New Mexico historical review

reference
collection
book

Kansas city
public library
Kansas city,
missouri

From the collection of the

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San Francisco, California
2007

NEW MEXICO
HISTORICAL REVIEW

Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER

Associates

PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND

FRANCE V. SCHOLES ELEANOR B. ADAMS

BRUCE T. ELLIS

VOLUME XXXVII
1962

PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY THE

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO

AND

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO

CONTENTS

.

NUMBER 1, JANUARY, 1962

Page
John Baptist Salpointe, 1825-1894

Sister Edward Mary Zerwekh, C.S. J. (continued) 1

Apache Plunder Trails Southward, 1831-1840

Ralph A. Smith 20

Frank Bond : Gentleman Sheepherder of Northern
New Mexico, 1883-1915 (concluded)

Frank H. Grubbs 43

Book Reviews 72

Notes and Documents 77

NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1962

Pueblo Indian Auxiliaries in New Mexico, 1763-1821

Oakah L. Jones, Jr. 81

Reminiscences of Emanuel Rosenwald

Floyd S. Fierman, Editor 110

John Baptist Salpointe, 1825-1894

Sister Edward Mary Zerwekh, C.S.J. (continued) 132

Book Reviews 155

Errata 160

KANSAS CITY (MO.) PUBLIC LIBRARY

NUMBER 3, JULY, 1962

Statehood for New Mexico, 1888-1912

Robert W. Larson 161

Sheep Husbandry in New Mexico, 1902-1903

Edited by William J. Parish 201

John Baptist Salpointe, 1825-1894

Sister Edward Mary Zerwekh, C.S.J. (concluded) 214

'v

Book Reviews 230

NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1962

Page
The Great New Mexico Cattle Raid, 1872

Charles L. Kenner 242

Sheep Husbandry in New Mexico, 1902-1903

Edited by William J. Parish (continued) 259

The Triangle and the Tetragrammaton

Floyd F. Fierman 309

Notes and Documents 321

ERRATA

June 18, 1962

Dear Mr. Reeve :

In the meantime, let me say that Mrs. Jennie Rosenwald, who was
the wife of Gilbert Rosenwald, Emanuel Rosenwald's son, tells me that
the purported picture of my grandfather in the New Mexico Histori-
cal Review [April, 1962] is not in fact his picture. My sister was of
the same opinion. I had no opinion at all but could not identify the
photograph in any way. I did recall the appearance of my grandfather
quite well and assure you that the photograph in TwitchelPs History
of New Mexico — a much later picture — is a good resemblance.

Sincerely yours,
Robert E. Rosenwald

V

Historical l^gvi

CITY, MO.
PUBUC LIBRARY

Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe

FEB 12 1962

Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER

Associates

PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND

FRANCE V. SCHOLES ELEANOR B. ADAMS

BRUCE T. ELLIS

VOL. XXXVII JANUARY, 1962 No. I

CONTENTS

Page

John Baptist Salpointe, 1825-1894

Sister Edward Mary Zerwekh, C.S.J 1

Apache Plunder Trails Southward, 1831-1840

Ralph A. Smith 20

Frank Bond : Gentleman Sheepherder of Northern New Mexico,
1883-1915 (completed)

Frank H. Grubbs 43

Book Reviews 72

Notes and Documents . . 77

THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the
Historical Society of New Mexico and The University of New Mexico.
Subscription to the REVIEW is by membership in the Society — open to all.
Dues, including subscription, $5.00 annually, in advance. Single num-
bers, except a few which have become scarce, are $1.00 each. For further
information regarding back files and other publications available, see
back cover.

Membership dues and other business communications should be ad-
dressed to the Historical Society of New Mexico, Box 1727, Santa Fe,
N. M. Manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be addressed
to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,
N.M.

Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO, ALBUQUERQUE

JOHN BAPTIST SALPOINTE

film WCAR.A»OVFOUC O* AWZONA IM*
CO-ACJVTOR **C«»;SHOI> »f SANTA H MM*

SECOND ARCHBISHOP OF SANTA FE

or TOMI it»*.i»»i

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW

VOL. XXXVII JANUARY, 1962 No. 1

JOHN BAPTIST SALPOINTE, 1825-1894

By SISTER EDWARD MARY ZERWEKH, C.S. J.*

Introduction

THE LAST Bishop of Durango to exercise jurisdiction over
New Mexico was Bishop Zubiria.1 He saw the great mis-
take of his predecessors in opposing the Franciscans and at-
tempted to revive their Custody, but the declining Franciscan
Province was able to send only one friar. To help solve his
problem the Bishop encouraged a native clergy and not with-
out some success. However, by 1840, there were not enough
Franciscans left nor enough secular priests to replace the
Franciscans. The Indians, never fully converted, fell back
deeper into their former paganism. The descendants of the
Spanish colonists kept the Faith but gradually they were be-
coming indifferent from neglect.2

This was the condition of the Church when General
Stephen Watts Kearny on August 18, 1846, raised the Amer-
ican flag in Santa Fe, taking formal possession in the name
of the United States.3 Some of the secular clergy would not
submit to American rule and returned to Mexico. Others gave

* Salpointe High School, Tucson, Arizona. [This article is the bulk of a M.A. Thesis,
University of San Francisco, 1956. Ed.]

1. Don Jose Antonio Laureano de Zubiria, Bishop of Durango, 1831-50. Cf. Lamy
Memorial, Centenary of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe. No author given (Santa Fe, New
Mexico: Schifani Bros., 1950), p. 22.

2. Father Angelico Chavez, O.F.M., The Cathedral of the Royal City of the Holy Faith
of Saint Francis (Santa Fe, New Mexico: Santa Fe Press, 1947), p. 5.

3. The Old Faith and Old Glory, The Story of the Church in New Mexico Since the
American Occupation, No author given, (Santa Fe: Santa Fe Press, 1946), p. 3.

2 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

open support to opposition movements and attempts to over-
throw American superiority, and in one uprising at Taos,
Governor Bent was killed. Father Vicario Don Juan Felipe
Ortiz; Vicar of Bishop Zubiria, was considered an enemy of
American institutions and the military authorities tried to
"suspend" him from performing his ecclesiastical functions.4
Being so far away and of another country, Bishop Zu-
biria could do little to rectify the situation. Knowledge of
this deplorable condition reached the Bishops of the United
States and, in 1849, the Seventh Provincial Council of Balti-
more requested Pope Pius IX to assign an American Bishop
to the Southwest. In answer to their petition Pope Pius IX,
by a decree of July 19, 1850, created the Vicariate of New
Mexico with John Baptist Lamy of the Diocese of Cincinnati
the first Bishop.5

I. Bishop Lamy and Father Salpointe, 1 825-59

After receiving episcopal consecration in Saint Peter's
Church, the Cathedral of Cincinnati, on November 24, 1850,
Bishop Lamy1 was most anxious to start for his Vicariate.
Two routes lay open to him. The more direct one was over the
Santa Fe Trail. It started at St. Louis from which city a
steamboat was taken to Independence. From there the jour-
ney was made by wagon to Santa Fe, a distance of about nine
hundred miles over prairies made dangerous by Indians. The
longer route, but by no means the easier, was via New Or-
leans and Galveston. The New Orleans' route was the one
chosen by Bishop Lamy.2

At New Orleans, as had been planned, Bishop Lamy met

4. Ibid., p. 6.

5. John Baptist Salpointe, D.D., Soldiers of the Cross, Notes on the Ecclesiastical His-
tory of New Mexico, Arizona and Colorado (Banning, California: St. Boniface's Industrial
School, 1898), p. 194.

1. The Most Reverend John Baptist Lamy, D.D., was born on October 11, 1814, at
Lempdes, in the Diocese of Clermont Ferrand, Department of Puy-de-Dome, France. He
studied at the preparatory seminary of Clermont and the grand seminary of Mont Fer-
rand, being ordained in December, 1838. In 1839, he was given permission to enlist as
one of the missionaries of Bishop Purcell of Cincinnati. Previous to 1850, he had labored
in the missions of Ohio and Kentucky, cf. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 194-195.

2. Ibid., p. 195.

SALPOINTE 3

Father Joseph P. Machebeuf 3 whom he had asked to accom-
pany him and labor with him in the new Vicariate. Together
they arrived in Santa Fe in the summer of 1851 after a tiring
and strenuous journey.

However, they were not readily accepted by the Catholics,
clergy and laity, in Santa Fe. No notice of a change in juris-
diction had reached the Bishop of Durango, the Most Rever-
end Don Jose Antonio Zubiria, and, therefore, his clergy in
Santa Fe were not aware of the establishment of the
Vicariate.

Primed by years of battling with the local government,
and used to many more of independence from their Bishop in
distant Durango, the few priests of New Mexico were in no
smiling mood to accept these strangers. Not only were they
Americans by adoption, but Frenchmen by birth — and both
Frenchmen and Spaniards had lost face in America from all
the political intrigues in Mexico since her independence.4

In order to verify his authority, Bishop Lamy decided to
make the trip to Durango and present his credentials to
Bishop Zubiria. Reverend J. P. Machebeuf remained in Santa
Fe with the Reverend Juan Felipe Ortiz, the Vicar General.
The Bishop of Durango received Bishop Lamy kindly and
after examining the papers from the Holy See, accepted the
division of his diocese. Possessing the papers that were neces-
sary to show that the Bishop of Durango no longer claimed
jurisdiction over the territory assigned to the new Vicariate,
Bishop Lamy returned to Santa Fe. He had traveled about
nineteen hundred miles on horseback, having only a servant
as a companion, when he arrived back in Santa Fe.5

Even though Bishop Lamy proved that he had the juris-
diction of New Mexico, some of the clergy would not accept

8. Joseph Projectus Machebeuf was born in the city of Riom in the Department of
Puy-de-Dome, France, on August 11, 1812. His mother died when he was young. He was
educated by the Christian Brothers, and after attending the college in Riom, decided to
become a priest. He completed his seminary studies at Mont Ferrand in 1836 and was
ordained in the Christmas Ember week. He was an assistant in the parish of LeCendre
when Bishop Purcell came to ask for missionaries for his Ohio diocese. Father Machebeuf,
along with Reverend J. B. Lamy and several other priests, offered himself for the foreign
missions. Cf. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 197-198.

4. The Old Faith and Old Glory, op. cit., p. 7.

5. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 198.

4 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

his authority and a few returned to Durango. Others re-
mained but acted independently of the Bishop. With the Rev-
erend J. P. Machebeuf, whom he made his Vicar General,
Bishop Lamy tried to meet the spiritual needs of the scat-
tered population living in the Territory. It was an arduous
task and became even more difficult when Congress, in 1853,
added Arizona and that part of Colorado east of the Rockies
to the Territory of New Mexico.6 As the Territory expanded,
so likewise did the Vicariate.

On July 28, 1853, Pope Pius IX raised the Vicariate of
New Mexico to the rank of an Episcopal See, attached to the
city of Santa Fe.6a Soon afterwards Bishop Lamy went to
Europe to obtain priests for his diocese. He returned to Cler-
mont, France, the capital of his native department, and was
able to bring back a few priests and clerics. These did not
meet the demands of his rapidly expanding parishes, so there-
fore, in 1856, Bishop Lamy sent Father Machebeuf to France
for more missionaries. The trip was not in vain for six new
subjects were procured for the diocese.7

When Bishop Lamy went East in 1852 to attend the First
Plenary Council of Baltimore, he stopped in Kentucky and
obtained some Sisters of Loretto at the Foot of the Cross8
to open a school in Santa Fe.

. . . The dearth of education had appalled Lamy on his arrival.
He realized that the people were not so much to blame, for the
country itself was poor, isolated in every direction, and torn
by strife. The early Franciscans had conducted prosperous
schools for the short period in which grants from the Spanish
Crown were forthcoming; but when this support was with-
drawn and the friars expelled, all means of education vanished.
Nor were the Bishops of Durango remiss in this matter.
No matter how often the Mexican hierarchy tried to re-estab-
lish centers of education in each diocese, a revolution was
bound to come like a wave and sweep the beach clean again.
They renewed their efforts, especially after the Mexican Con-

6. The Old Faith and Old Glory, op. eit., p. 7.

6a. Lamy Memorial, op. cit., p. 27 ; the date is July 29, 1853, in Salpointe, op. eit., p. 206.

7. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 206-208.

8. This community had been founded in Kentucky in 1812 by Reverend Charles
Nerinckx, a Belgian priest exiled from his native land because of religious persecution.
It was the beginning of the first American foundation of religious women having no
affiliations with Europe. Cf. Sister Richard Marie Barbour, S.L., Light in Yucca Land
(Santa Fe, New Mexico: Schifani Bros., 1952), p. 29.

SALPOINTE 5

stitution of 1824, to counteract the efforts of the lodges of Eng-
land and Scotland which were infecting the youth of Mexico
with anti-clerical ideas. One such college was founded in Santa
Fe in 1826, but local conditions did not let it continue for long —
the priests in Santa Fe and other places did their best regard-
ing schools during those twenty years, but the poverty of
the country and the chaotic times were against them.9

The school, the Academy of Our Lady of Light, estab-
lished by these Sisters provided for the education of young
girls in Santa Fe, but Bishop Lamy was also anxious to have
an institution in the capital of the Territory for the educa-
tion of young men. The demand for more priests was also
urgent as testified in his letter to Archbishop Purcell10 of
Cincinnati.

... I am very much in need of priests. That new territory of
Arizona belongs to us now. . . . Next month I send one of my
priests to France to try to obtain priests and some brothers
of the Christian Doctrine to established a good school in Sta.
Fe."

Thus it was that the Reverend Peter Eguillon,12 Bishop
Lamy's Vicar General, arrived in France in 1859.13 He went
to Bishop Lamy's and also his own native diocese, Clermont
Ferrand, in southeastern France, about midway between
Paris and Marseilles. Here he was going to ask for mission-
aries before going to seek elsewhere, if it were necessary.

9. The Old Faith and Old Glory, op. tit., p. 9.

10. The See of Cincinnati was elevated to an archdiocese by Pope Piux IX on July 19,
1850, the same day as the erection of the Vicariate of New Mexico.

11. Bishop Lamy, Santa Fe, New Mexico, to Archbishop Purcell, January 16, 1859,
(Archdiocesan Archives, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Hereafter referred to as A.A.S.F. )

12. Reverend Peter Eguillon had come to the diocese of Santa Fe from France with
Bishop Lamy in 1854. He remained in Santa Fe for about one year to teach theology
to some seminarians and to prepare them for ordination. In October, 1855, he was made
the pastor of Socorro, New Mexico. He was appointed Rector of the Cathedral and Vicar
General of the diocese on November 4, 1858. He held the office of Vicar General until his
death, July 21, 1892. He was Rector of the Cathedral until his death, except for the years
1869-1878. Cf. Lamy Memorial, op. cit., p. 40, and Salpointe, op. cit., p. 207.

13. The exact date on which the Reverend P. Eguillon began his trip to France or
on which he arrived there is not certain. However, he did leave Santa Fe before June 20,
1859, as determined from the following letter of Bishop Lamy, Santa Fe, New Mexico,
to Archbishop Purcell, June 20, 1859, (A.A.S.F.) :

"... I have also sent to France to obtain missionaries, and a colony of Des Freres de la
Doctrine Chretienne. But I have no news yet if I will obtain them or not. . . ."

6 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

For indeed, the seminary of this diocese has become known
by the appellation, "Nursery of the Missionaries of the New
World."14

Father Eguillon stopped first at the preparatory seminary
and it was here that he met Father John Baptist Salpointe.
This young1 priest who was the Procurator and the Professor
of Natural Sciences at the Seminary was a native of the
Clermont Ferrand Diocese. He was born in the parish of St.
Maurice de Poinsat, Department of Puy-de-Dome, France,
on February 25, 1825. 15 His parents came from the best fami-
lies of the place and, coming from a thoroughly Christian and
virtuous home, his early aspirations toward the priesthood
were fostered and encouraged.16

Father Salpointe, having studied the classics at the Petit
Seminaire of Agen, had completed his preparatory studies
at the College of Riom, where he passed a most creditable
examination. He then entered the Seminary of Mont Ferrand
where he completed his courses in theology, canon law and
other subjects preliminary to Sacred Orders under the Sul-
pician priests who composed the teaching staff of the semi-
nary. On December 21, 1851, 17 John Baptist Salpointe was
ordained by the Right Reverend Louis Charles Feron, Bishop
of Clermont Ferrand.18

Soon after ordination, Abbe Salpointe was sent as assist-
ant priest successively at Solledes, Menat and Clermont, and
rising constantly, according as his merit was better known,
he soon after was appointed Professor of Natural Sciences in
the Diocesan Seminary of Clermont, acting at the same time
as the Procurator of the Seminary. Thus in a few years he had

14. Louis H. Warner, Archbishop Lamy, An Epoch Maker, ( Santa Fe : Santa Fe New
Mexican Publishers, 1936 ) , pp. 26-27.

16. Reverend James H. Defouri, Historical Sketch of the Catholic Church in New
Mexico, (San Francisco: McCormick Bros., 1887), p. 154; John Baptist Salpointe's birthday
is given as February 21, 1825, cf. "John Baptist Salpointe," National Cyclopaedia of
American Biography, XII (1904), 50; and, as February 22, 1825, in Hoffman's Catholic
Directory, (1899), Necrology.

16. Defouri, op. cit., p. 154.

17. The Memorial Volume, A History of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, No-
vember 9 -December, 1884, (Baltimore: The Baltimore Publishers, 1885), p. 87; according
to the National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, op. cit., p. 50, the ordination date
was December 20, 1851.

18. Defouri, op. cit., p. 154.

SALPOINTE

risen, filling one of the most important offices of the Diocese,
with the well-founded hope of rising still higher in a very few
years

1!)

However, Providence had decreed it otherwise, and the
talents and qualities of young- Father Salpointe were going
to be developed in a far away country that needed them more.
The desires he had to further the Kingdom of God on earth
were enthusiastically encouraged by Father Eguillon's de-
scription of the Southwest missions. While he was at the
preparatory seminary Father Eguillon explained the object
of his presence in his native country by way of conversation
and in answering the many questions of the professors.

... He spoke of the impossibility of the priests of the diocese
of Santa Fe of visiting their congregations even once a month ;
of the long distances they had to travel on horseback, almost
daily, in all kinds of weather and, in many instances on roads
infested by hostile Indians. These priests, he said, worked very
hard, and still failed to give a regular administration to the
whole of the faithful entrusted to their care.20

Impressed by Father Eguillon, Father John Baptist Sal-
pointe and Father Francis Jouvenceau offered to go to New
Mexico, provided they could get the consent of their Bishop.
Along with them went three seminarians, four students and
four Christian Brothers.21 The travelers left from Le Havre
on August 17, 1859, on board the American steamer, Ariel,
arriving safely in New York on August 31, 1859. In New
York the fifth Christian Brother joined their party, Brother
Agustin.22

From New York the missionary band went to St. Louis
by train. Taking a boat here they went up the river to Kan-
sas City, at that time only a small village. From Kansas City
to Santa Fe stretched the wide plains inhabited by dangerous
nomadic Indian tribes. Across these plains was the now fa-

19. Loc. cit.

20. Salpointe, Soldiers of the Cross, op. cit., pp. 210-211.

21. From Mont Ferrand: Benedict Bernard, a subdeacon, Peter Martin, minor orders.
From Reims : John B. Theobald Raverdy, a subdeacon. The Christian Brothers : Brothers
Hilarian, Gondulph, Geramius and Galmier. Of the students only one persevered, Peter
Bernal. Cf. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 211.

22. Loc. cit.

8 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

mous Santa Fe Trail. Under the direction of Father Eguillon,
a caravan was fitted out consisting of three spring wagons
and two wagons which Bishop Lamy had provided for the
luggage. When they were in readiness to start the trek, news
came that the Comanches were on the war-path and that only
large caravans could attempt to go through the desert with
any safety. Therefore, the missionaries waited and decided
to travel with freighters going to New Mexico.23

In the meantime they pitched their tents and camped out-
side of Kansas City. In getting organized they had some inter-
esting experiences. One of the important problems was who
was to be cook. The following lines written by Archbishop
Salpointe thirty-five years later, explain how this was solved.

. . . We were notified also that custom required we should
cook for ourselves. Little by little our situation was made
known to us in definite terms and the present question was of
practical importance. Who amongst us would be daring enough
to offer himself for the culinary administration? Every one,
it is true, was willing to contribute his share to the necessary
menial labor, but none could state what were his peculiar abili-
ties. The situation looked rather perplexed for a while, but it
was soon made clear and satisfactory to all by a few words
of the Vicar General, who assigned to each one what he should
have to do every day during the journey. Two cooks, bad or
good, were designated, two purveyors of fuel, two of water,
and the other men of the caravan, two by two, were to watch
two hours by turns every night over the safety of the camp and
of the animals. Such were the orders, and they were accepted
without objection.24

When the caravan was numerous enough to start for
Santa Fe, it was decided to leave from a place called White
House, which was about six miles from the missionaries'
camp. All was packed and made ready to join the large cara-
van when trouble began. The mules had enjoyed their rest
and did not care to pull the wagons ! Except for the two Mexi-
cans that Bishop Lamy had sent from Santa Fe, the others
in the party did not know how to cope with these animals.
Nevertheless, even with the frequent interruptions and stale-

23. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 212.

24. Ibid., pp. 213-214.

SALPOINTE 9

mates they managed to reach White House. Not daring to
trust themselves to such animals, Father Eguillon returned
to Kansas City and purchased what he thought were four
good mules. The next day the group started out ahead of the
main caravan, which was waiting for a few more wagons, be-
cause there was not any danger in the immediate vicinity and
they wanted to accustom their animals to work.23

Another amusing experience was had when the Vicar
General unpacked the heavy clothing that he had prudently
bought for the trip. It turned cold quickly, but the priest was
prepared. Pulling out two cases, he opened one of them. It
contained "heavy common overcoats for all the men of the
party.26 The other case was filled "with rough monumental
boots."27

. . . Neither coats nor boots had been made to order nor se-
lected to suit any particular size, but all these articles had
the advantage of not being too small for anyone.28

The next surprise for the missionaries came on the third
morning of their journey. The new mules were missing with
no indication of which direction they had gone. They hoped
that if the mules had returned to Kansas City, the caravan
following them would bring the mules along. This is exactly
what happened only the mules were not returned until after
they had reached Santa Fe. Hitching up some saddle horses
to the wagons, they proceeded towards Santa Fe. A few days
later, the caravan of Mr. Moore, a wealthy merchant of New
Mexico, overtook them and so they completed their journey
under this protection reaching the first settlements of New
Mexico on October 23, 1859.29

Four days later, on October 27, 1859, Father Eguillon and
his valiant group of missioners, having had a realistic taste
of life on the plains, entered the old capital of New Mexico.30

26. Ibid., pp. 214-215.

26. Ibid., p. 215.

27. Loc. cit.

28. Loc. cit.

29. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 216-218.

30. Ibid., p. 219 ; their arrival is also mentioned in the letter of Mother Magdalen
Hayden, S.L., Santa Fe, New Mexico, to a Friend, December 10, 1859, (No. 7/64, Loretto
Motherhouse Archives: Loretto, Kentucky).

10 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

II. New Mexico, 1859-1866

Bishop Lamy received the tired missionaries and made
them as comfortable as his frugality could permit. At the sup-
per served to them, the conversation was, at first, exclusively
in French. Interrupting, Bishop Lamy said sternly.

Gentlemen, you do not know, it seems, that two languages
only are of necessity here, the Spanish, which is spoken gen-
erally by the people of this Territory, and the English, which
is the language of the Government. Make your choice between
the two, for the present, but leave your French parley for the
country you have come from.1

Among the Brothers in the party there was one who spoke
only English and another who had mastered some Spanish.
But, since neither tried to keep up the conversation, silence
prevailed. Father Salpointe relates, "We then proceeded eat-
ing with as little noise as possible, and with a kind of lost
appetite."2 This did not last long because the Bishop himself
burst into laughter and began speaking in French. Neverthe-
less, the lesson of Bishop Lamy, that of applying oneself to
the study of the languages, was impressed on all the
newcomers.

Father Salpointe in particular must have had a facility
in grasping languages because a few months later, on Febru-
ary 27, 1860, he applied for membership in the New Mexico
Historical Society.3 In the Minutes of the Society we find
wonderment at this talent.

He spoke no English when they arrived in Santa Fe, Octo-
ber 27, 1869 ; yet here, exactly four months later, he is asking
membership in the new Historical Society! He was elected at
the March meeting — and had already donated some beautiful
fossils from "El Rancho de la Luz."4

1. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 219.

2. Loc. cit.

3. Lansing B. Bloom, ed., "Society Minutes, 1859-1863," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL RE-
VIEW, XVIII (1943), 286.

4. Ibid., p. 287.

SALPOINTE 11

After becoming acquainted with the characteristics of
Villa Santa Fe,5 the missioners settled down to their assigned
tasks or missions. The Christian Brothers were given a house
and proceeded to prepare to open classes as soon as circum-
stances allowed. To Father Salpointe was assigned the task
of taking charge of the young seminarians who had come
from France before completing their classical studies, and
to visit once a week the chapels of the Pecos, Galisteo, and
Tesuque pueblos.6

One year later, Father Salpointe was appointed pastor of
Mora to succeed the Reverend Damazo Taladrid. This was
"one of the most important positions in the diocese."7 Father
Salpointe left Santa Fe on October 28, 1860, and the follow-
ing notation of his formally taking over the jurisdiction of
Mora on November 23, 1860, is chronologically inserted in
the burial record of 1860.

El mismo Dia 23 de Nbre recibe el Padre Taladrid juridic-
cion de la Mora.

J. B. Salpointe8

The parish of Mora comprised the towns and settlements
of Cebolla, Cueva, Agua Negra, Guadalupita, Coyote, Rayado
and Cimarron, all with chapels, except the last three. In 1863,
the parish was enlarged to extend to the rivers Las Animas,
Huerf ano and San Carlos, thus making it about two hundred
miles in length from north to south.9

The Church at Mora was in a ruinous condition and so
the young priest with the help of his people and most of his
savings practically rebuilt it. Looking to the future, even be-
fore he had a promise of Sisters to teach, Father Salpointe
turned his attention to the erection of a school.

In the summer of 1863, Bishop Lamy received news from

5. Santa Fe, along with Albuquerque and Santa Cruz enjoyed the distinction of being
called "la villa," the city. The title of city was given by the Government to the first and
most important Spanish settlements in New Mexico to put them above the level of the
Indian pueblos.

6. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 221-222.

7. Defouri, op. cit., p. 155.

8. Burial Record— Book B-14, (St. Gertrudis, Mora, New Mexico), A.A.S.F.

9. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 234.

12 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Denver that Father Machebeuf 10 had met with an accident,
leaving him with a broken leg and little hope for recovery.
He immediately set out from Santa Fe for Denver.11 When he
passed through Mora, he asked Father Salpointe to go with
him to Denver. The journey lasted ten days and when they
arrived they found Father Machebeuf on the way to conva-
lescence and most cheerful, although he knew he would be
lame for life.12

In March, 1864, Father Salpointe, having previously peti-
tioned Mother Magdalen, Superior of the Sisters of Loretto
at the Foot of the Cross in Santa Fe, for teaching Sisters,
made a trip to Santa Fe to obtain the Sisters.

. . . during his [Bishop Lamy's] absence Father Salpointe
from Mora came asking for Sisters for that place. . . . Be-
cause of the feast on which they left the Vicar, Fr. Salpointe
and I thought that the house should be named "Convent of the
Annunciation." 13

Father Salpointe and the Sisters Mary Borja, Cecilia and
Ynes arrived in Mora on April 4, 1864.14 The school opened
by the Sisters was only for girls. Therefore, in 1865, Father
Salpointe asked for Christian Brothers to establish a boys'
school. Three Brothers under the direction of Brother Domi-
tian opened St. Mary's College which had an existence of nine-
teen years. The school was successful from the beginning.13

Great sacrifices were made by all concerned in these early
missions.

10. As Bishop Lamy's Vicar General, Father Machebeuf traveled up and down New
Mexico and Arizona. In October, 1860, he and Reverend J. B. Raverdy, whom Bishop
Lamy had appointed to assist him, were sent to minister in Colorado. The remainder of
their lives was spent in laboring in this area.

On February 5, 1868, the modern states of Colorado and Utah were erected into a
Vicariate Apostolic by the Holy See, and Father Machebeuf was appointed as first Vicar
Apostolic. He was consecrated bishop in St. Peter's Cathedral, Cincinnati, Ohio, by Arch-
bishop Purcell, on August 16, 1868. On August 16, 1887, the Vicariate was raised to the
status of a diocese. Bishop Machebeuf died on July 10, 1889.

11. William J. Hewlett, Life of Right Reverend Joseph P. Machebeuf, D.D., Pioneer
Priest of Colorado, Vicar Apostolic of Colorado and Utah and First Bishop of Denver,
(Pueblo, Colorado: The Franklin Press, 1908), p. 310.

12. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 237.

13. Mother Magdalen Hayden, S.L., Santa Fe, New Mexico, to her sister, (Original
in Spanish), September 12, 1864, Loretto Motherhouse Archives, Loretto, Kentucky.

14. Salpointe, loc. cit.

15. 75 [sic} Years of Service, 1859-19S4, An Historical Sketch of Saint Mir.hael's Col-
lege, (Santa Fe, New Mexico: Saint Michael's College, 1934), p. 94.

SALPOINTE 13

The Fathers as well as the Sisters were deprived of all
luxuries, and many times even the necessities of life. They
had no bedsteads . . . the food corresponded with the lodging.
It consisted for a whole year of bread and beans. Several times
they did not even have salt.16

An amusing incident is told by the Loretto Sisters at
Mora. During a rainy season the water ran freely through the
roof and walls of their adobe building, leaving them without
a dry spot on which to stand or sit. In their distress they
sought the advice and aid of Father Salpointe. Hastening to
his house nearby, great was their astonishment to find him
perched on the window-sill with an umbrella over him, read-
ing his breviary.17 They concluded that his predicament was
as bad as their own.

Conditions at Mora gradually became better. The natives
were taking a more active part in parish life. More children
and, therefore, more families, were being reached through
the schools. The parish was firmly on its feet when, in 1865,
Bishop Lamy asked for volunteers for the shepherdless mis-
sions of Arizona.

III. Arizona Days, 1866-84

When Arizona was purchased from Mexico on December
30, 1853, * it was added to the American Territory of New
Mexico. By decree of the Holy See it was annexed to the Dio-
cese of Santa Fe in 1859.2 In 1863, it was separated politi-
cally, becoming an American territory in its own right. The
ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Arizona, however, still belonged
to the See of Santa Fe. The year 1863 found Arizona without
priests to minister to the people and yet this territory had

16. Annuals of Mora, New Mexico, Loretto Convent, (Loretto Mother-house Archives,
Loretto, Kentucky).

17. Anna C. Minogue, Lorreto: Annals of the Century, (New York: The America
Press, 1912), pp. 148-149.

1. James Gadsden (1788-1858), United States minister to Mexico and a prominent
Southern railroad man, signed the treaty by which Mexico agreed to sell the large area
now comprising the southern portions of Arizona and New Mexico. The purchase price
was $10,000,000. On the Gadsden Purchase cf. Thomas A. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of
the American People, (4th ed. : New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1950), p. 279,
and "Gadsden Purchase," Encyclopedia Americana, 12(1950), 217.

2. Cf. Supra, p. 4.

14 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

been one of the first in the New World to have the cross
erected in its soil.

The Franciscan Fathers were the first missionaries who
traversed the area now called Arizona. Two of them3 left
Mexico in January, 1538, commissioned by the Viceroy, and
went as far as a large river which they could not cross. The
following year, Fray Marcos de Niza and three other reli-
gious joined the military expedition and arrived at the same
river.4 No missions were established at this time and, there-
fore, it would seem that these expeditions had for their pur-
pose to ascertain whether the time had come to begin work
among the Indians found there.5

It was between the years 1687 and 1690 that Arizona's
first mission, Guevavi, was founded by the Jesuit Fathers.
The missions of Tumacacuri, San Xavier, Tubac, Tucson and
others were established successively as circumstances per-
mitted. In 1681, Father Eusebio Kino,6 S.J., was commis-
sioned by his superiors to work for the conversion of the
tribes living in the northern portion of the province of So-
nora, called Pimeria Alta.

The above named missions were all founded by Father
Kino. In 1694, Father Kino visited the Pima Indians, who
lived on the Gila River in the vicinity of the "Casas Grandes,"
establishing there two missions. The missionaries pushed
their explorations farther, toward the Gulf of California,
preaching to every tribe on the way. However, the Pimas
unexpectedly rebelled in 1695, and this began a series of
reverses. The death of Father Kino from natural causes oc-
curred in 1711.7

On November 21, 1751, all the Indian tribes in Pimeria
Alta, or the northwest part of the province of Sonora, re-
belled against their missionaries. The revolt, lasting over
two years, resulted in the death of three of the Jesuit mis-

3. Fray Juan de la Asuncion and Fray Pedro Nadal. Cf. Salpointe, Soldiers of the Cross,
op. cit., p. 129.

4. From the latitude given by the Fathers for this river, it was the one now known
as the Colorado.

6. Salpoint, op. cit., pp. 129-130.

6. On Kino, S. J., cf. Herbert E. Bolton, Rim of Christendom, A Biography of Eusebio
Francisco Kino, (New York: Macmillan, 1936).

7. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 131-132.

SALPOINTE 15

sionaries8 and the abandonment of all the mission stations
until 1754.

The missionaries again resumed their work in 1754, and
by the year 1762 the Jesuits could number twenty-nine mis-
sions in Pimeria Alta. At this period they had no trouble from
the Indians of their missions but they were constantly on the
defense against the attacks of the Apaches, who lived along
almost the entire length of the northern frontier of the prov-
ince. Another hindrance was the deprivation of the compen-
sation the Jesuit Fathers should have received from the
government. Nevertheless, their work continued until their
expulsion from all Spanish possessions on April 2, 1767.9

After the suppression of the Jesuits, fourteen Franciscans
from the College of Queretaro were sent to carry on the mis-
sionary work. The best known of these was Father Francisco
Garces.

He planned the extension of the missions to the north and
also made contact with the California friars. When his plan
seemed to be maturing in a most satisfactory manner, harsh
treatment by the Spanish soldiers caused a rebellion among the
Indians in 1780 that ended only after several missioners had
been put to death, among them Father Garces. Although this
tragedy prevented the extension of the missions, it brought
about a resurgence of faith for some time in the older
missions.10

The missions prospered under the Franciscan administra-
tion and a proof of their success can be seen in the church
they constructed at San Xavier del Bac to replace the old
church built by the Jesuit Fathers.

About the year 1810, the desire for independence from
Spain began to spread throughout the territory of New Spain,
and on September 28, 1821, Mexico gained her independence
from the mother country. The greatest blow to the missions
came when the Franciscans were expelled from the country
by the decree of December 20, 1827. This decree and the one

8. Fathers Francisco Xavier Saeta, Enriques Ruen, and Tomas Tello. Cf. Ibid., p. 133.

9. Ibid., pp. 132-139.

10. Roemer, The Catholic Church in the United States, op. cit., p. 24. [Footnote 11
omitted. F.D.R.]

16 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

following it on May 10, 1829, confiscating the property of the
Church, spelled doom for the continuance of the missions.
Most of the Indians, unprotected and without the moral and
material support received from the missions, scattered and
returned gradually to their former Indian life. The only ex-
ception was the Indian pueblo at San Xavier.12

The Arizona missions were not totally abandoned by the
Church. After the expulsion of the Franciscans, priests were
too scarce for the Bishop of Sonora, Mexico, to assign one
for the Arizona missions. He did, however, put the missions
in charge of the parish priests of Magdalena in his diocese of
Sonora. It was a hazardous journey for these priests to visit
Arizona and, therefore, it was the rare occasion that brought
them. When a priest came the people of Tucson had to send
"eighteen to twenty mounted and well armed men"13 to escort
and protect the priest from Apache attacks.14

These were the conditions that prevailed in 1859 when
Bishop Lamy sent his Vicar General, Father Machebeuf, to
Arizona to determine the needs of the Catholic population
and the advisability of establishing a mission there. Father
Machebeuf endured the six hundred miles from Santa Fe to
Tucson, one-half of the route being heavily infested with
Apaches. The missionary found that practically all the in-
habitants were Catholics and that the majority of the popu-
lation were in the towns of Tucson, San Xavier del Bac,
Tubac, and Gila City, now Yuma. Since Tucson was the most
important town of the Territory, he chose it for the center
of his labors.15

The first thing Father Machebeuf accomplished was a trip
to Sonora, Mexico, to see the Bishop of that See. This prelate
transferred to the Vicar General, as representative of the
Bishop of Santa Fe, the entire jurisdiction over the whole of
Arizona.16

12. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 180-181.

13. Ibid., p. 185.

14. Loc. cit.

15. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 224-226. [The site of Yuma was called Colorado City, not Gila
City which lay about twenty miles upstream from Yuma. Gold was found in 1858 and grave
rise to Gila City which was a ghost town by 1864. Cf. R. K. Wyllys, Arizona. Hobson &
Herr, Phoenix, Arizona, 1950. F. D. R.]

16. Ibid., pp. 227-228.

SALPOINTE 17

When Father Machebeuf returned to Arizona, he was kept
busy performing marriages, baptizing and hearing confes-
sions at Tucson, Tubac and San Xavier. A prominent citizen17
of Tucson gave him a two room house to use for a church
because the old Presidio church was in such a state of ruin
that it was beyond repair. At the San Xavier mission he
found that the Church could still be used for the celebration
of Mass and that the Indians remembered the prayers which
had been taught to them by the Franciscans. The Indian
chief, Jose, gave to Father Machebeuf the sacred vessels18
he had protected in his house since the expulsion of the
Franciscans.19

Bishop Lamy requested Father Machebeuf's return and
he arrived in Santa Fe in November, 1859. Although the
Bishop was sending Father Machebeuf to Colorado, he prom-
ised that he would send another priest to Arizona as soon as
possible.

After Father Machebeuf, the Arizona missions were
served for about three years by Father Donate Reghieri, who
was killed by the Apaches.20 The people of Tucson, being left
without a priest, sent a petition to Bishop Thaddeus Amat21
of the Monterey-Los Angeles diocese asking him to send
priests to their area. Bishop Amat sent the appeal for priests
to Bishop Lamy22 because it was the latter's responsibility.
To solve the problem, Bishop Lamy procured two Jesuits,
Fathers Messea and Bosco, from California for San Xavier
and Tucson, respectively. The stay of the Jesuits was brief,

17. Don Francisco Solano Leon.

18. The objects were: four silver chalices, a gold plated monstrance, two gold cruets
with a silver tray, two small silver candlesticks, two silver censers and a sanctuary carpet.

19. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 226-227.

20. Sister M. Lucida Savage, C.S.J., The Congregation of St. Joseph of Carondelet, A
Brief Account of Its Origin And Its Work in the United States, (2d ed. ; St. Louis: B.
Herder, 1927), p. 249. Further information on Reghieri is lacking.

21. Thaddeus Amat, C.M., was born on December 81, 1811, in Catalonia, Spain. He
joined the Lazarists in Barcelona, January 4, 1832, and was ordained on June 9, 1838 at
Paris by Archbishop Hyacinth Louis Quelen of Paris. Elected to the See of Monterey on
July 29, 1853, he was consecrated, March 12, 1854 at Rome. The title of the See was changed
to Monterey-Los Angeles in 1859. He was interested in particular in the welfare of the
Indians. He died May 12, 1878 in Los Angeles. Cf. Joseph Bernard Code, Dictionary of
American Hierarchy, (New York: Longmans, Green, 1940), pp. 6-7.

22. Bishop Amat, Los Angeles, California, to Bishop Lamy, Santa Fe, New Mexico,
1863, (A.A.S.F.).

18 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

however, and, in August, 1864, Bishop Lamy was informed
that they had been recalled.23

Thus it was that Bishop Lamy asked for volunteers for
the Arizona missions. Because of the dangers of the mission
he did not want to order any priest into the territory. Three
priests volunteered, however, and two were accepted. These
were Father Peter Lassaigne and Father Peter Bernal and
the remaining one who was rejected was Father Salpointe.
He was refused because of the parish projects he was engaged
in at the time which included the building of two schools. The
two volunteers set out for their mission field, completing the
first half of the journey to Arizona by stage without any
difficulty. However, when they reached Las Cruces, the end
of the stage line, they found it impossible, for any amount
of money, to obtain a guide to Tucson. The Apaches were
roaming this area and no one cared to risk his life. After
waiting a number of weeks, the two priests returned to
Santa Fe.24

One year passed and Bishop Lamy was becoming more
anxious about the portion of his flock that remained without
priests. Although the danger from the Apaches was not les-
sening, he decided to send Father Salpointe, appointing him
Vicar General for the Arizona Missions. Accompanied by
Fathers Francis Boucard and P. Birmingham, and a school
teacher, Mr. Vincent, he set out for his distant and dangerous
mission on January 6, 1866. Each of the four was supplied
with a saddle horse and they were given a four horse wagon,
driven by a Mexican, to carry their baggage and provisions.
At the request of Bishop Lamy, General Carleton, com-
mander of Fort Marcy at Santa Fe, furnished an escort as
far as Bowie. The journey to Bowie was made in good time
and they arrived on January 24, 1866. The only Indians that
the travelers saw were a few coming towards them on the
seventh day of their journey. Instinctively, the priests, who
were riding a couple of hours ahead of their wagon, galloped

23. Salpointe, op. eit., pp. 240-241.

24. Ibid., p. 241.

SALPOINTE 19

away for their lives, keeping to the trail. The Indians turned
back to the missionaries' great satisfaction.25

When the missionaries arrived at Fort Bowie, the Major
in charge showed them every courtesy. He suggested that
they wait three days until a freighter would be leaving for
Tucson. It would give the priests added protection to travel
in a large caravan, and the Major also offered to send an
escort of soldiers along with them. This plan was agreed upon
and the delay providentially enabled a dying man, Captain
Tapia from Santa Fe, to receive the Last Sacraments of the
Church from Father Salpointe.26

On January 27, 1866, the party pulled out crossing bar-
ren plains and twining through narrow canyons where some
weeks before travelers had been massacred by the Apaches.
The danger was so great that they did not even light fires
at night. Camps were usually made from one water-hole to
the next unless the distance between them was too great. In
this way, without any mishap, the caravan entered Tucson
about ten o'clock on the morning of February 7, 1866.27

Tucson at this date was a small Mexican town having a
population of about six hundred. There was no church or
priests' residence and so the group of missionaries relied on
the hospitality of the Catholics. One of these, Don Juan Elias,
invited the group to his house and within a few weeks had
purchased with the help of friends a little house and lot near
the place where Father Donate Reghieri, and the Jesuits
after him, had begun to build a church.

(continued)

25. Salpointe, op. eft., pp. 242-247.

26. Ibid., p. 247

27. Ibid., pp. 247-248.

APACHE PLUNDER TRAILS SOUTHWARD, 1831-1840
By RALPH A. SMITH

FOR generations war captives, plunder, and livestock entered
New Mexico from the south, Apache Indians brought them
from "their ranches," as they called the civilized country be-
low which seemed to exist only to sustain them. How they
gathered and shifted these staples of their commerce north-
ward is a horrendous story of pillage and human suffering. It
is unfamiliar to American readers because no one has dug it
out of masses of Spanish and Mexican records. Using these
sources it is easy to observe the marauders and their opera-
tions on the supply end of an atrocious traffic. One can follow
the flow of their booty on through mountain rendezvous and
in and out of Santa Fe, Taos, and Bent's Fort into the broader
channels of the white man's trade. From these marts horses
and "Spanish" mules frequently reached Missouri, or Arkan-
sas, and even pulled plows beyond the Mississippi.

When Apache raiders crossed the present international
boundary over half a dozen major trails laid open to them.
Mexican literature shows that these were the same routes in
the 1830's that their ancestors had used over a century before,
except for the easternmost system.1 Comanches had recently
usurped it. In the west Coyotero Apaches employed two roads.
Both of these entered Sonora and bore along the Pacific slopes
of the Sierra Madre Occidental. White men called one of them
the "great stealing road." It came out of a sierra in eastern
Arizona, passed over the Gila River upstream from San Car-
los Lake, ran down Aravaipa Creek, and turned southward
across the plains of San Pedro Valley. Cutting by present
Bisbee it hit Sonora northwest of Fronteras. This military
post guarded a region dotted with great droves of livestock,

1. For these routes in the early Eighteenth Century see Vita Alessio Robles (ed.).
Nicolas de la Fora's Relacion del viaje que hizo a los presidios internes situados en la
frontera de la America septentrional perteneciente al rey de Espana, con un liminar
bibliografico y acotacidnea (1939), Mexico, D. F. : Editorial, Pedro Robredo. 71-76, 80-82.
107-110.

20

APACHE PLUNDER 21

but its presence did not interfere with Coyotero business
objectives. The trail sprangled out so that warriors going to
the southwest could reach the mines and ranches around
Magdalena on the Alisos River. A fork to the southeast
brought those along the Narcozari within their reach.
Straight ahead their trail led them to the environs of
Hermosillo and Arizpe. Both of these towns had served as
the capital of Sonora ; however, Apaches seldom visited them
except for war booty. Over a broad territory they killed men,
grabbed women and children, and rounded up livestock before
hurrying northward. Thousands of hoofs racing along the dry
bed of the Aravaipa chiseled out a road "many yards wide."
Turning at sharp angles it made defense against Mexican pur-
suit easy. Crippled horses, mules, and cattle and carcasses of
dead ones pointed the direction of their long drives up trail
to the Gila and on to their mountain homes.

The eastern Coyotero road bisected the Gila River farther
up stream. From that river into Sonora it took the same
course that Mexican miltary expeditions came up from Fron-
teras ; but of course the rights of the whites to its use were
secondary to those of the proprietary mountain lords. This
trail lay along San Simon Creek and dropped through an old
Spanish ranch that had thrived in the Sierra de San Ber-
nardino of southeastern Arizona until Apaches decreed its
demise. In the Thirties raiders might stop here to chase cattle
that now roamed the plains as "wild and more dangerous than
buffalo." Deeper south the warriors reached a position from
whence they could strike along the western slopes of the
Sierra Madre, taking either side of the Chihuahua-Sonoran
boundary.

The remaining south-bound arteries of Apache traffic led
to mining towns, domestic Indian villages, ranches, and mus-
tang herds east of the Continental Divide. When lords of the
Sierra Mogollon left their homes on the western margin of
New Mexico they customarily patronized the Copper Road.
It ran southwestward from Santa Rita Copper Mine by Lake
Playas and Animas Peak in present Hidalgo County, New
Mexico. By veering right from the Copper Road, Mogollon
Apaches reached Sonora; but following it they would ap-

22 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

proach Fort Janos about 130 miles from Santa Rita in north-
west Chihuahua. This historic road continued through Co-
rralitos and Casas Grandes before bearing southeastward and
intersecting the El Paso del Norte-Chihuahua City road north
of Encinillas and finally reaching the mint in the capital city.
But instead of turning as it did, the Mogollons usually drove
straight on southward, circuited Janos, and paralleled the
Continental Divide to the Papigochic and Tomochic rivers.
This put them several hundred miles due west of the capital of
Chihuahua. From temporary camps in the Sierra Madre they
launched raids westward into Sonora, or dropped down upon
thriving Mexican and Tarahumara2 villages along the tribu-
taries of the Yaqui River. The valleys of these streams were
called the "bread basket," the "Garden of Eden," and the
"Paradise" of Chihuahua for very appropriate reasons.
Around them Mogollons also found the best silver mines in
the state at their feet. The Silver Road ran from rich pits
clustering about Jesus Maria (present Ocampo) to Chihua-
hua City,3 and presented opportunities for New Mexican red
skins to quench their lust for blood, captives, livestock, and
plunder. Over it trudged trains of little burros loaded with
bars of filthy lucre. Caravans of pack mules wended through
the mountains bearing merchandise from Pacific ports,4 and
journeymen travelled in armed parties. A little perusal of
statistics and travelers' journals makes it easy to understand
why the Mogollons established operational quarters in the
Sierra Madre and why don Santiago Kirker would take a posi-
tion in the mountains near Jesus Maria to assess tribute on
this part of the biggest Mexican department. Known as the
Lord of the Scalp Hunters, Kirker was a friend of the savages
and "the chief of the Apache nation" at this time, the early
Forties. Small bands of Mogollons striking along the Silver

2. El Lie. Moises T. de la Pena, "Esayo exonomico y social sobre el pueblo tarahu-
mar," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuensc de estudios historicos, V, num. 1 (abril 20 de
1946), 426-436 ; Julius Frobel, Alia Ameriko, II (1858), Leipzig: J. J. Weber, 259-261.

8. Silvestre Terrazas, "Mineral. . .que produce mas de 80 milliones. . .en oro,"
Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense. . ., II, num. 6 (noviembre 15 de 1939), 200-201;
Frobel, Aus Amerika, II, 257-258.

4. Francisco R. Almada, "Los Apaches," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., II,
num. 1 (junio de 1939), 10; Francisco R. Almada, La rebellion de tomoehic (1938),
Ciudad Chihuahua : Sociedad Chihuahuense de Estudios Historicos, 7.

APACHE PLUNDER 23

Road made life cheap right into the suburbs of the capital city,
while fellow tribesmen fanned out southward and southeast-
ward over the middle and upper Rio Conchos and its tribu-
taries. At Santa Isabel thirty miles southwest of Chihuahua
City people could hear Apache war drums booming nightly
in the mountains and named them Sierra del Rombar, or
Mountains of the Drum. When one governor passed over the
Silver Road to the Glen of Fresno he ordered that crosses
marking the spots where New Mexican Indians had massa-
cred travelers be burned. According to him, these reminders
of Apache ferocity every few hundred feet made his people
timid.5 Scores of dispatches relating Mogollon atrocities
poured into the Governor's office yearly. They reached him
from Janos, Corralitos, Casas Grandes, and Galeana in the
northwest, from Papigochic and Tomochic villages in the
west, from Satevo and Hidalgo del Parral in the south, from
points along the Silver Road, and from many places between
these. In them one sees why Chihuahua would resort to buying
Apache scalps, and why these areas would become the hair
hunter's paradise. Western Chihuahua developed Mexico's
most enthusiastic galaxy of fleecers, and sent more human
pelts to market than any other region on the continent. The
best known artisans of the hair dresser's craft in America
were either native or adopted sons of this region and special-
ized in Mogollon crowns. Don Joaquin Terrazas, Jesus Jose
Casavantes, Heremengildo Quintana, Captain Mauricio Co-
rredor, Juan Mata de Ortiz, and Luiz Zuloaga belonged to the
Sierra Madre by birth. Kirker, John Joel Glanton, and Marcus
L. "Long" Webster came from beyond the Great Plains to seek
their fortunes here. At peeling Apache heads they gained
fame and wealth in the Mogollon "ranch" country. Nothing
less than a volume could do justice to any one of this strenuous
clan of barbers. However, Tarahumaras, or domestic Indians,
of western Chihuahua also would make some of the best hair
hunters ever to chase New Mexican game because of their
prodigious feats as footmen. Accustomed to eighty-mile foot

5. Jose Carlos Chavez, "Clamor de los Papigochic del siglo XVIII por los constantes
ataques de los Apaches," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense .... I, num. 12 (mayo 15 de
1939), 399-405 ; Frobel, Aus Amerika, II, 248-256.

24 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

races up, down, and around sierra slopes, disdaining the
effeminacy of riding, they operated both under their own
chiefs and with such scalp captains as Col. don Joaquin Te-
rrazas. At ferreting Apaches from their mountain dens they
fell in a class with Kirker's Old Apache Company of Dela-
wares and Shawnees. Wearing white pajamas, raw hide san-
dals, a straw hat, and coarse black bangs, one was complete
when following Terrazas in the Sixties, Seventies, or
Eighties with a cartridge belt whipped over each shoulder
and crossing in front and behind, a high powered carbine, and
a machete. His Tarahumaras made tough, productive com-
panies, jumping swift, elusive game in the mountains during
summer months and in the valleys during winter.

Thanks to New Mexico's supply of Indians and to such
master hair dressers as Ortiz, Zuloaga, and Kirker, both the
Copper and Silver roads should have been re-christened the
Scalp Hunter's Trail. After the Mountain Indians broke up
mining operations at Santa Rita and around Jesus Maria in
the late Thirties and Forties, and Chihuahua started buying
their crowns, the volume of pelts headed for market consti-
tuted one of the most valuable cargos to pass over these roads.
Because of the heavy drafts for payment to scalp hunters, it
must be conceded that Mogollon hair contributed as much to
keeping Chihuahua bankrupt as that of any tribe. But other
Apaches left wool down country too, especially Mimbrenos.

When they set out to their "ranches" they descended the
Copper Road into present Chihuahua before breaking off to
their left. Pouring through the Glen of San Joaquin they hit
the Casas Grandes River down stream, or north of Janos.
Breaking through San Miguel Pass in the neighborhood of
present San Pedro, they skirted the rough, tall Sierra de la
Escondida on their right. After entering the Pass of Las
Minas and crossing the Santa Maria River north of its big
loop, they traversed San Buenaventura Valley northeast of
Galeana. Leaving the Laguna de la Vieja on their left they
rejoined the Copper Road and descended Ruiz Valley through
the Pass of Tina j a to the Hill of El Chile. These place names
may confuse American readers today, but for many decades
they were commonplace in the jargon of scalp hunters and

APACHE PLUNDER 25

others who had experiences with New Mexican Indians in
Chihuahua. To the hair dressers especially they signified a
land abounding in human fur. Five leagues east of El Chile
was El Carmen, the seat of a big ranch on the Carmen River.
It bears the name of Richard Flores Magon today. Apaches
connected this estate with the history of New Mexico re-
peatedly. Belief prevails south of the border that a peon
child kidnapped here grew up to become New Mexico's famous
Apache Napoleon, Victorio.6 Mexican tradition places the cap-
ture of another white boy in this vicinity. He became the
notorious Apache chief, Costelles (Sacks), also infamous in
the history of the same state. Just west of El Carmen among
lagoons and springs John Glanton and his outlaw band of
professional hair raisers found good fleecing among New
Mexican savages in mid-century. Here Mimbrenos mapped
their campaigns and sometimes before pushing deeper into
Chihuahua met still other New Mexican natives who had
loped their ponies down still different trails. These invaders
were Warm Springs and Natage Apaches.

When Warm Springs Apaches set out southward to steal,
they came down the Mimbres Valley to the lake region of
northern Chihuahua. The main lagoons here were de Guzman,
de Santa Maria, and de Patos. They figured much in the story
of New Mexico's Indians also, especially for holding rendez-
vous and because of their droves of wild mustangs and sur-
rounding ranches with domestic stock. Of course, like the area
west of El Carmen, this meant opportunities for professional
hair dressers also. The Warm Springs Apaches drove on to
El Ojo del Apache, or Apache Spring, in a marshy region
about fifteen miles west of Fort Carrizal. They might rendez-
vous here with Natages and push on southward with them to
join the Mimbrenos west of El Carmen.

The Natages lived along the Rio Grande and crossed that
River below El Paso del Norte at San Elezario. Passing over
the Llano de los Castillos, they raided ranches along the way,

6. Manuel Romero, "Victor" el Apache que creo mi madre era hijo gran jefe de
los Apaches 'Victorio' ", Boletin de la sociedad ehihuahuense . . ., VI, num. 8 (enero y
febrero de 1951), 509-513; Jose Carlos Chavez, "Extencion de los Apaches," Boletin de
la, sociedad ehihuahuense . . ., I, num. 10 (marzo 15 de 1939), 340n ; Jose Fuentes Mares,
. . . Y Mexico se refugio en el desierto (1954), Mexico, D. F. : Editorial Jus, S. A., 148.

26 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

joined other tribes in a common rendezvous, and split into
small parties for working the land southward in detail. In
all of the great space north of Chihuahua City, they found a
country much less arid than it is today. It abounded in live-
stock until Apaches cleaned it out. If they went straight south-
ward from the vicinity of El Carmen, they took the Rio Santa
Clara Valley, or followed the 107th parallel, to such river
ranches as San Lorenzo, Santa Clara, and La Quemada. Still
farther south they found more ranches, livestock, and people
around the two big lagoons known as don Antonio del Castillo
and as Bustillo west of Chihuahua City.

Eastward from their big rendezvous grounds the invaders
frequently crossed the Carmen River, passed under the
friendly Sierra de los Arados on their left, and took the valley
between Las Varas and El Plan de Alamos, two more sierra
allies, to the El Paso-Chihuahua City Road. This put them im-
mediately below Gallegos and west of Tres Castillos, where
Col. Terrazas and his scalp hunters trapped Victorio in 1880,
and Captain Mauricio Corredor raised his $2,000 crown. Mov-
ing southward Apaches would make one, or more, seasonal
calls by Encinillas. This feudal barony constituted the largest
and best known ranch system in all Chihuahua and therefore
one of the most visited. From the peaks of the long sierra on
each side of it, native scouts looked down upon its twenty mile
long lagoon and the villa at its southern tip. They kept every
thing that moved over the valley under observation. Multiple
times they ran off horses and mules, left the valley dotted with
dead cattle, speared hundreds of sheep for sport, and swept
away captives. Moving on they would plague dozens of ranch
settlements and run off livestock herds north, east, and west
of the capital. Sometimes New Mexican Apaches would work
with kinsmen from Texas.

These were Mescalero Apaches. They lived in mountains
east of the Rio Grande from the Sierra Blanca toward the
Big Bend. They crossed the river into eastern Chihuahua by
the Pass of El Morrion at Dolores, or elsewhere, and often
made for a sierra between Gallegos and Agua Nueva. Both of
these places were on the El Paso-Chihuahua City Road about

APACHE PLUNDER 27

fifty miles north of the capital. Agua Nueva was the head-
quarters of the estate of don Estanislao Porras. He was one of
the wealthiest ranchers and merchants of Chihuahua and ran
as many as 36,000 head of cattle on his ranch when Apaches
permitted. Because they stole and killed his livestock, kid-
napped his servants, robbed his merchant trains, and used
his sierra to plan their raids, he had become one of the main
patrons of a "well known American" called the "King of New
Mexico." This was don Santiago Kirker who led the best hair
dressing outfit ever assembled on this continent. North of
Agua Nueva, Mescaleros made Gallegos and the El Paso-Chi-
huahua City Road crossing at Chavito Creek very dangerous
for travelers. In the Forties, Gomez was a Mescalero chief
who made his name one of the most terrifying words that
Mexican ears ever heard in this area. He too had been a cap-
tured Mexican child. When Chihuahua posted a thousand dol-
lar prize for his scalp and American hair hunters chased him
over the land like blood hounds, he promptly offered the same
amount for each Mexican and American pelt brought to him.
Mescaleros moving down the broad valley from Agua
Nueva, visited the herds of Encinillas and passed through El
Venado and then the Pass of Hormigas at the town of Hor-
migas. This put them at the Chaco Grande, a large swampy
depression in a spacious valley northeast of the capital. Here
they expected to find herds of cattle, horses, and mules. In
their path along the perimeter northeast to southeast of Chi-
huahua City were El Torreon ranch, the mining town of
Aldama, San Diego on the Chuviscar River, and Santa Clara,
Julimes, and other places on the Rio Conchos. Near the south
end of this arc they frequently waylaid people and struck
them down on the road from the capital to Santa Eulalia.
This was a rich mine that disgorged silver to pay hair
hunters for bringing in green pelts and to build the splen-
did cathedral in the capital6 where New Mexican Indian
scalps went on display as somber reminders to enemies of
church and state. Withdrawing northward, booty-laden
raiders would rendezvous with captives and stolen animals

6a. "Construcci6n de la iglesia de esta ciudad y la de Santa Eulalia," Boletin de la
sociedad chihuahucnse . . ., VII, num. 6 (noviembre de 1950), 472.

28 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

again, then push homeward over their respective routes, in
every case sheltered by the sierras.

In the Thirties certain Mescalero sub-tribes drifted into
the Big Bend mountains where Lipan Apaches lived. When
General Nicolas de la Fora inspected the northern frontier of
New Spain about the mid-Eighteenth Century and described
Apache invasion routes, he gave most space to the Lipan plun-
der trails. They came out of the Big Bend and spread over
eastern Chihuahua to the Conchos River and into northern
Durango and western Coahuila. During the Thirties the name
of the Mescaleros replaced that of the Lipans in records as
Apache representatives in this area. By the Forties it too was
disappearing from reports out of the old Lipan raiding zone.
Amity and trade treaties that American commissioners made
with South Plains Indians in the middle Thirties partly ex-
plain this. The Plains nomads stepped up their raids in the
Lipan preserve; shortly they had excluded their Apache
enemies from it. However, when Apaches left the Big Bend
and the mountains east of the Rio Grande, they might cross
the River at Lajitas if they intended to strike the villages
along the Conchos, or near Chihuahua City. At other times
they used El Vado de Chisos, or "The Grand Chisos Crossing,"
at the point where the Chihuahua-Coahuilan boundary
touches the Rio Grande. This took them to Mexican settle-
ments around the Bolson de Mapimi, a wild plateau land in
eastern Chihuahua, northern Durango, and western Coa-
huila; but the Lajitas and Chisos fords became almost
Comanche monopolies. By 1840 the Rio Conchos had very
definitely become the dividing line between Apache and
Comanche plunder lands in Mexico, with of course some over-
lapping. While Apaches operated from the Conchos westward
to the Pacific, Comanches and Kiowas gleaned the country
eastward to the Gulf of Mexico and southward across the
Tropic of Cancer. Besides giving the direction of Apache in-
cursions, Mexican records also reveal the art of their welfare.

First, the Apaches were mountain people. Like Scotch
Highlanders they preyed upon people and herds below. Re-
gardless of the way they went they made full use of the
sierras, which were their best allies. Whether advancing, or

APACHE PLUNDER 29

retreating, they operated from one mountain chain to another.
As individuals they were among history's best soldiers. A
warrior at fourteen fought as well as one forty. This explains
why Mexican states paid the same price for the scalp of each.
At camouflaging himself beside a road, using boulders for con-
cealment, and striking unsuspecting Mexicans the Apaches
had few equals.7 Rattle snake venom on the tip of his arrow
made one more dangerous. To get this deadly poison Indians
ensnared reptiles with poles and fishing nets. Placing a piece
of animal liver on a stick, they let a serpent strike it. Then
they buried the meat in humid earth for a few days "to ripen."
After taking it up, warriors rubbed their points on it for the
toxin. When one of the arrows pierced a victim he usually
died within half an hour suffering all of the agonies that ac-
companied a rattle snake bite.8 To defend themselves against
poison arrows of New Mexican savages, and from American
rifles in the hands of South Plains nomads, the Mexican people
were very poorly equipped.

Their literature bulges in heart breaking stories of wood
cutters slain in the forests, shepherds shot down in pastures,
workmen cut up in fields, travelers left along the roads bris-
tling with arrows, and settlers slumped in doorways of their
mud, straw, and stick huts. Still more pathetic were the tales
of women and children dragged off into captivity.9 These
female prisoners were often bought by the gentry of Rio
Grande settlements, or at Santa Fe, Bent's, and Taos, in com-
mon with Navajo, Ute, and other captive Indian maidens. The
disinterest of some Mexicans in the misfortune of fellow citi-
zens did not stop here. These joined Apaches and Comanches
in raids and brought captives from Sonora, Chihuahua, Nuevo
Leon, Durango, San Luis Potosi, Zacatecas, and Tamaulipas,
or they might go slaving to the Navajo lands, or to the Indian

7. Francisco R. Almada, "Sucesos y recuerdos de la independencia en Chihuahua,"
Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., V, num. 5 (junio y Julio de 1944), 185-186;
Alberto Terrazas Valdez, "El salvajismo Apache en Chihuahua," Boletin de la sociedad
chihuahuense . . ., VII, num. 1 (enero y febrero de 1950), 372-374.

8. Ignacio Emilio Elias, "El terrible veneo tactica guerrera de los indios apaches,"
Boletin de la, sociedad chihuahuenae . . ., VII, num. 2 (marzo y abril de 1950), 392-393.

9. Jesus J. Lozano (ed. ), Emilio Lamberg's "Vida y costumbres de los indios sal-
vajes que habitan el estado de Chihuahua mediados del siglo XIX," septiembre 27 de
1851, Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., VI, num. 9 (agosto de 1949), 275.

30 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

tribes as far northward as around the Great Salt Lake. Both
national and state governments failed to protect the people
and even censured them for undertaking unauthorized expe-
ditions. They called it meddling in affairs that properly be-
longed to the military.10 When civilian governors hired
professional scalp hunters to go after Indian hair jealousy
appeared among the military also. After South Plains Indians
began trading with Americans and Reservation Indians, these
nomads came down upon the descendants of Cortes with
weapons more effective than those of the Apaches. Since Mex-
ican dictators forbade the people to keep arms, their civilized
subjects had to improvise bows, arrows, lances, knives, slings,
and lariats to fend against poisoned arrows and high powered
carbines. Occasionally they possessed a few old rusty guns
like their ancestors had used more than a century before.11
These Indians rode the best horses that the Mexican cavaliers
raised ; if the soldiers rode it was on burros, or poor ponies.
Finally moved to action on May 5, 1831, against these
stubborn red skins, the Mexican President appointed Col.
Jose Joaquin Calvo as Commandant General and Inspector
of the State of Chihuahua and the Territory of New Mexico.
Don Jose was a Cuban born Creole of exceptional military,
administrative, and educational attainments, but he had never
met problems like the New Mexican Indians posed. On Octo-
ber 16 he declared war on Apaches and promised special pay
for volunteers to fight them.12 Twenty-nine chieftains entered
a treaty with him at Santa Rita. They accepted a division of
their country into zones. Recognizing three chiefs as "gen-
erals" he placed each over a "reservation" with promises of
rations for their people. General Juan Jose Compa became
head of the first with headquarters at the village of Janos,
and General Fuerte of the second. General Aquien headed
the Gila River area. However, the treaty failed to define their
administrative powers adequately ; but even if it had the gov-
ernments of neighboring states would have ignored them.

10. Frobel, Aua Amerika, II, 214.

11. Robles (ed.) , La Fora's Relaeion del viaje que hizo a los presidios . . ., 102.

12. Francisco R. Almada, "La comandancia general de provincias internas," I, num.
2 (junio de 1938), 40, y "Gobernados del estado: X. — Gral. Jose Joaquin Calvo," II,
nums. 8 y 9 (enero y febrero de 1940), 299, en Boletin de la. sociedad chihuahuense. . . .

APACHE PLUNDER 31

Likewise Governor Isidro Madero's orders to political chiefs
of the cantons to see that the people arm themselves for de-
fense achieved nothing1. Neither did the efforts of his succes-
sor, Col. Simon Elfas Gonzalez. The failure of the Mexicans
to provide allowances and rations led to frequent Apache
raids from 1833 through 1835.13

Early in January, 1833, Juan J6se sent his warriors
storming out of their "reservation." Soon raiders of other
chiefs swarmed over Sonora and Chihuahua also.14 The Mexi-
cans scored a slight victory over them on July 23, 1834, and
Captain don Jose Mar fa Ronquillo and don Alejandro Rami-
rez, the political chief of El Paso del Norte, made a treaty
with seven Comanche chiefs. The Mexicans followed the
familiar strategy here of trying to play Comanches against
Apaches. As an expediency to strengthen the Mexican defense
position, the legislative body of Chihuahua turned over the
governor's powers to Calvo on September 18.15 He instituted
the death penalty for soldiers who turned their backs upon
the Indians in war on December 19.16 But Apaches and Co-
manches made the people of northern Mexico pay dearly.
Bands of three or four hit almost within the suburbs of the
capital city. Mogollons were over 400 miles from their homes
when they raided the ranch of Animas and took many captives
in the district of Hidalgo del Parral on the border of Duran-
go.17 Areas as far apart as El Paso del Norte, Galeana,
Aldama, and El Carmen, north of the capital, and Resales on
the middle Conchos south of it took on the appearance of
famine-stricken deserts. Coyoteros and Mimbrenos joined
rebellious Yaqui, Opatas, and Seris. They razed Sonora as far

13. Almada, "Los Apaches," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., II, num. 1
( junio de 1939), 9.

14. Francisco R. Almada, Diccionario de historia, geografia y biografia sonorense,
(1952), Ciudad Chihuahua, Chi., 73; Almada, "Gobernadores de estado: X. — Gral. Jose
Joaquin Calvo," Boletin de la. sociedad chihuahuense . . ., II, nums. 8 y 9 (enero y
febrerode 1940), 299.

15. Enrique Gonzalez Flores, Chihuahua de la independencia a la revolution (1949),
Mexico, D. F. : Ediciones Botas, 56-57; Almada, "Los Apaches," II, num. 1 (junio de
1939), 9, y "Gobernadores del estado: X. — Gral. Jos£ Joaquin Calvo," II, nums. 8 y 9
(enero y febrero de 1940), 299, 325, y Chavez, "Extincion de los Apaches," I, num. 10
(marzo 15 de 1939), 336, todos en Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense ....

16. Mares, . . . Y Mexico se refugio en el desierto, 187.

17. Almada, "Los Apaches," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., II, num. 1
( Junio de 1939), 9.

32 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

as Hermosillo and Arizpe and left scores of ranches and towns
deserted.

Encouraged by Apache impunity, American treaties, and
new markets Comanches stepped up their raids. Mexicans
complained about Americans along the Arkansas, at Taos,
Bent's Fort, and Torrey's trading post on the Brazos who paid
them with rifles, knives, and hoop-iron to make into arrows
and lance points for captives, plunder, mules, and horses that
they had stolen below the Rio Grande. Reports said that six
to seven hundred Comanches entered Chihuahua in May,
1835, and put the total for the year at 800.18 Officials of Chi-
huahua, which included New Mexico, had cause for alarm at
rumors that Apaches and Comanches would combine and give
the land a thorough cleaning. Calvo set out for Presidio del
Norte, present Ojinaga, on the Rio Grande in June with an
army of regulars and volunteers.19 But his abortive campaign
did no more than to provoke furious, sporadic Apache and
Comanche raids. At Yepomera, near the Papigochic, Mogo-
llons killed forty-two persons.20

In despair Sonora returned to the old Spanish policy of
buying Indian scalps and ears on September 7, 1835. Its Gov-
ernor would pay one hundred pesos for the locks of a warrior
fourteen, or older. A silver peso had the same purchasing
power as a dollar in the American West. The new plan allowed
scalp hunters to keep plunder and livestock that they took
from the natives.21 Some time elapsed before it produced
noticeable results. Meanwhile, politicans seemed to conspire
with the savages against their own people. President Santa
Anna set aside the Constitution in October and initiated one
of the sickest, most chaotic decades in Mexican history.
Among the few to gain from the weaknesses of the country

18. Reviata Oficial, periodico del gobierno del departamento de Chihuahua (Ciudad
Chihuahua, Chi.), II, num. 42, octubre 15 de 1844.

19. Francisco R. Almada, "Gobernadores del estado: Xi. — Lie. JosS Ma. de Echa-
varra," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., II, num. 12 (Julio de 1940), 364.

20. Almada, "Los Apaches," II, num. 1 (junio de 1939), 10, y "Gobernadores del
estado: XVI. — D. Pedro Olivares," III, nums. 1-3 (octubre-diciembre de 1940), 394,
Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuc.nsc ....

21. Georg Friedrici, Skalpieren und iihnliche Kriegesgebrduche in Amerika (1906),
Braunschweig : Druck und Verlag von Friedrich Vieweg und Sohn, 66 ; Alonso Toro,
Historia de Mexico (1961), Mexico, D. F. : Editorial Patria, 421-424; Almada, Diccion-
ario de historia, geografia y biografia sonorcnses, 74.

APACHE PLUNDER 33

were those who met Apaches and Comanches after raids and
bought their bargains. Calvo gave 1836 over to proclaiming
Santa Anna's new organic laws that shackled the people
in a pitiless thraldom, and to playing at defending his
department from too many New Mexican, Arizona, and Texas
barbarians.22

One step that his government took was to organize a civil
militia of two and a half companies under the name of De-
fenders of the State. The Governor sent one company to re-
enforce Fort Carrizal south of El Paso del Norte against the
Warm Springs and Natage plunder roads. The second went
to Fort Janos and the half company to Casas Grandes to
watch the Mogollons and Mimbrenos. Calvo's government
also had its people organize a Rural Police to help restrain
the red peril. On March 19, 1836, it created a Council of
Auxiliaries to aid Calvo in the "anguishing circumstances"
of confronting Indians and Yankees who were about to take
the Republic apart from the Sabine River in Texas to the
Pacific. Don Estevan Curcier was its secretary and also a man
known to New Mexican history. He and Robert McKnight
operated the Santa Rita copper mine and had become the cop-
per kings of Chihuahua and New Mexico. The Council should
keep 100 men ranging the country around the capital. Hidalgo
del Parral applied this plan in southern Chihuahua against
the Mogollons, and other districts followed its example.23 But
the Defenders, Rural Police, Auxiliaries, and presidial
soldiers could not stop the plague of human scorpions that
came out of the rocky sierras of New Mexico and infested
their country. In 1837 Chihuahua received a suggestion on
Indian relations from Sonora.

On April 22, James Johnson of Kentucky spread gifts for
the band of Chief Juan Jose Compa and enticed women, chil-
dren, and warriors before a concealed cannon loaded with
scrap iron. When he touched the fuse with his cigar, the metal

22. Gonzalez Flores, Chihuahua de la independencia a la revolution, 57-61 ; Almada,
"Gobernadores del estado: X. — Oral. D. Jose Joaquin Calvo," nums. 8 y 9 (enero y
febrero de 1940), 325, y "Gobernadores del estado: XI. — Lie. Jose Ma. Echavarra," num.
12 (julio de 1940), Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., II.

23. Almada, "Los Apaches," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., II, num. 1 ( junio
de 1939), 10.

34 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

cut down scores. His men fell upon others with knives, while
he shot the Chief dead with a pistol. American records vary
on the total number killed and scalped, ranging upward to
over four hundred, and give different times and places for
this significant piece of treachery. It is necessary to go to an
account in Spanish to establish the date and to confirm that
it occurred near the Silver Road in the Sierra de Animas and
not at Santa Rita. Though Governor don Escalante y Arvizu
of Sonora had promised Johnson a big prize for Juan's scalp
and the regular price for the pelts of his tribesmen, it is
doubtful that he collected anything for his scheme.24 His
greatest success came in blasting away a decade of friendly
American- Apache relations and blowing in half a century of
warfare between the two nations. This costly conflict dragged
on until Col. Terrazas gathered $17,250 worth of hair from
sixty-two Warm Springs warriors and $10,200 worth of cap-
tives at Tres Castillos in October, 1880,23 and Mexicans took
the head of the young Apache chieftain, Talline, in 1885,26
and Geronimo paced the floor at Fort Sill.

Apaches stopped the traffic on the Silver Road and broke
up the mining operations of McKnight and Curcier, already
hit by a measure of the government in February that reduced
the value of copper money in circulation.27 Chihuahua joined
Sonora with a sliding scale for Apache hair, beginning with
one hundred dollars for the forelocks of a warrior fourteen,
or above. The pelt of a squaw would bring half as much.
Under the old border theory that "nits breed lice" the Gov-
ernor would pay twenty-five dollars for the scalp of a child of
either sex under fourteen. Contrasting these wages and the
abundance of black hair on the heads of Apaches, Comanches,
Navajos, and Utes with opportunities in panic stricken
United States in 1837, teamsters and wagon guards saw new

24. Almada, Diccionario de hiatoria, geografia y biografia sonorenses, 74, 248, 500,
581.

25. Jos6 Carlos Chavez, "Extincion de los Apaches," Boletin de la sociedad chihua-
huense de estudios historicos, I, niim. 11 (abril 15 de 1939), 365; "El Indio 'Victorio',"
Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense .... V, num. 6 (agosto 20 de 1944), 219.

26. Jos6 Carlos Chavez, "Indio Ju," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., I, num.
11 (abril 15 de 1939), 377.

27. Almada, "Gobernadorea del estado: X. — Oral. Jose1 Joaquin Calvo," Boletin
de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., II, nums. 8 y 9 (enero y febrero 15 de 1940), 325.

APACHE PLUNDER 35

reasons for seeking their fortunes below the Rio Grande.
Striking an Indian village before dawn was like finding a pot
of gold. Overnight scalp "mining" became a quicker way to
wealth than digging in hard ground and much more honorific.
Not overlooked by the scalp hunters were many domestic
Tarahumaras, Seris, Opatas, and Pimas and peons. Trophies
were counted as hunters flung them down for tallying at
municipal halls, where the governing councils inspected, veri-
fied, and displayed them according to law and issued warrants
redeemable at the state treasury. Chihuahua's law also
allowed hunters to keep plunder and animals taken from
Indians. None did better in the "industry" as Mexican writers
have called the hair hunting business than don Santiago
Kirker.

He was a former employee of McKnight and felt honor
bound to go to the relief of his friend. The Scalp Captain hit
an Apache village west of Socorro with his "little army" of
twenty-three Delawares, Shawnees, and border adventurers.
They returned with fifty-five scalps, nine prisoners, and four
hundred head of livestock. He became a hero overnight. His
fame reached Calvo who was still in "anguishing circum-
stances." The Governor invited him to the capital. They
entered a deal for him to raise his "volunteer corps" to fifty
men and to go after Indian hair in earnest.28

Little more than Kirker and his Old Apache Company
stood between the citizens and savages after troops were
transferred from northern Mexico to meet French and Span-
ish threats of invasion in the late Thirties. Apaches from Ari-
zona, New Mexico, and mountains east of the Rio Grande kept
up their sneak attacks in and out of season, and South Plains
warriors made each year progressively worse on through the
Forties ; but they paid the Lord of the Scalp Hunters in hair
for their mischief. Kirker could have accomplished more
against them with better co-operation from the government
and less jealousy from the military. Calvo's government ended
on the last day of February, 1838. Don Santiago's agreement

28. Almada, "Gobernadores del estado: X. — Gral. Jos6 Joaquin Calvo," II, ntims.
8 y 9 (enero y febrero de 1940), 299, 325, y "Gobernadores del estado: XV. — Lie. D. Jos6
Ma. Irigoyen de la O," III, nums. 1-3 (octubre-diciembre de 1940), 892, Boletin de la
sociedad chihuahuense . . .; Frobel, Aus Amerika, II, 219-220.

36 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

expired also, but Indian visits continued. On November 15,
Lt. Col. Jose Ignacio Ronquillo confirmed peace in El Paso del
Norte with Mimbreno chieftains : Mancisco, Yescas, Cristo-
bal, and Cigarrito ;29 but the general picture became worse.

By the summer of 1839 don Jose Maria de Irigoyen was
the civilian governor of Chihuahua.30 He saw little hope of
relief from the New Mexican savages save turning to the
Scalp Lord again. For $100,000, five thousand to start on,
Kirker would increase his company to 150 American riflemen
and fifty Mexicans, whip the Apaches, bring them to a perma-
nent treaty, and teach the Comanches a lesson. He paid each
man one dollar per day and allowed him one-half of the booty
that he took. His new recruits were mostly daring Missouri
and Kentucky teamsters and speculators whom Dona Ger-
trudes Barcelo had ruined at monte bank in Sante Fe. Kirker's
fierce attacks with his Old Apache Company literally para-
lyzed Indian bands much larger than his own "army." He
hemmed up a band of Apache raiders on September 5
at Ranchos de Taos, and while they tried to burst into the
church sanctuary his hair raisers butchered forty around
the building.

On the eighteenth don Jose Maria Irigoyen de la O31 took
over as governor. His action of employing Kirker and his com-
pany without the permission of Lt. Col. Cayetano Justiniani
riled the Colonel. He was the Commandant General of the
Department. Justiniani started an exchange of hot notes with
Irigoyen de la 0. The Commander demanded information
from the Governor about an Apache attack upon a caravan
between El Paso del Norte and Chihuahua City, and ordered
de la 0 to turn over to him Kirker and his company and also
the Defenders of the State.

When New Mexican Apaches raided the Labor de Dolores
about fifty miles west of Chihuahua City, de la 0 urged an

29. Almada, "Los Apaches," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense de estudios histor-
icos, II, num. 1 (junio de 1939), 11.

