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Kansas city 
public library 
Kansas city, 



JANUARY, 1936 

No. 1 







/ 1 ; - 

. ..> * . . v . , . 

! "**.'-.'' 


Editor Managing Editor 






VOL. XI JANUARY, 1936 No. 1 


New Mexico's First State Automobile. E. Dana Johnson 1 

Church and State in New Mexico, 1610-1650 

France V. Scholes 9 

Bourke on the Southwest, VIII . . L. B. Bloom 77 

Reviews : 

Wellman, Death in the Desert, M. S. A. . . . 123 

Webb, The Texas Rangers, P. A. F. W. . . . 125 

fniguez, Arte en America y Filipinos, L. B. B. . 126 

Subscription to the quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance; single 
numbers (except Vol. I, 1, 2, and II, 2) may be had at $1.00 each. 
Volumes I-II can be supplied at $6.00 each; Vols. III-X at $4.00 

Address business communications to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State 
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M.; manuscripts and editorial correspondence 
should be addressed to Mr. Bloom at the State University, Albu- 
querque, New Mexico. 

red as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico 

The Historical Society of New Mexico 

Organized December 26, 1859 


1859 COL. JOHN B. GRAYSON, U. S. A. 

adjourned sine die, Sept. 23, 186S 
re-established Dee. 27, 1880 




OFFICERS FOR 1936-1937 

PAUL A. F. WALTER, President 

JOSE D. SENA, Vice-President 

JAMES F. HINKLE, Vice-President 

LANSING B. BLOOM, Cor. Sec'y-Treas. 

Miss HESTER JONES, Recording Secretary 












(As amended Nov. 19, 1929) 

Article 1. Nwnie. This Society shall be called the Historical Society 
of New Mexico. 

Article 2. Objects and Operation. The objects of the Society shall be, 
in general, the promotion of historical studies; and in particular, the 
discovery, collection, preservation, and publication of historical ma- 
terial, especially such as relates to New Mexico. 

Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members, Fel- 
lows, Life Members and Honorary Life Members. 

(a) Members. Persons recommended by the Executive Council 
and elected by the Society may become members. 

(b) Fellows. Members who show, by published work, special 
aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi- 
ately following the adoption of this Constitution, the Executive 
Council shall elect five Fellows, and the body thus created may there- 
after elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive 
Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-five. 

(c) Life Members. In addition to life members of the Historical 
Society of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such other 
benefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time 
the sum of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Society an equivalent 
in books, manuscripts, portraits, or other acceptable material of an 
historic nature, may upon recommendation by the Executive Council 
and election by the Society, be classed as Life Members. 

(d) Honorary Life Members. Persons who have rendered emi- 
nent service to New Mexico and others who have, by published work, 
contributed to the historical literature of New Mexico or the South- 
west, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommended 
by the Executive Council and elected by the Society. 

Article 4. Officers. The elective officers of the Society shall be a 
president, two vice-presidents, a corresponding secretary and treas- 
urer, and a recording secretary; and these five officers shall constitute 
the Executive Council with full administrative powers. 

Officers shall qualify on January 1st following their election, and 
shall hold office for the term of two years and until their successors 
shall have been elected and qualified. 

Article 5. Elections. At the October meeting of each odd-numbered 
year, a nominating committee shall be named by the president of the 
Society and such committee shall make its report to the Society at 
the November meeting. Nominations may be made from the floor 
and the Society shall, in open meeting, proceed to elect its officers by 
ballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the votes cast for the 
respective offices to be declared elected. 

Article 6. Dues. Dues shall be $3.00 for each calendar year, and 
shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the 
Historical Review. 

Article 7. Publications. All publications of the Society and the selec- 
tion and editing of matter for publication shall be under the direction 
and control of the Executive Council. 

Article 8. Meetings. Monthly meetings of the Society shall be held at 
the rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at 
eight P. M. The Executive Council shall meet at any time upon call 
of the President or of three of its members. 

Article 9. Quorums. Seven members of the Society and three mem- 
bers of the Executive Council, shall constitute quorums. 

Article 10. Amendments. Amendments to this constitution shall be- 
come operative after being recommended by the Executive Council 
and approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at 
any regular monthly meeting; provided, that notice of the proposed 
amendment shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society 
at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend 
ment is passed upon by the Society. 

Students and friends of Southwestern History are cordially in- 
vited to become members. Applications should be addressed to the 
corresponding secretary, Lansing B. Bloom, State University, 
Albuquerque, New Mexico. 


VOL. XI JANUARY, 1936 No. 1 


THE FIRST official gasoline vehicle of state in New Mexico 
was an imposing Ford automobile of the vintage of the 
early 1900's, owned, driven and frequently execrated by 
Territorial Governor Miguel A. Otero at the turn of the 

While Governor Otero is under the impression that he 
bought the car in 1900, various testimony indicates that the 
year was about 1904, in which twelvemonth the first four 
automobiles to break the motorless silence of the Ancient 
City of the Holy Faith made their appearance after the lapse 
of some three hundred years of history. Local wiseacres 
claim that the first car to arrive in Santa Fe was that of Dr. 
J. M. Diaz, a Stevens-Duryea ; the second, a Winton, was in- 
troduced to the startled population by Colonel Edmund C. 
Abbott; and numbers three and four, which were simul- 
taneous, were the twin Fords purchased by Gov. Otero and 
J. Wallace Raynolds, known to fame through his tenure of 
office as Secretary of the Territory and Acting Governor. 

Paul A. F. Walter deposes and says that it was in 1904 
that he was building a "jig-saw" fence in front of his Palace 
avenue property ; and that Mrs. Miguel A. Otero stopped the 
gubernatorial gas-chariot there and told Mrs. Walter that 
"your fence makes my automobile wobble every time I ride 

It appears from all authorities that this brass-bound, 
high-seated, narrow-tread, lofty-clearance triumph of me- 
chanical genius in the realm of transportation partook of 
the Gayety of the Gay Nineties and to that leisurely phase 



added a hint of the genius of the speed-age of the Twentieth 

Governor Otero's Ford was the predecessor of fleets 
of official New Mexico cars ; of an investment of $100,000,000 
in 100,000 automobiles and motor trucks and an annual 
expenditure, it is said, of some $12,000,000 for gasoline in 
New Mexico, something at that time inconceivable in the 
wildest 'flights of imagination. The executive would un- 
doubtedly have been skeptical of the sanity of any one who 
told him in 1904 that the people of this commonwealth would 
in thirty years be spending more to get from place to place 
than on all their public schools and state institutions. 

It was just three years later that the Pope-Toledo auto- 
mobile electrified the world with a record of fifty miles an 
hour. In 1904 a Durango dare-devil won a bet that his auto 
could cover 200 miles in a day. It took him fourteen hours. 
Meanwhile folks got a terrific thrill out of the sensational 
speed of thirty miles per. The drunken driver and the daily 
highway massacre were utterly unknown in those primitive 
times when there were hardly a dozen gas-propelled vehi- 
cles in the territory. These included the massive red 
Thomas Flyer owned by Banker M. W. Flournoy, in Albu- 
querque; the jaunty two-lunger Maxwell driven by Dr. John 
W. Elder there and the automobile which I. Singer guided 
with a handle like that of a feather-duster. 

In 1904 the motor vehicle makers were just beginning 
to get away from the persistent idea of an automobile which 
had to look like a buggy, with bicycle wheels, and three 
years later almost all makes uniformly had high, heavily 
upholstered seats, no doors, rickety surrey-canopies 
anchored in front with long leather straps, a maze of levers 
at the side of the front seat, low hoods, heavy, shiny brass 
headlights and parking lamps still of the buggy pattern, a 
horn operated by a fat rubber bulb, large wooden-spoked 
wheels and small-caliber pneumatic tires. 

The first automobiles in Santa Fe as elsewhere were the 
advance guard of the greatest era of road building in his- 


tory. At that time no one yet knew certainly whether or 
not the automobile was a passing fad, like the bicycle. In 
1900 a handful of factories produced only about 4,000 autos, 
and crowds still followed them on the streets. But six 
years later ninety firms placed 18,000 motor vehicles on the 
market, and it first began to dawn on the public that they 
must have something better to run on. The new rubber tires 
pulled to pieces the old fashioned macadam roads, made for 
buggies and wagons. Experiments began with bituminous 
binders, oil and tar. Even with heavy veils the motoring 
ladies choked on the dust, and off the beaten path miry, 
rutty wagon-roads were impassable for the new vehicle. 

Thus the "good-roads" movement was born. In 1913 
it had brought such organizations as the National Old Trails 
Association. The idea dawned of a "coast to coast high- 
way." In the early 1900's a pioneer named Westguard got 
nation-wide publicity for the adventurous trip of a Reo 
through the Southwest, Santa Fe and Albuquerque, to the 
Pacific as hazardous an enterprise as a trip down the west 
coast of Mexico today. New Mexico was early in the proces- 
sion and joined with Missouri, Kansas, and Colorado for an 
improved Santa Fe Trail before there was a national organi- 
zation. Crossing the western prairies and mountains by 
auto became the most alluring of adventures. From then 
on the development of gasoline passenger and freight traffic 
became the most revolutionary social and economic phenom- 
enon of American annals. The automobile industry steadily 
grew gigantic, and millions of Americans, thrilled with new 
sight-seeing possibilities, started out on the Road to Else- 

In 1906, leaders were the Pierce Great Arrow at $4,000 
to $4,200, Maxwell at $1,450, Sterns, the $2,500 Rambler, 
the $3,500 Northern with real airbrakes, the Columbia, 
"smartest car ever put on the market," Pope-Toledo, Baker 
Electric, Cadillac, Stoddard-Dayton, Peerless, Winton, Loco- 
mobile, Haynes-Apperson, the White and Toledo steam 
carriages. The cars were invariably four-cylinder, forty 


horsepower machines. The Ford was still somewhat in the 
background, little heard of in the advertising, the world- 
shaking Model T yet to burst upon the pedestrian public. 
Ford was busy experimenting. He got out a six-cylinder 
car with a hood nearly six feet long. 

How far we have progressed in the era of uncountable 
garages, service stations, filling stations, is indicated by a 
glance at Country Life in America in 1907, which carried a 
long illustrated article on "How to Overhaul an Automo- 
bile," with explicit directions to the car-owner how to dis- 
sect it into all its component parts and re-assemble them 
with none left over. Today if the carbureter develops a 
slight hoarseness or there is a grease-spot on the uphol- 
stery the owner immediately telephones to the garage, and 
the majority of motorists have only a nebulous idea of 
what is under the hood, if anything. 

During his nine years as territorial executive Gov- 
ernor Otero was always a stickler for due and fitting official 
pomp and state ceremony. The brilliantly uniformed Otero 
Guards paraded at his frequent inaugurations and his omni- 
present official staff was heavily loaded with gold braid and 

It was with characteristic enterprise that he decided to 
keep abreast of the times and substitute the gas-wagon for 
the victoria-and-f our as the equipage of state. 

The capital awaited the arrival of the Otero and Ray- 
nolds automobiles with considerable excitement and from 
all accounts their subsequent careers were of recurring 
stimulus to the popular entertainment. 

"The two Fords/' said Governor Otero, with a reminis- 
cent grin, "each painted yellow, each a four-seater touring 
car, occupied a whole freight car on the Santa Fe railroad 
and Mr. Raynolds and myself were at the station to super- 
vise the delicate job of unloading them when they arrived. 
We had quite a crowd of spectators and a good many 
remarks from the bystanders." 


The Fords were filled with gas and with unexampled 
moral courage and hardihood the two newly fledged motor- 
ists put on their heavy black leather gauntlets, donned their 
heavy leather motoring caps, adjusted their motoring coats, 
took their places at the wheel, manipulated the levers at the 
side, stepped on the gas and went up town. It is of interest 
in this connection that so far as known neither had ever 
previously touched the wheel of an automobile or taken a 
single lesson in its operation. "I didn't know a thing about 
running a car, but we got away with it," said the governor. 
It is reported there were scattered cheers as the vehicles 
clattered and banged up Montezuma avenue, past the cap- 
itol, and reached the owners' respective homes. 

"That, however, was only the beginning," said Governor 
Otero in an ominous tone. At this point we may pass on 
for a moment to see the end. 

"Four months later a man came up from Albuquerque, 
called on me and asked me if it were true I had an automo- 
bile for sale," said the author of My Life on the Frontier. 
I clutched him tightly and hurriedly piloted him to my new 
garage, probably at that time the best of the few in the 

"I showed him the Ford and after he had looked it over 
he offered me $400 for it. It had cost me $2,400 in the first 
instance and about $275 a month to operate. 

" -You can have it on< one condition,' I told him. 'That 
is, that you promise also to take every single thing in the 
garage connected with it, tools, parts, gadgets, appurten- 
ances, accessories, supplies, and everything which could pos- 
sibly remind me of it.' I told him moreover that if he 
refused I would get in the auto and chase him all the way to 
Albuquerque if necessary, run him down and take the check 
from him by force. But he made out the check and signed 
it and I stuck it in my pocket, helping him to load up all the 
dinguses in the car, and experiencing a feeling of great 
relief when he finally drove it out of the yard. He ran it 
in Albuquerque for many years; in fact may be running it 


yet, as it was indestructible. Thereafter I made a solemn 
vow that I would never own another automobile until I was 
able to hire a chauffeur to run and take care of it, which 
resolution I have kept scrupulously to this day. 

"You must remember that in those days there were no 
public garages or filling stations where there are now thou- 
sands, and very few repair shops equipped to do automobile 
work. There were no paved or graveled roads to speak of, 
the highways were not made for cars, and if it rained and 
got muddy you simply stayed wherever you happened to be. 

"If anything went wrong with the car, if you had a 
flat, or carbon in the cylinders, or broken steering gear you 
either fixed it yourself or sent a telegram to R. L. Dodson in 
Albuquerque, and he came up to fix the car at a cost of $15 a 
day and expenses. Apparently Dodson was the only man in 
New Mexico who knew much about the insides of a car. And 
when you bought an automobile you had to purchase a whole 
automobile supply stock. When I got the Ford I bought a 
drum of gasoline, several dozen gallons of oil, numerous 
boxes of inner tubes, extra casings, chains, jacks, tire tools, 
wrenches, vulcanizing outfits, pumps, oilcans and other 
paraphernalia too numerous to mention." 

Governor Otero estimates that during his four months 
as a motor-car owner he probably did more walking than 
during any other similar period in his life. His recollection 
is that it was the Raynolds auto which took its owner, the 
governor and a party of friends down to Bonanza, some ten 
miles out of Santa Fe, near the turquoise mines. Every- 
body wore motoring clothes, the women having voluminous 
veils tied over their hats and large goggles were considered 
indispensable. "The automobile broke down," said Otero. 
"I was elected to walk in to the penitentary to send a team 
of horses out and haul the thing in." 

"On another occasion I drove out over the winding 
wagon-road to Tesuque, six miles distant. The machine 
gurgled, choked and died and would not resume. After I 
had walked as far toward Santa Fe as the top of the Tesuque 


Hill I met a man whom Raynolds had sent to my rescue. I 
instructed him to go on out and burn the car up, and I 
walked home." 

The governor was unable to recall all the misadventures 
connected with the gubernatorial Ford. He did mention a 
trip to Lamy Junction with the late Levi A. Hughes and 
several other friends who were having a jovial evening in 
the open air ; the vehicle thundered into a deep sandy arroyo 
and stood on its front end, being righted with considerable 
toil and labor but with no serious injury to the occupants. 

Mrs. Otero, according to the governor, drove the car a 
great deal. In case of a flat tire, she would just tie a rope 
around the tube, casing and rim and thump along. She was 
having trouble with the machine one day in front of the 
Palace of the Governors. A truck driver for Charley Dud- 
row politely tied his horses and jumped down to assist her in 
turning the automobile around. It backed suddenly and 
violently and broke his nose. 

"I remember," said the governor, "what was probably 
the most agile movement ever made by the late Levi Hughes. 
I was driving up Palace avenue with Mr. Hughes, the late 
Charles A. Spiess of Las Vegas and my young son Miguel 
on board. I attempted to turn in high gear without stop- 
ping and start back down town. Something went wrong 
with the mechanism. To avoid crashing into a telegraph 
pole I had to drive over a high bank into the Arroyo Sais. 
As we started over Mr. Hughes and Mr. Spiess soared out of 
the car. Miguel stuck with me and we landed in the bot- 
tom of the arroyo right side up with no bloodshed. Citizens 
came running to the rescue and with their assistance we 
managed to extricate the car." 

To avoid frightening horses and thus causing disas- 
trous runaways seems to have been one of the prime respon- 
sibilities of a motorist in 1904. 

It is to be regretted that the Historical Society of New 
Mexico is unable to add to its carretas and stagecoaches this 
first official state automobile in New Mexico. It deserves a 


place in the State Museum. A place in the transportation 
collection should also be awarded to the first home-made 
coal-burning steam automobile fabricated by Walter Miller 
of Santa Fe, which, when short of fuel in the country, sub- 
sisted on fence posts and pifion fagots and inhaled water 
through a hose from convenient streams, 

This machine, it is said, caused such widespread public 
panic that the common council eventually barred it .from 
operating inside the city limits. Another vanished but 
historic vehicle of later date was the pioneer motorcycle of 
Jesse L. Nusbaum, whose deafening siren so afflicted public 
nerves that the motorcycle was also made subject to muni- 
cipal regulation. 






HE guiding principles of Spanish governmental policy 
from the age of Ferdinand and Isabella to the nine- 
teenth century were orthodoxy and absolutism. By the con- 
quest of Granada, the establishment of the Inquisition as a 
separate tribunal for the extirpation of heresy, the expul- 
sion of the Jews, and the initiation of that policy of whit- 
tling down the charter of liberties of the Moors which cul- 
minated in the expulsion of the Moriscos in 1609-1614, the 
Catholic Kings completed the territorial reconquest of Spain 
and assured the triumph of Roman Catholic orthodoxy with- 
in their dominions. No less important were their victories 
over the feudal nobility, the Cortes, and the municipalities by 
which they laid the foundations for the absolutism of the 
Hapsburgs and Bourbons. Centralization of political power 
in the Crown matched the imposition of orthodoxy in mat- 
ters of conscience, and henceforth the two despotisms, politi- 
cal and spiritual, were identified with Spanish tradition. 

But neither the Catholic Kings nor their successors be- 
lieved that the maintenance of orthodoxy required them to 
guarantee to the Church all of the privileges it had acquired 
during the long centuries of the Reconquest. Although 
ready to recognize the Church as a separate corporation 
with its own system of organization, law, and courts, with 
special privileges under the ecclesiastical fuero and with 
rich endowments, the Spanish monarchs were firm in their 
purpose to assert the preponderance, "or at least the liberty 
of action/' 1 of the State in dealings with the Church, and to 
limit those ecclesiastical privileges which threatened the 
sovereignty of the State in temporal affairs. Politico-eccle- 
siastical relations were characterized by an increasing 



regalism which culminated in the Bourbon absolution of the 
eighteenth century. 2 

The discovery of America created new responsibilities, 
as well as unlimited opportunities, for the business of gov- 
erning a vast colonial empire raised problems of the first 
magnitude. It was inevitable that the principles of absolut- 
ism and orthodoxy which the Catholic Kings were making 
effective in the Old World should be applied in the New. 
The Indies were regarded as separate realms united with 
the Crown of Castile in the person of the king, and political 
organization was based on the Castilian model. Royal con- 
trol was imposed by means of a separate Council of the 
Indies, appointed by and responsible to the Crown, which 
acted as the supreme administrative organism for the col- 
onies, and by local administrative officers and tribunals 
responsible to King and Council. Even the municipalities 
which in the beginning represented a certain amount of 
local self government rapidly lost their democratic charac- 
ter. The manner in which the Crown tried to impose its 
will in colonial affairs is best illustrated by the mass of 
legislation on details of government and administration. On 
the ecclesiastical side, the supremacy of Roman Catholic 
orthodoxy was secured by the imposition of restrictions on 
the emigration to America of foreigners, Jews, New Chris- 
tians, and persons who had been punished by the Inquisi- 
tion, and by the ultimate establishment of the Holy Office in 
America with very wide powers of independent jurisdiction. 
The conversion of the aboriginal population was declared 
to be the most important aim of colonial enterprise, and the 
Crown expended large sums on the support of missions, the 
building of churches, and the endowment of ecclesiastical 

The Spanish monarchs were just as eager, however, to 
assert a preponderance over the Church in the New World 
as in the Old. In certain respects it was possible to begin 
with a clean slate in the New World, especially with regard 
to ecclesiastical appointments, the erection of dioceses, and 


the establishment of ecclesiastical foundations, and the 
kings took full advantage of the opportunity. Yielding to 
pressure from the Catholic Kings who urged their services 
to the faith as arguments for the concessions they desired, 
the popes issued a series of important bulls which gave 
the Crown comprehensive powers over the Church in the 

The bulls of Alexander VI, May 4, 1493, gave the Span- 
ish monarchy (1) title over the Indies, with the conditional 
obligation of carrying on the conversion of the aboriginal 
population, and (2) all the concessions, privileges, rights, 
etc., that former popes had conceded to the kings of Por- 
tugal in lands discovered beyond the seas, of which the most 
important was the right of presenting to ecclesiastical 
office. 3 Eight years later, November 16, 1501, the same pope 
granted to the Crown the right to collect the tithes in the 
American colonies, with the condition that the Crown should 
provide revenues for the establishment of churches and 
missions. 4 On July 28, 1508, Pope Julius II conceded to the 
Crown universal patronage over the Church in the Indies. 5 

On the basis of these concessions, which were clarified 
by later papal decrees, the Crown established an unparal- 
leled control over ecclesiastical organization in America. 
The tithes were collected by the officials of the royal treas- 
ury and expended by them according to instructions from 
the crown. The consent of civil authority was required for 
the establishment of every cathedral, parish church, mon- 
astic house, hospital, and pious foundation in the Indies. 
Appointment to all sees and benefices was reserved to the 
king or his representatives. The establishment and delimi- 
tation of dioceses were made by royal authority. The emi- 
gration of clergy to the New World was controlled by royal 
license, and the movements of those who went to the Indies 
were supervised by the civil officers in the several provinces. 
The meetings of provincial and diocesan councils and the 
publication of their decrees were subjected to supervision by 
the State. Papal bulls and letters directed to the Church in 


America were examined and certified by the Council of the 
Indies. It is not surprising, therefore, that these powers 
were jealously guarded, that the viceroys and lesser colon- 
ial officials were instructed to resist any encroachment on 
the patronage, or that bishops were required to take an 
oath not to violate the rights of the Crown under the 

In actual practice the Crown exercised direct power of 
appointment in the case of archbishops, bishops, and cathe- 
dral chapters. The nominations of archbishops and bishops 
were sent to the Pope who formally installed the appointees 
in office. Appointment to lesser benefices was made by the 
viceroys and provincial governors, acting as vice-patrons, 
from a list of nominations made by the local prelates. The 
person chosen was then presented to the bishop who in- 
stalled him in office. The Crown permitted private indi- 
viduals to endow local ecclesiastical foundations, such as 
chaplaincies, and to exercise patronage over them, but this 
form of private patronage was under the strict control of 
civil authority. Rigid supervision was exercised over the 
monastic orders, and all prelates, visitors, and guardians 
elected by the orders were obliged to present their patents 
of office to the appropriate civil officers. Although the 
tithes were collected by the officials of the real hacienda, the 
sums collected were expended according to a general scheme 
ordered by the Crown. It was the usual custom to divide the 
tithes into four equal parts, of which one was paid to the 
bishop and one to the cathedral chapter. The remainder 
was divided into nine parts or novenos, of which the Crown 
retained two and the remaining seven were distributed 
among the lesser clergy, hospitals, and the general fund of 
the Church. The dos novenos, or king's share, were fre- 
quently used for pious purposes. Finally jurisdiction in 
suits relating to the patronage and the tithes was reserved 
to the civil tribunals. 8 

But this extraordinary measure of control exercised by 
the Crown was no guarantee of peaceful relations between 


Church and State. In fact, problems of the patronage and 
tithes often complicated these relations instead of simplify- 
ing them. The viceroys and other local officials had con- 
stantly to be on guard against the creation of any rights 
which, in the course of time, the Church might claim to be 
prescriptive, although royal legislation specifically stated 
that prescription could in no way alter the character of the 
patronage. Evasion of the patronage took various 
forms, such as assumption of the appointing power 
by bishops and other prelates, or the building of 
churches and convents without license. Solorzano cites the 
case of the bishops of Cuba who disregarded royal cedulas 
forbidding them to appoint the collector-general of the 
cathedral church. 7 Occasionally ecclesiastical buildings 
were actually torn down by royal command as the result of 
violation of the patronage. The appointment to benefices, 
the enjoyment of the revenues derived therefrom, and the 
removal for cause of regularly installed appointees by their 
prelates were a constant source of controversy involving 
both the patronage and the canon law. One of the most 
fruitful sources of embarrassment for the State was the con- 
stant need for settling disputes between the secular and 
regular clergy, especially with regard to the examination of 
religious appointed to benefices, the supervision of doc- 
trinas served by the monastic orders, and the secularization 
of missions. Suits over secularized missions often dragged 
on for years and justified the proverb, si te quieras hazer 
inmortal, hazte pleito eclesiastico. 8 The rapid accumulation 
of property by the Church, by means of private endowment 
and investments, and the administration of revenues from 
the same, especially the disposition of espolios and the rev- 
enues of sees sede vacante, created another group of complex 
and controversial questions. The collection and administra- 
tion of the tithes raised many issues. What articles of pro- 
duction were subject to the tithes? Were the military and 
monastic orders exempt from payment? Numerous contro- 
versies of a personal character, frequently caused by dis- 


agreement concerning precedence at ceremonial functions, 
engendered bitterness and unduly disturbed the relations of 
Church and State. 9 

Besides these problems that were created by or directly 
related to the power of the Crown under the patronage, 
there were many other conflicts of interest between the two 
jurisdictions, civil and ecclesiastical. For the sake of con- 
venience, these may be divided into two classes: (1) those 
which related to the position of the Church as a privileged, 
corporate institution under the canon law; and (2) those 
which grew out of disagreement concerning the place of the 
Indian in the general colonial scheme. It is apparent, of 
course, that the missionary activities of the Church fre- 
quently caused a merging of strict canon law questions with 
problems related to the administration of the aborigines. 
Moreover, problems within each class were often compli- 
cated by the theory and practice of the patronage. 

It was a recognized principle of both Spanish and In- 
dian legislation that the clergy and ecclesiastical property 
enjoyed certain privileges and immunities. Cases of eccle- 
siastical discipline and offenses committed by the clergy 
were normally outside the jurisdiction of lay authority. 
Ecclesiastical property enjoyed special privileges, such as 
protection against desecration and immunity from the ordi- 
nary jurisdiction of civil officers. The right of asylum was 
generally recognized. Finally, all lay members of the 
Church were subject to its jurisdiction in cases ecclesiasti- 
cal in character. Jurisdiction in ecclesiastical cases be- 
longed to courts presided over by ecclesiastical judges 
ordinary, such as bishops or their vicars and the prelates of 
the monastic orders. The intervention of civil authority, 
except in cases related to the royal patronage, or in cases 
of open and violent denial of royal authority, was usually 
unwarranted. On the other hand, for the arrest of laymen 
and for the execution of sentence on them, the ecclesiastical 
judges ordinary and their officials were obliged to call in 
the aid of the secular arm, i.e., of civil authority. Thus 


there existed two sets of law, canon and civil, and two sets 
of courts, ecclesiastical and secular. This dual system of 
jurisprudence had always been a source of conflict between 
Church and State, for it had never been administered or 
applied with full satisfaction to either. 

The Crown recognized the privileges, immunities, and 
jurisdictional powers of the Church in the New World, and 
tried to maintain a just balance between Church and State 
in matters of this kind. Civil officers were instructed to aid 
and protect the clergy, to respect the privileges of ecclesias- 
tical persons and things, to refrain from interfering in the 
exercise of jurisdiction by ecclesiastical judges, and to lend 
the aid of the secular arm under the customary conditions. 
Prelates were charged not to usurp or obstruct the exercise 
of civil justice. But the execution of these instructions pre- 
sented many difficult problems. The maintenance of order 
and the suppression of public scandal were functions of civil 
authority, but how should the civil officers deal with cases 
involving persons enjoying the immunities of the ecclesias- 
tical fuero ? Mere investigation of the conduct of clergy by 
laymen might be regarded as a violation of ecclesiastical 
immunity. The normal method of procedure was to call a 
given case to the attention of the appropriate prelate who 
would make the necessary investigation and impose disci- 
pline. If the prelate who had immediate jurisdiction failed 
to act, then the case was brought to the attention of a 
superior prelate. Finally, if such measures were ineffective, 
the Crown might be informed, or, if the offender was incor- 
rigible, the civil authority could, by proper legal formulae, 
assume jurisdiction. Expulsion of clergy from the Indies 
was decreed for certain offences, such as abandonment of 
the habit of a monastic order, chronic and notorious dis- 
turbances in the elections of prelates of the regular clergy, 
and scandalous, public attacks on civil authority. Discipline 
of this sort was to be arranged, if possible, by joint action 
of the two jurisdictions, but the civil officers could act alone 
if necessary. 10 


The right of the Church to protest against injustice and 
to interpose its influence to obtain a remedy for abuse of 
authority by civil officers was recognized, but the prelates 
were instructed to admonish the clergy not to use "scandal- 
ous words touching the public and universal government" in 
the pulpit, and not to preach against the "ministers and offi- 
cials of our justice." If the civil officers were remiss in 
their performance of duty, the clergy might admonish them 
privately." The imposition of censures and excommunica- 
tions on civil officers for ecclesiastical offenses was subject 
to appeal, and if appeal was denied, the royal aid could be 
invoked. Copies of all the papers pertaining to the case 
would then be sent to the audiencia possessing jurisdiction, 
and pending the decision of the audiencia all censures would 
be raised. 12 It was also ordered that absolution of civil 
officers should be granted in a simple and quiet manner 
without show or elaborate ceremony. 13 

Two special ecclesiastical tribunals exercised a wide 
range of independent jurisdiction and exerted great 
influence in colonial affairs. These were the tribunals of 
the Santa Cruzada and the Holy Office of the Inquisition. 
The sale of bulls of the Santa Cruzada, or indulgences, was 
introduced into the colonies at an early date, and in the 
course of time the revenues therefrom became an important 
source of income for the Crown. The business of the Cru- 
zada was finally put on a permanent administrative basis 
by the appointment of a Commissary General Subdelegate 
for the capital of each audiencia district who was subject 
to the authority of the Commissary General of the Cruzada 
in Spain. Each Commissary General Subdelegate was 
assisted by the senior oidor of the district, a fiscal of the 
audiencia and an accountant. 14 Together they formed the 
supreme tribunal for the district. Local business of the 
Cruzada was in the hands of subdelegates, who had charge 
of preaching the bulls, and lay treasurers, who received the 
money resulting from the sale of the indulgences. The net 
revenues were sent to Spain at convenient intervals. The 


district tribunals and the subdelegates possessed jurisdic- 
tion over all business of the Cruzada ; appeals from the dis- 
trict tribunals went to the Commissary General and Consejo 
de Cruzada in Spain. The civil courts and the ecclesiastical 
courts ordinary were forbidden to interfere in such matters. 

The activities of the district tribunals, the subdelegates, 
and the local treasurers caused numerous conflicts of juris- 
diction. The sale of the bulls and other business operations 
of the Cruzada provided opportunities for the abuse of 
privilege. Treasurers who were tempted to use their 
authority for personal profit claimed exemption from all 
civil jurisdiction. Ecclesiastical members of the organiza- 
tion were wont to claim freedom from the authority of their 
prelates. Although colonial legislation denied these claims 
for general immunity, the laws were not easily enforced. 
Moreover, the Cruzada, like all other tribunals with power 
of independent jurisdiction, sought to extend its influence 
whenever possible. It tried, for example, to assert control 
over unclaimed property, especially livestock, and to obtain 
the management of, or a share in, the goods of persons who 
died intestate. By special concessions the Cruzada in Spain 
possessed jurisdiction of this kind, but in the Indies no such 
concessions were made. 

The Holy Office of the Inquisition was the most impor- 
tant ecclesiastical court in the New World." Bishops and 
prelates of the monastic orders exercised jurisdiction in 
matters of the faith during the early years of the conquest, 
but in 1569 the Crown ordered the establishment of tri- 
bunals of the Holy Office in Mexico City and Lima. In 1611 
a third was set up in Cartagena. These tribunals consisted 
of a board of inquisitors, attorneys, consultants on theology 
and canon law, receivers of confiscated property, jailers, 
and numerous lesser officials, and servants. In provincial 
capitals and important towns local commissioners were 
appointed to investigate cases of the faith and arrest offend- 
ers when so ordered by the inquisitors. These local agents 


had no authority to try cases ; the accused parties were sent 
to the central tribunals for trial. 

The jurisdiction of the Inquisition was wide and elastic. 
Heresy, apostasy, blasphemy, bigamy, the practice of super- 
stition, sorcery and demonology, propositions subversive of 
the faith, denial of ecclesiastical authority, lack of respect 
for ecclesiastical persons, institutions, and censures, solici- 
tation in the confessional, evil sounding words, these were 
some of the causes for prosecution by the tribunal. No 
member of the non-aboriginal community was exempt. 
Spaniards, Creoles, negroes, mestizos, mulattos, clergy and 
laymen, officials and private citizens, all were subject to 
its authority. The Indians alone were exempt. In addition 
to its spiritual jurisdiction in matters of the faith, the Holy 
Office exercised wide authority of a temporal character. It 
owned and administered property and exercised temporal 
jurisdiction over all persons, even lay familiars, who were 
connected with it in an official capacity. The civil courts 
were forbidden to interfere in the business of the Inquisi- 
tion, and appeals from the American tribunals were taken 
to the Council of the Inquisition (the Suprema) in Spain. 

Such a broad range of independent jurisdiction made 
the Inquisition the most powerful and most feared ecclesias- 
tical tribunal in the New World. It could defy the power of 
the viceroy, and even the orders of the Crown were fre- 
quently disregarded with impunity. In Peru, and to a lesser 
degree in Mexico, the members of the Holy Office exercised a 
freedom of action that was not infrequently the cause of 
public scandal. For the Church the Inquisition was a 
weapon of great importance in dealing with civil authority, 
because the broad definition of heresy and related spiritual 
offenses made it easy to bring charges against officials who 
resisted the policies of the clergy. Moreover, criticism of 
the actions of the Holy Office or resistance to its demands 
could be made cause for action on the ground that the 
offender was guilty of lack of respect for and opposition to 
the tribunal as an instrument of orthodoxy. It should not 


be forgotten, on the other hand, that sometimes the State 
found the Inquisition a convenient means for dealing with 
leaders of rebellion and for the suppression of doctrines con- 
trary to accepted theories of government. 

The endless conflicts of jurisdiction caused by the ex- 
tensive temporal powers of the Holy Office, the boldness 
with which it used them, and the unjustified manner in 
which it sometimes imposed censures to enforce its will 
caused the Crown to intervene in order to define and regu- 
late the relations of the Inquisition to civil authority. But 
these definitions of jurisdiction, known as Concordias, failed 
to solve the problem. The isolation of the Indies, the delays 
involved in the transmission of reports to Spain, the neces- 
sity of discussing all fundamental problems with the 
Suprema, which found delay and procrastination an effec- 
tive means of avoiding an issue, and the ecclesiastical cen- 
sures and penalties which the Inquisition could impose made 
it impossible to arrive at any permanent solution of the 
major problems. Many a viceroy preferred to wink at 
abuses rather than risk a serious dispute. In the provinces 
the influence of the local commissaries was all pervading, 
for even the authority to investigate cases of the faith and 
denounce offenders to the central tribunals was a most effec- 
tive instrument of power. Finally, the obligation of every 
member of the Church, even the most ignorant, to report 
words and deeds subversive of the faith became a convenient 
means of giving expression to personal jealousy and passion. 
A word hastily spoken, expressions of anger or excitement, 
a joking phrase, neglect in the performance of some minor 
ceremonial obligation of the Church, and harmless and inno- 
cent actions were often noted, misinterpreted or misunder- 
stood, and later denounced to the commissary of the Holy 
Office. No person who has any acquaintance with the 
records of any of the great American tribunals can fail to 
realize the tremendous social and political importance of the 
Inquisition in the Spanish American colonies. Even the 
sheer bulk of the fifteen hundred volumes of the Inquisition 


archive that is preserved in the Archive General y Publico 
de la Nacion in Mexico City is impressive evidence of the 
activity of the Mexican tribunal. 

The general questions of jurisdiction which have been 
discussed above were familiar issues for which there were 
numerous precedents to guide the Spanish monarchs in 
formulating policy for the Indies. The problem of the 
aboriginal inhabitants was, however, essentially new, and 
it provoked a storm of controversy in which was revealed 
a cleavage of opinion and interest based on the contradictory 
aims and motives inherent in the colonial scheme. The reli- 
gious motives of the conquest were implicit in the bulls of 
donation and later papal concessions, and the Spanish kings 
wholeheartedly accepted the obligation to foster and pro- 
mote the general missionary program. But the maintenance 
of empire, the establishment of colonies of Spanish immi- 
grants, and the exploitation of the resources of the Indies 
for the benefit of the Crown and the colonists brought into 
play economic interests opposed to the maximum develop- 
ment of the missions. The conflict of motives caused open 
rivalry between the clergy and the civil population, and cre- 
ated two sets of vested interests that struggled for suprem- 
acy. In their efforts to reconcile the claims of each group, 
the kings issued a mass of legislation that was inevitably 
confused and contradictory. The ultimate result of the laws 
was to reduce the Indians to a status of permanent legal 
minority, for although the Crown sought to protect the In- 
dians from abuses, it also restricted their freedom of action 
and limited their social position. The Indians were left 
serving two masters, the clergy and the Spanish colonists, 
whose interests were never thoroughly reconciled. The 
major controversies caused by the conflict between the reli- 
gious and economic motives of colonization are too well 
known to require restatement here, but a discussion of cer- 
tain phases of mission administration will be worthwhile as 
an introduction to the problems of New Mexico with which 
this essay is concerned. 


The methods of indoctrination were fairly simple. In 
the beginning a few elements were stressed, such as venera- 
tion of the Cross, respect for the clergy, instruction concern- 
ing the sacraments, the teaching of a few simple prayers, 
and regular attendance at religious services. Admission to 
the sacraments of the Church was granted as soon as the 
Indians received sufficient instruction. These were the posi- 
tive phases of missionary labor. The negative phases con- 
sisted of measures to prevent the practice of the old pagan 
ceremonies, to destroy the influence of the native priests and 
sorcerers, and to combat concubinage and sexual promis- 
cuity. The building of churches and monastic foundations 
was carried forward as rapidly as possible, and to facilitate 
the teaching of the Indians in these centers the Indian 
villages were often consolidated into larger and more con- 
veniently located units. At each mission lands were set 
aside for the raising of food and the grazing of livestock for 
the mission clergy. 

Sooner or later this missionary program brought the 
clergy into conflict with either the civil authority or the 
Spanish colonists. The resettlement of the Indians villages 
in larger units frequently resulted in a temporary reduction 
in agricultural production, with a resultant decrease in 
Indian population, which caused a corresponding reduction 
in the amount of tribute available for the royal treasury or 
for the private individuals who held Indians in encomienda. 
At each mission there was a group of Indians employed as 
servants of the clergy, sacristans, cooks, porters, etc., 
who were exempt from tribute, and any tendency to increase 
the number of these servants brought immediate opposition 
from the beneficiaries of the tributes. The expanding eco- 
nomic interests of the colonists, the formation of haciendas, 
and the rapid development of stock raising led to inevitable 
encroachments on the lands of the Indian villages. The 
clergy were quick to denounce any infringement on Indian 
rights, but the colonists found it difficult to accept criticism 
of this sort when they saw Indian lands under cultivation 


for the benefit of the mission and the large herds of live- 
stock belonging to the clergy grazing on the Indian ranges. 
Likewise, the employment of Indian labor was a constant 
source of controversy, for although the system of personal 
service, or forced labor for pay, was characterized by 
abuses, it was customary to answer the charges of mistreat- 
ment by counter charges that the clergy employed a large 
number of Indians in the building and maintenance of 
churches and convents that were far more sumptuous than 
the simple needs of indoctrination required. Finally, the 
frequent accusations made by the clergy that the Spaniards 
were guilty of acts of cruelty and demoralizing social con- 
duct in their ordinary relations with the Indians were coun- 
tered by an increasing number of complaints concerning the 
harsh discipline enforced by the clergy on their wards and 
the moral laxness of an unfortunately large number of the 
mission priests. 

The civil authorities were charged with the difficult 
task of aiding the missions in every possible way, promoting 
the economic development of the country, and acting as 
umpire between the conflicting interests. It was a task for 
which few local officials had sufficient administrative abil- 
ity and integrity of character. The conscientious adminis- 
trator, anxious to promote the general welfare of the Indian 
population and root out abuses, found himself face to face 
with essentially irreconcilable interests and soon discovered 
that the role of benevolent umpire usually aroused criticism 
and denunciation from both groups. Moreover, his posi- 
tion was not made any easier by certain provisions of colo- 
nial legislation enacted for the protection of the Indians 
which in practice often caused misunderstandings and seri- 
ous controversy. For example, the civil authorities were in- 
structed not to permit the clergy to molest the Indians by 
requiring an excessive amount of service," but investigation 
of the conduct of the missions or limitations placed on the 
number of Indians to be used as mission servants were 
usually regarded as failure to co-operate in the work of in- 


doctrination. Likewise local officials were charged not to 
permit the clergy to imprison or detain the Indians, to flog 
them, or to impose other harsh penalties on them for infrac- 
tions of mission discipline, except under certain conditions. 17 
The mission clergy were likely to complain that strict en- 
forcement of such regulations demoralized mission disci- 
pline. Moreover, the intervention of civil authority might 
easily be denounced as unwarranted interference with or 
denial of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and immunity. Finally, 
the laws which gave the church authority over the Indians 
in ordinary ecclesiastical offenses, but reserved cases of 
sorcerers (hechiceros) to civil justice frequently caused 

Officials who followed a course of strict justice were 
few. Most of them were interested only in their own profit, 
and found that personal gain was best advanced by joining 
with the colonists in a conscious policy of exploitation. 
Against such abuse of authority, the clergy was loud in 
denunciation and often effective in action. Their economic 
resources, the power of ecclesiastical censure, including the 
dread authority of the Inquisition, brought more than one 
provincial governor to ruin. 

Conflict between Church and State characterized the 
administration of every province of the Spanish empire in 
America. In New Mexico it was the most important phase 
of political history during the seventeenth century. No 
other question troubled the political life of the community to 
the same degree or with the same persistence. It was a 
problem which involved practically all of the provincial gov- 
ernors and most of the leaders of the clergy. 

There were fundamental reasons why the question of 
Church and State was so significant a factor in New Mexi- 
can history during this period. Failure to discover in New 
Mexico rich mines or other notable sources of revenue 
doomed the province to a rather miserable existence. Suc- 
cess in conversion of the Indian had saved New Mexico from 
possible abandonment, so that the province became pri- 


marily a mission area, and it is not surprising that the 
clergy acquired a position and influence of paramount 
importance. There was present in all their writings a 
self-consciousness born of the fact that the prov- 
ince was essentially a mission field, and that the most 
important duty of the laymen was to aid and protect the 
missions. Thus the friars were over-zealous in defense of 
their privileges, and they assumed an attitude of authority 
which the civilians resented. It irritated the governors, who 
were usually restless men and impatient under the restrain- 
ing hands of the clergy, to be reminded of the fact that one 
of their important duties perhaps the most important 
was the defense and protection of the missions. They also 
resented many actions of the clergy which they regarded as 
unwarranted interference in affairs political in character. 
Moreover, the distance which separated New Mexico from 
New Spain made easy, if not inevitable, the persistence of 
many evils which might otherwise have been remedied. 
Realizing that, in the main, the situation was one which they 
were obliged to solve for themselves, both the governors and 
the prelates assumed an unyielding attitude. 

For a clear understanding of certain phases of local 
Church and State relations, it is necessary to emphasize a 
few facts concerning the organization of the Church in 
New Mexico. First, all of the clergy were members of the 
Order of Friars Minor. Consequently the Church was not 
weakened by rivalry between various monastic orders or 
by quarrels between secular and regular clergy. Second, no 
bishop exercised effective jurisdiction in New Mexico prior 
to 1680. Ordinary ecclesiastical jurisdiction in all cases 
affecting the friars, Indians, and Spanish colonists was 
exercised by the prelate of the Franciscans under authority 
granted by the bull Exponi nobis of Adrian VI, May 10, 
1522, which gave the prelates of monastic orders the right to 
exercise quasi-episcopal power in areas where there were 
no bishops. 19 Moreover, the power of the prelate was fre- 
quently increased by appointments under the Inquisition or 


the Santa Cruzada. Thus ecclesiastical authority was con- 
centrated to a remarkable degree, and this fact gave the 
Church a great advantage in dealing with the civil officers 
of the province. Finally, the combined economic resources 
of the Franciscans were sometimes greater than those of the 

The character of political administration in New Mex- 
ico during the seventeenth century contributed much to the 
friction between the two jurisdictions. The governors 
violated the laws forbidding them to engage in trade ; they 
exploited the Indians to the limit ; they organized slave raids 
against the nomadic tribes of the plains, in short, they 
sought every means to enrich themselves at the expense of 
the province. Many were violent in action and speech, and 
guilty of open immorality. Few of them seem to have been 
inspired by any deep sense of obligation to the Church and 
the missions. Penalosa, the most notorious of all, was a 
mere adventurer who, in the end, tried to betray the inter- 
ests of his country. The lesser provincial officials, the al- 
caldes and regidores of Santa Fe and the alcaldes mayores 
of the rural districts, were frequently mere servants and 
tools of their unscrupulous superiors. 

The history of the conflict between Church and State 
in New Mexico in the seventeenth century may be divided 
into two periods. The first extends from 1610 to 1650, dur- 
ing which the friction between the clergy and the civil 
authorities became progressively worse until it nearly 
resulted in civil war. During this period the Inquisition 
played a minor role. The second period covers the years 
from 1659 to 1664, during which the Inquisition was a most 
effective instrument of ecclesiastical policy. Governor 
Mendizabal and his wife, Governor Penalosa, four soldiers 
of the province, and Friar Juan Ramirez, ex-custodian of 
missions, were all tried by the tribunal of the Holy Office in 
Mexico City as the result of bitter disagreement with the 
clergy on various phases of mission doctrine and ecclesiasti- 
cal practice. The first period will be described in the 


present study. The second will be covered in a separate 
series of articles. 


1. R. Altamira, Historia de Espana (3 ed., Barcelona, 1913), 590. 

2. For brief summaries of politico-ecclesiastical relations in Spain from the late 
fifteenth century to the end of the eighteenth, consult Altamira, op. cit., 576, 584, 
590, 688, 715-719, 813-821. 

3. For the text of these bulls, see F. J. Hernaez, Coleccion de hulas, breves, y 
otros documentos relativos a la iglesia de America y FUipinas (Brussels, 1879), I, 

4. Ibid, I, 20, 21. 

5. Ibid, I, 24, 25. 

6. For detailed treatises on the patronage and related problems, consult : Juan 
de Sol6rzano y Pereyra, Politico, Indiana (various editions), lib. iv ; P. Frasso, De 
regie patronatu Indiarum (Madrid, 1775) ; A. J. de Ribadeneyra y Barrientos, Manual 
compendia de el regio patronato Indiana (Madrid, 1755) ; P. J. Parras, Gobierno de 
los regulares de America (Madrid, 1783) ; Diego de Avendano. Thesaurus Indicus 
(Antwerp, 1668) ; A. J. Alvarez de Abreu, Victima legal real (2a ed., Madrid, 1769) ; 
Alonso de la Pena Montenegro, Itinerario para pdrrocos de Indias (nucva ed., Madrid, 
1771). For briefer discussions: L. Ayarragaray, La iglesia en America y la domina- 
cion espanola (Buenos Aires, 1920) ; L. E. Fisher, Viceregal administration in the 
Spanish American colonies (Berkeley, 1926), 182-250; J. L. Mecham, Church and State 
in Latin America (Chapel Hill, 1934), ch. I. For the legislation consult: [Diego de 
Encinas] Provisiones, cedulas, capitulos de ordenanzas . . . tocantes al buen gobierno 
de las Indias (Madrid, 1596) ; Recopilacion de leyes de las Indias (various editions). 

7. Politico, Indiana, lib. iv, cap- in ; Recopilacidn, lib. i, tit. vi, ley xxii 

8. Solorzano, lib. iv, cap. ix. 

9. Cases illustrating these general problems may be found in the history of all 
the important Spanish colonies in America. Fisher, loc. cit., describes a number of 
examples. The legal Questions are discussed in Solorzano, lib. iv. 

10. Solorzano, lib. iv, caps, vii, viii, ix, xxvi, xxvii ; Recopilacion, lib. i, tit. 
vii, ley liv, tit. x, leyes i, ii, xi-xiii, tit. xii, ley xix, tit. xiv, leyes Ixxiii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv, 

11. Recopilacidn, lib. i, tit. xii, ley xix. 

12. Ibid., lib. i, tit, x, ley x. 

13. Ibid., lib. i, tit, vii, ley xviii. 

14. The organization of the Cruzada as a ramo of the real hacienda in New 
Spain is described in F. de Fonseca y D. de Urrutia, Historia general de real hacienda 
(Mexico, 1850), III, 263-337. For the legislation, see Encinas, I, 234-237, and 
RecopUaci6n, lib. i, tit. xx. 

15. The history and organization of the Holy Office in America is described in 
H. C. Lea, The Inquisition in the Spanish dependencies (New York, 1908), 191-516; 
J. T. Medina, Historia del tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicidn de Lima (Santi- 
ago de Chile, 1887 ; , Historia del tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicidn de Carta- 
gena de las Indias (Santiago de Chile, 1899) ; ,El tribunal del Santo Oficio de la 
Inquisicidn en las provincias del Plata (Santiago de Chile, 1899) ; , Historia del 
tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicidn en Mexico (Santiago de Chile, 1905) ; 
Solorzano, lib. iv, cap. xxiv ; Recopilacidn lib. i, tit. xix. 

16. Recopilacion, lib. i, tit. xiii, ley xi. 

17. Ibid., lib, i, tit, xii, ley vi. 

18. Ibid., lib. vi, tit. i, ley xxxv. 

19. For the text of this bull, see Hernaez, op. cit., I, 882-389. 




THE first major incident in the long history of troubled 
relations between Church and State in New Mexico 
occurred during the administration of Governor Pedro de 
Peralta (1610-1614). Peralta took office at a very critical 
time in the history of the province. For nearly a decade 
following the establishment of the first settlement in 1598, 
Juan de Onate, founder and first governor, had struggled in 
vain to put the colony on a sound and permanent basis. The 
failure to discover rich mines, the limited agricultural re- 
sources of the country, the sorry consequences of the 
exploitation and maltreatment of the Indians, and the arbi- 
trary character of certain phases of Onate's administration 
had brought bitter disillusionment to the colonists, many of 
whom had invested their entire fortune in the venture. In 
1601, while Onate was absent on the exploring expedition to 
Quivira, many of the soldiers who had remained behind in 
the provincial headquarters at San Gabriel deserted. With 
them went most of the Franciscan friars. The desertion of 
the colony punctured the New Mexico bubble. Neither the 
glowing account of the Quivira expedition which Vicente de 
Zaldivar brought to New Spain in the winter of 1601-1602 
nor the reports of the discovery of the head waters of the 
Gulf of California in 1604-1605 could restore the reputation 
of New Mexico and its founder. The viceroy and his ad- 
visers realized at last the true character of the New Mexico 
colony, and they refused Onate's appeals for a large force of 
soldiers and for adequate supplies with which he hoped to 
follow up these discoveries. In 1607 Onate tendered his 
resignation and at the same time served notice that unless 
sufficient aid were granted fairly soon the colonists who had 
remained loyal to him would be forced to abandon the prov- 



ince. For several months the advisability of a complete 
withdrawal of the colony was discussed by the viceregal 
authorities and the Council of the Indies. During the winter 
of 1608-1609 Friar Lazaro Ximenez and Friar Isidro Or- 
donez arrived in Mexico City with the news that the 
religious had at last been able to make considerable progress 
in the conversion and indoctrination of the Indians, and on 
the basis of this report Viceroy Velasco decided to maintain 
the province as a mission area. Supplies of all kinds were 
provided for the aid of the colonists ; eight additional friars, 
including a new prelate, Friar Alonso Peinado, were sent to 
the missions; and a new governor, Pedro de Peralta, was 
appointed with full instructions for the reorganization of 
provincial administration. 1 

Peralta arrived in New Mexico during the winter of 
1609-1610. The first duty imposed by his instructions was 
the establishment of a new villa to take the place of San 
Gabriel as provincial headquarters. The new settlement, 
called the Villa de Santa Fe, was founded during the spring 
of 1610, and the population of San Gabriel was moved to 
the new capital as soon as buildings could be erected. The 
instructions contained full details concerning the organiza- 
tion of the government of this new villa. The second obliga- 
tion of the new governor was the reorganization of defense. 
Onate had reduced the Pueblos to submission by the drastic 
punishment of Acoma in 1599 and by firmness in dealing 
with the Jumanos on the eastern frontier, but numerous 
complaints had been received concerning his failure to deal 
in an appropriate manner with the Apaches and Navahos. 
Consequently Peralta's instructions contained detailed sug- 
gestions concerning relations with the Apaches and the 
proper measures for defending the pueblos from attack by 
these marauders. There were to be no more expeditions 
to the frontiers until the already occupied area had been 
placed on a sound basis ; the Pueblos were to be concentrated 
into fewer and larger villages, as a means of assisting the 
missionary program and to enable them the better to with- 


stand attack by the Apaches ; and future entradas to uncon- 
verted Indians were to be made only by the friars. The 
instructions also contained provisions concerning the grant- 
ing of encomiendas, the maintenance of a minimum number 
of Spanish colonists, and instruction of the Indians in the 
Spanish language. 2 

Reorganization of the non-aboriginal colony and the 
adoption of adequate measures for defense laid the foun- 
dations for an expanding missionary program. During the 
Ofiate period missions had been established among the Tewa 
pueblos, and attempts had been made from time to time to 
indoctrinate the Indians of other villages. Several thousand 
converts were reported in 1608. But the permanence of the 
mission program was not assured until after the arrival of 
Friar Alonso Peinado with reinforcements and supplies in 
the winter of 1609-1610. Friar Peinado was a saintly per- 
son thoroughly devoted to the task of saving souls, and 
under his inspiring leadership as prelate notable progress 
was made. A convent and church were built in Santa Fe 
to minister to the colonists and the Indian families settled 
there. The area of evangelization was gradually enlarged 
to take in the Keres villages, especially Santo Domingo 
which became the ecclesiastical capital of the province, the 
Tanos, and the Rio Grande Tiwas. In 1611 Friar Isidro 
Ordonez was sent to New Spain to seek further aid for the 
missions. The viceroy authorized the purchase of large 
quantities of supplies for the clergy already serving in New 
Mexico and for a group of new friar-recruits furnished by 
the Franciscan Order. The supply caravan consisting of 
twenty wagons, military escort, clergy, servants, etc., de- 
parted from Zacatecas toward the end of May, 1612, and 
arrived at Sandia, the southernmost of the missions on 
August 26. 8 During the succeeding twelve months the mis- 
sion area was extended to include the Manzano Tiwas on the 
eastern frontier and the pueblo of Isleta on the south. 4 

Thus the work of indoctrination was proceeding 
rapidly when a bitter controversy occurred in 1613-1614 


between Governor Peralta and Friar Isidro Ordonez, which 
caused a slowing down of the mission program and created a 
feeling of bitterness between the civil and ecclesiastical 
authorities that was never forgotten. 


The history of this controversy must be based almost 
entirely upon a single source written as a Apiece justificatif 
by Friar Francisco Perez Guerta, one of the missionaries 
who accompanied Ordonez in 1612. Friar Perez Guerta was 
a member of a group of friars who later became highly 
dissatisfied with Ordonez' conduct, and for his own personal 
opposition to some of Ordonez' actions he was harshly pun- 
ished. His Relation Verdadera 5 is, therefore, a biased and 
circumstantial account of what took place. But it is quite 
apparent that Ordonez was ambitious for power and that he 
was inspired by unnecessary zeal as prelate of the clergy. 
It is also possible that he resorted to fraud in order to gain 
his ends. With many members of his own order he was not 
able to maintain friendly relations ; with the civil authorities 
he was uncompromising and exceedingly tactless. His aim 
seems to have been completely to submit civil authority in 
New Mexico to the influence of the Church. 

Lack of harmony between Ordonez and a group of the 
friars was present from the beginning. During the journey 
northward a certain amount of bitterness was engendered, 
partly because the new friar-recruits felt that Ordonez had 
not made proper provision for the journey, and partly be- 
cause Ordonez was harsh and outspoken in his attitude 
toward them. There was some discussion among the new- 
comers about turning back, and one lay-brother actually 
deserted the caravan. But Ordonez quieted these com- 
plaints, and the others continued the journey to New Mexico, 
where, as Perez Guerta said, "God had greater labors for 
them."' When the group arrived at Sandia Ordonez pre- 
sented a letter in which the Commissary General removed 
Peinado from the prelacy "and ordered him to obey the said 


P. Fr. Isidro Ordonez." This letter may have been forged, 
but Friar Alonso Peinado, who had been commissary 
since 1609-1610, accepted it as genuine and immediately 
turned over the government of the missions to Ordonez. 7 At 
Santo Domingo a few days later Ordonez held a chapter 
meeting in which mission assignments were made, and sev- 
eral of the recently arrived friars were disgruntled because 
they were named off as subordinates to other friars instead 
of receiving independent mission assignments. 8 There was 
also a measure of dissatisfaction regarding Ordonez' dis- 
position of the mission supplies and his division of the same 
among the several convents and churches. 9 Moreover, Or- 
donez aroused considerable feeling by his treatment of indi- 
vidual friars. He treated Friar Alonso Peinado so shabbily 
that Peinado finally decided to "banish himself" by under- 
taking the conversion and baptism of the Indians of Chilili, 
one of the Tiwa pueblos on the eastern frontier. Friar Luis 
Tirado, a new arrival who was assigned to the Santa Fe 
convent, was so aroused by Ordonez* actions that he called 
a meeting of some of his associates in which it was voted 
that they should return to New Spain ; but "God Our Lord 
ordered otherwise." 10 Apparently Tirado was soon appeased, 
however, for he later became the chief aid of Ordonez in 
the latter's quarrel with Governor Peralta. 

Relations between Peralta and Ordonez were appar- 
ently none too cordial even during the period prior to 1612, 
and it was reported that when Peralta heard that Ordonez 
was returning as prelate he remarked, "Would to God the 
Devil were coming instead of that Friar." u Soon after his 
arrival in New Mexico in 1612 Ordenez presented a real 
provision (a vice-regal decree issued in the name of the 
king) ordering Peralta to permit all those soldiers and col- 
onists who might wish to do so to leave the province and 
return to New Spain. This was a matter of considerable 
importance, for the number of colonists was so small that 
the departure of even a few might seriously weaken the de- 
fense of the province. Was the real provision another of 


Ordonez' forgeries? Perez Guerta declared that it was; 
evidence of another sort indicates that it may have been 
genuine. 12 Forged or not, it was a grave threat to the secur- 
ity of the province, and Peralta urged Ordonez not to pre- 
sent it. Ordonez was adamant, however, and in the end 
Peralta had to accept the order and give license to depart to 
all who desired to do so. Peralta tried to induce some of 
them to stay by offering them grants of encomienda, but 
they refused to remain even on such terms. If the real pro- 
vision was a forgery, Ordonez must be held responsible for 
a policy which not only weakened the colony, but also seri- 
ously hindered the progress of the missions by reducing the 
number of soldiers available for protection of friars who 
wished to preach in outlying pueblos. 13 

Another cause of friction was the old, old problem of 
personal service. The labor of the Indians was absolutely 
essential for the building projects in the new Villa de Santa 
Fe, and on the governor's orders Indians were summoned in 
relays from the several pueblos. Some of the pueblos were 
at a considerable distance from Santa Fe, and the journey to 
and from the villa was arduous. The Indians were given 
only the most meager rations of food mostly toasted maize 
and in many instances they received none at all. Ordonez 
interposed his influence in behalf of the Indians by writing 
letters to the mission friars and by direct representations to 
the governor, but Peralta received his suggestions with poor 
grace. Perhaps, as Perez Guerta remarked, "the governor 
was not greatly devoted to us and any little thing that 
touched his jurisdiction was sufficient to dissipate his 
patience." 14 Peralta did his best, however, to moderate 
the abuses and to set a good example by supplying food to 
the Indians who were working for him. Some of the Span- 
iards did the same, but "because of the poverty of the land 
all of them could not give the Indians food . . ." * Appar- 
ently the colonists were still dependent on the maize collected 
from the Indians as tribute, and it was within the gov- 
ernor's authority to divide up supplies collected from those 


pueblos not granted in encomienda. "And on this point 
there were disagreements." 16 "Finally," to quote Perez 
Guerta again, "certain actions (atrebimientos) of the sol- 
diers gave the Father Commissary occasion to declare him- 
self against the governor, although this might have been 
excused and softened down with a little reason." 17 

Thus relations between "the heads" were strained, 18 
when, in the summer of 1613, an incident occurred which led 
directly to a violent outbreak. Early in May, 1613, Peralta 
sent a detachment of soldiers to the pueblo of Taos to col- 
lect the tributes. Within a few days they returned with 
a report that the Indians of Taos were in revolt and refused 
to pay what was due. Ordonez and the Father Guardian of 
Santa Fe, Friar Luis Tirado, were greatly agitated by this 
news, and they urged the governor to use stern measures in 
dealing with the situation. 19 Peralta calmed their fears and 
decided to send two Indian traders to Taos as spies. Before 
these were actually sent messages were received from Taos 
explaining that when the soldiers had arrived to make the 
collection of tribute some of the Indians had been absent and 
that the others had not dared to make the payment during 
their absence. The mantas were now ready and the gov- 
ernor should send for them. Peralta decided to send another 
collecting party at once, lest the Indians regard any delay 
as a sign of anger on his part. On Friday, May 24, two 
captains and six companions left Santa Fe on this errand. 

Meantime the Father Commissary had gone to the 
Tewa area on a tour of inspection. At Nambe on his jour- 
ney back to Santo Domingo he met a member of the detach- 
ment going to Taos. After questioning the soldier concern- 
ing the nature of his mission, he gave orders that the entire 
group should return at once to Santa Fe in order that they 
might celebrate the Feast of Pentecost (May 26) in proper 
fashion. 20 

When the soldiers returned to the villa Peralta ordered 
them to resume the journey because he deemed it very im- 
portant to collect the tribute without delay, but he also 


instructed them to hear mass on the day of Pentecost at one 
of the northern pueblos, such as San Ildefonso or San Juan. 
Ordonez had also returned to Santa Fe and when he learned 
that the governor had ordered the soldiers once more to pro- 
ceed to Taos, he sent his notary to the Casa Real to make a 
formal demand, as follows: 

I, Friar Isidro Ordonez, Apostolic Commissary 
and Judge Ordinary, by the (authority of) Sr. Lie. 
Bernardo Gutierrez de Quiros, chief Inquisitor of 
New Spain, order the governor, Don Pedro de Per- 
alta, under pain of major excommunication late 
sententie ipso facto incurrendo to recall the sol- 
diers who are going to Taos within two hours and 
to have them appear before me for investigations 
of matters pertaining to the Holy Office. 21 

The governor very properly replied that he had not under- 
stood that Ordonez had brought any commission from the 
Holy Office; that as chief civil officer of the province he 
should have been notified in a formal manner; and that if 
the commissary would present the patent of appointment he 
would obey it with all haste. 22 "The commissary was not 
pleased by this reply," and before the two hours had ex- 
pired he pronounced Peralta excommunicate and posted the 
formal declaration of public excommunication on the door of 
Santa Fe church. The same day he gave Friar Luis Tirado, 
the Father-Guardian of the Villa, instructions concerning 
the form to be followed in case Peralta came to seek 

If the governor wishes to be absolved, he shall pay 
fifty pesos fine in the manner I may wish to apply 
them. At the door of the church let him be ab- 
solved with the Psalm De miserere in conf ormance 
with the Manual. Later let him be taken into the 
church where he shall swear to be obedient, and 
there, barefoot and a candle in his hand, in the 
presence of all the people let him hear mass. 28 

The following day during the mass of the Eve of Pentecost 
Father Tirado publicly declared that any person who might 
speak to the governor or uncover in his presence would also 
incur the pain of excommunication. 24 


During the months preceding this incident Tirado had 
been on friendly terms with Peralta, 25 and he appears to 
have been anxious to arrange for the absolution in a manner 
that would not hurt Peralta's pride and dignity. He secretly 
informed the governor that Ordonez had left for Santo 
Domingo, and urged that the absolution should not be de- 
layed until Ordonez returned, otherwise "things would not 
take place with the equity and secrecy that he offered." He 
stated that he would receive the governor before the dawn 
on the following day and have the mass of penance said in 
the presence of only three or four of the governor's friends. 
But Peralta felt that the excommunication was not justified 
and he refused to accept absolution in this form. 28 

There followed several weeks of wrangling during 
which both sides adopted a stiff-necked attitude. Father 
Tirado abandoned his attitude of personal friendship, and 
henceforth he was an efficient instrument of Ordonez* 
policy. Peralta was convinced of the injustice of the whole 
proceedings, 27 and tried to obtain statements in legal form 
concerning what had taken place. He demanded a copy of 
the terms of absolution, but Tirado refused to give it. Per- 
alta then summoned Alf erez Asencio de Archuleta, a layman 
who was serving as ecclesiastical notary and requested a 
written statement concerning Tirado' s order that no citizen 
should speak to him under pain of excommunication. When 
Archuleta refused this request, Peralta ordered him ar- 
rested. Tirado met this challenge by issuing a second decree 
of excommunication against the governor. 

Both sides also proceeded to make justificatory investi- 
gations. Tirado and Ordonez summoned witnesses in the 
name of the Inquisition, and Perez Guerta, who served as 
notary, stated that they conducted the questioning of these 
witnesses in a partial and partisan manner. 28 The governor 
proceeded to investigate the source of rumors that he had 
made a disrespectful remark concerning the Feast of Pen- 
tecost, 29 but his inquiries were soon interrupted when Tirado 
ordered the person who was acting as Peralta's notary, Juan 


Donayre de las Misas, not to serve in such a capacity. Don- 
ayre took this command seriously, and when he refused to 
act as notary Peralta had him arrested. Finding that this 
failed to move him, Peralta sentenced him to the garrote. 
Thoroughly aroused by this action, Tirado summoned the 
cabildo and citizens and ordered them to demand Donayre's 
immediate release. Failing in this, they were forcibly to 
free him and kill the governor. "And he told them that if 
they did not dare to do it, he, the said Father Guardian, 
would sally forth (with the aid of) his brothers to do the 
releasing and killing, and failing this he would consume the 
host and go to the convent of Santo Domingo where the 
Father Commissary was and see to it that no friar went to 
the Villa." 30 

Alarmed by this outburst of passion, the cabildo begged 
Peralta to release Donayre in order to avoid possible trag- 
edy. Peralta heeded their request, but took pains to declare 
that in releasing the prisoner he was moved more by the 
fear of "some disaster" than by their pleas. Having scored 
a victory on this issue, Tirado then demanded the freedom 
of Archuleta, the ecclesiastical notary, on the ground that he 
was exempt from civil jurisdiction. Peralta refused to 
admit that Archuleta enjoyed ecclesiastical immunity, and 
for several days governor and friar exchanged legal peti- 
tions and uncomplimentary epithets and threats. 31 

On June 11 the Father Commissary returned to Santa 
Fe. Peralta once more sought absolution but refused to 
submit to the terms previously imposed. Third parties now 
tried to mediate between governor and prelate, but at first 
they were unsuccessful. On one occasion during the nego- 
tiations Ord6fiez threatened to bring the friars to Santa Fe 
and seize the governor. In the end, however, certain friends 
of the prelate arranged a compromise which omitted the 
public mass of penance. But before Ord6nez would proceed 
with the formula of absolution, he demanded that Peralta 
should hand over all the papers and records of the investiga- 
tions he had made. After considerable haggling, Peralta 


sent for the documents, but instead of handing them over 
to the Commissary, he tore them up in the presence of 
witnesses. 32 

The peace that was thus effected was merely tem- 
porary, for both the governor and the Father Commissary 
had been too deeply aroused to resume wholly friendly rela- 
tions. Peralta had been cut to the quick by the actions of 
Tirado, and the threat to arrest him had made him suspi- 
cious of every move made by the clergy. And Ordonez 
appears to have regarded the settlement as merely a truce, 
pending the discovery of an issue which would justify more 
direct action. 

Toward the end of June certain citizens who were about 
to depart for the country to round up and brand some cattle 
asked Peralta to appoint one of the alcaldes ordinaries to 
accompany them as a mediator, because these round-ups 
were accustomed to degenerate into quarrels. Peralta chose 
Don Juan Escarramad for this thankless task. During the 
round-up Escarramad and a citizen named Simon Perez 
engaged in some sort of dispute. Swords were drawn and 
Escarramad received a serious wound. He immediately 
sought redress, but Perez, aided by friends and relatives, 
fled to the sanctuary of the Santa Fe convent. Although 
Peralta took pains not to violate the right of asylum, he 
issued a formal summons against Perez and, pending inves- 
tigation of the case, ordered the persons who had aided 
Perez confined to their homes. By this act Peralta aroused 
the hostility of a group of important citizens, for Perez' 
associates were Capt. Alonso Baca, Capt. Alonso Barela, 
Alferez Pedro Barela, Capt. Jeronimo Marquez, and others 
who belonged to families who had served in the conquest and 
were leaders in the colony. Fearing punishment at the 
hands of the governor, they appealed to Ordonez for 
protection. 83 

About the same time that these events were taking 
place, Peralta authorized a levy of Indian laborers from the 
pueblo of San Lazaro. The guardian of San Lazaro, Friar 


Andres Perguer, wrote to Ordonez to inquire whether he 
should permit the Indians to leave. In his reply Ordonez 
urged Perguer to inform the governor that the Indians 
should be summoned from more distant pueblos which were 
not called upon for service so often as those of San Lazaro. 
Moreover, Perguer should insist that the governor "leave off 
afflicting the miserable soldiers and citizens of the villa with 
pleas . . . and that the more he tries to afflict and incrimi- 
nate them and shed their blood, the more trouble will rain 
down on him." "I believe," Ordonez added, "that I must go 
to the villa this week for I imagine that this man must once 
more be put in a position from which he cannot escape . . . 
(for) according to what I am told, I believe that I must do 
(now) what I did not do in the past affair." Friar Perguer 
added a few lines to the commissary's letter and sent it on 
to the 'governor. 84 

This was on July 5. The next day Ordonez went to 
Santa Fe where he soon forced a crisis. His first act was 
to notify the governor that he desired an escort in order to 
go to New Spain to make a report concerning "serious mat- 
ters" to the viceroy, audiencia, and Inquisition. Peralta 
replied that he would grant him the necessary soldiers, and 
added that he, the governor, might accompany the soldiers, 
"in order that your Fathership may be better protected and 
served." Smarting from the sting in this reply, the prelate 
lost no time in paying Peralta back in kind. On Sunday, 
July 7, when the governor's chair had been put in its usual 
place in preparation for mass, Father Tirado had it thrown 
out into the street. "Seeing this, the governor ordered the 
chair, which he found outside the church, placed inside the 
door near the baptismal font, and there among the Indians 
he sat down, the others, captains, alcaldes and cabildo, 
being seated near the high altar." After the gospel the 
ecclesiastical notary, Alferez Asencio de Archuleta, who had 
probably been released at the time of Peralta's absolution, 
read an edict to the effect that excommunication and a heavy 
fine would be imposed on any person who might send dis- 


patches to Mexico, or even carry them, without first giving 
notice to the Father Commissary. This announcement was 
followed by an impassioned speech by Ordonez, in the course 
of which he said : 

Do not be deceived. Let no one persuade with vain 
words that I do not have the same power and 
authority that the Pope in Rome has, or that if 
his Holiness were (here) in New Mexico he could 
do more than I. Believe (ye) that I can arrest, 
cast into irons, and punish as seems fitting to me 
any person without any exception who is not obedi- 
ent to the commandments of the Church and mine. 
What I have told you, I say for the benefit of a cer- 
tain person who is listening to me who perhaps 
raises his eyebrows. May God grant that affairs 
may not come to this extremity. 35 

Perez Guerta remarked that if the citizens were scandalized 
by the removal of the governor's chair, the prelate's speech 
made an even greater impression. 88 

On the following day (July 8) Peralta sent Ordonez a 
formal notification (auto) to be ready to leave for New 
Spain on August 1, "but the Father Commissary sent away 
the secretary and did not wish to hear the auto."*" The same 
day Ordonez informed Peralta that he desired the services 
of three soldiers, whom he had appointed as sindic, fiscal, 
and notary of the Church, for certain ecclesiastical business. 
In particular, he desired the sindic it should be noted that 
he was none other than Capt. Alonso Baca to begin collect- 
ing the tithes. Peralta refused to grant his request on the 
ground that the three men were soldiers in the service of the 
king, and that, as for the sindic, there were no tithes to be 
collected. When he heard the governor's answer Ord6nez 
flew into a rage, denounced his opponent as a Lutheran, a 
heretic and a Jew, and threatened to arrest him and send 
him off to Mexico. 88 

The next morning (July 9) Peralta was informed, on 
what seemed good authority, that the prelate planned his 
arrest. Summoning the citizens, he informed them of the 


prelate's intention, which, in view of the letter to Friar Per- 
guer and the speech of Ordonez on the preceding Sunday, 
now seemed clear enough. Accompanied by the soldiers, he 
then proceeded to the convent. Perez Guerta's description 
of what took place at the convent is a striking commentary 
on the bitter passion that the events of the preceding six 
weeks had aroused. Invoking the authority of the Crown, 
Peralta ordered the Father Commissary to return immedi- 
ately to Santo Domingo. A shocking scene ensued during 
which the governor's pistol was fired, wounding the lay- 
brother, Friar Jeronimo de Pedraza, and the armorer, Gas- 
par Perez. The prelate immediately declared his adversary 
excommunicate. The soldiers who had been present were 
summoned and absolved, except for Gaspar Perez who 
blamed Ordonez for the whole affair. The same day the 
Host was consumed and the church closed. The friars then 
set out for Santo Domingo where a meeting of all the clergy 
was called to discuss future policy. 39 

To the assembled friars Ordonez presented his version 
of the incident and proposed that they should return to 
Santa Fe to force the governor's arrest. Father Peinado 
urged caution and delay, but the impassioned arguments of 
Ordonez prevailed. 40 On July 13 the prelate and several of 
his associates returned once more to the villa, where the 
following day they summoned the cabildo and demanded the 
immediate imprisonment of the governor. The cabildo re- 
fused to assume such a grave responsibility. The prelate 
then decided to appeal to the viceroy. On July 23 a friar 
and four soldiers were sent to New Spain with a message 
describing the general situation and asking the viceroy's 
authorization to arrest the governor. Peralta sent the 
alcalde ordinario, Juan Ruiz de Caceres, to stop them, but 
inasmuch as Ordonez had induced the said alcalde and some 
of the regidores to sign the letter of appeal and complaint, it 
is not surprising that the messengers were permitted to get 
away. When they arrived in Mexico City they were severely 
reprimanded by the viceroy for having departed from New 


Mexico without license from Governor Peralta. Investiga- 
tion of the situation in New Mexico was intrusted to Ber- 
nardino de Ceballos, whom the viceroy had recently 
appointed to succeed Peralta as governor of the province. 
But long before Ceballos arrived in New Mexico Father 
Ordonez had exacted vengeance. 41 

Peralta was not willing that the Father Commissary's 
version of New Mexican affairs should go unchallenged in 
the court of the viceroy, but it was difficult to find messen- 
gers who were ready to incur the pain of excommunication 
which Ordonez had decreed against persons who might dare 
to carry despatches without his consent. The governor 
decided, therefore, to be his own messenger. Ordonez was 
determined, however, to prevent Peralta's departure. To 
this end he sought to create an anti-Peralta faction among 
the soldiers and civil population which would not only 
assume the responsibility for any use of force, but make it 
possible to proclaim that any action taken was done in the 
name of civil authority. By skillful argument and sweeping 
promises he won over several soldiers, notably Alonso 
Barela, Capt. Alonso Baca, and Capt. Jeronimo Marquez 
who had been involved in the Simon Perez affair, and the 
second alcalde ordinario of Santa Fe, Juan Ruiz de Caceres. 
With these men as a nucleus a considerable faction was 
formed under the prelate's leadership with headquarters in 
the convent of Santo Domingo. 42 

A double-dealer in the group professing loyalty to Per- 
alta kept Ordonez informed concerning all movements in 
Santa Fe. On August 10 Ordonez received word that the 
governor had set out on his journey southward. The prelate 
immediately sent a summons to the clergy to come with 
arms to Santo Domingo. "(Certain) friars came, but 
(other) friars excused themselves." After midnight, August 
11, Ordonez and his party left for Sandia and there passed 
on to Isleta to await the governor. At Isleta the prelate 
induced many of his soldier associates to sign a statement 
justifying the seizure of the governor. According to Perez 


Guerta this document was dated at Santa Fe, August 12, 
although it was really written at Isleta. Perez Guerta also 
stated that it contained the forged signatures of citizens who 
were actually in Santa Fe at the time. 43 During the night 
of August 12-13 Ordonez surprised the governor's camp and 
arrested Peralta in the name of the Inquisition. The con- 
vent of Sandia was selected to serve as a jail, although the 
guardian, Friar Esteban de Perea, disliked the duty and 
responsibility thus thrust upon him. There Peralta was 
held in chains under guard of three soldiers and several 
Indians of the pueblo. The first alcalde ordinario, Juan de 
Escarramad, a loyal member of the governor's faction who 
had accompanied Peralta from Santa Fe, was also arrested 
and held a prisoner in Santo Domingo for two months. 44 

For nine months during which Peralta was held a pris- 
oner Father Ordonez was the unquestioned master of New 
Mexico. One of his first acts was to proceed to Santa Fe 
where he seized the governor's private papers. To quiet the 
fears of the citizens he preached a violent sermon in which 
he asserted that he expected a great reward for his actions 
and that those who had helped him arrest the governor 
could expect no less. .To justify his actions and stir up re- 
sentment against Peralta, he had Friar Jeronimo de 
Pedraza, the lay-brother who had been wounded during the 
affair of July 9, carry from house to house a letter which 
had been found among the governor's papers in which 
Peralta called the citizens half-breeds. 45 Inquiry was made 
concerning the July 9 incident ; ecclesiastical censures were 
freely used; and inquisitorial process was started against 
persons known to favor the governor. "Excommunications 
were rained down . . . and because of the terrors that walked 
abroad the people were not only scandalized but afraid . . . 
existence in the villa was a hell." 48 Even the civil govern- 
ment felt the weight of the prelate's hand. In October the 
lieutenant-governor who had been left in charge of provin- 
cial administration when Peralta left Santa Fe was obliged 
to permit Ordonez to arrange for and participate in a mili- 


tary expedition against Acoma. 47 In November Ordonez was 
informed that Juan de Escarramad, recently released from 
confinement at Santo Domingo, and others were planning 
to free their chieftain. He immediately ordered an alcalde 
ordinario of Santa Fe to arrest Escarramad in the name of 
the Inquisition and bring him back to Santo Domingo. For 
three and a half months Escarramad was held a prisoner 
without having any charges preferred against him. 4 * 

The prelate spent December reading Peralta's papers 
and preparing reports to be sent to New Spain. To carry 
the despatches Ordonez chose Capt. Alonso Baca, who had 
formerly served as sindic of the Church and had been a 
member of the group that had helped to effect Peralta's 
arrest. He read some of the reports to Baca who was said 
to have asserted to two friars : "I swear to God there is no 
truth in all that he writes." The prelate also took pains to 
prevent the sending of letters by other persons who might 
make a contrary report. To one of the soldiers who was to 
accompany Baca there had been delivered secretly a pliego 
of papers by the lieutenant-governor and cabildo of Santa 
Fe. Ordonez seized the papers, and, according to report, 
falsified the signatures. The messengers finally left for 
New Spain in February, 1614, but on the way they met the 
new governor, Bernardino de Ceballos and delivered the 
papers to him. 49 

On March 18 Peralta escaped from Sandia and fled to 
Santa Fe where he took refuge in the house of the lieuten- 
ant-governor. Friar Luis de Tirado, the guardian of the 
Santa Fe convent, immediately summoned a group of sol- 
diers and demanded of them, under threat of censure by the 
Inquisition, that they seize the fugitive and take him into 
custody. "So the Father Guardian and all (of them) went 
to the house of the lieutenant-governor and brought the said 
governor a prisoner to the convent where they put him in a 
cell and set guards over him that night. God Our Lord 
knows how much he suffered because he had had no food for 
two or three days. He was emaciated, and his foot was 


bruised by the fetters. On Saturday, eve of Palm Sunday, 
twenty-second of the said month, a day bitter cold with snow 
and wind, the Father Guardian had him put on a horse 
and covered with a skin like an Indian. And in this manner 
under guard, the Father Guardian took him to the Father 
Commissary in Santo Domingo." 60 

Meantime Father Ordonez had heard that an Indian 
of Cochiti had been killed by Indians from the Jemez 
pueblos. Immediately he sent soldiers to seize some of the 
offenders and bring them to Santo Domingo, and there the 
alcalde ordinario, Juan Vitorio de Carabajal, sentenced one 
of the prisoners to death and executed him under the very 
eyes of Peralta, despite the fact that the said alcalde had no 
authority to exercise jurisdiction in the case. "He hanged 
the said Indian by command of the Father Commissary, and 
it was ordered that more should be executed, with the result 
that the (Indians) of his nation wished to rise in revolt." 
Immediately after the execution Ordonez summoned the 
Indians so that they might see Peralta as he was taken away 
to his jail at Sandia. Peralta was held in custody in Sandia 
until April 7, when, at the request of Friar Esteban de 
Perea, who was tired of his task as jailer, he was moved to 
the convent of Sia. 61 

Thus the Father Commissary directed the affairs of the 
province according to his plans and desires. Some of his 
fellow friars disapproved of his actions, however, and dur- 
ing the winter of 1614 three friars, including Perez Guerta, 
discussed plans to return to Mexico. The Father Commis- 
sary was able to block this move. A little later Friar Andres 
Juarez decided to risk the prelate's ill will and depart. One 
of his brother friars urged him not to do so, but he replied 
"that only God could remedy (the situation), that he was 
determined to leave, (otherwise he would either) hang him- 
self or kill the commissary, because he could not stand it 
(any longer.)" He went ahead with his plans and finally 
set out. But Ordonez, who lay in wait along the way, seized 
him and took him to Santo Domingo, "where he was ab- 


solved and put in a kind of jail for a period of four 
months." 52 

Among the letters that Juarez was taking to Mexico 
was found one written by our chronicler, Friar Francisco 
Perez Guerta. For some time there had been a coolness 
between Friar Perez and Friar Tirado, the Father Guardian 
of Santa Fe. This had its origin in a difference of opinion 
concerning certain incidents that occurred during the jour- 
ney to New Mexico in 1612. In the summer of 1613 Perez 
had served as notary for Tirado and Ordonez during the 
litigation over the excommunication of Peralta and later 
during the investigations that were made subsequent to 
Peralta's arrest. Perez had not been in agreement with 
Tirado on many points and had tried to present arguments 
in behalf of a more reasonable policy; but this attitude of 
independence merely increased the antagonism that Tirado 
already felt toward him. During the spring of 1614 Tirado 
denounced Perez as a member of the group planning to 
return to New Spain. Summoned to Santo Domingo, Perez 
was lectured by Ordonez and sent back to Galisteo where he 
was serving as mission friar. But Perez was by no means 
satisfied with the general situation, for he prepared a letter 
of complaint which he entrusted to Friar Juarez for delivery 
in Mexico City. This letter was seized at the time Juarez 
was taken into custody. Immediately Perez was summoned 
once more to Santo Domingo where Ordonez denounced him 
in the presence of his fellow friars. He was finally sent to 
Sia where he was held in seclusion for some time. 53 

Such was the situation when the new governor, Ber- 
nardino de Ceballos, arrived early in May, 1614. At first 
Ceballos expressed great displeasure concerning the events 
of the preceding months and boasted that he came to restore 
the honor of his predecessor, but apparently the influence 
of Ordonez and his faction was so great that Ceballos soon 
abandoned this attitude of indignation. Soon after his ar- 
rival in Santa Fe on May 12 he started the residencia of 
Peralta. All of the malcontents seized this opportunity to 


justify their acts and denounce those of the former gov- 
ernor. Not until July 4 was Peralta brought to Santa Fe, 
and even then his position was that of a man accused of 
serious offenses. Realizing that a fair trial could not be 
obtained in New Mexico he refused to present a defense and 
appealed the entire process to the viceroy and audiencia. In 
October he sent an agent with dispatches for the audiencia. 
An effort was made to capture the messenger but he escaped. 
About a month later (November 10) Peralta was finally 
permitted to depart, but only after having been despoiled of 
most of his belongings. And at Perrillo on the journey 
southward four soldiers sent by Ceballos and Ordonez ran- 
sacked his effects searching for letters and dispatches. 54 

Peralta arrived in Mexico during the spring of 1615 
and doubtless brought action at once before the audiencia. 
Unfortunately his residencia has not been found, so that 
there is an almost complete lack of satisfactory information 
on this later phase of the affair. The investigation moved 
very slowly, for it was not until October 6, 1617, that final 
sentence in the residencia was rendered. 65 It seems clear, 
however, that Peralta received satisfaction on one impor- 
tant point, viz., the lack of authority for his arrest in the 
name of the Inquisition. The Staatsbibliothek of Munich 
possesses an interesting manuscript entitled Extractos de 
Causas de Familiares y Ministros que no son officiates, que 
ay en la Camara del Secreto de la Inquisition de Mexico, 
1572-1725 which contains the following entry: 

1615. Fr. Ysidro Ordonez, Commissary of St. 
Francis in New Mexico; because pretending to 
have a commission from the Holy Office and por 
causa de Inquisicion, he sought the aid of soldiers 
and citizens against the governor, D. Pedro de 
Peralta, seized him and held him in chains for nine 
months. On complaint of the said Don Pedro and 
(on the basis of) information which he gave, 
(Ordonez) was brought to Mexico and confined 
to his convent. But nothing was done, and (after) 
giving Peralta a statement that there was no causa 


del Santo Officio (as a basis) for his arrest, 
license was given to the friar to go as Procurator 
of this province (of the Franciscan Order) to the 
General Chapter in Rome. 

Except for this brief statement, we have no record of 
the action by the Holy Office. That some investigation was 
made seems evident, but no formal proceso had been found 
in the Inquisition papers in the Archivo General y Piiblico, 
Mexico City. It is probable that the Franciscan Order was 
forced to make an investigation, but no documents dealing 
with this phase of the case are available. All that is known 
is the fact that sometime in 1616, or earlier, a new prelate 
for New Mexico was appointed with the title of custodian 
(custodio). This change of title indicates a greater dignity 
for the prelates and a larger measure of local autonomy for 
the New Mexico missions. Whether the change was due to 
considerations other than the increasing importance of the 
missionary program is not clear. It is significant, however, 
that the new prelate was Friar Esteban de Perea, a man of 
mature years, who had not been sympathetic toward many 
of the policies of Ordonez. The exact date on which Perea 
took office is not known. It was sometime during the win- 
ter of 1616-1617, and not later than January 30, 1617. 57 


Thus Friar Ordonez continued to exercise the powers 
of prelate for approximately two years after the departure 
of Peralta in November, 1614. During this period the 
friendship and cooperation which had characterized the 
relations of Ceballos and Ordonez in the summer and 
autumn of 1614 gradually changed to rancor and bitterness. 
The chief cause for this change seems to have been disagree- 
ment over Indian affairs. 

According to Perez Guerta, Ordonez had cleverly used 
the Indian problem as a means of making trouble for Per- 
alta. Not only did he object to certain phases of Peralta's 
levy system for Indian labor, but he also kept a sharp watch 


for abuse and mistreatment of Indians by private indi- 
viduals. "Every little fault, no matter how unimportant, 
was denounced and exaggerated in the extreme. He saw to 
it that the governor did not dissimulate, or pardon any act 
committed by a soldier, rather he kept laying it on his 
conscience." To keep the peace and set some limits to the 
actions of irresponsible citizens, Peralta had issued decrees 
imposing damages in the form of mantas and a penalty of 
ten days imprisonment for offenses against the Indians. 58 
On one encomendero, Asencio de Archuleta, Peralta imposed 
a fine of fifty mantas and fifty fanegas of maize for various 
offenses. 69 Seeing that the governor actually executed the 
decrees, the Indians, "greedy for mantas," provoked and 
invited the Spaniards to commit acts of violence in order to 
claim damages. 80 The result of this policy had been to stir 
up the antagonism of the soldiers, and, if one may believe 
Perez Guerta, this was the Father Commissary's purpose in 
denouncing abuse and oppression and urging Peralta to 
adopt stern measures. It is interesting to recall that Archu- 
leta was an active member of the ecclesiastical faction in the 
summer of 1613, that he served as notary and messenger for 
Ordonez, and that it was his arrest by Peralta for failure to 
furnish and official statement of Father Tirado's pronounce- 
ment against citizens who spoke to the governor while under 
pain of excommunication that had greatly complicated mat- 
ters during that difficult period. These facts give especial 
point to Perez Guerta's statement that 'the said Asensio 
and all his relatives, of whom there were many, became 
capital enemies of Peralta because they were not accustomed 
to have justice done."* 1 

The same policy of making complaints against soldiers 
and citizens was tried out on Ceballos, but, warned by 
Peralta's experience, the new governor "permitted the sol- 
diers to do certain things that were advantageous to them in 
order to maintain himself and keep friends, and not find 
himself in the same position as his predecessor." 82 More- 
over Ceballos, who was "opening his eyes" and learning to 


assert himself, astutely exhibited all such letters of com- 
plaint to the parties who were denounced, and thus turned 
the wrath of the citizens against the prelate. 63 

Relations between the governor and prelate were 
rapidly embittered. "For the space of two years . . . there 
was no lack of pleas between the Father Commissary and 
the governor." And between Ceballos and Friar Tirado, 
the Father-Guardian of the Santa Fe convent, so much pas- 
sion was engendered that there were threats of violence. 
"There were such great scandals," Perez Guerta wrote, "that 
they would require another memorial and relation like this 
one to describe them." 64 

Meantime Ordonez* influence among the clergy was 
gradually weakened. Friars like Esteban de Perea, Agus- 
tin de Burgos, Andres Juarez, Bernardo de Marta, and 
Pedro de Haro de la Cueba had never been wholly sympa- 
thetic toward the prelate's policies. They doubted the wis- 
dom of many of his actions and they resented his treatment 
of the former prelate, Friar Alonso de Peinado. At the time 
Peralta left New Mexico in 1614 several of the friars wrote 
letters of complaint to Mexico. Ordonez made every effort 
to seize these reports, but one letter written by Friar Pein- 
ado to the viceroy could not be found, even when Peralta's 
effects were searched. Ordonez summoned Peinado and 
ordered him to write a second letter denying the things he 
had written in the first one. "Both letters were received by 
his excellency who thus had reason to regard Peinado as 
inconsistent (liviano)."* Not content with this, Ordonez 
called a council of the clergy in Santa Fe in which he used 
such severe language against Peinado that the two friars 
came to blows. The next day Peinado was ordered to leave 
Santa Fe, "although there was no occasion for it, nor could 
he (Ordonez) justly send him away from the Villa where 
the Venerable Father was loved, esteemed, and welcome 
because of his age, religious zeal, and poor health." But in 
order not to cause further trouble Peinado departed. 66 


More than a year passed by. Early in February, 1616, 
Friar Agustin de Burgos went to Chilili to help Peinado 
baptize the Indians whom he had converted. During the 
visit the friars looked over certain papers, including the let- 
ter by which Ordonez had relieved Peinado of the prelacy. 
Examining this document carefully, Friar Agustin "found 
it was false from the first letter to the last, (even) the seal." 
A quiet investigation was started by a few of the friars. 
Friar Perez Guerta immediately took the lead in humbly 
asking Ordonez that he show him his true patent of appoint- 
ment. For a few days Ordonez temporized, but finally ex- 
hibited "a patent." "I saw it," Perez Guerta said, "and I 
read it, and to this day I do not believe he was prelate, for 
if he were, there was no reason why he should have falsified 
the other letter." Having exhibited the patent, the Father 
Commissary ordered Perez Guerta held in custody at Santo 
Domingo. 67 The prelate circulated a petition condemning 
certain opinions attributed to his opponent and urging that 
he should leave New Mexico. A few signatures were ob- 
tained, but certain friars, including the prelate's good 
friend, Friar Cristobal de Quiros, guardian of Sia, and 
Friar Juan de Salas, guardian of Isleta, refused to sign. 
Arrangements for the departure of Perez Guerta were made, 
and apparently he actually set out for New Spain. But for 
reasons that are not entirely clear, the journey was cut short 
before he left the jurisdiction of the province. 88 

Such was the general situation in the spring of 1616. 
Nothing is known concerning events during the remainder 
of the year. Sometime before the end of January, 1617, the 
mission caravan arrived with supplies and additional friars 
for the missions. The appointment of Friar Esteban de 
Perea as prelate and the summons requiring Ord6nez to 
return to New Spain were probably received at the same 
time. The caravan returned to New Spain in the autumn 
of 1617, and with it went Friar Francisco Perez Guerta who 
presented the Relation Verdadera to the Franciscan Com- 
missary General soon after his arrival in Mexico. Friar 
Isidro Ordonez probably left New Mexico at the same time." 


All that is known concerning the later career of Or- 
donez is contained in the brief item from the Munich manu- 
script quoted above. 


Friar Esteban de Perea was fifty years of age when he 
succeeded Ordonez as prelate of New Mexico. A native of 
Spain, where he entered the Franciscan Order, he went to 
Mexico in 1605 and affiliated with the Province of the Holy 
Evangel. Four years later he joined the group of friars 
sent out to New Mexico with Peralta and Peinado. He was 
assigned to the Tiwa of the middle Rio Grande valley, where 
he built the church and convent of Sandia and served as a 
missionary during the major part of fifteen years. Even 
during the five years (1617-1621) when he was custodian 
he spent part of his time in Sandia. Although he had not 
been sympathetic toward many of the actions of his prede- 
cessor, Friar Isidro Ordonez, Perea was zealous in the pro- 
pagation of the faith, fearless in denunciation of error, and 
unrelenting in defense of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and 
immunity. During the ten years from the winter of 1616- 
1617 to the autumn of 1626 he was the central figure in 
provincial history. 

The first act of Perea as prelate for which we have 
documentary evidence was a grant of power of attorney to 
Sebastian de Noboa y Castro, Sindic and Procurator Gen- 
eral of the Custodia. This was on January 30, 1617. 70 On 
April 17, 1617, Noboa y Castro made a formal complaint 
against Alferez Juan Escarramad, citizen of Santa Fe, on 
the charge of having made scandalous and insulting remarks 
concerning certain friars. The complaint was filed before 
Friar Bernardo de Aguirre, guardian of Santa Fe, judge- 
delegate by appointment of Perea, who admitted the plea 
and ordered the arrest and imprisonment of the accused 
pending trial. 71 

Escarramad had served under Onate in the conquest 
and occupation of the province. During the Peralta-Or- 
donez affair he had held office as one of the alcaldes ordi- 


narios of Santa Fe and had been a loyal member of the 
Peralta faction. He was seized with Peralta in August, 
1613, and held in jail for two months. After his release he 
was once more arrested on the charge of plotting to free 
Peralta and was kept in custody for another three months 
without trial. Some time during the period from 1614 to 
1616 he went to Mexico on business ; in fact, it is probable 
that it was he who carried dispatches for Peralta in October, 
1614. 72 In Mexico City he had given testimony concerning 
the state of affairs in New Mexico, and it is logical to assume 
that his statements were not friendly to Ordonez and the 
Church. He returned to New Mexico with the mission cara- 
van of 1616. 

As a loyal follower of Peralta he was a marked man; 
his every word and deed were sure to be noted and criti- 
cized. And in view of his experience with Ordonez, who had 
held him in jail for some five months, it was inevitable that 
sooner or later he would express his resentment in bitter 
terms. Sometime during the winter of 1617 Escarramad 
went to Sandia for confession. The confessor, Friar Cris- 
tobal de Quiros, showed to Escarramad a report concerning 
statements of the latter that were distasteful to the clergy, 
and informed him that before he could receive absolution he 
must retract. It is not clear whether the statements he was 
asked to retract were part of the testimony he had given 
before the audiencia (as one man deposed later during the 
trial) or merely certain libelous and derogatory remarks. 
In any case Escarramad refused to comply with the demand 
on the ground that he would not retract the truth. 73 It was 
not long after this incident, apparently, when Noboa y Cas- 
tro presented formal charges before the ecclesiastical judge- 

During the course of the trial eight witnesses were 
examined, and in their sworn depositions they testified that 
on numerous occasions Escarramad had made derogatory 
statements concerning the clergy. The most important of 
these statements are summed up as follows: (1) that Friar 


Pedro de Escobar had been a highwayman and thief in 
fact, one of the greatest thief s in New Spain before he had 
become a friar, but having robbed the whole world, he had 
taken the habit and made himself a saint; (2) that Friar 
Alonso de San Juan was a villain and a licentious person; 
(3) that Governor Peralta was a much better Christian and 
more religious than all the friars, and that Ordonez had 
made false statements to the viceroy and audiencia in re- 
gard to the Peralta incident; (4) that in New Mexico there 
had been only three friars worthy of the name, for all the 
others were devils who wished to disturb the land. 74 

The trial moved slowly. Escarramad became more 
and more impatient as time passed on, and on one occasion 
created a scandal by shouting out from behind the bars of 
his cell that it was true, the friars were villains and thieves. 75 
He was in an uncompromising state of mind, therefore, 
when, at the end of June, he was called upon to reply to the 
charges and to select an attorney to defend him. He refused 
either to testify or to appoint an attorney; moreover, he 
denounced Noboa y Castro and questioned his authority to 
prosecute the case, challenging him to show any authority 
from the viceroy or audiencia. He also demanded that 
Friar Cristobal de Quiros, who was now associated with 
Friar Aguirre as one of the judges in the case, 78 should give 
him a copy of the memoria of things he was asked to retract 
when he went to confess at Sandia. Quiros replied that 
when Escarramad had refused to make the retraction he had 
destroyed the paper. 77 

The defendant's protestations against the validity of 
the trial had no effect and on July 1 the judges-delegate 
handed down their decision. Escarramad was found guilty 
of slanderous and disrespectful remarks concerning the 
clergy, fined fifteen mantas, and ordered to make a public 
confession of his errors. He immediately appealed from 
the sentence of the audiencia, but the judges refused to 
admit the appeal and reaffirmed their decision. 73 


There is some uncertainty concerning- the next stage 
in this affair. The last folio of the original manuscript of 
the trial record contains a brief petition signed by Friar 
Quiros and countersigned by the ecclesiastical notary asking 
the aid of the secular arm for execution of the sentence. On 
the margin of the same folio and running over to the verso 
there is an additional statement, apparently supplementary 
to the above-mentioned petition, which justified the refusal 
to grant Escarramad an appeal on the ground that he should 
pay the penalty where his offense had been committed, and 
threatened that if Governor Ceballos refused to cooperate 
in execution of sentence the clergy would withdraw from the 
province and present themselves in person before the vice- 
roy and audiencia. This additional note not only referred 
to the scandalous remark attributed to Escarramad, but also 
alleged that Peralta, "his instigator (factor)" had made 
false statements concerning the clergy to the viceregal 
authorities in New Spain. This passing reference to Per- 
alta gives especial interest and importance to the case, if, 
indeed, it does not provide the key to the whole affair. 79 

In the copy of the trial record sent to the Holy Office by 
Perea in 1617, the request of Quiros for the aid of the secu- 
lar arm is given with the additional note incorporated as an 
integral part of the petition. It is followed by a document 
dated July 2, 1617, in which Ceballos stated that he was 
ready to grant the said aid but with the stipulation that in 
executing sentence Friar Quiros should avoid any dishonor 
to Escarramad, in view of the fact that he was a former 
official of the Crown in New Mexico and that it was not just 
that in "such a new land" the Indians should see the Span- 
iards put to shame. 80 But this document is not found in the 
original trial record. Instead, the petition of Quiros with 
the marginal additions is followed by a statement signed by 
Ceballos in which he not only threatened that if the clergy 
withdrew to New Spain he would follow after them and 
present his version of affairs to the viceroy, but he even 


cast doubt on the jurisdiction of the clergy in the particular 
case in question. 81 

At the very bottom of the verso of the last folio of the 
original record is another note, probably written in 1639 
when the manuscript was sent to New Spain as part of a 
justificatory report presented by the cabildo of Santa Fe at 
the time of the Rosas affair. (See Chapter IV) This note, 
after briefly referring to the sentence and final execution 
of the same, states : "And because of this, they excommuni- 
cated the governor and absolved him with public penance, as 
the real provision states . . ," 83 This real provision, which 
will be discussed in detail in Chapter III, was an order sent 
to Friar Perea in 1621 as the result of a series of complaints 
laid before the viceroy during the years 1617-1620. It con- 
tains a definite statement to the effect that Ceballos, as well 
as Peralta, was excommunicated and later absolved with 
public penance, but the reasons why Ceballos incurred the 
censure are not given. 88 

It is reasonable to assume, therefore, that Ceballos at 
first refused the aid of the secular arm, but later reconsid- 
ered after having incurred ecclesiastical censure. It is diffi- 
cult to understand, however, why this phase of the litigation 
does not appear in the copy of the trial record in the Inquisi- 
tion papers, unless Perea had some doubt concerning the 
validity of Friar Quiros' actions and did not want the 
authorities in Mexico City to know that another governor 
had been subjected to public penance by the Church. 

The manner in which the sentence against Escarramad 
was finally executed is indicated in the 1639 marginal note 
on the last page of the original record, and by a formal docu- 
ment in the copy of the record. In irons and gagged, he was 
taken through the streets to the parish church where, in the 
presence of the assembled citizens, he heard mass and made 
formal retraction of the libels and slanders he had made 
against the clergy. According to the certification in the 
Inquisition copy of the trial record, this was on July 2, 1617, 
the day following the imposition of sentence. Did the ex- 


communication and absolution of Ceballos take place during 
this brief interval ? 

When the mission caravan returned to New Spain in 
the autumn of 1617 numerous reports and letters dealing 
with the events of the preceding period were dispatched by 
both the clergy and laymen. Two of these have been pre- 
served and they throw a deal of light on the general situa- 
tion in the province. 

One contained testimony to prove that Capt. Jeronimo 
Marquez was an inveterate trouble maker, that by innuendo 
and complaints of one kind or another he was constantly 
arousing the passion of the governor against the clergy or 
vice versa, that he and his sons were a law unto themselves, 
even to the extent of stealing the property of others when- 
ever and wherever they wished. In a letter accompanying 
the testimony Perea asked to have Marquez and his family 
expelled from the province. 84 This report illustrates an as- 
pect of the general problem that will be made perfectly clear 
in subsequent sections of this study, viz., that many citizens 
of the province were not interested in either the clerical or 
the secular side of the issues at stake as a matter of personal 
conviction. They were interested in their own personal 
profit. If the governor's policy limited their scope of action, 
they supported the clerical faction; if they were permitted 
to follow their own line and their own interests, they might 
be found on the governor's side. As for Captain Marquez, 
it may be observed (1) that he had been a strong supporter 
of Onate during the early years of the conquest and had 
taken the lead in preparing a denunciation of the clergy 
and soldiers who deserted the colony in 1601; (2) that 
twelve years later he was a member of the faction that made 
possible the arrest and imprisonment of Peralta; (3) that in 
1617 he was accused of having caused a public scandal by 
calling Ordonez a shameless friar who had destroyed the 
honor of the citizens. 85 Moreover, although Marquez volun- 
tarily gave testimony against Escarramad during the trial 
of the latter, evidence was submitted at the same time that 


he had maintained communication with Escarramad despite 
the threat of excommunication against all who did so. 86 Thus 
there is point to the general complaint that he was a trouble- 
maker. Incidentally, this welter of charge and counter- 
charge illustrates another sorry aspect of the general situa- 

The second document is a letter of Francisco Perez 
Granillo, alcalde ordinario of Santa Fe. It had been impos- 
sible heretofore, he said, to make a report "because of the 
many excommunications and terrors designed to prevent us 
from informing that Jloly Tribunal 87 concerning the things 
that have occurred in New Mexico; the land is afflicted and 
we live under such constant threats that we have to do only 
the will of our superiors." If some of the soldiers had 
assisted in the arrest of Peralta, it was because they had 
been incited to it by Ordonez under threat of punishment 
("con muchas terrores") . "The people of this New Mexico, 
Senores, have little learning ... we have been led and guided 
by PP. Fr. Isidro Ordonez and Fr. Luis Tirado, whom we be- 
lieve to have taken advantage of our ignorance. We now find 
ourselves called traitors, some of us suffering imprisonment, 
some have fled, and others are about to lose their property, 
honor, and life . . . Look with eyes of pity on us and aid our 
cause, for, on our part, there is little malice, and pardon us 
if we have been in error." 83 


It is extremely unfortunate that it is necessary to base 
the story of the Peralta-Ordonez episode almost wholly on 
the prejudiced account of Perez Guerta. But even if we 
discount heavily Perez Guerta's story, two facts are clear: 
(1) Ordonez was responsible for the arrest and imprison- 
ment of a governor and captain general holding office under 
the Crown; (2) his assertion of authority under the Inquisi- 
tion was without warrant. It need not be supposed that 
Peralta was a model governor. But if the clergy believed 
that they had such serious grievances that further coopera- 
tion with the governor was impossible, they should have 


taken other measures to remedy the situation. The Peralta 
incident was never forgotten. It poisoned relations between 
Church and State at a time when friendly cooperation was 
so essential. 

