he  has  become 
quite  familiar  to  the  public,  mainly  through  his  connection 
with  the  expeditions  of  Fremont,  one  of  the  best  of  those 
noble  and  original  characters  that  have  from  time  to  time 
sprung  up  on  and  beyond  our  frontier,  retreating  with  it  to 
the  west,  and  drawing  from  association  with  uncultivated 
nature,  not  the  rudeness  and  sensualism  of  the  savage,  but 
genuine  simplicity  and  truthfulness  of  disposition,  and 
generosity,  bravery,  and  single-heartedness  to  a  degree 
rarely  found  in  society.  Although  Kit  has  become  known  to 
the  reading  people  of  'the  States'  and  of  Europe  through 
Fremont's  reports,  he  was  long  ago  famous  in  a  world  as 
extended,  if  not  as  populous;  famous  for  excelling  in  all 
the  qualities  that  life  in  the  trackless  and  vast  west  requires 
and  develops.  He  has  been  celebrated  (though  now  aged 
only  thirty-seven  years)  as  a  hunter,  trapper,  guide  or 
pilot  of  the  prairies,  and  Indian  Fighter,  uniting  the  neces- 
sary characteristics  of  that  adventurous  and  sturdy  class, 
a  kindness  of  heart,  and  gentleness  of  manner  that  relieves 
it  of  any  possible  harshness  or  asperity.  He  is  now  in  'the 
States'  having  recently  arrived  with  dispatches  from  Cali- 
fornia; and  I  have  taken  the  opportunity  to  extract  from 
him  a  few  incidents  of  his  eventful  life.  He  is  worthy  of 
an  honorable  and  more  extended  memoir;  and  were  his 
adventures  fully  written  out,  they  would  possess  an  inter- 
est equal  to  any  personal  narrative  whatever." 

Such  was  the  estimate  of  him  at  thirty-seven. 

Carson  arrived  in  Washington  in  June,  1847,  and  while 
there,  was  appointed  a  lieutenant  of  the  U.  S.  Mounted 
Rifles.  He  was  ordered  to  return  to  California  with  dis- 
patches. Lieutenant  Beale  started  with  him,  but  on  ac- 
count of  ill-health  brought  on  by  the  San  Pascual  affair, 
he  was  obliged  to  abandon  the  journey  at  St.  Louis.  Car- 


KIT  CARSON  385 

son  proceeded  by  the  way  of  Ft.  Leavenworth  and  Taos. 
At  the  latter  place  he  selected  a  few  picked  men  and  con- 
tinued his  journey.  He  arrived  safely  with  his  dispatches 
and  mail  at  Monterey,  this  being  the  first  overland  mail 
carried  across  the  continent. 

After  having*  discharged  his  duty  as  dispatch  bearer 
and  mail  carrier,  he  was  ordered  to  report  for  duty  at  Los 
Angeles.  On  arriving  there  he  was  stationed  at  the  Cajon 
Pass  to  guard  against  Indians  and  other  horse-thieving 
parties.  He  remained  at  that  post  until  the  spring  of  1848 
when  he  was  again  ordered  to  Washington  with  dispatches. 
Lieutenant  Brewerton  accompanied  him  on  this  expedition. 
They  followed  the  old  Spanish  Trail,  and  lost  most  of  their 
ammunition  in  crossing  Grand  River.  Arriving  at  a  point 
about  fifty  miles  north  of  Taos,  they  were  attacked  by  a 
large  war-party  of  Apaches.  Carson  avoided  bloodshed 
by  an  unusual  display  of  nerve  and  managed  to  extricate 
his  little  party. 

On  arriving  at  Taos  he  learned  that  his  appointment 
as  a  lieutenant  had  not  been  confirmed  by  the  United 
States  Senate  and  some  of  his  friends  urged  him  to  deliver 
his  dispatches  to  the  commanding  officer  at  Santa  Fe  and 
return  home.  He  replied  that  he  regarded  being  intrusted 
with  the  difficult  task  of  carrying  the  dispatches  through, 
as  a  greater  mark  of  confidence  than  an  appointment 
which  he  would  soon  relinquish,  and  proceeded  on  his 
journey.  At  this  time  the  Comanches  were  on  the  war- 
path. So  he  took  a  northern  route  by  the  headwaters  of 
the  South  Platte.  Emerson  Hough  credits  him  with  being 
the  first  to  carry  eastward  the  news  of  the  gold  discovery 
at  Sutter's  Mill. 

After  having  delivered  his  dispatches  in  Washington, 
he  returned  to  Taos,  where  he  spent  the  winter  with  his 
family.  In  April  of  1849,  Carson  and  Lucien  Maxwell 
established  a  settlement  on  the  Rayado  creek,  in  what  is 
now  Colfax  County.  They  contemplated  putting  up  hay 
for  the  army,  to  be  delivered  at  Ft.  Union. 


386         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

In  1853,  Carson  traded  for  8500  head  of  sheep  which 
he  drove  through  to  California,  going  out  by  way  of  the 
Arkansas  and  Ft.  Laramie.  He  sold  the  sheep  in  Cali- 
fornia to  good  advantage  and  while  there  met  up  with  Max- 
well, who  likewise  had  driven  sheep  through.  They  re- 
turned by  way  of  the  Gila,  carrying  the  proceeds  of  their 
sales,  in  gold  dust,  in  their  saddle  bags. 

In  March,  1854,  Lieutenant  Davidson,  with  Company 
I  and  a  part  of  F  company  of  the  First  U.  S.  Dragoons  had 
a  fight  with  the  Apaches,  in  the  Embudo  Mountains  of 
Taos  County.  In  this  fight  the  troops  lost  heavily,  all  but 
four  being  either  killed  or  wounded.  A  few  days  later 
Lieut-Colonel  Cook  started  in  pursuit  of  the  Apaches.  He 
secured  the  services  of  Carson  as  chief  scout  and  guide. 
They  crossed  the  Rio  Del  Norte  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Hondo  and  continued  in  a  northwest  course  from  Taos. 
They  came  upon  the  fleeing  Indians  and  killed  a  number, 
when  the  rest  scattered.  The  expedition  then  returned  to 
Abiquiu. 

A  few  weeks  later  Major  Carleton,  afterwards  General, 
set  out  on  an  expedition  to  chastise  the  same  tribe.  He 
too  selected  Carson  as  chief  scout  and  guide.  They  went 
north  into  the  San  Luis  Valley  of  Colorado,  crossed  the 
Sangre  de  Cristo  Range  through  Huerfano  Pass  and  found 
the  Indians  camped  in  the  Raton  Mountains  near  Trinidad. 
A  running  fight  occurred  in  which  a  number  of  Indians 
were  slain.  It  was  on  this  expedition  that  Carson  in- 
formed Major  Carleton  that  they  would  come  upon  the 
Indians  at  two  o'clock  of  the  day  the  fight  occurred.  The 
major  told  Carson  that  if  this  proved  true  he,  the  major, 
would  present  Carson  with  the  best  hat  to  be  had  in  New 
York  City.  They  came  upon  the  Indians  at  the  appointed 
hour  and  the  major  afterwards  delivered  the  hat.  Out  of 
this  a  friendship  grew  up  which  lasted  unto  death. 

In  August  of  that  same  year,  the  Indian  agent  sent 
Carson  to  the  Utes  to  call  them  into  council  at  Abiquiu. 
As  they  were  returning  from  this  place,  the  smallpox 


KIT  CARSON  387 

broke  out  among  them  and  they  placed  the  blame  on  the 
agent.  They  accordingly  went  on  the  war-path  and  com- 
menced making  depredations  upon  the  settlements.  Costilla 
was  attacked  and  matters  grew  serious.  The  governor 
issued  a  call  for  volunteers.  Ceran  St.  Vrain  of  the  old 
firm  of  Bent  &  St.  Vrain  was  elected  to  command  the 
volunteers  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel.  Colonel 
Fontleroy  commanded  the  regulars.  By  the  time  the  force 
was  outfitted,  winter  had  set  in.  Carson  was  again  em- 
ployed as  chief  scout  and  guide.  The  expedition  proceeded 
north  to  Ft.  Massachusetts,  at  the  foot  of  Mt.  Blanca. 
From  there  they  went  westward  and  crossed  the  range 
near  Saguache,  where  they  had  a  sharp  fight  with  the 
Indians. 

After  the  close  of  this  campaign,  Carson  was  again 
asked  to  give  up  his  farming  operations  and  return  to  the 
service  of  the  government  as  Indian  agent.  With  head- 
quarters at  Taos,  he  remained  as  agent  until  the  opening 
of  the  Civil  War.  He  had  taught  the  Indian  to  fear  him 
in  war;  he  also  taught  the  red  man  to  trust  him  in  time 
of  peace.  In  all  his  dealings  he. was  a  man  of  veracity. 
Fremont  said  of  him  that  "to  me  Carson  and  the  truth 
are  the  same  thing."  Carson  would  not  tell  the  Indian  a 
falsehood  nor  would  he  suffer  any  one  under  him  to  do 
so.  On  the  other  hand,  he  required  the  same  of  the  Indians. 
The  result  of  his  policy  was  that  the  tribes  with  which 
he  dealt  remained  at  peace  during  the  War  of  the  Rebel- 
lion. 

When  that  cataclysm  came  which  almost  rent  the  na- 
tion in  twain,  the  Anglo-Saxon  population  of  the  mount- 
ain territories  and  California  was  almost  equally  divided 
between  the  north  and  the  south.  The  gold  supply  of  these 
regions  was  of  vital  importance  and  the  side  which  se- 
cured this  would  probably  win  the  war.  Carson  and  his 
friend  St.  Vrain  came  of  southern  stock,  but  they  had 
both  followed  the  flag.  Their  loyalty  to  it  knew  no  bounds. 
So  when  the  call  for  troops  came  they  both  responded. 


388         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

They  helped  to  organize  a  regiment  of  which  St.  Vrain 
was  made  colonel  and  Carson  lieutenant-colonel.  St  Vrain's 
health  soon  failed  and  he  had  to  relinquish  his  command 
to  the  veteran  of  many  "difficults"  as  Carson  termed  a 
battle.  The  regiment  so  organized  was  called  the  1st  New 
Mexico  Cavalry  and  the  personnel  of  the  regiment  was 
mostly  Spanish-American. 

Hardly  had  the  regiment  been  mustered  in  when  the 
invasion  from  Texas  came.  Its  first  engagement  was  at 
Valverde.  In  this  fight  a  large  number  of  the  regulars, 
being  recruited  from  the  south,  deserted  to  the  invading 
army.  Carson's  regiment  stood  firm  but  the  Union  force 
as  a  whole  was  so  demoralized  that  the  battle  was  lost. 
The  First  New  Mexico,  however,  did  not  retreat  in  front 
of  the  enemy,  but  remained  in  the  south  to  protect  the 
settlements  against  the  inroads  of  the  savage  tribes. 

The  Confederates  swept  the  Rio  Grande  Valley  before 
them  but  met  an  inglorious  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Colonel 
Chivington  and  his  men  at  Apache  Canon.  They  were 
obliged,  because  of  the  destruction  of  their  wagon  and 
supply-trains,  to  retreat  to  El  Paso.  Before  they  could 
reform  and  re-equip  their  forces,  the  California  Column 
under  General  Carleton  arrived  and  all  further  danger 
of  invasion  from  Texas  and  the  south  passed. 

While  the  resources  of  the  federal  government  were 
being  taxed  to  the  utmost  in  striving  to  put  down  the 
rebellion,  the  savage  tribes  of  Indians  saw  an  opportunity 
to  strike  and  strike  hard  at  the  frontier  settlements.  Of 
these  tribes  the  Navajos  and  Apaches  were  not  the  hind- 
most. Colonel  Carson  in  his  final  report  of  the  operations 
agiainst  the  Navajo  tribe  in  part  says: 

"Since  the  first  Spanish  settlements  were  made  in 
this  country — a  little  less  than  two  centuries — the  Navajo 
Indians  have  subjected  the  people  to  a  forced  tax,  which 
swallowed  up  the  fruits  of  their  hard  earned  industry. 
But  it  was  not  alone  their  property  which  would  satisfy 
them ;  the  lives  and  honors  of  daughters  were  being  con- 
tinually sacrificed  by  the  remorseless  savages;  and  it  was 


CARSON'S  COMMISSION  AS  BREVET  BRIGADIER  GENERAL 

The  Original  Hangs  in  the  Home  of  Kit  Carson,  III,  at  Alamosa,  Colo. 


KIT  CARSON  389 

a  common  occurrence,  the  carrying  into  captivity  their 

innocent  children 

"Early  in  1861  the  Rebellion  broke  out,  and  all  minor 
affairs  were  swallowed  up  in  the  major  one  of  preserving 
the  Union.  The  troops  were  recalled  from  the  Navajo 
country  to  take  part  in  the  struggle,  and  hardly  had  they 
left  their  stations  when  the  'Warwhoop'  of  the  relentless 
foe  smote  the  hearing  of  our  peacable  citizens  with  ap- 
palling destruction,  the  more  appalling  from  being  unex- 
pected— owing  to  their  faith  in  the  treaty  just  concluded. 
About  this  time  rumors  reached  us  of  a  threatened  invasion 
of  the  Territory  by  the  Texans,  and  all  the  available  force 
was  needed  to  repel  it,  and  the  Navajos  were  consequently 
undisturbed  in  their  infernal  work  of  destruction.  Never 
before  were  their  atrocities  so  numerous.  They  overran 
the  whole  country,  and  carrying  their  boldness  so  far  as 
to  enter  the  settlements  and  towns,  carrying  off  their 
stock  from  before  the  people's  eyes,  and  murdering  citizens, 
even  within  two  miles  of  the  capital.  No  place  was  secure, 
and  every  town  and  hamlet  became  a  fortification  to  pro- 
tect its  inhabitants." 

The  Apaches  had  been  equally  active  and  perhaps  more 
cruel  in  their  inroads  upon  the  settlements.  The  indigni- 
ties suffered  by  innocent  women  and  children,  for  mo- 
desty's sake,  will  never  be  told.  Soon  after  General  Carle- 
ton  was  placed  in  command  of  the  department  of  New 
Mexico  he  resolved  to  chastise  these  savages.  He  adhered 
to  General  Sherman's  idea  of  war, — that  a  liberal  spilling 
of  blood  at  the  outset  was  the  most  humane  in  the  end. 
He  therefore  ordered  Colonel  Carson  to  reoccupy  Fort  Stan- 
ton  and  proceed  against  the  Mescalero  Apaches  and  the 
Navajos.  In  his  orders  he  said: — 

"There  is  to  be  no  council  held  with  the  Indians,  nor 
any  talks.  The  men  are  to  be  slain  whenever  and  where- 
ever  they  can  be  found.  The  women  and  children  may  be 
taken  as  prisoners,  but,  of  course,  they  are  not  to  be  killed." 

Colonel  Carson  proceeded  first  against  the  Mescalero 
Apaches  and  compelled  them  to  surrender  and  be  taken 
to  a  reservation  provided  for  them  at  Bosque  Redondo, 

26 


390         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

near  Fort  Sumner.  He  then  turned  his  attention  to  the 
Navajo  tribe.  On  July  7,  1863,  he  left  camp  at  Los  Lunas 
with  Companies  "D,"  "K,"  "L"  and  "M"  of  the  1st  N.  M. 
Cavalry  for  Pueblo,  Colorado,  and  arrived  at  old  Fort 
Wing-ate  on  the  10th.  He  left  there  on  the  14th  and  ar- 
rived at  Ojo  del  Oso  on  the  16th.  He  arrived  at  Fort 
Defiance  on  the  21st,  and  next  day  he  set  out  with  a  board 
to  select  the  site  for  Fort  Canby.  This  post  was  estab- 
lished and  used  by  him  as  a  base  of  operations.  Some 
idea  of  his  methods  may  be  gathered  from  a  perusal  of 
his  reports.  In  his  report  dated  Fort  Canby,  N.  M.,  Decem- 
ber 6,  1863,  he  in  part  says  :— 

"On  the  21st  arrived  at  the  Moqui  village.  I  found 
on  my  arrival  that  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  villages,  ex- 
cept the  Mibis,  had  a  misunderstanding  with  the  Navajos, 
owing  to  some  injustice  perpetrated  by  the  latter.  I  took 
advantage  of  this  falling  out  and  succeeded  in  obtaining 
representatives  from  all  the  villages  —  Oraibi  excepted — to 
accompany  me  on  the  war-path.  My  object  in  insisting 
on  parties  of  these  people  accompanying  me  was  simply 
to  involve  them  so  far  that  they  could  not  retract;  to  bind 
them  to  us,  and  place  them  in  antagonism  to  the  Navajos. 
They  were  of  some  service  and  manifested  a  great  desire 
to  aid  us  in  every  respect. 

"While  on  this  subject  I  would  respectfully  represent 
that  these  people,  numbering  some  four  thousand  souls, 
are  in  a  most  deplorable  condition,  for  the  fact  that  the 
country  for  several  miles  around  their  village  is  quite 
barren,  and  is  entirely  destitute  of  vegetation.  They  have 
no  water  for  the  purpose  of  irrigation,  and  their  only  de- 
pendence for  subsistence  is  on  the  little  corn  they  raise 
when  the  weather  is  propitious,  which  is  not  always  the 
case  in  this  latitude.  They  are  a  peacable  people,  have 
never  robbed  or  murdered  the  people  of  New  Mexico,  and 
act  in  ever  way  worthy  of  the  fostering  care  of  the  Govern- 
ment. Of  the  bounty  so  unsparingly  bestowed  by  it  on  the 
other  Pueblo  Indians —  aye,  even  on  the  marauding  bands — 
they  have  never  tasted.  And  I  earnestly  recommend  that 
the  attention  of  the  Indian  Bureau  be  called  to  this  matter. 
[  understand  that  a  couple  of  years  annuities  for  the 
Navajos  not  distributed  are  in  the  possession  of  the  Super- 
intendent of  Indian  Affairs  at  Santa  Fe,  and  I  consider 


KIT  CARSON  391 

that  if  such  arrangement  would  be  legal,  these  goods  should 
be  bestowed  on  these  people." 

He  soon  directed  his  movements  against  the  heart  of 
the  Navajo  country.  It  was  the  general  belief  at  the  time 
that  their  stronghold  was  in  the  Canon  de  Chelley.  But 
this  belief  was  not  shared  by  Colonel  Carson.  In  the  same 
report  of  December  6th,  he  says : — 

"I  arrived  yesterday  at  the  post  and  as  soon  as  the 
animals  are  sufficiently  rested  I  shall  send  a  command  to 
examine  the  Canon  de  Chelley,  and  the  smaller  Canons 
that  intersect  it.  Were  I  not  of  the  opinion  that  but  a  few 
if  any  Navajos  are  in  the  Canon,  I  should  have  paid  a  visit 
long  since,  but  of  that  I  convinced  myself  while  in  that  vi- 
cinity in  September." 

His  report  of  December  26th  seems  to  indicate  that 
the  commanding  general  was  pressing  him  to  explore  the 
canon  which  up  to  that  time  seems  not  to  have  been  ex- 
plored by  white  men.  We  find  the  following: — 

"In  the  last  few  days  we  have  had  a  considerable  fall 
of  snow,  which  will  greatly  facilitate  my  operation  against 
the  Canon  de  Chelley.  Of  one  thing  the  General  may  rest 
assured,  that  before  my  return  all  that  is  connected  with 
the  canon  will  cease  to  be  a  mystery.  It  will  be  thoroughly 
explored,  if  perseverence  and  zeal  with  the  numbers  at  my 
command  can  accomplish." 

On  January  6,  1864,  he  left  Fort  Canby  with  14  com- 
missioned officers  and  375  men  on  the  expedition  against 
the  Canon  de  Chelley.  The  snow  was  so  deep  that  it  took 
the  command  three  days  to  accomplish  what  ordinarily  they 
could  have  done  in  one.  He  had  sent  Captain  Pfeiffer  with 
a  troop  to  the  east  portal  of  the  canon  while  he  proceeded 
with  the  main  force  to  the  west.  He  arrived  at  the  west 
opening  on  the  13th.  Next  morning  he  made  a  detour  with 
his  staff  and  escort  and  struck  the  canon  about  six  miles 
above  the  mouth,  for  the  purpose  of  reconnoitering  before 
commencing  operations.  He  pushed  on  about  five  miles 
farther,  but  could  find  no  entrance  into  the  canon,  the  walls 


392         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

being  about  one  thousand  feet  high.  He  had  returned  to 
camp  when  Sergeant  Andres  Herrera  of  "C"  company  came 
and  reported  having  slain  eleven  warriors,  the  greatest 
number  slain  at  any  one  time  during  all  the  operations  of 
Carson  against  the  Navajos. 

On  the  13th  Colonel  Carson  divided  his  command  in- 
to two  detachments  to  operate  on  each  side  of  the  canon, 
the  first  consisting  of  "B"  and  "G"  companies  under 
Captain  A.  B.  Carey  on  the  south,  and  "E"  and  "D"  com- 
panies under  Captain  Joseph  Barney  on  the  north  side. 
They  pushed  eastward  until  the  east  portal  was  in  view, 
without  having  seen  Captain  Pfeiffer's  command.  On  re- 
turning to  camp,  however,  they  found  that  Captain  Pf eiff er 
had  passed  through  the  entire  canon,  having  killed  three 
Indians  and  brought  in  ninety  prisoners. 

The  effect  of  this  operation  may  be  gathered  from 
his  report.  He  says: — 

"While  enroute  on  my  return  to  camp  I  was  joined  by 
three  Indians  with  a  flag  of  truce,  requesting  permission 
to  come  in  with  their  people  and  submit.  I  told  them, 
through  my  interpreter,  that  they  and  their  people  might 
come  unmolested,  to  my  camp  up  to  10  o'clock  A.  M.  next 
day,  but  that  after  that  time  if  they  did  not  come  my  soldiers 
would  hunt  them  up,  and  the  work  of  destruction  recom- 
mence. Accordingly,  next  morning,  before  the  time  appointed 
sixty  Indians  arrived.  They  had  made  known  to  them  the 
intention  of  the  Government  in  regard  to  them,  and  ex- 
pressed their  willingness  to  immigrate  to  the  Bosque  Re- 
dondo.  They  declare  that  owing  to  the  operation  of  my 
command  they  are  in  a  complete  state  of  starvation,  and 
that  many  of  their  women  and  children  have  died  from 
this  cause.  They  also  state  that  they  would  have  come  in 
long  since,  but  they  believed  it  was  a  war  of  extermination, 
and  that  they  were  agreeably  surprised  and  delighted  to 
learn  the  contrary  from  an  old  captive  whom  I  had  sent 
back  to  them  for  this  purpose.  I  issued  them  some  meat 
and  they  asked  permission  to  return  to  their  haunts  and 
collect  the  remainder  of  their  people." 

Thus  the  spirit  of  this  proud  and  haughty  nation  was 
broken.  They  had  defied  the  Spanish  government  for  two 


KIT  CARSON  393 

hundred  years.  Mexico  had  been  unable  to  conquer  them. 
No  previous  expedition  under  the  United  States  had  ac- 
complished any  lasting  peace.  But  they  were  completely 
subdued  by  Carson  and  his  men ;  subdued  forever  and  with 
a  loss  of  less  than  fifty  warriors  slain;  starved  into  sub- 
jection. With  but  a  few  hundred  men  Carson  caused  about 
seven  thousand  Indians  to  come  in  and  give  themselves  up. 
It  was  the  greatest  feat  of  Indian  warfare  ever  accomplished 
by  an  American  soldier.  In  other  Indian  campaigns  the 
commanding  officer  has  usually  had  the  undivided  re- 
sources of  the  nation  behind  him.  He  has  had  regular 
troops,  properly  equipped.  In  this  case  Carson  had  a  hand- 
ful of  volunteers.  But  he  knew  Indians  and  Indian  warfare ; 
no  living  white  man  of  his  day  could  read  "Indian  sign"  as 
he  could.  The  result  was  inevitable.  This  proud  and  haughty 
tribe  theretofore  unsubdued,  could  not  withstand  the  persist- 
ent inroads  made  by  him  and  his  weatherbeaten  men.  Car- 
son's greatest  gift  to  the  people  of  New  Mexico  was  peace 
with  the  Navajo — a  peace  that  was  and  is  to  be  everlasting. 
What  man  has  done  more  for  our  fair  State? 

Soon  after  he  returned  from  the  Navajo  country,  Car- 
son was  ordered  to  chastise  the  Kiowas  and  Comanches 
who  had  been  making  trouble  in  another  direction.  Their 
operations  had  threatened  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  and  the  source 
of  supply  for  all  military  operations  in  the  Southwest. 
Carson  believed  that  they  had  encamped  for  the  winter 
on  the  Canadian  in  Texas.  He  therefore  proceeded  to  Fort 
Bascom,  which  he  used  as  his  base,  and  collected  a  few 
companies  of  the  First  New  Mexico  Cavalry  and  some  de- 
tachments from  the  California  troops  then  in  the  territory. 
The  little  force  set  out  to  locate  the  Indians  and  they  were 
found  near  the  old  adobe  fort  on  the  Canadian.  Carson 
attacked  and  inflicted  a  severe  punishment,  killing  over 
sixty  of  their  braves,  with  but  very  slight  loss  to  his  own 
men.  He  had  with  him  some  Ute  and  Pueblo  scouts  who 
reported  to  Carson  that  there  were  other  villages  of  the 
allied  tribes  just  a  short  distance  down  the  river.  He  knew 


394         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

that  he  was  outnumbered  by  an  overwhelming  force,  armed 
with  the  same  kind  of  guns  that  his  men  carried.  He  there- 
fore ordered  a  retreat  before  the  Indians  could  consolidate 
and  counter-attack.  He  was  none  too  late.  After  the  usual 
lamentations  over  their  slain,  the  defeated  warriors,  rein- 
forced by  a  large  number  of  warriors  from  below,  started 
in  pursuit  to  avenge  the  blow.  Carson  did  an  unheard-of 
thing  in  modern  warfare  and  covered  his  retreat  with  his 
artillery.  Had  he  fought  according  to  the  "rules  of  the 
game"  as  taught  at  West  Point,  no  doubt  he  would  have 
lost  his  entire  command. 

This  was  Carson's  last  big  fight.  He  soon  returned 
to  civil  life  and  was  again  appointed  Indian  agent.  He 
spent  his  few  remaining  years  trying  to  help  the  red  men, 
and  at  the  same  time  prevented  many  a  marauding  band 
from  attacking  the  immigrants  who  were  rapidly  develop- 
ing the  Far  West.  One  of  his  last  official  acts  was  to  avert 
the  massacre  of  a  company  of  "Regulars"  which  was  about 
to  become  engaged  in  a  fight  with  the  Ute  tribe.  He  gath- 
ered this  tribe  into  a  grand  council  at  Maxwell's  Ranch 
on  the  Cimarron  and  there  made  a  treaty  with  them,  thus 
averting  trouble.  This  treaty  was  made  on  the  2nd  day 
of  March,  1868,  and  transmitted  to  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate on  the  18th. 

He  did  not  live  long  thereafter.  His  wife  died  April 
23,  1868,  and  he  followed  her  just  one  month  later.  Touch- 
ing his  passing  the  first  issue  of  the  Pueblo  Chieftain  had 
the  following  to  say : — 

DEATH  OF  KIT    CARSON 

"The  melancholy  intelligence  reaches  us  that  General 
Kit  Carson  is  no  more.  He  died  at  his  residence'  on 
the  Las  Animas  on  the  24th  inst.  of  disease  of  the  heart. 
General  Carson  was  a  Kentuckyian  by  birth,  removed  early 
in  life  to  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  while  yet  a  mere  boy 

4.     Two  errors   crept   into   this   newspaper  article:      He   died   at   Fort   Lyon   and 
not   at  his   ranch   and   on   the   23rd   instead  of   the   24th. 


KIT  CARSON  395 

became  a  wanderer  on  the  vast  plains  of  the  then  unknown 
regions  of  the  West.  From  about  the  age  of  seventeen 
years  until  fifty,  he  lived  the  life  of  a  hunter,  trader  and 
trapper.  He  early  explored,  and  became  familiar  with 
the  mountains  and  plains  from  the  Missouri  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean.  During  all  these  years  of  his  wild  life  he  was  con- 
stantly exposed  to  every  hardship  and  danger,  sometimes 
making  his  home  with  the  Indians  and  assisting  them  in 
their  wars  against  other  tribes,  sometimes  employed  as 
a  trapper  by  some  mountain  trader — sometimes  trading 
on  his  own  account  between  New  Mexico  and  California. 
His  home  was  always  the  wilderness,  and  danger  his  con- 
stant companion.  Unaided  by  the  advantages  of  education 
or  patronage,  by  the  force  of  indomitable  energy  and  will, 
by  chivalrous  courage,  by  tireless  labor  and  self-denial, 
he  rose  step  by  step,  until  his  name  had  become  as  familiar 
to  the  American  people  as  a  household  word.  He  stood  pre- 
eminent among  the  path-finders  and  founders  of  empire 
in  the  Great  West,  and  his  long  career  enriched  by  hard- 
ship and  danger  is  unsullied  by  a  record  of  littleness  or 
meanness.  He  was  nature's  model  of  a  gentleman.  Kindly 
of  heart,  tolerant  of  all  men,  good  in  virtue  of  disposition, 
rather  than  great  in  qualities  of  mind,  he  has  passed  away- 
dying  as  through  his  life  he  had  lived — in  peace  and  charity 
with  all  men,  and  leaving  behind  him  a  name  and  memory 
to  be  cherished  by  his  countrymen  as  long  as  modesty,  valor, 
unobtrusive  worth,  charity  and  true  chivalry  survive  among 
men.  Of  his  precise  age  we  are  not  advised,  but  judge  that 
he  was  very  near  sixty  years  of  age.  He  leaves  children 
of  tender  years  to  mourn  his  loss." 

Speaking  of  his  modesty,  Colonel  Meline  said  of  him : — 

"The  pleasantest  episode  of  my  visit  here  has  been  the 
society  of  Kit  Carson,  with  whom  I  passed  three  days,  I 
need  hardly  say  delightfully.  He  is  one  of  the  few  men  I 
ever  met  who  could  talk  long  hours  to  you  of  what  he  had 
seen,  and  yet  say  very  little  about  himself.  He  has  to  be 
drawn  out.  I  had  many  questions  to  ask,  and  his  answers 
were  all  marked  by  great  distinctness  of  memory,  simpli- 
city, candor,  and  a  desire  to  make  some  one  else,  rather 
than  himself  the  hero  of  his  story."3 

Jessie  Benton  Fremont,  the  widow  of  General  Fremont, 


5.      Two   Thousand   Miles    on    Horseback,    p.    246. 


396         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

in  an  interview  given  to  Charles  F.  Lummis,  in  speaking 
of  Carson  among  other  things  said: — 

"As  a  frontiersman,  his  name  and  fame  are  every- 
where known,  but  there  are  perhaps  few  who  think  of  him 
except  as  the  hero  of  wild  adventures.  That  he  was,  but 
he  was  more.  Nothing  could  be  more  mistaken  than  to 
think  of  him  as  a  rough  borderer. 

"Kit  Carson  was  a  man  among  men ;  a  type  of  the  real 
American  pioneer,  not  only  fearless  but  clear  headed,  as 
gentle  as  he  was  strong.  He  had  the  true  courtesy  of  the 
heart;  and  withal  a  quiet  pride  —  much  as  Richard  the 
Lion-Hearted  and  his  knights,  who  thanked  God  that  they 
were  not  clerks. 

"His  nature  was  literally  sweet — sweet  by  its  whole- 
someness — sweet  as  a  clear  cut  winter  morning  is  sweet. 

"My  mother  said  to  him  one  day ;  'You  must  have  had 
a  great  many  fights/ 

"'I  never  had  a  fight  of  my  own,  but  one/  Carson 
answered.  That  was  with  a  Frenchman.  He  said  the 
Americans  were  cowards  and  darsn't  fight.  I  told  him 
that  I  was  an  American  and  that  I  was  his  man.  And  we 
fit.'  He  turned  back  his  collar  unconsciously  and  simply 
and  showed  the  wound  by  the  collar  bone."6 

As  early  as  1857,  the  New  Mexico  correspondent  to 
the  Washington  Union,  had  this  to  say  of  Carson : — 

"He  is  a  mild,  pleasant  man  in  the  expression  of  his 
face,  and  no  one  would  ever  suspect  him  of  having  led  the 
life  of  daring  and  adventure  which  distingush  him.  He 
is  refined  in  manner  and  very  polite  in  his  intercourse ;  his 
conversation  is  marked  with  great  earnestness  and  his 
language  appropiate  and  well  chosen,  though  not  pro- 
nounced with  correctness.  He  has  a  strong  mind,  and 
everything  he  says  is  pointed  and  practical,  except  when 
indulging  in  a  vein  of  humor  which  is  not  infrequent.  No 
one  can  converse  with  him  without  being  favorably  im- 
pressed; he  has  a  jovial,  honest,  open  countenance,  and  a 
kindness  of  heart  almost  feminine.  He  is  universally  be- 
loved here,  and  a  favorite  with  all  classes,  Indians  included. 
He  never  alludes  to  his  career  as  an  adventurer  unless 
questioned  relative  to  it.  He  is  heavy  framed  and  weighs 

6.     The  Land  of  Sunshine,  Vol.  6,  No.  3. 


KIT  CARSON  IN  LATER  YEARS 


KIT  CARSON  397 

about  one  hundred  and  seventy  pounds.  He  is  forty-eight 
years  old,  but  does  not  look  to  be  over  thirty-five.  He  came 
to  this  country  in  1827,  having  run  off  from  his  employer 
near  Boonville,  Missouri,  to  whom  he  was  apprenticed  to 
learn  the  saddler's  trade.  The  facts  of  his  life  are  now  in 
the  possession  of  Washington  Irving,  and  will  doubtless  be 
thrown  into  the  form  of  a  book  during  the  coming  winter.'" 

Space  will  permit  of  only  a  few  unpublished  stories 
of  General  Carson.  The  late  Captain  Simpson  of  Taos, 
who  was  intimately  acquainted  with  Carson  for  fifteen 
years,  used  to  relate  the  story  of  the  flag  at  Taos.  He  said 
that  sometime  about  the  winter  of  1867,  he  and  Colonel 
Carson  were  in  a  conversation  on  the  west  side  of  the  plaza 
at  Taos.  This  was  just  a  few  months  before  the  frontiers- 
man's death.  The  latter  called  the  captain's  attention  to 
the  American  flag  floating  over  the  plaza.  Carson  said 
"Captain,  I  have  kept  that  flag  up  since  '47,  I  will  not  be 
here  much  longer.  I  want  you  to  see  that  it  stays  up."  This 
the  captain  did  until  the  day  of  his  death  a  few  years  ago. 
The  flag  as  well  as  the  pole  from  which  it  floats  has  been 
renewed  from  time  to  time  and  marks  the  spot  where  the 
old  whipping  post  stood. 

Teresina  Bent  Scheurich,  a  daughter  of  Gov.  Bent  and 
a  niece  of  Carson  had  many  stories  to  tell  of  him.  She  often 
told  of  a  trip  she  took  with  him  in  1854  when  they  left 
Santa  Fe  for  Taos  on  horseback.  It  was  the  last  of  March. 
From  La  Joya  they  took  the  trail  to  Embudo  Plaza  and 
from  there  on  through  the  Embudo  Mountains.  A  few 
miles  above  the  settlement  of  Cieneguilla  they  rode  upon 
the  battlefield  where  Lieut.  Davidson  with  Company  I  and 
a  part  of  F  Company  of  the  1st  U.  S.  Dragoons  had  en- 
countered the  Apaches  and  escaped  with  only  four  men 
uninjured.  This  was  two  days  after  the  battle.  They 
counted  twenty-two  soldiers  lying  dead  on  the  battlefield. 
Carson  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  rode  on  to  Taos,  secured 


7.     The  above  was  kindly  handed  the  writer  by  Arthur  M.   Ellis  of  Los  Angeles, 
a  noted  student  of  history  and  a  member  of  the  New  Mexico  Historical  Society. 


398         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

help  and  returned  to  the  scene  of  the  tragedy,  and  removed 
the  bodies  to  Taos  where  he  buried  them.  The  place  where 
they  were  buried  is  known  as  the  Carson  Cemetery  to  this 
day. 

She  also  told  of  the  rescue  of  a  white  boy  who  had  been 
a  captive  and  slave  among  the  Comanches.  She  said  that 
her  Uncle  Kit  on  learning  of  this,  hired  two  Mexicans  who 
were  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Comanches  to  go  out  and 
hunt  up  the  particular  band  of  the  tribe  who  held  the  boy 
in  bondage.  He  supplied  them  with  trinkets  and  other 
articles  suitable  for  trade  and  barter.  They  located  the 
boy,  traded  for  him  and  brought  him  to  Carson's  home  in 
Taos.  She  was  living  with  her  uncle  at  the  time.  When 
the  boy  was  brought  in  she  could  not  tell  him  from  an  In- 
dian. Carson  had  him  washed  up  and  provided  with  cloth- 
ing. He  tried  first  to  converse  with  the  boy  in  English, 
then  in  Spanish  and  afterwards  in  French.  The  boy  seemed 
not  to  understand  anything  said  to  him.  Carson  then  called 
Mr.  Scheurich  who  spoke  German  to  the  boy.  The  latter 
immediately  began  to  cry;  it  was  his  mother  tongue.  Mr. 
Scheurich  learned  the  boy's  name  jand  the  place  of  resid- 
ence of  his  parents.  He  had  been  captured  in  Texas.  Car- 
son then  hired  some  men  to  take  the  boy  to  the  home  of 
his  relatives,  and  provided  them  at  his  own  expense  with 
supplies  and  provisions  for  the  journey. 

Another  story  often  related  by  Mrs.  Scheurich  was 
of  the  rescue  of  two  women  from  the  Comanches,  by  her 
Uncle  Kit.  These  women  had  been  captured  by  the  Com- 
anches in  old  Mexico  and  carried  off  into  slavery.  They 
had  learned  of  Carson's  fame  as  an  Indian  fighter  and 
knew  that  their  captors  had  more  or  less  cause  to  fear  him. 
One  day  they  heard  that  he  was  in  the  neighborhood  of 
that  portion  of  the  tribe  with  which  they  were  held.  They 
made  their  escape  and  found  him  and  his  men.  He  em- 
ployed some  men  of  Taos  to  take  them  back  to  Mexico  and 
restored  them  to  their  people. 

The  old    world  may    boast  of  her    William    Tell,  her 


KIT  CARSON  399 

Robert  Bruce  or  her  Robin  Hood,  but  there  were  no  deeds 
more  daring  than  those  of  our  own  Kit  Carson.  Many 
States  claim  the  honor  of  his  achievements.  Kentucky 
brought  him  forth;  Missouri  boasts  that  she  gave  him  to 
the  West;  Nevada  named  her  capital  city  after  him;  New 
Mexico  is  proud  to  be  called  his  home.  Had  he  done  no 
more  than  to  free  the  mothers  and  daughters  of  this  great 
State  from  the  scourge  of  the  Navajo,  he  would  have  earned 
the  everlasting  gratitude  of  her  people. 


400        NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

XEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GEEAT  WAK 

(Continued) 

VII     Art,  Drama,  and  Literature  in  War  Service 

Not  only  did  New  Mexico  lay  upon  the  national  altar 
its  material  wealth,  and,  most  precious  of  all,  the  flesh  and 
blood  of  its  young  men,  but  its  writers,  singers,  and  paint- 
ers contributed  of  their  best  to  the  winning  of  the  War. 
Take  but  this  instance  as  an  example  and  a  text : 

The  Helen  Haire  Levinson  prize  of  $200  for  the  best 
poem  of  the  year  was  awarded  in  November  1918  by  Poetry 
to  John  Curtis  Underwood  of  Santa  Fe  for  "The  Song 
of  the  Cheochas,"  a  strangely  prophetic  war  poem. 
The  United  War  Work  Drive  was  on  when  Mr.  Under- 
wood received  his  $200  check  and  he  turned  it  over 
as  a  gift  to  the  campaign  committee.  This  significant  and 
interesting  incident  gains  in  color  if  one  emphasizes  the 
setting  and  the  circumstances. 