80. Almada, "Gobernadores del estado: XIV. — D. Jose Ma. de Irigoyen," Boletin
de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., Ill, niims. 1-3 (octubre-diciembre de 1940), 390-391.

81. Almada, "Gobernadores del estado: XV. — Lie. D. Jos6 Ma, Irigoyen de la O,"
Boletin de la aociedad chihuahuense . . ., Ill, nums. 1-3 (octubre-diciembre de 1940), 392.

APACHE PLUNDER 37

official castigation of Justiniani. The savages came within a
league of the capital. De la 0 mobilized the Defenders. This
situation embarrassed Justiniani because he had no dispos-
able troops ; however, he did deliver an insulting duel chal-
lenge to the Governor in person. But this was not the only
occasion that New Mexican Indians contributed to the heat of
domestic politics in the departments to the south. Finally, on
December 13, Justiniana relinquished his command to Lt. Col.
Jose Maria Ronquillo. Soon thereafter the Governor renewed
Kirker's contract for four months.32 Early in February don
Santiago was on the prowl for hair south of the capital with
six or seven of his Delawares and Shawnees. He encountered
a band of Apaches and took fifteen scalps and twenty
prisoners.

Even with such spectacular success against the New
Mexican savages barracks lords charged that he profiteered
on the miseries of the people.33 On May 12, General don Fran-
cisco Garcia Conde arrived in Chihuahua City from Durango.
He brought 600 horses for mounting departmental troops and
assumed command of all military activities. The death of de
la 0 two days later ended civilian control of the governorship.
Conde took over civilian authority on July 6. Born at Arizpe,
Sonora, in 1804, don Francisco was the son of General Alejo
Garcia Conde, former commander of the Interior Provinces
of the West. He had known frontier problems from childhood.
At times he had served as a deputy to the Mexican Congress,
headed the Mexican Military College, and had been Secretary
of War and Navy, but he misjudged the Apache menace. His
first act forbade an extension of Kirker's contract "through
grave consideration for the exchequer." He called the agree-
ment a dishonorable, unpatriotic deal for the government to
put military campaigns and plannings in the hands of an
alien. Don Santiago retired from the scene, while Conde vis-

32. Almada, "Los Apaches," II, num. 1 (junio de 1939), 10, "Gobernadores del
estado: XV. — Lie. D. Jose Ma. Irigroyen de la O," III, niims. 1-3 (octubre-diciembre de
1940), 392-393, y "Gobernadores del estado: XXIV.— Coronel Cayetano Justiniani,"
IV, num. 5 (octubre 20 de 1942), 171, todos en Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuenae . . .;
Gonzalez Flores, Chihuahua, de la, independencia a la revolution, 89.

83. Almada, "Los Apaches," Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense . . ., II, num. 1
( junio de 1939), 10.

38 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ited, reorganized, and strengthened the frontier defenses.34
But the Governor's action had little effect on the Mountain and
Plains Indians frolicking over the land, ridiculing Mexican
soldiers, and kicking up havoc across thousands of square
miles. When Apaches returned to New Mexico they carried
much plunder and drove many head of bargain-price live-
stock.35 Comanches too hit the departments hard in 1840. As
Conde dropped the Scalp Lord, Durango seized upon the
bounty system. On July 27, the departmental council author-
ized Governor Miguel Zubirle to pay upon tangible evidence
ten dollars for each Indian apprehended, killed, beheaded, or
scalped.36

The Mexicans collected scalps here and there ;37 but nobody
hit the New Mexican Indians during the rest of 1840 like don
Santiago Kirker had blasted them and would many times
more after Governor Conde had learned what he should have
already known. This simple fact was that the Lord of the
Scalp Hunters gathered hair where ragged Mexican soldiers
lost their own, or stirred the dust with their heels.

El Sonorense, the official periodical of the government of
Sonora, October 1, pictured this province at the hands of
Apaches as a house without doors, walls, or even a stick fence
around it. Its northern frontier had vanished. Those settlers
still living there had despaired of receiving protection and
were abandoning their hearths, Captain don Antonio Nar-
bona Jr. was planning to direct the exodus. Part of it had

34. Gonzalez Flores, Chihuahua de la independencia a la revolution, 64 ; Almada,
"La comandancia general de provincias internas," I, num. 2 (junto de 1938), 41, "Los
Apaches," II, num. 1 (junio de 1939), 10, y num. 6 (noviembre 15 de 1939), 226, "Gober-
nadores del estado: XV. — Lie. D. Jos6 Ma. Irigoyen de la O," III, nums. 1-3 (octubre-
diciembre de 1940), 393, "Gobernadores del estado: XVII. — GraL D. Francisco Garcia
Conde," III, nums. 1-3 (octubre-diciembre de 1940), 394-396, y "Gobernadores del estado:
XXIV. — Coronel Cayetano Justiniani," IV, num. (5 octubre 20 de 1942), 171, todos en
Boletin de la sociedad chihuahuense ....

85. Students of Southwestern history are familiar with the oft-quoted report of Dr.
Josiah Gregg that he saw carts of goods leaving Santa Fe to be traded to Indians who
had returned from the south, and that even the Governor had an interest in them.

86. El Registro O final, periodico del gobierno del estado de Durango (Victoria de
Durango, Durango), IX, num. 781, octubre 18 de 1849.

87. Gregg reported seeing a detachment of Mexican horsemen approaching the
Governor's palace in Chihuahua City about this time. The commander bore a fresh scalp
on the top of his lance. He waved it high in "exultation of his exploit." While pursuing
a band of Apaches, the soldiers had discovered a squaw lagging far behind in an effort
to bear away her infant. The cavalryman had killed her and taken her scalp. Her baby
"died" soon after its capture.

APACHE PLUNDER 39

headed southward and part toward California. Life at night
on the streets of such border towns as Bacoachi, or at the post
of Fronteras, counted for little. Indian arrows and knives
brought death to the people. The gazette described how New
Mexican and Arizona savages descended the Cordilleras,
camping fearlessly and contemptuously along their heights.
From sierra camps, they fell upon defenseless pueblos, robbed
people, killed men, and snatched away women and children.
They slaughtered people within the very suburbs of Arizpe
and Chihuahua City, the capitals of two departments. Taking
the lives of don Jose Villasola and six cattle herders near
Arizpe in the maize field of Cauverachi was a mere incident
in their big raid. The Sonoran country as far as the valleys of
the Sonora and San Ignacio rivers over a hundred leagues
from the frontier and of the Rio Matape, still farther, suf-
fered from them this fall.

Added to the distress that the Apaches brought, the Papa-
gos living along the Gila and on the rich lands of the Quitevac
and Sonoita revolted against the Mexicans. They killed many
people and despoiled rich gold mines, discovered in 1836,
which had produced 200 onzas daily.38

La Luna, the gazette of Chihuahua, threw light on the
operations of freebooters and buccaneers in that department
on November 10. It asserted that "the barbarians are not the
sole authors of the misfortunes which afflict Chihuahua."
While it attributed most of the disorder to them, it condemned
also a fringe of Mexican society that dressed like Indians and
preyed upon the settlements. The paper said that many "civ-
ilized" men terrorized, robbed, and murdered peaceful in-
habitants with "absolute impunity." To escape detection, they
gave credit to the Indians for their own mischief. Seeing the
fruits that they could harvest by imitating and posing in
dress, speech, and manners as Apaches, they functioned in
such ways as to enjoy the protection of the law while carrying
on their deviltry.39 Some parties organized ostensibly to pur-

88. La Luna, periodico oficial del gobierno del departamento de Chihuahua (Ciudad
Chihuahua, Chi.), I, num. 1, octubre 27 de 1840; Almada, Diedonario de historic*
geografia y biografia sonorenses, 500.

89. Lt. George Frederick Ruxton was a representative of the British Government
who reported this same sort of thing in 1846 among the Mexicans at El Paso del Norte.

40 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

sue Indians. After marching out of the settlements they would
turn to buccaneering against their own people. La Luna spoke
of criminals using the ranches and villages as havens from
which they looked daily for chances to cash in on the chaos
that Indians created. They would counterfeit the brands of
stolen livestock and drive them to other districts for sale. If
it meant gain, they would discourage, or delay, the prepara-
tions of campaigns against the savages.40

In November, 400 Mogollon Apaches surged down the
Sierra Madre. Some raiding parties went westward into
Sonora. Others struck along the Silver Road between Jesus
Maria and Chihuahua City. On the twenty-ninth, one band
carried off the son of Miguel Gabon in the district of San
Francisco de Borja about fifty miles southwest of the capital.
Forty warriors ambushed seventeen persons who went on a
futile pursuit. Northwest of the Laguna de los Mexicanos,
Apaches attacked cartmen transporting maize from Cerro
Prieto to San Juan de los Llanos on December 5. Five days
later three Apaches assailed Hilario Torres from front and
rear with lances and arrows as he travelled from San Juan
de los Llanos eastward toward Cusichuiriachic with two
mules bearing maize. They gave him six lance wounds and
injured his horse. However, he escaped to the Labor de Gon-
zalez with a lance that the savages thrust at him. The Gov-
ernor rewarded him with a carbine and ten pesos in money in
appreciation of his valor.

Chief Santo and his Apaches attacked travelers in another
place on the same day. They left four persons and five oxen
dead and got off with Perf ecto Castillo, Bartolo Meraz, Patri-
cio Maldonado, two other persons, and six horses and mules.
Santo asked Maldonado if he could read and write and offered
to release him if he would compose a letter to the Governor.
In the message, he proposed that Conde send commissioners
to Carrizal, or Janos, to make peace and that the Governor
return Tube and Mariquita, Indian prisoners, held in Chi-
huahua City. If the Governor failed, Santo would make war,
and he assured Conde that he had the resources for the job.

40. La, Luna, I, num. 3, noviembre 10 de 1840.

APACHE PLUNDER 41

Apaches robbed the columns of don Simon Elias of thirty-
five animals near Corral Piedra about twenty-five miles south
of the capital on the night of December 14. This, or another,
band got about 200 animals around Saucillo on the Conchos,
and made northwestward for their Sierra Madre camps. The
Apaches plus two to four hundred Comanches that entered
the Department in October made something like 800 savage
raiders in Chihuahua. On the day after Christmas a consider-
able number of Indians attacked eight men traveling home-
ward from Resales to Julimes, about seventy-five miles south-
east of Chihuahua City. They could have been either Apaches,
or Comanches. Near Anaya in the Canon del Ojito, they killed
a man named Carneros and took horses belonging to him and
his fellow travelers. When news reached Julimes, Resales,
San Pablo, and others towns along the Conchos River, the
military marched out companies which duly returned with
no more than the customary negative results. So it went day
and night for those parts of the country in the paths of New
Mexican and Plains Indians.

After Conde fired the Scalp Captain, he placed Lt. Col.
Francisco Javier Urgana in direction of military operations.
Urgana depended upon Mexican companies. They brushed
with Indians along the Conchos Valley but none of these
skirmishes had the effect of a good "kirkeresque" blow. As
1840 closed the Comanche scourge passed from Chihuahua
into Durango ;41 but there seemed to be a reptile Apache be-
hind every boulder along the trails that the Mexicans had to
tread. Reports continued pouring into the Governor's office
telling of this or that person killed or carried off.42

Despite his show of preparations, Conde could not fail to
contrast the results that Kirker's barbers had produced with
the failures of Urgana's soldiers. A regular Tuesday column
in his gazette, headed "EXTRACT of the reports received on
the hostilities of the barbarians," told pitiful tales of the
sufferings of his people. Apaches flashed over his Depart-
ment, striking everywhere that Comanches did not. In despair

41. La, Luna, I, num. 11, enero 5, y num. 16, febrero 9 de 1841.

42. Francisco R. Almada, Diccionario de historia, geografia y biografia ehihuahuense
(1927), Ciudad Chihuahua: Talleres Graficos del Gobierno del Estado, 47, 56; La. Luna,
I, num. 12, enero 12 de 1841.

42 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Conde had to swallow his pride and call upon "a bold and
intrepid Irishman, named Kirker" to save him from the
dilemma.

Don Santiago would recover animals that Indians had
stolen at two and a half dollars each, share in whatever else
he could take from them, and fleece the red skins at a fixed
sum per pelt. Prospects looked good for him and for those
operating under Durango's law at the end of 1840. The Gov-
ernor's disbursements soon showed that Kirker had used his
opportunities well, for by spring he had delivered 15,000
Apache mules that might have reached Taos, Santa Fe,
or Bent's, and possibly Missouri, Arkansas, or Illinois,
into Conde's corrals. When the Governor reduced don San-
tiago's pay for hair, the Captain of the Scalp Hunters retired
to western Chihuahua and changed sides. There he was "the
chief of the Apache nation" until he emerged again in the
middle Forties and resumed bringing in mule loads of New
Mexican Indian pelts again for the governors.

FRANK BOND: GENTLEMAN SHEEPHERDER
OF NORTHERN NEW MEXICO, 1883-1915

By FRANK H. GRUBBS

11. Espanola Milling and Elevator Company

>-pHE earliest record of the Espanola Milling and Elevator
JL Company is a $64,102.91 investment on the books of the
Bond & Nohl Company as of January 30, 1910.1 Since this is
an ending balance, it is likely that the mill was acquired some-
time earlier, probably late in 1909. The mill was an old one
which had been running in Espanola for a number of years,
and it was considered to be a desirable and logical adjunct
to the general merchandise business of Bond & Nohl. A great
deal of wheat growing was beginning to develop in the
country around Espanola, and in 1910 Frank Bond opined
that there would be twice as much sown in that year as
previously.2

The purchase price, paid to unknown owners, was $82,-
784 for the mill and wheat inventory. However, the mill
engine was worn out and had to be replaced ; this was done
with Allis-Chalmers equipment.3 Some difficulty was experi-
enced with the original installation, and Bond estimated that
the investment would run to $85,000 before the new engine
was in place and the mill operating.4 That the trouble was
cleared up satisfactorily is attested by the fact that the engine
is still running today in Espanola, operating a sawmill.5

The Espanola M. & E. Company, as it was called, was
capitalized for $20,000 but the holders of the stock are un-
known. For two reasons it is strongly suspected that all of
the mill stock was held by Bond & Nohl. First, the mill is not
listed among Frank Bond's assets along with his interest in

1. Records, loc. cit.

2. Letter Book No. 6, March 16, 1910.

3. Ibid.

4. Ibid.

5. Interview with David C. Hake, Albuquerque, February 1, 1957.

43

44 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the other stores nor are any profits or losses on the mill re-
flected in any identifiable manner in the profits and losses
that accrued to him individually. Second, a receivable, identi-
fied only as "Espanola Milling & Elevator Company," is
carried on the books of Bond & Nohl from January 30, 1910,
through the end of 1915.6

This receivable on the Bond & Nohl books is identical to
a corresponding liability carried by the Espanola Milling &
Elevator Company and appears to have been in fact a trans-
fer account through which Bond & Nohl operated the mill as
a branch. Its operation in this manner is in some degree con-
firmed by the notable absence of a cash account in the records
of the Espanola Milling & Elevator Company. It is concluded,
therefore, that Bond & Nohl paid all expenses of the mill and
received all payments, charging and crediting them to a
separate set of books through this transfer account.

Through the end of 1915 the Espanola Milling & Elevator
Company carried an unexplained asset variously entitled,
"Stock Certificates," and "Bond & Nohl Co. stock."7 This
item amounted to $15,000 at the end of 1910. At the end of
1911 it is shown as $14,997 but at the same time three items
of one dollar each appear, entitled, "Frank Bond, Stock," "G.
W. Bond, Stock," and "L. F. Nohl, Stock."8 At the end of 1912
and all subsequent years the balance of this stock certificate
account is $18,000.9 The corporate records of the Bond & Nohl
Company reveal no ownership of Bond & Nohl stock by the
Espanola Milling & Elevator Company at any time, but un-
fortunately the corporate records of the mill, which might
possibly contain the solution to this puzzling account, have
not as yet been located. No solution has been found, and no
supportable theory can be advanced,10 so the matter remains
a mystery.

6. Records, loe. cit.

7. Ibid.
S. Ibid.

9. Ibid.

10. One hypothesis is that Frank Bond, George Bond, and Louis Nohl each put up
$5,000 of their Bond & Nohl stock, a note for $3,000, and various supplies and materials
from the store amounting to $2,000 in payment for the $20,000 mill stock. This would
account for the presence of the Bond & Nohl stock in the mill accounts even though no
formal transfer was made, but it would not explain how the former owners of the mill
were paid.

FRANK BOND 45

Louis T. Hardy, an old English miller and a friend of the
Bonds was brought into Espanola to operate the mill, which
he did for a number of years,11 producing a fine flour under
the trade name of Rosalinda.12 In the off season, when there
was no wheat to be ground, Bond demonstrated an awareness
of cyclical production by grinding local chili into powder.13
As a result, Bond & Nohl frequently quoted prices to out-of-
town customers on "genuine Mexican ground chili."14 In so
doing, they always enclosed a sample of the product, and in
mid-1915 chili gave rise to one of the rare bits of state busi-
ness enjoyed by the Bonds when they successfully bid to sell
the State Penitentiary one hundred pounds of ground chili.15

The first years of operation were singularly unimpressive.
The cumulative loss at the end of the first year, 1910,
amounted to $20,012.06, and the only profitable transaction
was the sale of four hogs at a profit of $180.03. Mill expenses
during that first year were heavy, and large sums were ex-
pended for interest, insurance, oil and packing, coal, sacks,
and twine. All expenses were drastically reduced in 1911, and
the profit on wheat and flour operations amounted to $2,-
842.24.16 This profit, however, was insufficient to cover the
accumulated losses, and so Bond & Nohl charged $15,000 off
to their own expense, crediting the mill through the transfer
account, and reducing the deficit to just over $2,000.17

Income and expenses for 1912 do not accurately reflect
the operation for that year. Gross income from wheat and
flour amounted to slightly more than $5,000, but large write-
offs were made to expense that resulted in an apparent net
loss of almost $18,000. These write-offs included a $5,000
reduction in real estate, a $1,500 reduction in the value of the
power house, and a write-down of machinery of more than
$11,000. Again it became necessary for Bond & Nohl to
charge part of the mill costs against their own expense, and
$20,000 was written off. This $20,000 contributed by Bond &

11. Interview with J. E. Davenport.

12. Interview with D. C. Hake.

13. Ibid.

14. Letter Book No. 58, passim.

15. Ibid., June 7, 1915, p. 425 ; ibid., June 14, 1915, p. 490.

16. Records, loc. cit.

17. Ibid.

46 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Nohl plus the income from wheat and flour were just suffi-
cient to cover the charges to expense in that year and to
liquidate the remaining deficit from previous years.18

The following years through 1915 were also disappoint-
ing, and by the end of 1915 the cumulative profits only
amounted to slightly more than $100.19 Frank Bond had
written $35,000 off to expense through Bond & Nohl and was
discouraged enough with the mill that he offered the entire
plant, excluding the engine, boiler, and buildings, to William
A. Stafford in Pocatello, Idaho, for $15,000.2° He wrote
Stafford :

We are sorry to have to give up this mill here but on ac-
count of so little wheat being raised in this vicinity it does not
justify the investment. We are obliged to ship in wheat and do
not find it profitable to do this on account of the high freight
rates.21

In 1915 Frank Bond discussed the possibility of organiz-
ing a stock company with Andy Wiest.22 The plan was to in-
clude all the merchants in the area in the new company and
move the mill to Roy, New Mexico. However, at the end of
1915 the mill was still operating under Bond auspices in
Espanola.

12. Rosa Mercantile Company

>T"iHE Rosa Mercantile Company was organized on March
JL 13, 1912, by Frank Bond, Edward Sargent, A. H. Long,
and B. A. Candelaria. It was located at Rosa, New Mexico,
in Rio Arriba County, twenty-nine miles west of Lumberton,
New Mexico, and just l!/2 miles from the Colorado state line.1

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid.

20. Letter Book No. 58, February 1, 1915, p. 654 ; ibid., February 6, 1915, p. 654.

21. Letter Book No. 57, February 17, 1916, p. 155.

22. Letter Book No. 58, May 7, 1915, p. 76.

1. U.S. Department of the Interior, G.L.O., Map of Territory of New Mexico, 1903.

An 1882 business directory of New Mexico mentions Espanola and reports its
population at the time as 150 persons, but it does not list Rosa among: the towns in New
Mexico. However, by 1904 Rosa was large enough to boast a post office. A Complete
Business Directory and Gazetteer of the Territory for 188i (Santa Fe: New Mexican
Printing and Publishing: Co., 1882) ; Max. Frost and Paul A. F. Walter (eds.), The
Land of Sunshine (Santa Fe: New Mexican Printing Co., 1904), p. 219.

FRANK BOND 47

The company was capitalized at $16,000, each of the four
stockholders holding an equal interest of 4,000 shares. Alfred
H. Long was appointed general manager, and his salary was
fixed at $100 a month.2 The principal purpose of the new
business was to sell general merchandise, but like the other
stores, trading in hides, pelts, sheep, and wool was common
to the operation which lasted for twelve years until it was
discontinued on December 31, 1923, and subsequently
liquidated.3

Long's interest in the new store was financed by Frank
Bond on the strength of a $4,000 unsecured personal note
signed by Long and dated March 12, 1912, payable in two
years. In addition, 500 more shares were actually owned by
Long, but they were issued to Frank Bond so that a personal
note for them was unnecessary. However, Long paid interest
on the $500 to Bond regularly,4 and finally in 1916 the share-
holdings of Bond and Sargent were reduced to 3,500 shares
each and the remaining 1,000 were transferred to Long.6

Although Edward Sargent had long been a friend and
associate of Frank Bond, and A. H. Long had managed the
G. W. Bond & Bro. store at Cabra just before the turn of the
century,6 the fourth stockholder, B. A. Candelaria, is not
mentioned at any other point. It is probable that he was in
the nature of an outside man, or general foreman of sheep
and wool operations at the Rosa location. Indeed, liaison with
his counterpart at Espanola, Leandro Martinez, is indicated
by the fact that Candelaria endorsed his Rosa Mercantile
Company stock certificates for 4,000 shares over to Martinez
in 1913 as collateral to protect a note of $2,115.50 which he
signed at 10 per cent interest in favor of Martinez. This met
with something less than hearty approval from the other

2. Records of Minutes (in the flies of Frank Bond & Son, Inc., Albuquerque).

3. Ibid.

4. Letter Book No. 51, March 20, 1914, p. 487 ; Letter Book No. S3, August 3, 1914,
p. 620 ; ibid., August 10, 1914, p. 579.

6. Stock Certificate Book (in the files of Frank Bond & Son, Inc., Albuquerque) .

6. Supra, chap. v. Alfred H. Long was the son of Judge Elisha Van Buren Long, a
prominent district judge in Las Vegas for many years and senior member of the Las
Vegas law firm of Long & Fort. An Illustrated History of New Mexico (Chicago: The
Lewis Publishing Co., 1895), pp. 255-257; History of New Mexico, Its Resources and
People (Los Angeles: Pacific States Publishing Company, 1907), II, 314.

48 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

three stockholders who promptly took action as corporation
directors to provide that should Candelaria die before the
note was paid, the other stockholders would buy the stock and
pay the note. They further agreed, on the record, that should
any of them wish to sell his stock he would sell it to the other
stockholders.7

At the end of 1912, the first year, Long turned in a net
profit of $8,421.15, about two-thirds of which had been made
on the sale of merchandise and somewhat less than a third on
sheep.8 Since profits were not to be distributed for some time,
interest on the investment was included as an expense. At
the end of 1912, the building was valued at about $1,500 with
over $1,700 in furniture and fixtures. There was more than
$15,000 in merchandise inventory, and Long had almost $9,-
500 in accounts receivable with about one-third of that
amount in bills receivable.9

At the end of the second year of operation Long had a
somewhat lesser showing, turning in a profit for the year of
just under $4,000. His sales for 1913 totaled $44,373.01, a
gain of more than $10,000 over the previous year, but credit
sales amounted to over $38,000 of the $44,000, and so Frank
Bond was constrained to give him some firm advice on credit
policy.10

Bond's efforts to convince Long to be more careful of his
credit line produced little effect however. At the end of the

7. Record of Minutes, l&c. cit.

8. Records, loc. cit.

9. Ibid.

10. Bond advised :

"There is no question in my mind but you will have to be more conservative in your
credit, or your business there will be a failure. You will be unable to meet your obliga-
tions when they become due and there will be trouble ahead for all of us. Neither Mr.
Sargent or I have any intention of putting any more money into that business. It will
have to stand or fall on its own merits, and it is up to you to make a success of it. If
your accounts had been good, you should have collected in enough so that you would
not have had to go into debt before you were really out of debt, the only way you got out
of debt was by using the Bond & Sargent lambs, and then had to borrow to pay us back.

"Mr. Sargent writes me that you have had to borrow money from him, perhaps it
sounds better to call it an advance on the wool, but it means the same thing.

"I wrote you the other day about your employees being more than we considered
necessary. I haven't changed my mind a particle in this matter, although you have not
seen fit to answer my letter. I don't wish to criticize, but surely if you wish to make a
success it is absolutely necessary to keep down your expenses, and you must be extremely
careful when you credit and at the same time keep down your stock. I know you can run
that business and make a success of it." Letter Book No. 51, February 20, 1914, p. 245.

FRANK BOND 49

following year, 1914, the Rosa Mercantile Company reported
total sales of $41,201.07, of which 89 per cent were on credit.
Profits in this third year were up, and almost $5,500 was
credited to the surplus account so that there was almost $18,-
000 in surplus at the end of the third year.

In mid-1915 the bills receivable on the books of the Rosa
Mercantile Company amounted to close to $35,000 which
Frank Bond felt was altogether out of proportion to the vol-
ume of business involved.11 They were promptly reduced, and
at the end of the year only $10,668.99 remained.

The sheep account had been growing during all this time,
beginning at the end of 1912 with a modest $1,800. By the
end of 1915 the investment amounted to $6,767.65, represent-
ing 2,935 head of ewes, all of them leased out.

Among Long's renters was a partidario named Porfirio
Gallegos. Since Gallegos had been trading with a competitor,
Long had threatened to take his sheep away from him. The
information came back to Frank Bond through Edward Sar-
gent and resulted in the following advice from Frank Bond
that exemplifies his philosophy:

[Ed Sargent] says you are going to take away . . . Gallegos'
sheep and give them to another fellow. I don't believe much in
trying to get even. I understand this man is a good man, quite
responsible. I feel satisfied that in time you will get his busi-
ness. I would strongly advise letting him keep those sheep, and
continuing to try and get him to trade with you.12
I don't believe it pays to remind customers continually of the
many favors we do them, neither does it pay to threaten them
that these favors will be withdrawn unless they do so and so.

We have to live up to our promises, but don't expect that
from all your customers as that is too much to expect of human
beings. Some of them just can't do it.

When you come to talk with Porfirio think of the syrup
and vinegar and fly story, and I will guarantee you better
success with him than by telling him that you will take away
the sheep unless he does so and so.13

The Rosa Mercantile Company was in the usual short-of-

11. Letter Book No. 58, May 5, 1915, p. 50.

12. Ibid., June 24, 1915, p. 590.
18. Ibid., June 29, 1915, p. 652.

50 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

cash position about this time and found it necessary to call
on the Santa Fe bank for short term loans. Frank Bond
acquiesced and authorized R. J. Palen to advance Long the
$4,500, indicating a willingness to go as high as $10,500 if
necessary. Such notes would be protected by the personal
notes of Bond and Edward Sargent. At this time Bond indi-
cated that he felt that the main trouble with the Rosa com-
pany was that it was not capitalized for enough at the start,
but that it would eventually get on its feet.14 At the same time,
however, he wrote Long at Rosa expressing alarm that busi-
ness was falling 25 per cent below that of the previous year.15
The year 1915 ended with a net profit of $6,400.76, bring-
ing the undivided profits to almost $25,000. This was earned
on sales of only $33,146.54. It was now possible for Long to
pay for his share of the business out of the earnings on his
stock, and the following year his holdings were increased to
5,000 shares which he held until the firm was moved to Albu-
querque in 1920 and dissolved three years later.

13. Bond-Connell Sheep and Wool Company

IN July of 1914 Frank Bond made a trip to Albuquerque and
met with Andy Wiest and R. C. Dillon. While there, the
three associates decided to organize a new company and ex-
pand the sheep and wool coverage of the Bond organization,
penetrating the central part of New Mexico.1 Sheep and wool
activity had, of course, been under way for some time in
Cuervo with Andy Wiest and in Encino with Dick Dillon, but
this was the first move into the middle Rio Grande valley.
The new company was to differ with other elements of the
Bond system in that there was to be no general merchandise
operation at all. Rather, the activity was to concern itself
mainly with sheep and wool trading.

The problem of whom to bring into the company to man-
age the new business was solved in short order by the First

14. Letter Book No. 59, August 13. 1915, p. 395.

15. Ibid., August 23, 1915, p. 468.

1. Letter Book No. S3, July 17, 1914, p. 871.

FRANK BOND 51

National Bank in Albuquerque which recommended Mr.
Walter M. Connell for the position.2

Walter Connell, who had been educated at Fordham Uni-
versity and had been employed for two years by the National
City Bank of New York, came to Albuquerque from his New
York birthplace in 1900. In 1904 he went to Los Lunas where
he was associated with Fred D. Huning in the firm of Huning
and Connell, Incorporated, dealers in general merchandise,
hay, grain, alfalfa, wool, hides, and pelts. Although he re-
tained his interest in Huning and Connell until 1920, he re-
turned to Albuquerque in 1912 where he, with Charles Wade
and J. M. Raynolds, was elected a member of the first Albu-
querque City Commission on which he served until 1922.3
Since he had also been a wool buyer throughout New Mexico
and Colorado for Hallowell, Jones, and Donald, his qualifica-
tions for the position were not lacking.

The stock of the new firm, to be capitalized at $25,000,
was held equally by Bond & Nohl Company, Espanola ; Bond,
McCarthy Company, Taos; G. W. Bond & Bro. Mercantile
Company, Encino ; A. MacArthur Company, Wagon Mound ;
and Walter M. Connell.4 Connell's 5,000-share interest was
paid for in cash by Frank Bond in return for Connell's per-
sonal note for $5,000 which was in turn secured to Bond by
the deposit of Connell's stock.5

It is a significant indication of Bond's consideration that
while Justin McCarthy was not present at the Albuquerque
meeting and had not previously been consulted at all on the
matter, it was taken for granted that he would want to be
in on the new company, and it was thus arranged.6 So once
more Frank Bond remembered those with whom he was
associated and gave them no cause to grumble about being
left out of a new venture.

It was not customary for stock companies to appear on

2. Ibid.

8. Davis, op. cit., p. 1000; Gladys Neel, "History of Albuquerque" (unpublished
Master's thesis, University of New Mexico, 1928), p. 68, citing Albuquerque Board of
Councilmen, Records XVIII, p. 326.

4. Letter Book No. 53, July 17, 1914, p. 371.

6. Ibid., p. 374.

6. Ibid., P. 371.

52 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

original incorporation papers,7 and so on August 6, 1914,
stock certificates were issued to Frank Bond, R. C. Dillon,
A. W. Wiest, J. H. McCarthy, and Walter Connell.8 Two days
later, on August 8, 1914, these 5,000-share blocks were trans-
ferred to Bond & Nohl, G. W. Bond & Bro. Mercantile Com-
pany, A. MacArthur Company, and Bond, McCarthy
Company, respectively. Connell retained his as such and,
except that Frank Bond sold one-half of his interest to
George W. Bond four years later, the organization's owner-
ship remained constant until the company was finally dis-
solved in 1926,9 becoming the present-day firm of Frank Bond
& Son, Incorporated.

Frank Bond was elected president with R. C. Dillon serv-
ing in the capacity of vice-president, and Walter Connell was
posted to the general managership10 at a salary of $75.00
per month.11 Offices for the new company were established
in Room 3 of the old Cromwell Building at the corner of
Second Street and Gold Avenue in Albuquerque,12 and to get
the offices started they estimated that the office expenses
would amount to about $12.50 per month plus a stenographer
at $25.00 per month.13

Sheep trading started promptly, in fact it began even be-
fore the corporate organization formalities were completed,
for in late July Connell bought 6,800 sheep14 on which they
expected to make twenty cents a head by selling them to sheep
feeders.15 By the end of September, Bond estimated that they
had already made a profit of $5,000 on their sheep pur-

7. Ibid.

8. Stock Certificate Book (in the files of Frank Bond & Son, Inc.. Albuquerque).

9. Record of Minutes (in the files of Frank Bond & Son, Inc., Albuquerque).

10. Record of Minutes, loc. cit.

11. Letter Book No. 5S, July 17, 1914, p. 382. Upon dissolution of the corporation in
1926, Frank Bond suggested a retroactive adjustment of Council's salary to $300 per
month from 1914 to 1923, and he was paid $5,883.06, representing back salary, with
interest, adjusted for a profit distribution made to him in 1919. Record of Minutes,
loc. cit.

12. Record of Minutes, loc. cit.; Letter Book No. 55, September 7, 1914, p. 128.

13. Letter Book No. S3, July 17, 1914, p. 382.

14. Bond wrote :

"Our new company at Albuquerque has just closed a deal with Mr. Bnrsum for 6000
lambs at $5.25 and 700 old ewes at 2% I, 501 advance per head. This is the highest price
that has been paid in that country that we know of, in fact it is about the first price
that has been made." Ibid,

16. Ibid.. July 23. 1914. p. 489.

FRANK BOND 53

chases,16 and indeed the profits for the six months ended
December 31, 1914, amounted to $5,229.32.17 The income was
all from sheep.

At this time the major assets were represented by $18,-
000 in cash and 3,414 ewes valued at $12,000. Liabilities
amounted to only $132 owing to F. A. Hubbell, and so the
company was in a highly favorable current position after
such a short period of operation.18 In fact, the cash position
was such that Frank Bond took time out on New Year's Day
of 1915 to write Walter Connell suggesting that Bond & Nohl
borrow the excess cash reserves of Bond-Connell at 6 per
cent interest until Bond & Nohl turned their sheep the follow-
ing March. At the same time he suggested that Bond-Connell
declare a dividend, leaving enough profit to cover expenses to
the beginning of the next year so as not to use any of the
capital.19

Walter Connell replied and suggested a 10 per cent divi-
dend,20 but Bond felt satisfied that the stockholders wanted
15 per cent instead of 10 per cent, and so he promptly ordered
Connell to remit the 15 per cent dividend without waiting for
further authority.21 Since no stockholders' or directors' meet-
ings were held between August 8, 1914, and February 12,
1916, no confirmation of such a dividend distribution was
made in 1915, and by the following year the matter was ap-
parently overlooked.22 However, there was a meeting of all
the store managers at Espanola on January 28, 1915, and the
matter was undoubtedly discussed, with Bond's action being
accepted without question even though it was never officially
recorded.

The prime topic of conversation at this managers' meet-
ing was the proposition that they get together and start a
new bank in Albuquerque.23 The suggestion met with a favor-
able reception from all the managers, and Frank Bond him-

16. Letter Book No. 55, September 22, 1914, p. 296.

17. Records, loe. eft.

18. Ibid.

19. Letter Book No. 56, January 1, 1915, p. 412.

20. Ibid., January 6, 1915, p. 455.

21. Ibid., January 18, 1915, p. 524.

22. Record of Minutes, loc. eft.

23. Letter Book No. 58, January 30, 1915, p. 642.

54 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

self was all in favor of branching out of the traditional sheep,
wool, and merchandise fields into this new and enticing area
of activity in Albuquerque. His view may have been influ-
enced to some degree by the fact that he was at the time
seriously considering buying more of the Bond-Connell stock
and moving his residence to Albuquerque,24 and this thought
may have made the idea of opening a new bank sound rather
attractive. However, they decided to put the matter up to G.
W. Bond for his advice and final decision.

George Bond returned a careful and considered evalua-
tion of the banking proposition in Albuquerque, pointing out
that no one in the Bond organization had banking experience
or training and that he would not wish to invest in the stock
of a bank that was not well established, particularly where
strong institutions already existed. He felt that it might be
a good investment to acquire some stock in such an institu-
tion as the First National Bank in Albuquerque if it were
possible to do so and still be able to benefit themselves by
conducting their financial transactions through it, but he
noted that bank examiners would probably view such loans
to stockholders with suspicion. He asserted that it took a
good strong bank to be able to take care of even one of their
stores and that all the stores were well lined up for credit at
very reasonable rates. He also mentioned that in the light of
current experience the stores were paying better return on
invested money than were the banks, remarking at the same
time that since the stores didn't have cash available to pay
out dividends it didn't look as though they would have the
money to put into bank stock.25

The banking project was dropped.

The second result of the January 28 managers' meeting
was a decision that Bond-Connell should go into the hide and
pelt business. Actually, this had been included in the original
organization plans, but Connell had not thought there would
be enough profit in it to justify the operation. Since that time,
however, Connell and Dillon had studied the matter further
and now recommended a trial, so it was determined that an

24. Ibid., January 19, 1915, p. 530.

25. Letter Book No. 57, February 9, 1915, p. 44.

FRANK BOND 55

attempt would be made for perhaps a year since it wouldn't
require any extra capital.26

Justin McCarthy was somewhat hesitant about going into
hides and pelts in the Taos area until the wool season was
over due to his feeling that if they did, Charles Friend and
Company might interfere with their wool activities through
George Anton who was their representative in the territory.27
Friend and Company was at that time competitively engaged
in buying wool in New Mexico and consigning it to the Boston
markets in the same manner as Bond.28 However, Frank
Bond told Connell to go ahead because if they should "allow
anything like Geo. Anton to scare us out of doing anything,
we should be out of business entirely."29

Upon his return to Albuquerque, Connell promptly began
looking for a hide and pelt warehouse and employed a Mr.
Thomas to handle this end of the business, paying him $125
per month and 10 per cent of the net profits.30 By April he
had bought his first carload of pelts and had completed ar-
rangements for their disposal through the Norton Tanning
Company.31 Bond meanwhile overcame some reluctance on
the part of some of the other stores to deal through Bond-
Connell by pointing out to one of the managers that Bond-
Connell had a right to expect business from all the stores even
if they should not always get the very top prices.32 Thus by
the end of 1915 the Bond-Connell Sheep and Wool Company
had handled almost 305,000 pounds of hides and pelts, repre-
senting a dollar volume of more than $48,000, and returning
a profit to the company of $2,889.74.33 However, for some
reason not now apparent the directors decided at their meet-
ing of February 12, 1916, that the company should immedi-
ately discontinue all hide and pelt business.34

26. Letter Book No. 56, January 30, 1915, p. 642.

27. Ibid., February 2, 1915, p. 664.

28. Letter Book No. 58, June 30, 1915, p. 667.

29. Letter Book No. 57, February 8, 1915, p. 11.

30. Ibid., February 20, 1915, p. 164. Presumably this applied to profits realized from
the sale of hides and pelts only.

31. Ibid., April 26, 1915, p. 653.

32. Letter Book No. 58, May 5, 1915, p. 52.

33. Records, loc. cit.

34. Record of Minutes, loc. cit.

56 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

In April, 1915, Frank Bond was optimistically expecting
that the Albuquerque business would be about double, and in
August he predicted that the company would make a profit
of not less than $20,000 that year.35 He underestimated by
just $136.64.

At the time of this prediction around 23,000 head of ewes
had been purchased at Albuquerque at prices ranging from
$4.50 to $5.00 per head which were being turned at from
$.50 to $1.00 per head profit. Bond felt that their past policy
of keeping scarce ewes in the country should be continued by
not buying any from their customers except when they in-
sisted on selling.36 The following month, September, Bond-
Connell bought 25,000 more lambs from Ilfeld and Garcia at
$6.75. On this purchase of $168,750 they anticipated a profit
of about $3,500, and the Albuquerque business now owned
50,000 head of sheep.37

In 1915 Bond-Connell handled sheep, wool, hides, and
pelts in the quantities listed in Table 55 which represented a
total dollar volume of more than $734,000.38

TABLE 55
BOND-CONNELL SALES FOR 1915

Item Quantity

Sheep 150,572 head

Wool 454,753 pounds

Hides & Pelts 304,730 pounds

The net profit for the year was $20,136.64, not including
unrealized profit on $92,000 worth of wool39 which was in
the Boston warehouses, sold but not yet collected. There were
more than $36,000 worth of sheep on hand at the end of the
year along with $7,500 in hides, pelts, and wool in the Albu-
querque warehouse. Accounts payable were less than $100,
and although there was $84,000 owing to Hallowell, Jones,

35. Letter Book No. 59, August 27, 1916, p. 628.

86. Ibid.. August 21, 1916, p. 463.

87. Ibid., September 14, 1915, p. 686.
38. Records, loe. eit.

89. Valued at cost.

FRANK BOND 57

and Donald from wool advances, this was more than amply
covered by the wool in Boston.40

After just eighteen months of operation the new Albu-
querque venture, started with just $25,000 in cash, had re-
turned $25,366 in profit of which $21,600 still remained in
surplus.41

14. Bond-Sargent Company

LESS than two weeks after George Bond advised so strongly
against the suggestion that the Bond stores join in a bank-
ing venture in Albuquerque, Frank Bond began thinking
about the possibility of broadening the coverage of their
system to include the west central part of the state, and he
first mentioned this possibility to his brother on April 17,
1915.1

At this time George Bond, who was living in Boise, Idaho,
planned to move back to New Mexico, and the original
thought was that he and his brother would join with a new
manager to open a new store and sheep business in Grants,
New Mexico, about sixty miles west of Albuquerque, on the
railroad, and proximate to the vast Navaho Indian Reserva-
tion lying to the north. Frank Bond wrote :

We will all be glad to have you back in New Mexico again, as it
will add very materially to our weight in the business of the
state among business men. . . . You know that you and I don't
know any other pleasure except our business. I think it is a
great misfortune that we should be so, and especially so when
we pretend to cut adrift from business, but it can't be helped,
so the only thing for us to do is to stay with the business as
long as our health is good; and I believe if we can bring in
and associate young men with us, we will continue to be suc-
cessful. I think we are remarkably good men physically for our
age.2

40. Records, loc. cit.

41. Ibid.

1. Letter Book No. 57, April 17, 1915, p. 612.

2. Ibid., April 26, 1915, p. 650. Although troubled somewhat with rheumatism after
he passed fifty, Frank Bond remained in remarkably good health and continued to be
very active, enjoying fishing trips to his favorite spot in Santa Clara Canyon as fre-
quently as he could manage it, taking his young son, Franklin, with him when possible.
Letter Book No. 57, April 28, 1915, p. 688 ; Letter Book No. S8, June 29, 1915, p. 658 ;
Letter Book No. 59, July 9, 1916, p. 83.

58 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Both Frank Bond and Ed Sargent must have been bask-
ing in the pleasant reflection of the success they were having
in Albuquerque for just a few days later they met, quite by
accident, on the train going to Denver. While discussing
business, Ed Sargent through pure coincidence suggested
that in his opinion Grants appeared to be a good place to
open a new store, and after further discussion he offered to
go in on such a venture if George Bond did not care to. Frank
Bond thought very highly of Sargent and suggested to George
that Sargent be brought into the new business anyway,3 ex-
pressing a willingness to share some of his own stock with
Sargent.

Several people were being considered as possible candi-
dates for store manager at Grants. Among them were Wil-
liam McDougall from Carthage, New Mexico, and one of
Justin McCarthy's employees named Beery.4 Accordingly, an
interview was arranged in Albuquerque for McDougall and,
having made a favorable impression, he was offered the job.5
However, he turned it down, and Beery, whom George
favored, became the major candidate.6 This too came to
naught when Justin McCarthy refused to make him avail-
able.7

Meanwhile, other negotiations were under way to acquire
a site in Grants for the new business. One possibility of a
location there was a store operated at the time by Emil Bibo.
The Bernalillo Mercantile Company, Bernalillo, New Mexico,
made a proposition to Frank Bond in May, 1915, under the
terms of which they would agree to stay out of Grants pro-
vided that the Bonds buy out Bibo's stock and also buy the

8. Frank Bond wrote: "I think Ed Sargent is as good a sheep man as there is in
New Mexico, and is going to be wealthy if he lives." Ibid., April 26, 1915, p. 652.
4. Ibid., p. 650.
6. Letter Book No. 58, May 18, 1915, p. 176.

6. Ibid., May 24, 1915, p. 252.

7. Bond grumbled to Sargent :

"We could do nothing with Beery. I never mentioned it to him, for the reason that Mac
wants to keep him on. I think Mac is selfish about this, but it is not a matter that we
can very well interfere in. Mac will keep him just as long as he possibly can, and will
pay him just as little as he has to. This is business, but if we had done that with Mc-
Carthy, he would be very poor today. He should be willing to allow the other fellow the
opportunity he had." Ibid., June 1, 1915, p. 345.

FRANK BOND 59

buildings.8 Bond was willing to buy Bibo's stock and thus
keep the Bernalillo Mercantile Company out of Grants, but
he would not go so far as to buy the buildings.9 He informed
the Bernalillo Mercantile Company that unless the buildings
could be leased, they would build a store of their own.10 In
reply to that, the Bernalillo Mercantile Company bought the
Bibo facilities themselves, and so Bond's attention was
turned to the possibility of buying some property and build-
ing his own store.11 However, Emil Bibo and several members
of his family controlled leases on much of the desirable prop-
erty in Grants, especially one particularly good site owned
by the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad.12 Through
the good offices of F. B. Houghton, Freight and Traffic Agent
for the Santa Fe in Chicago, the efforts of the Bibos to keep
the new store out of Grants were thwarted, and arrange-
ments were made to acquire Simon Bibo's lease from the
Santa Fe when it expired.13

During these negotiations, which extended through Sep-
tember, other expansion irons were being put in the fire. Some
serious consideration was being given to the possibility of
opening a store in Ft. Sumner,14 the possibility was discussed
of moving the flour mill from Espanola to Roy,15 and a propo-
sition to buy the Cubero Trading Company for $25,000 was
turned down.16 In addition, rumors were spreading that the
Bonds were planning to open a new store, and one individual
even offered them free land if they would locate in Blue-
water.17 Just in case the plan to locate in Grants did not work
out, alternate locations in Gallup and in Magdalena were

8. Ibid., May 18, 1915, p. 166.

The Bernalillo Mercantile Company was apparently controlled by the Bibo family.
The six members of the Bibo family, Simon, Joe, Nathan, Solomon, Emil, and Leopold,
operated stores at Bernalillo, Grants, Laguna, Cubero, and Seboyeta. History of New
Mexico, Its Resources and People (Los Angeles: Pacific States Publishing Company,
1907), II, 610.

9. Letter Book No. 58, May 19, 1915, p. 190.

10. Ibid., June 1, 1915, p. 335.

11. Ibid., June 7, 1915, p. 423.

12. Letter Book No. 59, August 25, 1915, p. 526.

13. Ibid., September 13, 1915, p. 650 ; ibid., September 14, 1915, p. 683.

14. Letter Book No. 58, April 30, 1915, p. 5 ; ibid., May 18, 1915, p. 162.

15. Ibid., May 7, 1915, p. 76.

16. Ibid., May 18, 1915, p. 166.

17. Letter Book No. 59, August 25, 1915, p. 487.

60 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

considered.18 In general, however, they felt that while the
merchandise business would be far better in Magdalena the
sheep and wool business, especially sheep renting, would be
much better in Grants where the Navaho sheep were to be
found,19 and after all they were principally sheep men.

During these active days the search continued for a man-
ager at Grants as well as for an outside man and a clerk, the
three employees that were to staff the Grants business. The
manager and outside man were to be selected, but the man-
ager would hire his own clerk. Louden Mullen was seriously
considered for outside man, and a detailed inquiry was made
into his character. They wanted a man who was honest, did
not drink, and who did not run after women.20 An exhaustive
inquiry was made, and it was emphasized that George Bond
was "very much opposed to any man who drinks."21

Since both McDougall and Beery were no longer candi-
dates for the Grants managership the name of Leonard A.
Bond was proposed by Frank.22 Leonard Bond was a cousin
of George and Frank who was living in Long Beach, Cali-
fornia, at the time.23 Some difficulty arose over this sugges-
tion due to Leonard Bond's excessively liberal attitude toward
liquor. Leonard was, however, directly confronted with the
reason for their hesitation to bring him in,24 and he stoutly
maintained that he had completely discontinued his intemper-
ance. Because of his strong feelings about alcohol, the decision
was left to George Bond who agreed to try Leonard on the
job, probably with some misgivings.

By this time, Leonard Bond had accepted a position in
Jerome, Arizona, but upon receipt of Frank's notice on July
24, 1915, that he was acceptable and that his cousins were

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid., August 28, 1915, p. 525.

20. Letter Book No. 58, May 25, 1915, p. 286.

21. Ibid., p. 287. Frank Bond was not the teetotaler that George Bond was, and in
fact he used to order a barrel of beer and keep it on ice in the summer, enjoying a pint
at noon and again at night. However, it soured on his stomach, and so he quit and
thereafter drank very little. (Letter Book No. 6, February 23, 1914). He did enjoy smok-
ing good cigars though, and he ordered them from Denver for his personal use. Letter
Book No. 50, October 29, 1913, p. 161.

22. Letter Book No. 58, June 2, 1916, p. 360.
28. Ibid., June 23, 1915, p. 574.

24. Letter Book No. 59, July 7, 1915, p. 56.

FRANK BOND 61

ready to begin operations in Grants at once,25 Leonard agreed
to leave Jerome for Grants. It was arranged that George
Bond, Frank Bond, and Ed Sargent would meet Leonard
Bond at the Sturges Hotel in Albuquerque on August 2, 1915,
and they would all go to Grants and get the business started.26
E. A. Johnston in Santa Fe was commissioned to draw up the
Articles of Incorporation,27 and through Ed Sargent, Louden
Mullens was engaged to go down to Grants about September
1 as outside man.28 He was to receive a salary of $1,000 per
year and also the net profit on $2,000 worth of stock.29

Along toward the end of August, 1915, George Bond de-
cided not to go in with Sargent and Frank Bond on the Grants
business after all. Although this meant that Frank Bond and
Ed Sargent had to put up more money, they felt that this was
probably a better arrangement because they would have to
do most of the on-the-spot hustling as George Bond was living
in Idaho and was back in the sheep business there.30

Therefore, the Bond-Sargent Company, Grants, New
Mexico, was organized on November 20, 1915, with share-
holdings as shown in Table 56.

TABLE 56

BOND-SARGENT COMPANY, ORIGINAL ORGANIZATION

Frank Bond 11,250 shares

Edward Sargent 11,250 shares

Leonard A. Bond 7,500 shares

Total 30,000 shares

No financial data are available for the few short months
which the Bond-Sargent Company operated before the close
of 1915, but that it did develop into one of their successful
stores is evident from its continuance to the present time as
the Bond-Gunderson Company.

25. Ibid., July 24, 1915, p. 196.

26. Ibid., July 27, 1915, p. 233 ; ibid., August 7, 1915, p. 385.

27. Ibid., August 2, 1915, p. 294.

28. Ibid., August 14, 1915, p. 447.

29. Ibid., August 27, 1915, p. 518.

80. Ibid., August 81, 1916, p. 689 ; ibid., p. 640.

62 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

15. The Bond System — Conclusion

>T"IHE individual business entities and major investment
JL transactions of George W. Bond and Frank Bond have
been discussed separately in some detail. However, in order
to see the Bond system in its entirety, all but the barest essen-
tials must be stripped away, and the general growth pattern
may then be observed as the facts are restated in chrono-
logical order.

Espanola was from the beginning the headquarters of the
Bond interests. The original store, established in 1883 as a
mercantile business, soon developed profitable trading activ-
ity in sheep and wool. The first move toward expansion was
made nine years later at which time a second G. W. Bond &
Bro. store was opened at Wagon Mound, New Mexico. The
new business was essentially a twin of the old one, dealing
similarly in sheep, wool, and merchandise. Although George
and Frank Bond subsequently developed a large system of
partnerships, they retained sole ownership of their businesses
for the first twenty years, and so the firm name of G. W.
Bond & Bro. was carried to each different location as the
system expanded.

Until just before the turn of the century they were con-
tent to operate the two stores — Frank in Espanola and
George in Wagon Mound. They prospered during this time,
and in the nine years from 1892 through 1900 they earned
total net profits of more than $246,000 which they divided
between themselves as equal partners.1 From the "very small
investment in merchandise" they had acquired from Scott
and Whitehead, their combined merchandise inventory had
grown to about $60,000,2 and they had 48,225 sheep out on
rent with partidarios.3 Frank Bond, the young man who
stepped off the stage before he was old enough to vote, was
personally worth more than $132,000 at the end of 1900.4

By this time they had also expanded again — this time
into the east central portion of the territory in Leonard Wood

1. Appendix H.

2. Appendix A.

3. Appendix C.

4. Appendix I.

FRANK BOND 63

County. This movement developed simultaneously with the
Bonds' first venture into land speculation when they bought
the 63,000-acre Preston Beck Grant and opened their third
store on it at Cabra Springs. Shortly thereafter the fourth
G. W. Bond & Bro. business was begun at Roy, New Mexico,
and the twentieth century was off to a vigorous start.

The first few years of the new century were probably the
most violently active ones in the entire Bond history. The first
event was the coming of the railroad into the Tucumcari-
Santa Rosa area. Already a prosperous sheep and wool area,
the railroad provided the impetus to boost Leonard Wood
County into an even more important wool-growing territory
than ever before. With the area booming, the Bonds hastened
to close their store at Cabra and move it to a location on the
railroad at Cuervo.

The system with business locations in Espanola, Wagon
Mound, Roy, and Cuervo was beginning to become awkward
to manage on a personal basis because of its geographical
dispersion, and some delegation of stewardship was inevi-
table. The Bonds, however, had wisely foreseen this require-
ment. Archie MacArthur had been working under George
at Wagon Mound for about ten years, and he was ready to
move into a more responsible position when the opportunity
came ; Louis F. Nohl had been brought into the parent store
at Espanola under the watchful eye of Frank Bond; and
Andy Wiest had joined the business at Cabra just before it
was moved to Cuervo. MacArthur, Nohl, and Wiest were all
participating to various degrees in the profits of their respec-
tive stores ; the Bonds were already planning their partner-
manager system ; and the stage was now set for the opening
of 1903.

Early in that year Frank and George Bond joined with
Fred Warshauer in the Forbes Wool Company, a scouring
mill in Trinidad, Colorado, where George was thinking about
moving. The Forbes mill was already an operating business
and was scouring wool at the rate of about 4,000,000 pounds
of wool a year. The Bonds do not seem to have had a control-
ling interest in this mill, but aside from their esoteric rela-
tionship with Warshauer very little is known about the

64 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ownership of the mill. About the middle of 1903 the Bonds
became associated with C. L. Pollard in the Espanola mer-
chandise and lumber firm of C. L. Pollard & Company. Here
again the Bonds' interest and their entire relationship with
Pollard were maintained in the highest degree of secrecy. By
virtue of their investment in this firm, the Bonds also became
part owners of the Truchas Lumber Company later in that
same year. Continuing that busy season, the Bonds purchased
the 27,481-acre Trampas Grant east of Espanola as an invest-
ment ; in that year too the Bond and Jones Lumber Company
rose, faltered, and fell.

But 1903 was not yet over. Shortly after moving the
Wagon Mound business into another building the store
burned to the ground. This fire seems to have been a turning
point in the Bond organization, for Frank and George took
the opportunity to make a number of sweeping changes.

When the Wagon Mound store was reopened the partner-
ship form of organization was abandoned and the firm was
incorporated. Archie MacArthur was brought into the busi-
ness as the principal stockholder and was made general man-
ager, and Manuel Paltenghe took a third of the stock.
Meanwhile, the Cuervo store was also reorganized as a cor-
poration with Andy Wiest in charge and holding one-half
the stock. MacArthur and Wiest were now full-fledged
owners of large interests in the business as well as being
managers.

George Bond, free to leave Wagon Mound in capable
hands, moved to Trinidad, Colorado. This affected the G. W.
Bond & Bro. partnership in Espanola only to the extent that
there were now two parts — one in Espanola and the other in
Trinidad. Frank continued to operate the Espanola business,
including the store, and George began making investments
in land and sheep in Trinidad. Before 1904 closed the Bonds
had joined J. H. McCarthy and Gerson Gusdorf in Taos and
opened another mercantile establishment there under the
name of Bond, Gusdorf, McCarthy Company. A corporation
also, the policy at Taos followed the newly adopted practice
of dropping the name of G. W. Bond & Bro. in favor of more

FRANK BOND 65

descriptive titles as had been done at Wagon Mound and at
Cuervo.

In 1905 George Bond returned to New Mexico, at least
on a temporary basis, and established the G. W. Bond & Bro.
Mercantile Company in Encino with Charles Scheurich to
handle the mercantile department. This business was a corpo-
ration also even though Frank and George were the only
owners. However, Louis Nohl was issued one share in order
to satisfy legal requirements.

The next year, 1906, Louis Nohl became a 32 per cent
stockholder in the newly organized Bond & Nohl Company at
Espanola. Essentially, Bond & Nohl was the mercantile and
sheep trading departments of G. W. Bond & Bro. at Espanola
and was in most respects simply a continuation of the old
business. This relieved Frank Bond from direct management
of the Espanola store, freeing him to supervise on an execu-
tive level much in the same manner as George had been freed
by the reorganization at Wagon Mound. This completed the
major expansion phase of the Bond system that had begun
with the acquisition of the Forbes Wool Company early in
1903, and at the end of 1906 the Bond enterprises had gross
assets of more than $1,250,000.B

The following year Gerson Gusdorf left the Taos store,
and the company was reorganized so that George, Frank,
and J. H. McCarthy became equal partners in the Bond, Mc-
Carthy Company. In 1907 also, the Bonds finally sold the
Trampas Grant to the Las Trampas Lumber Company.

In 1908 R. C. Dillon joined the G. W. Bond & Bro. Mer-
cantile Company in Encino, and George Bond was once again
at liberty to devote his time to the G. W. Bond & Bro. invest-
ments in Trinidad. The next year, 1909, marked the end of
the secret but stormy Bond-Pollard association in the C. L.
Pollard Company. After Pollard's departure the business was
called the Espanola Mercantile Company, and the Bond
interest in it remained hidden from the public view.

Another period of expansion activity began in 1910 when
the Bond & Nohl Company acquired control of the Espanola

5. Appendix D.

66 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Milling & Elevator Company and began to operate it as a
branch.

A major change developed in 1911 when Frank and
George Bond decided to terminate their twenty-eight-year
partnership and George moved to Idaho. This partnership
dissolution was academic in a sense for the partnership assets
were equally divided and George Bond's personal sharehold-
ings in the various stores remained unchanged.

In 1912 Frank Bond joined Edward Sargent and A. H.
Long to organize the Rosa Mercantile Company in Rosa, New
Mexico, a typical Bond store dealing in sheep and wool as
well as in merchandise. Archie MacArthur died that year,
and the resulting vacancy was filled by Andy Wiest who
moved to Wagon Mound, acquired an interest in the business,
and became general manager there. Wiest's move, in turn,
created a vacancy in Cuervo. Joe Holbrook, Jr., who had been
there with Wiest since 1906 and had informally shared in
part of Wiest's stock, was named general manager of the
Bond & Wiest store, the name of which was not changed.

The Bond Sheep Commission Company was organized the
following year for a specific sheep venture involving a large
herd of about 30,000 sheep. After a brief but profitable exist-
ence it passed into history after having served its particular
purpose. In that same year the Trampas Grant was returned
to Bond control due to legal complications in the land titles,
and Frank Bond became president of the Las Trampas Lum-
ber Company, the same holding company to which he had
sold the grant six years previously.

Two more major expansion moves remained to be made
before the close of 1915. In 1914 Frank Bond, R. C. Dillon,
Andy Wiest, and J. H. McCarthy joined together with Walter
Connell to organize the Bond-Connell Sheep and Wool Com-
pany in Albuquerque. This new organization was set up for
the specific purpose of trading in sheep and wool, but it
differed from most of the other enterprises in that there was
no mercantile store in connection with it. However, the next
expansion move did include a store, for shortly before the
close of 1915 Frank Bond and Ed Sargent organized the
Bond-Sargent Company in Grants, marking a significant

FRANK BOND 67

move into the heretofore almost untouched Navaho lands on
the west side of the state.

This, then, fits the major segments of the complex Bond
system into their respective places. It was not a simple
system. The Bonds' ability and, more importantly, their will-
ingness to shift emphasis, change organization, and try new
methods of operation not only contributed to this complexity
but also stamped the Bonds indelibly as being thoroughly
progressive. As they grew and flexed with the changing times
they lost little time bemoaning mistakes of the past ; rather,
they oriented themselves to the future.

When Frank and George Bond arrived originally in the
Territory of New Mexico, they had found an expanding
economy of sheep and cattle husbandry that offered oppor-
tunities limited only by their own ability and industry, and
in neither of these qualities were they lacking. The basic con-
sideration that influenced their choice of an obscure frontier
town can only be conjectured, for Espanola was just a year
old and could claim a population of only 150 persons. What-
ever may have been their primary motivation for settling
there, the system of mercantile partnerships and sheep trad-
ing combinations which they developed had a profound effect
on the economic development of a large part of northern New
Mexico.

The last year included in this appraisal of Frank Bond
and his associates is 1915, and at the end of this thirty-two
year span he had important interests in no less than a dozen
major firms, including his own sheep business, with total
assets of almost a million and a half dollars. It is possible
that he did in fact have interests in other enterprises which
have not been detected, and other business ventures had in
that time most certainly come and gone, but the outside or-
ganizations in which Frank Bond was primarily interested
at the close of 1915 were as follows :

A. MacArthur Company
Bond & Wiest Company
Espanola Mercantile Company
Forbes Wool Company

68 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Bond McCarthy Company

G. W. Bond & Bro. Mercantile Company

Bond & Nohl Company

Espanola Milling & Elevator Company

Rosa Mercantile Company

Bond-Connell Sheep & Wool Company

Bond-Sargent Company

The merchandise inventory on the shelves of those firms
that handled merchandise totalled almost $200,000,6 and they
had collectively earned profits in the years thus far of more
than $1,377,000.7 Frank Bond's personal worth at this time
is estimated at more than $541,000 with the stock in the vari-
ous stores very conservatively valued at par.8

The Bond mercantile system was an important source of
supply not only to the partidarios but also to the general
public, and the stores were of course important and steady
income producers for the Bonds. However, the Bonds' first
love was sheep and wool, and the paucity of data on the
numbers of sheep traded, rented, and fed is indeed unfortu-
nate. At the end of 1915 the total investment in sheep was
more than $417,000,9 but the sheep investment accounts do
not provide an accurate indication of the number of sheep
represented. Indeed, it is known that upon occasion the ac-
count reflected a zero balance when in fact several thousands
of sheep actually were on hand. There appear to have been
more than 150,000 sheep under control of the Bond system
at the end of 191 5,10 but it is likely that the actual count more
nearly approximated twice this number. Certainly to the
extent that the early southwestern merchant made his con-
tribution and to the extent that sheep and wool husbandry
can be said to have contributed to the economic development
of New Mexico, the activities of Frank Bond, his brother,
and his associates can properly be credited with having1 in-
fluenced that development.

Of importance was the profit-sharing technique adopted

6. Appendix A.

7. Appendix H.

8. Appendix I.

9. Appendix B.

10. Appendix C.

FRANK BOND 69

by the Bonds, a policy that contributed significantly to the
success they enjoyed. They literally gave their stores away.
Forming business partnerships for the purpose of undertak-
ing some specific or special activity was not an uncommon
practice among New Mexico merchants,11 and likewise the
practice of sharing profits with managers and others in posi-
tions of trust was commonly practiced by others. The Bonds
began their association with MacArthur, Wiest, Nohl, and
Dillon in this way. However, simple sharing of profits as a
form of payment for services did not necessarily imply
ownership. The Bonds were probably unique in that they not
only brought their managers into actual ownership but also
loaned them the money with which to buy their interest in
the business. In one case they even arranged to pay 6 per cent
dividends every year so that the manager might have the
money to pay the 6 per cent interest they charged him on
the loan.

No record exists of the exact terms under which these
manager-owners were brought into the business nor of the
precise agreements that were made. These were undoubtedly
private transactions made with the Bonds personally and do
not appear to have been made part of the company records
in any respect. The best glimpse we have is the arrangement
with R. C. Dillon that has been described.12 It seems to have
been fairly typical, but there were certainly other variations.

The scheme they adopted of giving stock in return for a
note and then accepting the stock as security for that note
was merely a mechanism. More important is the notion that
a manager could begin with almost no capital funds of his
own and logically aspire to achieve ownership in a very real
sense. Spurred by the knowledge that he would emerge as an
important owner of the business, the manager was thus con-
strained to operate the business in the most economical, effi-
cient, and profitable manner possible.

An observation of note in connection with this philosophy
is that their manager-owners were not members of the Bond

11. William J. Parish, "Charles Ilfeld, Sedentary Merchant in the Arid Southwest,
1865-1884" (unpublished D. C. S. dissertation Graduate School of Business Administra-
tion, Harvard University), p. 124.

12. Supra, chap. x.

70 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

family. Only one such instance has been noted and even this
was a last resort after all other efforts to find the right man
had failed.

The success of their philosophy had its foundation in the
strong ties of friendship that existed between the Bonds and
their managers. Frank Bond's concern for the store man-
agers was illustrated during Archie MacArthur's last illness.
After having made arrangements for Andy Wiest to go to
Wagon Mound, he wrote to MacArthur :

Take the best possible care of yourself until Andy arrives, and
after he arrives, don't do a thing except post him for a few
days, then by all means get up and leave, and don't come back
and take hold of that business until you know that your health
is all right. I know that Andy can swing that business . . . and
your health is everything to all of us.

I am not much of a hand to brag, but I have repeatedly
said that we have the best men in New Mexico as managers
of our stores, and I don't believe they can be beaten anywhere,
and we have naturally a very high regard for them. They have
made money for us, and have been very loyal to us, and we
most certainly appreciate it, and consider their health above
any business consideration of any kind.13

This arrangement for Wiest to take charge of the Wagon
Mound store worried MacArthur because he didn't think he
should be entitled to any profits while he was away from the
business, yet at the same time he did want to keep an interest
in the store. Frank Bond's generosity and affection for his
managers again came to the fore on this occasion as expressed
by Frank to his brother :

Dr. Northwood told me and Andy that Archie would want
to keep an interest in the business even if he shouldn't be able
to take charge, and I told them both that in that event if neces-
sary Archie could have my interest, and I would withdraw
from the company. I just thought . . . that should Archie not
be able to take charge . . . that when a reorganization of the
company takes place, there will scarcely be enough stock to go
round, and make things satisfactory to Andy, Archie and
Manuel, and in order to give Archie a satisfactory deal, it

13. Letter Book No. 6, July 9, 1911, p. IBS.

FRANK BOND 71

might be ... [better] . . . for me to give up my stock. I didn't
say a word to Archie about this nor shall I until it becomes
necessary to reorganize, which I hope will not be necessary. . . .
Andy expressed himself that as long as he remained in business
he wanted both of us to be woth [sic] him, and repeated the
conversation he had with you one time at Cuervo, when you
mentioned that he didn't need us.14

Numerous other instances can be cited that similarly express
Frank Bond's partnership philosophy. Their summation is a
business founded on a bedrock of loyalty and mutual trust.

Recitation of the exploits of many men of far less stature
now burden our library shelves with literally tons of paper,
but it is not surprising that the Bond name, remembered with
respect by their contemporaries, has been thoroughly over-
looked in the writing of New Mexico history. They simply
were not good "copy." Frank Bond abhorred the limelight
and was content to know that while others made noise he
made some money. The Bonds unquestionably provided the
substantial and solid sort of contribution to the commerce
of the prairies that is the very essence of American tradition.
Frank wrote on one occasion :

I know you will do the very best you can for us, that is play the

game fair so that we will always be able to buy the customers

wool another year.15

14. Ibid., July 8, 1911, p. 149.

15. Letter Book No. S3, June 17, 1914, p. 43.

Book Reviews

Confederate Victories in the Southwest: Prelude to Defeat.
Edited by the Publishers. Albuquerque : Horn & Wallace,
Publishers, 1961. Maps. Pp. 201. $7.50.

This book is the first venture for the publishers and was
issued in a limited edition of 1,000 copies. It is a collection of
transcripts from The War of the Rebellion, the official com-
pilation of Civil War documents, and covers events in New
Mexico up to the capture of Santa Fe. A subsequent volume
will complete the story.

Horn and Wallace have prepared a useful work for read-
ers of Southwestern history. The reviewer is quoted on the
jacket blurb: "He who would appreciate history ought to
read a few documents as he who would understand the forest
should see the trees."

Booklovers especially will appreciate the publishers' ef-
forts to present a well-manufactured book as designed and
printed by Jack D. Rittenhouse of the Stagecoach press.

Since there is more than one series in the Civil War publi-
cations, the Series number should be added to the footnote
reference in this publication.

New Mexico Civil War Bibliography : An Annotated Check-
list of Books & Pamphlets. Jack D. Rittenhouse. Houston :
Stagecoach Press, 1961. Pp. 36. $4.00.

This small publication contains 32 items. The compiler
dealt only with printed materials, so the book was not planned
as a complete bibliography for the years covered. The Santa
Fe Gazette vs. The Citizens of Dona Ana County, Item #7,
is published in full in the appendix. The reviewer notices
only one additional item that could have been included : Brig.-
Gen. Richard H. Orton, Records of California Men in the
War of the Rebellion 1861 to 1867. Sacramento, 1890.

72

BOOK REVIEWS 73

A Classified Bibliography of the Periodical Literature of the
Trans-Mississippi West (1811-1957). By Oscar Osburn
Winther. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1961.
Pp. xxvi, 626. $6.00.

The table of contents quickly reveals that the articles are
listed under topical and sub-topical headings that include the
States, for instance, New Mexico; regions, as the Great
Plains ; and others such as Indians, Fur Trade and the Cali-
fornia Gold Rush. Cross references expedite finding a par-
ticular article. Each item is given a reference number (for a
total of 9,244) which is associated with the author's name
listed in alphabetical order.

The cross-the-border areas of British Columbia and His-
panic America are included, although the emphasis is on ma-
terial related to the history of the United States.

It is incorrect to list #5731 under Negro because it deals
with the Indian slave trade. Item #5890 is credited to the
wrong author. Otherwise, I suspect that there is a very high
degree of accuracy in this very useful and comprehensive
work on the West.

The Whipple Report. By A. W. Whipple. Edited by E. I. Ed-
wards. Los Angeles : Westernlore Press, 1961. Pp. v, 100.
Bibliog., Illusts., Index. $5.50.

This is Whipple's report of his survey of the international
boundary line from San Diego to the Colorado River in keep-
ing with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that closed the war
with Mexico. In a ten page introduction, Mr. Edwards pre-
sents a pen picture of Whipple's personality in contrast to
that of Lieut. Cave Gouts who commanded the military de-
tachment for defense of the surveyors.

Whipple's writing attains the heights of literary style
occasionally, but he is much more interested in describing
the Indians, with sympathy, than commenting on his official
duties. Because of this interest, the report is of greater value
to ethnologists ; it is not a significant contribution to the his-
tory of the times.

74 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Arizona Territory Post Offices and Postmasters. By John and
Lillian Theobald. Arizona Historical Foundation. Phoe-
nix, Arizona, 1961. Pp. xiii, 178. Illus. and Bibliog. Paper
$3.00, Cloth $5.00, Leather $17.50.

This useful publication contains a brief history of Ari-
zona, a discussion of mail transportation, the postal routes,
service companies, the postmasters, the public attitude to-
ward the mail service, and an alphabetical list of post offices
and masters.

There are several pictures of post offices and a greater
number of cancelled mail envelopes. Historical sketches are
supplied for some of the post offices.

Through personal contacts and search in archival sources,
the authors have not only prepared what is obviously a labor
of love, but also a worthwhile addition to reference literature
on Arizona.

F. D. R.

The Charles Ilfeld Company. By William J. Parish. Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1961. Pp. xxi, 431.
Ills., maps, index. $10.00.

On a broad yet revealingly detailed canvas, Professor
Parish has presented a superb picture of a business enter-
prise which was born in territorial New Mexico and perished
on virtually the day before yesterday. Published as one of the
Harvard Studies in Business History, this book sits amidst
distinguished company ; but it is not overshadowed. It is one
of the best business histories this reviewer has read. Profes-
sor Parish has demonstrated that he is a most competent and
talented historian. His work rests upon solid research-foun-
dations : the company's own archives, interviews with con-
temporaries of the firm and its managers, and newspapers
of the day. Moreover, the author has placed the company's
history in a setting made rich by his own knowledge of the
business affairs and by a careful investigation of secondary
source materials.

To the reviewer, the book seems naturally to divide itself
into three parts. The first covers the formative period from

BOOK REVIEWS 75

1865 till about the turn of the century. It tells the remark-
able story of Charles Ilfeld, the German-Jewish immigrant
lad of eighteen who became a most successful "multi-risk
merchant," importing various articles from the East and sell-
ing them, usually on a retail basis, in the vicinity of Las
Vegas. As the author himself indicates, Ilfeld's business
operation closely resembled that of Thomas Hancock, per-
haps the most famous merchant of eighteenth-century Bos-
ton. (It also resembles that of many Midwestern merchants
in the mid-nineteenth century.) Like Hancock, Ilfeld needed
men in the East — or England, in the case of the former mer-
chant— to supply him with trade goods and generous credit
terms. There were much the same problems involved in trans-
porting these goods and in making remittances for them. As
Hancock scrambled about for bills of exchange to meet his
English obligations, so too did Ilfeld search for drafts to
cover his debts in New York City. More fortunate than his
colonial counterpart, Ilfeld could sell the "country pay"
(wool, grain, and livestock) tendered by his customers di-
rectly to his Eastern suppliers. To be successful at this sort
of business, a man had to be intelligent, resourceful, daring
and trusting. That Ilfeld possessed all these traits is amply
shown by the author.

The second part of the company's career began around
1900, when the railroads had completed their dissection of
the Southwest, and ended with the coming of World War II.
This is also the period in the company's history that is domi-
nated by Ilfeld's brother-in-law, Max Nordhaus. While Ilfeld
poured his merchandising dreams into the creation of a de-
partment store at Las Vegas; the younger, more vigorous
man turned his energies into more diversified and more
specialized fields : the woolen economy and the sheep indus-
try ; a chain of country stores and directly owned retail out-
lets; and finally, wholesaling, with the establishment of
branch warehouses throughout New Mexico. The last ven-
ture was the most profitable ; and by the end of the era, the
Charles Ilfeld Company was essentially a wholesaling
concern.

76 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

It is rather difficult to state precisely when the company
entered its third and ultimately fatal period. Certainly it oc-
curred after the deaths of Ilfeld (1929) and Nordhaus
(1935) ; but it does not seem to have been determined by the
Great Depression. Quite probably the forces that set the com-
pany's final form were the revolution in motor transporta-
tion and the rapid growth and urbanization of New Mexico —
two phenomena whose full effects were seen most dramatic-
ally in the immediate post-war years. Till almost the elev-
enth hour, the Ilfeld Company failed to accommodate itself
to the changed and changing circumstances. But here the
fault lay not so much with management as with the nature
of the firm. It was a family corporation ; and like so many
family corporations, it had grown old. It had become "a
monistic form of administration both in action and ideas.
. . . ."Its dividend policy was too liberal ; its directors were
too inbred — and one can easily guess at countless other de-
fects commonly seen in family corporations. The reviewer's
sympathies lay with the firm's last manager, Frank Mapel.
Hardly had he examined the company, diagnosed its ills (in
physical layout, personnel, sales procedure, etc.), and began
its cure, than the company's stockholders decided to sell out.
In conclusion, let the reviewer reiterate and underscore
his praise of Professor Parish's work. Indeed the only criti-
cism offered — and I should guess the author is (pp. 91-92)
aware of it — is that he may have tried too hard to place the
Charles Ilfeld Company into the N.S.B. Gras frame of what
does and does not constitute a sedentary merchant, a mer-
chant capitalist, and so on. (I often suspect that such labels
are more convenient than accurate.) But this criticism is
scarcely significant, for this is a very good book — well and
often humorously written, fully substantiated by evidence,
and adequately illustrated by maps and charts. Professor
Parish should be proud of his work and take honest satisfac-
tion in looking back "over the 14 years of its doing."
Michigan State University ALVIN C. GLUECK, JR.

Notes and Documents

THE NEW MEXICO TERRITORIAL ASSEMBLY, 1858-1859

The New Mexico territorial assembly of 1858-1859 played an im-
portant, if futile, role in the attempted expansion of slavery into the
western territories prior to the Civil War. It was this assembly that
in February 1859 adopted "an act for the protection of slave property
in the territory," thus setting the stage for possible slave expansion
into New Mexico territory.1 This aspect of New Mexico's role in the
sectional conflict has been described elsewhere2 and will not be re-
counted here. Information pertaining to the membership of this assem-
bly is not so easily accessible, however, and these notes will attempt
to provide some insight into the characteristics of the members them-
selves. In this manner it is hoped that it will be shown that New Mex-
ico's pro-slavery stand was taken by an assembly comprised not of
southern planters but by a group of predominately native-born New
Mexican farmers.

The accompanying table shows a list of members of the Eighth
New Mexico assembly which passed the act for protection of slave
property together with personal characteristics taken from the manu-
script returns of the Federal Census for I860.3 In all, twelve members
served in the legislative council during the session of 1858-1859, and
twenty-four members served in the house of representatives.4 As might
be expected, members of the legislative council, or upper house, were
somewhat older than members of the house of representatives ; median
age for council members being fifty-seven years and that of house mem-
bers only thirty-four years, a considerable difference in age span. The
ages ranged from twenty-four years for Antonio G. Cordera of Rio
Arriba to seventy-eight for Rafael Vigil of Taos.

The great majority of assembly members were born in New Mex-
ico; only four of the 29 members for whom place of birth could be de-
termined were born outside the territory. One member was born in
Vermont, one in Kentucky, one in Missouri, and one in Mexico. Twenty-
five members were born in New Mexico.

1. Journal of the Legislative Council for the Territory of New Mexico, Session 1858-59
(Santa Fe, 1859), 63, 67 ; Journal of the House of Representatives of the Territory of New
Mexico, Session 1858-59 (Santa Fe, 1859), 67, 70, 79.

2. Loomis Morton Ganaway, New Mexico and the Sectional Controversy, 1848-1861
(Albuquerque, 1944), 70-71; and Herbert Howe Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 15SO-
1888 (San Francisco, 1889), 682-683.

8. Based upon the manuscript returns of Schedule No. 1, Free Inhabitants, of the
United States Eighth Census, 1860. The writer used microfilm copies of the original re-
turns located in the National Archives, Washington, 25, D. C.

4. These figures do not include C. Duran of Dona Ana, who was elected but did not
actually serve in this session of the council.

77

78

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

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80 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Nineteen members of the assembly listed their occupation as farm-
ing in 1860. Four were merchants, one listed himself as a merchant-
farmer, one as a laborer, three as farm laborers, and one as a commis-
sion agent. Surprisingly, there were no lawyers in the Eighth Terri-
torial Assembly.

Property holding for assembly members was quite modest; the
median holding for those located in the census returns being $1,000
in real and $1,500 in personal property. The members of the council
were considerably wealthier than those of the house; the median for
the council being $3,500 in real and $4,500 in personal property, com-
pared to $430 in real $503 in personal property for house members.
Henry Connelly of Bernalillo with $142,000, and O. P. Hovey of Santa
Fe with $53,000 in property were by far the wealthiest individuals in
the assembly. On the other hand, however, eleven members held less
than $500 in real property and seven held less than $500 in personal
property.

These personal characteristics of membership illustrate that the
assembly was thus comprised of men of modest means who were natives
of New Mexico. Their vote for protecting slave property was thus not
based upon southern or plantation background.