The Escarramad trial also raised serious questions for 
the future. Could there be no appeal from the sentence of 
an ecclesiastical court in New Mexico? Did the governor 
enjoy no discretion in granting or refusing the aid of the 
secular arm? 

Peralta had been imprisoned. Ceballos had been forced 
to do public penance. Was there no limit to the authority 
of the Church? 

(To be continued) 


1. The best account of the Onate period is G. P. Hammond, Don Juan de Onate 
and the founding of New Mexico (Santa Fe, 1927). 

2. The instructions of Peralta have been published, Spanish text and English 
translation, in NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, IV (1929), 178-187. 

3. Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla (hereafter to be cited as A. G. I.), Con- 
taduria 714, 715, 850 ; Relacion Verdadera q. el p e predicador fr. Fran co Perez guerta 
de la orden de S t fran co guardian del conuento de galisteo hic^o al R mo Comiss Gen 1 
de la dha orden de la nueba esp& de las cosas succedidas en el nuebo Mex co por loa 
encuentros que tubieron don Pedro de Peralta g T de la dha prouy* y fr ysidro or- 
donez Comisa de loa frattes de la dicha orden de S* Fr co q. residen en etta. (1617?) 
Archivo General y Publico de la Nacion, Mexico (hereafter to be cited as A. G. P. M.) f 
Inquisicion 316, ff. 149-174. 

4. Relacion Verdadera, A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 816. 

5. For full title, see note 3, supra. 

6. "Salimos con sumo gusto todos los religiosos dando a Dios gracias por auernos 
escogido para la suerte de su ministerio ofreciendole a su mag d mil feruorosas Vol- 
untades y deseos encendidos en su seruy preseguimos R mo P e N'ro Viage de Zaca- 
tecas a S tm Barbara q. son ciento y mas leguas casi todo despoblado y la tierra por 
donde bienen los carros casi de ningun regalo ni refugio porque si no es solo el 
fresnillo y Cuencame pobres poblaciones y bien necesitadas no ay otras a mano, 
pasamoe los religiossos en este Tp por ser de quaresma y ser despoblado y ir 
caminando mucha necessidad absteniendonos Violentam te de cosas q. necesitabamos 
y pudimos remediar en la ciudad de Mex co la queja de estas cosas era comun de todos 
y atribuiamos la culpa al p e fr. Ysi Ord B por auernos siniestram te informado del 
camino y de lo que se pasa padecimoslo por esta causa y ser todos o casi los mas 
Visonos y poco traginadores del mundo, llego a oidos del dho P e fr. Ys Ord r la queja 
delos dhos religiosos y deseo de voluerse algunos (como de hecho lo hico un her 00 
Lego) queriendonos satisfacer y dar q tm de si nos junto en el rio florido y alii nos 
propuso q. lo q. llebaba era p* todos p para tierra donde gustariamos tener algun 
regalo q. no enbargante eso nos probeeria de lo neces eficaces fueron las rracones y 
como no eran ellas las q. nos auian de mober a dejar n'ra S u prou y todas las cosas 
de gusto y regalo sino Dios en confianca de su diuina Mag d y de lo propuesto y 


prometido por el dho P e Fr Ys Ord z pasamos y padecimos lo q. n'ro S or saue en el 
camino Tubo con el dho P e Fr. Ys Ord z el P e fr Pedro de haro frayle Viejo y 
antiguo algun desconsuelo y no fue poco porq. le trato el P e Fr. Ysidro con palabras 
que era menester mucho espiritu para sufrirlas. Con el P e fr. Andres perguer tubo 
otras que tubo q. sentir el religiosso muchos dias y principalm te por le auer notado 
delante de seglares de codicioso. y mas adelante teniendo poca rragon el dho P e Fr 
Ysidro con los her 1108 Legos fr. ger mo de Pedraga y fr Xpobal de la asumpcion 
tambien tubo cosas q. obligo a desconsolarse y aun a querer yrse y dejarlo enpecado. 
Dios q. los tenia para mayores trabajos no lo permitio. Dios n'ro S or fue seruydo 
llegasemos a este Nuebo Mex co a donde antes de llegar alg a s quince o Viente leguas 
enuio el P e fr. Ys Ord z a la Villa de S ta fee y R 1 delos espanoles por guardian al 
p e fr. Luis tirado dando entre nosotros que murmurar y en los religiosos y prelado Q. 
estaban en el nu Mx co q. pensar diciendo todos q. sin presenter sus papeles ni 
sauer de cierto como no nos constaba fuese prelado como entraba mandando." 
Relacion Verdadera, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316. 

7. "Entramos R mo p e en el primer conv to de este nu Mex co llamado S. 
Fran co de Sandia a 25 de ag to de 1612 as donde el p e fr. Ys Ord z mostro su patente 
y dio la carta al P e fr. Alonso Peynado en q. le absoluia N ro R mo p c de su officio y le 
mandaba obedeciesse al dho P e fr. Ys Ord z esta carta R mo como adelante dire parecio 
ser falsa lo qual no hecho de ber el dho P e fr. Al Peynado." Ibid. Cf. also discussion 
in the text below. But the proof of fraud is not absolute. The treasury accounts 
(A. G. I., Contaduria 714) dealing with purchase of supplies for the 1612 caravan 
refer to Ordonez as "Comisario," but this may mean merely that he was to be com- 
missary of the new group of friars during the journey to New Mexico. That is Perez 
Guerta's version. "Senalonos N'ro R mo P e Commiss fr Ju Zureta por n'ro pres to y 
Commiss en el camino hasta llegar a este nuebo Mex co a el P e fray Ysidro ordonez 
mandando en las paten tes q. los religiosos traiamos nos presentase el dho. P e pres te 
o Comiss al que de pres te era y asistia en este nu Mex co o real de los espanoles que 
era el padre fr Alonso Peynado." "N'ras patentes recaban q. fuesemos presentados 
al pe Comiss que era y estaba en el R 1 tambien en Mex co dijo el p e Fran co de Velasco 
a otro que no uenia por pre do sino por pres te y Comiss en el camino." Relacion Ver- 
dadera, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316. 

8. As a matter of fact there were not convents enough for all of the friars, 
new and old, to have guardianships. Moreover, according to Perez Guerta's own 
report, three of the new arrivals were given assignments : Fray Luis Tirado, Fr. Juan 
de Salas, and Fr. Pedro de Haro de la Cueba. What the new arrivals wanted was 
immediate assignment to new missions, but Ordonez properly insisted that they should 
wait for a few months until they had gained a certain experience with conditions in 
New Mexco. Relacion Verdadera, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316. 

9. "Llegados los carros que traian el socorro y limosna q. el rey nos auia dado 
al pu de S to domingo a 28 de ag to se descargo alii lo que trayan encargandose dello el 
P e Comiss para repartirlo entre los religiosos como lo hico dando de lo que traya 
a unos mas a otros menos de q. ubo alg"s murmuraciones entre alg 08 que porque no les 
auia de dar el p e Comiss lo q. daba a los otros aqui se dijo que el p e Comiss auia 
comutado en Zacatecas muchas arrobas de cera por uno espada una cuera de anta y 
unos calcines de terciop y que auia hecho otras cosas y commutaciones en Mex co de 
calices Velos y otras muchas cosas las quales no ui pero oilas a religiosos de quien se 
podran sauer con alg a dilig a y estas mobian pesadumbres que alteraban el animo del 
p e Comiss y despues que ubo hecho la reparticion de la ropa entre los religiosos le 
quedaron al dho p e Comiss en su conu to muchas cosas las quales tubo con super- 
fluidad careciendo otros Conu tos dellas como es ganado, mulas, vacas, bueyes, tafetanes 
cant d de yerro, acero, herrage, de q. necesitaban los religiosos y con dificultad y por 
mil suplicaciones las sacaban de poder del dho p e Comiss teniendo su conu to hecho 
almacen de generos para el gasto y abundancia del." Ibid. 

10. "En esta junta q. el p e fr Ys hi?o (Perez Guerta refers to the chapter meet- 
ing at Santo Domingo) le quiso quitar la casa y su rincon al p e fr Al Peynado q. auia 


acabado de ser Comiss con color de q. se fuese con un religiosso para que le regalase 
aunq. no ygnoraba el p e fr Ysidro ordofiez la diferencia q. ay de esta tierra a la nueba 
Esp* y de conu tos a conu tos con todo quiso llebarlo por aquellos terminos, fuele ala 
mano el padre fr esteban de Perea g an de Sandia y por su respecto le concedio una casa 
llamada galisteo donde estubo poco porque a pocos dias le mando por un enojuelo que 
tubo con el se fuese a otro conuento a ser subdito de otro guardian lo qual higo el dho 
p e fray Alonso Peynado, luego mando el p e fr Ys Ord E le quitasen a aquella casa lo que 
tenia adquirido por este Santo Varon y cosas de la mesma casa no dejando como dicen 
estaca en pared con esta primera afrenta estubo este Santo Viejo por subdito de el pa- 
dre fray andres Bautista algunos meses hasta que por enfermedad fue traydo a la uilla 
de Santa fee R l de los espanoles en este tiempo y dia procure dar pena al p e guardian 
de la V* por q. no le auia entregado (o contradecia q. se le entregasen) los diezmos de 
los V 08 de la V* diciendo q. solo pertenecian al conu to della le reprehendia grauem te 
y le quiso acotar en el conu to de galisteo por que ya eran coxquillas atrasadas por q to 
en el camino le dijo el dho p e fr Luis Tirado al dho p e fr Ys Ord z q. sauia poco en 
una porfia y poco era necess para encender fuego se yba estos dias encendiendo El 
dho p e fr Luis Ti do quiso hacer junta y la hico en realidad de Verdad de algunos 
religiosos y nos juram to y hi?o firmar n'ros nombres para q. con licencia o sin ella nos 
fuesemos ala pres a de V. R ma . Todos con el demasiado desconsuelo teniamos gana de ha- 
cerlo y suficiente causa. Dios n'ro S or lo ordeno por otro camino." Ibid. In another 
place, referring to the slowing down of the mission program during Ordonez' prelacy, 
Perez Guerta stated : "Y assi en tres anos de quatro que a que es comiss no se baptise 
ynfiel ni se aprobecho en la conuersion saluo un pueblo que el p e fr Al peinado 
baptico desterrandose Voluntariam te a las Salinas por apartarse de las cosas del p* 
Comiss que le auia tratado mal y puesto en ocasion de causarse un grande escandalo." 
Ibid. There are several references to Peinado's mission at Chilili in other parts of 
the Relacion Verdadera. 

11. "Antes que el p e fr ysidro ordonez fuese a la nu a esp a a procurar el sobre 
dho. despacho y a traernos a los dhos religiosos ut supra auia tenido con el g T 
muchas cosquillas dijo un seglar amigo del p e fr Ys Ord z que es el Cap an Vaca que 
el dho. fr. Ysidro yba a traer el off de G or en su propia pers a otros an dho que 
fue para armarse contra don P de peralta porq. no le tenia buena Voluntad ni el 
dho don P de P ta a el dho fr. Ys y asi dicen que dijo el G or q do supo que benia el 
dho fr Ys hecho comiss plugiera a Dios biniera el demonio y no biniera ese fraile." 

12. "En el mes de Sept re del dho ano de 612 bino el p e fr. Ys Ord* a la V* de 
S ta fee a presentarle a don Pedro de Peralta una prouys on R 1 que el dho p e auia 
ympetrado para abrirles la puerta a los soldados que quisiesen salir, leyda q. fue la 
prouys on al gou or respondio q. la obedecia y cumpliria auiendole antes pedido al p e fr 
Ys q. no se la notificasen porq. resultaria della mucho dano a la tierra como resulto 
por la mucha gente casada y avecindada q. salio della por la dha prouy on porque 
la gente era poca, la tierra nueba, muchos los enemigos y saliendo los q. se fueron 
pudiera auer peligro en los que quedaban, y de un gran deseruicio de Su Mag d por 
ello y aunque el G or tomo muchos medios para que no se le presentase no bastaron 
y ult a mente le amenago el comiss diciendo q. sino cumplia la dho prouys on dejando 
salir la gente q. lo podia hacer en uirtud della selo auia de pagar y que le auia de 
hacer salir sin almofrex y con esto el g or complio la prouision." Ibid. But in fairness 
to Ordonez the following facts should be noted. In 16C8 and again in 1609 soldiers 
were enlisted in New Spain to serve as escort for the friars and supplies that were 
sent to New Mexico, and they were paid a year's salary in advance. A. G. I., Con- 
taduria 09. Crist6bal de Onate and Peralta forced several of these soldiers to remain 
in New Mexico to serve as members of the local militia, instead of permitting their 
immediate return to New Spain. It is not unlikely that when Ord6nez returned to 
New Spain in 1611 these soldiers appealed to the viceroy and the latter may have sent 
back a formal decree (a real provisidn invoking the name of the king could not be 


ignored) authorizing their departure. In any case, several soldiers who did leave 
New Mexico in 1612, after presentation of the real provision, brought suit in the 
audiencia of Mexico for back pay, and although the audiencia refused to recognize the 
full amount of these claims, lump sums were paid in order to discharge the implied 
liability. A. G. I., Contaduria 716. 

13. Perez Guerta stated that Ordonez tried to blame Peralta for the departure 
of the soldiers by asserting that encomiendas were not available. But our informant 
insisted that Peralta published decrees offering encomiendas, and he took pains to 
point out, also, that Ordonez's action had a direct influence on the slowing down of 
the mission program. When some of the newly arrived friars asked for permission 
to undertake teaching and indoctrinating unconverted pueblos, and thus prevent the 
missions from becoming a "calmed ship," Ord6nez justified his refusal of permission 
on the ground that there were no soldiers available for escort. "And in this he was 
right," Perez Guerta remarked, "for he [Ordonez] was to blame for many leaving 
the province because of that provision which, as has been noted, he forged." Relacidn 
Verdadera, A. G. P. M. Inquisicion 316. 

14. "Algunas cartas escriuio a religiosos cerca del expediente de los Vales que 
daba el G or para llebar yndios de los pueblos a las obras y labores de la Villa de lo 
qual gustaba poco el p e Comiss y con las cartas q. escreuia y lo que se hacia se 
yndignaba el dho Gou or que no nos era sumam te deuoto y qualquiera poca cosa que 
tocase a su jurisdiccion bastaua para desquiciarle de la paciencia fundado en el 
poder y mando que tenia." Ibid. 

15. "Algunas coxquillas tubieron las cabegas acerca de sacar los yndios de sus 
pueblos para el seruy pers al el p e Comiss tenia ra?on de defenderlos por benir de 
doce de catroce y a lo mas lejos de veinte leguas por el largo camino y poca comida 
que ellos traen de solo mayz tostado y los espanoles no darles de comer todos aunq. lo 
hacen algunos y a esto dice el G or q. de los pu os comarcanos no le dejan sacar gente 
y si la saca alg* bez mas de lo q. es justo no lo tiene por acertado por ser contra 
conciencia que solos a aquellos V os pueblos se les cargue todo el seruicio de los espa- 
noles y assi los hacia benir a todos por sus turnos y en el darles la comida el g or la 
daba a los que a el le seruian y mandaba a los V 08 se la dieran yo soy testigo de lo 
que daba a los de el pu de S 1 ylefonso y el p e fr andres baptista ello era poco pero 
no podian ni tenian mas que dar y por ser grande la pobresa de la tierra no todos 
podian dar de comer a los yndios y los que se lo daban no era lo que ellos comen 
fuera de sus casas." Ibid. 

16. Ibid. 

17. Ibid. 

18. According to Perez Guerta the relations between the governor and the 
clergy with the exception of Ordonez were friendly: "A 4 de febrero de 1613 Vine a 
uiuir a la V* donde estube por subdito del p e fr Luis tirado y por la misericordia de 
Dios auia suma paz entre religiosos y seglares y todos estabamos muy contentos aunque 
no con el pre do empero en casa del G or entrabamos comiamos alii muchas beces veuia- 
mos chocolate que nos lo daba con mucho gusto y mas al p e fr Luis tirado su amigo al 
p e haro al padre fr Agustin al p e Pereguer al p e fr. geronimo can quienes tenia 
platicas y conversacion la pascua comimos en su casa A 16 de abril le dio el g or al p e 
Tirado una pistola muy rrica y a 18 del mismo troco al p e fr Pedro de haro que se 
lo pidio un muy lindo arcabuz que el g or estimaba mucho por otro no tal y a 23 del 
dho dio el g or un rrico cuchillo de monte damasquino guarnecido con plata y con la 
cabeza de diente de caballo marine al p e fr. luis Ti do q. se le pidio y un peda^o de 
acero y con esto mil ofrecimientos y buena cara para todos y para todo le hallabamos 
porque reprehendia y castigaba qualquier exceso de los Soldados." Ibid. 

19. ". . . y altero mucho esta nueba al p e guardian dela Villa, y paso al conu to 
de S to Domingo a noticia del p e Comiss a quien causo mayor alteracion : pusose en 
camino el p e Comiss y uino a la V a a 15 del dho mes y pidio al g of se acudiese con 
tiempo al rem de tal atrebimy to con demostracion de escarmy to de este parecer fue 
el p e gu an de la Villa y aunque se llegase a fuego y a sangre que era justo no se tar- 


dase el castigo porq. los yndios no tomasen auilantez y juzgando poco Valor y fuercti 
en los espanoles enprendie'sen alg a maldad." Ibid. 

20. "Viernes 24 del dho mes de mayo queriendo el Comiss yrse desde el conu to 
de nambe para el de S to Domingo que era su abitacion dia en q. tambien salieron de 
la V" los dhos Cap es y soldados para el pueblo de los Taos a cobrar sus tributes por 
mandado de su g or antes que el p e Comiss saliese de nambe llego alii uno de los 
Soldados q. yban a los Taos llamado gaspar Perez a la casa del religioso y auiendose 
apeado topo con el p e Comiss y le beso las manos y el p e Comiss le preg to para 
donde se camina respondio el Soldado a los taos nos enuia el S or g or a esto respondio 
el p e Comiss pues aora Vispera de pascua ; quantos van ? respondio el Soldado dos 
capes van y se i s Soldados, di'jo el p e Comiss pues donde estan? y el Soldado a el por 
el otro camino van q. yo e benido por uer al p e guardian, a esto dijo el p e Comiss 
pues S or yo'le mando so pena de excomunion mayor se Vuelua a la V a y dijo luego 
a un indiecuelo llamado Joseph criado suyo anda muchacho diles a aquellos Soldados q. 
les mando por descomunion se Vuelban a la V a q. alia uoy. el muchacho fue y luego 
partio el espanol y el p e Comiss para la Villa, el muchacho llego y dijo lo que el p e 
Comiss le auia mandado y luego q. los espanoles lo oyeron se voluieron al g or (alg os 
de los dhos Soldados dicen q. se voluieron porque yban de mala gana otros que por el 
mandate)." Ibid. 

21. Ibid. 

22. "El g or respondio al dho monit que era cosa nueba y no antes uista en 
aquella tierra auer en ella Comiss del S to off que q do su p d entro no fue con tal n e 
ni se entendio .que trugese tal comision del S to Off y que a el como a cabeca que 
era de la just" en esta tierra en n e de el rey n'ro S or pertenecia sauerlo y en uirtud de 
q. exercia jurisdicion. que el p e Comiss le mostrase como lo era de el S to off y q. 
siendolo como decia le obedeceria con toda prontitud." Ibid. 

23. Ibid. 

24. "Sabado 25 del dho mes . . . se tano a misa y con auer de ser de la Vigilia 
de pentecostes se dijo de n'ra Senora y en ella el p e g an fr luis Tirade publico por 
descomulgado al dho g or con palabras arto pesadas contra el diciendo que ning le 
ablase ni aunq. le quitase el sombrero so pena de excom on esta opinion tubo hasta q. 
la muchedumbre de descomulgados q. se benian a absoluer le hicieron estudiarla verda- 
dera." Ibid. 

25. Cf. note 18. 

26. "La dho orden q. dejo al p e g an el p e Comiss sobre la absolucion del g or se 
la enuio para q. la uiesse el dho p e g an en gran secreto con el Cap an Bar me Romero su 
teniente y a decir que pues sauia quan gran amigo suio era le rogaba pidiese la abso- 
lucion y se contentase de tomarla de su mano (porq. este dia despues de comer se auia 
ydo el p e Comiss a su conu to del pu de S to Domingo) que procederia como amigo 
diciendo la misa dos oras antes de el dia y que no asistirian en ella mas que tres o 
quatro amigos suios y que aduirtiesse q. las penitencias de la yglesia no eran afren- 
tosas y que no esperase a que el p e Comiss Voluiesse de S to Domingo porque no 
pasarian las cosas con la equidad y secreto que el le ofrecia el g or despues de estas 
palabras leyo la dha orden y haciendosele dura por no caer debajo de fundamento de 
justificacion respondio que el no auia hecho porque le descomulgasen aleg do como ho e q. 
eauia muchas y buenas racones y juntam te que no queria receuir semejante forma 
de absolucion y con esto no queria dar el papel de la dha orden sino quedarse con 
ella el Cap M Romero q. se la auia traydo le inportuno y dijo q. de aquella manera 
no se le podia cumplir al p e g an fr luis tirado la palabra q. en su n e le auia dado de 
q. se la Volueria y con esto se la dio y el Cap an al p e g n ." Relacidn Verdadera, A. G. 
P. M., Inquisicion 316. 

27. Peralta could justify his refusal to accept the Father Commissary's order 
for public absolution and penance on royal legislation dealing with the form of abso- 
lution for civil officers. The Recopilacidn, lib. i, tit. vii, ley xviii, contains the follow- 
ing provision based on cdulas of October 31, 1599 and March 28, 1620: "Rogamos y 
encargamos a los arzohispos y obispos de todaa y cualesquier iglesias metropolitanas 


y catedrales de nuestras Indias Occidentals, asi de las provincias del Peru como de la 
Nueva-Espana y a sus vicarios, oficiales, provisores, y demas jueces eclesiasticos de 
elllas, que cuando sucediere algun caso en que hayan de absolver a alguno de nuestros 
oidores, alcaldes, corrigidores, governadores, u otros nuestros jueces y justicias, o sus 
ministros y oficiales contra los cuales hubieren procedido por censuras, por algunas de 
las causas que conforme a derecho lo puedan hacer, les concedan la absolucion llana- 
mente, como se practica en estos nuestros reinos de Castilla, y no los obliguen a ir 
personalmente a recibirla de sus propias personas, y en sus casas episcopales o igle- 
sias, ni para actos semejantes. Y mandamos a nuestras audiencias reales que libren 
provisiones ordinarias de ruego y encargo, para que sucediendo el caso los dichos 
prelados y jueces eclesiasticos absuelvan llanamente a nuestras justicias y a sus 
ministros, como se practica en estos nuestros reinos de Castilla." 

28. The Relacion Verdadera, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316, contains several state- 
ments by Perez Guerta describing the attitude of Tirado and Ordonez during these 
troublous days. Perez Guerta accused the friars of injustice and passion in their 
dealings with Peralta : ". . . vide despues por vista de ojos que se procedia con 
pasion y con animo Vengatiuo queriendo mas danar que aprobechar como cada dia 
bian y oian todos que el p e g an en el altar trataba de herege de judio, de luterano y 
de hombre Vaxo y uil al g or y con estas y otras tales obras yba yo abriendo los 
ojos y conociendo los males q. an benido a la tierra asi de religiosos como seglares por 
poner dhos dos padres todo su conato en desacreditar al g or y heche de ber que esto era 
assi Verdad de que los dhos dos padres trataban de destruir al g or porque en estos dias 
se pusieron a hacer el p e Comiss y el g an de la Villa una ynformay on contra el g or 
de off sin acusador y sin infamia ni yndicios mas de los que quisieron vuscar ellos, el 
p e Comiss hi$o a su pedimiento en n e de la S ta ynquis on un ynterrogat de diez y 
nuebe preguntas y enpe?o cabeca de proceso contra el dho g or hacia el p e Comiss 
llamar a quien le parecia y preguntabale por el thenor de las preguntas, qu do el 
test se alargaba q. no auia ning que asi no lo hiciera diciendo bien y mal deciale 
el p e Comiss q. no digese assi que digese lo q. la preg ta contenia q. lo demas lo 
dirian si despues se lo preguntasen. A othos qu do no decian a gusto del padre 
comiss el dho p e corregia el lenguage y dho diciendo eso no se a de decir assi 
porque aquellos Senores del S to off no se enfaden con ese lenguage, de este modo de 
hacer ynformay on salian todos espantados y principalmte q. qdo alg decia q. sauia lo 
q. decia la preg ta luego incontinent! me hacia el p e Comiss poner q. la saue como en 
ella se cont e pasaron estas ynformaciones ante el que hi?o esta rel on que era not 
nombrado, el modo de proceder en esta ynformacion era que el p e Comiss hacia incar 
de rrodillas a los test 08 que el mesmo hacia llamar y puestos assi y destocados les 
mandaba por S ta obediencia so pena de excom on mayor no digesen a nadie lo q. alii 
juraban por ser cosas de el S to off y luego les tomaua juram to en un misal sobre los 
ebangelios mandandoles digesen Verdad, en esta ynformacion R mo P e que higo el p e 
fr Ys en n e de la Santa ynquisicion procure sauer todo quanto podia auer hecho un 
ho e en esta uida. en ella entraban alg as cosas q. auian sucedido en tiempos passados 
procurando poner por preguntas los puntos que le notaba, es Verdad que dijo el g or 
en cierta ocasion de enojo y de malicia por uida de Dios segun dicen, y assi ni mas ni 
menos que mostrandole un priuilegio de Clem te 7 en fauor de los s indices porque 
queria dar pena o dar 200 azotes a uno aunque no se los dio, dijo al q. se lo mostraba 
que era un her no lego Vaya p e que no conozco a Clem te 7 mo dicen tambien que a bien 
q. auia dho a su S q. pues cantaban yndios en el coro que no cantase entre ellos que 
se estimase, Tambien digeron que auia tenido acceso con dos primas, si todo lo demas 
es verdad como esta todo esta trabajoso y no aseguro las conciencias de los que an 
jurado en esta y otras ynformaciones por lo que ellos mesmos an dho a su g or Ber no 
de Zaballos y a otras pers as diciendo que tienen dolor en el alma de lo que an jurado 
y el g or que a hecho contra conciencia en lo que a hecho, como ello R mo P e esta en 
la audi a R 1 y de alii a de pasar a otro tribunal, espero en Dios que no tenga V P R ma 
mucho trabajo en sacar en limpio la Verdad y assi yo tampoco no sere largo q. lo 
pudiera ser mucho por la mucha cant d de cosas succedidas en este nu mex co por el p e 
Comiss fr Ys y fr Luis Tirado." 


29. These rumors were based on statements Peralta was supposed to have made 
when questioning the soldiers whom he had sent to collect the tributes at Taos. 
"Parece q. el dia antes Juebes 23 estando el g or en la placa con alg 08 Soldados y entre 
ellos Ju de Tapia escriu del caui y uno de los quatro encomenderos de los taos 
platicando sobre la nueba fresca de las 12 terneras de sibola q. le traian cacadas al 
g or el dho tapia le dijo si VS. nos diese licencia para q. nos quedemos esta pascua en 
la V* los que emos de yr a los taos nos ara mucha mr'd y luego en pasando la pascua 
haremos ese Viage. preguntole el g or q. q. se le ofrecia que hacer en la V* aquella 
pascua, el dho tapia le respondio q. ning a cosa mas que holgarse en su casa con su 
muger y sus hijos y anadir a la olla alg cosa mas del ordin y el g or le dijo que pues 
no deseaba quedarse para mas que aquello que matase un par de buenas gallinas y 
las hiciese cocer con un pedaco de jamon de tocino y las salpimentase y llebase en 
sus alforjas y se fuese a donde le enbiaba que con eso tendria buena pascua donde 
quiera que le cogiese y que mirase que no era mala pascua yr a seruir al Key en 
aquella ocasion y hacer su propia hacienda de camino y esto mesmo Soldado dijo 
despues al p e Comiss y aun lo Juro q. le auia mandado el g r meter la pascua en el 
alforja y yr donde le mandaba tengolo por patrana y puede ser verdad pero con- 
sideradas las cosas como yo las ui y oi lo prim me atengo lo que este Soldado dijo 
formo el p e Comiss un caso de ynquisi on como adelante dire." Ibid. 

30. Ibid. 

31 "A 7 de Junio mando el P e g an se le notificase al g or otro monit p q. 
hiciese soltar de la pris"" al dho Not asensio al qual no auia querido soltar aquellos 
dias antes procedio contra el y le auia hecho cierta condenacion a yrle a notificar 
este monit salio antes de leersele de casa y se fue a un monte que estaba como a 
tiro de arcabuz della Volui otra y otra bez hasta q. descuidado le halle y ley el 
dho monit a est R dio [respondio] q. aquel h e era soldado del Rey y que no hallaba 
por donde el p e g an le podia hacer esento de la juridicion R 1 que el apelaua de 
aquellas descomuniones y injustas penas de jueces tan apasionados y q. para ello 
enbiaria despues una pet 00 al p e g an como lo hico. llego como a las tres de la tarde al 
conu to el escriu y dos testigos a requerir al p e g an que no le ynquietase con tantas 
y tan rigurosas descomuniones y penas porque estaba patente la demasiada pasion 
con q. se hacian que de todas ellas apelaba para tribunal que mas desapasionadam te 
conociese de los neg 08 que estaban en litis. el p e g an fr. Luis Tirado arremetio al 
escriu y le quito el papel de las manos y se le hico pedacos y le piso y le dijo digese 
al g or mucha cant d de palabras muy feas y indignas de q. las digese un religioso y ue 
digesen a un g or este mesmo dia le escriuio una carta de un pliego el p e g an al gou or 
y en lugar de JHS. le puso Dios te alumbre miembro de Satanas y luego le fue 
diciendo palabras q. como sacerdote yndigno no se que otro hombre que Job. pudiera 
con las cosas pasadas dejarse de perder con esta carta." Ibid. 

82. "en estas ydas y benidas enuio el g r Su S con una pet on para el p e Comiss 
la qual no quiso oir diciendo delante de religiosos que alii estabamos Capit es y otros 
soldados que diablos anda aqui el g or con recaudos replicas y enbajadas un hombre tal 
y tal tratandole con muy feas y deshonrrosas palabras q. lo menos era tratarle de 
hombre vil y bajo &c y tras ellas dijo a los q. le oian esto digo para q. Vsms. se lo 
digan (como si faltaran coronistas) y prosiguio diciendo Juro por uida de Fr Ys q. 
si me anda en demandas y respuestas y no reciue la absolucion como se le a dho que 
dentro de veinte y quatro horas haga Venir mis 20 frailes aqui y le haga prender y 
Vsms. dejenle que yo se lo allanare y pondre humilde. finalm te alg 08 amigos de el p* 
Comiss le rograron se templase y assi dispense en que no oyese el g or la misa como 
queda referido pero que pagase los cinq ta ducados digo pesos de pena y fuese absuelto 
a la puerta de la yglesia con el pide miserere conforme al manual este propio dia 
luego que vido el g or la resolucion del p* Comiss se determine a Venir a pedir la 
absolucion y receuirla como el mesmo p e Comiss en pers* quiso darsela q. fue en esta 
forma el g or bino a la puerta de la yglesia y el padre Comiss y padre g an de aquella 


casa y yo y otros dos religiosos salimos por el cuerpo de la ygl'a el p e Comiss con 
sobre pelliz y con dos baras en las manos y antes q. procediese a la absolucion 
pregto e j p e Comiss al dho g or si tenia algunos escritos contra religiosos el g or dixo 
q. no el p e Comiss dijo si tiene VS. por que e sauido que a hecho una ynformacion 
abra pocos dias entonces dijo el g or si e hecho de cierta dilig" es q. se hic.o en este 
conu to pues combiene para receuir la absolucion la exiba, el g or le dijo mire padre 
que importa a esto dijo el p e Comiss no le absoluere sino trae esa ynformy on y me la 
entrega el g r dijo eso a de ser de esa manera, el p e Comiss assi a de ser luego el 
g or orejeando dijo a su secret tome S or esta llaue y trayga la ynformacion q. hicimos 
tal dia y el S fue y la trujo y se la dio el g or la tenia en sus manos y preg to al p e 
Comiss que q. se auia de hacer della el p e Comiss dijo q. se la diese. el g r dijo q. 
le perdonase q. no se la auia de dar pues q. le declarase los testigos eso menos pues 
q. la rrompiese. eso hico arto de mala gana acabada de romper se ynco de rodillas 
y el p e Comiss comenco la forma de la absolucion y a cada verso del miserere le daba 
con las Varas y acabada la absolucion le m do entrar en la yglesia y que jurase de 
serle obediente assi lo hico con arta humildad y luego le mando diese una firmada de 
su n e que daria los cinq ta p's para la cosecha por que dijo que entonces no los tenia el 
g or se fue a su casa y nosotros nos entramos en la n'ra." Ibid. 

83. "Temiendo pues los dhos amigos y parientes del hechor algun rrigor del 
g or q. lo pedia el succeso escriuieron al p e Comiss queriendose amparar del al p* 
Comis le estaba bien para q. no auiendo de cesar los pleytos (como no llebaba traga) 
amparar esta gente por ser muchos los parientes y hacer su neg como adelante 
sucedio y en lo escrito se notara y para proceder con claridad. los presos por el 
suceso y parientes del dho hechor fueron los dos her nos Varelas el Cap an alonso 
Varela y el alf rz P Varela el Cap an Ger" 10 Marquez, el Cap an Vaca amigos y tanbien 
presos." Ibid. 

34. Ibid. 

35. Ibid. 

86. ". . . se fue el p e Comiss al altar y puesto en pie en una grada sin manto 
ni otra Vestidura mas q. su auito dijo tantas y tales cosas q. si auia causado grande 
escandalo en el quitarle la silla al g or mayor le causaron las palabras que dijo todas 
picando y lastimando [,] al g or llamando Vosotros al auditorio ellos el comun lenguage 
suio y fueron tantas las palabras q. se atropellaban unas a otras y por esto pudo ser 
lapsus lingue lo que dijo." Ibid. 

37. Ibid. 

38. "Este propio dia hico llamar el p e Comiss al Cap an Romero al qual le dijo 
Vaya Vm. al g or y digale q. le beso las manos y q. se sirua su S a de dar licencia al 
sindico, al fiscal, y al not (que ya estaba suelto de la pris on ) para yr el sindico a 
recoger los diezmos y los demas a otras partes que tienen que yr. el dho Cap an fue 
y dijo al g or lo que el P e Comiss le auia mandado a lo qual rpspondio el 
g or que aquellos hombres eran soldados y estaban siruiendo al Rey y demas 
de esto el Sindico no tenia diezmos q. recoger que perdonase desta manera y aun con 
menos palabras lo dijo el dho Cap an al p e Comiss estando y alcando los manteles de 
la mesa el p e Comiss tomo tan gran enojo q. le hico decir espantosas palabras que 
causaron arta pena porque llamo al g or de Lut erege, judio, hombre Vajo y Vil 
maxcarero de nap 68 y aceytero, jurando q. se lo auia de pagar echandose mano a la 
barba y diciendo que auia de enbiar a llamar los frayles y que le auia de hechar al 
g er dos pares de grilles y en una enjalma enbialle a Mex co y esto a boces junto al 
patio que esta bien en la calle por lo qual pudo benir a noticia del g or y tras esto dijo 
no me espanto tanto de ese bellaco peraltilla como de los Ruines que andan a su lado 
y consienten estas cosas. el cap an tomo esso por si y respondio p e mire V P. que 
soy hombre honrrado y soy her no de la orden y que no hago malas ausencias a VsP es 
a esto dijo el p e Comiss si S or her no es Vm. pero yo digo que son ruines los que 
consienten estas cosas en ese hombre. a estas rragones el dho Cap an que era h e pru- 
dente se quito el sombrero y sin ablar palabra se fue el p e Comiss se lebanto de 


la mesa y se sento luego a escreuir con las quales cartas enuiaba a llamar alg os 
religiosos comarcanos y luego las despacho." Ibid. 

39. For a fuller account of what happened on July 9, see Appendix I. 

40. "Todos los religiosos oyeron al p e Comiss sus justificaciones y culpas del 
g r porq. sacados los que arriba referi que es el p e g an de la V a fr Luis Ti do y fr 
andres Xuarez y Yo y el religioso lego herido todos los demas que eran doce religiosos 
no sabian ni aun oy sauen lo sucedido sino por boca y relacion del p e Comiss o 
g n de la V* fr Luis Ti do y de algunos seglares amedrentados por el p e Comiss para 
no poder decir lo que a pasado en la tierra como adelante se dira y assi yo ni mas ni 
menos no me atrebia a contar a nadie nada porque Viuia el p e Comiss con notable 
cuidado con todos los que conocia que podian decir o escreuir . . . Abiendo propuesto 
el p e Comiss a los padres todos su Voluntad que era de yr a la Villa a hacer 
prender al gou or n'ro p e fr Alonso Peynado dio su parecer de q. se mirase bien y si 
podia pasar adelante el hacer el g or otras cosas como las pasadas y los religiosos no 
auian de tener seguridad en la tierra nos fuessemos y adelante enuiase el p e Comiss 
quien diese noticia al s or Virrey y audiencia R 1 y que en S ta Barbara podiamos 
aguardar el remedio de todo. El p e Comisario barajo los pareceres gustando se 
hiciese el suio. Visto por los religiosos todos callaron salbo el p e Martha que quiso 
dar su parecer pues para ello auia sido llamado. yba dando las propias racones que 
nuestro p e fr Alonso y que arto ynpgrtaban, el p e Comiss se auia casado con su 
parecer y assi nos mando a Todos los religiosos q. como cada uno pudiese se auiase 
y fuesemos todos a la V a ." Ibid. 

41. Salimos del dho conuento a las dos o tres de la tarde el dho Sabado 13 de 
Jullio y llegamos a la Villa como a las diez o las once de la noche donde luego el dia 
sig te domingo 14 de jullio por la manana higo el p e Comiss un requerimyento a los 
alcaldes y cauildo pidiendoles prendiesen al g or acabada la misa mayor mando el p e 
Comiss a los religiosos saliessemos a la yglesia y alii en la peafia del altar mayor me 
m do Jeyese el requerimiento en q. les pedia a los alcaldes y rregidores Cap 68 y demas 
oficiales de guerra prendiesen al g or atento que auia ydo a matar al p e Comiss sin 
mas causa que llebado de su danada yntencion, y porque se queria huir a la nu a esp a 
por no atreberse a parecer en la R 1 audiencia donde no podia dar quenta de mucha 
hacienda r 1 que tenia Vsurpada y auer hecho otras cosas muy feas q. le ponia en el 
dho requerimy 10 para moberlos a hacer la dha prision que el dho p e Comiss , gustaba 
se hiciese por los espanoles los quales luego pidieron treslado del dho requerimyto y 
que ellos responderian este mesmo dia a las dos de la tarde binieron los regidores 
un alcalde y algunos capitanes y estubieron con el p e Comiss g an de la V a fr 
Luis tirado dos oras dificultando en como podian ellos hacer la dha prision q. su p d 
mandaba los dhos dos p es la facilitaban enpero los espanoles por tiempo de ocho dias 
que alii estubimos aguardando la resp ta ning se mouio ni fue de parecer se prendiese 
al dho g or . Visto esto por el dho p e Comiss ordeno de hacer despacho y enuiar a los 
q. estaban retraydos con el qual fue el dho Alferez Simon Perez y otros tres Soldados 
escriuiendo al S r Visorrey una carta haciendo relacion de lo q. auia pasado como quiso 
con algunos regidores y un alcalde pidiendo lic a al Virrey para prender al dho g or 
este papel por uer el S de gou on como yba no quiso autorigarle yo fui el secret y 
me peso sali este despacho de quatro Soldados y un religioso en 23 de jullio de 
1613 llegaron a mex'-'" y dicen que quiso el Virrey castigar a los que auian salido sin 
lic a del g or enuio la carta que el p e Comiss y regidores auian enbiado a su Ex a con 
el nuebo g or para que la reconociesen los que la auian firmado El mesmo dia enuio 
el K" r al alcalde Ju Ruiz de caceres en seguimy to de los q. salian con otros dos 
soldados y pudiendolos prender por respecto del p e Comiss los dejaron yr." Ibid. 

42. Ibid. 

43. "En la V a tenia el p e Comiss un h e q. hacia a dos manos auia dado la 
palabra a 1 gr or de yr con el a la nu a Esp a y al p e Comiss le escreuia le auisaria de la 
salida y los parages y jornadas q. hiciese el g or para q. con mas comodidad le pren- 
diesen. a 10 de Ag to a las quatro de la tarde llego auiso al p e Comis" q ya el g or 
se auia puesto en camino. luego al punto escriuio el p e Comiss a todos los religiosos 


biniesen al conu to de S to Domingo armados como pudiesen religiosos vinieron y 
religiosos se escusaron para el dho caso. A 11 del dho ag to despues de m noche 
salio el p e Comis con alg as armas y los que auia de llebar en su comp y fue a 
amanecer al conu to de Sandia donde estaba el p e g* n de aquella casa bien descuidado 
de tan subita llegada del p e Comiss alii trato el p e Comiss con los Cap es y Soldados 
que llebaba q. le pidiesen por pet on que ya que ellos yban a prender al g or por q. 
desamparaba la Ti a y salia huyendo a la nu a espa a q. su p d les diese fauor y que 
para eso que el haria el papel ellos digeron que enora buena hico el p e Comiss una 
pet on en q. les cargaba la pris on totalmente a los espanoles. Ellos biendo y oyendo 
la pet on no quisieron firmarla mas digeron al p e Comiss q. pues su p d los llebaba 
para aquel efecto q. se hiciese otro papel. hicole el p e Comiss y fue del S el p e fr 
agustin. este hallaron mas aproposito los cap es y le firmaron los dhos cap 68 este papel 
ti e sus falsedades en la ffha porq. se higo a 12 de agosto en el pueblo de La ysleta y 
pusieron la ffha en la Vi a de S ta fee y pusieron por test 08 y quedaban su parecer y 
consentimy to personas que no se ballaron presentes porque estaban en la Vi a veinte 
leguas de tierra en medio q. no les pasaba por la ymaginacion ni sabian lo que en La 
ysleta se hacia este papel esta en poder del S de gou on frn co Perez granillo y se podra 
ber." Ibid. 

44. "Este dia salio el p e Comiss del conu to de la ysleta para yr al camino donde 
auia de hacer aquella noche Jornada el g or que ya estaba abisado de aquel personage 
q. yba con el g or y dige arriba q. hacia a dos manos a 13 del dho mes de ag to entre 
dos luces dio el p e Comiss alba?o al g or con casi quarenta pers 8 todas bien armadas 
requiriole el p e Comiss se diera preso el g or no queria y el p e Comiss dijo sea preso 
por el S to off el g or higo sus diligencias pero no le valieron fue preso y traydo al 
Conu to de Sandia por tenerle mas lejos de la Vy a y mas seguro aunq. el p e g an fr 
Esteban de Perea lo repugno y sintio enpero aprobechole poco porque el p e Comiss 
era el q. mandaba luego saco y tomo los papeles que el g or llebaba y en reconocerlos 
todos y quitarle los q. al p e Comiss , le tenian cuidadoso gasto desde catorce de ag to 
a m dia hasta diez y seis del mesmo y llebandoselos el p e Comissle dejo en el dho 
conu to preso con prisiones y tres Soldados y otros muchos naturales de aquel pu de 

a 17 del dho ag to se fueron el p e Comiss y los demas religiosos Cap 68 y Soldados q. se 
hallaron en prender al dho g or al conu to de S to Domingo llebandose consigo preso el 
p e Comis a un alcalde ordin de la Vy a q. se llama don Ju Escarramad q. yba con el 
g or y era su amigo y le tubo preso con grilles en el dho conu to de S to Domingo cerca 
de dos meses con arta Vejacion y menoscabo de su hacienda." Ibid. 

45. "A 9 de Sept re fue el p e Comiss a la V a donde dijo un dia de fiesta que el 
tenia preso al g or y que de auello hecho esperaba gran premio y que ni mas ni menos 
le podian esperar los q. se auian hallado a prenderle. abomino lo hecho por el g or 
reprehendio a los timidos y esforcjolos para adelante y certificoles que les auia hecho 
un muy gran bien en quitarle los papeles al g or porq. llebaba cosas q. les auian de 
dar arta pena y con ellos una carta que enbiaba a Zacatecas en q. les trataba de 
g te de mezclilla dandoles palabra q. despues se la enbiaria como lo hico y mando el p e 
g an a fr ger mo de pedraca fuese de casa en casa mostrandola de que reciuieron arta 
pena h es y mugeres y se indignaron de nuebo con el g or ." Ibid. ". . . vn delito tan 
graue y tan atros como fue prender al gou or y cap an gen 1 don P de peralta y tenerle 
un ano preso en dho conbento de sandia y temiendo q. los uesinos le querian sacar 
y poner en su gouierno el prelado q. entonces era fr. hisidro hordoiies q. fue el q. 
le prendio a titulo de la santa ynquisicion sin ser comisario della se puso en el 
pulpito de la yglesia desta uilla con un cristo en las manos a enterneser la rrepu a con 
esclamaciones y disiendo que esperaua por aquella acsion de la prision ser premiado 
con una mitra." Statement by the Cabildo of Santa Fe, Jan. 14, 1639. A. G. P. M., 
Prov. Int., Tomo 35, Exped. 5. 

46. Relacion Verdadera, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316. 

47. Ibid. 

48. Ibid. 


49. Ibid. 

50. Ibid. There is another version of Peralta's escape in the Statement by the 
Cabildo of Santa Fe, Jan. 14, 1639, A. G. P. M. f Prov. Int., Tomo 35, Exped. 5: 
". . . y abiendose uido de la prision el dho gou or y Cap an general en el rrigor del 
ybierno fue a pie y medio desnudo cubierto con un Cuero de sibola como yndio a una 
estancia q. esta dos leguas del dho pueblo donde sabido por su carselero q. lo era el 
P fr. esteuan de perea fue con gran cantidad de yndios con arco y flecha y serco la 
dha estancia y aunq. no le hallo por entonses le bolbieron a prender en esta uilla desde 
donde le bolbieron a lleuar con grillos sentado en una bestia como muger asta el 
pueblo de Sandia q. era su prision q. esta catorse leguas lleuandole a su cargo el P e 
fr. andres Juares digo el P e fr. luis tirado al conbento desta uilla donde le bolbieron a 
prender con vos de la ynquisision." 

51. Relacion Verdadera, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316. 

52. Ibid. 

53. Ibid. 

54. Ibid. 

55. On July 7, 1616, the oficiales reales of Mexico paid to Peralta part of the 
salary due, but retained a balance of more than 1800 pesos pending final decision 
concerning his residencia. A. G. I., Contaduria 719. This balance was finally paid 
on November 28, 1617, following a certification, "q se sentencio en Reuista en seis 
de otubre de DCXVII y que dio quenta y satisfizo todo lo que fue a su cargo de tal 
gouernador y de las condenaciones que le fueran fhas . . ." Ibid., Contaduria 720. 

56. Codex Hisp. 79. 
67. See Appendix II. 

58. Relacion Verdadera, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316. 

59. Ibid. 

60. Ibid. 

61. Ibid. 

62. Ibid. 

63. "Despues que el g or Ber no de Zaballos fue abriendo los ojos en la prouy" 
con las cosas q. cada uno le contaba que auian pasado entre don P de p ta y el p e 
Comiss hablaba sin pepita lo que queria y le peso harto no auer enuiado al p e fr Ys 
Ord'z con don P de peralta a la nu* esp a (como muchas beces lo decia) para escusar 
las pesadumbres q. ya empecaban escriuiendose cartas el p e Comiss y g n culpandole 
al g r el consentir tal y tal estancia que fue por donde hico mal quisto a don P de p ta 
para hacer con Zavallos lo q. con su antecesor el g p ya estaba prebenido y era astuto 
y todo lo q. el p e Comiss y g an y otros le escreuian contra los espanoles se lo 
mostraba y decia a ellos y asi bian de donde salia el triunfo de aficion o desamor." 

64. "Por tiempo de dos aflos desde q. salio el g or don P de p ta hasta q. salio 
el p e fr Ys ordz a la nueba esp a nunca faltaron pleytos entre el p e Comiss y el g or 
como se bera por una carta q. ba en la visita escrita a tantos de Sept. 6 de 1616 as. 
que el dho g T escriuio al p e Comiss con el p c g an fr Luis Tirado fueron ynfinitos 
los pleytos y las ocassiones que el dho p e g an dio al g or hasta Venirle a matar al 
conu to con un pistolete y dos soldados andubieron ocho dias disfra^ados con arcabuces 
para matarle de noche al salir alas secretas a sus necesidades grandes escandalos ubo 
que requerian otra tan grande memorial y relacion como esta para contarlos pero por 
podersele atribuir lo mesmo que se atribuia al p e fr ysidro ord6nez predicandose delos 
dos un mesmo modo de proceder en todo y unas mesmas cosas otros las diran y yo 
no lo hare por q. e sido muy agrauiado deshonrrado pu ca m te y maltratado deste p c 
g an fr Luis Tirado y por que no se diga que la pasion me llega y me hace alargar lo 
dejo." Ibid. 

65. Ibid. 

66. "A 17 de nob e de 1614 hico junta en la Vy a el P e Comiss de alg 08 religiosos 
que alii pudo juntar comodam te q. fueron el p c fr P de haro g an de nambe el p" fr 
andres Bpta g an de S l Ylefonso el p e fr Agustin de Burgos g an de San Lazaro y el 
p e K n d e j a dha Vy a y delante de ellos el dia sig te despues de auer cenado m do el p e 
Comiss al p e fr Alonso Peynado que digese las culpas y auiendolas dho como muy 


relig que es comenco el p e Comiss a decir tales y tan malas palabras quales aun 
nouicio y que fuese conocidam te sospechoso no se pudieran decir. El p e fr A 
Peynado dijo q. le tratase bien que el no se conocia por aquel que decia entre estas 
y otras rracones yntimo mucho el auer escrito la carta a n'ro R mo P e diciendo muchas 
cosas q. no yban en ella y callando las que yban A esto le Voluio a decir el p e fr 
A Peynado que digese Verdad en lo que yba diciendo que pues el no negaba que 
auia escrito aquella carta y las Verdades que contenia que no digese mas ni menos 
de lo que en ella estaba que aquello anrmaba auia hecho y mas a esto respondio el 
Comiss que mentia lebantase el Comiss y el S to Viejo de las culpas y bienen a las 
manos apagase la candela los religiosos que a esso se llegaron se hallaron turbados que 
no sauian a quien ayudar ni a quien desayudar finalm te los despartieron todos culpan 
al p e Comiss solo el p e g an T do sinbolo y principio medio y fin de todos estos males. 
Ayudaba al p e Comisario contra el S to Viejo por auerle reprehendido alg as cosas q. 
le estubieran bien al dho p e g an tomarlas como hijo y no defenderlas como obstinado 
y por ellas tratarle muy mal delante de seglares de que tomaron mal exemplo y se 
escandalicaron El dia sig te 19 de nob re dia traca el p e Comiss de q. saliese el 
p e Comiss de q. saliese el p e Viejo aunque no tenia ocasion ni podia segun just* 
hecharle de la dha Vy a donde amaban, estimaban. y regalaban al S to Viejo por su 
anciandad gran religion y poca salud. enpero el por no dar lugar a cosas escudandolas 
pidio salir de alii para otro conu to distante del de la Vy a veinte leguas y aun parecien- 
dole que no estaba alii seguro salio con artas lagrimas y sentimy to de todo el pueblo 
el qu 1 alcancando a sauer lo que auia pasado y quedando diciendo que desterraban 
aquel S to Viejo el Comis y g an porque queria bien a los espafioles y los trataba con 
amor que es lo que siempre los dhos dos padres an sentido y aborrecido a los religiosos 
que lo hacen assi que quisieran los dos que a su ymitacion los demas los aperrearan 
trataran mal de rfuines g te ynfame y con otros nombres tales como estos o peores q. 
los tubieramos por ladrones y en las confesiones les hicieramos desear la absolucion." 

67. "Hice una pet on pidiendole al p e Comiss con toda la humildad posible me 
mostrase la patente de su off por cierta duda q. se me auia ofrecido escreuila En 
este tiempo estaba el p e Comiss en la Vy* no quise yr alia porque auia de alborotar 
luego la gente y con lo que digera y hiciera temia no me boluiera a meter donde decia 
hasta perecer no aguarde a yr a suconv to por el mesmo ynconben te no lo trate con 
los religiosos por la distancia delos lugares y no ser sentido y prim q. yo lo pidiese 
por pet on me lebantase por pisar el sol que auia cometido un graue delito fuime a 
aguardarle en una visita quatro leguas de la Vy a de S ta fee para presentarle alii mi 
peticion acertaron a hallarse en aquel pu doce espafioles los quales llame para que 
fuesen test 08 porque no me lebantase el p e fr Ys que le salia a matar sali de la 
visita al encuentro y receuimy to del p e Comiss y como aun tiro de arcabuz de alii 
por escusar si ubiera boces que no tomaran los yndios mal exemplo le suplique con 
toda humildad me oyese aquella pet on preguntome que era la duda y causa para pre- 
sentar aquella pet on y pedille la patente de su off yo le dige una carta falsa que emos 
hallado con que VR. absoluio y hico renunciar su oficio de Comiss a n'ro p e fr Alonso 
Peynado dijo a esto pues p e no bastara que muestre cartas de Virrey y oidores y otras 
pers as y religiosos de n'ra pouy a a esto le dige quanto mejor sera la patente que nos 
dira la Verdad quedo que la mostraria y con esto nos fuimos cada qual a su conv to 
Luego otro dia hico el p e fr Xpobal de quiros me escriuiese y rogase dejase la demanda 
empecada yo le respondi que pues en aquello no le pedia ocsa injusta que si era pre do 
lo mostrase que no auia dificultad, sino lo era q. no le queria obedecer, otro dia sig te 
me escriuio el mesmo Comiss rogandome no tratase dello todo esto me hacia per- 
seuerar y procurar con muy grandes veras fuera Comiss o pre do el que gustaban 
n'ros p es y quien sus paternidades ubiesen nombrado por sus patentes al tercero dia 
hico llamar los religiosos y alii a mi mostro una patente yo la ui y ley y hasta el dia 
de oy estoy incredulo de que fuese pre do pues siendolo poca necesidad tenia de hacer 
aquella carta falsa y asi como me mostro la patente me m do reclusar y otro dia me llebo 


a su conuento de S to Domingo donde me pudo poner en la estufa y hacer todo el 
mal que quisiera llebandolo por ter nos tiranos que era lo que yo recelaua. 
pusonos a mi y a los otros dos religiosos en dos celdas y tratando con los demas 
religiosos q. se haria le aconsejo el p e g an de Sandia fr Esteban de Perea que hiciese 
ynformy " de lo hecho y que substanciado el neg si me hallara culpado me castigara o 
me perdonara el p e Comiss trato el solo de quererlo hacer y que a el se atribuyese 
la honrra de la liberalidad y se le diesen las gracias y assi nos mando poner en forma 
de presos los dias en que en S to Domingo estubimos sin mas papeles ni informy on q. 
lo dho despues aca e sauido que en secreto hico firmar una carta con sola su in- 
for;macion o dho diciendo q. firmasen aquel papel para tenerme el pie sobre el pes- 
cueso que el dicho p e no me queria hacer mal empero para que si en algun T'po yo 
hablase pudiese mostrar aquel papel sin mas ynformy on ni acusacion ni indicios ni 
mala fama de lo que el p e Comiss quiso con su bu a o mala conciencia poner " 

68. Otro papel me an dho hi?o tanbien pidiendo firmas a religiosos el p e fr. 
Xpobal de quiros auiendo leydo el papel (con ser un muy grande amigo suio) no le 
quiso firmar, lo propio el p e fr Juan de Salas porque dijo que yba en el que yo 
defendia y tenia nuevas opiniones, otro me dijo que auia firmado, por persuasion 
diciendole el p e Comiss que pues lo hacian otros tambien el lo hiciesse y assi lo 
hico este relig dice q. leyo que los religiosos no llegaban a tres y que daban su 
parecer que yo ealiese de la tierra este papel escriuio el p e Comiss fr Ys Ord'z 
quefiendo salir a Tierra de paz y yo con el por una licencia q. tenia de n'ro P e fr 
Juan Zareta, yo no se en que estubo este engano ni que penso el p e Comiss q do me 
concedio licencia para yr a la nu a esp* y para ello me hecho por tercero al p e fr 
Juan de Salas hico me deshacer de las cosas necesarias de mi pers* y hic.ome poner en 
camino y en el vlt conu to finge que auia tenido como Reuelacion del cielo comun 
lenguage suio y que era la Voluntad de Dios me quedase quisome quitar la patente 
y hacerme quedar por mal Visto su pensamy to y que segun era de Tirano y disoluto 
o absolute prelado me quede diome una firmada de su n e que podre mostrar para q. Be 
bea la maldad de las cartas q. hic.o firmar, dijome que queriendome quedar pidiese 
de la tierra lo que quisiese yo creo y otros lo creen assi no me quiso llebar por q. se 
auian de sauer estas Verdades que aqui estan escritas." Ibid. 

69. The departure of Perez Guerta at this time is indicated by a letter of 
Francisco Perez Granillo to the Holy Office, October 29, 1617, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 
318, f. 477. No definite information exists concerning the date of the departure of 
Ordonez, but it is reasonable to assume that he went with the caravan. 

70. A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316, ff. 183 v, 184. 

71. The incomplete original manuscript of the trial record in the case of 
Escarramad is in Diferentes Autos de molestias Hechas a los Vez os de la N a mex co 
por los Religiosos y la soberania Con que Usen Jri don (1604-1639), A. G. P. M., 
Provincias Internas, Tomo 34, Exped. 1. A copy sent to the Holy Office by Perea in 
the autumn of 1617 is in A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 316, ff 175-184. There are important 
differences in the two manuscripts which will be noted during the discussion of the 

72. Pe>ez Guerta referred to the messenger as "Don Juan." Relacion Verda- 
dera, A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 316. 

73. Testimony of Juan Ruiz, April 18, 1617, and of Juan Gomez, June 30, 1617. 
Diferentes Autos, A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas, Tomo 34, Exped. 1. 

74. Ibid. 

75. "Vellacos, picaros, vigardos, ladrones." Declaration of Juan Gomez, June 
27, 1617. Ibid. 

76. Perea gave Quiros authority to act as Judge-delegate in pending ecclesiastical 
cases on June 15, 1617. A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 318, f. 491 

77. A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas, Tomo 34, Exped. 1. 


78. The text of the sentence is not given in the original manuscript of the 
trial record in Diferentes Autos, but a complete statement is found in the copy of 
the record in A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316. 

79. Diferentes Autos, A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas, Tomo 34, Exped. 1. 

80. A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316, f. 183. 

81. "Visto el auto y rrequerimiento arriva contenido por el senor almirante Ber no 
de ceuallos dixo que lo oyo y que el dho p e y demas rrelixyosos [decian ?] lo que les 
conviene, y que su senoria se yra atras de los rrelixiosos si se fueren y ynformaran 
todos a su esex a el s or uirrey de la nueva espana de las cosas y estado destas prouin- 
cias, y que la causa no era de su rreuerencia el conocella sino como en buenos cris- 
tianos y poco temoroso de [blurred] falsamente. Por tanto 'a su s a rrogamos nos 
De [torn] su s a el conocella, y que a el no se mete en sus adjudicaturas, y que el R e 
fr. cristoual no saue tener terminas en sus escritos y que sevastian de novoa no trate 
de cosa ni causa alguna ni le rreuuelba la tierra porque le castigara rrigurosamente 
porque el susodho a traydo todas estas cosas, y que se le notifique esta rrespuesta que 
lo cunpla y guarde donde no que le castigara, y pide su senoria se le de el auto y 
rrespuesta por testimonio autorisado en forma y lo firmo su senoria. Ber no de 
ceuallos." Diferentes Autos, f. 15, 15v. 

82. Ibid. 

83. The real provision has been published in English translation by L. B. Bloom 
in NEW MEX. HIST. REV., V (1930), 288-298. 

84. Testimony, with Perea's covering letter of Sept. 29, 1617 in A. G. P. M., 
Inquisicion 318, ff, 398-495. 

85. G. P. Hammond, Don Juan de Onate and the founding of New Mexico 
(Santa Fe, 1927), passim; Relacion Verdadera and Testimony against Marquez. A. 
G. P. M., Inquisicion 316. 

86. Testimony against Marquez, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316 ; Diferentes Autos, 
A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas, Tomo 34, exped. 1. 

87. The Inquisition? 

88. Letter of Francisco Perez Granillo, Paraje del Muerto, Oct. 29, 1617. A. G. 
P. M., Inquisicion 318, f. 477. 


Friar Francisco Perez Guerta's Account of the 
Incident of July 9, 1613 

Este propio dia (8 de Julio) en la tarde mando el p e g an de la Vy a 
sacar arina para amasar pan y la harina fue con exceso y por serlo 
dio que pensar en la casa donde se auia de amasar y deseo de sauer 
la causa al que traya la harina que era un muchacho de la yglesia 
espanol el qual sauia q. venian los religiosos y assi dijo q. para este 
efecto era. El dia sig te martes 9 del dho mes fue bien de manana a 
casa del g r un Vz llamado Ju Lujan el qual preguntado por el g or 
de las cosas nuebas q. auia o sauia respondio lo que y es q. ayer en la 
tarde llebaron a mi casa cant d grande de harina para pan y pregun- 
tando mi muger para que trayan tanta junta respondio el muchacho 
bienen muchos frailes, y lo q. se decir mas es que oy decir a Asensio de 
arechuleta el not q. se auian de juntar los frailes para prender a 
VS. Luego al punto el g or hic.o llamar a todos los Vz 03 q. biniesen a su 
casa con sus armas, lo qual hicieron los que entonces se hallaron en 
la V a sin sauer para que. Despues q. los tubo juntos les represento 
el deseo que el P e Comiss tenia de prenderle como constaba por aquella 
carta que el p e perguer g 5 " 1 de S* lac.aro le auia enuiado q. se la hic.o 
leer a los dhos Vz 09 , y como lo auia dho en la yglesia el domino pasado, 
y como otras beces lo auia dho a otras personas q. le auia de prender sin 
declararles mas su pensamy 10 ni lo que auia de hacer. Tras esto pro- 
beio el g r un auto y le m do pregonar en q. mandaba no embiasen al 
conu to comida pan ni camas. Luego m do a su S q. tomase papel y 
tinta y todos juntos con el g r binieron al conu to . Este dia por la 
manana andaba gran ruydo de los hombres antes de juntarse en casa 
del g r y auiendo de ser uno de los que abian de yr a la casa del g or 
y a su mandato bar me Romero, Viniendo el dho Romero benia 
su muger a la yglesia a misa y abiendo visto el ruido que 
andaba y el peligro q. podia auer entro en la iglesia llorando y 
dando boces mobiendo a lastima a las demas mugeres. El p e Comiss 
acabaua de ponerse en el altar y la muger llamada Dona Lucia no 
teniendo atencion a que estaba el p e Comiss donde la podia oir 
comenc.o a culparle y aun a maldecir la suerte de su off pues les ponia 
en aquellas tribulaciones y otras muchas palabras que fue mucho 
decirlas la dha muger por ser muy prudente callada honesta y muy 
debota. El p e Comiss yritado con aquellas rac.ones se boluio a ella 
y la dijo q. Callase con otras palabras que hasta oy tiene que sentir. 
En este tiempo que esto sucedia en la yglesia estaba yo mirando desde 
la porteria el tropel de los soldados y aunque preguntaba que era en 



lo que andaban, o que significaba tanta priesa tantas armas y tan 
juntos no ubo quien me digese nada porque con las cosas q. auia todos 
nos mostraban mala cara, y asi fuy de la porteria a donde estaba el 
pe gan f r \ u { s Ti do fr andres Xuarez y el her no fr ger mo de Pedraca en 
la guerta y les dige, mucho mal creo a de auer que no se que anda en 
el pueblo que esta ynquieto. Voluiose el p e g an a mi con colera notan- 
dome de gallina y temeroso. Yo calle y disimule y pregunte que se 
estaba tratando. Fueseme dho Como el p e g an se determinaba con un 
machete yrle a matar las terneras de sibola al g r . Estando diciendo 
estas palabras bimos entrar por la porteria gente armada y con ella al 
g or con cota, espada en la cinta y en ella un pistolete y en la mano 
una pistola larga. Fuimos todos quatro hacia la puerta del conu to y 
alii nos pusimos aguardando que el g or llegase. Llego donde estabamos 
que era en el patio de la puerta de la libreria y alii quitandose cor- 
tesam te el sombrero preg to donde esta el p e Comisario? El p e g an fr. 
Luis Ti do le respondio diciendo, estaba misa, podra ser q. la aya 
acabado. Suplico a Vr. le m de llamar dijo el g r . El p e Tirado llego a 
la puerta de la libreria, dijo en boz alta p e Comiss aqui 
llama a Vr. el g r El p e Comiss salio por la dha puerta 
al patio de la casa y biendo la disposicion q. la g te traia Voluio 
a entrar y de un rincon tomo un bordon de m a asta que alii estaba 
y diciendo, para este desbenturado este basta, salio con el en la mano. 
El g r le quito el sombrero y en el ynter dijo el p e Comiss que quiere 
VS. Respondio el g r , p e Comiss a VP. requiero de parte de su Mag d 
que oy en este dia se baya a su conu to y mande a los religiosos q. a 
enuiado a llamar q. se esten en sus dotrinas porq. esto conuiene. A 
esto resp el p e Comiss S or es berdad q. yo e enbiado a llamar los 
religiosos pero es para neg q. Conbiene. En este punto se aparto con 
poco religiosas palabras de nosotrps el p e fr Luis T y entro alia 
dentro en la libreria y andando como buscando armas dijo a perro a 
Traydor El g r que era timido y Traia los ojos como de lince uido 
andar al p e de aquella manera y oyo decir perro. Dijo el g or , perro 
Voto a Dios q. sepa yo matar un frayle. Entonces alqo la pistola y le 
hecho el gatillo que asta entonces no le traia hechado y luego mando 
a dos Soldados entrasen y sacasen las armas que auia El p e Comiss 
les mando por descomu on que no entrasen. El g r les apunto con la 
pistola. El comiss los tenia y finalm te entraron y no hallaron armas. 
Boluio despues de todo esto el g r a decir, p e Comiss , mire q. le 
requiero q. VP. se baia oy en este dia a su conu to de S to Domingo y 
haga lo q. le m do dejandome en paz y a esta V a . A esto resp el p e 
Comiss q. no lo pensaba hacer que en su casa se estaba y voluiendose 
a los Vz 03 les dijo, Vsms. a q. bienen aqui no saben q. son vasallos de 
esta yglesia, y el g or dijo a esto q. se enganaba en aquello y auiendo 
de la una y otra p te palabras y boces acometio a al?ar el baston que 


dige auia sacado el p e Comiss en la mano para dar con el al g or pero 
dicen q. se le tubo Juan Lujan soldado y Voluiendose al g or le dijo 
VS saue con quien se toma y el g or resp, q. le parecia q. con fr. 
Ysidnro Ord z , y el p e Comiss le dijo no se toma sino con toda la orden 
y hechandose mano de la Barba juro diciendo, por uida de Fr. Ys que 
os tengo de destruir q. bien parece q. no saue VS. en la que le tengo 
metido. El g or resp en que me puede tener metido q. yo no sepa. a 
esto respondio el p e Comiss no saue, ye el p e g*" 1 de la mesma manera, 
no saue, y Voluiendo el g or a decirle al p e Comiss que hiciera lo q. le 
mandaba de yrse a su conuento. A esto dijo el P e Comiss pues puede 
VS. mandarme a mi. El g or dijo si y hecharle dos pares de grilles. 
Alguacil trayga dos pares de grilles. Traygan ocho dijo el p e Comiss 
y no oy mas palabra, porque el g r dijo aqui del Key se apreso hechan- 
dole mano de la Capilla el p e Comiss le hecho mano de la ropilla el 
p e fr Luis T do por otro lado y el p e fr. Andres Xuarez, y assi andando 
assidos se aparto el p e fr. Luis T do a sacarle a un Soldado la espada 
de la bayna y Voluiendo sin ella le arranco al g r una manga del capo- 
tillo y el otro religioso entro en una celda a Vuscar armas y saco un 
hajon conque se tane musica Andando de esta manera yba algando el 
p e Comiss el palo para descargarselo en la cabeqa al g r q. la tenia 
oprimida y harto llegada al suelo. Yo que estaba mirando estas cosas 
de afuera q do el p e Comiss como dige yba algando el palo llegue 
tenelle y en aquel punto el g or aduirtiolo y tambien yba algando la 
pistola q. tenia en las manos y alc,andola como q. queria dar con ella al 
p e Comiss , se la tubieron por detras el Secret y otro. Voluio con 
enojo el g r y soltandola el q. la auia tenido como tiro el g or jurare que 
no fue en su mano dispararse la pistola porq. ni fue Vista ni casi oida 
con el alboroto de boces y rruido hasta q. Cayo el religioso lego herido. 
Esto duraria por espacio de dos credos cantados. Luego ceso todo. 
Los espanoles apartaron al g or y nosotros nos pusimos a cuidar de n'ro 
herido. Fue tan grande el escandalo y confussion y labrimas de las 
mugeres q. mas es para encomendarlo a Dios y rogarle no entre en 
juicio con quien fue la causa que de tratar mas de esta lastimosa 

Este dho dia 9 de Jullio en q. fue este suceso hic,o llamar el p e 
Comiss a todos los que auian benido con el g or y a cada uno de por si 
los fue absoluiendo salbo al armero no quiso absoluer por q. saliendo 
tambien herido de la municion q. derramo la pistola del g r salio el 
dho hombre culpando al p e Comiss de lo sucedido, y porque despues en 
una ynformy 011 que el dho g r mando se hiciesse culpaba el dho armero 
al dho padre Comiss , estando enfermo y peligroso este dho hombre y 
pedia confesion, ni confesion ni absolucion no le quisieron d ar el p e 
Comiss ni g an del R 1 . Este mesmo dia mando el P e Comiss pusiesen a 
la puerta de la yglesia al g or por pu co descomulgado y despacho el p 


Comiss a los religiosos q. benian a la Villa fuesen a S to Domingo para 
donde despues de consumido el sacram to santiss mo del Sagrario y 
cerrada la Yglesia y la Sacristia a piedra y lodo sin quedar religioso 
nos partimos todos con el p e Comiss por su mandate. 
Relacion Verdadera, A. G. P. M. Inquisicion 316. 


The New Mexico missions had been supervised by the Commis- 
sary-General of the Franciscans of New Spain and the Provincial of 
the Province of the Holy Evangel, to whom the local commissaries 
were responsible. It was customary, however, for a new mission area 
to be set up as a custodia, or semi-independent administrative area, 
as soon as a sufficient number of convents were established. The 
prelate of such an area was called a custodian (Custodio), and his 
duties and powers were essentially the same as those of a provincial 
of an independent province, subject, of course, to supervision by the 
province to which the custodia was attached. It is not clear whether 
the appointment of Perea with the title of custodian was due primarily 
to a decision that the New Mexico missions had reached the stage 
where local autonomy was justified, or to the belief that, in view of 
the seriousness of the situation in New Mexico, the prelate should 
have the greater dignity and authority that the title of custodian 
implied. There is some justification for thinking that the appointment 
was the result of an emergency, for Perea was named by the Com- 
missary-General rather than by the definitorio of the Province of the 
Holy Evangel which, later on, exercised the power of appointment. In 
any case, by choosing Perea the Commissary General gave responsi- 
bility to a mature and experienced friar who had not been a violent 
partisan of Ordonez. The exact date of Perea's appointment is not 
known. In my article, "Problems in the early ecclesiastical history of 
New Mexico," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, VII (1932), 32-74, I 
discussed Perea's statement that he had been "superior prelate" of 
New Mexico three times and identified these periods, as follows: (1) 
Commissary, 1614; (2) Custodian, 1616-17 to 1621; (3) Custodian, 
1629-1631. Identification of the first period was based on Zarate 
Salmeron's statement that Perea was "Commisary of those Provinces" 
when the bones of Friar Francisco Lopez were found at Puaray in 
1614. Ibid., p. 50. The dates for the second period were based on an 
accumulation of data from various sources. Ibid., 47-64. Perea's 
own Relaciones dealing with certain events of his terms as custodian 
beginning in 1629 had long been known. Perez Guerta's Relacion 
Verdadera makes it clear that Ordonez, not Perea, was commissary in 
1614. Consequently Zarate Salmeron's phrase, "Commissary of those 
provinces," evidently means that Perea was in charge of missions 


among the Tiwa pueblos, not commissary of all the New Mexico mis- 
sions. There are other instances of the use of the word commissary 
to designate the friar in charge of some part of the Pueblo area. But 
how was Perea prelate twice during the early period, i. e. prior to 
1621? The Archive Historico Nacional, Madrid, Inquisicion, leg. 
1228, num. 3, has a document entitled, "Mem* del P e frai Esteban de 
perea custodio que a sido de nuebo mex co 1629, which contains informa- 
tion concerning Perea's limpieza de sangre requested by the Holy 
Office of Mexico in 1627. It contains the following statement: 
"Memoria de los Padres y aguelos (naturaleca y off ) del P e fr. 
esteuan de Perea, predicador, y cust q. a sido dos ueces de las prouin- 
cias del nueuo mexico. la primera ues por n. p e frai xpoual Ramirez 
Comiss g 1 de estas yndias y despues continuando por n. p e fr. diego 
de otalora comis g 1 tanbien de estas yndias." Now Friar Cristobal Ra- 
mirez was Commissary General of New Spain during the years 1612- 
1617, and Friar Diego de Otalora for the years 1618-1622. (Fr. Fran- 
cisco Antonio de la Rosa Figueroa, Bezerro General Menologico y chro- 
nologico de todos los Religiosos...en esta St. Prov & del S io Evang...Ayer 
Collection, Newberry Library, Chicago.) It appears, therefore, that 
Perea's first two terms as prelate were by appointment by these two 
Commissaries General, and that they cover the period I assigned to 
the second term in my article cited above. It is logical to assume 
that the appointment by Friar Cristobal Ramirez was made some- 
time between the arrival of Peralta in Mexico in the winter or spring 
of 1615 and the departure of the mission supply caravan for New 
Mexico in the summer or early autumn of 1616. (For data concerning 
the supply caravan, see A. G. I., Contaduria 718, 845 A-B.) This 
supply train arrived in New Mexico not later than January, 1617, 
because we have a copy of a poder signed by Perea as custodian, 
dated at Santa Fe, January 30, 1617. (A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 316, 
ff. 183 v. 184.) The re-appointment of Perea to the custodianship by 
Friar Diego de Otalora, who served as Commissary General from 
1618 to 1622, may have been made during the year 1618 and the 
patient sent with Gov. Juan de Eulate who arrived in New Mexico in 
December, 1618. 


Chapter XV 

THE search for ethnological material among the native 
peoples of the Southwest took Lieutenant Bourke into 
some regions with which he had hitherto had no acquaint- 
ance. As a result of General Hatch's invitation, 1 he spent 
some days late in April, 1881, at Fort Defiance; and then 
after a quick trip back to departmental headquarters at 
Omaha, he returned to western New Mexico and spent most 
of May in work at the pueblo of Zufii, and in a second trip 
to the Navaho agency. 

To those who know the Southwest of today, Bourke's 
observations contain much of absorbing interest. His notes 
give a composite view of the country and the people as he 
saw them over fifty years ago, yet he made very little use of 
this Navaho and Zuni material. 2 In his published work he 
restricted himself largely to the study of the Apaches and 
the Hopi, and one reason for this clearly was the fact that he 
found men like Frank Gushing and Washington Matthews 
already well advanced in their studies of the Zufii and 
Navaho peoples. 

[April 22, 1881] ... At 3 p. m., Gen'l Hatch, Colonel Ben- 
nett and myself took the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe 
train for Lamy, 22 miles. The day was lovely and the ride 
enjoyable. At Lamy, we changed cars for Albuquerque, our 
chances for observing: the country being much narrowed by 
the gloom of the evening. We rode through a very interest- 
ing region one filled with the villages of the Pueblo Indians 
all of which I hope to be able to visit this summer. Among 
these were San Domingo, San Felipe, and Ysleta all prom- 

1. See N. MEX. HIST. REV., X, 306. 

2. Cf. the Bourke bibliography in ibid., VIII, 11-15. Some of his Zuni notes 
may be found in The Snake Dance of the Moqui. 



inent and interesting. A number of the young men from 
San Domingo boarded our train to sell specimens of what 
they called "chalchuitl" (turquoise) of which I purchased 
three pieces. It is not genuine turquoise, but rather an im- 
pure malachite (carbonate of copper) . Turquoise is chem- 
ically a phosphate of alumina, colored with oxide of iron 
and oxide of copper, giving it a sky blue tint. The real tur- 
quoise, however, is found in New Mexico and is held at an 
extravagant valuation by all the Indians of the South-West. 
We were glad to exchange the crowded cars of the To- 
peka and Santa Fe Road for the caboose of a freight train 
on the Atlantic and Pacific at Albuquerque; 3 but we found 
very soon to our sorrow that in avoiding Scylla we had run 
upon Charybdis. The conductor kindly made down for us 
rough berths in the corners, but we had no covering; the 
car was jammed with passengers most of them smoking vil- 
lainous pipes ; the air became foul, and to complete the list 
of discomforts a wild-eyed young man became possessed of 
the idea that the stove needed more fuel and in a trice had it 
red hot. Every one was too sleepy to get up and too indif- 
ferent to comfort to try to mend matters. The conductor 
left the door open for an hour to aid in the ventilation ; he 
ventilated our feet and ankles so thoroughly that when 
morning broke, half a dozen of us had such beastly colds we 
couldn't speak above a whisper. We had by that time 
reached "Crane's station," the terminus of the road and all 
tumbled out to get a cup of coffee and a sandwich in a 
"saloon," doing business in a tent alongside the track. The 
coffee was quite good and the sandwiches fresh ; the shaggy 
haired men behind the bar were courteous and polite in their 
demeanor and reasonable in the charges, all of which is 
more than can be said of a great many hash-factories I have 
patronized in my travels. 

3. The old "Atlantic and Pacific Railroad" was chartered by congress in July, 
1866, to build a line along the 35th parallel to the Pacific coast. By 1872, this com- 
pany had leased and consolidated about 844 miles of smaller lines, principally in 
Missouri, but because of debt it had to sell about a third of its mileage in 1876. Then 
a newly formed "St. Louis and San Francisco Company" bought the old line and, 
under the original charter, planned to build westward. In December 1879, the "A. T. 
& S. F." made a deal with the "Frisco" to build jointly west from Albuquerque 
and these two companies created a new "Atlantic and Pacific Company," of which 
the central division extended from Vinita, Indian Territory, to Albuquerque. By the 
final agreement made January 31, 1880, the western division was to be constructed 
immediately from Albuquerque to the coast. Work began the following summer and 
by July, 1881, 200 miles were completed and the tracks had crossed into Arizona. 
See Coan, History of New Mexico, I. 446. 


April 23rd, 1881. Saturday. From Crane's, the Rail- 
road extends still farther some 30 miles, but is not yet in a 
condition to do business ; travel is done in freight cars alone, 
as far as Fort Wingate, and from there nothing but gravel 
and construction cars are permitted on the line. 

We were favored with a perfect day; a sky without a 
flaw and a sun bright and warm enough to inspire but not 
to enervate. The scenery in its components could not 
strictly be called beautiful. The foot-hills were covered 
liberally with scrub oak and cedar ; bold bluffs of red sand- 
stone, carved by sand laden winds into all sorts of fantastic 
shapes, frowned upon us from the Right, like a long line of 
gloomy, castellated fortifications. The plains were covered 
with stunted sage-brush and as said before no single part 
could be regarded as beautiful but they blended so softly 
that the general effect of the landscape was far from disa- 

At the terminus we were almost 40 miles from Fort 
Wingate, so plainly visible on the skirt of the hill that we 
could scarcely believe it to be more than a few moments walk 

It is at the Ojo del Osp (Bear Spring), and at present 
is garrisoned by 8 companies of the 13th Infantry and 9th 
Cavalry, commanded by General Bradley, in whose tem- 
porary absence Major Van Horn presided. We were kindly 
taken care of by the different officers, Captains Clift, Mc- 
Arthur, and Auman of the 13th, Parker of the 9th Cav'y., 
Asst. Surgeon Torney, Lts. Chance, Bishop, Fornance, Olm- 
stead, Griffith, Holmes, Scott, Parker and Hughes, and Lt. 
Wotherspoon, 12th Infantry, enroute from his post in Ari- 
zona. Some of them I had met before, especially, Olmstead, 
Griffith and Fornance, cadets in a class below me at the 

De Courcey took me around the post on a very interest- 
ing promenade, including the sutler's store, where my 
national pride was aroused by the display of goods of the 
very best quality, and put up in excellent style. These in- 
cluded raisins, almonds, figs, olives, honey, preserves, 
pickles, canned salmon and other fish and all varieties of 
wines and liquors, all of California production. 

This store is peculiar in having a private room for 
ladies' shopping, a feature to be commended to other mili- 
tary traders. The proprietor, Mr. Hopkins, evidently 
understands his business. 


The fine band of the 13th Infantry gave General Hatch 
a serenade this afternoon, the selections being good and the 
performance excellent. 

April 24th, 1881. Sunday. After Guard Mounting and 
Inspection, during which latter General Hatch closely exam- 
ined the gun of every soldier and afterwards the arrange- 
ment and police of the quarters; we started for the Navajo 
Agency at Fort Defiance, Arizona. We had another lovely 
day for our journey and a very good team of mules. For the 
first twelve miles, there was not much to notice beyond the 
titanic blocks of sand stone piled up into great hills, one of 
the most peculiar being the spire called the Navajo Church, 
a land mark distinguishable for a number of miles in every 

The ranch at the Mineral Spring (ferruginous) 12 m. 
from Wingate furnished our relay, which had been sent out 
from the post the day previous. We had an unusually good 
road, over an elevated rolling country of an average altitude 
of 7000' above tidewater. The Bluffs still continued to be 
well covered with pinon and scrub cedar, but the almost total 
absence of water was painfully noticeable. 25m. from Win- 
gate, rested our team for an hour while we lunched. Erected 
a monument of a beef can and two beer bottles to commemo- 
rate our occupancy of the country and resumed our course 
(due West.) 

30 m. from Wingate, came to a singular formation of 
sandstone, called the ' 'hay stacks" ; these are three immense 
boulders of sandstone, 200' above ground and named in 
accordance with their shape. In front of these is the "na- 
tural bridge," a stone archway, spanning a chord of not less 
than 75' horizontal, with a "rise" of nearly 200'. 

Farther on were grim palisades of columnar basalt, 
with mounds of the same rock and "dunes" of coarse red 
sand, in which no doubt a considerable percentage of disin- 
tegrated lava could be found. Through the sand-stone 
bluffs, seams of coal protruded. 

Our proximity to the Navajo Agency was indicated 
by an occasional corral of stone or an abandoned "hogan." 
(When a Navajo dies his house or "hogan" is always aban- 
doned.) On the summit of a favorably-situated hill we were 
shown by Col. Bennett, the decayed fence of brush wood, 
formerly enclosing the "antelope run," made by these In- 
dians for hemming in antelope and deer. 


Old Fort Defiance 10 mi. across the Arizona line was 
reached at sun-down, so I reserve a description of it until 
making up the record of tomorrow. 

Here I met the post-trader, Mr. Leonard, an old friend 
of former days in Arizona, who without delay or ceremony 
escorted us to his kitchen whose presiding genius was a full- 
blooded Navajo Indian, answering to the Mexican name of 
"Francisco/' Kitchen and dining room as well as pantry 
were all in one, and our conveniences were, as might be 
expected under the circumstances, of the simplest descrip- 
tion ; but the hospitality was genuine and the cooking unex- 
ceptionable. We had beef boiled in great big chunks, but 
boiled well, good bread, butter fresh from the Mormon set- 
tlements, 50 miles West, canned pears, good warm tea and 
excellent rice pudding. We devoured our meal with great 
relish and praised Francisco to the skies. 

A good sleep refreshed us after our long ride and we 
were ready for the business of sight-seeing when we awak- 
ened on the morning of 

April 25th, Monday. The first thing claiming my atten- 
tion was the wretched position, in a military point of view, 
of the Navajo Agency formerly Fort Defiance. It is at the 
Eastern entrance of the Canon Bonito and so closely pressed 
by the vertical walls of the canon that no defense could be 
long continued were the Indians to become hostile. Indeed, 
I had pointed out to me the door in which the wife of an 
army officer was shot dead by an Indian in the cliffs, at a 
time when the garrison comprised four companies of regu- 
lar troops. Several other cases equally as bad are on record, 
but this one impressed me most vividly. 

Of the post, in its present condition, only a few meagre 
sentences need be written; it is of adobe in an advanced 
stage of decay, not one of the buildings being suitable for 
occupancy, and none possessing any of the halo of former 
value supposed to be inseparable from the ruins of antiquity. 
It is a collection of old dilapidated mud, pig sties and sheep 
pens and nothing more. Being the agency of the Navajoes, 
it is of the utmost importance and should be maintained in 
better repair. The Navajoes, according to Colonel Bennett, 
number not far from 20,000, own 30,000 ponies and about 
1,500,000 sheep ! They are from their wealth, intelligence, 
compactness and the inaccessible nature of the country they 
inhabit, the worst band of Indians to have in a state of hos- 
tility, if we drive them to it, as the indifference and neglect 


of our government will surely do if a change of method be 
not soon effected. All this will appear farther on in proper 
place, as well as a more detailed account of the Navajoes, 
their manners, customs, &c. than I am now about to give. 

In personal appearance, they are strikingly like the 
Apaches whose language they speak, but they differ from 
them in being better dressed and in showing the refining 
influences of lives of greater ease and comfort. Several of 
the children I saw coming into the Agency, (this is vacation 
day) would be considered beautiful anywhere. Their fore- 
heads were broad and high, eyes beautiful and expressive 
and countenances frank and bold. The dress of the women 
is very beautiful and closely similar to the costume of their 
Shoshonee and Bannock sisters; the material is different, 
the Navajoes using blankets, but the cut is almost identical. 
When the young Navajo belle is especially high-toned, the 
blankets have a blue or black body, with deep border of 
scarlet at bust and knees; or to be more exact, the middle 
third is blue, and the upper and lower thirds scarlet, the two 
blankets fastened at shoulders and sides exactly as is the 
costume of the Bannock and Shoshonee women. This is 
bound around the waist by a girdle of worsted work, like 
that used by the Zunis & Moquis, while garters of same 
material sustain the silver-buttoned leggings of black buck 

Both men and women are passionately fond of silver 
ornaments and being good workers in that metal, it need 
surprise no one to be told that many of the grown men and 
women, more particularly the former, are fairly loaded down 
with it. It is used as ear-rings, great circular loops, each 
containing at least one trade dollar; as belts, to gird about 
the waist, as sashes, to run across the breast and shoulder, 
as rings, as bangles (not infrequently can be seen a squaw 
with ten and eleven on each arm) as buttons to moccasins, 
leggings and last, but by no means least, to encrust their 
saddles and bridles. They make it into fantastic necklaces 
which contest the supremacy of their affections with chal- 
chuitl and red coral, the latter brought into the country 
during the Mexican domination. A few elk tusks can be 
found, and still fewer sea shells and mother of pearl, the 
last perhaps obtained from the Zunis who are said to make 
long pilgrimages every four or five years to the waters of 
the Pacific Ocean. 


On my way to the store, I observed a man knitting and 
was told that a considerable percentage of the tribe pos- 
sessed this accomplishment. The squaws of the Navajo and 
Apache blood are noted for their small feet: one of them 
taken at random had on a loose moccasin corresponding to a 
No. 3 shoe, and, upon weighing her, we discovered that she 
turned the scale at 115 Ibs. 

Although this is the regular issue day, not over a thou- 
sand Indians all told appeared at the Agency ; the majority, 
no doubt, preferring to remain away with their sheep-herds 
to making a weary ride merely for the scant supplies doled 
out to them. A party had just gotten in from the La Plata, 
in the Ute country ; one of the squaws had a brand new buf- 
falo robe which she told me was from the Oo-tay (Utes) . 

The scene in the store was in the extreme animated 
and picturesque, althp' the old den was so dark that upon 
first entering it was difficult to distinguish the mass of parti- 
colored blankets, men, squaws and pappooses pressed against 
the counter. The Navajoes are keen at a bargain and as 
each unpacked his ponies and ripped open the blankets full 
of wool he had brought to market, he acted as if he knew 
its value and meant to get it. Mr. Leonard said that last 
year he purchased 250,000 Ibs. and this season expects to 
buy a greater quantity. 

One of the old bucks in the store wore suspended by a 
chain from his waist belt, a silver tobacco pouch of simple 
but tasteful workmanship. 

By this time the Indian "crier" had set up a fearful 
gabbling, yelling and screaming at top of his voice to let 
all know that it was time to draw rations. I should state 
to make things clear that at Fort Defiance there are two 
corrals, the Navajoes being in front of the store which is in 
the outer corral. Colonel Bennett and his assistants took 
station at the entrance of the inner corral, and as each head 
of family filed by handed over the tickets representing the 
amount of food due. The column surged along, a steady 
stream of whinnying ponies, each with its cargo of human- 
ity; some bore only a painted and jewelled warrior; others, 
only a squaw with a pappoose slung in its cradle to her back 
and others again had two and three youngsters perched 
from withers to croup, all jabbering, laughing and calling 
out in their own language. I was very careful to note 
closely all that transpired under my post of observation (the 
top of the gate) . I am certain that at least a dozen of the 


children I saw riding by could not have been four years old 
and one little toddler, scarcely able to keep on his own pins 
was unconcernedly leading- a gentle old pony through the 
mass of Indians, dogs, burros and horses crowding about 
him. The scene was essentially barbaric, the dresses of the 
riders gorgeous and fantastic and the trappings of the 
ponies jingling with silver. None of the throng wore a hat 
men and women wearing the hair alike that is brushed 
smoothly back behind the ears and gathered into a knot 
above shoulders; a bandana handkerchief or fillet of some 
kind keeping it in positioin. The display of coral and tur- 
quoise beads was something to excite astonishment, while 
those who were not the fortunate possessors of such heir- 
looms contented themselves with strands of silver hemi- 
spheres and balls of copper. Only pure metal is employed 
by the Navajo; plated ware, he rejects at once. Their chal- 
chuitl beads are made by slicing the turquoise into narrow 
plates and boring these with flint. This boring is done by 
the Indians of Zuni, Santo Domingo &c. from whom the 
Navajoes purchase the beads. No amount of money will 
persuade an Indian to surrender one of these necklaces, and 
when pressed for cash, they will pawn them at the traders, 
but the pledge is always redeemed promptly at the expira- 
tion of the term specified. As may be imagined without say- 
ing, the riding of these people was simply perfect ; they use 
the flat Turkish stirrup and do not always appear graceful 
in their seat, but they are there, nevertheless. 

It took over an hour to issue the tickets, some of the 
Indians being very dilatory in appearing : after that it took 
2 or 3 hours more to distribute the rations. These are 
shamefully inadequate; there are 20,000 Navajoes, for 
whose subsistence the Government has provided very 
meagre supplies. I counted the wheat on hand (69) sixty- 
nine bags, each of one hundred pounds or a total of less 
than 7000 pounds to last the whole tribe until June 30th. 
The amount was so utterly out of proportion to the needs of 
the case that at first I was certain that this wheat must be 
intended for seed, but Colonel Bennett corrected my error 
and told me that he feared for the worst unless prompt 
measures were taken to send in sufficient food before 

While the Interior Department has persistently 
neglected the Navajoes, it has showered favors upon their 
neighbors, the Utes and Apaches, much to the dissatisfac- 


tion of the former who feel that their long period of good 
behavior and their efforts at self -maintenance entitle them 
to recognition. A comparison of the sums of money and 
amounts of supplies alloted to the Apaches, Utes and Nava- 
joes respectively during the past year would occasion sur- 
prise to any reflecting mind. For all purposes the agent 
of the Navajoes has only $75,000 per annum, about 1/3 of 
what they should have. 

The Agent displaced by Colonel Bennett, was a Mr. 
Eastman, a psalm-singing hypocrite whom the Navajoes 
despised and detested and whom they tried to kill. This 
Eastman had on paper a Boarding School for Indian chil- 
dren, of which he wrote glorious accounts to the Sabbath- 
school papers and which I visited. 

It consisted of one miserable squalid dark and musty 
adobe dungeon, not much more capacious than the cubby 
hole of an oyster schooner: it was about 12x10x7 in height. 
No light ever penetrated but one window let darkness out 
from this den and one small door gave exit to some of the 
mustiness; Eastman reported that he had accommodations 
for sixty children, but I saw only nine (9) cotton wood 
bunks, in which, if he made them double up, eighteen little 
children could be made wretched. It surpassed in cold- 
blooded disregard of the comfort of his scholars anything I 
have ever read of Dotheboy's Hall or of Rev. Mr. Crowley's 
Shepherd's Fold. 

The Navajo chiefs became indignant at this outrage 
and withdrew their children from the unworthy Agent's 

I had a long conversation with Mr. Damon, the Agency 
farmer and with Jesus, the Agency interpreter, relative to 
obtaining information bearing upon the Navajoes, but as 
something may occur to prevent me from coming again to 
this country I deem it only prudent to insert here the an- 
swers to the questions asked during this long interview. 
Mr. Damon has been Agency farmer since 1868 and Jesus 
was a captive among the Apaches before coming to live with 
the Navajoes. 

The answers under Section II correspond so closely 
with those obtained from the Shoshonees and Bannocks that 
it is not worth while to repeat them here. 4 

4. In gathering ethnological data, Bourke follows the "sections" of the outline 
which he had prepared. (See N. MEX. HIST. REV., X, 281) The titles of the sections 
are as follows : I- Tribes ; II- Births ; III- Dress and Personal Adornment ; IV- 
Toys, Games, Musical Instruments and Modes of Recreation ; V- Personal 
Appearance ; VI- Marriage and Divorce ; VII- Residences ; VIII- Implements and Uten- 


Section III will be described in detail on next visit. 5 
Their dresses are generally of woolen goods, woven by 
themselves, or of buckskin which is generally stained black. 
Their moccassins are made without toe-shields and button 
over the instep like our low quarter gaiters. 

Their neck-laces, bracelets, bangles and ear-rings are, 
as said above, of coral, chalchuitl, or silver, sea-shells and 
malachite are seen at times, but silver may be regarded as 
the typical Navajo ornament. The ear-ring is inserted at 
the lower extremity of the lobe only ; is made in the form of 
a simple solid ring and is fastened by a sliding button at 
bottom . . . They make no use of masks, nose-rings, nose- 
sticks or labrets, arrange the hair in the simple way already 
described and freely apply vermillion or red ochre to the 
cheek-bones and fore-head. They are clean, lithe and mus- 
cular in appearance, handsome and intelligent in the face 
and nearly all understand more or less Spanish. Some of 
them speak Spanish fluently, notably Francisco, our cook of 
last night. Others again, as Captain Jack, one of General 
Hatch's principal scouts, converse freely in Navajo, Span- 
ish, and English. 

Section IV. Their children have about the same toys 
as those of the Shoshonees and also play with arrows the 
game of "odd or even" only here 100 tally sticks are used 
instead of 40 as among the Shoshonees the game of the 
Apaches played by casting a bundle of colored sticks against 
a flat stone and determining the value of the cast by the 
position of the fallen sticks with reference to a circumscrib- 
ing circles of pebbles. The game of shinny, the game of 
foot-ball, and a maniac burlesque upon "Base Ball." 

The men and women are inveterate gamesters, and play 
with dexterity both kinds of "monte" and "cancan." I 
looked at two or three games of monte to-day; the stakes 
ran as high as two or three silver dollars on a side. Their 
musical instruments to call them such, differ in no essential 
particular from those of the Shoshonees, but I was unable to 
find out that they ever used fiddles, made of the stalk of the 
century plant, as their blood relations the Apaches do. Both 

ails of War and Peace ; IX- Food ; X- Colors, Dyes, Paints and Powders ; XI- Standards 
of Measurements and Value; XII- Kinship; XIII- Tribal Government; XIV- War 
Customs ; XV- Therapeutics ; XVI- Mortuary Customs ; XVII- Religion, Superstitions 
and Myths ; XVIII- Miscellaneous. 

5. The second visit will be related in Chapter XVIII below. 


Mr. Damon & Jesus contended that their songs had no words 
to them ; but were merely sounds. 

Section V. They paint only the face in the manner 
herein described. 

[Sec. VI] Girls marry at any time after ten, 12 to 15 
being the more general average. The ceremony attending 
a girl's entrance to womanhood consists of a feast, where 
her parents can afford it, and much singing by the matrons. 
The young lady is decked with beads and other ornaments 
which she wears constantly for four or five days. Before 
marriage, girls assist their mothers in all household duties 
and where they assume the duties of wives, everything in 
the way of work that they can do, they do cheerfully. The 
men are good workers too and hire themselves out, when- 
ever they can, to make adobes, herd sheep, or, at present 
date, to grade tracks for the Atlantic and Pacific R. R. 
Marriage is largely a question of purchase, but at times, 
strong-willed or impecunious young men seize their sweet- 
hearts and carry them off by main force. They are polyga- 
mists to the extent of their inclinations and ability to sup- 
port their wives. They marry a brother's widow, or have the 
first refusal of her hand. Divorces are a matter of mutual 
convenience and may be permanent or transient ; slight dis- 
agreements often eventuate in separation, in which case 
the woman takes with her all that she brought to her 

[VII] Their habitations, called "hogans," are made of 
stone or timber. Where stone is employed, after excavating 
a hole 12 ft. in diameter and 3 in depth, they build a semi- 
globular mound to a height of ten feet, by laying stones in 
regular courses, each course approaching the vertex lapping 
over a few inches on the course below it. An aperture is left 
at the apex for the escape of the smoke and a small hole 
with steps for an entrance. The building is next covered 
with dirt or mud and is ready for habitancy. If palisades be 
used, after the excavation is made, straight, rough cedar 
logs, of 12 or 15 ft. in length are placed firmly in the 
ground inclining toward each other at the top and these 
are covered with earth also. Inside the "hogan" may be 
seen rugs of sheep-skin, blankets and coverlids of wool 
woven in bright colors, many of these being of considerable 
beauty and value crockery "ollas" and dishes from the 
Pueblo tribes of Zuni, Moqui, Laguna, Acoma or the Rio 
Grande, and the elegant baskets from the Apaches. A fire 


in the center is a sine qua non, and a couple of squaws, two 
or three pappooses and as many dogs complete the picture. 

The weather in the Navajo country is generally so 
serene that their councils, without exception, are held in the 
open air: Their women are admitted to participation in 
these and don't hesitate to express their opinions when they 
feel called upon to do so. They are like other Indians in 
their firm belief in the efficacy of sweat lodges ; these may be 
made like "hogans," but, generally are temporary structures 
of willow work and brush. Sweet grasses, when obtainable, 
are burned in both sweat lodges and "hogans." 

They do not paint gentile emblems upon the outside of 
their residences, neither could I at this time, ascertain any- 
thing relative to their social organization. 

[VIII] The Navajoes who were present at the Agency 
were poorly provided with warlike weapons, the most dan- 
gerous being the old-time Yager rifle. Bows arrows and 
lances are still retained in use, but shields have been dis- 

The only stone implement to be found among them now 
is the war-club. 

They use pipes very rarely, and smoke their tobacco, 
kinni-kinnick and other substances in cigarritos wrapped in 
corn-husks. Their tobacco receptacles are of buckskin, and 
of beaten silver. Earthen ware they obtain from the Pueblo 
villages and basketry from the Apaches, principally, al- 
tho' they make some fair specimens themselves which they 
coat with pifion pitch to make them retain water. 

They understand and practice the art of obtaining fire 
by rubbing two sticks together; one stick of hard wood is 
held vertically between the two hands and pressed into and 
revolved rapidly in a hole in the lower stick, in which hole 
a little sand is thrown and around it some dried grass, punk 
or dung. 

[IX] They are extremely fond of fruit, especially apples 
and peaches and have considerable orchards of the latter; 
they eat pinons, acorns, grass-seeds, sun-flowers, wild pota- 
toes, mescal (generally obtained from the Apaches.), the 
juicy inner coating of the pine tree, and plant small quan- 
tities of corn, wheat, beans, squashes and melons. They 
readily eat elk, deer, antelope, porcupines, beaver, mules and 
horses but will not touch bear, dogs, or fish. They come 
under the designation chthonophagi as they are eaters of 
clay, being very fond of an impure kaolin found in abun- 
dance in their country. 


They have some horned cattle, a few goats and chick- 
ens, a goodly number of donkeys, about 30,000 ponies and 
(estimated) 1,500,000 sheep. All grinding of wheat, corn 
and seed is performed in metates. 

Section X. In decorating, they make use of stained 
porcupine quills, (occasionally) shells and elk tusks 
(rarely) but (principally) beads of coral and chalchuitl. 
Their clothing, blankets, sashes, garters, and saddle cloths 
are of woolen fabrics woven by themselves, the prevailing 
styles being broad bands of red, white and black, relieved 
by a little diamond or triangular ornamentation, or a 
narrow banded check work in scarlet, black, purple, green 
and white. Their taste is very correct and the designs 
turned put from their simple looms will hold their own in 
comparison with the most pretentious examples of Persian 
or Turkish skill. 

[XI] They use silver alone as money. 

[XIV] They seem to have the custom of "coup" among 
them in this way; that, in hunting, it is the man who first 
puts an arrow or lance into the game that owns, even tho' he 
may not be the one to overtake and kill it. 

[XV] Their "medicinemen" are arrant imposters 
whose favorite mode of treating desperate cases is to suck 
out from the affected arms, legs or body the beads which 
they allege have brought on all the trouble. 

Their women bear the pains of child-birth with much 
less inconvenience than do their white sisters; their free 
mode of dressing and natural mode of living contribute to 
this comparative immunity from distress. It is generally 
believed that Indian women make light of child-bearing; 
this is far from correct. Where comfort and attentions can- 
not be secured, they bear with the stolidity of their race that 
which cannot be avoided ; but, in all possible cases, they ex- 
tend to their pregnant women the attention their delicate 
condition requires. 

[XVI] They have no professional mourners, but they 
do seem to bury their dead with processional honors and 
other mortuary ceremonies. The corpse is decked in its 
best raiment and, if full grown, carried to the place of 
burial; if a child, two young men, friends of the family, 
carry it to the appointed spot. The burial is made in a 
full length position, feet to the East. Ollas, baskets and 
other utensils in the case of a female, and bows & arrows, if 
the corpse be that of a man, are next broken in or upon the 


grave, which is sometimes marked by a heap of stones. The 
corpse-bearers returning to the village stop at a point des- 
ignated by a blazing fire which has been kindled while the 
procession has been moving toward the grave and there 
wash their hands. The women keep up their lamentations 
so long as the humor may seize them, but beyond cutting the 
hair, do nothing in the way of disfigurment and mutilation. 

"Ganado Mucho" (Heap of Cattle) and other chiefs 
rode in during the afternoon to hold a conference with Gen- 
eral Hatch. 

Colonel Bennett presented General Hatch with a fine 
Navajo blanket and myself with another and both General 
Hatch and I succeeded in buying each half a dozen blankets, 
rugs and such articles of Najavp manufacture. Mr. Leon- 
ard very kindly presented me with a pair of silver bangles 
and a pair of silver bridle rosettes, all made by the Nava- 
joes these for myself and a very excellent bow and quiver 
full of arrows for General Crook. The quiver was a beau- 
tiful one of panther skin. Colonel Bennett desired me to 
say to General Sheridan and Gen'l Crook that he hoped, 
during the coming summer, to secure for each of them a fine 
Navajo blanket. 

The treatment I have received from every one in this 
isolated station of Fort Defiance has been so cordial, un- 
affectedly good natured and generous that I would be lack- 
ing in common gratitude did I not refer to the matter in this 
feeble way in my journal. 

Fort Defiance which deserves its name because its posi- 
tion is in defiance of nearly every principle of military 
science, is a wretched hole, but the people living there re- 
deem the place most charmingly and fix my visit there as 
one of the pleasantest episodes of my life. 