Standing  on  the  summit  of  the  highest  of  the  Truchas 
peaks,  on  a  clear  summer  day,  the  vision  encompasses  all 
the  State  of  New  Mexico,  thought  it  covers  more  than  78,- 
000,000  acres.  This  vast  region  is  populated  by  less  than 
400,000  people  almost  as  diversified  in  language,  habits, 
and  origin  as  the  peoples  of  Central  Europe. 

Here,  to  begin  with,  are  the  descendants  of  the  original 
inhabitants,  more  than  20,000  Pueblos,  Navajoes,  and 
Apaches,  clinging  rather  tenaciously  to  the  language,  re- 
ligion, philosophy,  and  habits  of  life  of  their  ancestors. 
Then  there  are  about  130,000  descendants  of  the  Spanish 
Conquerors  who  to  a  large  extent  still  speak  Spanish  and 
retain  the  Latin  mode  of  thought  and  attitude  toward  life. 
In  the  main  their  forefathers  came  from  Andulasia  but 
one  also  finds  among  them  traces  of  Moorish  blood  and  of 
other  races  and  nationalities.  However,  these  130,000 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  401 

Spanish-speaking  people  are  homogeneous  to  a  notable  ex- 
tent. In  addition,  New  Mexico  has  some  25,000  other 
Spanish-speaking  people,  mostly  men,  who  have  come  but 
lately  from  Mexico  and  in  whose  arteries  runs  a  consider- 
able portion  of  Indian  blood.  These  three  classifications 
account  for  one-half  of  the  population.  Of  the  remaining 
half,  30,000  are  foreign-born  representing  more  than  a 
score  of  nations,  from  150  Montenegrans  to  7,000  Germans. 
Negros,  Japanese  and  Chinese  together  account  for  2,000 
of  the  population.  The  145,000  or  so  of  the  inhabitants  not 
included  in  the  above,  represent  the  people  who  have  come 
from  other  states — not  a  homogeneous  mass,  however,  for 
the  Texan  of  the  lower  Pecos  Valley  is  differentiated  from 
the  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  Quakers  of  Colfax  county  by  as 
wide  a  gulf  as  he  is  from  the  Spanish-speaking  New  Mexi- 
cans. 

The  reaction  of  all  of  these  peoples  to  the  Great  War 
was  significant  of  the  genius  of  America  to  draw  to  her- 
self all  races  and  nationalities  and  eventually  to  make  them 
sturdy  patriots.  The  melting  pot  in  Gotham  presented  no 
more  interesting  phenomenon  during  the  crisis  than  did 
the  sparse  and  widely  scattered  population  of  New  Mexico. 
It  is  this  meeting  of  the  races  and  the  nations  amidst  un- 
usual environment  which  stamps  itself  forcibly  upon  those 
who  settle  in  the  Southwest,  and  which  makes  portions 
of  New  Mexico  alluring  to  artist  and  writer.  Especially 
in  and  around  Santa  Fe  and  Taos  there  have  of  late  years 
congregated  brilliant  men  and  women  whose  vision  like 
that  of  the  Alpine  climber  on  the  Truchas  peaks  encom- 
passes a  wide  horizon,  and  who  appreciate  fully  the  mystic 
age-old  soul  life  and  art  that  had  developed  in  the  South- 
west long  before  the  coming  of  the  white  man.  Their  at- 
titude toward  the  War,  their  comment  on  what  was  going 
on  around  them,  and  their  contribution  toward  victory 
were  therefore  of  special  significance. 

To  New  Mexico,  the  War  in  its  incipiency  was  very 
remote.  Even  when  neighbors  and  friends  volunteered,  when 


402         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

the  National  Guard  was  mustered  into  the  service,  when 
the  draft  took  more  and  more  of  the  men,  the  theater  of 
the  world-making  events  was  still  felt  to  be  more  or  less 
in  the  blue  distance.  New  Mexico  has  no  ports  out  of  which 
poured  great  flotillas,  no  shipyards  nor  marts  of  commerce 
throbbing  with  war  activities,  it  had  no  great  manufactur- 
ing industries  turning  out  war  material,  and  there  were  no 
great  processions  of  soldiers  to  thrill  the  people. 

Still,  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  War,  even  before 
the  United  States  had  become  one  of  the  Allies,  writers  and 
artists  gave  expression  to  intense  patriotism  and  prophecies 
of  the  coming  days.  As  early  as  1910,  we  find  John  Cur- 
tis Underwood  writing: 

America ! 

That's  a  great  name.  From  Standish  straight  to  Lincoln, 

And  her  last  soldier  in  the  ranks  today, 

A  land  to  live  and  die  for.     All  the  world 

Waking,  envisions  her  its  heritage. 

Two  years  later,  in  1912,  he  published  "Americans" 
and  from  it  to  "War  Flames,"  in  1917,  seemed  but  a  day. 
The  latter  was  inclusive  of  all  the  warring  nations,  even  Ger- 
many, Austria  and  Russia,  and  gave  a  view  so  comprehensive 
that  only  a  scholar,  a  voluminous  reader  and  observer  could 
and  would  have  dared  to  present  these  vivid  cosmopolitan 
sketches.  It  was  written  before  the  United  States  entered 
the  war  but  was  published  by  the  MacMillan  Company, 
in  that  epoch-making  month  of  April,  1917.  If  all  other 
books  and  papers  referring  to  the  Great  War  were  des- 
troyed, this  little  volume  of  less  than  200  pages  would  still 
give  posterity  a  gripping  and  well-rounded  story  of  the 
agony  of  nations. 

Now  that  the  lights  are  dimmed,  all  outer  dark  rolls 

near  new  tides  of  night. 
Now  that  the  earth  spawns  blood  and  hate  and  steel 

and  dynamite, 
Now  men  grope  bent  in  cellars  blind  down  raw  trench 

trails  of  war 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  403 

For  some  new  clew  to  life  we  lost  who  served  its 
Minetaur. 

What  flared  up  in  Bucharest,  in  Belgrade,  in  Sofia,  in 
Berlin,  in  Paris,  in  a  large  human  way,  also  flickered  in 
reflection  throughout  the  mining  camps  and  ranges  and 
towns  of  New  Mexico  and  the  poet  presents  it  all  in  uni- 
versal terms. 

Then  in  Poetry  of  June,  1918,  came  "War  Times,"  a 
cycle  of  four  poems  of  tremendous  impact,  poems  that 
smote  the  mists  and  fogs  of  sophistry,  that  dispelled  pre- 
judices and  hatred,  that  revealed  the  God  of  Destiny  and 
the  glorious  Tomorrow.  There  is  "The  Song  of  the  Cheo- 
chas"  who  defended  the  ancient  capital  of  Chechak  although 

They  had  no  uniforms  but  their  gray  hair  and  beards, 
needed  none; 

They  had  no  rations  but  half  a  pound  of  dry  bread 
a  day,  and  it  sufficed  them. 

They  were  armed  with  rifles  as  old  and  battered  as 
themselves,  and  they  battered  the  Germans  back. 

Three  times  they  drove  them  back,  and  took  that  shat- 
tered and  exploding  capital  away  from  them. 

And  many  of  them  died  by  the  way,  where  hundreds 

were  lying  starving  and  freezing  - 
Dying  on  high  Montenegrin  mountains  in  the  wind 

and  the  snow  that  grew  sleet, 
So  gray  icicles    grew  on    their  beards    and  the    sleet 

cut  cold  skin  on  their  faces. 
And  the  wind  cut  their  song  into  shreds,  the  song  they 

were  singing  when  they  died. 

The  Suabas  are  building  houses,  the  Serbs  shall  live  in 

them. 

The  Suabas  are  planting  corn,  the  Serbs  shall  eat  it  up, 
The  Suabas  are  pressing  wine,  the  Serbs  shall  drink 

of  it. 

A  few  months  later  saw  this  prophesy  fulfilled,  when 
the  Serbs  were  living  in  houses  build  by  the  German  in- 
vaders, were  eating  the  bread  for  which  the  Austrians 


404         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

planted  the  corn,  and  were  drinking  the  wine  that  the  Bui- 
gars  had  tapped  from  the  wine  press. 

"At  Bethlehem,"  with  its  clang  of  huge  steam  ham- 
mers and  the  sparks  from  the  red  steel  billets,  recalls 
Schiller's  "Song  of  the  Bell": 

For  life  ever  fuses  and  flows, 

Like  the  heart  of  a  rose  in  the  fire  that  eats  up  red 
billets  of  steel  like  raw  fagots  of  wood. 

And  a  war  is  as  good  as  a  rose  in  the  eyes  of  the  Watch- 
er of  Space; 

A  war  is  as  brief  as  a  rose  in  its  growth  and  its  death 
in  the  fires  of  the  Forger  of  Stars. 

And  the  fire  ever  burns  out  the  dross  in  the  depths  of 
the  stone  and  the  soul. 

All  the  fires  that  ape  or  man  ever  kindled  on  earth 
were  lit  and  fused  to  keep  these  crucibles  boiling. 

"The  Red  Coffins"  in  its  terseness  sums  up  the  Rus- 
sian Revolution,  its  hopes,  its  disappointments,  its  signi- 
ficance : 

To  many  it  seemed 

Like  the  red  blood  of  Russia  welling  from  a  mortal 

wound, 
And  some  sacred  fagots  of  freedom  rising  and  kindling 

a  fire  that  would  warm  all  the  world 
But  no  man  there  could  tell  the  truth  of  it. 

Finally  "Down  Fifth  Avenue"  preserves  for  posterity 
a  word  picture  of  young  men  marching  into  war  with  heads 
held  high,  eyes  burning  with  zeal,  souls  thrilled  with  a 
vision  of  the  world's  freedom. 

The  past  makes  way  for  them. 

This  morning's  discontent,  yesterday's  greed,  last 
year's  uncertainty,  are  muted  and  transmuted  to 
a  surging  urge  of  victory. 

Spirits  that  stood  at  Bunker  Hill  and  Valley  Forge, 
Ticonderoga,  Yorktown,  Lundy's  Lane,  Fort  Sum- 
ter,  Appomatox,  are  resurrected  here; 

With  older  fathers  and  mothers  who  farmed,  and 
pushed  frontiers  and  homes  for  freedom  west- 
ward steadily; 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  405 

With  freedom's  first  grandfathers  and  forerunners, 
who  grew  to  hold  hill  towers  and  forest  fast- 
nesses, and  range  the  sea  and  all  its  shores  and 
islands  for  the  right  to  live  for  liberty. 

And  their  blood  beats  in  these  boys'  hearts,  and  their 
hillbred  and  seabred  strength  is  stirring  in  these 
feet  that  beat  their  measured  cadences  of  courage. 

And  each  beat  of  their  feet  and  each  beat  of  their 
hearts  is  a  word  in  a  gospel  of  steel  that  says  the 
nations  through  ruins  grow  one  again; 

When  God's  drill-master  War  has  welded  nations  in 
ranks  that  their  children  may  serve  Him  together. 

For  Tomorrow  makes  way  for  them. 

Truly  no  other  war  has  ever  had  an  interpreter  like 
John  Curtis  Underwood ;  no  epoch  a  singer  who  expressed 
so  loftily  the  heart-yearnings  and  souls-stirrings  of  hu- 
manity. 

In  a  lighter  vein,  Underwood  wrote  a  song  "Concern- 
ing Planting"  to  which  the  Vigilantes  gave  wide  circula- 
tion as  an  impetus  to  war  gardening.  Its  refrain  "Plant, 
pljant,  plant,"  led  thousands  to  take  up  spade  and  hoe  to 
help  feed  the  Allies. 

There  were  prophetic  voices  in  the  early  stages  of  the 
European  War  in  New  Mexico.  Henry  Herbert  Knibbs, 
the  novelist,  on  November  28,  1915,  then  at  Farmington, 
wrote  a  poem  "Men  of  My  Country,"  which  was  returned 
by  a  well  known  New  York  magazine  with  the  comment 
that  its  sentiments  ran  counter  to  the  sentiments  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  therefore  could  not  be 
published.  It  deserves  publication  in  permanent  form: 

MEN  OF  MY  COUNTRY 

Men  of  my  country,  awake  from  your  dreaming! 

Gather  your  strength  ere  too  late  to  command ! 
O'er  the  far  seas  the  wild  war-star  is  gleaming! 

Men  of  my  country,  the  time  is  at  hand! 


406  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Hear  the  shrill  wail  of  the  nations  in  anguish! 

Hark  to  the  moan  of  the  homeless  and  maimed ! 
Would  ye,  as  they,  'neath  an  alien  languish, 

Jest  of  the  centuries,  conquered  and  tamed  ? 

Peace?  Ye  have  fostered  the  name — would  ye  spurn  it? 

Power?  Have  ye  scanned  that  drear  lesson  of  old, 
Sloth  in  the  purple?  Yea,  Rome  lived  to  learn  it, 

Paying  her  legions  in  perilous  gold. 

Lost  is  each  hour  that  in  silence  ye  cherish 
Faith  in  the  glory  and  fame  that  is  past; 

Wake!  ere  the  soul  of  your  loyalty  perish 
Singing  its  pride  and  disdain  to  the  last. 

What  of  the  hearts  and  the  homes  that  have  reared  ye ; 

What  of  the  mother,  the  wife  and  the  child, 
When  the  brute  mouth  that  once  praised  ye  and  feared 

ye, 

Laughs  at  them,  naked,  despoiled  and  defiled? 

Gather  your  strength,  for  a  new  dawn  is  breaking 
Red  through  the  mist  of  a  treachery  planned 

To  blind  ye  to  slumber  and  strike  ye  in  waking — 
Men  of  my  country,  the  time  is  at  hand ! 

Walter  M.  Danburg,  later  secretary  of  the  State  Coun- 
cil of  Defense,  about  the  same  time,  a  year  and  a  half  be- 
fore the  United  States  formally  declared  war,  wrote: 

0  Sun  of  the  Western  skies, 

Gleaming  so  brightly  today, 
Shine  on  the  soldiers  of  France, 

Lead  them  to  Vict'ry  I  pray. 

0  Sun  of  the  Western  Skies, 

Beaming  so  brightly  today, 
Smile  on  the  women  of  France, 

Lighten  their  burdens  I  pray. 

On  the  first  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  War 
against  Germany  by  the  United  States  he  wrote: 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  407 

Blow,  bugles,  blow! 

Thrill  every  heart, 
Until  the  Nation's  pulse 

Beats  strong  again. 

It  was  early  in  the  war  when,  despite  the  grimness  of 
the  world  war,  a  chuckle,  a  smile,  a  broad  grin  spread  over 
faces  from  Portland,  Maine,  to  Portland,  Oregon.  It  had 
its  origin  in  Santa  Fe  whence  Mrs.  Alice  Corbin  Henderson 
send  out  her  deliciously  humorous  verses,  "The  Joke's  on 
Kaiser  Bill."  It  was  first  printed  by  the  Chicago  Tribune. 
How  much  it  relieved  an  atmosphere  tense  with  passions 
engendered  by  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania,  the  story  of 
outrages  in  Europe,  or  war  preparations,  will  never  be 
told,  but  wherever  it  was  read  (and  it  was  read  everywhere, 
for  few  were  the  papers  that  did  not  print  it  sooner  or 
later)  one  heard  the  refrain: 

"Ten  thousand  Texas  rangers  are  shakin'  with  wicked 

glee, 

At  the  joke  of  the  German  Kaiser  in  his  fierce  per- 
plexity ! 
They  are  bustin'  their  buttons  with  laughin',  they  are 

laughin'  fit  to  kill, 

"By  Gawd,"  sez  they,  "but  that's  one  on  him !  by  Gawd, 
but  that's  one  on  Bill !" 

It  is  sure  to  have  a  permanent  place  in  numberless 
scrapbooks,  in  anthologies,  and  will  survive  many  of  the 
more  ambitious  and  serious  poems  of  the  War.  Mrs.  Hen- 
derson, who  was  then  one  of  the  editors  of  Poetry,  contri- 
buted freely  to  the  Vigilantes  and  her  war  poems  breathed 
all  the  ardor  of  chivalry  and  passion  for  the  great  cause 
for  which  men  were  giving  their  lives.  Who  would  not 
thrill  to  her  "Son  for  Freedom"  ?  And  what  a  rebuke  there 
was  in  her  "The  Man  without  a  Country"  to  the  profiteer, 
to  the  foreignborn  resident  upon  whom  this  Nation  con- 
ferred citizenship  and  untold  blessings  but  whose  sympath- 
ies were  with  the  Nation's  enemies.  Prophetic  too  was 
"The  Vision,"  written  before  America  entered  the  War, 
as  far  back  as  those  August  days  of  1914  when  the  world's 


408         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

fate  trembled  in  the  balance;  although  published  in  The 
Dial  only  after  peace  was  declared: 

What  do  you  see,  Child  of  the  Sun? 
I  see  a  race  that  is  just  begun. 

Why  are  your  eyes  so  full  of  light? 
Because  I  come  from  Pools  of  Night. 

What  did  you  see  beneath  the  waves? 
I  saw  a  world  of  weeping  slaves. 

What  do  you  see,  now  you  are  free? 
I  see  a  world  that  is  to  be. 

As  each  wave  rose,  I  saw  a  crown  '•] 

By  eager  upstretched  hands  pulled  down. 

As  each  crown  sank,  confused  cries 
And  tempest  thunders  tore  the  skies. 

Where  the  green  wave  had  reared  its  head 
Were  pools  of  crimson  blood  instead; 

But  from  each  blood-encrusted  wave 
Uprose  a  spirit,  shining,  brave; 

The  joy  of  peace  was  in  his  eyes, 

His  wings  were  shot  with  changing  dyes; 

And  in  his  wake  the  waters  ran 

And  made  a  pathway  for  each  man — 

Each  man  and  all  that  are  to  be, 
No  longer  bound,  but  glad  and  free. 

A  poem  wonderfully  fine  and  poignant  appeared  in 
the  July,  1917,  issue  of  Poetry:^ 

The  great  air  birds  go  swiftly  by, 
Pinions  of  bloom  and  death; 
And  armies  counter  on  shell-torn  plains 
And  strive,  for  a  little  breath. 
Pinnacled  rockets  in  the  gloom 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  409 

Light  for  a  little  space 

A  gasping  mouth,  and  a  dying  face 

Blackened  with  night  and  doom  — 

As  if  in  a  little  room 

A  sick  man  laid  on  his  bed 

Turned  to  his  nurse  and  questioned  when 

Mass  for  his  soul  would  be  said. 

Life  is  no  larger  than  this, 

Though  thousands  are  slaked  with  lime, 

Life  is  no  larger  than  one  man's  soul, 

One  man's  soul  is  as  great  as  the  whole 

And  no  times  greater  than  Time. 

In  April,  1918,  Mrs.  Henderson  issued  her  appeal  to 
America  to  send  poets  to  the  front  to  interpret  the  spirit 
of  the  Nation  on  the  European  battlefields  and  to  record 
impressions  for  future  generations.  Said  she :  "The  news- 
paper correspondent  has  an  official  position ;  there  are  of- 
ficial camera  men,  official  moving  picture  photographers, 
why  not  poets  in  a  similar  capacity?  As  a  matter  of  fact 
Italy  has  D'Annunzio  at  the  front;  John  Masefield  and 
Rudyard  Kipling  have  visited  western  and  eastern  fronts 
and  published  their  impressions;  why  not  American  poets?" 

It  was  Mrs.  Henderson's  "Litany  of  the  Desert,"  which 
appeared  first  in  the  Yale  Review,  that  seemed  to  have 
made  the  most  widely  accepted  appeal,  for  it  appeared  in 
the  compilations  of  war  literature,  such,  for  instance,  as 
"The  Spirit  of  Democracy"  by  Lyman  P.  Powell.  It  was 
not  intended  for  a  war  poem ;  in  fact,  it  is  such  a  contrast 
to  the  fervid  and  perfervid  outbursts  of  poetic  war  frenzy 
that  it  bathes  the  spirit  with  a  refreshing  coolness  and 
calm: 

On  the  other  side  of  the  Sangre  de  Cristo  mountains 
there  is  a  great  welter  of  steel  and  flame.  I  have  read  that 
it  is  so.  I  know  nothing  of  it  here. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  water  there  is  terrible  carnage. 
I  have  read  that  it  is  so.  I  know  nothing  of  it  here. 

I  do  not  know  why  men  fight  and  die.  I  do  not  know 
why  men  sweat  and  slave.  I  know  nothing  of  it  here. 

Out  of  the  peace  of  your  great  valleys,  America,  out 
of  the  depth  and  silence  of  your  deep  canons, 


410         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Out  of  the  wide  stretch  of  yellow  cornfields,  out  of 
the  stealthy  sweep  of  your  rich  prairies, 

Out  of  the  high  mountain  peaks,  out  of  the  intense 
purity  of  your  snows, 

Invigorate  us,  0  America. 

Out  of  the  deep  peace  of  your  breast,  out  of  the  sure 
strength  of  your  loins, 

Recreate  us,  0  America. 

Not  from  the  smoke  and  the  fever  and  fret,  not  from 
the  welter  of  furnaces,  from  the  fierce  melting-pots  of 
cities ; 

But  from  the  quiet  fields,  from  the  little  places,  from 
the  dark  lamplit  nights — from  the  plains,  from  the  cabins, 
from  the  little  house  in  the  mountains, 

Breathe  strength  upon  us: 

And  give  us  the  young  men  who  will  make  us  great. 

Surely  this  was  worthy  of  Walt  Whitman  and  deserv- 
ing of  a  place  besides  Kipling's  "Recessional." 

Mrs.  Henderson's  plea  to  send  poets  as  official  rep- 
resentatives of  America  to  the  battlefield  was  not  heeded, 
but  poets  took  their  place  in  the  ranks  of  the  fighting  men. 
New  Mexico  sent,  among  other,  Glenn  Ward  Dresbach  of 
Tyrone.  His  poem  "The  Man  who  would  not  go  to  War" 
which  first  appeared  in  The  Forum  was  widely  copied  and 
quoted.  Powerfully  it  pictured  the  young  man  reluctant 
to  shoulder  the  rifle,  and  his  transformation  through  a 
vision  when — 

In  Troubled  sleep 

War  came  to  him.    In  dreams  he  saw  a  host 
Of  strangers  on  the  sky-line.     Rifles  cracked 
And  red  death  fell  on  his  beloved  friends, 

And  in  his  dream  he  saw 

His  father,  with  his  gray  head  bared  to  death, 
Stand  on  the  door-step  with  his  country's  flag 
Waving  defiance.     Then  his  father  fell 
And  the  flag  fell  across  his  silent  breast. 
The  house  leaped  into  flames.    His  sister  rushed 
Out  of  the  door  and  raised  the  flag  again. 
She  fell  and  over  her  the  flag.    He  saw 
A  flash  of  fire  from  the  doorway.    There 
His  brother  stood,  firing  as  steadily 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  411 

As  those  who  faced  him.    From  behind  him  came 
His  mother — and  again  the  flag  was  raised  .... 

And  madly  in  the  dream  he  broke  the  chains 
That  seemed  to  hold  him  and  cried  out  in  sleep 
A  battle-cry  that  echoed  through  the  house 

And  in  the  morning  he  left  for  town 
With  fire  in  his  eyes,  to  volunteer. 

An  anonymous  and  humble  poet  from  Santa  Fe,  at 
Qamp  Kearny,  on  July  4,  1918,  published  in  Trench  and 
Camp  a  "Song  of  the  Drafted  Men"  which  has  a  martial 
swing  to  it  that  sings  itself  into  the  memory: 

Uncle  Sam  is  calling: — (How  the  drums  reverberate!) 

Rat-tat-tat !     Rat-tat-tat ! 
'Boys,  I  need  you!' — (Hear  the  trumpets  celebrate!) 

Ta-ra-ra !     Ta-ra-ra ! 

'Freedom,  which  your  fathers,  and  your 
Fathers'  fathers  bled  and  died  for 

Is  at  stake! 
Come,  my  young  men,  come  my  strong  men, 

Awake!   Awake!' 

Answer 
'We  are  coming,  Lafayette! 

By  the  thousands,  yea,  by  millions, 

Row  on  row ! 
Where  the  Stripes  are  leading 

We  will  follow — 
Where  the  Stars  point 
There  we  go !' 

In  fact,  it  is  a  curious  commentary  on  the  spiritual 
mindedness  of  America's  young  men,  that  the  weekly  issues 
of  Trench  and  Camp  whereever  it  was  published  ran  over 
with  columns  and  columns  of  verses  —  good,  bad  and  in- 
different —  mostly  bad  but  evidently  sincere.  An  army 
of  fighters,  such  as  the  Americans  proved  themselves  to 
be,  which  expresses  itself  in  verses  and  rhymes,  surely 


412         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

does  not  justify  the  charge  of  materialism  that  has  been 
made  against  the  Nation. 

Mrs.  Ruth  Skeen,  wife  of  State  Senator  M.  P.  Skeen 
of  Artesia,  among  current  poems  wrote  "Somewhere  in 
France,"  which  has  sung  itself  into  many  a  mother's  heart : 

Somewhere  in  France  my  soldier  boy  is  fighting 
Under  two  flags  for  truth,  and  honor,  too ; 

I  seem  to  hear  those  French  lads  calling, 

"Coming  at  last!    We've  waited  long  for  you." 

C.  M.  Botts,  recent  president  of  the  New  Mexico  Bar 
Association,  deeply  stirred  a  large  audience  in  the  high 
school  auditorium  at  Albuquerque  with  his:  "What  is  it 
Worth  to  You?" 

What  would  you  do  toward  winning  the  war, 

If  it  all  depended  on  you? 
What  would  you  think  and  how  would  you  act, 

And  what  would  you  say  or  do, 
If  a  message  were  flashed  from  over  the  sea, 
"Our  army  must  yield,  must  flee, 
Must  bow  to  the  Hun  on  bended  knee, 

Unless  we  can  hear  from  you?" 

What  have  you  done  in  the  conflict  thus  far? 

I'm  speaking,  now,  to  you: 
Answer  this  question — consider  it  well — 

And  be  sure  that  your  answer  is  true. 

Sombre  was  the  poem  by  Miss  Rose  Henderson  of 
Silver  City,  addressed  "To  One  in  the  Trenches" : 

I  have  dreamed  vaguely  of  a  flaming  light 

Growing  somehow  within  the  clash  of  things; 

I  have  hoped  wanly  that  the  sodden  night 

Presaged  a  surprise  and  the  rush  of  wings. 

Is  there  such  a  spirit  born  of  raining  lead, 

Such  bloom  of  beauty  from  the  shattered  dead  ? 

You  who  have  known  war's  maiming,  iron  clutch, 
Have  breathed  the  wind  of  battle-breasting  fire, 

Is  there  a  chastening  vigor  in  the  touch — 

The  writhing  flesh,  the  stench  of  bloody  mire? 

Does  there  some  rapture  which  pale  peace  withstood 
Cry  through  the  tumult  that  the  earth  is  good? 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  413 

Miss  Henderson  in  the  New  York  Independent  gave  a 
picture  of  "The  Border"  after  Villa's  raid  on  Columbus : 

Stretches  of  yellow,  glaring  sand, 

Gray  dust  smarting  with  alkali, 
Mesquite  huddled  on  either  hand, 

And  a  beaming,  sun-drenched  sky. 

Creak  of  leather  and  clank  of  steel, 

Khaki  village  and  sun-burnt  men, 
Rising  clouds  when  the  horses  wheel 

Back  to  the  camp  again. 

Mess  and  gossip  and  drill  and  rest, 

Night  with  the  white  stars  thickly  sown, 

Moonrise  over  the  ragged  crest, 
And  the  coyote's  dreary  moan. 

Hot  gray  rocks  where  the  lizard  runs, 
Skulking  greasers  in  haggard  bands, 

Swift  brown  horsemen,  the  click  of  guns, 
And  a  splash  of  blood  in  the  sands. 

The  late  Mrs.  Natalie  Curtis  Burlin  of  Santa  Fe  ar- 
ranged the  stirring  old  Negro  folk-songs  for  use  in  the 
army  camps.  What  a  unique  experience  on  the  front  in 
northern  France  it  was  to  come  upon  a  negro  regiment 
trudging  along  and  singing  her  "Hymn  of  Freedom,"  or 
to  be  in  camp  when  this  song  with  its  marvelous  swing 
and  haunting  lilt  was  sung  in  the  old  camp  meeting  spirit ! 
Mrs.  Burlin  arranged  the  words  so  as  to  give  the  soldier  a 
clear  idea  of  the  causes  of  the  war  and  an  understanding 
of  the  great  human  issues  involved.  It  was  in  Washington, 
D.  C.,  that  a  chorus  of  2,000  voices  first  sang  the  "Hymn 
of  Freedom"  for  a  civic  audience  on  a  program  in  which 
Mrs.  Baker,  wife  of  the  then  secretary  of  War,  took  part. 
Since  then  this  song  to  the  Melody  of  "Ride  on,  Jesus,  Ride 
on,  Conquering  King,"  has  sung  its  way  across  the  Atlantic, 
and  from  St.  Helena  Island,  by  way  of  Santa  Fe  and  Taos, 
to  Honolulu  and  Apia. 

There  have  been  many  other  poets  and  singers — minor, 


414         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

and  perhaps  some  major  —  whose  songs  culled  from  the 
New  Mexico  press,  added  to  those  which  have  appeared  in 
the  magazines  of  national  circulation  and  to  which  refer- 
ence has  been  made  in  part  in  this  chapter,  would  make  a 
voluminous  and  interesting  anthology,  but  sufficient 
has  been  given  to  measure  the  patriotic  fervor  that  was 
voiced  in  this  commonwealth  so  far  from  the  clamor  of 
war  and  the  frenzy  of  the  battlefield. 

Even  the  stolid  native  races  felt  it.  It  was  on  a  day 
when  the  news  from  the  battle  front  was  particularly  dis- 
couraging to  patriots,  that  a  band  of  Cochiti  braves  came 
to  the  Museum  of  New  Mexico,  looked  at  the  Red  Cross 
posters,  and  then  timidly  approached  one  of  the  staff. 

"We  want  a  house!"  their  spokesman  said. 
"Why  do  you  want  a  house?" 
"We  want  to  give  a  dance." 
"Why  do  you  want  to  dance?" 

"We  want  to  do  something  for  the  Red  Cross  the  same 
as  white  man,"  was  the  brief  reply. 

They  had  come  for  thirty  miles  over  a  hard  road,  in 
wagons,  bringing  with  them  their  katchinas  or  masques, 
their  ceremonial  costumes,  in  order  to  give  the  "Matachina" 
dance  for  the  benefit  of  the  Red  Cross.  That  evening  New 
Mexico's  capitol  saw  a  sight  such  as  will  always  live  in 
the  memory  of  those  who  attended.  In  the  beautiful  St. 
Francis  Auditorium  of  the  New  Museum,  these  men  and 
women  from  Cochiti  gave  the  "Matachina"  dance  with  an 
enthusiasm,  a  spiritual  exaltation,  which  made  it  a  verit- 
able prayer  for  victory  to  the  Sky  Father,  which  signified 
an  implicit  faith.  As  St.  Michael  triumphed  over  Lucifer, 
and  the  spirits  of  good  defeated  those  of  malevolent  intent, 
so  American  arms  would  help  win  the  War  for  Democracy. 
The  story  was  vividly  told  by  G.  Wentworth  Field  in  the 
October,  1918,  Red  Cross  Magazine.  During  the  perform- 
ance of  such  dance  dramas  as  the  annual  Corn  Dance  at 
San  Felipe,  May  1,  at  Santo  Domingo,  August  4,  and  else- 
where, booths  for  Red  Cross  Benefit  were  provided.  Tell- 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  415 

ing  of  such  an  episode  at  Taos,  Marsden  Hartley  of  Santa 
Fe  (whose  beautiful  tribute  to  Joyce  Kilmer  in  the  Decem- 
ber, 1918,  number  of  Poetry  was  the  finest  wreath  laid 
upon  the  dead  poet's  grave)  says  in  The  Dial  of  November 
16,  1918: 

"The  Pueblos  patriotically  offered  their  services  for 
the  Red  Cross  and  gave  one  of  their  rarest  dances  on  the 
evening  of  July  4  at  the  hour  of  sunset,  certainly  one  of 
the  most  beautiful  spectacles,  brief  though  it  was,  which 
I  have  ever  witnessed.  It  is  called  the  dance  of  mercy.  It 
is  the  dance  in  its  original  form,  as  it  has  been  given  dur- 
ing the  run  of  the  centuries."  The  writer  then  describes 
the  marvelous  dramatic  rite,  closing  with  the  comment: 
"And  through  it  all  you  felt  that  here  was  the  history  of 
your  native  land  enacted  for  your  pleasure,  written  in  the 
very  language  of  the  sun  and  the  moon  and  the  sky,  the 
birds  and  the  flowers,  rain  and  running  rivers,  and  that  it 
was  in  this  tongue  that  they  might  surely  speak  with  each 
other  to  a  perfect  understanding."  Does  not  this  yield  a 
glimpse  of  an  aspect  of  life  in  New  Mexico  during  the  War 
that  no  other  commonwealth  shared  with  it?  The  Indians 
translated  their  patriotism  into  action  and  deeds.  They 
were  found  in  the  ranks  of  the  Army  of  Liberty.  Captain 
Ashley  Pond  of  Santa  Fe  one  evening  at  the  New  Museum 
told  of  meeting  four  New  Mexico  Mexicans  in  a  machine 
gun  nest  manned  by  seven  Americans  in  the  St.  Mihiel 
sector,  one  of  the  four  New  Mexicans  being  a  Laguna  In- 
dian, as  stolid  as  if  he  were  an  onlooker  at  the  Zuni  Fire 
Dance. 

At  Santa  Clara,  one  of  the  older  men  made  war  bon- 
nets and  sold  them  for  the  benefit  of  the  Red  Cross.  He 
invested  $1,100  in  Liberty  Bonds  and  gave  freely  to  all 
war  causes.  Others  followed  his  example  and  one  of  the 
most  impressive  war  meetings  held  in  the  state  was  ad- 
dressed in  this  pueblo  by  Miss  Willard,  who  in  simple  terms 
explained  to  the  Indians  the  causes  for  which  America 
was  giving  her  blood  and  treasure.  Wlien  she  explained 


416         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

that  the  Germans  treated  the  Belgian  and  French  women 
as  the  old-time  Navajoes,  the  hereditary  enemies  of  the 
Pueblos,  had  treated  their  ancestors,  a  wild  whoop  of  rage 
went  up  to  the  Sky  Father  from  the  assembled  braves  and 
the  women  and  children  crouched  in  fear. 

The  artists  in  New  Mexico  found  it  more  difficult  than 
the  writers  to  make  a  place  for  themselves  among  the 
workers  for  Victory.  An  appeal  for  artists,  like  that  of 
Mrs.  Henderson's  for  poets  at  the  front,  was  heeded  by  the 
United  States  Government  only  toward  the  end  of  the  war, 
long  after  the  other  nations  had  commissioned  eminent 
painters  to  perpetuate  their  battles  and  battle  leaders  upon 
canvas.  So  there  were  few  war  pictures  credited  to  New 
Mexico  artists.  Gustav  Baumann's  "Fifth  Avenue"  was 
a  striking  picture  of  the  great  thoroughfare,  brave  with 
flags  as  the  troops  came  marching  along.  Warren  E. 
Rollins  hung  for  exhibit  four  war  paintings,  one  of  a  camou- 
flaged ship,  floating  lazily  at  anchor  near  the  Statue  of 
Liberty,  and  another  of  a  torpedoed  ship  going  down  in 
a  turbulent  sea.  One  was  a  portrait  of  his  daughter  as 
a  Red  Cross  nurse  and  the  fourth  of  a  ship  fighting  off  a 
submarine.  He  also  blocked  out  in  his  studio  in  the  Palace 
of  the  Governors,  a  striking  conception  of  "Christ  behind 
the  Peace  Table,"  a  vision  of  the  Saviour  of  Mankind  stand- 
ing behind  President  Wilson  as  he  sits  at  the  head  of  the 
table  while  the  dignitaries  of  the  Nations  look  earnestly 
at  the  spokesman  of  the  American  people.  Dimly  seen  in 
the  background  are  the  marching  hosts  that  gave  up  their 
life  for  World  Democracy.  The  title  of  the  picture :  "Will 
ye  crucify  me  again?"  carries  with  it  a  world  appeal,  and 
emphasis  of  the  truth  that  no  question  is  settled  until  it 
is  settled  right. 

Of  course,  young  men  among  the  artists,  like  Lee 
Hersch,  sought  enlistment  and  donned  the  uniform. 
Others  like  I.  E.  Couse  the  Academician  gave  their  sons. 
The  artists  contributed  liberally  in  the  war  drives  and  took 
the  lead  in  war  charities.  At  one  time,  in  Taos,  a  score 


NEW  MEXJCO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  417 

gave  paintings  for  a  raffle  that  netted  the  Red  Cross  more 
than  §1,000.  When  Taos  was  scourged  by  the  influenza 
epidemic,  they  fearlessly  acted  as  nurses  in  afflicted  homes 
and  comforted  the  stricken  in  the  houses  of  death.  They 
organized  the  relief  work  and  performed  as  brave  deeds  as 
were  recorded  on  the  field  of  battle,  doing  so  unostentati- 
ously, fearlessly,  without  thought  of  reward  or  fame.  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Burlin,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Ufer,  Victor  Higgins,  Miss 
Lucille  Wrenn,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Harwood  and  all  the  others 
in  Taos  during  those  terrible  weeks  when  the  population 
was  actually  decimated,  worked  day  and  night,  sharing 
their  own  limited  resources  with  those  who  had  no  means 
of  their  own, — going  in  and  out  among  the  sick  and  dying. 

Of  the  Santa  Fe  artists,  William  Penhallow  Henderson 
found  a  fine  field  for  patriotic  work,  as  a  camofluer  at  San 
Francisco.  Together  with  B.  P.  0.  Nordfeldt,  now  in  Santa 
Fe,  he  developed  the  Pacific  Coast  "camouflage"  to  such  an 
extent  that  it  became  a  standard  with  which  Atlantic  Coast 
inspectors  compared  the  work  done  in  the  eastern  shipyards. 

In  the  early  spring  of  1918,  Ernest  L.  Blumenschein 
returned  from  New  York  filled  with  enthusiasm  for  the 
work  taken  up  by  the  Salmagundo  Club  in  furnishing 
material  for  "range  finding  paintings"  for  camps,  canton- 
ments, and  armories.  It  was  a  work  that  had  been  deve- 
loped in  England  early  in  the  war  and  proved  of  great  aid 
in  training  machine  gun  and  rifle  students.  Mr.  Blumen- 
schein on  his  way  to  Taos  lectured  at  the  New  Museum  in 
Santa  Fe  and  explained  how  these  canvases  could  be 
utilized  in  teaching  the  men  how  to  find  the  range,  how 
to  estimate  distances,  how  to  detect  "cover,"  how  to  de- 
signate strategical  points,  and  how  to  make  maps.  With 
these  landscapes  of  country  in  northern  France  and  in  Bel- 
gium, the  student  officers  also  familiarized  themselves 
with  the  aspects  and  topography  of  that  portion  of  Europe. 
While  it  was  not  required  that  these  pictures  for  utilitarian 
purposes  should  have  artistic  merit,  the  twenty  "Range 
Finders"  exhibited  in  the  New  Museum  in  the  late  summer 


418         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

at  Santa  Fe  before  being-  sent  to  Camps  Funston  and  Cody, 
proved  a  delight  from  the  art  stand-point  to  all  visitors,  for 
it  seemed  as  if  every  one  of  the  score  of  artists  had  taken 
pride  in  painting  as  beautifully  as  he  knew  how.  Each 
canvas  had  an  impress  of  individuality,  and  in  some  in- 
stances of  a  freedom  and  boldness  which  some  of  the  paint- 
ers lacked  in  their  easel  pictures.  Both  men  and  women 
contributed  to  the  cause  including  E.  L.  Blumenschein,  who 
was  chairman  for  the  Taos-Santa  Fe  sector,  Gustav  Bau- 
mann,  Sheldon  Parsons,  Walter  Ufer,  0.  E.  Berninghaus, 
H.  Paul  Burlin,  J.  H.  Sharp,  Bert  Phillips,  W.  H.  Dunton, 
J.  Young  Hunter,  Miss  Harriet  Blackstone,  Miss  Ethel 
Coe,  Lee  F.  Hersch,  Mrs.  J.  Wilson,  and  others.  Leon  Gas- 
pard  sent  to  the  exhibit  a  stunning  sketch  for  a  war  poster, 
and  altogether  it  was  a  display  as  unique  as  it  was  remark- 
able. 