'

U55/YV

^Mexico

Historical l^

Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe

KANSAS CITY, MO.
PUBLIC LIBRARY

APR 2 5 1962

April, 1962

Editors
FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER

Associates

PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND

FRANCE V. SCHOLES ELEANOR B. ADAMS

BRUCE T.ELLIS

VOL. XXXVII APRIL, 1962 No. 2

CONTENTS

Page

Pueblo Indian Auxiliaries in New Mexico 1763-1821

Oakah L. Jones, Jr 81

Reminiscences of Emanuel Rosenwald

Floyd S. Fierman, Editor 110

John Baptist Salpointe, 1825-1894

Sister Edward Mary Zerwekh, C.J.S. (continued) . . .132

Book Reviews 165

Errata 160

THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the
Historical Society of New Mexico and The University of New Mexico.
Subscription to the REVIEW is by membership in the Society — open to all.
Dues, including subscription, $5.00 annually, in advance. Single num-
bers, except a few which have become scarce, are $1.00 each. For further
information regarding back files and other publications available, see
back cover.

Membership dues and other business communications should be ad-
dressed to the Historical Society of New Mexico, Box 1727, Santa Fe,
N. M. Manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be addressed
to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,
N.M.

Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO, ALBUQUERQUE

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW

VOL. XXXVII APRIL, 1962 No. 2

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES IN NEW MEXICO

1763-1821
By Oakah L. Jones, Jr.*

SPAIN, throughout the colonial period of Latin American
history, experienced difficulties in her relations with nu-
merous, widely-divergent groups of American Indians. The
Spanish Crown and the Council of the Indies legislated to
protect these aborigines, but distance, local conditions and
time often interfered to the detriment of the Indians as the
colonists frequently ignored, violated or circumvented the
laws emanating from the mother country.

The authorities in Spain established the theoretical basis
for Indian policy. Protection of the Indians remained the
primary aspect of that doctrine, although a period of vacilla-
tion and uncertainty existed until the passage of the New
Laws in 1542. Legislation on behalf of the Indians embraced
many minute but important policies, such as prohibiting the
sale or giving to them of arms1 and opposition to their travel-

* Captain, Department of History, United States Air Force Academy, Colorado.
AGN — Archive General y Publico da la Nacion, Mexico, D.F. (in all cases the photo-
stats available in the Coronado Library at the University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,
were consulted) ; AGI — Archivo General de las Indias, Sevilla, Spain (photostats and
microfilm in the Coronado Library consulted) ; NMA — New Mexico Archives (originals
available in New Mexico Records Center, Santa Fe, and photostats consulted in Coronado
Library; document numbers according to Ralph E. Twitchell, The Spanish Archives of
New Mexico, 2 vols., Cedar Rapids, Iowa: The Torch Press, 1914).

1. Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Indias (3 vols.; Madrid: Impresora de
dicha real y supreme, 1943), Tomo II, Libro vi, Titulo i, Ley xxiv. Hereinafter cited as
Recopilacion.

81

82 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ling by or even mounting horses.2 Although these laws were
clearly worded, they were often difficult to enforce. Other-
wise, it would not have been necessary to re-publish six
times, for example, the law denying arms to the Indians.3

After the early conquests of the highly-developed seden-
tary peoples, such as the Aztecs, Quechuas, Mayas and Chi-
bchas, the Spaniards were confronted by the most difficult
problem they were to face in colonial administration — how to
reduce and control the innumerable warlike tribes? Since
these groups were essentially decentralized, nomadic and
dependent upon mobility and plunder for their existence, it
was very difficult for an outside force to govern them.

Spain tried many techniques to resolve this central prob-
lem, but she was never completely successful. Perhaps the
two most common characteristics of her policy for three
centuries were the attempts to reduce the Indians to settled
communities (poblaciones)4 and her use of vast numbers of
friendly Indians as auxiliary forces to augment her inade-
quate army.

In New Spain both of these policies appeared during the
conquest of Mexico by Hernan Cortes from 1519 to 1522.
Large numbers of Tlascalans served faithfully in the con-
quistador's army, and thereafter were employed in the Span-
ish northward expansion, particularly in Texas and Coahuila,
as exemplary citizens or auxiliaries. They were rewarded for
their services with honors, favors and privileges such as ex-
emptions from taxation, grants of land and outright gifts of
equipment, seed and building materials.5

The practice of using Indian auxiliaries was expanded
throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Usu-
ally only a few tribes could be counted upon as loyal allies

2. Ibid., Tomo II, Libro vi, Titulo i, Ley xxxiii.
8. Ibid., Tomo II, Libro vi, Tituto i, Ley xxxi.

4. Poblaciones were usually small unchartered communities with an alcalde in charge.
They should not be confused with three other terms : Pueblos de Indios were Indian towns
in existence before the conquest; congregaciones were Indian towns established after the
conquest; and reducciones were generally mission towns. Thus, in New Mexico, Acoma
would be a Pueblo de Indios, Laguna a congregation, and the missions near Jemez would be
reducciones, but all three could be considered as poblaciones.

5. Recopilacion. Tomo II, Libro vi, Titulo i, Leyes xxxix through xlv.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 83

in a given area during the early days of Spanish occupation,
but gradually the number would be increased to incorporate
as many as possible against a common foe.

Thus, in New Mexico the Pueblo Indians were the allies
of the Spaniards, although they had to be reconquered and
subjugated by the Spanish military forces after the Pueblo
Revolt of 1680. Mexican Indian auxiliaries, who had ac-
companied the expedition of Juan de Onate when he occupied
New Mexico in 1598, did not return to the region after the
reconquest by Diego de Vargas from 1693 to 1696.6 To replace
them the Spaniards gradually began using Pueblo Indians
to augment their small military forces in campaigns against
the indios bdrbaros. Contingents from all of the Rio Grande
and the western pueblos contributed to the success of Span-
ish armies under Vargas and the governors during the last
century of Spanish occupation.

All of the existing pueblos shared in the common obliga-
tion to serve with the military forces in campaigns for the
defense of the province of New Mexico. Encomenderos fre-
quently commanded the militia and auxiliary forces during
early military actions,7 but were replaced later by experi-
enced officers, usually assigned from the Presidio of Santa Fe.

By the middle of the eighteenth century Pueblo Indians
were organized into their own units commanded by a cap-
itdn mayor de la guerra,8 who was subordinate to the ap-
pointed Spanish commander (usually a lieutenant from Santa
Fe). Father Manuel de San Juan Nepomuceno Trigo indi-

6. Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, The Missions of New Mexico, 1776, Eleanor
B. Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez, translators (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press, 1956), 304.

7. The military obligation of the encomenderos has been touched upon in France V.
Scholes, "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW,
XII, No. 4 (October, 1937), 389. In addition. Dr. Scholes has adequately covered the deep
imprint of Christianity which the Spaniards transmitted to the Pueblos during the seven-
teenth century. See his Church and State in New Mexico, 1610-1650 (Albuquerque: Univer-
sity of New Mexico Press, 1937). This is Volume III in the Historical Society of New
Mexico's Publications in History. The conversion served as a good foundation upon which
to build the Spanish-Pueblo alliance of the next century.

8. Charles W. Hackett (ed.). Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva
Vizcaya and Approaches Thereto, to 1773 (3 vols. ; Washington: The Carnegie Institution,
1923-1937), III, 366. Hereinafter cited as Hackett, Historical Documents.

84 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

cated in his letter of 23 July 1754 that the "mission Indians"
were brave and warlike, particularly those of Pecos whom he
admired for their continued resistance to the barbaric tribes,
and he stated that these Indians went out "voluntarily" on
campaigns against their nomadic enemies.9 By this time the
entire province was having difficulty defending itself from
the raids and encroachments of warlike tribes who had been
receiving firearms from French traders. An inventory of
Spanish defensive forces in New Mexico revealed this prob-
lem as early as 1752. The entire province contained just 6,453
persons, with only 2,174 capable of bearing arms. To meet
the increasing threat to the region they were equipped with
4,060 horses, 60,045 arrows, 414 lances, only 57 swords and
151 leather jackets.10

By 1763 New Mexico, which included present day Ari-
zona and had eastern and western boundaries at the Rio
Grande and Rio Colorado, had become an isolated frontier
community. During the next thirteen years the entire north-
ern frontier of New Spain became a violent, unsettled theater
of war, and Spain's hold upon New Mexico became uncertain.
Gradually the province was encircled with warlike tribes so
that by 1776 the few Spanish settlers and their loyal Pueblo
Indian allies were confronted with the Navahos to the north-
west, Utes in the mountains of the north and northwest,
Comanches to the north and east, and various bands of
Apaches to the south, east and west.11

Spanish military forces and defenses were inadequate to
combat these threats. Against the raids of the indios bdrbaros
who sought cattle, horses and provisions principally, the set-
tlers and Christian Indians could defend themselves with
only a few antiquated and ineffective weapons. Pueblos em-
ployed the bow and arrow, or occasionally the lance, but by

9. Letter in Hackett, Historical Documents. Ill, 465.

10. General and Particular State of the Number of Families and Persons Which the
Twenty-two Reduced Pueblos of Indians of the Kingdom of New Mexico Possess, AGN,
Provincias Internas 102, Expedients 3, fl, Ano de 1752.

11. Alfred B. Thomas, Teodoro de Croix and the Northern Frontier of New Spain,
1776-1783 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1941), 7. Hereinafter cited as Thomas.
Teodoro de Croix.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 85

1772 only 250 persons, in addition to the presidial troops,
possessed firearms in the province, and these were outdated
shotguns.12 The Presidio of Santa Fe could not contribute
much assistance for it had been considered incapable of de-
fense as early as 1766 when it was composed of only eighty
soldiers at an annual cost of 34,070 pesos.13

Spain made numerous efforts to resolve her problems on
the northern frontier. Unfortunately, her increasingly pre-
carious global position at the end of the eighteenth century
and her increased size after reacquiring Louisiana from
France in 1762-1763 prevented her from deploying large
numbers of well-disciplined, experienced military forces to
northern New Spain and particularly to New Mexico. The
mobility of the indios bdrbaros with their acquisition of large
numbers of horses and their possession of more modern fire-
arms jeopardized Spain's hold on that remote province. New
presidios were established, others were relocated, inspections
such as that of the Marques de Rubi were conducted, lengthy
reports were submitted, continuous Spanish and Indian cam-
paigns resulting in the loss of many horses and supplies were
carried out without individual compensation,14 and various
recommendations were entertained from all sources.

Yet, the results were always the same. Hugo O'Conor re-
ported that the total losses in the regions beyond Chihuahua
had been four thousand persons and over twelve million
pesos between 1748 and 1772.15 Even the great visitador-gen-
eral Jose de Gdlvez was frustrated during his visit of 1765-
1771 in his efforts to subdue the Indian disturbances in the
North and pacify the frontier.16

12. Frank D. Reeve, "Navaho-Spanish Diplomacy, 1770-1790," NEW MEXICO HISTORI-
CAL REVIEW, XXXV, No. 3 (July, I960), 211.

18. Lawrence Kinnaird, The Frontiers of New Spain: Nicolas de La Fora's Description,
1766-1768 (Berkeley: The Quivira Society, 1968), 91.

14. An Account of the Lamentable Happenings in New Mexico and of Losses Experi-
enced Daily in Affairs Spiritual and Temporal Written by Father Fray Sanz de Lezaiin in
the Year 1760, in Hackett, Historical Documents, III, 472.

15. Alfred B. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers: A Study of the Spanish Indian Policy
of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777-1787 (Norman : University
of Oklahoma Press, 1932), 5. Hereinafter cited as Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers.

16. Herbert I. Priestley, Jose de Gdlvez: Visitor General of New Spain (1765-1771)
(Berkeley : University of California Press, 1916), 268.

86 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

In New Mexico, Governor Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta
made a conscientious effort to overcome the critical state of
affairs during his term from 1767 to 1778. In the first year of
his governorship he established a special post of fifty pre-
sidials and Indian auxiliaries on a hill near Ojo Caliente to
watch closely the ford on the Rio Grande which the Co-
manches were using to invade the frontier. In the same year
he led a combined force of 546 presidials, militia and Indian
allies on an extensive campaign. Each year thereafter he
conducted sizeable expeditions which employed numerous
Indian auxiliaries, largely from the pueblos, to combat Utes,
Navahos, Apaches and Comanches, depending upon which
presented the greatest threat.17

The Viceroy of New Spain reported that 140 inhabitants
had been killed, seven thousand horses and mules had been
stolen and whole herds of cattle and sheep had been destroyed
in the northern provinces during 1771.18 By November, 1772,
Governor Mendinueta faced a critical situation. Apache raids
had become widespread, reaching Zuni, Tubac and Sonora.19

Recommendations for resolving the Indian problem were
received from all sources. Bishop Tamaron, who had been
alarmed by the ineffective defense against hostile Indians
during his visitation of New Mexico in 1760, had recom-
mended the greater use of infantry. Horses attracted the
enemy and furthermore the cost of infantry was much less
than that of cavalry. He also proposed annual campaigns to
combat the warring tribes and suggested that they be car-
ried out annually for a period of two or three years.20

Hugo O'Conor, who inspected the region for the King in
1775-1776, found the colonists to have a fine military spirit
and creditable valor in the defense of the area. He recom-

17. Alfred B. Thomas, The Plains Indiana and New Mexico, 1751-1778 (Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1940), Volume XI of the Coronado Cuarto Centennial
Publications, 1540-1940, George P. Hammond (ed.), 39-45.

18. Bucareli to Ariaga, No. 193, Mexico, 27 January 1772, AGI, Guadalajara 512, in
Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 6.

19. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 8.

20. Eleanor B. Adams (ed.), Bishop Tamaron's Visitation of New Mexico, 1760 (Albu-
querque: Historical Society of New Mexico, 1954), Volume XV of Publications in History,
88-91.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 87

mended the formation of ten frontier detachments, two of
which were to be in New Mexico. These two groups would
be composed of vecinos (settlers) andlndiosamigos (friendly
Indians) to defend the frontier, primarily against the Co-
manche menace, but against other tribes as well. O'Conor
reported that the friendly Indians were those of the Pueblos,
particularly from Jemez, Zia, Santa Ana, Sandia, Isleta, La-
guna, Acoma, and others "I don't know." He emphasized that
they were peaceful people, dedicated to agriculture and the
growth of livestock.21

The detachments proposed by O'Conor for New Mexico
would total 565 men.22 He suggested that a body of one hun-
dred troops be added to the following levies, establishing a
grand force of 2,228 men for the general campaign in the
North. The levies for New Mexico were :23

Pueblos Spaniards Indians

Jemez 0 40

Zia 0 50

Santa Ana 0 80

Vicinity of Bernalillo 15 0

Sandia 0 25

Town of Albuquerque 80 0

Atrisco and Pajarito 25 0

Isleta 0 40

Vicinity of Valencia and Tome 30 0

Vicinity of Belen and Pueblo of genizaros 40 40

Laguna and Acoma 0 100

TOTALS 190 375

21. Enrique Gonzalez Flores and Francisco R. Almada, Informe de Hugo O'Condr sobre
el cstado de las Provincial Intemas del Norte, 1771-1776 (Mexico: Editorial Cultura, 1952),
106-107.

22. Plan of Operations, Hugo O'Con6r, Carrizal, 24 March 1775, AGN Provincias In-
ternas 87, Document 5. Thomas, in his Forgotten Frontiers on page 10, states that the
number was 595, but no basis for this total can be ascertained.

23. Ibid. For purposes of clarity, simplicity and easy comprehension I have always
rendered the names of the pueblos and other places as they are currently spelled. O'Con6r's
spelling of Zia is Silla, Jemez is spelled with an "s" at the end and his Albuquerque con-
tains the old "r" before the first "q." Spanish proper names were variously used by different
authors. Thus, we find Santa Fee, Nabajoo, Betem, Santa Anna, etc.

88 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Governor Mendinueta closely observed the problems of
defense in his province. Unique among his proposals was the
suggestion that the Spaniards, who were widely-dispersed
along the Rio Grande, be collected into centrally-located,
easily-defended, fortified towns, resembling those of the
Pueblo Indians. He cited their lack of unity and desired that
the Spaniards emulate the "Pueblos de Indios" for defense
against the Comanches, Apaches, Utes and Navahos.24 Here
was a reversal of the normal policy for Spain, since it was
usually her intention to reduce the Indians to easily-control-
led towns25 which resembled those of the Spaniards.

Mendinueta desired to augment his small presidial force
of eighty troops with settlers and "indios cristianos" (Christ-
ian Indians, undoubtedly Pueblos) .2e He admonished the set-
tlers for their reluctance to respond to his orders and pointed
out that all should do so no matter what time or under what
conditions the orders for campaigns arrived. Each should
take his horse, lance, pike, or whatever type of arms he pos-
sessed to answer the call since every settler had an obliga-
tion to perform a minimum of eighteen days of public work
annually.27

The cacique of each pueblo was instructed to maintain
constantly in readiness a force of fifteen or twenty Indians.
He was to supply them with the necessary provisions for
campaigns so that they could depart immediately when di-
rected by the governor. Once the summons had been received,
the cacique would collect his force and personally conduct it
in pursuit of the enemy, while other Indians of the pueblo
rounded up the horses and brought them to the campaign
element. By this technique the enemy could be prevented

24. Mendinueta to Viceroy Antonio Bucareli, Santa Fe, 26 March 1772. Facsimile from
Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, Legajo 10, Part 1. Another copy has been published in
Alfred B. Thomas, "Governor Mendinueta's Proposals for the Defense of New Mexico,
1772-1778," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, VI, No. 1 (January. 1931), 27-80.

25. Recopilaeidn, Tomo II, Libro vi, Titulo iii, Ley i.

26. Mendinueta to Bucareli, Santa Fe, 26 March 1772, Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico,
Legajo 10, Part 1.

27. Bando of Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta, Santa Fe, 16 November 1771, NMA, Docu-
ment 668.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 89

from escaping unpunished from his raids upon settled
communities.28

General campaigns proposed by Governor Mendinueta in-
volved the problem of maintaining sufficient numbers of
horses. Since the indios bdrbaros had no fixed location and
could ride wherever they pleased, the pursuing force had to
do likewise. To do so adequately each man involved in the
campaign required at least three or four horses.29 Other prob-
lems of the expeditions were lack of compensation for the
settlers and Indians, inadequate offensive arms since the
friendly Indians possessed only bows and arrows (although
the governor noted that a few had firearms) , and the prob-
lem of distance which rendered it almost impossible to use
Indians from Zuni, Acoma and Laguna in campaigns against
the Comanches as these three pueblos were occupied in de-
fending themselves against the Apaches.30

Annual campaigns were attempted during Mendinueta's
term of office, but they seldom yielded notable results, al-
though the pursuing force sometimes marched hundreds of
miles. Expeditions in 1774, for example, were made from
Albuquerque, Keres and Laguna against the newly-aroused
Navahos. These consisted largely of Pueblo auxiliaries, sup-
plemented by militiamen and some presidials from Santa
Fe.31

Occasionally, control of the Indian auxiliaries was ap-
parently relaxed for Fray Dominguez noted that the Chris-
tian Indians removed the scalps of the heathen ones "before
they are quite dead" and danced with them as a token of
victory and to avenge the grievances they had suffered.32 Be-

28. The Form of Government Used at the Missions of San Diego de los Jemez and
San Apustin de la Isleta by Father Fray Joaquin de Jesus Ruiz, Their Former Minister.
[Undated, but presumably in 1773], in Hackett, Historical Documents, III, 506. Note that
by this time the Pueblos were apparently being; permitted to utilize horses for both peace-
ful and warlike purposes.

29. Mendinueta to Bucareli, Santa Fe, 26 March 1772, Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico,
Legajo 10, Part 1.

30. Ibid.

81. Reeve, "Navaho-Spanish Diplomacy, 1770-1790," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW,
XXXV, No. 8 (July. 1960), 207. Although the Spaniards usually rendered the linguistic
term Keres as Queres, the more well-known version will be utilized in this study.

32. Dominguez, Missions of New Mexico, 267.

90 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

fore the departure of these expeditions Mass was said for all
the participants and a brief sermon was delivered on the
constitution of and the means for conducting a "just war."33

By 1776 defense reached a critical point. The hostile In-
dian invasions of New Mexico were among the most serious
on the entire northern frontier.34 To meet these threats Span-
ish Indian policy by this date basically included two prin-
ciples : the first was preventive, consisting of peace treaties
with the Indians which met with little success because of the
independence of one band of Indians from another ; the second
was punitive, comprising the campaigns into Indian country
to recapture animals, rescue prisoners, or retaliate upon In-
dian rancherias to discourage future raids.35 The success of
both methods was extremely limited as a result of inadequate
presidial and regular forces, the necessity of using untrained
and undisciplined Indian allies and militia, the employment
of poor leaders recruited from the local populace, extreme dis-
tances, supply problems, insufficient and outdated weapons,
and the wide dispersal of the population.

Spain reorganized the entire system for defense of her
northern frontier in 1776 when she created the Provincias
Internas del Norte under the leadership of a commandante
general. The Californias, Sinaloa, Sonora, Nueva Vizcaya,
Coahuila, Texas, and New Mexico comprised the original
Provincias Internas, but Nuevo Leon and Nuevo Santander
were subsequently added.36 Teodoro de Croix, the first com-
mandante general, and his military authorities immediately
turned their attention to resolving the crisis in the North.
Within the next decade New Mexico would pass through her
most critical period of occupation and defense against the
indios bdrbaros. By 1786 the province would no longer be
faced with possible annihilation or abandonment.

In view of the revolutionary activity and continued ex-
pansion of the North Americans, Croix considered the de-

33. Ibid., 271.

34. Thomas, Teodoro de Croix, 24.

35. Ibid., 10-11.

36. Priestley, «/o.s»; de Gdlvez, 293.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 91

fense of New Mexico to be of particular importance to the
security of New Spain's northern provinces. He also ques-
tioned the use of militia for he believed that such forces re-
duced the number of those paying tribute and increased the
taxes upon the natives, causing occasional riots.37

Military authorities, such as Lt. Colonel Antonio Bonilla,
noted the presence of an abundant supply of manpower (both
Spaniards and Indians) to defend the province of New Mex-
ico, but simultaneously emphasized that the lack of arms and
horses rendered the citizenry useless.38 He again cited for
Spanish authorities the inability of obtaining assistance from
Zuni, Acoma, and Laguna, and concluded that hardly 250
Spaniards and an equal number of Indians were equipped
with horses and arms for the defense of the province.39

Bonilla pointed out that all the inhabitants had an obli-
gation to assist in the general defense, but that at present
they were a "congregation of dissident, discordant, scattered
people without subordination, without horses, arms, know-
ledge of their handling, and were governed by their ca-
price."40 He proposed that formal militias be created with
experienced individuals in command and that remuneration
be provided, since the cost of each man on campaign could
exceed 150 pesos.41 This revenue could be obtained, he sug-
gested, from a levy upon local trade.42

In spite of the extensive plans formulated in the first year
of the commandancy general, the indios bdrbaros, particu-
larly the war-like Apache bands and Comanches, continued to

37. Ibid., 44.

38. Historic Points about New Mexico Written by Lieutenant Colonel Don Antonio
Bonilla the Year of 1776, AGN, Historia 25, Document 7, paragraph 16. Bonilla's observa-
tions and recommendations may also be found in Alfred B. Thomas, "Antonio de Bonilla
and Spanish Plans for the Defense of New Mexico," New Spain and the Anglo-American
West, George P. Hammond (ed.) (2 vols. ; Lancaster, Pennsylvania: Lancaster Press,
1932),!, 184-209.

39. Ibid., para. 17.

40. From Thomas' translation in his article cited above in note 38. The original may
be found in paragraph 44 of Bonilla's Historic Points. Bonilla also gave the population
figures for 1776 as 5,781 Spaniards, 12,999 Indians for a total of 18,780.

41. Bonilla, Historic Points, AGN, Historia 25, Document 7, para. 47.

42. Thomas "Antonio de Bonilla and Spanish Plans for the Defense of New Mexico,"
New Spain and the Anglo-American West, I, 186.

92 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

plunder the Spanish and Indian settlements. From June
through August, 1777, these two tribes killed sixty-one per-
sons, captured eighteen and killed more than 1200 head of
stock.43 When in 1778 the Comanches swept over the province
and 127 persons were either killed or captured,44 Croix called
for a general military council to meet at Chihuahua. This
body adopted fifteen articles to establish a consistent, long-
term Indian policy. These points included :45

1. An alliance of Spaniards with the Indians of the North against
the Apaches.

2. The conclusion that Apaches were unreliable and would not keep
either promises or peace treaties.

3. The belief that Comanches were in every way superior to
Apaches, and, therefore, their assistance must be obtained in
subduing the Apaches.

4. An observation that the average frontier presidio, consisting of
only fifty-six men, could not attend to all of its duties, such as
guarding horse herds, escorting supplies, carrying mail, and
other minor duties in addition to defending the area.

5. A conclusion that settlers had to be recruited to supplement the
presidials, but the simultaneous recognition that they had to pay
the costs themselves and that their absence on campaigns de-
prived their families of support while exposing their possessions
to raids by other Indians.

That same year a military officer, Lt. Colonel Juan Bau-
tista de Anza, was appointed Governor of New Mexico.
Charged with the execution of the policy determined at Chi-
huahua, Anza reviewed presidials, militia and auxiliaries in
the El Paso area before reaching Santa Fe in the latter part
of 1778. Soon after his arrival in the capital the new governor
established two definite lines of policy to meet the problem
of provincial defense. First, he campaigned against and ne-
gotiated with the frontier tribes to ward off their attacks and
secure their friendship. Second, he attempted to reorganize
Spanish settlements by collecting the scattered unprotected

48. Hendinueta to Croix, Santa Fe, 9 September 1777, quoted in Thomas, ibid., 184.
44. General Report of 1781 by Teodoro de Croix, reproduced in Thomas, Teodoro de
Croix, 111.

46. Thomas, The Plaint Indian* and New Mexico, 53-65.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 93

families into towns similar to Indian pueblos which were
capable of defense against Apache, Comanche and Ute raids.46

The governor's military campaigns were extensive and
gradually reduced the number of enemy tribes. Comanches
received the major portion of his attention and during his
term their raids became increasingly less frequent because of
tribal losses. By the end of 1778 they conducted only a few
minor raids in the vicinity of Abiquiu, Ojo Caliente and the
Chama River Valley.47

Anza even decided to carry the war into the home country
of the hostile tribes. For these campaigns he adopted the
policy of his predecessors— employment of large numbers
of Pueblo Indian auxiliaries, later augmenting them with
other tribes which he had conquered or conciliated. In Au-
gust and September, 1779, he led a military force of six hun-
dred men48 from San Juan de los Caballeros to locate and de-
feat the Comanche bands led by their principal chief Cuerno
Verde. The expedition included an auxiliary force of 259
Indians who served as scouts or spies (espias) for the army
as it moved northward.49 The new governor outfitted settlers
and Indians alike, alloting each a good horse (although the
"best" were said to have two mounts) , but their equipment
was limited and their munitions were in short supply, as re-
flected by the fact that each gun had only three charges of
powder.50

Nevertheless, the expedition achieved two resounding vic-
tories over the Comanches, culminating in the death of
Cuerno Verde between present Pueblo and Walsenberg,

46. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 374. This work remains the outstanding authority on
the administration and policies of Anza.

47. Croix to Anza, 8 January 1779, NMA, Document 714.

48. This figure has been established by close analysis of the document entitled Expedi-
tion of Anza and Death of Cuerno Verde, August and September, 1779, Letter of the
Governor to the Commandant General, Santa Fe, 1 November 1779, AGN, Historia 25. f267-
288. The table included by Anza shows a total force of 645 men but there are two errors
in his addition. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers. 67, says that the number was 573, but no
basis for such a total can be located.

49. Expedition of Anza and Death of Cuerno Verde, August and September, 1779,
Letter of the Governor to the Commandant General, Santa Fe, 1 November 1779, AGN,
Historia 25, £270.

60. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 67.

94 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Colorado. Having broken the Comanche resistance, Anza
turned his attention to other trouble spots. He always took
Pueblo auxiliaries with him on visits as well as campaigns.
Thus, on 10 September 1780 he led 126 men, including eighty-
eight Pueblo Indians (forty Tewas, forty Keres and eight
converted Moquis) to the Moqui (Hopi) villages of present
northeastern Arizona.51 In his Apache campaign of Novem-
ber, 1780, in the South he took 151 men, of which thirty-four
were Indians,52 and his later Apache campaigns of 1785 in-
volved forces of first, 120 horsemen, thirty foot soldiers, and
ninety-two Pueblos, and second, a combined operation of
Pueblos, Spaniards and Navahos against the Gila Apaches.53

In these expeditions Anza assured his faithful Indian
allies of all spoils taken in battle except the horse herds.
There was, however, to be no pillaging until the action was
completed so that none of the enemy could escape. Looting
would be permitted by all after the conclusion of the en-
gagement.54 In addition, a reward was offered for each hos-
tile head which auxiliaries could acquire and one hundred
pesos was paid for each captive taken by the allied force.65

Not only did the governor utilize his Pueblo Indian aux-
iliaries extensively on campaigns, but he tried to establish
Spanish towns along lines similiar to those of the pueblos
themselves. Each Spanish town had to have a minimum of
twenty families and the plazas therein would follow pueblo
construction, complete with bastions and gunports. His re-
location of some groups and concentration of settlers met
with violent opposition and appeals to the commandante gen-
eral,™ but Anza succeeded in improving the general defensive
position of the province.

By 1786 conditions had changed in New Mexico. Spain's
participation in the North American Revolutionary War as

51. Ibid., 228. Note that Thomas errs on page 27 when he concludes that there were
only forty-eight Indians.

62. Ibid., 193. Again there is a discrepancy between this figure and the one of thirty-six
used on page 37.

58. Ibid., 47.

54. Ibid., 253.

55. Croix to Anza, Arizpe, 23 October 1780, NMA, Document 809.

56. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 379.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 95

an ally of France had ended, new weapons had reached the
northern frontier, peace had finally been established with the
Comanches, the size of the presidial force at Santa Fe had
grown from eighty to 119 and the population of the province
reached 20,810.57 It was now possible to concentrate the de-
fensive effort against the Apaches for Anza had succeeded
in adding new allies — Comanches, Utes, Navahos and Jica-
rilla Apaches — to his already closely-established alliance with
the Pueblos. Now there were six nations against one highly-
disunified enemy.

The new viceroy, Bernardo de Galvez, promulgated exten-
sive instructions regarding future Indian policy. He desired
"swift and vigorous war with the Indians who declared it,
peace with those who solicited it, and an attempt to win allies
among the warlike nations by spreading the use of Spanish
foods, drinks, weapons, and customs among them."58 He
urged extensive use of the Indian auxiliary in Sonora, Nueva
Vizcaya and New Mexico,59 and concluded that troops must
operate in those areas with the aid of Spanish settlers and
Indians of the pueblos.60

Pueblo Indians were utilized in conjunction with other In-
dian allies for a unified campaign against the Gila Apaches
in the region of present western New Mexico and eastern
Arizona. Navahos joined with Pueblos, Spanish troops and
settlers for this expedition, according to the instructions of
the new commandante general Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola.61
Anza was directed to purchase supplies for all the allies and
he was to send gifts, such as scarlet cloth and medals, to the

57. General Report of Teodoro de Croix in Thomas, Teodoro de Croix, 105-106. Al-
though these figures are for 1781, they present a fair estimate of the size of the presidio
and population five years later.

58. Bernardo de Gavez, Instructions for Governing the Interior Provinces of New
Spain, 1786, Donald E. Worcester (ed.) (Berkeley: The Quivira Society, 1951), 23. There
are some unique recommendations, such as furnishing firearms and livestock to hostile
Indians, in these instructions. Had Galvez lived longer to implement his policies, it is
obvious that there would have been vast changes in Indian administration on the northern
frontier.

59. Ibid., 69.

60. Ibid., 72.

61. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 54.

96 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Navahos. Horses and mules were sent to New Mexico, but it
was made clear that they were for the Indian auxiliaries only
while on campaign. They were not to be used by the soldiers
of the regular military force.82

For the Gileno campaigns Pueblos comprised a large part
of the total Spanish force. The expedition of 1786 involved
a total of 235 men, including sixty Pueblo Indians, twenty-
two Comanches and twenty-six Navahos.63 In the following
year a highly-organized campaign of 340 men, including
ninety-nine Pueblos, was dispatched against the same Gila
Apaches. The force had the following basic marching and
fighting organization : M

1st Division

Troop of Santa Fe (mounted) 22

Pueblo of Acoma (foot) 24

Comanches (mounted) 30

Settler from Sandia (mounted) 4

Jicarilla Apaches (mounted) 6

~~85

2nd Division

Troop of Nueva Vizcaya (mounted) 21

Settlers from Albuquerque (mounted) 22

Settlers from Santo Domingo (mounted) 20

Pueblo of Laguna (one mounted, others foot) 6

Pueblo of Acoma (foot) 12

Settlers from Sandia (mounted) 4

~85

3rd Division

Troop of Nueva Vizcaya (mounted) 23

Settlers from La Canada (mounted) 14

Settlers from Santa Fe (mounted) 21

Settlers from Santo Domingo (mounted) 3

Pueblo of Zuni (foot) 26

~~86

62. Ibid., 48 and 269.

63. Letter of the Commandant General Giving Notice of Peace Concluded with the
Comanche Nation and Its Reconciliation with the Ute, July, 1786, AGN, Provincial Internas
65, Expedients 2, paragraph 46.

64. Diary of the Campaign that Left the Villa of Santa Fe, New Mexico under the
Orders of Commandant Inspector [sic] Don Antonio Rengel, Today, 21 October 1787, AGN,
Provincias Internas 128, Expediente 2.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 97

4th Division

Troop of Santa Fe (mounted) 13

Settlers from La Canada (mounted) 25

Settlers from Santo Domingo (mounted) 13

Pueblo of Laguna (foot) 28

Pueblo of Zuni (foot) 5

~~84

From this organizational plan it may be noted that each
division was a separate "army" in itself, complete with ex-
perienced regular troops and leaders, settlers and Indian
auxiliaries. Pueblo Indians, principally from the western
pueblos of Zuni, Acoma and Laguna, still comprised the
major portion of the Indian auxiliaries, but they continued to
be afoot in spite of the horses provided for their use.

Money payments were to be rendered to the friendly tribes
as a reward for their military assistance,65 and some six
thousand pesos were sent, along with horses and carbines, for
use on these expeditions.66 The agility and physical stamina
of the Pueblos was noted in 1788 by the new governor, Fer-
nando de la Concha, who admired the obedience of the In-
dians to his campaign summons.67

By this time there were 2,647 soldiers and officers in Santa
Fe, Santa Cruz de la Canada, Keres, Alameda, Albuquerque,
and Taos, in addition to the Indian auxiliaries organized
jurisdictionally as follows :68

Recognizing the importance of Indian allies, commandante
general Ugarte advised Governor Fernando de la Concha to
save the lives of his Apache prisoners so that they could be
converted to the Spanish way of life and thus continue to
reduce the number of enemies in the region.69

65. Fernando de la Concha, Bando, Santa Fe [undated, but presumably in 1788], NMA,
Document 1025.

66. State Which Depicts the Number of Settlers and Indians Which This Province Has
Capable of Taking-up Arms, Santa Fe, 20 June 1788, AGN, Provincias Internas 65,
Expediente 7.

67. General Report of the Governor of New Mexico about the State of That Province,
Year of 1788, AGN, Provincias Internas 254.

68. State Which Depicts the Number of Settlers and Indians Which This Province Has
Capable of Taking-up Arms, Santa Fe, 20 June 1788, AGN, Provincias Internas 65,
Expediente 7.

69. Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola to Fernando de la Concha, 23 January 1788, NMA, Docu-
ment 998.

98

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Jurisdiction Pueblos of Indiana

Capts. Lts. Pvts. No.

Santa Fe

Tesuque

1

1

60

52

La Canada

Abiquiu

1

1

54

56

San Juan

1

1

47

49

Santa Clara

1

1

62

64

San Ildefonso

1

1

85

87

Pojoaque

1

1

26

28

Nambe

1

1

40

42

Picuris

1

1

55

57

Keres

San Felipe

1

1

105

107

Santo Domingo

1

1

140

142

Cochiti

1

1

160

162

Santa Ana

1

1

115

117

Zia

1

1

120

122

Jemez

1

1

118

120

Alameda

Sandia

1

1

94

96

Albuquerque

Isleta

1

1

90

92

Taos

Taos

1

1

118

120

Laguna

Laguna

1

1

204

206

Acoma

1

1

240

242

Zurii

Zuni

1

1

294

296

Pecos

Pecos

1

1

95

97

9 Jurisdictions 21 Pueblos

21 21 2,312 2,354

New concepts, particularly pertinent to Indian auxiliaries,
dominated the period after 1788. Pueblos often are mentioned
only incidentally on military campaigns and sometimes it
appears that they did not participate at all. Increasing use of
Comanches, converted Apaches, Navahos and Utes seems ap-
parent. However, numerous Pueblo Indians were included on
special campaigns, such as those conducted against the Nata-
gee Apaches in 1790,70 and on retaliatory expeditions against
raiding hostiles.

New Mexico had reached a state of relative tranquillity
when compared to its position during the previous two de-
cades. The quantity of mules and cattle increased markedly

70. Instructions to 2d Alferez Pablo Sandoval for the Conduct of the Campaign against
the Apaches, Santa Fe, 14 July 1790, NMA, Document 1087. Other documents also reflect
the absence of Pueblo allies. See, for example. Concha to Nava, 1 November 1791, NMA,
Document 1164(3) and Concha to Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, 6 May 1798, NMA, Document
1234.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 99

and horses were in plentiful supply by 1791.71 Probably the
greatest problem by the last decade of the eighteenth century
was maintaining unity among the auxiliaries since there
were long-standing hatreds of one for the other. The anti-
pathy between the Utes and Comanches is an outstanding
example of this disunity.

Both offensive and retaliatory campaigns continued
against various Apache bands. Raiding Natagees in the
vicinity of Tome and Belen were pursued by fourteen Indians,
mounted bareback, from Isleta Pueblo during June, 1791,72
and Gila Apaches were pursued in a more extensive western
campaign during 1793. In this latter expedition forty Indians
from Acoma and Laguna, led by the alcalde mayor of Acoma,
caught up with the fleeing hostiles after a chase of some
twenty-five miles, but they were ambushed when a band of
twenty-two Apaches attacked from behind, killing three
Pueblos and putting the rest to flight.73 To punish the vic-
torious Gilenos the governor personally led a large military
expedition composed of most of the troops of the Santa Fe
Presidio, militia forces, and Indian auxiliaries, as well as
scouts, from the pueblos of Laguna, Taos and Jemez.74 Heavy
snow and inability to locate any major groups of Apaches
rendered the campaign generally unsuccessful.

In his summary of his term of office for his successor Fer-
nando Chacon, Governor Fernando de la Concha provided a
complete analysis of the Indian situation in 1794. He cited
the alliance and friendship of the intrepid Comanches, the
Utes, the Jicarilla Apaches, and the Navahos since their close
relations with the Gila Apaches had been severed in 1788.
Then he emphasized the need for continued warfare against

71. Fernando de la Concha to the Commandant General of the Provincias Internas del
Oriente Pedro de Nava, Santa Fe, 1 November 1791, NMA, Document 1164(3).

72. Fernando de la Concha to Conde de Revilla Gigedo, Santa Fe, 1 July 1791, NMA,
Document 1129.

73. Fernando de la Concha to the Commandant General Pedro de Nava of the Pro-
vincias Internas del Oriente, Santa Fe, 30 April 1793, NMA, Document 1231.

74. Ibid. Although the governor states that the last-named were "Tiguas," it is probable
that he meant Jemez Indians. He refers to that pueblo as an ally in this campaign during
the course of his letter of 19 November 1793 to Pedro de Nava. See NMA, Document 1266
for this correspondence.

100 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the one enemy, Apaches — variously known as Faraones,
Mimbrenos, Natagees and Gilenos.75 After outlining the need
and provisions for maintaining interpreters, citing some of
the Indian hatreds and friendships, and examining the prac-
tice of giving the visiting heathen tribes presents of clothing,
hats, mirrors, knives, cigars, oranges, and indigo before they
left Santa Fe,76 the outgoing governor turned to the defense
of the province.

In this analysis Fernando de la Concha reviewed Anza's
organization of militia companies under alcaldes mayores
and lieutenants. He stated that both settlers and Indians
should be considered for campaigns, designating the former
by name and title and the latter only by number.77 Appar-
ently he had become disillusioned with the role played by the
settlers for he warned Chacon not to give them anything other
than munitions, pointing out that in addition they would
always ask for horses and provisions.78

Contrary to his impressions regarding the settlers, those
concerning the Pueblo Indians were of praise for their ex-
emplary characters. He noted that they never would ask for
anything except the munitions to which they were entitled,78
that they were truthful and obedient, and that they were not
guilty of stealing.80 He further pointed out that the six Keres
pueblos should not be counted in the total available for service
with the auxiliaries since they maintained their own detach-
ment to counter the entrance of Apaches into the realm.
From the remaining total of Indians, however, the new gov-
ernor should count on each for fifteen days of service every
two years, whereas from the settlers fifteen days of service
were required every six years.81

75. Instruction Formed by Colonel Don Fernando de la Concha, Past Governor of the
Province of New Mexico, In Order That His Successor Lieutenant Colonel Don Fernando
de Chac6n May Adapt from It Whatever May Seem Convenient for the Good Tranquillity
and Growth of the Same Province, Chihuahua, 28 June 1794, AGN, Historia 41, Document
10, para. 3-8.

76. Ibid., para. 9 and 10.

77. Ibid., para. 13 and 14.

78. Ibid., para. 15.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., para. 28.

81. Ibid.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 101

For the next decade the province enjoyed a settled state of
affairs among the Spaniards, Pueblos, Navahos, Utes, Jica-
rilla Apaches and Comanches.82 However, there were prob-
lems with the Pawnees and, as always, with the Apaches.
There were infrequent general campaigns during the period,
but military action seems to have been limited largely to
retaliatory expeditions at irregular intervals. Some reluc-
tance on the part of both settlers and Indians to participate
in the campaigns may also be observed.83 Indian companies
were formed, and apparently Pueblo Indian auxiliaries were
still much in demand, for the Commandant of Troops in the
El Paso area requested that Taos Indians be sent to aid him
in his campaign of 1800 against the southern Apaches.84
During the early part of the nineteenth century Apache raids
struck largely at horse herds and cattle. In 1801, for example,
Alameda, Santa Cruz de la Canada, Taos, Pecos, and the Rio
Arriba country all felt their impact.85

Far more important, however, were the renewed hostili-
ties with the Navajos after 1804. To combat the threat
created by their rebellious bands in the western portion of
the province, Governor Chacon dispatched a campaign force
of more than three hundred men, commanded by Lieutenant
Antonio Narbona. Arriving at Zuni Pueblo on 21 November
1804, the commander of the expedition split his troops into
two groups to pursue the warring bands of Navahos. These
two groups included Pueblo Indians as auxiliaries. They
came from Laguna, Acoma and Isleta,86 totaling approxi-
mately one hundred plus two scouts from Zuni.87 Lieutenant
Nicolas Farin of Laguna commanded the second group while
Narbona took charge of the other in a campaign hindered by

82. Pedro de Nava to Governor Chacon, Chihuahua, 31 December 1794, NMA, Docu-
ment 1303a.

83. Pedro de Nava to Governor Chac6n. Chihuahua, 29 August 1799, NMA, Document
1461.

84. Joseph Manuel Ochoa, Commandant of Troops in the El Paso Area, to Governor
Chacon, 30 November 1800, NMA, Document 1519.

85. Diary of Governor Chacon, Santa Fe, 31 August 1801, NMA, Document 1565.

86. Chacon to Lieutenant Nicolas Farin, Santa Fe, 20 November 1804, NMA, Docu-
ment 1774.

87. Ibid.

102 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

heavy snows. Little success was attained by the expedition,
and Navaho disturbances continued intermittently for the
next three years.

The status of Pueblo Indians as auxiliaries in the Spanish
army had undergone considerable change during the past
four decades. No longer were they denied horses or firearms
as had been their experience in the year 1762-1763 when
Spain secured Louisiana from France, thus causing great
changes in basic Spanish Indian policy. Muster roles of the
New Mexico militia in 1806 revealed that Pueblo Indians,
although listed separately, still comprised an important part
of that force. Thus, there were 199 Pueblo Indians at the four
pueblos of Sandia, Cochiti, San Felipe and Santo Domingo,
for example, who were mounted and armed. There were more
than three hundred Pueblos at these same four locations who
were dismounted and armed, and the four towns reflected
the possession of seventy-six firearms.88

By 1808 there were three companies of militia, consisting
of sixty-one men each, enlisted to aid the regular troops. They
received no pay for their services and usually had to furnish
their own uniforms, provisions and most of their equipment.89
The Indian auxiliaries did likewise in their campaigns against
hostile Apaches and occasionally rebellious Navahos. Further-
more, they were employed in scouting expeditions against
real and suspected encroachments by North Americans.90

88. Muster Rolls of New Mexico, San Carlos de Alameda, 19 July 1806, NMA, Docu-
ment 1995.

89. Hubert H. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico (San Francisco: The History Com-
pany, 1889), Volume XVII of thirty-nine volumes The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft,
305. Although the author used Pino's Exposition (see note 93) as his source on the miiltia
at this time, there is some discrepancy in his figures for that source says there were three
companies of sixty-nine men each.

90. Governor Real Alencaster to Lieutenant Nicolas de Almanza and Lieutenant Ig-
nacio Sotelo, Instructions, Santa Fe, 18 April 1807, NMA, Document 2049, describes the
dispatch of a military and Indian expedition to observe the known passes of the Sangre
de Cristo Mountains. Interim Governor Alberto Maynez later issued instructions to the
Commandant of the Taos Detachment for two scouting forces to depart every eight days,
one to the Rio de las Animas (perhaps the Purgatoire River of Southern Colorado since
its lengthy name was the Rio de las Animas Perdidas en Purgatorio) and the other to the
Rio Arriba del Norte (undoubtedly the Upper Rio Grande). The purpose of both of these
reconnaissance expeditions was to report suspected North American encroachments.
Pueblo Indians participated in these ventures. Each member was supplied with two horses
and a mule. See Maynez, Instructions, Santa Fe, 20 June 1808, NMA, Document 2122.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 103

For their role as loyal allies, Pueblos and other tribes were
rewarded with gifts of commercial articles and clothing. The
interim governor of New Mexico was advised to use all pos-
sible means to acquire and maintain their friendship, but
particularly he was to offer gifts and trade articles which
they especially appreciated.91 It is apparent that Indian auxil-
iaries were also rewarded with food when on campaigns, be-
cause cattle were slaughtered to provide them meat.92 The
policy of giving presents, which had been initiated by Anza
in 1786, was continued for all tribes. These gifts included
coats and blue capes with red lapels for the chiefs, three-cor-
nered hats, medals, food and wine.93

A detailed study of New Mexico's defense was made in
1812 by Pedro Bautista Pino. He reviewed the continuous
state of war experienced by the province since its settlement,
concluding that in spite of being surrounded by thirty-three
nations of "gentiles" (hostile or non-Christian Indians), the
Spaniards had not lost one handful of land from New Mex-
ico's original boundaries.94

To retain the territory, however, it was necessary to have
1,500 men under arms,95 consisting of a "veteran company"
(Presidio of Santa Fe) , militia and auxiliaries. The "veteran
company" was composed of 121 troops, of which thirty al-
ways guarded the horse herd, fifteen were on guard duty in
the capital, seven were at Sevilleta to watch the Apache fron-
tier, and the scattered remainder were supported at the ex-
pense of the settlers.96 To augment these inadequate forces,
militia troops in three companies, each commanded by a cap-
tain,97 were recruited from the citizenry since each person

91. Commandant General Nemesio Salcedo to Interim Governor Joseph Manrrique,
Chihuahua, 14 May 1810, NMA, Document 2321.

92. Bill of Sergeant Jose Alaxi, 7 March 1810, NMA, Document 2296.

98. Don Pedro Bautista Pino, Exposicidn Sucinta y Sencitta, de la Provincia del Nuevo
Mexico (Cadiz: Imprenta del Estado Mayor General, 1812), found in AGI, Guadalajara
561. This printed document is included within the cited tomo itself. In addition, there is a
translation of it in H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard (trans.), Three New Mexico
Chronicles (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society, 1942).

94. Ibid., 14.

95. Ibid., 15.

96. Ibid., 16.

97. Ibid., 19-20.

104 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

(including Indians) was obligated to present himself for an
annual tour of duty. Serving without pay, each had to bring
his own horses, shotguns, pistols, bows and arrows, and pro-
visions for a forty-five-day tour which sometimes was ex-
tended to reach a total of two or three months.98

Since the province now contained more than 24,000 Span-
ish settlers and about 16,000 Indians," the depredations of
hostile Indian groups were not so widely felt as in the previous
century. Yet, campaigns continued and Pueblo contingents
played a major part in their success. Sporadic disturbances
by Faraon, Mescalero and Gila Apaches, plus marauding
bands of Navajos, led to Pueblo retaliatory actions and re-
quests of other Indian tribes, such as the Utes, for assistance
of the Pueblos against the "Naciones del Norte."100 Success
must have been achieved occasionally for one authority noted
that the Pueblo of San Juan had on display the heads of three
Apaches taken in 1810.101

General campaigns during the period 1810-1821 were not
only conducted against rebellious Apache and Navajo bands,
but for reconnaissance purposes against reported United
States' encroachments. For an unstated purpose, but one
which was probably to investigate the reported presence of
North Americans, in 1817, one circular sent by the interim
governor of New Mexico clearly reveals the manner in which
campaign forces were recruited and collected. This circular
served as an official order to the alcaldes of Cochiti, Alameda,
Albuquerque, Belen, Santo Domingo, Laguna, Zuni, Santa
Cruz de la Canada, Abiquiu, Taos, Vado, Jemez and El
Paso.102 It stated the rendezvous points for an expedition of
fifty days and ordered all who reported to assembly points to

98. Ibid.. 15.

99. Ibid., 47.

100. Circular of Joseph Manrrique to Alcaldes Mayores, Santa Fe, 5 October 1812,
NMA. Document 2459.

101. Manrrique to Salcedo, Santa Fe, 16 July 1810, NMA, Document 2339.

102. Circular of Interim Governor Pedro Maria Allande to the Alcaldes of This Province
and Those of the Governor of El Paso, Year of 1817, NMA, Document 2686. This campaign
was probably to locate a large party of North Americans which friendly Apaches had re-
ported seeing:. Reference NMA, Document 2714.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 105

do so "equipped and armed."103 Each alcalde was ordered to
select a certain designated number of men in his jurisdiction
and dispatch them to the appointed rendezvous, being certain
that they arrived on the specified date. Here an appointed
officer, either from the Presidio or the militia, would take
charge of the unified force for the ensuing campaign.104

Indian auxiliaries, of course, were obtained in this man-
ner, as may be noted from a close scrutiny of the addressees in
the above circular. Another expedition in the following year,
led by Second Lieutenant Jose Maria de Arce, to search for
"foreigners" encroaching upon Comanche country, involved
120 settlers and Indians of the Pueblo of Taos. Included were
twenty-nine mounted Indians and twenty-three on foot,
armed with thirty-three guns, thirty-nine lances and numer-
ous bows and arrows.105

Navajo hostilities again occupied the majority of Spain's
defensive forces in New Mexico from 1818 to 1821. Pueblo
Indian auxiliaries, now organized into companies of both
cavalry and infantry as at Cochiti, for example,106 were em-
ployed during the uprising. After raids of isolated Navajo
groups in midsummer, 1818, the Spaniards collected exten-
sive campaign forces, including Indian allies, at Jemez and
Zuni pueblos. Campaign contributions of the pueblos included
more than just troops, for food107 and livestock, such as bulls,
cows and oxen, were furnished from both pueblos and Span-
ish settlements.108

Jemez contributed greatly to these Navajo campaigns.
Alcalde Ignacio Maria Sanchez Vergara maintained constant
direct communication with the governor, advising him of ex-

103. Ibid.

104. Numbers of persons, commanders, designated rendezvous points and dates estab-
lished may be examined for the 1817 campaign in the document cited in f.n. 102.

105. Alfred B. Thomas, "Documents Bearing upon the Northern Frontier of New
Mexico, 1818-1819," (Santa Fe, 1929). This is a reprint of the author's earlier article in
the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW.

106. Company of Cavalry and Infantry, Alcaldia of Cochiti, 5 November 1819, NMA,
Document 2857.

107. See the Returns of Socorro, Sevilleta, Belen, Tome, Jemez, Taos, etc., 18 Septem-
ber-16 November 1818, NMA, Document 2747.

108. See the Returns of the Alcaldias of Belen, Albuquerque, Alameda, Cochiti, Jemez,
etc., 5-22 May 1819, NMA, Document 2812.

106 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

peditionary activities and compliance with his orders. Inter-
preter Antonio Garcia of Jemez aided the Spanish forces on
various operations and auxiliaries from Zia and Santa Ana
made their rendezvous with Jemez Indians at that pueblo be-
fore their departure to the West.109 Although the field forces
by 1821 involved 225 men, 136 shotguns, 150 lances, 155 bows,
3,625 arrows, 141 horses and 126 mules,110 they were insuffi-
cient to subdue the rebellious Navajos.111

When Spanish rule in New Mexico ended and the Mexican
Republic was born, Pueblo Indian auxiliaries continued to be
used as an important integral part of military forces.
Throughout the last six decades of Spanish occupation these
Indian allies had played a vital role in the defensive concept
adopted by Spain. Indeed, they had helped greatly to preserve
settlements in the region for without their aid, the province
would have been in dire straits.112

Although the use of Indian auxiliaries, including Pueblo
Indians, had not been a new concept in 1763, the Spanish re-
liance upon such forces increased over the next half -century.
The Iberians exploited the Pueblo hatreds of the indios bdr-
baros, enlisting the former on their side in lengthy cam-
paigns. In addition, Spanish authorities made use of the
Pueblos' knowledge of geography and Indian military tactics
to increase their offensive and defensive capability against
hostile tribes.

The employment of numerous Pueblo Indians as auxili-
aries served as an example to other tribes. It did so in many
ways, of which three are noteworthy. First, it attracted hos-
tiles toward the allies because they could observe the favori-
tism, gifts, and privileged status which the Pueblos obtained
from their conquerors. Second, it demonstrated that warfare
need not be abandoned by the warlike tribes, only reemployed

109. Sanchez Vergara to Governor Allande, Jemez, 29 June 1818, NMA, Document 2728.

110. General State Manifested of the Number of Men United in This Pueblo of Jemez
to Operate on the Expedition to Navajo under the Command of Captain Antonio Cabeza
de Vaca, NMA, Document 2994.

111. Facundo Melgares to the Ayuntamiento of Santa Fe, 27 August 1821, NMA, Docu-
ment, 8019.

112. Reeve, "Navaho-Spanish Diplomacy, 1770-1790," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL RBVDSW,
XXXV, No. 3 (July, 1960), 210.

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 107

on behalf of the Spaniards against the common foe. Third,
auxiliary forces were always an integral part of the Spanish
armies, and as such were acquiring provisions, horses and
firearms, three of the basic goals of the hostile tribes, with
out endangering continued tribal existence.

Most important, however, was the precedent set by the
Pueblo Indian auxiliaries. Their use, particularly during the
period described when Spain was endeavoring to defend her
tremendous territorial expanse in the largely uninhabited
north, set the standard for the future recruitment of all New
Mexico auxiliaries. Spanish authorities gradually improved
recruiting, equipping, organization, tactical employment and
maintenance of Pueblo auxiliaries during the eighteenth cen-
tury. Mistakes undoubtedly were made, but Spain profited
from them in dealing with future friendly Indian tribes. Dur-
ing the crucial period from 1770 to 1786 New Mexico largely
solved her problem of defense against hostile tribes, assuring
her continued occupation of the region until Mexican inde-
pendence was achieved.

The cultural and social ties between Spaniards and Pueblo
Indians were greatly strengthened by the use of auxiliaries
on campaigns. Both groups, serving in close association on
repeated expeditions, established a military bond of friend-
ship. This alliance, therefore, contributed to the interchange
of ideas, customs, language and military traditions, further
linking the two allies and establishing the mixed civilization
which may be observed to this day.

Spain came to rely heavily upon the aid of her auxiliary
forces, which swelled to overwhelming odds when six strong
allies appeared to oppose one foe by 1788. Campaign forces
always reflected this reliance for auxiliaries usually com-
prised one-third to one-half (sometimes more) of the total
expeditionary force. Certainly Pueblo Indians were the most
dependable portion of the New Mexico militia. But were they
really members of that militia ? Campaign levies and organi-
zational plans, returns of New Mexico jurisdictions, and mus-
ter rolls indicate that Indians were always reflected and

108 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

treated separately. Yet, although they were listed apart from
other militia members, they were included on these rolls.
Therefore, it is apparent that Pueblos and other auxiliaries
were considered as being members of the militia for adminis-
trative purposes, but for operational ones they were com-
pletely independent of the regular organization, having their
own cacique or alcalde, who reported directly to the com-
mander of the expedition.

The use of Pueblo Indians as auxiliaries for the inade-
quate Spanish regular army on the New Mexico frontier was
only a link in three centuries of the Spanish chain of defense
which relied upon Indian auxiliaries everywhere. However,
this was a most important link for it enabled Spain to preserve
her occupation of New Mexico after Ofiate's settlement from
1598 to 1605. Gradually Spain overcame the serious menace of
the indios bdrbaros in the latter half of the eighteenth cen-
tury. By 1821 the isolationism of the province, caused by the
earlier complete encirclement of the settled region by hostile
tribes, had been overcome.

Once comparative tranquillity had been established, New
Mexico's continued occupation and growth were no longer
jeopardized. The Pueblo Indians played a significant role in
the achievement of this objective. Without their military aid
and extreme loyalty Spain could not have achieved the pacifi-
cation of her nothern frontier. Just as Cortes had recognized
the importance of Tlascalan auxiliaries in the reduction of
the Aztecs three centuries earlier, Spain had largely com-
pleted the "conquest" of New Mexico by 1821, using the same
technique.

The adaptability of Pueblo Indians to warfare against
hostile forces did not end with the Spanish withdrawal from
the North American Continent. Both Mexico and the United
States, each in its turn, recognized the loyalty, military use-
fulness and intertribal hatreds of the Pueblos. During the
remainder of the nineteenth century these two countries em-
ployed Pueblo auxiliary forces, particularly on campaigns
against Apaches. The precedent set by Spain was adopted

PUEBLO INDIAN AUXILIARIES 109

by others who discovered the necessity of augmenting inade-
quate military forces. Perhaps, more than any other factor,
Pueblo Indian auxiliaries served their homeland to achieve its
pacification and ultimate stability.

REMINISCENCES OF EMANUEL ROSENWALD

Edited by FLOYD S. FIERMAN *

Introduction

IT is difficult to conceive that the bearded face whose photo-
graph is included among these pages was a frontier adven-
turer. This dignified gentleman, Emanuel Rosenwald, photo-
graphed by J. N. Furlong1 of Las Vegas, New Mexico, was a
rugged pioneer. He carries a name that has not been forgotten
in the Land of Enchantment.

Emanuel Rosenwald and his brother, Joseph Rosenwald,2

* Temple Mount Sinai, 900 North Oregon St., El Paso, Texas.

1. Correspondence with Mrs. E. A. Medearis, the Library of the Museum of New
Mexico, February 16, 1961.

2. The parents of Joseph and Emanuel were: David L. Rosenwald (born June 25,
1803, died in New York, May 15, 1877) and Amelia Gutmann (born [ ?], died September 6,
1861 ) , whom he married on May 2, 1830. Besides Joseph and Emanuel, they had six other
children. Helene (born July 6, 1831, died September 20, 1898) married Jacob Goldsmith
(born August 29, 1827, died July 24, 1890). They lived in Trinidad, Colorado. Joseph (see
notes below). Jette (born January 1, 1836, died December 23, 1904) married David
Gottlieb (born May 21, 1844, died [ ?] ) on November 27, 1868. Emanuel (see notes below).
Aron (born August 23, 1840, died in Albuquerque, September 13, 1908) married Elise
Uhlfelder (born June 22, 1855) of Regensburg on November 7, 1875. Julie (born February
3, 1843, died [ ?] ) married Phillip Strauss (born [?], died [?]), date unknown. Edward
(born October 5, 1845, died in Albuquerque, November 4, 1903) was married twice.
Edward married his first wife, Nina Uhlfelder (born August 20, 1856, died January 25,
1883), in 1880. He married a cousin, Helene Rosenwald (born May 10, 1859, died [?]).
Leopold (born July 24, 1848, died June 1, 1856).

Joseph Rosenwald was born in Dittenhofen, Germany on December 12, 1838, and died
on May 14, 1888. He married Bona Levisohn (born July 13, 1850). They had five children.
Leon was born March 3, 1872 in Las Vegas, New Mexico. He married Sadie Mershfield
(born September 13, 1875) in 1899. Rudolph (born November, 1873. died May 15, 1874).
Amelia (born December 6, 1874, died December 22, 1874). Max (born February 26, 1875 in
Las Vegas, New Mexico). He married S. Lehman (born August 16, 1880) on June 20,
1901. David J., born July 18, 1898, in Las Vegas, New Mexico, married Edith Rosengarten
(born January 2, 1887) on February 12, 1908. Lucian Rosenwald, Family Genealogy pre-
pared November 27, 1930 and revised September 28, 1943.

Emanuel Rosenwald was born in Dittenhofen, May 10, 1838 and died in Las Vegas,
New Mexico on April 23, 1915. He married Elise Apfelbaum of Furth (born April 13, 1852,
died in Las Vegas, New Mexico, March 25, 1913) on December 8, 1872. Emanuel and Elise
Apfelbaum had four children. Cecilio, born in Las Vegas, New Mexico, November 16, 1873,
died July 29, 1931, in Albuquerque, New Mexico. He married Hannchen Bonnheim of
Atlanta, Georgia (born December 27, 1873) on October 9, 1898. Lucian was born in Las
Vegas, New Mexico, on February 9, 1875. Lucian married Emma Floerscheim (born April
17, 1880) of Kansas City, Missouri, on September 18, 1901. David E. was born June 80,
1877. He married Jennie Kraus of Baltimore, Maryland, on January 3, 1924. Gilbert Eliseo
was born February 17, 1885 and married Jennie Baum (born July 1, 1888) of Kansas City,
Missouri on July 10, 1912. Lucian Rosenwald, op. n't.

110

EMANUEL ROSENWALD

EMANUEL ROSEN WALD 111

were typical of the Jewish people who had the courage and
the foresight to migrate to the Southwest during the last half
of the nineteenth century. Like the Spiegelbergs, the Frue-
denthal and Lesinsky families, the Ilfelds, the Staabs and the
Bibos, the Rosenwalds were freighters, sutlers, Indian trad-
ers, soldiers, government contractors, and finally bankers3
and sedentary merchants.4

While Emanuel Rosenwald and his family left no diaries
for posterity to peruse, like the Libro5 of Jose Maria Flores of
Paso del Norte, there are other sources that afford us more
than a glimpse of their enterprising and daring. Both Charles
F. Coan and Ralph E. Twitchell,6 prominent New Mexico his-
torians, are generous in the space they have allotted to the
Rosenwalds7 and in their comments concerning them. They
are luminaries in the star-studded Coan-Twitchell biogra-

For further information concerning the children of Emanuel and Elise Apfelbaum
Rosenwald (Cecilio, Gilbert Eliseo, Lucian and David Emanuel Rosenwald) in Las Vegas,
New Mexico, consult : Ralph E. Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mexican History, Cedar
Rapids, The Torch Press, c. 1917, Vol. V, p. 236. For information concerning the Rosen-
walds in Albuquerque, consult : Charles F. Coan, A History of New Mexico, Vol. II, pp. 146-
148. American Historical Society, Inc., Chicago and New York, c. 1925.

3. The Rosenwalds (Joseph and Emanuel) took part in the organization of the San
Miguel National Bank in Old Town (Las Vegas) in 1880. F. Stanley, The Las Vegas New
Mexico Story, p. 311. World Press, Inc., c. 1951.

4. Consult Floyd S. Fierman, Some Early Jewish Settlers on the Southwest Frontier,
Texas Western Press, 1960.

5. Dr. Rex Strickland of Texas Western College is in the possession of the "Libro"
of Jose Maria Flores, which, while incomplete, is a diary and record book of items of
interest recorded by Jose Maria Flores in the Paso del Norte area.

6. Coan, op. cit. Twitchell, op. eit.

7. The various Business Directories record: McKenney's Business Directory of the
Principal Towns of Central and Southern California, Arizona, New Mexico, Southern
Colorado, and Kansas, Oakland, California, Pacific Press, 1882-83, p. 319, "Las Vegas"
Rosenwald J. and Co. gen. mdse. Colorado, New Mexico, Utah, Nevada, Wyoming and
Arizona Gazetteer and Business Directory, 1884-85. Chicago, R. L. Polk and Co. and A. C.
Denser, p. 306, "Albuquerque" Rosenwald Bros. (Aaron and Edward) general store,
Railroad Ave. and 3d. P. 332, "Las Vegas" Rosenwald, J. and Co. (Joseph and Emanuel
Rosenwald) general store, SS Plaza. Southern Pacific Director for 1888-9, San Francisco,
McKenny Directory, P. 446, "Albuquerque" Rosenwald Bros. (Aron and Edward) gen.
mdse. cor. Railroad Ave. and Third. P. 470, "Las Vegas" Rosenwald J. and Co. (Joseph
and Emanuel Rosenwald) gen. mdse. SS. Plaza. Folk's New Mexico and Arizona Pictorial
State Gazetteer and Business Directory, 1912-13. P. 138, "Albuquerque" Rosenwald Bros.
(David S. and Sidney V.) department store, SE Corner 4th and Central Ave. Rosenwald,
David S. (Rosenwald Bros., Inc. Rosenwald Bros, and New Mexico Cigar Co. SE Corner
4th and Central Avenue. [Also] Vice President, Tongue Pressed Brick, Tile, Improvement
Co. Rosenwald, Sidney V. (Rosenwald Bros, and New Mexico Cigar Co. SE Corner 4th
and Central Avenue.) P. 267, "Las Vegas" Rosenwald E. and Son (Emanuel and Cecilio)
gen. store.

112 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

phies. The Southwest business directories are meticulous in
the notations which describe their interests. The Las Vegas
and Albuquerque periodicals contain their frequent adver-
tisements, and a laudatory notice8 spells out their impact on
new Mexico community life and economy.

A series of telegrams9 sent by Joseph Rosenwald and
Company, from the years 1877-79, document the variety of
items which they sold and the nature and extent of the Rosen-
wald commercial dealings. A telegram to Bartels Bros, and
Company in El Moro, on June 11, 1877, which concludes,
"ship by fast mule," sharply informs the reader that there
was "fast freight" on the frontier as well as "slow freight,"
and that Joseph Rosenwald and Company had occasion to
use it.

Neither were the Rosenwalds unaware of the economic
opportunities to supply the Southwest army posts, which in
1859 10 numbered sixteen. On the record is a contract11 dated

8. See Appendix I.

9. See Appendix II.

10. "The era of military freighters upon the Great Plains dawned in 1846 with the
outbreak of the War with Mexico, when General S. W. Kearney's diminutive Army of the
West straggled off across the prairie to capture Santa Fe. To send an expeditionary force
of 1,701 officers and men into enemy territory about a thousand miles from it, bare of
supplies at Fort Leavenworth, was not as foolhardy as it might seem. The merchant
freighters to Santa Fe, Chihuahua, and other points far in the interior of Mexico had
already demonstrated that any amount of goods desired could be transported over the Santa
FeTraiL

"In 1846 and 1847 the army organized its own trains and hired civilian drivers or
bull-whackers. Owing to ignorance of Army officers concerning the highly specialized business
of freighting across the Great Plains, inefficiency of bullwhackers and efficiency of raiding
Indians, this plan proved a total failure in 1847. War department officials in Washington
wisely acknowledged the inability of the Army to transport its own supplies and instructed
the quartermaster at Fort Leavenworth to make contracts with civilian freighters.

"By the annexation of New Mexico, and the regions of the West as far as the Pacific
Ocean, the United States shouldered the heavy responsibility for keeping in subjection the
fierce tribes who inhabited these areas. This task involved the establishment of permanent
military posts with year-around garrisons. By 1849 there were seven of these with troops
totaling 987. Ten years later the number of posts had risen to sixteen. Every one, situated
as they were in barren regions incapable of supporting them, had to be supplied with
goods hauled in wagons from the Missouri River." Raymond W. Settle and Mary Lund
Settle, Empire On Wheels, c. 1949, Stanford University Press, pp. 3 and 4.

11. "Contract Between Bvt. Lieut. CoL M. I. Ludington, Chief Qr. Mr. Dist. of New
Mexico, and Emanuel Rosenwald for the delivery of 300,000 Ibs. of Corn at Fort Sumner,
N. M., dated May 31, 1869." "Contract between Bt. Major Chas. McClure and E. Rosenwald
for the supply of Beans at Forts Bascom and Sumner, N. M. from January 1, 1869 to
June 30th, 1869. Price $8.00 per pound." American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati, Ohio.

EMANUEL ROSENWALD 113

January 1, 1869, between Brevet Major Charles McClure and
Emanuel Rosenwald to ship beans to Fort Bascom, New Mex-
ico, and Fort Sumner, New Mexico, and another contract
dated May 31, 1869, between Lieutenant Colonel M. I. Lud-
ington, Chief Quartermaster of the District of New Mexico,
with Emanuel Rosenwald to supply corn to Fort Sumner,
New Mexico. Such contracts could be hazardous as well as
profitable. There was always a risk involved. Indian attacks,
a drought, or a dishonest partner could ruin a man as quickly
as a desert flash flood could speed down an arroyo. Suppliers
like Emanuel were required by the government to furnish a
bond guaranteeing that they would meet their part of the
contract. Emanuel Rosenwald's corn contract with Lieuten-
ant Colonel Ludington, for example, carried a $15,000 per-
formance bond.

But the richest lode of Rosenwald information is encoun-
tered through clues and data provided by living members of
the Rosenwald family. About nine years ago, while the writer
sought the old paths of Jewish pioneers now covered by pifion
trees, melted adobes and new business names, he learned that
Joseph's granddaughter, Miss Janet Rosenwald, resided in
Santa Fe. A meeting with her resulted in the writer obtain-
ing a copy of the "Reminiscences of Emanuel Rosenwald."
According to Robert E. Rosenwald of Kansas City, Missouri,
a grandson of Emanuel, these Reminiscences were dictated
to his father, Lucian, by Emanuel on the occasion of Eman-
uel's seventieth birthday.12

An interview with Mrs. Samuel (Jetty) Whitehead
[Weiskopf ] 13 in Albuquerque, the niece of Joseph and Eman-
uel and the daughter of Aaron [Aron] Rosenwald, helped to
clarify and define the various Rosenwald ventures. There

12. Correspondence with Robert E. Rosenwald, Kansas City, Missouri, May 15, 1961.
Miss Janet Rosenwald advises : "I am not sure that there is an original of the Emanuel

Rosenwald Reminiscences. All I have is a notebook containing: the story as dictated by
him. The first part of the story is in my father's handwriting, the remainder in my
mother's hand. It was my impression that they took this down directly from his dictation.
However, the story may have been copied by them from a written account. . . ." Corre-
spondence with Miss Janet Rosenwald, June 2, 1961.

13. Interview with Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Whitehead (Weiskopf) in Albuquerque,
February, 1961.

114 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

were four brothers — Joseph, Emanuel, Aaron and Edward —
who were engaged in the New Mexico trade. The Rosenwald
enterprises after a precarious beginning were located prin-
cipally in two communities, Las Vegas and Albuquerque.
These two enterprises were operated by two brothers in each
community. Joseph and Emanuel exercised their efforts in
Las Vegas and their younger brothers, Aaron and Edward,
utilized their talents in Albuquerque. Aaron initially was em-
ployed by Emanuel and Joseph in Trinidad. Subsequently,
the brothers parted amicably and Aaron and Edward went
into business in Old Town Albuquerque.

It is the "Reminiscences of Emanuel Rosenwald" that im-
print the early excursions of this family in the Southwest.
These Reminiscences and a genealogy of the family prepared
by Lucian enable us to fit together the fragmentary records
of the Rosenwald activities on the frontier.

Reminiscences of Emanuel Rosenwald

We went to school in Dittenhof en. Joseph being the oldest
of the family, as was customary in those days, was given the
benefit of all educational advantages as our parents could
afford. After he was thirteen years of age, he was sent to
Uncle David Kitzinger to Mklerlbach for a commercial educa-
tion. He was then sent to the dry goods firm of Joseph Bau-
man in Fuerth, where he remained for a few years. In 1851
he left Germany, going to the United States. I remained in
Dittenhofen until my fifteenth year, going to school till thir-
teen years of age. Thereafter I helped my father in his live-
stock trading, dealing in hogs and in farming.

Joe landed in New York and from there went to Baltimore
where he was started in clothing business in Staunton, Vir-
ginia, by the uncles at Baltimore.

In 1853 I left for America and landed in New York on the
Fourth of July after a voyage of seven weeks on the sailing
vessel Isaac Bell, sailing from Havre. I was met at the vessel
by my uncle David Goodman, remained with him, till the
uncles in Baltimore feared that he would keep me perma-

EMANUEL ROSEN WALD 115

nently, as he had no boys, and upon the first opportunity the
uncles had, I was taken to Baltimore. I remained in Baltimore
for a number of weeks and then Joe came from Staunton and
upon his return I went West with him. In Staunton I helped
Joe to the best of my ability and during the winter I was sent
to school to learn the language. The firm name was Goodman
and Company.14 Jose probably received enough pay to board
both himself and myself at the Virginia Hotel, the pay for my
work consisted of free board.

Some months after my arrival at Staunton in 1853 a rail-
road was built into Staunton. The firm of Goodman and Com-
pany then opened the second store of which Joe took charge,
while I was put in charge of the first store. We carried a line
of men's clothing manufactured by H. Goodman and Bros,
at Baltimore. Business at the new store was not highly satis-
factory. On Yom Kippur15 of 1854 as I was fasting, Joe took
care of the" store of which I had charge. He then concluded
that the second store was not profitable and the following day
combined the two stocks. Shortly thereafter we concluded
that the business did not pay and therefore moved our stock
to Richmond. We opened business in Richmond, where we re-
mained about a year, but did not meet with success. We then
concluded to go West and removed to Burlington,16 Iowa,

14. A perusal of the newspapers in Staunton, Virginia from 1860 through 1895 dis-
closes no record of advertisements for Goodman and Company. The census records of
1850, 1860, and 1870 are also unrevealing. The deed indices in the Staunton city clerk's
office have no record of Goodman and Company. Inquiries made to the Maryland Historical
Society, Baltimore, Maryland, the Virginia State Library at Richmond, Virginia, and the
Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, Virginia, were equally unrewarding.

15. Yom Kippur is a Jewish Holyday. It falls on the tenth day of the Hebrew month
of Tishri. Rosh Hashonah is the Jewish New Year and falls on the first day of the Hebrew
month of Tishri. The ten days between Rosh Hashonah and Yom Kippur are days of peni-
tence which culminate on Yom Kippur which is a day of total fasting from sundown on
the previous day to sundown on Yom Kippur. It appears that Joseph Rosenwald was not
as observant a Jew as was Emanuel for Emanuel informs us that Joseph kept the store
open and remained there all day while Emanuel fasted.

16. "Burlington is in Des Moines Co., on the Mississippi, and Fort Des Moines, now the
city of Des Moines, is on the Des Moines river, about central in the State. Our various
county histories do not seem to have the name of Rosenwald. Our first city directory for
Des Moines is 1875, and the Rosenwalds were not listed. Our first Burlington directory is
1874 and there is not a listing for the Rosenwalds. It is possible that the family moved just
enough not to be listed in the county histories." The State Historical Society of Iowa,
Iowa City, Iowa, March 27, 1961.

In 1829 the present site of Burlington was occupied by a branch of the American Fur

116 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

where we were in the same line of business with stock fur-
nished by Goodman and Company. Shortly after going into
business in Burlington, Joe decided to open a store at Fort
Des Moines, Iowa. I remained in Burlington about a year and
as Joe desired to go further West, we moved our Burlington
stock to Fort Des Moines. During these days I was not a part-
ner, but was learning the business.

About 1856 Joe started from Des Moines to find another
location, going up the Missouri River as far as Sioux City.
He bought some fine town lots which were soon thereafter
converted into the Missouri River. He had been fairly success-
ful in Des Moines as his total assets were covered by the lots
which he bought in Sioux City. He then returned to Fort Des
Moines, and we moved our stock to Wyandotte, Kansas,17
where we also invested (where we got the money I do not
remember) in the Wyandotte Town Co.'s townsite. We were
in Wyandotte some length of time doing fairly well, trading
with the Indians. For a short time I had a little branch store
at Parkville,18 but soon moved [the Parkville] stock back to
Wyandotte. Thereafter, we removed to Lawrence, Kansas.
There Jacob Goldsmith,19 who had married my sister Helene,
joined us.

When we left Wyandotte, we quit trading with Goodman
and Co. and declared our independence of them even though
we were owing them considerable money. From Lawrence I
went to New York to buy a general line of men's furnishing
goods on credit.

Company, which had established a trading post which went into effect June, 1833. The
Black Hawk treaty was signed September 21, 1832, and went into effect June, 1833. The
pioneers built cabins and ferries, and the city developed rapidly. Augustine M. Antrobus,
The History of Des Moinea County, S. J. Clark Co., c. 1915.

17. Wyandotte, Kansas, later became Kansas City, Kansas. "On March 6, 1866, Kansas
City, Armourdale, Wyandotte and Armstrong combined as first class city and took the name
Kansas City." William Frank Zornow, Kansas, University of Oklahoma Press, c. 1957.

18. Parkville. In the early 1840's, this was one of the most important towns on the
Missouri River, ranking with or even surpassing Kansas City. In the 1850's, when the
slavery question caused unrest and bloodshed all along the Kansas border, the citizens of
Parkville were active on both sides. Sponsored by the Missouri State Highway Department,
Missouri, Duell, Sloan and Pearce, c. 1941, p. 496.

19. Jacob Goldsmith (born August 29, 1827, died July 24, 1890) married Helen Rosen-
wald, Emanuel's sister (born July 6, 1831, died September 20, 1898). They spent their latter
years at Trinidad, Colorado.

EMANUEL ROSENWALD 117

Philip Strauss20 was at that time living in Leaven worth.
Joe formed a partnership with him and Henry Rosenfield.21
They bought a trainload of spirits on credit and started for
Camp Floyd,22 Utah by bull team from Leavenworth. They
were on the road three months, undergoing the most severe
hardships. Majors-Waddell and Co.23 provided the train for
transportation at Camp Floyd, the firm [Joseph Rosenwald
and Henry Rosenfield] manufactured whiskey from the
spirits they had transported, bottling the goods at night and
selling their entire production each day. The firm made con-
siderable money there and would have cleared more had not
Henry Rosenfield taken out in trade what was due the firm
from the saloon keepers to whom the firm sold some of their
goods. At this point the firm also had a cargo soldier trade.
Joe narrowly escaped being killed by these soldiers at various
times.

They finally sold out and Joe went to Denver. In the mean-
time I was endeavoring to sell our stock at Lawrence and then
accompanied Goldsmith and family to Baltimore. After a
short stay there I started on my trip to meet Joe in Denver.
I had money enough of my own to take me there, but when I
arrived at Leavenworth, I went to Wyandotte where we had
a law suit for some money due us on some lands and instead
of getting money out of the case, I had to pay what little

20. Phillip Strauss was married to another sister of Emanuel, Julie. Julie Rosenwald
was born February 3, 1843, in Dittenhofen. There is no reference to the date of her death
or to the birth or death date of Philip Strauss.

21. Henry Rosenfield of Leavenworth. The Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka,
Kansas, replies: "We have no information on Henry Rosenfield." Correspondence with
Miss Alberta Pantle, April 3, 1961.

22. Camp Floyd, Utah, was a military post near the town of Fairfield, in Cedar Valley,
about forty miles to the Southwest. Troops were stationed at the post, at first called Camp
Floyd and later Fort Crittenden, until 1861, when they left for more urgent duty. Robert
E. Stowers and John M. Ellis, Charles A. Scott's "Diary of the Utah Expedition, 1857-
1861," Utah Historical Quarterly, April, 1960, p. 157, Utah State Historical Society, Salt
Lake City.