After supper, General Hatch held a council with the 
Navajo chiefs who had come into the agency. Only a small 
number was present, the shortness of the General's stay and 
the distance many of them would have had to come, prevent- 
ing a larger attendance. The substance of the remarks made 
by the Indians was that they were extremely anxious to 
make their own living and not be dependent upon any out- 
side source for supplies ; that 12 years ago when they made 
peace with the Great Father, he had given them 12,000 
sheep and told them to raise flocks and he would protect 
them in so doing and would also give them seed to put in the 
ground. They had listened to these words and taken' good 
care of their flocks which had increased greatly, but as their 


Reservation had so little water, they had been obliged to 
seek pasturage outside. Now the Railroads were approach- 
ing their country, bringing settlers who had taken up most 
of this outside grazing land and their flocks were crowded 
back upon the arid tracts of their own domain and were be- 
ginning to suffer. They had made in good faith an effort 
to raise crops and last year had sowed a large tract of land. 
(N.B. about 1000 A. J. G. B.) ; but first of all came a very 
high wind which blew all the seed out of the ground and 
when they had replanted and their crops were coming above 
ground, a freshet descended the stream and destroyed all 
the fruits of their labor. Consequently, until their next crop 
appeared, they would be dependent upon the government for 
help; % of the tribe are now without supplies. They had 
been promised farming tools, but had received nothing 
except a few hoes; they most earnestly desired plows and 
axes. Since coming on the Reservation, their numbers had 
increased rapidly ; a great many babies were born each year 
and only a few died. 

General Hatch promised to make an urgent representa- 
tion of their case to Washington and appeared to feel the 
importance of making instant provision for the support of 
this the most compact, powerful and formerly most warlike 
nation of savages in our country. The General spoke quite 
freely to Bennett and myself upon this subject which is 
assuming greater gravity from the different treatment 
accorded the Apaches and Utes, neighbors of the Navajoes 
and so recently on the war path. They have ample provi- 
sion made for their support and as they are constantly run- 
ning in and out among the Navajoes, (the Apaches speak 
the same language and the Utes are to some extent inter- 
married) keep up a feeling of irritation and a sense that 
the government is unjust in its dealings that it is good to 
those whom it fears and neglectful of those who observe its 

While our government has not provided food, it has 
purchased for them 68 doz. lead castors, which are still at 
the agency, in barrels uncalled for: and has laid out a board- 
ing school, as already described. 

The Railroads are bringing close to the Navajoes a 
wicked set of wretches who keep the young bucks supplied 
with the vilest whiskey. 

April 26th, 1881. Tuesday. Returned to Wingate, 
making the 40 miles in 7 hours. Colonel DeCourcey pre- 


sented me with three or four specimens of Zuni pottery 
an owl, a rooster, and a couple of bowls all most unique in 
their way. 

On the grade of the R. R., not far from the Fort, we 
came across a band of Navajoes working at laying ties and 
shovelling dirt. 

We ate our lunch at Hopkins' ranch. Mr. Bennett, a 
splendid specimen of physical power, said he was an old 
soldier from the 15th Infantry, and declined to receive any 
pay for the hospitality extended. 8 

During the two hours of our stay at the Post I made 
hurried calls upon the charming wife and sister-in-law of 
my old friend, General Bradley (now Colonel 13th Inf 'ty) . 

A rapid drive of four miles brought us to the Rail Road 
station and the construction train; as our return journey 
was partly by daylight, I had a chance to see how the work 
of building this line had progressed. To supply water to 
gangs of graders and track-layers in arid sections, tank cars 
are run, each carrying several thousand gallons of good, cold 
water. A telegraph line runs along the Road, the wire being 
stretched on upright sleepers. 

Commencing at the Arizona boundary, and running E. 
and N. E., past Fort Wingate and 50 miles farther, is the 
peculiar sandstone formation noticed in my trip to the 
Agency. It stands out boldly against the horizon, all its 
walls and angles as clear-cut and well defined as the para- 
pets and salients of a master piece of military engineering. 
Near Blue Water, 40 m. E. of Wingate, the formation began 
to change, erruptive rocks making their appearance as 
basalt and black lava. Lava came in in small islets and 
mounds, gradually changing into large mesas and ridges 
and dykes. One of the latter alongside which the track runs 
for 5 miles, is traceable 14 m. back to its source, an extinct 
crater. A stream of pure water gushes out from under this 
dyke and trickles down to join the Rio Puerco of the East; 7 
this stream, I am told, is full of speckled trout. (The Rio 
Puerco of the East joins the Rio Grande: near its head 
waters, are those of the Rio Puerco of the West, an affluent 
of the Colorado. 8 

A great deal of alkali is visible in the low flat places 
near the Rail Road ; the heat of the sun draws it as a saline 
efflorescence to the surface. 

6. This Bennett at Hopkins' ranch should not be confused with Col. F. T. Ben- 
nett, Navaho agent at Fort Defiance. 

7. Known today as the Rio de San Jose, flowing eastwards into the Puerco. 

8. Through the Little Colorado. Of course the Continental Divide separates 
these two streams. 


The last I saw of the country was a flow of lava, a petri- 
fied black sea, such as the Ancient mariner might have come 
across in his wanderings; the iron horse ploughs his path 
through it for 5 miles. As lava is not a very compact rock, 
the engineers experienced some trouble in blasting, but the 
fragments make excellent track ballast. 

Before retiring, I had a long conversation with General 
Hatch who gave not only an interesting recital of his serv- 
ices during the war, but of those since performed against 
the Indians in Texas, Ind'n Territory, New Mexico, Colo- 
rado, Arizona and Chihuahua (Mexico). Then of his early 
career at sea, and voyaging up the Amazon, and finally in 
the lumber regions of Minnesota. 

General Hatch is an unusually handsome man, tall, 
finely proportioned and powerful, head finely shaped, hair 
white, eyes keen and penetrating, expression of countenance 
firm, intelligent and good natured. 

The conductor of the freight train (to which we 
changed at Crane's) kindly made down berths for us and, 
wrapped in General Hatch's Navajo blankets our sleep was 
sound, until we were awakened at Albuquerque, N. M., at 2 
a. m. on the morning of 

April 27th, 1881. At the moment of stepping upon the 
platform, two high-toned gentlemen of the town were blaz- 
ing away with pistols at each other a little farther up the 
street. Unfortunately neither was killed. General Hatch 
and I then entered what was said to be the "toniest" rum 
mill of the town, and took a glass of whiskey, which with a 
good coffee and a sandwich made a middling good breakfast. 
The establishment, the barkeeper politely informed us, was 
kept open day and night, Sunday and Monday, and was 
doing a rushing business. Albuquerque, a very old town of 
the Mexicans, is now noted for being the center of a growing 
R. R. system of considerable consequence and the place of 
resort of swarms of the hardest characters of the East and 

Loaded down with all kinds of plunder Indian pottery, 
Navajo blankets, baskets, bows and arrows, and our per- 
sonal baggage, we patiently awaited the approach of the 
train from the South. In the gray of the dawn, it appeared 
and without a moment's delay started for Lamy. 

On the way up to that point, I saw much to admire in 
the scenery of the Rio Grande Valley, so tame and uninter- 
esting farther to the North. Here, it is laid out in broad 


fields, irrigated and ready for the coming crop. Dozens of 
villages, of Mexicans and Indians, dot the thread of the 
stream, each embowered in a grove of fruit trees in full 
blossom. Across the valley, scores of acequias, large and 
small, wound between rows of fresh young sentinel cotton- 
woods which completely concealed the precious treasure of 
limpid water they were carrying to the parched fields, ex- 
cepting where here and there it sparkled like jewels of price 
through rifts in the foliage. The morning was far enough 
advanced to throw a roseate flush over the dome of the sky 
and enable us to distinguish clearly, every village, house, 
barn and orchard in the landscape : and in one word, I may 
say the effect was enchanting. 

At Lamy, General Hatch and I took breakfast and then 
separated, he to return to Santa Fe, and I to continue on to 
Atchison, Kansas. 

During our brief tarry at Fort Wingate, I had the great 
pleasure of making the acquaintance of Mr. Gushing, of the 
Smithsonian Institute, who has been living among the Zuni 
Indians since last summer. 9 They have regularly adopted 
him into the tribe, made him a chief and invested him with 
their costume. Noticing a string of sea-shells around his 
neck, I inquired whence they came. "From the Pacific 
Ocean ; the Zunis make pilgrimages there every four years." 
Gushing is a man of intelligence, persistency and enthusi- 
asm, just the character to carry to a successful conclusion 
the mission he has undertaken. 

Leaving Lamy, our train soon entered "Glorieta 
Canon," the site of an engagement between TJ. S. Vols. and 
Texan rebels in 186 1. 10 There is much pine timber of small 
size and the scenery is picturesque. On the East side of the 
canon, we came in full view of the ruins of the "Pecos 
church," built by the missionaries years ago for the benefit 
of a pueblo, which becoming decimated by disease, finally 
merged in with the people of Jemez. 

9. Frank Hamilton Cushing had accompanied the Powell expedition to New 
Mexico in 1879 and had been left at Zuni at his own request. When Bourke met him, 
Cushing was already deeply versed in Zuni lore and had been made a member of the 
Macaw clan. Later Bourke expressed his warm regard for Cushing and the work he 
was doing in interviews which were published in the papers of Omaha, Chicago, and 

10. This important battle which saved New Mexico for the Union occurred late 
in March, 1862. 


Dined at Las Vegas (the Meadows), a bustling, grow- 
ing town, situated in the center of broad, fertile farm lands. 
Supper at Raton (mouse) at the foot of the Rocky Mts. : 
here we took on two powerful engines and began to climb 
over the Continental Divide. In the pass, there appears to 
be a good deal of coal, indications and outcroppings being 
abundant. At the summit, we entered a long tunnel, having 
passed which, we had easy work to get down a long, steep 
descent to Trinidad. This is another Mexican town which 
like its neighbors, Pueblo, Santa Fe, Albuquerque, and El 
Paso, has awakened to new life under the influence of the 
pushing, busy Yankee. When I was last here in 1869, it 
was as a worn-out sleepy passenger on the overloaded stage 
running from the terminus of the R. R. in Kansas to Santa 
Fe. No one was then sanguine enough to dream of a Rail 
Road to Santa Fe and to every important point in New 
Mexico and Arizona ; certainly not in our generation. 

April 28th, 1881. A disagreeable, cold Kansas "bliz- 
zard" tormented us all day. We were bowling over the in- 
terminable plains of Kansas. Stretching on all sides to the 
clouds, without any more undulation of surface than a wind- 
rippled sea, the total absence of timber confirmed the 
resemblance to ocean travel. For a number of hours we 
kept down the valley of the placid Arkansas, but at noon 
this diverged to the S. and left us to continue our journey in 
a belt of land unrelieved by any attraction. The land seemed 
well adapted for farming and the careful fencing, the com- 
fortable dwellings and the great flocks of sheep gave the 
idea that farming had not been without profit. This former 
home of the buffalo has not now a single one of those noble 
creatures within her borders. 

April 29, 1881. (Friday). Reached Topeka, Kansas, 
at 2 a. m. Took the chaircar on the branch line to Atchison 
(60 m.), which we reached at 5 a. m. Put up at the Union 
Depot Hotel, had a nice nap, good breakfast and refreshing 
shave. Telegraphed my whereabouts to General Williams. 

All communications between Atchison and the country 
to the North and East had been destroyed by the great flood 
in the Missouri River, which at Atchison was five miles 
wide, 20' @ 30' deep, and was rushing along with the over- 
whelming power of the ocean, sweeping before it houses 
and farms, fences and barns. This flood has wrought im- 
mense destruction at Council Bluffs, Iowa, East Atchison, 


and Kansas City, Mo. Omaha, Neb., has escaped with 
scarcely a scratch demonstrating- that there is the safest 
point on the Missouri for the investment of capital. Not 
seeing any other way of escaping from this point, I hired a 
buggy for $7.50 to take me 20 m. to Troy, the junction of 
the "Atchison and Nebraska," with the "Saint Joseph and 
Denver" R. R. 

Atchison is an important R. R. town: it is touched by 
the "Burlington," "Rock Island," "Topeka and Santa Fe," 
"Hannibal and Saint Joseph," "Missouri Pacific," and the 
"Central Branch" of the last named line. It has a great 
many respectable brick buildings and many marks of wealth 
and prosperity. 

Our drive was over a rough road, coursing around steep 
hills, tracked by freshly made furrows or emerald with the 
tender blades of wheat. Solid farmhouses of stone and 
brick, with huge barns well filled with grain and hay, and 
their fields dotted with herds of cattle, flocks of sheep and 
chickens and droves of swine made a scene of contentment 
and prosperity, pleasant to contemplate, and made one for- 
get the horrible winter through which all this Western 
country has so lately passed. Upon all the orchard trees, 
multitudes of blossoms gave hope of a rich crop of fruit in 
the coming summer; tiny violets peeped out from every 
shaded nook, rich green grass and young wheat covered the 
sunny slopes and the silver-voiced meadow lark sang its 
blithesome song in defiance of the gloomy sky and raw, 
chilly East wind. 

There was not much timber on our line of travel; in 
places, groves of planted cottonwoods, but fine orchards in 
every favorable spot. All houses and barns of good size, 
and frequently of tasteful appearance. 

Troy Junction is a straggling country town, the seat of 
a large trade with a rich farming region. It is at the inter- 
section of the two R. R.'s. already mentioned and is 20 m. 
from Atchison, (14 by R. R.) 11 from Saint Jo., Mo., 238 
from Grand Island, Neb., and about 100 S. from Lincoln, 

Put up at the Higby House and ate a good dinner 
served by a motherly landlady. 

April 30th, 1881. Saturday. Had an early breakfast 
at 6 a. m. Smart rain fell for an hour or two. At 8, the 
train came in from Wahtheena, the nearest point to Saint 
Jo. Learned the welcome news that the Missouri had fallen 


a foot last night at Saint Jo., which means, of course, that 
it has subsided still more at Omaha. The Saint Jo. & West- 
ern R. R. runs along the Northern tier of Kansas counties 
and the Southern of those of Nebraska. 

At Marysville, half way between Saint Joseph and 
Grand Island, there is a branch line of the B. and M. R. R. 
to Omaha, via Lincoln ; this I had hoped to be able to take, 
but found to my regret that the floods had practically de- 
stroyed it and no trains were in operation. 

The country traversed is a broad rolling prairie, of 
rich black soil, cut up by numerous timbered ravines all 
well filled with perennial streams. By all odds, it is the 
prettiest piece of farming land I've seen since starting back 
from Arizona. At Hanover, a little village in the middle 
of a broad prairie, is the intersection with the main line of 
the Burlington & Missouri River R. R. 

A little N. W. of Hastings, we crossed the Platte river, 
like the Arkansas bankf ull. Half an hour after, we reached 
Grand Island. Here I put up at the R. R. Hotel, kept by 
my friends Mr. and Mrs. Chauncey Wiltze. 

May 1st, 1881. Sunday. Took the U. P. Passenger for 
Omaha, which we reached on time. 

May 4th, 1881. Wednesday. Lieutenant Schwatka, 
3rd Cavalry, called upon me. Schwatka's card was peculiar 
in its way, consisting of a piece of board with his name 
scrawled on it in lead pencil. 

None of our mess having seen Schwatka since his de- 
parture for the North Pole, 3 years ago, the conversation 
at dinner this evening related largely to former services 
together and to the numerous pranks in which our friend 
had been engaged. While serving in the Dep't of the Platte, 
Schwatka was stationed at the (old) Spotted Tail Agency, 
N. W. Nebraska, where, finding time hang heavily upon his 
hands, he gathered as strange a menagerie, for its size, as 
ever was seen. It included among other items, a young owl, 
a pair of cayotes, a pair of wild cats, 2 or 3 young deer and 
I don't know what else besides. Schwatka gave a very 
amusing description of this menagerie and said that once 
Captain (then Lieutenant) W. P. Clark, 2nd Cavalry, came 
up to see him. They had been "drinking freely," as 
Schwatka expressed it, and after retiring to rest Clark 
suffered from an all-consuming thirst. He arose from his 
couch, wandered around in the darkness hunting for water 


and in a trice ran in upon the wild cats which scratched him 
badly. His mind was bewildered by sleep, by the darkness 
and to some extent no doubt, by whiskey, so that he failed 
to grasp the situation. He couldn't understand what 
brought those strange animals to that room ; so groping his 
way to another room, (Schwatka was living in a large build- 
ing) he encountered the cayotes and while he was striving 
to collect his faculties and make out what it all meant, the 
owl flew at him, perched on his head and sank its claws 
in his skull. At the same moment, Clark was sure he heard 
two or three people running around the room on stilts (they 
were the fawns, moving about in their peculiar, stiff -legged 
manner) , and this satisfied him he "had 'em" sure enough. 
He threw himself into his bed, covered his head with the 
blanket and remained concealed until morning. This is 
Schwatka's side of the story; I have not yet heard what 
Clark has to say. 

May 5th, 1881. Thursday. With Schwatka, calling 
upon people in Omaha, all day. 

May 7th, 1881. Passed a delightful evening at the house 
of Mrs. G. S. Collins, Miss Horbach, u Miss Wakely, and Mr. 
Charles Ogden. 

May 10th, 1881. Busy all day packing clothes &c. and 
passed the afternoon & evening in calling upon friends in 
the post and in town the Lovingtons, Horbachs, Watsons, 
Savages and others. 

Chapter XVI 

May llth, 1881. Rec'd a very pleasant personal letter 
from Lieut.-General Sheridan, in reference to the prosecu- 
tion of my work under his orders. Bade adieu to Gen'l 
Crook, Roberts, Williams, Ludington, Col. & Capt. Stanton, 
Col. Burnham, Gen'l King, the Bachelors' Mess. (Foote, 
Palmer, Lee's, Hay.) and started for Santa Fe. Passing 
through town saw several of my best friends and on the 
train met numerous pleasant acquaintances whose society 
as far as Cheyenne served to make time fly with rapidity. 
There were Mr. Vining of the Union Pacific, S. S. Stevens of 
the Rock Island, Lt. Reynolds, 3rd Cav'y, Mr. Rustin of the 
Omaha Smelting Works and his young son, Mr. Barklow of 

11. The young lady who, two years later, was to become his wife. 


Omaha, Drs. Coffman and Mercer and Mr. Congdon of the 
U. P. R. R. and his son. The last four were proceeding hur- 
riedly to North Platte to attend to Mr. Cong-don's nephew, 
who had met a serious accident, involving a strangulated 
hernia which they feared might end fatally. Lt. Reynolds 
was returning to Regimental Hd. Qrs., Fort Russell, Wyo., 
from the wedding of Cap't McCauley, A. Q. M. Besides the 
above we had in our two sleepers the Raymond Theatrical 
Company, thus representing all moods, sentiments and in- 
terests. Mr. Vining who has utilized every moment of his 
leisure in hard studies in philology interested me immensely 
by his conversation upon the subject of Indian dialects, from 
which I drew many hints for future use. 

The weather which for the past week had been sultry 
and unpleasant to a degree, culminated this afternoon in a 
violent storm of hail & rain, the effect of which was delight- 
ful in the coolness of the evening air, enabling us to enjoy 
the scenery of the picturesque valley of the Platte, green 
with the interminable fertility of Nebraska. 

May 12th, 1881. Morning bright, cool, and fair, ex- 
cepting a few broken masses of cloud, reminders of yester- 
day's storm. 

At Sidney, Neb., met Col. Gentry, 9th Inf'y, Price, 
Adam and Waite, 5th Cavalry. Mr. Stevens, Mr. and Mrs. 
Vining and Mr. Barklow, kept on with me to Denver where 
we were separated, they going to the Windsor and I to Char- 
piot's, an excellent hotel. 

May 13th, 1881. Took 8 a. m. Denver and Rio Grande 
train for Pueblo. A long file of impatient ticket-buyers 
waited behind a woman who was employing a good deal of 
useless energy in the effort to have a couple of extra trunks 
passed to her destination without paying for them. The 
ticket-agent was deaf to all persuasion, but she remained 
at her post trying our patience to the utmost. Miracles 
sometimes happen ; that woman's jaw became tired and we 
had a chance to buy our tickets. 

We had a lovely day ; the temperature was warm with- 
out any approach to undue heat, the sky was clear as sap- 
phire, and the scenery lovely to look upon. Fields and hills 
were covered with rich green, the trees were in full foliage 
and back of all in the Western horizon rose the blue and 
gray line of the Rocky Mountains, the higher peaks still 
retaining their bridal purity of white. Lt. Erwin, 4th 


Cav'y, was a fellow passenger as far as Pueblo, where I 
found 4 cos. of the 4th Cav'y. & 3 of the 6th Inf 'y. all moving 
out to the Uncompahgre Ute Agency in S. Colorado. I 
knew only a few of the officers in fact, I think, only one 
Wint of the 4th, whom I met in Kansas City, Mo., when I 
was a member of a Horse Board last year. 

The last time I passed through Pueblo (April 1881), I 
spoke of the great improvements noticed ; I forgot to say it 
has a street car line and several brick yards, and bids 
strongly to become in a few years more a dangerous rival of 
Denver. The American element is changing everything 
with the rapidity of lightning; yet, I observed a half dozen 
Mexican women washing linen in an acequia, in the good 
old fashioned way, pounding them between flat rocks. 
Changed cars at Pueblo to the train of the Atchispn Topeka 
& Santa Fe, which ran along the timber-clad line of the 
Arkansas for 63 m. to La Junta, where I had to get out to 
await the arrival of the Westward-bound express. 

During the past 2 days, have read General Simpson's 
sketch of Coronado's march (1540), 1 which is a most pleas- 
ant article, very carefully considered and entitled to respect- 
ful attention. But I think that Simpson has failed into an 
error in making Old Zuni 2 the seven cities of Cibola : having 
to employ the egregiously defective map of the Engineer 
Corps in use at the time of preparing his essay, Simpson 
makes Coronado march in a straight N. E. line from Chichil- 
tecale (Casa Grande) to Zuni, which would require the 
passage of mountains, and canons of the most rugged 
nature: whereas, right in front of Casa Grande, across a 
narrow desert is the junction of the Verde and Salt Rivers, 
the former flowing for a long distance nearly N. and S. 
Down this river runs at the present day the trail made by 
the Moquis in coming and going to and from Prescott to 
sell their peaches and blankets and to buy our commodities. 
There can be no reasonable doubt that in 1540, they had the 
same general line of travel to the country of the Pimas, who 
lived along the Salt river, near the mouth of the Verde, as 
well as on the Gila and Santa Cruz. Neither can there be 
any doubt that Coronado as a good soldier, took the precau- 
tion of sending out an advance-guard to learn the lay of the 
land and to ascertain the best course to pursue. The very 

1. In the Smithsonian Annual Report of 1869. 

2. Bourke always spells Zuni without the tilde. Ethymologically the tilde is 
correct, if Gushing was right as to the Cochitian (Keresan) origin of the name: 
Sunyi. See Bureau of American Ethnology, Seventh Annual Report, index. 


authorities cited by Simpson assert as much and though 
their account of the march after leaving Chichiltecale, is 
given in vague & indefinite terms, there is nothing in it to 
militate against the theory I advance, which besides has 
every physical fact in its favor. The Verde route would fur- 
nish a sufficiency, at times, an abundance of water, wood and 
grass, besides its directness, running N. E. across the skirt 
of the S. Francisco Mtns. to Moqui. I can hardly reconcile 
myself to the idea that Coronado would forego all these 
advantages for the pleasure of scaling mountains and de- 
scending canons which in 1870-1875 were regarded with 
dread by young soldiers of ambition and courage, in fair 
quantities. Without pretending to introduce it as evidence 
of great weight, I may here allude to the curious ruin found 
by Lt. Almy and myself in 1872, on the Upper Verde, 3 a 
ruin satisfying all conditions as a place of defense and stor- 
age of supplies, and which may have been constructed by 
some of Coronado' s advance parties. The description of the 
place where Coronado was wounded, accords singularly well 
with that of Moqui, at this moment; the Moqui towns are 
seven in number, lying within 3 miles of each other. Zuni 
has but one town, and two or three small farming villages, 
not permanently occupied. General Simpson's translation 
(which I am satisfied is correct and trustworthy, as I have 
not seen the originals) says that Acoma was 5 days from 
Cibola, but if Cibola be Zuni, Acoma being less than 60 miles 
from there and about 120 m. from Moqui, the latter distance 
would appear to represent more closely the distance tra- 
versed by veteran soldiers and Indians, inured to the climate 
and noted for pedestrian performances. Espejo's statement 
that when he reached Zuni, he found there some of the In- 
dians who had come in with Coronado and that that place 
was Cibola may be taken for what it is worth ; he says in the 
same breath that these men had been so long at Zuni, they 
were unable to speak their own language with facility and as 
they never knew his to any great extent the difficulty of 
communicating with them and the dangers of falling into 
mistakes will be understood and appreciated by those who 
have had any dealings with savages at the present day; 
when a treaty such as that concluded with the Utes last 
autumn, whose provisions were explained to them with such 
care, was so completely misunderstood that the Utes can 
now claim they never ceded the lands for which they ac- 

3. See N. MEX. HIST. REV., IX, 425-427. 


cepted $60,000 of our money! The branch expedition to 
Tusayan, which Simpson says went to Moqui in my opinion 
went to the ruins, N. of those villages and within close prox- 
imity to the grand canon of the Colorado. 

The above views I endeavored to elucidate in a letter 
to the Rev'd. E. E. Hale, of Boston (written in February 
1881.) It should be remarked that the Final Mountains are 
out of position on Simpson's map. This criticism is inserted 
here to preserve some of the "points" which I hope to more 
clearly establish after my examination of this country shall 
have been concluded. 4 

"La Junta" is simply what its name indicates, "the 
junction" of two Railroads in a little village on the banks 
of the Arkansas. Here I ran against my old friend Mr. 
Hiram Stevens of Arizona, formerly delegate from that T'y. 
We had an enjoyable talk about many of my old friends in 
Tucson and other parts of the T'y and then withdrew to the 
room we were to occupy. I copied a very amusing "notice" 
pasted to the wall. 

"Notice. Gentlemen occupying this room will please 
remove their boots before retiring and also will please not 
expectorate in the foot-bath as that is not what it is intended 
for By order of the proprietor, (signed) R. Jeffries, clerk." 

May 14th, 1881. Had to get out of bed at 1 a. m. to 
take the train for Santa Fe; altho' it was pulling 3 Pull- 
mans, not a berth was vacant. The passenger coaches were 
also filled and it was with difficulty we secured seats. 

Trinidad, on the Purgatoire, a pretty mountain tribu- 
tary of the Arkansas, is growing wonderfully, on account of 
coal and coke industries fostered by the R. R. It possesses 
a large number of nice houses, some of them of brick. The 
D.&R.G. road has a branch running to Mora, only 3 m. from 
Trinidad. With the extension of this to the latter place, 
which no doubt will be effected shortly, Trinidad will assume 
increased importance. 

Raton pass was gaily decked with green grass and 
pretty flowers, but our enjoyment of the scenery was marred 
by the entrance of a gang of low Mexican women, accom- 
panied by still viler American men. My experience with all 
grades of life, assures me that the vilest whelps on the face 
of God's earth are degraded Americans. 

4. The views above expressed are interesting but they are not those now accepted 
either as to the route of Coronado or as to the identity of Cibola. Cf. Gushing, 
Zum Breadstuff (1920), pp. 129, 861. 


We breakfasted at Raton, which seems to be a collection 
of grog-shops, on the slope of the Rocky Mountains. The 
meal, as all meals I have eaten on the Santa Fe line, was 
quite good. Having passed the divide, we entered a very 
lovely country; broad plains carpeted with tender grasses 
and flowers, and low table-lands, breaking the contour of 
the surface every few thousands of yards. In the distance 
to the North, were elevated peaks upon whose hoods of snow, 
the warm spring sun has as yet made no impression. Bold 
knolls of flinty limestone, shaded with stunted cedar, pine 
and pinon and mounds of black lava began to press in upon 
our line of travel : these have yielded excellent material for 
the construction of the road-bed which will soon be unex- 
celled in this country. The Topeka & Santa Fe people real- 
ize the economy of building solidly at the start; their rails 
are steel, their "stations" are nearly all of stone, their tanks 
are capacious and upon solid foundations and the ballast of 
the road will soon be altogether of stone. On one of the side 
tracks was standing a construction train, the roofs of the 
cars decorated with cactus in full flower. 

We ran along the banks of the Mora, (Mulberry) a 
pretty stream, recently very troublesome with swollen cur- 
rents threatening the grade and necessitating a good deal 
of masonry rip-rapping. 

While crossing the Rocky Mtns. this morning, the air 
was too chilly for comfort; in the lower elevations, a more 
genial temperature and balmy breezes awaited us. 

Flocks of sheep and frisky lambs, goats with their kids 
and donkeys with their young were to be seen at every 
point, each flock or herd under the care of a diminutive, 
swarthy "muchacho" who gazed stolidly at the train whirl- 
ing by. 

"Las Vegas" is situated in a fine meadow land, well cul- 
tivated in places; this town is putting in gas and water 
works and "there is some talk" of a street car line. Four 
miles distant are the famous Hot Springs which I hope to be 
able to see some time during the coming summer. Mr. 
Stevens concluded to remain over for one day at this point. 
In the Apache canon near Glorieta, is a quarry of limestone, 
worked by the R. R. company. It is the finest limestone I've 
ever seen; compact crystalline, clear white, hard, and ob- 
tainable in blocks of any desired dimensions. 

In the Pecos Valley is the old ruined church and Pueblo, 
already referred to and to be visited, if possible, this 


A sprinkling of rain fell this afternoon. 

This Apache canon, called erroneously Glorieta Canon 
in the notes of my last trip, must have been a terrible place 
for ambuscades of those cruel & wily savages during the 
years they held sway in this region. In and around Glorieta, 
the pines increased in number and size, some being of very 
respectable height and the source of great piles of ties and 
telegraph poles piled up for the use of the R.R. company. 

Met the Rev'd Dr. McNamara, an Episcopal clergyman 
doing duty at Las Vegas and Santa Fe, and formerly sta- 
tioned in Omaha; with him were Rev'd. Mr. Cossett and 
wife, the latter very handsome. 

At Lamy, changed cars for Santa Fe and at Santa Fe, 
put up at the Exchange Hotel. Paid my respects to Gen'l 
& Mrs. Hatch and called upon Major Van Horn, Lieut. Good- 
win and Mrs. Lee. 

May 15th, 1881. A lovely bright morning. The papers 
contain a telegraphic statement that Lt. Cherry, 5th Cav- 
alry, was on the 12th instant killed by highwaymen, not far 
from his station at Fort Niobrara, Neb. Poor Cherry en- 
tertained me very hospitably last November and was one of 
the officers of the Thornburgh Expedition, I saw at Milk 
River, Colo., in Oct. 1879. 

Met Mr. Posey Wilson of Cheyenne and "Captain Jack" 
Crawford, "the poet-scout," who served under General 
Crook in the campaign of 1867. 6 

Lunched with the Woodruffs : our conversation referred 
to Conline who was in Santa Fe during my last visit, and 
has since, poor fellow, developed a violent type of insanity 
and is now confined in the Government Asylum, near Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

At 2 p. m. took train for Lamy Junction where I met 
Cols. Lee and McKibbin and Mr. Stevens. A brisk rain beat 
down upon us, as we were moving through the Indian 
Pueblos of Santo Domingo and San Felipe, the latter ex- 
tremely pretty. Their orchards promise an abundant yield 
of fruit, their fields are all planted and their acequias bank- 
full of water promise all the moisture needed to ensure good 

5. Crawford was touring at this time as a lecturer, and had appeared at the 
Garcia Opera House in Santa Fe, the night of April 7. The State Historical Society 
has an old handbill which announced his talk on "The Camp Fire and the Trail: a 
Story of Thrilling Adventure Graphically Related." 


Low black lava mesas bound the valley of the Rio 
Grande between Lamy & Albuquerque. 

At Albuquerque, I left the train hoping to connect with 
one on the Atlantic and Pacific road : in this I was not suc- 
cessful, but I had the pleasure of meeting Mr. F. W. Smith, 
of the A&P road, a very bright gentleman, much interested 
in all pertaining to the Indians of the N. W. New Mexico and 

The baggage-master at the depot inadvertently locked 
up all my baggage in the store-room, leaving me to grope my 
way in a drenching rain, but fortunately without any encum- 
brance, along the street rail road track to the Armijo House, 
a hotel just built and opened in the "new town." This new 
Albuquerque is a noisy place ; its streets are lined with gin- 
mills, each with its "accordeon fiend" warbling forth his 
strains to the delight of an audience of open-mouthed 
miners, train-hands and "tender-feet." 

The "Armijo" is not a bad hotel in appearance and 
being brand new has not yet had a chance to become dirty. 
In the parlor, a squad of ladies and gentlemen were tortur- 
ing the ears of night with their ideas of vocalization : they 
did fairly well with a couple of negro camp-meeting songs 
which sufficed as an excuse, if excuse were needed, in Albu- 
querque, for classifying their entertainment as a "sacred 
concert." They sang selections from Pinafore too, but sang 
them so wretchedly that their violation of the Sabbath was 
degraded to a venial offense in the presence of their more 
heinous crime of singing which merited hell-fire any day of 
the week. They regaled my ears with this musical banquet, 
until long after midnight. Not having any weapons with 
me, they escaped unharmed. 

A gentleman at the R.R. depot, this evening showed me 
a quantity of delicious strawberries and beautiful flowers, 
raised in the "old town," he said. 

May 16th, 1881. The train leaving Albuquerque this 
morning was composed of a long line of freight cars, with 
one "combined" coach to carry passengers, mail and express. 

Last night's plenteous rain had laid all dust and made 
the air fresh and bracing and with the immaculate blue sky 
above him one could not help feeling how true are the praises 
lavished upon the climate of the valley of the Upper Rio 

6. El Rito took its name from the Rio de San Jose. As indicated below, it 
was six miles east of Old Laguna. 


At El Rito 6 stopped for dinner in an unpromising 
woodshed, but the proprietor, Mr. Sheridan, disappointed 
us most agreeably. The bill of fare was not very preten- 
tious, but composed of well cooked food a rich broth, good 
fresh bread, boiled potatoes, beans, stewed mutton, apple pie 
and coffee. The sugar bowls & salt cellars were bric-a-brac 
that would have set Eastern collectors crazy with envy; 
they were of ornamented ware, made by the Pueblos of 
Laguna, 6 m. distant. Mr. Sheridan had a strikingly hand- 
some face and head; he said he had wandered all over the 
world from the place of his birth, Charleston, S. C. to 
Great Britain, India, China, Japan and Australia. Noticing 
my interest in pottery, he displayed a great number of spe- 
cimens, all odd & not a few very beautiful. A dozen or more 
of the Indians were hanging around the door, waiting to sell 
their wares to the passengers. Not having the least bit of 
room in my valise, I had to content myself with an earthen 
duck and a painted cup, my purchases costing me the sum of 
just (15) fifteen cents. These Indians, like all the Pueblos, 
I've seen, are very short, but strongly built ; their faces are 
decidedly good. 

The R.R. companies permit them to ride up and down 
to their heart's content and not a train passes along without 
a half-dozen or so availing themselves of the privilege. The 
track cuts through the middle of their town which is on the 
Rio Puerco (of the East) about 75 m. from Albuquerque. 
This band have not confined themselves to the town proper, 
but under the security now afforded them, have branched 
out into a considerable number of dwellings, standing alone 
or grouped in hamlets too small to be called towns. Each 
of these has its strip of cultivated land, its irrigating ditches 
dug at an immense expenditure of labor, and its orchards 
of peach trees. In one field not a stone's throw from the 
cars, the Indians were plowing with the rude wooden instru- 
ment of this country. This was fastened to the horns of a . 
pair of small oxen, driven by one of the Indians and led by 
the other. Saw a mill-stone of lava. 

15 m. beyond Laguna is the pueblo of "Acoma," com- 
posed of 3 small villages, a stone's throw apart. 7 Close to 
Acoma, I noticed mesas formed of lava and sandstone in 
juxtaposition, the lava on top: on summit and flanks, these 
mesas had a straggling growth of scrub cedar, not suffi- 

7. This was "Little Acoma," then the seasonal residence of many of the Acoma 
Indians who came north from old Acoma to find irrigable land along: the river. 
Bourke did not see the old pueblo and the Enchanted Mesa at this time. 


ciently plenty to hide the surface beneath. On a promon- 
tory projecting from one of these mesas, saw another 
pueblo, of very small size, containing not over a dozen 
houses : we should not have noticed its existence had not our 
train been chased by a parcel of white-toothed, bright-eyed 
children whose voices rang out in musical laughter as they 
emulated each other in a frolicsome attempt to overhaul us. 

The valley of the Pueblo, and indeed nearly all the coun- 
try thus far penetrated by the line of the Atlantic and Paci- 
fic R.R. consists of a succession of broad flat fields, bounded 
by low mesas of lava and sand stone. These fields lie well 
for good drainage and are filled with rich soil, the decom- 
posed lava of the bluffs, mixed with sand and clay. All they 
need is irrigation to make them bloom as a garden. Artesian 
wells would furnish all the water needed and would, I am 
convinced from the looks of the country, strike it at a mod- 
erate depth, say within 300 ft. A gentleman on the train 
told me that the R.R. had struck water at 60 ft. but that very 
likely was an exceptional instance. Were our Government 
to expend a small sum in the demonstration of this fact, a 
stream of colonists would quickly set in upon these lands 
and draw from them rich harvests of wheat and sub-tropical 
fruits, such as oranges, figs, olives, grapes and raisins, al- 
monds, peaches &c. 

Going from the station to the Fort, 8 had the company of 
Mr. Small, U. S Mail agent a very intelligent companionable 

Put up with Col. DeCourcey and called upon General 
Bradley and family before going to bed. 

May 17th, 1881. Put in a good day's work upon my 
journal ; also called upon Gen'l Bradley to arrange about my 
transportation to Zuni, and finally visited the Great Spring, 
by which the post is built. This is a stream of very good 
size, especially for such a dry climate. It supplies more than 
enough water for all the needs of the post, where at present 
nine companies of cavalry and Infantry are stationed and 
much building is going on. 

May 18th, 1881. (Wednesday). After breakfast, left 
post, going nearly due S. climbing a steep grade for about 
3 or 4 miles, the flank of the mountain being plentifully cov- 
ered with pinon, scrub cedar, scrub oak and occasionally, 
stunted pine. From the summit, a fine view was obtained 

8. Fort Wingrate. 


of the surrounding country which was seen to be a series of 
plateaus, or perhaps it might be better to say one plateau 
seamed and gashed with countless ravines and canons. 
There was a great deal of timber to be seen, chiefly of small 
growth, but there was little water. 

To my surprise we now entered a very pretty park, a 
thick forest of pine encircling little grassy glades. The 
driver said that a fine spring poured out of the ground a 
mile to the left of our trail. Several wagons loaded with ties 
for the rail road passed us. The timber along this part of 
road was of good size. This plateau is, undoubtedly, a pro- 
longation of the Mogollon of Arizona. 

The formation is generally sandstone ; limestone crops 
out occasionally and a kiln is now burning, a half mile to L., 
for the use of Wingate. 

We found the weather delightful, on this elevated table- 
land ; the sky, as it so generally is in Arizona & New Mex- 
ico, was faultless and the temperature so balmy that the 
birds in the swaying pine tops were stimulated to floods of 

Eight miles from Wingate, rested our team. 

Here we were overtaken by a band of Navajoes, driving 
a large herd of several thousands of sheep and goats. We 
journeyed along with them, an odd procession of men, 
women, children, dogs, ponies, donkeys, sheep, goats lambs 
and kids until we came to a very bad declivity when they 
turned off to the West and we soon lost sight of them. 

Going down this bad grade, I left the vehicle (a buck- 
board) and walked in advance; the road cutting through a 
red clay soil, with out-croppings of what, in my hurried ex- 
amination, I took to be lime-stone. At the foot of the hill, 
we entered the head of the valley of Nutria (Beaver) a 
pretty little glen at that point not over % mile wide. On 
each side were high bluffs of sandstone, covered in places 
with a scattering growth of pine. At foot of the bluffs, was 
a stretch of green grass and other herbage affording pas- 
turage to several thousands of sheep and goats, under care 
of three or four Zuni children. A curious wall of sandstone, 
50 ft. high ran down the center of the valley for 30 or 40 
rods, its crest occupied by tiny black & white kids, not over 
a month old, which gazed at us in a grave eyed wonderment. 
A thousand yards farther, at an abrupt turn of the road 
around a projecting lodge of rocks, the valley suddenly wid- 
ened to 1500-2000 yds ; down its center a little brook, 5 ft. w. 


and 6" deep wound its way, affording water for irrigating 
the wheat fields which here commence. 8 

At suitable points, small houses had been built to afford 
necessary shelter to the laborers, and a great many scare- 
crows were in position to scare away birds and predatory 

We crossed the stream at a stone dam of pine logs, 
stone and clay and entered the little pueblo of Nutria, one of 
the outlying towns of the Zunis, but occupied only during 
the season for planting and harvesting. 10 

Its situation is at the foot of a low hill, having enough 
wood for all purposes, and about 1500 yds. south of a very 
high ledge of sandstone which commands it completely and 
would make it untenable were hostile riflemen to post them- 
selves in the cliffs. The soil of the valley, I should say, seems 
to be fertile and perhaps as much as 300 A. are under culti- 
vation at this point. The houses of Nutria are small and 
intended apparently, for single families. 

I entered one, built of flat small pieces of sandstone laid 
in mud, plastered smooth with lime, inside and out. Stone 
steps led up to the room I was invited to enter. Its dimen- 
sions were 12' x 14' by 61/2' in height, the floor of packed 
earth, the ceiling of round pine saplings 5" in d., covered 
with riven slabs of same tree. The door was made with nails 
and secured by a chain. Light and ventilation were obtained 
through (3) three apertures in the wall; one 6"xl4", filled 
in with pieces of glass; one large kept constantly open and 
2'x4' ; and the third filled in with a movable glass shutter of 
six small panes. Besides these, there were an opening in the 
ceiling 8"x8", covered with a smooth flat stone and the chim- 
ney opening out from the hearth at middle point of the north 
wall. This chimney was constructed upon sound principles 
and had a good draught; free from smoke. 

My hosts were small in stature ; the man not over 5'7" ; 
expression of face good-natured; hair dishevelled but kept 
back from face by a fillet of old red calico. Moccasins of 
reddish brown buck-skin, rising above ankle and fastening 
on outside of instep with one silver button. Sole of raw- 
hide and toe protected by a small upraise nothing like so 
large as the shield of the Apaches, who live in a cactus coun- 
try. He wore both leggings and under leggings ; the latter 

9. Bourke was now on one of the headwaters of the Zuni river. 

10. Several years later, an attempt by General Logan and his relatives to 
pre-empt this land from the Zunis aroused some very unsavory publicity. 


of blue worsted, the former of buckskin, both reaching to 
the knee and there held in place by red worsted garters. 
Loose drawers, shirt and breech-clout, all of cotton cloth, 
once white; shirt worn outside of pants and drawers and 
open on outer side from knee down. 

Two quite pretty but dirty children stood by me while 
writing; the younger dressed in a simple "slip" reaching to 
knees ; the elder wearing, besides the slip, a jacket of Ameri- 
can make. The smaller also had ear-ornaments, simple cir- 
clets of silver. 

There were two squaws; one, gray-haired, old and 
wrinkled, whose life was nearly spent. Her dress was made 
much as that of the Navajo women of blankets, fastened 
at right shoulder, but exposing left arm, shoulder and part 
of bust. A girdle of red worsted confined it at waist. In 
front, she wore an apron of coarse white manta, of which 
she also had a cloak, covering the shoulders. Around the 
neck was a collaret reaching to waist made of silver balls 
and quarter dollars and terminating in a pendant. Like the 
men, she wore woolen leggings, feet bare. The younger 
squaw was dressed entirely in "manta," but also wore moc- 
casins, made as are all those seen here, perfectly plain. She 
had no jewels. 

One side of the room was taken up with a scaffold, 
covered with fresh mutton, old clothing and a pile of sheep- 
skins which they use as bedding. 

There were also some coarse blankets of Navajo and 
Zuni make, and a rug, such as can be seen among the 
Moquis, made of strands of wool, with insertions of cayote 11 
& rabbit fur. The cooking utensils were iron pots and 
crockery ware, the latter made by themselves. There were 
also two baskets, round & flat made of green willow twigs 
and coarse in construction. The table-ware, spoons, ladles, 
&c. were also of earthen ware, and in several cases pieces of 
old tin cans had been cleverly shaped to the same uses. Near 
the hearth were bundles of dried twigs for kindling. The 
food, besides the mutton above spoken of, consisted of two 
earthen platters of yellow and blue corn, parched with salt 
and a number of strings of mutton tallow and what I took 
to be dried sheep entrails. From a corner of this room, a 
little door, 15" w. by 4' high, led by a couple of steep steps 
down to a small store-room 8'x9' square, 6' in height, and 31/2 
ft. below the level of the one first entered. It contained a few 

11. Bourke's spelling: seems to represent the Anglo pronunciation, Ki'yot. 


farming implements, American shovels, hoes, forks, picks 
& axes and half a dozen large earthen jars and "ollas" ; in a 
basin, on the floor was a bunch of tempered clay ready to 
be moulded into pottery. Three open slits in the walls, each 
8"xlO" gave light and air, besides what was afforded by the 
two chimneys in the corners of one wall. They were made 
thus: a platform ran from wall to wall and 2*/2 ft. above 
floor ; upon this, the chimneys were built, of pine logs, mud 
and stone. 

While I was writing, the younger squaw leaned over my 
shoulder, absorbed in interest at the rapid movement of the 
pencil over the paper. The old squaw kept on with her work 
grinding corn in a "metate." In the store-room, as I have 
called it, were also gourd spoons, hay brushes for cleaning, 
cooking utensils and an old Apache or Navajo basket. 

Descending a ladder, I reached a room of the same di- 
mensions as the first and directly under it. The chimney 
was the same as that of the first room, opening up into it. 
The windows were four small affairs, each 6"xl2", hermeti- 
cally sealed with fragments of glass. Here was a large 
accumulation of stores, betokening thrift, foresight and 

Boxes, bags and ollas, large and small, were filled with 
pumpkins dried in strips, with mutton tallow, corn meal, 
beans, blue corn in the ear, chile and pumpkin seeds, sheep 
bones (for marrow) corn husks (for kindling fires & smok- 
ing) , any quantity ol crockery, several large Apache baskets, 
and along the whole of one side ran a wooden bin, divided 
into four compartments with "metates" of varying fineness. 

My host handed me food made, to judge from taste, of 
corn meal mixed with the juice of peaches. This food, I 
afterward learned to my great disgust was made by the 
young girls who first chewed the corn to a pulp & then set 
it out in the sun to ferment. 

An old fragment of buffalo robe which my guide said 
was Ootay (Ute), a net raven hopping about and another 
coverlid of rabbit-skins, were the only other things I could 
see. I was offered "tortillas" which tasted sweet and pal- 
atable. Bought a wooden spoon. 

This Nutria valley contains, I should say, about 4000 
A. of arable land, 400 A. being irrigated by ditches laid out 
with wonderful skill. The town can accomodate 300 people 
but is unoccupied except during the season of planting and 
harvesting. The rest of the year not more than one or two 


families remain there to guard property. It is 18 miles S. 
of Wingate. Outside of the town, are the sheep & goat 
corrals, built of pine branches, stuck in the ground & held 
together by rough wattle work. 

Our direction thus far had been due S. but after driv- 
ing for a couple of hours along a good road, leading across a 
sag in a hill covered plentifully with timber of the same kind 
seen this morning but smaller in size, we turned W. and 
entered a broad open valley of poor soil, but covered with a 
thin growth of grass and herbage suitable for sheep, several 
flocks of which were to be seen on either side of road, 
guarded by Zuni boys. This valley I should judge has water 
for several months of the year (tributary to the Nutria.) 
At w. end of the valley, lava protruded above ground. We 
are undoubtedly at considerable elevation above sea level; 
the day tho' bright and fair and sunny, has a very chilly 

Here is situated the ruin called "old Zuni." It con- 
sists now of nothing but huge piles of loose rock, with the 
following ground plan, which I paced. 

The boundaries lie according to the apparent median; 
as I was pacing A-B, my shadow fell directly in front of me, 
along the former line of wall, (time 5 p. m., May 18th, 
1881.) At x x x, the wall can still be traced in places, 18" 
thick and formed about as at Nutria, of rock (rubble) from 
4" cube to 10" cube, laid in mud. The rock is sandstone with 
now and then a small boulder of lava, and is such as is to 
be found in abundance in immediate proximity to the ruin. 
The creek, (it has no water, except a couple of small pools) 
is directly in front, with "cut-banks" of clay. At M. occurs 
the protrusion of lava I have alluded to. The "command" 
over the surrounding valley is very feeble ; at the very high- 
est point, which I have designated the "citadel," not being 

The interior is strewn with fragments of pottery; of 
these I picked up as many as I could carry in my pocket ; the 
ornamentation was varied ; in some, it has been made with 
a knotted cord and on others was plainly visible a peculiar 
finger nail decoration very much like that employed by old 
time cooks in Arizona for embellishing the rind of their 
dried apple pies. Where colors had been employed, they 
were still bright. The surroundings of this village impressed 
me with the idea that it had been occupied for much the 
same purpose as Nutria is today an outlying town inhab- 
ited during the harvest season. 

u ni Jftllr Jlejc 

4-*."ftvrfce,TTUv S<'l 

OF MAY-JUNE, 1881) 


The only sign of life near the ruins was a gray burro 
who nodded his long ears at us as if to express a desire to 
open conversation. 

Road became very sandy. 

A mile W. of the old ruin, we passed between two very 
high sand stone mesas ; that on left, 400' high, masked by a 
feeble growth of cedar: that on the R. 250' high, a solid 
mass of sandstone, with enough soil in the rock at intervals 
to afford life to a small number of stunted cedar bushes. In 
center of the pass is a "finger rock" of white sandstone at 
least 150' high. At this point there projects from the L. 
hand mesa a flying buttress pierced by a large elliptical ori- 
fice, through which the rays of the descending sun beamed 
with strange effect. At end of the pass we came upon an- 
other large herd of Zuni sheep, numbering 2,000 @ 

Emerging from the pass, we entered a broad plain, 
dotted with high, isolated masses of sandstone, of enormous 
dimensions, some of them grand enough to be called peaks 
or mesas. The soil of the plain must be good as it supports 
a liberal growth of sagebrush, a sure indication. Here we 
came to another large flock of sheep and goats and in a 
moment or two more to the banks of a creek, dammed up to 
irrigate fields, protected by scare-crows and provided with 
the adobe shelters, seen up at Nutria. Three (3) miles far- 
ther we reached Zuni, a short time before dark. Put up at 
the Gov't forage Agency and store of Mr. Graham, where I 
met that gentleman, Dr. Ealy, Mr. Hathorn (the cook and 
assistant) and Mr. Gushing. 12 

Dr. Ealy is a missionary sent out with his wife by the 
Presbyterian Church. Mr. Gushing is the brother of Mr. 
Frank Gushing who, under the auspices of the Smithsonian 
Institute, has taken up a residence among the Zunis, been 
adopted into the tribe, learned the language & familiarized 
himself with the manners & traditions of this really strange 
people. Unfortunately, he was absent from the village, at 
the time of my visit, thus depriving me of a most invaluable 
guide. Hathorn, the cook, was formerly one of pur packers 
during the Apache Campaign (1872-3) and being a great 
admirer of General Crook, extended me a reflection of the 
courtesy and attention he would have extended to my chief 
had he been present. First, my keen appetite did full justice 

12. This was Mr. E. L. Gushing. See below. 


to a plentiful supper of fried bacon, stewed dried apples, 
bread & tea. 

Then I took an evening stroll about the town, more for 
the purpose of stretching my limbs than of attempting to de- 
scribe it. This had been the day for plucking the sacred 
eagles, a dozen of which plundered monarchs of the air 
moped moodily in large wicker cages built upon the ground, 
in the corners of buildings in the street. Quantities of 
"green" pottery of every description were to be seen in 
every dwelling and other quantities of it burning in the 
gentle heat of blazing cow dung. 

The clay used seems to have a proportion of talc and is 
mixed with old pottery, pounded to powder the fineness of 
sawdust. After the mass had been thoroughly kneaded with 
water, it is taken in lumps of suitable size into which the 
squaw inserts her thumb and by constantly but gradually 
enlarging this, keeping the mass wet all the time, it is made 
large enough to place upon a round stone of size convenient 
to serve as a table, held in left hand as a support. Upon 
this stone it is gently patted by a small piece of flat wood or 
gourd, and kept wet until it has attained the desired shape 
when it is carefully placed in the sun to dry. My description 
is obscure, but it is the best I can do. 

Climbing up by ladders, I entered a number of the 
houses ; many of the windows are of fragments of selenite 
(sulphate of lime) held in place by mud. Noticed dolls for 
children, made of wood, rudely cut out, but having backs of 
head decked with sheepskin & feather ornaments. 

Mr. Hathorn and Dr. Ealy told met this evening that 
the Zunis have clans, one being the "parrot" clan ( ?) They 
say they came from the West and at one time lived on the 
Agua Fria in Arizona, where at Bowers Ranch, 15 m. from 
Prescott, may still be seen the walls of an old (so-called) 
Aztec residence. They still, at long intervals, make pil- 
grimages to the Ocean. Dr. Ealy says they have secret 
societies, much like those of the Sioux and Northern tribes. 

May 19th, 1881. A cloudy morning. 3 of our mules 
last night jumped over the fence of the corral in which they 
were confined and made their way back on the road to Ft. 
Wingate. A promise of a reward of one dollar stimulated a 
couple of Zuni boys to go back after them and they were re- 
captured in less than no time. 

The ruined church on the opposite page, I found to be 
11 paces in width, 42 in length, and about 30 ft high in the 


clear inside. The windows never had been provided with 
panes and were nothing" but large apertures barred with 
wood. The carvings about the altar had at one time included 
at least half a dozen angels as caryatides, of which 2 still 
remained in position. 13 The interior is in a ruined state, 
great masses of earth have fallen from the north wall ; the 
choir is shaky and the fresco has long since dropped in great 
patches upon the floor. The presence of 5 or 6 different 
coats of this shows that the edifice must have been in use for 
a number of years. A small graveyard in front contained a 
few scarcely discernible graves and a squad of Zunis were 
digging a fresh one as I sketched, surrounded by a parcel 
of boys and girls and dogs. 

Wandering about the town, I came upon numbers of 
cages, built upon the ground, each holding a grand looking 

The Zunis, as I said yesterday, keep them for their 
feathers and one fierce bird still moped disconsolate for the 
loss of his splendid plumage stripped from him last evening. 

Diminutive garden patches scattered in various parts 
of the pueblo, were filled with freshly sprouting onions, chile 
and other vegetables. Looking into a house as I passed by, 
I saw two dames close by the door, the elder of the two criti- 
cally examining the head of her companion to clean it of 
parasites. When found, the poor, innocent little insects 
were remorselessly crushed between the teeth of the hunter. 
Not being a member of the society for the prevention of 
Cruelty to Animals, I did not attempt to interfere. I also 
saw men knitting blue yarn leggings just as among the 

Mr. Graham had an idea that the negro or Moor (Este- 
vanico) who had been a captive among these people (1530- 
1536 ), 14 and who had returned to this country with the 
expedition of Coronado (1541-43) by whose soldiers he was 
put to death for treachery," had left the impress of his fea- 
tures upon some of the present generation and especially 
upon one whom he called my attention to. But, after a care- 
ful examination of the Zuni's features, I could not detect the 

13. So far as known to the editor, this architectural feature has not been reported 
regarding any other of the early missions in New Mexico. Unfortunately, Bourke 
made no interior sketches of the old Zuni church in his notebook. 

14. During the time indicated, Estevanico was among the Texas Indians. He 
did not reach Zuni until 1539, scouting ahead for Fray Marcos de Niza. 

15. Bourke adds a note : "This was a slip of the pen ; the natives of the country 
killed him." Also the Coronado years were 1540-1542. 


slight resemblance to the negro. Mr. Graham says that this 
man's hair when short is curly ; when I looked at it, it was 
long, wavy, finer than that of the other Zunis, but like theirs 

Went with Mr. E. L. Gushing, brother of Frank, on a 
tour of the town. Saw several women drying their hair in 
the sun and several others having theirs cleaned by the 
process previously explained. 

Saw 7 or 8 eagles. Entered a house where the women 
were weaving blankets on rude looms. Saw a young kid, 
stuffed with wool, to be used as a doll by babies. Saw many 
feathers attached to sticks to be placed in their fields with 
prayer, as a sort of sacrifice to propitiate the powers above. 

Came upon a party of Albinos, of whom there are (9) 
nine among the Zunis. These Albinos have very red faces 
and necks, looking very much as if they were flushed by 
liquor or exposure to a warm sun. The hair is yellowish 
white and the iris of the eye is colorless, which undoubtedly 
renders it powerless to resist the rays of the sun, as an 
Albino when talking to you is constantly blinking. These 
Albinos are in every respect, physically or intellectually, 
the equals of their darker skinned comrades, with whom 
they intermarry unrestrainedly. 

The streets are filled with mangy dogs, children of both 
sexes and all ages, the younger wearing no dress save a 
pair of malachite ear-rings. Most of the houses are entered 
by ladders, doors on the ground floor being a very recent 
innovation. It amazed me to see dogs climb up and down 
these ladders, something I should never have believed had 
I not seen it with my own eyes : their example was imitated 
every minute by naked little boys and girls, too young al- 
most to be out of their mother's arms. 

I will now note down seriatim what I saw after enter- 
ing one of the houses. The women were busy weaving 
blankets or grinding corn; not knowing about weaving, I 
cannot employ technical terms, and must limit myself to 
saying that in this case the blanket was one of the kind worn 
across a woman's shoulder and woven in (5) five colors; 
scarlet, black, deep blue and light blue, with a triple-twisted 
yellow cord on the longitudinal edges ; the four main colors 
being run in horizontal stripes and bands, with pleasing 
effect. The Zunis have no chairs, but make a substitute of 
flat blocks of wood. Very many of the floors are of flat 
stone, in whole or part. Around (3) sides of the living 

*,. : * *,-,* .', ^,.*^ p-tf*^**:. n, ytt 


'. <rv/ -*? f~tL*t^>$- 

t--^ ^V*A < *v 

"-u f - 




o ; ^_ r xj x 

c. x!) . <u CM, ^ /r;/ 


room extends a banquette 6" h. and 12" broad, serving as a 
seat and also as a shelf. 

After lunch, was taken arond the town by Jesus Iriarte, 
a Mexican, who when quite a boy was captured by Apaches, 
near San Francisco del Promontorio, in Sonora, Mexico, and 
by the Apaches traded off to the Zunis. The Zunis say that, 
in war, they take no captives. 

The Zunis today are arranging for a grand rabbit-hunt 
on horseback. They make use of a weapon, closely resem- 
bling the description given of the "boomerang." It is of 
hard, bent wood, . . , 18 This weapon does not return to the 
feet of the owner. 

The Indians in this house offered me refreshments of 
"tortillas," which tasted sweet and good. 

The description given of the first room seen yesterday 
at Nutria applies to this one, except that this is 50' 1. 20' w. 
and 10' high, plastered white on the inside, having a flat 
sandstone flagging for floor, kept very neat and well sup- 
plied with food. The lower wall of the room had painted 
upon it in quite good style an antelope, 6' in length and 
nearly the same measurement to tips of horns. 

The Zunis employ the "bow drill." 

A-B is a stick i/i" in D. 12" @ 14" in length tipped at 
B with a flint, attached by sinew. C-D is a flat horizontal 
piece, i/ in. w. at widest point, tapering towards extremi- 
ties, six inches long and perforated at E. to admit of being 
slipped over A-B to which it is fastened by thin leather 
thongs running from C and D to A. F is a balance bob of 
flat wood or sandstone 3" in diameter. The operator twirls 
C-D so as to twist the leather strings around A-B. He then 
places the flint point over the object to be pierced which he 
holds in place with L. hand while he gently but continu- 
ously moves the horizontal bar C-D up and down, causing 
A-B to revolve with rapidity. In my presence a Zuni drilled 
a hole through a horn comb in two minutes. In making tur- 
quoise and malachite beads great patience is demanded ; yet 
it is with this simple instrument that all perforations are 

The Zuni moccasin is thus made: sole, of rawhide, fol- 
lowing plant of foot and turned up while green to form a 
protection for the great toe, but not as a toe shield, such as 
the Apaches have to employ who live in a cactus and rock 

16. Bourke's sketch looks like a hockey stick with a short haft. "Throw with 
the point to the front." 


covered country. The legging attached to the moccasin of 
the women, is of buckskin & white in color, while those made 
for the men are generally colored or black and separated 
from the moccasin. The moccasin of the Zunis resembles 
that of the Navajoes in being fastened by silver buttons on 
the outside of the instep like our low quarter shoes. The 
buckskin leggings of the squaws are in two pieces; one, a 
narrow tongue piece 4" wide and the other an ankle pro- 
tector, both reaching to the knee ; the pattern is something 
of an exaggeration of our style of winter overshoe known 
as the "Arctic snow-excluder." The Zunis use woolen leg- 
gings under the buckskin and in winter, overshoes of sheep- 
skin, with the wool inside. 

While I was writing the above, my old classmate, Lieu- 
tenant Carl F. Palfrey, 17 Corps of Engineers, whom I had 
not met since we graduated (1869) came up to me calling 
out "Hi, John Bourke, what the devil are you doing here?" 
Of course, we were delighted to see each other and passed 
the rest of the day in company examining the town. 

The Zunis make three kinds of bread ; the flat tortilla 
of the Mexicans; tissue bread such as the Moquis use, (both 
these are baked upon flat stones on the hearth) and the ordi- 
nary loaf bread baked in the hemispherical mud ovens al- 
ready described. Their leaven is salt and water, yeast pow- 
der, and sour dough, the last made, when necessary with 

A crier now roared through the street that the prepara- 
tions for "jack-rabbit" hunt were complete and in a very few 
moments throngs of young bucks had saddled & bridled 
their ponies and started for the place of rendezvous, whither 
also groups of men on foot were wending their way. 

I borrowed a pony and started with Mr. Gushing, fol- 
lowed by the brother of the "Gobernador" (Governor) a 
very dandified chap in pantaloons of black velvet, decked 
with silver buttons, a red shirt and a dark blue plush cap 
also girt with buttons of the precious metal. We jogged 
along over gentle hills and flat red-clay valleys, passing 
through stretches of corn fields, and a distance of something 
more than 2 leagues from Zuni, ascended a small timbered 
knoll, upon whose summit was burning a small fire, the 
rallying point for a concourse of not less than 450 young 

17. Carl F. Palfrey, native of Massachusetts, entered West Point in October, 
1865, and graduated fourth in his class. In June 1870 he was assigned to the 1st 
U. S. Artillery ; transferred two years later to the engineer?, and was promoted to 
1st lieutenant in September 1874. 


men & old, 2/3 of them mounted : no women or girls could be 
seen but an old man was haranguing the multitude giving 
instructions upon the manner of conducting the hunt and, as 
I surmised from what I soon afterward saw, interspersing 
his remarks with advice of a religious character. 

When he had concluded, the Zunis in parties of 6 to 10, 
approached the fire and with head bowed down and in a 
manner sedate and reverent, recited in an audible tone 
prayers of considerable length, at same time holding towards 
the fire in the left hand a crust of bread and in the right one 
or two boomerangs, (I can call them by no other name.) 
The prayers finished, the crusts were placed in the fire and 
the boomerangs held in the smoke; the devotees then 
divided, one part moving off by the L., the other by the 
Right hand. The whole concourse went through this cere- 
mony, those on horseback dismounting before approaching 
the sacred fire, and the crusts of bread making a pile 2 or 3 
ft. high. 

My presence near the fire was the source of much sar- 
castic comment and hilarity to the Zunis who had finished 
their devotions, but I stood my ground with the cheek of a 
lightning-rod agent. 

The Indians rapidly scattered over the face of the 
country, here covered with stunted cedar and sage brush 
and well suited as a hiding place for jack-rabbits. The dis- 
mounted battalion acted as beaters, the horsemen pursuing 
the frightened animals the moment they broke cover. The 
dust scattered and the amount of exertion made should have 
sufficed to catch and kill a hundred buffaloes, but up to the 
moment of my departure, not a single jack-rabbit was 
caught and the result of all this vast expenditure of labor 
was, as I learned at night, only four rabbits! This fact, 
connected with the religious features I had witnessed im- 
pressed me with the conviction that this hunt is a religious 
ceremony and that it may be a survival of some mode of 
catching game in use at a time when their manner of life 
was much different from what it is today. The rabbits 
caught were not eaten by the Zunis but fed to the sacred 
cha-ka-li, or eagles. 

Tired out with waiting, we started on the homeward 
track and ran in upon a half dozen boys playing the game of 
"kicking the sticks." They were arranged in (2) two sides, 
each having a stick and the object, apparently, was for 
either side to kick his own stick to the goal first ; without in 


any way interfering with the movements of its opponents. 
I couldn't study the game very closely, because the young- 
sters broke up their play and ran like deer the moment they 
perceived us close upon them. 

A little closer to Zuni, we came to another party of 
much younger children, engaged in digging for field mice ; 
they had (6) six, but, in answer to my sign, said they did 
not intend to eat them. Like the Mokis, the Zunis feed them 
to the eagles. 

Having reached the village, I went around again with 
Palfrey, this time buying several silver rings &c. 

Palfrey and I had a rather better dinner than usual, 
he contributing to the bill of fare at Mr. Graham's a bottle 
of Cal. Sherry and one of Cal. Claret from his mess-chest. 

Mr. Chas. Franklin, of Arizona, came to Zuni this eve- 
ning; he had formerly lived with the tribe for 3 yrs. and 
was formally adopted as a member. I had not seen him for 
9 years and was glad to be thus thrown with him, as in the 
absence of Mr. Frank Gushing, he can elucidate many points 
of interest now involved in obscurity. 

About ten o'clock, I accompanied Palfrey to his wagons 
and returning I was beset by a horde of snapping mangy 
Zuni dogs, whose number I freely estimated at half a million 
more or less. 

May 20th, 1881. Breakfast over, Mr. Graham took me 
to one of the corrals to see the Zunis shearing their sheep. 
The corral was a simple affair of small poles fastened with 
rawhide and contained as many as 250 sheep and goats, 
whose bleating and baa-aa-ing made the place a pandemo- 
nium. A man would seize a sheep by the hind leg, and as 
soon as the animal had become exhausted with kicking a 
squaw would seize the front leg on the same side and thus 
easily throw the sheep down, when all four feet were 
promptly tied together and the shearing began ; the instru- 
ments employed being butcher knives, sharpened pieces of 
sheet iron and, occasionally, shearing scissors. In their 
herds, I noticed hybrids, half sheep half goats: the skin 
of one of these serves as a rug in Mr. Graham's. 

Bought a pair of Zuni ear-rings, of same style as those 
of the Navajoes paid for them $1.50. 

I have now been enough among the Zunis to observe 
that not a half-breed can be seen among them ; this remark 
does not apply to the children of men, like Jesus, adopted 
into the tribe. 


A woman passed us crying bitterly for the loss of her 
mother who died yesterday. The funeral came along in a 
few moments and we had every opportunity for observing 
it. The corpse wrapped in a couple of coarse black & white 
striped blankets, was borne along in a hurried manner, by 
two men, one holding the head, the other the feet. They 
took the nearest line to the church : no procession followed, 
but as they passed the house of relatives of the deceased, the 
women seated themselves at the doors or windows and wept 
aloud, keeping up their lamentations until the corpse had 
been placed underground. The grave was not over 3 ft. in 
depth and had already served as a place of sepulture for not 
less than half a dozen of the tribe, that number of skulls 
having been thrown put during the work of excavation. It 
was on the L. hand side of the cemetery, facing the church : 
all the women are buried on this side, the males on the other. 
The corpse was placed on its back, feet toward the church 
the church faced East, the two carriers then raked in the 
loose earth and human bones and the ceremony was over. 

The Zunis have primitive agricultural implements ; one 
of wood is shaped like a stilt and by placing the foot upon 
the cross piece a hole can readily be made in ground into 
which to drop seed. 

Their yellow dye is a tuber, closely resembling a rotten 
sweet potato ; bitter to taste, disagreeable to smell and per- 
haps poisonous. Their red is unravelled scarlet cloth or 
flannel. Blue is indigo purchased from traders & set with 
urine. Black and white are the natural wool. 

Bought from Mr. Graham and the Zunis, 35 pieces of 
pottery, which I carefully packed in saw dust for transpor- 
tation to Wingate. 

Palfrey and I entered an old Zuni dwelling, where I 
purchased a boomerang for lOc. The room was 15' W. 50' 
long 10'6" high. Floor of packed earth. On 3 sides, a small 
banquette, in which was a break of 3 ft. on E. side. 2 small 
windows I'x2', at height of eye as man stands on floor : here 
the panes were of glass, but very frequently they are pieces 
of selenite, held in place by a white lime cement. The win- 
dows were deep in wall, top & sides square, sole of sill slop- 
ing toward floor for 2 ft. Vigas, round, peeled of bark, 
6"-12" in D. Cross pieces 3" in D. 18" apart these covered 
with twigs and the twigs with hays, upon which came the 
mud & stone flooring of the upper story. In ceiling of every 
room is an air-hole, one ft. square, covered with a flat stone, 


when ventilation is not needed. Walls all whitewashed. 
House itself of adobe, with some pieces of rough rubble 
masonry of friable sandstone, breaking squarely in all thick- 
nesses & from 2 to 6" in length and width up to 2'. In one 
corner a rack for ollas, and along one side a trough or bin 
divided into from 4 @ 8 compartments, each with a metate 
of graded fineness from the rough lava to very fine sand- 
stone. (Each house keeps on hand surplus metates and 
crushers.) The vigas in this house looked as if they had 
been cut with stone axes but this is something I cannot aver 
with certainty. Blankets are kept upon poles suspended 
from rafters. Upon the walls hang gourd rattles and a 
peculiar drum stick. 18 

Also boxes filled with feathers of the sparrow hawk, 
blue jay, turkey, eagle, wrapped in paper; in these boxes, 
were also preserved their little store of face paints. 

The floor contained skins of sheep and goats and square 
blocks of hard wood all used as seats. The chimneys have 
already been described. Ladders are still used for entering 
houses, but within the past ten years the innovation of doors 
opening upon the level of the ground floor has very gener- 
ally obtained. Niches are to be seen in nearly every wall ; 
a closer examination reveals the fact that at these points 
the walls are merely slabs of stone easy to be removed and, 
in case one part of the town should be captured, enabling 
the inhabitants to escape through these apertures to por- 
tions not yet in possession of the enemy. At one time, no 
doubt, the people of Zuni were in constant apprehension of 
attacks from hostile neighbors. 

The smell in Zuni is outrageous. Decayed meat, sheep 
and goats' pelts, excrement human and animal, unwashed 
dogs and Indians, fleas, lice and bed-bugs (the houses in 
Zuni are full of these last) , garbage of every kind it must 
be regarded as a standing certificate of the salubrity of this 
climate that a single Zuni is in existence today. 

(To be continued) 

18. Shown in a small sketch like a figure "6". 


Death In The Desert. By Paul I. Wellman. (The Mac- 
millan Company, New York, 1935; xiv+294 pp; bibliog., 
map, illustrations, index; $3.00.) 

Death In The Desert is the second of two books by Paul 
I. Wellman, a newspaper man of Wichita, dealing with the 
tempestuous, bloody beginnings of the present day Indian 

His first book, Death On The Prairie, published in 1934, 
covered the struggle to subdue the Indians of the Great 
Plains from the beginning of the Sioux warfare in Minne- 
sota in 1862 to the final, last-hope rally of the Plains tribes 
around the Indian Messiah in 1891. 

Death In The Desert deals with what the author calls 
the "Fifty Years War For the Great Southwest." He covers 
fifty years and more in point of time, from 1822 to 1886, 
but he has also managed, by some geographical stretch of 
the imagination, to include in the war for the great south- 
west an account of the struggles with the Modocs in Oregon ! 

Neither of these books contributes anything new in 
material on the years of Indian warfare, but the digging out 
of new evidence was not the author's purpose. He had done 
what anyone might do, and what very few have done gath- 
ered together reliable personal narratives, state documents, 
military records, historical society records, and then, after 
making this material his own, he has produced a vivid dra- 
matic portrayal of what happened when Redman and White- 
man behaved alike as savages or supermen. Too many 
books in the past have whitewashed the white man; too 
many in recent years have attempted the same treatment for 
the red man. Mr. Wellman is sternly just to both sides or 
equally condemnatory as the case may warrant. 

The criticism may be made that these books are jour- 
nalistic in style, but if a well thought out plan of presenta- 
tion, a sympathetic interpretation of character, and an 



ability to recreate a scene in the vivid details of sound and 
smell and sight represent journalism, then it is good jour- 

These are books that are primarily for laymen they 
may move some laymen to want to delve more deeply into 
the lengthy material of the bibliography but they are also 
books for historians. They might teach some historians 
that history is drama and can be written in an entertaining 
as well as an accurate manner. 

Death On The Prairie seems to be the better of the two 
books in style and technic and presentation of material. 
Both are well documented, and maintain a consistent point 
of view. The illustrations in each, obtained from various 
historical collections, are adequate; and Death In The Des- 
ert contains a map of sorts that must be, even for the 
most casually reading layman, a great improvement over the 
mapless Death On The Prairie. 

The foreword in Death In The Desert with its vague 
reference to Indian migrations and its attempt to build up 
character for the Apaches adds nothing. It is not consistent 
in tone nor style nor accuracy with the rest of the book. 

The Apaches were not the only people whose name for 
themselves meant the People. It was a characteristic of 
most of the tribes of Athapascan stock. Neither did the fact 
that the word Apache was derived from the Zuni word for 
enemy mean that this tribe were more than ordinarily 
ferocious. To one tribe all other tribes not their allies, were 
enemies, and the early white men, hearing them so referred 
to, accepted that name. The word Sioux, for instance comes 
from the Chippewa name for enemy. 

The Apache does not need the build-up that the author 
attempted to give him in the foreword ; his character speaks 
for itself in the pages that follow. Furthermore, to thus 
emphasize this tribe in the beginning spoils the unity of the 
book since Mr. Wellman logically includes in his story of the 
southwest the uprising in Taos in 1846 and illogically drags 
in the Modoc disgrace of 1871. 


In spite of minor criticisms, Mr. Wellman has done an 
interesting study of Indian warfare as a whole. His two 
books are a welcome contribution to the background of the 
Indian problem of today. 


The Texas Rangers. By Walter Prescott Webb. 
(Houghton Mifflin Company, The Riverside Press, Boston, 
1935. 584 pp., ills, by Lonnie Rees. $5.00.) 

Dovetailing into the history of New Mexico at a num- 
ber of points, the story of the Texas Rangers as presented 
by Professor Webb of the University of Texas, is not only 
well written and thoroughly documented but it is as thrilling 
a tale, or series of tales, as is to be found in western litera- 
ture. Hollywood could find between its covers plots for a 
score of films more exciting than any movie portraying 
modern gangsters and their pursuit by G-men. As a con- 
tribution to southwestern history of the past hundred years 
it merits high rating. To a large extent biographical, it 
recounts vividly the incidents of border warfare along the 
Rio Grande from Brownsville to El Paso. It records in 
detail the story of Indian raids along the New Mexico and 
Oklahoma boundaries, of train robberies, bank lootings, 
stage hold-ups, livestock thieving and banditry in general 
during the century from 1835, when the Rangers were first 
organized, to 1935, when they were reorganized into high- 
way patrols. Like the Canadian mountain police, the Texas 
Rangers got their man even if they had to disregard inter- 
national law and the niceties of court procedure. Though 
small in number the Rangers found it necessary to kill more 
than five thousand outlaws in establishing order in a domain 
larger than the German Empire. It was said of the Rangers 
that "they could ride like Mexicans; trail like Indians; 
shoot like Tennesseans and fight like the devil," and it took 
all that and more to create a record of daring and achieve- 


ment such as stands to their credit. They protected society 
from its enemies with a vigor which has given them immor- 
tal fame. The careers of the dominant figures typify the 
traits of the force as a whole. The author has done well in 
making this evident as he takes up the lives of the command- 
ing officers chronologically. 

However, there are also picturesque chapters descrip- 
tive of phases of history more far-reaching than the war- 
fare with bandits, or the biographies of individuals. The 
account of the battle of Monterey might well take its place 
among the classics which should be found in every advanced 
school reader. "The El Paso Salt War" and "The Las 
Cuevas War" are chapters in which clashes between Mexi- 
can and Texan reached high points in the continuous strife 
of these elements along the Rio Grande. Across the pages 
of this well-written book march outlaws who served as pro- 
totypes for Billy the Kid, and also others as popular and ro- 
mantic as Robin Hood who stole and killed so that they 
might give to the poor. Altogether fascinating these true 
stories have an appeal which should bring to the book many 
readers outside of the boundaries of the Lone Star State. 
The volume is well illustrated with fine drawings by 
Lonnie Reeves and many interesting photographs. The 
typography is attractive and the press work on the heavy, 
glossy paper is excellent. The large format and wide mar- 
gins together with the artistic arrangement of citations 
and quotations on an introductory page to each chapter give 
distinctiveness to the book. A detailed index and a bibli- 
ography add to its value for the student of southwestern his- 
tory. P. A. F. W. 

Arte en America y Filipinas, cuaderno I. Director, 
Diego Angulo fniguez. (Spain, Universidad de Sevilla, 1935. 
8 pesetas.) 

Unusual interest will be found by many of our readers 
and exchange libraries in this brochure of 94 pages. It is 
the initial issue of a series which is to appear "without fixed 


date, in cuadernos of some eighty pages, at the price of eight 
pesetas each. Every four cuadernos will constitute a 

It bears the imprint of the University of Seville, in 
which Professor iniguez directs the teaching of the colonial 
arts of Hispano- America; but it is sent out from the "Center 
of Studies in the History of America" on the Triana side of 
the Guadalquivir which was opened in 1929 and has been 
doing such excellent work, under the auspices of the Univer- 
sity and directed by Prof. Jose Maria Ots Capdequi. 

Inspired by a recent visit to the Museum of Mexico and 
by archival material which he has found in Madrid and Se- 
ville, Professor fniguez himself contributes the principal 
study of this number (pp. 1-75), "La Academia de Bellas 
Artes de Mejico y sus pinturas espafiolas," accompanied by 
twenty-six beautiful illustrations. It is an intriguing, fas- 
cinating account, one which opens up a phase of Spanish 
colonial history of which we know far too little. 

A shorter but also important paper (pp. 76-88) is by 
Sr. Antonio Muro Orejon: "Alonso Rodriguez, primer ar- 
quitecto de las Indias," the celebrated architect of Seville 
with whom the House of Trade made a contract in 1510 for 
the building of certain parochial churches in the Island of 
Hispaniola, but who (the records show) never went to the 
Island. But he seems to have supplied the plans which 
were later used. Three other short articles or notes con- 
clude the issue. 

The Universities of Seville and Buenos Aires 1 are 
opening up a line of research and study which has great 
possibilities. What universities in the United States will 
follow the lead? L. B. B. 

1. See N. MEX. HIST. REV., X, 169. 


VOL. X, No. 4 
(additional to those on p. 348) 

p. 273, line 31, read seized. 

p. 302, note, for West Point read Annapolis. 

p. 307, line 31, for three read there. 

p. 329, note, for Doway read Douay. 

p. vi, line 28, for Father read Brother. 



APRIL, 1936 

No. 2 








Editor Managing Editor 






VOL. XI APRIL, 1936 No. 2 


Heylyn's Cosmography of New Mexico. H. 0. Brayer 129 
Church and State, 1610-1650 (cont'd) . . F. V. Scholes 145 
Governor Vargas in Colorado . J. Manuel Espinosa 179 
Bourke on the Southwest, IX . . . L. B. Bloom 188 
Notes and Reviews : 208 

The Portrait of Diego de Vargas 

The Sanson Map of 1657 

Handbooks on Archaeology 

Phillips : Jessie Benton Fremont . . P. A. F. W. 

Schafer : El consejo real y supremo de las Indias. 

L. B. B. 

Subscription to the quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance; single 
numbers (except Vol. I, 1, 2, and II, 2) may be had at $1.00 each. 
Volumes I-II can be supplied at $6.00 each; Vols. III-X at $4.00 

Address business communications to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State 
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M.; manuscripts and editorial correspondence 
should be addressed to Mr. Bloom at the State University, Albu- 
querque, New Mexico. 

Entered as second-Hays matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico 

The Historical Society of New Mexico 

Organized December 26, 1859 


1859 COL. JOHN B. GRAYSON, U. S. A. 

adjourned sine die, Sept. S3, 1S6S 
re-established Dec. 27, 1880 




OFFICERS FOR 1936-1937 

PAUL A. F. WALTER, President 

Jos6 D. SENA, Vice-President 

JAMES F. HINKLE, Vice-President 

LANSING B. BLOOM, Cor. Sec'y-Treas. 

Miss HESTER JONES, Recording Secretary 












(As amended Nov. 19, 1929) 

Article 1. Name. This Society shall be called the Historical Society 
of New Mexico. 

Article 2. Objects and Operation. The objects of the Society shall be, 
in general, the promotion of historical studies; and in particular, the 
discovery, collection, preservation, and publication of historical ma- 
terial, especially such as relates to New Mexico. 

Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members, Fel- 
lows, Life Members and Honorary Life Members. 

(a) Members. Persons recommended by the Executive Council 
and elected by the Society may become members. 

(b) Fellows. Members who show, by published work, special 
aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi- 
ately following the adoption of this Constitution, the Executive 
Council shall elect five Fellows, and the body thus created may there- 
after elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive 
Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-five. 

(c) Life Members. In addition to life members of the Historical 
Society of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such other 
benefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time 
the sum of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Society an equivalent 
in books, manuscripts, portraits, or other acceptable material of an 
historic nature, may upon recommendation by the Executive Council 
and election by the Society, be classed as Life Members. 

(d) Honorary Life Members. Persons who have rendered emi- 
nent service to New Mexico and others who have, by published work, 
contributed to the historical literature of New Mexico or the South- 
west, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommended 
by the Executive Council and elected by the Society. 

Article 4. Officers. The elective officers of the Society shall be a 
president, two vice-presidents, a corresponding secretary and treas- 
urer, and a recording secretary; and these five officers shall constitute 
the Executive Council with full administrative powers. 

Officers shall qualify on January 1st following their election, and 
shall hold office for the term of two years and until their successors 
shall have been elected and qualified. 

Article 5. Elections. At the October meeting of each odd-numbered 
year, a nominating committee shall be named by the president of the 
Society and such committee shall make its report to the Society at 
the November meeting. Nominations may be made from the floor 
and the Society shall, in open meeting, proceed to elect its officers by 
ballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the votes cast for the 
respective offices to be declared elected. 

Article 6. Dues. Dues shall be $3.00 for each calendar year, and 
shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the 
Historical Review. 

Article 7. Publications. All publications of the Society and the selec- 
tion and editing of matter for publication shall be under the direction 
and control of the Executive Council. 

Article 8. Meetings. Monthly meetings of the Society shall be held at 
the rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at 
eight P. M. The Executive Council shall meet at any time upon call 
of the President or of three of its members. 

Article 9. Quorums. Seven members of the Society and three mem- 
bers of the Executive Council, shall constitute quorums. 

Article 10. Amendments. Amendments to this constitution shall be- 
come operative after being recommended by the Executive Council 
and approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at 
any regular monthly meeting; provided, that notice of the proposed 
amendment shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society, 
at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend- 
ment is passed upon by the Society. 

Students and friends of Southwestern History are cordially in- 
vited to become members. Applications should be addressed to the 
corresponding secretary, Lansing B. Bloom, State University, 
Albuquerque, New Mexico. 

* r 


VOL. XI APRIL, 1936 - No. 2 



WHILE the servants of Philip II were extending the bor- 
ders of Spain's holdings deep into the North American 
continent, establishing a monopolistic system destined to 
make the Spanish crown the richest in the civilized world, 
certain of Spain's neighbors began to take more than a pass- 
ing interest in the exploits of the conquistador es. Reports 
from New Spain were quickly spread through France, En- 
gland, and the Netherlands. Reprints of the relations were 
published throughout Europe, gaining wide circulation and 
causing no little interest. 

The English, among others, were commencing to think 
of the New World to the west. England was getting the feel 
of her sea-legs. Under Elizabeth, peace and prosperity had 
taken the place of chaos. Interest, which for almost a cen- 
tury had been centered on internal and external strife, was 
now free to seek beyond the borders of the British Isles. 
The Cabots, Hawkins, Drake, and Frobisher were setting 
forth, carrying the lion-crested banner of England to the 
Seven Seas. 

Inspired and guided by the Spanish tales of wealth, these 
sea-dogs were not loath to take advantage of the accounts 
of discoveries and explorations which were reprinted in 
England. In 1582, Richard Hakluyt published the first of 
his great works on geography and history, Divers Voyages 



Touching the Discovery of America. This was followed by 
a translation, in 1587, by Cadman, of an account of Espejo's 
exploration of New Mexico. The next year, 1588, Parke pub- 
lished his notable History of the Great and Mightie King- 
dome of China, which was a translation of the Mendoza work 
of similar title. Many of the Spanish explorations were 
mentioned and mapped in various works during the sixteenth 
century. New Mexico, under the names Nova Granata, Cali- 
fornia, and Quivira, was often mentioned. 1 

The account contained in this paper is from the famous 
Cosmography by Peter Heylyn, great English historian and 
controversialist. At the unusually youthful age of eighteen, 
Heylyn became a fellow at Magdalen College, Oxford, 
where he soon began to lecture on cosmography. In 1625 
his first work in geography was published entitled Mikrokos- 
mos. The success of this work was instantaneous, proving so 
popular that it soon exhausted eight editions. It was per- 
haps the most extensive geography of its day. It soon, how- 
ever, brought its youthful author trouble as well as glory. 
James I took offense at that passage of the book which said, 
"France is the greater and more famous kingdom" than 
England. Heylyn, displaying the quick wit which ^character- 
ized his whole life as well as his writing, explained that is 
was a misprint for was, and that the passage referred to the 
time of Edward II. In subsequent editions, however, the 
clause was conspicuous by its absence. 

But Heylyn's interest in geography waned in the light 
of a new and weightier problem which was approaching a 
rapid and tumultuous crisis. Puritanism was sweeping 
England and was soon to engulf that island. It was to 
become the great motivating force of the period. Always 
interested in religious questions, the young Magdalen 
College Fellow now found himself engaged in a series of con- 
troversies which were to lead to his downfall and flight. He 
disputed with John Prideaux, regius professor of divinity at 
Oxford; he replied to the Arguments of John Williams in 

1. Lynam, Edward, curator of Maps, British Museum. Private correspondence. 


his pamphlets, A Coal from the Altar, and Antidotum Lin- 
colnense; he assisted William Noy to prepare the case 
against Prynne for the publication of his Histriomastix, and 
made himself useful to the Royalist party in other ways. He 
now became a favorite of the king, editing a virulent news- 
sheet at Oxford called Mercurius Aullcus; but, for his ardor, 
his rectory at Alresford was plundered and his library dis- 

The period of the Commonwealth proved a very trying 
one for Heylyn, who was forced to flee for his life. He wan- 
dered for several years, always in disguise, until 1648, when 
he settled at Minster Level, Oxfordshire, the home of his 
elder brother. Here, although still a fugitive, he was left 
unmolested by the Cromwellian forces. Now he was able to 
return to his studies, and, remembering the advice given him 
by a bystander during his examination before the commons' 
committee that "Geography is better than Divinity," he 
again took up this study. He enlarged his Mikrokosmos into 
a Cosmography, which was published in 1652. This book, 
containing all the new material on the New World that he 
was able to obtain, ran into many editions and was widely 
known and discussed. There are copies of several original 
editions in the United States. The Library of Congress has 
a 1665, a 1670, and a 1677 edition. The Boston Museum of 
Fine Arts has one of the 1669 editions, while the John Carter 
Brown Library and Harvard University Library each own a 
copy of the 1674 edition. Of the original publication, printed 
in 1652, a copy is now in the possession of the American 
Antiquarian Society, a gift of Mr. Henry R. Wagner of San 
Marino, California. For the text of this paper the 1665 
edition was used. 

An attempt has been made to trace the sources of Hey- 
lyn's information, but it has been found that he differs in 
many instances from most of the known works on New Mex- 
ico in use during his day. It is highly probable that he con- 
sulted most of the works mentioned earlier in this introduc- 
tion. It is known, however, that Heylyn was a student of the 


languages and undoubtedly obtained and read many of the 
original Spanish accounts of the relations. In several places 
reference is made by Heylyn to the writings of Juan de Laet, 
whose sketches on America were printed in both Spanish and 
Latin. Footnotes have been added to call the attention of the 
reader to marked similarities between Heylyn's account and 
the Spanish records. These bits of what was then termed 
"authentic information," together with the biting wit which 
Heylyn generously spread through the pages, undoubtedly 
accounted for the tremendous success of the Cosmography. 
In the documentary portion of this paper the spelling has not 
been corrected, but has been left as it originally appeared in 
the Cosmography. 


"CALIFORMIA in the large and general acception of 
it, containeth all those Provinces of Mexicana, which lie on 
the West side of that Northern Peninsula, beyond Nova Gal- 
licia, and New Spain: though in the stricter [sense], limited 
to that Province only which lieth on the other side of a long 
and spacious Gulf called Mer Vermiglio* and from hence the 
Bay of Calif ormia. But taking it in the largest sense, it hath 
on the West New Spain & Neiv Gallicia, and so unto those 
undiscovered parts which lie furthest North, to the Streits 
of Anian. So witnesseth John de Laet, 8 l.G.c.ll. CALI- 
FORMIA communiter dicitur quicquid terrarum Novae 
Hispaniae atque Galliciae ad Occidentem objicitur, ad ex- 
tremos Americae Septentrionalis terminos, & Fretum quod 
vulgo Anian vocant. 4 Limited in the stricter sense and 

2. Mer Virmiglio, spelled by the Spanish Mar Vermejo, applied to the Gulf of 

3. Belgian geographer and philologist. In 1624 he became a director in the West 
India Company, publishing several treatises on the New World. His works were 
printed in Latin and Spanish. Heylyn was familiar with the Latin editions. Laet's 
best known contributions with reference to the Americas were: El Nuevo Mundo, o 
Descripcion de las Indias Occidentales, Leiden 1625, and Notac ad dissertationem H. 
Grotii de origine gentium americanarum, the former being the work quoted by Heylyn. 

4. "California generally is said to be whatever land is over against New Spain 
and Gallicia toward the west and towards the extreme borders of North America, and 
the sea which they generally call Anian." 


acception of it, to an Island (as it is now generally conceived 
to be) extended in a full length from North to South, on the 
West hereof. So that for our more regular proceeding in the 
Corographie and Story of it, we must divide it into the Con- 
tinent, and the Island ; the Continent subdivided into the two 
large Provinces of 1 Quivira, 5 and 2 Cibola;" the Island into 
3 Calif ormia specially so called, and 4 Nova Albion. 7 

"And first, the Continent of this part which we call Call- 
f ormia, hath on the East some parts of Nova Gallicia; and 
besides that, those vast and undiscovered Countries, which 
lie on the West side of Canada and Virginia, on the opposite 
shore : bounded on the North with the unknown parts of this 
Mexicana; on the North-west, with the Streits of Anian,* if 
such Streits there be ; on the West with the Sea interposing 
betwixt it and the Island, called Mer Vermiglio; and on the 
South and South-west, with the rest of Nova Gallicia, from 
which parted by a great River called Rio del Nort. g A River 
which rising in the 40 degree of Northern Latitude, first 
parteth Tiguez a Province of Quivira, from that of New 
Mexico, one of the Provinces of Nova Gallicia; and after a 
long course f alleth into the Sea, called Mer Vermiglio, above 
Cinoloa, another of the Provinces of that Division. Divided 
as before was said, into the two great Provinces of 1 Quivira, 
and 2 Cibola. 

"1. QUIVIRA, taking up the most Northern parts of 
this side of America, is said to be very plain and level ; of few 
trees, not many houses, nor much stored of people; quite 
destitute of fruits and Corn, and yielding nothing for mans 

5. Quivira was that region in which Coronado made his eventful trip in 1542, the 
exact location of which has been the subject of much discussion, but which authorities 
now place in the region of Kansas or northern Oklahoma. 

6. Cibola was the name applied to the Zufii pueblo region in northwestern New 

7. Named by Drake during his memorable trip around the world, 1570-80. The 
reference is to present day Northern California. 

8. Straits of Anian, the mythical straits through the American continent which 
led to the rich spicelands of the Orient. 

9. Rio del Norte was the name commonly applied by the Spanish to the Rio Grande. 
Heylyn has evidently confused the Rio Grande with the great Colorado in this 


life but the flesh of Beasts, which they eat raw, and swallow 
down in great bits without any chewing. The men appar- 
elled in Bulls skins from the head to the feet; the women, 
though in a cold Country, with no other garment than their 
hair, which they wear so long, that it serveth them in stead 
of a Veil to hide their nakedness. They live in Hoards and 
Companies, like the Hoards of the Tartars, not having any 
certain dwellings (except some chief men) but remove from 
one place to another, like the ancient Nomades. Near Neigh- 
bours unto Tartary, from whence (not being much distant 
from it) it is supposed that the Inhabitants first came, and 
from hence by degrees peopled all America. 10 

"The Country being full of Herbage, breeds great store 
of Cattel, u differing not much in bigness from those of 
Europe, but that they have high bunch betwixt their shoul- 
ders ; bristled upon the back like Bores, with somewhat which 
resembleth the mane in Horses, and the beard in Goats ; their 
legs short, and clad with fetlocks, their horns short, but 
sharp ; the whole Beast of an aspect so horrid, that an Horse 
will not venture near them, till well acquainted. Yet in these 
Beasts lie all their riches, these being to this people, as we 
say with us of our Ale to Drunkards, meat, drink, and cloth, 
and more too. For the Hides yield them Houses, or at least 
the covering of them; their bones, bodkins; their hair, 
thread ; their sinews, ropes ; their horns, maws, and bladders, 
vessels; their dung, fire; their Calves skins budgets to draw 
and keep water; their blood, drink; and their flesh, meat. 
There is thought to be some traffique from China, or Cathay, 
hither : for when Vasques di Coronado conquered it, he saw 
in the further Sea certain ships, not of common making, 
which seemed to be well laden, and did bear in their prows 

10. With modern ethnologists seemingly favoring the Bering Strait theory of 
migration in regard to the origin of the American Indian, it is interesting to note 
that this theory is far from new. Heylyn evidently held the same opinion. 

11. Buffalo. 


the figure of Pelicans; 12 which could not' be conjectured to 
come from any Country but one of these two. I know, some 
place this Country more within the Land ; and others are so 
far from letting it look towards any part of the Sea ; that they 
have laid it close unto the back of Virginia. For my part, I 
have laid it along the Coasts, upon good authority ; though I 
deny not but that some parts hereof may be more remote. 
Or else to reconcile the difference, it may thus be ended ; that 
the maritime parts being known by other names, the Inlands 
might retain more specially the name of Quivira, as we have 
seen in many other Countries before described. 

"And this I am the rather inclined to think, because I 
find mention of three Provinces on the North of Cibola, but 
in the way unto Quivira; the one called Seio, the other called 
Cicuic, u and the third Tiguez, which I look upon as the 
maritime parts of the same one Country, but better peopled 
and frequented than the In-lands are, because lying in the 
way of traffique. The principal Towns of which Provinces, 

1 Acus, or Acuco, a small Town, but situate in a strong and 
defensible place, about which groweth some store of Cotton, 
which from the place the Natives call by the name of Acuco. 

2 Tiguez, on the banks of a River so called ; inhabited by a 
stout and couragious people, who being resolved not to fall 
alive into the hands of the Spaniards, when besieged by 
Vasques de Coronado, after they had held out above six 
weeks, laid all their household-stuff and treasure in an heap 

12. "He [Coronado] felt no slight joy at such good news, because the Turk said 
that in his country there was a river in the level country which was two leagues wide, 
in which there were fishes as big as horses, and large numbers of very big canoes, 
with more than 20 rowers on a side, and that they carried sails, and that their lords 
sat on the poop under awnings, and on the prow they had a great golden eagle," Win- 
ship, G. P., "Coronado Expedition 1540-1542," 14th Annual Report, Bureau of Ameri- 
can Ethnology, Part I, 493. 

13. This is perhaps another spelling for Zia, which, according to Hodge, F. W., 
Handbook of American Indians, had many different spellings. 

14. Pecos pueblo in northern New Mexico. 

15. The region which was occupied by the Tigua Indians in New Mexico, centering 
around the pueblos of Puaray and Kuaua, near Bernalillo. This name was also 
applied to a definite pueblo in this region, the site of which has not been definitely 

16. Acoma pueblo. 


together, which they set on fire ; and taking their Wives and 
children into the midst of their ranks, made a desperate sallie 
on the Enemy. A resolution worthy of a better fortune, most 
of them being slain in the fight, and the rest trod under the 
Horses feet, or drowned in passing over the River. Yet 
would not those few which were left give up the Town, till 
it was fired about their ears, and no longer tenable: the 
Spaniards buying this victory (notwithstanding the great 
odds of their Arms) with the loss of most of their Horses, the 
death of seven of their men, and wounding of eighty. 3 
Cicuick, 17 a small Burrough, but the chief of that Province, 
four dayes journey from Tiguez: from whence the whole 
way unto Quivira, specially so called, being 90 miles, 18 hath in 
it neither Stone nor Tree, nor any landmark ; insomuch as the 
Spaniards were fain to make heaps of Cow-dung to serve for 
their direction in their coming back. 

"The first discovery of this Country is to be attributed to 
the diligence of Antonio de Mendoza, Vice-Roy of Mexico, 
who desirous to get wealth and honour by some new Adven- 
tures, imployed in the discovery of these Northern parts, 
Frier Marco de Nisa. By him and by a Negro which he had 
for his Guide, there was some light gotten of Cibola, the next 
Province to this ; but so disguised in lyes, and wrapt up in 
fictions, that the light was little more than darkness. Yet by 
that glimmering, Francisco Vasques di Coronado, in the 
year 1540. undertook the business; and sped so well, that 
having made his way through Cibola, he took the town of 
Tiguez, as we heard before, and laid his way open to Quivira. 
Moved to a further journey by the report of the Salvages, 
(who desired to hasten him out of their Country) telling him 
of the wealth of Tatarax, who raigned in the In-land parts 
of Quivira: a bearded man (those of this Country wearing 
none) of a white complexion, and one who in his Chapel wor- 
shiped a Cross, and the Queen of Heaven. On went the 
Spaniards towards Quivira, and found out the Tatarax, a 

17. Pecos pueblo. 

18. This is, perhaps, a misprint, 900 miles being meant. 


poor naked Prince, Master of no more Treasure than a 
brazen plate hanging on his breast, and without any such 
sign of Christianity as they did expect. So frustrated of all 
their hopes, and having got nothing but their labour for 
their pains, and the honour of a new discovery ; with the loss 
of many of their men, they returned to Mexico, Anno 1542. 
Some Friers made bold to stay behind, but were all slain by 
the people of Quivira, except onely one, who like Jobs mes- 
senger was left to carry news of the murder : the Spaniards 
never looking into these cold Countries, where nothing else 
was to be gotten but blows and hunger. 

2 CIBOLA hath on the North, Quivira; on the South, and 
South-east parts of New Gallicia, from which divided by the 
River called Rio del Nort, as before was said ; the West side of 
it washed with the Mer Virmiglio, interposed betwixt it and 
the Island, or Calif ormia especiallly so called. 19 By the na- 
tives it is called Zuni. 20 

"The air hereof indifferently temperate, if not too much 
subject in the Winter to frosts and snows. The country for 
the most part level, rarely swelled with Hills, but those very 
Rocky. No Trees that bear them any fruit; few Trees at 
all, except it be a Wood of Cedars, from which abundantly 
supplied with Fewel and Timber; plenty of Maize, and 
small white Pease, which they make their bread of; great 
store of Venison, but they kill it only for the skin; some 
quantities of Sheep, known for such by their Fleeces only, 
but otherwise as big each of them as an Horse, or Ox, some 
of their Horns weighing fifty pounds. 21 Of Lions, Bears, and 
Tigers so great a number, that they have more than enough 
for themselves, and could well spare them to their Neighbors. 

19. Lower or Baja California was thought to be an island by the early Span- 
ish explorers. Maps made of it as late as 1725 show California as an Island. The 
island of California was long believed to be the home of a mythical race of Amazons 
who ruled the island without men. See accompanying map. 

20. Only six of the Seven Cities of Cibola have been identified. The ancient Zuni 
site of Hawikuh, some twenty miles to the southwest of the present pueblo, has been 
identified as one of the cities of Cibola, and probably the pueblo visited by Estevanico, 
the Negro, and later by Coronado. 

21. ". . . we found many horns of rams which appeared to weigh upward of 16 
pounds each." Hammond, G. P., and Rey, A., The Gallegos Relation of the Rodriguez 
Expedition to New Mexico, 21. 


"The people generally well limbed, and tall of stature, 
ingeniuous in respect of some other Salvages; and though 
naked except their privities only, or covered only with a 
Mantle, yet those Mantles wrought in divers colours : which, 
with some quantity of Cotton which they have amongst them 
(none of it growing in their Country) shew them to be an in- 
dustrious Nation, and to maintain a course of trade with 
some of their neighbors. A further Argument of which, is 
those painted skins, which they have from Cicuique, 22 or some 
other Country which lies towards the Ocean; my Author 23 
telling that they travel for them eight dayes journey towards 
the North : and probably enough may be some of those Com- 
modities, which the Inhabitants of the maritime Provinces 
of Quivira do receive from Cathay, or China, with which they 
are supposed to traffick, as before was said. Like industry is 
noted in the women also, one of which will grind and knead 
more Maize in a day, than the women of Mexico do in four. 
In other things not differing from the rest of the Salvages. 

"This Country was first made known to the Spaniards 
by the Travels of Frier Marco de Nisa, employed on new 
Discoveries by Antonio de Mendoza, as before was said. 
Leaving Couliacan, the most Northern Province of Nova 
Gallicia, he overcame a tedious Desart four days journey 
long ; at the end of which he met some people, who told him 
of a pleasant Country four days journey further, unto which 
he went. And staying at the place called Vacapa, 24 he dis- 
patched the Negro, whom he took with him for his Guide, to 
search towards the North ; by whom he was advertised after 
four days absence, that he had been informed of a large and 

22. Pecos pueblo in New Mexico. 

23. Just who is meant by "my Author" this writer has been unable to discover. 
Most records vary considerably from this description. 

24. According to Hodge, Vacapa is the same as Matape. "An Eudeve settlement 
which evidently contained also some Coguinachi Opata, in Lat. 29 , Long. 110, central 
Sonora Mexico." Bandelier also identified the Vacapa with the Matape. According 
to Davila, Sonora Historico (1894), 317, it was a Coguinachi pueblo. 

25. The negro was Estevanico, a Moor, who had been with Cabeza de Vaca on 
the latter's six years of wandering from Texas to Sinaloa. Naturally the Negro's stories 
of his wanderings drew great attention, and led to his appointment as guide for Fray 
Marcos de Niza. 


wealthy Province called Cibola, a moneths journey thence: 
wherein were seven great Cities under the Government of 
one Princess, the houses of which were built of stone, many 
stories high, the Lintels of their Dores adorned with Tur- 
quoises ; with many other strange reports of their Markets, 
multitudes, and riches. But neither the Frier nor the Negro 
had the hap to see it; the Negro being killed on the very 
borders, 26 and the Frier so terrified with the news, that he 
thought it better to return, and satisfie the Vice-Roy with 
some handsome Fiction, than put himself upon the danger of 
a further journey. To that end he enlarged and amplified the 
Reports which the Negro sent him ; gave to the Desarts in 
his way the name of the Kingdoms of Tonteac and Marata; 
ascribed unto this last a great City called Abacu, 27 once well 
inhabited, but at that time destroyed by Wars : to the other 
a more civil and well cloathed people, than in other places, In- 
flamed with which reports, Vasques de Coronado undertook 
the action, but found the Frier to be a Frier; nothing of 
moment true in all his Relations: the Kingdom of Marata 2 " 
to be found only in the Friars brains ; Tonteac 29 to be nothing 
but a great Lake, on whose banks had once been many Cot- 
tages, now consumed by Wars. And as for the seven Cities 

26. A Zuni legend translated by Frank Gushing, noted authority on Zufii lore, tells 
of the arrival and death of the negro, Estavanico. Lowery, Spanish Settlements, 281- 
282, "It is to be believed that a long time ago, when roofs lay over the walls of 
Kya-ki-me, when smoke hung over the house-tops, and the ladder-rounds were still 
unbroken in Kya-ki-me, then the Black Mexicans came from their abodes in Ever- 
lasting Summerland . . . Then and thus was killed by our ancients, right where the 
stone stands down by the arroyo of Kya-ki-me, one of the Black Mexicans, a large 
man with chili lips (lips swollen from chili peppers) . . . Then the rest ran away, 
chased by our grandfathers, and went back toward their country in the Land of 
Everlasting Summer." 

27. Hodge identified Abaca (spelled Ahacus by De Niza) as the ancient Zuni 
pueblo of Hawikah which was situated some twenty miles southwest of the present 
pueblo of Zuni. 

28. Hakluyt, Voyages, III, 440, contains a description of Marata by Fray Marcos 
de Niza, describing it as a province southeast of Cibola. Regardless of Coronado's 
statement that the "Kingdom of Marata is not to be found, neither have the Indians 
any knowledge thereof," both Bandelier and Gushing have identified Marata with 
Matyata, or Makyata, a group of ruined pueblos between Zuni and Acoma. 