When  New  Mexico  dedicated  its  art  museum  at  the 
capitol,  during  Thanksgiving  week,  1917,  there  gathered 
for  the  impressive  exercises  a  notable  assembly  of  scientists, 
artists,  writers,  educators,  of  representatives  of  all  the 
peoples,  and  at  the  same  time  the  Dedication  exhibit  in- 
cluded the  works  of  forty  and  more  New  Mexico  artists, 
several  of  the  paintings  displayed  being  afterwards  crowned 
with  prizes  and  medals  at  eastern  exhibits.  Immediately 
afterwards,  the  woman's  reception  rooms  in  the  fine  new 
building  were  turned  over  to  the  Santa  Fe  Chapter  of  the 
Red  Cross  for  its  working  quarters  during  the  War.  Part 
of  the  studios  .in  the  rear  of  the  Palace  of  the  Governors 
were  assigned  to  the  Board  of  Historical  Service  of  the 
State  Council  of  Defense  and  the  west  end  of  the  Palace 
was  given  to  the  Child  Welfare  Service  of  the  Woman's 
Division  of  the  Council  of  Defense.  The  staff  at  the  Mu- 
seum gave  itself  to  every  phase  of  war  work,  from  food 
conservation  to  supplying  exhibits  of  paintings  for  the 
War  Community  Service  in  army  camps,  at  the  same  time 
holding  aloft  the  torch  of  art,  literature,  and  science,  hav- 
ing constantly  in  mind  the  noble  words  of  the  Hon.  Frank 
Springer  in  his  Dedication  address : 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  419 

"When  European  civilization,  in  the  early  centuries 
of  our  era,  perished  amid  the  convulsions  of  barbarism, 
darkness  enveloped  the  earth.  Letters,  Art,  and  Science 
went  into  hiding,  and  the  lights  of  human  intelligence  were 
well  nigh  extinguished.  They  flickered  with  feeble  sparks 
in  the  Arab's  tent  and  in  the  hermit's  cave.  It  cost  man- 
kind a  thousand  years  to  rekindle  the  smouldering  embers 
into  flame.  If  the  Twentieth  Century  is  not  to  mark  the 
beginning  of  another  period  of  dark  ages,  it  must  be  because 
those  who  do  their  part  at  home  shall  keep  the  lamps  of 
knowledge  burning.  Great  changes  await  us  at  the  out- 
come of  the  present  upheaval.  To  many  of  the  old  ways 
we  shall  not  return,  but  out  of  the  chaos  of  a  world  con- 
flict this  nation  is  destined  to  be  born  again — through  pain 
and  suffering,  no  doubt,  in  which  we  must  all  share.  It  is 
for  us  to  realize,  in  such  a  crisis,  that  there  is  a  duty  to 
preserve  as  well  as  to  destroy;  to  upbuild,  as  well  as  to 
tear  down.  Come  what  may,  we  shall  face  the  tasks  al- 
loted  to  us  as  becomes  the  citizens  of  this  great  land,  while 
at  the  same  time  we  resolve  that  so  far  as  in  us  lies  en- 
lightenment, and  the  kindred  blessings  which  make  life 
worth  living,  shall  not  perish  on  this  earth." 

PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 


VIII— To  the  Colors 

A  hundred  years  ago,  a  military  force  which  we  might 
speak  of  as  the  national  guard  of  that  time,  was  being  des- 
cribed to  the  cortes  assembled  in  Cadiz,  Spain,  by  Don 
Pedro  Bautista  Pino  of  Santa  Fe,  deputy  from  the  Pro- 
vince of  New  Mexico.  He  stated  that  the  military  force 
which  for  many  years  had  safe-guarded  this  inland  realm 
for  the  Spanish  monarchy  consisted  of  a  paid  force  of  121 
officers  and  men,  supplemented  in  emergencies  by  three 
troops  of  militia. 

Two  weeks  after  the  United  States  entered  the  Great 
War,  when  the  president  on  April  21,  1917,  called  the  na- 
tional guard  into  federal  service,  New  Mexico  could  muster 
a  total  strength  of  only  88  men, — 49  officers  and  39  enlisted 
men. 


420         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

As  described  in  a  preceding  chapter,  the  New  Mexico 
national  guard  had,  shortly  before,  completed  a  service  of 
eleven  months  on  the  Mexican  border  from  May  9,  1916, 
until  mustered  out  on  April  5,  1917.  As  only  88  of  the 
guardsmen  had  taken  the  federal  oath  prescribed  by  the 
National  Defense  Act  of  June  3,  1916,  all  the  others  were 
automatically  discharged — strange  as  it  may  seem,  the 
very  day  before  war  was  formally  declared  by  our  federal 
government.  The  outcome  of  this  situation,  however,  was 
that  the  national  guard  of  New  Mexico  became  a  force 
of  volunteers  more  completely  perhaps  than  the  guard  of 
any  other  state — volunteers  for  service  in  this  specific  war. 

General  Pershing  was  then  in  command  of  the  south- 
ern department  and  he  was  authorized  by  the  secretary  of 
war  to  recruit  the  national  guard  of  New  Mexico  to  full 
strength.  When  it  became  apparent,  early  in  May,  that 
federal  recruiting  was  not  securing  the  desired  results, 
matters  were  speeded  up  by  Adjutant  General  James  A. 
Baca,  who  inaugurated  a  recruiting  campaign  and  sent  of- 
ficers out  over  the  state  at  state  expense.  In  consequence 
of  both  federal  and  state  efforts  approximately  1,300  men 
mobilized  at  Camp  Funston,  or  "Camp  Kitchener,"  near 
Albuquerque  on  June  11,  1917.  How  this  compared  with 
the  mobilization  in  other  states  was  thus  stated  by  the 
Deming  Headlight  of  July  27th : 

"According  to  the  number  of  men  furnished  to  the  na- 
tional guard  in  proportion  to  the  population,  New  Mexico 
ranks  fifth  in  the  list  of  states.  New  Mexico's  percentage 
is  351  men  to  every  100,000  of  her  population,  a  percentage 
that  is  exceeded  by  only  Kansas,  South  Dakota,  Maine, 
Vermont,  all  of  them  more  thickly  populated  states  than 
New  Mexico." 

That  rather  formidable  difficulties  were  encountered 
and  overcome  in  this  mobilization  is  indicated  by  the  follow- 
ing quotation  from  a  report  made  some  months  later  by 
the  adjutant  general  to  the  state  council  of  defense: 

"As  fast  as  recruits  were  obtained  they  were  sent  to 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  421 

the  nearest  company  rendezvous,  at  state  expense,  inas- 
much as  the  federal  government  did  not  pay  transportation 
and  subsistence  of  recruits  from  point  of  enlistment  tc 
company  rendezvous.  Clothing  and  bedding  were  not  avail- 
able from  the  federal  government  and  for  sanitary  reasons 
the  state  was  compelled  to  rent  cots  and  bedding  and  pur- 
chase such  clothing  as  was  absolutely  necessary.  In  locali- 
ties having  no  armories  the  state  rented  the  most  suitable 
quarters  available  for  quartering  recruits  prior  to  being 
sent  to  the  mobilization  camp.  Some  medical  attention  was 
necessary  and  at  points  where  the  service  of  a  medical  of- 
ficer of  the  national  guard  were  not  available  civilian 
doctors  were  employed  by  the  state." 

Notwithstanding  the  problems  thus  indicated  as  well 
as  the  problems  of  great  distances  and  inadequate  trans- 
portation, Adjutant  General  Baca  could  report  that  the 
work  of  recruiting  and  mobilizing  had  been  effected  at  a 
total  cost  of  $14,839.95,  or  a  per  capita  cost  of  $11.42.  This 
expense  was  met  as  authorized  by  Governor  Lindsey,  by 
the  state  council  of  defense,  out  of  the  public  defense  fund, 
as  was  also  the  further  expense  incurred  in  establishing 
Camp  Funston  on  the  mesa  near  Albuquerque,  which 
amounted  to  a  total  of  $19,938.  18. 

The  1st  New  Mexico  Infantry  and  the  Sanitary  Detach- 
ment were  given  about  four  months  of  intensive  training 
at  this  camp  and  on  October  16th  these  two  units  were  en- 
trained for  Camp  Kearny  at  Linda  Vista,  California.  Two 
weeks  earlier  it  had  been  announced  that  the  1st  New 
Mexico  had  been  designated  las  the  159th  Infantry  Reg., 
U.  S.-N.  G.,  which  news  was  followed  almost  immediately 
by  the  announcement  that  the  New  Mexico  troops  were 
to  be  broken  up  into  two  machine-gun  companies,  the  143rd 
and  the  144th.  Upon  arrival  in  Linda  Vista  this  change 
was  carried  out,  part  of  the  New  Mexicans  being  used 
?,lso  in  forming  the  115th  Headquarters  and  Military  Police. 

Three  weeks  before,  Battery  A,  now  designated  as 
the  146th  Field  Artillery,  had  been  transferred  from  Albu- 
querque to  Charlotte,  North  Carolina.  After  some  three 
28 


422         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

months  of  additional  training  there,  another  transfer  took 
this  unit  to  Camp  Mills,  Long  Island,  and  shortly  after  wards 
to  Camp  Merritt,  New  Jersey.  The  rumors  that  Battery 
A  had  embarked  were  not  definitely  confirmed  until  early 
January,  1918,  when  letters  reached  some  of  the  New  Mex- 
ico homes  reporting  the  arrival  of  the  battery  in  France. 
This  unit  of  about  190  men  under  Captain  Charles  M.  De 
Bremond  was  the  first  contingent  which  was  distinctively 
New  Mexican  to  get  across.  The  89th  and  40th  divisions, 
which  included  so  many  National  Army  and  National  Guard 
men  of  this  state,  did  not  follow  until  the  months  of  June 
and  September  respectively. 

While  the  recruiting  for  the  national  guard  was  still 
in  full  swing,  the  machinery  for  assembling  the  U.  S.  Na- 
tional Army  through  the  selective  draft  was  being  worked 
out.  June  5,  1917,  will  always  be  remembered  as  one  of 
the  most  significant  days  in  the  history  of  our  great  demo- 
cracy. In  New  Mexico  as  elsewhere  it  was  a  day  observed 
by  patriotic  assemblies,  impassioned  addresses  by  leading 
citizens,  and  enthusiastic  parades  in  every  city,  town  and 
plaza.  Out  of  a  population  of  354,000  there  was  during 
the  war  a  total  registration  for  the  state  of  79,911  men  of 
draft  age, — this  figure  including  the  registrants  of  June 
5,  and  August  24,  1918.  Of  this  total  8,505  men  were  in- 
ducted and  finally  accepted  for  military  service  during  the 
fourteen  months  from  September,  1917,  to  October,  1918. 
This  figure  includes  a  number  of  men  who  were  subse- 
quently discharged  for  various  reasons  but  does  not  include 
498  men  who  were  inducted  by  their  local  boards  but  who 
by  reason  of  physical  defects  were  not  accepted  when  they 
reached  the  camps  to  which  they  had  been  entrained. 

No  very  large  alien  population  appeared  in  connection 
with  the  draft  except  in  the  counties  of  Colfax,  McKinley, 
and  Grant,  where  there  are  quite  a  number  of  this  type  of 
residents  in  the  employ  of  mines  and  railways.  In  Grant 
County  some  1,300  registrants  could  not  be  reached  with 
questionnaires,  most  or  all  of  whom  were  evidently  natives 
of  Mexico.  It  may  be  said  in  this  connection  that  relatively 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  423 

few  New  Mexicans  failed  to  register  and  had  to  be 
classed  as  delinquents,  and  very  few  brought  dishonor 
to  their  state.  Only  four  men  to  date  have  been  officially 
reported  as  deserters,  while  early  in  the  war  there  were 
two  cases  of  court-martial  for  other  causes. 

During  1914-1918,  the  five  war-years,  475  aliens  were 
naturalized  as  against  337  during  the  preceding  eight  years 
while  the  flow  of  immigration  was  still  running.  Perhaps 
some  of  these  475  thereby  sought  to  repudiate  the  claims 
of  their  natal  lands,  but  it  is  equally  true  that  all  of  them 
gave  up  the  right  as  aliens  to  exemption  from  military 
service  and  accepted  the  full  responsibilities  of  citizenship 
in  the  land  of  their  adoption.  The  two  nationalities  most 
largely  represented  in  these  naturalizations  were  German 
and  English, — a  fact  which  is  open  to  varied  interpretations 
and  may  call  for  fuller  consideration  than  is  here  possible. 

Perhaps  this  is  the  best  opportunity  for  a  word  with 
regard  to  the  patriotism  of  our  citizens  of  Spanish-Ameri- 
can descent,  for  it  is  a  strange  perversion  of  mind  which 
sometimes  leads  people  in  other  parts  of  the  United  States 
to  consider  half  the  population  of  New  Mexico  as  alien 
and  even  to  confuse  our  state  with  Mexico.  It  is  probably 
true  that  in  no  other  state  of  the  union  may  one  attend  civic 
gatherings  of  all  sorts,  court  sessions,  and  even  the  inau- 
gural of  a  governor  where  two  languages  are  used  as  a 
matter  of  course,  but  so  also  is  it  true  that  if  any  compari- 
son be  made  it  must  be  recognized  that  those  who  are  native 
to  the  soil  from  Spanish  times  are  more  legitimately  New 
Mexicans  than  are  later  arrivals  of  other  nationalities  and 
their  descendants. 

Citizens  of  Spanish-American  descent  must  not  be  con- 
fused with  unnaturalized  residents  from  Mexico.  Some 
thousands  of  alien  Mexicans  have  enjoyed  temporary  domi- 
cile in  New  Mexico  during  recent  years  and  many  of  them 
have  gladly  become  sons  of  this  country  by  adoption,  but 
those  who  have  remained  alien  in  heart  and  conduct  have 
found  the  native  Mexican  of  this  state  even  less  compatible 
than  the  Anglo-American. 


424         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Definite  figures  with  regard  to  exemption  claims  are 
not  here  given, — nor  are  they  necessary  for  estimating  the 
loyalty  of  our  citizenry.  Anyone  who  shared  or  even  ob- 
served in  a  very  superficial  way  the  correspondence  which 
passed  between  the  boys  in  service  and  the  folks  around 
the  home  fires  has  no  need  for  figures;  he  knows  of  his 
own  experience  the  high  order  of  loyalty  which  glowed  up- 
on the  altars  of  our  state.  It  was  voiced  by  that  mother 
who  asked  that  the  national  anthem  be  one  of  the  hymns 
used  when  the  body  of  her  last-born  lay  under  the  stars 
and  stripes  before  her;  it  is  the  incense  which  rose  from 
the  letters  of  all  those  who  were  called  upon  to  mourn, 
whether  those  letters  were  written  in  Spanish  or  in  English. 
Truly  the  poet  was  right  when  he  interpreted  life  in  the 
words — 

"Love's  strength  standeth  in  love's  sacrifice, 
And  he  who  suffers  most  hath  most  to  give." 

The  patriotism  of  the  forefathers  of  all  true  New 
Mexicans  has  been  distilled  anew  in  their  sons.  ' 'Mac's," 
"O's,"  "De"  and  "Di's,"  "Von's,"  plain  "sons"  by  the  score; 
"Jones"  and  "Garcia,"  "Smith"  and  "Chavez,"  "Martinez" 
and  "Miller,"  "Baca"  and  "Baker,"—  names  and  their 
prefixes  may  indicate  origins  or  they  may  appear  in  seem- 
ingly endless  repetition.  The  real  meaning  of  a  name,  how- 
ever, is  what  its  bearer  makes  it  stand  for,  and  countless 
New  Mexico  names  today  are  wreathed  by  patriotic  ser- 
vice nobly  done. 

In  addition  to  the  men  who  entered  military  service 
through  the  national  guard  and  national  army,  there  was 
another  considerable  aggregate  of  men  who  answered  the 
call  by  volunteering  in  the  regular  army,  in  the  navy,  and 
along  lines  of  special  service.  All  postmasters  in  the  state 
were  authorized  to  accept  enlistments  and  to  forward  re- 
cruits to  the  nearest  recruiting  station,  as  at  Albuquerque, 
Gallup,  Raton,  Clovis,  Tucumcari,  Roswell,  Alamogordo, 
Deming,  Silver  City.  From  such  sub-stations  men  were 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  425 

given  transportation  to  the  army  or  navy  station  in  El  Paso, 
or  in  some  cases  to  one  of  these  stations  in  Denver;  if  ac- 
cepted, a  recruit  was  there  given  his  rating  and  entrained 
for  one  of  the  camps  for  assignment.  Of  course,  those 
within  draft  age  had  first  to  secure  releases  from  their 
local  boards. 

The  requirements  for,  and  restrictions  on,  voluntary 
enlistment  were  repeatedly  modified,  no  recruits  at  all  being 
received  for  some  weeks  during  the  summer  of  1918.  In 
spite  of  transient  difficulties  along  this  line,  however,  some 
1,250  New  Mexicans  entered  the  U.  S.  Navy  and  approxi- 
mately 4,000  volunteers  entered  various  branches  of  the 
army,  in  addition  to  the  men  who  enlisted  through  the  selec- 
tive service  and  the  national  guard. 

The  total  of  New  Mexicans  in  all  branches  of  military 
service,  as  shown  by  the  records  kept  by  the  State  Historical 
Service,  was  17,251.  Figuring  on  the  population  of  state 
and  nation  as  354,000  and  110,000,000  respectively,  the 
U.  S.  Army  and  Navy  should  proportionately  have  had  a 
total  strength  of  4,661,000  enlisted  up  to  November  11,  1918, 
which  is  a  total  considerably  larger  than  the  whole  num- 
ber reported  by  the  federal  authorities.  In  other  words, 
New  Mexico  stood  well  above  the  average  among  the  states 
in  the  number  of  men  she  contributed  to  the  cause. 

A  few  of  those  who  served  during  the  war  were  al- 
ready in  army  or  navy  before  1914;  others  answered  the 
call  from  Europe  before  our  nation  declared  war,  getting 
across  and  into  Canadian,  Scotch,  English,  or  French  ser- 
vice in  various  ways.  Still  others  followed  immediately 
after  war  was  declared,  as  Joe  Quesenberry  of  Las  Cruces, 
captain  of  the  U.  S.  soldiers  who  took  the  first  German 
prisoners  -and  who  later  gave  his  life  while  serving  as 
major  in  the  "Great  Spring  Drive."  Quesenberry  got  across 
by  securing  a  transfer  from  the  37th  to  the  18th  Infantry. 
Carl  Meyer  of  La  Luz  was  another,  the  only  one  of  his  Coast 
Artillery  unit  to  answer  a  call  for  six  volunteers  to  com- 
plete the  3rd  Trench  Mortar  Battalion.  Rev.  R.'  C.  Jackson  of 


426         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Farmington  became  a  major  in  kilties  and  veteran  of  many 
a  bloody  field  in  Belgium,  and  was  typical  of  many  New 
Mexicans  who  succeeded  in  getting  across  early  in  the  game. 

Few  even  in  New  Mexico  know  that  nearly  a  hundred 
Indians  from  this  state  joined  the  ranks — Jicarilla  and 
Mescalero  Apaches,  Navajoes,  Pueblos  from  Taos,  San 
Juan,  Santa  Clara,  Nambe,  San  Felipe,  Isleta,  Jemez,  La- 
guna,  Acoma.  and  Zuni.  Perhaps  those  who  scoffed  in  1917 
when  it  was  suggested  to  raise  troops  among  these  citizens 
realized  later  that  hundreds  of  them  might  have  responded 
if  they  had  been  invited  to  enlist. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  every  profession  and  business 
had  representatives  in  military  service, — doctors,  editors, 
ministers,  dentists,  lawyers,  bankers,  teachers,  herders  from 
the  plains,  ranchers  from  mountain  and  valley,  clerks, 
miners,  cowboys,  merchants,  mechanics, — no  civic  occupa- 
tion can  be  named  which  did  not  contribute  of  its  strength. 
The  whole  football  team  at  the  State  University  went  into 
service.  Every  institution  of  higher  eduucation  has  proud- 
ly shown  a  service  flag;  and  may  it  be  said  here,  even  the 
state  penitentiary  had  graduates  in  service. 

More  than  one  editor  shoved  aside  the  typewriter  to 
sieze  an  automatic  or  an  Enfield.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  of  nearly  500  cowboys  in  service  a  relatively  large  num- 
ber from  this  arid  state  elected  to  ride  the  waves;  and  at 
least  one  playwright  rode  the  clouds  for  Uncle  Sam.  To 
the  cowboys  also  we  owe  the  picturesque  phrase  so  fre- 
quently used  by  recruits  that  they  were  "just  r'arin'  to  go." 

In  June,  1918,  at  the  time  of  the  second  registration, 
Capt.  R.  C.  Reid  stated  that  the  proportion  of  volunteers 
to  drafted  men  for  the  United  States  was  66%  and  for 
New  Mexico  was  84%.  Not  until  after  the  June  calls  of 
1918  did  the  total  of  selective  service  men  forge  ahead  of 
the  total  of  volunteers. 

Distinctions  between  the  regular  army,  the  national 
army,  and  the  national  guard — and  indeed  the  U.  S.  Navy 
— promptly  became  uncertain.  Naval  marines  fought  at 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  427 

Chateau  Thierry  and  in  Belgium;  regular  army  men  ser- 
ved on  ships;  selective  service  men  were  used  to  fill  up 
National  Guard  units,  and  men  were  detached  from  the 
National  Guard  for  replacement  use  overseas.  Engineers 
and  motor  men,  medical  corps  and  quartermaster's  depart- 
ment were  essential  to  all  branches,  of  course,  and  distinc- 
tions soon  had  no  value  except  for  convenience  at  head- 
quarters. 

New  Mexicans  were  mixed  like  leaven  apparently 
throughout  the  whole  army,  as  is  revealed  by  even  a  cursory 
glance  at  the  units  which  included  men  from  this  state. 
Such  a  tabulation  of  aero  squadrons,  for  example,  includes, 
those  numbered  11,  13,  27,  28,  30,  31,  36,  84,  89,  90,  103, 
109,  113,  160,  165,  173,  181,  186,  190,  193,  195,  196,  210, 
218,  228,  229,  236,  257,  270,  281,  313,  317,  328,  336-8, 
350,  353,  356,  357,  360,  369,  372,  474,  475,  477,  485,  496,  607, 
615,  626,  635,  636,  642,  644,  656,  808,  810-12,  823,  836, 
869,  1103,  and  1105. 

As  one  other  illustration  take  the  engineers.  Besides 
151  men  from  this  state  in  the  two  forestry  regiments,  the 
10th  and  the  20th,  and  226  railroad  men  of  New  Mexico 
in  12,  13,  16,  17,  18,  19,  21,  22,  23,  24,  31,  32,  39,  47,  48,  53, 
62,  63,  69,  and  503  (all  of  which  were  railway  regiments), 
the  state  was  also  represented  in  the  following  regiments 
of  engineers:  2-8,  9  (mounted),  11,  16,  25-29,  30  ("Gas 
and  Flame"),  33-37,  41-44,  58,  65,  66,  70,  81,  98,  102-107, 
109-111,  113-118,  127,  128,  132,  136,  143,  144,  147,  149, 
209-11,  213,  214,  219,  220,  302,  309,  313-315,  318,  319,  428, 
468,  502,  507,  and  529.  These  lists  might  be  considerably 
lengthened  if  all  individual  records  in  the  archives  were 
full  in  detail. 

It  is  known,  however,  that  the  divisions  in  which  New 
Mexicans  served  included  the  1-13,  15,  16,  18,  23,  25-33, 
34  ("Sandstorm"),  35-37,  40  ("Sunshine"),  41,  42  ("Rain- 
bow"), 77-80,  82,  83,  85-92,  97,  and  101;  and  it  may  readily 
be  appreciated,  when  the  war-record  of  these  divisions  is 
reviewed,  that  New  Mexico  shared  in  very  diversified  lines 


428         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

of  service.  It  is  worth  noting  that  New  Mexicans  served 
in  ten  of  the  thirteen  divisions  which  made  up  our  "Army 
of  Occupation"  in  Germany. 

Of  the  total  of  about  450  physicians  in  the  state,  115 
applied  for  and  received  commissions  in  the  medical  corps, 
and  many  of  the  others  gave  valuable  service  as  examiners 
and  on  medical  advisory  boards.  The  efficiency  of  this 
latter  service  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  of  7,858  men 
inducted  from  February  10th  to  September  9th,  1918,  only 
307  were  rejected  for  physical  defects  at  the  various  camps. 
This  percentage  of  rejections,  3.9%,  was  the  lowest  of  all 
states  in  the  union  save  one. 

In  this  connection  record  may  well  be  made  of  the 
fact  that  the  Red  Cross  at  Camp  Cody  steadfastly  refused 
to  take  into  its  service  any  man  who  could  get  into  the 
army,  and  also  of  the  fact  that  no  one  of  the  Red  Cross 
personnel  at  that  camp  served  on  a  salaried  basis.  New 
Mexico  was  well  represented  in  other  lines  of  service,  also, 
not  actually  enlisted  and  yet  "with  the  colors,"  a  total  of 
at  least  40  men  and  25  women  having  been  reported  as 
serving  in  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  the  K.  of  C.,  the  Y.  W.  C.  A., 
and  the  Red  Cross. 

In  joining  the  colors  the  men  of  New  Mexico  were 
dispersed  in  many  camps.  Camp  Kitchener  at  Albuquer- 
que was  not  maintained  after  the  national  guardsmen  were 
transferred  to  Camp  Kearny,  in  spite  of  the  various  in- 
ducements held  out  to  the  federal  authorities,  although 
part  of  it  was  again  utilized  in  the  fall  of  1918  for  the 
students  in  training  at  the  State  University.  Radio  men 
and  mechanics  were  trained  at  the  College  of  Agriculture 
and  Mechanic  Arts,  and  barracks  were  built  there  also  for 
the  student  training  work.  Other  recruits  of  the  S.  A.  T. 
C.  were  in  training  at  the  Military  Institute  also,  but  the 
only  cantonment  on  a  large  scale  within  the  state  was 
Camp  Cody  at  Deming. 

All  the  men  of  the  first  draft,  and  the  men  drafted 
in  March  and  April,  1918,  went  to  Camp  Funston,  at  Fort 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  429 

Riley,  Kansas.  Most  of  them  were  trained  there,  though 
quite  a  number  were  transferred  almost  immediately  to 
fill  the  ranks  of  units  at  Camp  Kearny. 

During  the  month  of  May,  1918,  three  state  quotas 
were  entrained :  274  men  to  Fort  MacDowell  in  California, 
985  to  Camp  Cody,  and  443  to  Fort  Sam  Houston  in  Texas. 
In  June,  176  stockmen  were  sent  to  Camp  Lee  in  Virginia 
for  training ;  400  men  were  sent  to  Camp  Mabry  at  Austin, 
Texas,  for  mechanical  training;  489  additional  men  were 
placed  at  Camp  Cody,  and  a  small  number  went  to  Van- 
couver Barracks,  Washington. 

There  was  only  one  large  call  during  July,  that  for 
740  men  to  entrain  for  Camp  Travis,  Texas. 

In  August,  about  40  colored  recruits  were  sent  to  Camp 
Funston.  During  the  same  month  there  were  calls  for  200 
more  men  to  Camp  Cody,  for  1,000  to  Camp  Pike  at  Little 
Rock,  Arkansas,  and  for  154  radio  men  and  mechanics  to 
the  State  College  at  Mesilla  Park. 

September  saw  the  departure  of  8  more  colored  men 
for  training  at  Camp  Travis,  101  men  to  Camp  Bowie  at 
Fort  Worth,  Texas,  400  men  to  Camp  McArthur  at  Waco, 
Texas,  and  54  men  for  limited  service  to  Camp  Cody.  Only 
one  small  contingent  got  away  in  October,  44  men  going  to 
Jefferson  Barracks,  Missouri,  for  limited  service.  Subse- 
quent calls  were  cancelled  owing  to  the  epidemic  of  Spanish 
influenza. 

Navy  recruits,  from  both  the  Denver  and  El  Paso 
stations,  were  forwarded  chiefly  to  San  Francisco  and  San 
Diego,  though  later  a  few  went  to  Charleston,  S.  C.,  and  to 
Long  Island.  Most  of  the  army  recruits  went  from  Den- 
ver to  Fort  Logan,  and  from  El  Paso  to  Fort  Bliss,  beyond 
which  points  the  state  records  did  not  follow  them.  Men 
were  reported,  however,  at  the  following  additional  camps 
among  others:  Camp  Humphries,  Washington;  Camp 
Gordon,  Atlanta,  Ga. ;  Camp  John  Wise,  near  San  Antonio ; 
Camp  Upton,  New  York;  Fort  Oglethorpe,  Ga.;  Camp 
Zachary  Taylor,  Louisville,  Ky. ;  American  Lake,  Wash,; 


430         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Camp  Grant,  Rockford,  111. ;  Camp  Perry,  and  Camp  Sher- 
man, Ohio;  and  Camp  Morrison,  Va.  Here  again  we  see 
how  widely  scattered  geographically  our  men  were  after 
joining  the  colors. 

Thanks  to  the  high  standing  and  past  efficiency  of 
the  New  Mexico  Military  Institute,  and  also  to  the  military 
training  which  many  of  our  men  had  received  at  the  State 
College  and  the  University,  a  proportionately  large  num- 
ber of  New  Mexicans  entered  service  as  commissioned  of- 
ficers or  speedily  won  commissions.  The  Institute  reported 
80  former  students  holding  such  rank  in  army  and  navy; 
the  roll  of  Chaves  County  showed  61 ;  the  honor-roll  of  the 
State  College  gave  50.  Of  all  commissioned  officers  from 
the  state  at  least  32  served  in  higher  posts  as  field  officers. 
As  to  New  Mexicans  who  won  places  as  "non-com's"  the 
total  was  proportionately  large. 

Officers  of  the  national  guard  did  not  receive  federal 
commissions  until  they  had  first  passed  rigid  examinations, 
and  all  others  also  who  applied  for  commissions  had  to 
prove  their  worthiness.  Two  men  won  lieutenancies  at 
Fort  Riley  as  early  as  August,  1917,  and  28  other  commis- 
sions were  awarded  the  same  month  to  New  Mexicans  who 
successfully  completed  the  first  reserve  officers'  training 
course  at  the  Presidio  in  San  Francisco.  As  other  train- 
ing camps  of  this  type  followed,  at  Leon  Springs,  Texas, 
at  Camp  Kearny  and  elsewhere,  additional  lists  of  graduates 
and  awards  were  announced  from  time  to  time.  But  here 
again  any  complete  statement  of  results  is  as  yet  impos- 
sible. Details  as  to  promotions  during  service,  of  citations 
and  decorations  received  by  officers  and  by  men  in  the 
ranks,  are  to  be  found  in  the  individual  records  in  the 
State  archives. 

As  one  looks  back  to  the  spring  and  summer  of  1917 
he  realizes  that  the  people  of  New  Mexico,  as  was  the  case 
for  all  the  states,  travelled  far  in  the  two  short  years  of  the 
war.  In  a  war  address  at  Albuquerque  late  in  July,  1917, 
Col.  E.  C.  Abbott  charged  that  a  great  many  men  were 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  431 

planning  to  plead  exemption  on  the  ground  that  their  ser- 
vices were  needed  in  agricultural  lines.  It  is  true  that 
the  proportion  of  exemption  claims  were  relatively  very 
numerous  that  summer,  but  this  situation  gradually 
changed  as  the  people  over  the  state  came  to  understand 
better  the  merits  of  the  case  and  began  to  realize  the  power- 
ful motives  impelling  us  to  respond  to  the  call  to  arms. 
War  propaganda  through  the  press  and  pulpit  and  public 
forum  wrought  a  speedy  unifying  of  the  people  against 
the  menace  of  the  Hun  as  they  came  to  appreciate  how 
that  menace  darkened  the  horizon  of  our  country  and  there- 
fore of  our  own  state. 

Of  course  cities  and  towns  on  the  railroad  were  more 
accessible  to  telegraphies  from  overseas  and  from  other 
parts  of  the  country,  and  the  people  of  these  places  were 
naturally  more  immediately  responsive.  The  Carbon  City 
News  of  May  5,  1917,  for  example,  reports  a  rousing  "Span- 
ish-American Patriotic  Meeting."  In  the  next  column  are 
two  paragraphs,  "Gallup  Girls  to  Try  for  Navy  Steno- 
graphers" and  "War  Closer  Home  to  Gallup  People;"  and 
still  another  frontpage  lead  reads,  "Recruits  Flocking  to 
Colors."  On  the  other  hand  it  was  well  towards  the  end  of 
1917  before  some  of  the  small  country  newspapers  indicated 
any  real  awakening  of  the  people  to  the  national  and  world 
crisis.  But  that  awakening,  when  it  did  finally  reach  home 
to  the  remote  parts  of  our  state,  is  well  illustrated  by  the 
cowboy  who  came  loping  over  the  plain  to  a  little  way- 
station  on  the  Rock  Island,  just  in  time  to  turn  his  favorite 
saddle-horse  loose  with  a  parting  slap  and  to  swing  onto 
the  train — off  for  the  recruiting  station  in  El  Paso. 

"Draft  Day"  was  treated  as  a  holiday,  even  in  places 
so  small  that  there  was  nowhere  for  a  parade  to  march 
save  twice  or  thrice  ground  a  little  plaza;  and  when  the 
time  came  for  quotas  of  selective  service  men  to  entrain, 
there  were  glorious  send-offs.  In  some  places  it  was  the 
men  who  went  who  gave  the  parting  banquet  or  dance, 


432         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

declaring  that  it  was   their  wish  thus  to  show   how  they 
appreciated  the  honor  of  being  the  ones  chosen  to  go. 

When  the  national  guardsmen  left  Albuquerque  for 
Linda  Vista  on  the  morning  of  October  16th,  they  were 
presented  with  9,000  oranges  and  apples  and  great  crowds 
gathered  to  bid  them  "Godspeed."  Similar  in  kind  were 
the  reports  of  departures  which  came  in  from  all  parts  of 
the  state,  but  one  illustration  must  suffice,  taken  from  the 
record  of  one  of  those  who  did  not  return: 

La  noche  antes  del  dia  de  su  partida  una  concurrida 
reunion  de  parientes  y  amigos  le  dieron  la  despedida,  y 
se  profirieron  algunos  breves  discursos  que  emanaban  de 
corazones  simpaticas  que  aunque  sentian  la  separaci6n  de 
un  joven  cuya  vida  era  un  modelo,  lo  animaban  a  ir  a  cum- 
plir  un  deber  que  la  nacion  Americana  y  el  mundo  entero 
demandaba. 

Lo  mas  impresivo  y  patetico  tomo  lugar  cuando  los 
que  le  acompanaron  hasta  el  acostumbrado  lugar  donde 
solemos  salir  con  nuestros  jovenes  le  dimos  el  ultimo  adios, 
al  ver  a  dos  hombres  como  de  seis  pies  de  altos  abrazarse 
el  uno  al  otro  para  despedirse  para  siempre, — nuestro 
joven  Tafoya  y  su  digno  y  apreciadp  padrastro  quienes 
no  pudieron  contener  sus  lagrimas  sino  que  las  dejaban 
desgranarse  y  surcar  sus  mejillas  sellando  en  aquel  dis- 
tinguido  sitio  un  amor  puro  y  no  fingido  que  cultivaron  en 
el  hogar,  como  tambien  cubriendo  la  mas  leve  pfensa 
cometida  por  el  uno  en  contra  del  otro.  Alii  principio  el 
inmenso  sacrificio  de  la  familia  el  cual  culmino  cuando 
nuestro  fiel  patriota  f ue  ofrecido  en  el  altar  de  la  Libertad 
e  Independencia,  muriendo  por  la  pureza  de  los  hogares 
Americanos  y  por  la  integridad  de  los  Estados  Unidos  de 
America.  Se  canto,  antes  de  la  separacion,  aquel  himno 
nacional : 

God  bless  our  splendid  men, 
Send  them  safe  home  again, 

God  bless  our  men. 
Make  them  victorious, 
Faithful  and  chivalrous, 
They  are  so  dear  to  us, 

God  bless  our  men. 


NEW  MEXICO  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  433 

The  spirit  which  animated  the  men  of  New  Mexico 
who  answered  the  call  to  the  colors  and  the  spirit  which 
'animated  the  people  from  whose  midst  they  went  forth 
was  fittingly  voiced  in  a  hymn  which  sprang  from  the 
heart  of  one  of  our  own  poets  and  which  was  dedicated  by 
him  "To  the  Soldiers  of  New  Mexico:" 

Os  vimos  a  la  lid  marchar, 

Soldados  de  Neo-Mejico, 
Al  grito  de  la  Libertad, 

Soldados  de  Neo-  Mejico; 
Yj  cuan  gloriso  no  os  sera 
Pelear  allende  el  Bravo  Mar 
For  Dios  y  por  la  Libertad, 

Soldados  de  Neo-Mejico! 

LANSING  B.  BLOOM 


434         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


UNCLE  SAM'S  CAMEL  CORPS 
FRED  S.  PERRINE 

It  is  hard  for  this  generation  to  realize,  in  the  present 
clay  of  aeroplanes  and  automobiles,  the  transportation  pro- 
blems faced  by  Uncle  Sam  in  the  great  Southwest,  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  ago.  Guarding  the  then  frontier 
against  the  raids  of  the  Apaches,  Comanches  and  other 
savage  tribes,  and  locating  and  building  roads  thru  that 
vast  country  to  the  Pacific  coast,  was  indeed  a  problem. 

One  of  the  greatest  troubles  experienced  was  the  trans- 
portation of  troops  and  supplies  across  the  arid  plains  of 
Texas,  New  Mexico,  Arizona  and  California,  and  the  vari- 
ous mountain  chains  of  the  three  latter  states,  or  rather, 
territories. 

Prominent  among  the  leaders  of  a  new  scheme  of 
transportation  were  Major  Henry  C.  Wayne,  U.  S.  A.,  and 
Edward  F.  Beale,  formerly  an  officer  in  the  Navy,  but 
at  that  particular  time,  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs 
in  California. 

For  years  Major  Wayne  had  been  an  exponent  of  a 
system  of  army  transportation  in  which  camels  or  drome- 
daries were  to  be  used  as  a  means  of  conveying  troops 
and  supplies  across  the  desert  plains  of  the  Southwest, 
from  the  Mississippi  River  to  California.  He  was  ably 
seconded  by  Superintendent  Beale,  who  as  a  member  of 
Commodore  Stockton's  command,  had  made  several  trips 
across  the  continent,  to  and  from  Washington,  D.  C.,  with 
dispatches  for  the  government,  and  who  undoubtedly  real- 
ized, more  than  any  one  else  the  necessity  of  a  better  means 
of  transportation  for  the  troops  and  their  supplies,  than 
the  horse  and  mule  trains  then  being  used. 