23. "From 1855 to 1861, [William H.] Russell, [Alexander] Majors, and [William
Bradford] Waddell, were regarded as the most influential, most substantial businessmen in
the West. Their notes, acceptances and drafts were readily negotiable anywhere and for
any amount within the broad limits of reason. Their purchases of oxen, corn, hogs and
other farm produces bolstered agriculture in Western Missouri and Kansas Territory, and
the wages paid their employees constituted a financial back-log for the same area.

Settle and Settle, op. city., p. xiv.

118 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

money I had for costs and lawyer's fees in the case which
left me without means to reach Denver. My good friends had
insufficient funds to aid me. By Pony Express Joe then sent
me the required amount for transportation. I went to Denver
by Overland Mail Coach, saw thousands upon thousands of
buffaloes, deer, etc. upon the plains. In Denver we bought two
ox wagons fully equipped and one mule wagon, sufficient gro-
ceries and liquors and started down to the Arkansas river
where Fort Wise [Colorado] was building at the time. Joe
drove one wagon, I drove the second and a man who had come
with Joe from Camp Floyd drove the third arriving near the
side of the Fort. We camped there till part of our stock was
sold and we [left when we] received orders from [the] com-
manding officer to move on.

We took the remainder of our stock from here to Pike's
Peak. On our way up we were followed by a band of Indians
they being on the opposite side of the river. We, however,
escaped them. We traded our entire remaining stock for pota-
toes, took them to Denver, peddled them out and after finish-
ing with their sale we sold our oxen wagons and started in
our mule wagon for Wyandotte, Kansas. [Mules were faster
than oxen.]

From Denver we took along as an act of charity a doctor
who was stranded there without means. Before leaving Den-
ver, we were informed by the man who had been with us in
Arkansas that some desperados were watching for our de-
parture to follow and rob us. We evaded them, lost but little
time on the road, making the trip via the cut-off and reached
the Platte River camping ground during the night. In due
time after a tedious journey we reached Wyandotte late in
the Fall of 1860. That Fall the Confederate Flag was raised
in Kansas City. The Wyandotte residents were very much
perturbed and troubled by this. We remained in Wyandotte
during the winter during which time we made preparations
to take a stock of goods to the Rocky Mountains. We ordered
ten ox wagons made to order in Westport, contracted for our
cattle and in the Spring of 1861 we loaded the train with

EMANUEL ROSEN WALD 119

provisions which we bought in Kansas City and started on
our journey, for California Gulch24 now Leadville [Colo-
rado] . Our train consisted of ten freight wagons, three yoke
of cattle to each wagon and a number of extra cattle for emer-
gency use. Joe acted as wagon boss. [The company consisted
of] the oldest son of Silas Armstrong,25 a Wyandotte chief,
assistant wagon boss, [and] a cook. I had the pleasure to
exercise myself in driving the extra cattle which were very
wild and could run faster than I could ride. Occasionally I
relieved some wagon driver. The three horses we had were
used by Joe Armstrong and myself. Our first camp was near
Westport. In those days tents were not known for use except
in the army and bedding other than a buffalo robe and some
blankets was not carried. Usually our berth was under some
wagon. During the first night we had a severe rain which con-
tinued for many days making travel very slow and difficult.
We usually slept in the rain till thoroughly soaked. As a last
resource we would remove to some of the wagons and there
complete the night. After getting out of the territory of
Kansas on the Platte we encountered warm weather to such
an extent that we had to set tires [ ?] almost every day. The

24. California Gulch. "Later in the autumn a party of prospectors . . . crossed the
range and discovered good diggings in a gulch on the headwaters of the Arkansas river,
which they named California. . . . The first house erected in the new mines was on the
present site of Leadville, and the place was called Oro City. The post office, which was
established at this place, being removed in 1871 two and half miles up the gulch, the name
followed it and Oro City left its first location open for subsequent development by other
town locators. California Gulch was thickly populated for six miles and had two important
towns besides Oro, namely Malta and Slabtown." Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Ne-
vada, Colorado and Wyoming, The History Company, 1890, VoL XXV, pp. 504-505.

25. "We have no information about any of the men you mention except Silas Arm-
strong. A genealogical sketch of his family is found on page 308 of The Provisional Govern-
ment of Nebraska Territory and The Journals of William Walker, edited by William E.
Connelley, Lincoln, Nebraska, 1899. . . .

" 'Two blocks north of Barnett Avenue and a block south of Minnesota Avenue, the
principal street of the city, is Armstrong Avenue. No Indian name is better known on
the West Side than that of Armstrong. Silas Armstrong was a great chief of the Wyan-
dottes and was president of the company which laid out the old city of Wyandotte. Arm-
strong was a man of intelligence about the average. He died December 4, 1865, at the age
of 55 and was buried in the Huron cemetery.' "

Quoted from Kansas City Star, June 3, 1906. Correspondence with Alberta Pantle,
Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas, April 6, 1961.

[The answer to the question mark in brackets, inserted by Rabbi Fierman, might be
that the wooden wheels shrank in the warm dry weather which would cause a loosening
of the iron tire. It could be tightened by inserting pegs at intervals between the tire and
the wooden wheel. F.D.R.]

120 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

only article on the plains were buffalo chips (the dried ma-
nure) . We managed to commence climbing the Rockies, pass-
ing through Canon City [Colorado] 26 and with a great deal
of trouble we finally reached California Gulch which was also
at times called Oro (Gold) City. [See Reference 24]. We un-
loaded our goods and commenced business. We bought a long
house large enough to hold all the goods and enough space for
living rooms. Our wagons and teams we sent back to Wyan-
dotte and wintered the cattle there. All sales were paid in gold
dust, credit business was unknown. Gold dust was handled
as rapidly as coin is today. We remained there all winter.
Wagon transportation over the mountains during winter was
impossible. Any goods had to be brought in at that time
loaded on burros. At times snow came to the level of the
roof of our cabin. We kept an open way for our customers.
We remained there over a year trading with the miners. At
intervals we took the gold dust to Denver where it was sold
to Kountz Bros.27 (same firm as now in New York) and other
banks. We made considerable money there in merchandising.
We also did placer mining which did not prove profitable. Had
it not been for the terrible climate and character of the miners
we might have remained there. We opened a branch at "Buck-
skin Joe"28 leaving J. Goldsmith and Sam Jeffers [?] in
charge at California Gulch.

26. Canon City, Colorado, is the chief town and county seat in Fremont County. In
1884, it had a population of 3,000. Large silver and copper smelters were located here.
Bancroft, op. tit., pp. 606-608.

27. The Rocky Mountain News, December 2, 1862, reads : "New Banking and Exchange
House. Mr. Kountz from Omaha, will open today or tomorrow at the corner of Blake and
L Streets, in Cheeseman and Company's brick Store, an exchange and gold dust office.
He will pay the highest figures for gold dust in exchange for coin, Treasury notes, and first
class bank currencies. Mr. Kountz is a gentleman of high business character, Substantial,
Straightforward and Solvent for anything and everything he may do."

"The bank was nationalized, and the name changed from 'Kountz Brothers' to the
'Colorado National Bank of Denver,' on August 1, 1866." Correspondence with Mrs.
Laura Allyn Ekstrom, The State Historical Society of Colorado, Denver, Colorado, April 5,
1961.

28. Buckskin Joe was in Park County. The Colorado Magazine place name series has
this to say about it: "Many of the towns that grew up at placer mining claims took the
name of the discoverers of the claims ; Buckskin. Joseph Higginbottom, nicknamed Buck-
skin Joe for the leather garb he affected, made a placer strike here, his claim proving ex-

EMANUEL ROSENWALD 121

"Buckskin Joe" was also a mining camp. We remained
there only a short time. In the fall of '61 we moved to Canon
City, remained there during the winter selling out our stock
of goods. Goldsmith closed out at California Gulch and moved
to Denver starting a business there. Before moving to Canon
City, Joe went East and during the fall brought three loads
of apples to Denver where I met him, Phil Strauss taking
charge of our Canon City store. My object in going to Denver
was to inform Joe of the death of our mother. Do not recall
how long we were in Denver or where we went.

Thereafter Joe went to Forth Smith,29 Arkansas, and pro-
cured settlership [sutlership] for a Kansas regiment (set-
tlership — merchandising privilege for a regiment.) Goods
were shipped him from Leavenworth and Eastern points.

I went to Fort Scott,30 Kansas, and went into business.
Phil Strauss followed later on, remained a short time, and
joined Joe in Fort Smith. While here we had repeated scares

tremely rich. The camp adopted his name, but in 1861 the district was reorganized and
the town was named LAURETTE, in honor of the only two women residents — Mrs. Laura
Dodge and her sister, Mrs. Jeanette Dodge. The following year, however, the post office
adopted the old name of Buckskin, although the camp continued to be known as Laurette.
No trace of the old town now remains (1940)." Correspondence with Mrs. Laura Allyn
Ekstrom, The State Historical Society of Colorado, Denver, Colorado, May 26, 1961.

29. "Fort Smith [Arkansas] was one of the earliest of the great chain of frontier posts.
Its founding dates back to 1817, when a permanent military post was required for the
increasing white population in Western Arkansas and also for the civilized Indian tribes
in the Osage territory- • • • The post was named in honor of General Thomas A. Smith.
. . . Fort Smith, in 1858, was described as a town containing 2500 inhabitants, exclusive
of the garrison. The place supported two newspapers ; one, the Fort Smith Times . . .
Banks were unknown, gold and silver being the only currency. The chief trade was with
the Cherokees and the Choctaws in the Indian territory. Fort Smith could be termed the
western outpost of civilization. There was not another town of equal size or importance
on the entire route [Butterfield Route] after leaving here until Los Angeles, California,
1900 miles distant, was reached." R. P. Conkling and M. B. Conkling, The Butterfield Over-
land Mail (1857-1869), A. H. Clark Company, c. 1947, Vol. 1, p. 217.

30. "The site [of Fort Scott] was selected in April, 1842, because it was ideally located
on the Military Road from Fort Leavenworth south to Fort Gibson. . . . The strategic
position on the Marmaton River was finally decided upon as the best possible situation.
. . . The primary reason for the selection of the site was to afford protection to the
Military Road then being surveyed. . . . Throughout the first generation of its long and
exciting history, Fort Scott provided the stage for the activities of a variety of important
figures in the history of Kansas in particular and the upper-Trans-Mississippi West in
general. . . . Fort Scott was finally abandoned as a United States Army Post on April
16, 1873." Dudley T. Cornish, The Historical Significance of Fort Scott, Kansas, Kansas
State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas ; A Guide to Fort Scott, Kansas, Compiled by
WPA in the State of Kansas, Sponsored by Fort Scott Chamber of Commerce, 1941.

122 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

on account of Quantrell.31 We were repeatedly called out at
night time to the Town Hall to be prepared to defend the
town. The building I occupied was put up by Rothschild32 of
Leavenworth as on account of local conditions it would have
been dangerous for me to put it up. Before doors and windows
were in, I moved stock into it, to prevent the Government
from taking the place. The Government could take any unoc-
cupied building, but once occupied could not do so. In the rear
of the main store we had a stone building with iron doors
used for warehouse. Remained at Fort Scott a short time. I
was taken seriously ill with typhoid. Upon recovery went to
Leavenworth.

In the meantime, Joe left Fort Smith for Leavenworth,
leaving Phil Strauss in charge. In Leavenworth we had a fur-
nishing goods business. At this time the price of gold was de-
clining rapidly. We had a great deal of high priced goods
which Joe could replace for much less money. This condition
worried us much. On one of our customary walks I suggested
that we take the high priced goods to New Mexico. Joe agreed
and next day we hired three mule wagons from Ed Shu-
maker33 [Shoemaker] of Fort Union and shortly thereafter
started these wagons on the Santa Fe trail in New Mexico.

31. "History records that William Clarke Quantrell (1837-1865), whose guerrilla-
fighting militia struck terror to thousands during the Civil War, died from gunshot wounds
in Kentucky during the Spring of 1864. Frank Dalton, uncle of the notorious Dalton gang
and cousin of Frank and Jesse James . . . says Quantrell did not die in Kentucky, but
recovered and later taught school in Texas for many years. . . .

"The true name of Quantrell was Charles Hart. He graduated from a military school
in 1860 and went to Lawrence, Kansas. . . ." Garland R. Farmer, "A Dalton Tells the
Story of Quantrell," Frontier Times, Bandera, Texas. Vol. XVIII, No. 1, October, 1940.
pp. 443-444.

"In August, 1863, the then notorious outlaw, William Quantrell, and those under his
command staged the outrage at Lawrence, Kansas, which has come to be known as "The
Lawrence Massacre," in which innocent persons were killed. United States cavalrymen were
ordered in pursuit of the raiders, which was made by virtue of the famous "Order
No. 11" by the terms of which the desperadoes were to be hunted and harassed con-
stantly." Major Morris U. Lively, "Breakup of the Notorious Quantrell Gang." Ibid.,
VoL XIX, pp. 256, 257.

32. Rothschild of Leavenworth. The Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas,
replies: "We have no information on Rothschild of Leavenworth." Correspondence with
Miss Alberta Pantle, April 3, 1961.

33. Ed Shumaker [Shoemaker] was a sutler at Fort Union, New Mexico, north of
Las Vegas. The Shumaker family became a prominent family in San Miguel County ;
Fort Union is now a national monument.

EMANUEL ROSENWALD 123

Then Joe started for New York to buy cheaper goods. We
bought considerable goods in Leavenworth to complete the
assortment for New Mexico. Amongst these were prints cost-
ing us 40 cents a yard, coffee, sugar, whiskey, etc. We paid
freight from $18.00 to $20.00 per 100 [pounds].

While Joe was in New York, Phil Strauss shipped all the
Fort Smith goods to Leavenworth. The greater portion of
these were stolen by the U. S. troops. About this time all busi-
ness houses at Leavenworth were closed when General [Ster-
ling] Price34 started moving through Missouri. All able
bodied men were pressed into militia service. I had no one
to look after our place as the young man who was with me
was put into service too. We were kept at Fort Leavenworth
doing regular military duty.

Just before being sent from Fort Leavenworth, Phil
Strauss arrived. Before knowing that the troops were to
leave, I procured a pass to see Phillip as I had a letter to de-
liver to him notifying him of the death of his mother. I re-
mained with him somewhat longer than my pass permitted. I
had been ordered from Fort Leavenworth to Brush Creek,35
Missouri, and I sneaked into the ranks while the troops were
being loaded into wagons for transportation to Kansas City.
We arrived at Kansas City about noon. From there I tele-
graphed "goodbye" to as many relatives as my money could
pay for. We marched to Westport — on the way out we met
a great many soldiers returning from the battlefield at Brush
Creek. These were deserters who informed us that we would
soon be doing the same thing. Arriving at Westport late in
the afternoon, we saw the wounded brought into town. While
marching we heard the firing on the battlefield at Brush

84. General [Sterling] Price was born in Virginia and he served in Missouri. On
July 20, 1847, he was made a Brigadier General in the Missouri Volunteers. He was given
an honorable discharge, November 25, 1848. During the Civil War he served as a Major
General in the Confederate Army. He died September 29, 1867. F. B. Heitman, Historical
Register and Dictionary of the U. S. Army (1791-1903), Washington, D. C., VoL 1, p. 807.

General Sterling Price engaged in the battle of Pea Ridge and was wounded at Elk-
horn Tavern. An inscription reads "Here was fought the most important Civil War en-
gagement west of the Mississippi. . . ." Conkling and Conkling, op. cit., VoL 1, pp. 196-197.

85. "Brush Creek was a small post office located in Laclede County." The State His-
torical Society of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri, May 31, 1961.

124 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Creek. After a slight rest at Westport landing36 we were
marched to the battlefield at Brush Creek to camp there for
the night. During the night an aide-de-camp from the Gover-
nor of Kansas brought an order to the officer in command to
return to Kansas City early the next day to take the boat to
Leavenworth. We did not know why we were so suddenly
ordered returned as we supposed the enemy had gotten into
Kansas. At Leavenworth we were discharged. Served about
six weeks in State Militia for which we had to date received
no pay.

Upon our return to Leavenworth, the landing was
crowded with the families of those who had been sent out
with the militia. I was agreeably surprised to find Joe there
with Phil Strauss. A few days afterwards I took the stage
from Kansas City to Las Vegas, New Mexico. We had to stop
at Fort Dodge (now Dodge City) as we had to await the stage
which left Kansas City a week after we did, as we had to
travel from there with military escort. We had to cross 240
miles which was entirely unsettled at the time and the Indians
were very unfriendly to the whites. The tramp from Kansas
City to Las Vegas cost $160 and we were obliged to do our
own cooking. We ran entirely out of provisions a day before
reaching Fort Wise,37 Colorado (afterwards Fort Lyon) and

86. "After the Independence had proved the Missouri River navigable by steamboats
in 1819, and the Indians had been removed in 1825, western Missouri began filling in with
settlers. Jackson County was organized in 1826, with the county seat some ten miles
east of Chouteau's settlement at Independence; this rapidly became the principal out-
fitting point for wagon freighting to Santa Fe. . . . The trail to Santa Fe lay west from
Independence, crossing the Big Blue River some four or five miles south of the Missouri
River.

"West of this ford and the long hill beyond it, John Calvin McCoy built a store in
1832. . . . The following year he platted Westport. . . . The town vied with Independence
as the eastern terminus of the Santa Fe Trail.

"Meanwhile the settlement at Chouteau's Post, called 'Westport Landing' by both
Westport and Independence, had grown into a prosperous community. . . . When Ceran
St. Vrain and William Bent, famous fur traders on the upper Arkansas River, began
hauling their freight direct to the landing, they established a precedent that was followed
by others. Soon 'Westport Landing' was an active community with a thriving trade of
its own." Missouri, op. cit., pp. 244-245.

37. "In 1853, Colonel William Bent, having abandoned his great trading post on the
Arkansas River, moved downstream about forty miles and established a second post called
Bent's New Fort. The following year it was leased to the United States Army and renamed
Fort Fauntleroy in honor of Colonel Fauntleroy of the old First Dragoons. In 1859, the
post was purchased by the government and was named Fort Wise for Henry Alexander

EMANUEL ROSENWALD 125

were fortunate enough to meet some Mexicans in camp who
provided us with food. At Fort Wise we were permitted to
start along again and travelled alone encountering terrible
weather. We, however, reached Las Vegas none the worse for
the trip, late in the winter of 1862.

Here I awaited the arrival of the goods which in due time
reached me. These were disposed of in total to W. H. Moore38
and Company of Fort Union, New Mexico. There was no
difficulty in disposing of the goods as many dealers in town
actually begged for portions of them. They would have bought
anything that came along. Payment for sale was made in Gov-
ernment drafts and notes which I forwarded to Joe at
Leavenworth.

After this sale, I started on return trip via Denver, Colo-
rado. On the Divide at the Stage Station which we reached
late at night in extremely cold weather we stopped for supper
being about half frozen when we reached there and where we
took off our arms and coats. After supper we started out
again and after an hour's trip we heard horsemen coming
after us. [They] stopped the stage and accused me of having
stolen a pistol. After some argument with them assisted by
a true friend, a Captain in the Army, I gave them my address
in Denver at which I would be found in case they had any evi-
dence against me. Finally, they let us go and arrived in due
time in Denver. There I remained a few weeks. During that
time they had a cloudburst and Cherry Creek39 which usually

Wise, governor of Virginia. When Virginia joined the Confederacy at the outbreak of the
Civil War, the fort was again renamed, this time in honor of General Nathaniel Lyon,
the first Union general killed in the war. In 1866, the river cut away the bank, making
the fort untenable ; a new Fort Lyon was built about twenty miles up the river. . . . Kit
Carson died on the Fort Lyon reservation. May 23, 1868. The old post is now a Veterans'
Psychopathic Hospital." Colorado Magazine, Vol. XVIII, No. 1, January, 1941.

38. William H. Moore was prominent among the stockholders in the Moreno Placer
Fields. Other stockholders of note were Lucian B. Maxwell and William Kroenig. Mines
and Minerals of New Mexico, New Mexico Bureau of Immigration, Santa Fe, New Mexico
Printing Co., c. 1901.

39. Cherry Creek was named because of the abundance of chokecherries on its banks.
It is a right hand branch of the South Platte River. At the juncture of the two streams in
the late summer of 1858 a camp was located within the present limits of Denver and it
was designated by the camp as "Cherry Creek," but later the settlements, one on each
side of the creek, were called Auraria and Denver, finally both were known as Denver.

126 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

was dry the greater portion of the year carried such a torrent
of water that the flood undermined some of the best business
buildings in Denver.

I then took [the] stage to Leaven worth being detained by
high water numerous times. At one of the rivers in Kansas
we found the ferry boat on our side without any one to handle
it. The ferry boat was what today is called a barge. We how-
ever managed to get over the river with it. Finally [I] reached
Leavenworth in good condition though thoroughly worn out
by the trip.

We then determined to quit Kansas and come to New Mex-
ico as my first trip had been so successful.

Joe went East to purchase our supplies. We engaged
thirty prairie schooners which we started in the spring of
1863. All came to Las Vegas in good order except seven
wagons which were attacked by Indians near Fort Dodge.
Some of the people were killed and a great many goods stolen
by the Indians. When we learned of this attack, I telegraphed
Joe at Leavenworth. He sent Joe Jeffers [ ?] to see that the
wagons were again started. In the meantime the military au-
thorities at Fort Dodge had returned to Dodge with a great
many of our goods the soldiers [had] appropriated.

The wagons were again started and reached Las Vegas. We
unpacked the goods and found everything in confusion. Soaps,
silks, baking soda, all pell-mell. We found quite a large loss in
damaged goods and a large amount stolen.

Some months later Joe came to Las Vegas. We had our
goods partially stored but had such a large supply that Joe
took a large train load to Mesilla and from there to Juarez,
Mexico, where he disposed of all [of it] .

The designation of "Cherry Creek" was given in the Rocky Mountain News, December 25,
1882, p. 16, C. 1.

There were several Cherry Creek floods, the 1864 one being particularly disastrous. The
Rocky Mountain News office was built over the creek and was washed away in this flood.
In recent times Denver has built a retaining wall for the creek and other control measures
have been adopted. Correspondence with Mrs. Laura Allyn Ekstrom, The State Historical
Society of Colorado, Colorado, May 26, 1961.

Robert Rosenwald advises: "Martin Ismert, who was a philatelist and local historian,
told both my father [Lucian] and me that he was personally convinced that Emanuel
Rosenwald was the first Jewish trader at Cherry Creek, later Denver. This might be true,
although I have no way of knowing." Correspondence with Robert Rosenwald, May 16, 1961.

EMANUEL ROSENWALD 127

We continued our business at Las Vegas as J. Rosenwald
and Company just as it had been in Leavenworth. Joe, Phil
Strauss and myself remained here together. In 1866 Phillip
and myself left for Germany. Joe continued the business at
Las Vegas.40 There were but very few white families living
in Vegas.

On my return from Europe, I brought over my father, sis-
ter, Julia, and Edward. Aron was on his way to the United
States while I was going over. I had no knowledge of this till
I arrived in Germany. Shortly after I returned to Las Vegas,
Joe and Phillip Strauss went to New York and started in the
business of John Stadterman and Company, manufacturing
trimmings. During this absence from Vegas, Joe was married
to Doris Adler, lost his wife within a year. I then sold out the
business at Las Vegas and returned to New York with Aron
R. who had been with us for some time, in the belief that I
was to be taken into the firm of Stadterman and Company,
not having been advised that the firm at Las Vegas had failed.
When I arrived in New York I found myself without means
as all the money from the sale of the firm at Las Vegas had
been dissipated. We had to find some means of making a liv-
ing and I started a clothing business with Aron at Westerly,
R. I. We remained in Westerly all winter and then determined

40. The custom in New Mexico when engaging in trade was to obtain a commercial
license. Such a grant was given to Joseph Rosenwald to trade in Las Vegas, San Miguel
County in 1866.
Territory of New Mexico

County of San Miguel Commercial License

Joseph Rosenwald and Company has made application before the undersigned in the
COURT OF PRUEBAS to obtain a license to sell his affects and merchandise in the city
of Las Vegas for a period of six months, certifying that affects and merchandise do not
exceed the value of 22,000 pesos.

Under the laws governing those things the applicant, Joseph Rosenwald and Company,
has license to sell the affects and merchandise in the city of Las Vegas, for a period of
six months, beginning the 18th day of September, 1866. The applicant has also promised
to pay the county a tax of a sum of 120 pesos.

Testimony given before me the
Court Official

Pruebas, Vegas, New Mexico 4/1866

/Signed/ Jose L. Rivera
Scribe

He was also granted a license to trade in Dona Ana County from November 28, 1865 to
May 28, 1866.

128 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

to return to New Mexico either alone or with Joe. When I sug-
gested this to Joe he was perfectly satisfied to go with me. I
rented my store building by correspondence, completed my
memoranda during the winter and in the early spring for-
warded our stock from Westerly to New York to be held there.
We purchased our stock of goods and Aron and I started for
New Mexico. Stadterman and Company compromised and
finally closed out, sending the remainder of their stock to New
Mexico.

In 1869 or '70 Joe was married to Bona Levisohn. He then
came to Las Vegas and brought Leopold Goldsmith with
him.

APPENDIX I

Telegrams sent by Joseph Rosenwald and Co., Las Vegas, New Mex-
ico, 1877-79.

To: P. L. Strauss, 92 Duane St., New York June 11, 1877

Are you all well? Bought business of Romero Bros, and Co. Posses-
sion this week Telegraph answer.

JR and Co.

To: Rosenwald Bros. Trinidad, Colo. June 11, 1877

Send by mule wagon 5 doz. each 30, 40, 50 white spools ; 3 doz. linen
handkerchiefs; 1 bale % Manta, 5 pieces cheap cottonade; 3 doz.
cheap brown overalls; 2 cases women's pegged shoes; 1 case
women's cheap sewed shoes; 10 doz. ladies' sewed shoes. Assorted
goods: 1 case men's common Balmorals; 2 doz. children's pegged
shoes, eleven to thirteen; 2 doz. boys' brogans, one to five; 1 case
men's common hats assorted ; 50 suits cottonade and union cassmir
assorted, the highest not to exceed mvo [this seems to be a price
code] ; 2 sacks best flour ; 40 a very small assortment of ladies',
misses' and children's hats ; 10 boxes each soap and candles ; 2 boxes
soda ; 1 barrel each rice and table salt ; 25 pounds fancy candy.

To: Rosenwald Bros. Trinidad

Send one medium-size Charter Oak cooking stove.

JR and Co.

To : Rosenwald Bros. June 12, 1877

Send with wagon one kitchen safe and rolling board and pin, two
large deep bread tin pans, 30 pounds heavy sackey [?] twine and
two doz. large sack needles.

EMANUEL ROSENWALD 129

To: P. L. Strauss, 92 Duane St. New York June 14, 1877

Ship immediately one 240 pound Fairbanks platform counter scale,
one smaller and one 1500-pound scale.

To: Greely Bros. & Co. St. Louis June 15, 1877

Send immediately 10 sack coffee each medium and prime; 10 sacks
sugar each extra C and A; 10 each yellow erasive and palen No. 1 ;
20 candles; 1 barrel each rice, dd apples, flour; 100 Ibs. bar lead;
3 soda ; 1 vinegar.

To: A. Armigo, Albuquerque June 25, 1877

Will you take twelve and one half cents for your washed white
wool? (Chge)

To: P. L. Strauss, 229 E. 52 St. May 4, 1879

Eureka : Depot opposite town very satisfactory to me.

JR

To: Rosenwald Bros. Trinidad Colo. July 12, 1879

Ship immediately 2500 pounds good Trinidad flour in sacks 50 and
100 pounds.

To: Guadalupe Ascarate, Las Cruces July 30, 1879

Francisco Veltrain passed with train three days ago.

JR and Co.

To: Staab and Bros. Santa Fe July 30, 1879

Send immediately ten ounces chloroform.

JR and Co.

APPENDIX II

Joseph Rosenwald was laid away this afternoon in that dreamless
sleep from which none ever wakes, till the trumpet of Gabriel announces
the resurrection morn.

A large concourse of friends attended the funeral this afternoon —
the largest ever seen in Las Vegas. It has been well said that in the death
of Joseph Rosenwald Las Vegas has lost one of her most enterprising
citizens ; the community, a member whose integrity, tested on many occa-
sions, was found of sterling quality; and the wide circle of his private
friendship, an inestimable and congenial companion. While his decease
leaves a void in these associations, his demise is an irreparable loss to
his family, by whom he was revered as husband and father.

His death recalls some of the incidents of his useful and honorable
life, which deserve more than a passing notice. His foreign birth and
the immature age at which he embarked upon the troublous sea of active
life, under the disadvantage of being a stranger to our language and
customs, and his eminently successful career as a merchant, afford

130 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

another illustration, among the many, of the value of sterling worth
accompanied by energy, perseverance, and ardent appreciation of our
republican system . . . successful life of a citizen. The land of his adop-
tion was to him in verity a fatherland. His love for our institutions was
intensified by contrast with the narrow sphere of action afforded in the
country of his birth.

He was a native of Bavaria, a subject of the eccentric King Ludwig.
His quick apprehension and acute mind had suggested his being reared
for a profession, but the adversity which bef el his father interrupted his
studies before their completion ; so that at the age of fifteen he left the
paternal roof and landed in New York. Obtaining employment in Vir-
ginia, he was for a few years thrown into the company of a class of
men whose mould of manners and thought was calculated to impress
a youth with ideas of the value of culture and honorable conduct. By
struggling thrift he soon accumulated some means, and finding that
the Old Dominion lacked the opportunity for the exercise of youthful
energy, he soon took in the scope of the situation and determined upon
the adventurous hazard of frontier If ie.

About 1856 he went to Wyandotte and Leavenworth, and from those
points his adventures began. He freighted to Pikes Peak, Utah, and
other, at that time, remote and almost unknown places. In all his under-
takings he was successful ; but it was with regret that in after life he
referred to the mistakes in his career, and not the least in casting aside
his chances for large ownership in what is now Denver and the amazing
increase of the then insignificant colony of Salt Lake.

In 1864 he fixed his permanent home in Las Vegas, where he resided
till his death.

Success naturally induced a longing to return to the scenes where
refinement and culture were realities, and buckskin and camp life were
unknown except in adventurous recitals.

But although in New York he was fortunate enough to meet and
marry the lady who has been through his remaining years his companion
and blessing, he soon tired of the great metropolis and again returned
to the Rocky mountain region. Since 1871 he has been known as one of
New Mexico's most enterprising and reliable merchants. His business
has been large and profitable, and has always been conducted on the
broad-gauge plan peculiar to the west.

The almost unlimited credit which his house enjoyed at purchasing
centers, was due not so much to the belief in the bonanza wealth of those
who were then known as the Santa Fe traders, as to confidence which
his well-known integrity inspired.

With the sagacity indicative of his character, he was impressed
with the evident possibilities of his surroundings, and was foremost
among the citizens to encourage development. His influence was of as-

EMANUEL ROSENWALD 131

sistance to the introduction of the railroad; and if his prescience was
rewarded with the usual result of such foresight in business matters,
it must be the subject of congratulation. The gas company, the street
railway, in both of which he was an original promoter, and over the
corporate existence of which he was the presiding genius, owe much to
his executive ability. The San Miguel bank was in its inception another
enterprise to which he added the force of his mental vigor. The numer-
ous town additions, in which he was interested and from which he justly
reaped large returns, are other evidences of his hopeful enterprise and
his abiding faith in the prosperity of our town.

The street cars have been draped in mourning today, because of
the funeral of J. Rosenwald, a leading stockholder and promoter of the
enterprise. . . .

The pallbearers at the funeral of Joseph Rosenwald this afternoon,
were Jefferson Reynolds, J. D. O'Bryan, S. L. Leon, J. M. Cunningham,
Eugenio Romero, F. A. Manzanares, S. Floersheim and Chas. Ilfeld. The
Daily Optic, Las Vegas, May 22, 1888.

JOHN BAPTIST SALPOINTE, 1825-1894

By SISTER EDWARD MARY ZERWEKH, C.S.J.

(Continued)

As determined by Bishop Lamy, Father Salpointe, who
had been given the faculties of Vicar Forane for the Terri-
tory, was to be pastor of Tucson with Father Boucard for an
assistant. Father Boucard would also take care of San Xavier.
Father Birmingham was assigned Gila City.27a A few weeks
after their arrival in Tucson, Father Salpointe went to Gila
City with Father Birmingham to install him in his parish.
This town, with about one thousand inhabitants, had sprung
up since May, 1854, when gold had been discovered. Upon his
return, Father Salpointe installed Mr. Vincent as teacher of
the Papago Indians at San Xavier Mission, but because the
Indians were irregular in their attendance the school was
moved to Tucson.

In Tucson, school had to be taught in the priests' house
"which consisted of but one room 15 by 22 feet and a little
alcove."28 This condition lasted for about six months. "The
furniture of the priest's house comprised three chairs, a writ-
ing table and a pigeon hole case for papers, the whole of
which had been left in the care of W. S. Oury by Father Bosco,
for his successors."29

The circumstances under which the priests lived were
very meager as the following illustrates.

The people were generally inclined to help their priests,
but knowing the circumstances in which they were, the mis-
sionaries refrained from asking anything for themselves, ex-
cept when it was absolutely necessary. Those located at Tucson
had for two years to depend for their personal expenses mostly
on what they had saved of the money they had received from
their Bishop for their journey to Arizona. It must be said,

27a. See note 16. F. D. R.

28. Salpointe. op. cit., p. 252.

29. Loc. cit.

132

SALPOINTE 133

though that these priests were not extravagant in their way
of living. Very often they cooked for themselves ; for beds they
had the clay floor of their room or of the yard, and the blankets
they had brought from New Mexico. When they had to visit
the scattered settlements, it was necessary for them to wait
until some other people would have to travel in the same direc-
tion, as they could not afford, many times, to hire a man to
accompany them. The scarcity of material resources was felt
especially, even later, by the priests who had to start new
missions.30

Also in Father Salpointe's own words we learn of the dan-
gers the early missionaries faced from the presence of the
warring Apache Indians.

The life of the priests in Arizona, for some years from
1866, was one of hard work and privation. The frequent and
long journeys in a country infested by wild Indians made it
dangerous for them even to go a few miles out of their resi-
dence.. Whenever the mail came in, it brought invariably the
news of people having been murdered here or there by the
Apaches, so that when a journey had to be undertaken, one
would think of it for days and weeks in advance, fearing that
he might not come back to his home. This was expressed by a
missionary who used to say : "When I have to leave my house
for a visit to the distant settlements of my missions, I write
to my mother as if it were for the last time."

Speaking for myself, the writer of these notes, who, dur-
the nineteen years he spent in Arizona, had to travel in all di-
rections through the Territory, always experienced a kind of
painful apprehension for a few days before starting on a long
journey; though he must say, he had never any trouble from
the Indians in Arizona. He saw their tracks on the roads; he
was once told by a mail carrier that he (the missionary) had
been followed by the Apaches for two nights and one day,
but was not attacked, very likely because he was known to the
savages, who did not wish to kill him, but were looking for an
opportunity to steal his horses without being noticed. Other
missionaries, and especially Rev. Boucard, found themselves in
great danger ; still none of them had to suffer by it since 1866.
Indeed they must acknowledge that there has been a special
Providence watching over them.31

30. Ibid., pp. 256-257.

31. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 255-256.

134 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

The hardships Father Salpointe and the other pioneer
priests had to meet did not deter them from accomplishing
the work God had entrusted to their care. The first task to be
done in Tucson was to complete the construction of the church
begun by Father Reghieri. The walls had reached a height of
about nine feet. With the help and contributions of the people
these walls were raised to a suitable height.

A difficulty was met, though, when it came to putting a
suitable roof on the edifice. Lumber in Tucson was too expen-
sive to even consider collecting enough money from the par-
ish to purchase it. Southeast of Tucson runs the Santa Rita
Mountain range, but the pine trees were up too high for cut-
ting. Thus, except for constructing a temporary roof across
the sanctuary end, the finishing of the church remained at a
standstill.

In 1867, a school and convent, combined in the same build-
ing, was begun next to the church. It did not take long to erect
the walls, but again came the problem of obtaining lumber
for the roof. In this case, however, Father Salpointe had the
cooperation of both Catholic and Protestants, because all
were anxious to have the Sisters' school start as soon as pos-
sible. Therefore, no objections were made at a new collection
which obtained enough money to procure lumber for both the
church and the school. Eighteen men agreed to go to the Hua-
chuca Mountains32 and cut the necessary lumber. Overcom-
ing many obstacles, the wood was finally brought to Tucson
towards the end of 1868 and both buildings could be com-
pleted.33 While his school was still under construction during
1868, Father Salpointe, through Bishop Lamy, asked for Sis-
ters of St. Joseph of Carondelet to staff it, but was refused
at that time because there were no Sisters available.34

In Tucson, 1866, there was a fever disease which was very
prevalent. It was believed to have been introduced and propa-
gated by the many Mexicans coming from Sonora and was
probably contracted from using polluted water. During the

82. A mountain range about eighty miles southeast of Tucson.

33. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 250-254.

34. Sister M. Lucida, op. cit., p. 250.

SALPOINTE 135

three years when it was prevalent, the priests were kept busy
with sick calls and in the administration of the Last Rites
made necessary by this epidemic. It was probably this disease
that Father Salpointe contracted in July, 1866.

Four months had elapsed before word was received from
Father Birmingham who was stationed at Gila City. Because
of illness, he had left his mission and had gone to California
to improve his health. Father Salpointe decided to go immedi-
ately to Gila City and to administer the Sacraments to the
people. He left Tucson in July, when the heat of the desert
was at its height, and traveled for seven days covering the
three hundred miles, mostly on horseback. He reached Gila
City on a Sunday, said Mass and preached as usual, but in
the afternoon fell ill with chills and fever. Father Salpointe
had to remain four months at Gila City before he was well
enough to travel. "During this time the priest was given hos-
pitality and all possible care in the house of Joseph M. Re-
dondo, one of the principal citizens of the place."35 While re-
cuperating, he had the church, begun by Father Birmingham,
finished by adding the roof. With Father Birmingham's de-
parture only two priests were left in the entire missionary
Territory of Arizona.36

On September 25, 1868, Arizona was raised to a Vicariate
Apostolic and Father Salpointe appointed its Bishop. He had
to wait until early in 1869 before going to France to be con-
secrated. As soon as a priest from New Mexico came to re-
lieve him, he started on his journey. On his arrival in France,
he went directly to the Bishop of his native diocese, the Right
Reverend Louis C. Feron, Bishop of Clermont Ferrand, and
asked him to be his consecrator. "The heart of the venerable
prelate warmed up again in his old age at such an honor con-
ferred on him by the Almighty, as he used frequently to ex-
press it."37 Thus, "Bishop Feron had confirmed the boy, or-
dained the priest and consecrated the Bishop."38

35. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 252.

36. Ibid., pp. 252-253, 256.

37. Defouri, Historical Sketch of the Catholic Church In New Mexico, op. cit., p. 156.

38. Loc. cit.

136 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

The ceremony took place on June 20, 1869, with Bishop
Lebreton of Le Puy, France, and Bishop Dubuis39 of Galves-
ton, Texas, assisting. After the celebrations Bishop Salpointe
received permission to recruit volunteers for his mission from
among the clergy. He succeeded in obtaining six volunteers.40

Before Bishop Salpointe returned to the United States,
he made his ad limina Apostolorum41 visit to Pope Pius IX in
company with Bishop Machebeuf, Vicar Apostolic of the
newly erected Vicariate of Colorado. In Rome they stayed
with Reverend Francis Chatard42 and had their private audi-
ence with the Pope.43

. . . They asked for a common audience from Pope Pius
IX, who received them kindly, and inquired about the extent
of the territory, the population, and many things concerning
religion in the new Vicariates. In the same audience the Holy
Father, having been apprised of the scarcity of priests in Ari-
zona as in Colorado, very willing dispensed the two new
Bishops from the obligation of remaining in Rome for the Vati-
can Council.44

44. Salpointe, op. tit., p. 260.

When Bishop Salpointe had arrived in France, the news
awaited him that his school was finished and ready for oc-
cupancy. He immediately wrote to Mother St. John Facemaz,
Superior General of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Carondelet,
requesting Sisters.

39. Claude Mary Dubuis, Bishop of Galveston (1862-1892) ; Titular Bishop of Area
(1892-1895). He was born March 10, 1817 at Iche, Coutouvre Loire, and ordained on June
1, 1844 at Lyons. He did missionary and pastoral work in the diocese of Galveston, 1844-
1862. He was consecrated on November 22, 1862 and attended the Vatican Council in 1870.
He died on May 22, 1895 in France. Cf. Code, op. cit., p. 87.

40. Reverends Peter Bourgade, Anthony Jouvenceau, Agustin Morin, Agustin Bernard,
John Chaucot and Andrew Escallier. Cf. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 260-261.

41. Official visit paid by bishops to the Pope.

42. Francis Silas Chatard was born in Baltimore, December 13, 1834, and ordained
at Rome in 1862. He was consecrated Bishop of Vincennes, Indiana on May 12, 1878. Cf.
The Memorial Volume, A History of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, op. cit., p. 90.
He died on September 7, 1918. Vincennes became the Diocese of Indianapolis on March 23,
1898 and on December 19, 1944 was elevated to an Archdiocese with Indianapolis its See
City.

48. Father S. filas] M. Chatard, Rome, to Archbishop J. B. Purcell, June, 1869,
(Notre Dame University Archives, South Bend, Indiana).

PARISH CHURCH OF JOHN BAPTIST SALPOINTE
ST. MAURICE DE POINSAT, PUY-DE-DOME, FRANCE

SALPOINTE 137

I did not see you when I passed through St. Louis, because
my schoolhouse was not finished when I left Tucson, and I had
no hope it would be before my return to this place. Now I have
received notice that the said house will be prepared by the mid-
dle of next month and that our people is [sic] very anxious to
receive the Sisters.45

Bishop Salpointe's letter of August 19, 1869, verifies the
promise he received of obtaining1 the Sisters for his Vicariate.

It was only on my return from Rome day before yesterday
that I was able to take note of your good letter of last June 24.
I thank you, Mother Superior, and your good Sisters for the
interest that you show and especially for the assurance you
give me that I shall find, when I stop at St. Louis, Sisters quite
disposed to leave for Arizona. . . .

I hope to leave here on the 9th of September and be in St.
Louis toward the end of the same month to continue the trip
to Arizona with the little colony of Sisters.46

On his trip back to Arizona with his recruited priests,
Bishop Salpointe stopped at St. Louis, arriving in the fall of
1869. But, he was obliged to depart without the desired Sis-
ters. Mother St. John promised him, however, to send the
Sisters after the annual profession of vows in March. Bishop
Salpointe agreed but in a letter to Mother St. John he said,
". . . the people of my capital of Arizona are grieved to hear
that I shall arrive without the Sisters, whom they have waited
so long with impatience."47

And, in a letter sent after he arrived in Tucson :

On my arrival in Tucson I had the pleasure of finding the
house of the Sisters of St. Joseph (this is the name we are giv-
ing it) entirely furnished and all my people almost in anger
against me because the Sisters had not arrived. For a long time

45. J. B. Salpointe, Lyon, France, to Mother St. .John, Carondelet, June 5, 1869,
(Sisters of St. Joseph of Carondelet Archives, St. Louis, Missouri). Hereafter referred
to as S. J.C.A.

46. J. B. Salpointe, Clermont, France, to Mother Superior, Carondelet, August 19,
1869, (S. J.C.A.)

47. J. B. Salpointe, Las Cruces, New Mexico, to the Superior General, Sister St. John,
Carondelet, (Original in French), January 6, 1870, (S.J.C.A.)

138 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

we have been in quest of the money which is sufficient for this
journey and which I will have reach you in a few days.48

As Mother St. John promised, seven Sisters49 left St.
Louis on April 20, 1870, for Tucson. After an arduous trip,
coming the long way through San Francisco and San Diego,
they arrived in Tucson on May 26, 1870, Ascension Thursday,
amid a spectacular reception from the people, including the
ringing of bells, fireworks, and the discharging of firearms.50

It was the beautiful day of the Ascension at nightfall
when the pious colony made its entrance into the capital. The
good Sisters in their humility had chosen this advanced hour,
thinking thus they would not attract any attention. ... As
to the celebration, nothing was lost; everybody was in the
street of the town, Protestants and Catholics alike, to give wel-
come and feteing [sic] to those sent by Providence.51

The school was a success from the beginning, and the com-
ing of the Sisters to Tucson was considered by friends of edu-
cation and civilization as the opening of a new era for
Arizona. This was the first Catholic school in Arizona.

Another school opened a few years later, 1875, by the
Sisters of St. Joseph was the Sacred Heart School at Yuma,
Arizona. This school was discontinued in February, 1891,
because the Gila River flooded and swept away the school and
convent.52

In the part of the Vicariate which formed part of the
state of New Mexico a school was opened at Las Cruces by the
Loretto Sisters from Santa Fe in 1870. A boys' school was
established in the same town in 1873 by Bishop Salpointe
under the direction of a priest and a lay teacher, but it was
short-lived because of a flood in 1875.53

48. J. B. Salpointe, Tucson, Arizona, to Madame, Sister St. John, Carondelet, (Original
in French), February 17, 1870, (S.J.C.A.).

49. The members of the group were : Sister Emerentia Bonnef oy, as Superior, Sisters
Ambrosia Arnichaud, Euphrasia Suchey, Monica Corrigan, Hyacinth Blanc, Maxime
Croisat, and Martha Peters. Cf. Sister M. Lucida, op. cit., p. 251.

50. Sister M. Lucida, op. cit., pp. 250-254.

51. J. B. Salpointe, Tucson, Arizona, to Mother St. John, Carondelet, (Original in
French), JuneS, 1870, (S.J.C.A.).

62. Sister M. Lucida, op. cit., p. 260.
53. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 262-264.

SALPOINTE 139

The Sisters of Loretto opened another school at San Eli-
zario in July, 1879,54 at the request of Father Peter Bour-
gade,55 the pastor. Although the same Sisters were requested
for the parish of Mesilla, New Mexico,56 they were unable to
send any Sisters to staff the new school. Therefore, Sisters of
Mercy57 were obtained and arrived in 1880 to open the school.
Three years later the Sisters of Mercy staffed the parochial
school at Silver City, New Mexico.58

Bishop Salpointe watched over all these educational en-
deavors with a paternal eye, conscious that these children
educated in Catholic schools would activate and preserve the
ancient Faith which the early missionaries gave their lives
to implant.

Another work of mercy inaugurated by the Sisters and
promoted by Bishop Salpointe was the caring for the sick.
In 1878, the Sisters of St. Joseph of Carondelet commenced
a small hospital in Prescott, then the seat of the Territorial
government. In this venture they were encouraged and also
received financial aid from John C. Fremont, appointed Mili-
tary Governor in that year.59

In Tucson, on April 24, 1880, Bishop Salpointe officiated
at the blessing of St. Mary's Hospital which he had built. It
was about a mile and a half west of the city near Mount St.
Joseph, novitiate of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Carondelet.60
This hospital was placed under the supervision of the Sisters

54. Annals of San Elizario, Loretto Foundation, 1879, (Loretto Motherhouse Archives,
Loretto, Kentucky).

55. Peter Bourgade was born on October 17, 1843 in France and ordained on Novem-
ber 30, 1869 in Santa Fe by Bishop Lamy. He was appointed Vicar Apostolic of Arizona
on February 7, 1885. He became the first Bishop of the See of Tucson on May 8, 1897 and
Archbishop of Santa Fe on January 7, 1899. He died on May 17, 1908. Cf. Code, op. tit.,
p. 25.

66. J. B. Salpointe, Tucson, to Mother M. Dafrosa, Superior of Loretto Academy,
Santa Fe, May 16, 1879, (Loretto Motherhouse Archives, Loretto, Kentucky).

57. The first superior was Mother Josephine Brennan, who came from the convent of
Mercy, Moate, Ireland. In 1881, two Mercy Sisters went to Ireland and procured five postu-
lants who volunteered to work in the missions. Cf. Salpointe, op. tit., p. 284.

58. Salpointe, op. tit., p. 284.

59. Sister M. Lucida, op. tit., pp. 258-259.

60. This novitiate was begun in 1878 and closed in March, 1890. Cf. Salpointe, Tucson,
to Mother St. John, Carondelet, (Original in French), November 3, 1871, (S.J.C.A.). On
the closing of this novitiate cf. Sister M. Lucida, op. tit., pp. 257-260, and Salpointe, op.
tit., p. 264.

140 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

of St. Joseph and remained under diocesan control until Oc-
tober 7, 1882, at which time it was purchased by the Com-
munity.61

Soon after Arizona had been made a Vicariate, the par-
ishes of Mesilla in New Mexico and Isleta and San Elizario
of El Paso County, Texas, were added to it by the Holy See.
These parishes had been under the jurisdiction of the Bishop
of Durango, Mexico. Since Bishop Salpointe did not receive
any communication from the Bishop of Durango transferring
the jurisdiction of these parishes, he was not able to assign to
them the missionaries he had recently brought from France.
Although the trip to Durango was an arduous and long one,
requiring fifty traveling days alone, Bishop Salpointe under-
took it, but found that the Bishop of Durango was absent, at
a distance of four hundred miles. Therefore, Bishop Salpointe
left for Tucson hoping that the Bishop of Durango would
receive his papers from Rome upon his return. After waiting
a few more months, Bishop Salpointe, in 1871, set out again
for Durango.62

The only way to travel was on horseback or in private
conveyances. The country was sparsely settled, and dangerous
to go through on account of the two political parties then at
war against each other, and roaming in bands, here and there
around the settlements or ranches, rather in search of some-
thing to eat than their foes.

The Vicar Apostolic made his two journeys, about 3200
miles, going and returning, in company with one of his priests
and a servant. . . . Their means of transportation consisted
of a buggy for the Bishop and his priest, and a light spring
wagon to carry the little baggage and the victuals. No need
to say that they had to cook for themselves and to camp out
most of the nights.63

This second trip was also to no avail because the Bishop
of Durango had not received any direct information from
the Holy See on the matter. However, a few months later the

61. Salpointe, op. e.it., pp. 268-269 ; Sister M. Lucida, op. cit., pp. 258-261.

62. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 261-263.

63. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 263.

SALPOINTE 141

Bishop of Durango wrote to Bishop Salpointe that he had
received the pontifical decree and, therefore, transferred the
jurisdiction of the parishes of Mesilla, Isleta, and San Eli-
zario to the Vicariate of Arizona.64

A portion of his flock that were never forgotten or ne-
glected were the Indians within the Bishop's Vicariate. In
December, 1872, Bishop Salpointe received a letter from
Archbishop Blanchet65 of Oregon urging him to join with
the Archbishop in authorizing the Archbishop of Baltimore
to appoint a Board or an Agent to represent the interests of
the Catholic Indian missions at a meeting to be held by the
Secretary of the Interior early in January, 1873. He also
asked Bishop Salpointe to give the Archbishop of Baltimore
details concerning the Indian tribes and agencies in the Ari-
zona Vicariate as they existed at that time. Archbishop Blan-
chet enclosed in his letter the letter which he had received
from Reverend George Deshon, a Paulist Father, who at the
request of a friend had interested himself in the plight of the
Indian agencies and was making this meeting known to the
frontier Oregon Archbishop.66

Bishop Salpointe must have responded because he left
Tucson for Washington, D. C., in 1873, to negotiate for the
opening of a school at the Papago Indian mission of San
Xavier del Bac. On his way he stopped at the Motherhouse
of the Sisters of St. Joseph of Carondelet in St. Louis and
asked for Sisters to teach in this mission school. On his re-
turn, three Sisters accompanied him back to Tucson on the
overland route, via Denver. In Trinidad one of the Sisters,
Sister Martha, was recognized by Sister Blandina Segale,

64. Ibid., pp. 262-263.

65. Francis Norbert Blanchet was born on September 3. 1795, at Quebec, Canada. He
was ordained on July 19, 1819. He did missionary and pastoral work in New Brunswick
and Montreal, Canada. In 1837, he was named Vicar General for the Oregon Territory and
on December 1, 1843 was appointed its Vicar Apostolic. He was appointed Bishop of Ore-
gon City on July 24, 1846, and also was named its Archbishop on the same date. He is
regarded as the Apostle of Oregon. He died on June 18, 1883 in Portland, Oregon. Cf. Code,
op. eit., pp. 18-19.

66. F. N. Blanchet, Archbishop of Oregon City, to J. B. Salpointe, December 14, 1872 ;
George Deshon, Cong. St. Paul, Sandusky, Ohio, to F. N. Blanchet, November 28, 1872,
(Diocesan Archives, Tucson, Arizona).

142 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

from the time Sister Blandina had stayed at Sister Martha's
convent in Kansas City while waiting for a train.67 The cara-
van passed the Christmas holidays in Santa Fe and then
pressed on towards Tucson, arriving there at the end of Janu-
ary, 1874.68

The school at San Xavier had been started in September,
1873, by three Sisters from Tucson. When the Sisters arrived
at the Mission they found the buildings in a ruinous condition
and no traces remained of mission life of former days. Ad-
joining the Church were six rooms which the government
fixed up for classrooms. Evidently obstacles did not deter nor
discourage the missionaries as shown in the following letter
of Bishop Salpointe about San Xavier.

One year ago, in September, 1873, a school was opened at
the mission for the Indian children who are there taught by
the Sisters of St. Joseph under the director of the Catholic
Church. This school is supported by the United States Gov-
ernment. Although but little time has elapsed since the estab-
lishment of the school, it may be safely said that the results
have equalled the expectations: The Indian children have
proved themselves intelligent, attentive, and anxious to learn.
Their progress considering that they have to be instructed by
teachers ignorant of the Indian idiom, has been highly satis-
factory, and everything tends to inspire the greatest hope for
the future in both a material and a moral sense.

The same results could confidently be expected from the
introduction of Catholic Schools among other Indian Tribes in
Arizona. . . . Unfortunately in spite of their inmost wishes
and of the often expressed desires of the tribes themselves all
initiative has been taken out of the hands of the Catholic clergy
by the fact that our Government has bestowed the care of all
the Indian tribes of the Territory, except the Papagoes, to the
Dutch Reformed Church.69

Although the school for the Papagos was meeting with
success, it was discontinued in April, 1876, by order of the

67. Sister Blandina Segale. S.C., At the End of the Santa Fe Trail, (Milwaukee:
Bruce, 1948), p. 40.

68. Sister M. Lucida, op. cit., pp. 255-256.

69. J. B. Salpointe, Tucson, to John Gilmary Shea, New York, October 1, 1874, (John
Gilmary Shea Letters, Collection of American Historical Society). Cf. "Church in Arizona,
Letter Oct. 1, 1874," American Catholic Historical Record, XL (December, 1949), 226-227.

SALPOINTE 143

Department of the Interior because the Papago agency was
combined with that of the Pima's. The Sisters were not re-
called to teach again at the mission until 1888. Thus, the
Papagos remained for twelve years without an agent or any
educational provisions.70

According to De Courcy and Shea, the Catholic popula-
tion of the Vicariate in 1874 had

. . . sixteen churches and chapels, and was estimated at six-
teen thousand two hundred and twenty, including fifteen hun-
dred Papagos. These were at first placed by the government
under Catholics, but in a short time, they were taken away, in
defiance of every principle, and given to a Protestant denom-
ination in order to harass and provoke the Catholic Indians and
their Catholic teachers, successors of those who had shed their
blood on that very soil while announcing the Christian faith.71

With the number of towns increasing and the population
proportionally growing the task of Bishop Salpointe's visita-
tion of his Vicariate became more exhausting. On July 2,
1877, he started on a visit to the missions of the Rio Grande
in New Mexico and Texas, accompanied by Octaviano A.
Larrazolo,72 having just spent the month of May visiting his
missions in central Arizona.

This visitation is recounted by Bishop Salpointe in a let-
ter to the President of the Propagation of the Faith.

. . . My equipment, as usual, consisted of a little covered
wagon drawn by two horses, containing, behind the seat occu-

70. Sister M. Lucida, op. cit., p. 272.

71. Henry De Courcy and John Gilmary Shea, History of the Catholic Church in the
United States : From the Earliest Settlement of the Country to the Present Time With Bio-
graphical Sketches, Accounts of Religious Orders, Councils, (New York: P. J. Kennedy,
1879), p. 688.

72. While confirming in San Elizario, Texas, Bishop Salpointe saw a bright little
Mexican lad. He learned that the boy was a native of San Buenventura, near Chihuahua
and because he was an orphan had come up to live with relatives. The Bishop asked the
boy if he would like to go and live with him, to learn to read and write. In return he would
serve Mass and accompany the Bishop in his travels. The boy eagerly agreed. The boy
was Octaviano A. Larrazolo ( 1859-1930 ) , later to become one of New Mexico's greatest
statesmen and orators. He was Governor of New Mexico (1919-1921) and also represented
New Mexico in the Senate of the federal government at Washington, D. C. Cf. The Old
Faith And Old Glory, op. cit., pp. 14-15 ; Salpointe, op. cit., p. 266 ; 75 [«tc] Years of Serv-
ice, 1859-1934, op. cit., pp. 109, 115.

144 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

pied by myself and the young man who accompanied me, the
blankets for camp beds, a few kitchen-wares, some food and
the vestments or liturgical objects I was to need. This way of
traveling which may seem very primitive to you is the one we
still have to resort to either because it is the least costly or be-
cause the stage-coach lines do not reach all the points we have
to go to. So, for more than one reason, I had to put up with a
sacrifice of time and personal comfort and subject myself to
a slow trip. . . . On the third day ... I reached Fort Bowie
. . . they had just heard that the Indians had revolted along
the route I had to follow. . . . Through superstition, or any
other motives of the Indians, it is believed that they hardly
ever attack during the night. That is the time I chose to con-
tinue farther. ... On July 24 I arrived at San Elizario,
Texas ... to begin my pastoral visitation.73

The report is quite lengthy and describes each town, giv-
ing approximate population, brief historical background,
condition of the church building and financial status of the
area, notes the principal industry or crops, and states the
number who received the Sacrament of Confirmation.

In one area outside of Las Cruces, New Mexico, Bishop
Salpointe encountered an epidemic of fever.

The sickness of the fever was spread throughout this local-
ity, causing me to make up my mind, after visiting the sick
who asked my ministry, to postpone Confirmation at the time of
my return from other populations I still had to visit. . . .
After an absence of 25 days ... I still found the people in
the same condition of health if not in a worse condition. Im-
possible to find in the village a family where there was not a
number of sick people to nurse. ... I had . . . resolved to
stay to visit the sick. . . . Useless to say that I easily found
something to occupy myself. I hardly had time to recite my
breviary and take some food when my companion had man-
aged to find me some.74

After visiting all his missions, Bishop Salpointe went to
Silver City to meet Father Anthony Jouvenceau with whom

78. J. B. Salpointe, Tucson, to the President of the Propagation of the Faith, Paris,
France, (Original in French), November 4, 1877, (Diocesan Archives, Tucson, Arizona).

74. J. B. Salpointe to the President of the Propagation of the Faith, November 4,
1877, op. cit.

SALPOINTE 145

they would return to Tucson. The news that greeted him was
that the Apaches had revolted and had killed nine persons the
day before on the road they had to pass over to Tucson.

. . . Nine victims of these savages had just been buried in the
same ceremony in the parish; others dangerously wounded
were on the point of death; it was said that 17 persons had
been killed by the Indians during the past two or three days.
... I used the system that I had already used, that of travel-
ing by night and as quietly as possible.

I will not mention all that the imagination can picture
of gloom and hardship in front of real danger, in the places
where are still strewn the remains of the carriages of the bag-
gage of those who were assassinated only a few days ago, and
this during four long days of voyage ; the important thing for
us is that the second of October, exactly three months after my
departure, we arrived in Tucson without having the least
accident.75

During those three months, Bishop Salpointe, according
to his own figures, covered one thousand six hundred eighty-
seven miles and administered the Sacrament of Confirmation
to one thousand seven hundred seventy-three individuals.76

On February 12, 1875, Santa Fe was raised to an Arch-
diocese with the Vicars Apostolic of Colorado and Arizona
as suffragans. The Pallium was brought to New York by
Monsignor Roncetti, who had also been delegated to carry the
customary red biretta to Archbishop John McCloskey77 of
New York on the occasion of his elevation to the cardinalate.
Because Bishop Salpointe was in New York at this time he
was delegated by Monsignor Roncetti to invest Archbishop
Lamy with the Pallium. The ceremony took place on June 16,
1875, in the house of the Christian Brothers, St. Michael's
College, Santa Fe, because the old St. Francis' Cathedral was

75. J. B. Salpointe to the President of the Propagation of the Faith, November 4,
1877, op. cit.

76. Loc. cit.

77. Archbishop McCloskey, first American Cardinal, was born on March 10, 1810, and
ordained on January 12, 1834. He was consecrated on March 10, 1844 as coadjutor bishop
of New York ; translated to the See of Albany on May 21, 1847 ; promoted to New York
on May 6, 1864; created Cardinal priest on March 15, 1875; died on October 10, 1885.
Cf. Code, op. cit., p. 218.

146 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

too small. It was a joyous day marking a new epoch in the
history of the Church in that region.78

Another event of deep significance and jubilation was the
civic celebration in Tucson on March 17, 1880, to inaugurate
the opening of the railroad to California. Eloquent addresses
were given and telegrams sent to notable personages. The
following was sent to the Pope.

Tucson, Arizona
March 17, 1880

To His Holiness, the Pope of Rome, Italy :
The Mayor of Tucson begs the honor of reminding your Holi-
ness that this ancient and honorable pueblo was founded by
the Spaniards under the sanction of the Church, more than
three centuries ago, and to inform your Holiness that a rail-
road from San Francisco, California now connects us with the
Christian world.

R. N. Leatherwood, Mayor
Asking your Benediction

J. B. Salpointe, Vic. Ap.™

Thus, Bishop Salpointe's duties and office often brought
him into contact with the civic leaders of city and state as the
highest local representative of the Church exercising juris-
diction in Tucson and the Territory of Arizona.

In 1883, Archbishop Lamy went to St. Louis with Bishop
Salpointe. From there, at the request of Archbishop Lamy,
he went to Rome to attend the meeting of the Archbishops
of the United States. The purpose of the Roman conference
was to prepare the agenda for the Third Plenary Council of
Baltimore to be held the following year.80

On April 4, 1884, Bishop Salpointe was back in Tucson
where a reporter obtained the following statement from him.

... "I have been in Tucson such a length of time. How long?
Eighteen years, from February, 1866, I came to America in
October, 1859, and my time has been spent in New Mexico and
Arizona." "Had you made a previous trip to the old world"?
"Yes, in 1869. You might add . . . that I brought with me

78. Salpointe, op. cit., pp. 265-266.

79. Arizona Weekly Star, (Tucson), March 25, 1880, (10), p. 4, col. 4.

80. Warner, Archbishop Lamy, An Epoch Maker, op. cit., p. 282.

SALPOINTE 147

from France, Father Monfert and Reverend Lebreton who
will assist in missionary work in this Diocese. Two more will
come the latter part of the year, when they have finished their
theological studies. One is in Baltimore, the other at the Amer-
ican Seminary at Louvain, Belgium."81

The article goes on to say, "The Bishop is enjoying excel-
lent health, and has already resumed his duties in Tucson,
with the same vigor as that of the past.82

On April 22, 1884, Bishop Salpointe received his appoint-
ment as coadjutor to the Most Reverend John B. Lamy of
Santa Fe with the right of succession. He remained in Tucson,
as administrator of the Vicariate, until his successor, the
Reverend Peter Bourgade, pastor of Silver City, was ap-
pointed to succeed him on February 7, 1885.83

In leaving Arizona to labor in the Archdiocese of Santa
Fe, Bishop Salpointe's work was not forgotten. The founda-
tions he laid for the future Diocese of Tucson, the impression
he made on his contemporaries, and the example he showed in
his own private life are lasting tributes to him. A favorable
impression of the frontier Bishop Salpointe is thus recorded
by one who observed him at this time.

Another important factor in the formative period of Ari-
zona's growth is this figure walking briskly by, clad in a cas-
sock of an ecclesiastic. It is Bishop Salpointe, a man of learn-
ing, great administrative capacity, and devoted to the interests
of his people. He preaches little, but practices much. In many
ways unknown to his flock he is busy with plans for their
spiritual and worldly advancement, and the work he accom-
plishes in establishing schools, both in Tucson and in the
Papago village of San Xavier is something that should not soon
be forgotten by the people benefited. He is very poor. All that
one can see in his house is a crucifix and a volume of precious
manuscript notes upon the Apaches and Papagoes. He seems
to be always cheerful. His poverty he freely shares with his
flock, and I have often thought that if he ever had any wealth
he would share that too.84

81. Preacott Weekly Courier, April 12, 1884 (HI, 15), p. 1, col. 7.

82. Ibid.

83. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 271 ; Code, op. cit., p. 25.

84. John G. Bourke, On the Border With Crook, (2d ed. ; New York: Charles Scribners'
Sons, 1902), p. 77.

148 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

IV. Archbishop of Santa Fe, 1 884-1 894

During the time when Bishop Salpointe was awaiting in
Arizona the appointment of his successor, he was raised on
October 11, 1884, to the dignity of a Titular Archbishop being
given the ancient See of Anazarba. He also attended the
Third Plenary Council of Baltimore in company with Arch-
bishop Lamy and Bishop Machebeuf in November, 1884.

It was February 19, 1885,1 before Archbishop Salpointe
arrived in Santa Fe to assume his duties as coadjutor to
Archbishop Lamy. During the preceding twenty years Arch-
bishop Lamy had endeavored, without success, to obtain
government aid which would enable him to open Indian
schools.2 Archbishop Salpointe took up the work and began
corresponding with the Indian Bureau in Washington, D. C.,
in an effort to supply New Mexico and Arizona with govern-
ment support and to have Indian Agents appointed for Ari-
zona and New Mexico.3

Meanwhile May 1, 1885, the appointed day for the con-
secration of Bishop Bourgade arrived.4 Archbishop Lamy
was the consecrator in the Santa Fe Cathedral, assisted by
Archbishop Salpointe and Bishop Machebeuf of Denver.

The procession having entered the Cathedral the imposing
ceremonies of consecration commenced. The venerable Arch-
bishop himself addressed the vast assembly in Spanish, and
Rt. Rev. Bishop Machebeuf [stc] in English. After the cere-
monies the procession returned to the Archepiscopal residence,
and the balance of the day was spent in festivities termina-
tion [sic] in the evening, as on the eve, by a fine display of
fireworks and the booming of the cannon. A day never to be
forgotten in Santa Fe, as it was the first ceremony of the kind
that ever took place in the ancient city.5

During the summer of that year, on August 6, 1885, Arch-
bishop Salpointe received letters from Rome giving him no-

1. Diary Account of Archbishop Salpointe, (A.A.S.F.).

2. The Old Faith and Old Glory, op. cit., p. 14.

8. Diary Account of Archbishop Salpointe, (A.A.S.F.). Notation, March 30, 1885.

4. The Weekly Arizona Star. (Prescott), May 1, 1886, (XXI, 8), p. 1, col. 7.

6. Defouri, Historical Sketch of the Catholic Church in New Mexico, op. cit., p. 151.

SALPOINTE 149

tice of his appointment as Archbishop of Santa Fe.6 On
August 26, 1885, Archbishop Lamy formally resigned his
office. This resignation was read in all the churches of the
archdiocese on September 6, 1885. The introduction of it
follows.

For some years past we have asked for a coadjutor from
the Holy See to take from us the great responsibility which
weighted [sic] on our feeble shoulders since the year 1850,
when the supreme authority of the Church thought fit to make
a new Diocese of New Mexico, and regardless of our little ca-
pacity to elect us as its first Bishop. Now our petition and res-
ignation have been accepted. We rejoice to have for our succes-
sor Most Rev. Archbishop Salpointe, well known in this
archdiocese and very worthy to administer it for the good of
souls and the greater glory of God.7

This resignation and farewell to the clergy and faithful
besides being read in all the Churches was printed in various
secular newspapers of the Territory, testifying to the im-
portance and esteem in which Archbishop Lamy was held8

Archbishop Lamy conferred the pallium on Archbishop
Salpointe on November 21, 1885, in the chapel of the Loretto
Sisters in Santa Fe.9 After this Archbishop Lamy retired to a
small country place north of Santa Fe which he had pur-
chased in 1853. There he had built a small house and chapel
and as he said in his farewell he would "profit by the days
left ... to prepare ourselves the better to appear before the
tribunal of God, in tranquility and solitude."10

Having resumed negotiations to receive government aid
to open Indian schools, Archbishop Salpointe thought it ad-
vantageous to go to Washington, D. C., in January, 1886,
for this purpose. He and Mr. Charles Lusk, Secretary of the
Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, saw Mr. Oberly, the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and obtained from him

6. Diary Account of Archbishop Salpointe, (A.A.S.F.).

7. Introduction of Archbishop Lamy's Resignation, August 26, 1885, (A.A.S.F.).

8. The St. Johns Herald, September 17, 1885, p. 1, col. 4.

9. Defouri, op. cit., p. 157.

10. Archbishop Lamy's Resignation, op. cit.

150 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

contracts for four day schools, with the promise of four more,
as soon as the department had the money to dispose of for
these contracts. Mr. Oberly kept his promise and shortly after
sent through the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions con-
tracts for seven day schools and one for a boarding1 industrial
school for Indian boys. Day schools were established at the
pueblos of Isleta, Acoma, Pahuate, Santo Domingo, Jemez,
San Juan, Taos and the village of Laguna. The boarding
school for boys was first established at Bernalillo. It was not
permanently located there because it was impossible to find a
convenient place for sale. Therefore, it was moved to Santa
Fe, using the priests' house for its quarters until St. Cather-
ine's Indian School was completed.11

St. Catherine's Indian School was commenced in the
spring of 1886 and the corner stone was blessed by the retired
Archbishop Lamy on June 17, 1886. This school was con-
structed under the auspices of the Bureau of Catholic Indian
Missions and was financed by Mother Katherine Drexel,12
after whom it was named.

The construction of the school was slow and brought the
Director of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, Reverend
Joseph A. Stephan,13 to Santa Fe to determine the causes of
the delays. He placed the blame on the weather, the workmen,
and lastly Archbishop Salpointe, as his letter to Miss Cather-
ine Drexel brings out.

11. Salpointe, Soldiers of the Cross, op. cit., pp. 272-273.

12. Mother Katherine Drexel was born in 1859, the daughter of Francis Anthony
Drexel, one of Philadelphia's leading; financiers and philanthropists. She renounced personal
wealth and social position and dedicated her life and income from a seven and one-half
million dollars inheritance to educational and charitable works. In May, 1891, she founded
the Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament for Indians and Colored People. She died on March 3,
1955. Cf. Elinor Tong Dehey, Religious Orders of Women in the United States, Catholic
Accounts of Their Origin, Works, and Most Important Institutions. Inwoven with His-
tories of Many Famous Foundresses, (Rev. ed. ; Hammond, Indiana: W. B. Conkey, 1930),
pp. 692-694; Time, 65 (March 14, 1955), 92; and John La Farge, S.J., "Mother Drexel:
Great American," America, 92 (March 19, 1955), 645.

13. Joseph Andrew Stephan, ( -1901), after laboring in various places served as
military chaplain during the whole Civil War with the troops of General Thomas. He then
chose the life of an Indian Missionary and in 1884 was appointed Director of the Bureau
of Catholic Indian Missions. It was he who organized the work of establishing the mission
schools and secured contracts for their support. He died in 1901. Cf. McGuire, ed., Catholic
Builders of the Nation: A Symposium on the Catholic Contribution to the Civilization of
the United States. (Boston: Continental Press, Inc., 1923), II, 77 ; V, 145.

SALPOINTE 151

St. Catherine's Santa Fe, New Mexico, is progressing
slowly. Constant rain for nearly three weeks, kept the work-
men idle and thus the building was only ready for roofing at
the 8th inst. I push everything as fast as I possibly can, but
must candidly say matters were not managed well. Everybody
out here is naturally lazily inclined. Instead of getting the con-
tracts signed by the respective contractors, as I had demanded
of him, in order to have the bridle in hands to hold them up to
time, the good-natured Archbishop neglected that part and the
contractors took advantage of it, worked on other buildings at
the same time and treated St. Catherine's stepfather like. Be-
sides the Archbishop had assured me that he would get the
lumber cheaper in Santa Fe, and at the saw mill, than I could
ship it from Chicago, but he was sadly mistaken! When I ar-
rived here I found to my greatest sorrow that he could not
obtain the quantity of lumber, as he had expected and bar-
gained for, and they charged him higher prices than I could
have got it delivered in Santa Fe from Chicago; thus the car-
penters were delayed and complained to me. I rectified matters
at once and furnished all materials needed to finish the building.

. . . The building is a fine, imposing structure and when fin-
ished will be a great ornament to Santa Fe, and an everlasting
credit to the donor.14

The school was completed and dedicated on April 11, 1887,
with the retired Archbishop Lamy again performing the cere-
mony. The Indian boys residing at the priests' house were
moved to the school which was placed in charge of the Sisters
of Loretto.15

Catholic Indian Schools had to be constantly compet-
ing with Protestant and government operated schools so as
to retain the government contract which allowed financial
aid. Father Anthony Jouvenceau, Superintendent of the In-
dian Schools of the Santa Fe diocese, explained this in the
following letter.

. . . Manual labor is the instruction that can be given to the
Indians. We do not wish to make lawyers, physicians, or scien-
tists of them, — our only ambition is to make them good Chris-

14. Joseph A. Stephan, Santa Fe, to Miss Catherine M. Drexel, October 11, 1886,
(Archives of the Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament For Indians and Colored People, Corn-
wells Heights, Pa. Hereafter referred to as A.S.B.S.).

15. Sister Richard Marie, Light in Yucca Land, op. cit., p. 44.

152 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

tians and honest men, to teach them how to earn their bread
and become useful members of society.

. . . We must by all means at the next session have our indus-
trial department well organized; it is the only way to compete
with the Government and protestant [sic\ schools.16

Father Anthony Jouvenceau and the Loretto Sisters re •
mained in charge of St. Catherine's for two years. In 1889.
Father Stephan did not think that the school was being prop-
erly managed as the following statistics given by him indicate.

. . . The Archbishop Salpointe is no manager and told me that
he had a deficit of $3,000 last year in keeping up the school.
He gets $12,000 annually and ought to be able to save $2,000
at least of that sum instead of spending $3,000 more. The
trouble is this: Father Antonio Jouvenceau is careless, 2 male
teachers are paid $80 and also each Sister per month, and board
besides, all the washing is given to the Chinese laundry, and
paid for, and the mending likewise. The Sisters don't care and
have not more interest in the Indians than an old Jew in a hog.
Nothing is raised to support the house — no vegetables, no
cereals, etc., and therefore I told the Archbishop that I will
send teachers there myself and run the school if he allows me
to do so and he consented gladly. . . ,17

The Benedictine Fathers from Atchison, Kansas, took
charge of St. Catherine's Industrial School in July, 1889, but
were there only for one year at which time they were recalled.
It was then placed under the supervision of lay teachers and
Father Jouvenceau until the Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament
For Indians and Colored People, founded by Mother Cather-
ine Drexel, took charge of it in September, 1895.18 The gov-
ernment had suppressed the contract for St. Catherine's
School in 1893 because due to the lack of good farming land
and water it was proved unsuitable as an industrial school.
Therefore, Mother Catherine Drexel had to conduct the
school without any government compensation.

16. Anthony Jouvenceau, Santa Fe, to Miss Catherine M. Drexel, June 19, 1887,
(A.S.B.S.).

17. Joseph A. Stephan, Barstow, California, to Miss Catherine Drexel, February 27,
1889, (A.S.B.S.).

18. Mother Catherine Drexel arrived in Santa Fe on April 9, 1894, to arrange for her
Sisters to take charge of St. Catherine's Industrial School, Cf. Lamy Memorial, op. tit.,
p. 98.

SALPOINTE 153

Archbishop Lamy lived in retirement for two and a half
years. On January 7, 1888, he sent word to Archbishop Sal-
pointe that he felt ill of a cold and wished to be taken to Santa
Fe. Archbishop Lamy was immediately brought to St. Vin-
cent's Hospital, conducted by the Sisters of Charity, and
given constant care by the Sisters. On February 14, 1888, at
the age of seventy-three, Archbishop Lamy died and after
the funeral Mass, said by Archbishop Salpointe, his remains
were placed in a vault which is now covered by the main altar
of the cathedral.19

One of the problems that confronted Archbishop Sal-
pointe in Santa Fe and which he did not have to cope with in
Arizona was the opposition of the Brotherhoods, called "Los
Penitentes." These were societies of men who practiced
bloody flagellations and similar tortures on Fridays during
Holy Week, and on other occasions. This was not a new prob-
lem in the archdiocese.

Bishop Lamy knew right away that these penitents did not
fit in with Church discipline in modern times and, noting the
greater shock and scandal created among the ever-increasing
numbers of people "from the states," both Catholic and other-
wise, he felt a still greater urgency to remedy the situation as
soon as possible.

Judging from the decrees of his successors, we may as-
sume that Lamy tried at first to abolish the Penitentes, and
failed. The problem was complicated by the fact that most of
these people were good men, sincerely and deeply Catholic in
their own simple faith, who believed that they were carrying on
an old Spanish Catholic heritage. Furthermore, he could not
tell them that their penances, performed by Saints in the past,
were wrong in themselves. There simply was no common meet-
ing grounds of minds whereby he could make them understand
that he was not trying to destroy their Spanish heritage, and
that their peculiar practices were not only contrary to present
ecclesiastical order, but most harmful to their religion under
the present circumstances.20

19. Cf. Sister Richard Marie, op. cit., p. 44 ; Salpointe, op. eft., pp. 275-276 ; and Prea-
cott Morning Courier, February 16, 1888, p. 1, coL 3.

20. Father Angelico Chavez, O.F.M., "The Penitentes," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL RE-
VIEW, XXIX (1954), 99.

154 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

In the first Synod of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, May 17,
1888, called by Archbishop Salpointe, he firmly condemned
the Penitentes "as not to be fostered in the least."21 Arch-
bishop Salpointe urged the pastors to guide the groups in
their parishes into embracing the Rule of the Third Order of
St. Francis from which he believed they had departed. He
likewise commanded the priests to refuse to celebrate Mass
in the chapels of the groups which continued their abuses and
to deny the Sacraments to those who insisted on observing
their old wakes for the dead and those who opposed his
legislation.22

Not much success was met in this matter for as Father
Chavez explains

. . . the Penitentes erroneously considered their Brotherhoods
an essential part of Spanish Catholicism and a heritage from
earliest times to be kept intact.23

The controversies between the Catholic pastors and their
local Penitentes were in many cases fomented by Protestant
ministers, who were trying either to win over the Penitentes
or to cause trouble for the Catholic Church.24

In October, 1891, Archbishop Salpointe received a peti-
tion from the Penitentes of the county of San Miguel to
the effect that they wished him to consider them as a Catho-
lic Sodality. They wanted the Archbishop to impose on their
group the rules and restrictions which would make them ac-
ceptable to the Catholic Church. Believing them to be in good
faith, the Archbishop laid down certain rules for their society
also offering to approve with these rules any details the group
might deem necessary, provided they would not oppose his
directions.

(continued)

21. Synodus Sanctae Fidei Prima. (Original in Latin), May 17, 1888. (A.A.S.F.).

22. Chavez, "The Penitentes," op. eft., p. 100.

23. Ibid., p. 101.

24. Loc. cit.

Book Reviews

Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New
Spain. By Fray Bernardino de Sahagun. Translated from
the Aztec into English, with notes by Charles E. Dibble
and Arthur J. O. Anderson. Santa Fe: The School of
American Research and the University of Utah, 1961.

After having previously reviewed six of the twelve Books
into which Sahagun's General History is divided, one might
be expected to have run out of comments. But the renewed
pleasure and stimulation are as keen now, on receiving Book
Ten, as they were over a decade ago on first seeing Book One.
There is no need to repeat here the data about the nature of
the great scholarly enterprise which Dibble and Anderson
have now brought through the tenth of its eventual thirteen
units, since that material by now is familiar (this Review,
Vol. XXIX, No. 2 ; Vol. XXX, No. 1 ; Vol. XXXI, No. 4 ; Vol.
XXXI V, No. 1).