29. "Bandelier and Gushing believed the Hopi country, the later province of 
Tusayan, to be identical with the Totonteac (Tonteac) of Fray Marcos de Niza." 
Hodge, F. W., Handbook of American Indians, I, 560. 


of such Wealth and Bigness, he found them to be seven poor 
Burroughs; all situated within the compass of four leagues, 
which made up that so famous Kingdom of which the Frier 
dreamt of. The biggest of them held about 500 Cottages; 
the rest of them not above half that number. One of them, 
lest he might be said to return without doing something, he 
besieged, and took ; but found it such a hot piece of service, 
that he was twice beaten down with stones as he scaled the 
Rampiers: but having taken it at the last, he found in it 
great plenty of Maize to refresh his Army, and caused the 
Town (consisting of 200 houses, or thereabouts) to be called 
Granada, 80 for some resemblance which it had to that Citie in 
Spain. Such as have since endeavoured the Discovery of 
these North-west parts, and failed all along the shore hereof 
on Mer Vermiglio, having added hereunto the names of some 
points, or Promontories; known in the Maps by the name 
of Po de St. Clara, not far from the mouth or influx of Rhio 
del Nort* 2 Las Plaias. 3 St. Michael. 4 Rio de Teron.* 2 
5 Laques del Oro bordering on Quivira; and 6 Rey Coro- 
nado, 33 on the East of that. 

"Betwixt this Region and Quivira especially so called, 
lieth a Country, which the said Vasques names Tucayan" 
memorable for the famous River of Huex; on the Banks 
whereof for the space of 20 leagues stand 15 Burroughs well 
built, and furnished with stoves, (if he hath not in this part 
of the Story outlyed the Frier) as in other cold but more 
civil Countries, against the extremities of Winter. This 
Region stretching seven days journey to the River of Cicui- 

30. Granada was the name given to the Zuni pueblo of Hawikuh by Coronado. 
Hodge, Handbook of American Indiana, II, 1017. 

31. The Rhio del Nort (Rio Grande) was thought to rise in the region of New 
Mexico and flow into the Gulf of California. It was not until late in the seventeenth 
century that the error was corrected and maps began to show the river emptying into 
the Gulf of Mexico. See the Sanson map. 

32. Should be Rio de Tizon, "Fire-brand" river. So named because of the fire- 
brands carried by the natives. 

33. This is the only account that we know of which gives the name of Coronado to 
a place in this region. This is, perhaps, an error, as most maps use the name Rex 

34. The region of the Hopi pueblos in northern Arizona, usually spelled Tusayan. 


que, I reckon to belong" to the North-east parts of Cibola. 
As I do also the fruitful Valley of Aroia de Corazones, 30 which 
they passed in their way hither from Coulwcan; with the 
Town and Territory of Chichilticala;" and the Valley of 
Nuestra, Sennora or our Ladies Dale, in the South parts of 
it : not knowing otherwise what Province to refer them to . . , 88 

7. NOVA MEXICANA, is bounded on the South, with New 
Biscay; on the West, with Quivira; the Countries on the 
North, and East, not discovered hitherto; though some ex- 
tend it Eastwards as far as Florida. Extended 250 Leagues 
from the Town and Mines of S. Barbara, and how much 
beyond that none can tell; the Relations of this Countrey 
being so uncertain, and indeed incredulous, that I dare say 
nothing positively on the Soil or People, but much less, of 
the Towns and Cities which are said to be in it. So named by 
Antonio de Espeio, a Citizen of Mexico in New Spain, by 
whom discovered and subdued. 

"For first, they tell us of the People, that they are of 
great stature (and that like enough) but not so probable, 
that they have the Art of dressing Chamois and other 
Leather, as well as the best Leather-Dresser in all Flanders: 
or that they have Shooes and Boots so well sewed and soaled, 
that no Shoo-Maker in all S. Martins could do it better. Then 
for their Towns, that they are very fair and goodly, and 
houses well built of Lime and Stone, some of them four 
Stories, and in most of them Stoves for the Winter Season. 
The Streets even, and ordered in an excellent Manner. Par- 
ticularly they tell us of a Town called, 1 Chia, one of the five 

85. Pecos river in New Mexico. 

36. "Valley of Hearts" so named by Cabeza de Vaca. However, this valley is not 
located in the area described by Heylyn, but is in the state of Sonora, Mexico. 

37. "A ruined pueblo visited by Coronado's army on its journey to Cibola (Zuni) 
situated on the Gila river, east of the mouth of the San Pedro river, southern Arizona 
. . ." Hodge, F. W., Handbook of American Indians, I, 259. 

38. The balance of this chapter contains a description of Nova Albion and Cali- 
fornia. This section has been omitted as being unnecessary in this article. 

39. A town in Nueva Vizcaya, Mexico, located on the head waters of the Rio Con- 
chos. This town was the starting place for several expeditions into New Mexico. 


chief Towns of the Province of Cuames? which is said to 
contain eight Market-places, and all the houses to be plas- 
tered and painted in most curious manner. 41 2 Of A coma, 
that it is situate on the top of a Rock, a great Town, yet no 
way unto it but by Ladders; and in one place a pair of stairs 
but exceeding narrow, hewn out of the Rock exceedingly 
well fortified by Nature (they say true in that, if any things 
were true which they tell us of it) and all their water kept in 
Cisterns (but nobody can tell from whence they have it.) 3 
Of Conibas, 42 on a Lake so called, the City seven Leagues 
long, two broad ; (a second Ninive *) but the Houses scatter- 
ingly built amongst Hills and Gardens, which takes up a 
great deal of room : Inhabited by a People of such strength 
and courage, that the Spaniards only faced it, and so went 
away. Much of this stuff I could afford you, but by this 
taste we may conjecture of the rest of the Feast. 

"The Countrey first discovered by Augustino Royaz" a 
Franciscan Frier, Anno 1580. who out of Zeal to plant the 
Gospel in the North, accompanied with two other Friers ** 
of that Order, and eight Souldiers, undertook the Adventure. 
But one of the Monks " being killed by the Salvages, the 
Souldiers playd the Poltrons, and gave over the Action. On 

40. The correct name of the province was Punames. "Referring to the western 
division of the Rio Grande branch of the Keresan stock. Mentioned by Espejo in 
1583 as a province comprising 5 towns of which Sia (Chia) was the largest. In 
Hakluyt's version of Espejo's narrative the name is misprinted Cunames, which in 
turn is corrupted into Chuamea in Agilby's America, 1671 [and in Heylyn's Cosmog- 
raphy], Strangely enough these corrupted forms closely resemble the Keresan term 
Cuame, signifying 'people in the South,' but they bear no relation to that word." Hodge, 
F. W., Handbook of American Indians, II, 327. 

41. "After passing these pueblos of the first nation we came to a pueblo of many 
large houses three and four stories high, plastered on the inside and with many square 
windows. All the houses were painted in many designs and colors." Hammond and 
Rey, The GaUegos Relation of the Rodriguez Expedition to New Mexico, 25. 

42. "In the year 1611 [a misprint, date should be 1601] the Captain already 
mentioned, Juan de Onate, set out from this country towards the east and discovered 
the Canibaros Lakes (but which they are is not known)." Bloom, L. B., Antonio 
Barreiro's Ojeada Sobre Nueva Mexico, 6. 

43. Nineveh, capital of the ancient kingdom of Assyria. 

44. Father Agustin Rodriguez. 

45. The two friars were Fray Francisco L6pez, superior, and Fray Juan de Santa 

46. Fray Juan de Santa Maria. 


their return, Beltram 47 a Frier of the same Order (from 
whose mouth we must have the former Fictions) desirous to 
preserve the lives of his Fellows which staid behinde, en- 
couraged one Antonio de Espeio, a Native of Corduba, but a 
Citizen of Mexico, to engage in such an holy Cause: who 
raising a band of 150 horse, accompanied with many Slaves, 
and Beasts of Carriage, undertook the business. I omit the 
many Nations of the Conchi, 4 * Pasnugates,* 9 , Tobosi, Patara- 
byes,* 1 Tarrahuamares, 52 Tepoanes, and many other as hard 
names, which he passed thorow on his way. But coming at 
the last to a great River which he called Del Nort, there he 
made a stand ; caused the Countrey on both sides of it to be 
called Nova Mexicana,, and a City to be built which he called 
New Mexico, situate in the 37th degree of Northern Latitude, 
and distant from old Mexico five hundred Leagues: 54 the 
name since changed to that of S. Foye, 55 but still the Metropo- 
lis of that Province, the Residence of the Governour, and a 
pretty Garrison consisting of two hundred and fifty Span- 
iards. Some other Towns he found at his coming hither, viz. 
2 Socorro, 58 so called by the Spaniards because of what suc- 

47. Fray Bernardino Beltran. 

48. Conchas, or Conchos, "a little known tribe formerly living on a river of the 
same name in Chihuahua, Mexico." Hodge, F. W., Handbook of American Indians, I, 

49. Spelled Pazactuantes by Obregon. "Leaving the Conchos nation the Span- 
iards entered the lands of the Cabri, called also Pazaguantes by later chroniclers." 
Hammond and Rey, The Gallcgos Relation of the Rodriguez Expedition to New Mexico, 

50. Properly spelled Toboso. A tribe of Indians in northern Mexico. 

51. Spelled by Espejo "Patarabueyes." These Indians were Jumanos. Hodge, 
F. W., Handbook of American Indians, 636. 

52. A tribal group living in Northern Mexico, in present day Sonora. 

53. Tepoanes is now spelled Tepehuane, and according to Hodge was "a Pimian 
tribe formerly inhabiting mainly the state of Durango, Mexico, but extending in 
Chihuahua, Sinaloa, Jalisco, Zacatecas and Coahuila." 

54. An interesting account, but we have no evidence of such a city being founded 
by Espejo. The 37th degree north is the present northern boundary of New Mexico. 

55. Note the spelling of Santa Fe. In other editions of the Cosmography the 
spelling is S. Fogye. Heylyn evidently believed that Espejo founded the city but called 
it "New Mexico." No contemporary source seems to use the same story, leaving one to 
wonder where Heylyn obtained his information on this important point. 

56. Hammond, G. P., Don Juan de Onate and the Founding of New Mexico, 97, 
"June 14 the men marched three leagues and halted in front of Teipana, or Socorro, as 
the Spaniards called it, because they found a much needed supply of maize." 


cour and relief they found there for their half starved Bodies. 
3 Senecu* 1 4 Pilabo, 58 and 5 Seviletta old Towns but new 
Christened by the Spaniards, when the Inhabitants thereof 
did embrace the Gospel; each of them beautified with a 
Church. 6 St. Johns, 00 built afterwards in the year 1599. by 
John de Onnate, who with an Army of five thousand followed 
the same way which Espeio went; and having got a great 
deal of Treasure, laid it up in this place, that it might be no 
incumbrance to him in his Advance. This is the most I dare 
relie on for this Countrey : And this hath no such Wonders in 
it, but what an easie Faith may give credit to : though I had 
rather believe the Friers whole Relations, than go thither to 
disprove any part thereof." 

57. "A former pueblo of the Piro, 13 miles below Socorro, New Mexico, on the 
west bank of the Rio Grande at the site of the present village of San Antonio. Site of 
the Spanish mission of San Antonio de Senecii founded in 1629 by Fray Antonio de 
Arteaga and Fray Garcia de Zuniga, and contained the first church and monastery 
erected on the lower course of the Rio Grande in New Mexico." Hodge, F. W., Hand- 
book of American Indiana, II, 509. Bandelier, A., Archaeological Institute Papers, IV, 
(1892), 250, says, "on the 23rd of Jan. 1675, the Apaches surprised the pueblo of 
Senecii, killed its missionary Fray Alonso Gil de Avila, and slaughtered so many of the 
inhabitants of all ages and both sexes that the survivors fled in dismay to Socorro, and 
the pueblo remained forever deserted." 

58. Pilabo is the aboriginal name for the pueblo of Socorro. Mentioned in 
Benavides, A., Memorial, 16, 1630. Hodge, F. W., Handbook of American Indians, II, 

59. A former pueblo of the Piro on the east bank of the Rio Grande, about twenty 
miles above Socorro ; visited by Onate in 1598 and named by him Nueva Sevilla. 

60. Heylyn has anglicized some of the Spanish names and used others in the 
original Spanish. Saint John is therefore Son Juan de los Cabatteros, founded by 
Onate in 1599. 





DURING the period from 1617 to 1626 there was a definite 
advance in the general mission program. A long and 
bitter quarrel between Governor Eulate and the Franciscans 
caused considerable embarrassment, but this unfavorable 
factor was offset by the steady and generous financial sup- 
port which the missions received from the treasury of New 
Spain. Supplies of clothing, medicines, building materials, 
vestments, and altar coverings were received at fairly regu- 
lar intervals, and each supply caravan also brought a new 
group of friars. 1 These reinforcements of men and supplies 
guaranteed the permanence of the progress already achieved, 
and made possible the founding of new missions in outlying 

The effective mission area was extended to include the 
pueblo of Pecos on the east, Taos on the north, and the Jemez 
settlements in the northwest. Pecos was the easternmost of 
all the pueblos, and its position near the edge of the buffalo 
plains made it an important base for trading operations with 
the nomadic Apaches. Taos was an isolated outpost, and the 
Indians of this pueblo were notoriously warlike. The Jemez 
Indians lived in several villages on the frontier between the 
main Pueblo area and the Navaho country. To effect their 
conversion and indoctriation Fray Jeronimo de Zarate Sal- 
meron settled them in a large pueblo in which he established 
the convent of San Jose. About 1623 the Jemez rose in 



revolt, and although a punitive expedition was sent against 
them, they were not subdued. During the succeeding three 
years famine and Navaho raids reduced them to a miserable 
state. Mission activities in the Jemez area were not resumed 
until the period of Benavides' prelacy (1625-1629). 


The term of office of Governor Bernardino de Ceballos 
came to an end on December 21, 1618. His successor, Juan 
de Eulate, was a military official who had served in Flanders 
and in the New Spain flota? He was a petulant, tactless, 
irreverent soldier whose actions were inspired by open con- 
tempt for the Church and its ministers and by an exagger- 
ated conception of his own authority as the representative of 
the Crown. Like most of the governors of New Mexico in 
the seventeenth century, he regarded his appointment as an 
opportunity for personal profit. It is not surprising, there- 
fore, that his seven-year term of office (1618-1625) served to 
sharpen and perpetuate the old antagonisms between Church 
and State. 

It is not possible to describe the beginnings of the con- 
troversy between Eulate and Perea in chronological 
sequence. Between 1618 and 1621 there was a slow accumu- 
lation of grievances which embittered the relations of the 
civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions. The points at issue are 
clear, however, and in the main they were related to the 
familiar questions of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and privilege 
and the many-sided problem of Indian relations. Unfor- 
tunately the documentary sources consist mostly of denunci- 
ations of Eulate's conduct by the clergy and by persons 
devoted to their cause. Eulate's reports and dispatches have 
not been found. Consequently the story as told here is 
mostly a one-sided review of the charges made by the clergy 
to substantiate their general accusation that Eulate was an 
avowed enemy of the Church and all its works. 

Eulate's lack of respect for the Church was said to have 
been manifest at all times. On certain matters of doctrine 


his views were regarded as definitely unorthodox, especially 
his statement that the married state was better, or more 
perfect, than the celibate. 8 His attitude toward the cere- 
monial of the Church was entirely unsatisfactory, for he not 
only failed to show the proper regard for it himself, but he 
even ridiculed others who participated actively in religious 
services. 4 With regard to the moot questions of ecclesiastical 
privilege and the powers and spheres of action of the two 
jurisdictions, civil and ecclesiastical, the governor made 
boastful assertions that were not only exceedingly tactless, 
but, in some instances, actually contrary to law. He declared 
that the king was his chieftain, 6 from which it was inferred 
that he regarded the State to be superior to the Church; that 
if the king ordered him to do so he would arrest and judge 
clergy, even gibbet them ; 6 and in case of a choice between 
obeying the pope and obeying the king, he would obey the 
king. 7 He denied that the custodian could have any juris- 
diction over the laymen of the province, asserting that he 
the governor alone had authority over them. 8 He expressed 
contempt also for the censures of the Church, especially 
excommunications; and he was said to have boasted on one 
occasion that he would send the custodian to Mexico a 
prisoner if the latter excommunicated him. 9 Finally, it was 
asserted that he abused and insulted the friars in the pres- 
ence of Spaniards and Indians alike, even indicating a desire 
(never actually executed, it seems) to beat and maltreat 
them. 10 

In view of these charges concerning the general attitude 
of Eulate toward the Church, it is not surprising that the 
clergy found him unsympathetic and even hostile to the 
general mission program. He denied military escort for 
friars who wished to convert and indoctrinate frontier 
pueblos, and even prevented those soldiers from going who 
voluntarily offered their services. The friars regarded this 
action as completely unjustified, because the Indians of the 
pueblos which they wished to convert were already vassals of 
the Crown and were being called upon to pay tribute to those 


soldier-encomenderos whom the clergy requested as escorts." 
In like manner Eulate hindered the building and repairing of 
churches and convents by maltreating and insulting Span- 
iards who loaned their ox-teams for the work, even ordering 
some of them to desist, and by discouraging the Indians in 
their part of the work. 12 The friars stated also that he 
deprived them of the services of the Indians in both the 
ordinary and the special needs of the missions, and they 
noted especially the actions of Capt. Pedro Duran y Chaves, 
who, by order of Eulate, informed the Indians of the Tewa 
towns that they need not obey or serve the friars in any 
respect, except that they should go to mass when the friars 
called them. 13 But most important of all was the fact that 
Eulate refused to support the Church in its campaign against 
the old order, declining to cooperate with the friars in their 
opposition to idols, Indian ceremonial dances, and concubin- 
age. When the friars insisted that the Crown had issued 
decrees against the use of idols and pagan ceremonial, 
Eulate refused to believe it, and insisted that the Crown had 
definitely decreed that newly converted Indians should not be 
obliged to give up their idols and concubines until after the 
lapse of a period of years. Eulate's associates and agents, 
especially one Juan G6mez, interpreter for the Tiwa pueblos 
and encomendero of San Lazaro, spread this point of view 
among the Indians; and Gomez even went to the extent of 
assuring the Indians of San Lazaro that when he returned 
from a trip to Mexico he would bring back a definite order 
permitting them to follow their old ways. 14 The friars also 
charged that Eulate, not being content with generalities, 
actively interfered in the administration of the missions in 
order to protect and favor Indian priests and sorcerers 
(hechiceros) ." 

But Eulate's defense of the Indians and his liberal 
policy concerning the old native customs were not inspired by 
any high idealism regarding aboriginal rights; on the con- 
trary, they were merely a means of attracting the natives to 
the side of civil authority in order that they might the more 


easily be exploited. 16 Eulate and his associates insisted that 
the Indians could be forced to serve them without pay, 17 and 
in a report to the viceroy the custodian stated that the 
Indians were rounded up in groups of forty, or even a hun- 
dred, to labor on the farms of the Spanish colonists without 
compensation. 18 The Spaniards also used the Indians as 
burden bearers for the transport of the tributes, wood, and 
other cargo, despite the fact that this practice was not only 
contrary to the general policy of the Crown with regard to 
Indian labor, but actually unnecessary because the Spaniards 
had horses that could have been used instead. 19 Slave raids 
were organized for the capture of unconverted but peaceful 
nomads who lived near the pueblos, and the captives were 
used as day laborers or sent to be sold as slaves in New 
Spain. 20 Moreover Eulate gave the soldiers vales (permits) 
authorizing them to seize orphans in the converted pueblos 
and use them as house servants. 21 Finally, the clergy com- 
plained that the estancias of some of the Spaniards were 
located so close to the pueblos that they encroached on the 
fields and grazing lands of the Indians. 22 

Eulate's personal interest in exploiting the Indians is 
indicated by the fact that he had an estancia of his own for 
breeding livestock. He also shipped quantities of goods to 
New Spain from time to time, and on occasion tried to engage 
in the sale of Indian slaves. 28 These facts give especial impor- 
tance to the clergy's complaint that he interfered in details 
of mission administration, especially to influence the election 
of the Indian officials who governed the pueblos. 24 

Such are the essential charges that were made concern- 
ning Eulate's personal conduct. To them may be added re- 
ports that by word and deed he fostered a similarly hostile 
attitude among some of the leaders of the local Hispanic 
community. Several of them shared his views concerning 
the relative merits of the married state and the celibate, and 
two or three were outspoken concerning the supremacy of 
civil authority. Two of them (Juan Gomez and Pedro 
Duran y Chaves) were also singled out for special criticism 


because of their efforts to destroy mission discipline. The 
fact that some of these men were encomenderos gives espe- 
cial interest to their alliance with Eulate. 25 

Thus the years from 1618 to 1621 saw the development 
of an almost irreconcilable controversy between the civil and 
ecclesiastical authorities. Almost every general issue that 
could possibly cause irritation was presented in some form : 
the issue of ecclesiastical privilege and immunity ; the exer- 
cise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and the validity of ecclesias- 
tical censures; the relative power of Church and State; 
questions of orthodoxy; the problem of the Indian labor; 
control and direction of the missions and of the religious and 
social life of the natives; the exploitation of the Indians; 
the enslavement of unconverted tribes. Complaints were 
dispatched by the friars to the authorities of New Spain, 
and in 1620 Custodian Perea sent a trusted agent to the 
provincial of his Order to request permission to renounce his 
office and go to Mexico so that he could present in person the 
case for the friars. 98 

Meantime, Perea adopted a bold policy in New Mexico. 
On August 18, 1621, he published an official statement de- 
nouncing the "evil-sounding, erroneous, suspected, scan- 
dalous, and heretical words" that were being spoken "in 
great offense to God Our Lord and in depreciation of His 
Church and His Ministers, and contrary to the humble and 
filial obedience owed to the Holy Roman Church." A long 
list of errors and evil practices, such as have been outlined 
above, were enumerated, and the decree ended with an appeal 
to the people to denounce any person known to be guilty of 
such offenses against the Church.* 7 This was a direct chal- 
lenge to the governor, and it was reported that he swore that 
if he knew the persons who had informed on him he would 
give them two hundred lashes. 28 Undaunted, Perea went 
ahead, gathering evidence, and during the next few weeks 
several friars made declarations which supported the gen- 
eral charges. 29 But before the investigation had been carried 
very far Perea was relieved of his office, for in October a new 


custodian arrived to succeed him as prelate of the local 
Church. Perea was reduced once more to the rank of 
mission friar. The new custodian, Friar Miguel de Cha- 
varria, dropped the investigation and undertook to foster 
better relations with the civil authorities. 


Although this change of policy was due in part to the 
personal influence of the new custodian, the chief cause was 
probably the receipt of definite orders from Mexico City. 
These were the result of a series of complaints filed with the 
viceroy by both the civil and ecclesiastical leaders of the 
province. None of these complaints have been found, but it 
is easy to infer their nature. The grievances of the Church 
were probably essentially the same as those which have 
been described above. The representations made by the 
civil authorities may be inferred from the contents of the 
orders themselves. 

The complaints were formally considered by the vice- 
regal authorities on July 29, 1620, but it was six months be- 
fore definite action was taken. On January 9 and February 5, 
1621, decrees were dispatched to Custodian Perea and to 
Governor Eulate respectively in which detailed instructions 
for the future conduct of affairs in New Mexico were stated. 
These instructions were so important, both in relation to 
the situation as it existed in 1621 and as statements of policy 
on fundamental provincial problems, that they deserve de- 
tailed notice. The order to Perea was issued in the form of 
a real provision, i.e., in the form of a royal cedula, but 
actually issued by the viceroy, in order to give it greater 
authority. 30 

Each set of instructions contained sections dealing with 
the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and they indicate 
that the representations of the civil authorities of New Mex- 
ico on this vexed question had made a marked impression on 
the viceroy and audiencia. The following quotation is taken 
from the instructions addressed to Custodian Perea : 


. . . know ye, that in the Council which the Mar- 
ques de Guadalcazar, my cousin, viceroy, . . . held on 
the twenty-ninth of July of this year with the three 
seniors oidores of my said Audiencia . . . there were 
seen certain letters, missives, memorials, deposi- 
tions, and other documents which have been written 
and dispatched from those said provinces to my 
said Viceroy by various persons, ecclesiastic as 
well as lay, through which (documents) account 
has been given of the strifes over jurisdiction and 
other (matters) which there have been, and are, 
between you, the said Custodio, and my said Gov- 
ernor; you, the said Father, claiming that by 
virtue of the bulls of His Holiness Leo X and of 
Adrian VI, you have in those said provinces author- 
ity and jurisdiction supreme 31 as well as ordinary 
ad universitatem causarum so that you can take 
cognizance of any ecclesiastical matters whatever, 
and can issue any censure and interdict against any 
persons whatever state, condition, or pre-eminence 
they may be, imposing upon them the punishments 
at your command, and (you claiming further) that 
my said Governor should not and could not decree 
or determine any matter touching his said govern- 
ment without (first) consulting with you and fol- 
lowing the advice of you and of the Religious of 
your Custodia . . . and moreover. . . there have been 
reported the serious difficulties which have fol- 
lowed and resulted from (the fact) ) that the Pre- 
lates, your predecessors, made use of the said 
jurisdiction against Don Pedro de Peralta and 
against the Admiral Bernardino de Zeballos, who 
have been my governors in those provinces, with 
greater scandal and less prudence than would have 
been just, exceeding and going contrary to what has 
been determined by the holy canons, bulls of His 
Holiness, and my cedulas, in excommunicating 
them, and, in order for them to have absolution, 
imposing upon them public penances without due 
authority and humiliating to my said governors . . . 

And in order that from now henceforth pro- 
cedure may be in accord with what is right and that 
such scandals may be avoided . . . wherefore I ask 
you and I enjoin you that, you, the said Father Cus- 
todio holding ordinary jurisdiction in those said 


provinces, you employ it and exercise it in con- 
formity with what is right in the matters spiritual 
and ecclesiastical which may pertain to your Juris- 
diction and in these (matters) you alone shall 
proceed without the other Religious of your Cus- 
todia intruding themselves further than in the 
administering of the Holy Sacraments . . . and if 
the layman or laymen against whom you shall 
make the process shall feel themselves aggrieved 
by the definite sentence or interlocutory autos, 
lest they might have final force or be an incum- 
brance which it might not be possible to correct, 
and should take an appeal to the Metropolitan 
judge, the Archbishop of Mexico, . . . you shall not 
proceed to execute your decisions until my said 
Audiencia which resides in the City of Mexico may 
decide whether you shall give them effect or not, 
for which purpose you shall send to my Audiencia 
the original processes which you may have fulmin- 
ated with all the autos without the lack of anything, 
in the meanwhile absolving those whom, by the said 
process, you may have excommunicated and raising 
and removing whatever interdicts and censures 
you may have imposed ; 32 and in the executive and 
ecclesiastical causes, cognizance of which may per- 
tain to your ecclesiastical jurisdiction, you shall 
proceed according to law, taking care as to the form 
and extent of the judgment and what is provided by 
my Royal laws . . . against lay persons you shall 
not proceed in any manner except it be in ecclesi- 
astical matters according to law and in these you 
shall not proceed to imprisonment without first 
requesting the aid of the secular arm from my said 
Governor or from his Lieutenant, who shall give 
and afford you such aid, you showing him by what 
you have written that you will proceed legally. 32 " 

Similar statements were made in the instructions 
addressed to the governor who was ordered to grant the 
aid of the secular arm when, for good cause, the custodian 
should request it in proper form. Both the clergy and the 
civil authorities were instructed to refrain from intervening 
in affairs not within their respective jurisdictions. In 
problems relating to "the common good of the baptized 


Indians and the universal conservation of the Republic," the 
governor was ordered to seek the advice of the custodian 
and other experienced friars, and of the cabildo of Santa 
Fe; but having been so advised, he alone had power of 
decision. Above all, the friars were charged not to interfere 
in secular matters. 

The letter and spirit of these decrees can be regarded 
only as a severe reproof to the clergy for their past actions, 
and they indicate clearly that the viceroy intended to support 
secular authority in its relations with the Church. The civil 
authorities in New Mexico came to regard these orders as a 
sort of Magna Carta of secular rights. 

The two decrees also contained statements of policy 
concerning many aspects of pueblo and mission administra- 

1. It was ordered that on the days of the annual pueblo 
elections, when the local officials, such as governor, fiscal, etc., 
were named, no representatives of the State or the Church 
should be present in the pueblos in order to ensure to the 
Indians complete freedom of action. The clergy had com- 
plained that the governor tried to impose his will in such 
elections in order to further his own selfish ends. The civil 
authorities, on the other hand, had asserted that the cus- 
todian and other friars had given the Indians to understand 
that their authority was superior to that of the governor. 

2. Governor and custodian were instructed that on 
feast days and Sundays friars should go to the several pueblos 
where there were churches, so that the Indians would be 
spared the trouble of going to distant pueblos to hear mass. 

3. In those pueblos already subject to tribute or encom- 
ienda, the friars were not to impede the collection of such 
tribute. In pueblos converted in the future, no tributes were 
to be levied until governor, custodian, and the guardian of 
the convent had made reports to the viceroy who would 
decide what was best. Moreover no tributes were to be 
collected in the Zufii and Hopi pueblos, as they were still 


4. The governor was instructed to see to it that the 
encomenderos provided military escort for the mission 
supply trains coming from Mexico City and also for friars 
going to administer the sacraments in frontier pueblos. 

5. The governor was forbidden to graze herds of live 
stock for his own account. 

6. In order to avoid damage to the growing crops of 
the several pueblos, the Spaniards were instructed not to 
pasture their stock within three leagues of the pueblos, 
except under certain circumstances. 

7. Both the governor and the custodian were ordered 
not to permit the uses of Indian labor in illegal ways, or in 
such amount that the Indians would suffer hardship. All 
levies or repartimientos of Indian laborers were to be limited 
only to the work of sowing and planting, the number to be 
called from each pueblo strictly limited, and the wages duly 
paid. The allotment of Indian women as servants in the 
houses of Spaniards was forbidden, unless "they go with 
their husbands (and) voluntarily. " The custodian was 
instructed that Indian labor at the missions should be used 
only "for things necessary for the church and the convenience 
of the living quarters," and then only "with the greatest 

8. The practice of cutting the hair of Indians guilty 
of minor offenses was forbidden. This order was the result of 
a complaint that the friars had used this form of punishment 
"for errors and light faults." For the Indians this was a 
great affront, and as a result some of them had gone to live 
in the unconverted pueblo of Acoma, "returning to idolatry." 

The instructions of 1621 recognized the two funda- 
mental causes of controversy between Church and State, viz., 
the problem of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and authority, and 
the question of Indian relations. The rights and privileges 
of the Church as a corporate body with its own set of laws 
and courts were to be preserved ; but in the last analysis the 
authority of the State was to predominate. The provisions 
concerning Indian affairs were based upon the general 


colonial statutes that had been evolved in an attempt to 
protect the natives from exploitation. A broad spirit of 
moderation is seen in both decrees, but their successful exe- 
cution could be achieved only by the restoration of a similar 
spirit in local provincial affairs. 


The orders to Perea and Eulate were probably dis- 
patched to New Mexico with the same caravan which 
brought the new custodian. The retirement of Perea from 
the custodianship in the autumn of 1621 and the receipt of 
these instructions had a quieting effect, temporarily at least, 
on the relations of Church and State. Governor Eulate was 
obliged to change his policy in certain respects, and even 
the friars admitted it. He granted escort to friars desiring 
to visit unconverted pueblos, and he cooperated in the build- 
ing of churches, even lending his own ox teams for the work. 33 
On the other hand, the new custodian, Friar Miguel de 
Chavarria, adopted a conciliatory attitude, either because 
of the appeal for moderation contained in the instructions, 
or, as Perea insisted, because he was an intimate friend of 
the governor and was willing to go to any lengths in order to 
create amicable relations between the two jurisdictions. 
Thus, for a year, at least, the leaders of Church and State 
were once more on good terms. 

Although Perea must have felt keenly the sting of the 
rebuke contained in the instructions, he was too much of a 
fighter to give up the struggle. In fact, he regarded it as 
only well begun. Relieved of the custodianship he could now 
satisfy his desire to go to Mexico to present in person, both 
to his superior prelates and to the Holy Office, his own ver- 
sion of the situation, and he had no doubt that he could win 
complete vindication. Soon after his arrival in New Mexico 
in October, 1621, Chavarria stated that he brought license 
from the provincial authorizing Perea to leave, and Perea 
eagerly made his plans in order to make the journey with 
the supply caravan on its return trip. But the date of the 


departure of the caravan was postponed month after month. 
Meanwhile a coolness, which rapidly turned into open bitter- 
ness, developed between Perea and Chavarria. This was 
due, in part, to the friendly relations between Eulate and 
the new prelate which Perea declared were purchased by a 
complete acquiescence by Chavarria in all that Eulate 
wished. Moreover, as the weeks and months passed by, 
Chavarria delayed giving Perea the formal authorization to 
depart, and Perea was soon convinced that Eulate and the 
prelate were conspiring to defeat his plans. 

During the winter of 1621-1622 relations became tense, 
and, finally, in the summer of 1622, with the date of the 
departure of the caravan approaching, Perea became more 
and more insistent. On August 23 he addressed Chavarria 
in a formal petition and asked for the necessary license. 84 
Chavarria made no reply. Realizing at last that he was 
being thwarted, Perea wrote a second petition which was 
presented to Chavarria on August 26, in which all his anger 
and disappointment overflowed in a torrent of bitter 
denunciation." 5 

I, Friar Esteban de Perea, Father of this 
Custodia . . . appear before Your Reverence and 
state that when I was prelate of this Custodia I ... 
wrote to our Fathers and Prelates (of New Spain) 
renouncing my office and asking them very 
earnestly to do me the favor of sending me license 
to appear in their presence in order to communi- 
cate to them certain matters affecting my con- 
science and other (matters) of very grave impor- 
tance for the welfare and conservation of this 
Church, and their paternities conceded (this re- 
quest) and gave ample and plenary license to 
you to be transmitted to me, ordering expressly in it 
that no inferior of theirs should thwart me ... 
Nevertheless, in contravention of all justice you 
impede me and detain me, doing me grave injury. 
Seeing myself oppressed without cause or reason 
whatsoever ... I presented to Your Reverence a 
petition ... to which Your Reverence has not 
wished to respond, because you do not want it 


known in New Spain that you have violated the 
said license or that you have preceded against me 
with feeling and passion . . . ever since you set foot 
in this land, as everyone, even the Indians, know . . . 
You said when you arrived that you brought the 
license and would give me permission to make the 
journey, and even give me a companion, but you 
have not given me the license, rather you have 
burdened me down with acts of disfavor and have 
debased, persecuted, and oppressed me ever since 
I entered this convent, 86 even desiring that the very 
stones of this place would rise up against me ... all 
in order to please the Governor who is a very tender 
friend of Your Reverence . . . because it is imagined 
that if I go to Mexico I shall do him some harm. 

Chavarria's hatred had been made manifest in many 

even depriving me of the association of friars, 
ordering them not to see me or visit me ... as if 
I were under punishment of the Holy Office. 

Likewise, Chavarria had threatened to 

take from me this convent and doctrina of the 
Tiwas whom I have gathered together with so many 
labors, and to drive me out from here and to insti- 
tute causes and more causes, and legal proceedings 
with which to disgrace me so that I shall not be able 
to speak in New Spain and so that no one will 
believe me ... 

The veil is torn away and the hatred and hard 
feeling you have for me is revealed ... I protest to 
God and to all our Fathers and Prelates that you 
do me violence and outrage . . . neither my honor 
nor my life is secure, with the two heads (of State 
and Church) so clearly showing themselves to be 
my enemies and with help so far away. 

Chavarria refused either to grant or to refuse the 
request, and Perea abandoned his plan to depart. 37 But he 
had one more move left. On September 18 he wrote an 
appeal to the Holy Office in which he described the situation 
in New Mexico and begged that he be summoned to Mexico 
City on business of the faith. For five years, he said, he 
had done all in his power to combat error and heresy, the 


principal aim of which was the destruction of ecclesiastical 
authority, but his efforts had been unavailing, as tyranny, 
rather than justice, ruled. Being a prelate had meant noth- 
ing, for whenever he had tried to defend ecclesiastical author- 
ity he had always suffered a thousand persecutions. It had 
been impossible, moreover, to take testimony from laymen 
concerning this situation, as they all feared that the governor 
would find them out and maltreat them. Several of them, 
however, had said, "Let him finish his term of office and then 
we will tell what we know." Perea stated also that he had 
written a book describing these errors and heresies, entitled 
Defense of His Catholic Majesty Against the Abuses of His 
Ministers. This he had hoped to send to the Holy Office, 
but did not dare to do so. The custodian and governor had 
conspired to prevent his departure for Mexico, and he begged 
the Holy Office to issue him a formal summons. 38 

The bitterness of Perea's denunciation could have been 
caused only by intense disappointment and by some definite 
show of hostility on the part of Chavarria. It may be doubted, 
however, whether Chavarria had so completely abandoned 
the cause of the Church as was implied by Perea's state- 
ments. Before the departure of the caravan three friars 
wrote a petition to the Holy Office, asking that it appoint an 
agent or representative with full authority formally and 
legally to investigate the errors and heresies current in New 
Mexico, and two of them suggested Chavarria as a suitable 
person for the post. He was recommended as a prelate who 
had governed "with much peace as a religious person and as 
a true zealot in the Christian religion." 89 Perhaps Cha- 
varria's aloofness toward Perea may have been caused, in 
part, by a genuine desire to dissociate himself from the old 
quarrel. Certainly the severity of the viceroy's reproof 
could not easily be disregarded, and Chavarria, realizing 
that Perea had been personally responsible for some of the 
actions that had inspired it, may have sought deliberately to 
lessen Perea's influence, so long paramount, by isolating him 
in his convent at Sandia. But Chavarria's actions were not 


wholly without blame. It is clear that Perea did not dare to 
leave and that he believed it necessary to seek a formal sum- 
mons from the Inquisition, which no one would defy. Perea 
must have felt that his denunciations were fully justified 
when he saw Chavarria depart for Mexico in October, 1622, 
when the caravan finally set out on its return journey. It 
was stated by one of his friar associates that Chavarria went 
on business of the custodia. 40 But what business? There is 
no answer to that question. 

Before Chavarria departed he appointed an old friend 
and associate, Friar Ascencio de Zarate, to act as vice- 
custodian, and for more than three years (October, 1622, to 
December, 1625) Zarate remained in charge. Concerning 
this period there is not much information. Perea probably 
remained at Sandia as mission friar. Eulate soon resumed 
his older policy of hostility to the Church, and Father 
Zarate, even had he wished to do so, found it impossible to 
continue Chavarria's policy of conciliation. 

Eulate's attitude in Indian affairs was as unsatisfactory 
as ever. He continued to authorize seizure of Indian orphans 
as servants. 41 The Indians of Jemez got out of hand and 
destroyed their church and convent, the result, so it is said, 
of Eulate's permission to some of the native sorcerors to live 
in the old way. The governor led a military expedition to 
Jemez to punish the rebels, but the mission was not re- 
established until several years later. 42 The governor con- 
tinued also to indulge in dangerous speech concerning 
matters of doctrine and to show a marked lack of regard 
for the practice and ceremonial of the faith. 43 And there was 
public rumor, finally, concerning the depravity of his private 
relations. In short, he came to be regarded as thoroughly 
evil, an enemy of the Church, and suspect in the faith. On 
one occasion during the period form 1622 to 1625 Father 
Zarate declared him excommunicate the cause is unknown 


and the bitterness resulting therefrom was not lessened by 
the wrangling over terms of absolution. 44 

On August 14, 1623, Father Perea wrote another letter 
of appeal to the Holy Office. He repeated the charge that 
Governor Eulate had asserted supremacy in matters both 
spiritual and temporal, and had so oppressed the Church 
that it was impossible to resist him. The governor had kept 
such close watch over the dispatches sent to New Spain that 
it was difficult to send reports concerning the situation. 
"Last year it was necessary to send one pliego (of letters) 
inside a roll of wax, and the other sewed in the wool of a 
buffalo hide." One of Eulate's agents sent to search for dis- 
patches in the effects of the persons who carried them had 
been upbraided because he had failed to find them ; and Capt. 
Francisco Gomez, who was appointed commander of the 
1622 caravan, had been unwilling to take a pliego of letters 
given him by Friar Agustin de Burgos. Thus the clergy 
were oppressed "like slaves" by the lay authorities. The 
vice-custodian, Friar Asencio de Zarate, had called a meet- 
ing of the clergy to determine what should be done, and it 
had been decided "to flee from this anti-christ, and abandon 
this Church." Perea had offered strenuous opposition to this 
decision, on the ground that it would mean "the perdition of 
so many Christian souls and would impede, in future, the 
conversion of the numberless people who live in the interior 
of this land." As a result of his arguments the plan to 
effect a general abandonment of the missions was given up. 
But apparently the vice-custodian decided to send "eight or 
more" friars to New Spain, of whom Perea finally persuaded 
two to remain. As a result of his opposition to these plans, 
Perea had earned the ill will of many of the friars. "But I do 
not care," he said, "because it is in the service of God." He 
appealed once more to be summoned to the Holy Office, "be- 
cause with license from that Holy Tribunal, they will not put 
an obstacle (in my way) or touch the papers that I take 
(with me)." 45 



The letters of Perea and his associates convinced the 
Holy Office that an agent, or commissary, should be appointed 
for New Mexico, with full authority to investigate all cases 
of heresy, error, and other ecclesiastical offenses over which 
the Inquisition had jurisdiction. For this post was chosen 
Friar Alonso de Benavides, a Franciscan who had had con- 
siderable experience as an official of the Inquisition. This 
appointment was probably by agreement with the Francis- 
can Order, for when Father Chavarria's three-year term as 
custodian expired in 1623, Benavides was elected to succeed 
him. 46 Thus the powers of prelate and ecclesiastical judge 
ordinary were combined with those of commissary of the 
Holy Office, and no doubt it was expected that this union of 
authority would enable the Church effectively to combat 
the numerous errors and heresies said to be current in New 
Mexico and to defend the missions against the hostility of the 
civil authorities. 

Although elected custodian on October 19, 1623, Bena- 
vides did not set out for New Mexico until early in 1625. 
This delay was probably due to the fact that twelve new 
friars 47 were being dispatched to the New Mexican missions 
and preparations for the long journey northward took much 
time. Benavides was obliged also to tarry along the way, as 
he had been authorized to exercise inquisitorial jurisdiction 
at Cuencame and Santa Barbara in Nueva Vizcaya, as well 
as in New Mexico. It was not until late in December, 1625, 
that he and his party arrived at their final destination. 

In the same party with Benavides came Eulate's suc- 
cessor, Felipe de Sotelo Osorio. After reaching New Mexico 
the new governor went on ahead of Benavides to Santa Fe 
where he was duly received and installed in office. His first 
important duty was to prepare for the reception to be ac- 
corded Father Benavides. The reception of a new custodian 
was always a formal affair, but Benavides* dual position gave 
his case a special significance. The dates set for the recep- 
tion were January 24 and 25, 1626. On January 24 Bena- 


vides arrived in Santa Fe where the governor and cabildo, in 
full military regalia, received him with proper courtesy and 
escorted him to the convent, while the soldiers fired a salute 
with arquebuses and artillery. On the following day a formal 
procession of the governor, cabildo, and citizens accompanied 
Benavides to the church where the edict of the faith was 
read by Friar Pedro de Ortega, whom Benavides had 
appointed notary of the Holy Office. 48 

It was fitting that the first person to testify before 
Father Benavides should be Friar Esteban de Perea. In a 
long declaration made on January 26, Perea reviewed the 
entire situation. 49 At the same time he presented the state- 
ment denouncing the errors current in New Mexico which he 
had published on August 18, 1621, and the testimony 
received at that time. Between January and September 
Benavides examined more than thirty persons, most of 
whom confirmed and re-stated the old charges against the 

But Eulate, who must have known that Benavides was 
preparing a case against him for presentation to the Holy 
Office, played the game through to the end. On the eve of 
his departure for New Spain, he reaffirmed his old boast that 
the king was his leader and chieftain and that he would do 
whatever the king ordered, even if it meant playing the role 
of another Duke of Bourbon ! " 

The mission supply caravan returned to New Spain in 
the autumn of 1626. Eulate and Perea were members of the 
party. After more than sixteen years of continuous service 
in the missions, Perea was at liberty, finally, to return to 
Mexico City and present a full report to the superior pre- 
lates of the Franciscan Order and to the Holy Office. 

There is no available evidence that Eulate was ever 
tried by the Holy Office. The reports from New Mexico 
were received on January 27, 1627, 51 but in so far as known 
documentary evidence is concerned, the case ends at that 
point. It is possible that part of the records are lost. But if 
Eulate was not tried, what was the reason? Did the Holy 


Office feel that, in view of the Peralta affair, it would not be 
politic to submit another representative of civil authority in 
New Mexico to public disgrace so soon? Did the viceroy 
interpose his influence? Did the Holy Office feel that the 
evidence was too circumstantial and patently one-sided? 
There is no answer to these questions. 

But Eulate's arbitrary disregard of colonial law and 
justice did not wholly escape punishment. In May, 1627, 
Eulate was arrested by the civil authorities of Mexico for 
having brought a number of Indians from New Mexico 
to be sold as slaves in New Spain, and for having used several 
of the wagons in the supply caravan to bring cargo from 
New Mexico free of freight. For these offenses he was fined 
and ordered to pay the cost of sending the Indian slaves 
back to New Mexico. 52 There the story of Eulate ends, so 
far as New Mexico is concerned. 

The reports which Father Perea made to the prelates 
of his Order and to the Holy Office were apparently well 
received. At the next election of a custodian of the New 
Mexico missions, he was reflected to take the place of Father 
Benavides. 68 Moreover, the Holy Office took steps to appoint 
him its agent, or commissary, for New Mexico. But inas- 
much as Perea was a native of Spain, it was necessary to 
ask the Suprema to furnish a report on his genealogy and 
limpieza de sangre. This information was not received 
promptly, and consequently his appointment under the Holy 
Office was delayed until 1630." In September, 1628, Perea 
returned to New Mexico with thirty new friar-recruits for 
the missions, and in April, 1629, he once more took over the 
administration of the ecclesiastical affairs of the province. 
He would have been less or more than human if, on that 
occasion, he did not feel a certain flush of victory. 


The fundamental issues at stake in the conflict of inter- 
est between the two jurisdictions were now perfectly clear. 
The steady success of the missions gave the clergy an in- 


creasing influence in provincial affairs, as well as a definite 
self-assurance because of their belief in the sanctity of 
their work. It is not surprising, therefore, that they were 
increasingly critical of the actions and policies of the civil 
authorities. In their defense of the Indians and the missions, 
in their denunciation of flagrant errors of doctrine, and in 
their sturdy justification of ecclesiastical jurisdiction they 
were acting within their legal and moral rights. But they 
had become over-sensitive of their privileges and immunities, 
and their zeal sometimes caused them to exaggerate the 
importance of things that were really trifling. 

The permanence of the missions depended upon the 
growth of a sizeable non-aboriginal colony, but that colony 
could not be maintained without contacts with the Indians 
whose souls were being saved. Land and labor were neces- 
sary for the development and permanence of the colony, and 
it was inevitable that the soldiers and other colonists should 
yield to the temptation to exploit the natives and to encroach 
upon the communal farm and grazing lands of the pueblos. 
The soldiers found it difficult, moreover, to understand the 
bitter denunciation of their conduct by the clergy. At each 
mission Indian labor was used for building churches and 
convents, for the service and maintenance of the same, and 
for tending large herds of livestock which shared the very 
ranges from which the cattle and sheep of the soldiers were 
excluded. It was not enough to argue that such service was 
necessary for the maintenance of the clergy and the program 
of evangelization, because the soldiers were convinced, some- 
times justly, that the friars employed the Indians in tasks 
that were but remotely related to the spiritual phases of the 
missions. It is not surprising, therefore, if resentment some- 
times took the form of hasty expressions of opinion concern- 
ing the Church and even of opposition to some of the prac- 
tical aspects of mission administration. 

The application of the principles of harmony and com- 
promise expressed in the instructions to Eulate and Perea 

they were typical of hundreds of others drawn up in all 


parts of the Indies depended in no small measure on the 
character and aims of the governor and prelate. A governor 
of the Eulate type was certain to arouse bitterness and 
opposition, and the eager desire of Eulate to use his office 
for personal profit and his boastful disregard of the ordinary 
proprieties cannot be condoned. Yet in fairness to Eulate 
and his ilk it should be observed that the governors occupied 
a difficult position as arbiter between vested interests that 
were fundamentally irreconcilable. If the governors usually 
took the side of secular interests, it was not only because 
their own selfish aims were best promoted in that way. 
Wholehearted acceptance of the ecclesiastical point of view 
would not only have meant a definite subordination of civil 
authority and even the most enlightened governor would 
not tolerate that but it would also have aroused the opposi- 
tion of a powerful faction within the Hispanic colony, the 
government of which was the special function of the provin- 
cial executive. On the other hand, the prelates, because of 
their genuine devotion to the missions and their belief in 
the supreme importance of the salvation of souls, found it 
difficult to understand either the point of view of the 
soldier-encomendero class or the practical expediency of 
adapting provincial policy to the needs and aspirations of 
that class. And when men like Eulate flagrantly challenged 
ecclesiastical privilege and openly opposed fundamental 
principles of mission policy, the reaction of the clergy was 
bound to be immediate and even violent. 

(To be continued) 

1. Supply caravans were sent out in 1616-1617, 1621, and 1625. Seven new friars 
were provided in 1616-1617, six in 1621, and twelve more in 1625. For lists of supplies 
purchased, prices, etc., see A. G. I., Contaduria 723, 726, and 845 B. 

2. Libranza, Feb. 6, 1618. A. G. I., Contaduria 720. 

8. Eulate's remarks concerning ecclesiastical celibacy illustrate his unfortunate 
habit of making: stinging remarks that unnecessarily offended the clergy and persons 
devoted to the Church, for when reproved by one of the friars for his statement that the 
married state was better than the celibate, he flippantly remarked that all that the 
clergy did was to eat and sleep, whereas married men worked for their living. Declare- 


tion of Friar Pedro de Ortega, Jan. 27, 1626. A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 356, f. 265v. 
There was also considerable discussion concerning two stories which Eulate frequently 
related. The first had to do with an incident which he had heard about in Spain, in 
which a nuncio was supposed to have empowered a cathedral chapter to confer major 
orders when the bishop of the diocese had refused to do so. The second case concerned a 
theological student who had defended the proposition that the Trinity was not three 
persons but four. How serious Eulate may have been in relating these incidents no one 
can tell, but in numerous declarations, friar and lay, they were told and retold as 
proof of his unorthodoxy. Ibid., ff. 257-317, passim. 

4. It was reported that nothing irked Eulate more than masses and sermons. 
Instead of remaining in Santa Fe to celebrate the feast of Corpus Christi, or to 
participate in the services of Holy Week, he usually went hunting, or spent the 
time with friends at his estancia. He took special pains also to single out for ridicule 
men who sang in the choir, calling them "vile" and "base." Ibid. 

5. "El Key es mi gallo." This seems to have been a favorite expression not only 
of the governor but also of some of the soldiers. "Dice mas este declarante q. es Verdad 
q. a oydo decir a algunas Personas, y aun le parece a este declarante al mismo g T q. 
El Rey es su gallo Y esto contra la autoridad del papa y de la Yglesia, quando se trata 
de la auctoridad Ecclesiastica." Declaration of Friar Pedro de Haro de la Cueba, 
Aug. 22, 1621. Ibid., f. 286v. "Dice mas este declarante q. algunas veces a oydo 
decir q. algunas soldados en la Villa de s ta fe quando se trata de la yglesia y su 
autoridad dicen que el Rey es mi gallo, como q. la iglesia no les puede mandar cosa 
alguna." Declaration of Friar Pedro de Ortega, Sept. 2, 1621. Ibid., f. 288v. 

6. ". . . ser publica bos y fama que el dicho D. Ju de Eulate es enemigo de las 
cosas de la yglecia y siempre a perseguido los debotos de ella . . . y dijo que si el Bei 
lo mandara prender al arcobispo de toledo, con un boto a dios y alsaido el baston, que 
le prendiera porque en todas ocaciones se a de haser lo que el Rei Manda." Declaration 
of Friar Esteban de Perea, Jan. 26, 1626. Ibid., f. 264. "Dice mas este declarante, que 
a visto el dho g or don Ju de Eulate auer hablado con los -Religiosos altiuamente con 
menosprecio y diciendo que si el Rey le mandase justiciar Religiosos que lo haria. Y 
esto fue preguntandole est declarante de manera q. si el Rey le mandase ahorcar 
Religiosos lo haria dijo si." Declaration of Friar Cristobal de Quiros. Sept. 3, 1621. 
Ibid., f. 20v. 

7. ". . . y que en cierta conuersacion en q. estaua el dho G or don ju de Eulate 
con este declarante se mouio platica Acerca de la auctoridad de Su sanctidad. Dijo 
el dho g r q. si el papa le mandaua Vna cosa y el Rey le mandaua otra q. a solo El 
Rey obedeceria y no el papa, y q. replicandole este declarante q. mirase q. si lo q. 
mandase su santidad era justo y catholica auia de ser obedecido ; con todo eso replico 
El dho g or con mucho enojo y poniendose como vn demoinio de Colera q. no avia de 
obedecer sino al Rey." Declaration of Friar Pedro de Haro de la Cueba, Aug. 22, 1621. 
Ibid., f. 286v. 

8. "Dice mas este declarante q. a oydo decir a algunas Personas q. el g or don Ju 
de Eulate a dho que en esta tierra nadie tiene Juridicion sobre los meramente Seglares, 
sino solo el dando a entender q. no tiene el prelado Juridicion alguna sobre los Seglares." 
Declaration of Friar Pedro de Ortega, Sept. 22, 1621, Ibid., f. 288 v. "Dice mas este 
declarante q. a dias como cosa de Vn ano que oyo decir al g. or don Ju de Eulate 
q. el prelado de esta tierra Y yglesia no tenia Jur on alguna sobre ningun Seglar sino 
solo el que era g. or y q. en Mex co . El s r arcobispo no tenia Juridicion sobre ningun 
seglar y q. si queria Castigar o prender a alguno Se lo quitaua Luego la audiencia 
Real." Declaration of Friar Pedro de Haro, de la Cueba, Aug. 22, 1621. Ibid., f. 286. 
If Eulate was merely denying the right of an ecclesiastical judge ordinary to arrest a 
layman without the aid of the secular arm, his view was entirely correct. But the gen- 
eral trend of the evidence rather substantiates the view that he questioned the prelate's 
jurisdictional authority over laymen. 


9. Several incidents were related to illustrate Eulate's lack of respect for 
ecclesiastical censures, but the most important was the result of an investigation 
involving one of his female servants. This servant asserted that Eulate had forced 
her to marry against her will, and she appealed to Perea, the custodian, for an annul- 
ment of the marriage. While investigating the case, Perea had her placed in an 
"honorable home" and ordered that no one, under pain of excommunication, should 
molest her. But Eulate, with contempt for the threatened censure, forcibly removed 
her from the house where Perea had sent her, beat her, and said that marriage or 
no marriage she had to serve him. The friars offered this incident to show Eulate's 
contempt for ecclesiastical censures. One friar, in commenting on this affair, remarked, 
". . . y el propio la agoto con sus manos en su propria casa porq. no se supiesen sus 
vellaquerias y la tenia publicamente por manceba y hasta oy la tiene por lo que el dho 
g or sauiendo q. auia yncurrido en la dha descomunion dijo que si el prelado le declarase 
por descomulgado se haria lleuar a mex co preso en una enxalma con muy grande 
menosprecio de la yglesia." Declaration of Friar Pedro Zambrano, Aug. 18, 1621. 
Ibid., f. 283. In 1626 Perea deposed, on the basis of third-hand evidence, that Eulate 
had stated that the prelate could not excommunicate anyone without his permission. 
Ibid., f. 264. 

10. "Dice mas este declarante q. el dicho g or se a mostrado enemigo de los 
Religiosos, en todas ocasiones afrentandolos delante de los espanoles y de indios con 
palabras mal sonantes hasta quererles dar de palos." Declaration of Friar Andres 
Juarez, Sept. 2, 1621. Ibid., f. 288. "Dice mas este declarante q. es verdad q. el g. or 
don Ju de Eulate se a mostrado mortal enemigo de los Religiosos en todos Ocassiones 
procurando menos preciallos, abatillos y Vltrajallos diciendoles palabras afrentosas 
y muy mal sonantes y quando saue que algunos soldados dicen algunas palabras contra 
IOB Religios no solamentc no los Castiga enpero se huelga dello y da a entender q. se 
huelga de semejantes libertades y desberguencas, y a llegado a tanto extremo q. a 
querido dar de palos a los Religiosos Publicamente delante de muchos Soldados y 
yndios Por lo que a perdido su credito la Doctrina y conuersion destos ynfieles por la 
afrenta que se les hace a sus ministros." Declaration of Friar Pedro de Haro de la 
Cueba, Aug. 22, 1621. Ibid., f. 287. 

11. "Dice mas este declarante q. ea Verdad q. se a mostrado el g or D. Ju de 
eulate enemigo de la Conversion de las almas con sus obras negando de todo la escolta 
q. su mag. 1 tiene aqui para ese efeto no queriendo darla a los ministros que iban a 
predicar el S to ebangelio a todas estas naciones besinas q. a muchos A 8 q. son 
basallos de su Mag. d y le pagan tributo y sirben personalm te y q. no solam te no a 
querido inbiar a encomenderos de los dichos pueblos ni a otros soldados para defensa 
y seguridad de los ministros apostolicos pero que aun a este declarante oydo decir q. a 
los capitanes Tomas de albisu y fran co gomez que iban de su boluntad aconpanar al 
ministro los mando que se bolbiesen del camino." Declaration of Friar Andres Juarez, 
Sept. 2, 1621. Ibid., f. 287v. 

12. Several friars complained about Eulate's lack of co-operation in this respect. 
Friar Pedro de Vergara testified that Eulate asked the Custodian Perea to have the 
building of churches stopped. Friar Zambrano stated that the governor ordered both 
Spaniards and Indians not to aid in this work and that he even threatened to have the 
Indians hanged if they did not obey. Consequently the custodian ordered the friars 
to discontinue building operations in order to avoid disturbances and controversy. 
Ibid., passim. 

13. "Dice mas este declarante q. es verdad q. mandandole al cap* n P duran de 
chaues que fuese a uisitar los pueblos de la nacion tehuas le mando que dijere a los 
yndios naturales que no hiciesen cosa ninguna q. les mandasen los ministros ni les 
guardasen sus cavallos ni ganado y que solo aculiesen a la doctrina quando tocan la 
canpana." Declaration of Friar Pedro de Haro, de la Cueba, Aug. 22, 1621. Ibid., 
t. 287. 


14. ". . . q. en lo que se dice el ser licito a los yndios Recien convertidos tener ydolos 
q. es verdad q. a mas de vn ano q. el g or don Ju de Eulate dijo a este declarante Y al 
p. e fr xpobal de quiros q. su mag d Mandaua en sus Reales hordenancas, q. no se lea 
quitase los ydolos a estos Recien conuertidos hasta tanto tiempo, esto haciendo mofa y 
escarnio de lo que los ministros Apostolicos hacen y predican a los yndios que dejen 
la Vida vieja y sus ydolatrias y el quitarles como les quitamos los ydolos a los ya 
Xpianos." Declaration of Friar Pedro de Haro de la Cueba, Aug. 22, 1621. Ibid., f. 
286. "Dice mas este declarante q. saue de cierto q. todo esto salio del g or don Ju 
de Eulate el qual decia a los Soldados q. El Rey mandaua sus Reales ordenancas q. a 
los nuebos Chrisianos yndios no se les quitase sus ydoles y mancebas con las quales 
proposiciones dice este declarante q. se inquietaron tanto los yndios de la nacion tanos 
i particularmente los de el pueblo de s. 1 lacaro q. publicamente estauan ydolatrando 
quando este declarante fue a administrarles doctrina y saue muy bien q. el ministro 
q. auia estado alii antes q. es El p e fr. P de Ortega se bio muy afligido por esto y q. esto 
a sido en tanto grado q. asta oy no lo a podido Remediar aquella doctrina por el graue 
dafio q. hicieron aquellas Palabras de los ydqlos que dize El g or don ju de eulate y 
el dho Ynterprete Ju gomez en los nuebos conuertidos, y dice mas el declarante q. 
reprehendiendo a un fiscal del pueblo de s l la?aro q. se llama Xpobal que en sus 
amancebamientos Respondio q. Ju gomez bendria de Mex co y les trayria horden que 
vibiesen como quando no eran Xpianos, y esto lo dijeron los ynterpretes de la lengua 
tanos a Miguel estanjaq." Declaration of Friar Pedro Zambrano, Aug. 18, 1621. 
Ibid., f. 282v. 

15. The most celebrated case occurred in the pueblo of Pecos where Friar 
Pedro de Ortega was guardian. "Dice mas este declarante q. es verdad que el g dor 
Don Ju de Eulate anpara y faborece a los ydolatras, y hechiceros q do sus ministros los 
quieren corregir y castigar las tales ydolatrias y hechicerias, como se berefico en Fr co 
Mocoyo y su her no yndios de los pecos y queriendo corregir y castigar este declarante 
como cura y ministro suyo no dandoles mas Penitencia que depositarlo en casa de 
espanoles xpianos y honrrados. El dho g dor don Ju de Eulate no consintio sino 
que lo ynuio otra uez al pueblo con una carta en que decia que no le tocase sino que le 
fauoreciese al dho ydolatra." Declaration of Friar Pedro de Ortega, Sept. 2, 1621. 
Ibid., f. 289. In 1626 Captain Francisco Perez Granillo, alcalde ordinario of Santa Fe, 
confirmed Ortega's testimony and added a few details. He stated that in 1621 he had 
gone to Pecos to collect certain tributes and that he had found Friar Ortega greatly 
disturbed because Mocoyo was trying to persuade the Indians not to go to church 
and was telling them that Eulate had ordered "that they should not go to mass nor 
to instruction (doctrina), or assist at prayers, or obey the minister, and that the 
governor was their friend." Prez said that he called the Indians together and in the 
presence of the friar upbraided Mocoyo and told all the Indians that the governor 
could not order such things and that they should all obey the minister. Later when 
he told Eulate what he had done, the latter was angry and demanded by what order or 
right he had done this. Friar Zambrano, after declaring that Eulate was suspect 
because of his attitude toward the native priests, added: "tanbien le oydo decir al 
mesmo don Juan de ulate que no ay bruxos ni hechiceros en el mundo ni los puede auer 
y los q. tales cossas dicen los tiene por gente facil y nouelera y Para esto no ay rres- 
puesta mas de lo ordenado por el Santo Officio y lo que cada dia Vemos q. hace en 
aquel Santiss tribunal con esta gente mala y que hacen tanto mal a los cristianos." 
Declaration of Friar Pedro Zambrano, April 20, 1626. Ibid., f. 280. An interesting 
commentary indeed ! 

16. Friar Zambrano hinted this in his remarks concerning the Mocoyo case. He 
said that Eulate had always favored the idolaters and sorcerers "porque le rrescaten 
gamucas." Ibid., f. 283v. 

17. "Dice mas este declarante q. es verdad q. el g or don Ju de Eulate tiene por 
vso tiranico hager y forctir a los yndios q. trauajen sin paga y actualmente los tiene en 


las casas Reales trabajando sin pagarles cosa q. lo tiene por vso el y otros muchos de 
trabajarlos sin paga y lo tienen por obra lic.ita." Ibid., f. 283. "Dice mas este declar- 
ante q. es verdad q. oyo degir a los alcaldes P varela y alvaro garcia. q. el Rey puede 
mandar a los yndios trauajen sin paga par BUS obras y asi be y saue este declarante q. 
los hacen trabajar en la v sin paga como cosa licjta." Declaration of Friar Pedro de 
Ortega, Sept. 2, 1621. Ibid., f. 288v. 

18. "Tambien me a hecho Relacion que los Dichos indios padecen notables incon- 
modidades y trauajos en los Repartimientos a que los embais de ciento en ciento y de 
quarenta en quarenta en las ocasiones que estan haziendo sus sementeras, y en otras 
que estan ocupados en sus haziendas y que no se les paga cossa alguna por su trauajo," 
etc. Excerpt from Copia de lo proueido en orden al gouierno del nueuo Mexico . . . 
Mexico, 5 de febrero de 1621. A. G. I. Mexico 29. This is a viceregal decree, or 
instruction, directed to Gov. Juan de Eulate. It has been published, Spanish text and 
English translation, by L. B. Blooom in NEW MEX. HIST. REV., Ill (1928), 357-380. 
To be cited hereafter as Instructions to Eulate, Feb. 5, 1621. 

19. Ibid. The legislation on burden-bearing illustrates the conflict between the 
general humanitarian principles of the Crown and the hard facts of Colonial life 
and administration that is characteristic of so many phases of Spanish colonial 
policy and government. It was the general policy of the Crown to limit, or prohibit 
entirely, the use of Indians as bearers of cargo, even when the Indians were willing to 
Berve for pay, but for a long time exceptions had to be made in many parts of the 
Indies because of lack of pack animals and suitable pack trails and roads. Cf. Coleccion 
de Documentos Ineditos . . . de las Antiguas Posesiones Espanolas de Ultramar. 
Segunda serie. XXI, 245-253, for references to cedulas for the sixteenth century. The 
laws of 1601 and 1609 on personal service definitely prohibited burden-bearing. Cf. 
excerpt in Recopilacidn, lib. vi, tit. xii, leg. iii. 

20. "Dice mas este declarante q. en los q. se dice q. se puede hacer guerra y 
cautibar a los ynfieles q. conocidamente no son enemigos de la Yglesia ni contradicen la 
prediction del s to Euang. q. ve cada dia hasen guerra a los ynfieles por solo hager 
presas y q. lo tiene por li?ito y los hacen esclauos y q. aunq. los Religiosos scan de 
Contrario parecer no hagen caso dellos sino lo que les manda su g. dor q. le tienen por su 
oraculo pero por tratar poco este declarante con espanoles no les a Oydo particular- 
mente desir que es li?ito." Declaration of Friar Pedro Zambrano, Aug. 18, 1621. 
A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 356, f. 283. This is one of the earliest references to what later 
became a common custom. There will be references to other instances during the 
course of this essay. The Spaniards did not regard the captives as outright slaves in 
many cases, but rather as servants whose labor they could use in return for teaching 
them Christian doctrine. But this did not prevent the captives from having a definite 
market value. The slave raids were responsible for a sharpening of the old feuds 
between the Pueblos and the Apaches. 

21. For example: "bale para que diego martin naranjo pueda de las salinas traer 
dos guerfanos con comunacasion de nro p* peynado. en 15 de nobiembre de 1620. 
(signed) Eulate." Ibid., f. 276. The italics are mine. Does this mean that Father 
Peinado sanctioned the policy of seizing orphans as servants ? Whether the orphans 
were seized to be enslaved outright, or to serve as free house servants, their masters 
protecting and indoctrinating them, probably matters little, as the results were not 
much different. The friars definitely stated that they were enslaved. "Dice mas este 
declarante q. es verdad q. a oydo decir a algunos Soldados q. no se acuerdo quienes q. 
El g r de estas Prouy" 8 . Puede mandar sacar los guerfanos de los pueblos de los 
indios y darselos a los espanoles en eterna seruidumbre de la qual xamas se libran y q. 
este declarante a uisto lleuar los guerfanos de su doctrina y darselos a los espanoles 
para perpetuo seruy , y q. el clamor de los ministros sobre esto en fauor de los 
dhos guerfanos no sirue de mas q. de hacerlo mucho peor." Declaration of Friar Pedro 
de Haro de la Cueba, Aug. 18, 1621. Ibid., f. 268v. "Dice mas este declarante q. no 


se acuerda aber oydo decir q. es licito El quitar a los guerfanos su libertad y darlos por 
sieruos de los espanoles mas de que se vee que lo vsa asi el g or don Ju de Eulate 
como cose licita dando vales a los soldados para q. vayan a los pueblos y saquen los 
huerfanes y se los lleuen a sus casas como negros esclauos porq. si acaso alguna Vez 
se huyen los dhos guerfanos por la opresion en q, los tienes los ban a buscar Porque 
los dio el g or y como si fuesen esclauos herados los traen a su casa para perpetua 
serbidunbre los quales vales avisto este declarante por sus ojos." Declaration of Friar 
Pedro de Vergara, Aug. 18, 1621. Ibid., f. 285. 

22. Instructions to Eulate, Feb. 5, 1621. 

23. In 1624 Eulate sent several carretas with goods to New Spain. Declaration of 
Capt. Antonio Baca, May 29, 1626, A. G. P. M. Inquisicion 356, f. 302. Again in 1626 
he used sixteen of the wagons from the mission supply caravan to ship out freight. At 
the same time he took several Indians to be sold as slaves. Fi a Q. otorgo Ju Franco de 
Vertia en favor de Don Ju de Eulate q. fue del Nuebo Mex co preso por m do de su 
Ex.* . . . 5 de Mayo de 1627. A. G. P. M., Reales Cedulas y Ordenes, Duplicados, Tomo 
8, ff. 33-34. 

24. Instructions to Eulate, Feb. 5, 1621. 

25. The men singled out for personal criticism were Juan Gomez, alcalde ordinario 
of Santa Fe and encomendero of the pueblo of San Lazaro ; Albaro Garcia, one of the 
loyal associates of Onate in 1601 and about 1621 alcalde ordinario of Santa Fe; Pedro 
Duran y Chaues, sargento mayor and later maese de campo of the local militia: and 
Alonso Barela, former ally of Father Ordonez. The fact that Gomez was encomendero 
of San Lazaro gives especial importance to the charge (see note 14, supra) that he told 
the Tanos, including the Indians of San Lazaro, that they should continue to practice 
the old pagan ritual. A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 356, passim. 

26. 2* Petition .... 26 de agosto de 1622, in A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 486, ff. 
ff. 61-61v. 

27. See Appendix III for a transcript of the document. 

28. Declaration of Friar Andres Juarez, Sept. 2, 1621. A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 
356, f. 288. 

29. These are the declarations which have been cited and from which quotations 
have been used in the notes above. 

30. The decree addressed to Governor Eulate is the document referred to above 
as Instructions to Eulate, Feb. 5, 1621. See note 18, supra. A copy of the real provision 
addressed to Custodian Perea is preserved in the Spanish Archives of New Mexico, State 
Museum, Santa Fe, New Mexico, No. 1. L. B. Bloom has published an English transla- 
tion in NEW MEX. HIST. REV., V (1930), 288-298. 

31. The Spanish text uses the word "omnimoda" which refers to the bull 
Exponi nobis, May 10, 1522, in which the pope granted his authority "omnimodam auc- 
toritatem nostram in utroque foro" to prelates of Mendicant Orders laboring in 
frontier areas two days journey from the jurisdiction of a bishop. For the complete 
text of this bull, see Hernaez, Coleccion de bulas, I, 382-389. 

32. Cf. Recopttacion, lib. i, tit. x, ley x. 

32 a . Quoted from translation by Bloom in NEW MEX. HIST. REV., V, 291-294. 

33. Declarations of Frars Ortega, Bautista, and Juarez, May 22, and June 12, 13, 
1626. A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 356. On the other hand, Eulate had told the Indians of 
Taos that they should suit themselves about being baptized and that they should pay 
no attention to what their friar told them. Perea's informant was Juan de Escarra- 
mad ! Declaration of Friar Esteban de Perea, Jan. 26, 1626. Ibid., ff. 260, 264. 

34. PHm" Petici6n . . . 23 de Agosto de 1627. A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 486, f. 61. 

35. 2 a Peticion . . . 26 de Agosto de 1622. Ibid., ff, 61-61v. 

36. The convent at Sandia. 

37. Perea stated that he had been informed that if he tried to leave, Chavarria 
would order the governor to arrest him before he left the jurisdiction of the province. 
2& Peticion . . . 26 de Agosto de 1622. A. G. P. M. Inquisici6n 486, ff. 61-61v. 


88. Perea to the Holy Office, Sept. 18, 1622. Ibid., f. 62. 

89. ". . . y para el effecto es persona idonea y apta nuestro padre custodio fr. 
miguel de chauarria que al presente sale desta tierra la qual ha gouernado con mucha 
pas como persona religiose y berdadero zelador de la religion Christiana." Friar Ber- 
nardo de Aguirre to the Holy Office, Oct. 20, 1622. Ibid., f. 65. Chavarria was not 
a man without experience, and his Order then and later had much respect for him. 
Friar Asencio de Zarate, whom he appointed vice-custodian when he left for New 
Spain, wrote of him : "doy avisso a V a S a que el dicho P e Custodio que ba desta tierra 
es gran sieruo de dios muy onrrado y principal Prelado que a Regido y gouernado esta 
nueue yglesia con gran exemplo y edificacion de todos, y merece que se la haga toda 
mrd. Por ser hombre muy llano y muy amigo y celoso de la carra de dios, y soy testigo 
desto, Por auer viuido con el dicho P e Custodio muchos anos e ser muy estimado en la 
Religion, y a tenido officios muy graues y onrrados, como Maestro de Nouicios del 
conuento Principal de San Fran co nro P e de Mexico y Vicario de S ta Clara y Pre- 
lado de todas estas Prouincias, y en todo con mucha aceptacion y fama." Zarate to 
the Holy Office, Sept. 8, 1622. Ibid., f. 66. Similar praise of Chavarria is found in 
Friar Antonio de la Rosa Figueroa's Bczzero General Menologico y Chronologico, 249 : 
"Fue varon de Heroycas Virtudes mui abstinente penitente y extatico. lo adorno Dios 
con gracia de milagros, ya dando lluvias al fervor de su oracion ya sanando un leproso 
el contacto de sus panos menores. Fue varon App co en el Nueva Mexico," etc. These 
testimonials to Chavarria's character prove that we must regard Perea's denunciations 
with some caution. 

40. "Nuestro P e fray Miguel de Echauarria . . . sale en este despacho a essa 
ciudad y corte a negociar lo tocante a esta tierra." Zarate to the Holy Office, Sept. 8, 
1622. A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 486, f. 66. 

41. A vale dated Nov. 8, 1624, is in A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 356, f. 275. 

42. ". . . tambien es pu aber dado licencia don Ju de ulate a los indios idolatros 
de emex Para que biuiesen como ellos biuian antes en su gentilidad y con este fabor 
quemaron la iglecia y conuento del pu de la Congregacion que auia hecho el p e fray 
Ger mo de carate y esto hico Por odio que a la Sancta madre yglecia a tenido el dho don 
Ju de ulate." Declaration of Friar Pedro Zambrano, April 20, 1626. A. G. P. M., 
Inquisicion 356, f. 280v. 

48. All sorts of charges were made to illustrate Eulate's lack of orthodoxy. In 
1626 several persons testified that he said the crucifix need not be adored, but merely 
revered. On the other hand, two persons denied that Eulate ever made such state- 
ments and testified that he had insisted that the Cross should be adored even more than 
the Virgin ! One of the witnesses who defended Eulate was Alonso Barela ! Father 
Benavides, who took this testimony, declared in notes added thereto that Barela was a 
partisan and accomplice of Eulate and that he was always advising the governor to 
oppose ecclesiastical authority. (Was Benavides mininformed as to the events of 1618- 
1614?) Still another witness testified that Barela had stated that it was not a sin to 
swear falsely I Other remarks ascribed to Eulate were : ( 1 ) that a person sinned 
mortally if he heard mass by a priest who was known to be in sin ; (2) that he did 
not need to fast or pray, for the Church fasted and prayed for him; (3) that friends 
of the Franciscans were his mortal enemies. Whenever he attended mass, and it was 
not often, he was inattentive, even during the elevation of the Host. During the 
Jemez campaign he ate meat on Fridays and during Holy Week, and even urged his 
soldiers to do the same, promising that he would absolve them ! A. G. P. M., Inquisi- 
cion 356, passim. 

44. Ibid. 

45. Friar Esteban de Perea to the Holy Office, Sandia, August 14, 1628. A. G. P. 
M., Inquisicion 845, f. 470. 

46. As a layman Benavides had served as an Alguacil Mayor of the Inquisition in 
Espanola. In 1603 he took the vows of a Franciscan in Mexico City, and the Order 


honored him with offices of responsibility, such as Master of Novices in the convent of 
Puebla and guardian of the convent of San Juan Temematlac. In 1609 he had served as 
notary of the Inquisition in Vera Cruz. He was elected custodian on Oct. 19, 1623. 
F. Scholes, "Problems in the Early Ecclesiastical History of New Mexico," NEW MEX. 
HIST. REV., VII (1932), 69-70. The date of his appointment as commissary of the 
Holy Office is not known. The letters of Perea and his associates written in 1622 were 
received by the Holy Office on April 24, 1623 (A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 486, f. 59), and 
Perea's letter of August 14, 1623, was received on November 6 of the same year (A. G. 
P. M., Inquisicion, f. 40). Benavides' appointment as commissary was probably made 
in the autumn of 1623, just before or after his election as custodian. 

47. It is usually stated that twenty-six friars were sent at this time. See Bena- 
vides, Memorial (Ayer edit., Chicago, 1916), 6. But the treasury accounts indicate 
expenditures for twelve new friars and fourteen already in the province. A. G. I., 
Contaduria 726. 

48. Transcripts of the documents describing these formalities are in Appendix IV. 

49. A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 356, ff, 260, 264. 

50. Ibid., ff. 258-259. 

51. Ibid., f. 257. 

52. Fi* q. otorgo Ju Franco de Vertis en fauor de don Ju de Eulate q. fue del 
Nuebo Mex c preso por m* de 8U Ex.* . . ., 5 de Mayo de 1627. A. G. P. M., Reales 
Cedulas y Ordenes, Duplicados, Tomo 8, ff, 33-34. 

53. Cuatodioa de Nuevo Mexico. Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, Legajo Series, leg. 
9, doc. 8. 

54. The reports concerning Perea's genealogy are in A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 268, 
Exp. 5, ff. 1, 2 ; A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 865, Exp. 11/12 ; Archive Hist6rico Nacional, 
Madrid, Inquisicion, leg. 1228, num. 8. 


Fr. Esteuan de perea De la horden de los frayles menores De nro 
P e s l fran co Gust desta custodia De la nu a Mex co Legado app co y juez 
ordinario della etts a Porquanto a mi notigia a benido q. en la v a de 
s ta fe y fuera della en su distrito se an dho muchas palabras malso- 
nantes eroneas, sospechosas escandalosas, y hereticas en grande ofensa 
de Dios nro s. r y de su yglessia, y sus ministros, y contra la 
humilde y filial obedienc.ia q. deuen a la s ta yglesia Romana el qual 
mal va crec.iendo de Dia en Dia, teniendo las dhas cosas y propositions 
por ligitas y justas ynprimiendolas en los pechos de los sinples y sen- 
Sillos con notable da no de las almas asi de los espanoles xpianos viejos 
como de estos naturales rec.ien convertidos. como es decir q. a estos 
Rec.ien conuertidos es lic.ito despues De xpanos tener y adorar los 
ydolos y tener sus mangebos y q. su mag* 1 lo manda asi en sus Reales, y q. en la tierra no ay santos. porque no los veen, q. 
no es necessario satisfac.ion alguna por los peccados q. vasta vn 
peque y confesarlos dicen q. si el g r leuantare alguna seta no diran 
nada; q. aunq. le echen mill descomuniones no diran nada De lo que le 
preguntare el prelado. que con vn Puntapie se haran absoluer de mill 
descomuniones: que algunos an aconsejados a otros q. no hagan caso 
ni teman las censuras Ecclesiasticas y descomuniones: q. Dicen que el 
prelado no tiene juridicjon alguna sobre los meramente seglares: q. 
dic.en q. el estado seglar y magsime el de la guerra en q. aqui se viue es 
mas perfecto que el estado ecclesiastico i maxime el de Religiosos que 
es el que aqui ay: que otros Dicen en desprecio de la auctoridad q. la 
yglesia tiene sobre todos los fieles El Rey es mi gallo como que a solo 
El Rey an de y no a la yglesia: otros Dic.en con este mismo 
desprecio q. el g or es su gallo: otros dic.en q. el g r puede for?ar a los 
yndios a que trabajen sin paga ninguna que dic.en q. el g r puede hac,er 
guerra y ha^er esclauos o depositos a los ynfieles que conocidamente no 
son enemigos de la yglesia ni contradigen con guerra la predicacion 
del Euang. y que solo por ser ynfieles es ligito hacelles guerra. o priua- 
llos de su libertad y sujetallos: que dicen q. es ligito a los gobernadores 
dar vales para poner en esclauitud o eterna seruidumbre a los juer- 
fanos o otro qualquier libre sin auer cometido delicto, que otros se 
entremeten en tratar cosas de fe siendo seglares y sin letras estando 
vededo por los sagrados canones q. quentan a gente sinple q. vn hombre 
Doctissimo provo y defendio en publicas conclusiones ante hombres 
muy doctos q. las personas de la sanctisima trinidad eran quatro o 
c.inco, de q. se escandali^an los sinples ; que afirman q. el nuncio mando 
y puede mandar al cauildo de vna yglesia q. son muchas personas juntas 
y ninguna consagrada y aun algunos sin orden sacra q. hiciese ordenes 
mayores: q. ay persona q. dic.e q. no ay cosa q. mas sienta q. es oyr 



vna misa cantada o vn sermon y q. este mismo se a salido del pueblo 
donde viue al campo a Ca?a lleuando consigo otros muchos los dia de 
la semana s. ta y Pasqua de ResuRection y corpus // xpi. con otros 
muchos Dias q. se le siguieron: que ay Persona q. afirma q. el cantar 
en el coro en la c.elebrac.ion de los off. 08 diuinos para mayor honrra y 
gloria de Dios, es de jente Ruin Vil, o Vaja por lo que an huido 
algunos hombres honrrados del Coro y no quieren cantar las misas ni 
los demas off 08 diuinos que ay quien diga y afirme q. no puede auer aqui 
dos cabezas ecclesiastica y secular q. seria monstruosidad sino una sola 
q. es el g. or q. esta en lugar del rey, q. aqui no ay yglesia ni perlado o 
cabeca della con otras proposiciones malsonantes y cosas, sospechosas y 
escandalosas ; que an dho Personas de estragadas cociencia con poco 
temor de Dios y escandalo de los cencillos de buena y sincera fe. y 
gran dano de las almas El castigo y correction de las quales cosas a mi 
de derecho yncunbe por tanto Para sacar de la Verdad y administrar 
justicia corrigiendo los q. en ello vuieren delinquido pretende ynquirir 
y hacer ynformacion juridica sobre ello q. es ffa. en este Convento de 
nro S r s* fr 00 de s n dia en diez y ocho dias del mes de agosto de mill y 
seiscjentos y veynte y vn anos. 

fr esteuan Por mandado de nro P e Custodio 

de perea cust (rubrica) Fr. Augustin de Burgos (rubrica) 

A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 356, ff. 282-282 v. 



En el pueblo y ConV. to de santo domingo desta Cust. a con Version 
d s. Pablo en estas prouy. as del nueuo mex c a seis dias del mes de 
enero del ano mil y seis sientos y beinte y seis el P. e Fr. Alonso de 
benauides de la horden de nr.o P. e s. Fran co cust. desta Cust. a Jues 
eclesiastico por autoridad app. ca en ellas dijo que porq. los senores 
inquisidores desta nueua espafia le an honrrado con el titulo de primer 
comiss del s ot off. en estas prouy." 8 para que en ellas leyese y publicase 
los editos generales de nr.a s ta fe catolica y conosiese de todas las 
causas tocantes al ss to triuunal en la misma forma que los demas comi- 
sarios del santo off. lo suelen baser y para ello pudiese nonbrar 
ministros que Con satisfacjon acudiesen a lo que se ofresiese en Virtud 
de lo qual, el dicho P. e commiss. dijo que nonbraba y nonbro por not. 
destas causas y para leer los santos editos de nr.a s ta fe catolica a mi 
el P e Fr P. de hortega de la horden de nro P. e s. Fran co saserdote 
predicador y g an del convento de la asuncion de nra s. ra paroquial unica 
de la V a de santa Fe el qual off de not. yo el dicho P. e Fr. P de hor- 
tega Recjui con juram to en forma, in berbo saserdotis, que hise ante el 
dicho P comiss. y de nueuo le hago de seruir y exerser el dicho off. en 


el s. to triuunal con toda fidelidad legalidad y secreto, y en fe dello lo 
firme con el dicho P. e commiss 

Fr Alonso de Benauides Fr. P hortega 

comiss. (rubrica) not (riibrica) 

En el sobredicho pueblo ConV. to dia mes y ano Respecto de no auer 
auido nunca en estas prouis a comiss. del santo off. y ser esta la 
primera uez q. el santo triuunal le ponia el dicho padre comiss Fr Al 
de benauides para auer de tratarlo conforme en su titulo se le mandaua 
y se asentasen las cosas del santo off. con la estimation que se deue y 
mas en tierra nueua como esta. adonde no se tiene noticia dellas escriuio 
de su letra y firma una Carta al almirante d. Felipe sotelo oss. que 
acababa de benir en el mismo despacho por g r y capitan gl. destas 
prouy as y otra asimismo de su letra y firma al cabildo de la V. a de santa 
fe y Rl. de los espanoles que asisten en estas fronteras en que les hasia 
sauer y manifestaua como los senores inquisidores doctor Ju gutieres 
flores lisen?iado gonsalo mecia lobo doctor d. Fran co basan y albornos 
inquisidores apostolicos desta nueua espana le auian honrrado con 
titulo de // Primer comiss del santo off. en estas prouy. as para que en 
ellas leyese y publicase los editors de nra santa fe catolica y prosediese 
en todas las demas causas tocantes al santo triuunal en la misma forma 
y modo que suelen los demas comisarios del santo off. en los puestos que 
le son senalados cosa de que sentia el dicho padre comiss Resultaua 
muy grande honrra asi al dicho s. r como al cabildo y demas espanoles 
pues siendo ellos los que plantaron la fe en esta tierra ayudando con 
su harma a los Religiosos de san fran co que la predicaban ellos mismos 
reciuian tanbien la muralla desta nr.a santa fe catolica que es el tri- 
bunas del s. to off. que la difiende y que pues el dia y fiesta de la Con- 
Version de s. pablo estaua tan de proximo a beinti y sinco deste mes de 
enero en cuyo dia y fiesta, el glorioso santo por auer obrado tan mara- 
uillosas cosas en esta tierra le tienen por gl. patron parecia al dicho 
padre comiss ese dia se leyesen en la yglesia de la dicha V a tanbien los 
santos editos y se Reconosiese al dicho padre comiss. en nonbre del 
santo triuunal, a las quales cartas y rrasones asi el dicho g. or como el 
cabildo rrepondieron con otras en que sinificaron mui grande gozo y 
Reciuir en ello toda honrra y que dello estarian sienpre agradesidos y 
obedientes al santo triuunal pidiendo al dicho padre comiss. entrase en 
la dicha V a a beinte y quatro del dicho mes bispera de la Conbercion de 
san pablo para que le Re^iuiesen como a su jues eslesiastico hordinario 
por autoridad app. ca como lo son todos los demas custodies en esta tierra 
y tanbien haser particular demostrasion de gozo y Regosijo en rrec.iuirle 
como a Comiss. del santo off. a quien desde luego se sugetauan con 
particular aficion y humildad con lo qual el dicho P e comiss determine 
su entrada para el dicho dia de que doi fe. 

Fr Alonso de Benauides Paso ante mi 

comiss. (rubrica) Fr. P de hortega 

not (rubrica) 


En beinte y quatro dias del mes de enero de mil y seissientos y beinte 
y seis As el P. Fr. Al de Benauides comiss del santo off destas 
prouy as del nueuo rnex 00 auiendo salido el dia antes del pueblo y conV. to 
de santo domingo para baser su primera entrada en ests prouy as 
dijo que para esta accion y para pregonar luego aquel dia en la dicha 
V a como el siguiente se auian de leer y prega r los editos de nra 
s ta fe catolica con la solenidad que se acostunbra era menester nonbrar 
ministros que lo hisiesen y asi nonbro al capitan manuel correa falcon 
bien nacido y de buena f ama para que Representase el off. de alguasil 
mayor del santo off. y asimismo, al sarg mayor destas prouy as Fran co 
gomes para que llebase enarbolado el estandarte de nr.a s ta fe catolica 
con//las armas y escudo del s to off tanbien de buena f ama y mas cali- 
ficados destas prou,y as con los quales el dicho p e comiss. aconpanado 
de mi el pres te not. Fr. P de hortega y de todos los Religiosos desta 
cust. a el dicho dia beinte y quatro deste entro en la dicha billa, a la 
entrada de la qual salieron a rec,iuirle el dicho g. or alcaldes y cabildo y 
toda la demas g te puesta en horden a caballo con sus harmas a uso de 
guerra y el g or con su guion y los demas lo Reciuieron con mui grandes 
cunplimientos y amor haciendo grandes salbas de arcabuseria y ar- 
tilleria llebandole en principal lugar, asimismo fue Reciuido en la 
yglecia con la solegnidad que los Religiosos suelen la primera ues a sus 
perlados como lo era tanbien el dicho P e Comiss. y con mucho mayores 
bentajas disiendo que, pues abiendo plantado ellos nr.a s ta fe catolica 
en estas prouy as entre tantas naciones barbaras como frailes de san 
Fran co fieles hijos de la santa ygle?ia Romana tanbien plantauan el tri- 
bunal santo del santo off. pues frailes de san f ran 00 era a quien el santo 
triuunal enuiaua a ello con tanta honrra y en est ocacjon y en los 
demas mostraron el amor y ouedienc.ia que al santo triuunal tienen y 
auiendo el dicho g. or alcaldes y cabildo aconpanado al dicho padre 
comiss hasta su selda y dejadole en ella fueron aconpanando en la 
misma forma al alguasil mayor por los calles mas publicas pregonando 
como se usa. que al otro dia se auia de leer y publicar los editos de nr.a 
santa fe catolica en la yglecia parroquial de aquella billa que nadie fal- 
tase, asiendo salba cada ues que se pregonaua con arcabuseria y tron- 
petas y aquella noche bien tenpestuosa hi^ieron sus luminarias y los Re- 
gosijos que pudieron, Luego al otro dia 25 deste mes dia de la Conversion 
A oras de missa mayor, el dicho g. or alcaldes, y cabildo, y toda la demas 
g te y arcabuseria binieron a la selda del dicho P. e comiss para acon- 
panarle a la yglec.ia como lo hic.ieron llebando por delante, el estandarte 
de nr.a s ta fe catolica en manos del dicho sarg to mayor aconpanado de 
los capitanes y detras del el alguasil mayor sobredicho aconpanado de 
los Religiosos y yo el dicho notario de los rreligiosos mas graues desta 
Ctist. 8 y el dicho P e comiss entre el g or pres te y pasado que a la sason 
alii estaua y desta suerte entramos en la yglecja hasta el lugar del 
dicho P. e comiss que es al lado del colateral de la parte del ebangelio 


del altar mayor, en su silla tapete y coxin. y frontero, en la otra parte 
vn escano tapado con una alfonbra. en que nos sentamos. yo el pres te 
notario, el alguasil mayor y el sarg to mayor, que llebo el estandarte, y 
el dicho g. or se bolbio a su asiento al crusero de la yglecia y se comenso, 
la missa mayor que fue cantada por el P. e Fr. asencio de sarate viqe 
cust. que era por diaconos. dos guardianes principales, acabado el 
ebangelio me lebante // yo el dicho not. acompanado del estandarte de 
la fe y alguasil mayor y Reciuidos de mano del dicho P. e comiss. los 
editos, fui asimismo al pulpito y los lei en bos alta y inteligible que 
todos los oyeron y bolbi a entregarselos al dicho P. e comiss. en el dicho 
puesto. Luego comenso a predicar el P e Fr. Al de estremera lector de 
teologia y higo un grandiose sermon en la misa, a su tienpo se dio la 
pas al dicho P e comiss. primero y luego se dio al dicho g. or y acabada 
la missa bolbieron los mismos en la forma que antes a aconpanar al 
dicho P. e comiss. hasta su selda en la qual se le ofrecio de nueuo el 
dicho g. alcaldes, y cabildo rreconosiendole por comiss del santo off. 
y que en el exercicio de su off. le siruirian y ayudarian en todo como 
fieles cristianos de la yglecia y del santo triuunal y el dicho padre 
comiss. tuuo en respuesta mui honrradas correspondencias con todos de 
que doy fe, con que uuo gl. aplauso 

Fr. Alonso de Benauides Fr. P de hortega 

comiss. (rubrica) not (rubrica) 

A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 356, ff. 291-292 v. 


Marques de la Nava de Barcinas 

(From Jose Perez Balsera, LaudemuH viros glorioson et. parentea nostros in generationc 
sua (Madrid. 1931). See paare 208 


IN THE last half of the seventeenth century (c. 1664-1680) 
Juan de Archuleta led a small military expedition north- 
east from New Mexico to bring back some Taos Indians who 
had fled to a spot in eastern Colorado afterwards known as 
El Cuartelejo what seems to have been the first recorded 
European expedition to penetrate into the region which is 
now the state of Colorado. 1 The documentary evidence on 
this expedition is scant, and the route followed is conjectural. 
But much of Archuleta's trail must have been familiar 
ground, for during the two decades preceding the Pueblo 
Revolt of 1680 it is apparent that frontiersmen from the 
Spanish settlements of the Upper Rio Grande were already 
opening up what in the eighteenth century came to be the 
most travelled routes from New Mexico into Colorado. 2 

After the Archuleta expedition it is generally stated that 
the next recorded Spanish expedition to enter what is now 
Colorado was the one led by Uribarri to El Cuartelejo in 
1706. 3 But it is my purpose to show that Governor Vargas of 
New Mexico led an expedition up the Rio Grande Valley into 
what is now Colorado in July 1694, an episode which has been 
overlooked. This Vargas expedition of 1694 is the first 

1. Alfred B. Thomas, "Spanish Expeditions into Colorado," in The Colorado Mag- 
azine, I (November, 1924), 291-292; and his After Coronado, Spanish Exploration 
Northeast of New Mexico, 16^-6-1727 (Norman, 1935), 153, 261. 

2. These were the series of trails which led north from Santa Fe to Taos, then 
either north up the river valley into central Colorado, the principal course followed by 
the slowly advancing stream of Spanish and Mexican settlement, or east over the 
Culebra Mountains and finally northeast to the valley of the Purgatoire River. From 
here explorers and Indian fighters proceeded north into the eastern plains of the state, 
The return was generally over one or another of these same trails. There were other 
routes later followed by the Spaniards to enter Colorado. One was northwest toward 
the La Plata Mountains in southwestern Colorado. Some expeditions went as far as 
the Gunnison River ; one crossed the state and penetrated to the Great Basin. Cf . 
Thomas, "Spanish Expeditions into Colorado," 290. 

3. Cf. Thomas, After Coronado, 16. Vargas' expedition northeast of Santa F4 
in pursuit of Picuries Indians in 1696, which came as a result of a rebellion on the 
part of certain Indian groups in the fall of that year, probably reached only into 
northeastern New Mexico. 



Spanish expedition from New Mexico north into Colorado of 
which we have definite recorded information. The hitherto 
unutilized original day-to-day account of the expedition, 
upon which I base my story, may be found in the unpublished 
official campaign records of Governor Vargas for the year 
in question. 4 

This expedition, accidental in origin, took place during 
the reconquest of the Pueblo region under Vargas. The first 
objective in the reconquest, the reoccupation of the walled 
city of Santa Fe had been realized on January 1, 1694. This 
was significant, for Santa Fe became the base of operations 
from which all New Mexico was eventually reconquered. 
Nevertheless, for several years thereafter Vargas and his 
colony were to all intents and purposes stranded on a barren 
island, for although they were safely intrenched within the 
walls of Santa Fe food was dangerously scarce and all be- 
yond was hostile. Of twenty-odd pueblos only four were 
the allies of the Spaniards : Pecos, and the Keres of Santa 
Ana, Sia, and San Felipe. These had remained faithful to 
their promises of 1692. The hostile natives of the other 
pueblos had barricaded themselves on the mesas and on the 
rims of the canyons. Those of Jemez and the Keres of Santo 
Domingo were on the mesas near their respective pueblos; 
the other Keres were on the mesa of La Cieneguilla de Co- 
chiti ; most of the Tanos and the Tewas were on the mesa of 
San Ildef onso, the rest in nearby canyons ; and the Picuries 
and Taos (the northern Tiwas) were in their original 

As for provisions, on June 2, 1694, Vargas wrote a letter 
to the viceroy in which he said that the Spanish colonists at 

4. "Testim de los Autos de Guerra de la Reconq u de este R no de la Nueba Mexico 
. . . Ano de 1694," in the Archive General de la Naci6n, Mexico City, Historia, tomo 
89. This is Vargas' official campaign journal for the period January 23 to July 16, 
1694. Vargas entered Colorado on July 8 of that year. There are transcripts of these 
documents in the Bolton Collection, Bancroft Library, Berkeley. Among the badly 
damaged, and in this case inadequate, fragments of the original copy of the journal 
for this period preserved in the Santa F6 Archive, Santa Fe, New Mexico, are entries 
for January 28-30, February 11 to March 5, March 26 to May 30, June 16, June 23-29, 
July 1-6, and July 8-26. 


Santa Fe, over 1,100 persons, were destitute. 5 They had no 
livestock except 500 horses. Continued hostilities prevented 
the people from planting their fields, so they still depended 
upon what they were able to pilfer from the granaries of 
the surrounding Indian pueblos and what was sent up from 
Mexico. Toward the end of June, Father Farfan arrived at 
Santa Fe with his long delayed colony of sixty-one and a 
half families from Mexico. 8 This meant more reinforce- 
ments but it also meant additional mouths to feed, so with 
both of these ideas in mind Vargas decided to embark upon a 
campaign to crush the rebellious nations of Jemez and Santo 
Domingo. Both of these continued their murderous forays 
against the three friendly Keres pueblos. The plan was to 
make the expedition immediately. A public proclamation 
was made by the official crier to the sound of military instru- 
ments as was customary on such occasions, and the little 
army was assembled. But the Rio Grande was found run- 
ning dangerously high so the expedition was temporarily 
postponed. 7 

In view of this delay and the pressing need of feeding 
the colony, Vargas decided upon a quick trip to the Tano and 
Tewa pueblos, thence to Picuries, for the purpose of stocking 
up with maize from their abandoned granaries. If necessary 
he was prepared to go even as far as Taos. 8 As it turned out 
he went even farther north, into what is now southern Colo- 
rado, before the expedition was completed. 

On June 30, 1694, the expedition started, proceeding in 
two divisions, Vargas and the faithful Don Juan, the Pecos 
chieftain, in the vanguard with fifty leather- jackets and an 
army of Pecos allies, and fifty militia with the pack train 
bringing up the rear. 9 At Cuyamungue, four leagues north 

5. Diego de Vargas to the Count of Galve, Santa Fe, June 2, 1694. Archive 
General de la Nacion, Mexico City, (hereafter referred to by A. G. N.), Historia, tomo 

6. Vargas' journal, June 23, 1694, ibid. Bancroft erroneously states that this 
second colony consisted of seventy families, as did the original one. (H. H. Bancroft, 
History of Arizona and New Mexico, (San Francisco, 1889), 206. 

7. Vargas' journal, June 28-29, 1694. 

8. Ibid., June 29, 1694. 

9. Ibid., June 28, 30, and July 4, 1694. 


of Santa Fe, a group of Indians attacked the vanguard, and 
refusing to listen to peaceful overtures they did not take to 
flight until eleven of them had been killed. An inspection of 
the mesa of San Ildefonso brought forth manifestations of 
enmity in the form of yelling and war whoops. Vargas made 
no attempt to provoke a battle, and camped on the edge of 
the Rio Grande a league from the mesa. 10 Turning eastward 
from the Rio Grande up the valley of the Santa Cruz River, 
the expedition passed through San Lazaro and San Crist6- 
bal, u whose residents had planted their fields, then to the 
former hacienda of Moraga 1 * seven leagues from where they 
had pitched camp the night before. 13 Picuries, on the edge of 
the canyon, 14 was reached toward evening. It was aban- 
doned, but Vargas set up a cross in the square and refused to 
allow pillage of any kind." 

A rough and trying mountain pass led to Taos. This 
pueblo was likewise found abandoned, but crosses had been 
placed on all of the houses. Vargas believed that this had 
been done as an act of piety born of fear, which was exactly 
the idea that the crafty Indians meant to convey, hoping thus 
to prevent the Spaniards from molesting their property and 

10. Ibid., June 80, 1694. 

11. These pueblos, on the site of the former Spanish town of Santa Cruz, were now 
abandoned. Their residents had removed to the rebel stronghold on the mesa of San 
Ildefonso (Ibid., March 20-23, April 23, May 23, 1694). There is material evidence to 
show that there was an Indian pueblo at Pueblito, near the present Potrero, about two 
miles east of Santa Cruz, on the Santa Cruz River. This may have been the exact 
site of the pueblos at one time or another during the wanderings of their Tanos inhabi- 
tants, as some historians state, but this is only a surmise ; there are other ruins in the 

The Tanos of San Lazaro and San Crist6bal had moved from their original pueblos 
south of Santa Fe to the Santa Cruz valley after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 in order to 
be closer to their allies. (For a description of the location and ruins of the former 
pueblos in the vicinity of Galisteo, and a statement of reasons for their removal in 
1680, cf. R. E. Twitchell, The Leading Facts of New Mexican History (2v., Cedar 
Rapids, 1911), I, 369-860, n. 868; F. W. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians North 
of Mexico (2v., Washington, 1907-10), II, 428, 446). 

12. The hacienda of Moraga mentioned in the diary was probably the one 
later the property of Antonia de Moraga, who held land in the vicinity of Chimay6 
after the Pueblo Revolt. Cf. Twitchell, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico (2v. f 
Cedar Rapids, 1914), I, titles 496, 1021. 

18. Vargas' journal, July 1, 1694. 

14. Vargas must have turned north through the Truchas country. 

16. Ibid., July 2, 1694. 


looting their granaries. 16 A cross was set up by Vargas in 
an open square between the two great communal dwellings. 
Sergeant Major Antonio Jorge was sent to plant another 
cross at the entrance to the heavily wooded mountain canyon 
about a half a league north of the pueblo, which was known 
to be their place of refuge. On the way a group of Apaches 
appeared. They shook hands in friendly manner, and said 
that they had been trading with the Taos when Governor 
Pacheco heard of Vargas* coming, for which reason he and 
his people had fled to the entrance of the canyon, whence the 
Apaches had accompanied them. 

Vargas went with fifteen men to plead with Pacheco at 
the mountain retreat, with Don Juan, the Pecos leader, as 
interpreter. But Pacheco stubbornly refused to talk. Don 
Juan, then, blind to Vargas* warnings, decided to spend the 
night in the mountains with Pacheco in order to speak with 
him and attempt to win him over. In the presence of every- 
one he divested himself of his spurs arid powder pouch, put 
down his cloak, shield, and arquebus, embraced Vargas, and 
leaving even his mule behind, went unarmed to join the 
enemy. Whereupon Vargas returned to where his men were, 
and pitched camp by the river a short distance below the 
pueblo, there to await an answer." 

But no answer was forthcoming. And on the following 
morning, when Vargas returned to parley with the enemy, 
it was learned that they had moved farther into the moun- 
tain, at the entrance to which guards had been posted behind 
the rocks and thickets. And when Don Juan was asked for, 
the rebels answered with vague and ambiguous phrases. He 
was never seen again. Vargas waited till past noon, and 
then he ordered the sacking of the pueblo. The lower rooms 
were broken into with an iron crow bar, and until evening 
the Indian allies were engaged in loading the mules with 
fresh maize. 18 That night all was silence in the direction of 
the mountain retreat of Taos, but across the canyon leading 

16. Ibid., July 4, 1694. 

17. Ibid., July 3, 1694. 

18. Ibid., July 4, 1694. 


south to Picuries a great smoke could be seen in the moon- 
light. On the following day smoke signals in increasing 
numbers could be seen on the mountain tops all around the 
valley of Taos. 19 

Since it was impossible to transport the recently 
acquired heavy loads of grain over the difficult mountain 
passes by way of Picuries without great risk, even danger of 
the camp being trapped by the rebels and annihilated, Var- 
gas and the leaders decided that it would be much safer to 
return to Santa Fe round about through the Ute country, on 
the fringes of what is now southern Colorado, thence to the 
capital by way of the Chama River. 20 The expedition left at 
midnight, July 6, supposedly unobserved. But after having 
traveled about a half a league northward along the edge of 
the mountains in which the Taos had hidden themselves, the 
sight of a low fire signal gave indication that they were being 
followed. The Spaniards marched in three divisions, each 
one close at the heels of the other : forty soldiers in the van- 
guard led by the field captain Juan Olguin, with the train 
and luggage, Vargas and the fighting squadron in the middle, 
and Eusebio de Vargas and thirty soldiers in the rear, all 
travelling on horses and mules. 21 

On the morning of July 7, about six leagues north of 
Arroyo Hondo, the camp was ambushed by about eighty 
Taos Indians, five of whom were killed and two captured 
before the others took to flight. The captives were ques- 
tioned, and from one of them it was learned that Pacheco 
had thirty Indians spying on the Spaniards all the way, and 
that Governor Juan of Pecos was alive but held prisoner. 
Both of the Indians were absolved and shot. 