Enlisting  the  support  of  Hon.  Jefferson  Davis,  who 
was  then  Secretary  of  War,  and  who  was  heartily  in  ac- 
cord with  the  experiment,  Congress  was  appealed  to  for 


UNCLE  SAM'S  CAMEL  CORPS  435 

an  appropriation  to  purchase  camels  and  dromedaries, 
and  to  provide  funds  for  carrying  out  the  experiment. 
For  several  years  Secretary  Davis  made  recommendations 
to  Congress,  and  at  last  an  appropriation  of  $30.000.00 
was  made,  which  was  approved  on  March  3,  1855. 

No  time  was  now  lost,  and  on  May  10,  1855,  Major 
Wayne  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  the  Levant;  Lieutenant 
David  D.  Porter,  then  in  command  of  the  U.  S.  Storeship 
"Supply,"  which  was  at  that  time  in  New  York  harbor 
taking  in  supplies  for  the  Mediterranean  squadron,  re- 
ceived instructions  to  meet  Major  Wayne  at  Spezzia,  after 
discharging  cargo,  and  to  co-operate  and  act  jointly  with 
him  in  the  purchase  of  such  camels  and  dromedaries  as 
they  were  able  to  obtain. 

Major  Wayne's  instructions  were  very  explicit.  He 
wjas  to  obtain  all  the  information  that  was  possible  in  Eng- 
land, and  especially  from  the  French  War  Ministry,  who 
had  been  using  camels  in  Africa  for  some  time.  He  visited 
the  Zoological  Gardens  in  London  where  several  camels 
were  in  captivity,  then  proceeded  to  Paris,  where  he  se- 
cured all  the  information  that  was  available.  In  the  mean- 
time Lieutenant  Porter  had  arrived  at  Spezzia,  and  learn- 
ing that  Major  Wayne  would  not  arrive  for  at  least  a  week, 
decided  to  go  to  Pisa,  where  there  was  a  herd  of  about  250 
camels,  the  property  of  the  grand  duke.  Gleaning  all  the 
data  that  he  could  regarding  the  habits  etc.,  of  the  camel, 
he  returned  to  Spezzia,  where  he  was  met  by  Major  Wayne. 
Upon  comparing  notes  they  decided  that  there  were  a  great 
many  things  regarding  camels  that  they  did  not  know, 
and  in  order  to  secure  this  knowledge  first  hand  they  sailed 
for  Tunis,  July  30,  1855,  where  they  purposed  to  buy  one 
camel,  so  that  they  could  study  its  habits  and  its  manage- 
ment on  shipboard.  Arriving  at  Tunis  they  made  their 
purchase  of  a  sample  camel,  and  were  very  agreeably  sur- 
prised when  they  were  advised  by  the  Bey  of  Tunis,  that 
he  would  be  very  much  pleased  to  present  to  them  as  a 
gift  to  the  President  and  the  people  of  the  United  States, 


436         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

a  fine  camel.  On  the  9th  of  August  they  received  two 
camels  as  gifts,  instead  of  one,  both  stallions,  one  full 
grown  and  the  other  young. 

With  the  three  camels  on  board  the  ship  set  sail  for 
Malta,  Smyrna,  and  finally  arrived  at  Constantinople. 
Reporting  from  this  place  Major  Wayne  states  that  on 
the  voyage  the  camels  had  given  them  less  trouble  than 
horses  would  have  done,  but  that  one  of  them  showed 
symptoms  of  the  itch,  a  very  common  affliction  among 
camels. 

After  making  a  trip  to  the  Crimea,  where  they  received 
considerable  information  from  British  officers,  they  re- 
turned to  Constantinople,  where  it  was  decided  to  sell  the 
camel  which  had  developed  the  itch,  and  also  the  one 
which  they  had  purchased  in  Tunis.  Accordingly  they  were 
landed  and  sold  to  a  butcher  "for  purposes  best  known  to 
himself"  for  1096  piastres  equal  to  about  $44.00. 

While  at  Constantinople  our  officers  were  informed 
that  the  Sultan  wished  to  present  to  them,  four  fine  camels. 
There  was  such  a  delay,  however,  in  getting  them  from 
the  interior,  that  the  ship  was  compelled  to  sail  for  Alex- 
andria, Egypt,  without  them.  In  Egypt,  it  was  expected 
that  they  would  be  able  to  purchase  ten  dromedaries  and 
four  camels  of  burden.  Major  Wayne  bought  five  drome- 
daries at  Cairo,  trusting  to  luck  to  get  a  permit  to  ship 
them,  there  being  an  embargo  on  their  exportation  from 
the  country.  He  applied  for  permission  to  export  20  camels 
and  after  much  correspondence  permission  was  granted  to 
ship  two.  After  a  great  deal  of  wire  pulling  he  received  a 
permit  to  ship  two  males  and  two  females,  and  it  was  not 
until  Consul  General  Edwin  DeLeon  took  a  hand  in  the 
matter  that  permission  was  granted  for  the  exportation 
of  ten  camels.  In  his  report  Major  Wayne  states  "Yester- 
day, at  Mr.  DeLeon's  request,  I  gave  him  two  Minie  rifles, 
as  he  said  he  had  promised  them  to  the  viceroy  on  the  30th 
ultimo.  To  make  the  gift  complete  I  added  a  bullet-mould 


UNCLE  SAM'S  CAMEL  CORPS  437 

and  a  swedge."     This  is  undoubtedly,  the  answer  to  the 
question,  "How  did  he  get  the  permit?" 

After  the  question  of  the  permit  was  settled,  the 
viceroy  of  Egypt  decided  that  he  would  like  to  present  to 
the  United  States  six  of  the  very  finest  dromedaries  in 
Egypt.  Let  us  see  what  Lieutenant  Porter  has  to  say 
about  this  very  valuable  present,  in  his  report  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  War : — 

It  was  very  gratifying  to  me  to  hear  that  we  were  to 
receive  six  dromedaries  from  his  highness  the  viceroy's 
own  stock.  Of  course  I  expected  nothing  but  the  very  best 
blood  of  Oman  or  Nubia,  knowing  that  the  eastern  potent- 
ates take  a  pride  in  making  presents  of  the  choicest  kind. 
I  felt  that  you  would  be  very  much  disappointed  in  our 
bringing  home  so  few  dromedaries,  and  I  was  very  glad 
to  get  the  six  that  were  promised.  The  selection  of  the 
animals  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  governor  of  Alex- 
andria; he  passed  the  matter  on  to  the  next  in  office,  and 
he  in  turn  passed  it  on  still  to  a  "cavass"  or  under  officer, 
who  went  to  work  to  make  a  handsome  profit  out  of  the 
business.  After  more  than  a  week's  delay,  and  many  in- 
quiries on  my  part  as  to  when  we  might  expect  them,  I 
was  at  last  informed  that  the  dromedaries  were  ready,  to 
be  delivered  to  any  one  I  might  send  for  them.  I  sent  an 
officer  to  receive  them,  who  returned  in  a  few  minutes 
and  informed  me  that  the  animals  were  wretched  in  ap- 
pearance, and  so  rotten  with  disease,  that  he  would  not 
take  the  responsibility  of  accepting  them  without  further 
orders.  To  avoid  all  mistakes,  I  went  and  inspected  them 
myself,  and  found  them  infinitely  worse  than  they  had 
been  represented;  they  were  not  dromedaries  at  all,  but 
the  common  street  camel  of  Alexandria,  the  most  ill  used 
and  wretched  looking  beast  in  the  world.  What  made  the 
matter  worse,  two  of  them  had  been  purchased  by  Major 
Wayne,  in  Cairo,  and  rejected,  on  their  arrival  in  Alex- 
andria, because  they  turned  out  to  be  diseased,  and  they 
were  about  the  best  of  the  lot  presented. 

The  whole  affair,  at  first,  looked  like  a  studied  insult. 
for  the  purpose  of  turning  the  expedition  into  ridicule. 
I  promptly  refused  to  receive  the  present,  and  the  accom- 

29 


438         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

panying   correspondence   took   place,   which   will   explain 
the  whole  affair  to  you. 

I  felt  that  there  was  some  improper  course  pursued 
by  the  subordinates  of  the  pasha,  and  I  thought  it  my 
duty  to  expose  it.  Mr.  DeLeon  approved  of  my  course, 
and  warmly  seconded  my  remonstrances.  These  letters 
will  tend  to  show  how  many  impediments  are  thrown 
in  the  way  of  strangers  in  the  prosecution  of  any  purpose 
in  Egypt.  The  well  intended  liberality  of  his  highness  the 
viceroy  is  often  turned  aside  by  his  subordinates,  who 
thereby  reap  some  small  advantage  themselves,  at  the  risk 
even  of  meeting  with  severe  punishment.  This  piece  of 
trickery  caused  another  delay  of  a  week;  but  when  it  was 
brought  to  the  notice  of  his  highness  the  viceroy,  he  put 
the  matter  in  proper  hands,  and  in  seven  days  a  fair  lot  of 
dromedaries  were  brought  down  from  the  interior,  and 
six  were  selected  out  of  fifteen,  two  males  and  four  females. 

The  "Supply"  sailed  from  Alexandria  for  Smyrna, 
with  nine  dromedaries,  six  of  which  had  been  presented 
by  the  viceroy  of  Egypt,  and  the  Tunis  camel.  At  Alex- 
andria three  Arabs  were  hired  to  accompany  the  expedi- 
tion to  America,  and  serve  for  one  year.  The  care  of  the 
camels  was  under  the  direction  of  Albert  Ray,  wagon  and 
forage  master,  who  had  served  in  the  Mexican  war,  and 
who  had  enlisted  with  Lieutenant  Porter  for  this  parti- 
cular purpose.  Mr.  G.  H.  Heap,  who  had  been  sent  ahead 
from  Alexandria  to  Smyrna  to  purchase  the  balance  of 
the  cargo,  had  succeeded  in  his  duty,  and  on  the  arrival 
of  the  "Supply"  at  Smyrna,  the  camels  and  dromedaries 
purchased  by  him  were  embarked. 

The  roll  call  of  this  first  cargo  of  camels  was  as  fol- 
low:— 

1  Tunis  camel  of  burden  male. 

1  Senaar  dromedary  male. 

1  Muscat  dromedary  female. 

2  Siout   dromedaries  males. 
4  Siout  dromedaries                        females. 

1  Mt  Sinai  dromedary  male. 

2  Bactrian  camels  males. 


UNCLE  SAM'S  CAMEL  CORPS  439 

1  Booghdee  or  Tuilu,  male,  produce  of  the  Bac- 

train  male  and  the  Arabian  female. 
4  Arabian  camels  of  burden  males. 

15  Arabian  camels  of  burden          females. 
1  Arabian  camel,  24  days  old       male. 


33 

These  camels  were  to  be  landed  at  Indianola,  Texas, 
where  the  expedition  expected  to  arrive  about  April  15, 
1856. 

On  the  13th  of  April,  1856,  the  "Supply"  put  into 
Kingston,  Jamaica,  where  they  remained  about  two  weeks. 
The  arrival  of  the  "Supply,"  at  Kingston  created  quite  a 
furor,  as  few  of  the  inhabitants  had  ever  seen  a  camel, 
and  on  one  day  more  than  4000  people  visited  the  men- 
agerie" abroad  the  "Supply."  The  voyage  so  far  had  been 
very  stormy,  and  a  severe  gale  and  head  winds  had  pre- 
vented their  stopping  at  the  Canary  Islands,  as  was  the 
original  intention. 

On  April  29,  1856,  they  made  Pass  Cavallo,  and  on 
the  1st  of  May  were  met  by  the  steamer  "Fashion,"  Captain 
Baker,  with  two  schooners  in  tow.  After  making  the  at- 
tempt to  transfer  one  of  the  camels,  they  gave  it  up  as  a 
bad  job,  as  there  were  too  many  chances  of  injuring  the 
camels  on  account  of  the  roughness  of  the  sea.  It  was 
decided  therefore  to  make  for  Balize  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  so  on  the  10th  of  May  the  camels  were 
transferred  to  the  "Fashion"  in  the  south  west  passage 
of  the  Mississippi  River.  On  May  14,  1856,  the  cargo  was 
safely  landed  at  "Powder  Horn,"  Indianola,  Texas,  thirty- 
four  camels  being  brought  ashore,  being  one  more  than 
they  had  started  with. 

On  the  voyage  six  calves  were  born,  of  which  four 
died,  and  one  of  the  original  thirty-three  died.  This  left 
thirty-two  of  the  original  stock,  and  two  calves,  all  of  which 
were  landed  safely. 

The  cost  of  the  expedition  up  to  date  had  been  about 


440         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

$8000.00  leaving  $12,000.00  placed  to  the  credit  of  Major 
Wayne,  still  to  be  expended.  Owing  to  the  very  favorable 
reports  which  had  been  made  by  both  officers,  together  with 
the  fact  that  more  animals  were  needed  to  complete  the 
experiment,  and  also  because  the  appropriation  had  been 
only  partly  expended,  Lieutenant  Porter  received  orders 
dated  June  26,  1856,  to  return  to  the  East  for  another 
cargo.  He  was  accompanied  by  Mr.  G.  H.  Heap,  who  had 
proven  so  valuable  on  the  first  expedition. 

We  will  leave  the  second  expedition  here  and  take  up 
the  story  of  the  first  cargo  which  hafl  been  landed  at  In- 
dianola.  On  June  4,  Major  Wayne  left  with  the  camels 
and  after  thirteen  days  travel  arrived  at  San  Antonio. 
They  had  been  loaded  lightly  for  the  trip  and  all  arrived 
safely,  and  without  having  caused  any  trouble.  On  this 
trip  a  female  camel  was  born,  which  unfortunately,  sur- 
vived only  one  day. 

A  camping  place  had  already  been  arranged  at  the 
head  waters  of  the  San  Pedro,  about  two  miles  from  town. 
This  site  was  owned  by  the  corporation  of  San  Antonio, 
and  was  occupied  "free  of  any  charge."  A  few  days  later 
Major  Wayne  reported  that  the  proximity  to  town  was 
not  beneficial  to  either  the  men  or  animals,  and  the  camp 
was  moved  out  to  the  Medina  to  the  ranch  of  Major  Howard 
of  San  Antonio,  with  whom  temporary  arrangements  had 
been  made.  After  several  weeks  of  investigation  a  per- 
manent camp  was  made  at  Green  Valley,  and  named  Camp 
Verde,  where  buildings  were  erected  to  shelter  the  animals. 
During  this  interval,  two  of  the  animals  had  died,  both 
females,  one  evidently  from  "a  heavy  blow  or  blows  inflicted 
on  the  neck  of  the  animal"  and  the  other  from  causes  un- 
known. 

And  now  we  come  to  a  very  interesting  item,  not  only 
an  historical  item,  but  one  which  shows  that  every  effort 
was  made  to  put  the  camel  in  as  favorable  light  as  possible, 
with  the  "powers  that  were."  Major  Wayne  wrote  to 
Secretary  Davis  that  he  was  enclosing  "herewith  a  pair  of 


UNCLE  SAM'S  CAMEL  CORPS  441 

socks  knit  for  the  President  by  Mrs.  Mary  A.  Shirkey,  of 
Victoria,  Texas,  (lately  of  Virginia)  from  the  pile  of  one 
of  our  camels."  There  is  no  record  to  show  whether  Presi- 
dent Pierce  received  these  socks,  or  if  Secretary  Davis 
confiscated  them  for  his  own  use. 

During  the  year  1856,  several  expeditions  were  made 
with  the  first  lot  of  camels,  and  the  reports  made  by  the 
several  officers  in  charge,  showed  that  they  were  satis- 
factory in  every  respect,  and  were  superior  to  the  horse 
and  mule  trains,  with  which  they  were  tried  out. 

Lieutenant  Porter,  reporting  from  Smyrna,  Nov.  14, 
1856,  states: — 

We  shall  sail  tomorrow  for  the  United  States.  .  .  . 
Mr.  Heap  has  purchased  a  beautiful  lot  of  animals,  all 
young.  .  .  Six  of  the  camels  have  been  presented  by  the 
Sultan,  through  our  Minister  at  Constantinople.  .  .  We  shall 
sail  with  forty-four  camels  in  all.  .  .  I  think  our  present 
home  voyage  will  be  about  the  same  as  last,  and  if  the 
steamer  will  be  ready  on  the  20th  of  January,  I  hope  by 
that  time  to  get  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 

Owing  to  storms,  head  winds  and  bad  weather,  Porter 
did  not  arrive  at  his  destination  until  January  30,  and  on 
February  10,  1857,  forty-one  camels  were  landed  at  In- 
dianola  in  good  condition,  three  having  died  on  the  voyage. 

In  all  seventy-five  camels  and  dromedaries,  reached 
the  United  States  in  safety,  enough  to  make  the  experiment. 
They  were  tried  out  in  different  ways,  and  on  different  ex- 
peditions in  the  Southwest,  and  every  officer  who  was  con- 
nected with  these  expeditions  reported  very  favorably  on 
their  use. 

The  following  news  item  dated  Los  Angeles,  Cal.,  Nov. 
23,  1857,  and  appearing  in  the  Portland,  Ore.,  Oregonian, 
Dec.  26,  1857,  gives  an  idea  of  the  general  opinion  of  the 
different  officers,  who  had  come  in  contact  with  the  Camel 
Corps : — 

The  camels  are  coming;'  and  the  camels  have  come. 


442         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

On  the  9th  inst.,  just  as  the  express  wagon  wheeled  out 
of  one  end  of  town  with  the  Los  Angeles  budgets  for  San 
Francisco,  two  tall  forerunners  of  the  "Dromedary  Line," 
ridden  by  Lieut.  Beale  and  companion,  came  trotting  in 
with  a  speedy  and  somewhat  altitudinous  motion,  at  the 
other  end  with  their  Atlantic  budgets.  Their  approach 
made  quite  a  stir  among  the  native  population,  most  of 
whom  had  never  seen  the  like,  and  by  the  time  the  docile 
creatures  were  kneeling  at  the  door  of  the  hotel  for  their 
masters  to  dismount,  the  caravan  was  perfectly  surrounded 
and  obscured.  After  a  days  stoppage  they  took  up  their 
burdens  and  set  out  with  their  "long  measure"  trot  for 
Fort  Tejon,  where  I  believe  the  remainder  of  the  train, 
twenty-five  in  number  will  bring  up.  This  mode  of  travers- 
ing the  great  plains  and  mountains  will  succeed.  One  of 
the  company  informed  me  that  these  animals  would  climb 
a  mountain  with  a  load  on  its  back,  where  a  mule  could 
not  get  up  without  a  load;  even  getting  down  on  their 
knees  to  make  the  ascent  of  the  steepest  places.  They 
thrive  on  grease-wood,  eat  the  cactus  without  burning  off 
the  prickles,  and  live  well  where  our  domestic  animals 
would  die. 

While  a  great  majority  of  the  Army  officers,  who  had 
come  in  contact  with  the  camels  were  very  much  in  favor 
of  their  being  retained  in  the  service,  the  "mule-skinners" 
of  the  Army  did  not  share  their  opinion,  and  abused  the 
animals  in  many  ways. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War,  the  camel  stations 
in  Texas  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Confederates,  from 
whom  they  received  scant  attention.  The  writer  has  found 
only  one  record  showing  that  they  were  made  use  of  by 
them.  A  paragraph  taken  from  the  Portland,  Ore.,  Ore- 
gonian  of  Nov.  20,  1865,  reads  as  follows : — 

A  correspondent  asked  the  other  day,  what  had  be- 
come of  the  camels  the  U.  S.  had  in  Texas  before  the  war. 
We  have  come  upon  traces  of  one  of  these  animals  which 
seems  to  have  joined  the  rebels.  The  Memphis  Argus 
says : —  The  first  effort  to  introduce  the  camel  into  this 
country  was  in  process  of  successful  experiment  when  the 
war  came  and  put  a  stop  to  it.  One  of  the  camels  originally 
imported  for  the  purpose  fell  into  the  hands  of  one  of 


UNCLE  SAM'S  CAMEL  CORPS  443 

Sterling  Price's  Captains  of  infantry,  commanding  a  com- 
pany from  Noxubee  County,  (Miss.),  who  used  it  all 
through  the  war  to  carry  his  own  and  the  whole  company's 
baggage.  Many  a  time  on  the  march  he  might  have  been 
seen  swinging  easily  along  under  a  little  mountain  of  car- 
pet sacks,  cooking  utensils,  blankets  etc.,  amounting  in  all 
to  at  least  1200  Ibs. — New  York  Post. 

Many  were  allowed  to  escape  from  the  different  camps, 
and  they  wandered  over  the  plains  and  desert  places  of 
the  Southwest.  There  are  numerous  recorded  instances 
where  soldiers  or  hunters  have  seen  or  pursued  them; 
these  instances  occurring  with  decreasing  frequency  as 
late  as  1893.  In  1901  wild  camels  were  seen  in  the  deserts 
of  Arizona,  and  Sonora,  Mexico. 

One  band  of  three  wandered  up  into  Arkansas,  during 
the  Civil  War,  where  they  were  captured  by  Union  forces, 
and  sent  to  a  point  on  the  Des  Moines  River  in  Iowa,  where 
they  were  later  ordered  to  be  sold  at  public  auction. 

On  Sept.  9,  1863,  the  last  of  the  herd  in  California, 
thrity-five  in  number,  were  ordered  sold  at  public  auction, 
and  were  purchased  by  Samuel  McLaughlin,  in  whose  care 
they  had  been  for  some  time.  It  is  probable  that  most  of 
the  animals  found  their  way  into  menageries  and  zoological 
gardens. 

At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  the  camels  remaining  at 
Camp  Verde,  Texas,  numbered  forty-four,  and  in  March 
1866,  were  ordered  sold  at  auction.  The  bids  were  opened 
at  New  Orleans,  and  were  respectively  $5.00,  $10.00,  and 
$31.00  each.  They  were  sold  to  Col.  Bethel  Coopwood  at 
$31.00  each,  and  delivered  to  him  at  San  Antonio,  Texas, 
and  he  kept  them  in  that  vicinity  until  the  end  of  the  year, 
when  they  were  driven  into  Mexico. 

In  January,  1867,  twelve  of  them  were  sold  to  a  circus, 
and  the  remainder  appear  to  have  been,  during  the  next  fif- 
teen years,  disposed  of  in  the  same  manner. 

As  late  as  1903,  the  San  Antonio  Express  speaks  of 
having  observed  in  one  of  the  midway  shows  which  had 
exhibited  in  that  city,  a  camel  which  carried  the  U.  S.  brand. 


444         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Of  the  seventy-five  camels  imported  by  the  War  De- 
partment nothing-  but  the  skeleton  of  one  of  them  remains 
in  the  possession  of  the  government.  This  animal  was 
killed  by  one  of  its  mates  at  Fort  Tejon,  California,  and 
its  skeleton  reposes  in  the  National  Museum  at  Washington, 
D.  C. 

UNCLE  SAM'S  CAMEL  CORPS 
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1859;   1859-1860. 

Senate  Ex.  Doc.   No.   1  34th  Congress,  1st  Session,  part  2. 

Senate   Ex.   Doc.    No.   62         34th  Congress,   3rd  Session,  vol  viii. 
Misceli.  Doc.   No.  271  35th   Congress,    1st   Session, 

Senate  Ex.  Doc.  No.  43  35th  Congress,   1st  Session  vol  xii. 

Senate   Ex.   Doc.   No.  36th  Congress,  Session,  vol  ii,  part  2. 

House   Ex.   Doc.    No.    107        58th  Congress,  2nd  Session, 
9th   Annual  Report  of  the  Smithsonian   Institution,    1854. 
History  of  Nevada,    (H.   H.   Bancroft). 
New  York  111.   News,   June  25,    1853. 

Frank  Leslie's  111.   Newspaper,   New  York,   March   7,    1857. 
The   Oregonian,    Portland,   Ore.,   Dec.   5,    1857 ;   Dec   26,    1857 ;   Nov.   20,    1865. 
Edward  Fitzgerald  Beale,   (Stephen  Bonsai)   G.  P.  Putnams  Sons,  N.  Y.,  1912,  p.  198 
et  seq. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  445 

THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO 

(Contiued) 

Chapter  VII 
The  Destruction  of  Acoma 

Exploration  Renewed;  the  Buffalo  Plains.  The  results 
of  Onate's  preliminary  exploration  of  New  Mexico  had  net- 
ted small  returns  in  comparison  with  the  expectations  of  his 
gold-thirsty  soldiers.  But  only  a  small  region  had  been 
seen  and  preparations  were  soon  renewed  for  more  ex- 
tended investigations.  In  the  middle  of  September,  1598,404 
he  sent  the  sargento  mayor  Vicente  de  Zaldivar  with  a 
company  of  about  sixty  men  to  visit  the  region  of  the  "cat- 
tle herds."  Many  rumors  had  been  heard  of  these  ever 
since  the  time  when  Cabeza  de  Vaca  crossed  the  plains 
of  Texas  on  his  way  to  Culiacan.405  When  this  force 
reached  Pecos  Father  San  Miguel  and  the  lay  brother  Juan 
de  Dios,  whom  they  had  been  escorting,  remained  to  take 
up  their  duties  among  the  natives.406 

A  few  leagues  beyond  the  Pecos  the  Spaniards  met 
four  native  vaqueros  who  were  won  over  by  presents  of 
food  and  other  gifts.  They  supplied  Zaldivar  with  a  guide 
to  the  buffalo  plains,  which  they  reached  early  in  October. 
They  were  on  the  Canadian  river,  near  the  eastern  border 
of  New  Mexico.407 


404.  September   15.      Discovery  of  the   buffalo,    in    Bolton,   Spanish   Exploration, 
223.      The    "Ytinerario"   gives  the   date   as   September    16;    see   entry   of   that   date. 

405.  These   herds   of  cattle   were   of   course   the   buffalo.      Cabeza    De    Vaca    has 
given  us  the  first  description  of  the  American  bison.      See   Lowery,   Spanish  Settle- 
ments,   1513-1561,   200,   or   Bolton,   Spanish  Borderlands,    34. 

406.  Juan  de  Dios   knew  the  language  of  the   Pecos.      He   had   learned   it   from 
Don  Pedro  Orez,  a  native,  whom  Castano  had  probably  taken  to  Mexico.  "Ytinerario." 
July   25,    1598. 

407.  Discovery    of    the    buffalo,    in    Bolton,    Spanish    Exploration,    225,    and    226 
note   1. 


446         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  Attempt  to  Corral  the  Buffalo.  The  Spaniards 
were  anxious  to  capture  some  of  the  sluggish  looking  cattle 
and  very  soon  set  to  work  to  build  a  corral  for  that  pur- 
pose.403 When  finished  the  wings  of  the  enclosure  were  so 
long  that  it  was  estimated  it  would  hold  10,000  buffalo. 
They  felt  certain  of  being  able  to  capture  the  beasts,  for 
these  ran  in  a  very  peculiar  manner,  as  though  fettered, 
explained  the  chronicler.  With  the  big  corral  completed 
the  Spaniards  sallied  forth  to  round  up  the  animals.  A 
large  herd  was  soon  spied  and  here  is  what  happened  in 
the  words  of  the  chronicler. 

The  cattle  started  very  nicely  towards  the  corral,  but 
soon  they  turned  back  in  a  stampede  towards  the  men,  and, 
rushing  through  them  in  a  mass,  it  was  impossible  to  stop 

them For  several  days  they  tried  a  thousand  ways  of 

shutting  them  in  or  of  surrounding  them,  but  in  no  manner 
was  it  possible  to  do  so.  This  was  not  due  to  fear,  for  they 
are  remarkably  savage  and  ferocious,  so  much  so  that  they 
killed  three  of  our  horses  and  badly  wounded  forty.409 

Zaldivar  and  his  companions  still  refused  to  acknow- 
ledge defeat.  If  the  full  grown  buffalo  could  not  be  captured 
they  would  be  satisfied  with  taking  the  calves.  The  ef- 
fort was  made  and  some  were  captured,  "but  they  became 
so  enraged  that  out  of  the  many  which  were  being  brought, 
some  dragged  by  ropes  and  others  upon  the  horses,  not 
one  got  a  league  toward  the  camp,  for  they  all  died  within 
about  an  hour."  Balked  in  their  attempt  to  capture  the 
buffalo  alive  they  finally  contented  themselves  with  kill- 
ing some  and  taking  a  quantity  of  meat  and  suet  back  to 
the  camp.  They  returned  on  November  8,  1598,  a  distance 
of  seventy  leagues,  after  having  been  gone  nearly  two 
months.410 


408.  It   was   made   of   poplar   trees.    The   work   was    begun    on    October   9,    1598, 
and    took   three   days. 

409.  Discovery  of  the  buffalo,   in   Bolton,   Spanish  Exploration,   228;   cf.   Villagra 
Historia,    I,    93. 

410.  "Ytinerario,"    November    8,    1598 ;     Discovery    of    the    buffalo    in    Bolton, 
Spanish    Exploration,    228-230. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  447 

Onate  Visits  the  Salines.  Meantime  Onate  remained 
at  San  Juan  long  enough  to  supervise  the  preliminary  work 
of  establishing  the  town.  After  the  church  was  finished 
and  the  missionaries  had  assumed  their  duty  of  Christianiz- 
ing and  civilizing  the  natives,  he  prepared  to  resume  the 
exploration  of  the  country  in  person.411  Accordingly  he 
left  San  Juan  on  October  6.  The  first  place  visited  was 
the  region  of  the  saline  pueblos,  or  Gallinas,  twenty-seven 
leagues  from  San  Juan,  by  the  route  followed  via  Santa 
Cruz,  San  Marcos  and  Tuerto.412  Here  he  remained  three 
days  to  visit  the  salines  situated  about  five  or  six  leagues 
to  the  east.  These  were  very  large,  about  seven  or  eight 
leagues  in  circumference,  according  to  the  governor's  esti- 
mate, and  of  very  good  quality.  From  there  he  went  to 
the  Abo  and  the  three  Xumana  pueblos.  All  rendered 
obedience  to  the  king  of  Spain.418 

The  Visit  to  Acoma  and  Zuni.  Onate  now  determined 
to  go  to  the  sea.  Thus  he  began  retracing  his  steps,  going 
by  way  of  Abo  and  Gallinas.  He  reached  Puaray  where 
Father  Claros  was  posted,  on  October  21,  where  he  stopped 
two  days.  Then  he  continued  west  on  October  23,414  and 
approached  Acoma,  which  he  reported  to  contain  five  hun- 
dred houses.  It  is  a  huge  white  rock,  towering  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty-seven  feet  toward  the  sky  with  the  pueblo 
on  top.  Onate  realized  it  was  almost  impregnable,  for  the 
path  to  the  top  consisted  of  small  holes  hewn  in  the  very 
rock.415  If  the  Spaniards  were  astonished  at  the  sight  of 
the  towering  city  the  Acomas  were  no  less  impressed  with 
the  spectacle  of  the  armored  horses,  which  were  put  through 
a  few  special  capers  for  their  benefit.  The  governor  was 
respectfully  received.  The  natives  provided  food  and  water 
and  rendered  obedience  to  the  king.  But  there  was  treach- 


411.  Onate   to   Monterey,    March    2,    1599,    in    Bolton,    Spanish    Exploration,    215 

412.  Discovery  of  the  salines  and  the  sea,  in  ibid.,  233. 

413.  Ibid.,   234;   "Ytinerario,"    October   6,    1598. 

414.  The   "Ytinerario"   states  that   Onate  left   Puaray  on   October  23,   and   from 
another  source,     Discovery  of  the  salines  and  the  sea,  in  Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration 
233-234,   we   learn   the   exact  route   followed. 

415.  Hodge,    Handbook,    I,    10. 


448         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ery  afoot.     When  Onate  climbed  to  the  top  of  the  rockc 
with  a  part  of  his  men  he  was  soon  invited  to  see  something,' 
remarkable  guarded  in  an  estufa.    Unkown  to  him  it  con- 
tained twelve  armed  traitors.  Peering  into  the  dark  cham- 
ber he  declined  with  thanks,  suggesting  it  was  first  necess- 
ary for  him  to  arrange  some  matters  below.416 

After  a  day's  rest  at  the  rock  of  Acoma  the  next  ob- 
jective of  Onate  and  his  men  was  Zuni.     On  the  way  a 
severe  snowstorm  was  encountered  at  Agua  de  la  Pena.  The1 
horses  stampeded  and  some  were  not  recovered.  On  Novem- 
ber 1  the  first  inhabited  Zuiii  pueblo  was  reached.     They 
had  passed  the  ruins  of  three  on  the  way.    Again  the  In- 
dians met  them  with  a  liberal  supply  of  food.     They  did' 
the  same  at  the  next  pueblo,  Cibola,  where  each  house  added 
a  blanket  to  the  other  things  given  them.417    Onate  found  i 
here  the    descendants  of  some    Mexican  Indians    left  by 
Coronado  nearly  sixty  years  before.     All  of  these  pueblos 
rendered  obedience  to  his  majesty  with  equally  meaning- 
less motions.418 

Onate's  little  force  remained  at  Cibola  from  November 
3  to  8,  1598.  Meanwhile  four  of  the  men,  led  by  Captain 
Farf an,  were  sent  to  investigate  the  rumor  of  a  saline  said 
to  be  about  nine  leagues  to  the  west.  Only  three  days  were 
consumed  in  this  visit,  when  the  soldiers  returned  with  the 
report  that  it  was  the  best  salt  spring  in  the  world.419 

Villagrd's  Escapade  near  Acoma.  In  this  same  interval 
three  soldiers  had  been  sent  out  to  round  up  the  horses 
scattered  during  the  snow  storm  at  Agua  de  la  Pena.  In- 
stead of  finding  the  horses,  they  got  a  more  valuable  prize, 
Captain  Villagra.  He  was  found  about  half  dead,  with- 
out horse  or  arms,  and  without  having  tasted  food  for 
several  days.420  He  was  returning  from  New  Spain  and  ' 


416.  Villagra,  Historia,  I,  99-100.    This  plot  was  not  learned  of  till  much  later. 

417.  The  pueblo  of  Hawikuh ;  Discovery  of  the  salines  and  the  sea,   in   Bolton, 
Spanish  Exploration,   235. 

418.  Ibid. 

419.  Ibid.      See   also   Account   of  the   discovery   of  the   salines   of    Zuni,    Bolton, 
Ms,  and  Villagra,   Historia,   I,    102. 

420.  Discovery  of  the  salines  and  the  sea,  in  Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration,  236. 


11, 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  449 

had  stopped  at  Puaray  where  he  heard  that  Onate  had  de- 
parted from  there  the  day  previously.  So  he  immediately 
set  out  in  pursuit,  expecting  to  overtake  him  shortly. 
When  he  reached  Acoma  the  actions  of  the  Indians  aroused 
his  suspicions.  Chief  Zutacapan,  a  bitter  opponent  of  the 
Spaniards,  asked  him  to  dismount,  but  he  feigned  haste 
with  as  cheerful  a  smile  as  he  could  muster,  and  quickly 
withdrew  to  a  safe  distance.  Evening  was  approaching 
when  this  occurred  and  Villagra  hastened  forward.  Hav- 
ing gone  some  distance  he  lay  down  to  rest,  but  arose  in 
the  middle  of  the  night  and  continued  the  journey.  It  was 
snowing  and  bitterly  cold.  He  did  not  go  very  far,  for 
like  a  flash  of  lightning  his  progress  was  stopped.  Horse 
and  man  had  unsuspectingly  plunged  into  a  deep  pit,  care- 
fully concealed  in  the  road.  It  was  the  work  of  Zutacapan 
and  his  allies.  The  fall  killed  the  horse.  To  save  himself 
Villagra  set  out  on  foot,  without  armor  or  weapons  and 
with  his  boots  on  backward  to  confuse  pursuers.  For 
several  days  he  groped  about  amid  great  suffering  till  he^ 
was  at  length  rescued  by  Onate's  soldiers.421 

Onate  Visits  Moqui.  When  these  scouting  parties  had 
rejoined  the  camp  on  November  8,  Onate  set  out  to  visit  the 
Moqui  pueblos.422  Everywhere  he  was  received  as  a  friend, 
and  all  rendered  the  required  obedience.  Meantime  the 
Spaniards  had  heard  rumors  of  rich  mines  in  the  vicinity. 
To  test  these  reports  the  governor  delegated  Farfan  with 
eight  companions.423  They  left  November  17.  While  they 
were  engaged  in  that  exploration  Onate  led  the  rest  of  his 
men  back  to  Zuni  and  there  awaited  the  return  of  Farf an's 


421.  Ibid.     Villagra,  Historia,   I,    103-104.     The   "Ytinerario"   states  that  it  was 
Captain   Marquez   who   set  out   from    Fuaray   after   Onate,    and   that   it   was    he   who 
fell  into  the  trap.     This  is  clearly  an  error,  for  it  calls  him  procurator-general.     We 
know    that    Villagra    held    this    office.      "Nombramiento    de    Procurador    General    del 
campo  y  Ejercito  del  Nuevo  Mexico  a  favor  del  Captain  Caspar  Perez  de  Villagra." 
Ibid.,  II,  14-15.     The  same  document  in  manuscript  form  is  found  in  A.  G.  I.,  58-6-36. 

422.  There   were   five    pueblos    in    Onate's    time.      Awatobi,    Walpi,    Shongopovi, 
Mishongnovi,  and   Oraibi.     Hodge,   Handbook,   I,   560-561. 

423.  Discovery    of    the    salines    and    the    sea,    in    Bolton,    Spanish    Exploration, 
236-237.      Villagra   names  all  but  two  of  the  Spaniards   in   the  party.      Besides    Far- 
fan  and  Quesada  he  mentions  Don  Juan  Escarramad,  Antonio  Conde,  Marcos  Garcia 
Damiero,   and  Hernan   Martin,   Historia,   I,    102. 


450         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

party.  This  occurred  on  December  11,  but  only  Farfan  and 
Quesada  came.  They  had  left  their  seven  companions  in 
Moqui  because  the  horses  were  worn  out.424 

Farfdn's  Expedition  into  Arizona.  Farf  an's  expedition 
in  search  of  mining  prospects  probably  visited  some  point 
in  Yavapai  county,  Arizona.  Travelling  westward  through 
a  desert  and  treeless  area  it  came  upon  a  northward  flow- 
ing river,  the  Little  Colorado,  after  having  gone  about  nine 
leagues.  The  stream  was  of  moderate  width  and  carried; 
considerable  water.  Its  banks  were  lined  with  cotton- 
woods,  but  there  was  little  pasture. 

From  there  on  identification  of  the  route  becomes  more 
difficult.  A  march  of  three  leagues  brought  the  party  to 
the  slope  of  a  mountain  range ;  two  leagues  more  to  a  grove 
of  small  pines  and  a  very  deep  pool;  and  then  the  explor- 
ers proceeded  for  two  leagues  along  the  snow  covered 
mountain  range.  Here  they  found  several  rancherias  of 
Jumana  Indians.  Now  they  travelled  along  this  mountain 
range  for  six  leagues.  The  snow  was  knee  deep.  The 
region  abounded  in  large  pine  trees.  At  the  end  of  this 
trip  they  came  to  a  snow-free  valley,  and  after  going  an- 
other two  leagues,  approached  the  "Rancheria  de  los 
Cruzados."425  The  Indians  bad  powdered  ores  of  different 
colors.  Continuing  on  their  way  three  leagues  they  passed 
through  a  land  of  pine  groves,  "with  the  finest  of  pastures, 
many  cattle,  very  good  prickly  pears,  and  many  and  large 
maguey  patches,  where  they  saw  Castilian  partridges,  a 
great  many  deer,  hares,  and  rabbits."  Here  was  another 
rancheria  on  the  bank  of  a  river  of  "fair  width  and  much 
water."  They  now  proceeded  four  leagues  to  another  and 
larger  river  "which  flowed  almost  from  the  north."  Cross- 


424.  Discovery    of    the    salines    and    the    sea,    in    Bolton,    Spanish    Exploration, 
237.      Onate   says    they    returned    twenty-one    days    later,    which    would    be    December 
8,   but   Farfan's  testimony   was   given   on   the   day   of  his   return,    December    11.    Dis- 
covery of  mines,   in   ibid.,   239-249. 