It is tempting to look in Book Ten for clues not only to
Aztec mentality, but to the thinking habits of 16th century
Spain as well, for in what Fray Bernardino de Sahagun seem-
ingly considered a logical unit ("which treateth of the general
history, in which are told the different virtues and vices which
were of the body and of the soul, of whosoever practiced
them") there are what seem to us to be three obviously very
different sections.

Chapters First through Twenty-Sixth list characteristics
considered good and bad in Aztecs filling a list of roles : first
of kinship, then of age groupings, then of social class, then of
occupation. The Twenty-Sixth Chapter "telleth of the atole
sellers, and the sellers of prepared chocolate, and the sellers
of saltpeter ;" and without any transition at all, the next and
much longer chapter is "of the intestines, and of all the in-
ternal organs, and of all the external organs, [and] of the
joints pertaining to men and pertaining to women." There

155

156 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

follows another long chapter about human ailments and Az-
tec treatments for them ; but the final chapter, somewhat less
extensive, shifts abruptly to descriptions and histories of
"the various kinds of people . . . who came to cause the cities
to be founded," listing fifteen more or less distinct ethnic
groups of northern and central Mesoamerica.

To be sure, virtues and defects are listed as characteristic
of these several peoples, thus creating a partial parallel with
the first twenty-six chapters ; but what are the virtues and
vices in Aztec anatomical terminology, in ailments and treat-
ments? There is no explicit suggestion that illnesses are as-
sociated with moral standards, and most of the anatomical
terms are clearly neutral in such a regard. It may be that the
role of virtue and vice in illness was too obvious to Sahagun
(perhaps also to the Aztecs) to deserve mention.

Sahagun felt it necessary to suppress the totality of the
long Twenty-Seventh Chapter in preparing his Spanish ver-
sion of this Book; the title was translated, but instead of
translating the long list of anatomical terms he wrote in
Spanish a discussion (which ought to be a prime source for
students of cultural dynamics) of the problems of early mis-
sionaries in Mexico. For this discussion he recurs to the
theme of virtues and vices, comparing the state of affairs
when he was writing (about 1570?) with that of pre-Con-
quest times, and attempting some analysis of causes of the
conditions in both periods.

There are many places throughout his work when Saha-
gun either failed to translate all of his original Nahuatl
version, as in the present case ; or translating, added some-
thing to the Spanish which did not appear in the Nahuatl ; or
even, at times, seems to have changed a meaning in trans-
lating. When he decided, for what ever reason (the Aztec
anatomical terms may well have been too exhaustive for
presentation to churchmen less sophisticated than Sahagun) ,
that the Aztec vision of the human body should not be trans-
lated for his readers in Spain, Sahagun of course told us
something by implication about his own culture. His need

BOOK REVIEWS 157

to conceal the Twenty-Seventh Chapter gave us, too, an essay
in its place which is of great potential utility.

Together with the interesting suppression of the Twenty-
Seventh Chapter must be considered the fact that Sahagun
did not find it necessary to mince words in the repeated men-
tions and discussions of prostitutes, panders, and various
sorts of perverts. The many 16th century illustrations of
course are, as always, full of data — some obvious, some to be
discovered only by search and analysis — about Aztec and
Spanish elements in post-Conquest life and attitudes during
the decades when these were being transformed from a raw
mixture into a new way of life.

Mexico City College JOHN PADDOCK

Km. 16, Carretera Mexico-Toluca
Mexico 10, D.F.

Captive Mountain Waters: A Story of Pipelines and People.
By Dorothy Jensen Neal. El Paso : Texas Western Press,
1961. Pp. 103. Illustrations, maps and index. $2.50.

This is an exceptional book. Its authenticity is impressive
despite the lack of footnotes that are usually looked for to give
authority to a text. It is a story of people and that most preci-
ous of all commodities in New Mexico, water. The style of
writing is not that of a literary artist, but straightforward
with a simplicity that keeps the reader always sensitive to the
subject matter — enlivened occasionally with a touch of humor
or a story that in itself reveals the time, place and the folks
about whom the authoress writes. When a rancher tapped the
railroad's wooden pipe line because he needed water, the leak
was eventually discovered ; but the rancher was quite willing
to pay : "I don't have no money, but I got three hogs and nine
kids. Take your pick."

The water came from the Rio Bonito. The people involved
in the story raised log houses on their homesteads in the
White and Sacramento Mountains or built towns in the des-

158 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ert; served the railroad in its multiple needs; admired the
rugged individual building a cattle empire; and envied the
first comers, the Mescaleros, who were not fond of railroad
men, or white men in general. The common thread that
brought them into contact was the need for water, and the
wooden pipe line held together by iron bands carried it from
the mountain to the desert for steam engines, crops, and folks
— and occasionally caused some one to get shot because the
story began when men were toting six shooters.

The significance of water in the arid southwest is a com-
monplace bit of knowledge and has been dealt with in many a
printed word, but this book makes it a human interest story
because those who created the history of water development
in the Tularosa Basin are also the prime sources of informa-
tion. They illustrate Shakespeare's theory of the world as a
stage. When drawing upon well-known major episodes in the
history of New Mexico, such as the ruckus around Oliver Lee
and Albert B. Fall's misstep, the authoress treats them ade-
quately in relation to her story and no more; they were just
people interested in water.

When the atomic bomb exploded at Trinity Site in 1945,
it brought a revolution in the affairs of Alamogordo, origin-
ally a railroad and cattleman's town. The Federal Govern-
ment needed water for Holloman Air Force base and had to
tap the long used source, the mountain water brought to the
desert — now including the underground flow.

Those born around the turn of the century should have a
touch of nostalgia for the horse and buggy days when they
see the several photographs. The descendants of the pioneers
should rejoice at the record now available of their ancestors,
and the informants should be pleased that their minds were
induced to reveal knowledge based on having been there. And
Judy, to whom the book is dedicated, should feel happy that
she persuaded her mother to write a book rather than just an
article on an old wooden pipeline.

Although a paper back publication that can sell for a low
price, the manuscript attracted the talent of Carl Hertzog,

BOOK REVIEWS 159

designer, and Bob Staggs artist who provided several black
and white drawings.

F.D.R.

Bahia: Ensenada and Its Bay. By Thaddeus R. T. Brenton.
Los Angeles : Westernlore Press, 1961. Pp. xiv, 158. $5.50.

By focusing an understanding and sympathetic eye on one
small corner of Mexico, and on the hearts of the Mexicans who
live there, Mr. Brenton has succeeded in penetrating into the
inner and hidden chambers of Mexican intimacy. His book is
a catalog of affection for the people, and the land, and the
sea of Mexico, yes, and the dust, and the mud, and the rain.
There is an enthusiastic tenderness flowing through and per-
vading every page and every line that can only be qualified
as youthful, and the reader wishes he could be so lucky when
retirement comes to him.

The author speaks knowingly and fondly of the strange
customs, the history and the oddments of Mexico. He bridges
for us the cultural gap between the United States and Mexico,
making it possible for the Mexican and the Gringo to shake
hands across the many misunderstandings that have sepa-
rated us.

The "Day of the Dead" with all its apparently morbid
aspects does not appear quite so strange after Mr. Brenton
explains it. Other religious practices, the bullfight, attitudes,
appear more reasonable when he gives us their inner logic.

The chapter on the Mexican woman is magnificent in its
insight. He says, rightly, I believe: "I believe her mind sur-
passes that of the Mexican man. In many ways the women of
Mexico are like our bahia — they can take a bleak and gray
negative mood, or they can scintillate in brilliance ; they are
omnipresent in quietude and submissiveness, or in turbu-
lence to the danger-point ; historically constituting a feature
of the ages, they are actually dominant without fanfare."

Mexico affects citizens of the United States two ways
mostly. There are those who fall in love with Mexico and
refuse to see anything wrong with it. There are those who

160 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

hate it and can't find anything good in it. The former are
maudlin and gushy. The latter are vitriolic. Neither one can
be trusted.

Mr. Brenton does not belong to either group. He loves
Mexico but is not blinded to its demerits. There is a healthy
stream of satire throughout his book which sets off the weak-
nesses and foibles of the people, the government, and their
ways. He criticizes with gentle humor and kindly tolerance.
There is no condescending tone, no "higher than thou"
attitude.

There is one major defect in his book : his constant use of
Spanish in the corniest manner. "Twenty blocks from my
casa." (p. 19) This sort of thing appears in almost every
page. This may be considered cute or picturesque, but I found
it most annoying. Every time a casa or an olla or a ventana
came up I had the sensation of a pesky fly that just wouldn't
let me enjoy my reading. There were also any number of
errors in Spanish grammar, syntax, spelling, interpretation.
Mr. Brenton would be ahead if he stuck to English.

University of New Mexico SABINE R. ULIBARRI

ERRATA

The item on The New Mexico Territory Assembly, 1852-
1859, published in Notes and Documents, January, 1962 (vol.
37, no. 1) was submitted by Ralph A. Wooster, Lamar State
College of Technology, Beaumont, Texas.

TS[ew ^Mexico
Historical

Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe

July, 1962

Editors

FRANK D. REEVE PAUL A. F. WALTER

Associates

PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND

FRANCE V. SCHOLES ELEANOR B. ADAMS

BRUCE T. ELLIS

VOL. XXXVII JULY, 1962 No. 3

CONTENTS

Page

Statehood for New Mexico, 1888-1912

Robert W. Larson 161

Sheep Husbandry in New Mexico, 1902-1903

William J. Parish, Editor 201

John Baptist Salpointe, 1825-1894

Sister Edward Mary Zerwekh, C.S.J. (concluded) . . . 214

Book Reviews .... 230

THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the
Historical Society of New Mexico and The University of New Mexico.
Subscription to the REVIEW is by membership in the Society — open to all.
Dues, including subscription, $5.00 annually, in advance. Single num-
bers, except a few which have become scarce, are $1.00 each. For further
information regarding back files and other publications available, see
back cover.

Membership dues and other business communications should be ad-
dressed to the Historical Society of New Mexico, Box 1727, Santa Fe,
N. M. Manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be addressed
to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,
N.M.

Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO, ALBUQUERQUE

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW

VOL. XXXVII JULY, 1962 No. 3

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO, 1888-1912
By ROBERT W. LARSON *

A FIERCE political struggle lasting more than sixty years
preceded New Mexico's 1912 entry into the union of
states. As part of that great tract of southwestern territory
ceded by Mexico in the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, New
Mexico became part of the United States in 1848. On March 3,
1851, she received territorial status. At that time Arizona
comprised the western half, but received separate status in
1863. New Mexico had high hopes for early statehood. An
area rich in resources and vast in acreage her prospects
seemed promising, but discouragement and disappointment
were to be felt many times before the coveted goal was
achieved.

Many of the more significant events leading to New Mex-
ico's statehood took place in the two decades just before ad-
mission. The frontier period of the West had ended and the
modern era was beginning. Populations in all the western
territories were increasing and so was the demand for state-
hood. In New Mexico there were probably not more than a
thousand residents in the territory in 1850 who had been born
in the United States and the population was then over 65,000.
Thirty-eight years later, in 1888, Spanish-speaking people
still held a majority, but the number of easterners had swelled
the so-called American population considerably. Many of

* Prof. Larson, Colorado State College at Greeley, has summarized his doctoral disserta-
tion. University of New Mexico, 1960, in this article.

161

162 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

these newcomers who flocked to the territory were farmers,
while others were merchants or traders, not to mention the
railroad men and those interested in mining. Of all who came,
however, the group which was to play one of the most impor-
tant roles in influencing the course of New Mexico's fight for
statehood proved to be the lawyers — lawyers of varying capa-
bilities, but almost without exception men who had strong
opinions regarding statehood.

Many of the lawyers were quick to see what a vast fortune
could be built in so rich a country. They looked with unre-
strained ambition upon the obscure titles of ownership to
thousands of acres in the territory. The original owners of
the land had received their titles under the Spanish and then
Mexican rule which preceded the Treaty of Guadalupe Hi-
dalgo. Now, with many of the titles to these grants clouded in
doubt after generations during which more and more mem-
bers of the original family lived on the land, the American
lawyers saw that they could use their legal skill to acquire a
great deal of the land for themselves. Their success in this
endeavor as well as in various other economic enterprises
undertaken over the years was amazing. Because of the con-
stant and close cooperation of these lawyers, their opponents
soon labeled them as members of a "ring." The term generally
referred to the Santa Fe Ring, although there were others of
less importance.

Edmund G. Ross, appointed territorial governor by Gro-
ver Cleveland in 1885, showed toward the Santa Fe Ring the
same outspoken courage he had shown in casting a decisive
vote against the removal of Andrew Johnson in 1868. In a
letter to a friend in St. Louis Ross described the rings as the
"curse of this Territory." Quoting an unnamed veteran of the
Mexican war he pictured the land ring as being "composed of
Americans possessed of some legal lore with a large amount
of cheek and an unusual quantity of low cunning and astute-
ness that always had an inclination to run in a crooked direc-
tion." The original grant holders were described as "simple
Mexicans who never would have thought of claiming more

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 163

than their papers called for, but the ring1 soon taught them a
few tricks they had never thought of." The result of this col-
laboration was that a number of Americans were given size-
able shares of these grants in return for their legal service.
At the same time, Mexicans were voting the lawyers to Con-
gress, thus giving them "federal as well as territorial power."

The political makeup of the land grant ring, as well as the
many other rings, was bipartisan because "nearly every law
and commercial firm especially the former, contained a Demo-
crat and a Republican, apparently for prudential reasons, so
that whichever side might come uppermost, the dominant
party was represented, and there was an average of one law-
yer for every ten Americans."

The numerical predominance of lawyers gave the Santa
Fe Bar a position of great influence. Its members controlled
and dominated the activities of the Santa Fe Ring which, in
turn, dictated to all lesser rings. Rings were found in towns
throughout the territory, but all were subservient to the "cen-
tral head." Ross regarded the Santa Fe Bar as a closed cor-
poration, manipulating the bulk of the territory's legislation.

Facts verify much of what the governor said about the
Santa Fe Ring. Especially revealing were the careers of two
attorneys, Catron and Elkins, whom Ross called the principal
"originators and manipulators" of the land grant ring.
Stephen B. Elkins, the first to come to New Mexico, arrived
in 1865, two years before Catron. As a lawyer he recognized
the necessity of speaking Spanish, and soon became proficient
in that tongue. In 1866 he was elected a member of the lower
house of the territorial legislative assembly, and in 1868
President Andrew Johnson appointed him U. S. Attorney for
New Mexico. From 1873 to 1877 he served as the territory's
delegate to Congress. In that capacity he nearly achieved
statehood in 1875 but Southern Congressmen killed the bill
by reversing their votes when Elkins unwittingly congratu-
lated a Northern senator after he had delivered a bitter politi-
cal speech dealing with events following the Civil War. Elkins
did succeed in getting a bill through the Senate the next year

164 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

but failed to obtain the support of the House Committee on
Territories.

Elkins had only been in the territory a short time when
he moved to Santa Fe and formed a law partnership with
Thomas B. Catron, an old friend and classmate from the Uni-
versity of Missouri. If any man could be pointed to as the
leader of the Santa Fe Ring that man was Catron. After El-
kins left the territory to live in New York he looked to Catron
to represent his economic interests. Catron's name was con-
tinually associated with the Ring, and when the Ring was
blamed for certain activities, Catron was often the scapegoat.
A stout man with a gruff manner, he had moved to Santa Fe
in 1867 to practice law. Shortly after his arrival the governor
told him he would be appointed attorney of the third district
if he could learn to speak Spanish. Catron at once moved to
Rio Arriba County where he encountered few English-speak-
ing persons, and learned to speak Spanish fluently in six
months. After receiving the appointment, he continued to
use his newly acquired ability and his legal background to
satisfy his insatiable hunger for land. By 1883 he was one
of the largest land owners in the nation.

Elkins also came to own much land. He was owner of a
sizeable chunk of the large Mora Grant in Northern New
Mexico and was one of the principal owners of the Ortiz
Grant. Catron acquired 240,000 acres of the Mora Grant, tak-
ing in most of the northern portion of this extensive tract.
His holdings in the Antonio Ortiz Grant eventually amounted
to a hundred thousand acres. But his biggest holding by far
was the Tierra Amarilla Grant, comprising 593,000 acres of
land located in northern New Mexico and in southern
Colorado.

Another important member of the Ring, despite the fact
that he was often at loggerheads with Catron, was Le Baron
Bradford Prince. Prince, a New Yorker, was appointed Chief
Justice of New Mexico in 1879, and while serving in that posi-
tion was accused of being a Ring member. Prince's public

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 165

career was matched by a legal and commercial career in which
he managed to acquire a great deal of land in the territory.
Prince was, however, above all else, an unceasing fighter for
New Mexico statehood. Some have felt that he deserves to be
called "The Father of New Mexico Statehood."

Although Catron, Elkins, and Prince were Republicans,
there were several prominent Democrats active in Ring af-
fairs including two of Catron's law partners, Charles C. Gil-
dersleeve and William C. Thornton. In a memo from Ross'
personal papers, Gildersleeve was accused of heading a clique
of "land grabbers" in which Antonio Joseph, New Mexico's
delegate to Congress in 1884, was a member. Gildersleeve
was alleged to have bought the chairmanship of the Demo-
cratic Central Committee and also to have gotten his hench-
man, Joseph, elected delegate with the help of the Santa Fe
Ring. Gildersleeve was also accused of collaborating with
Catron in buying many native claims to the Ritaca Land
Grant. Antonio Joseph's holdings in the Chama and Ojo Cali-
ente Grants were thought to be largely due to his taking ad-
vantage of "poor ignorant Mexicans." Joseph himself was
of native extraction but this did not make him unique among
Ring members. Other native politicians such as J. Francisco
Chaves, Mariano S. Otero, and Pedro Perea had close con-
nections with the Ring.

The Santa Fe Ring was not without stalwart opponents,
and Governor Ross was chief among them. When President
Cleveland refused to withdraw his appointment despite Ring
members' objections, a conspiracy to elect a legislature hos-
tile to the new governor was effectively carried out by the
Santa Fe Ring. The governor was supported in his battle by
such Democratic politicians as Harvey B. Fergusson, and out-
spoken Democratic newspapers such as the Albuquerque
Morning Democrat and the Socorro Industrial Advertiser.
Native New Mexicans weren't inactive either as indicated
by a secret Catholic Society called the "Association of the
Brotherhood for the Protection of the Rights and Privileges

166 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

of the People of New Mexico" which vowed its purpose was
"to oppose rings, cliques, monopolies and official corruption
of all kinds."

Despite the efforts of these forces to effectively deter the
Santa Fe Ring, they faced a powerful and vocal opponent in
Max Frost, the editor of the Santa Fe New Mexican, who
acted as spokesman for the Ring. Frost, who was at one time
during his active career indicted in a land fraud prosecution,
effectively used the power of the press to discredit the foes
of the Ring and place the activities of the Santa Fe clique in
the most favorable light.

The project most dear to the Ring was the acquisition of
statehood. All Ring members, especially Catron, Elkins, and
Prince, were persistent advocates of this step. And their
major motive is not difficult to discern. One need only peruse
the correspondence of Catron. In a letter to J. M. Freeman,
Catron offered to secure a loan of $200,000 with his vast
holdings in the Tierra Amarilla Grant, stating that this prop-
erty is the "finest large body of land in the arid region of the
United States" and that his "selling price for the same is
three dollars per acre and with the passage of the statehood
bill for New Mexico it will be advanced to not less than $5
per acre." Referring to another tract of land Catron in a sec-
ond letter opined "if New Mexico is admitted as a State, each
acre of that land would be worth three pesos otherwise it is
not worth more than one now."

As important as this motive was, it does not adequately
explain all the desires of individual Ring members. The lead-
ers of this clique being prominent and influential naturally
had political ambitions, and statehood would mean two sena-
torships and a representative to the lower house, plus a host
of state officials to be elected. Sensing this, one newspaper,
the Hillsboro Advocate, stated that everyone was opposed to
statehood in southern New Mexico, except for "a few self-
seeking politicians."

The desire for a feeling of equality was no doubt another
important motive. A majority of the Ring members had come

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 167

from eastern states where statehood had been achieved and
they felt that territorial status was a form of second class citi-
zenship. This view was often expressed in their correspond-
ence and public utterances, always louder and longer than
warranted when considered in relation to the economic and
political reasons they probably felt to be more vital to them,
yet were careful to hide from the public.

Whatever the real objectives of the Ring members in so
eagerly desiring statehood for New Mexico, they never left
room for doubt as to their position in this matter. Their policy
was forcibly stated by Frost in the New Mexican when he
wrote : "As long as we obtain statehood we do not care how
it comes or who brings it about. Statehood is what the people
of New Mexico want and statehood they must have in order
to prosper and advance."

Although members of the Santa Fe Ring and various
other rings were almost always supporters of statehood, not
all their opponents were against statehood. On the contrary,
many of them protested their second rate status as vigorously
as Catron or Prince. They were, however, very concerned
about statehood being granted on the "land grabbers" terms,
which they felt would be disastrous for New Mexico. Ross,
for instance, was opposed to immediate statehood because
the territorial legislature had failed to enact an adequate
school bill, and he felt that congressional action must estab-
lish a public school system before admission would be wise.
He accused Ring members in general and Catron specifically
of killing the Kistler Bill, which would have established such
a school system. He reasoned that the Ring deliberately
wanted to keep the people ignorant so they could remain in
control. Thus the forces for statehood were divided against
themselves and could not wage an effective battle for a place
of equality in the Union of States.

Despite sentiment for Statehood in New Mexico, action in
that direction did not originate in the territory but rather in
Congress. On March 13, 1888, Congressman William M.
Springer of Illinois, chairman of the Committee on the Terri-

168 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

tories, reported an omnibus bill, H.R. 8466, which would "en-
able the people of Dakota, Montana, Washington and New
Mexico to form Constitutions and State governments, and to
be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the
original States." This was the first serious attempt to admit
a western territory since 1876, when Colorado was granted
statehood.

During the 1880's, prior to the introduction of the Springer
Omnibus Bill, New Mexico had been almost ignored while
the attention of Congress was directed largely to the struggle
for statehood being waged in Dakota. This was only just be-
cause with its rapidly increasing population this area had
the best claim to admission. Congress' preoccupation with
Dakota and a feeling that politically this was the wrong time
to press her cause probably contributed to New Mexico's lack
of initiative during this decade.

Springer in introducing his omnibus bill was doubtlessly
more interested in New Mexico's Democratic leanings than
he was in her cause. New Mexico was the only territory of
the four named in the bill in which Democratic politics had
a chance for success. This assumption was based primarily
upon the election and re-election of a Democratic delegate to
Congress.

Springer's omnibus bill was definitely New Mexico's
brightest chance thus far. For one thing, Dakota's unceasing
demands for statehood could no longer be ignored. It was
assumed that the northwestern territories would all be Re-
publican and that the first act of the next Congress would be
to admit them. With this in mind the Democrats, who con-
trolled the House, were willing to bargain with the Republi-
can Senate. They would remove all opposition to the admis-
sion of Dakota, Washington, and Montana, if the Republi-
cans would allow New Mexico into the Union. After the Re-
publican victory at the polls in November, 1888, the Demo-
crats were especially anxious to secure such an agreement.

But New Mexico was not allowed to slip quietly into the
Union. She had been for some time under constant, often

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 169

slanderous attack by a group of eastern and midwestern
newspapers led by the Chicago Tribune. The momentum of
this attack was greatly accelerated after the 1888 Republi-
can success. The attempt to incorporate New Mexico was
looked upon as an eager effort "to secure a couple of Demo-
cratic Senators, which will offset the Senators from Dakota.
..." The Tribune regarded New Mexico's population as
"not American, but 'Greasers,' persons ignorant of our laws,
manners, customs, language, and institutions." Its attacks on
the territory's statehood aspirations were similar to the ones
frequently uttered by opponents of the Ring, such as the
charge that under state government the greater portion of
the population, being unfamiliar with the English language,
would be at the mercy of "unscrupulous rings of politicians."

Despite the bitter attacks, Springer, a good and loyal
Democrat, remained undaunted. His omnibus bill finally re-
placed all the separate bills of statehood for Dakota, Mon-
tana and Washington. The bill, as finally introduced, was
comparatively short and simple. The provisions pertaining
to New Mexico called for a 75-delegate constitutional conven-
tion, empowered to create a full state government. Other pro-
visions dealt with land grants for public schools, land for
the support of public institutions, and land for the establish-
ment of permanent water reservoirs for irrigation. A sugges-
tion that New Mexicans vote on changing the name of New
Mexico to Montezuma brought instant anger from residents
of the territory and a series of resolutions were presented
to the Senate demanding that the old name be kept.

Accompanying the Springer bill were a majority and a
minority report, each of which reached an entirely different
conclusion. The minority report recommended that each ter-
ritory stand on its own merits rather than be incorporated
into the omnibus bill, and that New Mexico should remain
a territory. Extracts from W. H. H. Davis' El Gringo and
critical reports of such former governors as Lew Wallace
were reprinted. Citizens of New Mexico were pictured as be-
ing largely illiterate, superstitious, and morally delinquent.

170 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Moreover, they were presented as having no desire for
statehood.

The majority report tried to answer this latter charge by
presenting recent newspaper discussion showing that a com-
manding majority of papers in the territory favored state-
hood. Statehood memorials and petitions also were presented
by New Mexico's delegate to Congress.

Despite the strong differences of opinion in Congress, the
Springer bill was passed by the House in late January, 1889.
New Mexicans were elated. The Silver City Enterprise con-
fidently predicted that the Senate would follow suit. The leg-
islative assembly passed a memorial requesting statehood and
a statehood convention was held at Santa Fe the same month
as House action.

But only disappointment came when the Republican Sen-
ate dropped New Mexico from the bill. Consequently on Feb-
ruary 14 the House had to consider the conference report of
the House and the Senate and reconcile differences between
the two bodies. There were three major ones. First, the House
declared for New Mexico, while the Senate opposed inclusion
of that territory. Second, the House wanted to submit the
question of the Dakota's division to her voters while the Sen-
ate opposed such an action. And, thirdly, the Senate in order
to prevent delay favored a proclamation by the President to
bring in these northern territories.

The deadlock was finally broken when Congressman Sam-
uel S. Cox of New York offered an amendment proposing
that the House recede from its original position of favoring
New Mexico. The amendment also called for the admission of
South Dakota by presidential proclamation without a new
vote on the question of division. North Dakota, Washington
and Montana also were to be admitted by presidential procla-
mation. A roll call vote was then taken which would decide
whether New Mexico would be included in the statehood bill.
The result was 134 votes in favor of New Mexico's omission,
105 against, with 84 abstentions.

Prior to the decisive roll call, New Mexico was strongly

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 171

defended in a speech by Antonio Joseph, who argued that the
United States Congress was, at its discretion, obligated under
the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo to admit New Mexico at
an early date. He also contended that statehood was the only
solution for settling the titles of more than 10,000,000 acres
of land in Spanish and Mexican grants.

Opponents, on the other hand, insisted that if the House
did not recede from its position but continued to insist on the
inclusion of New Mexico, it would impair the chances of the
other territories for admittance. Republicans denied any po-
litical motives in this regard, asserting that New Mexico's
last two territorial legislatures were heavily Republican. But
Congressman Francis B. Spinola of New York did not be-
lieve them. The Republicans would oppose anything which
would have "the least shadow of a tendency" to strengthen
the Democrats. He also accused statehood opponents of trying
to prevent New Mexico's admission because of the religious
opinions of a large number of its inhabitants.

The Democratic Party had held out for New Mexico as its
lone hope for partisan advantage, but when it realized that
the jig was up it surrendered and the four northwestern ter-
ritories minus New Mexico were admitted into the Union on
February 22, 1889.

Although the Springer bill had failed to secure statehood
for New Mexico it did clarify various shades of opinion in
the territory. The local press, led by the Santa Fe New Mexi-
can, was entirely favorable to the statehood movement. Ac-
cording to the New Mexican, the two strongest local objec-
tions to statehood seemed to be the increased taxation which
supposedly would accompany the increased expenses brought
by statehood, and fear that native people would control the
state.

During the congressional proceedings it had been sug-
gested at least twice that New Mexico was not interested in
statehood because her people had not made the effort to draft
a constitution to present Congress for inspection. To remedy
this situation the territorial council on February 28, 1889,

172 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

authorized a convention in September to draft such a docu-
ment. The bill, introduced by Colonel George Pritchard, an
influential Republican from San Miguel County, provided for
73 delegates to be apportioned among the counties of the
territory.

No sooner had the bill been introduced when it became
the center of a lively partisan controversy. Democratic lead-
ers attacked the bill's apportionment provision, which they
felt gave too much representation to Republican counties.
Governor Ross allowed the bill to reach the statute books
without his signature, but other Democratic leaders remained
adamant and a deadlock soon developed. Despite attempts by
leaders of both parties to achieve a compromise, Democratic
cooperation was not secured, and the Democratic Central
Committee on June 22, 1889, attacked the "inequalities of
representation" and expressed fear regarding the effect of
Republican apportionment on the political complexion of the
new state legislature.

Although the Republican party tried to insert a note of
nonpartisanship into the election of convention delegates,
lack of Democratic cooperation led to a very small vote in the
territory. The vote was so inconsequential in Las Vegas that
the Las Vegas Daily Optic predicted that any constitution
drafted by the convention would not be carried if left to a
vote of the people. Nonetheless, a number of prominent terri-
torial political figures were elected to the convention, includ-
ing Catron, Frank Springer, Bernard S. Rodey, Pedro Perea,
and Judge L. S. Trimble, the lone Democrat. J. Francisco
Chaves of Valencia County was elected to preside over the
convention.

The convention assembled on September 3, and immedi-
ately went to work to frame a suitable instrument of govern-
ment for the territory. Twelve committees were organized to
handle such topics as the legislative and executive depart-
ments, the judiciary, a Bill of Rights, and election procedures.

The establishment of a secular school system was per-
haps the knottiest of the convention's problems. The Roman

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 173

Catholic Church had enjoyed a position of primacy in this
field and naturally looked with suspicion toward any incur-
sions in this sphere. The Most Reverend J. B. Salpointe, Arch-
bishop of Santa Fe, demanded a system of elementary schools
which would give "citizens of the territory, of every shade
of belief, equal facility to educate their children in a manner
they believe will conduce to bring about their happiness."

Whether the archbishop's statement was a plea for a
measure of church control in educational affairs or a hint for
state support of church schools was not made clear; but,
whatever its intention it was totally ignored. Instead, a school
clause was enacted in which a system of public schools was
established "under the absolute control of the state, and free
from sectarian or church control ; and no other or different
schools shall ever receive any aid or support from public
funds." One observer wrote Prince that he could name a hun-
dred people who would stick to the Church on the school ques-
tion. Yet all the native delegates supported the school clause.

There are several apparent reasons for the strong school
clause. Undoubtedly there was strong pressure from the
"anglo" population, imbued as it was with the tradition of
separation of Church and State. An article appearing in the
New York Tribune a month or so after the convention re-
vealed another reason. The delegates to the constitutional
convention were writing a constitution as much for the eyes
and approval of the rest of the nation as for the people of
their territory. They were very conscious of the many
charges by outsiders that the new state government would
be unduly influenced by the priesthood.

Opposition to the new constitution in the territory was
largely caused by the school provision, but there were other
kinds of opposition. Antonio Joseph, on the floor of Congress,
attacked the apportionment of delegates to the convention as
an act of "outrageous partisanship." He pointed out that of
32,000 voters in New Mexico only 7,000 participated in the
election of convention delegates. Joseph's stand could only be
explained in terms of politics. Economically he had a great

174 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

deal to gain by immediate statehood, as his landholdings and
Ring affiliation would testify.

Democratic sniping soon had its effect. One proponent of
the constitution, former Governor Axtell, later asserted that
while in Washington he had been told in so many words to
submit the constitution to the people for ratification, after
which the territory would be admitted if the people gave their
approval. Consequently, on August 18, 1890, a meeting of
convention delegates was held and October 7, rather than the
regular election day in November, was set for a vote on the
constitution by the people.

Lively controversy preceded the October 7 vote. Support-
ers of the constitution were accused by having made an in-
strument which would further their own "land grabbing"
inclinations by allowing the land grant holder to almost com-
pletely escape taxation. The Socorro Industrial Advertiser
warned of future Ring control and charged that because of
unscrupulous manipulation assessments on large land grants
would be kept down to one-tenth of their value, and taxes
would be kept small by a constitutional limit of one percent
on taxable property.

But the most explosive issues by far were the apportion-
ment and public school provisions. Despite the fact that con-
vention delegates at the August 18 meeting had amended the
education article to make only a vague and general reference
about raising adequate school taxes, opposition was still
lively. An alarmed Catron in discussing the school issue
wrote Senator William Stewart of Nevada that "many of the
priests of the Catholic Church have been delivering sermons
against it [the constitution]." Democrats were accused of
using this issue to turn the Spanish-speaking people of the
territory against the proposed instrument.

The result was a convincing defeat for the Constitution
of 1889. The vote was 16,180 against and only 7,493 in favor.
Governor Prince, fearful of adverse reaction in Washington,
forcefully denied that this vote was any indication of a "dis-

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 175

inclination on the part of the people to assume the condition
of statehood."

Defeat of the Constitution embittered Republicans and
undoubtedly weakened the statehood movement. The admis-
sion of Idaho and Wyoming the following year, however,
brought Prince back into the fray. "We have a greater popu-
lation than Wyoming and Idaho combined and in wealth and
natural resources surpass either of these states."

During the next few years, Delegate Joseph was more ac-
tive than anyone else as he introduced a number of statehood
bills. Among the factors responsible for the ultimate failure
of these bills was the fact that many easterners, including
President Cleveland, blamed the Panic of 1893 on the drain
of gold reserves caused by "cheap" silver. New Mexico's sil-
ver sentiments did not endear her with this faction. Joseph's
alleged obstinancy may have weakened statehood chances,
too. In 1893 during House debate on H.R. 353 Joseph was
pressed to incorporate into the bill the phrase: ". . . in all
of which public schools the English language shall be taught."
Joseph objected vigorously because this suggestion had been
made 7 or 8 years ago and since that time the educational sys-
tem had been expanded so that English was taught in each of
the 619 public schools in the territory.

The failure of Joseph's last statehood bill was not only a
setback for the statehood movement but it probably cost
Joseph his re-election as well. Having served the territory as
delegate for ten years, he based his campaign almost exclu-
sively upon the statehood issue. His Republican opponent,
Catron, campaigned for the restoration of protective tariffs
on wool and mining products, and won handily in the 1894
election.

Catron's one term as territorial delegate was not a par-
ticularly satisfying or successful one, despite his many con-
nections in the Senate and his unceasing, energetic work for
statehood. The silver question was now sweeping the country,
and most New Mexicans did not find Catron's moderate views

176 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

on this issue pleasing. A conservative, high tariff Republican,
Catron was inclined to oppose the free and unlimited coinage
of silver, while New Mexico was definitely a "free silver"
territory. Despite the fact that he did everything in his power
to make statehood and tariff the chief issues in the territorial
election of 1896, free silver could not be totally erased from
the minds of New Mexicans. The Democrats nominated Har-
vey B. Fergusson, an unequivocal advocate of free silver, who
eventually received the support of the territorial Populist
Party. Catron's reputation suffered too as he was vigorously
attacked by opponents for his Ring connections. Criticism
even reached Congress, where letters from New Mexicans ac-
cused Catron and Elkins, now a senator from West Virginia,
of land grabbing. Consequently, it was no shock when Fer-
gusson triumphed in the territorial delegate race.

Fergusson's serious handicap as delegate was that he
went to Washington as a Democrat during a Republican
year. Nonetheless, he was loyal to the cause, introducing two
unsuccessful statehood bills during his term in Congress. He
did secure the passage of two significant laws. The first was
a measure which permanently located the capitol of the terri-
tory at Santa Fe. The second was the famous land law of 1898
which paved the way for New Mexico's admission into the
Union.

The land measure, called the Fergusson Act, gave the Ter-
ritory of New Mexico immediately, before admission, sec-
tions 2, 16, 32, and 36 of every township for educational pur-
poses. In addition, 100,000 acres of land were granted for
educational and other public purposes. Ordinarily such
grants were conferred only upon admission, but the opera-
tions of the recently created Court of Private Land Claims
had opened up for public entry thousands of acres of land on
Spanish and Mexican grants which would be taken quickly if
the school system were not provided for immediately. After
submission to the Committee on Public Lands the Act was
reported favorably, but altered to grant only 2 land sections
from each township.

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 177

During Fergusson's term as delegate, a new governor was
chosen in the territory. Miguel Otero's unexpected appoint-
ment by President McKinley ushered in a new era in New
Mexico politics. Catron, the old Republican boss, now faced a
real challenge. Although he had strongly supported Pedro
Perea of Bernalillo rather than Otero, Catron at first accepted
the President's decision with little complaint. But soon the
independent "Little Governor," as Otero was called, began to
aggravate Catron, and Republicans in the territory were
forced to take sides in the bitter feud that followed. Most of
the young political leaders — Colts as they were called — threw
in their lot with Otero.

The feud had special significance for the statehood cam-
paign. The election of Catron's close friend, Perea, over Fer-
gusson in 1898, placed the new delegate right in the middle
of the crossfire. Otero, recognizing him as a Catron man, op-
posed and later dismissed his term in Congress as a do-
nothing one. Perea in turn accused the governor of working
against him. The result was that little was accomplished at
this time in the struggle for statehood.

Perea was succeeded by Bernard S. Rodey, whose per-
sistent, driving personality lent strength to any cause he
undertook. In alliance with Otero the two men silenced almost
completely all opposition to statehood which had existed in
the territory since the failure of the Constitution of 1889. It
became unpatriotic, to say the least, to be anything but en-
thusiastically for New Mexico statehood. "Every man who
doesn't want statehood is our enemy," warned Rodey. He was
backed by the New Mexican which again took leadership in
the statehood movement. Of two thousand bills introduced in
the house the first day of the new session Rodey's statehood
measure was number two. This dynamic approach continued
throughout his term as delegate.

Other developments seemed to favor New Mexico's cause.
Roosevelt's succession to the presidency after McKinley's
death was regarded as significant. Otero had earned the new
president's gratitude by extending complete cooperation in

178 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

raising Roosevelt's beloved Rough Rider regiments in New
Mexico. During the first Rough Rider reunion at Las Vegas
in June, 1899, Roosevelt, who was then governor of New
York, promised his full support if New Mexico wanted to be-
come a state.

Economic developments at the start of the twentieth cen-
tury were also important. The depressed conditions which
had produced such movements as Free Silver and Populism
had also caused great suffering in New Mexico. The impor-
tant industries — railroads, mining, and cattle — were at a low
ebb as the result of a series of depressions during the eighties
and nineties. By 1900 a gradual revival of these industries
had begun. The population, which had been declining, started
to rise again. Optimism soon replaced gloom. The change was
generally regarded as a good omen for statehood.

New Mexicans once again actively pushed their cause. A
statehood convention in 1901 passed a series of resolutions
at the governor's request. But far more important was the
introduction of H.R. 12543, an omnibus statehood bill bear-
ing the name of William S. Knox of Massachusetts, chairman
of the House Committee on the Territories. Rodey took credit
for having convinced the delegates of Arizona and Oklahoma
that their only chance for statehood within the near future
lay in combining their resources with New Mexico and mak-
ing the fight together.

The House began consideration of the Knox Bill on May 7,
1902. "Praise the Lord from whom all blessings flow" tele-
graphed an enthusiastic Rodey. Only two days of debate were
consumed before the House passed the measure. With the
prestige of Knox's committee chairmanship behind it, influ-
ential Republicans as well as Democrats backed the bid. Knox
pointed to the affirmative stand on statehood in both party
platforms and emphasized the bipartisan aspect of the move-
ment. But perhaps the most interesting development during
debate was the proposal by Jesse Overstreet of Indiana to
admit Arizona and New Mexico as one state to be called
Montezuma. It was argued that this would bring the two ter-

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 179

ritories into the Union on such a basis as would make their
representation in Congress bear some fair relation to their
population.

When the bill reached the Senate, the figure of Senator
Albert J. Beveridge cast an ominous shadow. The Indianan
had been appointed chairman of the Senate Committee on
Territories in December, 1901, following a colorful career in
the upper house which began in 1889. His enthusiastic ad-
vocacy of American imperialism had brought him into close
communion with President Roosevelt and other expansion-
ists. His oratorical ability had given him national reputation.
The Senator also had positive ideas on statemaking. The cre-
ation of a new state was to him of paramount concern because
once admitted the act could not by constitutional arrange-
ment be rescinded.

Although he was deluged by letters from citizens in the
territories asking that favorable action be taken on the omni-
bus measure, Beveridge was very hesitant because of the un-
usual concern for New Mexico shown by certain corporate
interests. He was especially curious as to why one of his com-
mittee members, Matthew S. Quay, was so deeply interested.

Quay was a shrewd and unscrupulous politician who dom-
inated politics in Pennsylvania as if the state were his per-
sonal bailiwick. During Cleveland's second administration
he had admittedly speculated in sugar stocks while manipu-
lating the sugar schedule of the Wilson-Gorman tariff. Con-
sequently, when Quay tried to discharge the Committee on
Territories from further consideration of the Knox Bill on
June 23, Beveridge balked.

Despite Quay's insistence that the bill be considered by
the Senate immediately, he was finally forced to withdraw
his demand when it was agreed unanimously that the bill
should be taken up on December 10 and made the regular
order of unfinished business until disposed of by the upper
chamber.

Beveridge determined to precede any further debate of
the Knox Bill with a thorough on-the-spot investigation of

180 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the territories. With the clever Quay as an adversary he be-
lieved extensive documentation would be necessary. Despite
assertions to the contrary his investigation was not to be an
impartial one. Beveridge had close friends in the journalistic
fraternity and through them he hoped to influence public
opinion. For instance, he wanted Dr. Albert Shaw, editor of
the Review of Reviews, to contact university professors who
by their experiences could testify as to "the soil, its aridity,
the impossibility of further population till irrigation shall
have done its work[,] and the character of the present popu-
lation" of the southwest territories.

The investigation began when Beveridge's committee of
three, accompanied by a staff of stenographers and interpre-
ters, held its first hearing in East Las Vegas, New Mexico,
on Wednesday, November 12. As the group continued on to
Albuquerque, Las Cruces, and Santa Fe, most New Mexicans
presented a fairly united front in favor of statehood, al-
though one volunteer witness, Martinez Amador, claimed na-
tive New Mexicans were not ready for statehood yet "because
most of the people here is [sic] ignorant."

Arizona and Oklahoma were also visited on the "flying
trip." More than a third of the witnesses questioned in Ari-
zona were census enumerators who were asked about nation-
alities in the territory and the need for interpreters. The
aridity of the soil and provisions for irrigation were also a
source of interest to the committee. In Oklahoma the major
line of questioning pertained to the willingness of the Okla-
homa and Indian Territories to unite and seek admission as
a single state.

Beveridge continued to be suspicious of Quay, attributing
the Pennsylvanian's interest in New Mexico to a desire to
help an old friend and lieutenant, William H. Andrews, se-
cure a seat in the U. S. Senate and sell bonds for a new rail-
road being built in New Mexico. Andrews, having been
retired from office by the voters of his Pennsylvania county,
had moved to New Mexico to pursue an interest in gold min-
ing. Later he became involved in railroading and the result

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 181

was the Santa Fe Central Railway, of which "Bull" Andrews
was made president. Capital for the railroad was supplied
by a group of Pennsylvania investors headed by W. H. Tor-
ranee, and a Sierra county cattleman, Willard S. Hopewell.
The road, which was completed in December, 1903, stretched
116 miles from Torrance to Santa Fe. According to the Chi-
cago Tribune the road was part of a syndicate which wanted
to see statehood for both territories because if it came the
railway would be assisted by the two new states "to the
amount of $15,000,000." The bonds of the railroad would also
be sold "for several points higher."

When Congress convened in December, 1902, Beveridge
was ready with the majority report of the committee which
recommended that Oklahoma and the Indian Territory be ad-
mitted as one state, but that statehood for New Mexica and
Arizona be withheld indefinitely. His major objection to the
latter territories was that they lacked sufficient population to
become states. Other criticisms were that a majority of peo-
ple in New Mexico were Spanish, and a large percentage
could speak only their native tongue. Illiteracy was high, and
the arid conditions of the southwest imposed serious limita-
tions on agriculture.

Quay and the Democratic minority submitted separate re-
ports which did not allow Beveridge's conclusions to go un-
challenged. Territorial papers joined in an attack on the Sen-
ator's methods of investigation. The Optic criticized the
closed-door procedure used by Beveridge and likened his re-
fusal to receive voluntary statements to the course of a paid
lawyer trying to secure evidence to justify an argument.

Quay, confident that he had enough support, called for a
vote on the Knox Bill the day after the Beveridge Report was
given. But Beveridge was able to hold off the vote until after
Christmas vacation. When the holiday recess was over he
began a three months filibuster described by the New York
Evening Post as the "longest continuous hold-up in the his-
tory of the country." Beveridge cleverly used his supporters
in relays to keep the filibuster going continually. His backers

182 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

constituted the power block in the Senate and included such
men as Nelson Aldrich, Henry Cabot Lodge, Mark Hanna,
and Knute Nelson.

Quay did not stand alone in his fight to admit the terri-
tories, but was ably supported by such Republicans as Sena-
tor Joseph B. Foraker of Ohio and Senator Elkins. Foraker
had a brother, a former New Mexico stockman who was now
United States Marshal for the territory, and this may have
been one of his reasons for supporting the omnibus measure.
He contended, however, that he was just being true to the
Republican platform of 1900 which pledged the admission
of the remaining territories. The Democratic minority was
almost unanimously in favor of statehood. Conspicuous
among this group was Henry M. Teller of Colorado, the "De-
fender of the West."

On March 4, 1903, Congress adjourned without taking
action on the Knox Bill, despite the fact that Quay had made
a total of twenty-seven motions to secure action on the mat-
ter. Beveridge had successfully used every parliamentary de-
vice possible to keep the issue from coming to a vote. He had
even hidden secretly in Gifford Pinchot's home for a week
knowing that no vote could be taken unless he, as chairman
of the Committee on Territories, was present.

During the lengthy proceedings, joint statehood for the
two southwestern territories was again considered, but re-
jected, as a compromise measure. Yet the strength for this
movement did not subside. There were strong motives behind
the effort. The East had long been jealous of the growing po-
litical power of the West. Admission of New Mexico, Arizona,
Oklahoma, and Indian Territory separately would mean eight
new western senators. In addition, western tendencies to ac-
cept radical ideas such as Free Silver and Populism made this
area suspect. Easterners saw no reason to give the West any
more power than necessary, and consolidation of territories
would limit new representation.

Joint statehood as a solution was definitely not the result
of any desire on the part of residents of Arizona and New

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 183

Mexico. Each territory had pressed for statehood but always
single statehood. There was no animosity between the two
areas, but rather a lack of mutual interests. New Mexico in
her business and trade relations faced east, while Arizona
faced west.

One of the first important territorial figures in New Mex-
ico to be converted to jointure was her congressional delegate,
Bernard Rodey. Rodey had reached the conclusion that sepa-
rate statehood was impossible, and that joint statehood was
better than remaining a territory. "I am going to agree to
jointure, if terms are favorable and we can get it."

Rodey's support was timely, for two months later on April
1, 1904, Edward L. Hamilton, chairman of the House Com-
mittee on Territories, introduced a bill providing for the ad-
mission of Oklahoma and Indian Territory as one state, and
Arizona and New Mexico as another. The latter two were to
come into the Union under the name Arizona with the capital
at Santa Fe. The bill, a Republican measure, passed the House
on April 19, and was sent to the Senate the following day. But
when Congress adjourned a week later no action had yet been
taken.

Territorial politicians largely remained opposed to join-
ture, although many of them like Catron might have gained
financially by the acquisition of statehood. Catron estimated
that the value of his immense land holdings would double six
months after admission. Yet he and Otero agreed for once in
their belief that New Mexico must have single statehood.
Otero broke with Rodey saying jointure was neither accept-
able nor desirable.

The following year jointure was again considered in the
Senate, and this time the audacious Foraker offered an
amendment requiring a separate referendum on the matter
in each territory. Thus, jointure could not become law with-
out the consent of both New Mexico and Arizona. This was
to have a significant bearing on the future of jointure.

Meanwhile New Mexico politics were far from peaceful.
The split between Otero and Rodey over jointure and other

184 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

political matters led Otero to support Andrews in the next
election. Although Andrews defeated Rodey in 1904, Otero's
political career was damaged by the chaos and bitter feuding
within the Republican party. To restore harmony President
Roosevelt requested Otero's resignation in terms that could
not be refused and the governor acceded.

New Mexico's fortunes were to be affected adversely by
Andrews' election as delegate. Before he had completed a year
in office, Andrews was blamed for a $300,000 shortage found
in the Enterprise National Bank of Allegheny, Pennsylvania.
In a suicide note left by the bank cashier it was claimed that
funds were advanced to Andrews to finance the Santa Fe Cen-
tral Railway. The revelation brought about an investigation
and a suit for $52,000 against Andrews for money the dele-
gate allegedly received. The Pittsburgh Post had no doubt
about his guilt and felt that the incident would "materially
affect the whole action of congress on the question of making
new states."

An even more serious threat to jointure than Andrews'
character was the bitter and vocal opposition of Arizonans
to jointure. Beveridge, now an enthusiastic advocate of join-
ture, was especially angered by Arizona Governor J. H. Kib-
bey's opposition. "Does it not . . . appear to you that it
would be well for the governors of these territories to keep
their hands off this question which is a policy affecting the
nation?" he wrote Roosevelt. Arizonans were even able to
convince a group of touring congressmen led by Representa-
tive James A. Tawney of Minnesota that jointure was not for
Arizona.

Despite these efforts to obstruct joint-statehood, the
jointure campaign opened with real force during the 59th
Congress. On December 5, 1905, President Roosevelt recom-
mended jointure in his presidential message to Congress.
Although this action was attributed to the President's love
of the West, he later wrote a friend : "The only reason I want
them in as one state now is that I fear the alternative is hav-
ing them as two states three or four years hence."

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 185

Senator Foraker urged that his amendment calling for
a separate referendum in each territory be adopted. Bev-
eridge, fearing the power of special interests in Arizona,
violently opposed the Foraker amendment declaring that it
would give 10,000 people in Arizona an opportunity to control
the destinies of 300,000 to 400,000 people in both territories.
He reasoned that there were only 21,000 voters in Arizona,
and because it was impossible to get all registered ones to
the polls, 10,000 could determine the outcome of jointure.
There were 10,000 men employed by the powerful Copper
Queen Mining Company alone.

The Indiana Senator firmly believed that Arizona's oppo-
sition to jointure was inspired by "nothing in the world ex-
cept a desire to escape taxation." To a certain extent this was
the case in both New Mexico and Arizona. A very light tax
burden was carried by railroad companies in the two terri-
tories. Mining companies were under assessed. Arizona cattle
barons, realizing that the public domain which they had long
used would be affected with statehood, already had sent an
anti-jointure memorial to Congress. Lumber barons in New
Mexico opposed statehood because their large land holdings,
such as those in Valencia and McKinley counties, were as-
sessed at less than one-tenth their true value.

There were, however, reasons for opposing jointure that
could not be categorized as strictly selfish. New Mexico's
population in 1900 was 195,310, certainly sufficient to war-
rant separate statehood. The contrast between New Mexico's
predominantly Spanish-speaking population and Arizona's
"anglo" majority would create an incompatible combination.

Proponents of jointure felt that together the territories
would balance each other by supplying a variety of minerals,
farm produce, and land. The tax burden although greater
would be shared by more people, and the number of state offi-
cials would be only half as many as in single statehood, thus
the people would pay fewer salaries.

Senate action on joint statehood during the 59th Congress
led to a deadlock between the House and the Senate. The Sen-

186 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ate surprisingly chose to eliminate all mention of New Mex-
ico and Arizona in the bill; the House held to the original
proposition. A conference of House and Senate leaders in
June, 1906, resulted in the Carter Compromise. Whereas the
Foraker proposal allowed the people of Arizona and New
Mexico to vote as separate territories at a special election
solely on the question of consolidation, the compromise
amendment suggested that each territory should not only
vote on the jointure question but should at the same time
choose candidates for a constitutional convention and elect
officers for the proposed state. It was hoped that candidates
for state offices would influence voters to support joint state-
hood.

Expediency was the key word in describing the attitude
of New Mexico Republican leaders. Prior to the enactment
of the Carter Compromise, newspapers such as the New
Mexican and the Optic were hostile to jointure. But four days
after the Carter Compromise Max Frost, editor of the New
Mexican, declared that his paper was now strongly in favor
of jointure. This was significant because on March 9, 1906,
two very prominent Republicans, Holm O. Bursum and Solo-
mon Luna, had purchased 18,750 shares of capital stock in
the New Mexico Printing Company which published the New
Mexican. Perhaps the strategy of Republican leaders was
best expressed by Major W. H. H. Llewellyn, Republican and
Rough Rider friend of Roosevelt, during the debate over the
Hamilton bill. If the Foraker amendment is adopted, he ad-
vised, Arizona will vote the jointure proposal down and then
New Mexico can make her demand for separate status. Thus
the full burden of opposing the administration-sponsored
jointure measure would be borne by Arizona, while New
Mexico would support the measure and be admitted later on
the basis of her loyalty to the national administration.

Once the party had committed itself to jointure its prob-
lem was to win the backing of party workers and a majority
of voting citizens in the territory. Bursum, as chairman of
the Republican Central Committee, carried on correspond-

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 187

ence with New Mexico leaders and prominent citizens urging
their support. Frost, through the New Mexican, hoped to con-
vince the average citizen by blanketing the territory with
pro-union literature.

Bursum's efforts were hampered because of a bitter feud
between him and the new territorial governor, Herbert J.
Hagerman. Bursum believed that Hagerman was opposed to
the re-election of Andrews, and equated this resistance with
opposition to the jointure movement. This was unfair for as
the Albuquerque Morning Journal reported, the governor
used every spare moment to campaign for statehood.

Jointure men were at a great disadvantage in Arizona
where the two major parties were united in opposition to
joint statehood. At both party conventions, held September
6, 1906, in Bisbee, jointure men found their efforts thwarted.
Pro-jointure delegations were refused recognition, while con-
testing delegations pledged against joint statehood were
seated.

When voting day finally arrived, on November 6, 1906,
Arizona surprised no one by killing the jointure proposal
with a convincing vote of 16,265 to 3,141. New Mexicans,
however, responding to pressure from Republican leaders
approved the proposed union by a vote of 26,195 to 14,735.
Only northern counties like Santa Fe, Taos, Rio Arriba, Si-
erra and Union recorded majorities against it, probably re-
flecting the opposition of Catron and Otero. But consolidation
efforts were not a complete failure as Oklahoma and the In-
dian Territory accepted jointure. This resulted in Oklahoma's
admission into the Union on November 16, 1907.

New Mexicans were not particularly disappointed as
they had rather expected a negative vote in Arizona. New
Mexico's acceptance of jointure could only be interpreted as
a victory for Bursum and the territorial Republican organi-
zation. But in the delegate race there was cause for concern,
as Andrews squeaked by his Democratic opponent, Octaviano
A. Larrazola, by the narrow vote of 22,915 to 22,649.

There were charges of irregular procedure and actual dis-

188 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

honesty, but efforts for a new referendum were soon dropped.
Even Senator Beveridge seemed willing to concede that join-
ture as a movement was dead. The question remaining then
was whether the two ill-fated territories would soon have
another opportunity for admission.

Notwithstanding relief on the part of many that the
jointure attempt had failed, pessimism characterized the
thinking of most New Mexicans. The Albuquerque Morning
Journal quoted an unnamed senator who declared that no
other conditions for statehood would be considered except
jointure. Moreover Beveridge still remained adamant in his
attitude toward New Mexico and Arizona, believing that
their populations would never fully entitle them to four
senators.

Especially detrimental to future statehood prospects were
the New Mexico land fraud cases of 1907 which culminated in
the much publicized Hagerman Affair. As a reform governor,
Hagerman was appointed with the idea that as an outsider
he would not be aligned with any of the factions that had
been formed as a result of Otero's feuds with Hubbel, Rodey,
and Catron. Roosevelt had given Hagerman a free hand to
deal with leaders of the territorial "machine." But when Hag-
erman removed Bursum from his job as superintendent of
the state penitentiary for "inefficient and irregular" admin-
istration, he was severely criticized by many including Max
Frost of the New Mexican. From that time on, the governor's
reform movement was greatly weakened, as his political ene-
mies included such potent figures as Delegate Andrews,
Major Llewellyn, and Wallace Raynolds, secretary of the ter-
ritory. Democrats, needless to say, did all they could to widen
the breach.

Enemies of the new chief executive received their oppor-
tunity for revenge when Hagerman delivered land deeds to
the Pennsylvania Development Company. The Fergusson Act
contained a section which restricted the sale of public lands
to one quarter section per individual, corporation, or associa-
tion. In 1901, "Bull" Andrews, on behalf of himself and his

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 189

associates, wished to buy some ten thousand acres of timber-
land in Valencia County at three dollars per acre. After his
offer was refused by the Board of Public Lands, it was sug-
gested that he arrange to have various individuals file appli-
cations for the land, each person asking for not more than
one quarter section. This was done by Andrew's friend, W. S.
Hopewell, who represented the Pennsylvania Development
Company, a corporation made up of Pennsylvania politicians
and capitalists. Much land was acquired in this fashion by
employees of the Pennsylvania Development Company, the
Santa Fe Central Railway, or the New Mexico Fuel and Iron
Company, corporations apparently under the control of the
same men. Deeds for the property were recorded in the Terri-
torial Land Office but not delivered to the applicants. In Au-
gust of 1906, Hopewell asked Hagerman to give him the
deeds, which he did, accepting for them a check totaling about
$11,000.

Although Andrews was a principal figure in this affair,
he was among the opponents of Hagerman who used this
episode to discredit the governor. Had Hagerman not con-
summated a transaction which was clearly fraudulent? Was
his action not in violation of the Fergusson Act? On March 4,
1907, the territorial legislature passed a resolution charging
Hagerman with misconduct in the Pennsylvania Develop-
ment Company matter. This report eventually reached the
President and put Hagerman in a very bad light. Meanwhile
Andrews was doing everything he could in Washington to
make it appear that unless the Governor were removed he
would ruin the Republican party in New Mexico. Hagerman
was called to Washington to explain his position and, on
April 13, 1907, the day after his arrival, was asked by the
President to submit his resignation.

Hagerman had to accede to the President's request, but
he conducted a stout defense of his position in a series of long
letters which passed between him and the President. He
maintained that his reason for turning over the deeds to
Hopewell was to secure compensation for valuable timber

190 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

already cut. But the assistant attorney general, Alvord W.
Cooley, advised the President that this was unnecessary. The
territory had "ample power under the statutes to proceed
either civilly or criminally" to recover the value of the timber
cut. Actually there is evidence of political expediency in Hag-
erman's removal. The President had remarked to a friend,
"Hargerman is a good fellow, but has made an impossible
Governor." Hagerman's father wrote Elihu Root on April
27, 1907, saying that Major Llewellyn had "stated to several
reputable men that he knew . . . six weeks before that the
President would remove Hagerman. . . ." Moreover, George
Curry, Hagerman's successor, admitted later that the gover-
norship was tendered to him as early as February, 1907.

Unquestionably Hagerman was a political liability, but
Roosevelt was highly sensitive to hints that he had been un-
fair or discriminating. He dispatched two attorneys from the
Department of Justice, Ormsby McHarg and Peyton Gordon,
to investigate the situation. The two men proved extremely
energetic, bringing suit against a number of corporations al-
legedly involved in the illegal purchase of lands and timber
from the territory. Newspapers in the territory were soon
attacking the two investigators as friends of the "late, fake
reform ex-governor."

When McHarg almost vindicated Hagerman by ordering
distribution of the money received from the Pennsylvania
Development Company, Roosevelt took decisive action. Curry
was furious and threatened to resign. Consequently the two
agents were instructed by the President to complete their
investigation the following month and turn all unfinished
business over to Captain David H. Leahy, appointed to suc-
ceed Major Llewellyn as United States District Attorney.
Moreover, nineteen indictments, which had been brought in
connection with alleged fraudulent coal land entries uncov-
ered in the investigation, were eventually dropped. Both men
were quite unhappy, with McHarg becoming a rather out-
spoken critic of the President.

Curry's friendship with Roosevelt, dating back to their

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 191

Rough Rider days, prompted the Albuquerque Citizen to in-
terpret his appointment as presidential willingness to at last
support single statehood. But Roosevelt told Curry that "be-
fore you can get statehood you must clean house in New Mex-
ico. . . ." Despite the President's admonition, New Mexicans
had reason to be pleased the following year when the National
Republican Convention included for the first time an unequi-
vocal statehood pledge in the party platform. On December
8, 1908, Roosevelt recommended separate statehood, saying :
"This should be done at the present session of Congress." In
response to his call a bill for separate admission of New Mex-
ico and Arizona passed the House unanimously on February
15 and was sent to the Senate.

In the upper house, Beveridge made use once again of
every detrimental piece of evidence available in a last stand
against New Mexico and Arizona. The land fraud scandal
was sprung during hearings of his committee, and derogatory
statements made by McHarg and Hagerman were submitted
with effectiveness. The 60th Congress and Roosevelt's term
both ended with no statehood for New Mexico.

Taf t, anxious to please his predecessor, had no idea of de-
serting the statehood cause although New Mexicans were
rather fearful before his inauguration. It soothed their wor-
ries when Representative Hamilton, still chairman of the
House territorial committee, introduced on January 14, 1910,
H.R. 18166, a bill to enable the people of New Mexico and Ari-
zona to form separate governments and be admitted into the
Union. New Mexico was permitted two representatives to the
lower house and was to receive two sections of nonmineral
land in each township in addition to the two previously
granted for common schools under the Fergusson Act. Ap-
proximately 3,000,000 acres of nonmineral land for the pay-
ment of valid debts would be granted the new state.

Although the Outlook, a magazine supporting Beveridge,
brought up the old, time-worn argument that New Mexico's
insufficient population did not entitle her to statehood, Bev-
eridge himself was tiring of the long campaign. The party

192 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

platform, the stand of the Taf t administration, and the vote
on jointure all made further opposition seem quite futile.
Beveridge accepted the inevitable, but determined to push a
statehood measure free of "jokers" hurting the people's in-
terests. Thus the Hamilton bill, having already passed the
House, was reported favorably by his committee, but altered
by an amendment which left nothing of the original bill ex-
cept the enacting clause.

The generous land provisions were cut drastically and the
process of constitution-making was placed under the close
supervision of the federal government. For the first time a
new state was required to return its ratified constitution to
both the President and Congress for final approval. Rigid
safeguards on the disposal of public land were inserted in the
amended bill, no doubt reflecting suspicion caused by the land
fraud scandal.

The Senate version of the bill represented the eastern
viewpoint to a greater degree than had the original House
measure. Whereas the House bill permitted the teaching of
languages other than English, the Senate version provided
that schools should be conducted in English only. State legis-
lators as well as state officers were required to read, write and
understand the English language well enough not to need in-
terpreters. A more stringent polygamy restriction was incor-
porated because of fear of Mormonism, particularly in
Arizona Territory.

New Mexicans naturally disliked the Senate version, but
saw no alternative but to support it. Bursum wrote Bev-
eridge : "I have told our friends down here that New Mexico
will obtain statehood by the grace and good offices of Sena-
tor Beveridge."

After waiting for an administration-backed conservation
bill to be passed, the Senate on June 16 finally voted on the
Beveridge amendments to the statehood bill. The vote closely
followed party lines, Democrats preferring the original mea-
sure, but the amended version was accepted. Now the views
of the two houses had to be reconciled. The President had

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 193

been reported to favor the House version and Representative
Hamilton felt confident of support when he called upon the
President a day later to discuss the matter. But to Hamilton's
amazement and chagrin he was told that the Senate measure
was preferred and that the House should accede.

Therefore, on June 18, 1910, the lower house unanimously
accepted the Senate version. The long document was taken
to the President on June 20 where in the presence of Senator
Beveridge, the territorial delegates, and other prominent
figures, Taft affixed his signature to the enabling act. "Re-
joice together in the new day that is borned unto us," trum-
peted the territorial Melrose Enterprise in response.

In complying with her enabling act, New Mexico's first
duty was to hold a constitutional convention. An attempt for
a nonpartisan convention failed because the Republicans, as
the dominant party, refused to enter into any such agreement
with the Democratic central committee. The lack of coopera-
tion between the two major parties only aggravated the fun-
damental problems faced by citizens of the Southwest. New
Mexico and Arizona, as the last continental territories to be
admitted to the Union, were soon to become a battleground
for the great issues of the Progressive Movement, particu-
larly direct legislation in the form of initiative, referendum,
and recall. While Harvey Fergusson, a Democrat swept by
the mood of the times, led the fight for progressive reform in
New Mexico, the Republican party apparently preferred to
remain noncommittal on many of the key political and social
issues. According to the party platform of Dona Ana County,
the questions of "initiative and referendum, statewide prohi-
bition or local option" were to be left to the vote of the people,
not written into the constitution.

Republicans had dominated New Mexico since the turn
of the century, and it was no surprise when more than two-
thirds of the delegates present for the convention opening
on October 3 were Republicans. A number of familiar faces
were in evidence at the Santa Fe meeting : the aging Catron,
Solomon Luna, chief representative of the native element;

194 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

and Fergusson, leader of the so-called "irreconcilables" who
demanded a "thoroughly progressive constitution." Other
prominent leaders included Bursum, Fall, Charles A. Spiess,
Charles Springer, and Jose Sena.

Thirty-two lawyers comprising the largest occupational
group, reflected the leading role played by tough frontier
lawyers. Because law and land had long been associated in
New Mexico, one delegate was prompted to remark that the
land grant clique was the most powerful special interest
group at the convention. There also was a sizeable delegation
of Spanish-speaking people. This group had an understand-
able concern for the welfare of traditional native customs
and culture.

Republicans were assured control of the convention on the
third day when a 26-member Committee on Committees was
formed with Solomon Luna as chairman. This group estab-
lished 27 lesser committees assigned to draft the various sec-
tions of the constitution. Each committee had a Republican
chairman and majority to ensure the enactment of favorable
provisions.

Although the Republican majority looked with askance
at the comparatively new and untried instruments of direct
legislation, they dared not give too negative a response to the
most popular issues of the day. Consequently the convention
drafted a watered down referendum measure and difficult
amending provision. Constitutional safeguards also were in-
serted to guarantee the rights of Spanish-speaking people.
Woman's suffrage and prohibition, the other two key issues,
failed because of Republican reluctance.

Control of corporate institutions and legislative appor-
tionment were hotly contested issues. The progressives
wanted monopoly regulation and restrictions on Big Busi-
ness. But Holm Bursum, chairman of the Corporation Com-
mittee, was opposed to any measure which might discourage
corporations from coming into the new state. The result was
the establishment of a weak corporation commission, limited
in power to function.

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 195

The controversy over legislative apportionment took its
traditional American form. A "Gerrymandering" operation
was so effectively employed by the Republican majority that
although the Democrats in the first state election elected the
governor and one of their candidates to Congress, the Repub-
licans achieved a two-thirds majority in both the senate and
house of the state legislature.

January 21, 1911, was set by New Mexico's governor, Wil-
liam J. Mills, as the date of ratification for the constitution.
The Democrats drew up a list of objections to the conserva-
tive constitution at Santa Fe on December 19, 1910, but did
not bind party members to vote against it. It thus remained
for individuals to carry on the fight against ratification. Har-
vey Fergusson was foremost in the battle, continually chal-
lenging the lack of one sincerely progressive measure. He
described the amendment article as 'difficult and improbable"
and the referendum measure as "mere make believe."

But the constitution had many defenders. Newspapers
commended the convention for having drafted a worthy docu-
ment, and the threat that statehood would be delayed if the
constitution were not approved was effectively employed. As
expected, it was ratified by a vote of 31,742 to 13,309.

New Mexicans considered their conservative constitution
a likely candidate for approval despite the Democratic vic-
tory in the congressional election of 1910. At the time the
constitution was completed, a "lame duck" Republican Con-
gress was still in session, and a President known to be con-
servative was in the White House. But New Mexico had not
reckoned with the effect of Arizona's newly framed and very
liberal constitution. It contained measures for initiative, ref-
erendum, and recall, and a child labor provision. Most contro-
versial, however, was a provision for the recall of judges.
Many prominent politicians felt that these radical ideas could
only lead to a breakdown of American government, but Ari-
zonans did have one important figure on their side ; Theodore
Roosevelt gave the new document his wholehearted support.

Despite the raging controversy over Arizona's constitu-

196 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

tion, President Taf t did approve New Mexico's effort, and the
constitution was sent to Congress for approval on March 1.
A reluctant Beveridge was forced to let the document leave
his committee and be reported on the floor of the Senate. At
this point, Senator Robert Owen, a Democrat from Oklahoma,
objected to passing the resolution until it included approval
of the controversial Arizona constitution. A lengthy filibuster
by Owen finally moved the worried President to tell Owen
that an extraordinary session of Congress would be called
immediately after the close of the 61st Congress. Owens
ended his filibuster but New Mexico had to wait until the
extra session. A disappointed and embittered Fall saw parti-
san politics in Owens' action. "Naturally, the Democrats
want Arizona admitted along with New Mexico, as the latter
will probably send two Republican senators and the former
two Democrats."

At the extra session of Congress a series of hearings were
held on the merits of New Mexico's constitution, which forced
the territory to air its dirty linen in public. Opponents such
as Fergusson and J. D. Hand, Democrats; and Hagerman
and Richard Hanna, insurgent Republicans, were on hand
to criticize the new document. Former Senator Henry W.
Blair of New Hampshire was there to repeat a charge made
earlier by prohibition groups that the ratification election
was crooked. Eventually the House agreed on the Flood Reso-
lution, a provision that New Mexico should vote on an easier
amending procedure at the first state election, while Arizona
would vote on eliminating the recall of judges, the outcome
of each vote to have no bearing on admission.

In the upper house Senator Nelson offered an amendment
which would have made it mandatory that Arizona give up
her recall of judges provision before admission. Despite real
concern for a free and independent judiciary as expressed by
such influential men as Elihu Root and William Borah, the
Nelson resolution was defeated and the Flood resolution
accepted.

Taft could not in accord with his conscience have accepted

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 197

the Flood Resolution which would have allowed Arizona to
retain her provision for recall of judges. Referring to the
recall in his veto message he declared : "This provision of the
Arizona constitution, in its application to county and state
judges, seems so pernicious in its effect, so destructive of in-
dependence in the judiciary, . . . that I must disapprove a
constitution containing it." The reaction was explosive. New
Mexicans, because their statehood hopes were dashed too by
the veto, were bitter. An "act of wanton, without reason,
without justification and without precedent" screamed the
Roosevelt County Herald.

There was talk in Congress of overriding the presidential
veto, but cooler heads prevailed. Senator William Alden
Smith, new chairman of the Senate territorial committee,
presented a resolution which would amend the Flood measure
by requiring that the recall clause be eliminated from the Ari-
zona constitution before admission — such action to be voted
upon by the people of the territory. New Mexico would still
vote on an easier amending clause, but be admitted regardless
of the outcome of the vote. This compromise resolution was
approved by the Senate the following day 53 to 9. The House
adopted the resolution unanimously. At 3:08 p.m., August
21, 1911, President Taft signed the resolution admitting New
Mexico and Arizona into the Union. New Mexicans were
overjoyed as evidenced by the statehood meetings held
throughout the territory.

November 7, 1911, was the date set in New Mexico for
election of governor, two representatives to Congress, mem-
bers of the first state legislature, and a host of county and
state officers. New Mexicans would also vote on a simpler
amending procedure whereby any change could be proposed
by a simple majority in each legislative house, and be ratified
by a majority at the "next election after adjournment," or
in a special election. Amendment ballots would be separate
and "printed on paper of the blue tint, so that they might be
readily distinguishable from the white ballots provided for
the election of county and state officers. . . ." Because of the

198 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

color specification this amendment became known as the
"Blue Ballot" amendment.

Writing William Jennings Bryan, Fergusson was deeply
concerned over the approaching election. "As a willing tool
of corruptionists long in control here, the governor called the
election for November 7, the shortest time possible. They
know their machine is all ready with abundance of money —
that we are without money or effective organization." The
letter concluded with an urgent plea for money.

Fergusson's belief that money could do the trick was not
without substantial basis. Republicans were sharply divided
and events of the next few months were to show how severe
the split was. Bursum's selection as gubernatorial candidate
met with bitter opposition, and the choice of Curry as candi-
date for one of the two House seats did not satisfy all the
delegates. While Elfego Baca, the other choice, endorsed the
stand taken by the convention against the Blue Ballot amend-
ment, Curry told convention members that condemnation of
the Blue Ballot was a mistake.

It was announced October 2 at the Democratic meeting
in Santa Fe that a group of "Independent Republicans"
headed by former Governor Hagerman and Hanna would
join the Democrats in forming a fusion ticket. They were
given two spots on the ticket while top jobs went to leading
Democrats. William C. McDonald was nominated for Gover-
nor and Fergusson and Paz Valverde were selected as candi-
dates for the national House of Representatives.

The combination of "Independent Republicans" and Dem-
ocrats was strong enough to defeat Bursum and also elect
Fergusson to the House. Curry was elected because he re-
fused to campaign against the Blue Ballot amendment which
was carried by a vote of 34,897 to 22,831. The apportionment
provision of the constitution saved the day for Republicans
who won handily in the legislative races.

The election of New Mexico's first two senators had been
delegated to the newly-elected legislature scheduled to con-
vene in the spring. These two posts were regarded as rightful

STATEHOOD FOR NEW MEXICO 199

prizes by some of the territory's most vigorous statehood
proponents. Andrews, Catron, Fall, and Governor Mills were
considered top contenders. By all odds Andrews should have
secured one of these seats. As delegate to Congress when the
enabling act was achieved he had increased his popularity
with the people. He had the support of powerful eastern
financial interests as well as influetnial men in Congress.
Senator Boise Penrose, heir to Quay as political boss of Penn-
sylvania, had assured Taft in the presence of Andrews that
he would support the Delegate's political aspirations.

In September, 1911, apparently sensing a lack of support
for his candidacy among Republican leaders of the territory,
Andrews came out for a direct primary in electing senators.
But his aspirations were doomed to failure. Although Mills
was not an active candidate, Fall and Catron were, and two
shrewder, more formidable opponents could not be found.

The actual account of how Catron and Fall won the two
senate seats is a confused one. One report states that An-
drews nobly withdrew his candidacy during a secret meeting
attended by Luna, Bursum, Catron, and others. This version
fails to account for Andrews' bitterness following the selec-
tion of Catron and Fall. He, along with Governor McDonald
and the Albuquerque Journal Democrat, questioned the le-
gality of Fall's election. Apparently 17 members of the House
joined the Senate in electing Fall the night before the joint
assembly ratified the action. This procedure caused an uproar
but Fall in stubbornness continued in public life destined for
a career which in all respects was sensational.

According to another report submitted by the Burn's De-
tective Agency, four Spanish-speaking legislators, all sup-
porters of Andrews, were lured into the old Palace Hotel in
Santa Fe by Elf ego Baca, where they were arrested for al-
legedly trying to sell their votes. The four were forced to
resign their offices and jailed. A request by the sergeant-at-
arms that they be released was ignored for 18 hours, although
the four were later exonerated of charges preferred against
them and declared entitled to their seats. The conclusion of

200 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

this report was that the whole incident was a frame-up ini-
tiated by Baca, Spiess, Sena, Springer, Llewellyn, and Bur-
sum to advance the candidacy of Fall, who would be assured
of victory if the four were removed.

Statehood had, however, been safely achieved before
Catron and Fall were elected senators. Arizona had complied
with the wishes of the President by eliminating the recall
provision, at least until she had been admitted as a state. On
January 5, while crowds gathered in Santa Fe to hear the
eagerly awaited news that Taf t was signing the proclamation
of statehood, the last delay occurred. The Department of Jus-
tice wanted the signing of the statehood proclamation de-
layed until it could dismiss some of the actions taken in the
old timber cases. Taft was very displeased at this and his
irritation caused the Justice Department to dismiss the cases
immediately.

On January 6, 1912, a delegation including Andrews and
the two congressmen-elect from New Mexico witnessed the
signing which occurred at 1 :35 p.m. Taft then turned and
smilingly said : "Well, it's all over. I'm glad to give you life.
I hope you will be healthy." Arizona, so long associated with
New Mexico in the fight, was proclaimed a state on February
14, 1912. Consequently almost sixty-four years after the sign-
ing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo the sister territories
of the Southwest were brought into the Union.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY IN NEW MEXICO, 1902-1903

Edited by William J. Parish*

Introduction

The American Shepherd's Bulletin, from which this series
of articles is reprinted, was near the end of a lineage of mag-
azines devoted to the sheep and wool industry in the United
States. The first of the group (although there was an ante-
cedent) was the Quarterly Bulletin of the National Wool
Growers' Association of the United States1 of which Volume
1, No. 1, was published July, 1896. Central offices were in
Washington, D.C. and branch offices in Boston, Philadelphia,
Chicago, and New York City. S.N.D. North, Secretary of the
National Wool Manufacturer's Association, was the editor.
He had been the editor of the Bulletin of the National Wool
Manufacturer's Association since November, 1864. With Vol-
ume 3, No. 3, of March 1898, the new magazine became the
Monthly Bulletin of the National Wool Growers' Association
of the United States with headquarters in Boston and branch
offices in Philadelphia, Chicago, New York City, Atlanta and
San Francisco. It had a Legislative and Association office in
Washington, D.C. Frank P. Bennett became the editor and
remained the editor of the series of publications that followed.

Franklin Pierce Bennett (who signed his name and re-
ferred to himself as Frank P. Bennett) learned the typeset-
ting trade as a very young man and, as a journeyman, traveled
extensively through the Middle West and out to the range
states where he became well acquainted with people in those
areas who were sheep raisers. He became editor of several
newspapers and eventually turned this experience, together
with his interest in the sheep industry, toward the found-
ing, in 1887, of the American Wool Reporter. This publica-
tion soon became the American Wool & Cotton Reporter and,
subsequently, America's Textile Reporter, a current publica-

* Dean of the College of Business Administration, University of New Mexico.

1. The titles of this lineage of publications were obtained from the mastheads of a
bound set loaned by the library of the Department of Agriculture, U.S. Department of
Agriculture, Washington D.C.

201

202 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

tion. A few years after the founding of the American Wool
Reporter, Bennett also started the United States Investor, a
periodical still being published.2

Frank P. Bennett, grandson of Franklin Pierce Bennett,
wrote : "Because of my grandfather's interest in sheep hus-
bandry, plus his acquaintanceship with the late Senator War-
ren, the late Senator Reed Smoot and the second elder Smith
of the Mormon Church, he got himself into the sheep raising
business. He started the Associated Wool Growers' Company
with elder Jesse Smith and in 1896, commenced the publica-
tion of the American Shepherd's Bulletin with offices in Bos-
ton, Chicago and Salt Lake City."3

The Shepherd's Bulletin of the National Wool Growers'
Association of the United States was the new name (Vol. 3,
No. 12, Dec. 1898) for the series of sheep and wool magazines
which stemmed from the Bulletin of the National Wool Manu-
facturer's Association published as early as 1864. With Vol-
ume 6, No. 1, January 1901, the title was changed again to
The National Shepherd's Bulletin of the National Wool Grow-
ers' Association. Since November 1899, the publishing offices
had been Atlanta and Boston. A Salt Lake City office had been
added. With the April, 1901, issue the name of the National
Wool Growers' Association disappears from the masthead,
although the Legislative and Association offices in Washing-
ton, D.C. remains. With Volume 6, No. 9, September 1901, the
title was changed to The American Shepherd's Bulletin. By
September, 1902, the Legislative and Association office in
Washington, D.C. was not being mentioned. From Volume 12,
No. 7, July, 1907 until May 1908, the magazine was entitled
The National Livestock Bulletin.