19. Ibid., July 5, 1694. 

20. Ibid., July 6, 1694. This plan was suggested by some of the older members 
of the expedition, former residents of New Mexico who apparently knew the route. 

21. Ibid. 


Vargas continued on to the Rio Colorado, 22 the confines 
of which were inhabited by the Apaches del Acho 23 and whose 
meadows were the pasture ground of the buffalo, as the great 
amount of dung indicated. After passing through a beauti- 
ful country of many fertile river-valleys and tree-arched 
arroyos, Vargas camped on the edge of the Culebra River, 584 
nine long leagues north of the Rio Colorado. 25 The Culebra 
River was followed westward four long leagues to where it 
emptied into the Rio Grande, then down the Rio Grande 

22. Ibid., July 7, 1694. The route: two and a half leagues from the camp near 
Taos to the Arroyo Hondo ; ten leagues to the Rio Colorado, including the two and a 
half leagues to the Arroyo Hondo. 

23. Ibid., July 8, 1694. This is the first known reference to this Apache tribe. 
Twelve years later Juan de Uribarri refers to the "Achos" among the Apache groups 
which lived in the same region when he passsed through on his way to El Cuartelejo 
(Cf. "Diary of Ulibarrtf," in Thomas, After Coronado, 63). Are these Apaches del 
Acho the "Acha" of Castaneda's account of the Coronado expedition, whom Bandelier 
identified with the Picuries? (Cf. Hodge, op. cit., II, 245.) 

24. Ibid. Vargas' route between Taos and the Culebra River seeems to have 
been approximately the same one later followed by Anza on his way back from the 
Comanche country in 1779. Compare with the diary of Governor Anza's expedition 
against the Comanche in Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 137, and Anza's map, ibid., 

25. Vargas' journal, July 8, 1694. The present Culebra River in precisely this 
vicinity enters the Rio Grande about fourteen miles north of the New Mexico-Colorado 
line. I here reproduce in translation the extract from Vargas' diary which tells the 
story of the crossing into Colorado : 

Said governor and captain-general On the eighth of the present month of 

reaches the Culebra River and July of this year, I, said governor and captain- 

with the camp spends the night general, called upon the interpreters of this 

there. expedition, and they informed me that the 

mountains that run along the edge of the Rio 
Colorado are inhabited by the Apaches del 

Acho, and that the Ute nation, which we are looking for, does not countenance them 
in their land, for which reason I should flee from this place, which is also the farthest 
point to which the rebel Taos Indians, who still have sentinels and spies watching us, 
come out on the trail of the buffalo, the dung of which has been found in different parts, 
as along the descents from the mountain to the river. 

And in order that the Utes, whom we are seeking, may know of our arrival in the 
kingdom of New Mexico and the villa of Santa Fe, I ordered that large smoke signals 
be raised, and I marched on with the camp to the Culebra River, it being nine long 
leagues distance, and all country of extended valleys and many arroyos with groves 
of trees. It is evident, from the dung which was found, that the buffalo pastures here. 
Having reached the Culebra River at six o'clock in the evening I pitched camp in order 
to spend the night with my men on its bank. 

In testimony of said march I signed this with the military leaders and my secre- 
tary of war and government. 

Don Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon Antonio Jorge Diego Arias de 
Quiros Antonio Valverde. Before me, Alfonso Rael de Aguilar, Secretary of War 
and Government. 


several leagues to a steep walled ford, 20 and across four 
leagues west of this point to the San Antonio River, which 
faced the mountain of the same name. 27 Here several days 
were spent hunting buffalo and elk. On one occasion a herd 
of over five hundred buffalo was seen in a meadow in the San 
Antonio Mountains, but they stampeded when an attempt 
was made to hunt them down, and only about twenty-three 
were killed. 28 

Suddenly, on July 11, just before dawn, the camp was 
raided by a group of Utes armed with bows and arrows and 
war clubs. 28 The Spaniards were taken completely by sur- 
prise, and six were wounded before the alarm brought 
resistance. After eight Utes had been killed, the others fled 
across the river. 80 From there they waved a buckskin as a 
flag of peace, and cried out "Anche pauiche," meaning in 
their language "My friend and brother." Then they re- 
crossed the river and mingled peacefully as though nothing 
had occurred. They were given gifts of maize, dried meat, 
a horse, and numerous European trifles. There were about 
three hundred of them counting the women. 81 

Their apologetic explanation of the reason for their 
surprise attack was quite plausible. They pointed out how 
before the revolt of 1680 they had been the friends of the 
Spaniards, but had always been the enemies of the Tewas, 
Tanos, Picuries, Jemez, and Keres. During the period of 
pueblo independence these rebels had often come to this 
region to hunt buffalo disguised as Spaniards, mounted, and 
with leather jackets, leather hats, firearms, and even a bugle, 
all of which they had taken from the Spaniards at the time of 
the revolt. Whenever they went on these excursions the 

26. Ibid., July 9, 1694. 

27. Ibid., July 10, 1694. 

28. Ibid., July 10-11. 1694. 

29. Ibid., July 11, 1694. Not the night of the 12th as Bancroft states. (Ban- 
croft, op. cit., 210.) 

30. Vargas' journal, July 11, 1694. Bancroft is again erroneous in his statement 
that eight Spaniards were killed, instead of eight Utes. (Bancroft, op. cit., 210.) 

81. Vargas" journal, July 11, 1694. 


Utes had attacked them, hence the recent misfortune, a result 
of mistaken identity. 33 

From here the expedition proceeded southward to the 
vicinity of Ojo Caliente, and by way of the Chama River to 
San Juan. 33 Thence the pack train and most of the camp 
were sent directly to Santa Fe, while Vargas, with forty sol- 
diers, went to reconnoiter the mesa of San Ildefonso. The 
rebels were still strongly intrenched there. As he had no 
desire to provoke a battle, he joined the vanguard at Jacona, 
and the united expedition entered Santa Fe by way of 
Tesuque on July 16. 84 

During the seventeen day excursion the expedition had 
covered over one hundred and twenty leagues, 35 a protracted 
journey, but all of the much needed grain reached its destina- 
tion safely, so the trip was a success. 86 For this reason alone 
the expedition was important. The large amount of maize 
pilfered at Taos was now distributed among the families at 
Santa Fe. 87 

Saint Louis University, 
Saint Louis, Missouri 

82. Ibid. 

38. Ibid., July 12-15, 1694. 

84. Ibid., July 15-16, 1694. 

85. Ibid., July 16, 1694. 

86. Ibid. 

37. Ibid., July 17. 1694. 


Chapter XVII 

[May 20, 1881. ] . . . Put on my full uniform and paid a visit 
of state to Pedro Pino, one of the head men, formerly gover- 
nor and father to Patricio, the present governor: with me 
went Palfrey, whose services proved to be of the greatest 
value to me. 1 When we entered the room, the old man was 
employed in tying feathers to little sticks which, as he soon 
told us were to be planted in the fields to insure good crops. 
He arose and made us welcome and sent one of the squaws 
to bring us a wooden trestle to serve as a seat, after a very 
fine blanket had been spread over it. 

"I see you have on a uniform," said the old man, "wait 
a moment until I put on my good clothing" ; and, suiting the 
action to the word, he drew from a rack in the corner a long- 
tailed red-flannel shirt which he donned with becoming 
dignity and was then ready for business. I explained to 
Pedro in my best Spanish that I was an officer of the army, 
that the Great Father had sent me out to see him and his 
son, as well as to see my friend, Gushing, in whose career the 
Great Father took the liveliest interest 2 ; that I was very 
much disappointed in not being able to see Gushing who 
could so well explain all that I wanted to say and that, in his 
absence, I would only hope that Pedro and I might under- 
stand each other in Spanish. Many of the old army officers, 
I continued, remembered Pedro and spoke of him in the 
kindest way and from them I had learned that he knew more 
than any other Zuni of the history, traditions and customs 
of his tribe. It was asserted by some ignorant people that 
the Zufiis were not a bit different from the wild Indians who 
roamed the plains and were only a little above the level of 
the brute, but I knew better than this and wished that Pedro 
would give me a list of the families or clans of his people 
so that I could show the white men when I returned to 

1. Oh Palfrey, see page 118. 

2. On Frank H. Gushing, see paffe 94. 



Washington that the Zufiis were a most excellent race, equal 
to the Americans in every respect. In making this speech 
I was obliged to deal much in exaggeration and flattery, but 
the bait took and my hopes were gratified beyond my antici- 
pations. Before the old chief could reply, I explained to him 
that Palfrey was also an officer like myself and that the 
absence of his wagons was the reason why he did not appear 
in full uniform in honor of the occasion. Our conversation 
and uniform combined seemed to make a great impression 
upon Pedro and much to my delight he became very com- 

"These feathers, you see," he said, "are to bring us rain. 
All the Zufiis will plant these feather sticks in the ground 
and water will come down on their crops." The Zunis (he 
continued), were a very good people and widely different in 
habits and behavior from the Apaches and Navajoes who 
were very bad. The Zunis never had but one wife, while 
the other Indians had three or four. There are many 
"gentes" here. (Using the Spanish word "gente" to mean 
"gens" or "clan.") When a young man marries he goes to 
live with his wife's gens and his children belong to that gens. 
Now I, Pedro Pino, am one of the Aguila (eagle) gens, but 
my wife belongs to the Guacamayo (Parrot) gens and all 
my children belong to the same gens. And I live with my 
wife's people but when I die the Eagle gens will bury me, 
because I am an Eagle and have been a great captain in that 
gens. The names of these gentes are as follows : 

1. Agua water. 

2. Grulla crane. 

3. Aguila eagle. 

4. Oso bear. 

5. Coyote cayote. 

6. Guacamayo owl? (Huacamayo Macaw Parrot.) 

7. Maiz corn (Toacue, Zuni.) 

8. Tortuga tortoise. 

9. Polilli road runner. 

10. Bunchi tobacco. 

11. Palo amarillo yellow stick 8 (ta-subchi-cue, Zuni). 

12. Sol sun. 

13. Olla-jocue sunflower? 

14. Tejon 'badger. 

3. Bourke adds the following note: I think now (July 20th, 1881) that this gens 
is the Palmilla or Yucca, which is also found among the Tegua Pueblos. 


The old man repeated each name twice and after I had 
written them down, the list was read to him for correction. 
With 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, and 12, there was no difficulty at all. 
No. 6, he explained was a small bird about the size of the 
"gabilan bianco" (white sparrow-hawk) which lived in this 
land and flew above us in the sky. Palfrey and I both con- 
jectured from this explanation that it must be an owl. 4 
No. 9 Palfrey identified from the feathers which Pedro 
showed him to be the "road-runner," a variety of tufted 
grouse having two long stiff feathers projecting from its 
tail and deriving its American name from its habit of run- 
ning swiftly up and down roads and trails in Arizona and 
New Mexico. No. 10, we were told was "tobacco," probably 
the plant smoked by the Zunis. Pedro said it was not 
American tobacco. Concerning the identity of 11 and 13, 
we were completely in the dark, but surmised that the former 
might be the osier and the latter the sunflower. Our host 
endeavored to make us know what Olla-jocue was by saying 
that it was a small plant not more than two feet high with 
a yellow flower. This account agreed perfectly with the 
description of the wild sun-flower of this Western country. 

He gave us the clan captains: 

Agua Juan Setimo, the silver smith. 

Grulla Juan. 

Aguila himself, Pedro Pino. 

Oso Francisco 

Coyote Santiago. 

Guacamayo . 

Maiz Jose Palle. 
Tortuga Vicente. 
Polilli Vicente No. 2. 
Tejon . 


Palo Amarillo 
Sol Manuel. 

Clans marked were not given. 

"The people of Laguna and Acoma are divided the same 
as we, but you must go there to ask them ; my grandson, Na- 
poleon, is governor of Acoma. In Zuni, we call 

4. Note by Bourke: It proved to be the Mexican Huacamayo or Macaw parrot 
of Sonora. 


Father ta-chu. 
Mother si-ta. 
Uncle chachu. 
Aunt cha-se. 
Cousin horn-sue. 
Brother hom-papu. 

The old fellow went on to tell us that each Indian in the 
pueblo had been baptized and had a name given, but he 
evaded my inquiries as to the Indian names they have, if any. 

He said that each gens had its captain or cacique and 
over the whole community presided the "gobernador." There 
was also a cacique of the sun who watched the sun and ap- 
prised the people when the time for planting, etc., had come. 
He eluded all our efforts to ascertain who this "cacique of the 
Sun" was. His orders had to be obeyed by everybody when 
he gave them ; one of the principal functions of this cacique 
was to kindle the sacred fire in honor of the Sun. The Sun 
was good for the Zunis, but the rattlesnake was bad. 

In playing their great national game of "kicking the 
sticks," the different clans sent their representative play- 
ers to the field, decked and painted with clan "totems ;" thus 
the Eagle gens would be painted with yellow specks on 
front of body to represent that bird; the Agua (water) 
would have a toad on belly ; the Crane, painted like a crane 
on the back ; the Bear, like a bear in front ; the cayote painted 
with white clay to resemble that animal; the Corn would 
have the fruit and flowers of that plant on back; the Tor- 
toise, painted like a tortoise on back ; the Road-runners would 
wear a crest of feathers ; the Badger, white stripes down his 
face ; the Tobacco, the Bunchi plant on breast ; the Palo Ama- 
rillo, that plant in yellow on the breast ; the Sun, a blue, rayed 
sun on the back, while the Olla-jocue had arms, hands and 
feet painted white. 

Our visit, thus far, had been most satisfactory, but I 
had now to suffer a very decided rebuff. I asked Pedro if he 
would not let me accompany him to the fields and help him 
plant the medicine feathers which he had been making dur- 
ing our conversation. 

"My friend," rejoined the old man, "everybody in this 
world has his own business to attend to ; for instance, there 
is the maestro, (i. e., the school-master, the missionary, Rev. 
Dr. Ealy) he has his business, he teaches school ; then there 
is Mr. Graham, he has his business, he sells flour and sugar 


and coffee in his store, and I have my business, I am going to 
plant these feathers and so, everybody has his own business." 

I got the idea from this remark that my services as a 
planter would not be needed, and, therefore, thought I would 
get the old man in a good humor by thanking him for all he 
had told me and inviting him to go down to Mr. Graham's 
store for a present of sugar. When we reached the store, 
Mr. Graham made his dog climb up and down a ladder for 
our amusement ; this is an accomplishment in which all the 
dogs of the Zuni are proficient ; the little babies also begin 
to ascend and descend these ladders at an extremely early 
age; indeed, I saw numbers of naked children that couldn't 
have been two years old, climbing up and down with the 
greatest of freedom. 

Looked down into an "estufa," which was 65' long, 25' 
wide, and 8' high, built of sandstone rubble laid in mud, 
foundation just upon ground. Entrance by ladders. Air- 
hole one foot square in roof and three windows, each one 
foot square, with sills of sandstone; no panes of glass or 

Called, with Palfrey, upon Dr. and Mrs. Ealy and Miss 
Hannecker, Presbyterian missionaries and teacher. 

The Zunis have the game of "fox and geese," played 
upon slabs of sandstone, marked in squares. Rude straw 
matting is made for covers to doors. The chimneys are 
made of "ollas," the "flues" are built of stone and mud and 

In the evening, I had a long conversation with Charles 
Franklin, to whom I read the list of "gentes" obtained from 
Pedro. Franklin is not a man of fine education, but is un- 
usually clear-headed. He understood at once what I meant 
by "gentes," altho' he persisted in calling them "cliques." He 
said he thought the list was almost complete, except that it 
lacked the Snake, the Wolf and the Deer or Antelope gente, 
which he was certain existed. The "cayote" may be a clan 
which Franklin designates as the "Wolf," and I agree with 
him in believing that there may be a small Rattlesnake gens, 
because Palfrey and I saw the figure of that reptile worked 
in high relief on a single piece of pottery this afternoon ; for 
the like reason, we do not deny that there may be a Deer 
gens, since the figure of the deer frequently occurs upon 
their ollas and vases. 


Franklin instanced a curious superstition prevalent 
among the Zufiis. They reverence the sun-flower highly and 
when absent upon some commercial or warlike expedition 
at a distance from home, the Zuni warrior will pluck one of 
these flowers from its stem, breathe a prayer upon it and cast 
it from him with all his strength. If the flower fall down- 
ward, the Zuni knows that his wife has been untrue to 
him; but if it turn toward him or the Sun, the loyalty of 
the absent spouse is established beyond question. 

Each "clique," said Franklin, has a cacique, whose 
office is elective, not hereditary; the tenure is for life or 
during good behavior. These caciques elect the "tapoop," or 
gobernador, who holds his place for two (2) years. The 
election is secret, but generally a fair representation of the 
wishes of the community which the caciques from their 
office have the best means for learning. 

Deposition is likewise determined upon in secret; some 
12 or 15 years ago, one of their tapoops was deposed for 
inefficiency. The manner of proceeding was about as fol- 
lows: the caciques assembled with "closed doors" and se- 
lected (3) three of their number who were to effectually 
disguise themselves and perform the ceremony of deposing 
the old governor and installing the new. The whole tribe 
was assembled, all being present who were not sick, except- 
ing the caciques who from motives of prudence remained 
concealed or if they mingled among the crowd did so in dis- 
guise. The three (3) deputies now entered, all muffled up 
and one of them dressed as an old woman. The delinquent 
tapoop was brought before them and in squeaky artificial 
voices they reproached him with his inefficiencies and short- 
comings and he was then commanded to surrender his baton 
of office. Then the "old woman" took a rag and slapped the 
deposed tapoop in the face with it, saying that he was no 
better than an old woman and should now begone. The 
complete disguise of the judges and the fact that only three 
of the caciques officiated would naturally increase the diffi- 
culty of determining their personality, in case the deposed 
official should at any time contemplate revenge. 

Franklin said that each cacique has his specific duties ; 
he of the sun is the "time-keeper" and perhaps, has more 
power than any of the others. He notifies the "tapoop" who 
is the executive officer of the town, when the time has come 


for planting, reaping, etc., and that for the celebration of 
any of their feasts. 

At the commencement of their new year, some time in 
December when the days are very short, (Winter Solstice?) 
they put out all fires and sweep the chimneys clean ; sweep 
and clean out all their houses. New fires are kindled from 
the sacred fire, which is either a fire made and blessed by 
the caciques or else is one they preserve, I don't know where. 
When I was first with them I had been for a long time sick 
with scarlet fever, and about the time this fire feast came 
on, I was lying on my bed, alone in the house and feeling 
chilly, got up and kindled a little flame to warm myself. The 
smoke, escaping from the chimney, betrayed and aroused 
the indignation and fears of the caciques, who hurried to 
the house where I was living and found me suffering from 
a relapse brought on by over-exertion. They cautioned me 
against my indiscretion and said that my sickness was a 
just punishment for having committed the crime of kindling 
that fire, that I was now a Zuni, I must conform to their 
ways, unless I wished bad luck to pursue me, when I violated 
them. For (10) ten days, they allowed no fire at all, except 
in cases of greatest necessity, such as cooking a small amount 
of food. No one is allowed to smoke in the streets and no- 
body eats any meat for the first (4) four days. If a man 
should eat any meat during those four days, he would die. 

They made peace with the Apaches (150) one hundred 
and fifty years ago and have kept it ever since. They know 
the Navajoes and the Pueblos very well and do a good deal 
of trading with them. They used to have wars with the 
the Navajoes and the tops of their houses were protected by 
parapets when I first came here. There were no doors on 
the lower floors ; all these doors have been put in since 1865. 
They told me that during the Navajo war, (1862-3) one of 
their men betrayed symptoms of cowardice. They held a 
sort of a court martial over him and sentenced him to 
run the gauntlet ; he was beaten to death with clubs. 

"They eat peaches, the only fruit they raise ; pifion nuts, 
they have no acorns; pumpkin, squash and melon seeds as 
well as the fruits themselves ; the roots of wild cane (carri- 
zo) ; the bulb of the tule; wild dates (Spanish bayonet) and 
the tuna (nopal cactus.) They plant corn, wheat, beans 
(f rijoles) , chile, melons, squashes, pumpkins, onions, garlic, 
parsley and peaches. The Zufiis and other Pueblos use a 


great deal of mutton tallow in their cooking. They have a 
"Buffalo Dance" in the winter, which, according to their 
traditions, is the dance to secure a good hunt. The buffalo, 
they say, used to come near here, that is nearer than it has 
done in our time. 5 They don't hunt buffalo now. They eat 
deer, antelope, jack-rabbits and dogs, crickets, grasshoppers, 
horses, mules, donkeys, beef, mutton and kid. They eat 
rats (field rats) . They won't eat squirrels or hogs, but will 
eat bacon. They have horned cattle, sheep, goats, donkeys, 
horses, chickens, hogs and turkeys. They won't eat chick- 
ens or eggs, but keep them to sell and raise eagles for their 
feathers ; they catch them when they're young. They attach 
great importance to the "medicine" power of the eagle 
feather which the clowns use in their dances. One of these 
dances is a very wonderful thing. I must tell you about it, 
as I saw it years ago and up to that time at least was cer- 
tainly the only American who ever had seen it. 6 

They are extremely superstitious in regard to persons 
suffering gun-shot wounds. They think that presence in 
the room in which is a woman about to be confined will have 
a disastrous effect upon the new-born child. This danger can 
be obviated by calling in the medicine men who will repeat 
prayers and then blow ashes up the chimney. 

A little baby is carefully rubbed with ashes, which they 
think act as a depilatory and keep hair from growing on 
face and body. 

Women, as a general rule, bear the pangs of childbirth 
with great ease. When the time of accouchement has 
arrived, they prepare a bed of sand upon which the patient 
kneels, easing her pains by pulling upon raw^hide ropes 
attached to the rafters. During labor she is assisted by one 
or two old women. In their treatment of lying-in women, 
the Zunis closely resemble the Navajoes. They do not com- 
mit proticide, and are very fond of their children, whom 
they rarely, if ever, punish. Bastards are treated with the 
same consideration as legitimate children. The names of 
these Zunis are of Spanish origin received in baptism, to 

5. This tradition must date from prehistoric times. At least, Coronado's men in 
1540 saw no buffalo until they got east of the Pecos river. 

6. It has seemed best to delete the brief description which follows, but the editor 
will furnish it to any student of ethnology who requests it. Bourke himself comments : 
"This peculiar ceermony can safely be set down as a survival of phallic worship, having 
for its object the development of amorous tendencies among the growing girls to induce 
them to marry early." 


which most of the older people have been subjected. Each 
has a second name which it is almost impossible for a stran- 
ger to obtain. Their names are not changed after reaching 
maturity. A system of ward and guardianship seems to 
obtain among them. 

The Zuni women wear an underskirt of calico and over 
this a blanket dress made exactly like those of the Moquis 
extending from shoulder to knee, fastened at right shoulder 
and leaving the left arm shoulder and upper half of left 
bust exposed. It is fastened again under arm-pits (but 
leaving room for nursing their babies from under the arms) 
and from waist to extremities, much as the dress of the 
Shoshonee women. A red and yellow worsted girdle, four 
inches wide, confines the dress at the waist and a pattern 
of herringbone stitch is darned in blue in the skirt at hem 
and in red or yellow at the right shoulder. These dresses 
in color are black or dark blue and sometimes have scarlet 
bands woven at the upper and lower borders. Their leggings 
and moccasins have already been described. Women fre- 
quently wear aprons and while within doors a square blanket 
thrown around neck; in the open air, this is used as a "ta- 
palo"; it is at times replaced by a square piece of cloth 
whose ends are made to serve the double purpose of dish- 
clout and handkerchief. The arms, necks and busts of the 
Zuni women who have not outlived their first youth, are 
beautifully rounded, owing, I imagine, to their habit of 
working at grinding meal and also of carrying large jars 
of water on their heads. This last practice no doubt 
strengthens the spine and shoulders and keeps them in 
shape. The men, when out of doors are nearly always envel- 
oped in blankets. They use the fibre of the Spanish bayonet 
for thread and the feathers of the wild turkey and eagle to 
ornament their heads and hats. 

The cradles of the Zuni children differ but slightly if at 
all, from those of the Apaches, Navajoes, Shoshones, Sioux, 
and other tribes. The shape is practically the same, altho' 
the ornamentation employed by each tribe may be peculiar 
to itself. But, very frequently, the Zuni mother, in a hurry 
to run out and gossip with some neighbor, will pick up her 
infant and carry it on her back, wrapped in her blanket. 

Their necklaces are made of beads of malachite, of sea- 
shells, silver buttons and balls, made by themselves. Their 
finger rings are of silver and their ear-rings and bangles of 


same material cannot be distinguished from those made by 
the Navajoes. They wear no nose-rings, nose-sticks or 

The hair of both men and women is gathered care- 
fully together at the back of the head and wrapped with red 
yarn ; that growing on sides and forehead is suffered to hang 
loose, with a part on one side. Very often, the men wear 
a bandeau or bandana or colored muslin tied about the 
forehead, the same as the Navajoes and Apaches. The 
women never wear these bands, but part the hair on the side, 
brush it down flat on sides and cut off the ends square at 
the level of the mouth. 

For toys, the Zuni children have tops, bows and arrows, 
slings, dolls and doll's dresses, and also are allowed to play 
with very young puppies and with dead kids stuffed with 
hair or wool for this purpose. 

Both boys and girls play "shinny," and "fox and geese," 
the shinny ball is made of buckskin stuffed with wool and 
in shape is flat like a pat of butter. The men play "sock- 
ball" and a game something like our "hen and chickens." 
They have among them a modification of the "odd or even" 
of the Shoshonees ; a white ball or stick is hidden under one 
of several tiles (made of pottery) and its place is determined 
by guess-work. They have ten (10) tally straws and in all 
its other features adhere to the practice of the game as 
played by the tribes farther to the North. They engage 
in this contest with much zest, saying many prayers and 
singing many refrains. They don't often play cards. 

For musical instruments, they make gourd-rattles, and 
use strings of shells, tortoise shells and antelope or sheep 
toes, drums, & flageolets. They have drums made of great 
crockery "ollas" covered with skin & beaten with peculiarly 
shaped sticks : and for same purpose use hollow logs covered 
all over with skin. They make great use of these last two 
kinds in their Harvest dance, in which one bevy of young 
maidens is kept at work grinding corn for the feast, while 
others sing and dance. 

The Zunis look to be undersized, but have good physical 
proportions. The expressions of their faces are generally 
pleasant and good-natured and their muscles are well devel- 
oped by hard work (for Indians). Neither sex tattoos or 
disfigures face or body in any way and the amount of paint 
used in every day life is very small indeed. 


Girls are nubile at from 12 to 14. 

Both sexes are industrious, before and after marriage. 
The women do an immense amount of work, within doors 
and without: they make the pottery and burn it, weave 
all blankets, girdles and garters, do the cooking and other 
house work and at odd moments attend to the tiny patches 
of ground, cultivated within the limits of the town. For this 
last purpose, they have to pack water on their heads for con- 
siderable distances. The men do most of the farm work, 
and the more onerous duties involved in the care of their 
herds, of ponies & flocks of sheep. They also provide most 
of the fire-wood, dig and repair the irrigating canals &c. 

Courtship is much like that of other Indians, but if a 
suitor enter the house of his sweet-heart and she don't ask 
him to sit down, he must at once go out. 

The gentler sex is of considerable consequence among 
the Zunis. Parents are not paid for their daughters and girls 
are free to marry whom they choose. The Zunis have but 
one wife. They marry a brother's widow. Divorces are 
easily arranged and almost always by mutual consent, and 
upon separation from her husband the wife takes away her 
children and property. They don't mutilate women sus- 
pected of adultery. Gentile emblems are inscribed upon 
their houses and upon their pottery, or rather their pottery 
is made in shape of the clan patronym. 

Thus, I saw toads, owls, rattlesnakes, tortoises, eagles, 
deer and other marks upon their ollas and dishes, or dishes 
made in those forms. 

Menstrual lodges are not employed by this tribe and 
women are not isolated during periods of purgation, but 
after delivery will remain secluded and abstain from nearly 
all food for ten (10) days. 

The "estuf as" are used for religious purposes only, and 
not for council. They don't use disinfecting or aromatic 
grasses in their houses. The peaceful nature of the Zunis is 
typified in the almost complete absence of implements of 
war of any kind: a few old muzzle-loading, cap and even 
flint-lock rifles and shot-guns made up the inventory of all 
the arms of precision I could find in their houses. They have 
wooden war-clubs, similar to the "macanas" of the Pimas 
and Maricopas of Arizona. Stone berry-mashers are com- 
mon, as are sticks for catching field-rats and as follows from 
the necessities of the case, each house has a liberal provision 
of stone metates. I have stated elsewhere that these are 


arranged in lines, and are graded in fineness from the 1st of 
coarse vesicular lava occupying the compartments up to the 
4th, 5th, or even 8th in fineness, of smooth sandstone on the 
extreme right. 

Pipes are scarcely ever used, but much tobacco is con- 
sumed in the form of cigarettes. 

Earthen utensils of all kinds are to be found in abun- 
dance. The Zunis have attained great dexterity in their 
fabrication and annually turn out hundreds of pieces which 
evince great artistic taste. Dishes, basins, bowls, ollas, jars 
of all sizes, spoons, ladles, cups, pitchers figures of animals 
every design, suggested by consideration of utility, orna- 
ment or mere passing fancy, fill their houses and are purchas- 
able at very reasonable prices. To some extent, they manu- 
facture gourd and wooden spoons, and also basket ware 
the last of very ordinary quality and inferior in every way 
to the beautiful work of their more savage neighbors, the 
Apaches & Navajoes. 

The Zunis concede this by purchasing whenever they 
can the baskets of these two tribes. 

Silver and paper money are alike currency among them ; 
they prefer the former. They have no currency of their 
own; their beads of malachite and sea-shell no doubt were 
once available for all mercantile purposes and have only 
within the historic period fallen to the more degraded estate 
of being held as mere ornaments. 

I am pretty certain that their clans are combined in 
phratries and also think thaty they have secret and soldier 

They have no idols, at least, I could see none. They have 
a god or spirit for everything. They have hymns, prayers 
and invocations. 

On page 1330 7 may be seen the picture of an antelope, 
copied from the wall of one of their houses (inside) . The 
line running down from the animal's mouth and terminating 
at its heart may be described as a "prayer." It is a picto- 
graphic invocation to the "spirit of the antelope" to incline 
the hearts of the antelope on earth to put themselves in the 
way of the Zunis that they may kill them for food. I made 
careful inquiries upon this point and know that I have ob- 
tained the correct explanation. Sacrifices are offered to the 
sun and moon, and the morning star is also worshipped; 
prayers are said while smoking and at commencement of 
each meal, a small fragment of bread is thrown in fire. 

7. See illustration at page 117. 


Their prayers are without number and applicable to 
every occasion. Some of them, I am told, take 3 hours to 
recite : and again others have been so long in use that many 
of the words in them have dropped out of the common lan- 
guage of every-day life and have an import known only to 
the priests and the better instructed of what we may call the 

Before owning horses, they had no draught animals; 
now they are well mounted. Their saddles and bridles are 
of home manufacture and often richly mounted with solid 
silver. The flat, Turkish stirrup is the one they employ. 
Their ponies are of a good average in the qualities of beauty, 
bottom, nerve and speed. Their saddles, bridles, blankets, & 
silver work are closely alike to those of the Navajoes. . . 

To sum up my account of this little visit, I will say that 
the Zunis are officially estimated at about 1700, all told ; they 
answer to the name of Zunis, but call themselves Ah'si-vich, 
which has a striking resemblance to the name Si-Vich, of the 
tribe living in the grand canyon of the Colorado, near the 
mouth of Cataract creek, Arizona T'y. 

The Zunis are firm believers in witchcraft and will not 
allow owl feathers to be burned near their corn fields from 
fear of drought to their growing crops. The rattlesnake is 
said to be held in high esteem among them and never killed 
unnecessarily ; but this I doubt. 

The noises in the village are fearful ; imagine a congre- 
gation of jackasses, quarrelsome dogs, and chickens, bleating 
lambs & kids, shrill voiced eagles, gobbling turkeys, scream- 
ing children and women mourning for the two dead relatives 
whose burial has been described ; incite all these, each accord- 
ing to its kind and degree, to make all the noise in its power 
and a just, but still not altogether adequate conception of the 
hubbub may be attained. As with the turmoil, so with the 
effluvia; the place is never policed and I am not going one 
jot beyond the limits of strict verity when I characterize 
Zuni as a Babel of noise and a Cologne of stinks. 

The well of Zuni deserves special mention; it is a 
spring, 15' deep walled in with sandstone rubble masonry, 20 
feet high and roofed over with vigas, saplings, brush and 

In speaking of the ladders for entering the houses of the 
Zunis, I should also have referred to the notched poles and 
stone steps used for the same, purpose. 


As this was to be my last night in the village, I bade 
good-bye to Palfrey and also to Dr. and Mrs. Ealy : and re- 
turning home, stumbled against the public crier who was 
bawling out at the top of his voice that Juan Lucero had that 
afternoon lost $30.00. 

May 21st, 1881. Mr. Graham refused all compensation 
for his hospitality, and left me only the pleasure of thanking 
Hathorn and himself to whom as well as to Dr. Gushing, who 
was at breakfast with us, I bade farewell, leaving many 
kind messages for Mr. Frank Gushing, whom I was very 
much disappointed in not being able to see. 

Left for our return to Wingate ; on the road, picked up 
an old Zuni 8 who with hoe on shoulder was plodding his way 
out to his little "milpa" or corn-field, 3 or four miles up the 
creek. Like all the older men of the tribe, he spoke a little 
Spanish and told me that the field he now pointed out was 
his own property. This was another link of evidence to show 
me that the Zunis are not communists, but individual pro- 
prietors in the soil. The "farm" in question, was not over 
an eighth of an acre in extent. So, in Zuni itself, women take 
care of the little vegetable patches, as personal and not as 
communal farms. The driver of my buck-board told me 
that 2 or 3 miles from Zuni, were fine large fields of growing 
corn and orchards of peach trees. 

I feel that my report upon Zuni is at best meagre and 
unsatisfactory ; I had hoped to meet Mr. Frank Gushing, in 
which case I should have remained at least twice as long, 
feeling delighted to reflect that each moment spent in his 
society would be an advantage to me in every way. He has 
so thoroughly explored the field of Zuni investigation that 
my little scout therein will appear ridiculously insignificant 
in contrast ; nevertheless, it was to me a personal experience 
I shall always look back upon as one of the most pleasant of 
my whole life. At some other time, I hope to be able to 
return and resume my studies in Zuni and also in the vicinity, 
especially the ruins of Toyallani, upon the vertical sand- 
stone crags, 1000 feet above the level of the present village. 
The reports heretofore published upon Zuni are as unsatis- 
factory as my own ; Sitgreaves is notably insufficient, the pic- 
tures accompanying it being burlesques. Mr. Cushing's 

8. Note by Bourke: This old man said that the Zunis called themselves 
Ah' see-vitch. 


monograph will fill the gap and place him where he properly 
belongs in the world of science, at the top? 

I have already said that the present situation of the 
Zuni village did not fulfill in my mind, the requirements of 
the seven cities of Cibola, visited by Coronado in 1541-2. 
Franklin tells me that in their traditions the Zunis say that 
the Spaniards first came from the West; that the other 
pueblos killed the missionaries who visited them, but that the 
Zunis spared the one who came to them; for which reason 
the Spaniards destroyed the other villages, but did not harm 
the Zunis. This story, as given me by Franklin, is evidently 
a melange of their story of the first invasion by Coronado in 
1541, and the re-conquest by Vargas in 1692, after the gen- 
eral revolt of the Indians in 1680. At that time, the Span- 
iards did destroy many villages, the fugitives taking refuge 
among the Navajoes to the West. When the Spaniards ap- 
proached Zuni, says Franklin, a trumpeter advanced and 
sounded a parley; to his astonishment, a native shouted to 
him in his own Castilian! The terrified soldier, satisfied 
that he was in the direct presence of the dread enemy of 
souls, fled precipately back to the main body of his country- 
men, to whom he related what he had heard & seen. 

The Commander drew near the foot of the sandstone 
mesa, near the summit of which stood, in Indian garb, the 
man who had caused such terror to the trumpeter. In his 
hand he held a piece of white buckskin which he first waved 
in the air and then, wrapping it up in a large stone, threw in 
the direction of the Spaniards. It proved to be a statement, 
written with charcoal, and to the effect that he was and had 
been for some years a prisoner among the Zunis and had 
almost forgotten his own language. His release was effected 
without delay and the Zunis coming down from the high 
mesa, which must have been Toyalani (upon summit of 
which are great ruins) built their present town. 10 

In the evening called upon Gen'l and Mrs. Bradley and 
upon Dr. and Mrs. Matthews, 11 who showed me a fine collec- 

9. Later, under date of June 14, Bcurke inserted clippings from the Chicago 
Times and the Chicago Inter-Ocean (both of that date) and from the Omaha Herald 
of June 15, all contributed by Bourke and praising Gushing and his work at Zuni. 

10. Bourke's note: For a complete outline description of the posts of Forts Win- 
gate and Defiance, see the official work issued from Headquarters, Military Division of 
the Missouri. 

11. Dr. Washington Matthews was born in Ireland in July 1843. Brought to the 
United States as a child, he grew up in Iowa and in 1864 he received the M.D. degree 
from the University of that state. After serving the balance of the Civil War he was 
stationed at various army posts in the west, rising ot the rank of major surgeon and 


tion of Zuni and Navajo blankets, as well as the series of 
pictures, illustrations of life among the Zunis, taken by Mr. 
Frank Gushing. Also a little "olla" found by Mr. Gushing 
in one of the secred burial caverns of this region and said by 
the Zunis to have been placed there by the Maiz, or Corn gens 
in some of their ceremonies. Dr. Matthews says that the 
ruin I paced off was built by the Zunis ; that since living in 
it, they have built seven other pueblos, not counting those 
they now possess and which they have occupied for from 200 
to 300 years. (My belief is that the present Zuni dates back 
to about 1695.) Dr. Matthews went on to say that on the 
summit of Toyalani moccasin trails are worn deep in the 
solid sandstone ; and also that Frank Gushing had told him 
the same story about the captive priest which I received 
from Franklin and that for their kindness to this priest, the 
Zunis were treated with greater consideration than was 
accorded to the other pueblos. The clowns of the Zuni dances 
are called "mud-heads," because they wear masks of earthen 
ware, covering head, face, neck & shoulders. 

There will be some further reference to both Matthews 
and Gushing in the chapter which follows, but this is a good 
point at which to comment upon the generous recognition 
which Bourke always accorded to both of them. 

Of the two, Bourke felt more closely drawn to Gushing. 
Matthews with his medical training and experience was 
already deeply interested in the study of skeletal material 
he was a pioneer in physical anthropology. Yet he and 
Bourke were on such terms that, when they happened to meet 
in Washington some years later, they went to a Dime 
Museum together. 

The regard which Bourke and Gushing had for each 
other is revealed by the record of a conversation between 
them in a Washington hospital in 1889. By that time, Gush- 
ing had done further work in Florida, and in Arizona, but 
his health had been seriously impaired by his experiences, 

not retiring until September 1895. Very early in his army life, Matthews became a 
student of Indian life and he soon won recognition as an ethnologist of the first rank. 
But all of his important writings on the Navaho appeared from 1883 to 1902, and 
therefore they were subsequent to this meeting with Bourke at Fort Wingate. At this 
time also he had been married only four years. He was to outlive Bourke by nearly 
ten years. 


and his most important writings were still to appear. The 
Zuni Creation Myths was to be published in 1896 the year 
of Bourke's death ; Zuni Folk Tales in 1901, and Zuni Bread- 
stuff in 1920. 

May 26 h 1889. Sunday. Went with Sara u to the Garfield 
Memorial Hospital to see Mr. and Mrs. Frank H. Gushing; 
with them, we found Dr. Wortman, Mr. Baxter, and Dr. 
Yarrow. On the wall of Cushing's room, was a photograph 
of the picture recently exhibited with high honors (medal) in 
the Paris salon last year, by Mr. Metcalf, the young artist 
whom I met with Gushing and Baxter in the Zuni country in 
1881. Gushing had a graphophone from which he extracted 
the words of Zuni, Apache and Navajo dances, to Sara's 
undisguised horror and astonishment. . . . 
May 30 h 1889. Thursday. Decoration Day. Rained fiercely 
in paroxysms from sun-rise to sunset. Mrs. Bourke and I 
took some roses, pansies and mignonette from our garden 
to Mr. and Mrs. Gushing, at the Garfield Hospital. Gushing 
was in poor spirits, seemed to think that his Boston friends 
misjudged him for being broken down in health and that his 
life-work would be ruined: "Bourke," he said, "you must 
cherish my memory; make the reputation you are surely 
going to make when your books shall appear, but let the 
world know of my hard work and say that my method was 
the correct one in ethnological investigation. You have won- 
derful intuitions, Bourke : your brain is powerful and logical 
and your education and experience in ethnological and fron- 
tier matters cannot be equalled. When I die, you must take 
my place. No other can do it. Matthews is the only man 
to compare to you, but his training has made him narrow. 
He cares more for skeletons and crania than anything else. 
But, you, Bourke, are an exceedingly broad man : all appeals 
to you, beads, shells, bones, nothing escapes you." 

After a pause, he resumed, "I saw in Zuni, just what 
kind of a man you were and you have come forward just as 
I expected you surely would. Now, I have a favor to ask of 
you, one I never asked of mortal man : make mention of me in 
your books. I'll feel proud to know that my name shall 
appear in them." 

12. Bourke's oldest daughter was then about four years old. Now the wife of 
Colonel Luther R. James, U. S. A., it is through her courtesy that the present editing 
of material from her father's notebooks has been made possible. 


I said: "Gushing, old man, you're sick, nervous and 
excitable: you are the first ethnologist in the world to-day 
and no one can remove you from your pinnacle." 

For an understanding of Cushing's reference to his 
"Boston friends," we turn to Bourke's notes of August, 1887, 
nearly two years earlier than the above conversation in the 
Washington hospital : 

August 12th, [1887'} By Express to Boston, our train lighted 
by Electricity. Ran over a horse and buggy, containing a 
man and woman, near Worcester, Mass., killing one of the 
poor, unfortunate wretches and maiming the other for life. 
Arrived in Boston, at midnight; went, as usual, to the old- 
fashioned Parker House, now past its prime, but still posses- 
sing an excellent table. 

August 13, 1887. Paid my respects to my friend, Francis 
Parkman, at his residence, Jamaica Plains, Mass. Was re- 
ceived most cordially by himself and sister, a lovely lady, of 
great personal charms, decided intellectuality, and most 
winning manners. Mr. Parkman had just returned from 
a brief voyage to Madrid, Spain, which has been of some 
benefit to his health . . . 

August 14* 1887 . . . In the afternoon, a delightful home din- 
ner with Dr. and Mrs. Parkman, who afterwards drove me 
all round Jamaica Plains and home to my hotel. At night, 
took the train for Maiden and hunted up Sylvester Baxter, 
whose mother and sister I found to be charming people. 
August 15* 1887. Monday. Baxter and myself started for 
Manchester by the Sea, the train going through Swamscott, 
Lynn, and Salem. We were gratified to see, coming on our 
train at Swamscott, Mrs. Goddard, one of the ladies whom 
I had hoped to see at Mrs. Hemenway's where we were to 
take dinner. 13 Mrs. Hemenway is a noble type of the New 
England woman ; frank, keen, honest, true to her convictions, 
sincere in her friendships, charitable, anxious to do good, 
without ostentation and with wise discriminations. The 
possessor of boundless wealth, she dispenses a royal hospital- 

is. Mrs. Mary P. T. Hemenway (1820-1894), widow since 1876 of a wealthy Bos- 
ton merchant, was devoting herself and her large resources to philanthropical and 
educational interests. She is remembered, for example, as the one chiefly responsible for 
the preservation of the Old South meeting-house in Boston. 

In 1886, she had started the Hemenway Southwestern Archaeological Expedition, 
which was begun under Cushing and which was one of the reasons why she had invited 
Bourke to visit her at this time. 


ity, is the friend of the poor, the struggling, the down-cast. 
Her mansion is one of the most beautiful on the New England 
coast, and is filled with quaint and curious specimens of the 
world's arts and industries. There were a number of guests 
at the dinner, but I can remember only our hostess, Mrs. 
Goddard, Mrs. Armstrong, Mrs. Rogers the beautiful 
young grand-daughter of Mrs. Hemenway, and Mr. Baxter. 

The menu was simple, but excellently cooked and varied 
to suit all appetites. 

Baxter showed me over the grounds, which are spacious 
and beautiful, kept in fine condition. 

Within pistol-shot of her own house, Mrs. Hemenway 
has several smaller houses, built for occupancy by her chil- 
dren ; one of these "Ramona Villa," so named in compliment 
to Mrs. H. H. Jackson, the author of the simple and touching 
tale of California Mission Indian life, "Ramona," was ten- 
anted for many months by Mr. F. H. Gushing, wife and 
sister-in-law. Mrs. Hemenway, at great personal expense, 
sent to New Mexico for three of Cushing's Zuni friends, and 
upon their arrival, employed a stenographer and a type- 
writer, thus giving every inducement and facility for Gush- 
ing to resume and complete his invaluable researches in 
North American Ethnology. 

Her benefactions didn't end here. She sent Gushing, 
as soon as restored to partial health, down to Arizona, there 
near Phoenix, on Salt River. 

Dinner had scarecely ended, when we were favored with 
a visit from three most charming women, Mrs. Dana, Mrs. 
Thorpe and Miss Longfellow, daughters of America's great 
poet. The conversation naturally turned upon the Indian 
question, 14 which the ladies discussed in a calm, common 
sense spirit, influenced by charity, and devoid of sentimental- 
ism . . . The next topic of conversation was the broken down 
physical condition of Mr. Gushing, whose health had given 
way, under the strain of work and climate in Arizona. Mrs. 
Hemenway asked me to name a suitable man, to take charge 
of Mr. Cushing's work for one or two months? I answered : 
"nothing easier in the world, Madam. My friend, Dr. Mat- 
thews, of the Army, is just the man for the place. As an 
ethnologist, he has no superior in the world. Gushing, of 
course, in his special field, is approached by nobody, but if 

14. This Indian question was about the Apaches, renegades and scouts, who had 
been sent in 1886 as prisoners from Arizona to Fort Marion, in St. Augustine, Florida. 


anybody can be compared to Gushing, it is Dr. Matthews, 
whose extended researches among the Navajoes dove-tail in 
with those made by Gushing among the Zunis. Matthews 
would gladly go, and as he is a friend of Cushing's, he would 
be a great help to him, not forgetting too that Gushing needs 
a medical adviser at this crisis. The Secretary of War will, 
I am certain, grant permission, and more than that, altho I 
cannot assure such a thing, he may, if all the facts be laid 
before him, order Matthews to Arizona, and thus not have 
his pay reduced one half, as it would be were he to go there 
simply on leave." 

"That's capital," said the practical Mrs. Hemenway, 
"and now, as you and Mr. Baxter have talked over this 
matter since this morning and know just what is wanted in 
the case, perhaps you have a telegram ready which you can 
send at once to Dr. Matthews." This was ready and sent by 
Baxter from Boston, upon our getting back that evening. 
"But, Captain Bourke, supposing that Dr. Matthews cannot 
go or that he cannot remain long enough, can we not induce 
you to go down there?" "Yes, Madame. I'll be a free agent 
in two months. Just now, it's impossible, even if Dr. Mat- 
thews were out of sight." 

The carriage, at this moment, drove up to take us to the 
depot, Mrs. Goddard, Baxter and myself, bade hasty but 
cordial farewells and were soon in the Hub, giving me barely 
time to catch the Fall River Line's last train for New York, 
by the steamer . . . 

As a direct consequence of my conversation with Mrs. 
Hemenway, Mrs. Goddard and Mr. Baxter, Dr. Washington 
Matthews, Surgeon, U. S. Army, was ordered by the Secre- 
tary of War, Honorable Wm. C. Endicott, to proceed to 
Phoenix, Arizona, where he will assume charge of Mr. Gush- 
ing's work, pending the latter's restoration to health. 

(To be continued) 


THE PORTRAIT OF VARGAS. The cut at page 179 is from a 
painting of Don Diego de Vargas Zapata y Lujan. Marques 
de la Nava de Barcinas (sic) as it was reproduced in the 
work by Jose Perez Balsera, Laudemos viros gloriosos et 
parentes nostros in generatione sua (Madrid, 1931). It 
was contributed by Jose Manuel Espinosa to accompany his 

Three of the quarterings on the coast of arms (in the 
upper left of the picture) correspond with those shown in 
the Vargas blazonry in Twitchell, Story of Old Santa Fe. 
The fourth appears to be different but it cannot be deciph- 

In the lower right of the painting is a legend which 
reads : 

The Senor Don Diego de Bargas Zapata Lujan 
Ponze de Leon, Marques de la Naba de Barcinas, of 
the Order of Santiago, Governor, Conqueror, Paci- 
fier and Captain General of New Mexico, lost his 
life in a campaign to liberate the sacred vessels in 
the siege of Bernalillo [in the] year of 1704. 

This legend and the portrait do not agree. From other 
sources we know that Vargas was born in Madrid on Novem- 
ber 8, 1643, and died at Bernalillo on April 8, 1704, from 
sickness incurred in a campaign against hostile Apaches in 
the Sandia mountains. At the latter date, therefore, he was 
in his sixty-first year, whereas in the portrait he appears to 
be in his thirties or even younger. We must conclude, there- 
fore, either that the legend was added (c. 1705?) to an 
earlier painting, or that this portrait was copied from an 
earlier one. 

The original may have been painted in Madrid in the 
summer of 1672 when Vargas was about to start on his first 
journey to America. He had then been appointed as a 
special courier of the king, Cappitdn del Pliego del Aviso, to 



carry dispatches to the viceroy in Mexico City. On January 
1, 1673, he wrote to the Council of the Indies asking for more 
funds, stating that he had been awaiting his dispatches at 
Cadiz for six months ready to sail and had used up not only 
his salary but all his private means. The Council sent him 
two hundred pesos and an order for the payment of his 
expenses. (A. G. I., Mexico 276, Jan. 1, 1673.) 

Little is known of Don Diego for the next fifteen years, 
but in January, 1679, he was alcalde mayor of the pueblo of 
Teutila, New Spain (A. G. I., Contaduria 776). He had 
been married before he left Spain, but at some time between 
1673 and 1679 he contracted a common law marriage in 
America, because on his death-bed he declared as his sons, 
"although not by legitimate wife, Don Juan Manuel de 
Vargas of the age of twenty-four years, and Don Alonzo 
de Vargas of the age of twenty-three years, and their sister 
Dona Maria Theresa who is with her mother in the city of 
Mexico of the age of nineteen years." (Twitchell, Spanish 
Archives, I, 304) 

In 1688, Vargas was alcalde mayor in the Real de Minas 
de Talpugujua when, on June 18 of that year, he was ap- 
pointed governor and captain general of New Mexico, and 
late that year or in 1689 apparently he returned to Spain on 
family matters. On August 14, 1690, he executed in Madrid 
a power of attorney, giving to his legal wife control of their 
property in Spain. It appears further that he had at least 
one legitimate son in Spain, for in a testament signed in 
Mexico City on June 1, 1703, he declared that his oldest 
grandson was to succeed his first-born son as Marques de la 
Naba Brazinas. (Twitchell, op. cit., 307-308) 

After giving the above power of attorney, Vargas re- 
turned immediately to Mexico City, for on October 12, 1690, 
he there received his first salary payment as governor of 
New Mexico for five years. (A. G. I., Contaduria 780) 

The portrait may have been painted in Madrid in 1690, 
but Vargas would then have been nearly forty-seven years of 
age, whereas the portrait shows him as a young man. It 


seems more probable, therefore, that the original was 
painted in 1672 or earlier. L. B. B. 

THE SANSON MAP. No more curious geographical in- 
formation (or misinformation) will be found in the Heylyn 
account edited by Mr. Brayer than will be found on the 
historical map which has been reproduced to accompany 
that paper. It is from the first edition of Sanson's L'Ameri- 
que en plvsievres cartes (Paris, 1657). It has been some- 
what reduced from its original size (24.2x20.7 cm.), and a 
few comments may be of help in studying it. 

With some amplification, the legend in the cartouche 
reads: "Audience de Guadalajara, Nouveau Mexique, Cali- 
fornie, [Floride], &c. Par N[icolas] Sanson d' Abbeville, 
geographe ordinaire du Roy. A Paris, chez P. Mariette, rue 
Saint Jacques a TEsperance. Avec privilege pour 20 ans." 

The idea that California was an island was to persist 
for nearly a century more. The confusion of the Rio Grande 
with the Colorado was corrected some twenty years later 
on the Coronelli map. (See NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL RE- 
VIEW, II, 323) At the right edge of the map is shown a bit 
of the Gulf of Mexico, with Florida where Texas is today, 
and near Panuco is "S. lago de los Valles." Any who have 
traveled by automobile from Laredo to Mexico City prob- 
ably remember Valles only as one of the places where they 
bought gas and oil! 

The locating of tribal names and place-names in New 
Mexico is pretty badly mixed up. It is significant of the 
lack of correct information in Paris in 1657 about this part 
of the world. L. B. B. 

Hewett announces the beginning of publication by the School 
of American Research and University of New Mexico of a 
series of Handbooks of Archaeological History. The first 
number to go to press is The Chaco Canyon and Its Mornc- 
ments. The announcement states: 

"The Hand Books of Archaeological History are de- 
signed to extend knowledge of Ancient America by present- 


ing in readable form descriptions of important centers of 
cultural development of the native American race, with 
ample illustrations of the monuments that mark the wreck- 
age of its achievements. These descriptions are the result 
of long and arduous exploration and study on the ground, 
and of thorough sifting and selection from the work of all 
reliable investigators. They are sufficiently scientific for 
elementary text books. They are written also for the many 
travelers and others who are eager for dependable informa- 
tion about our American antiquities but cannot get it from 
technical tomes or original sources, who care little about 
technicalities and much for sound, fundamental knowledge. 
It is pure culture history, for the race made no literary rec- 
ords, and no mortal of any other race witnessed or described 
its strivings. No other people helped to build these monu- 
ments and none helped to destroy them. They were mainly 
ruins when the first Europeans came. The American Indian 
builders had their great days and their decline before white 
men saw them. This is not saying that the latter did not 
contribute to the final paralysis of the Indian race. That is 
another story. 

"Titles pertaining to the American Southwest listed for 
early publication are: 

1. Archaeological Monuments of the Southwest (a 
photographic record) 

2. The Chaco Canyon and Its Monuments 

3. The Cliff Dwellings of Mesa Verde 

4. The Cliff Dwellings of the Pajarito Plateau 

5. Archaeological History of the Rio Grande Valley 

6. Archaeological History of the San Juan Valley 

7. Archaeology of Northern Mexico 

"The Hand Books will be kept free from technicalities ; 
free as far as possible from the confused nomenclature of 
southwestern archaeology, and will furnish authentic mate- 
rial in condensed form for use in this vast Science of Man 
that so many ambitious thinkers are venturing into. 


"Every reader of these books is asked to keep in mind 
certain objectives. First of all: we want to visualize the 
human life that pervaded these places. Ruins are the for- 
saken abodes in which the human spirit dwelt and actualized 
itself. But a certain kind of archaeology dehumanizes this 
material. Man's conduct is hardly a subject for microscopic 
study. These ancient ruins reveal how groups of human 
beings have waxed and waned; mark the roads that men 
have traveled on the way through their world. In them is 
embedded the imperishable achievements of their hands and 
brains. What we want in the study of the Science of Man 
is facts that will aid in the interpretation of human life. 

"Secondly, in this matter of interpretation: remember 
that while imagination is essential in scientific study it has to 
be rigidly controlled and that the surest guidance to the 
understanding of the relics of the past is to be found in living 
communities of the same breed as those whose debris we are 
excavating. In other words, the surviving Pueblo Indian, 
not the ethnologist, is the most reliable source of information 
about Indian culture in the Southwest, ancient or modern. 
When it comes to a decision between an unsophisticated 
Indian's idea in such matters and that of the much educated 
white man who feels that his scientific training is discredited 
unless he explains most everything, the Indian has it. 

"Lastly, do not expect the archaeologist or the National 
Monuments custodian to be able to explain everything about 
these ancient ruins. Only a few reliable conclusions have 
been reached, the most reliable one being that we know very 
little about them. Happily, the desire to know, and the 
determination, have survived the discovery of the errors and 
illusions of the past, and the fascinating quest goes on, the 
quest that is summed up in the magic word archaeology." 

E. L. H. 

Jessie Benton Fremont, a Woman who Made History. 
By Catherine Coffin Phillips. (San Francisco, printed by 
John Henry Nash, 1935. 361 pp. ills.) 


Of biographies written by women there are many, 
especially of late years, of histories worth mentioning-, 
few if any. One wonders why, especially after reading the 
admirable volume by Catherine Coffin Phillips portraying 
the life of Jessie Benton Fremont, a volume which is as much 
and as good a history as it is a biography. In its scope it 
covers the nineteenth century in the United States. In tell- 
ing the story of the wife of General John Charles Fremont, 
the author draws incidentally a picture of the times, their 
intrigues, political as well as military, their manners 
and their whims, which is charming and convincing. 

It is true that as the wife of the noted path-finder and 
explorer, the first senator from California, the first repub- 
lican candidate for the presidency, the course of life of 
Jessie Benton Fremont "was highly dramatic." "She was 
fitted by temperament and education to adapt herself with 
grace and fortitude to every phase of Fremont's stormy 
career." Says the writer in her introduction : "Her part in 
that drama carried her from Washington and the courts of 
Europe to the pioneers' California of '49 ; from a New York 
mansion to a cabin in a Sierra mining camp; from wealth to 

It must be remembered that Mrs. Fremont was the 
daughter of United States Senator Thomas H. Benton and 
therefore to the manor born in official Washington as well as 
in the pioneer West, between which she shared much of her 
eventful life. The author makes skillful use of the abundant 
material at her command, which included not only official 
documents, newspaper files but also intimate correspondence 
and personal acquaintance with the subject of her biography. 
The reader will value the book not only for the insight it 
gives to events and their motivation during great epochs in 
United States history but also for its sprightliness of char- 
acterizations and the vividly colorful style with which the 
trivial but nevertheless significant incidents of family life 
are woven into the tapestry of tremendous events. 


To students of New Mexico history there is especial 
interest in the references to Kit Carson and Lucien Max- 
well, to the story of General Fremont's visit to Carson in 
Taos, to General Fremont's governorship of Arizona and 
his life at Prescott in early territorial days. The association 
of Charles F. Lummis with Mrs. Fremont in her later days, 
the encouragement and help she gave him in the publication 
of his volumes appertaining to New Mexico, are sidelights 
worth while recalling. Among the many fine, full-page illus- 
trations is one of Kit Carson, by far the most impressive 
portrait of this New Mexico pioneer thus far reproduced. 

Typographically the volume is a joy, its wide margins, 
chapter head pieces and initials making it a masterpiece 
from the press of John Henry Nash of San Francisco. 

P. A. F. W. 

El consejo real y supremo de las Indms. Por Ernesto 
Schafer. (Spain, Universidad de Sevilla, 1935. xviii-434 pp., 
to appendices, bibliography, index.) 

Professor Ernest Schafer is a German scholar, corre- 
spondent of the Spanish Academy of History, delegate in 
Sevilla of the Ibero-American Institute of Hamburg. A sub- 
title limits his study of the Council of the Indies to "its 
history, organization, and administrative labor to the end of 
the House of Austria." Volume I, here under review, deals 
with the organization and early history of the Council and of 
the House of Trade, and was first written in German for pub- 
lication by the Institute of Hamburg. At the suggestion of 
Don Juan Tamayo, chief of the Archivo General de Indias, 
the author was asked to prepare this Spanish edition. 

Dr. Jose Maria Ots, director of the Center of Studies in 
the History of America under the University of Seville, in a 
prefatory note (pp. vii-ix) emphasizes the importance of the 
subject treated by Dr. Schafer and outlines the plan for 
future publications of the Center. 

In a brief introduction, the author traces the unfolding 
of the Spanish colonial system to 1502. Chapter I discusses 


the House of Trade (25 pp.) , and the second chapter (54 pp.) 
treats of the Council in the reign of Charles I. The remain- 
ing three chapters (c. 80 pp. each) describe the Council in 
the reign of Philip II, during the first half of the 17th cen- 
tury, and then to the death of the last Hapsburg king in 1700. 
The two appendices will be of especial interest to many 
students, the first being a tabulation of the members and 
officials of the Council from 1524 to 1700 ; the second, of the 
House of Trade from 1503 to 1700. One of the illustrations 
is a bird's eye view showing the royal palace in Madrid as it 
was in 1656, with a section of it assigned to the Council of 
the Indies. 

The author hopes, later, to write a second volume describ- 
ing the work of the Council in colonial administration and, 
if life and strength are spared him, a third volume carrying 
the history and functioning of the Council through the times 
of the Bourbon kings until its final extinction in 1834. Many 
will join in the hope of Professor Schafer that this monu- 
mental task may be realized. L. B. B. 



JULY, 1936 

No. 3 







Editor Managing Editor 






VOL. XI JULY, 1936 No. 3 


Bourke on the Southwest, X . . . . L. B. Bloom 217 
Church and State 1610-1650 (cont'd) . . F. V. Scholes 283 

The Frederick Webb Hodge Anniversary Publication 

Fund 295 

Subscription to the quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance; single 
numbers (except Vol. I, 1, 2, and II, 2) may be had at $1.00 each. 
Volumes I-II can be supplied at $6.00 each; Vols. III-X at $4.00 

Address business communications to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State 
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence 
should be addressed to Mr. Bloom at the State University, Albu- 
querque, New Mexico. 

Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico 

The Historical Society of New Mexico 

Organized December 26, 1859 


1869 COL. JOHN B. GRAYSON, U. S. A. 

adjourned sine die, Sept. 3, 1863 
re-established Dec. 7, 1880 




OFFICERS FOR 1936-1937 

PAUL A. F. WALTER, President 

Josfi D. SENA, Vice-President 

JAMES F. HINKLE, Vice-President 

LANSING B. BLOOM, Cor. Sec'y-Treas. 

Miss HESTER JONES, Recording Secretary 












(As amended Nov. 19, 1929) 

Article 1. Name. This Society shall be called the Historical Society 
of New Mexico. 

Article 2. Objects and Operation. The objects of the Society shall be, 
in general, the promotion of historical studies; and in particular, the 
discovery, collection, preservation, and publication of historical ma- 
terial, especially such as relates to New Mexico. 

Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members, Fel- 
lows, Life Members and Honorary Life Members. 

(a) Members. Persons recommended by the Executive Council 
and elected by the Society may become members. 

(b) Fellows. Members who show, by published work, special 
aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi- 
ately following the adoption of this Constitution, the Executive 
Council shall elect five Fellows, and the body thus created may there- 
after elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive 
Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-five. 

(c) Life Members. In addition to life members of the Historical 
Society of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such other 
benefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one tim* 
the sum of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Society an equivalent 
in books, manuscripts, portraits, or other acceptable material of an 
historic nature, may upon recommendation by the Executive Council 
and election by the Society, be classed as Life Members. 

(d) Honorary Life Members. Persons who have rendered emi- 
nent service to New Mexico and others who have, by published work, 
contributed to the historical literature of New Mexico or the South- 
west, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommended 
by the Executive Council and elected by the Society. 

Article 4. Officers. The elective officers of the Society shall be a 
president, two vice-presidents, a corresponding secretary and treas- 
urer, and a recording secretary; and these five officers shall constitute 
the Executive Council with full administrative powers. 

Officers shall qualify on January 1st following their election, am* 
shall hold office for the term of two years and until their successors 
shall have been elected and qualified. 

Article 5. Elections. At the October meeting of each odd-numbered 
year, a nominating committee shall be named by the president of the 
Society and such committee shall make its report to the Society at 
the November meeting. Nominations may be made from the floor 
and the Society shall, in open meeting, proceed to elect its officers by 
ballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the votes cast for the 
respective offices to be declared elected. 

Article 6. Dues. Dues shall be $3.00 for each calendar year, and 
shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the 
Historical Review. 

Article 7. Publications. All publications of the Society and the selec- 
tion and editing of matter for publication shall be under the direction 
and control of the Executive Council. 

Article 8. Meetings. Monthly meetings of the Society shall be held at 
the rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at 
eight P. M. The Executive Council shall meet at any time upon call 
of the President or of three of its members. 

Article 9. Quorums. Seven members of the Society and three mem- 
bers of the Executive Council, shall constitute quorums. 

Article 10. Amendments. Amendments to this constitution shall be- 
come operative after being recommended by the Executive Council 
and approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at 
any regular monthly meeting; provided, that notice of the proposed 
amendment shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society, 
at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend- 
ment is passed upon by the Society. 

Students and friends of Southwestern History are cordially in- 
vited to become members. Applications should be addressed to the 
corresponding secretary, Lansing B. Bloom, State University, 
Albuquerque, New Mexico. 

Historical Society Collections 
(Painting on Elk Skin. See page 247) 


VOL. XI JULY, 1936 No. 3 



May 22nd, 1881. Remained at Fort Wingate. 

May 23rd, 1881. Drove to Fort Defiance (Navajo 
Agency) 50 miles. Saw a dead burro on the road: and in 
canon, not far from the "haystacks" noticed outcroppings 
of coal. Came up with a party of three young Mormons with 
whom I entered into conversation. They told me that they 
had come down from Salt Lake City to work upon the exten- 
sion of the Atlantic and Pacific R. R., under contract of J. 
W. Young, son of the prophet. 1 They were now returning to 
Utah, and by slow marches expected to reach there within 
3 weeks. They told me that their church was actively prose- 
cuting its missionary work among the Indians of Arizona, 
especially the Navajoes. 

At Defiance, met Mr. Packer of the Smithsonian Insti- 
tute, a bright young gentleman engaged in the taking of the 
census of the Indian tribes. 

My old friend Mr. Leonard presented me with two (2) 
solid silver pendants, made in the shape of the crescent 
moon, with the features of a man well delineated. These 
were obtained from (2) two different Indians and exempli- 
fied the worship of the Sun and Moon. 

Mr. Packer showed me the gentile organization of the 
Navajoes, consisting of 42 different clans or bands, among 
which are the descendants of the Pueblos driven out of 
Jemez and other villages by the Spaniards under Espejo * in 

1. Bourke is referring to Brigham Young who led the Mormon people to Utah. 
It was the first Joseph Smith who was the "prophet." 

2. For Espejo read Vargas. Bourke has the name correctly later in his notes. 



1692-1700. A fierce sand storm made the evening- almost 
intolerable notwithstanding the kind attentions of my good 
friends, Bennett and Leonard. 

May 24th, 1881. Mr. Packer left early this morning for 

Lippi, a Navajo squaw living close to the Agency, died 
last night; and after breakfast, I went over with Colonel 
Bennett to obtain something of an insight into the mortuary 
customs of this people. Ordinarily, when a Navajo dies, his 
friends leave his body in the "hogan" which they pull down 
over it : on the present occasion, we were told that there was, 
for some reason to be a funeral which I now attempt to 

Near the "hogan" of the dead woman were (3) three 
naked Navajoes, whose only dress was moccasins and breech- 
clout. These, with some ceremony were lassoing a pony 
which they then proceeded to saddle and bridle. The corpse 
was next rolled up in a number of blankets, those nearest 
the person being fine and valuable. One of the Indians cov- 
ered the animal with black and white sheep-skins, upon 
which the dead body was placed, not a word being spoken all 
this time, but all necessary communications being by sign. 

One of the trio officiated as master of ceremonies and 
was promptly obeyed by his two subordinates. Fifty paces 
farther on and in front of another "hogan," were congregated 
(16) sixteen of the nearest relatives of the dead and around 
them were scattered all the articles taken from the hogan 
of the deceased, previous to her death and also the herd of 
sheep and goats of which she had been owner. I don't 
attempt to prove my proposition but I am strongly of the 
opinion that when a Navajo, particularly one who is at all 
well to do, is about to die, his relatives seize everything in the 
"hogan" and pile it up outside to be distributed among them 
upon a fatal termination of his illness. Thus, they evade, 
without appearing to do so, the old unwritten law of the 
tribe which prescribes that everything in the "hogan" at 
time of death, should be left with the dead. 

The master of ceremonies moved out first, directing his 
two assistants by signs ; one of these followers led the pony 
and the other held the corpse by the feet. In passing the 
little circle of relatives, these latter bowed their heads almost 
to the ground, a few stifled sobs escaping from the squaws 
and children to testify the depth of their affliction. The (3) 
three naked Navajoes, conducting the corpse-laden pony, 


moved out toward the South, avoiding all roads and trails 
and keeping in among the cedar covered hills or winding 
down the sides of steep arroyos. Behind them followed the 
dogs belonging to the dead woman, and some distance farther 
back, Bennett and myself. We trudged along for more than 
a league over this rough country, but the Navajoes slipped 
away through one of the countless stony arroyos which cut 
the flanks of the hills everywhere and we lost their trail 
completely and had to return to the post without being 
able to see what ceremonies, if any, attended the final dis- 
position of the remains. Our cook, Francisco, (a full-blooded 
Navajo) told me that the corpse would be left with all its 
trappings in a cleft in the rocks and covered with stones and 
brush; that the pony would be killed by knocking it down 
with a club and finishing with rocks. Many household uten- 
sils are broken in pieces in the "hogan," under the influence, 
apparently, of the idea governing the Shoshonees and Ban- 
nocks under similar circumstances ; and at the place of sepul- 
ture, saddle blankets and skins are torn to pieces. 

Mr. Leonard presented me with a handful of garnets, 
or pyropes, of rich blood color. They are very frequent in 
this neighborhood. 

Had a little talk with Francisco upon the gentile divi- 
sions of his tribe, but failed to make him comprehend what 
I wanted. 

At the store, in the evening, had a talk with Mr. Damon 
upon the customs of the Navajoes. He said that the corpse 
followed by us this morning would be laid upon a couch of 
boughs in a rift in the rocks, all the trappings placed along- 
side it and the whole covered with stones. The members of 
the cortege returning, would wend their way to a place 
designated by a fire and there wash themselves with water 
from a kettle which kettle would then be broken. 

The Navajoes call themselves Tinneh, (i.e. "men" or 
"people.") . The accent is pretty strong on the last syllable. 
They have various names for the Apaches : Victoria's band, 
they call Chis-se (meaning "wood people" or something of 
that kind) and the Camp Apache people, the Tzil-gan - 
"mountain top people." They style the Zunis Nash-teshi 
"Black-stripe people," from the fact that the manner in 
which the Zunis "bang" their hair across the forehead make 
it look like a black band. The Utes are Na-itzi the "braided 
hair people," while the Utes call themselves, so say the Nava- 
joes, Nota the "arrow people." The Jicarilla Apaches are 


are Be-jai "winter people/' probably in reference to the 
snowy peaks overlooking their former range. The Moquis 
are Ay-a-kinni "house on top of a high rock" and all the 
other Pueblos are Kishanni "big house," excepting those 
of Jemez who are May-dish-kish-di "mountain coyotes." 
The Comanches are the Ana-klanni "nearly at war or ready 
for war." 

In the evening called upon Mr. Perkins and wife and Dr. 
Ebert, the two former teachers, and the last named Physician 
at the Agency. 

May 25th, 1881. (Wednesday.) Met Colonel Bennett, 
Mr. Damon and "Chi," in accordance with an agreement 
made yesterday. "Chi" is a full blooded Navajo, of great 
intelligence, and having a good knowledge of English. 
Damon has lived among the Navajoes for (14) fourteen 
years, has a Navajo wife and is intelligently posted in all 
that relates to them. 

They gave me the following as a list of the Navajo 
"clans" and mention many peculiarities partaking largely 
of the nature of clan laws as now known ; but while these 
peculiarities fortify their statement that these bands are 
clans in the strictest sense of the term, I am not yet entirely 
convinced and insert the list here more as a wedge to be used 
in the future than from any confidence that as yet the 
obscurity invading this question has been cleared away. 

Clans connected by brackets belong to the same phratry. 
There are no names for the phratries. 

1. Tut-soni "Big Water" 

2. Bi+tahni "hands folded up in blanket" 

A< ^ 3. Jaz-klizhni "Muddy" 

4. Tzan-diz-kish-ni "Nick in the rocks' 

5. Jo-na-ga-ni "Walk around a man" 

6. Tzil-kla-ni "Corner in mountains" 


7. Tii-a-ha+ni Close to water 

8. Ta+nezani Scattered about, but not far apart 

9. Najo-parni Hot air rising from ground 

10. A-jinni Salt 

C. J 11. Tzen-gni-ki-ni House in Rocks 3 

12. May-dish-kish-ni Mountain cayotes 4 

3. So called because they, the Tzen-gni-ki-ni lived in the canons where the cliff 
dwellings are and not because they ever built such houses. 

4. This band is composed of fugitives from Jemez who fled from Spanish rule 
many years ago, probably 1692. 




13. Tu-pa-ni Edge of water 5 

14. Jaltz-zo-nYellow people 8 

15. Tza-yiz-kid-ni Sage-brush hill 

16. Tu-ba+az-ni-a+zi Man & woman going with a basket 

after water 7 

17. Tu-ditchi-ni Bad Water 

18. Tzin-tzi-ka+dni Lone or standing tree 

19. Pi-bi-to-f-dni deer water or deer spring 

20. At-6ts-ossuni Ravine or narrow pass in mountains. 

f21. Tu-do-ko+n-zi Alkali water 

F. 1 22. Tzeza+indi-yay Black rock standing up like a wall 

[23. Klo+qni Outsiders 8 

124. Na-nez-tezi -Black stripe 9 

1 25. Ta+p-chi-ni Red clay around water 

26. Tzil-na-o-diltl-ni Crooked mountains 

_ , 27. Yo-f 6 Beads 

" 28. Tze-yi-ke-ji Two rocks close together 

29. Tza-naha-pildt-ni High steep crag or precipice 

30. Clas-chi-i Redflat or red plain 

31. Kin-klit-chi-ni Red house 10 

32. Tzi-na-zinni Thick black timber on side of a mountain 

33. Des-chi-ni Short red stripe 

34. Ka-na-ni Living arrow 

35. L6-kad-ni Canes 

36. Na-cay-dinneje Mexican people u 

37. T6-a-ke-gli-ni River junction 

38. Kin-ya+ni High houses u 

39. Bi-ta+ni Leaf people 18 

40. Tzil-f-ta+d-ni Mountain edge 

5. The almost complete identity of 7 and 13 was remarked to fchi, but he stuck 
to it that there were two different clans. 

6. Mr. Packer had this down as the Green Valley people, but Chi said that he had 
made a mistake and that he had given me the correct interpretation. 

7. The Navajoes used basket-work canteens coated with pitch. 

8. Pueblos, other than those from Jemez and Zuni, who took refuge from Span- 
ish rulesee clans 12, 24, & 81. 

9. Zunis who escaped from Spaniards in 1692. See also clans 12, 23, & 31. 

10. These are probably another band of Pueblo Refugees. 

11. Chi says that this clan is descended from Mexican or Spanish captives. 

12. So called because they used to live near an old ruined Pueblo ; they may have 
been fugitives from the Pueblos of Nambe or Pojuaque or Picuries. 

13. Note the resemblance in sound between 39 and 2. 


41. Joz-kah-atzo-ni Pile of fruit of the Spanish bayonet 14 

42. Jogan-sla-hni Many "hogans" or Navajo houses 

43. Kayd-ni Willows 15 


A cedilla placed under a consonant, as k, g, b, or n, indicates that 
the consonant is "exploded" with a Zulu click, example, Kayd-ni 
Willow people. 16 

A horizontal bar through the letter j, i.e. j, indicates that it had 
the sound of that letter in French as in dejeuner. 17 

The algebraic sign of addition, affixed to a vowel indicates that 
the sound of the vowel is prolonged. 

Where j has no bar drawn through it, it must be given the Spanish 
sound of hota or h. 

The rule of marriage is that a young man must seek a 
wife outside his own clan ; violations of this rule are becom- 
ing very frequent, especially among the "Ganado Mucho" 
(heap of cattle) band, the Tut-soni, or "Much water" clan 
(no. 1) and the Josh-klish, or "Muddy" clan, (no. 3) where 
marriages within the clan are encouraged. 

Mr. Leonard says he has known two instances of men 
marrying their own sisters ; in this he is most certainly mis- 
taken and fallen naturally into his error from the fact that 
the Navajoes call their cousins by the title sister. 

Chi says they have "battle comradeships," but it is so 
long since they have been at war, that I don't attach much 
importance to any statements a young man may make about 
their customs during such periods. There are no old men at 
the Agency at this time ; all are absent and cultivating their 
little farms. 

Where a Navajo woman is about to be confined, a bed 
of sand is spread in the "hogan," and a rope is attached to 
one of the rafters. The squaw kneels and pulls upon this 
rope while at the same moment an assistant of her own sex 
seizes her around the waist and presses her tightly and 
downward until delivery. The placenta is generally buried, 
but sometimes is placed in the upper branches of a tree. If 
the baby be a girl, it is washed with warm water. Boys are 
most generally dashed with cold water under the belief that 

14. 41 and 42 do not belong to any phratry. 
16. This clan, "the Willows," is now extinct. 

16. These phonetic marks are shown by Bourke in the names in the following 
clans: (k) nos. 3, 4, 6, 11, 12, 15, 18, 21, 28, 28, 31, 34, 35, 87, 38, 41, 43 (g) nos. 
5, 11, 28, 87; (b) noa. 19, 39; (n) no. 84; (t) no. 19. 

17. Shown in the names of clans nos. 10 and 28. 


such treatment will harden them. In cases of difficult labor, 
the "medicine man" will be sent for to employ his incanta- 
tions & rattle-music in the patient's behalf. 

They are not addicted to the crime of infanticide; Chi 
says they never do such a thing ; they are always kind to their 
children & punish them only when necessary. Boys are 
whipped more frequently than girls. Bastards are treated 
with as much kindness as other children. The names of 
children are simply "nick-names" and nearly always vulgar 
and obscene: these names are superseded by others as the 
youngsters draw near maturity. No more pleasure is mani- 
fested on the birth of boys than over that of girls. 

Men are very often called from their occupation, as 
"black-smith," "saddle maker," "bow-maker," "arrow- 
maker," "silver-smith," "horse-herder," or something of 
that kind. 

Chi says that their names frequently refer to the clan 
or tribal divisions, but his explanation was too obscure to be 

In case of death of parents, the mother's clan would have 
first to say about the care of the orphans ; if they neglected 
this duty, the father's people would assume it. 

In war, they wear bonnets of lion, wild-cat, buck, goat, 
or lamb skin decorated with the feathers of the eagle and 
wild turkey, and in rare cases, they use the skin of the head 
itself, as the head of the lion. 

In their dances, they wear their best moccasins and leg- 
gings, plaster the legs with white wash, but use no breech- 
clout, wearing instead a waist and hip-band of black velvet 
or corduroy. The body is also whitewashed and the neck 
encircled with a collar of pine leaves. The head & face are 
completely covered with a buckskin mask, ornamented with 
two eagle feathers and a crest of horse hair. A sash of coral 
beads, running from shoulders to hip and bracelets and gar- 
lands of braided sweet grass complete the costume. 

The breech-clout of the Navajoes is of white calico, 
reaching to mid thigh in front and about same distance in 
back. Their drawers are of colored calico made loose and 
split open from knee downward (on outside.) 

Leggings of blue yarn sustained at knee by red worsted 
garters, the former knitted, the latter woven and both of 
home make. The shirt is of calico, of any color, and worn 
outside of drawers ; at top is a hole large enough for the head 
to go through. There are no cuffs and there is no seam at 


bottom. Some split the garment under the arms. Blankets 
are worn a la Indienne. The dress of women consists of moc- 
casins, leggings, (held up by garters) ; a blanket robe, made 
of two blankets, sewed together at top of both shoulders and 
from waist to bottom hem. This robe reaches to the knees. 
When the woman is wealthy, she fastens large, beautiful 
silver clasps at the shoulder seams. 18 The moccasins of the 
men are of black, white or red buckskin, and made like our 
low quarter gaiters, and are fastened on the outside of the 
instep by buttons of silver, ranging in number from one to 
six. The sole of raw-hide is slightly concave, so as to give 
greater protection to the sides of the foot. This moccasin 
is separate from the legging which is fastened on the outside 
by a row of silver buttons, running from knee to ankle and 
held at the knee by garters, already described. The leggings 
and moccasins of the women are generally of one piece, 
reaching to the knees and here fastened by garters ; a narrow 
strip of buckskin also winds about the legs to keep the 
legging tight. 

Women and men wear hair alike; that is to say, the 
part on back of head is gathered in a knot & tied up with a 
string, while that in front and on sides is worn loose. The 
men generally, the women never, wind a bandanna band 
about forehead. This mode of wearing hair and the fashion 
in drawers are identical with those of the Zunis. 

They make a basket of the twigs of the "chiltchin," a 
sort of willow ; these are coated inside and out with the tur- 
pentine of the pinon. These baskets or "ollas," (they are 
used for carrying water) are slung by a band to the heads 
of the squaws, in the same way that their cradles are carried. 
These cradles are made precisely like those of the Zunis. 

The necklaces of the Navajoes are of silver beads (made 
by themselves) ; of coral (obtained in former years from 
the Spaniards) ; of chalchuitl (which they drill with a flint, 
attached to the end of a stick, revolved between the hands;) 
and of seashells purchased from the Zunis who bring them 
from the sea coast in the vicinity of Los Angeles, Cal. (to 
which point they, the Zunis, formerly made frequent pil- 
grimages. They do not keep up the practice, altho' Chi says 
that a party passed through here, Navajo Agency, last year.) 

Their bracelets are of silver, copper or brass, worn in 
any number on both wrists. Finger rings of silver are very 

18. This description shows that the costume of Navaho women has changed in 
comparatively recent times. 


much in esteem. Their ear-rings are the same as those of 
the Zunis. Mentioning the subject of ear-rings to Chi, he 
said "we don't make imitation ear-rings like the Zunis do. 
They used to make them of wood and I think they do yet. 
They will take a small piece of hard wood, cut it square, pol- 
ish it fine and stain it blue so that you'll be sure to take it 
for stone." (I am certain that I saw just such earrings as 
here described while I was in Zuni.) The Navajoes make 
but one incision in the bottom of the lobe ; when they have 
lost or gambled away their ear-rings, they will insert small 
round sticks in the holes ; but these are simply to keep the 
holes from closing. 

The mode of painting the face is governed entirely by 
individual fancy : they use red & white clay and vermillion. 
I have noticed one with a pair of vermillion spectacles clev- 
erly painted around his eyes. 19 

Silver plaque of belt of Navajo warrior, dimensions 4 in. 
by 3 in. Five silver dollars required to make each plaque. 
When made into a baldric, as many as fifteen of these silver 
placques will be strung on a leather belt and worn from 
shoulder to hip. 

They provide their children with tops, (made much as 
our own) bows and arrows, slings and dolls. They don't 
have stilts. Little girls are fond of making their own dolls 
of adobe mud baked in the sun and provided with dressed 
and bark cradles. 

Boys and men have a game of arrows : No 1 throws and 
No. 2 follows suit. If No. 2's arrow touches head to head or 
feather to feather with No. 1's, No. 2 wins. They also 
make bets to determine who can shoot farthest or straightest 
and are very fond of shooting at the tall slim stalk of the 
soap- weed or amole (a species of Yucca common in their 
country). They have the "odd and even" game of the Sho- 
shones, Bannocks & Zunis, played thus : One side with much 
ceremony and a great deal of singing and gesticulation will 
bury four moccasins in the ground, concealing themselves 
meantime behind a blanket. In one of the moccasins is hid- 
den a small white stone to obtain which is the question at 
issue. The game with them has one hundred points. They 
have no "fox and geese" game. 

Boys and girls both play "shinny." The ball is of buck- 
skin, stuffed with wool. They are incorrigible gamblers; 

19. Bourke here inserted a sketch in water-colors of a silver plaque. 


play both varieties of monte, and kan-kan, but do not make 
cards of horse-hide as the Apaches do. They have dice made 
of round or square blocks of wood, seven in number, six 
black and one red : these are shuffled in a basket and thrown 
out on ground. They have the "Apache billiards" with 
hoops & staves or lances. 

They have the Apache game played with three pieces 
of wood, shaped like a "half round" file of cottonwood, 5" to 
8" long, painted black on the flat side. A flat stone is placed 
upon the ground and surrounding it and a few inches from it 
is a ring of forty pebbles. The sticks are thrown vertically 
against the flat stone and allowed to rebound against a blan- 
ket or skin held above. The "count" depends upon whether 
or not the black or uncoloured side of the sticks turn up ; the 
pebbles serve merely as "counters." 

The grand prize of the dandy Navajo buck is his belt; 
this is of leather completely covered by immense elliptical sil- 
ve placques, 4"x3" in the transverse diameter horizontal; 
each of these contains from $5 to $6 silver dollars and the 
workmanship is very striking. 

Of these Chi's belt had seven, besides a little one. He 
told me he had given the silversmith $15 for making it, be- 
sides the silver. Frequently, a dandy will enter the Agency 
wearing large silver hoops in his ears, a neck-lace of silver 
balls the size of small cherries, a baldric and belt as above 
described, silver buttons down the outside seam of his leg- 
gings from knee to ankle and a corresponding amount of bar- 
baric decoration upon his pony's bridle and saddle. 

They have rattles of gourds, of deer's toes and sheep's 
toes ; drums made of baskets covered with skin, or of earthen 
"ollas" covered with goat-skin shrunk-on. These drums are 
beaten with a stick, rounded into a hoop at the end. They 
have flageolets of cane, whistles of the same ; also flageolets 
of sun-flower stalks and, when obtainable, of old gun barrels. 
Unlike the Apaches they do not make fiddles of the stalk of 
the century plant or mescal. Their medicine men make 
"music!" at their festivals, by rubbing two notched sticks 
violently together. 

There are some grounds for believing that they employ 
pounded glass as a poison. 

The Navajoes never tattoo, flatten the head or dis- 
figure or deface the body or countenance in any way. 

A young man in love with a girl whom he is anxious to 
marry, mentions the fact to his family, one of whom calls 


upon the girl's people and ascertains the value at which they 
hold her. Poor parents are content with from ten to fifteen 
sheep or goats or one pony; rich people often demand as 
many as ten to twelve ponies. Chi expressed with regret the 
opinion that "gals has riz" lately. 

If the presents are agreed upon and satisfactory to both 
parties, the family of the suitor bring them to that of the 
bride and return to inform the groom-elect that he can now 
go claim his wife. Accompanied by members of his own 
family and attired in his best raiment, he presents himself at 
the "hogan" of his father-in-law, who points out the spot 
where a new "hogan" has been constructed for the happy 
pair. The groom and his retinue enter the new hogan, sit 
down and await the family of the bride who bring in a feast 
of boiled or roast mutton and mush and, occasionally, 
peaches, coffee, and other good things. Good advice is given 
to bride & groom touching their future relations and behavior 
toward each other and the two are then seated side by side, 
to eat out of the same basket. The bride pours water upon 
the hands of the gToom and he upon hers ; then the feast is 
eaten and the guests depart, leaving the newly made husband 
and wife to themselves. 

When two men are in love with the same girl, her 
mother has the deciding voice and in cases of seduction the 
man must pay for the girl the same as if he had asked for 
her in marriage. 

Girls marry at the age of from 10-14. Families number 
from 3 to 7 children; Damon has eight. There are a few 
families in the tribe having from 10-12 children, by one 

Young girls assist their mothers in all home duties; 
women cook, clean "hogan," weave blankets and "tilmas," 
make their own clothes, (the men make their own clothes 
just as the Apache braves do) . The men do most of the knit- 
ting, but the accomplishment is also shared by the gentler 
sex. Boys and girls herd the flocks of sheep and goats, the 
care of which is almost wholly under control of the old 
women. Shearing is done by all hands and the same rule 
obtains in gathering the peach crop which duty calls out 
every man, woman and child able to lend a hand. Women 
and children dry the fruit after it has been gathered. Such 
little farming as is possible in the arid country of the Nava- 
joes is performed by the men, that is the hard work of plow- 
ing is their special business, but in this, as in everything else, 


the women assist. In one word, the Navajoes are mutually 
helpful in the whole routine of daily labor and the same 
rule applies without qualification to the men and women of 
the Zunis. 

The Navajoes are polygamists and a man can have as 
many wives as he pleases, or rather as many as he can pur- 
chase and maintain. Each wife lives with her family ; this 
is the rule, and like most rules, is honored just as much in 
the breach as in the observance. They marry a brother's 
widow; this privilege may be waived, in which case the 
woman may marry any man who will pay the necessary pres- 
ents to her family. If the widow were to elope with another 
suitor, both he and she can be held for damages by the 
offended brother-in-law, unless the offender belong to his 
clan in which case no punishment is awarded, his right to 
the hand of the widow being regarded as equal to that of the 
brother-in-law proper. 

They do not cut off the nose of a wife suspected of infi- 
delity; the woman is punished by beating. The horrible 
punishment of nose-cutting is, I am happy to believe, 
peculiar to the Apaches of Arizona. 

Divorces are obtainable at option of either party, chil- 
dren going with the mother unless she waive her rights to 
their custody. If, at any time, the mother wish to regain her 
children all the sympathy and influence of the tribe would be 
enlisted on her side. The mother seems at all times to be 
allowed to exercise great control over her offspring, espe- 
cially the girls, whose purchase money, at time of their mar- 
riage, is paid to her. I am speaking now of the laws and cus- 
toms of the Navajoes and not of the infractions of those laws 
which men of wealth and power may commit. 

"Chi," throughout the whole conference, showed him- 
self to be a man of far more than ordinary intelligence and 
knowledge and to him, as well as to Colonel Bennett, Mr. 
Leonard, and Mr. Ramon my thanks are certainly due for the 
success attending my labors. Chi made a complaint which 
strikes me as a very just and well-grounded one. He said: 
all the Americans tell me I speak their language well ; all are 
glad to have me get along. Here I am trying to make a 
libbin'. I help the Great Father all I can. I was a scout once 
for General Hatch when he was fighting the Apaches. But 
the Great Father don't send me any wagon or harness. I've 
often sent him word that if I could get them I'd soon get rich 


hauling freight, farming or carrying my own wool to the 
store. I wish I could get a wagon." 

This afternoon, I had the blankets which I purchased 
washed by a squaw with water in which was immersed the 
pounded roots of the "amole" or soap-weed. It took out all 
the dirt, brightened the colors and preserved the softness 
and flexibility of the texture which soap would have caused 
to harden and shrink. 

The Navajoes when unable to procure American to- 
bacco, smoke the dried leaves of a small weed, made into 
cigarettes in a wrapping of corn-husks or the soft silky inner 
bark of the cedar. This "Navajo tobacco" I am almost sure 
is the same as the Bu-fn-chi of the Zunis and the Pueblos of 
the Rio Grande. 

Thursday, May 26th, 1881. The routine of our life at 
the Agency was broken by two events this morning. One, 
the presentation of a dozen fresh eggs by Mr. Damon, which 
eggs were soon disposed of to our great satisfaction ; and the 
other, the startling announcement by Francisco, our Navajo 
cook, that he was going to leave us this morning to pay a visit 
to his brother who he had just learned was quite sick and he 
was afraid some witch "must have been shooting beads into 
him." (the orthodox Navajo diagnosis of any ailment at all 
obscure.) This announcement threw us into a great con- 
sternation but Francisco was immovable and left at once 
not even waiting to clean up and put away the dishes. His 
departure was a source of keen regret, naturally somewhat 
selfish in its nature but still not entirely devoid of honest 
regard for Francisco whom we all liked extremely well for 
his pleasant obliging ways. Francisco said at one of our 
meals that he remembered me since "way back," in 1870, 
when he was one of Gen'l Crook's Indian scouts operating 
against the hostile Apaches. 

After leaving Gen'l Crook's command, he returned for 
a short time to his own people and was then taken as a serv- 
ant by a Catholic priest with whom he remained a long while. 
The "padre" taught him how to cook and also imparted a 
considerable knowledge of Spanish and some little English. 

Thus it will be understood very readily how truly sin- 
cere was our sorrow at parting with Francisco, because now, 
as Mr. Leonard pathetically remarked, "we should have to 
wrastle for our hash, sure enough." 

While we are breakfasting, Jose, the Navajo valet de 
chambre, makes up our bedrooms, and if we have any soiled 


clothing, bundles it off to a Navajo squaw who washes it with 

A visit to the "garden" is next in order : here center the 
hopes of Col. Bennett and Mr. Leonard for the coming sum- 
mer and each morning before commencing the business of 
the day, they walk around to examine the "tender leaves 
of hope" peeping timidly above the soil and which with no 
drawbacks will become under the fervent rays of a June sun, 
prolific vines of cucumber and tomato. 

The soil is excellent and the temperature of the day 
genial enough, but the high altitude makes the nights chilly 
and retards, if it does not destroy, all vegetation not indige- 
nous to the country. To be sure of raising something, Sheri- 
dan, the farmer, has all these young vegetables under glass. 

"Chi" and Damon came in again this a. m., with Colonel 
Bennett, to resume our conversation upon the manners and 
customs of the Navajoes. 

When a young girl announces to her mother that she 
has arrived at maturity, her mother, assisted by old female 
relatives, arranges the girl's back hair in a knot, allowing the 
hair that is on front & sides of head to hang free. Word is 
sent to the friends of the family who bring in all their beads 
and silver ornaments with which to deck the young woman 
and sheep-skins, or if they can possibly be had, buffalo robes 
upon which she is to recline. 

A robe is spread upon the floor of the hogan and upon 
this the girl places herself at full length, face to the floor, 
while a woman tramps upon her spine and also slaps her 
shoulders, head, breast and soles of feet. At the same time, 
the women of the family are busy grinding corn and making 
other preparations for a feast, to be given on the night of 
the 4th day. 

The young girl all this while is wearing the ornaments 
loaned her and keeping her hair done up in the manner 
spoken of. For four days, she is allowed no meat, but on the 
evening of that day, the "medicine man" enters the "hogan," 
followed by squads of the family friends and acquaintances. 
The feast is spread and attacked without delay and singing 
commences and kept up throughout the night. The next 
morning, the girl is made to run a race of 300 to 400 yards 
from the "hogan" and back the same distance. In this ex- 
ercise, she is followed by some of her own family, generally a 
younger brother. 


This terminates the performance, except that the girl 
who was not allowed to sleep during the previous night must 
remain awake until after sun-down. 

They have no particular place of honor for visitors to 
their "hogans," but receive with courtesy all who enter and 
spread for them couches of sheep-skins. They make great 
use of "sweat lodges," but have no menstrual lodges and do 
not compel their women to seclude themselves at any time. 

Councils are most frequently held in open air, the cli- 
mate of their country being exceptionally serene. On special 
occasions, a large-sized "hogan" is built for the purpose. 

They have not been at war since 1864. Have no war- 
clubs or anything of that kind. Their arrows are inferior 
and mostly of patterns dating back to the time of Noah's 
ark, but it must not be lost sight of that in the event of a 
disturbance with us this powerful band of from 15,000 to 
20,000 souls would in a twinkling secure arms from the 
horde of American and Mexican cut-throats only too glad to 
sell them weapons of precision in exchange for ponies, fine 
blankets and silver-ware. 

Chi tells me the "old men say" that in former days they 
used to make hatchets for war and other purposes of a hard, 
black stone like flint (evidently obsidian). None of these 
can now be found in the tribe. Neither can one any longer 
see shields among them, altho' they were in use up to the 
year 1868. War bonnets also are out of use. These, from 
descriptions given me, must have been something like those 
of the Apaches. 

Their bows are of white-cedar, covered with a backing 
of sinew, and are ft. long, with arrows tipped with iron or 
flint barbs, generally the former. The bow string is of deer, 
cow or horse sinew ; the quiver of lion, goat, calf, or beaver 
skin. Wrist guards are of leather and very often of silver. 
Chi says that "long ago," to poison their arrows they dipped 
their tips in the juice of a little wood, resembling the sun 
flower ; the practice has long been out of use. (They still use 
powdered glass as a poison) . Their only stone implements, 
at this date, are "metates," berry mashers and stones for 
pounding "green" skins. 

They do not make nets, but catch rabbits with forked 
sticks. When the rabbit runs into a hole, they thrust it in 
after him and twist it about until it catches in his fur and 
then they drag him forth. They make a baited trap for field 
rats ; this is simply a heavy stone resting upon a slender stick 


to which is attached the bait. The whole thing is placed in 
the trail made by the rat in going and returning from his 
hole and the moment he nibbles he is crushed under the 
weight of the rock. 

They make reatas of twisted goat and buck-skin and, 
rarely, of hair ; those of goat-skin are most highly esteemed. 

They very seldom smoke pipes, preferring cigarettes of 
corn-husks : but pipes can occasionally be found among them, 
made of baked clay shaped like our cigar-holders and about 
the same size. Chi said he had one somewhere which he 
would try to hunt up for me ; his wife found it while rum- 
maging around an old ruin, (cliff -dwelling) . 

Their tobacco bags are of buckskin and muslin, made 
plain ; I have also seen a number of very gorgeous affairs of 
silver, one of which I tried in vain to purchase. 

Their spoons and dippers are made of cottonwood 
"knots" and also of gourds. Their pottery is crude and con- 
sists simply of a few water jugs and flat plates. They make 
canteens and pitchers of basketware, coated inside & out with 
pinon resin, and a flat basket of black and white osier or wil- 
low twigs almost identical in form and design with the same 
article manufactured by their brothers, the Apaches. 

They know how to obtain fire by rubbing sticks to- 
gether ; they sit on one, which has a round hold bored in its 
extremity into which they insert another and smaller stick 
which is held vertical and rolled between the hands. In the 
hole between the two sticks, they put a pinch of fine sand and 
over the hole, a little punk, dried grass or horse manure. 

They eat peaches, josk-ka+n (the fruit of the Spanish 
bayonet), prickly pear, pifion nuts, acorns, grass seeds, 
pumpkin and watermelon (seeds as well as fruit), sun- 
flower seeds, (parched and ground) a variety of wild pars- 
nip, the wild potato, mescal (obtained in trade from the 
Apaches and called No+ta) , choke cherries, wild plums and 
the inner bark of the pine. Don't eat grass-hoppers, crick- 
ets, or red ants. They plant corn, wheat, beans, potatoes (a 
few), chile, melons, squashes, peaches (their principal 
orchards are in the Canon de Chelle, 30 m. N. W. of De- 
fiance) , and sun-flowers (tho' not nearly to same extent as do 
the Moquis.) Both Damon and Chi say they eat a white clay, 
found in numerous places on the Reservation. This they 
sprinkle freely over the wild potato, the acridity of which it 
corrects and perhaps it would be safer to say that this earth 
is taken more as a condiment than as an article of diet. 


They eat deer and antelope ; don't eat bear, have eaten 
it in time of war and great scarcity, but don't touch it when 
other food can be had. Don't eat dogs, fish of any kind, 
lizards or snakes. Are very fond of the flesh of the porcu- 
pine. Eat wild turkeys, mules, horses, donkeys, sheep, goats 
and horned cattle. They have large herds of ponies, flocks of 
sheep, herds of goats, some 500 horned cattle, and a number 
of mules and donkeys. They don't seem to care much for 
chickens or hogs. The wilder Navajoes don't eat eggs ; those 
who have been near the Agency do. They use the milk of 
sheep & goats which is very rich. Their bread is of three 
varieties, as among Zunis; their meat is boiled or roasted. 
Among the Navajoes, Zunis and all Pueblo Indians, the trav- 
eller can count with certainty upon finding a great deal of 
mutton tallow in every dish offered for his acceptance; this 
to many palates is a disagreeable addition especially in bread. 

The buckskin of the Navajoes is stained black or red. 
Men often wear knee-breeches of buckskin. They don't make 
use of porcupine quills or elk teeth, and use only a small 
amount of bead-work in their decorations; this, for the 
simple reason, that these articles are very hard to get. They 
do use, as stated elsewhere, coral and chalchuitl beads for 
necklaces and also some of the large varied blue & white 
beads of the traders. Silver is the great ornamentation and 
their skill in making it is worthy of high praise. 

Their blankets and woolen goods are firmly woven, gen- 
erally elegant in design and, when we regard the meager 
means at their disposal, marvels of industrial achievements. 
Their looms are the rudest mechanical appliances, nearly 
always out of doors and yet the Navajo blanket will at any 
time compare with the finished productions of the mills of 
San Francisco, Minneapolis or Philadelphia. The very best 
of the Navajo blankets sell readily at $75 and $80 ; the second 
grades command $30-$40 and a third class may be had at 
from $10-$15 each. 

Our silver coin is their money, but to their chalchuitJ 
necklaces and beads and silver ornaments a negociable value 
is always attached. They dislike to part with these unless 
under great pecuniary distress and even then prefer to 
place them in pawn with the trader. Mr. Leonard tells me 
that the pledges are always redeemed. 

Their form of Government is an ochlochracy; all the 
tribe assists at their general councils, women being allowed 


to speak as well as the men. Each clan selects its own 

Damon and Chi say that they have secret societies in 
charge of their various dances notably of the Josh-ka-f n 
dance, but nothing definite or satisfactory could be obtained 
concerning them as might be expected. 

They have women who make prostitution a business ; 
"alt-chilt-ni," i. e., "reckless women." They are despised by 
the mothers of the tribe, but no open ill treatment is visited 
upon them; they visit in the different "hogans" just the 
same as if they were virtuous women. After leading im- 
moral lives for a number of years, they often settle down to 
married life, without any reference to their former degrada- 
tion being made. (The Apaches have the same class of 
abandoned women called in their language Pa-jani.) Se- 
duction and adultery have already been spoken of, and from 
all that I have stated, it may be seen that the marriage rela- 
tion is, at best, a loose one. 

Murder may be compounded by payment of ponies and 
goods to the clan of the murdered man, the clan of the mur- 
derer assisting him with contributions. Accidental homicide 
must be expiated in same manner as a premeditated crime. 
This offering will appease the resentment of the clan, as it 
frequently, tho' not always, does that of the family of the 

The great trouble to the average Navajo mind, is the 
fear of maleficent witches who shoot beads, stones, peach- 
pits and horse-hairs into the bodies of people they don't like. 
A witch, upon being discovered, is put to death as speedily 
and as unceremoniously as possible. 

I couldn't ascertain much about their war customs, as 
they have not been at war with any people or tribe during 
present generation, that is to say not since 1864. Chi says 
that they sometimes scalp and sometimes don't, but always 
return to their villages to have a scalp dance. This is much 
the same as the behavior of the Apaches under the same cir- 

The medicine men use gourd-rattles and chant around 
couch of patient and also suck out the beads, horsehair and 
little worms which the witch fired into him. Syphilis for- 
merly prevailed among them to a great extent ; now there is 
very little. The treatment consists of fasting for ten days, 
using no meat of any kind and no food except a little corn- 
bread. The patient remains in a sweat-lodge nearly all 


day, drinking copiously of a hot infusion of certain herbs, 
the names of which I could not discover. The treat- 
ment is said to be highly successful. There is a good 
deal of syphilitic rheumatism among them, more particu- 
larly among the older people. Rheumatism they attribute 
to the presence of a rock shot into them by witches. Their 
other diseases are sore eyes, piles, consumption, chills & 
fever, and small pox (which is much dreaded) . They under- 
stand making splints. Women often die in child birth and 
puerperal troubles, tho' rare, are not unknown among them. 

Chi says that they pray to the Sun and to the "Woman in 
the West," (or the "Woman in the Ocean.") The Sun gives 
them rain. When there is no sign of rain, they sing and 
pray to the Sun to give them some. When a woman is grind- 
ing corn, or cooking, and frequently, when any of the Nava- 
joes, male or female, are eating, a handful of corn-meal is 
put in the fire as an offering (to the Sun, I suppose, J. G. B.) . 
They used to think it was bad medicine to put a knife in 
the fire, but many will do it now. They will mention the 
name of their mother-in-law, but won't go into same "hogan" 
with her and don't look at her. Among themselves, they 
speak freely of their dead, but will not enter a "hogan" in 
which any one has died. These "hogans" are, in nearly all 
cases, destroyed or at least abandoned. 

They say that they first obtained horses from the Utes: 
before having horses, they had to carry all their traps on 
their backs. 

At this point in the conference, I obtained from Chi a 
long account of the origin of the Navajoes, and the relation 
to the "Woman who lives in the West- in the Ocean" also 
their Sun myth. Not to break the continuity of my recital, 
I have postponed the insertion of these myths for the present. 

It is "bad medicine,"" according to my informant, to 
tell any of these myths while the lightning is playing around. 

I thought this an opportune moment to ask if the Nava- 
joes knew that there were people living away up north, in 
the cold country, who call themselves "Tin-neh," and who 
spoke the same language as they did. He replied that he 
always knew they had one time been the same people with 
the Apaches and that they still understood the Apaches 
when they spoke slowly and he also had heard some of the 
old men tell the story that a long, long time ago a party of 
Navajoes had gone up N. to trade with other tribes and that 
they ran across two men who spoke about the same as they 


did, only a little bit different ; that these men told the Nava- 
joes that they had always heard from their old men that they 
had relatives who had wandered to the South. The Navajoes 
couldn't account for this at all, but supposed that in the dim 
past, their Northern relatives had been separated from them 
by the fire in the ground. I questioned Chi about this and 
learned that once all the rocks in this country were on fire. 
Whether this refers to some volcanic eruption, such as 
has thrown up San Francisco Mtn. and the great hardened 
streams of lava which cross this country in so many places, 
is something more than I dare say. 