425.  Bandelier    identified    the    "Cruzados"    with    the    Yavapai.      Final    Report, 
I,    109.     At   the   end   of  the   nineteenth   century   they   occupied   the    Rio   Verde   valley, 
but   in   earlier   times    went   much    farther   west,    over   to   the    Colorado    river,    accord- 
ing to  Hodge.  Handbook,  II,  994. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  451 

ing  this  stream  they  came  to  a  much  larger  river  two  lea- 
gues distant  which  also  came  from  the  north.  This  stream 
they  crossed  and  a  league  beyond  reached  the  mines  where 
the  Indians  got  their  ore.  Numerous  claims  were  staked 
out,  and  then  the  party  returned  arid  joined  Onate  at  Zufii 
as  mentioned.428 

Juan  de  Zaldivar  at  Acoma.  Before  setting  out  on 
this  trip  to  Zuni  and  Moqui  Onate  had  given  orders  that 
the  maestre  de  campo  Juan  de  Zaldivar,  should  reinforce 
him  with  thirty  men  in  order  to  make  the  contemplated 
journey  to  the  South  Sea.  Since  he  failed  to  come  by  the 
time  of  Farfan's  return  from  Arizona,  December  11,  it 
was  decided  to  go  back  to  San  Juan  to  celebrate  Christmas. 
After  the  holiday  season  Onate  might  then  visit  the  sea 
with  as  large  a  force  as  was  required.  The  return  from 
Zufii  began  December  12,  the  seven  men  at  Moqui  remain- 
ing there  for  the  time  being.  The  next  day  the  governor 
was  met  by  Captain  Bernabe  de  las  Casas  with  six  com- 
panions at  Agua  de  la  Peiia,  the  scene  of  former  events 
in  this  narrative.  He  had  come  to  warn  Onate  and  to  report 
that  the  maestre  de  campo  and  twelve  companions  had  been 
attacked  and  killed  at  Acoma  on  their  way  to  join  him.427 

The  ill-fated  Juan  de  Zaldivar  did  not  depart  from  the 
camp  at  San  Juan  till  November  18,  1598,  ten  days  after 
his  brother  Vicente  had  returned  from  the  buffalo  hunt.428 
On  the  way  he  stopped  at  Acoma  in  order  to  procure  a  sup- 


426.  Discovery  of  mines,  in  Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration,  239-249.     The  "Ytiner- 
ario"    gives    some   details    not   mentioned    in    the    above   document.      Professor    Bolton 
in    his   Spanish   Exploration   in   the   Southwest    (1916)    locates    the   mines    visited    by 
Farfan    on    the    Big    Sandy    or    the    Spenser.      They    were,    he    thinks,    in    either    the 
Aquarius   or   Hualpai   ranges.      In    his    Spanish   Borderlands     (1921)    he    places    them 
"in   the   region   of   Prescott."      This   is   more   nearly   in   accord   with    Bancroft's   view, 
though  he  located  them  farther  north,  in  the  vicinity  of  Bill  Williams   Mountain. 

427.  Discovery  of  the  salines  and  the  sea,   in   Bolton,   Spanish  Exploration,   237- 
238  ;  Onate  to  Monterey,  March  2,   1599,  in  ibid.,  215  ;  "Ytinerario,"  December  4  and 
7,    1598. 

428.  Proceso  que  se  hizo  contra  los  yndios  del  pueblo  de  Acoma  por  aver  muerto 
alebosamente    d    don    Juan    de    Zaldivar    Onate    maese    de    campo    general    y    a    dos 
capitanes   y   ocho   soldados   y    dos   mozos    y   otros   delitos,    February    15,    1599.     Cited 
hereafter  as  Proceso  contra  los  yndios  de  Acoma.     It  is  found  in  A.   G.  I.,   1-1-3/22. 


452         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

ply  of  blankets  and  provisions  for  the  journey  to  the  sea.429 
Meanwhile  a  significant  change  had  taken  place  at  the 
White  Rock  since  last  visited  by  the  Spaniards.  One  party 
led  by  the  belligerent  Zutacapan  was  determined  not  to 
give  the  white  men  any  more  supplies.  His  son  Zutancalpo 
and  the  aged  Chumpo  were  bent  on  keeping  the  peace  Many 
angry  speeches  were  made  on  both  sides,  which  did  not 
end  till  the  two  pacifists  deserted  the  pueblo  with  their 
followers,  leaving  Zutacapan  to  wreak  his  vengeance  on 
the  Europeans.480 

When  Zaldivar  arrived  on  December  1,  there  was  noth- 
ing to  indicate  the  treachery  contemplated  by  the  Acomas. 
Food  was  needed  by  the  visitors,  and  they  promised  the 
natives  hatchets  and  other  tools  in  exchange  for  what  they 
desired.  But  no  sign  of  compliance  appeared,  and  thus 
Captain  Marquez  was  sent  up  to  the  pueblo  with  six  soldiers. 
He  secured  some  food,  but  not  enough  to  satisfy  the  needs 
of  the  Spaniards.  The  Indians  claimed  that  no  corn  was 
ground  and  that  if  they  returned  in  the  morning  more 
would  be  available.  Accordingly  the  Spaniards  went  into 
camp  about  two  leagues  from  the  pueblo  near  an  arroyo 
where  water  and  wood  could  be  obtained.  Returning  on 
December  4,  Zaldivar  visited  the  pueblo  with  eighteen  men. 
In  their  search  for  provisions  they  were  led  from  place  to 
place  by  the  Indians,  but  very  little  flour  was  collected. 
By  that  time  it  was  getting  late  and  Captain  Diego  Nunez 
de  Chaves  and  six  men  were  detailed  to  follow  the  Indians 
elsewhere.  The  Spaniards  were  thus  divided.  Moreover 
they  were  in  a  very  narrow  place  near  the  cliffs,  according 
to  the  survivors.  It  was  at  that  moment  that  the  Acomas, 
realizing  the  opportune  moment  for  attack  had  come, 


429.  Carta   de   Don   Luis   de    Velasco    d    S.    M.,    March    22,    1601;    cf.    Villagra, 
Historia,    I,    112,    116. 

430.  Ibid.,  113-116.     Villagra  gives  many  of  the  speeches  of  these  Indian  chiefs. 
Perhaps   they   are  the  fruit   of  the   poet's    imagination,    or   he   may   have   learned    of 
the   arguments    from   the    Indians    after    the    battle,    as    Bancroft    suggests. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  453 

raised  a  great  cry  and  fell  furiously  on  the  foe.  The  battle 
was  on.431 

In  the  course  of  this  struggle  numerous  feats  of  hero- 
ism were  performed  on  both  sides  and  Villagra  fairly  re- 
vels in  recounting  these  bloody  tales.432  In  the  end  the 
Spaniards  were  defeated  with  heavy  loss.  Zaldivar  fell 
at  the  hand  of  Zutacapan  after  a  terrific  struggle,  if  we 
may  credit  our  poet.  The  situation  of  the  others  was  soon 
desperate.  But  rather  than  be  hacked  to  bits  by  the  In- 
dians they  leaped  off  the  cliff  onto  the  rocks  below.  Seven 
did  so  and  survived.  We  have  their  testimony  taken  under 
oath  a  few  weeks  later  at  San  Juan.433 

The  catastrophe  at  Acoma  was  a  severe  blow  to  the 
small  Spanish  force  in  New  Mexico.  Eleven  soldiers  and 
two  servants  had  been  killed.  Three  of  the  dead  were  of- 
ficers: Juan  de  Zaldivar  maestre  de  campo,  Diego  Nunez 
de  Chaves  and  Felipe  de  Escalante,  captains.  The  others 
included  the  ensign  Marcos  Pereyra,  Luis  de  Arauxo,  Juan 
Camacho,  Martin  Ramirez,  Juan  de  Segura,  Pedro  Robledo, 
Martin  de  Riveros,  Sebastian  Rodriguez,  a  mulatto  and  an 


431.  Proceso    contra   los   yndios   de    Acoma,    A.    G.    I.,    1-1-3/22.    Some    accounts 
state  that  the  Spaniards  tried  to  take  supplies  by   force.     Such   is   the  testimony  of 
Herrera    Orta   and     Juan    de    Ortega,     in    Copia   de    una    informacion    que    hizo    Don 
Francisco   de    Valverde,    June    16,    1601,    A.    G.    I.,    58-3-15.      Herrera    Orta    testified 
that    Father    Escalona    secretly    called    him    to    his    cell   and    there   gave    him    this    in- 
formation.     Captain    Velasco    wrote    that    the    fight    commenced    when    the    Indians 
refused  to  provide  any  blankets  on  the  pretext  that  they  had   none.     Carta  de  Dor 
Luis  de   Velasco  d  S.  M.,   March   22,   1601.     The  treasurer  Alonso   Sanchez   says   that 
in   this    second    visit   to    procure   food   the    Spaniards    took    some   turkeys,    whereupon 
a   few   of   the   natives,   concealed   on   a   height,    killed   a   soldier   named   Bibero.    Carta 
escrita  por  Alonso  Sanchez  d  Rodrigo  de  Rio  de  Losa,     February  28,   1599,   A.   G.   I., 
1-1-3/22.      This   story   is   also   told   in   the   Proceso.      Bibero   is   not   given    in    the   list 
of  the  dead  in   the   "Ytinerario,"   but  the   name   Riveros   is   found.      They   are   doubt- 
less   identical,    though    in    my    list    of    Onate's    colonists    compiled    from    the    Salazar 
inspection    no   such   name   appears.      See   appendix   A. 

432.  Villagra,  Historia,  I,   119-123. 

433.  Proceso  contra  los  yndios  de  Acoma.     Those  who  jumped  and  lived  to  tell 
the    story    were:      Caspar    Lopez    de    Tabora,    Juan    Olague,    Juan    de    Leon,      Juan 
Velasquez    de    Cabanillas,    Alonso    Gonzalez,    a    half-breed,    Antonio   de    Sarinana,    and 
Francisco    Robledo.      His    brother    Pedro    was    killed    in    making    the    leap.      Villagra. 
says  that   five   jumped,   four  of  these   landing   safely.     Historia,   124-125. 

30 


454         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Indian.434  The  survivors  immediately  planned  to  warn  their 
comrades  of  the  rebellion,  and  the  next  day  they  sent  the 
alguacil  Tabora  with  three  men  to  inform  the  governor. 
These,  however,  lost  their  way  and  soon  returned.  Then 
the  ensign  Bernabe  de  las  Casas  was  dispatched  on  Decem- 
ber 6,  accompanied  by  six  soldiers.  As  we  have  seen  he 
was  successful.  Onate  was  then  on  his  way  to  Acoma,  and 
they  met  one  another  about  thirty  miles  west  thereof  on 
December  13,  1598.435 

Though  stricken  by  this  sad  news  the  governor  did 
not  neglect  to  provide  for  the  future.  The  interpreter 
Thomas  was  sent  back  with  a  warning  for  the  seven  soldiers 
who  had  remained  at  Moqui  to  avoid  Acoma  and  proceed 
directly  to  the  capital.  Captains  Far  fan  and  Quesada  were 
sent  on  ahead  to  San  Juan,  while  Onate  and  the  soldiers 
followed,  arriving  in  seven  days,  December  21.  As  they 
approached  the  camp  a  small  group,  including  Onate's 
young  son  Don  Cristobal  came  out  to  meet  them.  The 
missionaries  gave  thanks  to  God  with  a  te  deum  for  their 
safe  arrival.436 

For  Onate  this  stroke  of  misfortune  was  doubly  griev- 
ous. Not  only  was  Juan  de  Zaldivar  his  nephew  and  inti- 
mate friend,  but  the  loss  of  so  many  men  with  rebellion 
rife  in  the  province  meant  a  complete  change  of  plans. 
Instead  of  being  able  to  develop  the  mining  prospects  just 
discovered  in  Arizona  or  of  making  further  explorations 
toward  the  South  Sea,  he  had  to  concentrate  his  diminished 
forces  to  prosecute  an  unwished-for  war.437  Villagra 
gives  eloquent  descriptions  of  the  grief  cast  over  the  en- 


434.  "Ytinerario,"    December    4,    1598 ;    Onate    to    Monterey,    March    2,    1599,    in 
Bolton,   Spanish   Exploration,    218 ;    Onate   to    Villagra,    January    11,    1599,    A.    G.    I., 
58-6-36.      Some   of   the   names   of   the   murdered    men    do    not   appear    in    the   list    of 
Onate's  colonists  as  given  in  the  Salazar  inspection  documents.     There  is  no  Marcos 
Pereyra   or    Martin    de    Riveros.      There    is    an    Hernando    de    Segura,    but    no    Juan. 
There  appears  to  be  no  mistake  in  their  names,  and  if  that  is  true  then  they  must 
have   gone   to   New   Mexico   after  the   Salazar   inspection. 

435.  "Ytinerario,"   December  5   and   7,   1598;   Villagra  Historia,   I,   125-126;   Dis- 
covery of  the  salines  and  the  sea,  in   Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration,   238. 

436.  Ibid.     Villagra,   Historia,   I,    129-130;    "Ytinerario,"   December   21,    1598. 

437.  Onate   to   Monterey,    March   2,    1599,    in   Bolton,    Spanish   Exploration,   216. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  455 

tire  colony,  how  Onate,  Vicente  de  Zaldivar  and  the  widows 
of  the  soldiers  mourned  their  loss.438 

What  Constitutes  a  Just  War.  Without  any  loss  of 
time  Onate  now  took  steps  to  punish  Acoma.  Court  mar- 
tial proceedings  were  instituted  against  the  rebellious 
pueblo,  under  Juan  Gutierrez  Bocanegra,  appointed  alcalde 
for  that  purpose.  Before  pronouncing  sentence  the  governor 
asked  the  religious  to  give  an  opinion  as  to  what  consti- 
tuted a  just  cause  for  making  war;  and,  granted  that  the 
war  was  justified,  what  disposition  the  conqueror  might 
make  of  the  victims  and  their  possessions.439 

The  reply  of  the  missionaries  left  sufficient  leeway 
for  a  war  against  Acoma.  The  aggressor  must  have  the 
sanction  of  a  power  which  recognized  no  superior  temporal 
authority.  The  immediate  cause  might  be  one  of  four: 
defending  the  innocent,  restoring  goods  unjustly  seized, 
punishing  culprits  who  violated  the  laws,  or  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  peace,  "which  is  the  principal  end  for  which 
war  is  ordained."  The  second  query  presented  by  Onate 
was  answered  just  as  broadly.  The  conquered  would  be 
at  the  mercy  of  the  conqueror.  If  the  war  was  waged  to 
defend  the  innocent,  restore  property  or  punish  trespassers, 
the  proper  restitution  should  be  made.  But  if  the  cause 
of  the  conflict  was  to  preserve  the  peace  all  obstructions 
hindering  its  attainment  might  be  destroyed.  After  peace 
had  been  gained,  however,  the  war  was  no  longer  justi- 
fied and  must  cease.440 

The  Expedition  against  Acoma.  Judging  by  this 
criterion  there  was  ample  cause  for  war  and  Onate  pro- 
claimed that  it  be  carried  on  by  fire  and  sword.  His  nephew 
and  sargento  mayor  Vicente  de  Zaldivar,  brother  of  the 


438.  Villagra   Historia,   I,    125-128. 

439.  "Caso  que   puso   el   Governador,    para   que   sobre   el,    diessen   su   parecer   los 
Padres   Religiosos."     Given   in   full  in   Villagra,   I,   131. 

440.  "Respuesta    del    Comissario,    y    Religosos."      Given    in    full    in    Villagra.,    I, 
131-132,    and    in   the   Proceso.      "Y   finalmente   si    la    causa    de    la    guerra    es,    la    paz 
universal,  o  de  su  Reyno,  y  Republica,  puede  muy  mas  justamente  hazer  la  sobredicha 
guerra,   y  destruir  todos   los   incombinientes,   que  estorvaren   la   sobredicha   paz,   hasta 
conseguirla  con  efecto,   .  .  ." 


456         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

slain  maestre  de  campo,  was  appointed  lieutenant-gover- 
nor and  commander  of  the  seventy  men  sent  to  avenge  the 
dead.411  With  him  went  a  council  of  war  consisting  of 
Alonso  Sanchez,  Zubia,  Aguilar,  Farfan,  Marquez  and 
Villagra.  Father  Martinez  also  accompanied  the  expedi- 
tion. The  poet  notes  that  mass  was  said  and  all  the  soldiers 
confessed  before  going  into  battle.442 

The  governor's  instructions  to  Zaldivar  ordered  the 
punishment  of  those  responsible  for  the  slaying  of  the 
eleven  Spaniards  in  the  recent  uprising.  Full  opportunity, 
however,  should  be  given  the  Acomas  to  atone  for  their 
disobedience  before  the  ordeal  of  arms  was  resorted  to.  The 
guilty  were  to  be  surrendered,  the  bodies  and  arms  of  the 
dead  returned,  the  sky  pueblo  given  up,  and  a  new  home 
built  on  the  plain,  where  only  the  missionaries  should  be 
allowed  to  come.  Thus  read  the  ultimatum  of  the  Span- 
iards. If  it  should  be  spurned  by  the  haughty  foe  then  no 
mercy  was  to  be  shown.  The  punishment  of  Acoma  was 
to  be  a  horrible  example  of  what  disobedience  to  the  new 
master  meant.443 

It  was  not  till  January  12,  1599,  that  the  sargento 
mayor  set  out  for  Acoma  at  the  head  of  his  soldiers.  Captain 
Villagra  was  sent  by  way  of  Sia  to  secure  provisions  suf- 
ficient for  a  fortnight.  When  the  Acomas  saw  the  small 
force  approach  on  January  21,  they  set  up  a  derisive  howl.444 
Surely  the  Spaniards  were  crazy  to  think  of  conquering 
the  White  Rock  with  such  a  mere  handful  of  men.  Already 
the  Indians,  men  and  women,  could  be  seen  dancing  their 
defiant  war  dances.  As  the  army  came  nearer  arrows  and 
insults  rained  down  from  the  rock,  but  Zaldivar  bore  it  all 
in  silence.  Calling  the  interpreter  Thomas  to  his  side  he 


441.  "Ytinerario,"    January    12,    1599.      The    treasurer    Sanchez    says    Zaldivar 
was    accompanied    by    seventy-two    soldiers.      Carta    escrita    por    Alonso    Sanchez    a 
Rodrigo   de    Rio    de    Losa,    February    28,    1599. 

442.  Proceso    contra    los    yndios    de    Acoma;     Villagra,    Historia,    I,     134,     156; 
"Ytinerario,"    January    21,    1599. 

443.  Zaldivar's   instructions   are   given    in    full   in   the   Proceso;    cf.    Villagra,    I, 
133-134. 

444.  Ibid.,    I,    141  ;    "Ytinerario,"    January    12    and    21,    1599. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  457 

required  the  Acomas  to  come  down  from  their  pueblo  and 
account  for  the  murders  they  had  committed.  Defiant 
boasts  were  the  only  answer  to  his  summons.  The  natives 
had  already  gone  so  far  that  they  could  not  retreat.445 

The  Plan  of  Attack.  The  towering  pile  on  which  the 
pueblo  of  Acoma  was  built  consisted  of  two  parts.  Villa- 
gra says  the  two  portions  of  the  mass  were  about  three 
hundred  steps  apart,  but  that  they  were  connected  by  a 
dangerous  and  narrow  path  of  precipitous  cliffs.446  This 
situation  did  not  escape  the  attention  of  the  sargento  mayor 
as  he  laid  his  plan  of  attack.  A  stratagem  was  planned. 
With  the  main  part  of  the  army  he  proposed  to  attack  the 
pueblo  in  force  on  the  side  of  the  main  approach.  It  was 
thus  hoped  to  concentrate  the  enemy's  strength  at  that 
place,  and  other  points  of  the  summit  would  be  left  unde- 
fended. Meanwhile  twelve  chosen  men  led  by  Zaldivar, 
unobserved  by  the  enemy,  would  be  posted  in  a  concealed 
spot  at  another  point  at  the  base  of  the  cliff  with  orders 
to  seize  the  top  when  the  opportunity  offered.  Zaldivar's 
council  of  war  concurred  in  these  plans,  and  then  the  Span- 
ish camp  rested  in  preparation  for  the  morrow's  struggle. 
The  Acomas,  on  the  contrary,  spent  the  night  in  wild  re- 
velry.447 

The  Attack.    The  evidence  introduced  in  the  Proceso 


445.  Proceso   contra  los  yndios  de   Acoma ;   Villagra,   Historia,    I,    141-142.      The 
poet   records   that   chief    Zutacapan    wanted   to    send    away   the    women    and    children, 
but   this   counsel   was   not   taken.      And   he   devotes    a   whole   canto   to   the   efforts    of 
Gicombo,  a  chief  who  had  been  absent  when  Zaldivar  was  slain,  to  give  up  the  war. 
His   rival   Zutacapan,   however,   was   able  to   completely   discomfit  the   pacifists.   Ibid., 
135-139. 

446.  "Y   assi   marchando   en   orden    nos    llegamos, 
Al  poderoso  fuerte,  el  qual  constaua, 

De  dos  grandes   penoles  lebantados, 

Mas   de  trecientos   passes   deuididos, 

Los   terribles   assientos   no   domados, 

Y   estaua   un   passaman   del   uno   al   otro, 

De   riscos   tan   soberuios   que  ygualauan, 

Con   las   disformes   cumbres   nunca   vistas."   Ibid.,    141. 

Bancroft  doubted  the  identity  of  the  present  pueblo  of  Acoma  with  that 
existing  in  Onate's  time,  but  his  view  has  not  been  accepted  by  others.  See 
his  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  125  note  24. 

447.  Villagra,   Historia,   I,    145-149;   see   also  the   Proceso. 


458         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

shows  that  the  Indians  began  the  attack  by  killing  two 
horses  while  they  were  being  watered.  It  was  evident 
to  all  that  the  Acomas  were  not  only  irreconcilable  but 
determined  to  fight.  From  that  time  on  there  was  no 
hesitation  in  the  Spanish  program.  On  the  afternoon  of 
January  22,  their  plans  had  all  been  formulated  and  the 
feigned  attack  was  made  about  three  o'clock.448  When  the 
natives  saw  what  appeared  to  be  the  entire  Spanish  force 
attacking  at  one  point  the  warriors  rushed  to  meet  the 
onslaught.  At  once  Zaldivar  and  his  squad  of  eleven  scaled 
the  deserted  side  of  the  penol  and  gained  a  foothold  on  the 
summit  near  the  houses  of  the  pueblo.  Here  they  were 
halted,  however,  before  it  was  possible  to  gain  the  main 
portion  of  the  rock,  but  they  were  able  to  hold  the  point 
the  rest  of  that  afternoon  and  during  the  night.  To  watch 
the  crag  till  morning  a  guard  was  posted  and  placed  in 
charge  of  Captain  Pablo  de  Aguilar  and  others.449 

The  point  they  held  was  separated  from  the  rock  on 
which  the  Indians  were  fighting  by  two  deep  gorges.  That 
night  a  beam  was  prepared  to  be  used  in  bridging  these 
spaces,  and  the  next  morning  it  was  carried  to  the  top. 
But  the  natives  had  also  been  active.  They  were  now  led 
by  chief  Gicombo  who  had  a  surprise  in  store  for  the  Span- 
iards. Nor  far  from  the  two  gorges  he  had  stationed  a 
great  many  warriors  entirely  hidden  from  view.  When 
Zaldivar's  men  should  attempt  to  cross  the  narrow  passage- 
way the  concealed  fighters  would  emerge  from  the  ambus- 
cade and  overcome  the  foe.450 


448.  According  to  the  "Ytinerario"  and  the  Proceso  it  was  on   Friday,  January 
22.     Alonso  Sanchez  reported  that  it  occurred  on   Thursday  afternoon   the  21.   Carta 
escrita  por  Alonso  Sanchez  d  Rodrigo  de  Rio  de  Losa,   February   28,    1599.   Bancroft 
thought  that  an  error  had  crept  into  the  "Ytinerario"  and  that  the  battle  began  on 
Friday    morning.      There    seems    to    be    no    reason    for    accepting    this    change.      See 
Arizona  and  New  Mexico,   144,   145  note  24. 

449.  Proceso    contra    los   yndios   de    Acoma;      "Ytinerario,"    January    21,    1599; 
Villagra,   Historia,   I,    149-150.      The   names   of   the   twelve   are   recorded   by   Villagra. 
Vicente   de   Zaidivar,   Le6n   de   Isasti,    Marcos    Cortes,    Lorenzo   de   Munuera,    Antonio 
Hernandez,     Juan     Velarde,     Cristobal     Sanchez,     Cristobal     Lopez,     Hernan     Martin, 
Francisco   Hernandez   Cordero,   Pablo   de   Aguilar,   and   Villagra. 

450.  Villagra  is  our  sole  authority  for  this  story.  Historia,  I.   152. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  459 

Villagrd's  Leap.  Meantime  the  soldiers  ascended  the 
cliff  after  the  father-commissary  had  administered  the 
sacrament.  As  they  scanned  the  pueblo  it  appeared  to  be 
deserted,  and  without  further  consideration  thirteen  men 
crossed  the  two  gorges  in  the  passageway  by  means  of  the 
beam  and  occupied  the  other  side.  Swarming  from  their 
place  of  concealment  the  natives  suddenly  attacked  the 
small  group.  The  men  were  in  a  serious  predicament.  It 
was  impossible  to  succor  them  since  they  had  the  beam. 
At  that  point  Villagra,  if  we  may  believe  the  story,  under- 
took to  rescue  the  others  from  their  peril.  Throwing  aside 
his  shield  he  prepared  to  jump  across  the  first  abyss,  though 
his  friends  feared  he  would  be  dashed  to  bits.  But  he  suc- 
ceeded. Then  he  placed  the  plank  over  the  gorge  and  others 
were  able  to  reinforce  the  few  who  were  so  sorely  pressed.451 

The  Destruction  of  Acoma.  Throughout  the  second 
day  of  the  battle  the  Acomas  were  forced  back  step  by  step 
with  terrific  slaughter.  This  was  partly  due  to  the  fact 
that  Zaldivar  succeeded  in  getting  two  pieces  of  artillery 
up  the  rock  and  bringing  these  into  action.452  At  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  Spaniards  ceased  fighting  in 
order  to  give  the  natives  an  opportunity  to  surrender.  But 
they  were  resolute,  and  the  bloodshed  was  renewed  and 
continued  for  another  hour  or  so,  and  then  the  Acomas  sued 
for  peace.453  Fate  was  obviously  against  them,  for  they 
saw  an  apparition  of  Saint  James  or  Saint  Paul  riding  a 
white  horse  and  using  a  terrible  sword  fighting  for  the 
Christians.454 

The  number  of  casualties  in  the  Acoma  camp  seems  to 
have  been  between  six  and  eight  hundred.453  About  seventy 
or  eighty  warriors  were  captured,  in  addition  to  about 


451.  Ibid.,   156-157. 

452.  "Ytinerario,"   January   23,    1599. 

453.  Proceso  contra  los  yndios  de   Acoma. 

454.  "Ytinerario,"   January  23,    1599 ;   Villagra,   Historia,   I,    178 ;   Carta   escrita 
por  Alonso  Sanchez  a  Rodrigo  de  Rio  de  Losa,   February   28,    1599. 

455.  Captain    Velasco   gives    the   dead    as    600,    while   Alonso    Sanchez    says    that 
800  were  killed.  Ibid.,  and  Carta  de  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  d  S.  M.,  March  22,   1601. 


460         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

five  hundred  women  and  children/56  The  Spanish  force 
seems  to  have  suffered  very  little.  "It  was  miraculous 
that  so  great  a  number  of  the  enemy  were  killed  without 
the  loss  of  any  of  ours,"  says  the  "Ytinerario."  When 
evening  came  Acoma  was  ready  to  surrender,  but  Zaldivar 
waited  till  the  following  morning  before  taking  possession 
of  the  pueblo.457 

Villagra  informs  us  that  at  the  end  of  the  day's  fight- 
ing Zutacapan  asked  for  Zaldivar's  terms  of  peace.  But 
the  latter  still  insisted  on  the  surrender  of  those  responsible 
for  the  death  of  the  Spaniards,  of  whom  Zutacapan  was 
the  leader,  and  the  terms  were  refused.458  Quite  another 
story  is  told  by  Captain  Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  one  of  Onate's 
critics.  He  says  that  the  Indians  surrendered  after  the 
war  had  lasted  some  time,  and  that  they  then  gave  corn, 
blankets  and  turkeys  as  had  been  demanded  by  the  Span- 
iards they  had  slain.  But  the  sargento  mayor  would  not 
accept  their  offering,  and  confined  many  of  the  natives 
in  the  estufas  as  prisoners.  From  there  they  were  taken 
out  one  by  one,  murdered,  and  thrown  over  the  edge  of 
the  rock,  a  negro  and  some  soldiers  acting  as  the  butcher- 
ing squad.459  These  events  took  place  on  the  third  day  of 
hostilities,  January  24.460 

This  is  practically  the  story  as  given  in  the  Proceso. 
From  it  we  learn  that  Zaldivar  would  not  now  accept  the 
gifts  of  the  natives,  for  he  had  come  to  punish  those  guilty 
of  killing  the  Spaniards.  Accordingly  he  seized  some  of 
the  Acomas  and  confined  them  in  the  estufas  where  they 
fortified  themselves  and  defied  the  conqueror  once  more! 


456.  Proceso  contra  los  yndios  de  Acoma. 

457.  Ibid.  "Ytinerario,"  January  24,   1599 ;  Villagra  devotes  the  last  four  cantos 
of  his  poem  to  the  final  stages  of  the  battle.     It  is  a  gory  legend  in  which  we  learn 
of  the  death  of  many  of  the  prominent  Acoma  chieftains.  Historia,  I,   159-181. 

458.  Ibid.,    161-162. 

459.  Carta   de   Don   Luis   de    Velasco   d   S.   M.,    March    22,    1601 ;    testimony    of 
Herrera    Orta   in    Copia   de   una   informacion    que   hizo   Don    Francisco   de    Valverde, 
June   16,    1601. 

4<>0.  Proceso  contra  los  yndios  de  Acoma;  "Ytinerario,"  January  24,  1599. 
Some  of  the  sources  limit  the  battle  to  two  days,  but  this  evidently  does  not  include 
the  killing  and  burning  which  took  place  on  the  24th. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  461 

But  the  god  of  war  was  not  thus  to  be  deprived  of  his 
spoils.  When  the  Spaniards  saw  what  had  happened  they 
set  fire  to  the  pueblo,  as  Onate  had  authorized.  The 
victims  tried  to  escape  through  the  underground  passages, 
but  were  not  able  to  get  away.461  Some  killed  one  another 
rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  ;162  others  sur- 
rendered, or  were  destroyed  by  fire  or  by  the  sword.  The 
pueblo  of  Acoma  was  completely  laid  waste  and  burned. 
As  already  indicated  about  five  or  six  hundred  remained 
to  be  carried  into  captivity.483 

Punishment  of  the  Acomas.  The  captives  taken  at 
Acoma  were  brought  to  trial  at  the  pueblo  of  Santo  Dom- 
ingo early  in  February,  1599,  where  Governor  Onate  heard 
the  evidence  presented  for  and  against  them.  They  were 
accused  of  killing  eleven  Spaniards  and  two  servants  and 
of  failure  to  submit  peacefully  when  Vicente  de  Zaldivar 
came  to  punish  them.  Some  of  the  natives  who  appeared 
to  testify  at  the  trial  pleaded  absence  from  the  pueblo  at 
the  time  the  murders  were  committed.  They  were  away 
tilling  the  fields.  Others  cast  the  blame  on  the  Spaniards 
for  starting  the  trouble.  As  for  their  resistance  to  Vicente 
de  Zaldivar,  they  had  by  that  time  agreed  to  oppose  the 
Spaniards.464 

Sentence  was  pronounced  on  February  12,  1599.  Onate 
ordered  that  all  males  over  twenty-five  years  of  age  be 
condemned  to  have  one  foot  cut  off  and  to  give  twenty 
years  of  personal  service.  The  men  between  twelve  and 
twenty-five  years  escaped  with  twenty  years  of  service. 


461.  Ibid.,  and  Proceso  contra  los  yndios  de  Acoma. 

462.  Carta  de  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  a  S.  M.,  March   22,   1601. 

463.  Villagra,    Historia,    I,    177 ;    Proceso    contra    los    yndios    de    Acoma.      The 
statements   we  have  of  the   population   of   Acoma   in    1598   are   probably   exaggerated. 
Onate  put  it  at  3000.     See  his  letter  to  Monterey,  March  2,   1599,   in  Bolton,  Spanish 
Exploration,   218.      Captain    Velasco   says   over   600    were   killed   and    600   more   taken 
captive.      Sanchez    says    800    were    killed,    500   women    and    children    captured   and    80 
punished.      See   Velasco's    letter   to   the   king,    March    22,    1601,    and   that   of   Sanchez 
to  Rodrigo  del  Rio,  February  28,  1599.     Either  of  these  totals  are  more  reliable  than 
the    figures    Onate    and    others    sent    to    Spain.      They    exaggerated    the    numbers    in 
order  to  convince  the  king  of  the  importance  of  the  province.  Cf.  Hodge,  Handbook, 
II.   324-5;  and   Bandelier,  Final  Report,  I,   135-136. 

464.  Proceso  contra  los  yndios  de  Acoma. 


462         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

All  the  women  above  twelve  years  of  age  were  likewise 
doomed  to  twenty  years  of  servitude.  Two  Moqui  natives 
captured  at  Acoma  were  condemned  to  lose  the  right  hand 
and  to  be  sent  home  as  a  warning  to  others.  The  boys  and 
girls  below  twelve  years  escaped  punishment,  but  they 
were  to  be  subject  to  the  Spaniards,  the  girls  being  made 
the  special  charges  of  Father  Martinez  and  the  boys  of 
Vicente  de  Zaldivar.  The  sentence  was  executed  as  de- 
creed.465 "Fue  gran  lastima,"  says  the  indignant  Captain 
Velasco. 

With  the  infliction  of  this  spectacular  and  exemplary 
punishment  the  province  of  New  Mexico  was  cowed  into 
obedience.  No  other  revolt  of  equal  significance  occurred 
till  the  pueblo  revolt  of  1680.  The  natives  were  beginning 
to  feel  the  weight  of  the  hand  of  their  new  master. 


Chapter  VIII 
Reinforcements,  and  the  Expedition  to  Quivira 

Onate  Reports  to  the  Viceroy.  Shortly  after  the  Acoma 
revolt  had  been  quelled  Onate  gave  an  interesting  if  ex- 
aggerated report  on  New  Mexico,  dated  March  2,  1599. 
In  glowing  terms  he  painted  the  wonders  of  the  land,  em- 
phasizing particularly  the  richness  of  certain  unexplored 
regions  regarding  which  reports  had  been  received  from 
the  natives.  So  remarkable  was  this  new  possession  that 
"none  other  held  by  his  Majesty  in  these  Indies  excels  it," 
and  the  governor  claimed  to  be  judging  solely  by  what  he 
had  seen  and  learned  from  reliable  reports.  The  vast  set- 
tlements in  the  west,  in  Arizona,  and  the  certainty  of  find- 
ing great  wealth  in  pearls  in  the  South  Sea,  were  described. 
He  told  of  a  great  pueblo  in  the  buffalo  country  nine 
leagues  in  length  and  two  in  width  which  had  been  visited 


465.     Ibid.     Captain   Velasco   states   that   twenty-four   were   mutilated   by   having 
foot  cut  off.     Carta  de  Don  Luis  de   Velasco  d  S.  M.,  March  22,   1601 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  463 

by  an  Indian  in  his  camp.  This  native,  Jusepe,  had  been 
with  Humana's  fatal  party,  but  managed  to  escape  and 
make  his  way  back  to  New  Mexico  where  he  regaled  Onate 
with  wonderful  accounts  of  the  country  to  the  east.486 

His  Request  for  Aid.  In  order  to  explore  and  conquer 
these  new  regions  Onate  needed  more  soldiers.  That  was 
his  most  pressing  need.  He  appealed  to  the  viceroy,  send- 
ing several  agents  to  represent  him  in  Mexico.  Father 
Martinez,  "the  most  meritorious  person  with  whom  I  have 
had  any  dealings,"  was  sent  to  tell  of  the  opportunity  for 
saving  souls  and  to  secure  more  friars  for  that  purpose. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Father  Salazar,  Onate's  cousin, 
who,  however,  died  on  the  way.487  Perhaps  Father  Vergara 
accompanied  them.468  To  tell  of  the  wealth  of  the  province 
in  material  things,  there  were  delegated  among  others 
Villagra,  captain  and  procurator-general  of  the  expedi- 
tion, Farfan  captain  of  the  guard,  and  Juan  Pinero,  also 
captain.469  Villagra  was  put  in  command  of  the  party  and 
authorized  to  enlist  troops.  On  reaching  New  Spain  he 
would  be  subordinate  to  Juan  Guerra  de  Resa,  whom  Onate 
had  named  lieutenant-governor  and  captain-general  for 
this  second  expedition.  Before  attempting  to  enlist  troops, 
Villagra  was  instructed  to  secure  the  viceroy's  sanction,470 
in  accordance  with  the  modification  which  had  been  made 
in  the  contract.471 

Of  especial  interest,  in  view  of  later  developments, 
is  a  document  drawn  up  in  the  capital  two  days  after  Onate 
had  written  his  letter  of  March  2.  It  was  a  vote  of  con- 


466.  Onate   to   Monterey,   March    2,    1599,    in    Bolton,    Spanish   Exploration,    212- 
222.     See  also  Relacion  que  did  un  indio  de   la  salida   que   hicieron   Umana  y  Leyba 
del  Nuevo  Mexico,   MS   in   Bolton   collection. 

467.  Torquemada,  Monarchia  Indiana,  I,   673. 

468.  Ibid.,    I,    672.      Torquemada    is    the    only    source    which    includes    his    name. 
Two  contemporary  documents   fail  to  make  any   mention  of  him.      They   are,   Alonso 
Sanchez   to   Rodrigo   del   Rio   de   Losa,    February   28,    1599 ;   and    Onate   to    Monterey, 
March  2,   1599,  op,  cit.,  221-222. 

469.  Ibid. 

470.  Order  of  Don  Juan  de  Onate,   Santo  Domingo,   March   16,   1599,  A.   G.   I., 
58-6-36. 

471.  Monterey    had    stipulated    that    if    reinforcements    were    needed    by    Onate, 
special  permission  must  be  sought  from  the  viceroy.     See  chapter  II  of  this   study. 


464         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

fidence  in  the  governor  by  the  captains  and  soldiers  of  the 
army  as  well  as  an  appeal  for  aid.  Nineteen  officials 
signed  the  paper.  Besides  vouching  for  Ofiate  "as  one  of 
the  most  faithful  and  useful  servants  of  the  many  your 
majesty  has"  and  comparing  him  with  the  Duke  of  Alva 
and  the  Marquis  of  the  Valley472  among  others,  they  sug- 
gested that  the  king  ought  to  know  of  their  own  noble 
sacrifices.  Their  fortunes  had  been  spent,  their  lives  had 
frequently  been  endangered  in  the  royal  service,  and  their 
wives  and  children  had  shared  these  adventures.473 

News  from  Onate  Reaches  Mexico.  It  required  a  long 
time  before  these  reports  on  New  Mexico  reached  the 
viceroy  or  the  king.  On  June  8,  1599,  the  Count  of  Monte- 
rey reported  that  news  from  Onate  was  still  lacking.474 
Immediately  after  this  was  written,  however,  word  did 
come,  for  three  days  later  Santiago  del  Riego  wrote  that 
good  news  had  been  received,475  and  soon  the  viceroy  dis- 
patched a  like  account  inclosing  Onate's  letters.476 

Monterey's  reports  on  Onate's  success  in  New  Mexico 
were  all  complimentary  at  this  time.  He  went  so  far  as 
to  defend  him  from  the  responsibility  for  the  cruel  punish- 
ment of  the  Acoma  Indians  by  pointing  out  that  Onate  was 
not  present.  That  episode  was  considered  of  such  im- 
portance in  Mexico  that  the  audiencia  took  the  matter 
under  advisement.  But  it  decided  to  drop  the  subject  in 


472.  Hernan  Cortes,  the  conqueror  of  Mexico. 

473.  Carta  de  los  oficiales  mayores  y  menores  del  cjercilo  real  del  Nuevo  Mexico, 
March   4,   1599,   A.   G.   I.,   1-1-3/22.     Among  the   papers   sent  to   Mexico  at   this   time 
was  a  brief  optimistic  note  to  the  viceroy,  asking  for  half  a  dozen  royal  brands   for 
marking   the   silver   from    New   Mexico.      Copia   de   carta   de  Don   Juan   de   Onate   al 
Conde  de  Monterey,  March  5,   1599,  A.  G.  I.,   58-3-13. 