The only near complete set of these volumes generally
available is to be found in the library of the Department of
Agriculture, Washington, D.C., although a partial set may be
found at the University of Massachusetts library, Amherst,
Massachusetts.

2. Letter to Wm. J. Parish from Frank P. Bennett, Boston, Jan. 22, 1958.

3. Ibid.

"The Young Observer" In New Mexico*

Sheep Raising and Ranch Life in the Territory —
Albuquerque, Las Vegas and Wagon Mound.

SPRINGER, N. M., Jan. 10, 1902. After reaching the town
of Albuquerque, which is surrounded on two sides by high
mountains, and located in the fertile valley of the upper Rio
Grande river, I went immediately to call on the management
of the scouring mill of that town. They are a pleasant set of
whole-souled fellows to talk to, and always seem to be willing
to give all the information you wish on the country and the
conditions that govern sheep raising and wool producing.

Mr. Jas. Wilkinson,1 the manager, kindly took me all
through the mill, and showed me the different processes, from
sorting, which is done by Mexican women, to where the
scoured wool is put into sacks, and trucked into the cars that
are waiting on the side track. They run one scouring machine
NIGHT AND DAY, most of the year, and this year they rolled
up a grand total of 3,683,533 pounds of wool scoured. The
mill was started in 1879 [1897] by the present manager, Mr.
Wilkinson.2 He ran it for two years alone, and then took in

• (From Our Traveling Staff Correspondent) The American Shepherd's Bulletin, voL
7, no. 2, February, 1902.

At this writing "The Young Observer" has not been identified. By his own admission
he was not the same person as "The Old Observer" (Mar. 1902 article, p. 8 manuscript)
whose articles on the sheep industry in various states and territories appeared contempo-
raneously. Unless he was being facetious in one remark, he must have been a very heavy
man (ibid, p. 12 manuscript). "The Young Observer" was neither as expressive, as observ-
ing, or as accurate as "The Old Observer." Some of the inaccuracies of "The Young
Observer" must be ascribed to either a difficult handwriting or a careless editing of his
manuscripts after they had been mailed to the publishing office.

1. Louis A. McCrae, who came to Albuquerque from Nova Scotia, March 29, 1891,
remembers Wilkinson "as a jovial fellow" (Interviewed by Wm. J. Parish, July 20, 1955,
Albuquerque). See R. E. Twitchell, The Leading Facts of New Mexican History, Vol. 8,
The Torch Press, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1917, p. 62 for biographical sketch.

2. Wilkinson began his proprietorship in 1897. He does not appear in the Albuquerque
City Directory of 1896 though he does in 1897 (City of Albuquerque Directories, Hughes &
McCreight, Press of the Daily Citizen, Albuquerque, UNM Library, p. 78). The business
was incorporated in 1900 with John H. Bearrup as President, V. P. Edie as Secretary-
Treasurer, and James Wilkinson, Vice- President and General-Manager. The minutes state :
"Whereas, Bearrup, Edie & Wilkinson have heretofore carried on a copartnership business
under the name and style of the Albuquerque Wool Scouring Mills . . . each partner win
now receive 83-1/8 shares each in corporation . . . fully paid and non-assessable." Rather

203

204 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

two partners, Mr. J. H. Bearup [Bearrup]3 and Mr. V. P.
Edie,4 both of Albuquerque. The capacity is 12,000 pounds in
10 hours. They hire 35 women and 14 men.

They make a market for all of the tallow in the country
around, as they make their own soap for scouring purposes.
THE BUSINESS OF THIS MILL is steadily increasing on account
of the practical and honest methods of doing business, which
prevail there. The wool that is scoured is a grade wool, short
in staple, and quite a few fall clips are still marketed, but the
majority shear only once a year.

I have heard of one man who will shear three times in
two years as an experiment.

In and around Albuquerque there are still many native
sheep that have never been graded with Merinos. Some clips
that I have seen have

A MIXTURE OF LINCOLN BLOOD, but where they are graded
they are generally with Merinos. There is also a firm in Albu-
querque (Chadwick & Hamm) 5 which does a large business in
supplying eastern feeders with lambs for feeding purposes.
The members of the firm are hustling young men. There is a
free, openheartedness about the people of New Mexico which
an eastern man cannot help but liking. They take every man
to be a gentleman until he has proven himself otherwise. You
go to a man's ranch and stay as long as you want to, ride his
horses, and

large dividends were paid in January of 1903 and 1904. Wilkinson bought Bearrup's interest
on December 17, 1904 and Edie's interest on January 10, 1911 (Albuquerque Wool Scouring
Mitt Minute Book, UNM Library). The business became less profitable as the years went by.
In 1916, Wilkinson left the business and W. E. Rogers became manager. In 1922, the last
year of the company's existence, Rogers was listed as "Agent" (Albuquerque City Direc-
tories, op cit, 1917, p. 326 ; 1922, p. 433).

3. In 1904, Bearrup founded the Rio Grande Woolen Mills Company of Albuquerque, a
cooperative, which manufactured blankets, dress goods, mens fabrics and clothing (Ameri-
can Shepherds Bulletin, Vol. 11, No. 4, April, 1906, p. 334, UNM microfilm). The Company
disappears from the 1909 listing of the Albuquerque City Directory although Bearrup was
listed in that year as a resident. Bearrup was a candidate for Lit. Governor of New Mexico
on the Socialist ticket in 1916. He received 2,069 votes out of 66,747 cast (see Twitchell,
opcit, Vol. 5, p. 422).

4. V. P. Edie was formerly a partner in Hamm (Fred W.) & Edie, wool dealers in
Albuquerque (Albuquerque City Directory, op cit, 1896, p. 112).

6. Charles Chadwick and Fred W. Hamm, Sheep Commission Brokers. Successors to
Hamm & Edie (Albuquerque City Directory, op. cit., 1901, p. 68. See note 4 above).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY IN NEW MEXICO 205

MAKE YOURSELF AT HOME, generally, and the way in
which they go at business here is enough to take the breath
away from a tenderfoot.

The streets of Albuquerque are crowded with Americans,
Spaniards, Negroes, Chinese and Indians.6 The most pic-
turesque of this hustling throng is the Indian with his bright-
colored blanket, his squaw following with her papoose. The
Indians usually have in their hands some bows and arrows,
pieces of pottery or other articles which they make to sell
to the people from the East, and in that way pick up many
striy [sic] nickels and dimes. Many of

THE RANCH OWNERS live in the towns, and have their
ranches anywhere from 10 to 100 miles out. They have trusty
foremen whom they leave in charge of their ranches while
they enjoy the pleasures and privileges of town life, and edu-
cate their childrren.

The skies of New Mexico are nearly always blue, the air
is bracing, and the people loyal to their territory. There are
quite a number of ranch men in and around Albuquerque
whom I did not get a chance to see, and as I visited them later
on, I will describe their ranches.

THE ILFEL [iLFELD] BROTHERS7 do a thriving business in
wool and pelts, besides being among the largest sheep owners
in the territory.

I made a pleasant call on Mr. Garcia,8 who also does a good

6. The Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900, records a total of 8 Chinese in the
entire Territory (VoL II, p. xxiv). The population of Bernalillo County, embracing Albu-
querque, was 28,630 of which 332 was stated to have been of negro extraction and 4,758
to have been Indians (Vol. I, p. 549) .

7. Noa and Louis Ilfeld. Noa came to New Mexico from Germany about the first of
December 1871 and, if plans materialized, came with the teams of A. Letcher and Company
from Kit Carson, Colorado to Las Vegas where his elder brother Charles was a partner in
that firm. Louis came in 1873 (Wm. J. Parish, The Charles Ilfeld Company: A Study of
the Rise and Decline of Mercantile Capitalism in New Mexico, Harvard University Press,
1961, p. 362, fn. 52). Each joined a still older brother, Herman, in Santa Fe in a firm known
as Ilfeld and Company (ibid., pp. 362-363, fn. 58). Herman died in New York City, May 15,
1884 (Family Prayer Book, Office of Louis C. Ilfeld, Las Vegas, N.M.). Subsequently, the
younger brothers, Noa and Louis, moved to Albuquerque where they founded a branch in
Old Town (Parish op cit, pp. 362-363, fn. 58). By 1885 they had closed the Santa Fe store
and restyled the firm, Ilfeld Brothers (Charles Ilfeld Collection, UNM Library, Ledger H,
p. 252).

8. Probably Elias G. Garcia, sheep dealer who had a partnership with a Ben Johnson
(Albuquerque City Directories, op cit, 1897, p. 42 and 1901, pp. 87 and 103).

206 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

business in wool and pelts, and runs quite an extensive band
of sheep.

Leaving the town of Albuquerque by way of the Santa Fe,
I stopped over at Laury [Lamy], where is located the great
Onderdonk [Onderdonck]9 Live Stock Company and goat
ranch. This company has

THE BEST APPOINTED RANCH that I have yet visited, up to
Jan. 10. They raise the common goats, and for the past two
years have been working out of them and getting into An-
goras. The ranch buildings are located about one mile east of
Laury [Lamy] in a small creek valley. The house is adobe,
and square, having an open court in the centre. The true old
Spanish type of house. For the benefit of those who have never
seen

AN ADOBE HOUSE, I will say that it is constructed of sun-
dried brick, built into a very thick wall, usually about two feet
thick. It is then plastered inside and out. The roof is nearly
flat, and usually composed of mud branches and poles. Some
are made better. It is claimed by those who live in these houses
that they are warmer in winter, and colder in the summer,
than any other kind of a house. The one on the Onderdonk
ranch is one of the best that I have ever seen. Their barns, cor-
rals, breeding pens and stables are models of completeness
and handiness. To the west of the house is a large, long, two
story building, which is the store and storehouse. In this
house I found almost everything, from goat pelts to groceries
and supplies for the herders.

THE FOREMAN on the ranch is an educated Spaniard, and
quite an entertaining talker, and ready to explain things
about the ranch.10 The breeding season was on, and I found

9. Charles S. Onderdonck (Charles Ilfeld Collection, op eit. Copy Book 53, May 8, 1899,
p. 343).

10. Several years previous to this, one of Onderdoncks principal employees or associates
had been Montgomery Bell, a negro, who became a confident of Charles Ilfeld, the prosperous
and large merchant in Las Vegas. Bell evidently had acquired a substantial competence
as early as 1884, although it is generally thought that he added to it in the ranching business.
Shortly after 1898 or 1899, Bell bought the William Frank home in Old Las Vegas. (Parish
interview: Karl Wertz, Las Vegas, retired employee of Charles Ilfeld, Sept. 4, 1952). He
had been a lender of funds, usually in small amounts, since 1884 or sooner and in 1889

SHEEP HUSBANDRY IN NEW MEXICO 207

them using five different bucks with their Angoras, breeding
each where it would do the most good. Their watering system
is a good one. They have windmills to pump the water up into
large tanks, and from there it is distributed to the troughs
placed conveniently around. The goats are driven into corralls
[sic] each night during the winter season to get them into
better quarters and to keep them away from the coyotes and
mountain lions. They run about 650 Angoras and 3,000 or
4,000 common goats.

I must not conclude this little story without saying some-
thing about THE CHIEF SECRETARY, whose name at this writing
has escaped my memory, but it is sufficient to say that he is
a business man, and understands what ought to be done on
the ranch, and does it. At the time of my visit the children
were out from town, having a vacation on the ranch, and right
here I wish to say that they kept things from getting dull
in the least. The ranch has a few carloads of common goats for
sale, and will have quite a number of yearling Angoras to sell
next spring.

LAS VEGAS. The next stop was Las Vegas, where I called on
the scouring mill run by Gross, Blackwell & Co.11 I found
that they had scoured about 3,000,000 pounds this last year,
and were still at it. I had a very pleasant call on the foreman,
who showed me all over the plant, and last, but not least,
some very fine samples of scoured wools. They make a prac-

appears to have had outstanding: a balance of at least $2,000 due from Noa Ilfeld (Charles
Ilfeld Collection, op cit, Copy Book 11, July 10, 1884, p. 142 ; Copy Book 17, June 27, 1889,
p. 71 ; Copy Book 49, Sept. ?, 1898, p. 419). A letter from A. T. Rogers, Jr., of Las Vegas,
Sept. 22, 1952 to Parish states in part : "I knew Montgomery Bell very well. I knew him in
the early 90s when he was in the cattle and sheep business. I do not know the exact date of
his death. His house on Hot Springs Boulevard used to be quite a show place. He was used
generally as go between or agent in livestock transactions. He was a man of great probity
and everyone here had the utmost confidence in his honesty and integrity. . . . My recollec-
tion was that he was manager of the stables [at the Montezuma Hotel, Hot Springs, in the
early days]. During the operation of that hotel, they had quite extensive stables with horses
to accommodate the guests and it is my distinct recollection that he, either alone at times
and later associated with Ben Bruhn, had charge of that department of entertainment. . . .
Montgomery Bell was not dark colored. He was undoubtedly a mulatto and his hair was not
kinky. He undoubtedly had a great influx of Anglo blood. There were no children born to
Bell and his wife."

11. Formerly Otero and Sellar & Company and subsequently Gross, Kelly & Company.

208 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

tice of taking a pound sample out of each lot of wool that they
scour, and have it handy in the office for further reference.
There are

FOUR OR FIVE SCOURING MILLS12 in this place, and at
present there is being erected a new plant,13 and a fine new
steam dryer is being installed. This dryer is supposed to be
the finest in the territory and to have the greatest capacity.
There is a thing about this town that is rather misleading.
There are two towns, Las Vegas, the old town, and East Las
Vegas, the new town. If you have your mail directed to Las
Vegas, as I did, and many others, you will land in the town
and go to the post-office and inquire for your mail for three or
four days, and worry why it does not come, and at last, as
you are about ready to leave in despair the clerk may ask
you if you have been over to post-office in the old town. At
this hint, you proceed in hot haste to the post-office, and there
find your bundle of mail that has been patiently waiting you
all of the week.

There is one thing that impressed me very favorably, and
that was the

EXTREME POLITENESS of the Spanish people. They will go
out of their way any day to do a stranger a favor, and seem
to enjoy doing it.

The largest general merchandise store in Las Vegas is
that owned and controlled by Chas. Ilfeld & Sons.14 They in-
formed me that it was twice as large as any other store of
its kind in New Mexico territory. After a stay of about a
week in Las Vegas, I next stopped at

WAGON MOUND, so named on account of a peculiarly-
shaped mountain lying to the east of the town. This little

12. Ludeman Wool Company, John Bobbins Wool Scouring Mill, James Bobbins Wool
Washing Mill, Arnot Wool Company (Gross, Blackwell & Co.) and the Ross and Browne
Wool Scouring Company (Frst Annual Directory of Las Vegas, N.M. for 1895-1896, J.A.
Curruth, Printer, 1895, and City and Business Directory of Las Vegas, 1900, Directory
Publishing Company, Las Vegas, Highlands University Library, Las Vegas, N.M. The
Shepherd's Bulletin of the National Wool Growers' Association of the United States, VoL 6,
No. 12, December, 1901, microfilm, UNM library).

18. Ross and Browne Wool Scouring Company was incorporated in December, 1901.
ibid.

14. The correct name was Charles Ilfeld, Proprietor (Wm. J. Parish, op cit).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY IN NEW MEXICO 209

mountain is nearly 7,000 feet above the sea level, and can only
be ascended by one narrow and dangerous trail. The reason
it is called Wagon Mound is because the top is shaped like the
top of a prairie schooner. While there I called on the Voren-
berg Mercantile Co.,15 who, according to some accounts, are
doing about $360,000 worth of business a year. They handle
a large number of carloads of wool besides doing a good big
business in general merchandise. The postmaster, Mr. J. R.
Aquilar,16 has

A FINE FLOCK of about 9,000, and is one of the most careful
handlers of sheep in this locality. He has leased and owns
about 3,500 acres of land, besides his government range. Last
year he raised 83 per cent of a crop of lambs. He puts from
2,000 to 2,500 sheep in each camp with two herders. The sheep
are driven to water every day in summer, and every other
day in winter. These sheep average him four pounds of wool
to the head, and the wool shrinks about 40 per cent in scour-
ing which leaves 2.4 pounds of scoured wool to each sheep
which at the current price brings a little over a dollar a head.
You can easily figure up

THE GROSS INCOME of a sheep ranch man, but when you
come to getting at the expense and the net gain, you have a
more complex problem on your hands. They generally hire
their Spanish herders for $15 or $16 per month, and board
them, which would bring the cost up to $25 a piece. Most of
them have two herders for every 2,000 sheep.

EXPENSES. Then for herders for a year we might count
$600; for shearing and marketing, $175; for rams at $10,
$150; for general hand, $20, $240; for wear and tear on
wagons, horses, etc., $100 ; total expense, $1,265.

INCOME. For wool, $2,000; for wether lambs to sell,
$1,400 ; total income, $3,400 ; total expenses, $1,265 ; net gain
or income, $2,135, under the most favorable circumstances.

15. Simon Vorenberg. He had purchased the Wagonmound firms of A. M. Adler and
G. W. Bond & Bro. Company (See Twitchell, op cit, Vol. 3, p. 430), G. W. Bond & Bro. was
purchased Aug. 3, 1903 (Frank Grubbs, "Frank Bond: Gentleman Sheepherder of Northern
New Mexico, 1883-1915," New Mexico Historical Review, 36:149).

16. Biographical reference in Twitchell, op cit, Vol. 3, p. 432.

210 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Take it one year with another: $1,000 to $1,500 would be a
fair estimate. If any reading ranch men wishes to send his
figures for the past year, I would gladly stand corrected or
enlightened. There are quite a number of items that have
been left out, such as maintenance of family, interest on the
investment, etc. I would like to hear from any ranchmen on
this question.

OTHER SHEEP MEN. The other sheep men whom I met in the
towns are as follows : Vincente Mares, who owns 2,000 sheep ;
Placido Garcia who owns 2,000 sheep; E. Martinus [Mar-
tinez?], 3,000 sheep; J. D. Medina, 2,500 sheep; Mrs. Mc-
Keller, 400; Amedor Martinez, 3,000; Eugenio Idulph, [Ru-
dulph] 17, 2,000 sheep ; Daniel Gallegos, 2,000 ; Lusiano Lobez
[Lopez?], 3,000; L. A. Rawlins, 2,000; Herbert D. Romero,
on the point of buying 2,000 ; Cleopes Romero, sheriff of San
Miguel county runs 4,000 or over. The First National Bank,
of Las Vegas, do a general banking business all over that part
of the territory ; J. D. McGrath has 2,000 ; Esperidion Garcia,
2,500 ; Alexandro Arellano, 2,000 or over.

These gentlemen were all met in the towns, and were very
much interested in our work.

THE JARITAS RANCH OWNED BY FLOERSHEIM & ABBOTT.18

Nearly the first man I met in Springer was Mr. Abbott, who
is part owner and boss at the ranch. The ranch is beautifully
situated on a mesa or high tableland in the northeastern part
of New Mexico. The ranch buildings are situated about 16
miles from Springer, which is their nearest post-office. Mr.
Abbott nearly always drives the 16 miles in two hours, and
has frequently made it in one hour and 55 minutes. As one
approaches the Jaritas ranch, the view is very pretty. The
house is adobe with walls nearly two feet thick, which keep
them warm in winter and cool in summer.

17. A prominent family in the 1870's by this name lived at Rincon del Tecolote, north-
west of Las Vegas. One branch spelled its name Rudolph (See W. A. Keleher, Violence in
Lincoln County, 1869-1881, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1957, pp.
349-351).

18. These gentlemen were described in detail by the "Old Observer" (American Shep-
herd's Bulletin, Vol. 11, No. 9, Sept. 1906, pp. 823-825, microfilm, UNM library).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY IN NEW MEXICO 211

THE HOUSE has green shutters, a red roof and a porch in
front, 96 feet long1. One hundred yards from the house is a
pretty little artificial lake,19 from which in winter they get
ice, and in summer use for irrigation. All the water used at
the ranch comes from a sanitary still, so that all of the deadly
alkali is taken out. The first question a person involuntarily
asks is,

WHERE ARE THE SHEEP? Although there are some 25,000
or 30,000 sheep and lambs on the ranch, we had to drive some
10 or 12 miles to see 5,000 of them. They are well graded up
with Merinos, and shear from five to six pounds of wool to
the head. In the last four years they have raised 64,700 lambs.
The proprietors of the ranch own and control over 50 miles
of water ; that is, they own the land on both sides of 50 miles
of streams or lakes. They keep about 50 men the year around,
and in lambing have 180 busily at work.

THEIR HELP is all Spanish except the book-keeper, Mr.
Divine,20 who is an American. The shearing house is 132 feet
long by 30 feet wide. Nine feet of this width, the whole length,
is used for packing the wool, seven feet is a raised platform
to shear on, and the other 14 feet is for pens for the sheep.
Each pen is 12 feet in width, and holds 50 to 60 sheep. There
are generally three or four shearers in each pen, one being the
boss. They count the shorn sheep as they go out, and the
shearers' tally must correspond with that of the owner or
there is a mistake some where.

THE DIPPING PLANT, which is hard by, consists of four

19. This artificial lake still exists.

20. This individual might well have been a member of the family of Matthew Devine.
"M. Devine" was operating a store near Fort Bascom in 1878 and keeping an eye on some
cattle owned by Charles Ilfeld. In 1881, "M. Devine" was a partner with Charles Ilfeld in the
cattle business in the Red River country. This joint venture was closed out in 1882 (Charles
Ilfeld Collection, op cit, Copy Book 4, Nov. 23, 1878, p. 184 ; Copy Book 6, May 31, 1881,
p. 245 and Jan. 6, 1882, p. 602). On February 1, 1883, lands situated at "Arroya Sellado
[Arroyo Salado or Salado Draw] in Range 23, East Township 4 North, San Miguel County,
were deeded by Matthew Devine and wife, Susan, to partnership, Fuller, Devine and Com-
pany." Actually the land in question was in Sections 1 through 4 which would seem to be on
the Pecos River north of the presently marked Salado Creek. On May 2, 1891, Susan E.
Devine, guardian of Matthew's two children, sold the Devine interest. Mrs. Devine and the
children were then residents of Mora County. Legal Papers in office of Louis C. Ilfeld, Las
Vegas, N.M.

212 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

large boilers, each holding 650 gallons of dip, and a swimming
vat, 80 feet long. The dip is kept at 105 degrees to 110 degrees
all of the time to get the best results; 2,500 to 3,000 are
thoroughly dipped each day. This firm is also large dealers
in feeding lambs and sheep, as Mr. Abbott was at one time
in the commission business in Kansas City. This gave him a
large reputation, and an acquaintance with nearly all of the
sheep men of the West. In the past four years they have
handled over 100,000 sheep. Francisco Romero,

THE TRUSTY FOREMAN, spends most of his time riding
from camp to camp to see that the sheep have plenty of fresh
grazing ground within reach of water. The sheep are driven
to water every other day at this time of year. Every few
miles as you ride over the range, you see what they call
A CHIMNEY CORNER. These are built of stones by the Spanish
herders, and greatly resemble the old-fashioned fireplace. In
the winter the herders pitch their tents close to these open
fireplaces, so that with dry cedar and pine knots which they
bring down from the mountains on their burros, they can
start a fire at short notice.

On the foot-hills one often sees a pile of rock work, five or
six feet high, and about two feet square. These are called by
the herders "MAJONERAS," or monuments,21 indicating that
water is near. The herders lead a lazy, listless sort of life,
and a Spaniard is better adapted to this business than men
of any other nationality. If a Spaniard owns a small bunch
of sheep grazing around his home, his boys begin to learn at
five years how to take care of sheep, so that often they are
brought up to do and know nothing else. This condition, how-
ever, is changing, and the Spanish children are nearly all
sent to school, when there is a school near enough. Those I
have met, for the most part, were well educated or were
anxious to learn. All day long in the summer time

THE HERDERS sit and watch the sheep as they eat grass or
lie down to rest. At sundown their duties are over, and the
"Majordomo" assumes the care of the herd that are usually

21. "Majanos" is the Spanish word for "a pile of rocks."

SHEEP HUSBANDRY IN NEW MEXICO 213

lying close around the tent, and there they stay till morning
unless their slumbers are disturbed by a storm or the barking
of a coyote.

The amount of provisions required to run the Abbott &
Floersheim ranch is surprising to an easterner. Their com-
missary adjoins the house, and here the book-keeper, Mr.
Divine, [Devine?] deals out the provisions to the herders,
who come in the first of each month for supplies. During the
year they consume 3,000 pounds of coffee, 6,000 pounds of
bacon, 25,000 pounds of flour, 500 gallons of molasses, 5,000
pounds of Spanish beans, 1,000 pounds rice, 3,000 pounds of
prunes and 1,000 pounds of hominy; 600 sheep are killed for
mutton. These are the

STAPLE ARTICLES OF DIET for the year. Potatoes are allowed
only in the month of May when 50 100-pound sacks are dealt
out to the men. In the commissary are kept clothing, shoes,
tobacco and notions, which are sold to the herders, and
charged against their monthly pay.

THE SPANISH KITCHEN adjoins the commissary, and is
presided over by a very efficient Spanish cook, who for eight
years was employed by a wealthy Spanish family as cook and
housekeeper. His kitchen is immaculate, and you can look in
any day and find everything in order and shining.

After taking a few views of the ranch buildings and one
flock of rams, having spent a day and a half at Jaritas ranch,
I bade my kind hostess, her little daughter, and Mr. Divine,
"adios," and in two hours Mr. Abbot had landed me again in
the little town of Springer.

(Continued)

JOHN BAPTIST SALPOINTE, 1825-1894

By SISTER EDWARD MARY ZERWEKH, C.S.J.

(Concluded)

On his return from a trip East, it was reported to Arch-
bishop Salpointe that some men were making use of his name
before the Penitentes as endorsing1 their political views.
These men told the groups that the Archbishop had approved
or was about to approve all their rules. To contradict these
statements and to clarify the situation Archbishop Salpointe,
on February 7, 1892, issued a circular which was read in all
the Churches the following Sunday.

In this circular the Archbishop pointed out that the rules
being exhibited by certain men were not the ones that he had
formulated, nor had he been present at the General Council
of the Counties of San Miguel, Mora and Taos on June 7,
1890, when these rules had been formulated. Furthermore,
the Archbishop added that he did not intend to approve of
the Council's rules.25 The Archbishop continued to state his
views as follows :

. . . the oath26 that is asked of the Penitentes is immoral and
unjust for it deprives man from obeying God according to the
dictates of his conscience, and subjects him to the will of men.
And for what reason do they require this oath ? In order that
the members obligate themselves to protect each other against
imaginary enemies and above all against the Church which
does not want to admit and approve the disorderly, indecorous
and indecent practices of the Fraternity. And the oath of the
youth of fourteen years of age, will it be a moral oath ? It is
so declared by the supreme chiefs of the Fraternity. . . . Not

25. Letter of the Most Reverend Don Juan Bautista Salpointe [sic] to the Clergy and
Faithful of Our Archdiocese, (Original in Spanish), February 1, 1892, (A.A.S.F.).

26. Archbishop Salpointe likens the Fraternity to Masonry because of the following
oath: "Under their oath and honesty to defend persistently and unitedly, the honor, privi-
leges, and immunities of the members of the Fraternity, against any person or persons,
who due to their conduct may show themselves enemies of the Fraternity, or any of its
members ... to protect themselves mutually and unitedly in all and for all, and to all
that which might be just and beneficial . . . and to this each one is compromised from
now to the future and forever, according to the principle of the ancient rules of the
Fraternity." Cf. Circular Letter to the Clergy and Faithful, op, cit.

214

SALPOINTE 215

withstanding all this, they consider themselves humble and
submissive sons of the Church and want to defend themselves
against whom (singular or plural) may be opposed to any of
their practices.

With what has been said we have sufficient to confirm the
idea which we have had for more than thirty years, that those
who take so much interest in making themselves the protectors
of the Penitentes, are doing so more for political reasons than
any other thing. For them the religion which they introduced
is only a pretention, what they are looking for is the vote of
the members of the Fraternity, for political ends.27

In concluding his circular Archbishop Salpointe again
states that all who resist his directives and orders are rebels
to their mother the Church, and until such time as they sub-
mit, they will be deprived of the Sacraments.28

Entered in Archbishop Salpointe's Diary Account under
November 4, 1889, is the following sentence.

I left Santa Fe for a journey to Europe mainly to see the
Holy Father about the residence of the Jesuit Fathers in the
town of Las Vegas after the removal of their College from said
town to Denver.29

The Archbishop's decision to go to Rome was the culmina-
tion of a controversy which had existed between the Jesuits
and the diocesan clergy of New Mexico. Four longstanding
reasons are given for the strained relationships existing be-
tween the two. First, after the Jesuits became known to the
laity of New Mexico, through preaching and missions, their
ministrations in many instances were preferred to those of
the pastor and they also received donations from the people.
Second, occasionally a Jesuit would perform a marriage, bap-
tism or funeral service in a parish at the request of a pa-
rishioner, but not always with the permission of the pastor.

27. Circular Letter to the Clergy and Faithful, op. tit.

28. This and other circulars, and the uncompromising position of the Archbishops of
New Mexico have succeeded in greatly diminishing the influence and number of the Peni-
tentes although they still persist to the present day. Cf. Chavez, "The Penitentes," NEW
MKXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXIX (1954), 97-123; Erna Fergusson, New Mexico, A
Pageant of Three Peoples, (New York: Knopf, 1951), pp. 79-108; "Flagellation, Inc.,"
Time 48 (April 22, 1946) , 48.

29. Diary Account, op. tit.

216 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Third, the jealousy evoked at various times when Bishop
Lamy asked the Jesuit Fathers to administer various par-
ishes. Fourth, the difference in the nationality and tempera-
ment of the two groups, the diocesan clergy being largely
French, while the Jesuits were mostly Italian.30

The proximate occasion of the controversy involved the
Jesuits after they had founded a College at Las Vegas, New
Mexico. The local pastor, Reverend Joseph Marie Coudert,
complained of certain practices of the Jesuits and declared
that these infringed upon his pastoral rights. One of these
practices which assumed much importance was the First
Communion Exercises held annually in the Chapel of the
Jesuit College.

The accusations against the Jesuits at Las Vegas were
summed up as follows :

1. They assumed power they had no right to.

2. They collected money in a manner contrary to the laws
of the Church.

3. They forbid the day students from confessing to the
parish priest.

4. They admitted some to First Communion whom the
pastor later found insufficiently prepared.

The Jesuits replied that the first accusation was brought
forth without proof. As for the second, fairs were a regular
custom among Americans for raising money for the Church.
. . . The third accusation was entirely unfounded. As for the
fourth, the Fathers at the College stated that they were in a
better position to judge the fitness of the youth than was the
pastor.31

In April, 1886, Archbishop Salpointe asked the Superior
of the New Mexico-Colorado Mission, Father Gentile, S. J., to
prevent the faculty of Las Vegas College from holding First
Communion Exercises. Father Gentile ordered the Fathers
to allow the day scholars to receive First Holy Communion
in the parish, but the order was too late and they had already
made their First Communion in the College Chapel. In 1887,

80. Edward R. Vollmar, S.J., History of the Jesuit Colleges of New Mexico and Colo-
rado, 1867-1919. (M.A. Thesis, St. Louis University, 1939), p. 46.
SI. Vollmar, op. cit., p. 49.

SALPOINTE 217

the Jesuits at the College asked Archbishop Salpointe if they
could hold the same Exercise. For their reasons they stated
that at the College Chapel there were fewer distractions for
their students, the ceremony was held with less inconvenience
to the pupils and teachers, and there was no law compelling
the attendance at the parish church. They stated that Jesuit
schools were not parochial schools and that Canon Law did
not reserve for pastors the right to distribute First Holy
Communions. The Jesuits closed their case by saying that
in all lands the Jesuits gave First Holy Communion in their
own Chapels — something which would not be allowed if it in-
fringed upon the rights of a pastor.32

Archbishop Salpointe refused to grant the Jesuits the per-
mission and said in his answer to their request :

1. It was a cause of wonder that this affair should be
brought up again as it was settled last year.

2. All those erred who took from the pastors the right of
ministering First Communion.

3. The Jesuit schools were on the same level as the pa-
rochial schools, and therefore

4. It was the right and duty of the pastor to examine and
admit, or reject, youth to their First Communion,
though they may have been prepared by the Jesuits.

5. Finally he again called attention to the custom in New
Mexico.

The Archbishop then added that unless the Jesuits ceased
disturbing the affairs of the parish in Las Vegas, and obey him,
he would refer the whole matter to the Holy See.33

Since the Jesuits planned on closing Las Vegas College
in 1888, and merging it with the one at Morrison, Colorado,
they decided "to yield to the Archbishop for the time being."34
When the news spread abroad that the Jesuits were moving
their College, the people of Las Vegas used every means to
try to prevent it, even asking Archbishop Salpointe to inter-
fere. The Archbishop stated that the Jesuits were free to stay
or leave, and, that if they left, it was because they thought the

32. Vollmar, op. cit., pp. 48-50.

33. Ibid., pp. 50-51.

34. Loc. cit.

218 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

College would prosper better elsewhere. The Archbishop also
asked the Jesuits to make clear that the sole reason for their
withdrawal from Las Vegas was not the strained relation-
ship between the prelate and the Fathers.35

The controversy again arose when the question came up
concerning the Revista Catolica36 press which was operating
in Las Vegas. The Archbishop did not want any Jesuits to
stay in Las Vegas after they closed their college.

After much correspondence, and several interviews be-
tween Archbishop Salpointe and Father Marra, the Arch-
bishop offered the Jesuits permission to keep the Revista
Catolica press in Las Vegas provided that they did not cele-
brate Mass on Feast Days at the same hour as the pastor, and
that they conduct a parochial school. There was no difficulty
about accepting the first condition, but the second was im-
possible.37

The Jesuits refused the second condition and decided to
wait for an answer from Rome before taking any action.
However, the citizens of Las Vegas this time took matters
into their hands and, after three public meetings, sent a peti-
tion signed by about four thousand people to the Archbishop,
and also wrote to the Pope. Archbishop Salpointe told the
Jesuits that the day their College closed he would deprive
them of all jurisdiction in Las Vegas. So, the Jesuits were
deprived of their diocesan faculties on Commencement Day.38

This was the state of affairs that prompted Father
Stephan's remark to Miss Drexel in a letter.

... he [Salpointe] is very much harassed by the Jesuits who
battle against him in Rome so that he intends to resign, al-
though he is in the full right before God and men.39

85. Vollmar, op. cit., pp. 51-53.

36. In 1873 Father Donate M. Gasparri, S.J., (1834-1884), founded the Revista
Catolica Press in Albuquerque, New Mexico. It was moved to Las Vegas, New Mexico, in
1874. The Press publishes Revista Catdlica, a Spanish weekly newspaper, and since its
establishment has published thousands of pamphlets, textbooks and a Spanish translation
of the Bible. The Press is at present located in El Paso, Texas.

87. Vollmar, op. cit., p. 58.

88. Vollmar, op. cit., p. 54.

39. J. A. Stephan, Barstow, California, to Miss Kate [Drexel], February 22, 1889,
(A.S.B.S.).

SALPOINTE 219

Archbishop Salpointe returned from Rome on March 28,
1890,40 but it was several years after the College closed before
the controversy between the Jesuits and the Archbishop was
settled. The final settlement allowed the Jesuits to continue
the publication of the Revista, Catolica in Las Vegas. How-
ever, the parish they had in East Las Vegas was given to the
diocesan clergy.41

To fill the need for a school caused by the removal of the
Las Vegas College, Archbishop Salpointe built a school at the
expense of the diocese. It was called La Salle Institute and
was conducted by the Christian Brothers. It opened on Sep-
tember 11, 1888. The cost of the building, the school furniture
and maintenance for a period of two years amounted to about
twelve thousand dollars. The main part of the building was a
two story stone structure. For two years, in addition to teach-
ing tuition students, the Brothers used one of the classrooms
for a public school. In 1890, this was discontinued because
the county was unable to pay the rent or teacher's salary.42

With all his duties and obligations as Archbishop, Sal-
pointe always retained his historical interest in the section
of the United States which he served, and was eager for in-
formation which would deepen his understanding of the cul-
ture of the Southwest. During 1887 and 1888, Archbishop
Salpointe asked Adolphe Bandelier43 to prepare an elaborate
history of the Southwest which would be offered to Pope Leo
XIII on his jubilee. It was a manuscript history of fourteen
hundred pages, illustrated with four hundred water colored
sketches of the colonization and the missions of Sonora, Chi-
huahua, New Mexico and Arizona to the year 1700. This his-
tory is now preserved in the Vatican Library.44

Archbishop Salpointe also encouraged the temperance
movement of his era. In 1886, when two laymen of his Arch-

40. Diary Account, op. eft., Notation of March 28, 1890.

41. Vollmar, op. cit., p. 57.

42. 75 [sic"] Years of Service, 1859-1934, op. cit., pp. 101-102.

48. Adolphe Francis Alphonse Bandelier, born August 6, 1840, at Bern, Switzerland,
was a Southwest archaeologist and ethnologist. He died on March 18, 1914, at Seville, Spain.

44. F. W. Hodge, "Biographical Sketch and Bibliography of Adolphe Francis Alphonse
Bandelier," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, VII ( 1932 ) , 358.

220 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

diocese, Don Guadalupe Otero and E. A. Dow, organized a
branch of the Catholic temperance movement, the Arch-
bishop formulated the rules and regulations for the group.45

August 6, 1889, was an important day for Archbishop Sal-
pointe because on that day he became a naturalized citizen of
his adopted country.46 It was a wise move because New Mex-
ico at this time was striving for statehood, although it was
going to be a long struggle.

On September 7, 1889, while the Constitutional Conven-
tion of New Mexico was in session, Archbishop Salpointe
contributed a letter to the territorial press which attracted
wide attention. There was much pressure and demand being
put on the members of the Convention, both privately and
publicly, regarding political and economic measures. The
Archbishop's statement concerned the educational provisions
of the Constitution as can be discerned from the following
portion of his letter.

. . . The Catholics of the territory demand of the Constitu-
tional Convention a fundamental school law which shall be
truly liberal, in the right sense of this word, by recognizing the
right of the parent to educate his child according to the dictates
of his conscience. We demand a system of elementary schools
which will give the citizens of the territory, of every shade
of belief, equal facility to educating their children in such a
manner they believe will conduce to bring about their
happiness.47

In the editorial of the same issues of the newspaper it was
admitted that the Archbishop's letter was "an adept argu-
ment in favor of denominational schools, that is to say that
public school funds be divided between the different religious
denominations, or that the dominant church be permitted to
select the teacher."48

45. Santa Fe Daily New Mexican, December 28, 1886. Cf. Paul A. F. Walter, "First
Meeting of the New Mexico Education Association," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW,
II (1927), 76.

46. Naturalization Certificate of John Baptist Salpointe, (A.A.S.F.).

47. Rio Grande Republican, September 7, 1889. Cf. Marion Dargan, "New Mexico's
Fight for Statehood, 1895-1912," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, XV (1940), 176.

48. Dargan, op. cit., p. 177.

SALPOINTE 221

The reply of the Convention to Archbishop Salpointe's ap-
peal was given in the first section of Article IX of the Con-
stitution, as adopted at that time, which states :

Provision shall be made by law for the establishment and
maintenance of a uniform system of public schools, which shall
be open to, and sufficient for, the education of all the children
of the state, and shall be under the absolute control of the
state, and free from sectarian or church control ; and no other
or different schools shall ever receive any aid or support from
public funds. No sectarian tenet, creed or church doctrine
shall be taught in the public schools.49

The Constitution of the state of New Mexico as drawn up
by the Convention was put to a vote of the people on October
7, 1890, and it was defeated by a vote of sixteen thousand one
hundred eighty to seven thousand four hundred ninety-
three.50 Because of the Catholic Church's objection to the pro-
posed Constitution on religious and educational grounds, an
attempt was made to lay the blame for its failure entirely on
the Catholic Church.

The Albuquerque Daily Citizen,51 however, declared that
this was not just. As evidence it declared that 90 per cent of
the whole population of Valencia County were Catholics, al-
though it had given "the Constitution the largest majority it
received in any portion of the territory." There can be little
doubt that the role of the Catholic in the election has been
exaggerated and that political and economic objections to the
Constitution did much to swell the adverse majority.52

The year 1891 was marked by two important events. On
June 25, 1890, Archbishop Salpointe had begun the construc-
tion of a new archepiscopal residence in Santa Fe. This build-
ing which was built without contributions being solicited was
finished and blessed on February 19, 1891. Because of failing
health, Archbishop Salpointe asked that the Reverend Placid

49. The Constitution of the State of New Mexico, Adopted by the Constitutional Con-
vention, Held at Santa Fe, New Mexico, September S-21, 1889, and Amended August
18-20, 1890, (Santa Fe), p. 23. Cf. Marion Dargan, op. cit.t p. 177.

50. Dargan, op. cit., p. 185.

51. Albuquerque Daily Citizen, October 13, 1890.
62. Dargan, op. cit., p. 186.

222 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Louis Chapelle,53 rector of St. Matthew's Church in Wash-
ington, D. C., be appointed his coadjutor. Archbishop Sal-
pointe requested this because of Father P. L. Chappelle's ac-
quaintance with the problems confronting the Indian mis-
sions, the latter having held the office of Secretary of the
Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions. Therefore, on August
21, 1891, Father Chapelle was appointed Archbishop Sal-
pointe's coadjutor, Cum jure successionis.54

Before coming to Santa Fe, Bishop Chapelle was conse-
crated by Cardinal Gibbons on November 1, 1891, in the
Cathedral of Baltimore. He arrived in Santa Fe on December
7, 1891. Bishop Chapelle began his work of assisting Arch-
bishop Salpointe, especially by visiting the various parishes
to confer the Sacrament of Confirmation.65

Early in 1893, Archbishop Salpointe asked Bishop Cha-
pelle to go to Europe to recruit volunteers for the archdiocese
because there were several parishes without priests. While
the Bishop was in Europe, he had his visit with the Pope,
who on May 10, 1893, elevated him to the rank of an arch-
bishop with the Titular See of Sebaste.56

On April 30, 1893, Archbishop Salpointe left with Father
Stephan to visit Los Angeles, San Diego, and Tucson.57 This
was Archbishop Salpointe's last visit as the Ordinary of
Santa Fe because on January 7, 1894, he resigned the office
he had held since August 6, 1885.

V. Retirement and Death 1 894-1 898

Returning in 1893 from his trip to Los Angeles and San
Diego with Father Stephan, Archbishop Salpointe remained

63. Placid Louis Chapelle was born in France, August 28, 1842 ; educated in Belgium
and at St. Mary's Seminary, Baltimore, Maryland. He did pastoral work in Baltimore,
1865-1891 ; he was Secretary of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions and was active in
the founding of the Catholic University of America. From Santa Fe he was translated
to the metropolitan See of New Orleans, December 1, 1897. He was Apostolic Delegate to
Cuba and Puerto Rico from 1891 to 1905. He died on August 9, 1905, at New Orleans. Cf.
Code, op. tit., pp. 45-46.

54. Salpointe, op. cit., p. 278.

55. Ibid., pp. 278-279.

56. Ibid., p. 279.

57. J. A. Stephan, Bernalillo. New Mexico, to Mother Catherine [Drexel], April 30,
1893, (A.S.B.S.).

SALPOINTE 223

for some time in Tucson because of ill health. His presence
in Tucson did not go unnoticed and the following article
shows that his absence of nearly ten years had not diminished
his popularity in the Old Pueblo.

. . . The Most Reverend Archbishop J. B. Salpointe ... is
now in Tucson for his health. This prominent figure in religious
circles, whose benevolent face is known to all and whose per-
sonality is one of the most respected in Arizona and New
Mexico, came to Arizona as a missionary in 1866. He estab-
lished the first school at San Xavier, where for a time he taught
himself [sic"]. Next he built another school in this city, and
afterward in the same year began the construction of the pres-
ent Cathedral. Mgr. Salpointe was consecrated in 1869. In
1870 he brought to this territory the Sisters of St. Joseph who
have ever since served nobly in the cause of education, and of
relief to those who are ill. It was Bishop Salpointe, too, who
built St. Mary's Hospital which was opened in 1180 [sic] and
which has done so much to alleviate suffering humanity.

Mgr. Salpointe was appointed by Pope Leo XIII, coadjutor
and later Archbishop of Santa Fe. This necessitated his re-
moval to New Mexico, and it is but lately that his venerable
figure is once more with us. While speaking on the subject of
this remarkable man, who has done so much for Tucson, it may
be here stated that it is owing to the high esteem in which his
merit is held in the church that the French Society of "Propa-
gation of the Faith" has been sending from five to six thou-
sand dollars, every year, to the Territory of Arizona, for the
support of the Catholic clergy, the schools and the churches.1

Archbishop Salpointe's resignation had been accepted and
acknowledged by the Holy See by February 26, 1894, as de-
termined from a letter to his successor, Archbishop Capelle.
"... I suppose you know that Archbishop Salpointe's resig-
nation has been accepted and I am now in charge of the Arch-
diocese."2 Archbishop Salpointe had retired to Tucson as
Archbishop of the Titular See of Tomi.3

Archbishop Salpointe was not one to long remain inac-
tive. During the thirty-six years which marked his endeavors

1. The Arizona Enterprise, December 21, 1893 (XIII, 37), p. 6, col. 2-8.

2. Chapelle to Reverend Jos. Gourey, February 26, 1894, (A.A.S.F.).

3. Santa Fe Daily New Mexican, February 19, 1894, p. 4, col. 2. "Archbishop Salpointe
is now and has been for some time in Tucson, Arizona Territory."

224 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

to accomplish God's work for souls in Arizona and New Mex-
ico, his unflagging interest in the history of the Southwest,
coupled with an ardent admiration for the early Jesuit and
Franciscan missionaries, urged the Archbishop to record that
history to the best of his ability. Since his arrival in New
Mexico, in 1859, he had studied every available source of
information and had maintained contact with historical so-
cieties and individuals, who, like himself, wanted the knowl-
edge of the ancient cultures preserved. It is no wonder then
that this period of the Archbishop's life should prove as use-
ful and beneficial to posterity as his former active ministry
in the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona had been to
his people.

The old adobe house in Tucson where he lived and worked,
called by him his "palace," reflected the Archbishop's detach-
ment from worldly goods and his love for the modest and sim-
ple manner of living. Mother Catherine Drexel, who visited
Archbishop Salpointe in the spring of 1894, described his
room as poorly furnished. The entire contents consisted of a
small iron bed and three yellow chairs — no carpets, not even
a rug. A crucifix hung above the bed.4 It was here at his "pal-
ace" that Archbishop Salpointe began to make progress in
organizing the many notes he had accumulated on the In-
dians, the missions and the missionaries of the Southwest,
the "Kingdom of St. Francis."5

In the fall of 1895, Archbishop Salpointe determined to
make a journey to Europe. On his way East, he was given a
grand farewell at Santa Fe by his friends who gathered to bid
him God-speed and a safe return. On this occasion the Arch-
bishop was presented with a beautiful gold headed cane. In
Europe he visited his relatives and friends in France and
then spent much time in the historical archives in Madrid,
Spain, delving into the records of the past data relative to
the early history of the Church in New Mexico, Arizona, and
Mexico.6

4. Report of St. Catherine's Industrial School, Introduction, (A.A.S.F.).

5. See p. 133.

6. Santa Fe Daily New Mexican, November 9, 1895, p. 4, col. 2.

SALPOINTE 225

Returning to Tucson, Archbishop Salpointe resumed the
writing of his book. The following interesting public an-
nouncement concerning his book was published a number of
months before the book was completed.

... It will be pleasing to those interested in the early history
of this region to learn that the Archbishop is now and has been
for many months engaged in the preparation of a book on the
early Catholic missionaries and the founding of the missions,
the christening of the valleys, and the mountains, and thus
perpetuating the names of the saints in this region, in the
names of our valleys and mountains. The publication will be
one of much value for its authenticity and historical research.
The publication will be issued during the next six months, and
will contain about three hundred pages. It will be looked for
with much interest. The title of the book will be The [sic]
Soldiers of the Cross, which is both significant and suggestive
of the scope of the work.7

Archbishop Salpointe's book was finished in the spring of
1898, and he had it published at St. Boniface's Industrial
School, Banning, California. This school, like St. Catherine's
Industrial School, Santa Fe, was also a Catholic boarding
school for Indians. The book, Soldiers of the Cross, is a valu-
able source of information for all those interested in South-
west history, and it is for this achievement that Archbishop
Salpointe merits the title, Historian of the Kingdom.

In June, 1898, Archbishop Salpointe lost the power of
speech although his general health continued fairly good.
However, in the following month on July 15th, he died.

. . . Monday he [Archbishop Salpointe] received visitors and
was in excellent spirits, but the storm of Tuesday prostrated
him and he passed quietly and peacefully away in St. Mary's
Hospital, 3 a.m., July 15th.

Bishop Bourgade was absent in Prescott at the time. He
was advised by telegraph and is expected to reach home in the
morning [sic~\, when final arrangements for the funeral will
be made. It will, it is expected, take place Monday morning
about 10 o'clock.

Tomorrow afternoon the body will be placed in the Cathe-

7. Arizona Daily Star, (Tucson), July 28, 1897 (XXIX, 169), p. 4, col. 3.

226 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

dral where all may take a last look at a "Soldier of the Cross"
who has done so much to make Arizona what it is today.8

As Bishop of Tucson,9 Bishop Bourgade officiated at the
funeral ceremonies and Archbishop Salpointe's remains now
lie under the sanctuary of St. Agustin Cathedral in Tucson,
Arizona.10

That Archbishop Salpointe was a humble man and one
who never pressed his achievements or stressed his accom-
plishments to gain favor or acknowledgment was recognized
in both cities, Santa Fe and Tucson, where the Archbishop
spent most of the years of his priestly life. The daily papers
of both cities reflect this truth in the following articles.

Owing to circumstances possibly on account of the great
popularity of Archbishop Lamy, whom he succeeded, also be-
cause of his radical [sic] modesty, Archbishop Salpointe, in
some social circles, has passed almost unobserved and possibly
full credit has not been given to his labors.11

There died yesterday at the ripe old age of 73, a Godfear-
ing and an upright man. With the death of this man, the Right
Reverend J. B. Salpointe, there passes away one of the most
important figures in all the early history of Arizona. He was a
quiet and an unassuming gentleman and his personal interests
were liable to be overlooked in the bustle and make up of fron-
tier life, but his influence and handiwork was ever present.
He was the man of God and he moved among men doing good
always.12

VI. Conclusion

Below the shield on Archbishop Salpointe's coat of arms
is the one word, Fides, faith. This motto he chose for himself,
and it emphasizes the characteristic and governing virtue
of this pioneer prelate of Arizona and New Mexico.

8. Arizona Daily Citizen, (Tucson), July 16, 1898, (XXXIV, 73), p. 4, coL 4.

9. The Vicariate Apostolic of Arizona was erected as the Diocese of Tucson on May 10,
1893. Bull, of Erection by Pope Leo XIII (A.A.S.F.).

10. New Mexico; A Guide to the Colorful State, compiled by Writers' Program of the
Work Projects Administration in the State of New Mexico (New York: Hasting House,
1940), p. 202. This book erroneously states that Archbishop Salpointe is buried under the
high altar of the Cathedral of St. Francis, Santa Fe, New Mexico.

11. Santa Fe New Mexican, November 9, 1895, p. 4, col. 2.

12. Arizona Daily Citizen, (Tucson), July 16, 1898, (XXXIV, 73), p. 4, col. 4.

SALPOINTE 227

That the Archbishop's faith was deep and strong was
manifested continually in his priestly life. The Archbishop's
desire to carry that Faith to distant peoples and to share that
Faith with them was evident from the first time, in the sum-
mer of 1859, that he heard Father Peter Eguillon speak of
the need for priests in the Southwest area of the United
States. Authorized by Bishop Lamy of the Santa Fe Diocese,
Father Eguillon recruited a number of young Frenchmen,
priests and Brothers, as volunteers to serve in his far away
American diocese. Among these volunteers was Father John
Baptist Salpointe. It took a lively faith to enable these young
men to leave the country of their birth and to journey to a
land comparatively uncivilized and infested with hostile In-
dians. The volunteers proved themselves equal to the chal-
lenge, and, after the experiences of ocean and overland prai-
rie travel, they arrived on October 27, 1859, at the scene of
their future labors, Santa Fe, the City of Holy Faith. This
city was the See City of the Diocese of Santa Fe which com-
prised the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona.

Father Salpointe was given the task of teaching a few
seminarians. In 1860, assigned to the parish of Mora as pas-
tor, he repaired the Church and built schools. The Faith nur-
tured in these schools would show its effects in future
generations.

A far greater field for the exercise of his faith presented
itself when Father Salpointe was accepted as a volunteer
for the Mission of Arizona in 1866. In the Arizona Territory
there was a twofold mission. There were the many inhabi-
tants who already possessed the gift of faith ; some families
having retained it for centuries. However, even these needed
their faith to be enkindled and nourished. In addition to these
there were many who lacked the gift of Faith. These had to
be reached, and were reached through the zealous priestly
activities of Father Salpointe.

To accomplish these ends, Father Salpointe, who was ele-
vated to the episcopal dignity on September 25, 1868, cease-
lessly devoted all his energies. He secured more priests, built

228 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

churches, schools and a hospital. He obtained Sisters to staff
the schools, the hospital and to instruct the Indians at Mission
San Xavier del Bac. As the bishop exercising- jurisdiction in
the Vicariate Apostolic of Arizona, he faithfully visited the
parishes and missions, to encourage the priests and people
and to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation. The visita-
tions which Bishop Salpointe made during these years usually
lasted from three to four months and the Prelate had to travel
with the very least of conveniences and comfort. There was
also the ever present dread of attacking Apaches. Bishop Sal-
pointe admitted that he, himself, "always experienced a kind
of painful apprehension for a few days before starting on a
journey." He goes on to say, however, that "they [priests who
were his co-laborers] must acknowledge that there has been
a special Providence watching over them."1 Faith in this
Divine Providence was the key to his life.

Having been appointed coadjutor to Archbishop Lamy of
Santa Fe on April 22, 1884, Bishop Salpointe succeeded to
that See on August 6, 1885, upon the resignation of Arch-
bishop Lamy. During the nine years that Archbishop Sal-
pointe performed his duties as Ordinary of the Archdiocese
of Santa Fe, his faith, strengthened by previous trials and
successes, enabled him to administer the affairs of the Church
with the assurance of God's help. He faced the problem of
"Los Penitentes" and attempted a solution. He instituted the
first of the Archdiocesan Synods to regulate and systematize
both the spiritual and temporal business of the Church. He
succeeded in securing Government support for Indian schools
and also saw the erection of St. Catherine's Industrial School
for Indians, built with funds from Mother Catherine Drexel.
He expanded the number of parishes and schools, and when
the Jesuit Fathers moved their College from Las Vegas, New
Mexico, in 1888, he had a diocesan College, staffed by Chris-
tian Brothers, built to replace it.

During the years he spent in Tucson after he had resigned
his office as Archbishop of Santa Fe on January 7, 1894, Arch-

1. Salpointe, Soldiers of the Croat, op. cit., pp. 255-256.

SALPOINTE 229

bishop Salpointe, ever the scholar, collected and preserved for
posterity that story of the spread of the Catholic faith that
inspired and encouraged the early missionaries in the South-
west region of the United States. In his volume, Soldiers of
the Cross, although not a definitive study, the story of the
Roman Catholic Church in the Southwest is traced from its
earliest beginnings down to 1896. The events mentioned to-
wards the end of the volume are rather sketchy, which can
no doubt be accounted for when it is realized that Archbishop
Salpointe commenced this work when he was sixty-nine years
old and completed it a few months before his death on July
15, 1898, at seventy-three years of age.

The Faith, which, in 1866, as Vicar General of Bishop
Lamy, Father Salpointe labored to plant and extend in the
Arizona Territory has today multiplied itself one hundred
fold. In the Diocese of Tucson, according to the last official
records, there are one hundred eighty-eight priests, governed
by the Ordinary of the Diocese who is assisted by an Auxili-
ary Bishop. There are sixty-seven parishes, fifty-six chapels
and fifty-eight missions. Four hundred fifty-six Sisters of
seventeen different Religious orders staff the schools and hos-
pitals. In the forty-four Catholic high and elementary schools
over twenty-eight thousand youths are enrolled.2

These statistics are ample proof that the seeds of the Faith
planted and nourished by Archbishop Salpointe in the fertile
area of Tucson have blossomed and are monuments of recog-
nition to Archbishop Salpointe and the other Soldiers of the
Cross. This present study has endeavored to demonstrate the
complete appropriateness of the one word embossed below
the shield on Archbishop Salpointe's coat of arms, Fides,
faith.

2. Official Catholic Directory, (New York: P. J. Kennedy, 1965), pp. 657-660,

Book Reviews

Guide to Materials on Latin America in the National Ar-
chives. By John P. Harrison. Washington : The National
Archives, 1961. Vol. I, Pp. 246.

"The purpose of the guide," states Dr. Harrison, "is to
describe and assist the investigator in locating the materials
in the National Archives concerned with Latin America."
This is a comprehensive regional supplement, the first such
issued to the general Guide to the Records in the National Ar-
chives (1948). It is the first of two volumes to be issued on
Latin America and covers the "general" records of the Gov-
ernment and of the Departments of State, Treasury, War,
and Navy.

This is an impressive, detailed survey ; it is the fruit of
Mr. Harrison's half-dozen years of employment as Latin
American specialist for the National Archives. The guide
makes intelligible the complex organizational breakdown of
the archives and describes the magnitude, nature, general
substance, and possible research value of Latin American
materials extant in the numerous record groups. The tech-
nique used is to describe representative documents in each
record group in sufficient detail to suggest the possible value
and interest the individual collection might have for the
researcher.

Described under the section "General Records of United
States Government" are the reports of the claims commis-
sions, of the boundary commissions, and of United States par-
ticipation in all the Inter-American Conferences and Com-
missions since 1826.

In the State Department section, to which about 40 per
cent of the guide is devoted, Mr. Harrison places the descrip-
tive emphasis upon little known and seldom used collections.
Definitely not in the latter category are the Diplomatic In-
structions and Diplomatic Dispatches, both of which are now
available on microfilm. But for the person who wishes to dig

230

BOOK REVIEWS 231

deeply this guide will suggest to him the mine of untapped
information hidden in the voluminous consular materials and
post records. There is also a section on the Territorial Papers.

The Treasury Department section deals mainly with the
problem of customs collections at various Gulf Coast ports.
This includes the activities of the Coast Guard. In the general
report of treasury agents, there is a special section (pp. 145-
146) dealing with smuggling and other activities along the
Rio Grande.

Of main interest to Southwest historians, however, will
be the War Department section, for the records described
herein relate mainly to the Mexican border area. Main cate-
gories include the Mexican War, the subsequent border trou-
bles (both Mexican and Indian) in the latter part of the nine-
teenth century, and the Mexican Revolution (1910-1921).
Also listed herein are fairly complete records of the activi-
ties of the United States Army in Cuba and the Canal Zone.

The final section, that dealing with the Navy Department,
is the best organized. The reports from ship captains have a
special importance, says Mr. Harrison, for "after 1830, when-
ever there was a revolution of national importance or a local
political disturbance in Latin America that threatened the
lives or investments of United States citizens, a United States
naval vessel was likely to be on the spot." There is also a de-
tailed account of the records available on the extensive Ma-
rine Corps activity in the Caribbean and Central America
during the years 1915-1932.

This guide is an indispensable research tool both for his-
torians dealing with Latin America, and with Latin America
and the United States. In addition, it should be of special in-
terest to scholars doing research on the southwest since 1830
because of the large amount of North Mexican and border-
land materials described. Use of this first volume of the guide
will be greatly facilitated by the publication of Volume 2,
which is to contain the index for both.

University of New Mexico EDWIN LIEUWEN

232 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

The Cattle Kings. By Lewis Atherton. Bloomington : Indiana
University Press, 1961. Pp. xii, 308. Ills., maps, index.
$6.95.

Richard Trimble, a recent Harvard graduate turned cat-
tleman, wrote home to his parents in New York City on
February 22, 1883,

I am sorry thee has so little confidence in my ability to judge
whether it is for my advantage to stay on the ranch or in Chey-
enne. There are two sides to the cattle business, the theory and
the practice, one of which is better learned in Cheyenne where
men congregate and the other on the ranch.
(Trimble Collection, Western History Research Center, Uni-
versity of Wyoming)

These two sentences summed up in graphic manner the
dilemma, theoretically speaking, which faced many eastern
would-be cattlemen. A quick perusal of their annual reports
is all the evidence that is necessary to discover that most cat-
tlemen were not troubled by alternatives of theory and prac-
tice. As for Trimble, more conscientious than many of his
friends, he alternated between the two cultures for three
years before returning to Wall Street where he eventually
became the first secretary of the U. S. Steel Corporation.

Lewis Atherton has written a socio-cultural study of the
cattlemen with an added dash of economic analysis. Who was
this figure of a cattleman ? He came from a diverse and cosmo-
politan eastern background. The motivations for leaving the
East were as varied as the backgrounds ; health, excitement,
visions of economic rewards, or just plain wanderlust re-
sulted in the easterner appearing on the frontier.

Once in the West he developed a way of life which was
noted for both stability and paradoxes. A pragmatist, the
cattleman had a live and let live philosophy. Yet when he
was pressed by economic circumstances his laissez-faire ap-
proach could easily vanish. A firm believer in discipline, he,
on occasion would succumb to lawlessness, as the studies of
Wayne Gard and John Caughey have shown. Hard in his per-

BOOK REVIEWS 233

sonal business dealings, he was often generous with his fam-
ily and philanthropies (though the latter was frequently left
to his wife). In that overworked phrase, he was a rugged
individualist, who would co-operate with other cattlemen in
forming stock growers associations for the purpose of solv-
ing problems of mutual concern. Yet his allegiance to these
organizations was to tenuous that he would readily resign his
membership (after the disastrous winter of 1886-1887, the
cattlemen resigned wholesale from the Wyoming Stock
Growers Association, a study in futility as well as econom-
ics) . There was a more finely balanced mixture of individual-
ism and co-operation than has been generally admitted.

The author offers his most viable contribution in reveal-
ing the common denominators between the Western cattle-
men and the Eastern businessman. Was there as much of a
clash of culture as has been assumed? An Eastern culture
often did thrive when transplanted to the West. However
the reverse process of the Western facade being grafted onto
the East could be as artificial as false fronted architecture.

What seems to disturb the author most is why the central
figure of the range economy has been neglected, when the
cowboy has been transformed into a folk hero. The author
suggests several reasons: there was a general distrust of
business in the late nineteenth century, the cowboy was a
more generally identifiable species than the individualistic
cattleman, and the cowboy was good copy for writers — action
rather than character subtleties were conducive to a uncom-
plicated plot. What Atherton has left unanswered is why so
much of this western range fiction is so inferior in literary
quality. Little historical imagination is necessary to note that
the cattleman may well have had a better fate in being ne-
glected than the cowboy has received by being embalmed by
hordes of pulp writers.

Atherton's announced aim of placing the cattleman in
American culture has been achieved successfully with an ease
of literary style that many historians might well envy.

University of Wyoming GENE M. GRESSLEY

234 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

An Affair of Honor. Woodrow Wilson and the Occupation of
Veracruz. By Robert E. Quirk. Lexington : University of
Kentucky Press, 1962. Pp. vi, 184. $5.00.

Since the United States has been reaping in Latin Amer-
ica an unhappy harvest sown in an age of exuberant adoles-
cence, the historian of diplomacy has virtually a mandate to
berate the shapers and misshapers of an abortive foreign pol-
icy with the irreverence and zeal for expose which charac-
terized the muckrakers of the Progressive Era. Alas, poor
Wilson! Once revered as a towering idealist, he has been
steadily reduced in stature until one suspects he may subse-
quently appear in history — until resurrected by neo-idealists
— as merely the first in a line of golfplaying presidents. In-
deed, when the golf scores of chief executives are compared —
a research task not yet accomplished — it is probable we shall
learn that Wilson was as impervious to advice on the links as
he was in the White House, thereby accruing shamefully high
scores and falling into innumerable sandtraps, while insist-
ing on using his old No. 3 iron despite the would-be peer
group's advice to use a putter. Such is the inevitable fate, as
David Riesman might say, of an inner-directed man in a so-
ciety moving toward the other-directedness typified by War-
ren G. Harding.

Robert E. Quirk is unquestionably one of the most able
and talented of those presently engaged in exposing the fables
and foibles of United States foreign policy in the interven-
tionist period in Latin America. The present work, awarded
$1,000 by the Mississippi Valley Historical Association, was
preceded by the author's The Mexican Revolution, 1914-1915
(Indiana University Press, 1960), which received the Bolton
prize of the American Historical Association.

Since Professor Quirk seems unable, or at least unwilling,
to write anything less than a prize winner, one may wonder
as to the secrets of his success. In the opinion of this reviewer,
the excellence of An Affair of Honor rests on two qualities.
One is thoroughness of research. The author has carefully

BOOK REVIEWS 235

examined an impressive quantity of sources — Navy logbooks,
newspapers, diaries, private papers, and appropriate files in
the National Archives, the Departments of the Army, Navy,
and Interior, and the Mexican archives. Like Justin Smith
before him, who walked the routes of the United States army
in the war with Mexico, Professor Quirk has viewed at first
hand the site of the Tampico incident and has absorbed by
observation, interviews with old residents, and intensive
reading, the atmosphere of Veracruz in 1914, scene of the
seven months' occupation by United States military forces.

Secondly, the author sketches his characters and scenes
convincingly and with frequent evidence of artistry. One
does not soon forget, even if one does not entirely agree with,
Quirk's Wilson — so convinced of his own Tightness that it
was a standing joke at the White House that complete ignor-
ance of Mexico was an indispensable qualification for talk-
ing to Wilson about it. About Wilson, Quirk observed that
"nothing bolsters a man's confidence in his own rectitude
more than scanty information."

Equally vivid are portrayals of Nelson J. O'Shaughnessy,
the charge d'affaires in Mexico and his wife, for whom diplo-
matic life was a "mad whirl of entertainment." They are
glimpsed most often in proximity with Victoriano Huerta —
the Mexican president whom Wilson was trying to eject from
power. O'Shaughnessy is pictured exchanging "abrazos" and
jokes with Huerta ; his wife, on many occasions, is seen "look-
ing almost regal" when entering salons on the arm of the
Mexican president. Rear Admiral Henry T. Mayo, "firm-
jawed with a scraggly mustache," is unforgettable as the
commander off Tampico who demanded official apologies for
the arrest of some American sailors, while Secretary of State
Bryan is portrayed as cheerfully misreading and misinter-
preting dispatches from Mexico.

Nor will readers soon forget Quirk's description of Vera-
cruz in 1914 where "sea and sky strive to match or surpass
each other with azure blue for emerald green, filmy cloud for
whitecap and spume." One may almost smell the city where

236 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

vultures reeked of carrion as they hopped about in the meat
market feeding on waste scraps tossed on the floor. The occu-
pation of Veracruz by some 7,000 troops is excellently pre-
sented— the massive cleaning up of garbage, of venereal dis-
ease, and of the vile prison of San Juan de Ulua. Quirk is can-
did in his revelation of United States' soldiers abroad — lin-
ing up by the scores for their favorite prostitute. One almost
suspects that humor won out over verity in the sources to
read that American and other foreign prostitutes, barred
from operating in Veracruz out of respect for Mexico's na-
tional feelings, protested that such restriction was in viola-
tion of freedom of trade.

An Affair of Honor does not so much reinterpret the
events in United States relations with Mexico between April
and November, 1914, as it demonstrates that American repre-
sentatives abroad, whether of the military or diplomatic
corps, distorted facts in their reporting of incidents which in-
flamed the nationalism of which Mayo, Wilson and others
were, in their various ways, an expression. One does learn
that the munitions cargo of the German ship, Ypiranga, origi-
nated with Remington in New York rather than in Germany
as scholars familiar with only the documents in the Foreign
Relations of the United States have supposed. But in general
the main outline of developments, which have to do with Wil-
son's efforts to extricate himself from the sandtrap of uphold-
ing United States' honor, remains unchanged.

There are a few statements which tend to be misleading.
In the preface, p. v, to point out that military occupation sup-
pressed civil rights is to assume that such rights previously
existed in practice. It is also only a partial explanation to say
that Mexican resentment in 1914 was due to Wilson's injec-
tion of a moral issue into his non-recognition policy. It would
appear that rising Mexican nationalism, rather than Wilson's
moralism, was responsible for the reaction in Mexico which
was so different than that displayed in 1847-48. The author
also is inconsistent in saying that Wilson would sacrifice
American property owners in Tampico to his policy of oust-

BOOK REVIEWS 237

ing Huerta (p. 48) , when on p. 18 he had stated it was Wil-
son's general policy (Huerta or no Huerta) not to protect
property owners abroad. The author also yields rather too
much to effect in saying the Americans "killed hundreds of
Mexicans to take Veracruz" (p. 154) when he had earlier
stated the figure was about 200, or possibly somewhat more.
"Hundreds" imply many more than 200 as a descriptive
statement of quantity. Lastly, those nurtured on Ray Stan-
nard Baker's Woodrow Wilson, 6 vols. (New York, 1946)
will find it difficult wholly to replace the favorable if biased
image of Wilson in that work with the crochety, egotistical,
golf player reflected in Quirk's book.

The virtues of An Affair of Honor, however, vastly out-
weigh any defects. For a picture of how individuals shape for-
eign policy, of conduct and misconduct abroad, and of the
motivations and manners of leading figures in American di-
plomacy, this work achieves a high standard. The histori-
ography of United States diplomacy has been greatly en-
riched by this contribution.

University of New Mexico TROY S. FLOYD

El Morro: Inscription Rock, New Mexico. By John M. Slater.
Los Angeles : The Plantin Press, 1961. Pp. xiv, 157. Illus-
trations, maps, bibliography and index. $30.00.

El Morro is introduced to the reader by Lawrence Clark
Powell with his usual poetic sensitivity to the Southwestern
scene. He is followed by a brief historical sketch for the Span-
ish-Mexican period, beginning with Cabeza de Baca, that dis-
cusses the various travelers who passed by the rock and
presents a translation of their inscriptions (pp. 1-25) . The
American Period (p. 27-50) includes selective inscriptions,
largely before 1875, and an account of the establishment of
El Morro as a National Monument.

A list of the inscriptions with a reference system to a map
whereby the reader can locate the site of a particular item
on the rock fills pp. 53-72, followed by pictures of the rock,

238 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

pueblo ruins, and inscriptions (pp. 74-133) . These are photo-
graphs with a few reprints of sketches from older publica-
tions. The artistry is of the highest quality.

The book is an invaluable reproduction of an historical
record that will be destroyed eventually by nature with its
dedicated purpose of changing the face of the earth. El Morro
is a monument of sandstone and cannot endure forever, least
of all the recordings of travelers who pasaron por aqui.

F.D.R.

The United States and Poncho Villa: a Study in Unconven-
tional Diplomacy. By Clarence C. Clendenen. Ithaca: Cor-
nell University Press. 1961. Pp. xiv. 352. $5.75.

Whether as an object of wild adulation or bitter hatred,
or as a leading character in a Broadway musical, Pancho Villa
has always evoked strong emotions. A winner of the Ameri-
can Historical Association's Beveridge Award for 1961, this
scholarly book subjects one phase of Villa's colorful career
to objective scrutiny. Its author is a retired colonel who began
his army service on the Mexican border soon after World
War I. Focussing primarily on the diplomatic relations be-
tween the Mexican leader and American officials during the
Wilson era, Clendenen seeks to explain why, despite a half
century of border clashes before 1914, a diplomatic crisis
then developed. A large portion of the book traces the rever-
berations of the Mexican revolution in American foreign
policy. Patiently the author fills in details to indicate Wilson's
shifting attitudes towards Villa and Carranza. Clendenen
feels that once the complicated patchwork of Mexican poli-
tics during the revolution is laid bare Wilson's policies are
fully vindicated.

This volume makes at least two contributions towards a
better understanding of United States-Mexican relations. As
a student of diplomacy, Clendenen is able to ignore many of
Villa's barbarities which are only incidental in this account,
and to paint a more favorable portrait of the Revolutionary

BOOK REVIEWS 239

leader. Until Wilson's recognition of Carranza in 1916, Villa
was consistently friendly towards the United States. Among
the political figures in Mexico there was none who was more
favorably inclined towards the big neighbor in the north. In
contrast, Carranza is pictured here not as a benign democrat,
but as an implacable and obstinate foe of American policies,
good or bad. Perhaps the greatest contribution of the book is
to place the Mexican troubles into their proper context within
American diplomacy. The author shows that these difficulties
were of much greater concern to Wilson than has been re-
alized by historians who have concentrated on his relations
with German and European statesmen. The bandit raids of
Villa had ramifications that were global. German military
leaders, especially Ludendorff and Bernstorff, were convinced
by Wilson's "watchful waiting" that the United States was
weak, incompetent and indecisive and would not resort to war
even under extreme provocation. This impression contributed
heavily towards the decision to renew unrestricted submarine
warfare in January, 1917, and to the ill-fated Zimmerman
Telegram. If the skirmishes along the Texas border were
sometimes of small magnitude, their implications were of
world-wide significance.

Scholars will welcome Clendenen's book. In many parts
the style is clear and the documentation adequate. Dr. Clen-
denen has relied primarily on American sources including
State Department publications, Army records in the National
Archives, and personal manuscripts like those of Pershing.
Unfortunately he has not used Mexican sources. In Mexico
City the personal archives of General Roque Gonzales Garza,
president of the Convention in 1914, contain much pertinent
correspondence with Villa. There are no references to ma-
terials in the Ejercito Nacional or the Relaciones Exteriores.
The absence of citations to Mexican or Southwestern news-
papers indicates that the author has not extensively used vast
and fruitful collections in the Hemeroteca Nacional and the
Biblioteca de Mexico, or in the Library of Congress and the
Universities of Texas, Arizona and New Mexico. Neverthe-

240 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

less, this is a useful account which can be read with profit not
only by students of the Southwest, and of American diplo-
macy, but also by specialists in Latin-American studies. It
illuminates the complicated web of domestic politics and di-
plomacy on both sides of the border in a period when both
nations were in the throes of crisis.

University of New Mexico GERALD D. NASH

^Mexico

Historical "Review

Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe

October, 1962

CITY, MO.
UBLIC LIBRARY

FRANK D. REEVE

PERCY M. BALDWIN
FRANCE V. SCHOLES

Editors
Associates

BRUCE T.ELLIS

PAUL A. F. WALTER

GEORGE P. HAMMOND
ELEANOR B. ADAMS

VOL. XXXVII

OCTOBER, 1962

No. 4

CONTENTS

The Great New Mexico Cattle Raid — 1872
Charles L. Kenner ....

Page

243

Sheep Husbandry in New Mexico, 1902-1903
Edited by William J. Parish (continued)

260

The Triangle and the Tetragrammaton
Floyd S. Fierman ....

310

Notes and Documents 322

THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the
Historical Society of New Mexico and The University of New Mexico.
Subscription to the REVIEW is by membership in the Society — open to all.
Dues, including subscription, $5.00 annually, in advance. Single num-
bers, except a few which have become scarce, are $1.00 each. For further
information regarding back files and other publications available, see
back cover.

Membership dues and other business communications should be ad-
dressed to the Historical Society of New Mexico, Box 1727, Santa Fe,
N. M. Manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be addressed
to Prof. Frank D. Reeve, The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,
N.M.

Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY OP NEW MEXICO, ALBUQUERQUE

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW

VOL. XXXVII OCTOBER, 1962 No. 4

THE GREAT NEW MEXICO CATTLE RAID— 1872
By CHARLES L. KENNER*

IN THE autumn of 1872 there occurred one of the most auda-
cious events in New Mexico's turbulent history. John
Hittson — a true Titan of the Texas cattle country1 — led a
slashing raid into the territory searching for cattle which
the Comancheros had stolen from his native ranges. For at
least six weeks Hittson's armed bands terrorized the eastern
outskirts of settlement rounding up and then brazenly driv-
ing several thousand cattle northward to Colorado. The raid's
unsurpassed boldness has led writers from Joseph McCoy
in 1873 down to the present to comment on it, but a synthe-
sized account has never been published. The lack of one has
led to the publication of much misleading data as, for in-
stance, an account by the talented Mari Sandoz in her popu-
lar history, The Cattlemen. Miss Sandoz describes two raids
— the first being led by H. M. Childress in 1872 which encour-
aged William Hittson, the Texas cowman known as Colonel
John, to try his own raid in 1873. It supposedly was carried
out successfully with the aid of only "three very good men
with guns."2 However, there was only one raid and that was
led by John Hittson with at least ninety instead of three gun-

* Department of History, San Angelo College, 2600 West Avenue N, San Angelo, Texas.

1. For an account of Hittson's rise to prominence see the author's "John Hittson,
West Texas Cattle King," accepted for publication by West Texas Historical Association
Year Book.

2. Mari Sandoz, The Cattlemen from the Rio Grande Across the Far Mar as (New
York: Hastings House, 1958), 215.

243

244 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

men present. William Hittson, John's brother and an out-
standing ranchman in his own right, was not even associated
with it and H. M. Childress was only a subordinate on the
raid.

When he decided to lead an armed expedition into New
Mexico to recapture his stolen cattle, John Hittson was pre-
paring to meet head-on a movement that had long scourged
the Texas border, the Comanchero trade in stolen cattle. The
Comancheros themselves had originated innocently enough
soon after the conclusion of a lasting peace between the
Comanches and New Mexicans in 1786, serving as small-
time purveyors of civilization to the Indians. As early as the
1820's they probably began to accept cattle along with the
buffalo hides they regularly received in payment for their
trade goods.3 Until the outbreak of the Civil War, however,
the number traded was so small as to go completely unno-
ticed ; then the situation changed radically.

The Indians may well have been encouraged to raid
Texas by some federal military officials in New Mexico hoping
thus to injure the Texans' war effort;4 but a more significant
incentive was the decreasing buffalo population on the plains
which forced the Comanches to seek a substitute staple of
exchange for the Comanchero's guns, ammunition, and whis-
key, upon which they had grown dependent. Regardless of
what motivated the Indians, the lush Texas ranges, teeming
with practically untended cattle, were completely vulnerable
to their lightning-like thrusts, and evidences of their activi-
ties multipled as the Civil War continued.

In early 1864, H. T. Ketcham, a special Indian agent, vis-
ited the winter camps of the Comanches to vaccinate them
for small pox and reported that not only were they holding
herds of cattle, but that they were also preparing for another
raid upon Texas.6 Later in the same year Lieutenant Fran-

8. In 1871 some New Mexicans said the cattle trade had been going on for over fifty
years. Santa Fe Weekly Post, June 17, 1871.

4. "Report of Indian Agent Lorenzo Labadi," Annual Report of the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs, 1867 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1868), 215.

6. "Report of H. T. Ketchum, April 10, 1864," Annual Report of the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs, 1864 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1865), 258.

HITTSON RAID 245

cisco Abreu, the Federal commander at Fort Bascom in east-
ern New Mexico, stated that New Mexican traders were
bringing in large numbers of cattle from the plains.6

Thus started, the trade was not injured by the closing
of the Civil War ; indeed, it was given a shot in the arm. The
vengeance-minded Federals blindly stripped the border of all
protection for a time, and their later half-hearted efforts to
stop the Indian raiding were completely unavailing. Indica-
tive of the raids is the report of Lorenzo Labadi, a veteran
New Mexican Indian agent, who visited the Comanches try-
ing to persuade them to stop raiding in Texas. Upon his re-
turn he reported that the Indian camps were "fairly
swamped" with cattle and horses and that no less than eigh-
teen war parties were out on raids against the Texas fron-
tier.7 Since just one band of seventy-five braves were reported
to have stolen 4,100 cattle in a single week,8 the damage
caused by such wide-spread raiding was undoubtedly tre-
mendous.