The Navajoes do not use the bow drill. They make 
very fair saddles and bridles, the archaic form of the saddle 
being a couple of leather pads stuffed with wool, and con- 
nected by a girth, to which is attached, at suitable points, two 
leather straps terminating in flat, wooden, Turkish stirrups. 
They are blacksmiths in a small way, and make rough chains, 
bits and bridles. A short visit to the school of the half- 
breed children showed eight to be in attendance, one of these, 
a full blooded Navajo, blind from birth. 

I obtained from Mr. Saint Clair two very fine Navajo 
rugs for $9.00. 

Entered one of the Navajo "hogans" of which I made 
careful observations. It had been made by first scooping out 
earth to a depth of from 2% to 3 ft. Then half a dozen 
forked pieces of pine or pinon, 12 to 15 ft. long, and 5 in. in 
diameter were so placed that the forked ends interlaced at 
top : upon these other branches of pinon & cedars, of nearly 
all the same dimensions were laid so as to form an enclosure, 
the whole being rendered wind and rain-proof by a liberal 
covering of earth. Very often their "hogans" are made of 
rough stone work. An opening is left at top for the escape 
of smoke and a smaller one at the side to serve as an entrance. 
The interior dimensions are a diameter of 18 to 20 ft. and 
height of 7!/2 ft. A small banquette of earth runs around the 
circle. A humbledy-jumbledy pile of sheep-skins, blankets, 
saddles and bridles also covered the floor of the "hogan," the 
centre of which was occupied by a very small fire and close 
to that were a few very crude blacksmith's tools, the "anvil" 
being an old axe imbedded in a pinon stump. 

Close to this house was the "hogan," already dismantled, 
of the squaw Libby, whose funeral was described in journal 
of May 24th, 1881. 


In front of the hogan which I had entered, an old squaw 
was intently engaged in making a baby's cradle, of flat cedar 
slabs, lined with soft, tissue-like bark. Alongside of her, a 
rude loom with a pretty blanket, not yet more than half fin- 

When we entered the hogan, a nice blanket was spread 
out for us (Mr. St. Clair and myself) to sit down upon and 
we were invited to partake of the boiled corn and other food 
the Navajoes were eating; before we could make any motion 
of acceptance, a stifling cloud of dust and stones tumbling 
down upon us through the aperture in the roof and a fearful 
din of snarls and barks and groans and snaps acquainted us 
with the fact that "Buster" was actively engaged in battle. 
This gives me an excuse for introducing "Buster," a noble 
mastive dog of mixed Newfoundland & Saint Bernard blood 
which, thanks to Mr. Leonard's kindness, had been my com- 
rade & friend in my strolls among the "hogans." A brave 
and affectionate animal whose society was at all times a great 
comfort to me when obliged to pass through the packs of 
miserable curs that answer for dogs among the Navajoes. 
These curs are noticeably conscientious ; as a matter of duty, 
they attack everything human or canine, black, white, red, 
yellow or spotted coming within hailing distance of the 
"hogans." This time, they made a mistake. "Buster," intel- 
ligent, affectionate, and conscious of his own powers, paid no 
heed to the snarls which greeted him, as I passed into the 
hogan. For a brief moment, the Navajo curs contented 
themselves with snarls and it would have been well for them 
had they remained so contented. One of them, younger and 
rasher than his associates, made a vicious "nab" for one of 
"Buster's" hind legs. Buster suddenly wakes up! He 
seems to take the liveliest interest in the proceedings. Rush- 
ing among his antagonists, he grabs them with the celerity of 
lightning, it matters little whether by neck or leg or back 
it's all one to a dog of Buster's immense strength, and after 
a moment's vigorous shaking, throws them through the air 
as a terrier would a rat. 

A swish ! and the first cur is landed upon a pile of rocks ; 
a swosh ! and a heart-rending ki-yi-yi. and a second cur was 
sailing like a comet over the head of his predecessor. Thus 
far, from my place in the "hogan" facing the open entrance, 
I had noted all of Buster's doings and was greatly tickled at 
his success but after he had made up his mind to charge upon 
the enemy and drive them down upon us, through the roof of 


the "began," I felt compelled to rush out, seize him by the 
collar and hold him back. 

"Bravo! Buster old boy, you have done well, you've 
spoiled our meal and interfered with the taking of any more 
ethnological notes for to-day, but you've cleaned out seven of 
the meanest curs in the whole Navajo nation, Time, three 
(3) minutes." 

Buster trotted home in a very dignified manner, stop- 
ping now & then to be petted and evidently much gratified 
when I told him that if I only had the money, I'd take him 
over to Constantinople and let him have an inning with the 
mangy dogs of the followers of the Prophet. 

Before returning to the Fort, we strolled into the mouth 
of the Canon Bonito, a pretty rock-walled ravine, with tiny 
stream trickling down its center. 

Our dinner this evening was decidedly meagre and we 
greatly missed "Francisco," whose place has been taken, but 
by no means filled by another Navajo. We selected a young 
Navajo buck, who appeared to be the average size, weight 
&c. His age was apparently 22-24 years. Height 5 '9". 
Weight 140 Ibs. Build, slender and sinewy. In expression of 
countenance, the Navajoes are intelligent, bold, good- 
natured and shrewd. 

Their arrows are of reed, tipped with iron, feathered 
with 3 plumes; plumes and barb fastened to the shaft by 
sinew : shaft is 15" long and has 3 longitudinal grooves for 
the escape of blood. 

Their dyes are as follows : scarlet from threads unrav- 
elled from scarlet cloth; blue, from indigo, bought of the 
traders. Green, black & yellow from roots found in their 
own range. 

The Navajo bridle has no throat-latch, but is often gor- 
geous with silver decorations. 

Our dinner this evening, was, I need scarcely say, a very 
melancholy affair; lovely woman's gentle influence, sweet 
smile, affectionate care and so forth are never so highly 
appreciated or so sincerely missed as when a mess of bach- 
elors are thrown upon their own resources in the culinary 
department. We got together a can of currant jelly, a box 
of sardines, a bottle of tomato catsup, a lot of crackers and a 
pot of boiled tea and each said in an encouraging tone that 
affairs weren't so bad after all and that this dinner was good 
enough for anybody. But we didn't believe our own words 


and not a man there but would have been glad to sit down 
to a good square meal in the Brevoort House. 

Friday, May 27th, 1881. Our breakfast is a little bit 
better than we expected ; our new Navajo cook has settled 
down to business. He makes excellent coffee for which we 
have an abundance of goat's and sheep's milk, and he also 
understands how to "raise" bread with salt and water and 
bakes a very fair specimen of breakfast biscuit, in which, 
heaven be praised ! there is none of that abomination, baking 

This is an extremely lovely morning; no dust and not 
a single fleck in the sky. 

Had another conference with "Chi" (Red) and Damon, 
who gave me some further items concerning the Navajoes. 
They trade with the Utes on the North, calling all Indians 
living to the North of them Utes ; on the west they go as far 
as Salt Lake, Utah, and San Bernardino, Cal., while on the 
East they visit the Rio Grande Pueblos. When at war, they 
used to run down to the borders of Chihuahua, to steal horses 
and cattle. (I myself know of them going as far North as 
Snake creek, Wyoming, and West to Camp Hualpai, Arizona 
in the first named place to sell blankets ; in the last to steal 

Chi brought me some of the earth eaten by the Navajoes 
to take away the rank taste of the wild potato. It is a whitish 
clay, and is not disagreeable either in smell or taste. 

Mr. Damon lent me his saddle pony for a ride through 
Bonito Canon, which after I had fairly entered, showed 
itself to be a wonderful cleft in a beetling crag of sandstone, 
walling in the canon on both sides. In length it can't be 
over a mile, in width it is not quite 75 yards, while its 
measured height is said to be 600 feet. In those places can 
still plainly be traced the lines of breastworks, laid out by the 
troops under Canby and Carson during the war with this 
tribe (Navajoes.) 

At noon, I questioned Chi very closely about the "sign 
language." I explained to him with great care what the 
"Sign language" was, what tribes used it &c., but he insisted 
that his people never employed it. Then I asked him what he 
would do if he were to meet a strange Indian whose language 
he didn't understand, and from whom he wished to obtain 
a drink of water. Chi promptly made the sign for a drink, 
exactly as a plains Indian would have done; so, too, when I 
asked how he would invite the stranger to trade with him, 


he very promptly moved his forefingers past each other in 
the form of an X. So far, so good; he broke down com- 
pletely when I inquired the signs for "horse," "road," 
"tired," "sleep," and "tomorrow." These were incompre- 
hensible to Chi, who admitted that he was making up the 
signs I asked for, and that he was trying to see how he 
should get along if he were to run upon such as stranger as I 
had described. 

He was very much astonished when I told him of our 
campaign against the Sioux and Cheyennes, (1876-1877) of 
the Custer Massacre, and especially of the little band of Crow 
Indians sent out by General Terry to open up communication 
with Gen'l Crook. How they reached our camp and delivered 
their dispatches; how they were unable to comprehend a 
word of our language or of that of the Shoshonee allies who 
were with us, but how, by means of the "sign language" 
they were enabled to hold a three hours conversation with 
General Crook, in which they described every circumstance 
of Terry's part of the campaign the massacre of Custer 
the arrival of Gibbon & Terry with reinforcements, the res- 
cue of Reno, the march back to the steam-boats on the Yel- 
lowstone Everything great or small that Gen'l Crook was 
anxious to learn. 

My opinion of the "sign language" is that it grew up 
from the necessities and surroundings of the Plains Indians, 
all of whom depended upon the roving herds of buffalo as a 
means of subsistence. In following the buffalo, tribal limits 
would be obliterated and people of different tongues brought 
into a contact, more or less intimate, and generally amicable, 
altho' often hostile. Under these circumstances, the "sign 
language" grew up because it was a necessity. To people 
living as the Navajoes and Zunis, in well defined territories 
and deriving their support from the soil or from flocks and 
herds, the need of commerce with adjoining tribes would be 
so slight that the necessary language would naturally be left 
to a chosen class of interpreters either captives or traders 
making it an object to speak a number of dialects. 

Chi gave a rambling account of the origin of the Utes. 
A Navajo maiden had a son by her own father ; to conceal her 
disgrace, she abandoned the infant in a prairie-dog hole 
where a compassionate owl arranged a nest for the little 
castaway and supplied it with food. Coming to man's es- 
tate, the child hunted up his tribe and made himself known. 
He was received by everybody with kindness, including his 


unnatural mother, but in a few days he became involved in 
a quarrel with a young- man whom he killed. A party from 
the tribe pursued him all day toward the N. but at night-fall 
discovered that the tracks on the trail had been increased 
by those of two other persons a man and a woman, or as 
Chi expresses it, "he had made a man and a woman." The 
next night 5 tracks were found or "he had made two more." 
The 3rd night, 2 more and the 4th night, the tracks num- 
bered 9 and the pursuers, fearing to encounter so large a 
party, returned home. The Utes, after a while, becoming 
bold, attacked the Navajoes and maintained a predatory 
warfare with them. Shortly before the Americans came into 
the country, the two tribes were at peace and intermarriages 
had taken place between them. 

If this tale means anything, it might be taken to indicate 
that this child of incest, abandoned by his parents, had been 
taken care of by an Indian named the "Owl" and that as he 
grew to manhood, he became the leader of a band of outlaws 
and refugees, which in course of time, assumed a distinct 
tribal government. But I don't think it worthy of any 
credence at all. 

While I was taking down the above, the little blind 
Navajo boy seen at school yesterday, passed the door singing 
at top of his voice in excellent English : "Hallelujah ! Halle- 
lujah ! For Jesus has come." 

Devoted the afternoon to copying and correcting my 
notes and to taking a very refreshing bath ; was interrupted 
in the latter by an Indian boy's pounding upon the door and 
shouting "Chiniago, Chiniago" (Dinner, Dinner), at which 
meal we were all delighted by a present of excellent fresh 
bread sent to us with the compliments of Mrs. Perkins, the 
wife of the schoolmaster. 

May 28th, 1881. Saturday. Colonel Bennett and I 
started for Wingate. On the road, we met a half dozen 
Navajoes bringing salt from the Salt Springs, 60 m. South of 
the Agency, a place of resort for Apaches, Navajoes, and 

We followed the "old" Wingate road for nearly 15 miles 
and then turning to the S. E., struck across country by an 
almost unbroken trail to Sheridan, the nearest station, on 
the A. & P. R. R. 

Reached Wingate at 3 P. M. ; read my mail and called 
upon General Bradley and family. Had the great pleasure of 
meeting Mr. Frank Gushing, at the house of Doctor Mat- 


thews; had a long and delightful conversation with him 
concerning our S. W. Indians and their customs. Showed 
him my list of the Zuni clans which he pronounced correct 
except that two, now extinct or nearly so, were not properly 
given ; these were the "Rattlesnake," of which only one man 
is now living. (The existence of such a clan Palfrey and I 
had agreed upon from seeing the snake in high relief upon 
pottery) ; and the Agua or Water clan, which Gushing claims 
is now extinct. 

Saturday, May 29th, 1881. Had another conversation 
with Mr. Gushing after breakfast. I found him to be the 
most intelligent ethnologist I had ever encountered. Dr. 
Matthews is also wonderfully well up in his knowledge of 
Indian manners, customs and languages, his book on the 
"Hidatosa or Gros Ventres" having been published by the 
Smithsonian Institute. In the society and conversation of two 
such men, I could not fail to improve each moment. Passed 
the rest of the day very pleasantly, writing up my notes; 
also sent letters to Gen'l Sheridan & to Colonel Ludington. 

In the evening, called upon Mr. Hopkins, the post trader 
and his charming wife ; thence to General Bradley's where I 
met, besides his family, Mr. Gushing, with Patricio, the 
"governador" of Zuni, Dr. and Mrs. Matthews and Lieut. 
Chance. Mr. Gushing read us some poetry in the Zuni lan- 
guage, an invocation to the spirit of the antelope, showing 
rhyme, rhythm and melody. Patricio said that it was a song 
they sang to the spirit of the Antelope, before starting out on 
a hunt and as we seemed to be pleased with the words, he 
would sing the song itself, if we so wished. Need I say that 
we jumped at the chance and begged Patricio to gratify us. 
He sang in a sweet voice, a little bit tremulous from nervous- 
ness, the invocation or chant, beginning: "May-a-wee- 
May-a-wee!" (Spirit of the Antelope! Spirit of the Ante- 

Just before he began his song Mr. Baxter, the corre- 
spondent of the Boston Herald and Mr. Metcalf e, an artist of 
the Staff of Harper's Weekly, entered the little circle and 
took down notes of all that occurred. They impressed me as 
very bright young gentlemen. Mr. Baxter's letter to the 
Boston Herald will be found inserted . . ., and as it contains 
Patricio's song in full, I deem it unnecessary to copy the 
words at this point. Mr. Gushing told us that some of the 
prayers of the Zunis are so old that the words have dropped 
out of the language of everyday life, or to express it in 


another way, I may say that the Zunis are on the verge of 
having", like the Ancient Egyptians, two languages, the 
hieratic and the demotic. They have prayers for every occa- 
sion, some of their invocations requiring hours for their 
delivery. He then explained a number of their pictographs 
to be found in such numbers on the rocks in this region and 
gave an account of their "scalp dance," which appears to 
consist of a "song of invitation" from the man who organ- 
izes the dance and who holds aloft the scalp and a "song and 
dance of acquiesence," by those who intend following him 
upon the war path. In war, they take no prisoners, and 
their warriors are bound by oath to kill their best friend if 
an enemy to the Zunis. 

They do not count "coup," but for each man killed in 
war, they are allowed to wear on wrist four small sea shells. 
Patricio had on his arm twenty of these, corroborating his 
statement that in years gone by he had made 5 Navajoes bite 
the dust. 

Gushing says that the Zunis have societies for every 
thing dances, festivals &c. He told me that he was having 
made for me one of the sacred blankets of the Zunis and 
we have arranged to go together to the Moqui villages, to 
witness the "rattlesnake dance" which comes off in August f 
thence, to the Grand Canon of the Colorado and perhaps to 
the country of the Ava-Supais. Mr. Gushing thinks that the 
See-vitch of the Grand Canon have a common origin with 
the Zunis or Ah-see-vitch. The Zunis themselves admit as 
much. They called the people of Taos their "older brothers," 
and say that four hundred years ago the buffalo roamed 
around Taos. The Zunis still have a sacred "Buffalo" Dance, 
in which figures a cap, ornamented with buffalo horns, which 
by long rubbing against sides of cap have been worn so thin 
that light can be seen through them. 

Sunday, May 30th, 1881. Colonel De Courcey over- 
whelmed me with a present of two fine Navajo rugs, of rare 
beauty ; also some odd looking Zuni pottery. 

Packed my baggage and my accumulations of pottery, 
blankets &c., called upon General Bradley and family, Dr. 
Matthews and others to say adieu. At the moment of my 
departure, Colonel Bennett presented to me two Moqui bas- 
kets and a Moqui boomerang. One of the baskets had woven 

20. Gushing did not make this trip in August with Bourke, but in November, 
1881, he helped Bourke in getting data from & Moqui Indian who was living in Zuni. 
See Snake-Dance of the Moquis (1884), pp. 150, 180-195 passim. 


in it in colors the "thunderbird" and the "boomerang" was 
finely made and ornamented with cabalistic characters." 1 

All three of these gifts were very beautiful and striking. 
Bennett also sent a beautiful and rare Navajo rug to Gen'l 
Crook, as a mark of his esteem and appreciation. 

In the possession of Patricio, the present "gobernador" 
of Zuni, and of his father, old Pedro Pino, the former gov- 
ernor is a box of very old papers, mostly certificates and tes- 
timonials from old Army officers, many of whose names have 
not been heard in this generation. Of all these officers of 
remote years before the war, the Zuni chiefs still cherish H 
vivid recollection and speak in terms of affection. But most 
especially do they speak of Kendrick, then a Major of Artil- 
lery, stationed at old Fort Wingate and since a Professor of 
Chemistry and Mineralogy at the Mil'ty Academy. When 
his name was mentioned they cried out "At-chi-, At-chi our 
dear friend who used to live in the little log house ! At-chi 
At-chi!" I may explain here that At-chi, in Zuni, means 
alas! but it means more than our word it means Alas! 
Goodbye or Farewell to that which I held dear and never 
shall see again ! The Zunis have two words corresponding 
to our alas !, but at-chi ! has the meaning I have here given. 

Colonel DeCourcey and Lieut. Emmet drove to the R. R. 
station with me. There I met a party of Atlantic & Pacific 
R. R. gentlemen, who kindly invited me to occupy a seat in 
their special car, and later in the evening made me share in 
a very acceptable lunch. 

May 31st, 1881. Tuesday. Reached Albuquerque at 
2 : 30 in the morning. Every bed in the hotels occupied and, 
accordingly, I had to walk the platform of the R. R. depot, 
until 6 a. m., the hour for the arrival of the passenger train 
from California. 

At Lamy Junction, going in to breakfast, I met Rev'd 
Dr. MacNamara and Bishop Dunlop of the Episcopal Church. 
At Santa Fe, saw Goodwin, 9th Cav., Woodruff, A. C. S., 
Cornish, 15th Inf 'y, and Ed. Miller, Chief Clerk for Col. Lee, 
A. Q. M. 

Remained two hours in Santa Fe, and then took an am- 
bulance for Espanola, the terminus of the D. & Rio Grande 
R. R., 27 m. from Santa Fe and 343 m. from Denver. 

21. Bourke's note: July SOth, 1881. All the Pueblos N. of Santa Fe, use the 
"boomerang" the same as the people of Moqui & Zuni do ; but they do not ornament 
it. An old Pueblo from San Juan told me "that is because timber is so plenty with 
us, we can make those rabbit-clubs whenever we need them, while at Moqui, there is no 
wood, so when a man makes a boomerang, it is something valuable to him ; something 
he wants to keep & to have nicely painted. 





DURING the years of his service in the Northwest (1875 
to 1881) , Lieutenant Bourke had become very desirous 
of witnessing the famous Sun Dance of the Sioux Indians. 
He had received word that the ceremony was to be held 
during the full moon of June at the Pine Ridge agency in 
southern Dakota, and he therefore suspended his work in 
New Mexico in order to attend. 

He found, however, that the Indians had changed the 
date from June 11 to June 20, in order that he might be sure 
to see the ceremony. This enabled him to run down to 
Omaha and spend several days working on his Zufii and 
Navaho notes, and also to report to General Sheridan at 
headquarters in Chicago. 

After attending the Sun Dance, he returned to his task 
in New Mexico. His principal objective was to witness and 
study the Snake Dance of the Moquis late in August, and he 
decided to use the intervening weeks in visiting the Indian 
pueblos and Spanish plazas north of Santa Fe. 

[July 8, 1881.] Took the Union Pacific Express for Santa 
Fe, New Mexico, via Cheyenne, Wyo., Denver, Colo., and 
Espanola, first saying goodbye to all friends at Hd. Qrs., 
and to several of those in the city of Omaha . . . 

July 10th, 1881. Left Denver for Santa Fe by the pic- 
turesque line of the Denver and Rio Grande R. R., crossing 
the Rocky Mountains at the Veta Pass. Arrived at the ter- 
minus, Espanola, N. M. at the convenient hour of eight 
A. M. ; had a very poor breakfast and then started by stage 
for Santa Fe. Encountered a violent rain and hail storm in 
the mountains near Pojuaque and was thoroughly drenched 
before reaching end of my journey. Met Lond, Mix, Good- 
win, Emmet, Cornish, Stedman, O'Brien, Taylor and Valois. 
(O'Brien, 4th Artillery, Inspector General of the District 
of New Mexico, formerly served with me in Arizona, in 

July 12th, 1881. Met Messers Baxter and Metcalf with 
whom, and Mr. Murdoch and others, I had first the pleasure 
of becoming acquainted at the quarters of General Bradley, 


at Fort Wingate in May last. These gentlemen are a set of 
very bright and ambitious young journalists, engaged in 
writing up the Southwestern part of our country. Mr. 
Baxter's letters to the Boston Herald are especially good. . . .' 
Mr. Metcalf, an artist for Scribner's and Harper's Weekly, 
has filled his portfolio with very successful sketches, in oil, 
water and crayon of the people and places seen on his tour. 
Called on the Right Reverend ArchBishop Lamy, a ven- 
erable gentleman, whose finely-shaped head, clean-cut fea- 
tures, clear, bright eyes, discover [him] to be a man of acute 
intellect and whose gentle smile and modest, courteous man- 
ners conceal the great scholar and man of wonderful execu- 
tive ability he is known to be. Called in the evening at the 
house of Colonel Lee where I was pleased exceedingly to meet 
not alone his wife and daughter and niece, Miss Drury, but 
also General and Mrs. Coggswell and their charming daugh- 
ter, Miss Susie, and her cousin, Miss Brooks, all of the ladies, 
bright genial and refined. 2 The Lees and the Coggswells 
being, I may say, very old friends of mine, the evening 
slipped away in their pleasant society, so that Lieut. Cornish 
and myself did not withdraw until a late hour. 

July 14th, 1881. At work since early morning upon my 
notes as I had been all yesterday. Lunched with Lieut. 
O'Brien and dined with the Lees. Mrs. Coggswell showed us 
some of her jewelry, which was much above the average. 
One of her seal rings, representing the heads of Caesar and 
his wife, surrounded by diamonds, was an exquisite speci- 
men of the highest Ancient Art. It had formerly been the 
property of the 1st Napoleon, from whom it passed through 
various heirs to Napoleon the 3rd. When the latter was an 
exile in New York, he was sorely pressed for money and sold 
this ring and a companion gem to Mrs. Coggswell's father, a 
banker of wealth and famous for his taste in gems and 
jewels. Napoleon III, in course of time, ascended the throne 
of France and opened negotiations with his former patron 
for a re-purchase of these rings. Mr. Ruggles declined to 
consider any such propostion, but requested the Emperor 
to make his choice of either of the rings and accept it as a 
present with his best wishes. This was done and the ring 

1. From the Santa Fe New Mexican of June 23, Bourke filled thirteen pages of 
his notes from an article by Baxter on Gushing and his work at Zuni which had first 
appeared in the Boston Herald. 

2. General Coggswell had retired from active service about ten years before this. 
See Vol. X, p. 277. 


I had the pleasure of examining this evening was the one 
returned, although Napoleon pleaded hard to be allowed to 
retain it also, offering a generous equivalent in money or 
jewels. Mrs. Coggswell's sets of jacinth with diamonds 
and Arizona rubies with diamonds were exquisitely beauti- 
ful and spoke well for the taste and skill of Tiffany's 

July 15th, 1881. Friday. Started for Taos and inter- 
mediate Pueblos : weather very warm. Road vacant except 
an occasional drove of burros, laden with firewood. Above 
Tesuque, went to a field where a number of Mexicans were 
threshing wheat by driving a flock of sheep over it: after 
going through this process, it is winnowed by tossing the 
mingled chaff and wheat upon wooden forks, called "hor- 
quillas," made of "sabina," a species of cedar. The ranch- 
ero's wife told me they were raising a small crop of wheat, 
corn, chile, pumpkins, and melons (trigo, maiz, chile, cala- 
bazas, and sandias.) 

At Pojuaque, bought an old oil painting, taken from the 
church in the ruined Pueblo of Pojuaque or Nambe, I 
couldn't learn which, but have some reason to think the 
latter. It is a representation upon raw Buffalo hide and in 
crude style of Santiago, mounted upon a prancing white 
charger, and carrying in his right hand a lance, from which 
floats a pennant inscribed with a cross, the same emblem 
being displayed upon the shield he bears in his left hand. 
The saint is emerging from the clouds above the heads of the 
chivalry of Spain who, with renewed courage, are pressing 
upon the foe, whose bodies strew the ground in heaps. 

The design, so far as may be discerned through the 
ravages of Time, is crude and unfinished with, however, a 
few faint traces of artistic skill and power. The account the 
Indians give of it is that it was formerly the altar-piece of 
one of their churches, Nambe, I think, and that about a cen- 
tury ago, one of their Arch Bishops directed that all pictures 
of that class (i. e. painted upon Buffalo hide,) should be 
replaced by more pretentious works upon muslin or canvas. 
This decree banished to the retirement of a private house, 
the effort upon which some pious priest had probably con- 
centrated all his artistic skill for weeks, or perhaps months. 2 

By five in the evening, I was at the old town of Santa 
Cruz, 25 miles north of Santa Fe, on creek of same name 

3. A painting of this type is reproduced from the collections of the Historical 
Society in Santa Fe. 


close to its confluence with the Rio Grande. The house in 
which I found accommodations for myself, driver and mules 
the last, of course, in the stable, was one of those Estab- 
lishments called in the Rio Grande country, a "Government 
Station" or "Forage Agency." The owner was a German, 
named Becker, married to a Mexican woman and the house 
and all its belongings showed the blending of two different 
trains of thought and breeding. My room was quite cozy, 
12 to 14 feet cube, with ceiling of large round peeled pine 
"vigas" covered with boards of same lumber, lain in juxta- 

A gaudy Ingrain carpet concealed the floor of mother 
Earth and added greatly to the "tone" of the chamber which 
for other embellishment had several not unusually atrocious 
chromos ; a set of cottage furniture, comfortable if not ele- 
gant, the bed crammed full of bugs as I afterwards found to 
my sorrow; a tidy or two; some monstrosities in "fancy 
work" ; and a half dozen pieces of plated ware a caster, 
pickle-dish and sugar-bowl being most prominent. What 
purpose these were intended to serve I couldn't ascertain. I 
surmise that with a woman's instinct for a "bargain," Mrs. 
Becker had invested a portion of her husband's savings in 
these, to her, useless articles impelled by the laudable motive 
of spiting some of her neighbors. There was also a very 
cheap Yankee clock one of the kind which does wonders 
so long as it remains in the hands of the glib-tongued ven- 
dor, but the moment some unfortunate dupe buys it, costs a 
small fortune to keep in repair. This occupied a conspicu- 
ous place on one of the walls and kept Time too ; that is to 
say it kept its own Time, which, with a sturdy and praise- 
worthy independence, it preserved distinct from the Sun's 
time. The Sun was already sinking in the West, his last 
fierce rays glinting upon the solitary casement windows, 
wherein three or four scrawny plants, played a ghastly 
parody upon vitality in vases of Indian pottery. The flies 
are making their last effort as nuisances everything pro- 
claims the close of day, but still the dial of the cheap Con- 
necticut Time-keeper insists upon pointing simply to 5 
o'clock. This peculiarity of the clock the oily-tongued 
bronzed cheeked agent had forgotten to expatiate upon while 
rattling off the list of its virtues ; very likely, at the same time 
he foisted upon Mrs. Becker the crazy little sewing machine 
standing in her own room, which is constantly clamoring for 

'283 years old" Bourke later added: "This is not so. J. G. B. 

r r 




The mantel-piece and chimney in the corner are curi- 
osities in their way, put in more to show what the Mexican 
mason could do if called upon than from any real necessity 
for their existence. The chimney is only a foot wide; the 
fireplace being only 18" high with a backward flare which 
reduces its width at the wall to about 3 inches. To consume 
fuel, the little sticks must be placed vertical ; that is if any 
are ever to be burned, which I am inclined strongly to doubt/ 

Next to my room is the "living" apartment, much larger 
than mine but without any window ; its floor is carpeted with 
black and white striped "gerga," the coarse woolen tapestry 
of the country. For furniture it boasts a half dozen clumsy, 
unpainted pine chairs, a table to match and the sewing- 
machine, upon the good and bads points of which I have 
previously dilated. In its exterior aspect, the "Agency" is 
a long, low, one-storied mass of dark-red clay, broken at 
regular intervals by five doors and three windows. 

A corral flanks one extremity, and in all its surround- 
ings, if not architecturally striking, a suggestion of comfort 
and cleanliness, a little bit beyond what one has a right to 
look for on the Rio Grande attaches to the whole place. 
Fleas? Well, yes there are fleas; and bed-bugs? And bed- 
bugs too, both these dear little insects in liberal numbers, 
but Mr. Becker and his dark-eyed Mexican better half didn't 
plan their premises for the accommodation of Sybarites. If 
you don't like what they have provided for you, the train 
leaves Espanola every morning to whirl you back to Boston 
and your couch of crumpled rose-leaves. The rough sketch, 
on the next page may give you a faint idea of the appearance 
of one of these "stations," at which many an officer of the 
Army, now bent and gray, has in the past thirty years, rested 
his weary limbs and found what, in his youthful imagination 
passed for home comfort. 

When my hostess, Mrs. Becker, summoned me to the 
supper she had prepared of broiled kid, bread, coffee, fried 
eggs and green lettuce, I found already seated at the table 
two priests, Padres Francolon and Medina, the former a 
Frenchman, the latter a Mexican, both very courteous, 
pleasant gentlemen and the first named quite intelligent. 

They finished their meal in great haste, excusing them- 
selves upon the plea that they had to put on their robes for 
Divine Service. While I was leisurely finishing my coffee, 

4. If it had been January instead of July, Bourke would have been very grateful 
for this little fireplace, as he doubtless well knew. 


a harsh clanging of bells apprized the faithful that Vespers 
were about to commence. I hurried over to the church, 
which is said to be the oldest or to rank among the very old- 
est in the Territory, being no less than 283 years old. 5 It is 
built in much the same style as San Francisco, San Miguel 
and Guadalupe in Santa Fe: that is to say, the material is 
adobe, the plan cruciform and the fagade flanked by two 
Bell-towers. Within, there is a choir in a very rickety con- 
dition, and a long, narrow nave with a flat roof of peeled pine 
"vigas" covered with riven planks and dirt; on one side, 
there is a niche containing life-size statues of our Savior, 
Blessed Virgin, and one or two Saints ; all of them, as might 
be expected, barbarous in execution. 

Facing this niche, is a large wall painting, divided into 
panels, each devoted to some conventional Roman Catholic 
picture, which, in spite of the ignorance of the artist, could be 
recognized. Tallow candles in tin scones, affixed to the 
white-washed walls lit up the nave and transept with a 
flicker that in the language of poetry might be styled a "dim 
religious light," but in the plain, matter of fact language 
of every day life would be called dim only. Full atonement 
for the comparative obscurity of the parts of the sacred 
edifice occupied by the Congregation was made in the illumi- 
nation of the chancel which blazed in the golden glory of a 
hundred tallow candles. A dozen or more of cedar branches, 
souvenirs of last Christmas held to their positions of promi- 
nence with a sere and yellow persistence much like that of 
maidenly wall-flowers in their tenth season. 

Upon the floor of flagging and bare earth, a small con- 
gregation was devoutly kneeling; the women and children 
closely shrouded in "tapalos," the men, in most cases, in their 
shirt-sleeves. Father Francolon, noticing my approach 
placed a chair for me near the altar ; a courtesy to be fully 
appreciated only by those who have ever assisted at a Mexi- 
can mass or Vespers, without a seat or bench upon which to 
rest at any moment during the long service. 

The whole congregation, as I have elsewhere stated, 
kneels or squats during the mass or Vespers, rising or genu- 
flexioning at appropriate points in the Holy Office. The 

5. The first colonists were located in 1598 at the pueblo of San Juan, about seven 
miles north of Santa Cruz, and soon afterwards they moved to San Gabriel, west across 
the Rio Grande. Just when the first Spanish settlers located at "Santa Cruz de la 
Canada" is not known ; but in 1695 (after the reconquest) it was re-established as the 
"second oldest villa" of New Mexico. It is doubtful if the church described by Bourke 
was older than the latter date. 


influx of Americans into the large towns has brought about 
the introduction of pews ; such an innovation would drive the 
good people of Santa Cruz wild wtih superstitious fear that 
it might be a suggestion from the Evil One himself. 

Two guitars and a violin, each of domestic make and 
each in the last stages of decrepitude furnished the music 
for a choir of voices, also of domestic manufacture and also 
in the last stages of decrepitude. To somewhat complicate 
matters, the "musicians" (I use the term for want of a 
better,) played different tunes and the singers pitched their 
voices on different keys. Outside the church-door, a squad 
of zealous devotees wakened the echoes with a salute fired 
from old muskets, almost coeval with the Building. I appre- 
hended the reason for this noisy volley-firing, when told that 
to-night was the Eve of the Feast of Carmel, in former days 
the "fiesta" of this plaza. 

Nothing now survives of the solemnity with which it 
was formerly ushered in, but the simple Vespers here de- 
cribed and the Mass of to-morrow. I drew near the musi- 
cians near enough to get a close look at the guitar, a 
wonderful achievement in pine wood, held together with 
big patches of calico. The service over, the sexton rapidly 
put out the lights by slapping them with his hat. Ridiculous 
as some of the proceedings were, it was impossible not to be 
deeply impressed by the fervent and unaffected piety of all 
the congregation. 

Before going to bed, I called upon the priests who 
showed me a number of religious pictures, all of great age, 
but of no artistic merit, except one a copy of some famous 
Spanish master which was really beautiful. It was the 
subject that has drawn forth the power and genius of the 
greatest painters of the world The Madonna and Child. 
Mary, in whose face beamed the purity, tenderness and affec- 
tion which remain only with those of her sex who remain 
true to their God; and Jesus, the Infant Saviour, still the 
gentle, prattling babe, upon whose suffering brow the sins 
of men, in after years, would place the thorny crown. For 
this picture, I was told, General Palmer, President of the 
Denver and Rio Grande R. R., has made a standing offer 
of $500. Father Francolon refuses to sell at any figure. 

He has also a number of beautiful specimens of pottery 
from the Pueblo of San Ildefonso and a collection of old 
musty records of Births, Marriages and Deaths in Santa 
Cruz, running back to 1726 and even earlier ; these he showed 


me, to my unrestrained delight. Father Francolon and 
Father Medina, returned my visit very promptly, and over a 
jug of lemonade all I had to offer in the way of hospitality 
we ended the evening in agreeable conversation. A very 
brief nap in the afternoon had prejudiced me bitterly against 
the bed-bugs in the room I had had reserved for me. My own 
bundle of blankets was unrolled in the plaza of the village 
and as I made ready to retire, with the blue canopy of Heaven 
above me, the grand old towers of the church of Santa Cruz 
loomed up against a bank of stars. 

July 15th, 1881. My idea of sleeping in the public plaza 
proved to be an excellent one. A refreshing and invigorating 
sleep rewarded me for the labors of yesterday, and I was 
saved also from the assaults of bed-bugs, fleas and other 
vermin upon which I might have counted had I remained in 
the house. The rising sun threw against the sapphire sky 
the angles and outlines of the old church, bringing out with 
fine effect its quaint construction and excellent proportions. 
The waning moon, in mid sky, shed a pale, wan light that 
grew fainter and fainter as the orb of day climbed above the 
horizon: back of all rose the massive, deep-blue spurs of 
the Sierra de Chama. 

This was the poetry of the situation ; but there was also 
a prosy side. The town butcher had commenced his labors 
for the day not very far from my bed. A bleating sheep 
had been tied up by his hind legs to a small post and ere I 
had more than half -opened my eyes, a convulsive quiver in all 
its muscles, signalized the fatal stroke dealt by the "carni- 
cero." He proceeded rapidly and methodically to strip and 
divide the carcass, a labor prosecuted under difficulties. All 
the chickens and dogs of the village had hurried to the scene, 
intent upon securing their share of the offal. The contest for 
the spoils, commenced in a friendly spirit, soon degenerating 
into a bitter, vicious row. One of the bolder dogs darted 
between the stumpy legs of the butcher and almost threw him 
on his head. Then followed oaths and a fierce pursuit. The 
butcher followed one detachment of the army; a mistake 
which cost him most of the offal and entrails, carried off 
by cunning dogs and chickens which had crept around in his 

It is not at all unlikely that just the same scene has been 
repeated on this plaza every morning for the past two cen- 
turies: The custom of his forefathers is good enough for 
the Mexican butcher of today and will be good enough for his 


children unless the cursed Gringos now over-running the 
country introduce their new-fangled methods and machin- 
ery. The head and spine the butcher reserved for himself ; 
the meat, which he cut up in great "gobs," entirely at vari- 
ance with our ideas of animal dissection, was carried off by 
old women who sallied out from the different houses, while 
the scraps of offal and little pools of blood left upon the 
ground furnished the mangy curs a pretext for another gen- 
eral fight that threw their previous performances completely 
into the shade. 

I couldn't stay long enough to tell which dog "licked." 
My sympathies were all on the side of an oblique-eyed, brin- 
dle bull-pup, the hero of many wars, and I should gladly 
have remained to chronicle his success had not Mrs. Becker 
and the cook become importunate in their demands that I 
should take my place at the breakfast table. They said that 
today was a very great Festival and that they were anxious to 
deck themselves in proper attire for mass. My hostess 
further recommended me to go over to the church right after 
breakfast and examine the "Chapel of Carmel." 

This is a decidedly old part of the building, which, 
according to papers in the possession of Arch Bishop Lamy, 
it antedates by some 14 years. Its position is in the Right 
Hand side of the transept, where it escapes the attention of 
those who are not advised to be on the lookout for it. It has 
such an odd and quaint air of antiquity that it is difficult to 
dispel the illusion you have all of a sudden grown to be 200 
years older than you were when you entered. The statue of 
our Lady of Carmel, once loaded down with jewels of price, 
is today very poorly equipped, the only ornaments of value 
being a pair of Mexican gold ear-rings, and a crown of sil- 
ver, this last upon the head of the Child. 

A former cure of his parish, a depraved French priest, 
stripped the church of its riches and disposed of them for 
personal gain. An idea may be formed of the wealth of this 
chapel in by-gone days, when I repeat what Father Fran- 
colon told me, that it was the H. Qrs. of the cof radia or con- 
fraternity of Carmel, an association of religious persons 
whose membership aggregated never less than 5000. Each 
of these upon joining the cof radia was pledged to the insig- 
nificant yearly subscription of "dos reales," or 25 cents, 
towards the chapel's maintenance. This petty, but con- 
stant, stream of revenue flowed towards the church for gen- 


erations; its dimensions swollen by freshets of bequests, 
which gained in value as the chapel gained in fashion. 

Not alone money, but jewels were thus donated. Opu- 
lent wretches sought to condone upon their death-beds the 
short-comings of wicked lives by munificent bequests to so 
powerful an intercessor as our Lady of Carmel ; nor were 
there lacking others who testified gratitude for recovery 
from dangerous illness by equal generosity. Among the 
pious devotees, women, as usual, were most conspicuous; 
they came in droves to intercede or to praise, and tawdry 
brooches and breast-pins dangling from the statue's robe of 
faded gold brocade commemorate their pious fears and pious 

It cannot be denied that with woman, Religion is the 
grand, underlying emotion of Life, equalling her Love and 
conquering her Vanity. Her Religion may be defined as her 
Love, and her Love as her Religion. At any and all times she 
will cheerfully surrender her choicest jewels that some fav- 
orite shrine may not go unadorned. Man, on the contrary, 
in his religion, never loses sight of himself. Where can an 
instance be found of a man's sacrifice of a gold-watch or 
seal-ring for any purpose connected with his devotions? 
When the gorgeous Saratoga Hotel Clerk parts with his 
diamond solitaire that another temple may be raised to the 
clouds in God's honor, then the Millenium shall have arrived. 
A repetition of the musketry firing and bell-hammering of 
last evening announced the commencement of Divine Service. 

There was a much longer concourse than I had seen last 
evening and the ceremonies were on a grander and more 
imposing scale. 

The singing was just as atrocious and the squeaking 
fiddles and guitars sounded just as much like a night-mare as 
they did last night, but the throng of worshippers Indians 
and Mexicans lessened the vibration and at a small distance 
the strain on the nerves could be borne without great agony. 

Our Lady of Carmel was displayed on the altar-steps, 
a fearful parody on womanly loveliness, an atrocity in sta- 
tuary which could only have been perpetrated in Mexico in 
the darkest period of the arts. Her hair hangs, dishevelled, 
upon her shoulders : a crown of silver, dark with age, is fas- 
tened to her head by a soiled silk ribbon tied under the chin ; 
her brocade gown is faded and color-worn, not so much 
from exposure to Time and the elements as from the kisses 
of adoring thousands, because call it by what name the 


Church may, it is adoration which these poor, ignorant 
Indians pay to the Mother of God . . . 

Drove through Espanola to the Pueblo of Santa Clara, 
six miles below. This is on the bank of the Rio Grande, on 
a low promontory of no elevation jutting out into the stream. 
The population numbers only [blank], and is not deserving 
of any elaborate description, having in mind that already 
given of the people of Zuni, whom they resemble closely in 
everything save language. I saw rafters that had beyond a 
doubt been cut with stone axes, although such an assumption 
does not carry with it a belief in the antiquity of the present 
pueblo. It is a well ascertained fact that in repairing or re- 
constructing their dwellings and villages the Sedentary 
Indians have incorporated in new structures all the service- 
able material saved from the old. There are a few windows 
glazed with selenite, feather plumes of sacrifice to be buried 
in their harvest fields, an abundance of down and plumage of 
eagle and parrot in all the houses and a gentile organiza- 
tion, as in Zuni, while there is also the sacrifice of bread or 
meal at the hours of eating. The Pueblo has an untidy, 
slouchy appearance, the streets being dirty and the houses 
themselves much worn at the corners. 

I succeeded in hiring Francisco Naranjo Ah-co an-ye, 
and Pablo Tafoya, or Tso-bocu Nublina Foy, Indians of 
this Pueblo as interpreters: afterwards, I joined to these 
Rafael Vigil or Mahue-huevi the Kicker, (i. e. in the Kick- 
ing game of the Two Little Gods, played with the sticks) . It 
must be borne in mind that the Pueblos on the Rio Grande 
have been so long under Spanish domination that each and 
every one of them has received a Castilian name to which he 
responds and by which he is known in all the ordinary busi- 
ness of life, but each has jealously guarded the tribal name 
given by his own people, in his own language. 

I questioned these men during the day, on matters con- 
cerning their people. Their first reluctance to talk upon 
these subjects was gradually overcome as we became better 
acquainted and I began to gain their confidence. They told 
me that they were the one people and spoke the same lan- 
guage with those of San Ildefonso, Tesuque, Nambi, Pojua- 
que, Santa Clara, San Juan and Tegua, (the last the eastern- 
most pueblo of the Moquis.) 6 

6. All of these pueblos were of the Tewa (Tegua) language. Taos (mentioned 
below) was of the northern Tiwa (Tigua). 


They call their own pueblo, Ca-po. The C being an 
"exploded consonant." 

San Juan is Otque 
San Ildef onso is Patwo-que 
Tesuque is Tesuque 
Nambi is Nambi 
Po-jua-que is Po-suna-cue 

The people of Taos call those of Santa Clara, Tar-weo. 
The great similarity between the pronunciation of the names 
given by them to San Ildef onso and Pojuaque led me to be- 
lieve that there must be a mistake somewhere ; repeated ques- 
tioning, however, failed to shake their statements in the 
least. To put them in good humor, I not only hired these 
men as guides, but purchased freely of pottery, baskets and 
apricots, a fruit that is raised extensively by all the villages 
south of, and including San Juan. Santa Clara, as a pueblo, 
presents little in the way of beauty, to attract -the eye ; it is 
in a very tumble-down condition, is not at all clean and the 
houses are nearly all in one story, none of the exceptions 
being over two. The main part of the village faces upon a 
"plaza," in the center of which is an "estufa," in poor con- 
dition, but from the fresh ashes on the floor I conjecture that 
it must have recently been in use for purposes of religion or 

Two or three other buildings, all small, also infringe 
upon the plan of the plaza. My guides were anxious to show 
me the ruined church of "Santa Clara" and under their care, 
I made a brief examination. It is 41 paces from main en- 
trance to chancel, 5 paces wide, 18 ft. high, and lighted by 
two square, unglazed windows, 8' by 5'. The ceiling is 
formed of pine "vigas" with a "flooring" of roughly split 
pine slabs, upon which is laid the earthen roof. In one 
arm of the transept, were a collection of sacred statues, dolls, 
crosses and other appurtenances of the church. The altar- 
piece, although much decayed, is greatly above the average 
of the church paintings to be found in New Mexico. It is 
a panel picture, with an ordinary daub of Santiago in the 
top compartment and a very excellent drawing of Santa 
Clara in the principal place. The drawing, coloring and 
expression of countenance are usually good and I don't 
blame the Indians for being so proud of their Patroness. 
A confessional and pulpit occupy opposite sides of the nave. 

The following list of clans or gentes, given me by the 
interpreters above named, I give just for what it is worth, 





without believing it to be exact. The Rio Grande Pueblos 
have become so shy and so timorous that duplicity and dis- 
simulation are integral features of their character and in all 
conversations with strangers, especially such as bear upon 
their religion or their prehistoric customs and their gentile 
divisions, they maintain either an absolute reserve, or, if 
that be broken down, take a malicious pleasure in imparting 
information for no other object than to mislead and confuse. 

I had prepared myself for such an experience and determined 
that nothing should cause me to lose patience in the perform- 
ance of my task; feeling that if at one pueblo I might be 
completely baffled, at another better fortune might await me 
and feeling also that after making a commencement, prog- 
ress would each day become more and more easy. Accord- 
ingly I wrote down the list which follows, annexing to each 
name in Spanish, its Indian and English equivalents : 

1 Sol Pau-towa Sun 

2 Luna Oxtowa Moon 

3 Estrella Agoya-towa Star 

4 Maiz Azul lunt-owa Blue Corn 

5 Calabaza Poxtowa Pumpkin 

6 Maiz Blanco luntzi-towa White Corn 

7 Tortuga Tortoise 

7 Agua Box-towa Water 

8 Nube Ojua-towa Cloud 

9 Pino Tze-et-towa Pine 
10 Tierra Non-towa Earth 

II Aguila Ize-towa Eagle 

12 Tejon Que-a-towa Badger 

13 Oso Que-towa Bear 

14 Lobo luni-towa Wolf 

15 Venado (Venuda) Pen-towa Antelope 

16 Palo Amarillo I-can-towa Yellow Stick 

17 Alamo Textowa Cottonwood 

18 Bunchi 

Towa is "people," or "clan" 

Concerning No. 16, I was unable to find out what plant 
was meant. The Indians say that this plant is "un palo duro 
para tenir," "a hard wood to be used in dyeing," a definition 
corresponding with that given by the Zunis who have the 
same gens, a fact of which the Santa Clara Indians seemed 
to be fully aware. They denied having the Guakamayo, 
Turtle, Buffalo, or Snake gentes, but admitted after some 
conversation that there were representatives of the "Bunchi- 
towa," or Tobacco gens among them. Gentes rise up and 
disappear with comparative rapidity among the savage 
tribes ; casualties destroy them or over population induces a 


segmentation of the parent gens into new gentes bearing 
names not to be found in other tribes and Pueblos of same 
language and blood; consequently, I was less anxious to 
obtain an exact nomenclature than I was to demonstrate, at 
least to my own satisfaction, that the gentile organization 
still existed in all its pristine vigor among these Pueblos on 
the Rio Grande. 

My guides next took me to see an old eagle which they 
have had for 30 yrs. There are others in the Pueblo, just as 
good to the ordinary eye but not so worthy of attention as 
this one. These eagles are kept for their feathers which, as 
elsewhere stated, are made into sacrificial plumes to be 
burid in the harvest fields. Stone implements can still be 
found in quantity. The Indians will soon have sold the last 
of those in their possession, together with all that remains 
among them of prehistoric lance and arrow heads of 

I have said that in my opinion, some of the old rafters 
in this village must have been cut with stone axes. I was 
strengthened in this conviction by the remark of an old man 
who seeing me examine one critically said that it had been cut 
by a "hacha de piedra," in the time of "Cuanto hay." Which 
in intelligible language means that it was cut with a hatchet 
of stone in the time of "how long since?" an expression 
used by the natives to denote a period anterior to anything of 
which they have record or tradition. 

The sun was blazing fiercely down upon the Rio Grande 
sand which threw it back in our fevered faces, as we slowly 
jogged along, (going back through Santa Cruz,) to the 
pueblo of San Juan, 14 or 16 miles from Santa Clara. At this 
Pueblo, I had the pleasure of meeting Mr. Sam'l Eldodt, the 
store-keeper, who has been with these Indians for more than 
13 years, knows their habits well and something of their 
language. As a certificate of his general intelligence, I will 
merely say that he speaks fluently English, French, Spanish 
and German. 

I also had the pleasure of meeting Father Geus, the 
priest stationed at this pueblo for more than 14 years. He, 
with real courtesy, showed me half a dozen old Spanish regis- 
ters, containing instructions for the government of priests 
of the mission. 

Supper over, Mr. Eldodt and I entered Padre Geus's 
garden and wandered at will among the trees and bushes 


laden with red ripe currants, black cherries, and luscious 

The situation of San Juan is very much more pictur- 
esque than that of Santa Clara. It is built upon a bluff, over- 
looking- a broad expanse of fertile land in a bend of the Rio 
Grande. A cheery view of smiling harvests, plenteous or- 
chards and glittering streams of water meandering like ser- 
pents of silver in broad and deep acequias across the level, 
green fields, chains the gaze of the observer. The main ditch 
is a small river in itself, no unworthy competitor of the Rio 
Grande in the general make up of the landscape. Across the 
river, puffing a dense cloud of smoke, slowly moved the train 
of the Denver and Rio Grande R. R., dragging along a Pull- 
man car! So far as the actual contrast went, I might just 
as well have been seated upon the apex of the Pyramid of 
Cheops as upon the shaft of the Indian "carreta" of wood, 
where Eldodt and I were quietly conversing. Wooden shafts 
wooden axles, wooden wheels, wooden linch-pins, wooden 
hounds and wooden tongue and braces ; from the condition of 
civilization or barbarism indicated by this creaky old wagon 
to the swift-moving train of beauty, power and comfort, 
climbing the grade on the farther bank of the stream, how 
wonderful a contrast how broad the chasm of separation. 
Without heeding the flight of the hours, we remained in our 
place until one by one the resplendent gems of the Heavens 
had shone forth in full beauty and the Milky Way had defined 
its presence as a broad band of dazzling nebulous light. 

Mr. Eldodt conducted me to a very neat, bright-looking 
bedroom in which I was to pass the night, sharing: the 
accommodations with the fleas and bed-bugs, hereditary 
lords of the soil. All the Pueblos are full of these pests, to 
meet which the traveller must be resigned. There is another 
and worse parasite the "coroque," or chicken-louse, smaller 
than the bed-bug, but biting with virulence. 7 The Indians 
make houses for their hens half underground and half 
above of adobe, and thus, by keeping the chickens at a dis- 
tance from human habitations, escape to a considerable ex- 
tent the ravages of this insect. I avoid a more detailed 
description to prevent the proprietors of New Jersey water- 
ing places from securing bed-bugs of more zeal and courage 
than those indigenous to their own state. The only point in 
which New Jersey watering places compete one with another 
is in the size, number and ferocity of their respective fleas, 

7. In New Mexico Spanish, the coruco. 


mosquitoes and bed-bugs; for the last little animal, New 
Mexico will for generations to come be able to hold her own 
with any section of our country. 

The antiquity of blue-blooded, high-toned, "gente fina," 
New Mexican families can always be discovered from the 
comparative plenty or scarcity of bed-bugs and coroquis in 
their residences; in some of the "Sangre azul" houses, a 
traveller can lose a pint of blood in a night. 

July 17th, 1881. The day opened with a blazing sky and 
intense warmth. Apricots, red currants and cherries, 
plucked by myself from the trees in the Padre's garden, 
made, with eggs, milk, bread and coffee, a breakfast as 
acceptable as it was unexpected. 

This being Sunday, the bells clanged tT-om an early 
hour, summoning the faithful to their devotions. As in 
Santa Clara yesterday, many of the Indians of San Juan are 
absent working in their distant fields and orchards, which 
are scattered up and down in the valley for 3 or 4 miles each 
way from the Pueblo. 

I assisted at mass in the church, a much better structure 
than that at Santa Clara: it has, to all appearances, been 
restored quite recently, whitewashed and provided with a 
new altar-piece. The congregation was mainly of Mexicans, 
the Indians as said above being mostly absent attending 
to their crops. Yet there was a liberal sprinkling of them 
also and several snowy-haired old men went through their 
devotions in an extremely fervent manner. Padre Geux told 
me last night that many of the Indians were still addicted in 
a greater or less degree to the superstitions of their ances- 
tors, but that when sick or on their death-beds they never 
failed to send for him. 

Padre Geux made me a present of a page from an old 
manuscript, which gives an insight into the careful methods 
of the Spanish missionaries in their administration of the 

Often, he suspected, his own ministrations were ener- 
getically seconded by the medicine men. Many concessions 
and privileges had been granted these Indians by successive 
Popes in the early days of their subjection to the influence of 
the Church, as without such compromise their conversion 
would have been impossible. The old people conciliated, the 
whole force of influence and education was centered upon 
the proper training of the minds of the children, upon whom 
the lessons of idolatry had, as yet, made no impression. The 


arduous labors of the early Catholic missionaries and the 
self-negation, pains-taking systematic, tread-mill work it 
involved can never be appreciated save by those who have 
gone among the Indians whose conversion they sought to 
effect. What we see today are the dilapidated ruins of the 
edifice after years of Mexican anarchy and more than a gen- 
eration of American neglect have done their worst. Taking 
their present situation as a starting point, we can, with the 
aid of historical data, work our way back to a knowledge of 
what they must have been when their orchards were bending 
under the weight of fruit, their sheep gambolling upon the 
adjacent hillsides, and their fields tickled by the hoe, laugh- 
ing with the harvest. Their churches filled with worship- 
pers, some of their children taught the rudimentary 
branches, (not many I'll admit but more than at present) 
such was the state of the Pueblos of the Rio Grande in the 
zenith of Spanish dominion in America. 

Mass, this morning, was served by a full-blooded Indian, 
in all the savage regalia of his race. Black, shining hair, 
combed down in two tresses, tied with red yarn, are on each 
side of head ; a gorgeous, scarlet blanket enveloping his body 
and shoulders, a necklace of white glass beads, and a pair of 
slashed yellow leggings and buckskin mocassins covered his 
lower extremities. At first, I must confess that a sense of the 
ludicrous appearance of the young man provoked a smile 
but I soon remembered that our Savior's injunction was: 
"Go, teach all nations" and I admitted that I now saw that 
injunction carried out. 

The people of San Juan still have an "estufa," in which 
in summer and winter they teach their young people to 
dance ; this is what Mr. Eldodt says. The time chosen for this 
instruction corresponds so closely with that of the sacred 
feasts of their kindred people at Moqui and elsewhere, their 
"estufa" is as secluded not having a single window of any 
size their habit of placing a sentinel on the outside during 
these times of instruction to warn those within of the 
approach of strangers are considerations which combine 
to arouse suspicions that much of a religious character trans- 
pires within these walls with which they don't wish the out- 
side world to become acquainted. When the Pueblos united 
in revolt against the Spaniards in 1680, the leader of the 
insurrection was Pope, a San Juan Indian who claimed to 
be acting under the guidance of three powerful spirits and to 
be fighting for the restoration of the old religion and espe- 


daily of the dance of the Coya-mashe, called by the Span- 
iards the dance of the Cochino (or pig.) 6 It is the most plausi- 
ble supposition in the world that, after the reconquest in 
1692-4, the Spaniards should have interdicted all public 
celebration of heathen festivals in all the Pueblos which 
acknowledged their sway and have insisted upon an outward 
observance, at least, of the religious forms of the Catholic 

One thing is certain that Vargas compelled all those 
living on the Rio Grande to wear around their necks the 
rosaries and crosses to be found among them to this day. 

An outward compliance with the requirements of law is 
never a difficult matter to effect. The eradication of ideas 
rooted in the traditions of centuries and entwined with all 
that a nation holds lovable and sacred is beyond the decree 
of a Council or the order of a military Commander. Unable 
to practice their ancient rites in public, the Pueblos cling to 
them in secret, and cling to them all the more tenaciously be- 
cause the double halo of danger and mystery now surrounded 
them. The Pueblos became hypocrites, they never became 
Catholics. Instances without number could possibly be 
adduced to those among them who sloughed off the exuviae of 
Paganism ; or of others again who modified early teachings by 
ingrafting upon them the doctrines of the missionaries ; but 
the great bulk of the population remained and today remain, 
Pagan and Ani-Christian. 

There are no eagles to be seen in San Juan ; they used to 
have them, but the last one died three years since. 

The old church in the Pueblo of San Juan, depicted on 
the previous page has a square squatty front of 20 to 
25 ft.: is of adobe, and in places of stone, with a brown 
stucco facing. 

Except in the matter of dress, the Spanish customs have 
been liberally adopted and there has been some intermar- 
riage between the people of this tribe and the Mexicans liv- 
ing near them. They make a coarse article of blanket, good 
enough for rough everyday work, although not comparable 
to the fine productions of Navajo looms. Navajo blankets 
command a ready sale among all the Pueblos on the river who 
should it seems to me be able to acquire the art for them- 
selves. The "kicking game of the sticks," described under 
the head of notes upon the Zunis, is known and understood 
by the Indians of San Juan but never played. Both sexes 

8. Apparently Bourke misunderstood the name for the Kachina ceremony. 


play "shinny." Cards are not much in vogue. I bought an 
eagle plume just ready to be buried in the harvest field; a 
question or two quietly put elicited all the information I de- 
sired upon this head and demonstrated that heathenism has 
by no means lost its grip in this Pueblo. The man who sold it 
said that he had made it to put in his field "to bring rain and 
good crops." 

Parrot feathers are likewise abundant among them, a 
pretty strong proof that they have now or have had the 
Parrot clan among them, notwithstanding their vehement 
denial of the existence either of that or the "Rattlesnake." 

San Juan has been so fortunate in its crops and markets 
that more wealth per capita has flowed into this Pueblo than 
into almost any other in the Territory : several families, as 
alluded to previously, have married Mexicans and the re- 
sult has been an improved style of living more closely resem- 
bling that of the best class of Mexican villages than one 
would imagine. Doors and windows are nearly all new and 
the latter all glass. 

In the afternoon, I purchased a few pieces of pottery 
of San Juan manufacture, and a wooden "santo," or holy 
figure, painted in archaic fashion. Visited the Estuf a which, 
like the church, is in much better condition than that of 
"Santa Clara." I measured it as 24 paces long, 12 paces wide, 
9 feet high, rectangular. Floor of hardpacked earth ; walls 
of mud with smooth finish, ceiling of smooth pine "vigas," 
covered with riven slabs (in juxtaposition) and clay. The 
entrance is by ladder to the roof and down another to the 
interior. Ventilation is mainly afforded by the ladderhole; 
there is another hole at the Western end in the ceiling and a 
small square aperture of 10" or 12" on a side near the level 
of floor in East wall for scouts to call through in case of ap- 
proach of strangers during performance of sacred dances. 
The ceiling is supported by nine upright posts. In these, as 
in the wall itself, tin sconces are stuck to hold candles. In 
the North wall are two chimneys. The altar or hearth for 
the sacred fire is so built that, facing the fire, you face East. 
An olla full of water, was imbedded in the floor in the S. E. 
corner of the Estuf a. Not a great interval of time had 
elapsed since the last big dance; the floor was still strewn 
with green boughs not wholly withered and with freshly 
plucked eagle-tail feathers. The West wall was studded with 
a number of pegs upon which to hang clothes. 


Mr. Eldodt assured me that, so far as his information 
extended, he was not aware of any such tribal segmentation 
as the gentile organization, whose peculiarities, I dilated 
upon with great care. This confident denial of so important 
a fact, coming from a gentleman of Mr. Eldodt's general in- 
telligence and especial acquaintance with this Pueblo stag- 
gered me greatly and should have kept me from pursuing 
investigations to this end were it not partly from a fortuitous 
circumstance and partly from the familiarity I had with the 
peculiar secretiveness of the native character which induces 
both sexes to conceal everything not of every-day routine 
in its nature. In my promenades around the Pueblo, I made 
the acquaintance of some five or six old fellows, none of 
whom answered my purpose until I ran across one, who 
gave his Mexican name as Santiago Torre; who exhibited 
a conversational disposition, much to my liking. He was 
perfectly willing to respond to any questions addressed to 
him, a willingness not approved by his wife and the other 
women in the house who checked his garrulity by some 
phrases in their own language, the purport of which I could 
not divine. There was nothing now remaining but to win 
over the women, with whom I began a conversation upon 
any and every topic, hoping that, once engaged in conversa- 
tion, something might interest them to the extent of saying 
more than they first contemplated. 

The shrewdness of my judgment proved itself. The 
conversation at first was commonplace and reserved enough. 
A question was asked me where do you come from ? What 
is your business ? An officer of the army ? Do you wear gold 
on your clothes like the Captains in Santa Fe? 

I answered in the affirmative and that my uniform was 
at that very moment in my trunk in the ambulance. The sun 
was broiling hot, its rays pouring down with great fierce- 
ness: I patiently endured the intense heat and glare and 
marched the whole lot, men, women, and children to the 
corral, where they gathered about me in silence until the 
trunk had been opened and its gaudy contents of a Cavalry 
Aide de Camp's uniform, with its profusion of metallic but- 
tons, gold and yellow facings and aiguilettes exposed to 

Two languages were needed to express the admiration 
and delight of the weaker sex: "mira! Bonito ha! que 
linda! Valgame Di6s! and other exclamations in Span- 
ish were mingled freely with others just as flattering to the 



uniform no doubt in their own idiom. The men contented 
themselves with a simple grunt or two and the ejaculation, 
"bueno" or "bonito"! but their admiration, tho' not so 
frankly avowed, was fully as earnest. 

One of the women turning to me asked if I wasn't one 
of the biggest "soldier captains (soldado capitan) of the 
Americanos?" I modestly admitted that I was, altho' I told 
her that there were several others as great as myself. 

In going back to his house, I questioned my guide, San- 
tiago Torre, who said his Indian name was Agoya Estrella 
or Star, and that he belonged to the Star clan. 

After a great deal of manoeuvring and diplomatic pa- 
layer to overcome the old woman's scruples and after prom- 
ising to pay for all information obtained Santiago said "Veo 
que V. es hombre de esperiencia." "I see that you are a man 
of experience and I will tell you of our families as they are 
in Indian. Many of our people have adopted the Mexican 
cutoms, dress and manners; others have not. 

"The Mexicans marry their own cousins, but we don't 
marry anybody in the same family; we have a good many 
"families" in San Juan and among our people; we have 

1 Estrella 

2 Sol 

3 Palo amarillo 

4 Luna 

5 Maiz azul 

6 Sandia 

7 Melon 

8 Maiz amarillo 

9 Maiz bianco 

10 Calabaza 

11 Aqua 

12 Nube 

13 Pino 

14 Tierra 

15 Alamo 

16 Aquila 

17 Lobo 

18 Cibola 

19 Leon 

20 Tejon 

21 Oso 

22 Venado Alazan 

24 Culebra 

25 Tortuga 

26 Lobo marino 

27 Bunchi 

28 Sierra Alta 



Yellow wood 


Blue Corn 



Yellow Corn 

White Corn 










Mountain Lion 



Gray Deer, Antelope 



Sea Wolf (?) 


High Ridge 


I confess that the long list above given staggered me 
and aroused suspicions of my informant's good faith. Closer 
questioning, however, convinced me that if he erred at all 
it was on the side of trying to tell too much. Santiago was 
trying to recapitulate all the clans of which he had any 
knowledge among his people on the Rio Grande. It was al- 
most at the conclusion of my season's labors that I learned 
of the actual existence of many different corn gentes, the 
Blue, the White, the Black I'd formerly organized as a 
corn phratry Many of the names given me could, I think, be 
referred to one stem ; thus Sun, Moon and Star, would very 
likely be found to belong to the Sun genus, and, perhaps, the 
same identity could be fastened upon others. The Lobo 
Marino, I could not determine. Santiago, it is fair to re- 
mark, was a "willing" witness a man somewhat past his 
prime and therefore to be credited with some knowledge of 
his own people, but deplorably stupid. 

He had, according to his own account, been a great trav- 
eller in his youthful days and had traded with the "Corta 
Cabezas" (i. e. "Cut heads") the Goratique (Absarka 
Crows?) ; Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Utes, Shoshones, Nipan- 
anos (Lipans), Apaches, Comanches, Kiowas, Moqui, Zuni, 
Oraybes, (the westernmost Moquis), Pah-Utes, and Pa- 
enpais, (the last, I doubt most emphatically) . He described 
the Utes with great minuteness, mentioned their tribal di- 
visions, Cupotes, Tabuaches, etc.; spoke of Ouray, said 
that when alive he had been "very rich" : spoke also of the 
Navajoes and Apaches, whom he knew to be one people ; said 
that the Teguas of Moqui were of the same blood and spoke 
the same language as his own people, from whom they sep- 
arated generations ago, going from the Rio Grande. 

He also claimed to know about the Pacific Ocean, having 
learned of it from the Zunis, but had never been to it. His 
people obtained sea-shells from the Zunis and parrot-feath- 
ers from them and the people of Isleta who in turn procured 
them in Sonora, "a long way off." I did not deem it advisa- 
ble to question him at that moment upon any religious sig- 
nificance attached by his people to sea-shells or parrot- 
feathers, altho satisfied in my own mind that such religious 
importance was attached. I preferred to let him talk on 
in his own way and upon his own topics, believing that what 
he said under such circumstances would be more trustworthy 
and more valuable than his responses to direct questions. 


He had traded on the llano Estacado with Comanches 
and Kiowas, on the Cimarron and Napeshte (Arkansas 
river) with Sioux, Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Goratique, Utes 
and Shoshonees. At Tierra Amarilla, with Utes and Apa- 
ches ; at Rio San Juan, with the Navajoes. His people made 
a few coarse blankets, but nothing so good as those of the 
Navajoes. They did not use the bow-drill, but knew what 
it was. The Zunis used it for boring holes in Chalchihuite. 

Bought two doll-babies, which I saw made by an old 
woman and baked in a fire of sheep manure. 

Called upon Padre Geux and was invited to try a glass 
of native brandy and one of native claret; both of strong 
body, good flavor and delicate bouquet. 

The valley of the Rio Grande cannot fail to become, in 
the next decade or two, one of the finest wine-growing re- 
gions of the world. Everything favors such an idea; soil, 
sun, climate, exposure, etc. The remarks already written 
about Zuni apply in every detail to San Juan, except that 
where the women are dressed a I'Indienne, they wear an 
under shirt of calico. The houses are, as a rule, of a single 
story, of adobe, and there is not one of more than two. 
Eagles being plentiful in the adjacent ranges, they don't 
think it necessary to keep any in cages; their last one, I 
think I said a few pages back, died three years ago. They 
rank among the first of the Pueblos in cleanliness, good 
order, industriousness and progressive qualities and fully 
equal, if they don't surpass the lower order of Mexicans. 
Swinging cradles, suspended from the rafters, are to be seen 
in every house. 

Late this afternoon a squad of merry-voiced, prattling 
little boys took their places in the "acequia madre" and had 
a grand time splashing in the mud and water. A few nickels 
thrown among them caused a general scramble and diving, 
ineffective except to stir up mud and sand in the bottom. 
Slept in the open air tonight, avoiding the heat and discom- 
fort of the stuffy rooms of the Pueblo. 

July 18, 1881. Awaked by the first rays of the Sun; 
paid another visit of rapine to Padre Geux's "huerta" and 
filled myself with luscious ripe cherries, currants and apri- 
cots. Our breakfast, as usual, was simple ; boiled fresh eggs, 
bacon, bread and coffee, reinforced by my plunder from the 

In speaking of the Indians, Padre Geux gave me a re- 
markable and curious instance of the tenacity with which 


they adhered to their native superstitions; he related that 
Father Gasparri, now in Albuquerque, but formerly of Ber- 
nalillo, and attending priest for the Pueblo of Sandia, had 
suspected for a long time that something was going on which 
the Indians were anxious to conceal from his knowledge. 9 

After a great deal of quiet observation, he satisfied 
himself that some of the children knew of the mystery 
which he determined to clear up by direct inquiry. Their 
ingenuous answers discovered, to his amazement, that for a 
period, the exact length of which he never could determine, 
the Indians had maintained, for purposes of worship, a live 
rattle-snake, secreted under the altar. "Pero ya se murio, 
Padre," but he's dead now, Father, said the children. 

The Indians of San Juan don't tattoo or disfigure the 
figure and upon ordinary occasions make but little, if any, 
use of paint. The women cover the face with corn-meal or 
flour, in hot weather, just as the Mexicans do. They cut 
their hair square at level of eyes and again at the level of 
mouth and tie the back locks in one solid queue, with red 

Their children are taught, at a very early age, to be 
useful ; it is hard to find a little girl so young that she will 
not have a still younger child strapped to her back or 
wrapped up in her blanket and perched upon her shoulders. 
During my present visit, the Indians are very busy making 
pottery, not for household use alone, but for sale in Santa 
Fe, as well. 

From my present acquaintance with the various Pue- 
blos, I have no hesitancy in expressing the opinion that the 
pottery of each Pueblo is peculiar to that Pueblo, or, to ex- 
press the idea with more exactness, each Pueblo has pottery 
peculiar to itself. A strong family resemblance runs through 
it all, yet an Indian can in most cases detect at a glance 
the source from which each piece has been derived, but it 
would not always be safe to trust the judgment of a white 
man in this respect because the different Pueblos trade so 
much with each other that models of any given style are 
likely to be encountered in almost every one of the villages. 
These remarks do not strictly apply to the black lustrous 
pottery which is made by a number of the Pueblos, but after 
conventional patterns, almost if not absolutely, identical. 

9. Father Donate M. Gasparri was one of five Jesuits secured by Archbishop 
Lamy in Italy in 1867. In New Mexico he served as superior of the Jesuit mission 
from 1869 to 1876. He died in Albuquerque on December 18, 1882. 


The rear wall of the massive old church of San Juan was 
very badly washed out by the heavy rain-storms of last sum- 
mer; the Indians, to prevent a recurrence of the damage, 
built it up with ox-horns. Santiago Torre gave me the 
benefit of half an hour's "gab," upon the subject of Mocte- 
zuma; he called him the father of all the Indians who was 
now dead but would return after a while to look after all 
his children. This story can be found among the Pueblos 
who have had most to do with Americans and Mexicans and 
among no others. 

We left San Juan for the Pueblo of Picuris, ascending 
the lovely valley with maturing harvests half a mile in 
width many miles in length. Through Plaza Alcalde, 
Capillita, Villita, and Luceros, small Mexican towns of no 
importance. Asked the road from a batch of native laborers, 
mending a ditch; all stopped work to answer our questions 
and gave us minute directions. This is a charming trait 
in the character of the Mexican field-hand, one which I 
admire greatly. No matter how important the work upon 
which he is engaged he will at any and all times drop it 
to enter into a conversation with a passerby. 

How much his employers may admire this trait, I am 
not yet in a position to say, but infer that as it is the well- 
established custom of the country, they must, by this time, 
have become used to it. Passed through La Joya and on to 
a reservoir for irrigating a small acreage at a hamlet called 
"El Ojito." While our team was drinking, I entered one 
of the squalid little houses. Floor and walls were both 
of adobe and, excepting the "vigas" and branches, the roof 
also. There was no furniture, but a feebly blanketed bed. 
The man of the house very politely offered to show us the 
shortest road to Picuris which is so seldom travelled now- 
a-days that it is very easy to go astray. His gracious 
courtesy was highly appreciated, as it saved us from much 
annoyance and useless delay. Saw this morning, the usual 
wooden plows, yoked to the horns of cattle. Kept on in a 
direction nearly North, for a few miles, the road getting 
rough and steep. But little travel has come this way for a 
long time and the road had not yet been repaired where 
washed out by the storms and freshets of last winter and 
spring. So difficult was it to trace, that we lost our way 
and had gone nearly to Embudo (Funnel) when a Mexican 
driving an ox-team met us and pointed out where we should 
turn off. These directions were given in a kindly way and 


yet the Mexican in his topographical descriptions is so full 
of "poco mas alia," "poquito retirado," "a la izquierda de 
vuelta," "cuesta arriba," "la Canada adelante," and other 
ambiguous terms, that it is no wonder we soon became 
snarled in the wrong "canada" and could neither advance nor 
retreat. The driver unhitched the mules, unshipped the 
lead bars, fastened them to hind axles with leather straps 
and then hitching in the "wheelers/' gave them to me to lead 
down the "arroyo" while he guided the wagon-pole. With 
some little difficulty, we extricated ourselves from our em- 
barrassment and started afresh only to become again and 
again involved in a net-work of water-worn, timber-choked 
and "blind arroyos," leading no one knows where. At last 
we struck a well-defined "carreta" road, with fresh tracks : 
rapid driving for a few minutes enabled us to overtake the 
cart whose driver we recognized as the man from whom we 
had an hour or two ago received such careful directions. He 
consented to go back with us and point out the road; this, 
to our intense disgust and amazement, ran right alongside 
the "arroyo" where we had stalled, but was so water-worn 
that no one but an inhabitant of the country could have hit 
upon it. I gave our Mexican friend a small sum of money for 
his goodness and thanked him most heartily. We had to 
cross a rather steep ridge (cuchillo) ; which passed, we 
entered the little Mexican village of "Ojo Zarco," or Blue 
Spring. Darkness had come on. There was nothing to be 
done, but to remain here all night. Anticipating some such 
trouble, I had ordered the driver to put on an extra sack 
of grain, and a small bundle of compressed hay for our 
mules, so that they did not suffer. For ourselves, the driver 
had his rations of bacon, bread and coffee and in the house 
where we obtained permission to stay, I found nine fresh 
eggs, a feast good enough for a Nabob. The ranchero's 
wife, with that delicate sympathy with distress which is 
woman's trait the world over, offered her services to cook 
our food, remarking in a modest, gentle tone that she thought 
she could do it better than people who were so tired. 

We had our eggs fried with chile, our bacon cut into 
thin slices and broiled on the embers ; aromatic coffee filled the 
room with the most intoxicating perfume, and one or two 
other little things were added to the meal which soon had 
to sustain a combined assault from two voracious appetites. 

Our welcome was a cordial one from all the inmates of 
this house, unless I except a vicious cur which fancied itself 
to be in some sense a proprietor. 


As I was approaching the supper table, a snap at my 
legs nearly took a piece from one of my knees ; the subse- 
quent exercise with rocks and stones added to my appetite 
and improved the dog's knowledge of music. The owner of 
this ranch was a man of more than ordinary intelligence. He 
claimed to know something about the Indians of Picuris, 
(which Pueblo is less than 12 miles from his house.) He 
contended stoutly that the Picuris had always been the best 
friends of the Apaches; had in former generations ex- 
tensively intermarried with them and still spoke a language 
with many words of Apache origin. 

July 19th, 1881. Tuesday. Slept cold all night, altho 
under two coarse blankets. The altitude here must be con- 
siderable. All day yesterday we were climbing steep hills, 
upon which the growth of pinon and cedar was evidence of 
height (elevation.) The formation too was largely granite, 
altho the "mesas" in the early morning, bounding the valley 
of the Rio Grande, near San Juan, were of black lava. In 
the canon of the Rio Grande, at the mouth of the canon of 
Ojo Zarco, is a gold mine. Upon our awakening this morn- 
ing, the first rays of the sun were gilding with splendor the 
walls of the humble tenement by which we had been sleeping ; 
the very air was filled with life and glory. Above us the 
sky of purest hue; at our feet the fields, and bounding the 
narrow horizon, the long ranges of hills, black with masses 
of the dark green cedar. 

Chickens were walking over and around me; in their 
eyes I was no doubt only another incumbrance added to the 
barnyard. While "Jack" was harnessing and hitching the 
four mules, I rolled up blankets and made my toilet. The 
latter duty, especially the brushing of my teeth, was wit- 
nessed by the whole family, father, mother and children, 
including the chickens and the surly dog of last night. I 
improved the opportunity for becoming better acquainted 
with my kind-hearted host, who gave his name as Jose 
Sulogio Medina. By day-light, Ojo Zarco is a "placita" of 
respectable dimensions ; many houses not visible in the dark- 
ness of our arrival at 9 last night, were now peeping out 
from their seclusion in all sorts of little "rincones" and 
glades. At its lower extremity, the valley is hemmed in by 
a canon of extreme narrowness and steepness, which prac- 
tically cuts it off from communication with the exterior 
world. D. Jose Eulogio courteously piloted us across his 
fields to the Picuris road, where he bade us goodbye and 


good fortune. Crossing a steep and rough little "cuchillo," 
we descended into a lovely valley, shining like an emerald, 
a little brook of crystal trickling down the middle. Heaps 
of loosely piled stones, surmounted by crosses, marking the 
"Descansos" or places where funeral processions had halted 
to rest and repeat prayers for the dead ; large crosses crown- 
ing the knoll-crests for the use of the "Penitentes," would 
have suggested our proximity to a Mexican settlement, even 
had there been no chained and picketed hogs or loose-running 
curs to confirm the impression. The "acequia madre" was 
soon reached and crossed and we were within the "placeta" 
a hamlet of some consequence, containing over 30 houses. 

A venerable, white-haired man astride of a diminutive 
"burro" almost as old as himself greeted me urbanely and 
inquired "a donde vas, amigo?" (Whither goest, thou, 
Friend?) "Picuris. What do you raise here?" The Nestor 
of the place, for such I took him to be, drawled out in the 
exasperatingly slow nasal twang of the Rio Grande, "Maiz, 
Trigo, Alberjanas, Habas, frijoles, garbanzas, lenteja, Bun- 
chi, Cebollas, Coriandro, Melones, Calabazas, Ciruelas, 
and fair crops of them all (i. e. Corn, Wheat, peas, beans, fri- 
joles, vetches, lentils, Native Tobacco, Onions, Coriander, 
Melons, Squash, Plums.) 

He (the old gentleman, not the burro,) gave me a leaf 
of the Bunchi, which I carefully preserved in my note-book 
for future examination by Dr Forwood (?) or some other 
friend equally competent. This proceeding he, (the Burro 
this time, not the old gentleman,) seemed to consider ec- 
centric, not to say idiotic. 

The old man being in a communicative vein informed 
me that I was now in the "placeta" of Las Trampas (the 
Traps) an old established community, where in former days 
quite a good deal of business was done in trapping wild ani- 
mals and selling their furs. The town was now in its de- 
cadence, but still "muy bonito" and boasted a church, which 
few Americans had ever seen. Wih my permission, he 
would act as guide to the sacred edifice. My hasty and im- 
perfect sketch will, I am afraid, give a very imperfect idea 
of the little church which certainly was not lacking in the 
elements of simple beauty. In a room, to the right of the 
door, which corresponded to our church vestry, there was a 
hideous statue, dressed in black, with pallid face and 
monkish cowl, which held in its hands a bow and arrow 
drawn in position. 





SAN LORENZO DE PicuRfs, 1881 
(see page 275) 


"Es la Muerte" (Death,) whispered my guide in awe- 
struck tones. 10 I recognized the fact that I had stumbled upon 
paraphernalia of some little band of Penitentes, those cu- 
rious religious zealots who, not satisfied with the exactions 
of Mother Church, seek solace for sorrowing consciences in 
acts which emulate, if they do not imitate, the conduct of the 
Flagellantes of the Middle Ages. The Church authorities, 
to their credit be it said, have exerted themselves to the ut- 
most to repress and eradicate this abnormal development of 
religious fervor; the Penitentes have either been driven 
from the larger towns or compelled to organize into little 
villages, like that in which I now found myself, where ecclesi- 
astical administration was lax or inspection only possible at 
long and irregular intervals, the Penitentes dominate in the 
control of their own village church. To go back to Death ; the 
artist had carefully eliminated every trace of beauty from 
feature or figure, with a result that must have been a grati- 
fication to his pride in his own abilities. The statue, thus 
hooded, armed and painted was seated upon a wooden wagon, 
something similar to an artillery limber, but made in the 
crudest way of wood, fastened with pins of the same ma- 
terial. The wheels were sections of a pine trunk ; ungreased 
axles, and ungreased pole made unearthly music and to add 
to the difficulty of hauling such a vehicle, the box seat upon 
which Death sat as grim charioteer was filled with smooth- 
worn and heavy boulders. On Ash Wednesday, Good Fri- 
day and other days in Lent, this ghastly reminder of life's 
brevity and uncertainty, is hauled through the village by 
two of the most devout Penitentes who, to secure this im- 
portant place in the procession, have to whip half the re- 
maining repentant sinners in the valley. 

Their virtuous labors are not without reward ; no man 
so depraved that he does not gnash his teeth in impotent 
envy of their luck ; no matron or maiden so chaste that soft 
glances of affectionate approval will not follow them. The 
church, my guide said, was built 130 years ago; his state- 
ment was fully sustained by its appearance. The interior 
was neat and in good order, but thoroughly Mexican. Upon 
one wall hung a small drum to summon the faithful to their 
devotions. The paintings were on wood and were I disposed 
to be sarcastic, I would remark that they ought to be burned 
up with the hideous dolls of Saints to be seen in one of the 

10. It may still be seen in the same place unless it has been removed very 


niches in the transept. This criticism, in all justice, would 
be apt and appropriate in our own day ; but we should not 
forget that this little chapel dates back to a period and con- 
dition of affairs when the Arts were in their infancy, so 
far as these people were concerned ; when the difficulties of 
transportation compelled the priests to rely upon native 
talent alone. This talent supplied the fearful artistic abor- 
tions we laugh at today ; yet these pictures and dolls served 
their purpose in object-lessons to a people unable or un- 
willing to comprehend abstract theology and altho' a 
newer and more progressive day has dawned, one which 
can readily replace these productions with the works of artis- 
tic merit, the halo of antiquity has endeared these smoke 
blackened daubs to the simple-minded youths and maidens 
who gather here to recite the Rosary or chant the Creed. 
To the traveller, the greatest charm of New Mexico will be 
lost when these relics of a by-gone day shall be superseded 
by brighter and better pictures framed in the cheap gilding 
of our own time. Because New Mexico is so archaic, because 
in language, manners and customs it differs so completely 
from our own people, and because its religious observances 
are so crusted over with a picturesque mediaevalism, or sav- 
agery, if you will, the traveller endures uncomplainingly 
bedbugs, fleas, curoquis, sand, grease and chile Colorado. 
The name of the church, I forgot to mention, was "San Jose 
de Gratia." 

Outside of Trampas, the road for a short distance is 
rocky and once more climbs in among cedar-clad hills. We 
came upon a party of boys driving "burros." "No quiere 
albaricoques," they shouted. ("Don't you wish any apri- 
cots?") The small sum of five cents bought us a hat-full, 
which served "Jack" and myself for breakfast. The pangs of 
hunger were beginning to make us long for Picuris, where 
we intended to cook a little bacon and to boil a pot of coffee. 
Our appetite was forgotten in the exquisite loveliness of the 
day: the weather during most of the year in New Mexico 
is so fine that I wonder the dead don't come to life under 
its invigorating influences. 

A haggard old crone, clad in rags which had become 
worthless for any use except to scare crows, stood by the 
road-side. "Padrecitos mios !" she piped in trembling notes, 
"limosna por el amor de Dios." "My dear little fathers, alms 
for the love of God." Neither Jack nor myself felt any spe- 
cial pride in being charged with the paternity of such a for- 


lorn old woman, but we handed out to her the balance of our 
apricots and a small sum of money ; an act of charity which, 
if the old woman's prayers be granted has secured for us 
an exalted place in Heaven after the burden of this world's 
cares shall have been laid down. I didn't ask who the old 
woman was or how she came there. I make it a point when 
in New Mexico to take everything as a matter of course and 
were I to learn tomorrow that this old woman has been beg- 
ging in the same spot for the past 150 years, I shouldn't 
betray the slightest surprise. 

A high hill was crossed after we parted from the beggar 
and as we were going down the other side, we met an Albino 
blind old man, in company with three women. The polite 
old Mexican who had shown me around Las Trampas, had 
it seemed while I was sketching the church, mounted his 
burro and left town. We now caught up with him, restlessly 
plying his heels into the ribs of his patient little jack and 
driving before him another which dragged two very large 
pine slabs. At the foot of the mountain, we had our first 
glimpse of the vale of Chamisal, a lovely nook shut in by 
a broad mass of high hills an outspur from the Sierra 

Here also were smiling fields, heavy with ripening har- 
vests and pretty, babbling brooks flowing over beds of 
glistening pebbles, but the town itelf is neither so large, so 
pretty, nor, perhaps, so rich as Trampas. Two miles 
further, a sharp knife-backed ridge intervening, was the 
valley of Penasco the counterpart in situation, fertility 
and beauty of the others described this morning. 

Another half mile over a very rocky hill, very steep 
but not of any great height, our ambulance jumping from 
boulder to boulder, brought us to the Valley and Pueblo 
of Picuris. The first building I entered was the church, 
where I found the "governor" of the Pueblo, Nepomuceno, 
who with others of his tribe, was engaged in carpentry 
work, making a new altar and other much needed repairs. 
Until they were ready to talk to me, I devoted a few moments 
to looking at the building and its decorations. I also bought 
a stone hammer, which the Governor afterwards told me 
had been used for many years to strike the bell before and 
during service. 

When he finished, Nepomuceno, (whose Indian name 
is Tol-wa-chi-sinni Aguila del Sol Eagle of the sun,) led 
me to his house much like those in other Pueblos. He gave 


his full Spanish name as "Nepomuceno Martin, governor of 
this Pueblo." He said in the commencement that his people 
were of one stock and spoke the same language as those of 
Sandia, Taos and Isleta. u 

He became communicative after a little and indeed 
seemed to be, what he claimed to be, a man of intelligence. 
Indians, he said, did not like to talk about their clan divi- 
sions or gentes,^ especially with strangers and of all stran- 
gers, Mexicans. Clans existed among all the tribes, those of 
the Pueblos, and all others all were alike ("todos los mis- 
mos.") In Picuris, there were the following : 

1 Aqua or Water "Yo soy de este." "I am of this." 

2 Aquila or Eagle 

3 Arco en cielo Rainbow 

4 Coyote Coyote 

5 Tierra Earth 

6 Sacate, con flor blanca, Grass that which 

has the white flower 

7 Dia Day 

8 Sol Sun 

The clan rules are the same as obtain among the other 
Pueblos. (See Zuni and Jemez.) 

In former days, the buffalo ranged near here ; at a place 
called Mora. 13 The Picuris call themselves by that name; 
they call Zuni, Zona: Taos, Toa-willini; San Juan, Tav- 
penni; Santa Clara, Caypata; Pojuaque, Pojuaque; San Ilde- 
fonso, Pajua-tina; Navajoes, Cu-lu-uime; Apaches, Tur-hue- 
iume; Utes and Shoshones, Yotanne; Comanches, Jaja- 
anne; Kiowas, Kayawanni; Crows, Soratiqui; Sioux, Corta 
Cabeza; Cheyennes, Cheyenni; Araphoes, Nipomanni, or 
Sarapaho; Lipans (?) Nipannano. 

While in all accounts of the Nipannano, the country 
occupied by them is described as identical with that for- 
merly roamed over by the Lipans, that is the Llano Estacado 
of Texas and they themselves have been styled Apache, it 
is only just to add that some of the Indians of the Rio Grande 
speak of having met them in their trading excursions to the 
Nepestle or Arkansas, near Pueblo, where a great trading 

11. Picuries and Taos are the survivors of the northern Tiwa group ; Sandia and 
Isleta (north and south of Albuquerque) are survivors of the southern Tiwa group. 

12. It will be noticed, here and below, that Bourke regarded the terms clan and 
gens as synonymous. 

18. The Mora valley, from Picuries, is across the mountains to the east. 


ground once seems to have existed ; w neither do I know 
whether any connection is claimed between them and the 
Lipans. If they had originally been the one people, the 
name Nipannano would of course apply to both. The 
Apaches have told me that the Lipans were their people and 
that the word Lipunin meant Buckskin, or the people who 
dressed in that material or had much of it. Dwelling in 
a good game country, it is not at all unlikely that, at least 
as compared with the Apaches, the Lipans had provided 
themselves abundantly with the pelts of elk, deer and ante- 
lope : on old maps I have noticed the name printed as rang- 
ing together, "Lipans and Apaches." 

The people of Picuris claim to have always lived in 
their present location and also say that the people of Moqui, 
to the West, went from the Rio Grande country, to escape 
trouble from the Utes, Comanches and others who came in 
great numbers to make war upon them. (This may refer 
to an exodus either antecedent to or consequent upon the 
Spanish Invasion, and, if the latter, may have been incited 
by that cause alone or by that and the difficulties with con- 
tiguous tribes.) The Picuris impress me as an extremely 
poor people. They dress much as the other Pueblos but don 
any and every cast off rag they can pick up. Their appear- 
ance is much wilder than that of the usually meek and docile 
Pueblos and by many who have been among them, their per- 
sonal attributes are considered identical with those of the 
Apaches whom they most certainly resemble very strongly. 
In their village are some Navajo blankets, which among all 
the Pueblos are made to do duty from generation to genera- 
tion. They are very fond of hunting and find great induce- 
ments in the amount of game in the mountains behind their 
village. There elk and deer still roam in numbers and fre- 
quent encounters with savage bears and panthers add a 
little spice to the work of food-getting. Nepomuceno gave 
me a set of claws cut from a bear he had killed after a des- 
perate encounter. 

The Picuris employ the bow and arrow more than most 
of the Pueblos ; their bow is made of the sabina (a species of 
mountain cedar,) backed with sinew; their arrows are all 
tipped with sheet iron and plumed with three owl feathers. 
These weapons, in size and finish cannot be distinguished 
from those made and used by the Apaches of N. E. Arizona. 

14. This refers to El Cuartelejo, in eastern Colorado, to which place many of 
the Taos and Picuries Indians fled in 1704. Governor Cuervo persuaded them to return 
home two years later. 


In agriculture, they still employ the rude wooden plow 
and transport their crops to market in creaking wooden 
"carretas." They make no baskets or blankets and but lit- 
tle pottery, of a very inferior quality. Much of what I saw 
among them had been brought from San Juan, but Nepomu- 
ceno insisted that they too knew how to make it and to color 
it, red, black, and white. They were not making any while 
I was there, so I had no means of determining positively 
whether or not my informant was giving me exact informa- 
tion : I see but small reason to doubt his statement, as there 
have been intermarriages between the people of this Pueblo 
and those of San Juan, which could not fail to introduce the 
ceramic art, even if we suppose that they haven't the sense 
or ambition to learn it from observation of their neighbors. 

They are not well provided with animals : Nepomuceno 
declared that they had, all told, only five horses, twenty bur- 
ros and about 50 head of cows, bulls etc. Before the coming 
of the Spaniards, had no means of transportation. At that 
time, depended much upon buffalo meat as a means of sub- 
sistence and had hunted the buffalo on the Llano Estacado 
down to within the past decade. Nepomuceno had often 
hunted them there; he had been to Nepeshte or Rio Ni- 
panno or Arkansas River, where "there used to be a f uerte" 
( i. e. Bent's Fort.) There he and his people had traded 
with the various bands of Indians mentioned in the begin- 
ning of our conversation. 

But he suddenly said in a tone of warning and disgust 
"ese hombre que viene es muy chucho; no hablaremos." 
(This man coming up is very much of a pup don't let us 
talk any more.") 

The individual indicated was one of those idle, shift- 
less Mexicans, always hanging around where least wanted. 
In the presence of one of these mongrels, a Pueblo can never 
be induced to speak of his people or their religion. When 
the Mexican came up, I asked him coldly what he wanted 
and bade him be off about his business. His mere presence 
seemed to have made Nepomuceno averse to further conver- 
sation: I regretted this very bitterly because my hope and 
intention had been to cross-examine him more fully upon 
the subject of the "gentes" or clans and the regulative sys- 
tem of the Pueblo. However, the main point was gained 
the admission that they had such gentile organization and 
that in all relating to it or dependent upon it, the Pueblo 
followed the same rules as the Pueblo of Zuni and all other 


Pueblos. In one word, Nepomuceno confirms what other 
Indians in Zuni, Santa Clara and San Juan, have intimated 
or boldly asserted that the Sendentary Indians of New 
Mexico and Arizona, altho' split up into different languages 
are practically the one people, so far as religion and law can 
make them. Divergences in custom exist of course; but 
these divergences are the result of the more or less intimate 
contact with Spanish civilization brought about by the more 
or less thorough subjugation of each Pueblo and its greater 
or less proximity to the seat of power which kept the pres- 
sure of Spanish civilization in place. Along the line of the 
Rio Grande, the Pueblo Indian has been compelled to defend 
his ancient customs by duplicity and hypocrisy; most of 
them he still adheres to in secret, many of them have been 
temporarily suspended and it is even possible that under the 
influence of an aggressive and superior ethnical develop- 
ment the absurdity or inutility of many of the practices of his 
Forefathers may have been demonstrated and the greater 
excellence of those of the Invaders discovered and accepted. 

Coercion never yet made a convert; the bulk of the 
native population is today just as intensely pagan as it was 
when Vargas in 1692-4 effected its resubjection to the crown 
and religion of Spain. 

The Picuris wear no head-gear, contenting themselves 
with a band tightly wound around the forehead after the 
fashion of the Apaches and Navajoes. They use the breech- 
clout and when they first don a pair of pantaloons have the 
ridiculous custom, I formerly noticed among the Jicarilla 
Apaches and Utes, of cutting out the seat. Turkey, eagle and 
owl feathers are worn in the hair and planted in their fields 
to bring rain. In this there is a slight discrepancy from the 
ideas of the Zuni who will never use the owl feather, because 
it is a feather of bad luck and certain to bring destructive 
winds and hail . 

Children's cradles swing from the rafters of every 
house. Toys of various kinds are made for their children, 
and "shinny," played by both sexes, is a favorite out-door 
game. Cards are rarely played. For musical instruments, 
they employ drums, gourds, rattles, eagle-pipes &c. much 
as have been and will be described in writing of other 
Pueblos. In ordinary costume, they are seldom painted: 
occasionally, a man may be seen marked on the face with red 
or black : this last more as a protection against sun and bit- 


ing wind than from any association with the idea of per- 
sonal adornment. 

Their houses are all of adobe, but the stables for burros 
and ponies are of log and the pens for the pigs of "jacal." 
The necessity of pig pens is not immediately apparent. Their 
hogs are first carefully chained and then fastened to a stake 
which enables them to enjoy the gratification of lying all day 
in the mud and basking in the sunlight, while it deprives 
them of the sweeter joy dear to every hog's heart, of 
rooting up and destroying the fields his master has so care- 
fully planted. They have no menstrual lodges and no puberty 
dance. Arms are very scarce; rifles and revolvers are 
rarely to be seen, while bows and arrows are still plenty. 
Lassoes of hair are made with great skill. The governor of 
the Pueblo is called "Ta-poni ;" each gens has its own cacique, 
but the cacique of the Dia gens is, if I rightly comprehended 
Nepomuceno, superior to the others. The Picuris smoke 
both Tobacco and Bunchi. They throw bread in fire, as a 
sacrifice, after the manner of the Zunis. They maintain an 
old tame eagle which occupies in solitary grandeur the "old 
pueblo." Nepomuceno told me of his existence and also 
pointed out his cage and perch, under which was a great 
amount of guano; but I insisted upon seeing the eagle in 
person. This I was successful in doing with the help of my 
guide who went into the building on one side while I re- 
mained without on the other. 

The eagle soon made himself visible a noble old bird, 
showing age in every movement. Nepomuceno said that he 
was "muy viejo," which I readily admitted. 

The old pueblo itself is a veritable relic of antiquity; 
built of "caj6n," * it must at one time have been of large 
dimensions, but at this date only three stories remain and 
these are rapidly going to pieces. The workmanship was 
extremely crude, the wood used being split with axes and put 
together in a clumsy way. There were no windows opening 
on the outside ; presumably, there must have been openings 
upon an interior court of small size, but this I could not 
determine exactly, there being no ladder and the edifice 
being in such a tumble down condition that my guide said 
it would not be prudent to attempt to climb about it. I 
abided by his views, as he had only a few moments previously 

15. Literally, "box," but here meaning large blocks of adobe instead of the 
better known adobe bricks. Cajon wall-structure may be seen, for example, in the 
prehistoric Pueblo foundations of the old Governor's Palace in Santa Fe. 


been in some of the outer rooms on the lower floor to hunt 
up and chase out the old eagle. 

The "estufa" of Picuris is a circular tower, 9 paces in 
diameter, about 8 or 10 ft. high, % of which is above ground ; 
it is built of adobe and is now much dilapidated. It is entered 
by ascending to the roof by a crazy ladder of cottonwood 
and thence by another equally crazy to the damp, dark 
and musty interior. 

There is one carpenter in Picuris. Having heard the 
statement that the language of his Pueblo is essentially like 
that of the Apaches, I thought I would make use of a trifling 
acquaintance with the latter, gained during General Crook's 
campaign against them in Arizona in 1872-1875, to verify or 
disprove this opinion. 

I asked Nepomuceno to give the cardinal numbers, up to 
and including ten ; and the names for fire, water, horse, cow 
&c, all of which he did cheerfully and carefully but in not a 
single instance was there the smallest traceable resemblance. 
I do not wish it to be inferred that I consider my feeble 
knowledge of Apache sufficient to determine this question. 
I am as much in doubt now as I was before making the ex- 
periment and shall promptly submit to the decision of any 
reputable linguist even should it be adverse; yet I cannot 
refrain from remarking that the names for the first series 
of cardinal numbers and those of such unchanging elements 
as fire and water, are not only, as a rule, permanent fixtures 
in each language, but in languages coming from the com- 
mon stems, they are the surest means of determining identity 
of origin. Hence, a radical difference in these terms would 
be almost always, prima facie evidence against the theory of 
a common origin of two or three given languages. 

The number of houses in Picuris cannot be much, if any, 
over thirty; they are about equally divided between one- 
storied and two-storied, but there are none higher than the 
latter. The Pueblo has a slouchy, down in the heel look, 
greatly at variance with the neat, trim and cleancut look of 
the Mexican settlements in the neighboring valleys. There 
are no accommodations for man or beast. My breakfast had 
been a handfull of apricots, bought from some boys on the 
road ; for dinner and supper I had only a slice of raw bacon 
from Jack's mess-chest, a piece of stale bread and a couple 
of hard-boiled eggs luckily saved from those bought last 
night and now shared with the driver. Altho' I didn't feel 


hungry, I was getting very anxious to reach some good ranch 
before night, more on our mules' account than our own. 

Leaving Picuris, the road ascends for a short distance 
the narrow canon of the Penasco, here framed in by great 
boulders of granite and dotted with clumps of pifion and 
cedar. An abundance of water flows in the stream and is 
utilized at every convenient bend, where soil has been depos- 
ited, to irrigate petty patches of corn and beans. The road 
at one point runs down into the main ditch and follows, 
along its thread for not less than thirty yards. 

Dozens of frail crosses capping heaps of stone, tell man 
that he is only mortal and recall to mind the dead whose 
corpses have in years gone by been carried past. 

The road became very steep, rocky, water-washed and 
bad in every way, climbing a mountain Range, of consider- 
able height, thickly timbered with pine of fine size, well 
suited for all milling purposes. On the North side of this 
Range (our road ran nearly North,) we descended into a 
lovely canon closely hemmed in by the elevated ranges we 
had just crossed. Here two or three crystal streams came 
together, their point of junction being the former site of the 
old military post of Camp Burgwin, now a heap of undis- 
tinguishable ruins." Below the old post, the valley widened 
somewhat and showed several small areas well adapted for 
tillage, but unoccupied by inhabitants. 

A brisk shower descended upon us as evening ap- 
proached. When the rain ceased, a lovely bow spanned the 
sky with colors of dazzling brilliancy. The proximity of 
population was, however, attested by droves of "burros," 
young and old, grazing on the hill-sides ; and, a few miles far- 
ther down the canon, by herds of goats, attended by three or 
four boys. 

We kept on down this creek which yielded enough water 
for two large acequias and a saw-mill, until we entered the 
Valley of Taos, a beautiful circle of mountain girt meadow 
land, containing a very extended acreage of fertile soil, 
dotted with comfortable looking houses and villages. 

16. Capt. J. H. K. Burgwin, 1st U. S. Dragoons, a native of North Carolina 
and a graduate of West Point, was mortally wounded on February 4, 1847, in the 
battle at Taos Pueblo. This military post, named in his honor and now in ruins, 
was located near the southern confines of the beautiful Taos Valley. Heitman's 
Register, II, 484, wrongly locates it "about nine miles north of Taos." 

(To be continued) 




FOR SEVERAL years following the departure of Juan de 
Eulate from New Mexico in 1626 the relations of Church 
and State were fairly peaceful. The prelates Friar Alonso 
de Benavides (1625-1629), Friar Esteban de Perea (1629- 
1630), Friar Juan de Salas (1630-1632), and Friar Juan de 
Gongora (1632-1635) were very much preoccupied with 
the expanding mission program and the indoctrination of the 
newly converted pueblos. The immediate successors of 
Governor Eulate were not always wholly sympathetic toward 
the Church and the missions, but their actions did not cause 
any major disputes. Prior to 1635 the investigations of the 
commissaries of the Holy Office (Benavides, 1626-1629, and 
Perea, 1630-c. 1639) were confined mostly to cases of big- 
amy, superstition, witchcraft, and demonology involving the 
ignorant and lowly members of society rather than the civil 
officers of the province. 1 But the old wounds, which had been 
created by the Peralta, Ceballos, and Eulate episodes, never 
entirely healed. Occasional irritations and differences 
occurred which kept the old issues alive. 

Felipe de Sotelo Osorio, who succeeded Eulate as gov- 
ernor in 1625, appears to have maintained fairly friendly re- 
lations with Father Benavides, although his attitude on cer- 
tain questions was regarded with some suspicion. In 1626 
and at intervals during 1627 and 1628 Benavides received tes- 
timony which indicated a lack of orthodoxy and a certain hos- 



tility to the Church on the part of the governor. It was said 
that Sotelo scorned ecclesiastical censures, that he expressed 
views contrary to the rights and immunities of the Church, 
and that he was guilty of heresy, blasphemy, and immor- 
ality. 2 But Benavides appears to have made little effort to 
investigate these charges. The accusations were made by 
soldier-encomenderos of Santa Fe, leaders in the local com- 
munity. In their testimony one feels a definite personal hos- 
tility that was probably inspired either by rash statements 
and boasts on the part of Sotelo, or by resentment against 
certain of his governmental policies. More than fifty years 
later Governor Antonio de Otermin referred to the Sotelo 
situation in a letter addressed to the viceroy on April 5, 
1682. Otermin stated that because Sotelo had imposed 
severe punishment in certain cases of theft and public im- 
morality he had aroused such bitterness and resentment that 
he was ruined financially, and was even reduced to the ex- 
tremity of watering his own horse! Otermin cited this case, 
together with several others, to prove that the soldier-citizens 
had always been unfriendly, even hostile, to governors who 
opposed their wishes. 3 

There is no reason, however, to assume that Sotelo was 
entirely sympathetic toward the Church, or that the charges 
against him were entirely baseless. But it does seem clear 
that they were inspired, in part, by malice. The citizens 
tried then, as later, to embarrass the governor by making 
charges that were ecclesiastical in character, or by denounc- 
ing him to the representative of the Inquisition. In due 
course of time Benavides transmitted the sworn testimony to 
the Holy Office in Mexico City, but it appears that no action 
was taken against Sotelo by that tribunal. 