474.  Monterey  d  S.  M.,  June  8,   1599,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-13.   Cf.   Santiago  del  Riego 
a  S.  M.,   June   9,    1599,   A.   G.   I.,    58-5-12.   Reigo   had   always    been    interested    in   the 
expedition   and   was   not   pleased   with   Onate's    failure   to   keep    his   friends    informed 
of   his   success   in   New   Mexico. 

475.  Santiago  del  Riego  a  S.  M.,  June  11,   1599,  A.   G.  I.   1-1-3/22. 

476.  El  Conde   de   Monterey   d   S.    M.,    June   22,    1599,    A.    G.    I.,    58-3-13.      The 
viceroy  stated  that  he  was  not  forwarding  all  of  Onate's  reports  then  as  they  were 
too  voluminous   for  copies  to  be   made   before  the   sailing  of  the   fleet.     What  they 
dealt  with  is  not  indicated. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  465 

order  not  to  discourage  the  whole  New  Mexico  enterprise 
which  appeared  so  full  of  promise  at  that  moment.477 

When  the  Council  of  the  Indies  finally  received  a  full 
account  of  these  early  experiences  of  the  army  in  New 
Mexico  approximately  a  year  had  elapsed,  a  good  example 
of  how  difficult  it  was  to  administer  a  province  so  far  away. 
The  Council  read  the  reports  with  much  gratification  and 
informed  the  king  that  the  conquest  had  begun  favorably.478 
Monterey  was  accordingly  instructed  to  encourage  Onate 
and  to  assist  him  as  his  discovery  seemed  to  be  important.479 

Monterey  Orders  Reinforcements.  Meanwhile  the  re- 
presentatives Onate  sent  to  Mexico  won  some  measure  of 
success.  They  indicated  that  the  province  was  a  rich  pos- 
session, and  that  smoothed  their  way.  The  viceroy  granted 
them  permission  to  recruit  reinforcements.480  This  was,  in 
fact,  necessary  either  to  maintain  the  little  settlement  at 
San  Juan  or  to  extend  the  territory  already  conquered.481 
Monterey  commissioned  a  number  of  captains  for  this  pur- 
pose, each  of  whom  was  authorized  to  enlist  a  following. 
Villagra  was  one  of  these,  and  by  September,  1599,  was 
busy  enlisting  men.482 

The  fact  that  additional  soldiers  were  going  to  New 
Mexico  required  an  official  inspection.  For  this  reason 
Monterey,  on  October  1,  1599,  appointed  Captain  Juan 
de  Gordejuela  to  inspect  the  reinforcements  at  Santa  Bar- 
bara. He  was  to  make  a  report  before  a  notary  of  all  who 
went  on  the  expedition  and  of  everything  taken  along.4*3 
As  commissary  of  this  relief  force  the  viceroy  selected 


477.  Monterey  d  S.   M.,    October   4,    1599,    A.    G.   I.,    58-3-13. 

478.  El  Consejo  de  Indias,   April  8,   1600,   A.   G.   I.,   1-1-3/22. 

479.  This  was  May  31,   1600.     See  "Discurso  y  Proposicion,"   in   Col.  Doc.  Ined., 
XVI,  38. 

480.  Before  August  20,  1599.     El  Conde  de  Monterey,  August  20,  1599,  A.  G.  I., 
58-6-36. 

481.  Santiago  del  Riego  d  S.  M.,  September  28,  1599,  A.  G.  I.,   58-3-12. 

482.  El  Conde  de  Monterey,  August  20,  1599 ;  certification  of  the  notary,  Septem- 
ber  27,    1599,    A.    G.    I.,   58-6-36. 

483.  El  Conde  de  Monterey,  October  1,  1599,  in  Muestra  cala  y  cata  que  tomaron 
Juan   de   Gordejuela   y   Juan   de   Sotelo   de   la   gentc,    armas   y    municiones    que    llevo 
Juan  de  Onate  d  las  minas  de  San  Bartolome,   A.  G.   I.,   58-3-14.     Hereafter  referred 
to   as   Gordejuela   visita. 


466         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Captain  Juan  de  Sotelo  y  Cisneros,  who  had  served  the 
king  in  a  military  capacity  in  many  countries.  He  was 
to  follow  the  troops  to  Santa  Barbara  in  order  to  make 
arrangements  for  securing  supplies  for  men  and  beasts 
while  on  the  journey.  It  was  his  duty,  moreover,  to  see 
that  no  offenses  against  the  Indians  were  committed.  If 
such  did  occur  he  had  full  power  to  mete  out  the  punish- 
ment required.  At  Santa  Barbara  he  was  to  assist  Captain 
Gordejuela  in  carrying  out  the  inspection.484 

Immediate  Succor  Sent  North.  The  captains  who  were 
enlisting  troops  in  the  fall  of  1599,  found  that  their  work 
progressed  slowly.  At  the  same  time  the  viceroy  seemed 
anxious  that  their  departure  should  take  place  by  Novem- 
ber, 1599,  though  he  also  noted  that  they  might  await  fur- 
ther news  from  Onate.  That  is  probably  what  happened, 
for  the  assembly  at  Santa  Barbara  of  all  those  who  were 
expected  did  not  take  place  till  August,  1600.485  The  mis- 
sionaries were  chosen  in  March  of  the  same  year,  and  pro- 
bably departed  about  the  same  time.488  Juan  Guerra,  how- 
ever, did  not  reach  Santa  Barbara  till  the  early  part  of 
August.487 

At  that  time  a  part  of  the  soldiers  had  already  been 
sent  to  New  Mexico.  The  reason  for  this  was  that  an  In- 
dian, called  Lorenzo,  had  fled  from  Onate's  camp  and 
reached  San  Bartolome,  where  notice  of  his  arrival  came 
to  the  attention  of  Captain  Gordejuela.  Lorenzo  told  of 
the  great  need  among  Ofiate's  followers  for  food  and  cat- 
tle and  how  anxiously  they  were  awaiting  relief.488  In  view 
of  the  delay  in  the  assembly  of  the  soldiers  Gordejuela 
determined  to  send  a  small  party  forward  at  once.  Seven 
men  were  chosen  to  make  up  this  advance  group,  a  man 


484.  El    Conde   de   Monterey,    December    30,    1599,    in    ibid. 

485.  Monterey  a  S.  M.,   October  4,   1599,   A.   G.   L,   58-3-13. 

486.  Testimony    of    Fray    Lope    Izquierdo,    in    Auto    del    gobernador    de    Nuevo 
Mexico  y  diligencias  para  que  se  levante  el  campo,  San  Gabriel,   September   7,   1601, 
A.   G.   I.,  58-3-15. 

487.  Order  of  Sotelo  y   Gordejuela,   August  22,    1600,   in   Gordejuela   visita. 

488.  Certification   of   Juan    de    Gordejuela,    September   5,    in    ibid. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  467 

named  Robledo  acting  as  leader.488  All  of  them  had  been  en- 
listed by  Juan  Guerra.  He  furnished  the  food-supplies, 
horses,  arms,  powder,  and  other  things  which  they  brought. 
Their  departure  took  place  on  June  2,  1600.  Father  Fray 
Alonso  de  la  Oliva  accompanied  them  as  he  was  very  anxi- 
ous to  reach  New  Mexico.490 

Aid  Furnished  by  Juan  Guerra.  The  reinforcements 
thus  being  assembled  at  Santa  Barbara  were  practically 
all  provided  at  the  expense  of  Juan  Guerra  de  Resa.  The 
Salazar  inspection  had  shown  that  Onate  was  far  short  of 
his  obligations  in  some  respects.  Those  deficiencies  had 
to  be  made  up,  and  Juan  Guerra  had  agreed  to  foot  the  bill 
whenever  the  viceroy  ordered  the  reinforcements  sent/91 
Nearly  every  article  now  provided,  aside  from  the  per- 
sonal possessions  of  the  soldiers,  was  thus  paid  for  by  the 
rich  lieutenant-governor.492  It  cost  him  over  one  hundred 
thousand  pesos,  if  we  may  believe  Luis  Nunez  Perez,  and 
Don  Cristobal  de  Onate  something  less  than  that.493 

When  the  required  number  of  soldiers  at  length 
reached  Santa  Barbara  and  the  necessary  cattle  and  sup- 
plies had  been  purchased  the  inspection  was  soon  arranged. 
Juan  Guerra  requested  the  inspectors  to  make  a  separate 
inventory  of  the  things  supplied  by  him  and  to  place  an 
account  of  it  at  the  head  of  their  report.494  To  this  no  ob- 
jections were  raised  and  the  request  was  complied  with.495 

The  Inspection.  The  inspection  began  on  August  23 
when  Juan  Guerra  presented  a  detailed  list  of  the  things 
he  had  furnished.490  Carts,  oxen,  powder,  artillery,  muskets, 
blankets,  various  kinds  of  cloth  including  both  Dutch  and 
Rouen  linen,  shoes  of  many  varieties,  wine,  and  innumer- 


489.  Robledo's   companions   were :   Juan    Hurtado,    Simon    Garcia,    Alvaro    Garcia, 
Juan    Gregorio,    Pedro   Perez,    and   Juan    Fernandez. 

490.  Petition  of  Juan  Guerra  de  Resa,   September  5,   1600,   in   Gordejuela  visita. 

491.  See   chapter   V   of  this   study. 

492.  The  entire  record   of  the   inspection   reveals   this   fact.      See  also  the   certi- 
fication of  thirteen  captains  and  soldiers,  September  1,   1600,  in  Gordejuela  visita. 

493.  Traslado  de  un  capitulo  de  carta  de  Luis  Nunez  Perez,  November  30,   1600. 

494.  Petition  of  Juan  Guerra  de  Resa,  August  22,   1600,   in   Gordejuela  visita. 

495.  Order  of  Sotelo  and   Gordejuela,   August  22,    1600,   in  ibid. 

496.  Order  of  Sotelo  and  Gordejuela,  August  23,   1600,   in  ibid. 


468         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

able  other  items  all  duly  attested,  made  up  his  portion  of 
the  succor  being  sent  to  Ofiate.497  The  inspection  of  these 
things  occupied  two  days.  Then  on  the  25th  it  was  decreed 
that  other  captains  and  soldiers  must  present  themselves 
with  their  goods  on  that  or  the  following  day.  The  order 
was  publicly  proclaimed.498  Captain  Bernabe  de  las  Casas 
was  the  first  to  observe  the  order.  The  others  followed. 
Altogether  there  were  eleven  captains  in  the  force,  though 
they  were  not  all  leaders  of  companies.  Bernabe  de  las 
Casas,  Villagra,  and  Ortega  appear  to  have  had  such  com- 
mands. Eight  bore  the  rank  of  ensign,  and  five  were  ser- 
geants. The  soldiers  numbered  forty-eight,  making  a  total 
of  seventy-three  in  the  entire  expedition.499  It  should,  how- 
ever, be  remembered  that  seven  men  with  Father  Oliva 
had  preceded  the  main  force  to  New  Mexico  by  three 
months.500 

Finally  everything  seemed  ready  for  the  march  and 
the  commissaries  decreed  that  the  departure  for  New 
Mexico  should  take  place  August  30.  But  it  was  evidently 
impossible  for  all  to  be  ready  at  the  stated  time,  and  on 
September  2  the  order  was  repeated,  requiring  all  to  leave 
that  same  day.  Guerra,  nevertheless,  asked  for  a  little 
more  time  and  presented  another  list  of  materials  to  be 
taken  to  New  Mexico,  and  it  was  accepted.  On  September 
4,  two  soldiers  straggled  into  Santa  Barbara,  too  late  for 
the  inspection.  They  were,  however,  allowed  to  join  the 
army.  On  that  same  day  the  inspectors  ordered  every 
captain  and  soldier  to  depart  at  once  under  severe  penal- 
ties, and  on  the  next  day  the  last  soldiers  left  the  city.501 


497.  Memoria   de   las   cosas,    armas,    vinos,   ropa   de    toda   suerte   y   conservas   y 
otras   cosas   que  Juan   Guerra   de   Resa   embia   al   socorro   y   provincias   de   la   Nueva 
Mexico,  August  23  and  24,   1600,   in   ibid. 

498.  Order  of  Sotelo  and  Gordejuela,  August  25,   1600,  in  ibid. 

499.  At   the   final    review   which    was    held   on    August    28-30,    1600,    there    were 
only    seventy-one    men,    including    Juan    Guerra.      This    is    the    number    given    in    the 
"Memorial    sobre    el    descubrimiento."      See    Col.    Doc.    Ined.,    XVI,    198.      However, 
two  men  arrived  on   September   4,   and  they  were   allowed  to  enroll   with   the  others, 
thus   bringing   the   number   up    to    seventy-three. 

500.  See    above. 

501.  Transactions  of  August  29  to  September  5,   1600,  in  Gordejuela  visita. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  469 

The  lists  were  closed,  and  the  San  Bartolome  valley  was 
left  to  relapse  into  its  former  humdrum  existence. 

Onate' s  Activity  in  the  Interim.  On  Christmas  eve, 
1600,  the  relief  expedition  reached  Onate's  camp  at  San 
Gabriel,  where  it  was  received  with  great  rejoicing.  The 
new  band  of  Franciscans,  of  which  Father  Fray  Juan  de 
Escalona  was  apostolic-commissary,  accompanied  it.502  The 
names  of  these  missionaries  have  not  been  preserved. 

Two  years  had  now  passed  since  the  death  of  Juan  de 
Zaldivar  and  his  companions  at  Acoma.  What  had  the 
governor  done  in  the  long  interval?  As  we  have  seen, 
Villagra  had  soon  been  sent  to  Mexico  for  reinforcements. 
Without  these  it  was  impossible  to  undertake  any  extensive 
exploration  or  conquest  due  to  the  weakness  of  his  force. 
But  aside  from  thlat  we  know  very  little  of  what  tran- 
spired in  those  long  months  of  waiting.  It  is  reported,  for 
instance,  by  two  Indians  who  fled  from  New  Mexico  June 
29,  1600,  that  the  governor  and  all  the  people  were  muy 
buena,  and  that  the  natives  were  peaceful,  many  of  whom 
had  already  accepted  Christianity.  They  also  related  how 
on  St.  John's  day503  a  celebration  was  held  in  honor  of  a 
great  discovery  of  mines.504  This  story  is  substantiated  by 
two  other  sources  which  state  that  silver  veins  had  been 
discovered  at  San  Marcos  and  elsewhere.505  This  indicates 
that  Onate  was  not  entirely  idle,  but  major  operations,  on 
the  whole,  had  to  be  postponed. 

Zaldivar' s  Expedition  Toward  the  South  Sea  1599. 
Nevertheless  one  extensive  expedition  toward  the  South  Sea 


502.  Testimony    of    Fray    Lope    Izquierdo,    in    Auto    del    gobernador    de    Nuevo 
Mexico;    and    Relacion   verdadera   sacada   de   las   cartas,    testimonios   y    recaudas    que 
Don  Juan  de  Onate   .   .   .   envia   con   carta  de   veinte   y  dos  de   marzo   desde   ano   de 
mil  seiscientos  uno  d  sus  hermanos  y  deudos.  MS  in  Bolton  collection. 

503.  May    6. 

504.  Traslado    de    un    capitulo    de    carta    de    Luis   Nunez    Perez,    November    30, 
1600,   A.   G.   I.,   1-1-3/22. 

505.  Testimony   of    Brondate   and   Herrera   Orta,    in    Copia   de   una   informacion 
que    hizo    Don    Francisco    de    Valverde.      San    Marcos    was    six    leagues    from    San 
Gabriel,  according  to  these  witnesses.     It  was  near  Callaite.     Bandelier,  Final  Report, 
II,  93. 

31 


470         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

was  attempted  before  the  coming  of  the  relief  force.  No 
diary  or  other  full  account  of  such  an  exploration  has  yet 
been  found,  but  we  have  other  testimony  which  indicates 
something  of  what  happened.  Ever  since  Farfan's  expedi- 
tion into  the  present  Arizona  in  December,  1598,  reports 
of  the  sea  were  current  in  New  Mexico.  About  the  middle 
of  the  following  year506  Vicente  de  Zaldivar  was  sent  with 
a  party  of  twenty-five  or  thirty  men  to  verify  these  rumors. 
On  the  way  he  passed  near  the  province  of  the  Jumanos,507 
where  he  tried  to  secure  some  provisions.  But  instead  of 
giving  food  the  natives  brought  him  stones.  Such  im- 
pudence could  not  go  unpunished,  and  preparations  were 
made  to  correct  it. 

With  a  force  of  fifty  men  Onate  went  to  the  Jumano 
country,  both  to  demand  tribute  and  to  punish  those  who 
had  failed  to  respond  to  Zaldivar's  request.  When  he 
asked  for  mantas,  about  a  dozen  were  provided.  The 
Jumanos  claimed  no  more  could  be  spared.  Then  Ofiate 
proceeded  to  punish  the  disobedient.  A  part  of  the  pueblo 
was  burned  "so  tactfully  and  gently  .  .  .  that  the  fire  would 
cause  no  unnecessary  damage  beyond  that  which  was  in- 
tended/* half  a  dozen  natives  were  killed  by  a  volley  from 
the  muskets,  and  two  of  the  most  belligerent  Jumanos  were 
hanged.  On  top  of  this  it  was  discovered  that  the  inter- 
preter was  not  rendering  a  faithful  account  of  what  was 
told  him  so  he  also  was  hanged.508  With  this  chastisement 
the  Jumanos  were  /allowed  to  escape  on  that  occasion. 

Meanwhile  Zaldivar  passed  on  toward  the  South  Sea. 


506.  Relacion   verdadera;     Luis   Nunez   Perez   in   a   letter  to   the   king   reported 
that  Zaldivar  had  gone  to  explore  the  South  Sea.     Traslado  de  un  capitulo  de  carlo, 
de   Luis   Nunez    Perez,    November    30,    1600. 

507.  Expeditions   going  westward   by   way   of   Acoma   and   Zuni   from   San   Juan 
went  south  to  Isleta  to  go  through  the  pass.     Vetancourt,   Chronica,   IV,   99.     More- 
over   we    know    that    in    Onate's    time    there    were    some    Jumano    villages    near    the 
salines,    east   of   the    Rio    Grande.      Hodge,    Handbook,    I,    636.      It    must    have    been 
here  that  provisions    were  sought  by   Zaldivar  and   Onate. 

508.  Such  is  the  story  as  gleaned  from  the  Relacion  verdadera,  and  the  testimony 
of  Herrera  Orta,   in  Copia  de  una  informacion  que  hizo  Don  Francisco  de  Valvvrde. 
Captain  Velasco  also  tells  of  a  pueblo  which  refused  to  give  supplies.     He  says  that 
Onate  killed  the  Indian  who  gave  the  answer  of  refusal  and  then  burned  part  of  the 
village.     Carta  de  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  d  S.  M.,  March  22,   1601. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  471 

For  about  three  months  the  party  wandered  on  in  a  futile 
attempt  to  reach  the  coast,  going  one  hundred  and  fifty 
or  two  hundred  leagues  in  their  wanderings.  Numerous 
Indian  settlements  were  visited,  but  there  were  no  pueblos, 
nothing  but  rancherias.  Like  Espejo  he  found  some  In- 
dians who  had  crosses  and  who  used  them  like  Catholics.509 
But  he  finally  had  to  return  because  of  the  mountainous 
country  and  hostile  Indians  at  a  point  only  three  days' 
march  from  the  sea,  according  to  the  information  gath- 
ered.510 

After  this  unsuccessful  expedition  no  further  attempts 
were  made  in  that  direction  for  some  years.  Not  enough 
men  could  be  spared  for  the  march.  After  the  coming  of 
the  reinforcements,  however,  Oiiate  prepared  to  carry  it 
out.  The  plans  were  made,  men,  munitions,  and  carts 
outfitted,  and  the  start  set  for  April,  1601.511  For  some 
reason  which  is  not  known  Oiiate  changed  his  mind  after 
having  held  an  assembly  of  the  entire  army,  and  went  east 
instead.  Perhaps  Jusepe's  glowing  accounts  of  the  country 
to  the  east  seemed  to  offer  better  prospects  than  the  dis- 
covery of  the  South  Sea,  which  Zaldivar  had  already  at- 
tempted. 

Foraging  Excursions.  While  Onate  thus  had  big  plans 
which,  if  successful,  would  have  swept  away  all  petty  op- 
position, it  was  also  necessary  to  care  for  the  daily  needs 
of  starving  colonists.  If  enormous  wealth  should  be  dis- 
covered some  oppression  of  the  Indians  would  naturally 
be  overlooked,  but  failing  in  that,  severe  criticism  was 
certain  to  be  heaped  upon  him,  and  that  is  practically  what 
happened.  In  the  early  days  of  the  conquest  food  was  ob- 
tained when  the  frightened  Indians  fled  from  their  pue- 


509.  Relation    verdadera;      testimony    of    Captain    Espinosa,    in    Copia    de    una 
information   que   hizo   Don   Francisco   de    Valverde;   cf.   the   account   of   Espejo's    ex- 
pedition in  Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration,  187. 

510.  Relation    verdadera;    see    also    "Father    Escobar's    Relation    of    the    Onate 
Expedition  to   California,"  ed.  by  Bolton,   in   Catholic  Historical  Review,   V,   21 ;   and 
"Breve  Relacion,"   in   Col.  Doc.  Ined.,   XVI,   49,   60. 

511.  Relation    verdadera. 


472         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

bios,  giving  the  Spaniards  a  free  chance  to  take  all  the 
maize  desired.512  Getting  provisions  in  that  way  became 
more  and  more  difficult,  however,  because  of  the  hostility 
aroused.  Soon  the  hidalgos  had  to  raise  wheat  and  other 
products,  which  they  did,  but  clearly  only  in  small  quanti- 
ties, as  starvation  seemed  to  be  ever  a  near  visitor.  To 
keep  the  wolf  away  from  the  door  periodic  foraging  ex- 
cursions were  therefore  undertaken,  compelling  the  In- 
dians to  furnish  maize  and  other  food  which  they  had 
stored  up  for  their  own  use.  The  clamor  and  opposition 
of  the  natives  on  such  occasions  was  extremely  violent,513 
but  even  the  missionaries  admitted  that  it  was  necessary. 
The  Indians  might  be  dying  of  starvation,  but  the  Span- 
iards had  to  live.5" 

Murder  of  Aguilar  and  Sosa.  As  sustained  prospect- 
ing failed  to  disclose  riches  in  New  .Mexico  the  discontent 
of  the  soldiers  and  colonists  steadily  increased.  Poverty, 
starvation,  and  rags,  without  compensation  of  any  kind, 
shook  their  confidence  in  the  province  and  in  their  leader, 
and  the  number  of  those  who  wanted  to  go  back  grew 
proportionally.  This  was  fatal  to  Onate's  hopes  and  could 
not  be  tolerated  for  a  moment.  For  that  reason  dissatis- 
faction rose  with  every  new  act  of  repression.  Immediately 
after  the  colonists  reached  New  Mexico  outbreaks  had  oc-  » 
curred  among  them.  On  one  of  these  occasions  Villagra 
headed  a  party  which  captured  and  hanged  two  deserters.615 
Equally  severe  penalties  were  inflicted  on  some  others,  as 
when  Captain  Pablo  de  Aguilar  was  dastardly  killed,  and 


512.  Carta   de   Don   Luis   de    Velasco   a   S.    M.,    March    22,    1601 ;    "Ytinerario," 
in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  XVI.  250,   252. 

513.  Carta  de  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  d  S.  M.,   March  22,   1601.     It  is  stated  that 
by  the  early  part  of  1601  the  Spaniards  had  secured  as  tribute  two  thousand  mtntas 
and    five   hundred    tanned    buckskins.      As    to   the    quantity    of   maize   and    beans    re- 
ceived  the   amounts   differ,   one   placing   it   at   five   or   six   thousand   and   another   at 
two  thousand  fanegas.      (The  fanega  measures  one  and  six  tenths   bushels).      Testi- 
mony of  Brondate   and   Espinosa,   in   Copia  de  un  informacion   que   hizo   Don   Fran- 
cisco   de    Valverde. 

514.  Testimony  of   Fray   Francisco   de   San   Miguel,    in   Auto  del  gobernador  de 
Nuevo  Mexico. 

515.  See    chapter    VI    of   this    study. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  473 

at  Onate's  instigation  according  to  Captain  Velasco.  The 
reasons  for  this  brutal  deed  are  obscure,516  but  such  action, 
coupled  with  the  disappointment  over  the  sterility  of  the 
land,  made  the  governor  an  unpopular  man. 

A  similar  thing  happened  when  Captain  Alonso  de 
Sosa  Albornoz  asked  leave  to  return  to  New  Spain  with 
his  family.  He  was  already  ruined  in  fortune,  he  stated, 
and  was  now  unable  to  support  his  family.  Seemingly  his 
request  was  granted.517  Then  an  order  was  issued  by  the 
governor  requiring  all  captains  and  soldiers  to  round  up  the 
horses  at  a  certain  time.  Captain  Sosa  accompanied  the 
others,  but  was  attacked  and  killed  by  a  squad  of  soldiers 
headed  by  Zaldivar,  and  his  body  covered  so  that  it  should 
not  be  found.  This  group  of  men  had  been  concealed  in 
a  ravine  about  two  leagues  from  San  Gabriel.  It  was 
drastic  action  on  the  part  of  the  governor  if  the  story  is 
true,  but  it  probably  accomplished  the  purpose  intended, 
as  no  further  requests  for  going  to  New  Spain  were  heard. 
However  it  left  the  capital  apprehensive  and  suspicious. 
As  Captain  Velasco  says  all  were  downcast  and  went  about 
expecting  death  at  any  moment.  The  colonists  could  not 
comprehend  how  the  desire  to  return  to  Mexico  in  order 


516.  Carta  de  Don  Luis  de   Velasco  a  S.   M.,   March  22,    1601,     Ofiate   had   ex- 
perienced   difficulty    with    Captain    Aguilar    several    times.      It    was    he    who    entered 
the  first  pueblos  against  express  orders.     He  was  one  of  the  forty-five  who  planned 
to  desert  just  after  the  establishment  of  the  capital.     On  both  occasions  he  had  been 
saved  by  the  entreaties  of  the  colony.     There  is  no  explanation  of  what  he  had  done 
to  warrant  the  attack  described  by  Velasco,  but  he  was  apparently  an  insubordinate 
character   who   had  to   be   put   out   of  the   way.     Velasco's   story   of   his   death   is   as 
follows.     One  day  the  governor  sent  for  Aguilar,  greeted  him   cheerfully,  and  asked 
him  to  enter  a  certain   room,   where  he  had  already   posted   a  negro   and  an   Indian 
armed    with    butcher    knives,    and    other    servants    armed    with    short    swords.      On 
entering  the  place  "and  in  the  presence  of  myself  and  many  others  who  were  there 
they  seized  his  arms.     The  said  governor  gave  him  a  push,  causing  him  to  stumble,  and 
there    they    stabbed    him.      The    governor    himself    ran    a    sword    through    his    body, 
although  the  poor  man   cried  out,   saying  he  was   married  and  asking  confession   as 
he  was  a  sinner." 

517.  Ofiate  promised  Sosa  that  within  eight  days  he  would  be  given  permission 
to  return  with  all  his  relatives.     In  that  interval  an  auto  was  issued  that  he  should 
be  prepared  to  leave  whenever  it  was  ordered.     Carta  de  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  a  S.  M., 
March   22,    1601.      Though    Velasco    is   our   only   authority    for   these   events,    there    is 
clearly  some  foundation   for  them   as   Onate  was   convicted  of  these  charges.      Testi- 
monio  de  las  sentencias,   1614,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-17. 


474         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

to  register  their  complaints  with  the  viceroy  could  be  called 
treason  and  punishable  by  death.518 

It  seems  thus  that  Onate  was  becoming  willful  and 
headstrong.  Perhaps  that  was  necessary  to  control  his 
turbulent  followers.  For  example,  when  the  auditor-gen- 
eral, the  licentiate  Gines  de  Herrera  Orta,  who  had  come 
with  the  relief  expedition  in  1600,519  arrived  in  San  Gabriel, 
he  was  not  allowed  to  exercise  the  duties  of  his  office.  Nor 
was  this  all.  It  was  said  that  Onate  permitted  his  nephew 
to  call  him  "majesty"  in  the  presence  of  the  religious  and 
others.  "If  some  of  these  things  could  only  come  to  the 
attention  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,"  wrote  Velasco, 
"he  would  be  moved  by  compassion  and  grief  to  redeem 
our  oppression."  Velasco  sent  that  letter  secretly  and  at 
great  personal  danger,520  and  though  it  bore  no  immediate 
result  it  was  of  significance  in  Onate's  trial. 

The  Expedition  to  Quivira.  The  settlement  at  San 
Gabriel  was  thus  teeming  with  discontent  long  before  the 
expedition  to  the  east  was  undertaken.  But  though  Onate 
probably  realized  the  dissatisfaction  among  his  settlers  he 
went  on  with  the  preparations  to  visit  Quivira,  hoping  that 
there  would  be  found  the  wealth  which  New  Mexico  had 
thus  far  failed  to  produce.  Reports  of  a  great  province  to 
the  east  had  been  given  by  the  Indians,  and  particularly 
by  Jusepe,  the  Indian  who  had  been  with  Humana.  Onate 
was  determined  to  investigate. 

Between  seventy  and  a  hundred  men521  and  a  large 
baggage  train  made  up  the  expedition  which  began  its 


518.  Carta  de  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  a  S.  M.,  March  22,   1601. 

519.  El   licenciado   Gines   de   Herrera    Orta,    September    3,    1600,    in    Gordejuela 
visita.     He   soon    returned    to   New   Spain. 

520.  Carta  de  Don  Luis  de   Velasco  a  S.   M.,   March   22,    1601.      The  letter   was 
sent    when    Onate    and    Father    Martinez    sent    Joseph    de    Coronda    and    Fray    Luis 
Maironos  to  Mexico  with   reports. 

521.  The   "True   Account   of  the   Expedition   of   Onate   Toward   the   East,"    says 
seventy.      Bolton,   Spanish  Exploration,   251 ;   the   "Breve   Relaci6n"   eighty.   Col.   Doc. 
Ined.,   XVI.   198;  the   "Memorial  sobre  el  descubrimiento"   one  hundred.     Ibid.,   XVI, 
221;   while   ninety-four   is   the   figure   given    in    Informacion   y   papeles   que   envio   la 
genie   que  alia   quedo  haciendo   cargos  d   la   que   asi  venia.     San    Gabriel     October   2 
1601,   A.   G.   I.,   58-3-15. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  475 

long  journey  on  June  23,  1601.     Gathering  his  men  at 
Galisteo  four  days  later  Onate  led  them  eastward  through 
the  Galisteo  Pass  to  the  Pecos.522     They  continued  in  an 
easterly  direction  to  the  Magdalena  river,  the  Canadian, 
"which  was  reached  just  below  the  sharp  turn  to  the  east." 
The  country  was  described  as  pleasant  and  fruitful.    Fol- 
lowing the  river  for  some  distance  a  rough  region  was 
passed  before  they  approached  the  plains  again.     From 
that  time  on  the  country  was  level  and  greater  progress 
was  made.    Although  it  was  the  region  frequented  by  the 
Apaches  no  trouble  of  any  kind  was  experienced.     The 
other  hardships  incident  to  the  journey  were  alleviated 
by  fish  from  the  river  and  by  fruit  from  the  plum  trees 
and  grapes  vines  growing  along  its  banks.     In  the  early 
days  of  August   the  first  buffalo    were  spied  and    some 
killed.    But  about  that  time  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Can- 
adian gave    place  to    sand  dunes.     Then  the    expedition 
turned  toward  the  north,  just  east  of  the  Antelope  Hills.683 
The  route  followed  now  led  northward  to  Beaver  Creek 
and  the  Cimmaron  river,  which  were  followed  for  a  time. 
Soon  a  huge  rancheria  was  found,  said  to  contain  over  five 
thousand  inhabitants.     The  houses  of  these  Indians  were 
merely  tents  made  from  buffalo  hides,  and  their  villages 
temporary  structures.    They  were  roving  Indians  who  fol- 
lowed the  buffalo  which  furnished  them  with  both  food 
and  clothing.    They  told  the  Spaniards  of  another  nation 
eight  leagues  away.    With  these  they  were  at  war,  so  they 
accompanied  Onate  who  would  vanquish  their  enemies.  But 
their  action  was  no  doubt  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  Hu- 
mana had  been  killed  in  the  vicinity  and  they  wished  to 
throw  the  responsibility  on  their  foes.524 

Acting  as  guides  they  now  led  the  expedition  to  a  large 
eastward  flowing  river,  apparently  the  Arkansas,  where 


522.  "True   Account   of   the    Expedition    of   Onate    Toward   the    East,"    op.    cit., 
251-252.      Professor    Bolton    has    carefully    identified    Onate's    route    toward    the    east, 
and  his  conclusions  are  followed  in  this  summary. 

523.  Ibid.,   254-255. 

524.  Ibid.,    256-257. 


476         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

they  quickly  built  their  rancheria  anew,  much  to  the  aston- 
ishment of  the  visitors.  There  they  were  content  to  re- 
main while  Ofiate  proceeded  to  visit  their  foes.525  The 
following  day  about  four  leagues  distant  the  Spaniards  saw 
other  natives,  some  hostile  and  some  friendly.  Precautions 
were  taken  against  a  surprise  attack  during  the  night, 
but  it  passed  without  incident.  In  the  morning,  however, 
the  hostile  tribe  was  awaiting  a  chance  to  attack,  boasting 
that  they  had  murdered  Humaiia's  party  and  burned  them 
all.  In  order  to  avoid  a  conflict  Ofiate  tried  to  capture 
their  chief  and  succeeded  in  doing  so.526  Continuing  for- 
ward a  short  distance  another  settlement,  said  to  contain 
1,200  houses,  was  discovered.  The  "houses"  were  covered 
with  dry  grass  on  the  outside  and  within  contained  elevated 
platforms  which  were  used  as  beds.527  The  settlement  was 
deserted,  and  the  Indians  accompanying  Ofiate  wanted  to 
pillage  and  burn  it.  This  he  prevented,  however,  and  or- 
dered them  back  to  their  rancheria.528 

In  order  to  learn  something  of  the  country  in  which 
he  was  sojourning  and  what  lay  beyond  the  governor 
questioned  the  captive  chief  closely.  The  information  was 
not  at  all  pleasing.  Numerous  settlements,  it  would  appear, 
existed  both  toward  the  north  and  east,  but  the  prisoner 
advised  the  Spaniards  not  to  go  forward.  The  Indians  who 
had  withdrawn  from  the  Spanish  camp  were  assembling 
their  friends,  according  to  the  captive,  and  would  soon  be 
so  numerous  that  it  would  be  possible  to  wipe  out  the  small 
foreign  force.  In  spite  of  such  information  Ofiate  con- 
tinued a  few  leagues  more,  and  then  decided  to  return  after 
his  men  had  presented  a  petition  summarizing  the  reasons 


525.  Ibid.,    258. 

526.  Ibid.,    259-260.      According   to    Zarate-Salmeron,    as    Bolton    points    out,    the 
Indians   rescued   him    in   a   feint   attack,    carrying   him    away   irons   and   all.    Spanish 
Exploration,    260   note    1. 

527.  The  description   fits   the   Wichita   grass   lodges;   see   "True   Account   of  the 
Expedition  of  Onate  Toward  the  East,"  in  Ibid.,  260  and  note  4 ;  and  Hodge,  Hand- 
book,  II,   949. 

528.  "True   Account   of   the   Expedition    of    Onate    Toward   th«    East,"    op.    cit., 
260   261    note   1. 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  NEW  MEXICO  477 

why  that  should  be  done.  As  the  report  of  the  journey  read, 
"that  his  Majesty  .  .  .  right  issue  the  orders  necessary  to 
the  royal  service  and  to  the  acceleration  of  the  salvation 
of  these  souls."  From  New  Mexico  the  soldiers  had  now 
traveled  two  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  and  reached  the 
vicinity  of  Wichita,  Kansas.529 

On  the  return  journey  Onate  learned  that  the  Quiviras, 
the  first  settlement  found  in  that  region,  were  prepared 
for  war,  and  though  he  attempted  to  avoid  a  clash  the  In- 
dians were  evidently  determined  not  to  let  him  escape. 
In  the  course  of  the  battle  which  followed  most  of  the  Span- 
iards were  wounded,  and  finally  a  retreat  was  ordered. 
The  soldiers  were  compelled  to  give  up  all  the  prisoners 
taken  with  one  exception.  One  man,  Miguel,  was  retained 
in  order  that  a  link  might  be  established  to  communicate 
with  his  nation  in  case  of  future  expeditions  into  that  coun- 
try. Without  further  mishap  the  force  then  set  out  for 
San  Gabriel,  reaching  it  on  November  24,  1601,  after  an 
absence  of  exactly  five  months.580 


529.  Ibid.,    262-263,    260    note    2. 

530.  Ibid.,    264-265. 


478         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


THE   SIX   CITIES   OF   CIBOLA— 1581-1680 
F.  W.  Hodge 

In  his  excellent  paper  on  the  Second  Spanish  Expedition 
to  New  Mexico,  which  appears  in  the  July  issue  of  the  Re- 
view, Mr.  Mecham  answers  many  questions  respecting  the 
habitat  of  the  Pueblo  Indians  in  the  Rio  Grande  and  trib- 
utary valleys  at  the  time  of  the  Chamuscado-Rodriguez 
expedition  in  1581-1582.  There  are,  however,  a  few 
points  with  which  the  student  must  contend  in  regard  to 
the  Zuni  villages  of  that  period.  It  is  the  aim  of  this  brief 
paper  to  shed  light  on  them. 

As  is  well  known,  only  two  of  the  pueblos  composing 
the  "Seven  Cities  of  Cibola"  of  Coronado's  time  are  men- 
tioned by  name.  These  are  (1)  Ahacus,  of  which  Fray 
Marcos  de  Niza  learned  from  his  Piman  Indian  guides  and 
which  with  every  good  reason  is  identified  with  Hawikuh, 
called  Granada  by  Coronado  in  honor  of  the  Viceroy  Men- 
doza;  and  (2)  Matsaki,  recorded  as  Macaque  by  Castaneda, 
who  mentions  it  as  the  largest  of  all  the  towns  of  Cibola, 
its  houses  reaching  a  height  of  seven  stories.  The  evidence 
of  the  identity  of  Ahacus,  Hawikuh,  and  Granada  is  incon- 
trovertible. We  need  mention  here  only  the  fact  that  it 
could  have  been  the  one  Cibola-Zuni  pueblo  that  was  first 
seen  and  reached  by  the  explorers  in  ascending  the  Zuni 
river. 