From bitter experience, John Hittson probably learned
as much about the trade as anyone. In relating an account of
its workings to a Denver reporter, he blamed the losses he and
other cattlemen had been suffering upon three classes of
people :

First and chief est, are a set of men in New Mexico — merchants,
who occupy prominent and responsible positions before the
public. Next, are what are termed Comancheros, a low des-
perate class of Greasers, who are in the employ of these mer-
chants to perform the dirty work and act as go-betweens. Then
come the Indians I have spoken of. Their plan of operation is
this: The merchants . . . furnish the Comancheros with pro-
visions, blankets, trinkets, and other things which an Indian
admires and will work for. The Comancheros go to the tribes
with whom they are on friendly footing, being half-blooded
some of them, and make known their wants — or give their

6. Lt. Francisco Abreu to Captain Robert Cutler, October 10, 1864. War of the Re-
bellion, Official Records (Series I), vol. 34, part 4, page 422.

7. "Report of Lorenzo Labadi," op. cit., 215.

8. Weekly New Mexican (Santa Fe), July 21, 1868.

246 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

order, as it were — for a nice herd of Texas cattle. The Indians,
who live upon this business, at once start upon their thieving
mission, and are not unf requently accompanied by these Mexi-
cans, who are, on such occasions much more savage and expert
than the Indians themselves.9

Hittson undoubtedly suffered heavily from the Comanche
cattle raids, but it is impossible to determine the exact num-
ber of his losses. One of his hired hands testified many years
later that "the number [of Hittson's cattle] was lessened by a
fourth, or possibly a half,"10 but no estimates were made by
Hittson himself of his losses. Despite his reticence, the pos-
sible scope of the loss he suffered can be surmised from the
claims put forward by one of his less renowned neighbors,
Lewis A. Dickson, of Wise County, who reported losing an
estimated $159,750 worth of cattle and horses to the Indians
between 1868 and 1873.11

After vainly urging that the Federal authorities take
effective measures to protect the cattlemen by stationing
"troops or well organized companies of civilians on the fron-
tier with orders to arrest and bring to strict account all sus-
picious looking characters,"12 Hittson decided to take mat-
ters into his own hands in the spring of 1872. He was con-
vinced that he could find many of his stolen stock in the val-
leys of the Pecos and Canadian rivers in New Mexico and
determined to recapture as many as possible.

Methodically he began to carry out the plan. First, he se-
cured "powers of attorney" from "nearly two hundred" of
his follow ranchers in Texas giving him the right to repre-
sent them in the civil courts to recover their cattle as well
as his own.13 Next he went to Denver and "outfitted three
parties — about thirty men each." Arming them well, he sent

9. Rocky Mountain News (Denver), April 29, 1873.

10. Affidavit of M. L. Johnson, May 2, 1908. Indian Depredation Cases #2996, 2997,
and 3000. Records of the United States Court of Claims, Washington, D. C.

11. "Indian Depredation Claims," House Executive Document, 49 Cong., 1885-1886 (37
vols., Washington: Government Printing Office, 1886), XXXI, No. 125, p. 134.

12. Colorado Chieftain (Pueblo), July 11, 1872.
18. Ibid.. October 17. 1872.

HITTSON RAID 247

them south into New Mexico where he soon joined them "and
obtained another strong guard" in that territory.14

To assist him on the raid, Hittson recruited as lieutenants
some veteran ranchers only slightly less notable than himself.
Foremost of these was James Patterson who had operated
the first large ranch on the Pecos below Fort Sumner while
selling beef to the Navahos at Bosque Grande immediately
after the Civil War. After selling his property there to John
Chisum in 1867, he ranched elsewhere in New Mexico, rather
uniquely marketing his beef through his own meat market
in Santa Fe. These activities together with his continuing to
sell beef to the government made him one of the largest Fed-
eral income tax payers in New Mexico in both 1867 and 1868.
Sometime around 1870 he moved to Colorado, and when the
New Mexican newspapers spoke of him during the raid his
address was given as Denver.15

One of Hittson's more colorful aides was a veteran trail
driver named H. M. Childress, the son of a remarkable pio-
neer Methodist circuit rider in West Texas. He had estab-
lished one of the earliest ranches in Coleman County, from
which he drove an average 2,500 head of cattle annually to
Abilene between 1867 and 1871. Instead of prospering, how-
ever, he had "recklessly squandered many thousands of dol-
lars" and was anxious to recoup his fortunes when he met
Hittson and decided to accompany him to New Mexico. From
his description he would seem to have been an important ad-
dition to Hittson's forces :

He will walk boldly into death's jaws to relieve or avenge a
friend; has a nerve of iron, cool and collected under fire. Is
a deadly pistol shot, and does not hesitate to use one effectively
when occasion requires ; yet would always rather avoid a quar-
rel than seek one, but will not shrink from facing the most des-
perate characters. ... to his enemies he presents, in anger,

14. Rocky Mountain News, April 29, 1873. Other accounts place the number of Hitt-
son's men at sixty (Weekly New Mexican, September 24, 1872) and one hundred fifty
(Colorado Chieftain, October 17, 1872).

15. James Cox, Historical and Biographical Record of the Cattle Industry and the
Cattlemen of Texas and the Adjacent Territory (St. Louis: Woodward and Tierman, 1895),
313 ; Daily New Mexican, September 19, 1868, July 17, 1868, and May 19, 1869.

248 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

that peculiar characteristic of smiling demoniacally whilst he
is plainly and openly maneuvering to shoot them through the
heart.16

Rather strangely Childress was not mentioned by the con-
temporary New Mexican newspapers. Instead, they dwell at
length on the accomplishments of a Hittson aide named Mar-
tin Childers, who struck terror into the hearts of the Mexi-
cans. One is tempted to believe Martin Childers and H. M.
Childress might have been the same person, and either McCoy
or the New Mexican newspapers misspelled his name ; how-
ever, just as there was an authentic Texas rancher named
H. M. Childress, there was also one named Martin Childers
who was listed as one of the leading cattlemen of northwest
Texas, running 10,000 head of cattle in 1870.17

Hittson's operations in New Mexico must be pieced to-
gether from a number of separate and often conflicting frag-
mentary sources. He himself only stated that his men struck
first at "Port Dilune" [Puerto de Luna] on the Pecos River
in July, 1872. His account maddeningly (to the historian)
boxed the operations of the entire summer into one terse
sentence: His men combed the countryside and "in a few
weeks time recovered from four to six thousand of my cat-
tle."18 Fortunately other contemporary records are not so
scanty, and it is possible to fill out the details of the raid.

An unintended result of Hittson's operations was to help
spoil a summer's campaigning by a hard-hitting army officer
named R. S. Mackenzie. Mackenzie had painfully trailed a
large herd of stolen cattle across the Staked Plains, hoping
to capture the Comancheros who had taken them. Unfortu-
nately for him, when he reached the New Mexican settlements
he found that the robbers "had left ... to escape capture by
a party of citizens who were arresting cattle thieves, and tak-

16. Joseph G. McCoy, Historic Sketches of the Cattle Trade of the West and Southwest
(Washington : The Rare Book Shop, 1932) , 346.

17. John Ashton, "Texas Cattle Trade in 1870." The Cattleman, XXXVIII (July,
1951), 76.

18. Rocky Mountain News, April 29, 1873.

HITTSON RAID 249

ing possession of stolen cattle."19 Mackenzie was only the
most important of several who left brief notations of some
aspect of the Hittson raid, while remaining unaware of its
over-all nature.

By no means did Hittson always act in a ruthless or vio-
lent manner while in New Mexico. He was comparatively
tactful with the powerful Romero family, who were both the
leading ranchers and office holders of San Miguel County —
holding such lucrative positions as sheriff and probate judge
as virtual personal possessions. When Hittson arrived at their
ranch he diplomatically offered to repurchase any stolen ani-
mals that they might have unwittingly bought. His hosts,
quite happy not to force the issue with the well-armed
Texans, quickly agreed to his proposal and released his cattle
with fervent expressions of regret — pocketing any rancor
they might have felt along with his money.20

The reasoning behind Hittson's suave behavior is found
in an agreement he and the Romeros made as part of their
transaction. The Spanish rico agreed to keep secret the fact
that he had been paid for his cattle. Thus, when the smaller
Mexican ranchers saw how easily Hittson had regained his
cattle from the all-powerful Romeros, they also had a re-
surgence of courtesy and released their "cattle with Texas
brands . . . hurriedly with tactful Spanish [apologies] for
the lamentable mistake."21 Not all proved so tractable, as
others ran their stock into the mountains and slaughtered
them for their hides rather than docilely wait for their ill-
gotten fruits to be stripped from them.

Inevitably resentment towards the Anglo invaders grew
as Hittson's activities intensified and his men flaunted their
contempt for the native population. At Las Vegas a delega-
tion of townsmen petitioned Don Miguel Otero, formerly New
Mexico's delegate to the United States Congress, to use his

19. Annual Report of the Secretary of War, 1872, 151.

20. Interview, George E. Crammer to Edgar McMechem, May 7, 1934. MS. in Colorado
Historical Museum Library, Denver, Colorado.

21. Edgar McMechem, "John Hittson, Cattle King," The Colorado Magazine, XI (May,
1934), 169.

250 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

prestige and prominence on the Texans. Reluctantly Otero
undertook the task and — with his two teen-age sons — went
to the raider's camp where he urged their leader "to have
greater regard for the property of the citizens of New
Mexico."22

The Texan, remembered by young Miguel Jr. — the future
territorial governor of New Mexico — as a "large, red-headed
man with chin whiskers, weighing fully two hundred and
twenty-five pounds," answered Otero harshly :

"These God damn greasers have been stealing our horses and
cattle for the past fifty years, and we got together and thought
we would come up this way and have a grand round-up, and
that is why we are here. What is more we intend to take all the
horses and cattle we come across and drive them back to Texas
where they belong. My advice to your fellows is : Don't attempt
to interfere with what we are doing unless you are looking for
trouble." 23

That ended the conversation.

More violent encounters between the native population
and Hittson's forces have been passed down by some of the
veteran settlers there. Not too unexpectedly, it was more
often the American element than the Mexican that resisted.
J. Evetts Haley relates that Jim Duncan, an early freighter,
recalled that a rancher named Simpson asserted that the
Texans were not going to take the cattle he had bought from
the Comancheros. As the Texans jerked open the gate to the
corral where the cattle were located, Simpson jumped into
the opening. Undaunted, the Texans shot him down and cold-
bloodedly drove the cattle out over his body.24

A similar incident concerning an Anglo rancher near
Anton Chico, who had long done a thriving business in stolen
cattle, was also recalled long years afterwards by an old
Comanchero. With apparent gusto the old Mexican related

22. Miguel Otero, MV Life on the Frontier 1864-188i (New York: Press of the Pio-
neers, 1935), 62.

23. Ibid., 63.

24. J. Evetts Haley, "The Comanchero Trade," Southwestern Historical Quarterly,
XXXVin (January, 1935), 173.

HITTSON RAID 251

his tale of the inevitable clash when the Texans arrived at
the Anglo's ranch in their methodical search for cattle:

The Tejanos recovered about fifteen hundred head of cattle
with their brands but not without a fight. The cowboys hired
by the Americanos brought out their guns and there was real
war. The Tejanos were victorious and besides recovering their
cattle, they took one of the cowboys of the Americanos and
lynched him. They left him hanging from a pine tree close to
the house.25

While the above accounts may have acquired more than a
little garnishment during the many years before they were
written down, at least one sensational clash between the raid-
ers and the New Mexicans is substantiated beyond all doubt.
At the little town of Loma Parda, located about twenty-five
miles north of Las Vegas, the populace, led by their police
chief and postmaster, Edward Seaman, decided to defend
their cattle against the encroachments of the Texans. At the
first they were successful for, when some of the Texans ar-
rived on September 8, they found seven head of Hittson's
cattle, but were prevented from driving them off. The next
day they returned twenty strong "but found the police of the
precinct awaiting them and they left." The Texans gave the
villagers little time in which to celebrate their apparent vic-
tory for the next day a raiding party of sixty gunmen ap-
peared, ready to brook no show of resistance.

Of the violent tragedy that followed, two lengthy but con-
flicting reports exist. According to the Mexican's official in-
quest,26 the immediate trouble began when Julian Baca, a
resident, refused to surrender two horses. He tried to run
into his house to escape the Texans but "was seized from
behind and pounded with pistols . . . until his body was
black." A neighbor, Toribo Garcia, attracted by Senora Baca's
screams that her husband was being killed, dashed into the
street, gun in hand. Over-awed by the sight of the armed

26. Fabiola Cabeza de Baca, We Fed Them Cactus (Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, 1954), 60.

26. Weekly New Mexican, September 24, 1872.

252 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Texans, he hastily retreated towards the protection of his
home but was shot through the back by one of the raiders,
dying almost instantly.

By this time Seaman had arrived at the scene with unfor-
tunate consequences to himself. One of the Texans immedi-
ately accosted him with the remark, "What are you doing
here, you d — son of a b — h," and following it up with a
slashing blow with his rifle across Seaman's face, "cutting
a deep gash across the cheek bone, and putting out the left
eye." Delirious from the blow, Seaman unwittingly ran into
the corral only to find it filled with his adversaries. When he
turned to escape, he was dragged back into it by a Texan who
snarled at him, "hold on you son of a b — h, we are not done
with you yet." Desperately Seaman wrenched loose and stum-
bled towards the door of the house when he was "shot from
behind, falling forward on his face — the ball entered the
back part of the head and came out just above the forehead
tearing away quite a large piece of the skull, and causing
instant death."

After doing away with their chief foe, the Texans raced
up and down the streets, firing wildly and running off stock.
When the local alcalde ventured into the street to protest he
was callously shot through both legs. This ended the Mexi-
can's last shred of resistance, and they helplessly huddled
behind their adobe walls until finally their tormentors left
the tortured town to its misery.

The Mexican was not the only side of the story; James
Patterson wrote a letter to the editor of the New Mexican,
in which he explained that the Texans were acting purely in
self defense. According to him Hittson's men were at the
corral where the shooting took place :

. . . demanding the cattle of the men claiming: them within
the enclosure, when Mr. Seaman rushed into their midst loudly
calling to a party of armed followers to 'come on,' and without
further warning, presented a revolver in the face of Mr. Chil-
ders with a threat of instant death. So sudden was the attack
that Childers had no time to draw and defend himself. A man

HITTSON RAID 253

from behind seeing the peril of Mr. Childers . . . shot Seaman
through the head killing him instantly. The cowardly crew who
were to have helped in the attack, at this moment turned and
fled, leaving the ground to the Texans.27

Despite the Texan's version of the Loma Parda incident,
a storm of controversy flared through the newspapers of the
state as angry editors sought to turn their readers against
the invaders. Bitterly the New Mexico Union described the
Texans as coming into the area "with braggadocio, swagger-
ing and offers of violence," complaining that "too often these
blowing bullies have succeeded with their pretensions." It
concluded its tirade with a rousing appeal for action :

We say no just . . . man should allow himself ... to be
trampled upon by the disgusting, cowardly pretender. The time
has come when people should hold their rights in their own
hands. We repeat our wonder at the submission of a wronged
people. For weeks, men in bands from Texas have ranged with
pistols, rifles and knives and have taken cattle where they
pleased, under the pretense that they had at some time been
unlawfully taken from Texas. Is there another county in the
United States where the whole community would not rebel at
the outrage? We say to the people, take care of your own inter-
est. You have no safety but in your own hands.28

While this overwhelmingly represented the majority
viewpoint in New Mexico, it was not the only one. The New
Mexican in the same issue that carried an account of the
tragedy was surprisingly moderate. It summed up its opin-
ion thusly : "there is a soreness on the part of the innocent
purchasers of the stock, but they cannot deny the justice of
the Texan's claims."29

Regardless of the justice of the Texans' claims it is hard
to excuse the brutality at Loma Parda. Hittson himself, per-
haps not too proud of it, even sought to deny all connection
with it. The next year he told a Denver reporter, "I had no
engagement at arms with any parties, as they saw it was

27. Ibid., October 1, 1872.

28. The New Mexico Union (Santa Fe), October 1, 1872.

29. Weekly New Mexican, October 1, 1873.

254 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

useless to interpose against my outfit. The death of two men
was laid to my boys, but I am positive other parties were at
fault."30

As can be concluded from the above incidents, Hittson's
raid could easily have degenerated into a state of complete
lawlessness. Indeed many of the New Mexicans charged that
this was the case. A standard complaint was that "when they
came to recover their cattle, they would drive every cow
which was in their path."31 Otero made no bones about call-
ing them out and out rustlers and made the charge that the
leader of the marauders "took the proceeds of the raid and
invested it in Denver, erecting one of that city's largest office
buildings."82

Despite these charges, Hittson was not a furtive character
while in New Mexico and was careful to operate within the
admittedly lax limits of the law. Both he and Patterson were
listed as frequent guests at the Fonda Hotel in Santa Fe,33 and
doubtlessly visited quite openly in Las Vegas and the other
leading towns of New Mexico. Finally, the New Mexicans,
unable to cope with his party by force, did turn to legal means
for, in Hittson's words, "some of the parties from whom I
had taken my own cattle, secured indictments against me to
the number of about a dozen."34 He posted bond to stay out
of jail until the district court would meet the next spring.
On top of this two of the area ranchers, Pribert and Kirchner
by name, had obtained writs of replevin preventing their
cattle from being driven from the state until the courts had
decided their proper owner.35

Bad as these difficulties were, they were compounded by
other sources of annoyment to Hittson which served to dis-

30. Rocky Mountain News, April 29, 1873.
81. Cabeza de Baca, We Fed Them Cactus, 64.

32. Otero, My Life on the Frontier, 63. It is interesting to note in regard to this charge
that in 1888 Hittson's sons-in-law did build Denver's first modern office building — Otero's
account was first published some sixty years after the raid.

33. Daily New Mexican, July 30, 1872 ; August 8, 1872 ; August 19, 1872 ; September 14,
1872.

34. Rocky Mountain News, April 29, 1873.

35. Daily New Mexican, October 4, 1872.

HITTSON RAID 255

tract his attention throughout the time he was in New Mex-
ico. He had left his son Jesse in charge of the home ranch
in Texas with instructions to send a large herd over the Pecos
Trail to Colorado. This was done, but at a point on the Pecos
near the Texas-New Mexico boundary a party of Apaches
stole all but five of the herders' remuda. Only by borrowing
a few horses from another trail outfit, that luckily was close
by, did Hittson's crew reach Chisum's ranch near Fort Sum-
ner where they could purchase more horses. When Hittson
heard of the robbery, he unsuccessfully searched for the
thieves and then on September 9 wrote a letter to the Com-
missioner of Indian Affairs at Washington, requesting com-
pensation at a rate of one hundred fifty dollars per horse
and two hundred dollars per mule, for a grand total of
$6,050.36 This was the only claim for compensation he ever
made, but it would be thirty years after his death before any
restitution would be secured.

A more serious worry than the loss of his horses also
plagued Hittson during the later summer. His brother Wil-
liam arrived in New Mexico with a herd of cattle and re-
ported that Jesse had been killed by Indians.37 Happily, this
later proved to be only a mistaken rumor started by a cowboy
who had fled the scene of an all day battle in which Jesse and
eleven cowboys held off some seventy-five Comanches near
the present town of Ballinger in July, 1872, although they
were unable to save a herd of seven hundred cattle they had
been tending.38 William Hittson apparently heard the rumor
about the time he left the Concho country on his trek towards
the Pecos.

Even if the rumor was baseless, Hittson had good reason
to be anxious about the seventeen-year-old son upon whom he
had placed so much responsibility. On September 14, the
Weatherford Times carried a report that young Hittson had

86. John Hittson to Francis A. Walker, September 9, 1872, Indian Depredation Case
#3001, Records of the United States Court of Claims, Washington, D. C.

37. Daily New Mexican, September 2, 1872.

38. Deposition of Sam Gholson, November 30, 1899, Indian Depredation Case #3000,
Records of the United States Court of Claims, Washington, D. C.

256 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

been attacked by four Indians in Stephens County. The youth
reportedly killed one of them and then escaped while the other
three were carrying off their comrade's body.39 Lightly in-
deed did the frontiersmen wear their scalps.

Worry about the happenings in Texas, coupled with the
fact that his New Mexican operations were halted until the
court would meet the next spring, prompted Hittson to return
to Texas. He left Santa Fe on the stage on October 25 after
naming James Patterson and Thomas Stockton as his repre-
sentatives in charge of recovering his stolen cattle and those
for whom he himself held "Powers of Attorney."40 The ac-
tivities of these two, however, were sharply curtailed by the
legal uncertainties, and troubles steadily mounted for their
subordinates.

In December Martin Childers and several others were ar-
rested to face charges of horse stealing and murdering Sea-
man and Garcia. They were placed in the Las Vegas jail, the
"strongest and costliest edifice of its kind" in New Mexico,
but escaped within three days. The disappointed New Mexi-
cans, suspecting bribery, imprisoned the jailor and four of
the five guards on duty when the escape occurred. Then woe-
fully the New Mexican observed that "Vigorous efforts will
be made for [Childer's] recapture, but it is safe to say that
he will never again be heard of in our Territory."41

Meanwhile in Texas Hittson was making preparations for
moving his headquarters to a ranch he owned near Deer Trail,
Colorado. While working at this he received a letter from
William Veale, the chairman of the Committee on Indian
Affairs of the Texas legislature, asking for a detailed state-
ment of his experiences and findings in New Mexico. Hittson
replied that he had only partly succeeded in accomplishing
his purposes of putting "a stop to the Indian depredations as
far as possible" and recovering his stolen property. He had
"got possession of between five and six thousand head of
cattle, which are now being herded in ... Colorado, but the

39. Copied in Galveston Daily News, September 20, 1872.

40. Daily New Mexican, October 26, 1872.

41. Ibid., December 28, 1872 and January 5, 1873.

HITTSON RAID 257

above were recovered at enormous expense, nearly equal to
the value of the property recovered." In relation to a plea for
state protection "without which these thieving depredations
will continue so long as there is cattle or horses on our fron-
tier," Hittson estimated the number of cattle driven from
Texas and disposed of by the Comancheros during the previ-
ous twenty years was one hundred thousand head.42

Even while Hittson was quietly working on his ranch in
Texas, colorful accounts of his recent raid extolling his suc-
cesses and virtues spread rapidly over the country. Speaking
of reports, the Rocky Mountain News stated : "John Hittson's
operations against the border thieves seem to have attracted
general attention; and our bold, honest and wealthy stock-
man has gained a national reputation by the effectiveness of
his operations and its entire lack of 'red tape !' "43

A particularly vivid report was published in the New
York Evening Post under the striking headline : "Cattle Jack
— A modern Hercules to the Rescue !" Described by the Colo-
rado papers as "descriptive, spicy, and entertaining," the
story outlined Hittson's exploits: He "scatters his spies
over [New Mexico] and hears of thousands of cattle with
the marks he is seeking, 'drops upon' their present owner,
and . . . says : 'You have got my cattle and those of my
friends ; I have come after them, and propose to take them
with me.'"44

Not even the courts were able to bother the Hittson of the
reports : "He attends the sittings with his men and the judge's
eyes are opened so that he knows good from evil immediately
and every animal is forthcoming." The article concluded with
the prediction that Hittson was likely to recover a million
dollars worth of property, and "let us hope he receives a
handsome part for his own."

Unconcerned with the grandiloquent descriptions of his

42. The Daily Statesman (Austin), February 2, 1873. In contrast to this Charles Good-
night stated 300,000 had been run off during the Civil War alone. Haley, Charles Goodnight,
138.

43. Rocky Mountain News, January 5, 1873.

44. Copied in Colorado Chieftain, January 16, 1873.

258 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

successes and attributes, Hittson returned to Las Vegas in
March for the meeting of the district court. According to
his own statement only one case was actually tried. When it
resulted in a verdict favoring him, the district attorney
dropped the remainder of the cases.45 Unfortunately the court
records were apparently destroyed in a subsequent fire so his
account cannot be amplified.

The results of Hittson's New Mexico raid have been dis-
torted. It has been generally accepted by writers that he re-
covered eighteen thousand cattle and that he sold them for
the benefit of the original owners.46 Hittson in April of 1873,
however, stated, "I recovered between five and six thousand
cattle that had been stolen from myself and immediate neigh-
bors,— worth between $60,000 and $70,000, — and we have
them still in our possession."47 There is no indication how
much, if any, the Texans who granted Hittson "Powers of
Attorney" benefitted from the raid.

It is also difficult to gauge the effect it had upon the sup-
pression of the Comanchero cattle trade with the Indians.
Certainly the market for stolen cattle in New Mexico would
have been hurt if it was established that the original owners
could reclaim their stock there. Hittson's efforts, however, did
not end the trade. It would be the forcing of the Indians onto
reservations, the killing of their buffalo, and the relentless
patrolling of the plains, not the actions of individual cowmen,
that would do that.

According to Miguel Otero, an unintended outcome of the
Hittson raid was an increase in race antagonism between the
native New Mexicans and the Texans. He stated that the raid

. . . revealed that hostile and vengeful feeling displayed by the
Texans which produced acts of lawlessness calculated to make
the name "Tejano" a hated word among the New Mexicans.
It is said that mothers were in the habit of censuring their

45. Rocky Mountain News, April 29, 1873.

46. McMechem, "John Hittson, Cattle King," Colorado Magazine, XI, 169; Walter
Prescott Webb, editor, The Handbook of Texas, (2 vols., Austin : Texas State Historical
Association, 1951), I, 818; McCoy, Historic Sketches of the Cattle Trade, 345.

47. Rocky Mountain News, April 29, 1873.

HITTSON RAID 259

children with the dire threat : "If you are not good, I'll give you
to the Tejanos, who are coming back."48

It is difficult to arrive at definite conclusions on Hittson's
raid. In the absence of absolute information on his motives,
a number of interpretations could be placed on his actions. He
might be considered a rancher trying to make the frontier a
safer place to live, a hard-pressed cowman lashing out against
his enemies furiously and blindly, or — as the New Mexicans
seemed to think — a ruthless villain out to make as much profit
as possible from an unfortunate situation. Whatever the case,
it was an interesting, unique, and little-noticed episode in the
history of the southwestern frontier.

48. Otero, My Life on the Frontier, 63.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY IN NEW MEXICO, 1902-1903

Edited by WILLIAM J. PARISH
(Continued)

"The Young Observer" in Colorado and New Mexico *

A Drive Across the Southwestern Country

From Springer, N.M., via the Santa Fe, back thru the
tunnel at Raton and over the beautiful white mountains, glis-
tening in the sunlight, past the noted Spanish Peaks, I came
to Trinidad, Colo. On the train, I asked a tall, bearded man
how he liked the country. "Well" said he, "this is the damned-
est country I ever saw. Here we have been trying to get past
these Spanish peaks all day, and they are still in sight." (This
was five o'clock PM) "I like a country where you can get
some place some time." With a person not used to the at-
mosphere and to seeing great distances, the eye is easily
deceived. The unsophisticated easterner often starts out to
take a little stroll to a mountain which is 18 or 20 miles away,
and, after walking perhaps an hour or two and finding the
distance apparently not lessening, he gives up in despair and
goes back.

IN TRINIDAD, I called at the Trinidad scouring mills.1 I
found them busy scouring last spring's clip and learned that
they had enough on hand to keep them engaged for some time
to come. The wool around here shows a longer staple and more
Merino crosses than that farther South. It is quite common
to find staple wools around Trinidad, and nearly all the flocks

* (From Our Traveling Staff Correspondent) The American Shepherd's Bulletin, vol.
7, no. 3. March. 1902 (pt. 1).

1. There had been at least two : the Forbes and Primrose scouring mills (Charles Ilfeld
Collection, Copy Book 33, May 8, 1895, p. 466 and Incoming Correspondence Packet 35, Nov.
19, 1896, UNM Library). In later years Frank Bond of Wagonmound had an interest in
the Forbes Wool Company of Trinidad (Frank Grubbs, "Frank Bond, Gentleman Sheep-
herder of Northern New Mexico, 1883-1915," New Mexico Historical Review, 35:298).

260

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 261

average from 5 to 6 pounds of wool to the head. There are
many rich ranch men and feeders who have their homes in
Trinidad. The school advantages here are fine, and Trinidad
might be called a centre of refinement for southeastern Colo,
and the surrounding country. I found here a man who had
the courage to tell me wherein eastern stock is lacking in in-
terest to the western man. Said he,

"YOUR EASTERN RAMS are all right, but they are no good
to us here until they are acclimated." "How long," said I,
"does it take an Ohio or Michigan ram to get used to your
climate?" "Well," said he, "it depends upon how he has been
taken care of from his birth. If he has been fed all he wants
from the time he was weaned till we get him ,and never had
to rustle for himself, he will die getting acclimated ; but if,
on the other hand, he has been turned out to pasture most of
the year and learned to rustle for himself, he will get used to
things out here in two or three months and do comparatively
well on our dry gramma grass and water two or three times
a week. The great trouble with your eastern sheep raisers is
that they treat the sheep too well, and thereby destroy their
constitution and capability of standing range life." Our east-
ern sheep raisers should bear this fact in mind, and remem-
ber that the western ranch man can use these eastern sheep
only when the rams know what it is to live on grass and grass
alone. When they strike the range and are turned into the
flock, they are more than liable to see no more corn or grain
again in their lives. Quite a few of the feeders, who have
their homes in Trinidad, have feeding pens in Las Animas or
Fort Collins. These sheep, for the most part, are fed on alfalfa
hay and corn. Some growers are feeding cotton seed meal and
cotton hulls. These hulls are proving quite a success as a feed
as well as a source of revenue for the southern cotton mills.
The number of sheep fed in the above-mentioned places is a
great many less than last year.

I have asked of many at what price they considered they
could sell their lambs and obtain a profit, say, in April. The
answer of nearly every one was, 6% to 7 cents a pound. Some

262 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

put it as low as 6*72 cents, but none lower. Everywhere that I
have been in New Mexico, there are numbers of

LAMBS YET UNSOLD. This will in the estimation of some,
increase the wool clip of New Mexico nearly 14 above that of
last year. On account of the long spell of cold weather, there
are many weak lambs and cattle on the range, and, if the
weather does not turn soon, there will be large losses among
the cattle and sheep men of Texas and New Mexico.

Leaving Trinidad, Colorado, I came to Clayton. CLAYTON
is ONE OF THE MOST PROGRESSIVE and business-like towns
in New Mexico. In fact, I believe there is more business done
in Clayton in a year than in any other town of its size in the
territory. The business men are progressive, and are sup-
ported by a rich ranging country on all sides. The business of
the town is divided between four large mercantile companies,
the Lawrence Mercantile Company2 doing the most busi-
ness, M. Herzstein3 ranking next, and Phil Denitz and Max
Weil4 following in the order named. The Lawrence Mercan-
tile Company and M. Herzstein handle the bulk of the wool
and pelts which come into Clayton. The contract price for
wool seems to be about 13 cents.

After staying in the town for some little time, I accepted
the kind invitation of Mr. Abel Martinez to spend a week at
his ranch, which is located some 32 miles south of Clayton.
We started for the ranch on a fine winter day, just cold
enough to have a bracing effect. We traveled south at a merry

2. Albert Lawrence was president of the corporation. Other officers were A.M. Black-
well, Vice-Pres., Solomon Floersheim, Sec., and G. A. Franz, Treas. This company, along
with Floersheim Mercantile Company of Springer, was partially owned by the Gross,
Blackwell and Company of Las Vegas. Albert Lawrence was also a substantial stockholder
in the Floersheim Company, his name appearing on Jan. 20, 1903 in place of Harry W.
Kelly of Gross, Blackwell. On Jan. 21, 1914 his stock was purchased by the Company in
return for 6% notes (Floersheim Mercantile Company Minute Book, pp. 30, 58, 65, UNM
Library). The Lawrence Mercantile Company was sold to Christian Otto and Charles
Schleter about this time although Twitchell is probably incorrect in placing the date about
1910 (R.E. Twitchell, The Leading Facts of New Mexican History, VoL 4. Cedar Rapids,
Iowa, 1917, p. 538).

8. Morris Herzstein. See Twitchell, op tit, voL 4, pp. 542-543, for biographical sketch.

4. Was postmaster at Marguerita, San Miguel County, Mar. 19, 1891 to Oct. 13, 1892
(Sheldon H. Dike, The Territorial Post Offices of New Mexico, Copyright, 1958, S. H. Dike.
UNM library).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 263

pace and reached the ranch headquarters at about three
o'clock. The land around

THE MARTINEZ RANCH is somewhat broken. The adobe
house is located at the side of his water hole, which is large
enough to water one herd of sheep. It is fed by a fine spring
of pure water, and is an elegant place for watering sheep. Mr.
Martinez, with his father-in-law, has close to 4,000 sheep and
several hundred head of cattle. There are many small canyons
on their range where a good well can be dug, and where water
can be obtained at a depth of from eight to 15 feet ; so, you
see, the water question does not bother them greatly.

As Mr. Martinez's wife was in town, we had to cook our
own meals. It might have surprised some of his friends to see
the "Bulletin's" representative cooking and baking. Talk
about biscuits ! The Indian herder on the ranch said that they
would be a nice thing to kill coyotes with, and declined my
offer to let him have a batch of them for his dog. Some of our
trips out from the ranch were made on horseback, as Mr.
Martinez owns some very fine riding horses.

RANCH LIFE. At the home ranch of nearly every progres-
sive ranch man there is a corral fitted with hay racks and
corn troughs for the feeding of the weak lambs and the old
ewes which are to be fatted for mutton. Out of the 1,600 head
of lambs Mr. Martinez raised last spring, he has about 150 up
on feed. They are fed lightly, this year, for corn and alfalfa
are very high her (sic) (corn being worth $1.50 per hun-
dred and alfalfa $12 per ton) . After the lambs are taken out
of the flock there are few that die, for they are under the un-
divided care of their owner. It is claimed by a great many
that an Indian herder is the most capable man that they can
get to take care of their sheep. This is a disputed point, how-
ever, among sheep men. Let it be said, however, that the In-
dian herder on the Martinez ranch is certainly a fine one and
takes excellent care of the sheep. Mr. Martinez, like many
other sheep men in this locality, has his lambs yet unsold.
They will be sold any time after shearing when the price is
right. Lambs are held now at $1.25 to $1.75 per head, accord-

264 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ing to the quality. The Martinez ranch proper consists of four
claims. In addition to this is government land in every direc-
tion as far as the eye can reach.

After a pleasant week we returned to Clayton, where I
stayed over Sunday. The next Monday afternoon, Robert T.
Mansker, the deputy sheriff, and I started out on a ten day's
trip to summon jurors, and to work in the interest of the
"Bulletin." Leaving our Clayton friends behind, we sped over
the brown, sandy prairie, out past

CHRIS OTTO'S RANCH.5 It is said by those who know, that
some 15 years ago, the above-mentioned gentleman, in com-
pany with Charles Schleter, drove a herd of sheep overland
from California into the territory of New Mexico.6 From that
small beginning, by their thrift and business ability, they
have made themselves the largest sheep owners in Union
county, New Mexico. Their fortunes are variously estimated,
but it will suffice to say that they produce the best and largest
clips of wool of any individual owners in northeastern NM.
They have attained this end by the careful breeding of good
stock rams and by taking the best of care of their flocks. They
have blood in their flocks that has come from many of the
best flocks of the US, including the eastern and north central
states. Passing the Otto ranch we drove over a wide mesa and
then down into a little arroyo where the post-office of Barney
is located. We stayed all night with a man by the name of
Con Archuleta, who, with George Chavez, of the same local-
ity, owns about 800 fine sheep. Archuleta started with
nothing. For a long time he cooked for cow outfits, and fin-
ally got enough ahead to start in the sheep business for him-
self. This is an example of what a man can do if he tries hard
and sticks to it.

Several miles across the mesa and down the Tramperos
canyon we came to Beenham,7 and had a very pleasant call on

5. Christian Otto. See Twitchell, op cit, vol. 4, p. 538, for biographical sketch.

6. Confirmed in Alvis interview of Christian Otto, Sept. 8, 1934 (Berry N. Alvis,
"History of Union County," New Mexico Historical Review, 22:256).

7. The parties must have traveled alone the present route of highway 58. Beenham, in
which a post office had been established April 29, 1890 (Dike, op cit) must have been just
east of Pasamonte.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 265

the jolly postmaster, an Englishman who has for many years
been staying with the country raising cattle and sheep. When
you talk with Charley Bushnell8 you cannot help feeling bet-
ter and the world looks brighter because of him. He reported
that his sheep were doing well and that he had had but few
losses. Climbing out of the canyon, we journeyed across the
mesa and got to Pasamonte for dinner. Our host, Carl Gilg
and his wife, made our visit a pleasant one, and the dinner
that we sat down to would certainly do credit to any woman,
a true German dinner and one that was hard to beat. Mr.
Gilg runs a general merchandise store, is postmaster9 at
Passamonte, [Pasamonte] and a regular reader of the "Bulle-
tin." He buys hides, pelt, and wool, as does almost every gen-
eral merchandise store in New Mexico. After a small size
blizzard had passed, we traveled south to the home of

ROMULO LUCERO who is ex-assessor of Union county and
a prominent man in politics, as well as a successful sheep
man. We enjoyed his hospitality that night and listened to
many an exciting tale told by Mr. Lucero or "Bob," the genial
deputy sheriff with whom I was traveling. They told of the
wonderful holdups of Black Jack and his gang, how the Black
Jack gang held up the express successfully at two different
times, and finally of the capture of Black Jack himself on
his attempt to hold up the train the third time. They told of

A CERTAIN GANG OF HORSE THIEVES and bad men who came
through Clayton about 8 years ago. The sheriff organized a
posse to capture them. The posse started out bravely with
high hopes and gallant mien. When they came up with the
gang they separated so as to surround and bag the game nice-
ly. But they reckoned without their host. The bad men were
fighters from the word go. Only one of the posse were
wounded, but none of the robbers were hit or captured, and
the general condition of mind of the posse was told in the
words of one of its members. Said he, when he got back, "I
fired my pistol many times — six miles," meaning, I suppose,

8. Charles J. H. Bushnell.

9. Since Feb. 18, 1899 (Dike, op tit).

266 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

that he was so scared that he forgot to fire his pistol until
he was six miles off. It is told of another of the posse — who
always wore his large 6-shooter out in plain view, had one of
his pants legs out of his boot and the other one in, wore the
largest white hat that the town afforded, and carried his bit
red brand book in his left inside coat pocket — that, when the
shooting became a little too interesting, he pulled out the big
red book and, carefully looking through it said, "Boys, I
cannot find their brand anywhere in this book, so I think we
had better let them go."

From Palo Blanco canyon, where Romulo Lucero lives,
we drove over the mesa,10 facing a biting cold wind. About 10
o'clock we descended into Ute Creek canyon, which at this
point is about 800 feet deep, and made a short call on Nicanor
Romero, who is quite extensively interested in the sheep busi-
ness. Along about three o'clock we pulled into DeHaven11
where the post-office and general merchandise store is kept by
Walter Traister,12 an ex-cow-boy. On his present ranch he has
dammed up the creek and is irrigating about forty acres of
land, which is partly seeded down to alfalfa. On another part
he raises sugar cane, and one small part is given up to an
excellent garden, where this last season he raised onions,
weighing from one to two pounds, cabbages, carrots, sugar
beets, and other kinds of "garden sass" too numerous to men-
tion. Said he,

"WATER is ALL THE LAND NEEDS, but in most places that is
the hardest thing to get." We accepted his kind hospitality for
the evening. He wanted to know whether I was the "Old Ob-
server," and I had to confess that I was not. That evening we
were entertained by our genial friend with many a tale of
bucking broncho or eastern tenderfoot ; of an exciting mid-
night stampede of the herd, or of an Indian scare. He showed
us with pride his 30-30 rifle, with which he easily shot a coyote
through the heart at a distance of 325 yards. The next morn-

10. Turned south approximately in the vicinity of secondary road 120.

11. Evidently named for George W. DeHaven, postmaster from Apr. 15, 1895 to Aug.
15, 1900 (Dike, opcit).

12. Dike, op cit, records Daniel C. Traister as postmaster as of Aug. 31, 1901.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 267

ing, after sleeping soundly in our host's bed while he slept
on the floor, we continued our journey southward, still in
Union county. We stopped at Oliverio Lucero's where we took
dinner and looked over his excellent flock of 800 ewes, which
were well bred up in Merino and sheared six pounds to the
head. Almost every herd has from five to 25 goats in it to
lead the flock, and for other reasons understood only by their
Spanish owners.

After dinner we started on a long drive over another mesa
and through the dry bed of Laguna Grande, or Big Lake,
south to La Cinta canyon. There we had the steepest descent
of our trip. The road is about two miles long and descends
into the canyon, 900 to 1,000 feet deep. We tied both wheels,
got out and walked down, and I assure my readers this was
much more satisfactory than riding.

We spent the night with Parker Wells and his good wife
at their ranch in La Cinta canyon, one of the most favored
that I have ever seen.13 The walls of the canyon surround
them on all sides except the south, thus making a natural
fence. The grass in this canyon starts at least a month earlier
than up on the mesa. With capital and industry it could be
made a paradise, for in this canyon almost any fruit known
to the temperate zone can be raised. With alfalfa, sorghum,
kaffir corn and other rough feeds, it is the best ranching
country a man could ask for. There are, however, some draw-
backs. One of them is

THE PRAIRIE DOG. I saw 160 acres here almost destroyed by
these little animals. The holes were so thick that you could
almost jump from one to the other. It is a wonder to me that
the ranch men do not poison them, for this, according to some,
is a very simple matter. By dropping a teaspoonf ul of wheat
soaked in a solution of arsenic, croton oil, and a little molasses
at each hole, the prairie dog is put to death, and grass will be

18. La Cinta had long been a favorable ranching center. From 1884 to 1887 Charles
Ilf eld dealt with the following ranchers and storekeepers in that area : Simon Frankenthal,
A. H. Sauter, M. Slattery, Fritz Eggert, Charles I. Kohn, and F. E. Herd (Charles Ilf eld
Company records, op cit).

268 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

made to flourish where before was a pasture close cropped by
the pests.

Entertained by the Edison gramophone and a large music
box, we spent what will be long remembered as one of the
pleasantest evenings in Union county.

The next night we stayed at

THE RANCH OF T. E. MITCHELL," one of the finest cattle and
sheep ranches in the county, excluding, of course, the famous
Bell ranch. The Mitchell ranch proper, located on the wide
and fertile valley of the Tequezquite [Tequesquite] Arroyo,
supports something over three hundred cattle and many
thousand sheep. The ranch house is finely appointed, but
would be incomplete without the presence of Mrs. Mitchell and
the three rollicking, bright-faced children, who show the pa-
tient care taken in their bringing-up. We spent the evening
talking cattle and cowboy life, for in his younger days Mr.
Mitchell followed the cattle business extensively. The reader
must not think from this that our friend is an old man, for as
yet he shows no gray hairs and is as young and active as
any one. He has the largest and best-arranged corrals and
horse stables that I have yet seen in Union county. Water for
the house is supplied by a large windmill, and the surplus
flows into a tank from which it is conveyed through pipes
to the corrals and pens. Mr. Mitchell thinks of putting in a
plant to irrigate about ten acres of alfalfa.

AT THE GALLEGOS POST-OFFICE and plaza, the Gallegos
Brothers run a general merchandise store and are reckoned
among the richest and most influential men in this part of the
country. They own vast numbers of sheep and cattle, and it is
doubted whether they themselves know just how rich they
are. At present they are building quite a few small irrigation
dams, and several windmills to water their cattle and sheep.
We pushed south to the ranch of Nepomoceno Martinez, ex-
treasurer of Union county, and one of the prominent men of

14. This must have been the Dubuque (Iowa) Cattle Company ranch of which T. E.
Mitchell was manager (Illustrated History of New Mexico, Lewis Publishing Company,
1895. Chicago, pp. 492-493).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 269

this section. It was after dark when we reached his home,
but he welcomed us in true Spanish style. He runs quite ex-
tensive herds of cattle and sheep. He has, just back of the
house, a fine spring which supplies drinking water for the
house, and also for his stock. The last summer this spring
brought to its owner quite a little revenue, for the men work-
ing on the new railroad, some eight miles away, purchased all
of their drinking water here at the rate of five cents a barrel.
This and other springs are also used for irrigation purposes.
Mr. Martinez runs a small general merchandise store, and
does his own freighting, hauling his goods and supplies from
Clayton, which is about 100 miles away. It takes seven to ten
days to make the round trip with a wagon.

The next morning we turned our faces towards Clayton
and traveled back north towards the plaza of Gallegos, stop-
ping on the way to make a short call on Martin Lucero. We
found him just coming out to take charge of his flock of ewes
that were quietly grazing in the arroyo west of his house.
After a long day's drive, we reached the ranch of Don Leon
Pinard, who is one of the county commissioners and a promi-
nent man in politics and ranching.15 He runs at present from
10 to 15 thousand head of sheep and about three hundred cat-
tle. Contrary to the usual custom of this country, he has
shipped his wool to Boston for many years. So also has Nepo-
moceno [sic] Martinez,16 and they are of the opinion that
it is a little the best way, if you can get an honest commission

15. Pedro Leon Pinard had been a partner of Mateo Lujan (See biographical sketch
of Mateo Lujan. These men dealt extensively with Charles Ilfeld and his former partner
Adolph Letcher. Originally Charles Ilfeld acquired lands on the Tramperos from Andres
Sena and these were leased to Lujan and Pinard who also had land holdings of their own.
Adolph Letcher, after he moved permanently to Baltimore, had flocks of sheep in the care
of Lujan and Pinard. The partnership dissolved in Aug. or Sept. 1899 and a new one,
Pinard and Romero, was formed with a post office at Leon. Mateo Lujan continued to
operate at Bueyeros. A third center, Baca (Andred Sena had married into the Baca family)
separated the two post offices (Representative New Mexicans, C. S. Peterson, Denver, Colo.,
1912, p. 183. Charles Ilfeld Records, op cit, Copy Book, 14, July 31, 1886, pp. 275, 992-994 ;
Copy Book 55, Aug. 26 and 28, 1899, pp. 232 and 241 ; Copy Book 57, Dec. 19, 1899, p. 418.
Berry N. Alvis, op. cit., 22 : 256 ; Parish interviews with Eugene D. Lujan, July 18, 1953,
Santa Fe, and Rodney B. Schoonmaker, Aug. 21, 1947, Las Vegas).

16. Postmaster of Vigil, N.M. from Apr. 21 to July 17, 1882 (Dike, op. cit). Vigil
was located between Mosquero and Bueyeros (Parish interview with Eugene D. Lujan,
op cit).

270 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

firm to handle it for you. Mr. Pinard stated that he had re-
peatedly tried to irrigate the land, but that, on his sandy soil,
it was almost impossible to get enough water as it sunk away
and evaporated so quickly. He said he had continued to try
to get alfalfa started, but failure had always attended his
efforts. The hot sun on the sand had always burned it out in a
year or two. Right here I must confess to

STEALING A DOG the day before. He was a fine fellow, and
followed us all day through the sand and soap weed. He pa-
tiently gnawed a bone at our door all through the long night,
interrupted only by growls and small frays with other dogs,
much to the discontent of the "bulletin" men, but not to that
of Bob, the jolly deputy sheriff, for his snores sounded right
on through gnawings, growls, dog fights, and smothered
curses from the other occupant of the bed. The next morning
we looked around for our faithful canine, but alas ! the mis-
tress of the house had taken a fancy to him, and the gallant
Bob could not refuse her.

As the sun began to get high in the heavens, we pulled
up at the general store of J. Doherty & Company.17 This is
one of the best-stocked general merchandise stores that we
saw while out on our trip. Here we enjoyed a fine dinner ; and
as we enjoyed it and were late, we had to eat alone. Such ap-
petites as we did have! All we ate was two pounds of beef
steak, half a dozen eggs, coffee, countless slices of bread, and
we finally wound up on pudding. Of course, I ate the most,
for Bob is small, weighing only 220 pounds.

At Bueyeros we met the postmaster, M. G. Tixier18 (pro-
nounced Teshay) , and Don Leandro Vigil, a prominent ranch
man of Bueyeros. That night we spent with Don Agustin
Vigil. We were royally entertained by our host, who is 50

17. Joe Doherty. See Twitchell, Vol. 4, op cit, p. 547 for biographical sketch. The
"Young Observer's" experience would indicate Doherty had a store near Bueyeros. Twitchell
located Doherty's store at Folsom. Yet that town is too far north for the "Young Observer"
to have been there on this trip. He had passed through Folsom on the train to Clayton
so it is not likely he could have erred in recording the approximate location of this store.
It is possible this was a branch store.

18. Miguel G. Tixier. Was appointed May 81, 1898 (Dike, op eit).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 271

years old and has a father still living over eighty years of age.
By the way,

IN THIS HEALTHFUL COUNTRY it is not uncommon to find
people of that age or upwards. Mr. Vigil is as quick and active
as a man of 25. He understands the English language well
and reads it better than he speaks it. Although he had the
privileges of a school for only four months in his life, he has
by his own efforts made himself as well-informed a man as
you will often meet.

The next morning, after a hearty breakfast of corned
beef, veal, beans, bread, coffee, chile, etc., we journeyed north-
ward to the post office at Clapham, where we arrived at about
three o'clock and put our tired horses into a corral for the
night. Mr. V. A. Overbay, who is the postmaster and runs a
general merchandise store, spent the early part of his life as
a cowboy on the plains of western Texas and New Mexico.
He now has a fine herd of graded Heref ords, which will make
him a handsome profit this coming season. During the three
hours' time till sundown, one of the party took

A HUNT UP THE ARROYO coming back with three quails in
his pocket and a fine fat duck dangling at each side.

At eight o'clock next morning we were speeding on our
way towards Clayton. Up hills and where the sand was deep-
est we walked, facing a stiff breeze, while the tired team took
things as easy as it was possible to let them. Six miles south
of Clayton, we came in sight of the ranch of Don Francisco
Maestas. Mr. Maestas is a well known cattle and sheep raiser.
He runs from two to three thousand of sheep and quite a large
herd of cattle. This ranch, which he has recently bought, is
located on the Perrico [perico] arroyo. It is so situated that
a large tract of the land can be easily irrigated, and this, to-
gether with its proximity to Clayton, makes it a very desir-
able ranch.

At two o'clock in the afternoon of Wednesday, February
26, two weary, unshaven, and generally unkempt travelers
drove into Clayton, to be greeted by their many friends, and
the lucky Bob by his two little daughters.

272 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

"The Young Observer" in New Mexico *

Sheep Ranches and Sheep Men in and Around Folsom,
Union County

UNION COUNTY. NEW MEXICO. March 25, 1902. This is the
windy season of the year for New Mexico. This is the time
when the shepherd anxiously looks for the signs of an ap-
proaching storm. The storms of this season of the year are
usually of wet snow, cold rain, or sleet. They usually cause
great losses among the poor sheep and cattle. The pastures of
this part of New Mexico have been refreshed by a heavy rain
and a damp snow, and as soon as there come a few warm days
the green grass will begin to shoot up among the brown and
dead stems. Already, on the south sides of the canyons, where
the sun strikes, the green grass is appearing.

After returning from my trip mentioned in the March
number I accepted the kind invitation of Tom Gray1 (the in-
spector) to go out to his ranch and spend a day or so.

TOM GRAY'S RANCH. Mr. Gray's ranch is situated about 12
miles south of Clayton. The land is somewhat sandy and the
grass here starts quite a little earlier than it does at Clayton.
When we arrived at the ranch, we found the ranch buildings
empty. In one room we found the family cat nearly starved
and the house dog looked rather gaunt. The fact of the matter
was, that one of his numerous windmills had gotten out of
order, and Pacos (the boss) was away fixing it. After appeas-
ing the hunger of the well-nigh starved animals, we built a
fire in the cook stove and proceeded to cook a good, substan-
tial meal as we were somewhat hungry from our long ride.
About that time Pacos arrived and we all sat down and en-
joyed our supper together.

That night about midnight

OUR SLUMBERS WERE DISTURBED by some one pounding on
the door. On going to the door we found two men there, who

* The American Shepherd's Bulletin, vol. 7, no. 3, March, 1902 (pt. 2).

1. This must be the same Tom Gray who Alvis interviewed on three occasions in Sep-
tember, 1933 on the early history of Union County (Berry Newton Alvis, "History of Union
County, New Mexico," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, 22: 249, 257, 270).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 273

were looking for a woman who had started across the mesa
alone, and on foot, that cold day. She was a 16-year-old bride,
who had become dissatisfied with her father-in-law's mansion
for some reason or other and had left to find her 18-year-old
husband, who was supposed to be at a house across the mesa,
15 miles away.

The men (her husband and brother-in-law) soon started
out again into the night hunting for her.

At this writing I have not heard whether she was found
dead or alive.

The next morning we started out

TO LOOK OVER THE RANGE and incidentally inspect a cou-
ple of Mr. Gray's flocks of sheep.

The land around the Gray ranch is very sandy, and on a
windy day it is disagreeable traveling. The fine span of
blacks, however, did not seem to mind it, as they pranced
along over the mesa and down the dry creek bed.

The first windmill we came to was all right, and pumping
right along. The second one had the pump rod broken. After
doing the best we could for this one, we again started down
the creek bottom to where the best flock of sheep were graz-
ing. It was

A PRETTY SIGHT to see them walking through the grass and
sage brush, daintily picking the grass here and there. The
sheep on this ranch shear about six pounds of wool to the
head.

I also saw some fine rams, which would shear anywhere
from 12 to 20 pounds. Mr. Gray is justly proud of his ram
flock.

After a pleasant visit we turned our faces northward and
soon found ourselves at the cattle ranch of Dr. North,2 of
Clayton. He has a fine bunch of cattle and is rapidly becoming
one of the large owners of this county.

After eating dinner with his foreman, we were again be-
hind the swift blacks and after a couple of hours found our-

2. Alvis mentions Dr. S. T. North on two occasions and, later, a Dr. S. I. North who
he states was the first physician in Clayton and the owner of the Clayton House, the town's
first hotel (Alvis, op cit, pp. 260, 261, 270).

274 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

selves in Clayton, which we found rather dusty, as a stiff
wind was blowing, and that condition in this country always
brings sand with it.

Taking the train Monday morning at 3:19 a.m., I arrived
in the town of

FOLSOM. According to some of the aspiring Folsom busi-
ness men, this town stands at least next to Clayton as a trad-
ing centre. There are three mercantile companies, which do
all of the business of the town. Folsom is, beyond a doubt, an
enterprising town and does a large business in the handling
and shipping of cattle, sheep and wool.

In this town some enterprising men have formed what
is known as

THE FOLSOM MERCANTILE CO., Limited, incorporated un-
der the laws of the territory of New Mexico. They now have
the store in operation and as the season advances they expect
to handle large numbers of sheep, cattle, and a large quantity
of wool. Their business is steadily increasing and if their ex-
pectations are realized, they will do an immense business this
year.

With Folsom situated as it is in the midst of a rich ranch-
ing country, the fertile valley of the Simeron [Cimarron] on
one side and the rich malipi [malpais] mesas on the other,
there is plenty of room for the three general merchandise
stores of this enterprising little town.

METHODS OF PLACING STOCK. They are now for the first
time, placing their stock on the markets and their methods
of securing it and guaranteeing dividends, and paying them
are as follows :

This company sells at present only unmatured3 stock, 50
per cent of which must be secured, or paid up, by the pur-
chaser, the other 50 per cent of which the purchaser must
mature by 9 o'clock a.m., January 18, 1905, the manner of
maturing which is shown in the accompanying statement, to
trate [ ?] more fully, suppose the investor which the reader is

3. Common stock subscriptions which are partially paid for. The balances are due on a
succession of maturity dates.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 275

referred. For cash purchases of stock the company proposes
to guarantee or insure the purchaser against loss by gilt edge
or gold bonds placed in escrow for the security of the in-
vestor, i.e., for every dollar cash the investor pays on the
stock of this company he may have an interest-bearing gold
bond back of it to secure him against loss ; provided that the
investor purchases as much as five shares, $500, of stock and
pays 50 per cent of it in cash. No less than five shares will be
sold on a guarantee of this kind. To illustrate, an investor
purchases five shares of unmatured stock in this company;
he must pay the company 50 per cent or $250 cash. The com-
pany would then place in escrow for the security of the in-
vestor an interest-bearing gold bond, interest payable semi-
annually, for $250, for which the investor can exchange 50
per cent of his stock at any time he desires. The other 50 per
cent of his stock he is required to mature under the laws of
the company as shown in the statement, the maturity of
which he must also secure to the company. Thus it may be seen
that the company not only secures itself, but is willing to
secure the investor also.

Following is a statement of how stock will mature in the
Folsom Mercantile Company. The statement is made upon
the basis of ten shares or $1,000 :

STOCKHOLDER

To subscription (for stock) _ _ $2,000.00 4

—$2,000.00

By cash, 50 per cent paid up $1,000.00

By rent first year 300.00

By rent second year 300.00

By rent third year 300.00

By rent 20 per cent of 50 per cent of P. V 100.00

$2,000.00'

4. Either the "Young Observer" meant to imply that the subscription price was twice
the par value in order to create a capital surplus, a possibility which could have been pat-
terned after the national banking law, or his figures are incorrect.

276 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Note. P. V. in the last item of the credit side of the above
statement means par value of stock.

When the above conditions have been complied with by
the stockholder, his certificate of unmatured stock must be
exchanged for one of paid up stock. Thus the stockholder is
given three years in which to mature 50 per cent of his stock.

If the reader is interested, he can gain all the needed in-
formation by writing Mr. G. W. Guyer,5 Folsom, New Mexico,
manager of the Folsom Mercantile Company.

After staying in Folsom a couple of days, I accepted the
kind invitation of Mr. T. P. James6 to spend a few days at his
ranch.

RANCH OP T. P. JAMES. This beautiful ranch is located
about 12 miles southeast of the town of Folsom. Mr. James
has a fine, well furnished, nicely appointed ranch house of
nine rooms, with high ceilings and wide verandas. The yard
is well shaded by cottonwood trees, and to the south are the
barns and corrals which are well built and substantial.
Farther south are the dipping plant, and three large stone
corrals, each of which will hold over a thousand sheep. Just
west of the house is the fine spring and spring house. From
this fine, sparkling spring there run pipes to all parts of the
house and to the barns and the dipping plant which, in all,
make

A COMPLETE WATER SYSTEM. Mr. and Mrs. James have
been blessed with quite a large family. Two are boys and the
rest girls. One son, John, is upon the Arkansas valley feed-
ing sheep from the ranch, and the other, whose name is Light,
is staying home taking care of their cattle and sheep.

Mr. James is a great believer in the educating of children,
and has always hired the best tutors and governesses he could
secure, besides sending his children to suitable colleges and
seminaries when they became of the proper age. So all in their

5. Had been an editor of the Clayton News ( Illustrated History of New Mexico, Lewis
Publishing Company, 1895, Chicago, pp. 632-633 ) .

6. Thomas P. James. See Representative New Mexicans, C. S. Peterson, Denver, Colo.,
1912, p. 156 for biographical sketch.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 277

turn have had the chance of obtaining a good education, and
have to all appearances improved their opportunities.

The two daughters, Miss Bird and Miss May, still remain-
ing under the parental roof, are bright, intelligent, resource-
ful young ladies with the world still bright before them and
their school days nearly finished. Their education is by no
means limited to books, for there is not a thing in the house
or around the ranch which they do not understand how to
do. Much of this practical training they owe to their mother,
who is an ideal wife and careful trainer of her children in
the ways of right and usefulness. On this range are about
10,000 sheep and some 750 cattle. The sheep are well graded
and shear about six pounds of fine wool.

Mr. James now has under his consideration the purchas-
ing of some fine bucks from Ohio to increase the weight of
fleece, carcass and length of staple.

Mr. James, though not an old man, is

OLD IN EXPERIENCE. He came from a southern state some
10 or 12 years ago with almost nothing but a good reputation
and good credit, and to-day by his thrift, industry and hon-
esty, is one of the richest and most influential ranchmen in
this part of the territory. He is thinking of decreasing his
herd and improving it correspondingly. He is also thinking
of improving his cattle by getting some fine Hereford bulls
to take the place of the grades heretofore used. This very wise
ranch man is doing — cutting down and improving his herds
of cattle or sheep.

One day of my stay here was spent in taking a trip down
to the ranch of Mr. Ed. Wight,7 who owns about the same
number of sheep as Mr. James.

RANCH OF ED. WIGHT. What most attracted my attention
here, was the fine shearing and wool house. The day I was
there it was grub day, and all of the herders were in to get

7. E. D. Wight purchased a half-page advertisement in the July issue of The Ameri-
can Shepherd's Bulletin in an attempt to sell his ranch. Four pictures of his ranch were
published in the issue. His ranch was described as being 4,000 acres with grazing privileges
over 30 by 10 miles and having 10,000 head of sheep, shearing from 8 to 10 pounds per
head (American Shepherd's Bulletin, Vol. 7, No. 7, July 1902, pp. 2381 and 2429, microfilm,
UNM Library).

278 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

their weekly supply. They are a happy lot, and with many a
joke and friendly jest they loaded their camp burros and lei-
surely wended their way back to their respective camps.

The next trip we took was over to the

RANCH OF MR. F. D. WIGHT,8 who owns some 15,000 sheep.
We found no one at home, and after waiting around some
time we went into the house, which was unlocked, and cooked
ourselves a fine dinner. After dinner we looked over the fine
flock of Lincoln bucks which, I understand, came from the
Patrick Bros., of Canada. They were fine, large blocky rams,
and will no doubt improve the mutton form and the length of
staple of their flock. After lingering around some time we
mounted our faithful little ponies and soon were at home
again without seeing foreman or ranch owner.

After nearly a week thus pleasantly spent in and around
the James ranch, I bade my kind friends adios and started
for the McLaughlin ranch by way of Folsom.

THE MC LAUGHLIN RANCH is situated about 18 miles west
of Folsom, New Mexico, and is in Coif ax county. Here I saw
the best flock of sheep I have yet seen in New Mexico. They
are large Rambouillet ewes, called by some here, Arizona
Delaines or Merinos. In fair flesh they will average 120
pounds and shear about 12 pounds to the head.

With this pure bred flock, Mr. McLaughlin is embarking
in the stud flock business and hopes in a couple of years to be
able to furnish 300 to 500 bucks a year to the surrounding
ranch men. He is now feeding them a little corn each day, and
they are doing nicely.

The next day after my arrival, we started to

BULL LAKE on a hunt for a new herder to take the place of
a sick one. This lake (it is said) received its name on account
of a curious adventure of a ranch man at that place. It seems
that he had been out on a buffalo hunt and after an exciting
hunt had wounded a large buffalo bull.

8. Frederick D. Wight maintained a home in Denver in 1900, having come to the West
28 years previously from Maine. He had been a lieutenant in the Union Army (American
Shepherd's Bulletin, op cit, p. 863). He had been ranching on the upper Corrumpa in
1880 with Briggs & Leighton as partners (Alvis, op cit, 22:251).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 279

Unfortunately for the man, his last load was spent in
slightly wounding the large bull in the shoulder. Thinking
the shot fatal, he got off his horse to dispatch the huge fel-
low with his hunting knife, but alas, the bull was not dead,
but taking a new lease of life plunged after the unfortunate
hunter. It was all done so quickly that his only escape was in
the icy waters of the lake. There he remained till night spread
over him her protecting wings, and under cover of the dark
he found his pony and managed, after much trouble, to gain
shelter with a friendly Mexican. This lake has since then been
known as Bull lake.

Just as Mr. Mack and I were coming off a small bridge,
we felt the front of our buggy give way and, getting out, we
found that the front axle had broken. It was half an hour's
work to get some wire and a small fence post, which we wired
under the axle and soon we were again on our hunt after the
herder. But

OUR TROUBLES WERE NOT ENDED for, as we were going over
the rough prairie something else gave way and nearly let us
down to mother earth. After wiring this up (blessed be the
man who first made wire) we climbed a small mountain and
found our herder, a bright Spanish boy of 17, who is now
earning $17 a month taking care of Mr. Mack's 800 fine ewes,
of which he is justly proud. Mr. McLaughlin also has a nice
bunch of cattle, which he intends to dispose of, as he is able
to get into sheep.

The next morning when we awoke we found the air full of
snow, and by noon the ground was covered to the depth of
four inches. This upset our plan of visiting Folsom that day,
and so the time was pleasantly whiled away playing "high
five."9

The country around this ranch is called a malipi [mal-
pais] rock country. These rocks are all of volcanic origin, and
to the east some 10 or 12 miles is an extinct volcano with a

9. One of a group of games known as "Cinch," "High Five" or "Double Pedro" counts
the 5 of trumps and the other 5 of the same color as 5 points each. The only other points
obtainable are one each for the Ace, Jack, ten, and deuce of trumps (Hoyle'a Complete and
Authoritative Book of Games, Blue Ribbon Books, Garden City, N. Y., 1934, p. 186).

280 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

wide, deep crater in the top. The scenery is beautiful and
wild ; rocks and pine trees are mingled in a picturesque way.

The fine sheep which Mr. McLaughlin is running are
owned by the Arizona Sheep Company, who were forced to
locate in New Mexico on account of the closing of the forest
reserves of Arizona.10

There is much discussion pro and con about the lease law
and I believe that, in this locality, the majority are in favor
of a just law, one that gives the right ratio between the cattle
and sheep man and will not ruin the smaller men.

10. The closing of forest reserves stemmed from an Act of Congress in 1879 for the
establishment and control of national forests with provisions for use of products. The Gen-
eral Land Office had issued a circular in 1900 of rules and regulations governing the use
of reserves for stock ranging. Prior to this time the policy had been to prohibit grazing in
national forest reserves (Benjamin Horace Hibbard, A History of the Public Land Policies,
New York, 1924, p. 337).

In February, 1901, I. B. Hanna, Superintendent of Forest Reserves in Arizona and
New Mexico, received an order from the Interior Department to prohibit sheep grazing on
the Black Forest Reserve in Arizona. Grazing had previously been prohibited on the Gila,
Pecos, and Black Mesa Reserves. It was estimated that as many as 300,000 sheep had been
grazing on the Black Forest Reserve in Arizona the previous summer and that great hard-
ship would thereby result from this order (The National Shepherd's Bulletin of the National
Wool Growers' Association, Vol. 6, No. 2, p. 116, microfilm, UNM Library).

A new policy was announced and was rescinded in 1902. The following order was re-
ceived by Supervisor McClure and the Gila River Forest Reserve from Hon. Binger Herman,
Commissioner of the General Land Office, Washington, D. C. : "On page nine of the Forest
Reserve Manual, it is stated that when the secretary of the interior has allowed sheep
grazing in a forest reservation, the application for the privilege is handled in two ways:
(a) Where a wool growers' association exists, which includes a majority of the persons who
are interested in the use of the reserve, the association may allot the range and sheep among
the applicants, (b) Where such an association does not exist, or does not care to assume the
responsibility, all applications are made to the supervisor direct (sic), who acts upon and
forwards the same to the commissioner of the general land office, with his approval of other
recommendations. The said rules were established by the honorable secretary's order of
February 8, 1902. You are now advised that on October 25, 1902, the honorable secretary
decided that in the future the wool growers' association will be eliminated from the matter
of allotment or other control, and that the grazing be placed directly in the hands of the
forest supervisors, under existing rules, and that the penalties and obligations imposed by
department order of February 8, 1902, remain in force against all permit holders. When
sheep grazing is allowed for 1903, and the supervisor has been advised of the number of
sheep to be admitted, applications should be submitted to him direct (sic)" (American
Shepherd's Bulletin, op cit, Dec. 1902, p. 3217.

Upon learning of this order, the Sheepbreeders Association of the Gila River Forest
Reserve was incorporated in early 1902 with Solomon Luna of Los Lunas as President,
and Abran ? Abeuta [Abeyta] of Socorro and Frank A. Hubbell of Albuquerque as associ-
ates. The association controlled 200,000 sheep and 150,000 were to graze this year by per-
mission of the Secretary of the Interior. The American Shepherd's Bulletin explained such
organizations as these were needed because the government had had no one to hold re-
sponsible for the destruction of timber by fires started by herders and "had consequently
prohibited grazing in the forest reserve" (American Shepherd's Bulletin, op cit. Mar.
1902, pp. 3137 and 3139).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 281

In my next I expect to tell you something of eastern New
Mexico.

The Sheep Ranges of New Mexico*

TUCUMCARI, N.M., APRIL 28, 1902.

The location of Tucumcari is now widely known. A hun-
dred thousand people would like to know something definite
concerning its environments. It is almost in the center of the
largest tract of land occupied almost exclusively by sheep
ranches to be found on this continent. There are twenty-five
million acres of grazing land in this tract. A conservative
estimate fixes the number of range cattle now held on this
land at one hundred thousand. They would require two and
a-half million acres for their subsistence. Estimating a half
million acres for town sites, railroads, corrals and other
uses, will still leave the sheep ranches in possession of twenty-
two millian acres, which is UNPARALLELED IN EXTENT in
North America.

Eastern New Mexico, from the Colorado line to the Texas
boundary on the south, is the ideal sheep range.

Three things primarily essential to success, are climate,
feed and water. Pools of crystal water, springs and running
brooks abound throughout this vast region, not on every sec-
tion, yet in such proximity that almost every section of this
vast area can be made available for grazing sheep.

At the present time, large tracts of this land are not
pastured except for a period of about two months in each
year, and that occurs during the rainy season.

It would not be expensive to construct dams and tanks
on these lands, whereby stock water could be had, during the
other ten months.

A FEASIBLE PLAN would be to divide the flocks into small
bands of 800 head and haul water from a central station to
the vicinity where the several bands are grazing. Pastures
that have heretofore been a loss, could in this way be made
valuable.

* D. J. Aber in The American Shepherd's Bulletin, vol. 7, no. 5, May, 1902.

282 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

In the vicinity of natural watering places, pastures have
been overstocked, while remote districts have been untouched
by the flocks. Certainly

THE WATERING PLACES could be multiplied and the area
of grazing land could be increased in proportion, besides
which the stock would receive better care, and the investment
be made more certain and more profitable.

The sheep industry in eastern New Mexico is not new.
With some exceptions, the primitive ranching methods,
peculiar to a new country, prevail. Opportunity now presents
to resourceful and energetic men, to secure by purchase, the
nucleus of a large and profitable sheep ranch in this country.

These pastures are ample in nutritious grasses, and want-
ing in distribution of water. It is believed that without extra-
ordinary expense

THIS DIFFICULTY CAN BE OVERCOME. The successes and
occasional reverses attending the business of sheep ranching
in this locality during a period of twenty years enable one
to judge correctly of its hazards.

The aboriginal shepherd had no machinery with which
to drill a well, nor inclination to do so. Success is now attend-
ing those who have made proper effort to secure water.
Artesian water has been obtained in many different localities.
It is fair to presume that it can be obtained in others, and
very certain that the drill is the instrument which will enable
ranchers to have water wherever desired.

CLIMATE. The thirty-fifth parallel passes near Tucumcari.
The altitude will vary between 3,000 and 5,000 feet. Much
of the surface is level or undulating prairie. Rains occur
most frequently between May and November. No great losses
from the rigors of winter are ever anticipated by those who
have the experience of years in this country.

True it is that storms of more or less severity reach these
plains in the winter months, yet the losses from that cause
are not alarming. Managers of large flocks are alert as a sea
captain, and generally succeed in making all things snug
before the storm strikes them.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 283

The duration of a storm is brief, lasting generally from
one to three days, when the flocks can resume grazing on
the open country.

CHANGES. The Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific railroad
is a recent innovation, cutting this great country in twain.
It has not produced disaster to the country nor wrought ruin
to the people. On the contrary, it is the artery of subsistence.
It is the smitten rock gushing out of the midst of plenty,
giving new life to every industry. Marketing products or
purchasing supplies can be accomplished now within a few
hours, which required days to accomplish in former times.
If there be a rise in the wool market in Boston at noon
the rancher in the vicinity of Tucumcari may know it at
eleven o'clock a.m. the same day.

THE COMING OF THE RAILROAD does not make more grass
grow on an acre of land, nor increase the inches of rain fall,
yet it does facilitate travel and transportation, and mail
service, and renders even ranch life a pleasant task.

Seclusion and monotony need to seek other haunts. The
headquarters of the sheep ranch may have its charms. It has
its library, its magazines its daily papers with the markets
and news.

I have spread before you the environments of Tucumcari,
N.M. The elevation at this point is 4,000 feet above sea level.
It is situated on the last wave of the foot hills of the giant
Rocky Mountains.

Come up and see us and satisfy yourself that great op-
portunities are opening to those seeking investments and
changes.

"The Young Observer*' in New Mexico *

The Wool and Agricultural Interests of San Miguel County.

SAN MIGUEL CO., N. M., May 28, 1902. When the readers of

the "Bulletin" last heard from me I was in Tucumcari, Guada-

lupe Co., N. M. At that time there had been little or no rain

* (From our Traveling Staff Correspondence) The American Shepherd's Bulletin,
vol. 7, no. 6, June, 1902.

284 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

or snow fall in any part of New Mexico except in the north-
ern tier of counties, at or in the Rocky Mountains around
Trineda and Raton. The rest of the territory had been dry
for seven or eight months.

AT THE BEGINNING OF LAMBING it was still dry, and no
grass, consequently the lamb crop for the territory this year
is about 50 per cent on an average; a few report less, and
some more. But as a whole the sheep owners do not seem to be
badly discouraged on account of their heavy losses of ewes
and lambs, but, on the contrary, are looking forward to the
shearing with pleasure on account of a slight advance in the
price of wool over last year.

Nearly all the conservative buyers are holding back till
the season opens, but a few of the plungers have taken hold of
some good-sized lots. After leaving Tucumcari I went to
Santa Rosa via the Rock Island, and from there took the
Romero stage line to Las Vegas. This is one of the fastest
stage lines in the territory, making the 65 miles in less than
ten hours over a very rough road one-half of the way. At that
time, which was before the rains commenced, the

PRAIRIE WAS DRY AND BROWN. It was pastured down very
close, which gave evidence of one of two things, either it was
unusually dry or the range between Santa Rosa and Las
Vegas was badly overstocked. I think, from what I can learn,
that the latter was the case. There are about 250 sheep owners
in San Miguel county, New Mexico, and they own somewhere
around 450,000 to one-half a million sheep. It is very hard to
get the exact number, for you may go to the tax list and find
men owning 2,000 sheep with only 200 turned in for taxation.
This is the same way all over the territory, and the rate of
taxation is consequently high. Where a poor man has only
four or five hundred sheep the assessor puts them all in, and
thus those who should pay the bulk of the taxes gets out of it
and the small property and stock owners pay them.

SAN MIGUEL COUNTY is one of the most properous counties
in the territory. Its largest city is Las Vegas, of about eight
to nine thousand inhabitants, and a fine market for wool,

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 285

hides, pelts, mutton and beef. It is also quite a distributing
centre for miles around, but the Rock Island, coming through
Santa Rosa, cuts off nearly one-fourth of its tributary terri-
tory. The stock shippers can usually ship over the Rock
Island, on account of slightly better freight rates. It is
thought by many of the stock men and shippers that the com-
ing of the Rock Island will force the Santa Fe to give better
rates. This is

BY NO MEANS A SMALL THING when you consider the vast
proportions of the stock interests of this part of the territory.
Although essentially a sheep country, there are large num-
bers of cattle kept and ranged here also. San Miguel has al-
ways been one of the best agricultural counties in the terri-
tory and has always paid more attention to the raising of
crops than most any other county in the northern half of the
territory. Irrigation is carried on quite extensively and many
crops are raised without irrigation, such as the native, or
Mexican corn, Mexican beans, sorghum, kaffir [kafir] corn,
etc. In many places you will find excellent peach and apple
orchards, which raise fine crops of fruit.

WEST FROM LAS VEGAS and north there is more rainfall
and corn is nearly a sure crop. Especially south of "Old Baldy
mountain" it rains quite frequently in the latter part of May,
all through June and July ; in fact, they often have too much
rainfall and floods occur in the narrow valleys and carry the
pine bridges down stream. South and west of Las Vegas are

MANY FINE FARMS AND RANCHES which for the most part
are owned and cultivated by the native Spanish people. They
plough with one horse or two burros. They use a six or seven-
inch plough and drop the corn every fourth or fifth furrow
and plow it under. Some use a boat or clod crusher, but many
of them have neither a clod crusher nor harrow. When the
corn gets to the height of two or three inches and higher, the
women and children hoe it and cut out weeds. This is usually

ALL THE CULTIVATION which the corn gets. In the fall,
when it is ripe, they cut the stalks just above the ear, bind
them into bundles and put them in some old adobe house to

286 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

be used next spring, or often to be sold. I have known cases
where the corn and fodder were all sold and the horses went
without anything but the dry prairie grass. These Spanish
farmers also raise

THE NATIVE MEXICAN BEAN which is even more nutritious
than the so-called army bean. The beans are usually planted
with a hoe in hills three to four feet apart, putting from three
to five beans in a hill. They are usually hoed more than the
corn. In the fall when they are ripe and dry, the owner or
owners scrape the sod off a round place usually 50 to 75 feet
in diameter.

THIS THRESHING FLOOR greatly resembles a show or cir-
cus ring ; it is sprinkled and patted down till it is quite hard.
The beans are then scattered evenly all over it and a small
flock of sheep or goats (the latter being the best) are driven
round and round till the beans are trampled or threshed free
of the pods. They then gather beans, dust and all, except the
pods and vines, which are raked off, put the beans into sacks,
and on some windy day they are fanned free of dust and dirt
and the beans are then ready for the kettle or market. Many
of these small farmers own a small flock of one to five hun-
dred sheep, which are

TAKEN CARE OF BY THE CHILDREN and which usually shear
from four to five pounds. In the summer they are taken away
to the free government range and in the winter kept as close
as possible to the home ranch. Some also keep goats, mostly
the common goat, whose pelt is far superior to that of the An-
gora goat, but does not shear a fleece. They are often kept as a
milk herd and the writer has used nothing but goats' milk for
the last three weeks and does not hesitate to pronounce it
superior to Jersey milk.

When one is traveling over a country like this, with so
many undeveloped resources, it almost makes him angry to
see the canyons that might be dammed up and make fine irri-
gating plants.

UNDEVELOPED RESOURCES. There are a thousand and one
places in every county in New Mexico where the surface wa-

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 287

ter might be caged and made to serve man instead of running
away to waste. When these things are looked into intelligently
and such improvements instituted, there will be green fields
of alfalfa where now there is only sparse gramma grass, and
the sheep that early die by the thousands from no other cause
than starvation will be fed corn and hay raised at home, and
thus will be saved, and also thousands of dollars' freight
which are annually paid to the railroad companies for haul-
ing grain and hay. Do not think from what I have said that
New Mexico is still a desert, for it is not. The old cowboys will
tell you of a time when there was nothing but here and there
a low adobe house and over the trackless plain nothing but
grass, cattle and a few sheep. The sheep have come to stay,
and so have the farmers and the irrigation dams and ditches,
and each year will see more land irrigated and cultivated,
but there is still room for irrigation dams and good hustling
farmers to raise corn and hay for winter feeding.

"The Young Observer" In New Mexico *

Echoes From San Miguel County — Sheep and Cattle Raising
— Resources of the Territory.

EAST LAS VEGAS, N. M., June 13, 1902. Since my last letter
to the "Bulletin" quite an interest has been manifested in
New Mexican aff airs.

The last month, the month of May, was spent on a ranch,
which is situated six miles from Las Vegas. This ranch has
within its borders 1,004 acres, one hundred of which is fine,
rich, sandy loam, and has been broken up and tilled for many
years. One hundred or more is pine forest with some trees
two and a half feet in diameter and the rest is fine grazing
land. The present owner has out about 40 acres of corn and
some four acres of Mexican beans, of which I spoke in my
last letter.

At this writing (June 13) the corn is six inches high and
has that rich, dark green color, which every farmer loves to

* (From our Traveling Staff Correspondent) The American Shepherd's Bulletin,
vol. 7, no. 7, July, 1902.

288 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

see. The beans are just coming through the ground and some
of the neighbors have not even stirred the ground for theirs.
The reason for planting so late is to avoid the early hail
storms which come any time up to June 5, and sometimes a
lattle later. The ranch is

WELL SUPPLIED WITH WATER, having within its borders
three good wells. Attached to the best of these wells is a good
windmill, which throws a two-inch stream all the time, and
does not seem to affect the supply, which is only six feet be-
low, and is the finest kind of water.