Sotelo's successor, Francisco Manuel de Silva Nieto, 
who governed the province from 1629 to 1632, was appar- 
ently persona grata to the Church because of his co-operation 
in the founding of new missions. But the next governor, 
Francisco de la Mora Ceballos, who held office from 1632 to 
1635, soon earned the ill will of many persons, both clerical 


and lay, by his eager desire to use his official position as a 
means of personal profit. Although no open crisis occurred 
during Mora's administration, some of his actions were so 
unsatisfactory that Friar Esteban de Perea, acting in his 
capacity as commissary of the Inquisition and as senior friar 
in the province, deemed it necessary to denounce them to the 
proper authorities. 

In October, 1632, Perea informed the Holy Office that 
Mora was a bit lukewarm toward the affairs of the Inquisi- 
tion, 4 but this mild criticism was as nothing compared with 
the outburst contained in a letter which he wrote a year 
later. In the second dispatch Perea accused the governor of 
insatiable greed and of acts of injustice against all classes. 
"The whole land protests." Mora had turned the convents 
into trading posts and had made the friars his hucksters. 
Quantities of knives had been left at the mission pueblos, 
and the clergy were expected to trade them for hides. From 
the Indians he had seized their meager possessions. More, 
he had adopted Eulate's practice of giving vales, or permits, 
"two fingers' width of paper" authorizing the seizure of 
Indian boys and girls, "as if they were calves and colts," to 
be used as servants and laborers. These actions, Perea said, 
had inspired in the Indians a hatred for the Christian faith, 
"regarding our Holy Law as a law of slavery, [it] being [in 
reality] the law of most perfect liberty." Moreover, Mora 
had seized the possessions of many of the soldiers, and, "in 
order to shut their mouths and keep them from crying out to 
heaven," he had given them permission to establish estancias 
for stock raising, "not only on the milpas of the natives but 
even in the patios of the convents." There was no recourse, 
and Perea appealed to "the fountain of all justice and piety" 
for protection of the Church "and of these miserable souls." 8 

Partial confirmation of Perea's denunciation is con- 
tained in a viceregal decree, dated February 18, 1634. The 
decree stated that reports had been received that Mora 
had "destroyed" the province by sending to Santa Barbara 
eight hundred cows, four hundred mares, and a quantity of 


"ganado menor," to be sold in that market, and that as a 
result the citizens of New Mexico had nothing with which to 
sustain themselves. It was also stated that four persons, 
whose property had been seized, had fled "from the tyranny 
of said governor." The decree ordered an investigation of 
the charges. 6 It is interesting to compare the contents of this 
decree with a statement in Otermin's letter of April 5, 1682, 
to the effect that Mora was so persecuted that he had to hide 
in the convent of Galisteo. 7 

There is probably no doubt that Mora tried to squeeze a 
large profit out of his term of office. But apparently he was 
able to present an adequate justification of his record to the 
authorities in Mexico City, for he was later appointed com- 
mander of the garrison and alcalde mayor of Acapulco. 7 * 


In November, 1634, Mora turned over the government 
of the province to his successor, Francisco Martinez de Baeza, 
who remained in office until April 18, 1637. n Baeza's chief 
interest was to make the most of his opportunity as governor. 
It was the same old story exploitation of the Indians and of 
the struggling Hispanic community. The sources of profit 
were few, but all of the governors exploited them, the only 
difference being in the zeal with which they pressed their 
advantage. The complaints of the clergy were ever the same, 
and they were made so often that they became a sort of 
litany. Neglect of the missions, denial of ecclesiastical 
authority, exploitation of Indian labor over and over again 
the familiar refrain was repeated in letters addressed to the 
superior prelates of the Franciscan Order and to the vice- 
roy, or in testimony transmitted to the Holy Office. 

According to the clergy, Baeza lost no time in organiz- 
ing trading ventures and exploiting Indian labor, to the utter 
neglect of his official obligations and duties. ". . . from the 
moment that he assumed control he has attended only to his 
own gain, and this with great excess and harm to all these 
provinces . . ." He imposed a heavy burden of labor on the 


Indians, for which they received only a fraction of the wage 
due. Some were forced to gather pinon, which they carried 
in on their own backs to Baeza's warehouse; others were 
sent out to trade for hides ; in all of the pueblos the Indians 
were forced to weave and paint great quantities of manias, 
bunting, and hangings, and some of the pueblos that did not 
raise enough cotton "to cover their own nakedness" were 
obliged to barter with other villages for the cotton needed. 
The prices paid for the finished goods represented only one- 
sixth or one-eighth of the current local values. By the end 
of 1636 Baeza had accumulated such large quantities of 
pifion, hides, and locally manufactured goods that nine 
wagon loads were made ready for transportation to New 
Spain. 8 

In pursuing his own gain, the governor utterly neglected 
the missions. He abandoned the example set by his prede- 
cessors in promoting and assisting the conversions and in 
enforcing mission discipline.' No new pueblos were bap- 
tized. And it was stated that the Indians, realizing that 
Baeza was not interested in supporting the labors of the 
Church, were becoming insubordinate and restless. 10 Baeza, 
like Eulate, showing little enthusiasm or respect for the cere- 
monial of the Church, forced his servants to risk excommuni- 
cation by requiring them to labor on feast days, scorned 
ecclesiastical censures and ridiculed persons who submitted 
to such censures, and indicated a certain lack of respect for 
the jurisdictional authority of the custodian. And accord- 
ing to the clergy there was no lack of persons who followed 
Baeza's example." 

Thus by word and deed Baeza was said to have embar- 
rassed the missionary labors of the friars. The most serious 
controversy between Baeza and the clergy was caused by 
the old problem of military escort for missionaries assigned 
to frontier pueblos. The Zuni pueblos, where missionaries 
with resident friars had been established in 1629, grew rest- 
less under the restraining hand of their spiritual advisers. 
On February 22, 1632, the Zunis killed Friar Francisco de 


Letrado, who was in charge of the mission at Hawikuh, and 
five days later Friar Martin de Arvide, who was on his way 
to convert the Zipias who lived in northern Sonora, was 
killed by his Zuni servants. A punitive expedition was sent 
out to the Zuni country, but the Indians do not appear to have 
been thoroughly pacified. They fled to a refuge on Corn 
Mountain where they seem to have remained until 1635, 
when they began to reoccupy their villages. 13 At the meet- 
ing of the custodial chapter that year, friars were chosen to 
resume the work of the Church among the Zunis, but failure 
of the governor to provide military escort for them delayed 
their departure." 

Finally, on September 24, 1636, Friar Cristobal de 
Quiros, the custodian, addressed the governor in a formal 
auto in which he reviewed the situation at Zuni, stated his 
desire to re-establish the missions there, and called upon 
Baeza to furnish sufficient military escort for the friars that 
were to be sent. His request was stated in the following lan- 
guage: "therefore I beg and beseech, and, if necessary re- 
quire it, in behalf of His Majesty, that you appoint and send 
. . . military escort." 14 Baeza resented the manner in which 
the request was made, and in his reply he declared that the 
custodian should present his petition in the manner in which 
"an ecclesiastical judge ordinary should address a governor 
and captain general, and not by auto." Baeza's reply could 
have had but one effect. Quiros responded by another formal 
petition in which he reviewed the obligations of the gov- 
ernors to provide escort for friars, and then added: "I 
demand of Your Lordship, on behalf of His Majesty and as 
prelate of these provinces by whom His Majesty discharges 
his royal conscience, that you grant and appoint the escort 
necessary for the province of Zuni." Quiros also insisted 
that although it was the expressed opinion of certain per- 
sons that the friars should pay for the sustenance and wages 
of such escort, actually the friars were under no such obli- 
gation. On the contrary, it was the duty of the governor to 
provide the same, for to this purpose the king granted to the 


Spaniards encomiendas and tributes of the natives. In con- 
clusion, Quiros stated that should the escort be refused, "then 
all the spiritual and temporal damage that may result there- 
from must be laid up to the account of Your Lordship." 18 

Quiros was clearly right in his request for an escort, as 
the viceregal instructions addressed to Governor Eulate on 
February 5, 1621, had provided for such escort by the enco- 
menderos. But in a blazing decree Baeza demanded that 
Quiros present documents to prove that the king had 
ordered such escorts and that these should be at the cost of 
the encomenderos. The encomiendas had been granted, he 
said, in order that the encomenderos might reside in the 
Villa de Santa Fe in the capacity of citizens of the same, 
"and for no other purpose except as the governor may 
order." In fact, had it not been decreed that the conversions 
should be made in apostolic fashion, and had not the friars 
themselves presented reports stating that there was no need 
of soldiers in these provinces? Let Quiros present his 
proof! More, let him also make his requests without ex- 
ceeding the jurisdiction actually his, unless by inclination he 
cannot refrain from pleas and "disgustos." such as he has had 
with all the governors from Peralta to the present. 17 

The outcome of this controversy is not known with 
certainly, but it is improbable that friars were sent to the 
Zuni area at this time. 18 Whatever the result may have been, 
the immediate concern of both parties was apparently the 
preparation of justificatory reports to be sent to Mexico City. 
Baeza' s letters have not been found, but it is probable that 
his major complaint had to do with the alleged arrogance of 
the clergy, their habit of stirring up strife and contention, 
and the unjust manner in which they were said to impose 
ecclesiastical censures. 19 

The reports of the clergy took the form of a series of 
letters addressed to the viceroy in November and December, 
1636. 20 These letters, which have been summarized in part 
in the foregoing discussion, contained scathing denuncia- 
tions of Baeza and all his works. The whole land had felt 


the weight of his tyranny Indians, clergy, and Spaniards 
alike. He had violated royal and viceregal decrees, and had 
put his own advantage above that of the Crown. By manipu- 
lating elections he had made the cabildo of Santa Fe his 
servant. False reports had been sent to the viceroy. "Most 
Excellent Sir," wrote Friar Zambrano, "I swear that Gov- 
ernor Francisco Martinez is unworthy of receiving a single 
real from the royal treasury, because he does not deserve it," 
etc. 21 The clergy stated that although they had sought a 
remedy for such conditions on other occasions, the instruc- 
tions and orders that had been issued as a result of their 
petitions had always been violated. "They are dead and 
buried . . . Wherefore, we supplicate Your Excellency with 
the greatest humility and submission possible that you may 
look with pity on this new Church and its poor ministers." 22 
The letters of Father Quiros and his associates were 
sent to New Spain by special messenger during the winter of 
1636-1637. Near Parral the messenger met the mission sup- 
ply caravan, which was proceeding northward on its regular 
triennial journey, and Friar Tomas Manso, administrator of 
the caravan, added a letter of his own to be sent with those of 
his New Mexico colleagues. He stated that reports indicated 
that conditions in New Mexico were very serious and that 
the Church and clergy were being subjected to open insult. 
He also stated that the reports which Governor Baeza was 
sending concerning the conduct of the friars were based on 
falsified testimony, and that the two men who were bearing 
the dispatches were so untrustworthy that the viceroy should 
not give credence to anything they said. But Manso saw a 
ray of hope. A new governor, Luis de Rosas, was accom- 
panying the caravan and would soon take over the adminis- 
tration of the province. "And may God be praised . . . for 
his actions promise us great pleasure and peace and the 
increase of that Church which at present is so despised." 
Manso begged the viceroy to suspend judgment until Rosas 
had taken Baeza's residencia and had filed a report concern- 
ing the same. 28 

(To be continued) 


1. See F. V. Scholes, "The First Decade of the Inquisition in New Mexico," NEW 
MEX. HIST. REV. (1935), 195-241. 

2. The original testimony is in A. G. P. M., Inquisicion, Tomos 356 and 363. For 
a more detailed statement of the charges, see Scholes, "First Decade of the Inquisition 
in New Mexico," 201-206. 

3. Otermin to the viceroy, April 5, 1682. A. G. I., Mexico 53. (In my article 
cited in notes 1 and 2, I incorrectly gave this letter as in A. G. I., Guadalajara 138.) 

4. ". . . el governador don Francisco de la Mora se muestra un poco tibio o sin 
oficio a lo que toca al santo Tribunal (lo que no hacia don Francisco de Silva) . . ." 
Perea to the Holy Office, October 2, 1632. A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 304, f. 180. 

5. Perea's letter is in A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 380, ff, 231, 232. 

6. A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas, Tomo 35, Exp. 5. 

7. Otermin to the viceroy, April 5, 1682. A. G. I., Mexico 53. 

la. Letters of Viceroy Cadereita, Mexico, February 28, 1639, in A. G. I., Mexico 
469; libranza of March 11, 1639, in A. G. I., Contaduria 738. 

7b. Baeza left Mexico City on July 4, 1634, arrived in New Mexico toward the end 
of November, 1634, and served as governor until April 18, 1637. Libranza of December 
7, 1638, in A. G. I., Contaduria 734 ; declaration of Fray Jeronimo de la Liana, at 
Cuarac, January 1, 1636, in A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 369, exp. 14. 

8. Cartas que se escriueron a su Ex* del nueuo Mexico Por los Religiosos della Por 
fin del ano de 636 quexnndose del Gouierno de francisco Martinez de Baeza. A. G. P. M., 
Provincias Internas, Tomo 35, Exp. 3. 

9. ". . . Y los Gouern 8 que a hauido en estas prouincias sus antecessores an 
ayudado Siempre a la Conuerss on de alguna prouincia y vissitado los pueblos por BUS 
personas animando a Los infieles a que se bapticen Y Reduzgan a la Yglesia ; Y a los 
fieles dandoles a entender Acudan a la Obligacion q tienen a la doctrina y obediencia a 
los Ministros ; dandoles p a esto muy grandes exemplos para mouerlos a ello, y castigando 
a los malhechores y turbadores." Letter of the custodian and definitors to the viceroy, 
November 28, 1638, Ibid. This praise of former governors does not square with Perea'a 
bitter denunciation of Governor Mora Ceballos. 

10. ". . . y en cosas del seru de Dios y de Su Mag d no a acudido y sino fuera la 
mucha Vigilancia de los rreligiosos Entiendo estubiera la tierra alcalda porque los 
propios naturales no hazen casso de sus mandates ni bales que a los pueblos inbia ni 
quieren acudir a la doctrina ni missa como tienen obligacion y todo esto procede Ex mo 
S. r>or el poco castigo que a hecho y gran rremision del gouer* e y auizandole algunos 
rrelieriosos q lo rremedia les ha rrespondido que quien le mete a el," etc. Friar Pedro de 
Zambrano to the viceroy, November 6, 1636. Ibid. 

11. fa) "... cap an albaro garcia olgado . . . dixo . . . que abra dos anos poco 
mas o menos questandole este declarante diziendole pintar vnas mantas Y trabajando 
Los dias de fiesta saluo los domingos y fiestas prinzipales y que en las otras fiestas que 
no obligauan a los yndios y obligauan a los espafioles, Le hazia el dho gouer or a este 
declarante que trauajando los yndios El trabajase Tambien con ellos lo qual sauido por 
el prelado Puso vna descomunion fijada en la puerta de la yglesia en que daba por 
descomulgados a los que trabajasen en los dhos dias de fiesta y sobre otras cosas seme- 
jantes a esta Y que este declarante Tubo noti* esta descomunion Y Se uio a absoluer 
della Y luego fue a proseguir en la pintura de las dhas mantas a casa del dho Fr. 
Martinez de Baeza Y allandole a la puerta Por uer si le dejaua yr a su casa le dixo como 
Verra de absoluerse de la descomunion en q avia incurrido Por auerle obedezido en 
trabajar en dias de fiesta a lo qual el dho Fran co martinez de baeza muy enojado y con 
Vos alta : dixo a Vorrachos buzarrones rrepitiendolo dos veses con aquel enojo Y visolo 
tal este declarante baxo los ombos Y Vbo de obedezerle Y trabajar todos los demas dias 
de fiesta de alii adelante asta que se acauo tiempo de quatro meses yncurriendo siempre 
en !a descomunion . . . Y que oyo dezir en otra occasion a personas de Credito q estandole 
haxiendo vnas Carretas al dho Fr co martinez de baeza El Capitan alonso martin Barba 


Y porque debio de sauer que no trabajaban los dias de fiesta les embio a dezir que no 
measen tanto agua Vendita q Trabajasen aunque fuesen los dias de fiesta y que saue 
este declarante q en estas cosas es defectuoso." Declaration of Alvaro Garcia Holgado, 
July 13, 1637. A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 369, Exp. 14. 

(b) "... fr. fran co de San BuenaVentura . . . denuncia y declara que abra Vn ano 
Poco mas o m os que estando en el pueblo de Jacona de la nazion teguas en ocasion q 
estaua alii tambien el g or fr co martinez de baeca: Y el Capitan P Lucero de godoy y 
el cap* n fran co de Madrid. Tratando de algunos pleitos que abia sobre descomuniones 
entre el dho gouernador y el prelado destas prouy" 8 Le dijo este declarante: q el prelado 
en las censuras q Ponia Le parezia q Tenia R on y Justi* y que las dhas censuras eran 
las armas de la yglesia a lo qual rrespondio dho gouernador afeando a los soldados el ser 
temerosos de Dios y a las censuras de la yglesia que eran Vnos dicones Pues no hera 
p* sufrir vna descomunion Y Dice mas este declarante que vn mes antes desto estando 
el dho gouer or fran co martinez de baeza en este dho conv to con la mayor parte del 
Cauildo, Yendo hacia la porteria oyo al dho gouer or que les Yba diziendo : a todos los 
BUSO dhos que heran buzarrones Por auerse dejado descomulgar por Los prelados pasa- 
dos," etc. Declaration of Friar Francisco de San Buenaventura, July 11, 1637. Ibid. 

(c) "... el Capitan fran eo de madrid . . . dixo que lo que saue es que abiendo el 
prelado Y Jues ordinario destas prouy as descomulgado el Cap. an Manuel correa Y 
pedidole el auxilio al gouer or fran co martinez de Baeza p* Prenderle y proceder contra 
el y abiendo el dho fran co Martinez de baeza Mandado al ayudante di. martin barba q 
le prendiese Y tubiese preso en su propia Casa Pero que anidio Luego El dho gouer. or 
fran co Martinez de baeza mandando al dho ayundante que aunque el prelado Y juez ord. 
le pidiese no se le entregase Porque tenia tambien q. proceder contra El y que aunque 
Vajase Jesuxpto no le entregase quanto mas que no bajaria Jesuchristo a eso." Decla- 
ration of Capt. Francisco de Madrid, July 14, 1637. Ibid. 

(d) ". . . Dona maria de rromero . . . dice y denuncia q, el ano pass do Vispera 
de la Ascess on estando rrepicando a Visperas Y estando actualm 10 en su casa el gouer or 
fran co Martinez de baeza: Le dijo esta declarante por cortesia con liz" de VS" me 
boy a visperas a lo qual le dijo el dho Fran co Martinez de baeza con enojo: Voto a 
christo q si mi mug r fuera que la matara a palos Ponque no fuera A misa ni a visperaa 
ni a Completar." Declaration of Maria de Romero, July 14, 1637. Ibid. 

(e) ". . . Y siempre a proseguido con sus malas palabras en abatir y afrentar a. 
los Religiosos en todas sus conuerssaciones y platicas alia entre sus Soldados, con 
palabras tan feas y sucias q. son indignas de oir y menos de escriuirse ; Y es claro q a 
tales palabras de vn Gouern or y cabeca no an de f altar (antes, sobrar) Soldados q le 
imiten, atreuiendosse a muy grandes descomposturas de manos y de palabras, como 
consta por la aberiguacion q se a hecho dello, hasta hauer Soldado q a dho al Religioso, 
calla Papista que te dare de palos ; Lenguaje de inglaterra y de los paisses Rebelados. 
Y como se allega a esto el decir el Gourn or qu no ay Aqui Jurisdiccion Eclessiastica 
ordinaria, que conosca O pueda conoscer de caussa alguna de Soldado, sino solo el 
Gouern or Y ser la gente- desta tierra de tan pobres y miserables Subjetos y que entre 
ellos emos tambien conosido, vnos griegos, bassallos del turco, inglesses, francesses 
flamencos munchos, Y alemanes, italianos y lebantiscos y que les emos de creer q son del 
pueblo O ciudad de que ellos quieren decir y de la fee q ellos quieren professan-Los hijos 
de aquestos criados sin Doctrina de sus padres q tales pueden ser ? por lo qual se pades- 
cen muy grandes trauajos. Y la caussa de Dios muy gran Ruina." Letter of the custo- 
dian and definitors to the viceroy, November 28, 1686. Cartos que se escriuieron. A G. 
P. M., Provincias Internas 35, Exp. 3. 

12. The punitive expedition was sent in March, 1632. Hodge (Benavides, Memorial, 
293) reproduces the following modernized version of the inscription left by one 
Lujan, a member of the expedition, on El Morro, or Inscription Rock: "Se pasaron a 
23 de Marzo de 1632 Anos a la Benganza de Muerte del Padre Letrado." It is impossible 
to state with certainty whether this expedition was sent out by Governor Silva or by 
Governor Mora, although it has been customary to state that the latter sent it. Coan, 
History of New Mexico, 190. According to the records in the Seccidn de Contaduria, 


A. G. I., it appears that Mora succeeded Silva in March, 1632, but it is impossible to 
state the exact date in March. It is entirely possible, therefore, that the expedition was 
sent by Mora, and this may be the basis of the assertion of Friar Quiros that Mora left 
them at peace. Cf. note 14. Cf. also A. F. Bandelier, "An Outline of the Documentary 
History of the Zuni Tribe," Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, III 
(1892), 96-102. 

13. Cf. note 14. 

14. "Fray christoual de quiros custodio destas prouy as del nueuo Mex co y Jues 
ordinario della por autoridad apostolica ett a digo q por quanto los yndios del penol de 
caquima de la prouy a de Guni q se abian alsado en tiempo del gou or don fran co de 
silua los quales yndios, don Fcan co de la mora q susedio en el gouierno los dejo de paz 
la qual siempre an conseruado desde q enbio el dho don Fran co de la mora al Mro. de 
campo Thomas de albisu y subieron los rrelijiosos q yuan con el dho Mro de campo al 
penol con algunos Soldados los quales yndios tengo noticia q se ban poblando en BUS 
pueblos de un afio a esta parte poco despues q yo bine de aquella dha prouy* y por ser 
ya esta dha gente Xtiana y tener yo el dho custodio de mi parte obligacion y la Mag d 
del Rey nro S. r de la suya de conservar los dhos yndios en dotrina y por el peligro q 
corren las almas de tantos Xptianos de morirse sin los santos sacramentos y asi mismo 
los ninos q uan nasiendo y se mueren sin el agua del S. to baptismo por auer ya seis 
anos poco mas o menos q caresen de ministro por tanto a VS.* pido y suplico y si 
nesesario es se lo rrequiero de parte de su Mag. d q senale y enbie a la dha prouy a de 
cuni Soldados de escolta sufisiente para conseruacion de aquella prouy a lo vno para q 
acauen de congregar los dhos Yndios y lo otro para seguridad de los ministros q quiero 
ynbiar y tengo senalados vn ano a en el capitulo de S n Fran. co de sandia por q de no 
dar la dha escolta no suseda lo q susedio en tiempo del dho don fian co de silua q se 
alsaron los yndios y mataron a su ministro con lo qual pusieron en rriesgo a los yndios 
de la prouy a de moqui a alsarse y matar a su ministro y perder su Mag. d lo q tanto le a 
oostado el poner estas prouy as en el estado q estan y mando a nro secretario el P e fray 
domingo o del S to Predicador y guar* n de la uilla de S ta fee notifique este auto a la 
pcrs a del S r Fran co martinez de baeca gouernador destas dhas prouy as fr. Xptoual de 
quiros custodio." A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas 34, Exp. 1. 

15. Auto, September 24, 1636. Ibid. 

16. Quiros to Baeza, September 27, 1636. Ibid. 

17. Auto, September 27, 1636. Ibid. For the obligations of encomenderos to 
serve as escort for friars, see Instructions to Eulate, February 5, 1621 (NEW MEX. HIST. 
REV., Ill (1928), 377-378. Baeza's statement that it had been decreed that conver- 
sions should be made in apostolic manner was probably based on the stereotyped 
instructions issued to each governor when he took office. These followed the form of 
Peralta's instructions in 1609, in which we find the following statement: "Y en casso 
que despues se ayan de hacer algunas entradas contra los Yndios que no estubieren de 
paz permitira que solo las hagan Religiossos que quisieren salir en la forma apostolica a 
fundar y plantar nra santa fe y esto de manera que quede dotrina basante para los que 
al pressente estubieren de paz." NEW MEX. HIST. REV., IV (1929), 186. 

18. Father Quiros reported as follows: ". . . desde el dia q Vino por Gouern or 
francisco martinez de baeca, q es el que de presente la gouierna La Conuerss " destos 
naturales a cesado de todo punto sin querer dar fauor alos M ros como se lo pedi para 
Los indios dela prou a de Quni q se hauian alcado los anos passados, Y son Xptianos, los 
quales, D. francisco de la mora Gouernando estas Prouy as (como es la verdad) los dexo 
de paz. Y por hauer muerto Los indios al Religiose q los administraua se hauian alcado, 
Y hauiendose dado de paz temiendo yo q el Religiosso q se les podria dar no tendria 
Se-gur>dad de la vida pedi escolta Y fauor al dho fran. co martinez de baeca, por q to 
aquella Prou R a seis anos, q la gente della es Xptiana, y es lastima, q se condemnen 
tantas almas por carescer de M ro Y de los S t0s Sacramentos lo q 1 no fue possible querer 
dar ayuda Y fauor, como Constara a V. Ex. a por la dilig a que por Escripto hize la 
qua] imbio a Vex a por mano de mis Prelados." Quiros to the viceroy, December 1, 
1636. Cartas que se escriufcron, A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas 35, Exp. 3. But we 


should take into account the implications of the following inscription on El Morro: 
"Pasamos por aqui el Sargento Mayor y Capitan Jua de Archuleta y el Aiudante Diego 
Martin . . . 1636." R. E. Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mexican History, I (Cedar 
Rapids, la., 1911), 840. Whether these soldiers visited the western part of the province 
before or after September, it is impossible to state. Likewise, we are left in the dark 
concerning their mission. It is worth noting, however, that in December of 1636 
Diego Martin Barba held the office of "Secretary of War and Government." Declara- 
tion of Mateo de Manctinares, December 7, 1636. A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas 34, 
Exp. 1. Cf also the following comment or superscription on the original manuscript of 
the autos, etc., which passed between Baeza and Quiros in 1636: "Y para que si 
Embiaren ymform. 0n o Ynforme de q. los dhos Cunis Estauan de paz y Reduzidos. En 
tiempo de mi antecesor aviendo pasado tantos anos por que no les avian puesto ministro 
Y escoltta q. do se reduxeron, Como an querido dar a entender. = Conque se conoze por 
estos autos del Cust. averlos yo Reduzido y abaxado De paz Y no otro ningun gouer. or 
demas de Constar desta Verdad por la ynform. on que Remito." Ibid. However we may 
interpret the meaning of these bits of evidence, it is fairly certain that no permanent 
missions were re-established in 1636. 

19. In the autumn and early winter of 1636, Baeza compiled evidence concerning 
the practice of Father Quiros and his associates of excommunicating persons for failure 
to attend mass on feast days, and the alleged inconvenience that was involved in seeking 
out the prelate in order to obtain absolution. A. G. P. M. t Provincias Internas 34, 
Exp. 1. 

20. These are the letters cited as Cartas que se escriueron. A. G. P. M., Provincias 
Internas 35, Exp. 3. 

21. Zamhrano to the viceroy, November 6, 1636. Ibid. 

22. Letter to the custodian and definitors, November 2, 1636. Ibid. 

23. Manso to the viceroy, February 11, 1637. Ibid. 




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OCTOBER, 1936 

No. 4 







Editor Managing Editor 






VOL. XI OCTOBER, 1936 No. 4 


Church and State in New Mexico, 1610-1650 (cont'd) 

France V. Scholes 297 
Reviews : 

Alessio Robles, Monterrey en la historia y en la 

leyenda, J. E. Englekirk ... . 350 

Castafieda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas 

L. B. B 

Greer, Grand Prairie, F. M. Kercheville . 
Wellman, Broncho Apache, Mildred S. Adler 



Forrest, Arizona's Dark and Bloody Ground, Frank 

D. Reeve 360 

Favour, Old Bill Williams, Mountain Man, 

P. A. F. W 360 

I bero- Americana, Nos. 1-11, Reginald G. Fisher . 363 
Yale University Publications in Anthropology, Nos. 

1-7, Donald D. Brand 367 

Index 370 

Errata 376 

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Kntcret) as? second-class matter at Santa Fe. New Mexico 

The Historical Society of New Mexico 

Organized December 26, 1859 


1859 COL. JOHN B. GRAYSON, U. S. A. 

adjourned sine die, Sept. S, 1863 
re-established Dec. 27, 1SSO 




OFFICERS FOR 1936-1937 

PAUL A. F. WALTER, President 

JOSE D. SENA, Vice-president 

JAMES F. HINKLE, Vice-President 

LANSING B. BLOOM, Cor. Sec'y-Treas. 

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(As amended Nov. 19, 1929) 

Article 1. Name. This Society shall be called the Historical Society 
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VOL. XI OCTOBER, 1936 No. 4 




WITH THE possible exception of Diego de Penalosa, who 
was governor from 1661 to 1664, Luis de Rosas was 
the most interesting of all the men who ruled New Mexico 
prior to the Pueblo Revolt. He was an outspoken, hard- 
hitting soldier, fearless in action. He made his decisions 
quickly and executed them ruthlessly. He had the qualities 
useful in a leader of a faction, but unsuited to the civil 
administration of a province where passions had already 
been deeply aroused. Men admired him or hated him, for 
his character was of that direct and positive sort that leaves 
no room for neutral ground. 

Rosas was appointed governor of New Mexico by the 
viceroy, Marques de Cadereita, and the clergy of New Mexico 
later charged that he was merely Cadereita's servant. 1 The 
first glimpse of Rosas, in the spring of 1636 probably soon 
after his appointment, shows him anxious to set out for his 
province, for he had petitioned the viceregal authorities for 
permission to leave for New Mexico in advance of the regular 



supply caravan. 2 He was obliged to curb his restlessness, 
however, and wait for the caravan that left later in the year. 
He arrived in New Mexico in the spring of 1637, and on April 
19 took over the province from his predecessor, Francisco 
Martinez de Baeza. 8 

During Rosas' term of office (1637-1641) the spirit of 
faction and bitterness between the two jurisdictions that 
had been developing ever since the days of Peralta came to a 
climax in a series of tragic events which left the province a 
house divided. Father Manso's optimism was not justified; 
Rosas, instead of giving the Church "pleasure and peace," 
soon came to be regarded as the mortal enemy of the clergy. 

Curiously enough the Inquisition played only a very 
minor role during the Rosas period. An explanation is not 
difficult to find. Friar Esteban de Perea continued to exer- 
cise the authority of local representative of the Holy Office 
during the decade of the 1630's. To the end of his life Perea 
retained his old zeal, and instead of taking his ease at the 
pueblo of Sandia he assumed the responsibilities of a new 
mission post in the pueblo of Cuarac. His quarter-century 
of experience in all phases of missionary business, his terms 
as prelate, and the vindication he had received in Mexico 
City in 1627-1629 gave him great personal influence, and as 
a member of the committee of definitors he kept in touch with 
details of local administration. But active leadership had 
passed into other hands. Friar Cristobal de Quiros and 
Friar Juan de Salas who bore the brunt of the conflict with 
Baeza and Rosas were old associates of Perea, and they prob- 
ably relied on him for counsel. But they made the final deci- 
sions, not Perea. 

Age was demanding its inevitable price: the Perea of 
the 1630's was not the Perea of the old quarrel with Eulate. 
During the last four or five years of his life, he exercised his 
functions as agent of the Holy Office sparingly. He did not 
seek to initiate investigations and summoned only a few 
witnesses when a situation had been presented to him in a 
voluntary declaration. His death, which probably occurred 


in the winter of 1638-1639, 4 came just at the moment when 
Custodian Salas and Governor Rosas were "clearing the 
decks" for a finish fight. By the time the Holy Office could 
appoint a new agent for New Mexico the situation had 
passed the investigation stage and demanded more stringent 
action than could be taken under the cumbersome methods 
involved in an inquisitorial process. 

Thus in the great crisis of 1639-1642 the weapons which 
Perea had eagerly sought as an aid to the Church lay unused. 
In the preliminary skirmishes of 1638 a few sworn declara- 
tions of evidence were made and duly transmitted to the 
Holy Office, but they are important now only as a source of 
information concerning certain events of that period. Fal- 
tering hands wielded the weapons of the Inquisition and 
those hands were Friar Esteban de Perea's ! 


Rosas' first important duty as governor was to take the 
residencia of his predecessor. The clergy confidently ex- 
pected that he would submit Baeza to severe rebuke and 
punishment, but to their amazement he refused to permit 
himself to be made their instrument of vengeance. It was 
charged several years later (1641) by the anti-Rosas fac- 
tion that he accepted a bribe from Baeza in return for which 
he made no strict investigation of the latter's official conduct. 6 
This was not unlikely, as bribery was not an uncommon 
means of escaping a strict residencia. It is evident in any 
case that Rosas refused to take the side of the Church with 
regard to the recent difficulties with Baeza, and his inde- 
pendent action, whether it involved the acceptance of a bribe 
or not, brought him adverse criticism. 

This was merely the first cause of friction between the 
two jurisdictions. More important was the old problem of 
Indian administration, for Rosas appears to have adopted 
the system of exploitation that had been employed by his 
predecessors. The most explicit, as well as the most detailed, 
indictment on this charge is contained in a general accusa- 


tion presented in 1641 by Capt. Francisco de Salazar, one of 
the governor's enemies and a leader in the clerical, anti- 
Rosas faction. Additional information is found in deposi- 
tions made before Friars Perea and Salas and transmitted to 
the Holy Office. The accusations contained in these docu- 
ments may be divided into two groups: (1) those dealing 
with the exploitation of the converted Pueblos, and (2) those 
which relate to Rosas' policy toward the nomadic tribes. 

With regard to the Pueblos Rosas followed Baeza's 
example and required the Indians of the several villages to 
weave mantas and other textiles. He also established a 
workshop in Santa Fe where the Indians, both Christian and 
unconverted, including Apache and "Utaca" captives, were 
forced to labor for long hours under conditions of virtual 
servitude, and it was said that Rosas himself was often to be 
found there, surrounded by Indians and so covered with 
dirt that only by his clothes could he be distinguished from 
the Indians. 8 Indian labor was employed also in planting 
great quantities of food. 7 Likewise, the frontier pueblos 
were used for barter and trade with the nomadic Apaches. 
The pueblo of Pecos was one of the most important of these 
frontier trading posts, and from time immemorial the In- 
dians had bartered for the buffalo hides and meat brought in 
by the Apaches. To Pecos Rosas took a large quantity of 
knives to be used in trade, but apparently he had little suc- 
cess in this venture. The governor blamed the friars in 
charge of the mission, and had one of them arrested and 
placed under guard. 8 It was also charged that, in order to 
induce the Indians of Pecos to greater activity, he promised 
them permission to revert to some of their old pagan and 
idolatrous customs if they could furnish more mantas and 
hides. 8 

The denunciations of Rosas' policy toward the nomadic, 
unconverted tribes were equally severe. Against the "Uta- 
cas," a bellicose people living beyond the Pueblo area, but 
from whom the Spaniards and Pueblos had received no harm, 
Rosas was said to have made unjust war. Several of the 


Indian warriors were killed during the encounter, and a 
group of eighty were captured, some of whom were sent to 
labor in Rosas' Santa Fe workshop. 10 

More serious were the complaints made concerning 
Rosas' Apache policy. The Apaches were already becoming 
a serious problem, for although some of the tribes traded now 
and then at Pecos or with the pueblos in the Tompiro area, 
the general trend of Apache-Pueblo relations was becoming 
more and more hostile. During Baeza's term of office the 
raids had become fairly frequent, but he made no serious 
attempt to deal with the problem. Consequently the Apaches 
were emboldened, and continued their marauding adven- 
tures. Captain Salazar complained that Rosas not only 
neglected to prepare an adequate defense, but even failed to 
organize any counter attacks after raids had been success- 
fully executed. On the other hand, it was charged that he 
was directly responsible for a definite sharpening of Apache 
hostility, for during an expedition to the plains of Quivira 
he permitted treacherous attacks to be made on a friendly 
Apache tribe during which several of the Indians were 
killed and others were made prisoners. Some of the prison- 
ers were impressed as laborers in the Santa Fe workshop and 
others were sent to New Spain as slaves." In short, Rosas 
aroused the Apaches by acts of treachery, and then failed to 
protect the frontier pueblos when counter-raids were made. 

Another group of Indians whom Rosas antagonized 
were the Ipotlapiguas who lived in northern Sonora. For 
several years the friars had been interested in the possibility 
of evangelizing these tribes and their neighbors, the Zipias," 
and in the spring of 1638 a group of five friars and an escort 
of forty soldiers commanded by Rosas himself set out for the 
Ipotlapigua country. The friars regarded the expedition as 
essentially a missionary enterprise, and they expected to re- 
main with the Ipotlapiguas and the Zipias as resident mis- 
sionaries in case their labors were successful. But according 
to available evidence all of it is hostile the governor 
turned the expedition into a venture for his own profit. As 


soon as the party arrived in the Ipotlapigua area he forgot 
his duty toward the friars and their mission and made all 
sorts of unjust demands on the Indians. He forced them to 
bring in feathers and hides, robbed them of their clothing, 
even the garments that covered their nakedness, and threat- 
ened to burn their villages if they did not comply with his 
demands. The protests of the friars against these abuses 
were without avail. Rosas continued to follow his policy of 
extortion, and the Indians, who had seemed willing enough 
to listen to the teachings of the friars, fled to the mountains 
when they realized the nature of Rosas' motives. The mis- 
sion to the Ipotlapiguas was thus a failure, and the friars 
who had expected to remain with them as ministers and 
teachers returned to New Mexico with the military escort/ 3 
Such were the most important complaints made against 
Rosas on the score of exploiting and maltreating the In- 
dians. The charges were made by his personal enemies and 
by the clergy, and should be viewed with a certain amount of 
caution, although there is no doubt that Rosas laid a heavy 
burden of labor on the Indians and exploited them to the 
limit. It should be noted, however, that some of the evidence 
is not so hostile. The charge that Rosas mismanaged the 
Apache problem was contradicted by Sargento Mayor Fran- 
cisco Gomez, one of the founders of the province and its most 
important military figure during the first half of the seven- 
teenth century. In a letter to the viceroy, Gomez praised 
Rosas' conduct and especially his successful expedition to 
Quivira and the resolute action by which he had forced the 
Apaches to accept peace. 14 


According to the clerical party it was the purpose of 
Rosas to destroy all ecclesiastical privilege and authority. 
As an example of his lack of respect for the immunities of 
ecclesiastical persons, the arrest of one of the friars sta- 
tioned at Pecos was cited." Investigation of the conduct of 
the guardian of Taos whom the Indians accused of grave 
immorality was doubtless another case in point." It was also 


reported that during the journey to the Ipotlapigua country 
in 1636 Rosas questioned the authority of Friar Antonio de 
Arteaga, commissary of the clergy who had been appointed 
to the Ipotlapigua mission, on the ground that the custodian 
had no authority to grant Arteaga the powers of a legitimate 
prelate. Likewise, it was said that he made certain general 
statements implying doubt concerning the just authority of 
the Church as a whole. Friar Arteaga decided that it was 
necessary to correct these errors as well as to denounce the 
governor's exploitation of the Ipotlapiguas. In the course of 
a sermon which he preached on St. Mark's day, he explained 
that all Catholic princes were subject to the laws of the 
Church and were in duty bound to defend them. He cited 
the king of Spain as an example of such a Catholic prince, 
and in order to press the point home he also stated that 
although it was possible for a man to be relieved of obedience 
to the civil law of one state by moving to another state, it 
was impossible for any man ever to become exempt from 
obedience to the laws of the Church. In fact, any man who 
refused such obedience would be a heretic. Angered by these 
remarks Rosas rose from his place and shouted, "Shut up, 
Father, what you say is a lie." And with these words he 
left the services and most of the soldiers followed him. When 
he reported this incident to Friar Perea several weeks later, 
Arteaga said : 

Seeing that they left without wishing to hear 
the sermon and mass, and having had experience 
with the depreciations with which they regard 
excommunications, I did not wish to deal so 
severely with them. Instead, I merely told them 
that in the name of God, whose minister I was, I 
ordered them to listen ; and that if they did not do 
so, the curse of God and of St. Peter and St. Paul 
would fall upon them. 

The Indians who were present, especially the Christian 
Pueblo Indians who had accompanied the expedition, were 
scandalized by Rosas' action. They remarked that if the 


governor could call a priest a liar, how, then, could they 
henceforth believe what the friars taught? " 

The question that finally forced the issue between 
Rosas and the clergy was the status of the representatives of 
the Santa Cruzada in New Mexico. 18 The Bull was first 
preached in New Mexico in 1633. Friar Juan de Gongora, 
the custodian, was appointed commissary subdelegate, and 
he continued to serve in that capacity when his term as 
custodian came to an end in 1635. The first treasurer was 
Capt. Roque de Casaus, who was later succeeded by Alferez 
Juan Marquez. 

From the beginning there had been difficulty. In the 
first place, Father Gongora failed to present his patent as 
commissary subdelegate to the cabildo of Santa Fe for for- 
mal acceptance. This touched the pride of the local officials 
and also raised some doubt concerning the validity of Gon- 
gora's exercise of authority. Second, many persons could 
see no justice in preaching the Bull in New Mexico where 
the citizens were engaged in a real crusade against pagan 
enemies, such as the unconverted Apaches and Navahos who 
threatened the existence of the missions. And it was re- 
ported that certain friars shared this view. 19 

In the course of time complaints were made concerning 
the arbitrary manner in which the commissary subdelegate 
and the treasurer exercised their authority. The procurator 
general of the province informed the tribunal of the Crusade 
in Mexico City that the treasurer was using his authority 
to obtain special advantages in the settlement of 
private business operations. The tribunal denounced 
such action and ordered the treasurer to use his official posi- 
tion only for collections of sums due for purchase of bulls. 
Father Gongora added to the discontent by publishing an 
edict on August 6, 1638, imposing the censure of excommu- 
nication on all persons who were in arrears on sums owed 
for bulls. 80 

But there is another aspect of the general situation 
which deserves notice. The clericals testified in 1644 that a 


certain Juan de Trespalacios, who had returned to Mexico 
after a brief service in New Mexico as a familiar of the 
Crusade, forwarded to Father Gongora a viceregal order 
guaranteeing to the citizens of the province complete liberty 
in their private business operations, especially in carrying 
on trade, and the right of free movement to and from the 
province. Gongora turned this order over to Capt. Nicolas 
de la Mar y Vargas, notary of the cabildo, for formal presen- 
tation. According to the notary's own testimony, and sub- 
stantiated by the testimony of others, Rosas considered this 
act a great affront, and would have sent the notary to the 
garrote if friends had not intervened. The governor blamed 
Gongora for the entire incident, and from that moment dis- 
played open hostility toward the friar and the business of the 
Crusade. 200 

Finally in January, 1639, the treasurer Marquez was 
arrested and charged with "certain grave offenses," and 
Father Gongora sought to defend him by an assertion of 
ecclesiastical privilege. The alcalde ordinario, Capt. Roque 
de Casaus, brought the matter to the attention of the cabildo 
in a formal petition on January 28. He questioned Gon- 
gora's authority on the ground that the friar had never for- 
mally presented his appointment as commissary subdelegate 
of the Crusade before the cabildo. He complained that 
Gongora had constantly acted in a high-handed manner, dis- 
turbing and scandalizing the province with excommunica- 
tions and interdicts, protecting guilty parties and doing 
injustice to the citizens, opposing governmental officers and 
interfering with civil jurisdiction. He also accused both 
Gongora and Marquez of using their offices and privileges 
to seize property unlawfully. 21 The last item was a grave 
charge. In justice to the accused, it must be pointed out that 
the clerical faction later stated that Marquez had attempted 
to force Captain Casaus to give an accounting of funds re- 
ceived when the latter had served as treasurer of the Cru- 
sade, and that Casaus took advantage of his position as 
alcalde ordinario of Santa Fe to prevent such an accounting. 82 


Whatever the cause, the arrest of Marquez forced the 
issue of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. During the early weeks 
of 1639 the civil authorities entered into an open controversy 
with Father G6ngora and demanded that he give proof of his 
appointment as commissary subdelegate to the cabildo. Gon- 
gora refused to comply, stating that in accordance with his 
original instruction he had presented his papers to Governor 
Mora Ceballos when the Crusade had first been preached and 
that he was under no obligation to present them to the 
cabildo. Moreover, when the cabildo notified him of the 
decree of the central tribunal of the Crusade forbidding the 
treasurer to use his official position for private ends, Gon- 
gora countered by declaring that the tribunal's action had 
been based on false information supplied by the procurator 
general, and that the tribunal had later restated the right of 
agent of the Crusade to exercise jurisdiction in the collection 
of private debts. The cabildo called upon Gongora to present 
the text of this new provision, but he replied that he had 
sent all the papers to Mexico by a special emissary. He also 
reiterated his refusal to present his patents of appointment 
as commissary subdelegate. 83 

The immediate outcome of this affair is not known, at 
least so far as Marquez is concerned. But Captain Salazar 
and other members of the anti-Rosas group testified that the 
governor sought to have Custodian Salas order the with- 
drawal of Gongora from the province, a request which Salas 
refused on the ground that he had no jurisdiction over a rep- 
resentative of the Crusade. Rosas then banished Gongora 
on his own authority, and according to our informants the 
friar died of grief ! "* 

Thus the relations between Church and State had once 
more reached the breaking point. The clergy were thor- 
oughly aroused, and they made free use of the penalty of ex- 
communication. From 1638 until his death on January 25, 
1642, Rosas was under ecclesiastical censure continuously. 
And the governor, in turn, became increasingly hostile to the 
clergy and their supporters. 



Captain Salazar's list of complaints also included many 
charges of arbitrary and unjust action toward members of 
the lay community. It was stated, for example, that Rosas 
always seized the best of the goods or supplies obtained by 
trading parties sent out to barter with the unconverted 
nomads; that he controlled all local commerce for his own 
benefit; that he seized looms owned by private citizens in 
order to give his own workshop a greater monopoly over local 
textile production; that he seized and slaughtered approxi- 
mately one-third of the cattle owned by private citizens in 
order to provide food for the laborers in his workshop, or in 
order to pay for the goods that the Indians of the various 
pueblos made for him. All these acts of injustice resulted 
from the eager desire of Rosas to accumulate stocks of mer- 
chandise for shipment to New Spain. 25 Even the private 
lives of some of the citizens did not escape the heavy hand 
of his tyranny, for he was accused of compelling certain per- 
sons to marry against their will. 26 

The cabildo of Santa Fe played an important part in the 
dispute with Father Gongora created by the arrest of Treas- 
urer Marquez, and during the succeeding two years it 
actively supported Rosas during the open breach of relations 
with the clergy. It is apparent that Rosas secured this sup- 
port by manipulation of cabildo elections in order to 
build up a faction favorable to his interest, but in doing so he 
alienated the sympathies of a group of the professional sol- 
dier-citizens who immediately espoused the cause of the 
Church. This phase of the general Rosas episode was of 
prime importance because it led to an open breach in the 
lay community itself, and gave the clergy the support of a 
military clique which became bitterly resentful of the gov- 
ernor's policy. 

It appears that members of the cabildo who were in 
office during the first year of Rosas' term of office opposed 
some of his policies. Captain Salazar stated in his general 
petition of complaint that Rosas wished to destroy the 


authority of both the Inquisition and the Crusade in New 
Mexico and sought to have the cabildo join him in a formal 
denial of the jurisdiction of these tribunals. Three of the 
regidores, Alferez Cristobal Enriquez, Capt. Diego de la 
Serna, and Alferez Diego del Castillo, resisted his demands, 
and the governor showed his displeasure by maltreating 
them by both word and deed. Against Enriquez, who was 
apparently the leader of the dissenting group, Rosas em- 
ployed physical violence. 27 

Finding that most of the regidores opposed his policies, 
Rosas undertook to secure the election of a new cabildo that 
would do his bidding. This was a fairly easy matter, as he 
had the right to confirm the annual election of regidores 
and alcaldes ordinarios. The effectiveness of his influence 
is clearly indicated in the complete support which he re- 
ceived from the cabildo in January and February of 1639 
during the controversy with Father Gongora caused by the 
arrest of Treasurer Marquez. From 1639 to 1641, when 
Rosas' term came to an end, the cabildo was made up of men 
who were partisans of the governor. 28 

The resentment caused by Rosas' manipulation of 
cabildo elections is clearly indicated by the slurs and insults 
directed against his supporters by members of the clerical 
party. One of the friars called the new regidores "those four 
mestizo dogs," w and in 1644 the Rosas faction was described 
as consisting mostly of "a foreigner, a Portuguese, and 
mestizos and sambohijos, sons of Indian women and negroes 
and mulattoes." " 

Care must be exercised, however, in dealing with these 
characterizations of members of the Rosas faction. One of 
the governor's loyal defenders was Sargento Mayor Fran- 
cisco G6mez, a time-tried citizen who had had wide expe- 
rience in provincial affairs. Capt. Roque de Casaus, who 
served as alcalde ordinario after the new election, had held 
the same office six years earlier and, as noted above, had 
served as first treasurer of the Crusade. The second alcalde 
ordinario was Francisco de Madrid, member of a family 


that served the Crown faithfully throughout this early 
period. One of the regidores was Diego de Guadalajara who 
was leader of the famous expedition into Texas in 1654. 
Another was Matias Romero, member of one of the oldest 
conquistador families, although it must be admitted that the 
family deteriorated during the seventeenth century. It is 
perfectly clear that toward the middle of the century mesti- 
zos and even negro castes obtained office. It was an inevita- 
ble trend, due to the lack of immigration. And on no other 
occasion were the castes so fiercely denounced. It is diffi- 
cult to avoid the conclusion that the epithets directed against 
the Rosas faction by their enemies expressed personal and 
political passion rather than any deep feeling with regard to 
the character and race of members of the government party. 

But whatever the facts may have been, it is perfectly 
clear that Rosas antagonized a group of powerful soldier- 
citizens. Capt. Francisco de Salazar, whose general indict- 
ment of Rosas' conduct has been cited so often, was a member 
of the disaffected party which also included Antonio Baca, 
Diego Marquez, and Juan de Archuleta. 

To sum up, the most important result of the first two 
years of Rosas' administration was to arouse the opposition 
of both the Church and a considerable part of the lay com- 
munity. The clergy saw in Rosas the arch-enemy of the 
missions and of all ecclesiastical authority. The discon- 
tented soldiers were cut to the quick by his arbitrary govern- 
mental policy, and probably by acts which affected their 
pride. A clerical-military coalition was thus formed, and 
during the succeeding three years it played a very interest- 
ing role in provincial politics. 


The preceding discussion has been based almost com- 
pletely on evidence and petitions presented by the anti-Rosas 
party. It is necessary now to review the situation from the 
point of view of the governor and his faction. 

In 1637 and again in 1638 representations were made to 
the viceregal court concerning the arbitrary manner in 


which the clergy exercised jurisdiction, and on one of these 
occasions substantiating documents were submitted. These 
documents form the expediente cited as Diferentes Autos 81 
in preceding chapters of this essay. The first group of papers 
dealt with an incident of the Onate period, the banishment 
of a soldier from provincial headquarters at the instigation of 
the Father-Commissary. The second item was the original 
trial record in the Escarramad case. (See Chapter II) . The 
remaining documents were from the Baeza period, such as 
the papers on the controversy over the Zuni mission escort, 
decrees of excommunication, etc. 

To the several groups of documents were appended 
statements which well illustrate the point of view of the anti- 
clerical faction. The following is the most inclusive : 

[This document] is transmitted in order that 
it may be seen what an old practice it is for the 
friars to wield a strong hand in New Mexico . . . 
and if they are contradicted, they start lawsuits and 
disturbances, calling [their opponents] enemies of 
the Order of St. Francis, and denouncing governor 
and citizens as heretics, as they did with Governor 
Don Pedro Peralta whom they imprisoned. 

In 1638 Governor Rosas dispatched to the Holy Office 
the testimony and general complaint concerning the miscon- 
duct of the guardian of Taos, and took occasion to make cer- 
tain observations concerning the manner in which the busi- 
ness of the Inquisition was conducted in New Mexico. 82 And 
at the same time Sargento Mayor Francisco Gomez wrote a 
strong letter defending the administration of Rosas and 
calling attention to the tremendous power and influence of 
the clergy and the unbridled manner in which they inter- 
fered in provincial affairs. 88 

The controversy with Father Gongora further aggra- 
vated Church and State relations, and about the same time 
another source of irritation was created. The prelate, Friar 
Juan de Salas, gave orders to the guardian of Santa Fe not 
to administer the sacrament of penance to citizens seeking it, 


and complaints were made to the governor. Rosas issued a 
formal auto summoning the cabildo to a conference for the 
purpose of discussing the situation. The statement issued 
by the cabildo as a result of this meeting contained a bitter 
denunciation of the friars and their alleged abuse of author- 
ity. This petition and the papers relating to the Gongora 
case were transmitted to the viceroy in February, 1639, and 
were accompanied by a long justificatory dispatch by the 
cabildo. 84 

The most serious complaint dealt with the wide and 
varied powers enjoyed by the clergy. The struggling lay 
community found itself under the thumb of three kinds of 
ecclesiastical authority and of three tribunals, each with 
its own chief and lesser officials. The custodian exercised 
the powers of local prelate with authority to grant or with- 
hold the sacraments, to excommunicate and to absolve, to 
institute ecclesiastical process, and to sentence the guilty. It 
was said that for the most minor cause the citizens found 
themselves cut off from the sacraments and placed under 
ecclesiastical penalties. The sacrament of penance was 
often withheld, especially during Lent, unless the penitent 
signed papers praising the clergy and denouncing civil 
authority. The case of Governor Baeza was cited as an 
example. The governor and several other persons refused 
to sign the prescribed papers and were denied confession. 
The cabildo made a special trip to Santo Domingo, the 
ecclesiastical capital, to intervene in the governor's behalf. 
The custodian received them with open discourtesy and 
apparently refused to entertain their good offices. 

The commissary of the Inquisition possessed authority 
to investigate cases of heresy, to pry into the lives of citizens, 
and to summon witnesses great distances, merely stating 
that it concerned the business of the Holy Office. The Cru- 
sade, likewise, had its own chieftain and lesser officers, inde- 
pendent of all authority except that of the tribunal of the 
Crusade in Mexico City. 


Each of these three jurisdictions enjoyed special powers 
and immunities, and each had its notaries and assistants, all 
enjoying the privileges of the ecclesiastical fuero. To make 
matters worse, these powers and privileges were all exer- 
cised by members of one and the same Order, inspired by a 
community of interest and purpose. Thus, according to the 
cabildo's complaint, the Franciscans had become "so power- 
ful that, while enjoying the quiet and ease of their cells and 
doctrinas, they are able to disturb and afflict the land and 
to keep it in [a state of] continuous martyrdom." Conflicts 
or differences with one jurisdiction thus became a conflict 
with all. Excommunications, interdicts, and denials of the 
sacraments were lightly ordered and, "what is worse," these 
were frequently issued against the governors and other 
civil authorities. Moreover, the censures were sometimes 
pronounced at most inconvenient times. The Commissary 
of the Crusade, for example, had posted an edict of excom- 
munication against the civil authorities, just at the time 
when Rosas was preparing to undertake a campaign 
against the nomads, and had caused confusion in the midst of 
the preparations. The slight revenue received from the 
Crusade was more than offset by the fact that it gave the 
clergy means for disturbing and scandalizing the province. 
And the cabildo was especially bitter in denouncing the abuse 
of authority and privilege by officials of the Crusade in pri- 
vate business operations. 

The cabildo did not question the inherent justice 
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but it did believe that the 
community was too small to warrant the existence of 
three separate tribunals. The complaint stated that the 
Church had as many, or more, officials than the civil govern- 
ment, and that some of these officials, being laymen, were 
sorely needed as soldiers. And the special jurisdictional 
privileges enjoyed by familiars of the tribunals made the 
administration of justice exceedingly difficult. Moreover, 
the heads of the three tribunals seldom lived in the same 
pueblo and none of them, apparently, made their headquar- 


ters in Santa Fe, so that citizens, when summoned on ecclesi- 
astical business, found it necessary to travel great distances 
back and forth across the province. Representations had 
been made to the Father-Custodian concerning abuses, but 
they had served merely to create new sources of conflict 
and irritation. And whenever the clergy learned that the 
civil authorities reported cases of violation of civil juris- 
diction to the viceroy, they would clamor that the authorities 
had thereby violated ecclesiastical immunity. 

In addition to the long and bitter complaint about the 
exercise of ecclesiastical authority, the cabildo also discussed 
the fundamental economic conditions which caused difficul- 
ties between Church and State, particularly the rivalry over 
lands, labor, and the breeding of livestock. It resented the 
complaints of the clergy that the estancias of private citizens 
infringed on the communal holdings of the Indians, and took 
pains to point out that the friars themselves were in posses- 
sion of thousands of head of stock which grazed on the 
pueblo ranges. "Each friar possesses one or two thousand 
sheep, whereas there are few citizens who have as many as 
five hundred, others do not have even a hundred, and those 
who live in the villa do not have farms or livestock." The 
cabildo suggested that inasmuch as the Crown supported the 
missions, the clergy should not engage in herding. Let their 
herds be divided among the poor. Such action would aid 
the struggling soldier-colonists and at the same time decrease 
the burden of labor on the Indians, for at every mission 
numerous Indians were constantly employed as cooks, 
carriers of wood, grinders of corn, and herdsmen. As many 
as thirty or forty were sometimes thus engaged in a pueblo 
of fifty or sixty houses. And whereas the friars all had 
twenty, thirty, or even forty horses, there were many sol- 
diers so poor that they could not even buy horses and arms. 
Moreover, the clergy had more arms and weapons, shields, 
swords, arquebuses, and pistols than all the rest of the land. 
"We beg Your Excellency to order these arms deposited in 
the Casa Real in the power of the governor in order that he 


may apportion them out in time of need, since there are none 
in the Royal Armory." Last of all, the viceroy was asked to 
investigate certain financial operations of Father Perea 
that had not been regarded as honest and straightforward. 

These complaints went to the root of the difficulties be- 
tween Church and State and indicated once more the funda- 
mental issues: (1) the Church controlled by a single Order; 
(2) the exercise of wide and thoroughgoing powers over the 
citizens in every phase of their spiritual and moral life with 
no appeal except to far-away Mexico on the one hand or to 
the local representative of the Crown in New Mexico on the 
other; and (3) the economic basis of the conflict. The 
appeal of the cabildo calls forth sympathy for the struggling 
community, a population of a few hundred isolated on a dis- 
tant frontier, which supported the labors of the friars by 
military service and was burdened by the weight of three 
ecclesiastical tribunals watching every move for signs of 
heresy and apostasy and wielding the heaviest of ecclesiasti- 
cal censures. 

What were the remedies which the cabildo proposed? 
In the first place, it sought to have secular clergy appointed 
to the parish of Santa Fe in place of the Franciscans. The 
reasons for this petition are obvious, and we can have con- 
siderable sympathy for the cabildo's motives. 

Second, the viceroy was requested to retain Rosas in 
office. The cabildo's characterization of the governor is in- 
teresting, even though it was doubtless written at the insti- 
gation of Rosas himself. 

We are in duty bound to inform Your Excel- 
lency that our Captain General has resisted these 
hardships with great valor, and that he has also 
served Your Majesty ... in journeys, punitive expe- 
ditions, and discoveries which he has made, con- 
quering difficulties, not permitting peace or praise 
to impede him, holding and preserving the citizens 
and soldiers in peace and justice ; therefore, we beg, 
Your Excellency ... to preserve him in this office, 


for it will be a great comfort and relief in the labor 
and afflictions which we suffer. 

Finally, the cabildo urged the concentration of all 
ecclesiastical authority in the hands of one person who would 
serve as custodian, commissary of the Inquisition, and agent 
of the Crusade. This proposal was highly dangerous because 
it might give the prelate power equal to or greater than that 
of the governor. But the cabildo thought that the personal 
aspect of the problem was more important than the question 
of policy. It stated that in the past the prelacy had been 
passed around among three or four of the older friars who 
had long been involved in the quarrel between the two juris- 
dictions. But all would be well if the viceroy could bring 
about the election of Friar Juan de Vidania, a newcomer, as 

He will reform these disorders because he is a 
friar . . . virtuous and of exemplary life, . . . modest, 
unassuming, and on very good relations with the 
authorities and citizens ... He has preached to us 
... as he should, interested only in declaring the 
Holy Gospel . . . without display of passion and dis- 
courteous words. 


Who was this Friar Juan de Vidania in whom the 
cabildo put so much confidence? Nothing is known concern- 
ing his early career except that he had entered the Francis- 
can Order in the Province of Michoacan after having been 
expelled from the Society of Jesus. 85 Nor do we have infor- 
mation concerning his service in New Mexico prior to 1638. 
But from 1638 on, he was openly identified with the Rosas 
faction. He became the chief aid and closest adviser of the 
governor, searching the law books and papal decrees for 
precedents to justify the governor's policies. By the other 
friars he came to be regarded as a thoroughgoing traitor and 
scoundrel. His interpretations of ecclesiastical law and cus- 
tom were said to be so false and inaccurate that one friar 
declared he should have been refused the privilege of reading 


Scripture and the canons. His Latin was said to be so crude 
that he deserved to be deprived of the exercise of divine 
offices. He brooked no correction from his superiors, and 
the friars who undertook to challenge his actions became his 
enemies. 36 Rosas and Vidania, in the eyes of the Church an 
unholy pair: Rosas, "one of the worst men of these cen- 
turies ;" w Vidania, an evil friar defying the authority of his 
prelate ; the one ruthless and violent, and the other shrewd 
and clever in defense. 

The alliance between the governor and friar dated from 
1638. At the meeting of the custodial chapter in that year 
Vidania was re-assigned to the pueblo of Picuris, and Father 
Domingo de Espiritu Santo to Santa Fe. But Father 
Domingo was not persona grata to the governor, and the lat- 
ter called upon Custodian Salas to appoint Vidania to Santa 
Fe in his place. Rather than cause trouble, Salas consented. 18 

It is difficult to follow the events of the succeeding year 
and a half in strict chronological sequence. The clergy in- 
sisted that Vidania lost no time in espousing the gov- 
ernor's cause, especially in the Crusade affair, and that he 
began to give advice on legal phases of the Church and State 
relations with a view to limiting, if not destroying, the juris- 
dictional authority of the clergy. 

The death of Father Perea left the Holy Office powerless 
for the moment. And as a result of the G6ngora contro- 
versy, the Crusade was apparently without a legally recog- 
nied leader. 89 Thus there remained only the power of the 
custodian, and so the next move was to question Father 
Salas* authority. Sometime during the year 1639 the gov- 
ernor and cabildo challenged the validity of Salas' official 
acts on the ground that he refused to present his patent of 
appointment for verification and record. Salas had already 
been serving as prelate for more than a year, and deemed this 
action insolent and unwarranted. 

The general ordinance of 1574 dealing with the royal 
patronage had specifically stated that prelates of monastic 
orders before being admitted to office should give notice "to 


the viceroy, president, audiencia, or governor who may be in 
charge of the superior government of the province, and pre- 
sent the patent of his appointment and election," etc. 40 Thus 
there was a clear obligation for the custodian to present his 
patent to the civil governor on taking office. We have no 
documents to illustrate actual practice in New Mexico, al- 
though Vidania, who acted as adviser to Rosas on all legal 
matters, stated that Friar Isidro Ordonez had failed to pre- 
sent his papers and that Governor Peralta had therefore 
questioned his authority. Friar Bartolome Romero, an asso- 
ciate and contemporary of Salas, argued that the proper 
procedure was for the definitors and other friars to receive 
the custodian, examine his papers, and formally accept him 
as prelate ; and that when this had been done, formal certifi- 
cation of the friar as legal prelate would be made to the civil 
authorities. Romero stated that this form had been followed 
in the past without any question. It is obvious that this pro- 
cedure did not conform to the letter of the law, which pro- 
vided that the patent of election should be presented to the 
governor. Thus if Salas refused formally to present his 
appointment to Rosas, his authority could be questioned. 
But it is not clear whether this was the issue, or whether it 
had been demanded that he present his patent before the 
cabildo. Romero gave the impression that it was the latter, 
and if that was true, then the demand was not justified. For 
although cabildos were sometimes recognized as superior 
governing authorities of a province during vacancies in the 
governorship, the cabildo of Santa Fe was not so functioning 
when the demand for presentation was made. 41 

The important fact is that Rosas and Vidania took the 
position that Salas' failure to produce his papers deprived 
him of authority as legal prelate, and that his orders and cen- 
sures had no validity. 

In the meantime Vidania's relations with his Francis- 
can colleagues were strained to the breaking point. Toward 
the end of 1639 he had a violent disagreement with Friar 
Alonso Yanes, one of his subordinates in the Santa Fe con- 


vent. The custodian immediately sent another friar, Father 
Antonio de Aranda, to assume the presidency of the convent 
and make an investigation. 42 Not long thereafter occurred 
another incident which brought about a violent breach of 
relations between the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions. 


A certain Sebastian de Sandoval incurred excommuni- 
cation for having posted "infamous libels" against Custodian 
Salas and other friars. Instead of punishing the offender for 
such lack of respect for the prelate, Rosas was more cordial 
to him than before. Emboldened by the governor's favor, 
he indulged in slander against various leading citizens and 
their wives, "and dared to do other shameful things, living 
in a scandalous manner."* 5 Early in January, 1640, he was 
secretly murdered. 

According to reports sent to the viceroy by the provin- 
cial authorities several persons were involved in the murder, 
including two friars one of whom had predicted the deed. 
When Rosas attempted to investigate, the clergy protected 
the guilty persons and he was obliged to abandon the in- 
quiry. Three years later Governor Pacheco reported that 
Rosas actually arrested Capt. Juan de Archuleta, as a parti- 
cipant in the crime, but was forced by the pressure of public 
opinion to release him. Whatever the facts may have been, 
the investigation was permitted to lapse and officially at least 
the case remained unsolved. 44 

Friar Antonio de Aranda, who had assumed the presi- 
dency of the Santa Fe convent, was absent when the crime 
was committed. Rosas turned to Vidania, and with the lat- 
ter' s consent had Sandoval buried in the Santa Fe church, 
despite the fact that he had died excommunicate. Father 
Aranda hastened back to his post and ordered Vidania con- 
fined to his cell pending orders from the custodian." 

The governor immediately went to the aid of his ally. 
Taking a group of soldiers, Rosas entered the convent 
grounds and talked to Vidania through the window of his 
cell. It was agreed that the governor would forcibly remove 


the friar to the Casa Real and appoint him "Royal Chap- 
lain." Vidania, in return for this favor, would absolve the 
governor and his associates from all the censures that had 
been pronounced against them during the preceding months. 
This interview took place on January 12 and was carried out 
without delay. "By force of arms" Rosas entered the con- 
vent and escorted his ally to the Casa Real. 

The following day (January 13) all of the other friars 
who were serving in Santa Fe were ordered to withdraw 
from the villa, under threat of death, thus leaving Vidania in 
complete control. On January 14 the Blessed Sacrament 
was removed from the church to a room in the Casa Real 
which henceforth served as a chapel for the parish. The con- 
vent and the Hermita de San Miguel were closed. 48 

Custodian Salas immediately summoned Vidania to 
appear and defend his conduct, promising to "receive him 
with peace and love and let him explain all." When Vidania 
refused to answer the summons, the prelate declared him 
excommunicate and apostate, and forbade the citizens under 
penalty of excommunication to accept the sacraments from 
his hands. But the friar made light of this action and ques- 
tioned the legality of the prelate's decrees on the ground that 
failure to present the patents of his office had invalidated 
his authority. The custodian then called upon Rosas and the 
cabildo to hand over the apostate and permit the appoint- 
ment of another friar as parish priest. This request was 
denied, and for more than a year Vidania continued to serve 
as spiritual adviser and leader of the parish of Santa Fe. 47 

The exact chronology of events between January, 1640, 
and the spring of 1641, when a new prelate and a new gov- 
ernor arrived, cannot be determined with certainty. Con- 
sequently the following discussion of the major incidents 
may be open to some question, although it is based on a care- 
ful study and reading of the available documents. 

On February 8, 1640, Father Salas summoned the clergy 
to a conference at Santo Domingo. This action was taken 
on the advice of several friars. Rosas had made threats, 


general and specific, against the custodian and other friars, 
especially the threat of seizing Salas and expelling him from 
the province. In certain pueblos the governor had ordered 
the Indians not to obey their ministers. At Taos the Indians 
had cast off all restraint, and killed the guardian of the con- 
vent, Friar Pedro de Miranda, and two other Spaniards. 
They had then moved on Picuris, but the friar-in-charge 
fortunately had been absent from the pueblo. Such were 
the reasons for calling the conference, as given in a formal 
statement issued by Salas and his associates on March 16.* 8 

When the friars assembled at Santo Domingo they can- 
vassed the situation and decided that they would all accom- 
pany the prelate if he were expelled. Rosas, in turn, imme- 
diately characterized the conference as open rebellion and 
fulminated a decree condemning the clergy as traitors to the 
Crown and ordering them to leave the province within three 
days under penalty of "fire and blood." Although this 
order was not enforced, the friars deemed it dangerous to 
return to their respective missions, and remained in Santo 
Domingo for several weeks longer. 49 

With the clergy there also assembled a number of promi- 
nent soldiers. Although some of them may have been in- 
spired by a genuine concern for the safety of the friars, 
others were motivated either by a desire for personal revenge 
against the governor or by fear of his displeasure. Five of 
them subscribed to the manifesto issued by the clergy on 
March 16 explaining the reasons for the conference. They 
were Antonio Baca, Juan de Archuleta, Francisco de Salazar, 
Juan Lujan, and Cristobal Enriquez. The signatures of 
Archuleta and Enriquez need no explanation. The motives 
of Baca, Salazar, and Lujan are not clear. But, as will be 
noted in due course, Salazar and Baca became the effective 
leaders of the anti-Rosas faction. 

In April the friars decided to return to their doctrinas, 
and a formal document recording this decision was drawn 
up on April 8. 50 It was further decided to make another at- 
tempt to bring Rosas to reason by sending a special mission 


of two friars to Santa Fe. For this delicate task was chosen 
Friar Bartolome Romero who had been serving- for more than 
ten years as guardian of Oraibi. Because his mission was so 
far removed from Santa Fe he had had no contacts with the 
governor, no reason to inspire his displeasure. Friar Fran- 
cisco Nunez, an aged lay-brother, was to accompany him. 

On April 24 Romero and Nunez set out from Santo 
Domingo, and early the next morning they arrived at the out- 
skirts of Santa Fe. Tired and weary, they entered the Her- 
mita de San Miguel to rest, while soldiers whom they had 
met outside the villa went to inform the governor of their 
arrival. Rosas immediately summoned a squad of soldiers 
and proceeded to San Miguel where the two friars awaited 
him outside the building. A shameful scene ensued. 
Rosas began to berate the friars, and finally became so en- 
raged that he beat them with a stick. He attacked Friar 
Nunez first, breaking a stick over his head, and then, calling 
for another, rained blow after blow on Father Romero. Soon 
the two friars were "bathed in blood." And all the while 
Rosas continued to revile them, calling them liars, pigs, 
traitors, heretics, schismatics, etc. He finally placed them 
under arrest and took them to the Casa Real where they 
were held under guard. 

During the remainder of the day there was much com- 
ing and going between the governor's quarters and the 
room in which the friars were being held. Rosas, Roque de 
Casaus, and others appeared from time to time and engaged 
in all manner of arguments, legal and theological, with the 
prisoners, and Father Romero later asserted that he was 
certain that Vidania was directing and guiding the proceed- 
ings. During the day there were threats and rumors of dire 
punishment whipping, the garrote, etc. for the friars. 
But at the end of the day a formal decree was issued expelling 
them from the villa. Friar Nunez had been so weakened by 
the ordeal that he had to be carried part of the way, but about 
midnight the friars found refuge in a ranch house. The 


next day Vidania said mass for the governor and his associ- 
ates and gave them absolution for their deeds/ 1 


These events made impossible any reconciliation be- 
tween the two jurisdictions, and for another twelve months 
the breach remained unhealed. There is a remarkable lack 
of documentary material for this period, despite the fact 
that numerous reports were made by both factions. More- 
over, the Rosas residencia of 1641 and the records of the 
formal charges that were preferred against Vidania in the 
same year have not been found. The most important avail- 
able source is a series of letters, opinions, etc., of Father 
Vidania, but these contain little factual information. 62 

The clergy sent two sets of dispatches, one by Juan de 
la Serna, the ex-regidor, and one by Friar Diego Franco. 
And during the long interval while they awaited a reply to 
their appeals, they maintained as much unity and strength 
as possible. Many returned to their missions, at least for 
shorter or longer periods, probably spending a few days or 
weeks in Santo Domingo from time to time. But the three 
Tewa pueblos of San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, and Nambe 
were without friars for a whole year. According to the 
clerical party, Rosas sent a troop of soldiers to these pueblos 
to expel the missionaries Friar Andres Juarez, Friar An- 
tonio Perez, and Friar Diego Franco and to drive off the 
mission herds. And a presidio was established in San Ilde- 
fonso. 63 But Vidania' s version of this affair was much differ- 
ent. He stated the clergy had already left the pueblos when 
the herds were taken, and he defended the establishment of 
a garrison in San Ildefonso on the ground that the pueblo had 
been fortified in defiance of the civil government." In any 
case, the three missions were without clergy until the spring 
of 1641. 

Apparently an increasing number of soldiers aban- 
doned the governor's cause for that of the Church. In addi- 
tion to the five who subscribed to the manifesto of March 16, 


we may note the following who apparently took an active 
part: Diego Perez Granillo, Juan Ramirez de Salazar, Fer- 
nando de Chavez y Duran, and Andres Lopez de Gracia. And 
there were many others whose names are not known. Against 
the soldiers who thus espoused the cause of the Church, 
Rosas brought formal action, canceled their warrants as 
officers in the local militia, and declared their encomiendas 
vacant. In most cases these formal suits were filed, tried, 
and judgment pronounced in the absence of the accused. 

Rosas and Vidania accused the soldiers and clergy of 
fortifying Santo Domingo and using it as a base whence they 
raided the countryside, attacked the royal ensign, and inter- 
fered with the dispatch of mail to New Spain. Vidania 
asserted that the porteria of the convent was made into a 
guard room, that the friars gave lessons in tactics, the art 
of fortification, and the machines of war. The soldiers he 
characterized as "infernal gladiators," and the entire move- 
ment was denounced as another Comunero Revolt. Custo- 
dian Salas was accused of unfurling the standard of the 
Faith and proclaiming that the entire province should recog- 
nize him as legate of the pope and obey him in place of the 
governor. But Vidania's excited pronunciamientos are so 
patently prejudiced and so highly colored that it is difficult, 
if not impossible, to distinguish truth from fiction. It seems 
fairly clear, however, that the clergy adopted the point of 
view that the governor forfeited all right to exercise the 
prerogatives of his office. It was Rosas, they said, who 
defied law, both human and divine; whereas the friars and 
their associates were the real defenders of the authority of 
the Crown. Rosas another Henry VIII; Vidania the 
arch-enemy, leader of the conspiracy, renegade, a sort of 
local anti-pope ! K 

Rosas' administration of provincial affairs became at 
once increasingly arbitrary and less effective. One of his 
first acts subsequent to the Romero incident was to raze the 
Hermita of San Miguel." Sometime during the year 1640 
raids were made on the convents of Sandia and Cuarac, 


although it is not clear whether they occurred before or after 
the calling of the Santo Domingo conference. At Cuarac the 
room that served as headquarters for the business of the 
Holy Office was desecrated, and this fact doubtless indicates 
that the raids were directed in part against the memory of 
Friar Esteban de Perea, who had served as guardian of both 
Sandia and Cuarac. 57 At Socorro the sacristy was violated, 
and Capt. Sebastian Gonzalez put on the habit of a Francis- 
can and summoned the Indians to kiss his hand. 68 

It is not surprising that the Indians became increasingly 
restless. The Taos case has already been cited. The guar- 
dian of Jemez, Friar Diego de San Lucas, was also killed, al- 
though the circumstances are obscure. 59 When informed 
of these cases, the governor was reported to have remarked : 
"Would that they might kill all of the friars." 80 He finally 
made a belated expedition against the Taos, but he took 
advantage of the occasion to rob the Indians, with the result 
that many fled from the pueblo. 

And during this same tragic year a pest spread among 
the Indians, taking a toll of three thousand persons, or more 
than ten per cent of the total Pueblo population. The 
Apaches also seized the opportunity offered by the bitter 
factional rivalries to raid the Pueblo area, burning and pil- 
laging. The amount of maize that was burned was estimated 
at twenty thousand f anegas. It is not surprising, therefore, 
that the Pueblos began to return to the old ways, to the native 
religion and ceremonial, for solace and hope. 62 

During the long months of violence, anxiety, and impa- 
tient waiting for news from Mexico, Vidania attempted to 
maintain the confidence of the citizens, and at the same 
assure the governor and himself ! that the cause was just. 
In a long series of sermons, pronouncements, legal formulae, 
and letters he discussed and reviewed the situation ad 
nauseam. Some of these papers have been preserved. They 
are a hodge-podge of citations from Scripture, the Fathers, 
papal decrees, and the canons, interspersed with outbursts 
of denunciatory rhetoric. 


Vidania defended Rosas' authority to intervene in 
ecclesiastical affairs. Was he not the representative of the 
Crown, who in turn was legate of the pope by virtue of the 
Bulls of Donation and Patronage? The Crown and Council 
possessed wide authority over the Church, and he, as gov- 
ernor, made one body with them. He had every right to 
investigate the conduct of clergy and report to the viceroy 
such actions as infringed on secular authority. But even if 
some of Rosas' acts were not strictly legal, necessity made 
the illicit licit. 

And by what right did the Custodian and his followers 
deny Rosas' authority as governor? Had not the popes and 
learned doctors denounced the error of rebellion against 
constituted authority? The friars and their faction had 
disobeyed the governor's order to disband and had thereby 
declared their loyalty. Treason had been encouraged by the 
slogan, "Death to the governor !" It was the governor's duty 
to strike down sedition wherever he found it. 

In equally strong terms he denied the prelate's legal 
authority and justified his own conduct in disobeying the 
prelate's decrees. Right or wrong, he had remained loyal 
to the king's representative. More he had given the citi- 
zens the solace of the sacraments, even under the most trying 
conditions ; he had performed the office for which he received 
alms from the royal treasury. Had the custodian done the 

At long last the anxious days came to an end. In the 
spring of 1641 Father Salas was succeeded as prelate by 
Friar Hernando Covarrubias who had been sent from New 
Spain with wide powers to govern the local Church. The 
authority of the Inquisition, which had been in abeyance 
since the death of Perea, was restored by the appointment 
of Salas as commissary. And on April 13 a new governor, 
Juan Mores de Sierra y Valdez, relieved Rosas of office. 64 The 
day of reckoning was at hand. 



1. Commissary-General of New Spain to the Commissary-General of the Indies, 
Mexico, March 12, 1642; Clergy of New Mexico to the Commissary-General of New 
Spain, Santo Domingo, September 10, 1644; In Expcdiente sobre el levantamiento del 
Nuevo Mexico y pasages con los religiosos de San Fran 00 de aquetta provincia en el que 
se trata del proceder del obispo D. Juan de Palafox. 1644- A. G. I., Patrenato 247, 
Ramo 7. This expediente is the most important group of papers for the Rosas period. 
It will be cited hereafter merely as A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

2. Viceregal decrees, March 11 and June 3, 1636. A. G. P. M., Reales Cedulas y 
Ordenes, Duplicados, Tomo 11. 

3. Libranza, December 7, 1638. A. G. I., Contadurfa 734. 

4. On September 18, 1638, Perea wrote a letter to the Holy Office transmitting the 
declarations made concerning the conduct of Rosas, and in it he stated that he had 
been "mui yndispuesto." Del P. e fr. esteuan de Perea Commiss. del Nueuo Mex. co 
con una ynform. on Contra Don luis de Rosas. A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n, Tomo 385. 
(To be cited hereafter as Perea contra Rosas.) This is the last paper we have bearing 
Perea's signature, and in the documents dealing with the events of 1639 his name is not 
mentioned. It is likely, therefore, that he died during the winter of 1638-1639. 

5. (a) "Yten que rrecibio vn grande cohecho de su antecesor francisco mar- 
tinez de baesa e hizo la residencia como quiso dejando agrauiados asi a los vecinos como 
a los naturales." Petition of Francisco de Salazer, July 5, 1641. A. G. I., Patronato 
247, Ramo 7. (b) "Yten que yendo vnos capitanes del Pueblo de San Felipe a pedir 
justicia contra su antecesor francisco Martinez de baeza les dio de palos y los atemorizo 
de manera que otros ningunos se osaron a pedir sus agrauios." Ibid. 

6. (a) "Yten que a rredundado en los dichos yndios bautizados sin numero d 
desconsuelo diciendo por toda la tierra en sus juntas y estufas que no les fauorecia 
dejandolos matar sino que quanto les mandaua hera en horden que le diesen mantas y 
gamuzas y otras cosas que poseen." Ibid, (b) "Yten que el dicho desde que entro en 
estas prouincias no ha hecho accion que se pueda decir seruicio de Dios nuestro senor 
y de nuestro Rey y senor natural sino todo en contrad y lo demas del tiempo de su 
gouierno lo ha ocupado en mandar tejar a los dichos naturales gran numero de mantas 
y Reposteros grandes carga la mayor y mas pesada para los dichos yndios y despues de 
tejidas hacerselas pintar y muchas veces estar el dicho entre los yndios pintores tan 
lleno de carbon el Rostro y manos que solo en el vestido se diferenciaba de los yndios 
accion de graue Menosprecio a la justicia que representaua y esto que hacia hera para 
sacerlo a vender." Ibid, (c) "Yten que a muchos naturales que en guerras ynjustas 
se han coxido los ha metido en un obraje que ha tenido y de los dichos se ban muerto 
muchos sin bautismo y tanbien han estado de las puertas adentro ynfieles y cristianos." 
Ibid, (d) "Yten que hordinariamente tenia al pie re treynta yndios pintando sus 
mantas y reposteros sin reseruar los dias festiuos matandolos de hanbre de tal suerte 
que les obligaua a ir a destruyr las milpas de los vecinos y a otras a yr el rio arriba a 
pescar con mucho riesgo de la vida por cuya causa mataron algunos los yndios apaches." 
Ibid, (e) "Yten que ha tenido ocupados vnos yndios mexicanos en tejer y ylar sus 
telas ympidiendo que los dichos hagan obra para el vien comun y lo mesmo ha hecho 
con vn yndio mexicano sombrerero que no hay otro boluiendo a reuender los sombreros 
todo contra el bien comun." Ibid, (f ) "... demas desto que a oido decir que tiene un 
obraje en el qual tiene muchos infieles Y los dexa morir sin Baptismo sin querer 
llamar quien los baptice Y los entierran en un hoyo q. tiene El obraje." Declaration 
of Friar Francisco de la Concepcion, Aug. 25, 1688. Perea contra Rosas. 

7. "Yten que a senbrado y cogido gran numero de vastimento con grandisimo 
trauajo de los naturales contra lo dispuesto por su magestad." Petition of Salazar, 
July 5, 1641. A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 


8. "Yten depongo contra el susodicho que fue cargado de cuchillos al Pueblo de 
los Pecos a Rescatar con cantidad de yndios apaches amigos de los naturales bautizadoe 
fingiendo que yva a hacer seruicio de su magestd y como no hallo Rescate se enojo y 
precipito en tanto grado con el Ministro que le quiso lleuar preso a la Villa y le man- 
daua consumiese el Santisimo Sacramento despues de hauer comido y a otro Religiose 
lego de setenta anos porque le yba y habia ydo a la mano a las palabras feas que decia 
le hizo cojer y prender con graue escandlo de los naturales y le puso en la porteria quatro 
arcabuceros de guardia y a no haberse el religioso fingido con una necesidad lo lleuara 
publicamente preso a la Villa y lo mismo quiso hacer con el Padre Guardian del dicho 
convento porque no se lo entregaua a no darle por escusa que hera despues de medio dia 
y que no habia de consumir el Santisimo Sacramento ni fiarlo solo y en la misma ocasion 
estando predicando por la manana el dicho ministro le embio a decir que echase los 
yndios que estaua alii la persona del Rey." Ibid. 

9. (a) "Yten despongo contra el capitan Don Luis de Rosas antecesor de V. 
S. que les pidio a los yndios capitanes del pueblo de los Pecos que de noche le llevasen 
mantas y gamuzas y que les dejaria nombrar a ellos capitanes como lo hazian en su 
antiguedad, los quales dichos capitanes lo sacan de Ydolatria." Ibid, (b) "Yten mas 
q. hauia oido a decir a los indios Capitanes de los peccos. q. se quexaban del dho. 
Gouern. 0r q. les hauia mandado recoxer mantas Cueros Y gamucas. Y que se las 
lleuasen de noche por una ventana, y que el los dexaria nombrar Capitanes de la 
idolatria como de antes hacian. Y que esto se hauia hecho en casa del propio Gouer- 
nador delante del Cap. n Matias Romero Y del interprete de los pecos llamado puxaui." 
Declaration of Cristobal Enriquez, Sept. 11, 1638. Perea contra Rosas. This declarant 
was one of the most bitter enemies of Rosas. In another version of this incidents it 
was reported that Rosas promised the Pecos Indians liberty to practice idolatry, if 
they would make an extra payment of tribute. Declaration of Friar Juan de San 
Joseph, July 28, 1638. Ibid. 

10. "Yten que hizo otra guerra ynjusta a la nacion Utaca de la qual ni espanoles ni 
los naturales christianos han Reciuido agrauio y mataron muchos y trajeron al pie de 
ochenta personas de Presa la qual nacion es la mas belicosa de este Reyno." Petition 
of Salazar, July 5, 1641. A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

11. (a) "Yten que el dicho Don Luis de Rosas a consentido a los yndios apaches 
que llaman Chichimecos en la nueua espana enemigos comunes de la nacion espafiola 
y de los naturales bautizadoa el lleuarse grandisima cantida de cauallada y yeguas y 
abiendo muerto los dichos apaches gran numero de los dichos naturales bautizados no a 
hecho hornada para remediar semejantes ruinas ni tampoco la a hecho personalmente 
en casos que deuia hacerlo no guardando las hordenes de su magestad, le a mandado en 
horden a fauorecer dichos naturales y sf mando hacer dos horndas la vna al capitan 
Juan Gomez de Luna y la otra al capitan mathias Romero la vna fue a sus Rescates a 
la Cauellera larga y la otra a cobrar para si las encomiendas de todas las prouincias de 
Moqui y a traer esclauos para su obraje y sacar a tierra de paz a vender como con- 
stara mas claro por carta suya." Ibid, (b) "Yten que en una hornada que hizo por 
horden del dicho Gouernador a Quiuira mataron gran numero de los dichos yndios 
apaches amigos y estas muertes se hicieron en compania de muchos ynfieles enemigos 
de los dichos apaches accion prohibida por cedula de su magestad en que manda les 
dejen en sus guerras y los cautiuaron en esta guerra ynjusta y los sacaron a vender a 
tierra de paz parte de ellos de que han hecho gran sentimiento los yndios naturales 
cristianos de el pueblo de los Pecos porque con ellos biuian y tenian sus Rescates con 
que se uestian y pagauan sus tributes." Ibid, (c) "Yten que la misma nacion Apache 
por la guerra pasada quedaron enemistados con los espafioles y en otra ocasion en que 
yua por cabo el capitan seuastian Gonzalez a Rescatar a los sumanas le obligaron a re- 
tirarse con perdida del Alferez Diego Garcia su yerno que lo mataron sin poder resistir 
al gran concurso de yndios flecheros que acometieron." Ibid, (d) "Yten que auiendo 
los dichos apaches enemigos hecho gran numero de muertes en los naurales baptizados 
de los pueblos y algunos religiosos y espafioles y lleuandole gran suma de cauallada y 
yeguada en diferentes anos meses y ocasiones de su gouierno y del Sarjento mayor 


francisco martinez de baeza a quien el suso dicho tomo Residencia jamas a tratado de 
dichas prouincias si no se Remedia con insensable solicitud y cuidado pues llega ya el 
atreuimiento y habilantes que ban tornado que de la misma Villa y Casas Reales se 
lleuan los cauallos y en los mismos pueblos entran y matan a sus naturales bautizados 
y no ha ydo a esta guerra justa ni ha enbiado por quanto no se le seguian yntereses." 

12. In 1632 Friar Martin de Arvide was sent out to preach to the Zipias, the 
neighbors of the Ipotlagipuas, but was murdered by his servants on the way. 

13. Reference is made to the 1638 expedition in the Salazar petition, but the 
most important source is the document being cited as Perea contra Rosas, which 
contains declarations made by persons who were members of the expedition. 

14. "Cuarenta anos ha que sirvo a S. M. en estas Provincias desde el tiempo del 
Adelantado D. Juan de Onate, por cuyos meritos me hizo merced de la plaza de Sargento 
Mayor de estas Provincias el Sr. Virrey Marques de Cerralvo, y por la obligacion de mi 
oficio y ser soldado tan antiguo, doy cuenta a V. Exa del estado de esta tierra ; y es 
Sefior ; que los enemigos apaches estan tan inquietos como siempre ban estado ; pero 
bien castigados, con que parece que al presente estan amedrentados y retirados, y la 
tierra mas extendida por los descubrimientos que ha hecho nuestro Capitan General, 
y que el del reino de Quivira ha sido aqui increible: porque siempre habia entendido 
eran menester mayores fuerzas y gastos. Y aunque todos los Generales que hemos 
tenido han deseado hacer este descubrimiento, ninguno se ha atrevido como nuestro 
Capitan General, que lo intento y sali6 con ello ; pero no es mucho, que en sus f acciones 
y disposicion de ellas ha mostrado ser muy soldado y ha trabajado comotal." Gomez to 
the viceroy, Santa Fe, Oct. 26, 1638. Villagra, Historia de la Nueva Mexico (Mexico, 
1900), II, Apendice tercero, 9, 10. 

15. Cf. note 8, supra. 

16. Rosas reported that when the Indians of Taos first accused their friar of 
immorality he called the matter to the attention of the custodian. The latter ordered 
an inquiry, but according to the testimony of the Indians the investigation was a 
one-sided affair and without results. Consequently they renewed their charges when 
Rosas visited the pueblo in 1638, and he then decided to make a personal inquiry. The 
testimony revealed a shocking state of affairs. Charges of cruelty, homosexuality, and 
assault on Indian women were made. Rosas forwarded the sworn evidence to the Holy 
Office with a covering letter dated November 25, 1638. There the story ends except 
that it may be noted that two years later the same friar was serving as guardian of 
Sandia. A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 388. 

17. " . . . Y como se abia tornado tan de proposito el abatir los rreligiosos el estado 
eclesiastico y la authoridad del pontifice, (diciendo publicamente al dicho P e Comi- 
sario fr. Ant de arthiaga en pressencia de todos los soldados que alii no suponia nada 
ni hera nada ni auia de hacer caso del p a Cosa. Y que el solo rrepresentaba la perss" 
R 1 y hera el todo) y ansi el dho. P e Comissario en el sermon trato de la authoridad 
de la Yglesia y del sumo pontifice Suprema caueca della Y la explico alii a todos y Como 
todos Los Reyes Y principes Cristianos catholicos heran hijos de la iglesia y la obedecian 
Y estaban subjetos a Sus leyes. Y heran los bracos y manos que la defendian Y am- 
paraban contra los herejes Y demas enemigos que se le oponian Y que entre todos. El 
que mas se senalaba Y lucia hera el rrey don felipe nro Sr. Por lo cual el sumo pontifice 
Le intitulaba a nuestro muy Carissimo Y Catholico hijo don felipe Y que aunque un 
fiel cristiano se saliese de un rreino catholico Para otro, aunque se esimia de la sugecion 
de las leyes de aquel rreyno de que salia Y se sugetaba a las del otro Reino a que iba, 
nunca se essimia de las leyes Y obediencia de la yglesia Y el pontifice; porque de no 
hacerlo asi seria hereje y a estas rracones El dicho gouernador se voluio luego con 
mucho emfado Las espaldas al predicador y al altar y dijo En Vos alta y que todos La 
oyeron con mucho enoje Calle p e que miente en todo lo que dice Y se fue de alii 
llebandose consigo toda la mayor parte de los soldados q. de quarenta q. heran, solos 
quedaron doce o trece, y estos fueron rrepreendidos ansi de el como de sus oficiales 
porque no se habian salido con el dicho gobernador Como ellos mismos lo refirieron 


despues al dicho p e Comiss . El qual viendo que se iban, sin querer oyr el sermon y 
la Missa Y teniendo esperiencia del poco caso Y desprecio en que tienen las desco- 
muniones, no quiso Usar de ese rrigor con eilos Sino solo Les dijo que en nombre de 
Dios cuyo ministro hera Les mandaba que le oyesen. Y que de no hacerlo ansi la 
maldiz 0n de Dios y de los ss tos apostoles S. P y San pablo cayesen sobre ellos. de todo 
lo qual no hizieron caso. Y se fueron Y ansi nunca mas trato el gobernador de 
Combers 00 sino de Su cudizia y rrescates, La qual accion fue de grandissimo escandalo. 
Ansi para los espanoles como para Los yndios cristianos y ladinos que alii estauan y 
otros muchos ynfieles que estaban a la mira. Y muchos de los yndios Cristianos decian 
que como abian de creer Lo que los padres predicaban Y ensenaban Si el governador 
Les decia publicamente que mentian." Declaration of Friar Antonio de Arteaga, July 
14, 1638. Perea contra Rosas. Friar Arteaga's testimony was confirmed by the depo- 
sition of Capt. Fernando Duran y Chavez, teniente de gobernador for the jurisdiction 
of Sandia, Alferez Andres Lopez de Gracia, and other soldiers who accompanied the 
expedition. Lopez later became alcalde mayor of the El Paso district. 

18. Most of the documents relating to the Cruzada episode are found in A. G. P. 
M., Provincias Internas 35, Exp. 5. For other references, see A. G. I., Patronato 247, 
Ramo 7. 

19. Declarations of Capt. Roque de Casaus, Capt. Pedro Lucero de Godoy, Capt. 
Sebastian Gonzalez, Feb. 1-5, 1639. A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas 35, Exp. 5. 

20. A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas 35, Exp. 5. 

20a. Testimony before Friar Tomas Manso, 1644. A. G. I., Patronato 247, 
Ramo 7. 

21. Petition of Capt. Roque de Casaus, Santa Fe, Jan. 28, 1639. A. G. P. M., 
Provincias Internas 35, Exp. 5. 

22. Petition of Salazar, July 5, 1641. A. G. I., Patronato 24, Ramo 7. 

23. A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas 35, Exp. 5. 

24. Petition of Salazar, July 5, 1641, and testimony before Friar Tomas Manso, 
1644. A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

25. (a) "Yten que el dicho cap i tan Don Luis de Rosas a atrauesado con BUS 
mercaderias los mas de los tributes vendiendo las cosas a muchos y subidos precios y 
algunas veces aunque lo hayan pagado hacele tornar a pagar parte de la deuda." Peti- 
tion of Salazar, July 5, 1641. A. G. I., Patronto 247, Ramo 7. (b) "Yten que a muerto 
gran numero de vaca mas del tercio de las que ay oy en la tierria entre los vecinos 
siendo contra lo hordenado por su magestad y esto a sido para sustentar su 
obraje y otras cosas ylicitas como fue pagar gran numero de Reposteros que echando 
derramas mando hacer por todos los mas de los pueblos y tambien quito a los 
naturales los bastimentos en tiempo de hambre a titulo de que hera para socorrer los 
pobres y lo mismo hizo con los vecinos de la Canada." Ibid, (c) "Yten que las dichas 
casas no ban estado con autoridad de casas Reales sino que han sido vna taberna 
publica donde se a vendido vino chocolate azucar especeria y an sido como si fueran 
zapateria donde se an cosido coletos zapatos coxinillos y cosas publicas de juego." 
Ibid, (d) "Yten que el dicho gouernador embiando a resgatar a algunos vecinos entxe 
ynfieles hacia traher la ropa a su casa y con absolute poder les quitaua lo mejor." 
Ibid, (e) "Yten que en su libro de quentas de mercadurias de deue y ha de auer ponia 
mas de lo que se le deuia y con absolute poder y malas palabras lo hacia pagar." Ibid. 
(f ) "Yten que trato de hacer un fuerte para na dejar entrar mas que a mercaderes y 
lo trato a algunos del cauildo." Ibid, (g) "Yten que mando quitar algunos telarillos 
que tenian algunos pobres vecinos los quales los beneficiauan con la gente de su 
eeruicio para bestir su casa y familia sin yntencion de otra gente con fin de que solo 
perseruerase su obraje teniendo la gente en estufas y enserrados sin oir misa entreuer- 
ados cristianos e ynfieles." Ibid, (h) "Yten que ha sacado muchos carros y carretas 
llenos de mercaderias en el tiempo de su gouierno para las minas del Parral y en ellos ha 
lleuado muchos yndios y yndias de poca hedad los mas y se vendieron en el dicho Parral 
contra lo hordenado por su magestad." Ibid. Rosas' trading operations with Parral 
and other parts of New Spain are confirmed by documents in the archives of Parral. 


Cf. L. B. Bloom, "A Trade-Invoice of 1638." NEW MEX. HIST. REV., X (1935), 242-248. 

26. In October, 1640, Polonia Varela and Juan Bautista Saragossa presented 
formal petitions before the custodian, Friar Juan de Salas, asking that their marriage, 
which had occurred some months earlier, be annulled on the ground that it had been 
contracted during duress. Polonia stated that her first husband, Julian de Escaraman 
(Escarramad?), having been unjustly arrested by order of Rosas, had been held in 
jail during bitter cold winter and that he had later died of the exposure suffered at 
that time. Suspecting that she might present a formal complaint against him 
during his residencia, Rosas had forced her to labor in his Santa Fe workshop where 
the Indians were kept at work long hours washing and carding wool, and held 
her there until he could find a new husband for her. She was finally informed 
that Rosas wished her to marry a certain Juan Batista Saragossa, who was 
being held a prisoner in the jail. She stated that she had finally agreed to this 
demand, partly in order to escape the heavy labor of the workshop, and partly to 
prevent the governor from exacting cruel punishment on Saragossa. During the 
course of her petition, Polania referred to the tyranny of the governors of New Mexico, 
"tan absolutes senores que con just a o siln ella atropellan con todo." Saragossa, who 
was an illiterate, stated in his petition that he had been unjustly arrested and thrown 
into jail where he had been placed in stocks and left without food. He had then been 
threatened with a severe flogging, or even gibbeting, if he refused to marry Polonia. 
Both parties asserted that they finally consented to the marriage but only under 
duress. Custodian Salas admitted the plea and ordered an investigation, but exami- 
nation of witnesses could not take place until the summer of 1641 after Rosas had been 
relieved of his office. The witnesses who were called at that time supported the testi- 
mony of the petitioners and some of them admitted that they had actually advised the 
parties to marry in order to save themselves further suffering or possible punishment. 
On August 19, 1641, the custodian (Fray Hernando de Covarrubias, who had succeeded 
Salas in the spring of 1641) declared the marriage annulled. He also declared Rosas 
excommunicate and fined him a hundred Castilian ducats to be applied toward an organ 
for the Santa Fe Church. Rosas at once served notice of appeal to the audiencia. The 
documents are found in A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 425, ff. 633-644. It may be noted that 
Saragossa later married a certain Maria Gonzalez. In 1656 he was accused of rape 
against his step-child, the daughter of his second wife. The case was tried before an 
ecclesiastical court, and on July 1, 1656, the custodian found him guilty and ordered him 
banished from New Mexico. In addition, his marriage with Maria Gonzalez was 
declared null and void on the ground that his first wife, Polonia Varela, was still 
living ! Causa contra Juan Baut* Saragoza y Maria g* por incestuoaoB. A. G. P. M., 
Inquisicion, Tomo 636. 

27. (a) "Yten que es publico y notorio que el dicho antecesor de V. S* dio de 
paloe al Regidor Xrispoual henrriquez porque no quiso combenir el susodicho en que 
se fuese contra el dicho Tribunal y que tambien lo saco de la yglesia el dicho Xrispoual 
Henrriquez diciendole palabras afrentosas de las mayores de su esposa y contra su 
honor y tambien fue ocasionado porque no quiso contradecir una prouision Real que 
hera en horden al bien Publico y en contra del dicho Capitan Don Luis de Rosas y el 
dicho maltratamiento fue de la misma manera porque no quiso conbenir en que en 
esta tierra no hubiese tribunales del Santo Oficio ni Santa Ciyuzada y que no hubiese 
Cauildo sino que fuese pie de exercito, todo contra el bien comun de esta Republica." 
Petition of Salazar, July 5, 1641, A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. (b) "Yten que otros 
dos regidores el capitan Diego de la Serna y el Alferez Diego del Castillo los maltrato de 
obras y palabras mayores por no querer conbenir en su pare cer." Ibid, (c) "Dice 
mas este testigo que tiene un testim dado por El Scriuano de Cauildo llamado Nicolas 
de llamado Nicolas de la mar, en que Contiene q. El dho Gouer r les mandaua al dho 
testigo siendo regidor Y a los demas del cauildo que firmasen un papel q. Contenia, q. 
quitasen y Contradizesen q. no huuiese inquisicion ni cruc* ni Cabildo, sino solo 
un Gouernador Y que esto no fue mas que pie de exercito'. Y que no saue otra cosa 
ssino lo dho que es la verdad por el Juramento que hecho tiene El qual siendole leido 


dixo q. estaua bien escrito Y dixo mas que por no querer firmar el dho Papel el dho 
testigo Y otros Rejidores los a traido a maltraer maltratandolos de palabra y de obra 
hasta querer dar garrote a este testigo." Declaration of Alferez Cristobal Enriquez, 
Sept. 11, 1638. Perea contra Rosas. 

28. (a) "Yten que no se ha hecho Cauildo juridico desde el tienpo que los dichos 
capitanes Diego de la Serna el Alferz Xrispoual Hnrriquez y el Alferez Diego del cas- 
tillo fueron ympedidos a hacer eleccion conforme el derecho tomandose la mano con 
absoluto poder el dicho antecesor de V. S a Reprouando la eleccion que se queria hacer 
en personas benemeritas." Petition of Salazar, July 5, 1641, A. G. I., Patronato 247, 
Ramo 7. (b) "Yten que el dicho gobernador antecesor de V. S a sustentado en 
Cauildo a Don Roque de Casaos hombre que con sus escritos y malos consejos ha 
causado en este Reyno desde el dia que se le admitio a officios de Republica gravisimos 
pleitos y alborotos al qual y a otros aliados suyos a sustentado tres anos a Reo en el 
dicho cauildo contra derecho por hallar los conformes y aptos en sus esecuciones ynjust- 
as-" Ibid. Friar Juan de Vidania, the chief advisor of Rosas during this period, admitted 
that Rosas had used his authority to control cabildo elections. A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 

29. Fray Bartolome Romero to the Commissary General of New Spain, Oct. 7, 1641. 
A. G. I., Patronato 24, Ramo 7. 

30. Petition of Alonso Baca et al, November 27, 1643. Ibid. 

31. Cf. note 1, Chapter II. 

32. "Y por lo que a mi toca de g or y Cap* n g 1 destas probincias Suplico a Vm. 
se sirba de q esta republica sepa la comision q ese Santo tribunal tiene dada, al p de 
fr esteban de perea porque se estrana mucho el ber aqui estrados de ynquisicion Su- 
prema y q en la yglesia se ponga dosel al lado del ebangelio y aun cubriendo el misal 
para q se siente el p e fr esteban con otros dos religiosos q dice tienen su futura todos 
con abitos de San benito encima de los de San Fran co y ansi mismo le trae otro religioso 
q el dicho fr esteban a nombrado para su secretario y mas abaxo pone vn banco en q 
sienta vn alguacil mayor q nombra de la santa ynquisicion y vn fiscal y otro q dice ea 
para llebar el estandarte de la fe todos con sus nombramientos quien no solo ponellos 
alii si no q esto aya de ser estando yo en la yglesia y ansi mismo tiene dosel en su celda 
a fuer de Santa ynuisicion y se sienta debajo desde a donde recibe todas las bisitas q se 
le acen y tiene sobre vna mesa vn christo bestido de luto todo lo qual se les ace g de 
nobedad a estos becinos y yo dudo de que tenga tan amplia Comision q sin mas ynforma- 
cion q su nombramiento se den a onbres q no son conocidos y casados el oficio de fiscal y 
los demas que dicho ele suplicado en amistad me ensene su comision y no lo e con- 
segido y para q se le respete y benere toda la q tubiere suplico a Vm, y de parte 
destas probincias nos la aga saber." Rosas to the fiscal of the Holy Office, Santa F6, 
Nov. 25, 1638. A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 388. With enclosures. 