Mr.  Mecham  has  shown  that  Chamuscado  proceeded 
westward  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Zuni  by  way  of  Acoma, 
Bandelier's  statement  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding;  and 
it  may  be  assumed  that  the  party  pursued  the  route  (only 
from  the  opposite  direction)  followed  by  Coronado's  ad- 
vance guard  and  his  main  force  via  El  Morro  or  Inscription 
Rock,  and  Ojo  del  Pescado,  one  of  the  headwaters  of  the 


THE  CITIES  OF  CIBOLA  479 

Rio  Zuni,  rather  than  by  the  difficult  trail  over  the  malpais 
which  Alvarado  took  on  his  journey  from  Hawikuh  to 
Acoma,  which  led  him  south  of  El  Morro.  There  is  no  more 
truth,  however,  that  "Chamuscado  and  seven  soldiers  in- 
scribed their  names"  on  Inscription  Rock  than  there  is 
that  the  Zufii  localize  a  native  tradition  that  Estevanico, 
the  so-called  "Black  Mexican,"  was  murdered  at  Kiakima 
rather  than  at  Hawikuh.1  There  is  no  question  that  the 
earliest  inscription  on  El  Morro  is  that  of  Onate,  whose 
name  was  carved  in  the  rock,  at  which  was  the  "Agua  de 
la  Pena,"  on  his  return  from  the  Gulf  of  California  in  the 
spring  of  1605.  Absence  of  names  at  El  Morro,  of  course, 
is  only  negative  testimony  that  explorers  did  not  follow 
that  route  in  journeying  between  Acoma  and  Zuni;  yet  it 
was  and  still  is  the  most  practicable  line  of  travel,  for  its 
physiographic  features  offered  little  resistance  to  the  ex- 
plorers, while  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  great  rock  af- 
forded all  the  necessaries  of  a  temporary  camp — water, 
forage,  and  abundant  fuel. 

Leaving  the  discussion  of  the  earlier  "Seven  Cities  of 
Cibola"  for  another  occasion,  it  has  long  been  known  that 
after  the  time  of  Coronado  and  until  shortly  before  the 
Revolt  of  1680,  if  not  up  to  the  very  time  of  the  uprising, 
the  Zuni  inhabited  only  six  villages.  The  native  names 
and  sites  of  all  these  are  now  well  known,  yet  some  of  them 
have  been  the  cause  of  almost  as  much  confusion  as  any 
subject  of  Pueblo  history  by  reason  of  the  difficulty  of 
harmonizing1  the  array  of  recorded  names,  or  rather  the 
variations  in  the  orthography  of  the  names,  with  those  by 
which  the  settlements  were  known  to  the  native  inhabitants. 
We  will  therefore  endeavor  to  unravel  the  snarl  by  correlat- 
ing the  jumbled  terminology  of  the  six  Zuni  villages  oc- 
cupied in  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  as  made 
available  to  us  by  the  Spanish  chroniclers.  The  attempts 
to  identify  the  seventh  pueblo  of  the  early  Spanish  period 

1.     See  Hodge,   The  First   Discovered   City  of   Cibola,   American   Anthropologist, 
vol.  VIII,    no.  2,  Washington,  1895. 


480         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

have  been  based  on  little  more  than  conjecture,  since  suf- 
ficient archaeological  research  has  not  yet  been  conducted 
in  the  Zuni  valley ;  therefore,  if  a  seventh  "city"  really  ex- 
isted, we  are  as  far  from  its  true  determination  as  in  the  day 
of  Bandelier  and  Gushing. 

1  —  HAWIKUH 

This  pueblo,  the  largest  of  all,  according  to  most  of 
the  Spanish  narrators,  was  twelve  miles  southwest  of  the 
present  Zuni,  on  the  point  of  a  low  mesa  that  projects 
southward  into  the  valley.  The  topography  accords  with 
the  "rounded  height"  on  which  stood  the  only  pueblo  of 
Cibola  which  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza  says  he  viewed  in  1539 
from  an  elevation  to  the  southward.  It  was  this  "City  of 
Cibola"  of  Fray  Marcos  of  which  Coronado  and  his  com- 
panions complained  so  bitterly  in  the  following  year,  the 
commander  asserting  that  the  entire  group  of  pueblos  was 
called  "the  kingdom  of  Cevola,  and  each  has  its  own  name 
and  no  single  one  is  called  Cevola,  but  all  together  are  called 
Cevola.  This  one  which  I  have  called  a  city,"  he  says,  "I 
have  named  Granada,  partly  because  it  has  some  similar- 
ity to  it,  as  well  as  out  of  regard  for  Your  Lordship."2  It 
contained  two  hundred  houses  with  five  hundred  families. 

The  Gallegos  report  records  Hawikuh  as  "Allico."8 
From  the  narration  of  Espejo  we  gain  little  information 
on  the  subject  aside  from  the  fact  that  he  gives  the  name 
Aquico  (which  in  pronunciation  closely  approximates 
Hawikuh)  and  affords  positive  proof  of  the  identity  of 
Cibola  and  Zuni.  For  the  first  time  Espejo  presented 


2.  Coronado  to  Mendoza,  in  Winship,  Coronado  Expedition,  p.  558,  Washington, 
1896. 

3.  Mr.   Mecham    (p.   286)    gives  the  names  of  only   five  of  the  six  pueblos   dis- 
covered by   Chamuscado,  as  recorded  by  Gallegos,   followed  by  the  number  of  inhabi- 
tants  of   each   of  the   six,   consequently    (with   the   exception   of   Hawikuh)    one   can- 
not  correlate    Gallegos'    villages    with    his    population    figures.      This    may    be    due   to 
one   of   the   typographical   blunders    with    which    Mr.    Mecham's    paper    unfortunately 
is  replete.     The  missing  pueblo  is  Kwakina  -  the  Quaquina  of  Luxan  and  the  Coaque- 
ria  of  Oiiate. 


THE  CITIES  OF  CIBOLA  481 

the  name  by  which  the  Zuni  are  known  to  the  Keres  and 
which  has  clung  to  this  day.  Luxan  is  more  explicit,  for, 
like  Gallegos,  he  notes  the  names  of  the  six  inhabited  vil- 
lages, among  which  is  "aguico".4 

Before  proceeding  to  later  sources  we  must  endeavor 
to  untangle  the  knots  found  in  the  work  of  Baltasar  de 
Obregon,  which  is  accessible  to  me  only  in  its  printed  form.6 
In  a  marginal  note  (p.  19)  and  in  the  text  (p.  293)  of  this 
work  the  pueblos  of  Cibola  are  recorded,  but  so  confused 
are  their  names  that  we  list  them  in  order  to  show  the  dif- 
ficulties with  which  students  have  been  obliged  to  contend 
in  endeavoring  to  harmonize  the  vagaries  in  orthography, 
due  largely  to  typographical  errors.  In  the  first  Obregon 
list  we  find  "Macaque,  Macilona  Quequina,  Acin  [or  Que- 
quinaacin],  Cocana",  and,  in  the  second,  "Masaque,  Caque- 
ma,  Alona,  Quequina,  Acincocana."6  The  intended  applica- 
tion of  these  names  must  be  determined  at  this  point,  be- 
cause Hawikuh  is  involved  with  the  rest,  and  nothing 
short  of  the  dissection  which  follows  seems  so  well  to  serve 
the  purpose. 


4.  Both    Mr.    Mecham    (p.   286)    and    Dr.    Bolton    (Spanish   Explorations   in   the 
Southwest,   p.    184,    New   York,    1916)    give    "Agrisco,"    with   what   justification    I    do 
not  know,   as   the   Luxan   manuscript,   of   which   the   present   writer   has    a   photostat 
copy,  records  "aguico"  very  plainly  both  in  the  text  and  in  a  marginal  note. 

5.  Historia   de   los    descvbrimientos    antigvos    y   modernos    de    la    Nueva    Espana 
escrita   por  el   conqvistador   Baltasar   de   Obregon   ano   de    1584,   Mexico,    1924. 

6.  Evidently   the   scribe   who   noted   the  names   of  the  towns   on   the   margin    of 
the  manuscript    (p.    19   of  the   published   work)    became   confused   in   his   attempt   to 
record  the  first  two  names,  with  the  result  that  the  equivalent  of  Kiakima  appears 
to  be  missing  from  the  first  list.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  caque  of  "Macaque" 
and  ma  of   "Macilona"   should  have  been   combined  to   form   "Caquema,"   but  as   this 
leaves    Matsaki    pueblo    represented    by    Ma    alone,    we    assume    that    the    error    was 
one    of    omission    by    reason    of   the    identity    in    the    spelling    of    the    latter    part    of 
Macaque  and   the   first   part   of   Caquema.     Incidentally   it   may   be   said   that   in   the 
second,   less   garbled,   list,  the  pueblos   occur  in  the  exact  order   in   which  they   would 
have  been  visited  by  a  party  coming  from  the  east   (i.  e.  from  Acoma),  while  Luxan 
gives  the  same  order  except  that  Aguico   (Hawikuh)    is  placed  before  Alona   (Halona) 
instead  of  after  Cuaquina  (Kwakina).  If  we  may  assume  that  "Coaguima"   (Kwakina) 
was    unintentionally    omitted    from    Gallegos'    list    as    given    by    Mr.    Mecham,    and 
that   it   should   have   appeared   between    Aconagua    (Halona)    and   Allico    (Hawikuh), 
then  the  order  of  the  pueblos  is  identical  with  that  of  Obregon,  except  that  Matsaki 
and   Kiakima,   the   two   pueblos   at   the   base   of   Tawayalane,   are   reversed.    Evidently 
stationed   at     Hawikuh,    the   principal   pueblo,     when   he   recorded   the   village    names, 
Onate  listed  them   in   exactly  the   reverse  order  to  that  given   by   Gallegos,   save   that 
the  Onate  list  naturally  names  Hawikuh  first. 


482         NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Matsaki        Kidkima       Kwakina      Hawikub      Kyanawa      Halona 
Macaque       [see  note  6]  Quequina     Acin,Co        canaMa        cilona 
Masaquc       C:\quema      Quequina     Acinco          cana  Alona 

The  Ofiate  scribes,  or  more  likely  the  copyists  or  the 
printers  of  the  documents  referring  to  the  colonization  in 
1598,  are  among  those  who  garbled  Pueblo  names  practical- 
ly beyond  recognition.  Hawikuh  becomes  Aguicobi  and 
Aguscobi,  but  in  these  particular  forms  the  name  of  the 
pueblo  is  not  difficult  to  recognize,  the  suffix  bi  probably 
being  intended  to  represent  the  Zuni  locative  wa  or  wan,  as 
in  Onate's  "Canabi"  for  Kyanawa. 

Gallegos  reported  "Allico"  as  having  one  hundred  and 
eighteen  houses  in  1581.  and  Ofiate  one  hundred  and  ten 
houses  in  1598,  a  considerable  reduction  from  the  two  hun- 
dred noted  by  Coronado  nearly  half  a  century  earlier,  al- 
though Hawikuh  now  had  the  distinction  of  being  the  chief 
Zuni  town.  At  the  time  of  its  abandonment  it  was  men- 
tioned by  Vetancurt  "con  otros  pueblos  pequenos  donde 
habia  mas  de  mil  personas." 

The  mission  of  Conception  was  established  at  Hawikuh 
in  1629  during  the  custodianship  of  Fray  Estevan 
de  Perea.7  The  evidence  respecting  the  date  of  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  pueblo  is  not  conclusive,  for,  although  it  was 
raided  by  the  Apache  about  1670  and  abandoned,  it  seems 
not  to  have  been  forsaken  permanently  until  the  Revolt  of 
1680  resulted  in  the  flight  of  the  Zuni  tribesmen  to 
Tawayalane,  or  Corn  Mountain,  where  they  remained  until 
Vargas  appeared  on  the  scene  in  1692. 

The  following  synonymy  includes  only  names  derived 
from  the  earlier  original  sources.  There  are  hundreds  of 
variations  in  orthography,  many  of  them  due  to  typographi- 
cal errors,  with  which  we  need  not  cumber  the  lists. 

Ceuola  (city  and  province).  -  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza,  Rela- 
tion (1539),  in  The  Journey  of  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza 

7.  See  Hodge  in  The  Memorial  of  Fray  Alonso  de  Benavides,  1630,  Ayer  trans., 
Chicago,  1916;  Hodge,  Bibliography  of  Fray  Alonso  de  Benavides,  Indian  Notes  and 
Monographs,  III,  no.  1.  New  York,  1919. 


THE  CITIES  OF  CIBOLA  483 

de  Vaca,  Translated  from  his  own  Narrative  by  Fanny 
Bandelier,  New  York,  1905,  p.  211  et  seq. 

Ceula.  -  Ibid.,  p.  217. 

Ceulo.  -  Ibid.,  p.  214. 

Ahacus.  -  Ibid.  p.  219. 

Granada.  -  Coronado  (1540)  in  Winship,  Coronado  Expedi- 
tion, Washington,  1896,  p.  558. 

Cibola.  -  Castaneda  (1540-96),  ibid.,  passim. 

Sivola.  -  Relation  Postrera  de  Sivola  (ca.  1542)  in  Winship, 
ibid.,  p.  566. 

Allico.  -  Gallegos  (1582)  quoted  by  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  p.  286. 
(An  evident  miscopying  or  misprinting  of  Auico.) 

Aquico.  -  Espejo  (1583)  in  Doc.  Ined.  de  Indias,  XV,  p.  133, 
1871.  (Probably  a  misprint  of  Aguico.) 

Aguico.  -  Luxan  (1582)  Entrada  que  hizo  en  el  Nuevo 
Mejico  Anton  de  Espejo  en  el  ano  de  [15]82,  folio  83, 
MS.  in  Archivo  General  de  Indias,  Sevilla. 

Agrisco.  -  Luxan  (1582)  as  cited  by  Bolton,  op.  cit.,  and  by 
Mecham,  op.  cit.  (The  letters  ris  are  an  obvious  mis- 
copying  of  ui.) 

Acinco.  -  Obregon  (1584),  Histaria,  p.  293.  (Erroneously 
combined  with  Cana  [see  Kechipauan],  thus  forming 
"Acincocana.") 

Acin,Cocana.  -  Ibid.,  p.  19.  (Erroneous  separation  of 
Acin,  for  Acui,  from  co  ( Acuico) ,  and  fusion  of  co  with 
Cana,  i.  e.,  Kechipauan.) 

Aguicobi.  -  Onate  (1598)  in  Doc.  Ined.  de  Indias,  XVI,  133, 
1871. 

Aguscobi.  -  Onate  (1598),  ibid.,  132. 

Cuni.  -  Onate,    Account  of  the    Discovery  of  the  Mines 
(1599),  in  Bolton,  Spanish  Exploration,  239,  1916. 

Havico.  -  Zarate  Salmeron,  Relation  (ca.  1629),  in  Land 
of  Sunshine,  p.  44,  Dec.  1899.  (Refers  to  the  Onate  ex- 
pedition.) 

Zibola.  -  Perea,  Verdadera  Relation,  Madrid,  1632,  p.  4. 

La  Conception  de  Aguico.  -  Vetancurt  (1697),  Cronica,  320, 
repr.  1871. 


484          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Tzibola.  -  Mota-Padilla  (1742),  Hist.  Nueva  Espana,  111, 
ed.  1871.  (From  documents  of  the  Coronado  period.) 

2  —  MATSAKI 

The  importance  of  Matsaki  was  set  forth  by  Castaneda, 
who  described  it,  in  the  form  Macaque,  as  "the  best,  larg- 
est, and  finest  village  of  that  [Cibola]  province"  and  "the 
only  one  that  has  houses  with  seven  stories."8  The  area 
of  the  ruins,  however,  in  comparison  with  that  of  Hawikuh, 
does  not  support  Castaneda's  assertion.  As  before  men- 
tioned, aside  from  the  "Ahacus"  (Hawikuh)  of  Fray  Mar- 
cos, Matsaki  was  the  only  Zuni  pueblo  mentioned  by  name 
before  Chamuscado's  time.  It  was  situated  about  three 
miles  east-southeast  of  present  Zuni,  a  short  distance  from 
the  northwestern  talus  slope  of  the  great  mesa  of  Tawaya- 
lane,  or  Corn  mountain,  popularly  but  improperly  called 
"Thunder  mountain"  from  Cushing's  misinterpretation. 

Macaque.  -  Castaneda  (1540-1596),  op,  cit.  ("Muzaque  "  in 
the  narrative  translated  by  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy- 
ages, IX,  163,  1838.) 

Maca.  -  Gallegos  (1582)  quoted  by  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  p.  286. 

Mazaque.  -  Luxan  Entrada  (1582),  op.  cit.,  f.  83. 

Malaque.  -  Luxan  as  quoted  by  Bolton,  op.  cit.,  p.  184. 

Maleque.  -  Luxan  as  quoted  by  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  p.  286. 

Masaque.  -  Obregon  (1584),  Historia,  p.  293. 

Macaque.  -  Ibid.,  p.  19. 

Macaqui.  -  Onate  (1598)  in  Doc.  Ined.  de  Indias,  XVI,  133, 
1871. 

Mazaquia.  -  Vetancurt  (1697),  Cronica,  320,  repr.  1871. 

3  —  KIAKIMA 

This  pueblo,  about  four  miles  southeast  of  Zuni,  was 
at  the  southwestern  base  of  Corn  mountain,  which  towers 


8.   Castaneda,   in  Winship,  Coronado  Expedition,   op.   cit.,   pp.   493,   51V. 


THE  CITIES  OF  CIBOLA  485 

nine  hundred  feet,  for  which  reason  the  great  mesa  was 

called  the  Penol  de  Caquima  by  Vargas  in  1692. 

Aquima.  -  Gallegos  (1582)  cited  by  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  p. 
286.  (The  name  appears  as  "Aquiman"  on  Mecham's 
map.) 

Quaquema.  -  Luxan,  Entrada  (1582),  op.  cit.,  f.  83. 

Cuaquema.  -  Ibid. 

Caquema.  -  Obregon  (1584),  Historia,  p.  293. 

MaCAQUE,  MAcilona.  -  Ibid.,  p.  19.  (An  erroneous  fusion  of 
names  in  which  Caquema  is  hidden.  See  note  6.) 

Aquinsa.  -  Onate  (1598)  in  Doc.  Ined.  de  Indias,  op.  cit. 
(Cf.  Aquima  of  Gallegos  above,  and  note  the  frequent 
difficulty  in  transcribing  initial  C  of  unfamiliar  pro- 
per names,  of  which  the  printed  "Ame"  for  the  Cunl 
of  Espejo  is  an  instance.  In  "Aquinsa,"  ns  is  no  doubt 
a  misprint  of  ra.) 

Caquima.  -  Sigiienza  y  Gongora,  Mercurio  Volante,  1693, 
repr.  Mexico,  1900,  p.  17  ("  .  .  .Penol  no  menos  inex- 
pugnable de  Caquima")  ;  Vetancurt  (1697),  Cronica, 
320,  repr.  1871. 

Caquimay.  -  Doc.  of  1635  quoted  by  Bandelier  in  Papers 
Archaeol.  Inst.  Amer.,  V,  165,  1890. 

Every  student  of  the  subject  has  been  confused  by 
"Aquinsa,"  which  seems  to  be  no  more  than  the  result  of 
mistranscribing  a  name  which  both  Gallegos  and  Onate 
doubtless  wrote  Caquima.  I  am  convinced  that  the  identi- 
fication of  Onate's  Aquinsa  is  thus  determined,  and  that 
his  Coaqueria  was  not  Kiakima,  but  Kwakina." 


9.  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber  has  suggested  (Anthr.  Papers  Amer.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist., 
XVIII,  pt.  Ill,  p.  273,  New  York,  1917)  "that  the  'Aquinsa'  of  Onate's  list  is  the 
native  name  'Akinnsa'  or  'Appkinnsa'  (awa,  rocks;  kinnaa,  black)  for  Black  Rock 
or  Rocks"  where  the  Zuni  school  and  agency  are  situated.  Aside  from  the  fact 
that  no  considerable  ruins  are  to  be  found  in  that  vicinity  to  account  for  the  presence 
of  a  pueblo  within  the  historic  period,  the  etymology  is  unsound,  for  the  Zuni  cali 
Black  Rocks  Akwinkwin  (a  for  dale,  pi.  awe,  stone,  rock ;  kwin,  black ;  kwm,  the 
locative),  not  Akinnsa  or  Appkinnsa.  See  note  10. 

32 


486          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

4  —  HALONA 

On  the  south  bank  of  the  Zuni  river  directly  opposite 
the  present  Zuiii;  indeed  it  is  said  that  Halona  stood  on 
both  sides  of  the  stream,  a  belief  made  plausible  because 
extensive  excavations  at  the  site  by  Gushing  in  1888  re- 
vealed no  evidences  of  the  Franciscan  church  on  the  south 
side.  Much  of  the  site  is  now  covered  by  buildings  of  a 
trading-store  and  several  Zuni  dwellings.  At  the  time  of 
its  abandonment  in  1680  the  population  of  Halona  was  1500, 
according  to  Vetancurt,  but  this  probably  included  Matsaki 
and  Kiakima,  which  were  aldeas  de  visita  of  the  Halona 
mission. 

Aconagua.  -  Gallegos  (1582)  quoted  by  Mecham,  op.  cit., 
p.  287.  (An  evident  attempt  to  record  the  Zuni  form 
Halonawa.  The  c  is  doubtless  a  miscopying  of  L 

Alona.  -  Luxan  (1582),  Entrada,  f.  83. 

Olond  -  Luxan  as  quoted  by  Bolton,  op.  cit.,  p.  184. 

Olona.  -  Luxan  as  quoted  by  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  p.  286. 

Alona.  -  Obregon  (1584),  op.  cit,  p.  293. 

Macilona.  -  Ibid.,  p.  19.  (An  erroneous  fusion  of  ma,  be- 
longing to  the  preceding  name  (Caquema  for  Kiakima) 
and  cilona,  misprint  of  Alona.  See  Note  6.) 

Cilona.  -  See  Macilona,  next  preceding. 

Halonagu.  -  Onate  (1598)  in  Doc.  Ined.  de  Indias,  XVI, 
133,  1871.  (An  attempt  to  record  Halonawa  or  Halona- 
wan.) 

Alona  -  Sigiienza  y  Gongora  (1693),  Mer curio  Volante, 
p.  18,  repr.  Mexico,  1900. 

Concepcion  de  Alona.  -  Vetancurt  (1697),  Menologia,  275 
repr.  Mexico,  1871.  (In  his  Cronica  Vetancurt  men- 
tions La  Concepcion  de  Aguico  and  refers  to  the  Halona 
church  as  dedicated  to  la  Purficacion  de  la  Virgen.) 

Purisima  Concepcion  de  Alona.  -  Sarifiana  y  Cuenca, 
Oracion  Funebre,  Mexico,  1681,  repr.  Hist.  Soc.  New 
Mexico,  Bull.  7,  1906. 


THE  CITIES  OF  CIBOLA  487 

It  will  be  noted  that  in  recording  the  names  of  Halona 
and  Hawikuh  the  Spaniards  generally  disregarded  the 
faintly  aspirated  initial. 

5  —  KWAKINA 

This  pueblo  was  situated  six  or  seven  miles  down  the 
Zuni  river  from  the  present  Zuni,  on  its  northern  side.  The 
natives  assert  that  it  was  of  comparatively  recent  occu- 
pancy, but  no  archaeological  research  has  been  conducted 
at  the  site.  Kwakina  is  not  mentioned  by  Gallegos,  unless 
inadvertently  omitted  from  the  list  in  Mr.  Mecham's  paper  ;10 
but  Luxan  records  its  name,  as  likewise  does  Onate  a  few 
years  later.  , 

Coaguima.  -  Gallegos  (?)  quoted  by  Mecham,  op.  cit.,  p.  287. 

Quaquina.  -  Luxan  (1582),  Entrada,  f.  83. 

Cuaquina.  -  Luxan  as  quoted  by  Bolton,  op.  cit. 

Cuaguima.  -  Luxan  as  quoted  by  Mecham,  op.  cit.  (Mis- 
print.) 

Quequina.  -  Obregon   (1584),  Historia,  pp.  19,  293. 

Coaqueria.  -  Onate  (1598)  in  Doc.  Ined.  de  Indfas,  XVI, 
133,  1871.  (The  letters  eri  are  doubtless  a  misprint  of 
in.) 

6  —  KECHIPAUAN 

This  is  the  name  applied  by  the  Zuni  to  a  ruined  pueblo 
on  a  mesa  forming  the  northern  wall  of  the  little  Ojo  Cali- 
ente  valley  in  which  is  the  farming  village  of  K'yapkwaina- 
kwin,  commonly  know  as  Ojo  Caliente.  It  was  situated 
about  three  miles  in  an  air-line  eastward  from  Hawikuh. 
The  site  is  a  very  ancient  one,  but  excavations  have  shown 


10.  Judging  by  Mr.  Mecham's  endeavor  to  identify  and  locate  all  the  pueblos 
mentioned  by  Gallegos,  this  village  was  omitted  by  mistake,  as  he  refers  to  Coaguima 
both  in  the  text  (p.  287)  and  on  his  map,  regarding  it  to  be  the  same  as  Kiakima. 
To  the  Spaniards  Kiakima  and  Kwakina  sounded  much  alike,  yet  it  will  be  noted 
that  they  distinguished  the  determining  m  and  n  respectively  in  the  last  syllable  of 
the  names. 


488          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

that  a  later  and  much  smaller  pueblo  was  built  on  the  re- 
mains of  the  older  town ;  moreover,  the  walls  of  a  well-built 
stone  church  are  still  standing  several  feet  in  height.  This 
fact,  together  with  the  character  of  the  native  earthen- 
ware and  the  finding  of  objects  of  European  provenience 
in  the  later  houses  and  graves,  prove  its  recency  beyond 
question.  The  term  kechipa  signifies  gypsum,  and  the 
village  was  so  named  because  of  the  gypsum-like  appear- 
ance of  the  sandstone  eminence  on  which  the  ruins  lie. 
The  name  of  the  locality,  Kyanawe  or  Kyanawa,  which  has 
allusion  to  its  water  supply,  was  applied  by  the  Spaniards 
to  the  pueblo  which  the  Zuni  invariably  call  Kechi- 
pauan,  whence  Cana,  Canabi,  etc.,  of  the  chroniclers.11 

Acana.  -  Gallegos  (1582)  quoted  by  Mecham,  op  cit.,  p.  286. 

Cana.  -  Luxan  (1582),  Entrada,  f.  83.  (This  spelling  is  fol- 
lowed by  Bolton  and  Mecham.) 

Cooana.  -  Obregon  (1584),  Historia,  p.  19.  (Erroneous 
fusion  of  Co,  belonging  to  the  preceding  name  Acin,  for 
Acui  [See  Hawikuh],  plus  Cana.) 

Canabi.  -  Onate  (1598)  in  Doc.  Ined.  de  Indias,  XVI,  133, 
1871. 

Acincocana.  -  Obregon,  op.  cit.,  p.  293.  (Acinco,  for  Acuico, 
plus  Cana.) 


Museum  of  the  American  Indian,  Heye  Foundation, 
Broadway  at  155th  St., 
New  York,  N.  Y. 


11.  See  Hodge,  The  Age  of  the  Zuni  Pueblo  of  Kechipauan,  Indian  Notes  and 
Monographs,  III,  no.  2,  New  York,  1920.  Note  the  omission  by  the  Spaniards  of 
the  affix  wa,  often  used  by  the  Zuni  in  place-names.  Another  instance  is  Halona, 
Halonawa,  both  of  which  forms  are  employed. 


NECROLOGY  489 


NECROLOGY 

WASHINGTON  E.  LINDSEY 

Among  the  eminent  figures  in  New  Mexico  contem- 
porary life  removed  by  death  from  the  stage  of  action  dur- 
ing the  current  year,  former  Governor  Washington  E. 
Lindsey  was  probably  the  most  prominent.  As  governor 
of  the  State  during  the  late  war,  he  had  gained  a  special 
place  in  the  annals  of  the  commonwealth.  His  tragic  death 
on  April  5th  came  as  a  shock  to  his  host  of  friends  and 
admirers.  He  had  been  in  ill  health  and  despondent  for 
several  months. 

Governor  Lindsey  was  born  in  Belmon  County,  Ohio, 
on  December  20,  1862.  He  was  the  son  of  Robert  W.  and 
Julia  A.  Shipman  Lindsey.  After  attendance  in  the  public 
schools  of  his  native  county,  he  matriculated  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Michigan  and  graduated  with  the  degree  of  Bachelor 
of  Arts,  in  1891  receiving  the  additional  degree  of  Bachelor 
of  Laws.  For  nine  years  he  was  engaged  in  the  practice 
of  law  in  Chicago,  but  in  the  year  1900  moved  to  Roswell, 
and  a  few  years  later  to  Portales,  where  he  established  a 
law  office  and  took  an  active  part  in  developing  that  part 
of  New  Mexico.  He  was  president  of  the  Portales  Town- 
site  Company,  as  well  as  of  the  Portales  Irrigation  Com- 
pany. It  was  through  his  efforts  in  1902  that  the  territorial 
legislature  established  Roosevelt  County. 

As  an  active  and  aggressive  Republican,  he  took  part 
in  politics  and  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Constitutional 
Convention.  In  November,  1916  he  was  elected  lieutenant 
governor,  and  upon  the  death  of  Governor  Ezequiel  C.  de 
Baca  he  succeeded  to  the  executive  office  in  February  of 
1917.  On  May  1,  1917,  he  called  a  special  session  of  the 
legislature  which  placed  New  Mexico  on  war  footing.  With 
unwavering  patriotism,  he  put  his  heart  into  every  mea- 


490          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

sure  that  placed  New  Mexico  high  in  the  rank  of  states 
that  contributed  to  the  winning  of  the  war. 

Upon  retiring  from  the  governorship,  he  opened  a  law 
office  in  Albuquerque,  but  later  returned  to  Portales,  where 
his  wife,  who  had  been  an  invalid  for  years,  died  a  few 
years  ago.  She  was  Miss  Amanda  C.  Houghton,  and  their 
marriage  took  place  in  October,  1891.  There  were  three 
children,  Howard  W.,  Helen  M.,  and  Michael  R.  Lindsey. 
Some  months  before  his  death,  he  married  Miss  Becker  of 
Albuquerque,  who  survives  him.  Governor  Lindsey  was  a 
Congregationalist,  and  a  member  of  the  Knights  of  Pythias, 
the  Benevolent  and  Protective  Order  of  Elks,  and  the 
Woodmen  of  the  World.  While  a  resident  of  Santa  Fe  and 
afterward,  he  took  a  keen  interest  in  the  New  Mexico  His- 
torical Society,  and  was  a  particular  friend  of  the  Museum 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  School  of  American  Research. 

COLONEL  EUGENE  VAN  PATTEN 

On  February  28,  at  the  ripe  age  of  89  years,  Colonel 
Eugene  Van  Patten  departed  this  life  at  the  home  of  his 
daughter  Amelia  Ascarate  in  the  Mesilla  Valley.  One  of 
the  pioneers  of  that  section  of  the  state,  he  was  a  stage 
driver  and  Indian  fighter  in  the  early  days.  He  was  born 
in  Rome,  New  York,  on  November  10,  1839,  the  son  of 
Adam  Van  Patten  and  Nancy  Adams,  uniting  Dutch  and 
New  England  ancestry.  In  early  youth  he  located  at  Utica, 
New  York,  and  thence  moved  to  El  Paso  in  1859,  where 
he  was  employed  as  stage  driver  on  the  Butterfield  Over- 
land Mail  Route.  During  the  Civil  War  he  enlisted  with 
the  Confederates,  holding  a  commission  under  Stonwall 
Jackson.  He  also  gained  fame  as  an  Indian  fighter. 

While  Dona  Ana  County  still  extended  across  the  entire 
southern  part  of  New  Mexico,  he  served  as  sheriff.  Later 
he  became  registrar  of  the  Federal  Land  Office  at  Las 
Cruces,  deputy  United  States  marshal,  and  a  colonel  in 
the  New  Mexico  National  Guard.  Among  his  choicest  re- 
collections were  two  years  spent  on  a  trip  around  the  world 


NECROLOGY  491 

with  his  uncle,  Admiral  Bushnell  Stevens,  and  then  two 
years  at  West  Point  Military  Academy. 

Colonel  Van  Patten  was  a  public  spirited  citizen.  He 
was  of  much  assistance  in  having  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  Rail- 
road construct  its  line  from  Albuquerque  to  El  Paso.  He 
raised  funds  for  the  building  of  the  Loretto  Academy  at 
Las  Cruces.  The  Indians  of  that  section  esteemed  him 
highly,  and  he  secured  a  grant  of  land  for  the  pueblo  of 
Tortugas.  While  Lew  Wallace  was  governor  of  New  Mex- 
ico, he  was  one  of  the  political  advisers  of  the  executive. 
During  the  Spanish-American  War,  he  was  of  much  as- 
sistance to  his  friend,  Colonel  Theodore  Roosevelt,  in  or- 
ganizing the  Rough  Riders.  Colonel  Van  Patten  was  the 
owner  of  Dripping  Springs  in  the  Organ  Mountains,  a 
noted  resort  in  which  he  took  much  pride. 

His  funeral  took  place  from  St.  Genevieve's  Catholic 
Church  in  Las  Cruces,  the  120th  Engineers  stationed  at 
that  place  giving  him  military  honors.  The  pall  bearers 
were:  Fabian  Garcia,  C.  0.  Bennett,  Jesus  Garcia,  Henry 
Stoes,  A.  J.  Fountain,  Sr.,  and  Colonel  M.  C.  O'Hara. 

MALAQUIAS  MARTINEZ 

Another  member  of  the  convention  that  formulated 
the  constitution  of  the  State  of  New  Mexico,  Malaquias 
Martinez,  died  at  St.  Vincent's  Hospital,  Santa  Fe,  on 
August  15,  as  the  result  of  an  automobile  accident  while 
on  his  way  to  the  Republican  State  Convention  at  Albuquer- 
que. He  was  the  son  of  Santiago  Valdez  Martinez,  pro- 
minent as  legislator  and  political  leader  in  the  70's  of  the 
last  century,  who  resided  in  Mora  from  1878  to  1884,  and 
who  died  in  Taos  in  1888. 

Malaquias  Martinez  was  born  at  Taos,  on  December 
15,  1860,  but  his  parents  took  him  to  Mora,  where  he  re- 
sided until  1890,  when  he  returned  to  Taos.  In  1882  he 
was  married  to  Miss  Juanita  Chaves,  with  whom  he  had 
one  son,  Juan  F.  Martinez.  In  1889  he  married  Emily  Blatt- 


492          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

man.  Mr.  Martinez  was  a  member  of  the  Knights  of  Pythias, 
and  the  Benevolent  and  Protective  Order  of  Elks.  For 
twenty-five  years  he  was  chairman  of  the  Territorial  and 
State  Republican  Committee  for  Taos  County.  He  served 
two  terms  as  deputy  assessor,  and  as  superintendent  of 
schools  in  1894  and  1895.  His  legislative  career  began 
in  1897,  when  he  was  elected  to  the  House  of  the  Territorial 
Assembly,  and  from  1899  to  1907  he  represented  the  coun- 
ties of  Taos,  San  Juan,  and  Rio  Arriba,  in  the  Territorial 
Senate.  In  the  latter  year  he  was  elected  senator  from  Mora 
and  Taos  Counties.  In  1910  he  served  as  a  member  of  the 
Constitutional  Convention.  In  1915  he  resumed  legislative 
duties  as  a  member  from  Taos  County.  Among  the  dif- 
ferent offices  he  held  was  that  of  coal  oil  inspector  for  the 
Territory  in  1907.  He  was  candidate  for  lieutenant  gover- 
nor on  the  Republican  ticket  in  the  first  state  election.  He 
also  served  as  member  of  the  Board  of  Penitentiary  Com- 
missioners and  the  Cattle  Sanitary  Board.  He  was  secretary 
of  the  Commission  for  the  Revision  of  Laws  during  Gover- 
nor Otero's  administration.  Mr.  Martinez  was  an  eloquent 
speaker,  was  zealous  in  guarding  the  interests  of  the  Span- 
ish-American people,  and  yet  broad  minded  and  statesman- 
like in  his  view  of  political  questions  and  of  legislative  pro- 
blems. 

JUDGE  A.  A.  FREEMAN 

Judge  A.  A.  Freeman,  prominent  in  territorial  affairs, 
died  at  Vancouver,  British  Columbia,  at  a  ripe  old  age. 
He  had  been  prominent  as  a  lawyer  and  politician  in  Ten- 
nessee, and  came  to  New  Mexico  commissioned  as  associate 
justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  by  President  Harrison.  For 
four  years  he  held  a  place  on  the  supreme  bench,  and  up- 
on retirement,  resumed  the  practice  of  law  at  Socorro, 
where  he  had  presided  as  judge.  Later  he  located  at  Carls- 
bad in  Eddy  County,  where  he  took  an  active  interest  in 
civic  matters.  In  1908  he  went  to  the  state  of  Washington, 
and  from  there  to  Vancouver,  but  kept  in  touch  with  New 


NECROLOGY  493 

Mexico  affairs,  occasionally  contributing  to  the  press  some 
comment  upon  the  trend  of  politics. 

DR.  NATHAN  BOYD 

For  many  years  a  prominent  citizen  of  Las  Cruces,  Dr. 
Nathan  Boyd  was  the  pioneer  in  planning  the  Elephant 
Butte  Irrigation  Project.  He  had  organized  a  British  cor- 
poration to  build  the  dam,  which  later  was  constructed  by 
the  United  States  Reclamation  Service.  He  exhausted  his 
resources  in  the  litigation  that  followed  upon  his  efforts 
to  build  the  irrigation  system.  He  was  fought  from  court 
to  court  by  the  United  States,  which  sought  to  establish  that 
the  Rio  Grande  was  a  navigable  stream.  In  later  years 
Dr.  Boyd  was  vindicated  by  the  United  States  itself  build- 
ing the  dam  and  completing  the  irrigation  system.  Only 
recently  Secretary  of  the  Interior  Hubert  Work  lifted  the 
embargo  on  the  waters  of  the  Rio  Grande,  which  had  been 
part  of  the  reclamation  policy,  a  further  indication  that  Dr. 
Boyd  was  correct  in  his  contentions.  Dr.  Boyd  at  one  time 
had  planned  a  large  sanatarium  for  suffers  from  tuber- 
culosis, and  had  hoped  to  establish  it  at  Dripping  Springs 
near  Las  Cruces.  He  was  interested  in  others  public 
spirited  projects  for  southern  New  Mexico,  but  upon  the 
adverse  decisions  of  the  courts  in  the  Elephant  Butte  liti- 
gation, he  removed  to  Washington,  D.  C.  Two  sons  and 
a  daughter  survive  him. 


494          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES 

DOWN  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL  AND  INTO  MEXICO, 
1846-1847.  Diary  of  Susan  Shelby  Magoffin.  Edited  by 
Stella  M.  Drumm.  (Yale  University  Press,  1926.  Pp.  xxv, 
294;  ill;  $4.00) 

To  a  reviewer  whose  office  is  in  the  old  "Palace  of  the 
Governors"  at  the  western  end  of  the  old  Santa  Fe  Trail, 
the  title  of  this  book  is  instantly  arresting;  nor  are  his 
anticipations  disappointed  as  he  turns  the  pages.  The 
diary  is  that  of  a  young  gentlewoman,  the  eighteen  year  old 
bride  of  Samuel  Magoffin,  whose  brother  James  was  the 
efficient  advance  emissary  of  the  American  Army  of  Oc- 
cupation. The  reader's  interest  is  instantly  caught  and  held 
thruout  by  the  intimate  details  of  camplif  e,  by  the  descrip- 
tions of  the  road,  the  prairies,  the  buffalo,  antelope  and 
other  forms  of  life,  terrific  storms,  toilsome  mountain- 
passes,  and  "slippy"  river-crossings.  He  is  constantly  be- 
ing given  enlightening  glimpses  of  traders,  teamsters, 
soldiers,  officers,  Indians  of  plain  and  pueblo,  the  native 
people  both  of  the  humble  and  well-to-do  classes ;  and  such 
glimpses  are  often  charmingly  enhanced  by  a  naive  word 
or  phrase.  Says  the  author,  for  example,  "It  is  disagree- 
able to  hear  so  much  swearing;  the  animals  are  unruly 
'tis  true  and  worries  the  patience  of  their  drivers,  but  I 
scarcely  think  they  need  be  so  profane."  (p.  3)  And  while 
travelling  on  the  lower  Rio  Grande  where  the  mesquite 
growth  was  thick,  she  decides  to  be  "rather  careful  in  walk- 
ing out.  The  Indian  is  a  wily  man,  and  one  cannot  be  too 
precausious  when  in  his  territory."  (p.  202) 

The  editor,  as  librarian  of  the  Missouri  Historical 
Society,  has  had  the  use  of  valuable  sources,  as  shown  by 
the  bibliography.  As  a  result  she  has  given  the  book  an 
excellent  introduction  and  very  informative  annotations. 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES  495 

Thru  the  text  and  notes,  men  like  the  Magoffins,  Connelly, 
Waldo,  Kearny,  Taylor,  and  many  of  their  officers  pass 
before  us  as  in  no  previous  book  on  the  Southwest 

Occasionally  a  Spanish  phrase  or  word  might  have 
been  more  happily  translated,  Mui  cerquiia  de  los  carros 
means  "very  near  the  wagons"  (p.  200)  ;  tata  is  a  familiar 
word  for  "father."  (p.  212)  "San  Juan"  (p,  260)  might 
have  had  in  brackets  zaguan  (entrance  hall).  And  the 
latter  part  of  note  36  (pp.  99-100)  is  based  entirely  on 
the  vagaries  of  early  writers.  Pecos  is  today  a  chief  point 
of  interest  on  the  National  Old  Trails  Highway  and  the 
facts  about  it  may  be  found  in  various  books  and  mono- 
graphs. 

The  date  "1842"  in  note  71  (p.  170)  is  an  error,  pos- 
sibly in  proofreading.  Also  exception  might  be  taken  to 
the  spelling  of  various  Spanish  names,  as  "Arrillaga"  (p. 
127).  But  these  are  mere  pecadillos  when  considering  the 
book  as  a  whole.  Simply  as  a  book  of  travel,  Miss  Drumm 
has  done  a  delightful  service;  as  a  book  on  the  Southwest 
this  diary  will  rank  with  Gregg's  classic,  "The  Commerce 
of  the  Prairies." 

L>  B.  B> 

HISTORICAL  PAGEANTRY  AT  SANTA  FE  FIESTA 

The  Santa  Fe  Fiesta  was  again  made  notable  by  its 
pageantry,  which  passed  in  review  most  graphically  the 
leading  episodes  from  the  earliest  times  to  those  of  the 
American  Occupation.  Mr.  F.  S.  Curtis,  Jr.,  a  member  of 
the  Historical  Society,  gave  his  talent  not  only  to  writing 
the  scenarios  for  the  historic  episodes,  but  in  personally 
supervising  their  production.  In  addition  to  the  episodes, 
of  the  year  before,  there  was  added  an  act  presenting  the 
coming  of  man  to  the  southwest.  This  was  one  of  the  most 
spectacular  features  of  the  pageantry.  Very  fine  also  was 
the  act  in  commemoration  of  the  hundredth  anniversary  of 
the  coming  of  Kit  Carson  to  Santa  Fe,  and  of  the  advent 
of  Jedediah  Smith  in  California. 


4%          NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 
MISSOURI  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

The  latest   issue   of  the   Missouri  Historical   Revieiu 
features  a  contribution  by  Edgar  A.  Holt,  superintendent 
of  schools  in  Iowa  City,  Iowa.    Mr.  Holt's  theme  is  "Mis- 
souri River  Transportation  in  the  Expansion  of  the  South- 
west."    Missouri  River  steamboat  navigation  reached  its 
height  in  1858,  and  was  closely  connected  with  traffic  over 
the  Santa  Fe  Trail.     Mrs.  W.  R.  Painter  reviews  some  of 
the  achievements  of  the  Missouri  Daughters  of  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution,  who  now  have  a  membership  of  more  than 
5,000  in  that  state.     Among  the  achievements  described 
are  those  of  locating  and  marking  the  old  Santa  Fe  Trail, 
including  El  Camino  Real,  the  oldest  public  road  in  Mis- 
souri. "Western  Missouri  in  1837,"  includes  correspondence 
that  goes  back  to  1837,  and  throws  an  interesting  sidelight 
on  conditions  in  the  west  in  those  days.     Speaking  of  the 
fertility  of  the  soil,  it  is  reported  in  the  letter:    "A  man  and 
one  horse  can  easity  tend  twenty  acres  of  corn,  for  which 
he  receives  in  the  fall  1000  bushels,  or  if  he  sow  the  field 
to  wheat,  it  would  be  but  a  common  crop  to  receive  in  re- 
turn 600  bushels.  ....  .We  have  1000  bearing  fruit  trees. 

It  is  likely  there  will  not  be  less  than  3000  bushels  of  apples 
realized  from  them  this  year.  Fruit  trees  do  remarkably 
well.  Stock  does  well  without  feeding,  even  in  the  coldest 
winters  we  have  had."  "The  Personal  Recollections  of 
Distinguished  Missourians"  in  this  issue  deal  with  Frank 
P.  Blair,  while  "The  Little  Visits  with  Literary  Missouri- 
ans," include  a  sketch  of  Augustus  Thomas.  "The  Liberal 
Republican  Movement  in  Missouri,"  in  which  Carl  Schurz 
figured  so  prominently,  is  probably  the  most  important 
contribution  in  this  number. 

THE  COLORADO  MAGAZINE 

Of  special  interest  in  the  Colorado  Magazine,  published 
by  the  State  Museum  at  Denver,  Colorado,  is  a  historical 


REVIEWS  AND  NOTES  497 

sketch  of  the  San  Luis  Valley  from  1850  to  1861.  Former 
Governor  Oliver  H.  Shoup  reviews  "Fifty  years  of  Color- 
ado's Development."  Albert  B.  Sanford  has  a  sketch  of 
John  L.  Routt,  First  State  Governor  of  the  neighboring 
commonwealth.  Steps  to  Statehood  in  Colorado,  Views  on 
the  Admission  of  Colorado  in  1876,  and  the  Statehood  Cele- 
bration of  1876,  recall  that  the  centennial  state  is  this  year 
celebrating  the  semi-centennial  of  its  admission  into  the 
Union. 

CHRONICLES  OF  OKLAHOMA 

"Some  Legends  of  Oklahoma"  are  retold  by  Walter 
R.  Smith  in  a  late  issue  of  the  Chronicles  of  Oklahoma,  the 
quarterly  of  the  Oklahoma  Historical  Society.  Thrilling 
is  the  story  of  a  raid  by  the  Comanches  and  their  pursuit 
by  the  Chickasaws  in  1865.  The  story  of  this  expedition 
has  never  before  been  told  in  print,  according  to  the  author, 
and  the  facts  that  are  told  are  therefore  an  important 
contribution  to  western  history.  "Gleanings  from  the  By- 
Ways  of  Oklahoma  Folk-Lore"  and  "A  Choctaw  Indian's 
Diary"  are  other  interesting  contributions. 


498 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


INDEX 


Abbott,    Col.    E.    C.,    115 ;    quoted,    430 

Abo,   288,   447 

Abriadres,    270 

Acana,    286,    287 

Acoma,   286 ;   destruction   of,    445-62 

Aconagua,    286,    287 

Acus,    207,    212,    219 

Agua    de    la    Peiia,    448,    451,    479.    See 

El  Morro 

Aguilar,    Capt.,   314,   322,   458,   472 
Abacus,   211,   212,   478 
Aiton,   Prof.   A.  S.,   363 
Alamaguer,    223 
Alameda,    277 
Alamillo,   275 
Albuquerque    Morning    Journal,     cited, 

250    251,    252,    253,    254   255,    256 
Allico,    286,    480 
Alvarado,   15-16 

Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Augustin,  159,  161 
Apaches,    386,    389,    482 
Apalco,   277 
Antonio      of      Ciudad-Rodrigo,      Friar, 

221-222 

Antonio  de  Turcios,  222,  223 
Aparicion,    La,    140-141 
Aquico,    480 
Aquima,    286,    287 
Armijo,    Manuel,    328 
Artists,   war  work   of.    416   et   teg. 
Asplund,  Rupert  F. :  Civilian  Activities, 

120-134 
Aztalan,  96 

Baca,    Adj.    Gen.    James    A.,    115,    117, 

420 

Baeza   de   Herrera,   Juan   222,   223 
Baldwin,    Percy    M. :    Fray    Marcos    de 

Niza    and    His    Discovery     of    the 

Seven    Cities    of    Cibola,     193-223 ; 

note  on,  223;  371 
Ballard,  Charles,  118 
Bancroft,  H.  H.,  cited,  43,  52,  56,  57, 

60,  64,  68,  70,  71,  72,  74,  171,   172, 

187,    268,    357 
Bandelier,    A.    F.,    cited,    193,    195,    196, 

206,    220,    272,    274,    275,    276,    278, 

279,    281,    282,    283,    285,    286,    287, 

288;   paper   by,    335-49;   353-7,    450, 

478 

Banos,    285 
Barrado,  Hernando,  268  ;  reference,  289 


Barranca,   La,  282 

Barry,    James    S.,    24 

Earth,   Mrs.   Isaac,   133,   232 

Battery   A,    115,    421 

Baumann,  Gustav,  war  painting  by,  416 

Beard,   Mrs.   Cyrus,   reference  to  paper 

by,   95 

Beaubien,    Carlos,    23-24;    98-99 
Beltran,  Fray  Bernardino,  49  50 
Benavides,    Father,    283 
Benfey,  Theodore,  reference,   143 
Bent,    George,    24,    28 
Bieber,     Ralph     P.,      Review     of      The 
Southwestern    Trails    to    California 
in   1849,   by,    92-94 
Bigotes,    Chief,    46 

Blair,   Frank  P.,   24;   reference  to,   498 
Bliss,    Charles    F.,    114 
Bloom,  Lansing  B. :  New  Mexico  in  the 
Great    War,    The    Breaking    of    the 
Storm,    3-15  ;    116 ;    footnote,    281 ; 
id.    282;    To   the   Colors,    419-33 
Blumenschein,  Ernest  L.,  war  work  of, 

417 

Boas,   Prof.   Franz,    138 
Bolton,    H.    E.    cited,    43,    57,    171,    285, 

268,   281,   282,    475;    481    (note) 
Bolton  and  Marshallfi  reference,   58 
Botts.   C.   M.,   war  poem  by,   412 
Bourne,    E.   G.,   reference,    182 
Bove,   See   San   Ildefonso 
Boyd,   Dr.    Nathan,    necrology,   493 
Brice,    C.    R.,    104,    106,    107 
Bridge,   809 
Brient,  S.  J.,  123 
Brown,   Henry   J.,   226 
Buena  Vista,   282 
Buffalo,   445-6,   475 
Burlin,   Natalie  Curtis,   413 
Bushiiell,  David  I.,  Jr.,  quoted,  226-228 
Bustamante,    Pedro  de,    268 ;   reference, 
270,    284 

Cabri,    269     (note) 

Caceres,    278 

Caguates   or    Caguases,   271 

Camel    Corps,    Uncle    Sam's,    by    F.    S. 

Perrine,    434-44 
Camino    del    Calvario,    141 
Campos,   278 
Capital,    318 

Carbon    City   News,    quot.,    431 
Cardenas,    Capt.,    45,    46 


INDEX 


499 


Carleton,    Maj.,    386 

Carrizozo  Neivs,   cited,   258 

Carson,   Kit,  224 ;  paper  on,  375-99 

Casasano,   Gordian,    177 

Casco,   181   190,   297 

Castaneda,     194-195;     cited,     197     198, 

282;    484 
Castano    de    Sosa,    Caspar,    51-52,    277, 

282-283,    313 
Castilla  de   Avid,   281 
Castilla   Blanca,   282 
Caxtole,   276 
Caypa,   See   San   Juan 
Ceifies,    Francisco  de,   222 
Cempoalla,    277 
Chamita,  282 

Chamuscado,     Francisco     Sanchez,     48, 
49 ;      Chamuscado-Rodriguez      En- 
trada,    265-291;    Wagner    on,    371; 
Hodge   on,    478-9 
Chapman,  C.  E.  reference,  173 
Charleyfoe,    Bautiste,   24 
Chase,    E.    T.,    123 
Chavez,    Capt.    Diego    Nufiez    de,    452, 

453 

Chavez,   Sanchez  de,   268 
Cheetham,     Francis      T. :     The     First 
Term    of    the    American    Court    in 
Taos,     23-41;     note     on,     99;     Kit 
Carson,    375-99 
Chichimecos,    268-269 
Churches,    320 
Cia,  278,   285,   316,   319 
Cibola,     The     Seven     Cities     of.     Fray 
Marcos     de     Niza     and     His     Dis- 
covery   of,    by    Percy    M.    Baldwin, 
193-223  ;  371 ;  The  Six  Cities  of  by, 
F.   W.   Hodge,   478-88 
Civilians,    war  service   of,    428 
Clares,    Fray,    321,    447 
Clayton    Citizen,    cited,    261 
Coaguima,    287 

Cochiti,  278,  279  ;  war  work  of,  414 
Col.    Doc.    Ined.,    reference,     181,     190, 

191,   193,   265,   267 
Comanches,    327    393 
Comedy  at  El  Paso,  313 
Commissary,   294   322,   469 
Conchos    River,    268-269,    308 
Confederates,    388 
Cornish,   reference,   54,   56,   57 
Coronado,  44-47,  56,  194,  199,  201,  202, 

209,   222 

Cortes,    Hernan,    357,    362 
Cortes,    Juan,    58,    194 
Coruna,   Count  of,    156 
Council    of    Defense,    Organization    of, 


21;   in   the   Great   War,    by   Walter 

M.    Danburg,    103-120 
Court    in    Taos,     The    First    Term    of 

the      American,      by     Francis      T. 

Cheetham,    23-41 
Crampton,    Edward    C.,    103    104 
Creel,    George,    260 
Culberson,   Victor,   118 
Culiacan,   277 

Cunningham,    reference,   62,    157 
Curtis,     Jr.,      F.     S.,      Influence     of 

Weapons    on     N.     M.     Hist.,     324- 

34  ;  pageantry  at  Santa  Fe,  495 
Cuahing,    F,    H.,    reference,    195 ;    484, 

486 
Cutts,   J.   M.,   quoted,   884 

Danburg,  Walter  M. :  The  State  Coun- 
cil of  Defense,  103-120,  107 ;  war 
poem  by,  406 

Danburg,  Mrs.  Walter  M.,  231,  232  288 

Davies,    E.    P.,    123 

Day,   Benjamin,   25 

De   Baea,   Gov.   Ezequiel   Cabeza,    10-12 

Deming   Headlight,   quot.,   420 

Diaz  del  Castillo,  Bernal,  351 

Dorantes,    Baltazar,    352 

Dorantes,  Stephen,  194,  196,  199,  202, 
208-209,  213,  214-217,  287 

Dragoons,  Equipment  of,   368 

Drumm,  Stella  M.,  rev.  of  book  edited 
by,  494-5 

Duran,   Fray  Rodrigo,  294  295 

El    Paso    del    Norte,    318 

Elder,   Dr.   J.   W.,    116 

Eldodt,    Mrs,    Sam,    335    (note) 

Ellis,    A.    M.,    reference,    397 

Ely,    Ralph    C.,    125 

Encomienda    System,    293 

Ervien,    R,    P.,    127 

Escalante,    Felipe  de,   268,   453 

Escalante  and  Barrado,   reference,   288, 

290 

Escalona,    Fray    Juan    de,    469 
Espejo,    Antonio,    49-50,    51 ;    reference, 

268,   269,   270,   271;   480 
Espinosa,    Aurelio    M. :    Spanish    Folk- 

Lore     in     New     Mexico,     135-155 ; 

bibliography,      footndte,      135-136 ; 

141  ;    note    on,    223 
Esquivel,  Francisco  de,   177,  190,   191 
Estancia    Neivs-Herald,    cited,    258 
Estis,   Asa,    2b 

Farfan,   Capt.,  313 ;  449   et  seq. 
Farmington    Times-Hustler,    cited,    260- 
261 


500 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Fergusson,  Mrs.  R.  L.,  231,  282,  242 

Fewkes,  J.  W.,  reference,   286 

Field,    Neil    B.,    104 

Figueroa,   Antonio  de,   58 

Foreman,     Grant,     reference    to    paper 

by,  96 ;  rev.,  of  book  by,  364-9 
Founding  of  N.   Mex.   See   Onate 
Francavilla,    287 
Franciscans,    293-5,    310 
Freeman,  Judge  A.  A.,  Necrology,  492 
Freire-Marreco,    Barbara,    140 
Fremont,    Jessie    B.,    quoted,    395 
Fremont,  John  C.,  378  et  seq. 
Fuensalida,   Juan  Sanchez  de,   268 
Fuensalida,   Pedro  Sanchez  de,  268 
Funston,    Camp,   420,   421 

Galisteo,    282,    283,    475 

Gallegos,    Eufracio,    104,    106 

Gallegos,    Hernan,    cited,    passim;    265- 

91  passim;  480 
Gallinas,    447 
Garcia,    Gregorio,    148 
Garcia,   Rafael,    104,    106 
Garrad,  Louis  H.,  cited,  25-26 
Garroting,    S14 
Gauna,  Martin  Lopez  de,  65-66,  69,  76  ; 

reference,  65,  66,  75,  76,  77 
Glenrio   Tribune-Progress,   cited,    255 
Gonzales,    Jose,    104 

Gordejuela,  Capt.  Juan  de,  465,  et  seq. 
Gortner,    Mrs.    W.    E.,    231 
Government,    conflict    of    civil-military 

and  religions,    296 

Graham,  Cunninghame,  reference,  55 
Graham,    Joseph    M.,    24 
Granada,   478 

Great  War.   See  New  Mexico  in  the 
Gregg,    Josiah,    59-60 ;    reference,    60 
Grimshaw,    Ira    L.,    116 
Grissom,  Daniel  M.,  reference  to  paper 

by,    95 

Grunsfeld,    Alfred,    123 
Grunsfeld,   Mrs.   Alfred,   231,  232,   240 
Guajalotes,    Los,    276 
Guarda,  279 
Guaxitlan,    279 
Guerra    de    Resa,    Juan,    171,    173,    174, 

180-181,    192,    307,    463,   467 
Guzman,  Nuno  de,  footnote,  266 

Hackett,  C.  W.,  cited,  54,  et  seq.;  156, 

et  seq.;  277,  316 
Hafen,    L.    R.,    referenc*   to    paper   by, 

94-5 

Hague,    Miss    Eleanor,    137 
Haile,  Fr,  Berard,  rev.  of  book  by.  370 


Hakluyt,    Richard,    reference,    193-212 ; 

cited,  219  ;  220 ;  reference  to  371 
Hall,   Mrs.    H.   L.    232 
Hall,   Mrs.   Kate,   232 
Halona,   486 
Hammond,  Geo.  P. :  Don  Juan  de  Onate 

and    the    Founding     of    N.    Mex., 

42-77;   156-192;  note  on,   99,   cited, 

291;   292-323;   445-77 
Hammond,    Mrs.    H.    J.,    231 
Haring,    C.    H.,   reference,    167 
Harrington,   J.   P.,   reference,   281,   282, 

283 

Hartley,  Marsden,  quoted,   415 
Harwell,   Mrs.   R.,   231 
Hastings,    Miss    Montana,    243 
Hawikuh,   478   et   seq. 
Hawkins,    W.    A.,    104,    106 
Haynes,  cited,   195 

Henderson,     Alice     Corbin :     The     Wo- 
men's    Part,     231-245;     231;     war 

poems    by,    407-11 

Henderson,  Rose,  war  poems  by,  412-3 
Henderson,    William    P.,    war   work   of, 

417 

Hernandez,   B.   C.,   104,   106,   107 
Hernandez,   Mrs.   B.   C.,   232 
Heviera,  Pedro  de,  268 
Hewett,   Edgar  L.,   116,   243 
Hodge,    F.    W.,    cited,     194,    270,    273, 

274,     276,     281,     286;      357;      Six 

Cities   of   Cibola   478-88 
Hodge  and  Lewis,  reference,  282 
Holt,  Willard   E.,   249 
Honoratus,    Friar,   202 
Houghton,    Joab,    24 
Huey,   Mrs.   Howard,  232,  239 
Hughes,  Levi  A.,   116 
Hull,  Dorothy,  reference,  277,  281,  283 
Humana,  Antonio  Gutierrez  de,  52,   76, 

165,    476 

Ibarra,   Francisco  de,   footnote.   266 
Indians,     426     See     under     tribal     and 

town   names 

Indita  de  Cochiti,  La,  154-155 
Inquisition,   294,   295 
Inscription    Rock,   286   See   Agua   de  la 

Pena 
Inspector,    175,   298,   309,   465 

Jackson,  R.  C.,  425 

Jacobs,  Joseph,  reference,   142 

James,  John   G.,  in  Santa  Fe,   366 

Jean^on,  J.  A.,  282 

Jemez,    319,    357 

Ji-py-y,   278 


INDEX 


501 


Johnson,  E.  Dana,  ?.i9 

Jornada   del    Muerto,    314 

Joyal.    La,    287 

Jumanos,     269,     270    271,    311     (note), 

447,   450,   470 

Jurisdiction,    Religious,    294 
Jusepe,  463 

Kaseman,    George   A.,    123 

Kat-isht-ya,  278 

Kearny,    Camp,    421 

Kearny,  S.  W..   383 

Kcchipauan,   487-8 

Kellam,    Mrs.    A.    A.,    231 

Kiakima,   484 

Kiowas,   393-4 

Knibbs,    Henry   H.,   poem,    405-6 

Kroeber,  A.  L.,  485    (note) 

Kwakina,  480    (note),  485,  487 

Laguna   soldier   at   front,    415 

Lamy,  Archbishop,  357 

Larrazolo,   Governor,   118 

Las   Vegas   Optic,   cited,   254 

Lathrop,    Miss    Julia,    243 

Laval,  Ramon  A.,   143 

Laws  of  the  Indies,   The  New,   293 

Lee,    Elliott,    24 

Lee,    Laurence    F.,    117,    126 

Le  Noir,  Phil.  H.,   106 

Leroux,    Antonio,    25 

Leyva  de  Bonilla,   52,   76,    165 

Lindsey,    Washington    E.,    as    governor, 

12-22;    biography,    15-22;    103,    104, 

105,  115,  119,  231;  necrology,  489 
Lindsey,  Mrs.  W.  E.,  109,  110,  231,  232, 

244 

Lineau,  P.  A.,   123 
Live  Stock,  303,  805,  308 
Lomas    y    Colmenares,    Juan    Bautista 

de,   51,   52,   53,    56,   72,   73 
Lopez,     Fray    Francisco,    48,    49,     267, 

288-289,    316 

Lowery,  W.,  reference,   43 
Lucero,   A.   V.,    Ill,   249,   259 
Lucero,    Cipriano,    259 
Lummis,     Chas,     F.,     review    of    Mesa, 

Canon     and     Pueblo,     90-91 ;     136, 

137,   cited,    195-196 
Luxan,     Diego     Perez     de,     cited,     266, 

et  aeq.,   480,    (note),   481,   487 

Mabry,  T.  J.,  123 

Maca,   286 

McDonald,    Gov.    Wm.    C.,    126 

McGrath,    Capt.    Herbert,    118 

Magdalena,  271 


Magoffin,  Susan  Shelby,  Diary  of, 
rev.,  494-5 

Malagon,    282,   283,   285 

Malpais,    278 

Malpartida,   279,   281,   282,   283 

Marata,    207,    212,    219 

Marin,    Rodriguez,    151 

Marmaduke,      Wm.     D.,      reference    to 

letter,   96 

.Marquez,  Fray  Diego,  294-5,296,  310 
"Martin,   Cristobal,   51,   56 

Martin  of  Ozocastro,  Friar,  223 

Martinez,    Fray    Alonso,    297,    310 

Martinez,    Malaquias,    491-2 

Mac.aque,    478 

Massie,    Dr.    J.    A.,    478,    484 

Matsaki,    478,    484 

Maxwell,    Lucien,    24,    385,    386 

Mecham,  J.  Lloyd:  The  Second  Span- 
ish Expedition  to  New  Mexico, 
265-291  ;  footnote,  280 ;  id,  288 ; 
371;  478 

Mechem,    Mrs.  M.  C.,  231 

Medina    de  la   Torre,   279 

Meline,  Col.,  quoted,  395 

Mendoza,  Antonio  de,  197 ;  instruc- 
tions to  Fray  Marcos,  198-201; 
221,  222;  363 

Mendoza,  Viceroy  Lorenzo  Suarez  de, 
267 

Mendoza,   Ruy  Diaz  de,   58 

Merriman,  R.  B.,  cited,  292;  rev., 
of  book  by,  359-64 

Mesa,    La,    287 

Mexicaltingo,   276 

Mexico,    The    U.    S.    and,    rev.,    369 

Meyer,   Carl,   425 

Military    Institute,    N.    Mex.,    430 

Miller,    Mrs.   Ruth  C.,    128,232 

Mills,  Melvin  Whitson,  biography  of, 
86-7 

Mines,    469 

Missionaries,    Franciscan,    294,    321 

Morrtemolin,       Alonso      Sanchez,      178 

Monterey,  Viceroy,  64,  et  seq.;  168, 
et  seq.;  letter  of,  reference  to, 
66,  67,  73,  74,  157,  169,  174;  295, 
297;  464 

Montezuma,  Isabel  Tolosa  Cortes,  57 

Montezuma,  The  Last  Word  on,  by 
B.  M.  Read,  350-8 

Moqui,   287 

Morlete,    Juan,    52 

Morro,  El,  286  See  Agua  de  la  Pena ; 
478-9 

Moses,    B.,    reference,    159 

Mota  Padilla,   57 


502 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Museum    of    New    Mexico,    War    work 

at  the,   418 
Myers,   Mrs.    F.   L.,   231 

National   Guard,   419   et  seg. 

Natives,   treatment   of,   293,    296-7 

Navaho  Grammar,  A  Manual  of,  rev., 
370 

Navajoes,    388,389,    390-3 

Negrete,    Antonio,    181 

Nelson,   N.    C.,    reference,    282,    283 

Newkirk,   Frank,   249 

New  Mexico  in  the  Great  War: 
I.  The  Breaking  of  the  Storm,  by 
Lansing  B.  Bloom,  3-15 ;  II.  The 
War  Executive,  by  Frank  H.  H. 
Roberts,  15-22;  III.  The  State 
Council  of  Defense,  by  Walter  M. 
Danburg,  103-120;  IV.  Civilian 
Activities,  by  Rupert  F.  Asplund, 
120-134  ;  V.  The  Women's  Part,  by 
Alice  Corbin  Henderson,  231-245 ; 

VI.  The  Press  and  Public  Opinion, 
by     Paul     A.     F.     Walter,     24-264; 

VII.  Art,    Drama,    and   Literature, 
by     Paul     A.     F.     Walter,     400-19; 

VIII.  To    the    Colors,    by    Lansing 
B.    Bloom,   419-33 

New  Mexico,  Don  Juan  de  Onate 
and  the  Founding  of,  by  Geo. 
P.  Hammond,  42-77,  156-192 

New  Mexico,  The  Second  Spanish 
Expedition  to,  by  J.  Lloyd  Mec- 
ham,  265-291 

Niza,  Fray  Marcos  de,  43-44,  45 ;  and 
His  Discovery  of  the  Seven 
Cities  of  Cibola,  by  Percy  M.  Bald- 
win, 193-223;  Wagner  on,  371 

Nompe,  278 

Nordhaus,    Mrs.    Max,    282,    242 

Nordfeldt,  B.  P.  O.f  war  work  of,  417 

Nueva   Tlascala,   281 

Obreg6n,     Baltaaar    d«,    cited,    265,    et 

seg.;    353;    481 

Oculma  Conference,   64-66,   172,   173 
Oliva,  Fray  Alonso  de  la.  467,  468 
Onate,    Alonso,    58 
Onate,    Cristobal,    56-7,    58,    68-69,    75, 

76,   171,   467 
Onate,   Fernando,  58 
Onate,    Don    Juan    de,    42-77,    156-192, 

292-323,    445-477;    479    footnote    on 

decree,    72 
Onate,    Luis    Nunez    PSrer,    58,    68-69, 

75,    171 


Onate,    Maria   de   Galarsa,    58 

Orgafio,    73,    74 

Oso,    El,    275 

Otermin,    228 

Otero,    Antonio   J.,   24 

Otero,   Ed.   M.,    104 

Otero- Warren,    Mrs.,    231 

Otomoacos,   270  ,   271 

Palma,   La,  277 

Paloma   y   Sua   Pichones,    La,    145-146 

Palomares,  273 

Parker,    Mrs.    F.    W.,    123 

Parsons,    Mrs.    Elsie    Clews,    138,    142 

Patarabueyes,    270,    311     (note) 

Paulding,    Joseph,    24 

Pazaguantes,    269 

Pedrosa,    La,    275 

Pega  y  Sus  Pegitos,  La,   144-145 

Pefialosa,    Dona    Eufemia,    188-189 

Perea,    Fray    Estevan    de,    482 

Perrine,    Fred    S.,    Uncle   Sam'*    Camel 
Corps,  434-44 

Petatlan,   202 

Philip  II,   168,   170 

Piastla,   274 

Picuries,  281,   319 

Piedrahita,    282,    283,    285 

PiKuina-Quatengo,    276 

Pidal,    Ramon   Menendez,    137,    139 

Pina,   275 

Pintados,   206,    208 

Pioneer    Days    in    the    Southwest,    by 

Grant  Foreman,   rev.,   of,   364-9 
Piper,    S.    E.,    114 
Piros,   272-27« 
Poetry,   War,    400  et   seg. 
Ponce    de    Leon,    Don    Pedro,    75,    156- 

170,    180,    186 

Pond,    Ashley,    quoted,   416 
Ponsitlan,    275 
Population,    400-1 
Portalet  Valley  Newt,  cited,  261 
Po-se,   paper  by   Bandelier,   835-49 
Pose-neve,    356 

Prichard,  Mrs.   Geo.  W.,  282-244 
Priestley,    reference,    156,    166 
Prince,    Mrs.    L.    Bradford,    biography 

of,   188-189 

Puaray,    277,    287,    815,    447 
Pueblo,    Nuevo,    275 
Puertofrio,    285 
Punishment,    Forms   of,    814,323,    461-2, 

472 

Pur-e-Tu-ay,    276 
Putney,   R.   E.,   104,    106 


INDEX 


503 


Qualacu  273,  315 
Quaquina,    480    (note) 
Querechos,    284 
Queres,    278-279 
Quesenberry,   Joe,   425 
Quivira,   46-7,   462   et  seq. 

Ramusio,  Giovanni  Battista,  reference, 
193,  197:  cited,  218-219 

Rand,   Dr.,   337 

Rapp,    Mrs.    I.   H.,    241 

Raynolds,   Hallett,    125 

Read,  Benj.  M.,  98-99,  116;  Last 
Word  on  Montezuma,  350-8 

Real  Cedulas,  reference,  52,  53 

Reid,  Dr.  Janet,  232,  244 

Reid,   R.  C.,   121 

Relyea,  Pauline  S.,  rev,  of  book  by, 
369 

Renehan,  Mrs.  A.  B.  232 

Revista   Catolica,    La,    cited.    262-263 

Revista  de   Taos,   La,   cited,   263 

Riego,   Santiago   del,   58,    184-185   464 

Rinconada,   279 

Rio  Grande  Republican,  cited,  261 

Rise  of  the  Spanish  Empire,  rev.. 
859-64 

Ritch,  W.   G.,  cited,   354-5 

Roads,   309,  313 

Roberts,  Frank  H.  H.,  New  Mexico 
in  the  Great  War:  The  War  Ex- 
ecutive, 15-22  ;  note  on,  99 

Robertson,   W.   S.,   reference,    163 

Robidoux,  Orral  Messmore,  review  of 
Memorial  to  the  Robidoux  Broth- 
erg,  by,  91 

Rodriguez,  Fray  Augustin,  48-49 ; 
Chamuscado  -  Rodriguez  Entrada, 
265-291,  316 

Rodriguez,    Baltasar,    177 

Rollins,  Warren  E.,  war  paintings,  416 

Romero,    Secundino,    104,    106 

Roper,  George  S.,  cited,  224-226 

Rosas,  Fray,  321 

Roubidoux,  Charles,  25 

Ruiseco,    287 

Sabinal,   315 

Safford,   Edw.   L.,    117 

Sahagun,   852 

Salazar,  Fray  Cristobal  de,  294,  296,  821 

Salazar,  Juan  de  Frias,  298  et  seq. 

St  Vrain,   Ceran,   387 

Saline   pueblos,    447 

San   Clemente,  276 

San   Cristobal,   283 

Sandia,  277 

San    Felipe,   272-274;   278,    816 

San    Gabriel,    318 


San    Geronimo   River,   299,    308 

San  Ildefonso,  281,  317,  835  et  seq. 

San  Juan  Baptista.   315 

San   Juan,   274,   318 

San  Lazaro,  283 

San  Lucas,  283 

San   Luis   Valley,   history  of,    496 

San    Marcial,    314 

San  Marcos,  283,  447.  469 

San  Mateo,   277 

San   Miguel,   274 

San    Miguel,    Fray    Francisco    de,    294, 

295,    321,    445 
San    Pascual,   275 
San    Pedro,    277 
Santa 'Ana,    278,    285 
Santa  Barbara.  299.  465 
Santa   Catalina,    277 
Santa  Clara,   war  service,  415 
Santa  Fe  Fiesta,  Pageantry  at,  495 
Santa    Fe    New    Mexican,    cited,     252, 

254,   255 
Santa     Fe     Trail     and     Into     Mexico, 

1846-1847,  Down  the,  rev.,  494-5 
Santa    Maria,    Fray    Juan    de,    48,    267, 

269,    279-281 
Santiago,    274 
Santo    Domingo,    278,    316 
Scheurich,  Teresa  Bent,  quoted,  197-8 
Senecu.    274 
Seth,   J.   O.,   116 
Sevilleta,    315 

Shaw,   Dr.  Anna   Howard.  232 
Shea,    John    G.,   cited,    195 
Sheep,    305,    309,    386 
Shuler,   Evelyn,    123,   132 
Sia,  See  Cia 
Silos,    Los,    282 

Silver  City  Enterprise,  cited,  257-258 
Simonds,    Frank    H.,    247 
Simpson,    Capt.,   quoted,    397 
Singleton,    George    S.,    117,    126 
Skeen,   Mrs.   Ruth,  war  poem  by,  412 
Smallpox,  386 
Smith.  Guthrie,  110,  111,  128,  249,  259, 

260 

Socorro,    815 

Soldiers  of  New  Mexico,  419,  et  teq. 
South  Sea,   451,   454,   462,   469 
Spanish    Expedition    to    New    Mexico, 

The  Second,   by  J.   Lloyd   Mecham, 

265-291 
Spanish   Folk-Lore  in  New  Mexico,   by 

Aurelio   M.   Espinosa,    135-155 
Springer,    Charles,    104,    106,    107,    116, 

118,    120 

,  Springer,    Frank,    quoted,    418 
Stalker,  Mrs.  J.   T.,  231 


504 


NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 


Stanley,  John  Mix,   226-228 
State  College,  war  service  of,  430 
Stephens  and  Bolton,  reference,  54 
Stoes,    Mrs.    Henry,    231 
Suchipila,   281 
Sully,  J.  M.,   104,   106 
Swisher,   Jacob   A.,   reference  to  paper 
by,   96 

Tabira,   288 

Talaban,  281 

Tampachoas,   272 

Taos,  The  First  Term  of  the  Ameri- 
can Court,  in,  by  Francfs  T. 
Cheetham,  23-41;  281;  319;  Car- 
son hi,  375,  379,  381,  397 

Tatum    Democrat,    cited,    258 

Tawayialaite,  Corn  Mountain,  481 
(note),  482,  484 

Taxomulco,    276 

Tenabo,    288 

Ternaux-Compans,  Henri,  cited,  193, 
et  seq. 

Texas,  The  Mexican  Immigrant  in, 
rev.  of,  497 

Tiguas,  276-278 

Tlascala,    Nueva,    281 

Tobosos,   footnote,    269 

Tomatlan,    276 

Tome,    327 

Torquemada,  reference,  63,  64,  65,  71, 
172,  174 

Totonteac,  207,  209,  210,  212,  219 

Tovar,    Capt.,    45 

Town,    Charles,    24 

Trade,    376,   386 

Trenaquel,   273 

Trench  and  Camp,   quoted,   411 

Tribute  from   Indiana,    471-2 

Tucumcari   American,    cited,    256-257 

Tuerto,   447 

Turco,  El,  46-47 

Turley's  Mill,  328 

Twitchell,  Ralph  Emerson,  Biography, 
78-85;  Bibliography,  85;  116,  117 
122,  123,  reference,  43,  198,283 

Twitchell,    Mrs.    R.    E.,    232 

Tze-nat-ay,    279 

Ulloa  y  Lemos,   Lope  de,   175-191 
Ulloa   visita,    cited,    175,    176,    177,    178, 

182,   189,   190,   191 
Underwood,    John    Curtis,    400 ;    poems, 

402-5 
Urdinola,   Francisco  de,   53,   54,   56,   72 

73 
Utes,  386,  394 

Vaca,    Cabeza   de,    43-43,   271 


Vacapa,  202,   204,   206,   207    • 

Van    Patten,    Col.    Eugene,    necrology, 

490-1 

Van    Stone,    George   H.,    127 
Vargas,   Francisco  Diaz  de,   51 
Velasco,    Diego   Fernandez   de,    58 
Velasco,      Viceroy      Luis     de,      52-73, 

passim;    173 
Velasco,    Capt,    Luis    de,    320,    452    et 

seq.;   470,   473,   474 
Vergara,  Pedro  de,   178 
Vetancurt,   quot.,   482 ;   486 
Villagra,     Capitan     Caspar     de,     54-70, 

passim;    cited,    71    158-192   passim; 

448,   459,   463 
Villarassa,   277 
Vizcaino,   73 

Vi!lamanrique,    Marquis   of,    51 
Voz  Publica,   La,    cited,    259 

Wagner,   H.   R..   quoted,   371 
Wagner,   Jonathan    H.,    117,    128 
Wagons,   308,   313,   319,   320,   388 
Walter,    P.   A.    F.,   Ralph  E.   Twitchell, 
78-85 ;    Mrs.    L.    Bradford    Prince, 
88-89;    Melvin    Whitson    Mills,    86- 
87 ;    The    Press    and    Public    Opin- 
ion,    245-264 ;      Art,     Drama      and 
Literature,    400-19 
Weapons,     Influence     of,     on     N.     M. 

Hist;    324-34 

Weber,   Fr.  Anselm,  reference,   370 
Wheaton,    Theodore,   28 
Wileman,   Miss   Edith,   104 
Willard,   Miss,   at  Santa   Clara,   415 
Wilson,   Mrs.   Harry   L.,   238 
Winship,     George     Parker,     reference, 

43,    194,    195,    197 
Winsor,    reference,     195 

Ximena,    282 
Xumana.  See  Jumanos 

Young,    Ewing,    376-7 
Ytinerario,    reference,    181,    191 
Yuque    Yunque,    282 

Zacatula,   287 

Zaldivar,   Cristobal,    58,    178,    190 

Zaldivar,    Francisco,   58 

Zaldivar,    Juan    de,    58,    171,    180,    451, 

453 
Zaldivar,     Vicente     de,     58,     69,     171, 

172,    180,    310,    445,    455,   470 
Zamora,   Fray  Francisco  de,   321 
Zarate-Salmeron,   reference,   280,  289 
Zashiti,    footnote,    279 
Zuni,  286;  448,  et  seq.;  478  et  seq. 
Zutacapan,    Chief,    449,    460 
Zutancalpo,   452 


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