33. G6mez to the viceroy, Santa F6, Oct. 28, 1638. Villagra, op. cit., II, Apenice 
tercero, 9, 10. 

34. A. G. P. M., Provincias Internas 35, Exp. 5. 

35. Commissary General of New Spain to the Commissary General of the Indies, 
Mexico, March 12, 1642. A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

86. Fray BartolomS Romero to the Commissary General, Oct. 7, 1641. Ibid. 

37. Ibid. 

38. Romero to the Commissary General, Oct. 7, 1641; Testimony before Friar 
Tomas Manso, 1644. Ibid. 

39. There is some indication that Custodian Salas sought to be recognized as 
commissary subdelegate of the Crusade, and that the civil authorities refused to accept 
him. See Opinions, letters, etc. of Friar Juan de Vidania, 1640-1641. A. G. P. M., 
Inquisicion 595, ff. 39-405. Vidania also stated that Salas ordered him to serve as 
secretary of the Crusade and that he refused. 

40. Section 15 of the law of patronage, June 1, 1574, given in the RecopUacidn, ley 
Ixiv, tit. xiv, libro i. 


41. Opinions, letters, etc. of Vidania, 1640-1641, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 595; 
Romero to the Commissary General, Oct. 7, 1641, A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

42. Testimony before Friar Tomas Manso, 1644 ; Romero to the Commissary 
General, Oct. 7, 1641. A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

43. "El tercero caso singular es, que auiendo quedado fray Juan de Vidania en el 
Convento de la Villa por ausencia del presidente, que auia tornado la casa, en el interin 
mataron vn nominatim escomulgado, hombre malisimo, y que auia escalado vn conuento 
morada de nuestro Prelado, robado muchas cosas, y puesto por los cantones contra el 
dicho nuestro Prelado, vnos libelos famosisimos, en los quales le llamaba de borracho 
extrangero, y otras muy malas ynfamias ; dos de estas remito entre los papeles ; pues 
mataron al sobre dicho mal hombre por causa de vnas desuerguenzas de palabras y 
obras que tubo con mugeres de honor en esta Villa y sus maridos capitanes y de lo 
principal de la tierra, todo corre como notorio." Romero to the Commissary General, 
Oct. 7, 1641. Ibid. "Yten que a sus ojos se enterro un descomulgado nominatim en la 
yglesia de esta Villa el qual descomulgado puso un nibelo (sic) ymfamatorio con BU firma 
feisimo en todo grado contra el Prelado de aquesta yglesia y en lugar de castigarlo le 
tuba mayor familiaridad que de antes apoyandole el hecho con lo qual se atreuio tanto 
que llamaua a los vecinos sar^tas de cuernos y se atreuia a otras cosas de mucho des- 
honor biuiendo escndalosamente." Petition of Salazar, July 5, 1641. Ibid. 

44. "Mataron aleuosamente entre muchos a un Alferez Sandoual y deduzose 
hauer interuenido en la execucion desta muerte dos religiosos teniendola vno dellos pre- 
dicha y amenazada y queriendo el Gouernador aueriguar el caso y prender y castigar 
loa culpados ellos se ampararon de los rreligiosos y vnos y otros le obligaron a disi- 
mular por no perderse ..." Parecer of Don Pedro Melian, fiscal of the audiencia, 
1642. Ibid. ". . . con otra (muerta) poco antes auian cometido con el Alferez Sebas- 
tian de Sandoual, por cuya atrocidad prendio el Gouernador a Juan de Arechuleta, 
sobre que se alzaron : Y visto la desobediencia le solto, luego, . . ." Governor Pacheco 
to the viceroy, August 6, 1643. Ibid. 

45. Romero to the Commissary General, Oct. 7, 1641. Ibid. Cf. the following 
from the Melian parecer: ". . . auiendo enterrado en la Iglesia al difunto con toler- 
ancia del Guardian, los otros rreligiosos con orden del custodio le hicieron desenterrar 
algunos dias despues y le echaron en el campo declararon y pusieron en las puertas de 
la Iglesia por escomulgados al Gouernador y Cauildo de la Villa de Santa fee a los 
vecinos que obedecian sus ordenes . . ." Ibid. 

46. Romero to the Commissary General, Oct.7, 1641 ; Testimony before Friar 
Tomas Manso, 1644. Ibid. 

47. Ibid. 

48. The following excerpts present versions of the Taos incident: (a) ". . . que 
por la declarada enemiga que tiene a los dichos Religiosos y sacerdotes hauia mandado 
en algunos pueblos que los yndios no obedeciesen a sus ministros por lo qual el pueblo 
de los Taos se leuanto y mato a su ministro y otros dos espanoles con el que se abian 
ydo huyendo del rigor del dicho don Luis de Rosas a estar en aquel conbento con el 
dicho Religioso y a todos los mataron los diohos naturales y vinieron los dichos taos al 
pueblo de los Picureos a hacer lo mesmo lo qual hicieran si hallaran en el conbento al 
ministro el qual libre de esta ocasion por hauerse venido a San Yllefonso a con- 
fesarse el qual peligro se pudo temer en todos los demas pueblos desta custodia por 
estar unos muy apartados de otros . . ." Statement of Salas et al, March 16, 1640. Ibid. 
(b) "Yten que dixo a los yndios de los taos quejandose del ministro, no os quejeys 
mataldo y los dichos yndios mataron a un religiose que estaua alii de Santa Vida y a 
otros espanoles y destruyeron todo lo mas del ganado mayor que hauia en este rreyno 
derriuaron la yglesia y conuento maculando y profanando todo el culto diuino y despues 
de aquestos delitos se estubo muchos meses sin castigar tan ynorme maldad y estimu- 
lando que fuesen al castigo los vecinos que cstauan retirados de sus Rigores y maltra- 
tamiento enbio el dicho gouernador Don Luis de Rosas y fue despues de casi acauada 
la mas de la guerra y lo que hizo fue dejarlos mas aliados por rouarles quanto tenian 


hasta la ropa con que se tapauan sus carnes por lo qual se huyeron a la tierra." Peti- 
tion of Salazar, July 5, 1641. Ibid. The date usually given for the death of Miranda is 
December 28,1631, but the new evidence clearly places the event in the term of office of 
Rosas. Perhaps the date should be December 28, 1639. 

49. Statement of Salas et al, March 16, 1640; Testimony before Friar Tomas 
Manso, 1644 ; Salas et al to the Commissary General, Sept. 10, 1644. Ibid. 

50. Auto, April 8, 1640. Ibid. 

51. For this unfortunate incident we have a considerable body of evidence. The 
most important documents are (1) a long account written by Romero on May 4, 1640, 
(2) testimony of other persons who were present, and (3) the long informe of Romero 
to the Commissary General, Oct. 7, 1641, in which was included a brief version of the 
incident. All are in A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

52. The Vidania materials are in A. G. P. M., Inquisici6n 595. 

53. Romero to the Commissary General, Oct. 7. 1641; Testimony before Friar 
Tomas Manso, 1644, A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. The incident of the Tewa mis- 
sions may have occurred prior to the meeting of the conference at Santo Domingo. 
Many of the documents list it as one of the series of violent acts which were said to 
have been the motive for calling the conference. But surely Salas would have men- 
tioned it in the manifesto of March 16 if it had occurred prior to that date. 

54. Opinions, letters, etc. of Vidania, 1640-1641, A. G. P. M., Inquisicion 595. 

55. Ibid. 

56. Romero to the Commissary General, Oct. 7, 1641. A. G. I., Patronato 247, 
Ramo 7. The Hermita de San Miguel is first mentioned in a document of 1628. A. G. 
P. M., Inquisicion 363. I believe, therefore, that it was the church which Benavides said 
was built during his term as custodian (1625-1629). For a few years thereafter it 
served as parish church until the Franciscan convent and church, in which parish 
headquarters had been maintained prior to 1626, were rebuilt. This was done some- 
time prior to 1640. The Hermita de San Miguel then was used as an infirmary for 
the friars, Friar Jeronimo de Pedraza, the physician, being in charge. When Rosas 
closed San Miguel in January, 1640, he also removed the bells. And now the structure 
was razed (derribado) and the vigas carried away. 

57. If these acts of violance had occurred prior to March 16, 1640, it is reasonable 
to assume that Salas would have mentioned them in his manifesto. On the other hand, 
most of the references list the incidents as part of the general justification for the 
Santo Domingo conference. Testimony before Friar Tomas Manso, 1644. A. G. I., 
Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

58. Ibid. 

59. Most of the testimony simply states that both the Miranda and the San Lucas 
murders were the result of Rosas' order to the Indians not to obey the friars. But 
one witness made the following statement which puts the Jemez affair in a somewhat 
different light: ". . . y que los yndios de los hemes habian tenido un rebate y acome- 
timiento de los yndios apaches ynfieles enemigos de los cristianos y que en el hauian 
muerto a flechazos al Padre fray Diego de San Lucas . . ." Ibid. 

60. Ibid. 

61. Cf. note 48 supra. 

62. Testimony before Friar Tomas Manso, 1644. A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

63. Opinions, letters, etc. of Vidania, 1640-1641. A. G. P. M. f Inquisici6n 595. 

64. Libranzo, June 17, 1650. A. G. I., Contaduria 742. 




The new leaders of Church and State seem to have made 
a genuine effort to restore peace and order and to co-operate 
in the execution of their respective duties. That they 
achieved a certain measure of success is obvious. The schism 
in the Church was healed, and the bitter factionalism among 
the citizens was temporarily lessened. But before long the 
anti-Rosas party gained a definite advantage, and the spirit 
of revenge was soon in the ascendant. 

Custodian Covarrubias was under instructions to 
initiate a thorough investigation of the conduct of the clergy 
and with the advice of the definitors impose proper discipline 
for proved misconduct. But the result of the inquiry could 
have been predicted in advance. In the eyes of the Francis- 
cans there was one major issue, the vindication of the legal 
rights and privileges of the Church and the authority of the 
local ecclesiastical officers. And on that basis there were 
only two offenders among the clergy: Vidania, and a lay- 
brother, Friar Pedro de Santa Maria, who had also joined 
the Rosas faction. "The custodian whom I sent visited his 
custody, and found that the only guilty persons were the two 
apostates who were protected in the house of the governor/' 
Thus wrote Friar Juan de Prada, Commissary General of 
New Spain, to the Commissary General of the Indies. 1 

Formal charges were at once referred against the 
accused, and by autumn the cases were closed. The papers 
were made ready for transmission to Mexico, and Friar Bar- 
tolome Romero, who had apparently been acting as advocate 
for the clergy, prepared a long informs on the entire situa- 
tion for delivery to the Commissary General. Prior to the 
departure of the mission caravan for New Spain in the 
autumn of 1641, Vidania was taken into custody on orders of 
Father Salas and sent with the caravan as a prisoner to be 


turned over to the tribunal of the Inquisition in Mexico 
City. But apparently he was never tried. One informant 
stated that he escaped midway on the journey to New Spain ; 
another, who testified in 1644, referred to him as dead. The 
final disposition of Santa Maria's case is not known. 8 


The task which the new governor faced when he took 
office would have taxed the strength and courage of a robust 
man. But Flores was ill and lacked the energy needed to 
withstand the pressure to which he was subjected during the 
first weeks of his term. At first he made some effort to steer 
a middle course, but the anti-Rosas group soon won the upper 
hand. Its leaders were Capt. Antonio Baca and Capt. Fran- 
cisco de Salazar. 

The residencia of Rosas offered his enemies an opportu- 
nity to make a scathing denunciation of his administration. 
Captain Salazar took the leading part and on July 5 he 
presented a long petition, or bill of complaint, with more 
than sixty items. The petition contained a condemnation of 
every phase of Rosas' administration, his exploitation of the 
Indians, his policy toward the Apaches, his attack on the 
Church. Most of the articles of the complaint have been 
summarized in the preceding chapter and extensive excerpts 
have been given in the notes. 

Within a short time Baca and Salazar obtained such 
influence that even before the residencia had progressed very 
far the new governor promulgated an order declaring null 
and void many of Rosas' official acts and restoring all titles, 
offices, and encomiendas that he had declared forfeited.' The 
fiscal of the audiencia of New Spain, who prepared a parecer 
on the entire situation for Don Juan de Palaf ox, the Bishop- 
Viceroy, stated that this decree was prepared by the anti- 
Rosas group and presented to Governor Flores for signature. 
The governor was unable to resist, but before his death he 
wrote a letter declaring the facts in the case. 4 


It was probably soon after the publication of this order 
that new elections for regidores and alcaldes of Santa Fe 
were held. Francisco de Salazar, Juan de Archuleta, Juan 
de Herrera, and Sebastian de Gonzalez were elected as regi- 
dores, and Antonio Baca and Pedro Lucero de Godoy were 
named as alcaldes. Baca, Salazar, and Archuleta repre- 
sented the anti-Rosas party. Lucero was a member of a dis- 
tinguished local military family. We have no definite in- 
formation concerning his stand during the hectic days of 
1639-1641, but he was probably in sympathy with the gov- 
ernor. Gonzalez, as noted in the preceding chapter, was an 
active member of the Rosas circle. Herrera's party affilia- 
tion is not known. Thus half of the new government of 
Santa Fe was a united group, consisting of three active anti- 
Rosas men, and in Baca they had a strong leader. It is not 
surprising, therefore, that they were able to impose their will 
on the other members of the government. And this fact 
probably reflected the relative influence and strength of the 
several groups or factions among the citizens. 5 The pro- 
Rosas party lacked unity and active leadership, and of course 
there were many who wavered in their allegiance the 
moment that Rosas' official authority came to an end. 

The residencia had reached only the stage for the formu- 
lation of definite charges on the basis of testimony when 
Governor Flores died, the date being sometime prior to the 
departure of the supply train in the autumn of 1641. He 
had realized the imminence of this event and had tried to 
provide for the emergency. Shortly before his death he 
appointed Sargento Mayor Francisco Gomez as lieutenant- 
governor and captain general to govern the province during 
the impending vacancy. 

The death of Flores presented the long awaited oppor- 
tunity. According to Flores* son, half of the governing 
council of Santa Fe Baca, Salazar, and Archuleta refused 
to recognize the right of Gomez to serve as governor ad 
interim, and asserted that the governing authority should be 
exercised by the alcaldes and regidores. This point of view 


was contrary to general colonial legislation which provided 
that in case a governor died during his term of office, the 
lieutenants nominated by him should govern and that in 
the absence or lack of such lieutenants, the alcaldes ordina- 
rios, until the proper superior authority named a new incum- 
bent. 6 In this crisis much depended on the attitude of the 
second alcalde, Pedro Lucero de Godoy. Either because of 
personal weakness, or because he realized that the Baca 
group had more followers, Lucero failed to take a strong 
stand. Gomez was pushed aside, and the cabildo assumed 
full governmental authority for itself. 

Rosas fully realized the significance of these events and 
made preparations to leave for New Spain. But the cabildo 
forestalled him by ordering his arrest and imprisonment 
and the sequestration of his property pending the completion 
of his residencia. To Flores' son, who returned to Mexico 
with the caravan, Rosas expressed the belief that the Baca 
group were planning to kill him, and in anticipation of this 
event he prepared a last will and testament which he gave to 
Flores to take to New Spain. 7 


Nicholas Ortiz was a soldier, native of Zacatecas, who 
had settled in Santa Fe where he married Maria de Bustillas, 
a relative of Antonio Baca. In 1637 he went to Mexico with 
the mission caravan, and remained there until 1641 when 
he returned to New Mexico as a soldier in the military escort 
for the caravan which brought the new governor. Thus he 
had been absent during most of Rosas' term of office. 

On the evening of January 9, 1642, Ortiz arrived home 
rather late, and found that his wife was absent. He went 
to the residence of the alcalde, Pedro Lucero de Godoy, told 
him that he suspected his wife was with Rosas, and asked 
him to go with him to search the house where Rosas was 
being held a prisoner. Lucero summoned two of the regi- 
dores and a number of other witnesses and proceeded to 
execute this request. The first time the house was searched 


Dona Maria was not found. But Ortiz said he was not satis- 
fied and asked to have the search repeated. And this time 
the suspecting husband found what he sought ! Pulling back 
the mattress of the ex-governor's bed, he found his wife hid- 
ing in a large chest underneath it. (According to Lucero this 
chest had been opened during the first search!) Lucero 
then took the wife into custody and appointed a new set of 
guards over the ex-governor in order to protect him from 

Ortiz prepared formal charges against Rosas and Dona 
Maria, and sought to have Lucero assume jurisdiction in the 
case. But the alcalde refused, and Ortiz appealed to the 
regidores. The latter tried to force Lucero to assume juris- 
diction, but without success, and the wrangling continued for 
several days. 

Lucero was clearly in a tight place, and we cannot blame 
him for refusing to act. He took the position that as a mere 
alcalde of Santa Fe he had no jurisdicion over an ex-governor 
whose residencia had not been completed. He pointed out 
that the cabildo had assumed supreme governing power in 
the province, that it was acting as judge of residencia for the 
ex-governor, and that consequently jurisdiction in the pres- 
ent instance rested with it. The regidores countered by 
pointing out that Lucero had already imposed his authority 
by making the formal search of Rosas' house, by taking Dona 
Maria into custody, and by placing new guards over Rosas. 
Moreover, it was stated that two of the regidores (probably 
Archuleta and Salazar) had suits pending against the ex- 
governor and thus had no right to act as judges in the case. 

To these arguments Lucero replied: (1) that although 
he had taken charge on the night of January 9 he had done 
so in the presence of two regidores ; (2) that although he had 
appointed guards for Rosas it had been with the purpose of 
protecting him against possible violence; and (3) that the 
regidores had implicitly reasserted jurisdiction by removing 
these guards at a later date. Although the regidores sought 
to enforce their will by threat of a fine of one thousand pesos, 
Lucero steadfastly refused to act. 


Why had Ortiz appealed to Lucero in the first place, 
instead of to the alcalde de primer voto Antonio Baca? This 
is explained by the fact that Baca was absent on a campaign 
against the Apaches in the Zuni-Hopi area. He did not 
return to Santa Fe until January 18. 

On January 24 Ortiz made a final petition asking Lucero 
to proceed with the case. The alcalde once more refused, 
and stated that inasmuch as the matter of jurisdiction was 
in dispute, he and the regidores had decided to hold the 
accused parties in custody pending the dispatch of a report 
to the viceroy. The same day orders were sent to Diego 
Martin Barba, Diego del Rio de Losa, Antonio de Salas, and 
Juan Gonzalez to appear at the home of the regidor Fran- 
cisco de Salazar. There they found assembled Lucero and 
the four regidores. The alcalde stated that the cabildo had 
chosen them to serve as jailers for the ex-governor until 
instructions were received from the viceroy, and that it 
would be their duty to prevent his escape and to defend his 
life. Martin Barba, who was designated as leader (cabo) 
of the group immediately protested his unwillingness to 
assume responsibility for the safety of the ex-governor, and 
Lucero sought to have him excused from duty. But Salazar, 
speaking for the cabildo, refused to make any changes in the 
list. The same day the guards thus chosen were taken to 
the house of Anaya and given custody of the prisoner. 
Martin Barba refused to accompany the other three guards 
to inspect Rosas' fetters, and loudly proclaimed that although 
he would serve as a guard to prevent Rosas from escaping he 
would not be responsible for his life. But his protests were 
without avail. 

The list of guards is worthy of some comment, for it 
included three persons who had been actively identified with 
the Rosas faction. Antonio de Salas had been a regidor in 
1639, and Diego del Rio de Losa had been scribe of the cabildo 
in the same year. And it was Diego Martin Barba who had 
been in command of the troop of soldiers that occupied the 
Tewa pueblos of San Ildefonso, Nambe, and Santa Clara in 


Shortly after midnight the following- morning (January 
25) during Del Rio's watch a band of masked men led by 
Nicolas Ortiz forced their way into the house. The guards 
had no opportunity to offer much resistance, and their leader, 
Diego Martin Barba, apparently refused to participate 
actively in the few hasty precautionary measures they were 
able to take. Having gained the house, Ortiz burst open 
the door leading into Rosas' room, and with a dozen sword 
thrusts killed his adversary. And this done, he shouted that 
his honor had been restored. 

The murderer immediately proceeded to the house of 
Antonio Baca and proclaimed his deed. Baca summoned his 
colleague, Lucero de Godoy, the regidores, and other citizens, 
and at dawn went to view the body and make a preliminary 
investigation. He required all of those present to draw their 
swords. Only the blade of Nicolas Ortiz bore the stains of 
blood. The arrest of Ortiz and the four guards was imme- 
diately ordered. The same day Baca issued a decree pro- 
hibiting public gatherings and discussions under penalty of 
banishment from the province for six years and a fine of one 
hundred pesos to be paid as a reward to the informer in 
such cases. 

Baca sought to have Rosas buried in consecrated 
ground, but Custodian Covarrubias refused the necessary 
permission. The prelate firmly pointed out that Rosas had 
been under excommunication for a long time and that he 
had obstinately refused to make his peace with the Church. 
And so the proud Rosas was taken out and buried in a field 
near the house in which he was killed. 


In February Ortiz was brought to trial with Antonio 
Baca acting as judge. The first witness was Dona Maria, the 
wife of the accused. She testified: (1) that she had been 
guilty of adulterous relations with Rosas over a period of 
four years, (2) that after her husband returned from New 
Spain Rosas had urged her to run away with him, (3) that 


Rosas had even urged her to kill her husband, offering to pro- 
vide her with the means for such an act. She further stated 
that she had gone to Rosas' house on January 9 of her own 
accord and that no one had forced her to do so. In fact, Rosas 
had summoned her, and had threatened that if she did not 
come he would go to her. Finally, she swore that no one had 
in any way influenced her testimony or induced her to testify 

The four guards who had been on duty on the night of 
January 24-25 were then summoned. They described their 
ineffectual attempt to prevent the crime, and made definite 
statements to the effect: (1) that Ortiz had done the actual 
killing unassisted; and (2) that the men who entered the 
house with him had not been identified because they were 

The defense based its case squarely on the issue of per- 
sonal honor. It sought to prove that the defendant had no 
other motive for the crime, and that he had taken matters 
into his own hands only after Lucero had refused in a"f rivo- 
lous" manner to provide redress in proper legal form. Six 
witnesses for the defense were called, of whom Sargento 
Mayor Francisco Gomez and the regidor Sebastian Gon- 
zalez were the most important. 

All of the witnesses testified that Ortiz had been absent 
from New Mexico during most of Rosas' term of office, that 
he had brought no formal complaint against the ex-governor, 
either in the residencia or in a private suit, and that because 
of his friendly relations with Rosas he had been requested to 
act as an intermediary for third parties. And they all testi- 
fied that Ortiz had always treated his wife with honor and 
respect, and that he had given her no cause for her infidelity. 
Although the witnesses certified Lucero's failure to accept 
jurisdiction in the suit brought by Ortiz, some refused to 
express a judgment concerning his action. Gomez offered 
some justification for it. 

The witnesses were asked if they knew whether Ortiz 
or any other person had forced Dona Maria to go to the house 


of Rosas on the evening of January 9. All replied that they 
did not know. But with varying degrees of warmth they 
recommended Ortiz as an honorable person, of whom it was 
presumed that he would not submit his wife to such dishonor. 

The trial followed the normal course, and on May 8 Baca 
pronounced sentence. Ortiz was acquitted, but revision of 
judgment was reserved to the viceroy to whom a copy of the 
trial record was to be sent. No final action was taken in the 
case of the four guards. Pending presentation of their case 
to the viceroy, they were released from jail but charged not to 
leave the confines of the province under penalty of death. 
Decision in the case of Dona Maria was also left to the vice- 
regal authorities, and it was decreed that in the meantime 
she should remain in custody and that Ortiz should have no 
dealings or relations with her whatsoever. 

A copy of the trial record was at once made ready for 
transmittal to Mexico. Reports, letters, etc., were also pre- 
pared by both the secular government and the Church to be 
sent to the viceroy, the Holy Office, and the superior prelates 
of the Franciscan Order. These papers were then turned 
over to Ortiz who departed without delay for New Spain in 
order to present himself before the viceroy. He was accom- 
panied by Nicolas Perez de Bustillos and an Indian servant 
named Bernabe. 


The acquittal of Ortiz was by no means received with 
universal favor and approval in Santa Fe, but the influence 
of the Baca faction was so great that it was not deemed wise 
to register formal protest locally. The alcalde Lucero and 
Sargento Mayor Gomez decided, however, to send a certain 
Francisco de Olibera with a verbal message to the governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya, Don Luis de Valdez. On May 6 Olibera 
delivered this message to the governor in Parral. On be- 
half of Lucero and Gomez he stated that it was public knowl- 
edge that Baca, Salazar, Archuleta, and other citizens had 
been accomplices in the murder of Rosas, and asked the gov- 
ernor to arrest Ortiz when he passed through Nueva Vizcaya 
on his way to Mexico City. 


Valdez immediately put Olibera under oath and had him 
examined in a formal manner. He testified that he had been 
absent from Santa Fe on the night of the murder, but had 
later gone to the villa where he had heard Ortiz openly boast 
that he had committed the deed. He stated further that 
most of the citizens had been in sympathy with Ortiz, that 
Baca and the regidores Salazar and Archuleta had been the 
declared capital enemies of Rosas, and that they had aided 
and abetted the murderer. Olibera also declared that per- 
sons who had regretted the affair had not dared to speak out, 
lest they suffer the same fate. 

On May 8 the governor summoned another witness, 
Andres Lopez Zambrano, a citizen of Santa Fe then residing 
in Parral. He deposed that he had heard Baca, Enriquez, 
"and their allies and confederates" boast on various occa- 
sions that they were going to kill Rosas. And he told how the 
ex-governor had protested the seizure of his property by 
Baca acting in the name of the cabildo and had warned the 
alcalde that the king would call him to account. To which 
Baca was said to have replied : 

The king and his lordship are far away. Until they 
come we will do as we please. And when they do 
come, we have strong penoles where we can take 

Lopez further stated that for a time Rosas had lived in his 
(Lopez's) house, apparently after Flores took office, but 
Baca and his confederates had told him to put the ex-gover- 
nor out; and fearing violence at their hands he (Lopez) had 
fled from the province. A third witness, an Indian servant 
recently arrived from New Mexico, declared that he had 
heard Ortiz openly admit the crime. 

Governor Valdez immediately issued orders to all the 
local officials of Nueva Vizcaya to effect the arrest of the 
murderer. Within a few days he was seized and taken to 
Parral, together with his two companions. When brought 
before the governor, Ortiz freely admitted his crime, and told 
the familiar story of the events of January 9 et seq. as justi- 


fication for it. He also identified the masked friends who had 
accompanied him on his mission of death as Juan Ruiz, 
Manuel de Peralta, Luis Martin, and Pedro de Chavez [y 
Duran?], but he insisted that he alone had done the actual 
killing. He denied, however, that he had been persuaded by 
any other person to commit the crime. He also denied that 
he belonged to any faction, but, on questioning, admitted that 
his wife was related to both Antonio Baca and Juan de 

Formal charges were now preferred against Ortiz, and 
pending trial he was committed to jail. A copy of the Santa 
Fe trial record was incorporated with the proceedings, and 
then the governor summoned the two companions of Ortiz to 
be examined. Nicolas Perez de Bustillas made two very im- 
portant admissions: (1) that he had heard it publicly stated 
in Santa Fe that the wife of Ortiz had been placed in Rosas' 
house, in order that she might be found there, and thus pro- 
vide a motive for killing the ex-governor; (2) that he had 
heard both Antonino Baca and Cristobal Enriquez say that 
they would kill Rosas. Bernabe, the Indian servant, testified 
merely that he had heard Ortiz admit the crime. 

The son of Juan Flores de Sierra y Valdez, late governor 
of New Mexico, was now summoned. The witness told the 
already familiar story of the usurpation of authority by the 
alcaldes and regidores after the death of his father, and 
Rosas' fear that Baca and the others planned to kill him. 
And when summoned again two days later, Flores repeated 
the story with a few minor additions. 

On May 21 the defendant was called again for further 
questioning, and he made two significant additions to his 
former statement. He specifically named Antonio Baca, 
Cristobal de Enriquez, Diego Marquez, and Alonso Ramirez 
as accomplices, declaring that they had advised and per- 
suaded him to commit the murder and that on the night of 
the crime Enriquez, Marquez, and Ramirez had actually 
guarded the entrance to the street leading to the house 
where Rosas was imprisoned. But Ortiz again firmly denied 


that he or any other person had "planted" his wife in Rosas' 

On May 23 Governor Valdez promulgated a decree to the 
effect that inasmuch as the province of New Mexico was 
"subject and subordinate" to the viceroy, notice should be 
given to His Excellency. But while waiting for instructions 
Valdez continued with certain routine phases of the case, 
such as appointing an attorney for the accused and the rati- 
fication of testimony. 

A viceregal order to proceed with the case was finally 
received, and on September 12 Valdez pronounced sentence. 
Ortiz was condemned to be hanged, following which his head 
and right hand were to be cut off and nailed to the gibbet. 
The defendant immediately filed an appeal which was 
granted in due form. 

The result of this appeal is not known. Apparently the 
case was still pending when Ortiz escaped from jail some 
months later. And there the documentary information con- 
cerning the career of this unfortunate soldier ends. 


There are certain aspects of the Ortiz case which merit 
some discussion and comment. To what extent was the 
entire episode a deliberately planned plot? Was Dona Maria 
"planted" in the Rosas house as a part of such a plot? To 
what extent were Baca, Salazar, and other members of the 
anti-Rosas party responsible for the crime? 

It is perfectly obvious that Rosas had made a number of 
bitter personal enemies, and that the leaders of this group 
were Baca, Salazar, Archuleta, Ramirez, and Enri- 
quez. Archuleta had been arrested as a possible accomplice 
in the Sandoval murder. Enriquez had been deprived of his 
place as regidor, and had suffered physical violence at the 
hands of Rosas. The grievances of the other three are not 
known, but in one way or another Rosas alienated them. All 
five signed the manifesto of March 16, 1640, in which Custo- 
dian Salas and the clergy justified the Santo Domingo con- 


ference. Salazar was apparently the leading petitioner of 
the anti-Rosas party in the Rosas residencia. And it was 
Baca, Salazar, and Archuleta who refused to recognize Sar- 
gento Mayor Francisco Gomez as governor ad interim, and 
then seized power for themselves in the name of the cabildo. 
Their career followed a perfectly logical course, and the 
motivating element was bitter opposition and enmity for 
Luis de Rosas. 

Let us turn now to the role of Dona Maria and Ortiz. It 
is clear that there was a considerable amount of public rumor 
and belief that Dona Maria was merely used as a pawn in a 
malicious plot. Otherwise why did she have to deny it? 
And why did the attorney for Ortiz in the Santa Fe trial 
make this point one of the six questions in the interrogatory 
by which defense witnesses were examined? Moreover if 
the liaison between Rosas and Dona Maria had been going on 
for four years, as the lady admitted, it is reasonable to as- 
sume that it would have been generally known in Santa Fe, 
where the families were so closely intermarried and where 
gossip was one of the chief diversions of all classes. It is 
too much to expect that Ortiz would not have learned his 
wife's guilt the moment he returned to New Mexico in the 
spring of 1641 instead of several months later. And if he 
was the jealous and honorable husband that the defense case 
tried to prove him to be, would he not have sought vengeance 
sooner? There was also something too legal, too punctilious 
in the actions of Ortiz. He made sure that the discovery of 
his wife in Rosas' room would be in the presence of the al- 
calde ; he brought formal legal action and finally took matters 
into his own hands only when the channels of justice had been 
blocked ; and on the night of the murder he hastened to de- 
clare his deed to the alcalde Baca. And why was it that on 
the first search of Rosas' house Dona Maria was not found, 
whereas on the second search Ortiz found her in the very 
chest that had been empty on the first search? 

Perhaps Baca found it necessary to wage a campaign 
against the Apaches and thus be absent from Santa Fe early 


in January, 1642, but as a result of his absence the suit of 
Ortiz for redress was filed before Lucero, and naturally it 
would be better for Lucero to try Rosas than an open enemy 
like Baca ! The same sort of suspicion is present with regard 
to the persons selected on January 24 to act as Rosas' jailers. 
Was it not dangerous to choose three former Rosas men? The 
excuse was made that the men who were designated were un- 
married, and hence more eligible for service than others. 
But did the Baca faction include no bachelors? It is much 
simpler to assume that Rosas men were chosen in order that 
they could be blamed for failure to defend Rosas from attack. 
It should be noted that the guards were given definite in- 
structions that it was their duty to protect Rosas, as well as 
prevent his escape. And of course the murder occurred less 
than twenty-four hours after the guards assumed custody of 
the ex-governor. 

In short, there are many things which point to the pro- 
bability of a definite plot by Baca and his associates to cause 
the death of Rosas and make trouble for his former sup- 
porters. And the testimony of Ortiz in Parral, in which he 
definitely mentioned Baca as one of the persons who had 
"advised and persuaded" him, is confirmatory evidence. 

To the end Ortiz refused to admit that his wife had 
served merely as a pawn in the game, but that proves noth- 
ing. To have admitted it would have destroyed the plea of 
injured honor and would have utterly sealed his doom. 

(To be concluded) 

1. Prada to Maldonado, March 12, 1642. A. G. I., Patronato 247, Ramo 7. 

2. Prada to Maldonado, March 12, 1642; Testimony before Friar Tomds Manso, 
1644. Ibid. 

3. Decree, July 16, 1641. Ibid. 

4. Parecer of Melian, ante July 25, 1642. Ibid. 

5. Melian stated that out of 120 soldiers and citizens 73 went over to the anti- 
Rosas party during the tragic last year of the governor's administration. 

6. Cf. Recopilacion, ley xii, tit. iii, lib. v, and notice of numerous earlier laws on 
which the section was based. 

7. Juan Flores de Sierra y Valdez, el mozo, referred to the situation created by 
his father's death in two depositions made before the governor of Nueva Vizcaya on 


May 19 and 21, 1642. I quote extensively from each : (a) "En los dhas minas del parral 
en d y nueve dias del mes de mill y seis 08 y quarenta y dos anos ... el cap n j florae 
de sierra e baldes . . . dijo que sabe y puede decir es que conoze al dho nicolas ortiz q 
esta preso en la carcel publica destas minas porque entro a el nuebo mejico por soldado 
d^ su compania y en la del sarjento mayor Joan flores de baldes gobernador y capitan 
jeneral que fue de las Probincias de el nuevo mexico a donde aviendo llegado este t con 
el dho gobernador Joan Flores de baldes su padre bio en las cassas rreales de la billa de 
santa fee a el jeneral don luis de rrocas gobernador y capitan jeneral que fue de aquellas 
Probincias donde estaba ejerciendo los dho cargos Y rrecibio el dho su padre a el ejerci- 
cio de los dhos cargos y estandole tomando rresidencia murio el dho gobernador su padre 
Y abiendo dejado nonbrado Por ssu teniente de gobernador y capitan jeneral de 
aquellas Probincias a el sarjento mayor francisco gomez y para que acabase de tomar 
la rresidencia al dho don luis de rrocas la mitad de el cabildo como fueron antonio baca 
alcalde ordinario e francisco de salagar e joan de arechuleta rrejidores no quisieron 
admitir ni obedecer al dho francisco gomez teniente de gobernador y Cap" jeneral 
nombrado por el dho su padre joan flores de baldes e bio este t que despues de algunos 
dias el dho gobernador don luis de rrocas trato de salir a la Z d de mexico, teniendo noti- 
cio dello el alcalde antonio baca pusso presso en la casa de almacan escribano al dho don 
luis de rrocas e le embargo todos sus bienes e mulas y cavallos y este t le bio e bisito en 
la dha prision y despues algunos dias estando este t para salir de aquella tierra bolbio a 
bisitar al dho don luis de rrocas en la dha casa y prision y al despedirse de el y tratando 
de su caussa dijo a este testigo el dho don luis de rrocas q estaba aciendo actos de 
contricion Porq. temia y corria boz jeneral q le abian de matar ssus enemigos en la 
prision donde estaba luego q saliesen los carros q estaban proximos para salir a estas 
Probincias de nueba vizcaya y nueba espana en los quales este t salio y era pp co e 
notorio que el dho don luis de rrocas tenia muchos enemigos en la dha villa de santa 
fee e probincias de la nuevo mexico e particularmente lo eran el alcalde antonio baca 
e los dhoB rrejidores francisc de salazar e joan de arechuleta." (b) En las dhas minas 
del parral el dho dia V te y uno de mayo de mill y seis y quarenta y dos anos ... el 
capitn don jun flores de ssierra y baldes . . . siendo preguntado por el tenor de la 
cabeca de proceso dijo que conocia a nicolas ortiz q esta preso en la carzel pp c * destas 
minas Porque le bio y comunico desda la Z d de mexico asta la dha probincia del nuevo 
mex co y billa de santa fee porq fue por soldado de la escolta de los carros del rrey nro 
senor e tambien le comunico en la dha probincia Y assi mismo conocio al jeneral don luis 
de rrocas Gobernador y Capitan jeneral q fuede la dha probincia a donde le bio y 
comunico muchas bezes y quando salio este testigo de aquella probincia dexo presso al 
dho don luis de rrocas por orden de antonio baca y de algunos rrejidores de la dha v Por 
Pleitos de dependencias que tenia sobre su rresidencia con muchas Personas de aquella 
probincia q la estaba dando ante el Capitan y sarjento mayor joan flores de baldes 
gobernador y Capp n xeneral q le sucedio en los dhos cargos y la dha prision Ycieron 
despues de muerto el dho joan flores de baldes y le secrestaron todos sus bienes e los 
llebaron la qual dha priss on y secresto bio este t acer al dho don luis de rrocas Porq 
avnque este t fue nombrado en tiempo por dho gobernador y Capitan jeneral joan 
flores de baldes Por su lugarteniente no le obedecian a este t ni tanpoco al sarjento 
mayor francisco gomez a quien asi missmo el dho gobernador estando enfermo Le 
nombro por su lug r teniente, diciendo el dho antonio baca alcalde ordinario y los 
rrejidores arechuleta y francisco de salazar y alonso rramirez e xpbal enrriquez y otras 
muchas Personas q seguian el bando del dho antonio baca ellos abian de governar 
como lo yCieron alcandose con el gobierno despues de muerto el dho gobernador joan 
flores de baldes sin querrer obedecer a ninguno de los dhos tenientes aunq el alcalde 
Pedro Lucero de godoy los admitia por bersse solo y sin fuercas quedo gobernando el 
dho cabildo y alcalde antonio baca y este t biendo la poca obediencia que tenian al dho 
joan flores de baldes e stando enfermo Prebiniendo algun mal suceso como le amenaca- 
ban cada dia los de la parte del dho antonio baca pidio Hz* al dho gobernador Para 
salirse de aquella probincia como se la dio Y despues de muerto abiendo Ydo a bisitar a 
la prission donde estaba el dho don luis de rrocas Y a despedirse del para benirse en 


los carros del rrey el dho don luis de rrocas dio a este testigo con todo secreto el 
testamento q tiene entregado a su senoria y le dijo a este t lo trajese a la nueva espana 
Porque tenia per cierto que ssus enemigros Le abian de matar en aquella prision como 
es pp co e notorio le mataron y q la dha muerte la yc/3 el dho nicolas ortiz Preso en 
la carzel deste rreal ayudado e fomentado de otras Personas." Criminal contra Nicolas 
Ortiz, vecino de la Probincia de la Nuevo Mexico, por aver muerto al general Don Luis 
de Rocas, gov T y capitan general que fue de dha Provincia. 1642. This document 
was recently found in the archives of the city of Parnal, Mexico, by Sr. D. Jos6 G. 
Rocha, editor of El Correo de Parral, to whom I am indebted for a typewritten copy. 
The document consists of a copy of the record of the trial of Ortiz in Santa Fe for the 
murder of Governor Rosas, and the record of the re-trial of Ortiz by the govenor of 
Nueva Vizcaya in Parral. 

8. The discussion of the Ortiz case is based entirely on the Parral document. No 
further citation of the document will be made. 


Monterrey en la historic y en la leyenda. By Vito 
Alessio Robles. (Mexico, Antigua Libreria Robredo de Jose 
Porrua e Hijos, 1936; 266 pp., illustrated, maps.) 

Monterrey, the industrial capital of Mexico and after 
Mexico City and Guadalajara the third largest city of the 
republic with a population of 160,000, had its first humble 
beginnings back in 1581, some six years after Santiago de 
Saltillo had been established as the most northern outpost 
of the wave of colonization that followed in the wake of the 
pioneer miners who were pushing up over the great central 
plateau. Monterrey, curiously enough, was not born of 
this plateau advance, but of a new movement started north- 
ward from the Panuco under the leadership of the converted 
Portuguese Jew Carvajal, who may have dreamed of found- 
ing in this New Kingdom of Leon a new Jewish fatherland. 

Extremely interesting reading, indeed, is the account 
of the checkered career of the first founder of Monterrey. 
What dramatic contrasts in the light and gloom of his later 
years when, after having received from the bigoted Felipe 
II the right to explore and to colonize the vast "tragic 
square" of Nuevo Leon, he fell into the clutches of the Inqui- 
sition because of jealousies aroused over the wide-flung 
jurisdiction that was legally his but which, due to the ex- 
treme ignorance of the Peninsular officials concerning the 
geography of New Spain, brought Carvajal into open con- 
flict with others who claimed jurisdiction within his domin- 

This first colonization of Monterrey soon failed, largely, 
says the author, because Jews by nature are not warlike and 
because the followers of Carvajal disliked the hard labor of 
tilling the soil; those early founders, therefore, turned to 
the hunting of the nomad Indians of the region, selling 
them to the mine operators and to the landed proprietors. 
Thus began the long bloody struggle between white man 



and red that came to an end only during the last century, a 
struggle that retarded the development of Nuevo Leon and 
that resulted in the complete extermination of the aborigines 
of northeastern Mexico, "a result to be lamented from the 
sentimental point of view, but one, of course, that was 
responsible for the great racial unity of the three states men- 
tioned [Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas] , and responsible 
also, beyond question, for their rapid progress, since they do 
not have about their necks, like the rest of Mexico, the heavy 
millstone of an Indian population outside of the pale of 

Monterrey was founded a second time by Diego de Mon- 
temayor, former mayor of Saltillo, who had been appointed 
lieutenant governor and captain general of the new kingdom 
by Carvajal. 'Upon the latter's death Montemayor assumed 
command, and in mid-September of 1596 he set out with a 
caravan to begin anew the settlement abandoned by the 
companions of Carvajal. Alessio Robles points out that 
those "ignorantes" should be forever silenced who still believe 
that the actual inhabitants of Monterrey descend from Jews. 

Because of constant Indian warfare throughout the 
colonial period, Monterrey remained a frontier settlement 
and a military camp ; even after Mexican Independence In- 
dian scalps brought a most attractive remuneration. But 
aside from this routine strife, life moved along at a monoton- 
ous pace. It seems that from its very beginnings Monterrey 
was destined to become a business center, and legend and tra- 
dition could not flourish where life was a serious, practical 
matter. Her past is not embellished with that wealth of 
popular lore that makes so fascinating the colonial years of 
Acapulco and Saltillo. 

Monterrey was of but passing importance in all of the 
many struggles of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The 
decisive battle of the Mexican War in the north was fought 
at Saltillo and the great conflict of 1910 and subsequent years 
raged far to the west on the central plateau. 



The city grew rapidly toward the close of the last cen- 
tury. Iron and steel foundries, the famous Cuauhtemoc 
Brewery, and the renowned glass works sprang up as its 
principal industries, employing over 25,000 people. With 
the coming of the railroad in 1882, connecting the city with 
Laredo and later with the capital and Tampico, Monterrey 
became the leading economic center of the north. And today 
the Pan-American highway, which opened Monterrey to 
American tourists almost a decade ago, serves as another 
vital link of communication for the capital city of Nuevo 

Vito Alessio Robles has written another fine work along 
the lines he laid out in his previous books on Acapulco and 
Saltillo. Monterrey, for reasons implied in this brief review, 
has never had for the lover of the truly Mexican scene the 
tremendous appeal of most other Mexican cities, but through 
the efforts of this genial historian one sees the city in a new 
light because "its stones have spoken to the eyes of the 

University of New Mexico. 

Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, 1519-1936, I- [VII] 
vols. Edited by the Rev. Paul J. Foik, chm. Texas Knights 
of Columbus historical commission. Vol. I: The mission era: 
the finding of Texas, 1519-1698, by Carlos E. Castaneda. 
(Austin, Von Boeckmann-Jones Co., 1936, 444 pp., illus., 
map, index. $5.00) . Vol. II : The mission era: the winning of 
Texas, 1693-1731, by Carlos E. Castaneda. (390 pp., illus., 
map, index. $5.00.) 

These are the first two of seven volumes which, together, 
constitute "the Centennial offering of the Catholics of the 
State of Texas as a memorial to mark this year of jubilee." 
Sumptuously bound in purple and gold embossed fabrikoid, 
royal octavo in size, with contents which are the result of 
widely extended and long continued archival research, the 


series when completed will be a contribution to Texas history 
of which its sponsors may well feel proud. 

The first two volumes, here reviewed, have been pre- 
pared by Dr. Castaneda, Latin-American librarian at the 
University of Texas, and range in time from 1519 to 1731. 
His portrayal of the mission era makes a fascinating record, 
supported by footnotes and a formidable list of sources. At 
the same time it may be remarked that in portrait-painting 
the deft handling of light and shade may make great differ- 
ences in the final result. In the work under review, many 
readers will feel that, at some points, the author has manipu- 
lated his sources so as to glorify and aggrandize his theme 
instead of confining himself to a straight-forward historical 
portrayal. A few of the resulting revisions of Southwestern 
history offered by Dr. Castaneda will be mentioned. 

Despite the evidence of various early maps, the Rio de 
las Palmas is identified as the Rio Grande (p. 11 et seq.) 
which enables the author to claim for Texas the first city 
council "of any city within the present limits of the United 
States." (p. 22) It further results that Nuno de Guzman as 
governor of the Panuco-Rio Grande (de las Palmas) region 
was actually "royal governor of Texas" (p. 33, preface) , and 
later we find "Cortes still planning to colonize Rio Grande," 
meaning the Rio de las Palmas. (p. 43) 

The most remarkable theory advanced is that which lo- 
cates "Quivira" in the Texan Panhandle. Dr. Castaneda fol- 
lows very closely the reasoning stated some years ago by 
David Donoghue in discussing the route followed by Coro- 
nado's expedition, but many readers will believe that Kansas 
has a stronger claim for the site of Quivira than Texas. Our 
author several times emphasizes the fact that the entire 
expedition with several thousand head of grazing stock made 
the journey from Tiguex to Palo Duro Canon. This took 
thirty-five days. Here the Spaniards were informed by na- 
tives that Quivira lay forty days' journey to the north, and 
Coronado, after sending back most of his army and all the 
livestock, turned north with thirty horsemen and possibly a 


few men on foot. The reasonable inference is that this little 
band traveled as far in the next thirty days as the natives 
indicated by forty days' journey; but (p. 106) we are asked 
to believe that, unhampered by livestock, they then averaged 
a distance of only about two miles a day and therefore 
Quivira lay in what is now Texas ! One feels like adding : 
quod erat demonstrandum. But after all, this is not as bad as 
Father Pichardo whose treatise argued Coronado clear into 
eastern Texas and then failed to return him to Tiguex. As 
a corollary of the above, Fray Juan de Padilla becomes the 
"first martyr of Texas." (p. Ill) 

In his second volume, in a somewhat similar way, Dr. 
Castaneda questions (II, 332) the identity of the Jesus 
Maria river with the Platte, and routes both the Velarde and 
Villasur expeditions, 1719 and 1720, through the Panhandle. 
(II, map and text) 

There was no Fray Juan de la Cruz (pp. 94, 110, 112) 
with Coronado, unless, as Father Shea suggested many years 
ago, this was the "name in religion" of Luis de Escalona. 
Puaray and Sandia were distinct pueblos (pp. 168, 174) and 
so were Galisteo and San Crist6bal (p. 175) . El Paso del Rio 
del Norte was not the river-crossing but where the river 
broke through the mountains (pp. 187, 243). The name 
Cibola, originating locally at Zuiii, expanded to include the 
other Pueblo provinces and the great plains. The American 
bison, found nowhere else in the western world, derived 
its name from "the plains of Cibola," not vice versa (p. 190) . 
Enrique Martinez was not with Onate (p. 194) but was a 
cartographer in Mexico City and based his map on informa- 
tion furnished him. 

It is hardly correct to think of Pefialosa as wandering in 
Europe (p. 279) . After he escaped the toils in Mexico City 
he sailed ostensibly for home, but transshipped in the Cana- 
ries and went directly to London where, from the summer of 
1669, he lived on gratuities and tried to engage the English 
court in his schemes against New Spain. In 1673 he trans- 
ferred his intriguing to Paris. According to the arrange- 
ment finally made with him and La Salle in Paris, Pefialosa 


was to follow La Salle the next year with reinforcements. If 
the French court had carried out this plan vigorously, Texan 
history might have read quite differently. 

However the reader may disagree with Dr. Castafieda 
on details such as those above indicated, he will feel that 
this series of volumes promises to be a very definite and valu- 
able contribution to Texas history. The claims summarized 
in the preface of Volume I need some pruning, but in large 
measure these first volumes justify the statement in the sec- 
ond volume preface that "a careful search of the numerous 
manuscript sources gathered by the University of Texas and 
the Texas Knights of Columbus Historical Commission in the 
last twenty years has made it possible for the writer to reveal 
for the first time many details and facts little known or ig- 
nored entirely heretofore. It is the purpose ... to present a 
connected narrative of life in Texas . . . The history here 
presented is much more than that of the missions in Texas. 
It is rather as complete a narrative of events as the author 
has been able to weave together from all the sources at his 
command." L. B. B. 

Grand Prairie. By James K. Greer. (Tardy Publishing 
Company, Dallas, Texas, 1935 ; 284 pp. ; illustrations, index. 

Some men write histories of the world, other less ambi- 
tious write only of nations, while still others confine them- 
selves to the story of a single state or political sub-division of 
a nation. The author of Grand Prairie restricts himself to 
the presentation of some of the economic and social condi- 
tions and movements of the Grand Prairie region of Texas 
between 1850 and 1890. The book is, therefore, a history 
of frontier days in several of the North Central counties of 
Texas during a forty year period. In order to make the story 
more real and vivid, it is told in the first person by a typical 
product who lived and grew up during the days of the Grand 
Prairie pioneers. 

Beginning Chapter I, entitled "On the Grand Prairie," 
the author writes : "In 1855, when I was only five years of 



age, my parents decided that we would move further west." 
To go further west in 1855 one had only to move across two 
counties into Bosque County, Texas. As a boy, the author 
suffered and sang like any other son of the pioneers. There 
were flowers and larks in the Spring, and the dreaded cold 
sweeping wind or "northers" in the Fall and Winter. In the 
summer drouth there were prairie fires to be put out by 
dragging a fresh and bleeding bull hide back and forth along 
the edge of the fire. Animals such as the antelope, deer, 
buffalo, bear, and wildcat roamed the country, to say nothing 
of the long-legged elongated eared jack-rabbit and such 
smaller game. At night were heard the hoot of the owl, as 
well as the hoot of the "hostile" Indian as he crept through 
the dark. 

The class of people who lived in the Grand Prairie Coun- 
try ranged from the immigrant Kentucky Colonel type of the 
old or deep South to the hill billy or sand hill fellows who 
came in from Arkansas or Tennessee. Land sold all the way 
from one dollar to three dollars and fifty cents an acre. The 
usual charge for board and room was six dollars a month, 
while Woodman's Cherry Expectorant sold for one dollar a 
bottle. Flour was seven dollars a hundred pounds. 

Social life was crude, but there were the usual dances, 
games, and camp meetings under brush arbors. 

Besides the deer and buffalo, the Texans had to contend 
with many varmints and pests called "predators," such as the 
ringtailed cat, the leopard cat, the bob cat, and the cougar. 
Rattlesnakes were present in altogether too great numbers 
for the safety and calm comfort of the settlers. 

Then came the Civil War, followed by the hateful days 
of Reconstruction. 

Throughout the whole period the Indians gave the 
pioneers plenty of trouble with their stock stealing raids and 
their frequent "scalping parties." The friendly Tonkawa 
tribe aided their white brothers to exterminate or place on 
reservations the unfriendly "hostiles" among the other 
tribes, the Comanches, the Apaches, and the Kiowas. It 


would be interesting to know just what the Indians thought 
of the Whites, but like the lion and the lobo, the Indian did 
not write stories. 

The book contains interesting anecdotes of outlaws, cow- 
boys, and the constant grudges between cattlemen and the 

Frontier women of a very sturdy stock came in for their 
share of praise. 

There are stories of politics and the Texas Grange move- 
ment. The reader gets the distinct impression that the 
author is definitely pro-cattleman, and against the dirt or 
cotton farmer. 

Only a few typographical errors were noted, a few trite 
expressions are too frequently used. The book contains a 
few good photographs, some rather crudely written but very 
informative notes, and a fair index. 

Though at times not so polished, the book is, on the 
whole, interesting and well written. The author undoubt- 
edly was primarily interested in giving a graphic (not a sen- 
sational) picture of pioneer days in that part of Texas where 
he lived. He certainly keeps throughout the work the 
"flavor" of the West. In this respect the book is authentic. 

The reader feels a sense of genuine sadness when near 
the close of the book, the author quotes Badger Clark's poem 
on the passing of the Western pioneer : 

'Twas good to live when all the range 

Without no fence or fuss, 
Belonged in the partnership with God, 

The Government and us. 

With skyline bounds from east to west, 

With room to go and come, 
I liked my f ellowman the best 
When he was scattered some. 

When my old soul hunts range and rest, 

Beyond the last divide, 
Just plant me on some strip of West 

That's sunny, lone, and wide. 


Let cattle rub my headstone round, 

And coyotes wail their kin, 
Let hosses come and paw the mound, 

But don't you fence it in. 

The buffalo and the old pioneer are gone forever, but a 
few cowboys and the wily little coyote are with us still. And 
there's still plenty of room for men in the new frontier of 
skyways, cities, and plains. 

University of New Mexico. 

Broncho Apache. By Paul I. Wellman. (The Macmillan 
Company, New York, 1936 ; IX+303 pp. ; no bibliog., illus- 
trations, or index; $2.00.) 

Broncho Apache, an historical novel, is the third book 
by Mr. Wellman to be brought out by Macmillan Company. 
In contrast with his two earlier books, Death on the Prairie, 
and Death in the Desert, this is not a documented resume of 
historical facts. 

This time Mr. Wellman has written the story of Massai, 
a Chiricahua Apache of Geronimo's band, about whom there 
is little actually known. Mr. Wellman's historical material 
has apparently been confined to the stories of a few old 
Apaches still living on the White Mountain reservation, and 
to the reports of those white men who encountered Massai 
as a hostile Apache General Miles and the agents of the 
San Carlos and Mescalero reservations in the late '80's. 

From these meager sources, Mr. Wellman has attempted 
to reconstruct what he calls the most remarkable feat of any 
Indian, Apache or otherwise. Massai was the warrior who 
escaped from the prison train which was carrying Geronimo 
and his people to Florida. It is known that he jumped from 
the train in Illinois; that he appeared at the San Carlos 
reservation a year later, after crossing half a continent with 
no one being aware of his passing. 

From that year, 1887, for another three years or so, 
white accounts call him a killer, a raider, a "broncho" 


Apache, at war with Americans, Mexicans, and the Apache 
members of his own race who had tried to turn him over to 
the military authorities. He is known to have been captured 
once; he is credited with killings by the score; he is believed 
to have kidnapped and murdered Apache women. It is cer- 
tain that soldiers and Indian scouts of the United States 
army were constantly on the trail looking for him. In the 
end, General Miles stated that he was reported killed by the 

Such is the story of Massai as it is known. Upon this, 
Mr. Wellman has built a novel wherein he supplies all the 
background of events in Massai's life. In the sections that 
deal with made up scenes, Mr. Wellman has chosen to set 
the story of the Indian against the small ordinariness and 
dirty prurient life of Americans and the cruelties of Mexi- 
cans. If this was done to offset the character of the Apache 
killer, it is less effective than the contrast in those scenes 
describing the actual people whose business it was to hunt 
the killer. 

The writer who frankly calls his book a novel can not be 
held too strictly to account for historical inaccuracies. One 
wonders, however, if there was any Apache in the '80's who 
had never heard of the Kiowas and Comanches, and whether 
the character of Nachite (Nahche in more familiar spelling,) 
was really as weak and effeminate as Wellman describes it, 
and where and what was the Jornada Del Muerto north of 
Janos Plain. There might well have been more historical 
background included. The opening pages with their refer- 
ence to Geronimo's surrender and Miles' breaking of Gate- 
wood's promises seem inadequate even to the telling of a 
story. Nor is there any explanation ever made of the 
reason for Apache turning against Apache. 

As a novelist, it is to be hoped that Mr. Wellman will 
break away from a stilted style of sentence structure and an 
over elaborate use of words that obtrude now and then, 
particularly in the first half of the book. In that part of the 
book too, one is always conscious of the difficulty of trying to 


imagine thoughts in an Apache mind when they must be 
expressed in terms of an English sentence. This unnatural- 
ness Mr. Wellman seems to get away from better in the latter 
half of the book which, in style and content of material, is 
much better done. 


Arizona's Dark and Bloody Ground. By Earle R. For- 
rest. (The Caxton Printers, Ltd., Caldwell, Idaho, 1936. 370 
pp., illustrations and map, index. $3.00.) 

Through personal interviews, newspapers, court rec- 
ords, and correspondence, the author has traced with pains- 
taking care and impartial judgment the story of the feud 
in the late 1880's between the Grahams and the Tewksburys 
in Pleasant Valley, central Arizona. Smouldering hostilities, 
engendered by charges and counter-charges of cattle rust- 
ling, broke out into open warfare when the Tewksburys spon- 
sored the invasion of this cattle country by the Daggs 
Brothers of Flagstaff with their flocks of sheep. As a result, 
about twenty-five men lost their lives. 

The story is exciting enough to hold the attention of the 
reader, but unfortunately is marred by repetition and unnec- 
essary labor to create the atmosphere of "old Arizona." 
Sheriff Owen killing three men in a fight at close quarters 
is better than fiction. 

The book is printed with large type and solidly bound. 
Notes are relegated to the appendix and are mostly explana- 
tory. A map, bibliography, and index are supplied. 

University of New Mexico. 

Old Bill Williams, Mountain Man. By Alpheus H. 
Favour. (Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina 
Press, 1936. 229 pp. ills., bibliog., index. $3.00.) 

Although a sky-piercing mountain and a not inconsider- 
able stream were named in his honor, William S. Williams, 


known to his contemporaries as "Old Bill Williams," moun- 
tain man, trapper, pathfinder and Indian fighter, took rather 
a minor part in the winning of the Southwest for civilization 
and modern day progress. Yet, he was one of a coterie of 
pioneers who together prepared the way for the settlement 
of the Rocky Mountain region and whose adventures are 
the right stuff for romance and biography. 

There being no diary nor letters as far as known and 
only incidental references to Williams by associates, Alpheus 
H. Favour, the author of a life of Williams, just published, 
has nevertheless managed to piece together not only a vivid 
biography but also an entrancing picture of the times, the 
places, and expeditions in which Old' Bill Williams figured. 
His training as a lawyer has given Favour a facility for 
hunting down sources, sifting evidence and reconstructing a 
convincing and fascinating portrait from fragmentary 
records widely scattered, which ought to give the book 
a favorite place on library shelves. The bare biographical 
facts revealed possibly could have been condensed in the 
first two of the sixteen chapters, but the background from 
which Williams emerges a flesh and blood hero is painted so 
fully that the reader is repaid with a comprehensive and 
fairly accurate view of a most exciting period in the history 
of the West. 

Williams was thirty-eight years of age when he arrived 
in Santa Fe. The author points out (p. 65) that "he had 
started out in life from a good home; he had been well 
brought up, with some education and religious training." 
In fact, in his youth he had been a preacher of the backwoods 
type, more or less fanatical, a counterpart of Jedediah Smith, 
but a renegade after he had married an Osage woman and 
joined that tribe. Writes Favour: "His ideas on religious 
questions had undergone a change, and he was beginning to 
approach that subject from an Indian viewpoint. He began 
to entertain doubts as to whether the white man's religion 
was the correct one, possibly because in his contact with the 
Indians, he had seen them living happy and contented, with 


a religion fundamentally different from his own. His view- 
point had changed in regard to values. What he, as a young 
man, would have revolted against, now seemed second 
nature, and what he, as a young man, had valued, had en- 
tirely lost its attractiveness. Houses, dress, books, cleanli- 
ness, restraint, and the refinements of civilization had become 
irksome and of no interest to him." All the efforts of the 
author to present his hero in a favorable light fail to gloss 
over the brutality, the coarseness, the excesses of the old 
trapper who finally meets death at the hands of the Utes who 
had adopted him. When they learned of their mistake they 
gave him a chief's burial. 

Williams at one time set up a store in Taos and settled 
down to the humdrum life of a country storekeeper. Recites 
the author (p. 73) : "Accustomed to action, and plenty of it, 
the haggling with the Mexican women over small differences 
in price finally wore out his patience, and Williams went out 
of business in a novel way. He took all of his stock of cloth 
goods, consisting of bolts of printed calicos, into the street 
and soon had a crowd of women about him. Then he said, 
'Here, damn you, if I can't sell you goods, I will give them to 
you/ and taking hold of the end of the calico, he would 
throw the bolts out as far as he could, and let the women 
fight and scramble for the cloth. With each bolt he thus 
relieved his mind with respect to his feelings toward the 
women of the community. Calico was then worth a dollar 
a yard." 

Albert Pike who was with Williams for a time in the 
fall of 1832, describes him as "a man about six feet one inch 
in height, gaunt, red-headed, with a hard, weather beaten 
face, marked deeply with the small pox." He was "all muscle 
and sinew, and the most indefatigable hunter and trapper 
in the world," who had "no glory except in the woods," and 
"a shrewd, cute, original man, and far from illiterate." This 
was after nine years as a preacher and missionary, twelve 
years on the fringe of civilization, and seven years in the 
mountains and on the plains. Seventeen years later, at the 


time of his death, Williams was described by Dr. Benjamin 
J. Kern as having gray hair, a figure somewhat bent, a fine 
profile, with quick restless eyes and with strong marks of 
humor about his mouth. 

Williams had a flair for Indian languages and dialects. 
He helped the missionaries among the Osages to get together 
a dictionary of about two thousand words. It was said of 
him that "when he arose in the council and spoke, all lis- 
tened." Bill Hamilton relates that Williams gave him a 
manuscript of a history he had written of his life among the 
Apaches and Navajos and the Pueblos. Hamilton considered 
this a very accurate account of these three tribes which 
delineated with preciseness their "characteristics, habits and 
customs." Unfortunately, this manuscript was lost after a 
fire in 1872 at the Crow agency on the Yellowstone, where it 
had been placed in a safe by Hamilton, at that time U. S. 

The book is well printed, interestingly illustrated with 
halftone reproductions of portraits and western scenery. A 
few inaccuracies have crept into the text but they are rela- 
tively unimportant. An appendix of notes referring to cita- 
tions in the text, an extensive bibliography, a detailed index, 
and several maps as well as a reproduction in color of a 
painting by Marjorie Thomas of "Old Bill Williams at Coche- 
topa Pass" help to make the volume a delight to the book 

P. A. F. W. 

Ibero- Americana. The series, Ibero- Americana, pub- 
lished by the University of California Press under an edito- 
rial board made up of H. E. Bolton, A. L. Kroeber, and C. 0. 
Sauer, comprises a collection of studies of Latin American 
cultures, native and transplanted, pre-European, colonial 
and modern. Although racial studies are not excluded from 
the collection, the established policy prescribes that in the 
main its publications shall be contributions to culture his- 
tory. The numbers of the series have no set periodicity of 
issue but come forth upon expedient occasions. The numbers 


are paged individually, and vary in size between 30 and 150 

The first number was issued in April, 1932. Eleven are 
now published, the last having been issued in August, 1935. 
These are as follows : 

No. 1. Carl Sauer and Donald Brand, "Aztatlan : Prehis- 
toric Mexican Frontier on the Pacific Coast," 94 
pages, 14 plates, 14 figures and maps. $2.00. 

No. 2. Ralph L. Beals, "The Comparative Ethnology of 
Northern Mexico before 1750," 134 pages, 28 maps. 

No. 3. Carl Sauer, "The Road to Cibola," 58 pages, 1 map. 

No. 4. Paul S. Taylor, "A Spanish-Mexican Peasant Com- 
munity: Arandas in Jalisco," 94 pages, 8 plates, 4 
figures, 1 map. $1.50. 

No. 5. Carl Sauer, "The Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes 
and Languages of Northwestern Mexico," 94 pages, 
1 map. 

No. 6. Ralph L. Beals, "The Acaxee: A Mountain Tribe 
of Durango and Sinaloa," 36 pages. $0.35. 

No. 7. Lesley Byrd Simpson, "Studies in the Administra- 
tion of the Indians of New Spain," 130 pages, 12 
plates, 2 maps. 

No. 8. A. L. Kroeber, "Uto-Aztecan Languages of Mex- 
ico," 28 pages, 1 map. 

No. 9. Paul Radin, "An Historical Legend of the Zapo- 
tecs," 30 pages. 

No. 10. Carl Sauer, "Aboriginal Populations of Northwes- 
tern Mexico," 34 pages, 1 map. 

No. 11. Gladys Ayer Nomland, "New Archaeological Sites 
from the State of Falcon, Venezuela," 114 pages, 6 
plates, 20 figures. 

While every number is a valuable contribution to the 
more general field of culture history in America, certain of 
them are especially pertinent to Southwestern studies. 
Among these are numbers 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, and 10. 

Number 2 offers an aid in the reconstruction of the cul- 
tural landscape at the time of the European conquest. Cul- 
ture provinces are discussed. The results of the study may 
be listed as : 


1. The definition of a large area in northern Mexico in which 
pottery and agriculture were lacking. 

2. The determination that sub-Mexican culture probably 
existed in Sinaloa as far north as Rio Sinoloa at the time 
of the conquest. 

3. That a culture typologically similar to Mexican, or per- 
haps Mayan, once spread to within two hundred miles of 
the Rio Grande in Tamaulipas. 

4. The definition of the northern limits of various culture 

5. The establishment of continuous distribution for certain 
traits between Mexican and Southwestern cultures and 
the suggestion of definite culture connection between the 
Southwest and the areas to the south. 

6. The division of the northern Mexican region, tentatively, 
into several cultural provinces. 

Various questions of culture history are discussed and an- 
swers suggested. 

Number 3, "The Road to Cibola," developes historically 
the marking-out and use of the land passage course through 
northwestern New Spain to the legendary Seven Cities. 
Some interesting facts set forth by the report are : 

1. Initially the road was a series of well used Indian trails. 

2. The successive Spanish explorations blocked out section 
by section the whole route from Guadalajara, and the 
Plateau of Jalisco, along the western margin of the Sierra 
Madre, through localities where now are situated San 
Sebastian, San Miguel de Culiacan, Petatlan, Vacapa, 
Sonora Corazones, and on up finally to Zuni and the 
pueblo country. 

3. The route was followed by : 

Francisco Cortez, 1524-25 
Nuno de Guzman, 1530-31 
Diego de Guzman, 1533 
Cabeza de Vaca, 1535-36 
Fray Marcos, 1538-39 
Coronado, 1540 
Ibarra, 1564-65 

Ibarra's entrada concluded the period of exploration. He 
followed the old Cibola route to the American border and 
then turned off. A few years later the Jesuit labors com- 


menced on the northern frontiers. The ancient highway 
played a principal role in their expansion. Along the route 
were strung the main administrative foundations of the 
church and crown. The road to Cibola became the "Camino 
Real" of the northwestern frontier. It was the great artery 
of communication between Mexico and the Southwest. 

Numbers 5, 8, and 10, since they deal with certain 
aspects of the populations and cultures of northwestern Mex- 
ico, form a group which might be considered as a unit. In 
Number 5 a reconstruction is made of the linguistic and 
tribal areas as they were in aboriginal times. Number 8 is a 
commentary on the linguistic conclusions of Number 5. 
These conclusions are examined in the light of knowledge 
concerning the Uto-Aztecan classification. Number 10 con- 
siders the density of the aboriginal population of the area. 
The report shows the population between the Gila and the 
Rio Grande de Santiago to have been in excess of half a mil- 
lion, or almost three-fourths of the number now living there. 

Number 7 has two divisions. The first gives a transcrip- 
tion, with several facsimile illustrations, of a contemporary 
copy of the lost Laws of Burgos, which was the first compre- 
hensive attempt to regulate relations between Indians and 
Spaniards. The Laws of Burgos, the result of a learned junta 
called by Ferdinand the Catholic, and signed by the king on 
December 27, 1512, afforded the Indian his first meager pro- 
tection against the Spaniard's atrocities. The second divi- 
sion presents a history of the civil congregation of the 
Indians, undertaken in New Spain between 1590 and 1605. 
As the author says, the plan is adopted of "letting the docu- 
ments tell their own story, leaving intact those passages 
which illustrate vital or typical phases and summarizing in 
brackets all the rest." Although the congregations between 
1590 and 1605 were located entirely in central Mexico, the 
Southwest was indirectly affected in as much as from Mexico 
emanated the impulses which determined the Spaniards' In- 
dian policy to the north. 


The Ibero-Americana, distributed through both the 
University of California Press, (Berkeley, California), and 
the Cambridge University Press (London, England), forms 
a valuable reference source, not only for students of general 
American culture history but for those of Southwestern 
culture history in particular. 

School of American Research, 
Santa Fe. 

Yale University Publications in Anthropology, Numbers 
One to Seven. Yale University Press, New Haven, 1936, 
$2.00. 145 pp., 1 pi., 5 figs., no index. 

The first seven Publications in Anthropology of Yale 
University, which have been appearing at irregular intervals 
during this year are now obtainable in one paper-bound vol- 
ume. These papers represent the "results of researches in 
the general field of Anthropology which are directly con- 
ducted or otherwise sponsored by the Section of Anthropol- 
ogy of the Department of the Social Sciences in the Graduate 
School, the Department of Anthropology of the Peabody 
Museum, and the Department of Anthropology of the In- 
stitute of Human Relations." To date fifteen numbers are 
published, in press, or in preparation under the general 
editorship of Edward Sapir and Leslie Spier. 

It will be a pleasure to all anthropologists, and espe- 
cially to Americanists, to welcome this excellent series into 
company with such older series as University of California 
Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 
Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Pea- 
body Museum (of Harvard) Papers, and University of Penn- 
sylvania (University) Museum Anthropological Publica- 
tions. The published list of titles for the first fifteen papers 
indicates that the American Southwest will fare well at the 
hands of Yale anthropologists, for five numbers are devoted 
to Southwestern ethnography and ethnology. 

The seven numbers under immediate consideration are 
all short papers of from 14 to 26 pages in length. Number 


One, "Population Changes among the Northern Plains In- 
dians" by Clark Wissler, is a study of the relative sizes of 
Blackfoot, Assiniboin, and Western Cree tribes and bands 
during the period of the fur trade (essentially 1670-1870), 
and a consideration of population trends during the reserva- 
tion period (1870-ca. 1934). Early estimates made by 
travelers, trappers, priests, officials, et al., have been skilfully 
utilized. The noted fluctuations in population seem to have 
been conditioned principally by the historic interplay of the 
horse, firearms, buffalo hunt, fur trade, inter-tribal warfare, 
and smallpox and other epidemics. The reservation system 
has acted as a stabilizer, with a consequent diminution of 
considerable fluctuation in numbers. 

Peter Buck's "Regional Diversity in the Elaboration of 
Sorcery in Polynesia" is paper Number Two. The practice 
of sorcery has been treated under the heads of offensive, 
defensive, and protective techniques. Regional comparisons 
were made by dividing Polynesia into western, southern, 
central, eastern, and northern parts, and representing each 
region with selected groups respectively, Tonga, New 
Zealand, Tahiti, Marquesas, and Hawaii. The western or 
Tongan technique can be set off from that of the other four 
regions, since death was brought about by pure magic in 
Tonga, and by contagious magic in the remainder of Poly- 

In paper Number Three, "Cultural Relations of the Gila 
River and Lower Colorado Tribes," Leslie Spier has drawn 
up the most comprehensive tabulation of culture elements 
made to date for the Gila-Lower Colorado region. Distribu- 
tion columns are given for the Maricopa, Lower Colorado 
Yumans, and the Pima-Papago. The conclusion arrived at is 
that a large part of Pima-Papago culture was the same as 
that of the Lower Colorado Yumans, although not to the ex- 
tent true for Maricopa culture. The case for including the 
Gila River Yumans with the Lower Colorado Yumans in a 
Lower Colorado culture province is well made, but a reason- 
able doubt may be entertained concerning the Pima-Papago. 

Number Four, "Hopi Hunting and Hunting Ritual," by 
Ernest Beaglehole, presents an interesting and fairly com- 


plete summary of information available concerning the ani- 
mals hunted, the hunting techniques followed, and the rituals 
performed for various types of hunting among the Hopi a 
generation or two ago. The remembrance of many rituals is 
dying out rapidly with the diminution or extermination of 
various species hunted, and with the less reverent attitude 
and more efficient weapons employed by the younger Hopi. 

"Navaho Warfare," by Willard Hill, (Number Five), 
describes the types of warfare common to the Navaho about 
the middle of the nineteenth century, and discusses the rit- 
ualistic preparation, equipment, and activities pertaining to 
the raid and the reprisal. Of interest to Southwesterners 
will be the explanation given, on pp. 16-18, concerning the 
War or Squaw Dance. 

In "The Economy of a Modern Teton Dakota Commu- 
nity," (Number Six), Scudder Mekeel sketches briefly the 
present-day economy of the Oglala community of the White 
Clay District on Pine Ridge Reservation, South Dakota. 
Here there has been only passive adjustment to an imposed 
agricultural type of economy, although stock raising has been 
far more successful than crop farming. The psychological 
attitudes of the people are set down as three in number, 
corresponding with "the particular way of getting a living 
which was in vogue during the impressionable years of 
those within the given stratum." The old relive a glorious 
past; the middle-aged rely entirely upon the government; 
and the young uneagerly prepare themselves for an uncer- 
tain future. 

The seventh, and last, paper of this volume deals with 
"The Distribution of the Northern Athapaskan Indians." 
Cornelius Osgood has divided the northern or Canadian- 
Alaskan Athapaskans into 25 groups. These have been 
mapped according to location when first contacted by Euro- 
peans. The bulk of the paper is devoted to considering each 
group as to range, sub-divisions, reference work, and name. 
Culturally and linguistically, the Northern Athapaskans are 
found to differ among themselves far more than do the 
Southern Athapaskans. DONALD D. BRAND. 

University of New Mexico. 


Abbott, Col. Edmund C., 1 

Acoma, punishment of. 28 ; 87, 101. 106. 107. 
142, 155, 190 

Acua, or Acuco, town of, 135 

Adam, 5th Cav., 99 

Adler, Mildred S., book reviews, 123, 358 

Adrian VI, 152 

Aguirre, Friar Bernardo de, guardian, 51, 53 

Agua Fria, 114 

Albinos, 116; 275 

Albuquerque, 93, 95 ; 105, 106 ; 244 

Alessio Robles, Vito, rev. of book by, 350 

Alexander VI, the bulls of, 11 

Almy, Lieutenant, 101 

Altamira, R., Historia de Espana, 26, note 

America, discovery of, 10 ; 133, 134 

Anidn, Straits of, 133 

Antidotum Lincolnense, Heylyn's pamphlet, 

Antiquarian Society, 131 

"Apache Cafion," 103, 104 

Apaches, 28, 77 ; language, 82 ; 83-86 ; bas- 
kets, 88; 91, 109, 111; campaign, 113; 
117; trading, 145; 183; Apaches del 
Acho, 185; of Arizona, 228; 229-235; 
267-281, passim, see Jicarilla 

Aranda, Father Antonio de, 318 

Arapahoes, trade with the, 266, 267 ; 276 

Archive General y Publico de la Nacion, 20 ; 
Inquisition papers in, 47 ; 58, note 

Archive Historico Nacional, Madrid, Inqui- 
sicion, 76, note 

Archuleta, Alferez Asencio de, 85, 36, 38 ; 48 

Archuleta, Juan de, 179, 309, 318, 320, 336, 
338, 342-346 

Arizona, boundary, 92; 98, 97, 102, 105, 
112, 190; Maricopas of, 198; Cataract 
Creek, 200 ; Cushing's work in, 203 ; 
207; Indians of, 217; Camp Hualpai, 
239; rubies of, 247; Apaches of, 277; 

Armijo House, the, 105 

Aroia de Corazones, 141 

Arroyo Hondo, 184, 185 

Arroyo Sais, 7 

Arteaga, Friar Antonio de, commissary, 308 

artesian wells, 107 

Arvide, Friar Martin de, killed, 288 

Atchison, Topeka & Santa F6, 77, 78, 100, 

Auman, Captain, 79 

Automobile, New Mexico's first, 1-8 
Ava Supais, country of the, 243 

Baca, Capt. Alonso, 37, 39, 41, 43 

Baca, Antonio, 309, 320, 335, 336, 337, 339, 

340 ; 342-347 
Baeza, Francisco Martinez de, 286-290 ; 

Bannocks, costumes of, 82 ; 85 ; "odd and 

even" game of the, 225 
Barba, Diego Maria, 339, 340 
Barela, Capt. Alonso, 37, 41 
Barela, Alferez Pedro, 37 
Baxter, Sylvester, 204-207 ; 242-246 
bed-bugs, 252, 259, 274 
Beltran, Fray Bernardino, 143, note 
Benavidez, Friar Alonso de, 146; 162-164, 

172, 283, 2884 

Bennett, Colonel, 77-85, 90, 91, 92, 218-244 
Bishop, Lieutenant, 79 
Boston Herald, 242, 246 
Boston Museum of Fine Arts, 131 
Bourbons, 9 ; absolutism, 10 ; Duke of, 163 
Bourke, Lieutenant, J. G., 77-122; 188-207; 

217-282, passim 
Bradley, General, at Ojo del Oso, 79; 92, 

107, 202, 241-245 

Brand, Donald D., 364 ; rev. by, 367-369 
Brayer, H. O., paper by, 129-144 
Brevoort House, the, 230 
Buffalo Dance, 243 
bulls, reference to papal, 26, note 
Burgos, Agustin de, 49, 50, 161 
Burgos, Laws of, 366 
Burgwin, Capt. J. H. K., 282 
"Burlington," 96 
Bustillas, Maria de, 337-346 
Bustillos, Nicolas Perez de, 342, 344 

Caceres, Juan Ruiz de, alcalde, 40, 41 
Cadereita, Marquis de, viceroy, 297 
Cadman, on Espejo's exploration, 130 
California, 130, 131, 132, 133, 137; passen- 
ger train from, 244 
Canada, 138 

Canby, troops under, 239 
Canon Bonito, 81, 238, 239 
Canon de Chelle, 232 
Carabajal, Juan Vitrio de, 44 
Carmel, chapel of, 253 
Carson, Kit, troops under, 239 




Cartagena, 17 
Carvajal, Luis de, 350-351 
Casa Real, 34 ; 313, 319, 321 
Casaus, Capt. Roque de, 304, 305, 308, 821 
Castaneda, Dr. Carlos, author, 352-255 
Castillo, Alferez Diego del, 308 
Cathay, 134, 138 

Ceballos, Bernardino de, 41-49, 54-58, pas- 

Ceballos, see Mora y Ceballos 
Chama river, 184 
Chance, Lieutenant, 79, 242 
Chavarria, Friar Miguel de, 151-159, 160, 

162, 172, note 

Chaves, see Duran y Chaves 
Cherry, Lieutenant, 5th Cav., killed, 104 
Cheyennes, campaign, 241 ; trade, 266 ; 267, 


"Chi," full-blooded Navaho, 220-241 
Chia, 141. see Sia 

Chichiltecale (Casa Grande), 100, 101, 141 
Chihuahua, 93, 239 

Chilili, Indians, 31 ; Burgos' trip to, 50 
Christianity, 137 
Church and State, 150-158, 283, 306-316, 

Church in the New World, 10-58, 146-162, 

260-288, 303-342 

Churches, see Hermita ; Santa Fe ; Carmel 
Cia, see Chia, Sia 
Cibola, Seven Cities of, 100, 101, 133-142 

354, 365 

Cicuick, 136, 138, 141. See Pecos 
Cimarron, the, 267 
Cinoloa, 133 
Clans, Navaho, 220-222; Santa Clara, 259; 

San Juan, 265 ; Picuries, 276, 278 
Clark, Capt. W. P., 2d Cav., 97 
Clift, Captain, 79 
Cochiti, La Cieneguilla de, 180 
Coggswell, General, 246 ; Mrs., 247 
Comanches, 220; trade, 266, 267, 276, 277 
Commissary, 16, 17, 30, 33-50, 310 ; of the 

Crusade, 312 

Comunero, Revolt, ref. to, 323 
Conchi (Conchas), 143 
concordias, 19 
Conibas, lake of, 142 
Conquistadores, 129 
Consejo real y supremo de las Indias, by 

Ernesto Schafer, rev., 214, 215 
Continental Divide, at Raton Pass (error), 

Cornish, 15th Inf'y, 244-246 

Coronado, march of, 100, 101, 115, 353 ; visit 
at Cibola, 202. See Vasques di Coro- 

Cortes, the Spanish, 9 

coruco, chicken-lice, 259, 260, 274 

Cosmography, 131, 132 

Cossett, Rev. Mr., 104 

Couliacdn, 138, 141 

Council Bluffs, 95 

Council of the Indies, 10, 12, 28, 166, 214, 

Covarrubias, Friar Hernando, 325, 334, 340 

"Crane's Station," 78, 79, 93 

Crawford, "Captain Jack," poet-scout, 104 

Crook, General, 90, 98, 104, 113, 229, 240, 
244, 281 

Crow Indians, band of, 240, 266, 276 

Crown, the Spanish, 9-20, 55, 57, 129, 146- 
149, passim 

Cruz, Friar Juan de la, 354 

Cuames, Province of, 142 

Cuarac, pueblo of, 298, 323, 324 

Cuartelejo, El, 179 

Cueba, Pedro de Haro de la, 49 

Culebra River, 185 

Gushing, Frank, 77; 201-207, 241-243; 

Custer, Massacre, the, 240 

Cuyamungue, 181 

Damon, agency farmer, 85, 87, 219-239 

De Courcey, 79, 91, 107, 243, 244 

Denver & Rio Grande R. R., 99, 102, 244, 

245 ; president of, 251 ; 259 
De Vargas, see Vargas 
Diaz, J. M., 1 
Dodson, R. L., 6 
Donoghue, David, cited, 353 
Dotheboy's Hatt, ref., 85 
Dudrow, Charley, 7 
Dunlop, Bishop, 244 

Duran, Fernando de Chaves y, 323, 344 
Duran y Chaves, Capt. Pedro, 148, 149 

Ealy, Rev. Dr., 113, 191, 192, 201 

Eastman, agent, 85 

Edward II, 130 

Elder, Dr. John W., 2 

Eldodt, Sam'l, storekeeper, 258-264 

"El Ojito," 269 

El Paso, 95, 354 

Emmet, Lieutenant, 244, 245 

England, 129, 130 

Englekirk, John E., rev. by, 352 



Enriquez, Alferez Cristobal, 308, 320, 343- 


entradas, 29 

Erwin Lieutenant, 4th Cav., 99 
Escarramad, Don Juan, 37, 43, 51-58, 310 
Escobar, Pedro de, 53 
Espanola, 244-249, 255 
Espeio, Antonio de, 141-144, 217 
Espinosa, J. Manuel, "Governor Vargas in 

Colorado," 179-187 

Espiritu, Father Domingo de Santo, 316 
es polios, 13 
Eulate, Gov. Juan de, 145-166, 283, 287, 

289, 298 
Exponi Nobis of Adrian VI, 24 

Farfan, Father, 181 

Favour, Alpheus H. f rev. of book, 360-363 

Feast of Pentecost, 33, 34 ; Eve of, 34, 35 

Ferdinand, 9 

Fisher, Reginald G., rev. by, 363-367 

Flagellantes, 273 

Flournoy, Banker M. W., 2 

Foik, Rev. Paul J., editor, 352 

Ford, Governor Otero's, 2, 4-7 

Fornance, Lieutenant, 79 

Forrest, Earle R., book by, 360 

Fort Defiance, 77, 80, 81, 83, 90, 217, 238 

Fort Wingate, 79, 80, 91-94, 107-121, 241- 


France, 129 
Franciscans, 24, 25, 27, 29, 61 ; quarrel with 

Eulate, 145 ; 310, 312, 814, 315, 334, 342 
Francisco, Navajo kitchen boy, 81, 86, 219, 

229, 238 

Franco, Friar Diego, 822 
Francolon, Padre, 249-253 
Franklin, Charles, 192, 193, 202, 203 
Fremont, Jessie Benton, biography, 212-214 
fuero, 15 

Gasparri, Father Donate M., 268 

Gentry, Col., 99 

Geux, Father, 258, 260, 267 

Gila River, 100 

"Glorieta Canon," battle, 94, 103, 104 

Godoy, Capt. Pedro Lucero de, 329, 336-347 

Gomez, Sargento Mayor Francisco, 302, 

308, 310, 336-846 

G6mez, Juan, 70, note, 148, 149, 161 
G6ngora, Friar Juan de, 283, 304-316 
Gonzalez, Juan, 339 

Gonzalez, Capt. Sebastian, 324, 386, 341 
Goodwin, Lt., 9th Cav., 244, 245 
Goratique, trade with the, 266, 267 
government, 84, 107, Navajoe' form of, 238 

Gracia, see Lopez de Gracia 

Graham, Mr., 113-121, 191, 192, 201 

Granada, conquest of, 9 ; town, 140 

Grand Canon of the Colorado, 102, 243 

Granillo, Francisco Perez, 57, 323 

Great Spring, the, 107 

Greer, James K., book by, 355 

Griffith, Lieutenant, 79 

Guadalajara, Diego de, 309 

Guadalcazar, Marques de, viceroy, 152 

Guards, Otero, 4 

Guerta, Friar Francisco Perez, 30-57, 72-75 

Hakluyt, Richard, cited, 129, 130 

Hale, Rev. E. E., 102 

Handbooks of Archaeological History, 210- 


Hapsburgs, 9 

Harper's Weekly, ref. to, 242, 246 
Hatch, General, 77, 80, 90-94, passim 
hechiceros, 23, 148 

Hermita de San Miguel, 319, 321, 323 
Herrera, Juan de, 336 

Hodge, Frederick Webb, anniversary, 295 
Holgado, Alvaro Garcia, declaration of, 292 
Holmes, Lieutenant, 79 
Holy Office, see Inquisition 
Hopi, 54, 339, 368 ; see Moqui 
Hughes, Levi A., ref. to, 7 
Hughes, Lieutenant, 79 

Ibero- Americana Series, rev., 363-367 
Indians, exemption of, 18 ; minority of, 20 ; 

21-25, passim 
Indies, the, 10 ; title over, 11 ; isolation of 

the, 19, 20 
Iniguez, Diego Angulo, rev. of work by, 

126, 127 
Inquisition, 15-76, passim; 156-164, passim: 

250, 283-286: 298-342, passim; 350 
Interior Department, the, 84 
Interpreter, Jesus, 85, 87, 120 
Ipotlapiguas, 301-303 
Iriarte, Jesus, Mexican, 117 
Isabella, 9 
Isleta, pueblo of, 29, 41, 42, 77, 276 

Jacona, Vargas' vanguard at, 187 

James I, 130 

Jemez, settlements, 145 ; mission activities, 

146; 180; 181, 186, 217, 276, 324 
Jews, expulsion of, 9; in America, 10, 350 
Jicarilla Apaches, 219 
Johnson, E. Dana, "New Mexico's First 

Automobile," 1-8 
Jorge, Sgt. Major Antonio, 183 



Juarez, Friar Andres, 44, 45, 49, 322 
Jumanos, 28 ; 143, note 

Kercheville, F. M. f book rev., 858 
Kendrick, Major of Artillery, 244 
Keres, pueblos, 29, 180, 181, 186 
Kiowas, 266, 276 

Laet, Juan de, writings of, 132 

Laguna, pueblos, 87, 106, 190 

Lamy, Archbishop, Bourke's visit to, 246, 


Lamy Junction, 7, 77, 93, 94, 104, 105, 244 
Laques del Oro. 140 
Las Plaias, 140 
lava, 105 

Lee, Colonel, 104, 244, 246 
Leonard, Mr. post-trader, 81, 83, 217, 219, 

222, 228, 230 
Leo X, His Holiness, 152 
Letrado, Friar Francisco de, killed, 287 
Library, John Carter Brown, 131 ; Harvard, 

131; of Congress, 181 
limpieza de sangre, 164 
Lipans, 266, 276, 277 
Liana, Fray Jeronimo de la, 291, note 
Llano Estacado, 267, 276, 278 
Lopez de Gracia, Andres, 323 ; 329, note 
Losa, Diego del Rio de, 339, 340 
Los Angeles, 224 
Lucero de Godoy, see Godoy 
Lujan, Juan, 320 

MacNamara, Rev. Dr., 104, 244 

Madrid, Capt. Francisco de, 292, note ; 30% 

Magdalen College, 130 

Manso, Friar Tomas, 290; optimism of, 298 

Map, the Sanson, 129 ; note, 210 

Marata, Kingdom of, 139 

Marcos de Niza, Friar, 136, 138 

Marquez, Diego, 309, 344 

Marquez, Capt, Jerdnimo, 37, 41, 56 

Marquez, Alferez Juan, treasurer, 304-308 

Marta, Bernardo de, 49 

Martin, Luis, 844 

Matthews, Washington, 77, 202-207, 241, 242 

Maxwell, 3 

McArthur, Capt., 79 

McCauley, Capt., 99 

McKibbin, Colonel, 104 

Medina, Padre, 249, 252 

Mendizabal, Governor, 25 

Mendoza, Antonio de, 136, 138 

Mer Vermiglio, 132, 133, 137, 140 

Metcalf, Mr., artist, 204, 245, 246 

Mineral Spring, ranch at, 80 

Mines of Santa Barbara, 141 

Miranda, Friar Pedro de, 820 

Misas, Juan Donayre de las, 36 

Missouri, river, 95 ; East Atchison, 95 ; 

K. C.. 96 

Moctezuma legend, 269 
Mogollon of Arizona, 108 
Monterrey, Mexico, book rev., 850-852 
Moors, 9 
Moqui, tribe, 82, 87; trail made by, 100; 

towns, 101 ; rugs, 110 ; tissue bread, 

118; 120; Navajo name for, 220; 

villages, 248; 255, 261, 266, 277. See 


Mora, 102; the, 105 
Moraga, hacienda of, 182 
Mora y Ceballos, Gov. Francisco de la, 

285, 806 

Moriscas, expulsion of, 9 
Mormon, settlements, 81 

Nambe, 33, 247, 255, 322, 339 

Napoleon III, 246 

Napoleon, Gov. of Acoma, 190 

Naranjo, Francisco, interpreter, 255 

Navahos, 28, 77 ; church, 80 ; agency, 81 ; 

customs of, 82 ; manufacture, 90 ; 369 
Nepomuceno, governor of Picuris, 275-281 
New Biscay, 141. See Nueva Vizcaya 
New Galicia, 132-138, passim 
New Granada, see Nova Granata 
New Mexico, named, 141. See Nova Mexi- 


New Spain, 132 

Noboa y Castro, Sebastian de, 51, 52, 53 
Nomads, 184 
Nova Albion, 183 
Nova Granata, 130 
Nova Mexicana, 143 
novenos, 12 
Noy, William, 131 

Nueva Vizcaya, 162. See New Biscay 
Nunez, Friar Francisco, 821 
Nutria pueblo, 109; valley, 108, 111, 112; 

113, 117 

Ojo Caliente, 187 

Ojo del Oso, 79 

Ojo Zarco, 270, 271 

Olgufn, Juan, 184 

Olibera, Francisco de, 842 

Olmstead, Lieutenant, 79 

Onate, Juan de, 27, 28, 29, 56, 144, 315 

Order of Friars Minor, 24, 315, 342 

Order of St. Francis, 310 

Ord6nez, Friar Isidro, 28-57, 317 

Ortega, Friar Pedro de, 163 ; 169, note 15 


Ortiz, Nicholas, 339-347 

Otennin, Gov. Antonio de, 284, 286 

Otero, Gov. M. A., 1-7 passim 

Pacheco, Governor, 183, 318 

Packer, Mr., of the Smithsonian, 217, 218 

Padilla, Friar Juan de, 354 

Palace of the Governors, 7 

Palafox, Viceroy Don Juan de, 335 

Palfrey, Lieutenant Carl F., 118, 120, 121, 
188-192, 201, 241 

Palo Duro Canon, 353 

Papal authority, 11, 39 

parecer of Melian, 347, note 

Parker, Capt., 79 

Parker,- Lieutenant, 79 

Patarabueyes, 143 

Patricio, governor of Zufii, 188, 242, 243, 244 

Patronage, yielded by pope, 11 

Pazaguantes, 143 

Pecos chieftain, Don Juan, 181, 183, 184 

Pecos, valley of, 103; pueblo of, 145, 180; 
181, 300, 301, 302 

Pedraza, Friar Jer6nimo de, 42 

Peinado, Friar Alonso, 28-51, passim 

Penalosa, Gov. Diego de, 25, 297, 354 

Penasco, valley of, 275; canon of, 282 
Penitentes, death-cart at Trampas, 272, 273 
Peralta, Gov. Pedro de, 27, 28, 30-58, passim 
Perea, Friar Estevan de, 42-56, 146-165, 

283-303, passim 
Perez, Friar Antonio, 322 
Perez, Caspar, 40 
Perez, Sim6n, 37, 41 
Perguer, Friar Andres, 38 
Philip II, servants of, 129 ; 350 
Picaries, 180-186, 269-282, passim, 316, 320 
Pike, Albert, quot., 362 
Pilabo, 144 
Pimas country, 100 
Pine Ridge Agency, 245 
Pino, Pedro, 188-192, 244 
Plains Indians 
Pojaque, mountains near, 245 ; pueblo, 247 ; 

255, 256, 276 

Prada, Friar Juan de, 334 
Prescott, 100; 114 
Price, 5th Cav., 99 
Prideaux, John, 130 
pronunciamentos, Vidania's, 323 
Pueblos, submission of, 28 ; 77 ; 88 ; Pueblo 
area, 145, 180 ; revolt, 179, 297 

Quartelejo. See Cuartelejo 
Queres. See Keres 

Quiros, Friar Cristobal de, 50-55, 288-298, 

Quivira, Onate's exploring of, 27 ; name of 

N. M., 130; 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 

141 ; plains of, 301, 802 ; location, 353- 


Railroads, 96, 97 

Ramirez, Alonso, 344 

Ramirez, Friar Juan, trying of, 25 

Ramirez de Salazar, Juan, 323 

Raton, 103 

Raynolds, J. Wallace, 1, 4, auto, 6; 7 

real hacienda, 12 

real provision, 31, 32, 55, 151 

Reeve, Frank D., rev. by, 360 

Relation Verdadera, 30, 50, 129, 132, 139, 
141. See Guerta 

revenues, church, 13 

Rey Coronado, 140 

Reynolds, Lieutenant, 99 

Rio Colorado, 185, note 

Rio de las Palmas and Rio Grande, 353 

Rio del Nort, 133, 137, 140, 143 

Rio de Terdn, 145 

Rio Grande, valley, 51, 93, 267; river, 92; 
upper, 105; Vargas' expedition, 179, 
181, 182, 185; pueblos, 239; 248, 249, 
255 ; 257, 258, 259, 261, 262, 266 ; canon, 
271 ; 272 ; Indians of the, 276, 277, 279 

Rio Puerco, 92, 106 

Romero, Friar Bartolome, 317, 321, 323, 334 

Romero, Maria de, 292, note 

Romero, Matias, 309 

Rosas, Gov. Luis de, 290, 297-325, 334-347 

Royalist Party, 131 

Ruiz, Juan, 70, note; 344 

Salas, Antonio de, 339 

Salas, Friar Juan de, 50, 283, 298, 299, 300, 

306, 310, 316-320, 834, 335 
Salazar, Capt, Francisco de, 300-346, passim 
Salmeron, Fray Jeronimo de Zarate, 145 
Salt River, 100 
San Bernardino, 239 
San Buenaventura, Friar Francisco de, 292, 


San Cristobal, 182 
Sandia, mission of, 29, 30, 41, 42 ; Peralta's 

escape from, 43, 44 ; 52, 53, 159, 160, 

276, 323, 324 
Sandoval, Sebastian, 318 
San Felipe, 77, 104 
San Gabriel, desertion of, 27, 28 
San Ildefonso, 34, 180, 187, 251, 255, 256, 

276, 322, 339 


3 r f\ 
d O 

San Jose, Jemez convent of, 145 

San Joseph, Friar Juan de, 327, note 

San Juan, 34, 255-279, passim 

San Juan, Friar Alonso de, 53 

San Lazaro, guardian of, 32 ; Indians of, 

38, 148, 182 
San Lucas, Friar Diego de, killed at Jemez, 


Santa Barbara, 162, 285 
Santa Clara pueblo, 255-263, 276, 279, 322, 

Santa Cruz, river, 100, 182 ; old town, 247 ; 

records, 251 
Santa Cruzada, tribunals of the, 16 ; 17, 25, 

Santa Fe, first autos, il-8 ; churches, 34, 

40, 250, 268, 314, 318; officials, 12, 41- 

57; passim; founding of, 28, 32, 36, 49, 

289; 54, 305-338, passim; railroad to, 

95, 98, 104, 143; reoccupation, 180-187, 

passim; Bourke in, 244-247; Rosas' 

workshop, 300-301 ; guardian and friars, 

310, 313, 319, 321. See Rosas 
Santa Fe Trail, improved, 3 
Santa Maria, Fray Juan de, 142, note 
Santa Maria, Friar Pedro de, 334, 335 
Santiago, crude painting of, 247 
Santo Domingo, 29-45, passim, 77, 78, 84, 

104, 180, 181, 311, 319-324, 345 
Sauer, Carl, 864 
Scholes, France V., "Church and State in 

New Mexico," 9-76, 145-178, 283-294, 


Schwatka, Lieutenant, 3d Cav., 97, 98 
Serna, Lieutenant, 79 
Serna, Capt. Diego de la, 308, 322 
Sheridan, General, 90, 98, 106, 242 ; Bourke's 

report to, 245 

Shoshones, 82, 85, 86, 196. 225, 266, 276 
Sia, convent of, 44 
Sierra de Chama, 252 
Silva Nieto, Francisco Manuel de, 284 
Simpson, General James H., 100, 101 ; map, 


Sinaloa. See Cinoloa 
Sioux, 104, 196 ; cradles of, 196 ; campaign 

against, 240 ; Sun Dance of, 245 ; trade 

with, 267, 276 

Snake, in Indian worship, 268 
Snake Creek, Wyoming, 239 
Snake Dance of the Moquis, 245 
Socorro, 143, 324 

Sotelo Osorio, Felipe de, 162, 283, 284 
Spanish governmental policy, 9 
Spanish legislation, principles of, 14 
Spiess, Charles A., 7 

State, dealings with Church, 9, 11 
St. Johns, 144. See San Juan. 
Stoddard-Dayton, 3 

Tafoya, Pablo, interpreter, 255 

Tanos, the, 29, 180, 181, 186 

Taos, pueblo, 33 ; soldiers at, 34 ; included 
in Mission area, 145 ; Indians, 180 ; 
Vargas at, 181 ; Mtn. pass to, 182 ; trad- 
ing with, 183; valley, 184, 282; 185; 
corn at, 187; 243, 247, 256, 320; lan- 
guage, 276 ; Rosas' expedition, 324 

Tarahumaras, 143 

Terry, General, 240 

Tesuque, 187, 247, 255 

Tewa, area of, 33 ; 181, 186 ; 255, note ; 266, 

Texas, new history of, rev., 352-355 ; 
Grand Prairie, rev., 355 

Tiguex, 133, 135, 136. See Tiwas 

Tirado, Friar Luis, 31-57, passim 

Tiwas, the Rio Grande and Manzano, 29 ; 
pueblos, 31 ; doctrine of the, 158 ; 180 

Tonteac, Kingdom of, 139 

Torney, Asst. Surgeon, 79 

Toyallani, ruins of, 201, 202 

Trampas, Las, 272, 274, 275 

Trespalacios, Juan de, 305 

Turquoise mines, 6 

Tusayan, expedition to, 102, 140 

Uribarri, Juan de, 179 

"Utacas." See Utes 

Utes, 83-85, 91, 101, 111, 186, 187, 219; 

horses from, 235 ; 239 ; origin of, 240 ; 

attack of, 241; trade with, 266; 267, 

276, 279, 300 

Vacapa, 138 

Valdez, Gov. Juan Flores de, 326, 335-337, 

Valdez, Don Luis de, Gov. of Nueva Viz- 

caya, 342, 343 

Van Horn, Major, 79, 104 
Vargas, Diego de, expedition, 179, 180-187, 

202, 208, 209, 210, note 
Vargas, Eusebio de, 184 
Vargas, Capt. Nicolas de la Mar y, 305 
Vasques di Coronado, 134, 135, 136, 139 
Velarde expedition, route, 354 
Velasco, Viceroy, report of, 28 
Verde, River, 100, 101 
Vergara, Friar Pedro de, 168, note; 171, 


Veta Pass, the, 245 
Victorio, band of, 219 



Vidania, Friar Juan de, 315-325, 334 
Vifiril, Rafael, interpreter, 255 
Villasur expedition, route, 354 
Virginia, 133, 135 

Waite, 5th Cav., 99 

Webb, The Texas Rangers, rev., 125, 126 
Walter, Paul A. F., 1 ; gee Contents 
Wellman, Paul I., Death in the Deesrt, rev., 
123-125 ; Broncho Apache, rev., 358-360 
Williams, General, 95 
Williams, Old Bill, 860-363 
Wilson, Mr. Posey, 104 
Woodruff, A. C. S., 244 
Wotherspoon, Lieutenant, 79 

Ximenez, Friar Lazaro, 28 
Yager rifle, 88 

Yale University Publications in Anthropol* 

of/i/, rev., 367-369 
Yanes, Friar Alonso, 817 
Yellowstone, the, 240 
Young, J. W., 217 

Zacatecas, 29, 337 

Zaldivar, Vicente de, Quivira expedition of, 


Zambrano, Andres L6pez, 343 
Zambrano, Friar Pedro, 168, note; 169, 

note ; 290 

Zarate, Friar Ascencio de, 160, 161 
Zarate Salmer6n. See Salmeron 
Zipias, the, 301 
Zuni, Bourke at, 77; 82, 84; pottery, 92, 

94; Old Zuni as Cibola, 100; 101-187, 

154, 188-289, 310 


p. 10, line 1, for absolution, read absolutism. 

p. 76, last line, for patient read patent. 

p. 133, note 7, for 1570 read 1577. 

p. 154, line 12, for Carta read Charta. 

p. 173, note 52, after Eulate insert gou r . 
















New Mexico's First State Automobile. E. Dana Johnson 1 

Church and State in New Mexico, 1610-1650 

France V. Scholes 9 

Bourke on the Southwest, VIII . . L. B. Bloom 77 

Reviews : 

Wellman, Death in the Desert, Mildred S. Adler 123 

Webb, The Texas Rangers, P. A. F. W. . . . 125 

iniguez, Arte en America y Filipinos, L. B. B. . . 126 

NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1936 

Heylyn's Cosmography of New Mexico. H. O. Brayer 129 
Church and State, 1610-1650 (cont'd). F. V. Scholes 145 
Governor Vargas in Colorado . J. Manuel Espinosa 179 
Bourke on the Southwest, IX .. L. B. Bloom 188 
Notes and Reviews: 208 

The Portrait of Diego de Vargas 

The Sanson Map of 1657 

Handbooks on Archaeology 

Phillips : Jessie Benton Fremont . . P.A.F.W. 

Schafer: El consejo real y supremo de las Indias 

L. B. B. 


NUMBER 3, JULY, 1936 


Bourke on the Southwest, X . . . L. B. Bloom 217 
Church and State 1610-1650 (cont'd). F. V. Scholes 283 

The Frederick Webb Hodge Anniversary Publication 

Fund 295 


Church and State in New Mexico, 1610-1650 (cont'd) 

France V. Scholes 297 
Reviews : 

Alessio Robles, Monterrey en la hlstoria y en la 

leyenda, J. E. Englekirk 350 

Castaneda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, I-II, 

L. B. B 352 

Greer, Grand Prairie, F. M. Kercheville . . . 355 
Wellman, Broncho Apache, Mildred S. Adler . . 358 

Forrest, Arizona's Dark and Bloody Ground, Frank 

D. Reeve 360 

Favour, Old Bill Williams, Mountain Man, 

P. A. F. W. . . . . . . 360 

Ibero- Americana, Nos. 1-11, Reginald G. Fisher . 363 

Yale University Publications in Anthropology, Nos. 

1-7, Donald D. Brand 367 

Index 370 

Errata 376 


An Early Executive Automobile . . . facing 1 

A Home-Made Automobile 8 

Bourke Sketch (1881) of Ruined Church at Zuni " 113 
A Page from Notebook of John G. Bourke . . 117 

The Sanson Map of 1657 "129 

An Early Portrait of Don Diego de Vargas (c. 1672) " 179 
Painting, Santiago Triumphing over His Enemies ' 217 
Church and U. S. Forage Agency, Santa Cruz, 1881 " 248 
Church at Santa Clara Pueblo, 1881 . . . " 256 

Bourke Sketches, Churches at Las Trampas and 

Picuris "272 

The Coronelli Map of New Mexico (c. 1680) . " 297