The present owner has bargained for 350 fine ewes and
with these for a foundation flock he will go into the raising
of good range bucks. His idea is to breed for mutton and wool
with wool as the main object. He will want in October ten of
the finest bucks in the United States, as he is going to start
right. With his home range, the free government range and
the fodder which he will have, his

LOSSES WILL BE VERY LIGHT, and his next spring's lambing
will be well up to 100 per cent. This is one of the best located
spots in New Mexico for this purpose, having the large num-
ber of range sheep within a short distance of the ranch, being
on the road between Las Vegas and Santa Rosa, and having
the side track at Romeroville not a quarter of a mile distant,
his facilities for handling and disposing of bucks will be the
best.

ANOTHER IMPORTANT THING is that he intends to handle
and acclimate eastern rams. To some of our readers this may
seem strange, but the most experienced of the ranchmen tell
us that an eastern buck is not of much use for service the first
year, but the next year he is all right and does well.

Now the idea is this. Say, in December, when the ram
trade is practically over, he intends to gather from the East
as in Ohio, Michigan, and other surrounding states, the bucks
that have been left over, especially the yearlings and two-
year-olds, and some buck lambs, if the owners wish, ship them
west to the ranch, keep them over winter on alfalfa hay, corn
fodder, etc., perhaps a little grain, shear them in the spring

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 289

and in the autumn turn them over to the ranchmen, thor-
oughly acclimated, with the rams ready to do good service on
the range. It seems to me that this is

ONE OF THE BEST IDEAS yet conceived, and we would like to
know the opinion of our readers on this matter from a range
point of view, also from the ram raiser's side of the question,
too. Let us have this thing discussed thoroughly through the
columns of the "Bulletin."

There might be more said about

THE WONDERFUL RESOURCES of New Mexico and especially
San Miguel county. The county is singularly blessed in the
matter of water, which is an absolute necessity to a good stock
country. The Rocky mountains, which form the western
boundary of the country, the Turkey mountains on the north,
and the Sabinos and Huerfano mountains on the east, com-
bine in giving the country an altitude which insures a heavy
precipitation ; in fact, the region is blessed with a "rainy sea-
son," extending from June till the latter part of August,
which provides countless streams and hundreds of natural
reservoirs, dotting the plains with an abundance of water
until the volume is augmented by the snows of winter.

POPULATION. Owing to the fact that the larger portion of
the county is occupied by a private land grant known as the
Las Vegas grant, the rate of population to the square mile is
rather low. But on the land which is subject to settlement,
the water courses are fully settled by a population which, as
a rule, are industrious and law abiding. The principal indus-
try is stock-raising. The cattle are estimated at 25,000 head ;
sheep at half a million (this means owned by men residing
in the county but not all ranged inside of the county) ; and
horses 1,000 head.

There is a school in every neighborhood where a few chil-
dren can be gathered together, and while the education to be
obtained in these schools is not of a high order, the children
can be fitted in them to enter the better institutions of learn-
ing afforded by the cities of the territory.

290 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

There are considerable tracts of land in this section suited
to the raising of Angora goats, a highly profitable industry —
and many people are now contemplating the advisability of
entering the industry.

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR in the improvement of the
county is the completion of the Rock Island from Liberal,
Kansas, to El Paso, Texas, which takes its course through the
southwestern corner of the county. There is also another rail-
road in process of construction which will run from Tucum-
cari to Springer and give the county about 40 miles more of
track.1 When we stop to consider that San Miguel county
alone is larger than the state of Massachusetts, we begin to
realize the magnitude and extent of the territory of New
Mexico.

THE BELL RANCH which is mostly within the county, is con-
sidered the best breeding ranch in the United States of Amer-
ica. It contains 800,000 acres of land all enclosed. The Ca-
nadian or Red River waters about 80 miles of the ranch,
measuring the meanderings of the stream, and the many
small tributaries make it a wonderfully fertile and well wa-
tered tract. They usually run from 20,000 to 40,000 head of
cattle, but of late they have gotten in large numbers of sheep
and there is talk of cutting up some of the best land into farms
and selling it out to small farmers to raise alfalfa, corn and
beans.

Turning from the Bell ranch and the cattle industry let
us look at

THE SHEEP INDUSTRY. Of the 20 million pounds of wool
produced annually in the territory, this county grows at least
one-tenth of all of it and some place it [is] as high as one-
eighth. Its markets have in the past handled about ten million

1. El Paso and Northwestern Railway (now part of the Southern Pacific Lines) from
Tucumcari to the coal fields of Dawson. Tracks were laid east and north of Springer
through Abbott and French. 132 miles of track from Tucumcari to Dawson (The Official
Guide of the Railways and Steam Navigation Lines of the United States, Porto Rico, and
Cuba, National Railway Publication Company, April, 1939, N. Y., p. 844 ) . The tracks from
French to Dawson have been abandoned (Ibid., Mar. 1957, p. 919).

[A history of railroad building in New Mexico was published in the NEW MEXICO HIS-
TORICAL REVIEW, vol. 32, no. 2, April, 1957. F. D. R.I

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 291

yearly, or one-half of the wool of the territory, from whence
it is shipped to Boston or Philadelphia.

In consequence of the county being mountainous and hav-
ing an abundance of water and grass, the percentage of loss
is reduced to the minimum, and the mutton brings a good
market price at all times.

In the fall a large number of feeders from Colorado points
come to Las Vegas and from here go out and gather in many
thousand head of lambs and wethers to be bred in the far-
famed Arkansas valley in Colorado. As is the case among the
cattle raisers,

THE SHEEP MEN are rapidly enhancing the value of their
flocks by improving the blood through the introduction of
fine rams from the central and eastern states. California has
also figured quite prominently in this improvement of the
sheep of New Mexico, and blood from the famous Blaco-Glide
flock of Sacramento, Cal., has figured prominently in many
flocks.

THE COST OF RUNNING SHEEP in this county is estimated
at 35 to 40 cents per head and the percentage of increase on
an average of ten years is 75 per cent. The price of ewes at
present is $2.50 to $3 delivered on October 1 ; yearling ewes,
$2 per head ; and ewe lambs $1.50 to $1.75 delivered in Octo-
ber. Comparing the sheep industry with the cattle, the former
is considered by nearly everybody to be the most profitable
and you can find men on every side who started in the sheep
business ten or fifteen years ago and are at the head of
ranches stocked with from $25,000 to $50,000 worth of sheep.

THE GOAT INDUSTRY. This business is constantly increas-
ing. The small flocks owned by small owners are almost in-
numerable. It is only within the past few years that the hides
of the common New Mexico kid began to be especially valued
and considered an article of commerce worthy of notice or
extension. However, it is now considered in the best markets
of the world that the hides are unsurpassed for making varie-
ties of the finest kid leather. European buyers, as well as
those along the Atlantic coast cities, are now constantly seek-

292 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ing them and in consequence the business of raising these ani-
mals has become profitable and each year finds more raised
in the territory.

THE EDUCATIONAL ADVANTAGES of San Miguel are very
good as compared with the rest of the territory. The county
has 93 school districts and the average attendance during the
last year was 2,960. In addition to this there is a very fine
school for girls conducted by the Sisters of Loretto. There are
also four other separate sectarian schools, which are liberally
patronized by the city of Las Vegas and the surrounding
country. Summing up the advantages of the county, as a
whole, I think that the reader will agree with me that they
are exceptionally good and not so far out in the wilderness
as the easterner usually thinks.

The "Young Observer" in New Mexico *

Wool Selling in the Territory — Matters of Interest
Relating to Sheep.

SPRING HILL, UNION CO., N. M., July 28, 1902. Since my last
letter to the "Bulletin" I have spent most of my time in Trini-
dad and northeastern New Mexico.

About July 1 there gathered in the town of Clayton about
six or seven wool buyers. Most of them were from Boston. Mr.
Harry Kelly,1 of East Las Vegas, was there, representing the
Gross, Kelly Co.

According to their custom, Mr. Otto and Mr. Schleter put
their wool up at public auction supposedly to go to the high-
est bidder. After the bids were all handed in, they were
opened and all were rejected by Messrs. Otto and Schleter.2
It was understood by the "Bulletin" representative that Mr.
Kelly, of East Las Vegas, put in the highest bid and felt
rather sore at not getting the wool.

* (From Our Traveling Staff Correspondent) The American Shepherd's Bulletin,
voL 7, no. 8, August, 1902.

1. See biographical sketches : E. A. Davis, Editor, The Historical Encyclopedia of New
Mexico, New Mexico Historical Association, Albuquerque, 1945, p. 894, and Representative
New Mexicans, C. S. Peterson, Denver, Colo., 1912, p. 161.

2. See reference. Mar. 1902, part 1, p. 5, manuscript.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 293

But as Messrs. Otto and Schleter had reserved a bid for
themselves, of course they had the right to reject them, one
and all.

Nevertheless some of the buyers

LEFT IN RATHER AN ILL MOOD, and there is some doubt as
to their coming to future wool sales of this kind. A few days
later the bulk of the wool of that class was sold at private
sale, the price ranging around 13c. Those who sold at that
time and a little later were Robt. Dean, of Garrett, Okla. ;
T. E. Mitchell,3 Garrett, Okla. ; J. L. De Haven,4 Christian
Otto, Chas. Schleter, Thos. Gray, John F. Wolford, Alex. Mc-
Kenzie, Clayton, N. M.

Most all of these clips, aggregating over a half a million
pounds, were taken by the representatives of Brown & Adams
of Boston.

Taken as a whole, these clips are among the most im-
proved in northern New Mexico. At this writing there are
only two clips of any size left in this part of the territory.
They will amount to eight cars, and will probably be
consigned.

At the present time northeastern New Mexico still has

THE BEST GRASS of any place in the territory that I can
learn of. The central and southern parts are improving under
the recent rains which have fallen within the last two or three
weeks.

The New Mexico sanitary board are taking vigorous
measures to stamp out the scab and have increased the force
of inspectors and are paying them $100 a month. It is ex-
pected that by using this extra precaution they will stamp
out the scab effectually.

The sheep men of this locality are looking with much
favor on the operations of

THE ASSOCIATED WOOL GROWERS' COMPANY. Some have al-
ready sent quite large consignments in to them and a large

3. See reference, Mar. 1902, part 1, p. 9, manuscript.

4. Picture of J. L. DeHaven and his ranch is to be found in the American Shepherd's
Bulletin, vol. 7, no. 9, Sept. 1902, p. 2776, microfilm, U. N. M. Library.

294 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

number of others are seriously looking into the matter.

The more the matter is looked into the greater it grows
in favor with all of the thinking sheep men of this and other
localities in New Mexico and southern Colorado.

The Forbes Wool Co., of Trinidad, Colo.,5 are having a
very prosperous season, and many Colorado and New Mexi-
can clips will find their way through their finely equipped
scouring mill. There are quite a few feeders of Kansas and
Colorado sending in inquiries for feeders.

Thus far, in spite of the wether market, all inquiries have
been for wethers for feeding. The lambs that were saved in
northern New Mexico are doing finely. Those who have lambs
for sale are talking (sic) of holding them for $1.59 a head.
All of the ewe lambs will be saved this year on account of
the heavy losses of this last spring during the drought. As a
whole the sheep business of New Mexico is in a far better
shape than it was a month ago.

The "Young Observer" In New Mexico *

A Visit to the Northern Part of Union County.

FOLSOM, N. M., August 29, 1902. During my stay in Clay-
ton this last winter I met Mr. J. L. de Haven, of the Alamocita
ranch, some 15 miles north of Clayton, N. M.

From that time on it was my desire to visit his ranch, but
for one reason or another I always had to refuse his cordial
invitation.

At last one hot day about the middle of August I found
myself nearing the Alamocita ranch. The ranch house is hid-
den from the road by a heavy growth of cottonwood trees. As
you leave the main road, you follow the windings of the Ala-
mocita. The day was hot and dusty and the shade of the cot-
tonwoods looked cool and inviting.

We first came to

THE MESS OR CAMP HOUSE, the home of the buck herder,

5. See fn. 1, Mar. 1902, part 1.

* (From Our Traveling Staff Correspondent) The American Shepherd's Bulletin,
voL 7, no. 9, September, 1902.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 295

and one more turn brought us in full view of the ranch house
and corrals.

The ranch house is a substantial five room, one story,
stone building, with flat dirt roof common in this country.

This ranch home has been the property of its present
owner for only two years, but the fine flock of sheep which
graze there has been bred and reared there for 25 years.

The flock was started by Mr. White,1 a pioneer in New
Mexico. Later on the ranch and flocks were purchased by
Nichols & Davis,2 of Trinidad, who ran the property quite
successfully for a few years, and finally sold out to the present
owner, J. D. de Haven. Mr. de Haven had been engaged in
the sheep business in Idaho for 15 years previous to his com-
ing to New Mexico. It was mainly on account of his health
that he made the change to New Mexico.

THE ALAMOCITA RANCH, as it stands to-day, comprises
4,000 acres of patented land, besides the free government
range surrounding it. The notice of this ranch would not be
complete without mentioning the fine flock of rams which
came from the noted herd owned by the Baldwin Sheep &
Land Company, of Hay Creek, Oregon.

They have been pronounced by those who have seen them
as the finest flock of rams in New Mexico.

All of this while I have neglected to speak of "the man
behind the guns," or rather the woman.

Owing to the fact that Mr. de Haven has not had the best
of health, Mrs. de Haven has been with him for the last 20
years, whether up in the mountains of Idaho, or at the winter-
feeding station ; whether going on an overland trip, buying
large bands of sheep, or at home on their New Mexican ranch.
Mrs. de Haven has always been with him, sharing the duties,
responsibilities and pleasures of this out-of-door life.

Thus far Father Time has dealt gently with Mistress de

1. Henry White, a native of Massachusetts, entered the sheep business in 1879 on
the Alamocitas, twenty miles northwest of Clayton (Berry Newton Alvis, "History of
Union County," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, 22: 251).

2. O. L. Davis and C. H. Nichols. They took possession October 1st (American Shep-
herd's Bulletin, vol. 7, no. 10, Oct. 1902, U. N. M. Library).

296 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Haven for she has neither a wrinkle nor a silver lock to de-
note time's impress. She is

A TRUE RANCH WOMAN, hospitable, gracious and never
happier than when entertaining some of her many friends.

Unlike most ranch men, Mr. de Haven believes in having
fresh vegetables, and accordingly has a fine garden just south
of the house.

In this garden there abound cucumbers, cantaloupes, wa-
termelons, string beans, peas, sweet corn and in fact every-
thing which goes to make up a first-class garden.

At this time of the year his sheep are away on the summer
range, south of Cerra Grande. The country which makes up
his winter range is

A WELL-WATERED MESA cut up at irregular intervals by
canyons, which afford shelter in winter.

North of him is located the Col. (?) Arizona Sheep Com-
pany; south, the Otto & Schleter range;3 north and north-
west, the Ed Wight range,4 and Cur-Runpaw Sheep Com-
pany. The nearest of these is 15 or 20 miles away.

At last my pleasant visit to the Alamocita ranch was
ended and I was again on my way back to the Spring Hill
ranch and from thence to Trinidad. Taking New Mexico as
a whole, and Arizona, there is no more favored spot than
northern Union county, New Mexico.

When I got back to Folsom, I found every water hole full
to the brim and the grass growing at a great rate. The ranch
men around Folsom are thanking their lucky stars that they
happen to live in such a favored spot as northern Union
county.

After leaving the Alamocita ranch behind we traveled
east overland following the Old Santa Fe trail to what is
known as the Santa Fe crossing. As we traveled on toward
the Texas line the ranges presented a better condition and
did not seem to be so badly overstocked as in some places.

3. See Mar. 1902, part 1, p. 5, manuscript.

4. See Mar. 1902, part 2, f n. 7.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 297

About five in the evening we pulled up at the

RANCH HOME OP W. B. PLUNKETT. Mr. Plunkett had re-
cently located here some four or five miles from the Texas
and Oklahoma lines. He is located on a fine strip of well-
grassed country.

The grass is about equally divided between cattle and
sheep feed, the coarse for the cattle and the fine, short buffalo
or gramma grass for the sheep. He is running at the present
time about [number omitted] cattle and will also put on this
fall about 1,500 sheep. His wife is the daughter of Thomas
P. James,5 of Folsom, New Mexico.

Mr. Plunkett was for many years a trusted employe of
the F. D. W. outfit and seeing a chance to make a start for
himself did so. He is just now erecting a nice little cottage
and will soon be in shape to enjoy life. His energy combined
with a good stock of experience will be sure to bring him the
success his efforts deserve.

The next morning after a hearty breakfast we again
started in a northeasterly direction toward Mineral,
Oklahoma.

This day being the Sabbath, we only took

A SABBATH-DAY'S JOURNEY of 12 miles, which brought us
to the beautiful ranch home of G. M. Givens.

On the way we passed the ranch of Honey Johnes, a noted
old character, who used to buy honey up on the Arkansas
river, and peddle it out down on the Cimarron to the numer-
ous ranchers along it.

The grass through here was very good, but as we got
nearer the Oklahoma line, it was shorter, and the cattle and
sheep were not looking so well.

We stopped for a short call, on

W. E. CAMPBELL, of Mineral, Oklahoma. He came here
many years ago for his health and incidentally for his pocket-
book.

He has spent the time in the pleasant and profitable busi-
ness of sheep raising and just lately has decided to retire.

5. See Mar. 1902, part 2, fn. 6.

298 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

He sold his ranch the other day for $1,000, which is a big
price in this country for 160 acres. He now wants to sell his
sheep and retire completely from business on account of old
age and being a widower and alone.

The Givens ranch was formerly owned by Bill Metcalf,
a noted character north of Clayton.

Mr. Metcalf had spent a great amount of time and labor
in making this one of the best improved ranches north of
Clayton. This ranch is located on a branch of the Carizzo
[Carrizo] river.

Mr. Metcalf had a system of five dams, which were located
so as to afford

IRRIGATION FOR 40 OR 50 ACRES, which was mostly in
alfalfa.

He, however, left about five acres for a garden and such
a garden as it is this year under the care of Mr. Givens.

In the garden he has growing corn, sorghum, kaffir
[kafir] corn, castor beans, peanuts, potatoes, both Irish and
sweet, cucumbers, and last, but not least, watermelons and
cantaloupes.

When we arrived there he was in fine state of righteous
indignation over the dilapidated state of his melon patch.
It seems that a day or so before, the two old mother pigs on
looking for pastures new, had discovered the melon patch.
Now it happened that these old pigs had a weakness for the
melons which could not be repressed and they accordingly
went through the patch and carefully selected those of the
largest size and did the best they could. There are a few left
to represent as well as possible the crushed hopes of the
owner, for the melons raised on this ranch are highly prized
in Clayton and a load of melons represents some $25 or $30.

Mr. Givens also has quite a start on a flock of sheep, but
his main stock consists of cattle. There is

A FINE SHEEP RANGE around his ranch, and he will prob-
ably increase his flock in the near future.

I must not pass by without mentioning his two sons. They
are nearly the same age, just old enough to be around every-

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 299

where and into everything, not of a bad disposition, but na-
turally hustlers and bright and wide-awake, as all boys
should be.

The oldest one, who is about six, is already a good horse-
back rider, and often takes a 10 or 15-mile ride with the men.

After dinner one of the neighbors, Mr. Loveless, his fam-
ily and some visiting friends from Missouri, drove up and
spent the afternoon. By some mistake or other the pigs had
left three nice large, ripe melons and the way they disap-
peared before Mr. Givens' then increased family was a
caution.

Mr. Loveless lives about 12 miles southwest of the Givens
ranch. He also has a finely improved ranch.

He employes (sic) two windmills for irrigation, and has
a fine orchard which is old enough to bear, and a good garden.
He runs about 1,600 sheep and is thinking of increasing his
flock to 3,000 or more.

His sheep shear from five to six pounds of wool and are

A VERY FAIR FLOCK of improved sheep. Being so far from
Clayton and school privileges, he always hires a tutor for his
children and thinks that they get along nearly as well as when
sent to the public school.

I cannot refrain from quoting a remark made by an un-
married lady, who came along with Mr. Loveless. Just as
they were eating the watermelon, she looked around at the
assembled crowd and said, looking at the little boys, "Here
are the little boys, but where are the big ones, they are the
ones I am after."

Now as the hired man and myself were not in the crowd
at that time I am still in a quandary as to whether she was
after us or some one else. It is quite a joke here about the
ladies coming out here to secure husbands, but of course she
only meant her remark as a joke.

After passing a pleasant and restful Sunday here, Mon-
day morning again found us on our way up the Carrizzo,
[Carrizo] toward the ranch of

DONALD & JOHN MCINTOSH. We first stopped at Kenton on

300 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the Cimaron (sic) to get directions as to best route to Carizzo
(sic) Springs and Mclntosh's ranch, which is located a little
north of Carrizzo (sic) Springs.

We found at Kenton, an old cow man who had been in the
country since the 60's. He took particular pains to tell us the
route and even made a map of the roads up as far as the
abandoned mining town of Carizzo. (sic) .

Here he said we would find the postmaster, the only sur-
vivor in the town, who would direct us farther on our journey.

We got to the store and post office all right, but failed
to find the postmaster, as he had presumably gone out to make
a social call to some of the vacant mining shacks. Still follow-
ing the cow man's directions, we went on and by dint of great
exertions on the part of both horses and man, we climbed the
steep side of the Carrizo (sic) canyon. On reaching the top,
we followed the road which wound in and around through the
breaks, continually getting dimmer and dimmer till at last
it played out entirely and we were left there on the trackless
mesa,

WITHOUT ROAD, GUIDEBOARD OR GUIDE. Looking north we
could see the black mesa on the other side of which was the
ranch of the Mclntosh Brothers. We started north over the
mesa, thinking to reach the ranch that way, but we soon
found ourselves confronted by the box canyon of the West
Carizzo [Carrizo].

We then made a circle around to the west and north and
again found the same deep canyon. We kept on circling to get
around the head of the canyon till dark overtook us. When
we were about to give up hope, and pass the night on the open
prairie without tent or bedding, we heard in the distance the

WELCOME BLEATING OF SHEEP and soon reached a sheep
camp.

Here the obliging herders cooked supper for us and shared
with us also their bedding. The bedding of a herder usually
consists of a tarpaulin, a couple of blankets and a number of
sheep skins.

After quite a good deal of questioning, we found out that

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 301

it was still 15 miles around the head of the Carizzo (sic) and
eight miles back down the big hill to the abandoned town.

We decided to take the course, so following our tracks
back, we reached the post office at 11 o'clock, and found the
one man, who gave us the required direction to our destina-
tion. Two o'clock found us tired, dusty, and cross at the Mc-
Intosh ranch. Here the clever wife of the foreman, Mr. Mc-
Farland, got us our dinner and the rest of the afternoon and
evening was spent in much needed rest. The horses especially
needed rest as they presented a forlorn condition, compared
with their sleek, fat appearance at the start.

The next morning, following Mr. McFarland, we went
out to

THE BUCK CAMP which is located about 14 miles west of
the home ranch. Mr. Mclntosh has in this herd about 500
rams, half of which are one-eighth Cotswold grade with
Rambouillet.

They are fine, large rams and show good form and fleece.
After a hearty meal on tortillas, mutton and coffee, we started
on the homeward route known as the

OLD TRINIDAD ROAD. Evening again overtook us and we
stopped at one of Fred Hee's sheep camps for the night. Mr.
Hee is running about 22,000 head of sheep and is thinking
of putting on 1,000 head of cattle on his range north of Mesa
Myre. The range north of Mesa Myre is in good shape, having
had two rains that did not strike farther east. Mr. Hee will
have a fine, large bunch of lambs for sale in the near future —
at least 10,000 or more.

We were tired and dusty with a week's growth of beard,
and the horses looked as though they had just gotten over
the horse distemper. Taking the range condition as a whole,
it would be safe to say that for such a dry year as this, the
range is a little overstocked.

New Mexico *
The interior department has granted citizens of south-

* The American Shepherd's Bulletin, voL 7, no. 10, October, 1902.

302 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

eastern Rio Arriba county the privilege of grazing 5,000
sheep and goats for 60 days upon the Pecos reserve. The
drouth of the present season has proved a severe hardship to
the small stock raisers in that section, consequently they peti-
tioned Governor Otero to present their case to the Interior
department which he did with favorable results.

The Sweetwater Wool Growers' Association has offered a
reward of $1,000 for information that will lead to the arrest
and conviction of the leader or leaders of the raiding party of
the New Fork country.

The county officials are still on the trail of the sheep men
who pasture thousands of sheep in Eagle county every year,
without paying anything for the privilege. They have levied
upon 3,500 sheep over on the Frying Pan, belonging to one
Smythe, not only for this year's tax, but for last year. Sheriff
Farnum also collected taxes from a sheep man at Tennessee
Pass, last week. The officers are determined to keep after
these foreign sheep owners and see that they pay for grazing
their animals in the county.

The Burtt Sheep & Cattle Company has been incorporated
at Helena. Its purpose will be the buying, selling and raising
of sheep and cattle. The incorporators are L. D. Burtt, Louis
Gans and R. Lee Word. The capital stock is $75,000, divided
into 750 shares, of which three shares have been subscribed.

The shipments of wool from Glasgow this year were about
600,000 pounds, all of which was sold at prices from 1314 to
16*4 cents, except one clip of about 15,000 pounds belonging
to J. A. Russell, which was shipped on consignment to a Bos-
ton firm, 12 cents being paid down.

The "Young Observer" In New Mexico *

Down the Pecos River — Sights and Scenes Among the
Sheep Men.

PORT SUMNER, Oct. 20, 1902. When the month of October
was yet young I started down the Pecos river to call upon

* (From Our Traveling Staff Correspondent) The American Shepherd's Bulletin,
voL 7, no. 11, November, 1902.

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 303

the many prosperous ranch men who have made the valley
famous by their successful sheep ranching operations carried
on so successfully in this favored locality.

The elevation is from 3,500 to 6,000 feet above the sea
level. The climate, especially at this time of year, is perfect.
When I left Trinidad there was four inches of snow on the
ground. While down here I found green grass and leaves just
turning yellow.

After reaching Santa Rosa, where the Chicago & Rock
Island railroad system crosses the upper Pecos river, I found
myself in the far-famed Pecos valley.

From the earliest Spanish history to the present day, this
valley has been noted for its fertility and the abundance of
grass and natural forage which it produces. The land, away
from the towns and public highways, for the most part, is
well sodded to the grasses peculiar to this region. Just below
the town of Santa Rosa is the home of

CELSO BACA. For many years Don Celso Baca1 has stood in
the front ranks of politicians and many a time his influence
has turned the tide of a political campaign.

As a ranch man and sheep raiser he also holds a place pe-
culiar to himself. His ranch, situated as it is on the banks
of the Pecos river, and also cut in two by a beautiful little
spring creek, is a ranch that is highly favored in location. The
land that is now laid out as the town of Santa Rosa was at
one time part of his ranch. Below the house are extensive
vegas where he annually cuts many tons of hay. A little
farther down are a succession of lakes known as the bottom-
less lakes. The natives around here are very superstitutious
regarding these lakes, and on no account can they be per-
suaded to go bathing in them. One daredevil of an American
went swimming in one of them one Sunday with a couple of

1. Don Celso Baca y Baca lived twenty miles north of Puerto de Luna on the east side
of the Pecos River at the time the El Paso and Rock Island Railway came from the south-
west and the Chicago, Rock Island and El Paso Railway was being built to the northeast.
His wife, Dona Rosa Viviana Baca y Baca, lay buried in the Chapel of Santa Rosa nearby.
The new town that sprung up was named Santa Rosa for Dona Rosa (Frank D. Reeve,
History of New Mexico, Vol. II, Lewis Publishing Company, New York, p. 268).

304 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

companions and, contrary to the expectations of the natives,
came out alive.

There are numerous springs on this ranch, but unfortu-
nately the water from some of them is so impregnated with
mineral that it

CANNOT BE USED FOR IRRIGATION except for the natural salt
grasses growing in the vegas. Horses and burros that eat the
grass after a frost become sick and in many instances die
from the effects. The hay, however, is good and brings $10
to $12 a ton in Santa Rosa.

The next day I left Santa Rosa and traveled south and
east till I came to the home ranch of

MR. CHARLES SUMNER, on the [San] Juan de Dios.

It was past supper time, but soon the welcome call of sup-
per was heard and the victuals vanished very rapidly, for the
ride had been a long one. It is said by all who have seen the
flocks of Mr. Sumner that they are the best wooled sheep in
this part of the territory. He has been breeding for many
years in this line. His sheep at one time sheared on an aver-
age over eight pounds. His wethers frequently shear over ten
pounds. It has been his custom in years past to keep his
wethers over for two years at least, then sell them to feeders.
Two years ago he purchased some fine, large Hampshire
bucks and made a mutton cross in his sheep.

THIS YEAR'S LAMBS are the finest lot of lambs I have seen
in the territory and will weigh on an average 60 pounds,
which is 10 or 15 pounds more than the average of what
other lambs will weigh. The cross he made in his sheep for
some purposes was a good one, but for the wool he surely
made a mistake, for he certainly had a fine clip before he
made the cross. As a lamb producer and for the purpose of
getting a good feeding lamb the cross was a good one,
however.

Mr. Sumner came originally from England, where his
family still live. His brother is engaged in the breeding of
Lincolns and this year his ram won first honors at the Royal
show. His home and grounds are finely fixed up. Fruit trees

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 305

have been planted and irrigated. Now every year he has an
abundance of fruit for home use. The ranch and grounds show
a great amount of patient planning and hard work, but it
shows what can be done in this country with water, brains
and money. Of patented land Mr. Sumner owns over 2,000
acres, besides the government range which his ranches
control.

The next morning I moved down the [San] Juan de Dios
and over across to the Alamogordo, which runs into the Pecos
farther down. On my way I stopped at the ranch home of the

SON OF JUDGE LONG,2 OF LAS VEGAS. Mr. Long3 has here a
fine ranch and runs some three or four thousand sheep. He is
a firm believer in good stock and is steadily improving the
stock of his sheep.

After a short chat I moved on down to the

RANCH HOME OF HERMAN GERHART, [GERHARDT] 4 who is

now running about 6,000 sheep. Mr. Gerhart [Gerhardt] is
an example of what a young man can do with nothing but a
good stock of energy coupled with strict honesty.

Mr. Gerhart (sic) is a hustler, and, although starting
with practically nothing, a few years ago, he is now running
quite a large bunch of sheep, and, if the good price of wool
continues, he will soon be out of debt.

After spending the Sabbath at the Gerhart (sic) home we
started for the dipping plant some 16 miles away. On the way
we stopped at the home of Mr. Herman Gerhart's (sic)
father.5 Mr. Gerhardt's (sic) father, though getting along in
years, is still a good, intelligent talker and likes the taste of
some good brand of plug tobacco. In company with Mr. Her-
man I rode across the prairie and again stopped for a short

2. Elisha Van Buren Long, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Territory of
New Mexico from November, 1885 until 1891 (Arie Poldervaart, Black-Robed Justice in
New Mexico, 1846-1912, NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, 23: 40 passim). See biographical
sketch Illustrated History of New Mexico, Lewis Publishing Company, 1895, Chicago, pp.
255-256.

3. Evidently Alfred H. Long.

4. Elder son of Frederick (Li Hie Gerhardt Anderson, "A New Mexico Pioneer of the
1880s," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, 29 : 253) .

6. Frederick Gerhardt came to New Mexico in April, 1882 (Ibid., 39: 245).

306 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

call at the Long ranch. We left just before dark, and some
time after dark we reached the camp where he will dip his
sheep.

The ranch men around here

ALL USE LIME AND SULPHUR DIP, according to the govern-
ment formula.

There is quite a little scab in and around here on account
of the dryness of the season and the prevalence of herds
crossing the range at this point to gain the stake [d] plains,
where grass and water are abundant this summer. These
stake [d] plains constitute the finest summer range to be
found, and every year, after lambing, many, or almost all,
of the sheep men along the Pecos river start out for the
stake [d] plains, where they range their sheep around some
of the numerous lakes on these plains. From a recent letter
from the inspector, B. F. McLaughlin, I quote the following :

"I have just been out on the stake [d] plains. I found
here better grass, better water and better men than I had
expected to find. There are at present (Oct. 1) about 76,000
sheep ranging out here, most of them from Guadalupe county.
I found quite a little scab, but not as much as I had expected."

At this writing nearly all of the sheep have been dipped
twice and well so that there will be little or no scab this win-
ter in Guadalupe county, New Mexico.

Leaving my friend Herman to get his dipping plant ready
for operation, I started north up the Alamogordo, to the home
ranch of

THE ALAMOGORDO SHEEP co.6 When I arrived there I found
that Mr. Churchill,7 the manager, was in Las Vegas on busi-

6. The Alamogordo Sheep Company was incorporated some time in 1899. Its incorpora-
tors and directors were Arthur M. Blackwell, Joseph M. Cunningham, each of Las Vegas,
and Lucius F. Churchill of Puerto de Luna. The Shepherd's Bulletin of the National Wool
Growers' Association of the United States, voL 4, no. 10, p. 680, microfilm, U. N. M.
Library.)

7. Lucius F. Churchill became ranch manager for Charles Ilfeld in November 1903
after he had retired to New York State. He received a one-fifth interest in the Pintada
Trading Company, a corporation formed to take care of Ilfeld's sheep holdings. Churchill
resigned in three years pleading ill-health (Wm. J. Parish, The Charles Ilfeld Company:
A Study of the Rise and Decline of Mercantile Capitalism in New Mexico, Harvard Univer-
sity Press, 1961, pp. 189-190).

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 307

ness. So I learned all that I could from the man in charge, and
after a good meal, I started on the return journey.

The Alamogordo Sheep Co. runs, as nearly as I could find
out, about 12,00 or 13,000 sheep. They have a fine range and,
from all reports, are doing well. Their home ranch is finely
fitted up with a good, large house, barn and corrals.

After returning to the dipping plant, where my friend
Herman was getting ready to dip, I was ready to enjoy an-
other night's sound rest at his camp.

The next day I rode over to where

THE HON. CAPTAIN CLANCEY8 [CLANCY] was dipping his

20,000 sheep. The captain is one of the stand-bys and land-
marks in the sheep business of the upper Pecos. For 24 years,
winter and summer, he has been continually at it. His aim has
been to produce a sheep with a good carcass and as much wool
on the scoured basis as possible. When it comes to the sheep
business, the captain is an enthusiast in the fullest sense of
the word. He has personally visited and inspected many of the
leading stud flocks from Vermont to California, and when
it comes to judging a sheep, the captain is right there and in
his element.

For many years the captain followed the sea and its ro-
mance. Starting from his Vermont home he rounded Cape
Horn and sailed up the Pacific. Those were the days of sailing
vessels and long voyages, and to sit and hear the captain spin
sea tales by the hour was to me a rare pleasure. At last, after
many years of sea life, he settled down in San Francisco as
a mining stock broker. Seeing the uncertainty of this busi-
ness and becoming convinced that the sheep business was a
profitable and safe investment, he made an investment in
Arizona, and afterwards moved the base of his operations to
New Mexico on the lower Alamogordo. He calls

His RANCH "Alamogordo." The house is built somewhat
in the style of a fortress with big watehtowers at each corner.
Inside, on every hand, one sees the evidences of a refined taste

8. Captain John G. Clancy. See biographical sketch. Representative New Mexicans,
C. S. Peterson, Denver, Colo., 1912, p. 51.

308 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

from the well-filled bookcases to the walls covered with paint-
ings, from the pleasant fireplaces to the piano in the corner.
The paintings are for the most part the work of his son Juan.

The captain rarely sits down to a meal, except there is
some dish peculiar to the sea on the table. He still clings to
the romance of the ocean and says that when he makes his for-
tune in the sheep business, he would like to build him a snug
little schooner and sail around wherever pleasure dictated.

The most thorough job of dipping I have seen done this
year was done by Capt. Clancey, [Clancy] and if his sheep
have scab before spring it will not be the fault of the dipping.
The captain is the most indefatigable worker I have yet met
and there is hardly a day that you will not see him, the mules
and buckboard on the road, either to Puerto de Luna or some
camp.

Before finishing I must not fail to mention the

FINE HERD OF BUCKS which he annually raises. They are
fine, large fellows, of a good staple of wool and good mutton
type, just what a range sheep should be. Then, too, I must
mention the herd of Shetland ponies, purebred ones, too, that
the captain keeps for his own and his children's amusement
and incidentally for the benefit of his pocketbook. He will de-
liver a well-broken Shetland pony any time of the year to
those wanting these docile and pretty pets for themselves or
children. He now has on hand some 14 head of well-broken
ponies for sale.

It was with a feeling of sincere regret that I bade the
genial and wholehearted captain goodby and traveled down
the Alamogordo and the Pecos to Fort Sumner.

Just before reaching the present town of Fort Sumner,
we passed by the site of the old Fort Sumner, fort and reser-
vation, where the government spent nearly a million dollars
in irrigation dams and ditches, making a vast farm for the
Indians. It

EVENTUALLY PROVED A FAILURE, and all that remains to-
day is a long avenue, with majestic cottonwoods on both sides
of it, and a few fruit trees, which feebly mark the site of

SHEEP HUSBANDRY 309

what was once a flourishing 40-acre orchard. It was not the
fault of the soil, climate or water, but simply the fact that
the Indians would not be civilized and live in this flat country.
They longed for their native mountains and were continually
running away, till the government gave it up and let the land
go back to its native grasses.9 It is waiting now for some en-
terprising capitalists to put in another dam and ditches and
resume operations again. There is no reason why 12,000 or
14,000 acres could not be irrigated from the Pecos and have
vast alfalfa fields where now only wild grasses grow.

(To be continued)

9. See Frank D. Reeve, op cit. Vol. II, pp. 110-122. Also Charles Amsden, "The Navajo
Exile at Bosque Redondo," NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, 8 : 31-50.

THE TRIANGLE AND THE TETRAGRAMMATON1

A Note on the Cathedral at Santa Fe

by FLOYD S. FIERMAN*

ONE OF THE MOST charming stories that has currency
throughout the Southwest concerns the Cathedral at
Santa Fe dedicated to St. Francis of Assisi. Above the en-
trance of the Cathedral2 is a Triangle and inscribed within
its borders is the Tetragrammaton, the word for God in-
scribed in Hebrew letters. The construction of this Cathedral
was initiated during the episcopate of Archbishop John B.
Lamy. Its cornerstone was laid on July 14, 1869 and, like
many houses of worship, its construction extended over a
peroid of years. Twitchell recounts that in 1912 it was still
incomplete.3

In recent years it has appeared incongruous to many peo-
ple that the Catholic Church, whose prayer language is Latin,
should have a Hebrew inscription over its entrance, even
though it was enclosed in a Triangle. It was not questioned
or considered unusual at the time that it was placed in the
archway, if the lack of reference to the symbol in the local
newspapers is a guide. They are silent. When the curiosity
about the whole matter began to become history can only be
conjectured. Even Twitchell, who had an eye for the unique
and who sought historical detail, overlooked it. Eventually,
however, it became an oddity and stories began to circulate.
"The Archbishop had a warm association with the people of
Jewish faith who resided in New Mexico," is a theme running
through the interpretations. "On various occasions when the
Archbishop needed financial assistance, he sought the help
of his Jewish friends. In tribute to these people and their

* Temple Mount Sinai, 900 North Oregon St., El Paso, Tex.

Reprinted with permission of the Editor of the Panwood, Vol. VI, No. 2, Spring, 1961.

310

\

Archway of the Cathedral at Santa Fe, dedicated to St. Francis of Assisi.

TETRAGRAMMATON 311

help, the Archbishop ordered that the Tetragrammaton in a
Triangle be inserted above the Cathedral. It was the symbol
of harmony between Catholic and Jew."

Is there any credence to this opinion? Did Archbishop
Lamy place the Tetragrammaton in the Triangle in tribute
to his Jewish friends in Santa Fe? Or is this another of the
legends that grows with such ease in the parched earth of
New Mexico tradition once it is irrigated with the moisture
of the lips and the tongue?

A letter directed to Archbishop Edwin V. Byrne of the
Archdiocese of Santa Fe brought a reply from the Chancery
Office, written under the signature of Father M. J. Rodriguez,
Chancellor.4 The purpose of the original letter was to deter-
mine whether the archives of the Diocese were open to stu-
dents of history for investigation. The answer from the
Chancellor was in the affirmative, but he suggested that to
expedite matters a catalogue of the Archives be consulted.
This catalogue, compiled by Fray Angelico Chavez, is en-
titled "Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900." 5

An investigation of the Chavez catalogue reveals that
Archbishop Lamy had considerable correspondence with the
Most Reverend J. B. Purcell of the Cincinnati diocese.6 This
correspondence establishes that Lamy was in a diocese that
more often than not was in financial straits. There is, how-
ever, no reference in this catalogue to any communication
with any known people of the Jewish faith, indicating a loan
or gift. The names of two Jewish families are recorded but
these notes have nothing to do with the matter under con-
sideration.

The two Jewish families that would have been inclined to
assist the Archbishop in his program to build a representa-
tive Cathedral structure in Santa Fe were the Staab Broth-
ers,7 Abraham and Zadoc, and the Spiegelberg Brothers.8 W.
A. Keleher, in his The Fabulous Frontier, not only attributes
the Lamy gesture to the Staab family, but he graphically re-
cords it :

312 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

. . . Then the churchman [Archbishop Lamy] hurried to the
office of Abraham Staab, merchant prince of Santa Fe, to ask
for an extension of time on promissory notes given in exchange
for funds borrowed for the Cathedral project. Friends of long
standing, the ranking Roman Catholic prelate of the South-
west, and the leading member of the Jewish faith in New Mex-
ico, exchanged the formalities of the day. Mr. Staab had
already made substantial gifts to the Cathedral construction
fund. When money had become scarce in the hard times then
prevailing, the merchant had become banker and loaned large
sums to the Archbishop to prevent stoppage of the work. "How
is the work on the Cathedral progressing?," inquired Staab.
"Times are hard," answered the Archbishop, "but the Cathedral
will be finished. All I ask is an extension of time on my notes."
Staab went to a large iron safe, took out all the notes that
the Archbishop had signed and said to him: "Archbishop, let
me have a say in the building of that new Cathedral and I will
tear up all these notes." Cautiously the man of God measured
the eyes of the man of Commerce and Business and inquired:
"To what extent, how, Mr. Staab?" Staab replied: "Let me put
one word above the entrance of the Cathedral, chiselled in
stone." "And what is that word?," parried the Archbishop.
"You must trust me, Archbishop,' replied Staab. Archbishop
Lamy agreed to Abraham Staab's proposal. Staab tore up the
notes in the presence of the Archbishop, tossed the fragments
of paper into a fire in the stove in the office. When the Cathedral
was finished, there for all the world to see, was the part that
Staab had taken in its building, The Hebraic initials J V H
[Y H W H] symbolic of the word "God" of the Christian faith,
"Jehovah" of the faith of Israel.9

Mr. Keleher's account according to Rabbi Davir Shor of
Albuquerque requires modification. Dr. Edward Staab, the
son of Abraham Staab, has discussed the subject under ques-
tion with Rabbi Shor. Dr. Staab has informed Rabbi Shor
that his father did loan Archbishop Lamy funds toward the
erection of the Cathedral. His father, he recounts, also de-
stroyed the notes that were given by Lamy as security. But
the Doctor avers that under no circumstances did Abraham
Staab agree to tear up the notes if the Archbishop would
place the Tetragrammaton above the Cathedral. He did not
bargain with the highest religious officer of the diocese.

TETRAGRAMMATON 313

Abraham Staab did not place any obstacles before the Arch-
bishop. After Lamy stated his plight, Dr. Staab claims that
Abraham Staab asked the Archbishop to accept the loan as
a donation.10 Thus, only a portion of the Keleher account,
according to Abraham Staab's son, is verifiable. Further-
more, the untarnished escutcheon of the Staab family in all
their business transactions would in itself substantiate that
the Staabs never disadvantaged anyone, and, above all, not a
clergyman.

Consequently, the Staab family must be eliminated as the
Jewish family that Archbishop Lamy may have desired to
placate. Let us consider the other possibility, the Spiegelberg
Brothers. In this case, there is a contemporary newspaper
article that directly involves the Spiegelbergs in the matter
of the Cathedral.

On the Tuesday before the Sunday that the Cathedral was
to be dedicated, a news item in The New Mexican of Santa Fe,
described the plans for the dedication. A list of those people
who contributed twenty-five dollars and upward was enu-
merated.11 Conspicuous among the donors was the name
Spiegelberg. This donation was undoubtedly a family gift.
The Spiegelberg contribution was five hundred dollars, a size-
able amount of money in 1869. That the Archbishop and the
Spiegelbergs were good friends cannot be denied. An over-
ture of kindness toward the Spiegelbergs on the part of the
Archbishop is brought to our attention by Flora Spiegelberg,
the wife of Willi Spiegelberg :

In 1852, Lamy in company with two French priests, was
returning from Kansas to Santa Fe by way of the Santa Fe
trail. Halfway across the trail the Bishop and his caravan saw
ahead of them a caravan of twenty-five covered wagons, which
he was to learn were transporting merchandise to the Spiegel-
bergs of Santa Fe. Bishop Lamy knew the brothers well and
halted to extend a friendly greeting to Levi, the second oldest
of the brothers, who was in charge of the wagon train. He
noticed that Levi was being carried into a cabin on the prairie.
He was a victim of dysentery. Aware that an epidemic of
cholera was prevalent, Levi's companions had become panic

314 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

stricken and refused to continue the journey with him. They
had persuaded him to stay with a trapper in his cabin until he
was able to resume his journey. But the Bishop would not have
it so. "My two companions and I will make room for you in
our covered wagon." Levi accepted the offer gratefully. He re-
gained his health in a week. The remainder of the trip to Santa
Fe, which took two months, found the kindly educated priests
and the young merchant in pleasant conversation.12

Previous to the erection of the Cathedral, the Spiegel-
bergs and the hierarchy had maintained an open-door policy
with one another. They endeavored to help one another when-
ever the occasion presented itself. But, in addition to the
query of whether an Archbishop had the freedom to employ
symbols according to his whim, there is the question of
whether a donation to a Cathedral building by a Jewish donor
would influence an Archbishop to honor the donor by incor-
porating the Hebrew letters for God on the archway. It would
hardly be conceivable, no matter how generous the motives of
the prelate, that he should act in this manner.

Careful inquiry leads us to the opinion that there is no
mystery to the matter. Fray Angelico Chavez removes any
doubts :

The Hebrew characters above the Cathedral entrance
struck the historian as odd, and so he guessed that Lamy had it
done because of his most cordial relations with the Jewish pio-
neers of Santa Fe. . . .

However, it is to be noted that the Tetragrammaton is en-
closed in a triangle. In Europe, this was a common Christian
symbol, denoting the One god of Moses and Abraham revealed
in their New Covenant, as Three Divine Persons in one God
. . . hence the Graeco-Latin term "Trinity." The symbol was
carved in the Gothic and Romanesque churches of northern Eu-
rope, painted on sacred furnishings, embroidered in liturgical
vestments. (I found one Chasuble13 or Mass vestment, im-
ported from France by Lamy or his successor, with this same
emblem embroidered with gold thread on the back of the most
prominent part.)

It follows that Lamy would not have been pleasing his
Jewish friends by including the triangle ! Or perhaps it was not

THE LORD*"

*THE ALMIGHTY'

fsiioiP JOHN B. LAMY

Two Yoos

ABKAHAM STAAB

Yoo WITHIN TRIAMGLE

Hebrew symbols shown on this page are used by the Catholic Church.

— F. R. WEBBER., Church Symbolism, 1927.

TETRAGRAMMATON 315

Lamy's own idea, but that of his French architect.14 It also
could be, once the emblem was carved, that these Jewish
friends, totally ignorant of the triangle's meaning, were actu-
ally pleased and did consider it a friendly gesture by Lamy!
Which is all to the good in this world of strife and misunder-
standing among peoples.15

To establish the fact that the symbol above the Cathedral
was not unique, it was only necessary now to find the
Chasuble in the Cathedral and identify it. Through the co-
operation of Father Rodriguez of the Chancery office and
Fray Chavez, the Chasuble was located and photographed.
Two of the three illustrations included with this note are a
photograph of the symbol above the Cathedral, as it now
appears, and a photograph of the Chasuble.16

In addition to the evidence found in the St. Francis of
Assisi Cathedral, research has disclosed other examples af-
firming that the Roman Church has used symbols with He-
brew inscriptions in places other than Santa Fe. F. R.
Weaver,17 in his study on church symbolism attests that be-
sides the Tetragrammaton, other Hebrew inscriptions were
utilized as well. He illustrates four other Hebrew characteri-
zations that were employed by the Roman Church.

This documentation directs us to the conclusion that the
Tetragrammaton in the Triangle in the Cathedral has an
old history. It antedates the Santa Fe Cathedral. It is coinci-
dental that the gregarious Archbishop, John B. Lamy, had
many Jewish friends in the diocese of Santa Fe. That he
placed the symbol in the archway as representative of his
friendship, we can assuredly conclude is merely a legend.
It is of credit to the Franciscan priest, Fray Angelico Chavez,
that for some time he has known that this was a legend, but
because it augured friendship and not antipathy, he chose
to leave it rest.

REFERENCES

1. The equilateral Triangle is the symbol of the Trinity, suggesting three equal parts
joined into one. George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art, Oxford University
Press, New York. C. 1954 by the Samuel H. Kress Foundation, p. 276.

316 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

The Tetragrammaton (YHWH) was written but not pronounced according to its
consonants in Jewish tradition. "The substitution in pronunciation of adonoi ('Lord') for
the tetragrammaton, the ahem ho-mephoroah of the Mish, yoma, VI, 2) of which indications
are to be found in the later Biblical books and which is clearly recorded in the Mishnah
became the general usage of the Synagogue when reading from the scroll of the Penta-
teuch. The tetragrammaton had been retained, while the Temple stood, in the regular
priestly benediction (Nu. VI, 22ff). . . . The true pronunciation of the tetragrammaton
was not freely transmitted, but was esoteric, and communicated by the teachers only to
qualified disciples. . . . The Mishnah so severely prohibits the utterance of the tetragram-
maton that the pronouncer of it was threatened with exclusion from a portion of the world
to come. Other paraphrastic substitutes for the name of God became common, e.g., Maqom,
lit. 'place' ... or "Our father in Heaven' . . . and frequently in Rabbinic texts 'the
merciful,' 'The Holy one, blessed be He' . . ."James Hastings (Editor), Encyclopedia of
Religion and Ethics, Pbl. Charles Scribner's Sons, C. 1928, VoL IX, 177a.

2. The Cathedral is described by Twitchell as follows : "Its cornerstone was laid July
14, 1869 (The New Mexican, Tuesday, October 12, 1869, gives the date of the cornerstone
. . . the cornerstone of the new Cathedral . . . will be laid on Sunday, 10th of October,
1869. ) The main building with two imposing towers has been erected at a cost of approxi-
mately one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. It is still incomplete. The part of the build-
ing completed to the arms of the cross is one hundred and twenty feet long, and sixty feet
broad, while the height of the middle nave is fifty-five feet. The ceiling is arched in Roman
style. The walls are of native stone. The ceilings have this peculiarity ; they are made of
red volcanic tufa, very light ; this substance was obtained from the summit of Cerro Mogino,
about twelve miles from Santa Fe. The towers are of cut stone, now eighty-five feet in
height, and the spires which will adorn them eventually, will reach an elevation of one
hundred and sixty feet. Ralph Emerson Twitchell, The Leading Facts of New Mexican
History, VoL II, p. 344, Torch Press, C. 1912.

8. Archbishop John B. Lamy "was born at Lempdes, France, October 11, 1814, of a
family fruitful in vocations. Educated at Clermont and the Seminary of Monteferrand, he
was ordained in December, 1838 . . . while assistant priest at Champre, in 1839 he volun-
teered to join Bishop Purcell for the Ohio mission. Stationed at Wooster and subsequently
at Covington . . . (he) shrank from no toil ... on the 24th of November, 1850, he set
out for his vicariate by way of New Orleans and Texas ... he met with an accident and
was laid up for months at San Antonio, so that he did not reach Santa Fe till the summer
of 1851." Lamy died February 14, 1888. His remains lie under the main altar of the
Cathedral. Twitchell, op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 329, note 256.

4. Correspondence with Father M. J. Rodriguez, Chancery Office, Archdiocese of Santa
Fe, November 15, 1960, Protocol No. 303/60. Father Rodriguez writes : "If you find that our
archives contain any material which might prove helpful to you, you are more than welcome
to come here. If you find we might be able to be of help, please see me personally."

5. Angelico Chavez, Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678-1900, Ibds. Wash-
ington, D.C., Academy of American Franciscan History, C. 1957.

6. Ibid., pp. 114, 117, 119-122, and other references. Index, p. 276.

7. Abraham Staab was born in Westphalia, Germany, February 27, 1839. In 1854, when
fifteen years of age, he embarked for the United States in a sailing vessel, the voyage con-
suming five weeks. After his arrival, he proceeded to Norfolk, Virginia, where he found
employment as an errand boy in a small grocery store, with a salary of one dollar per week,
his board and lodging included. Having been engaged in this employment about two months,
a prominent merchant of Norfolk, to whom he had delivered parcels daily, took a fancy
to the young apprentice, gave him employment at three dollars per week and during the
evening hours gave him instruction in bookkeeping. Having heard of the great opportuni-
ties for business in the far west, after a residence of two years in Norfolk, he removed to
New Mexico, traveling by train and steamboat as far as Westport Landing (Kansas City,
Missouri) and thence by wagon train, drawn by ox-teams, to New Mexico's capital, the
journey requiring more than six weeks for its completion. Shortly after his arrival he

TETRAGRAMMATON 317

entered the employ of Spiegelberg Brothers, prominently engaged in the Santa Fe and
Chihuahua trade, with which firm he continued for one year, and in 1858 entered into the
business of general merchandising together with his brother, Zadoc Staab, the firm being
known as Zadoc Staab and Brother. At first the business was principally along retail lines
but gradually attained strength and proportion until in the sixties, it became the largest
wholesale trading and merchandising establishment in the entire Southwest, covering a
territory which included Utah, Colorado, Arizona and as far south as Chihuahua, Mexico.
In the days preceding and during the Civil War, and for a long period thereafter, capital
and courage were controlling factors in the commercial enterprises of the great Southwest.
Caravans, drawn by six, eight and oft-times as many as ten yoke of oxen, were required in
transporting across the Great Plains the immense stocks of merchandise required in the
Southwestern trade. Military escorts furnished by the government at various times in the
'sixties accompanied these wagon-trains, supplemented as they were by their own well-
armed employees who were constantly on the gui vive for the marauding nomads of the
prairies. With many of these caravans, carrying the goods of Z. Staab and Brother, Abra-
ham Staab rode on horseback across the plains of Kansas, Colorado and New Mexico, on the
alert, night and day, to repel the attacks of murdering savages, who, in many cases, with
trains insufficiently protected, were successful in their attacks upon the caravans, requiring
the abandonment of wagons and contents to the merciless barbarians. The firm filled many
immense contracts for supplies to the government in its support of the many soldiers and
army posts in the Southwest. These contracts covered all sorts of native products, hay,
grain, chile, beans, flour and buffalo meat, giving employment to many of the native citizens
of New Mexico, who gained their livelihood as sub-contractors for this firm. Large quanti-
ties of buffalo robes, beautifully tanned and decorated, were articles of trade with the In-
dians of the plains as well as with large numbers of native ciboleros who hunted the buffalo
on the llanos of northeastern New Mexico along the Cimarron and Arkansas rivers. The
transportation equipment necessary in the filling of these government contracts, in these
days of railway trains and motor trucks, should be recorded in the history of those who
were pioneers in the progress of civilization in the Southwest. Many yoke of oxen, great
droves of burros, mules and horses were the transportation used in supplying the military
posts from the Arkansas to the Rio Grande. The story of Santa Fe and the great Southwest
is found in the biographies of the Santa Fe merchants, participating as they did in the
daily life and activities of all the communities and settlements of a tremendous geographical
area. In the distribution of supplies, Santa Fe as the initial point, with the freighters bound
for Chihuahua and the settlements of the Rio Abajo, was the scene of colorful events, filled
with romance, unparalleled in the story of the great Southwest. The deliveries at army posts
and Indian agencies of great herds of cattle, with their vaqueros and other employees, and
military officers and men, the civilian scouts, picturesque in their garb of buckskin and
beaver, in their detailed recital are epics for pen and brush. In all of this Abraham Staab
played an important part. Southwestern society in its beginnings was limited but at the
posts and agencies and in all the larger communities racial differences and prejudices were
unknown and discountenanced. The friendships, confidences and intimacies of that period
were beautifully close and almost without appreciation by those of the present day. The
social life of New Mexico's capital, the brilliant functions of frequent occurrences given by
the ladies and officers of old Fort Marcy, participated in by the civilians of the ancient city ;
and those given in return by its pricipal citizens are wondrous memories with those who
were privileged to participate. In these social sidelights of Santa Fe history, the Staab man-
sion on Palace Avenue played a prominent part. Unostentatious but magnificent in their
simplicity were the contributions of Abraham and Mrs. Staab, with their older daughters,
to the social gaieties which shone with frequent brilliancy in the ancient city. Attended by
dignitaries, military and civilian, governors, justices, visiting notables and officers of high
rank, these entertainments made life at Fort Marcy and old Santa Fe preferable to that in
many of the great regimental posts of the far west.

In all his business relations with the patrons and friends of the firm, the native New
Mexican in particular, Mr. Staab occupied a position of intimate confidence, which was

318

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

never disturbed or broken. In truth, owing to the lack of banking facilities, his firm was the
depository of large sums of money belonging to the leading native representatives through-
out New Mexico, in the handling of which Abraham Staab served as advisor and trustee
gratuitously, always appreciated and never forgotten.

After the coming of the railways, owing to the rapid increase in population in several
of the rival cities of the Territory, with every session of the legislature efforts were made
looking to the removal of the capital from Santa Fe. These failed in every instance owing
largely to the influence of Abraham Staab and other prominent citizens of Santa Fe and
the northern part of the Territory. Mr. Staab held a number of public offices ; was a mem-
ber of the board of county commissioners of Santa Fe county, a member and secretary of
the first Capitol Building Commission and the first president of the Santa Fe chamber of
commerce.

On "December 25, 1865, he was united in marriage with Miss Julie Schuster, of which
eight children were born, one of whom died in infancy, the others being Mrs. Louis Ilfeld
of Albuquerque ; Mrs. Louis Baer of Boston ; Mrs. Max Nordhaus of Albuquerque ; Julius
and Paul, deceased ; Arthur and Edward. Mrs. Staab died on May 15, 1896, and Mr. Staab
passed to his reward in 1913. Ralph E. Twitchell, Old Santa Fe, Pbl. Santa Fe New Mexican
Publishing Corporation, C. 1925, p. 479-80.

8. Solomon Jacob Spiegelberg, the oldest of the Spiegelbergs, was the first to leave
Germany. He crossed the Santa Fe trail in an ox-train and joining the command of Colonel
William A. Doniphan, accompanied him to Chihuahua, Mexico. He returned to Santa Fe
with the regiment where he was appointed Sutler. In 1846, he established a wholesale and
retail general merchandise business. By 1868, Solomon's four brothers, Willi, Emanuel,
Levi, and Lehman had arrived from Germany. Flora Spiegelberg, Reminiscences of a Jewish
Bride on the Santa Fe Trail

Levi Spiegelberg came in 1848 ; Emanuel in 1853 ; Lehman in 1857 ; and Willi in 1861.
Daily New Mexican, Santa Fe, October 30, 1881, VoL X, No. 206, p. 130.

Joseph and Solomon enlisted in the Union forces. Joseph attained the rank of Captain
and Solomon that of Colonel. Santa Fe New Mexican, August 12, 1864.

9. William A. Keleher, The Fabulous Frontier, The Rydal Press, Santa Fe, New Mexico,
1945, pp. 132-33. Correspondence with W. A. Keleher, Albuquerque, New Mexico, Septem-
ber 15, 1950.

10. Conversation with Rabbi David Shor, Temple Albert, Albuquerque, New Mexico.

11. The New Mexican, Tuesday, October 12, 1869. The donors listed are as follows:

Name-Residence Ami.

Sr. Obispo Lamy, Santa Fe $3,000

Anna Ma. Ortiz, Santa Fe 2,500

Sr. Vicario Egullion, Santa Fe 1,000

C. P. Clever, Santa Fe 1,000

Mache Magdalena, Santa Fe 500

Mannela [sic] Armijo Santa Fe 500

Spiegelberg, Santa Fe 500

Ambrosio Armijo, Albuquerque 500

Jose L. Perea, Bernalillo 500
Manuel Anto. Otero, Peralto [sic] 500

Jose D. Sena, Santa Fe 200

Caspar Ortiz, Santa Fe 200

Thomas Cauglon, Santa Fe 100

Charles Blummer, Santa Fe 100

H. R. Tompkins, Santa Fe 100

Felipe Delgado, Santa Fe 100

Pedro Perea, Bernalillo 100

Jesus Perea, Bernalillo 100

Eliza Herbert, Glorietta 100

Judge Watts, Santa Fe 100

Name-Residence Amt.

Felipe Chavez, Belen 200

Jose Ma. Aragon, Tome 100

F. W. Helen, Santa Fe 50

Jose Oct. Lujan, Santa Fe 60

Anastacio Sandobal, Santa Fe 50

Juan C. Chaves, Belen 50

Antonio Lerma, La Alameda 50

Pedro N. Valencia, Jemes 60

Thomas Rivera, Santa Fe 50

Pablo Delgado, Santa Fe 50

Vicente Garcia, Santa Fe 80

Dolores Perea, Los Ponos [sic] 40

F. B. Delgado, Santa Fe 30

Francisco Perea, Bernalillo 25

Jose Anto. Montoya, Bernalillo 25

Baltazar Perea, Bernalillo 25

J. M. Baca y Salazar, Pecos 25

Santiago Baca, Pecos 25

Manuel Varela, Pecos 26

Pablo Martin, Pecos 26

TETRAGRAMMATON 319

The writer is indebted to Miss Ruth E. Rambo, librarian of the Museum of New Mexico,
Santa Fe, for researching and making this refernce available. Dec. 9, 1960.

12. Flora Spiegelberg, "Tribute to Archbishop Lamy of New Mexico," The Southwest-
ern Jewish Chronicle, Oklahoma City, 1933.

The friendship of the Jewish Pioneer with the Catholic hierarchy, as has been indicated,
was reciprocal. Another example of this reciprocity concerned the Bibos. In 1896, the Bibo
Brothers, Solomon and Simon, of Laguna, New Mexico, wrote a letter to Willi Spiegelberg,
who was then residing in New York, concerning the antagonistic attitude taken toward
them by a priest who is referred to as Juillard. The Spiegelbergs had been instrumental in
bringing the Bibos to New Mexico and because of this and the close relationship that the
Spiegelbergs had always maintained with the Catholic hierarchy, Willi Spiegelberg's influ-
ence was sought. It is interesting to note, however, that the Bibos — Simon and Solomon —
had already married out of their faith and hardly had any association with Judaism in the
territory. Simon Bibo was married to Ramona Candelaria of San Mateo, New Mexico. They
had eighteen children, "9 living to childhood or maturity." Solomon Bibo married a member
of the Acoma tribe of Indians whose first name was Juana. He became governor of the
Acoma Indians on two occasions, one being the year 1892. Correspondence with Arthur
Bibo, July 25, 1953.

THE BIBO MERCANTILE CO.
Dealers in Groceries, California Products, Provisions and General Merchandise,

Wool, Hides, and Pueblo Indian Specialties.

Special Rate for Carload Lots Wholesale and Retail

Mr. Willi Spiegelberg LAGUNA, NEW MEXICO, July 31, 1896

New York
Dear Sir:

At a meeting held at Cebolleta a few days ago, the encl. Protest was drawn up. It
certainly don't amount to nothing before the count ( ?) , but it was drawn up by the Catholic
priest Juillard. (It shows in that same) item! UN RICO ISRAELITO [a rich Jew} that
he wants to inspire the people with hatred not alone against you but against the Jewish
race. I have sent this paper to Don Anudo (?), who will present the case to the Archbishop
[Archbishop Lamy died in February 14, 1888. He was succeeded by the coadjutor J. B.
Salpointe] and as you have always helped the Catholic Church at Santa Fe you should write
to the Archbishop a few lines in regards to this protest. The parties who signed the protest
are only tools of the padre. I hope that you are doing well and that your daughters have
grown up to be nice ladies and that they will make life a comfort to you and your estimable
wife. We have all been well. I have five boys and four girls. . . . I wish to know your opin-
ion of New York State and also about the general outcome of the election. I am somewhat
interested as we have 100,000 pounds of wool on hand.

SIMON BIBO.

Another reference to the Archbishop's friendship with the Spiegelbergs is noted by
Flora Spiegelberg: "Upon the eve of each holiday (Jewish holiday), he would send fruit,
wine, or flowers to Mrs. L. Spiegelberg and to Mrs. B. Seligman (Mother of Governor
Arthur Seligman) and to Mrs. Willi (Flora) Spiegelberg." Flora Spiegelberg, "Tribute to
Archbishop Lamy of New Mexico," The Southwestern Jewish Chronicle, Oklahoma City,
1933.

13. "The Chasuble is the last liturgical garment with which the celebrant is vested. It is
the outer garment covering the other vestments and the Latin origin of its name, CASULA
(little house), aptly describes it. The Chasuble may be White, Red, Rose, Green, Violet,
Black, Gold or Silver, depending on the season of the church's year or feast that is being
observed. It usually has a cross embroidered on the back, which is an allusion to the Passion
of Christ. Symbolically, this vestment alludes to the purple dress that Pilate ordered to be
placed on Christ as "King of the Jews." It also recalls Christ's seamless garment, for which
the soldiers on Calvary cast lots. Because the Chasuble covers the other vestments, its
symbolic meaning is Christian charity and protection ; charity being the virtue that should
supercede all others." Ferguson, op. cit., p. 282.

320 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

14. "The construction of the Cathedral was begun by an American architect ; he was
not qualified for the work and the contract was rescinded and given to two French archi-
tects, Antoine Mouly and his son, Projectus . . . the cornerstone contained the names of
the President of the United States, General U. S. Grant, the Governor of New Mexico, and
other territorial officials who were present. Coins of gold, silver and copper, documents and
newspapers were also used. Three days afterwards, some miscreant stole the cornerstone
with its contents and nothing was ever heard of it afterwards. . . . The building as now
(1911) used was completed by two contractors, Messrs. Monnier and Machebeuf. . . ."
Twitchell, op. eft., p. 344, note 272.

In an effort to secure further information concerning the French architects, as sug-
gested by Father Chavez, the writer received the following reply from Librarian Rambo in
Santa Fe. "I found no references in the newspaper index to the two French architects,
Antoine Mouly and his son, Projectus." Correspondence, December 9, 1960.

15. Correspondence with Father Angelico Chavez, November 22, 1960. The Santa Fe
Cathedral Text and Format by Fr. Angelico Chavez, Imprimatur: The Most Rev. E. V.
Byrne, Archbishop of Santa Fe, C. 1947. Part II, Section 1.

16. Marcel Pick of Santa Fe was gracious enough to arrange for the photographs.

17. F. R. Webber, Church Symbolism, an explanation of the more important symbols
of the Old and New Testament, The Primitive, The Medieval, and the Modern Church.
PbL Cleveland, J. H. Jansen, C. 1927, Second Edition revised, 1938. I am indebted to
Gilbert B. Carter of El Paso for this reference.

Addendum

On May 8, 1961 Fr. Angelico Chavez in response to this
article on the Santa Fe Cathedral writes : "Some weeks ago
I found another example of the subject at the church of
Pefia Blanca, New Mexico. There are six brass candlesticks
there, sort of Renaissance style. The base of each has three
faces, one having a bas relief bust of Christ, the other of
the Madonna, and the third the Triangle and Holy Name in
Hebrew!"

Dr. Myra Ellen Jenkins, Senior Archivist, office of State
Records Center, State of New Mexico, May 11, 1961 advises :
". . . the Cathedral is still not complete, as Twitchell noted
in 1912. One of the towers was never finished in detail. I
read with interest the letter from Simon Bibo to Willi Spieg-
elberg of July 31, 1896 in the back of your article. I notice you
have a question mark beside Don Anudo. I think it quite likely
that it should be 'Don Amado' [Chavez],* important terri-
torial office holder who lived part of his early life near San
Mateo and Cebolleta. In 1896, Amado Chavez was in Santa
Fe ; later he became Superintendent of Public Instruction."

On May 15, 1961, Dr. John Porter Bloom National Park
Service, St. Louis, Missouri, informed the writer on the back

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Chasuble which is housed in the Cathedral at Santa Fe.

TETRAGRAMMATON 321

of a picture postal card : ". . . I went out this afternoon to
get this card to send you. [The color photograph on the front
of the postal card is a reproduction of the old Cathedral, the
Church of Saint Louis IX, King of France, St. Louis, Mis-
souri. It is the oldest Cathedral Church west of the Missis-
sippi River. This present church began in 1831 and dedicated
in 1834, stands today as the most venerable religious monu-
ment in St. Louis. . . . Over the entrance of the old Cathe-
dral chiseled into the stone, the tetragrammaton is enclosed
in a triangle] . I can add nothing to what you will no doubt
derive and infer from the picture. . . . The French deriva-
tion is obvious. It all tends to substantiate your article."

W. A. Keleher of Albuquerque, New Mexico, May 17,
1961, graciously dissents: "... I am still standing my
ground. I know Dr. Edward Staab and have known him for
many years. He was born in 1875 and could have no personal
knowledge of the incident. Personally, I can see nothing out
of the way if Abraham Staab bargained with the Arch-
bishop. I remember Mr. Staab very well. Time and again I
saw him, and talked to him, never of course about the item
in question. He was a very precise, diligent, business-like
man. He may have wanted to make a gift of the notes to the
Bishop, and on the spur of the moment adopted the means
I described. In any event, no harm done. I am glad that the
item in my book produced interest. It seemed to me that it
demonstrated the splendid feeling that existed between a top
ranking man of the Jewish faith and the top man on the
Christian side so long ago."

INDEX

Abreu, Lt. Francisco, at Fort Bascom, 245

A Classified Bibliography . . . Periodical Lit-
erature . . . Trans-Mississippi West (1811-
1957), by Winther, rev'd., 73

Agua Nueva, hacienda (Chihuahua), 27

AlamoRordo Sheep Co., 306

Albuquerque, City Commission (1912), 51;
description (1900's),205

Amador, Martinez, 180

An Affair of Honor . . ., by Quirk, rev'd., 234

Andrews, William H., 180

Anza, Lt. Col. Juan Bautista de, military pol-
icy, 92ff

Apaches : Coyoteros, 30f ; Gilas, campaign v.
(1780's), 96; Lipan, 28; Mescaleros, 26;
Mimbreiio peace treaty (1838), 36; Mo-
gollon, 21; Natages, 25, 99; raid (1877),
145 ; scalp hunters, 23f ; scalp price, 34 ;
treaty. Chihuahua (1831), 30; Warm
Springs, 25 ; warrior, 29

"Apache Plunder Trails Southward, 1831-
1840," by Smith, 20-42

Arce, Lt. Jose Maria de, campaign 1818 re
Americans, 105

Archuleta, Con, sheepman, 264

Arellano, Alexandra, 210

Arizona, early missionaries, 13f ; Christian
Indians, 17 ; Jesuits, 17 ; vicariate, see John
Baptist Salpointe

Arizona Sheep Co., 280

Arizona Territory Post Offices and Postmas-
ters, by Theobald, rev'd., 74

Arms, 89

Armstrong, Silas, 119

Assessment, sheep, 284

Association of the Brotherhood ... of the
People of New Mexico, 165f

Atherton, Lewis, The Cattle Kings, rev'd., 232

Axtell, Gov. Samuel B., 174

Baca, Celso, rancher, 303

Baca, Elfego, 198

Baca, Julian, 251

Bahia: Ensenada and Its Bay, by Brenton,

rev'd., 159
Bancroft, H. H., History of Arizona and New

Mexico, reprint, 322
Bandelier, Adolphe, 219
Barcelo, Dona Gertrudes, 36
Barney, postoffice, 264
Bartel Bros, and Co. (1877), 112
Bean growing, method, 286ff
Bearrup, J. H., 204
Beenham, postoffice, 264
Bell, Montgomery, 207 note
Bell ranch, 290
Benedictine Fathers, 152
Bernal, Father Peter (Arizona), 18
Bernalillo Mercantile Co., 58
Bibo Emil, 58
Bibo Mercantile Co., 319
Bibo, Simon, 59 ; letter to Willie Spiegelberg,

319

Birmingham, Father P. (Arizona), 18
Bloom, John Porter, quoted, 320
Blue Ballot, 197f

Boncard, Father Francis (Arizona), 18
Bond, Frank, see Frank Grubbs
Bonilla, Lt. Col. Antonio, 91
Bourgade, Rev. Peter, 147

Bow and arrow, construction, 322

Brenton, Thaddeus R. T., Bahia: Ensenada
and Its Bay, rev'd., 159

"Buckeyes — A Food of the California In-
dians," 16 mm film, 322

Bueyeros, postoffice, 270

Bursum, Holm O., 186

Burtt Sheep and Cattle Co., 302

Bushnell, Charles, sheepman, 265

Business, Territorial, 112

California Gulch (Leadville, Colo.), 119
Calvo, CoL Jose Joaquin (1831), 30
Campbell, W. E., sheepman, 297
Candelaria, B. A., 46
Captive Mountain Waters .... by Neal,

rev'd., 157
Catholic missionaries, Arizona (1860's), 133;

secret society, 165f
Catron, Thomas B., 163
Cattle, Chihuahua, 25ff
Chadwick, Charles, 204
Chapelle, Rev. Placido Louis, 222 and note
Chasuble, description, 319
Chaves, J. Francisco, 165
Chavez, Fray Angelico, 314 ; quoted, 320
Chavez, George, sheepman, 264
Chihuahua towns, 22ff
Childers, Martin, raider, 248
Childress, H. M., 243f ; description, 247
Chisum, John, 247
Christian Indians, Arizona, 17
Christian Brothers, 219 ; Mora School, 12
Churchill, Lucius F., 306
Clancy, Capt. John G., sheepman, 307
Clancy, Juan, artist, 308
Clapham, postoffice, 271
Clayton, N. M., description, 262
Clendenen, Clarence C., The United States and

Pancho Villa: a Study in Unconventional

Diplomacy, rev'd., 238
Colorado history, 120f
Comanche, armament, 244 ; Cuerno Verde,

chief, 93 ; raids, 28, 245 ; trade, 32 ; treaty.

Chihuahua, 31
Comancherps, 243ff
Compa, Chief Juan Jose, massacre, 33
Concha, Gov. Fernando de la, report, 99
Confederate Victories in the Southwest: Pre-
lude to Defeat, reprint, rev'd., 72
Connell, Walter M., 51
Constitution (1889), 221
Corn growing, method, 285
Croix, Teodoro de, 90
Cubero Trading Co., 59
Cuerno Verde, Comanche chief, 93
Curcier, Don Estevan, 33
Cur-Runpaw Sheep Co., 296

Davis, O. L., sheepman, 295

De Haven, J. L., sheepman, 293f

De Haven, postoffice, 266

Devine, Matthew, 211 note

Dibble, Charles and Anderson, Florentine

Codex . . ., rev'd., 155
Dickson, Lewis A., rancher, 246
Disease, small pox, 244
Doherty, J. and Co., 270
Donors, St. Francis Cathedral, 318
Dow, E. A., 220

323

324

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Drexel, Mother Catherine, 152, 244
Duncan, Jim, freighter, 250

Education, 173f; 1850's, 4; Indian (1880's),

149
Edwards, E. T., ed., The Whipple Report,

rev'd., 73

Eguillon, Rev. Peter, 5
Elias, Don Juan, Tucson, 19
Elkins, Stephen B., 163
El Morro: Inscription Rock, New Mexico, by

Slater, rev'd., 237

Encinillas, hacienda (Chihuahua), 26
Encomenderos, 83
Escalanta y Arvizu, Gov., 34
Espanola Milling and Elevator Co., 43

Fall, A. B., 199

Farm technique, 285

Fergusson Act, 176

Fergusson, Harvey B., 165

Fierman, Floyd S., "Reminiscences of Eman-
uel Rosenwald," 110-131 ; "The Triangle and
the Tetragrammaton," 310-321

Florentine Codex . . ., by Dibble and Ander-
son, rev'd., 155

Flores, Jose Maria, El Paso, 111

Floyd, Troy S., rev., Quirk, An Affair of Hon-
or .... 234

Folsom, description, 274

Folsom Mercantile Co., 275

Forbes Wool Co., Trinidad, 294

Forest reserves, grazing, 280 note

Forts Bascom, 113; Bowie, 18f ; Scott, 121;
Smith (Arkansas), 121 note; Sumner, 113;
Wise (Colorado), 118

Franciscans, 1840's, 1

Freeman, J. M., 166

Frost, Max, 166

Furlong, J. N., photographer, 110

Gallegos, Daniel, 210

Gallegos plaza, 268

Gallegos, Porflrio, partidario, 49

Galvez, Bernardo de, Indian policy, 95

Garcia, Elias G., 205 note

Garcia, Esperidion, 210

Garcia, Placido, 210

Garcia, Toribo, 251

Geography, North Mexico, 22ff

Gerhardt, Herman, 305

Gila City, Arizona, 135

Gildersleeve. Charles C., 165

Gilg, Charles, merchant, 265

Givens, G. M., rancher, 297

Glueck, Alvin C., Jr., rev., Parish, The Charles

Ilfeld Company, 74
Goldsmith, Leopold, 128
Gomez, Mescalero chief, 27
Gonzales, Col. Simon Elias (1830's), 31
Gramophone, Edison, 268
Gray, Tom, sheepman, 272f
Gressley, Gene M., rev., Atherton, The Cattle

Kings, 232

Gross, Blackwell and Co., 207
Grubbs, Frank, "Frank Bond . . .," 43-71
Guide to Materials on Latin America . . .,

by Harrison, rev'd., 230
Guyer, G. W., merchant, 276

Hagerman, Herbert J., 187
Hamm, Fred W., 204
Hand, J. D., 196
Hanna, Richard, 196

Hardy, Louis T., 45

Harrison, John P., Guide to Materials on

Latin America in the National Archives,

rev'd., 230

Hayden, Mother Magdalen, S. L., 12
Hee, Fred, sheepman, 301
Hertzslein, Morris, merchant, 262
Hittson, Jess, 255
Hittson, John, cattle raider, 243
Hittson, William, 243, 255
Hopewell, Willard S., 181
Horn and Wallace, publishers. Confederate

Victories in the Southwest . . ., rev'd., 72
Houghton, F. B., 59
Hubbell. F. A., 53
Huning, Fred D., 51

Ilfeld, Chas. and Son Co., 208

Ilfeld, Louis, 205 note

Ilfeld, Noa, 205 note

Income tax ( 1867 ) , 247

Indian armament, 244; education (1880's).
149 ; massacre, 33 ; plundering, mid-eigh-
teenth century, 85 ; slavery, 29f ; Spanish
policy, 81 fit

Irigoyen, Jose Maria de, 36

James, John, sheepman, 276
James, Thomas P., rancher, 276 and note
Jeffers, Joe (?),126
Jenkins, Myra Ellen, quoted, 320
Jesuits, 215f ; in Arizona, 16
Jesus Maria (Ocampo), Mexico, 22
Jews, see Emanuel Rosenwald, 110
Johnes, Honey, 297
Johnson, James, Indian massacre, 33
Jones, Oakah L., Jr., "Pueblo Indian Auxili-
aries in New Mexico 1763-1821," 81-109
Joseph, Antonio, 165
Jose, Papago Indian chief, 17
Jouvenceau, Father Anthony, 144
Jouvenceau, Father Francis, 7
Juanitas Ranch, Floersheim and Abbott, 210

Keleher, W. A., quoted, 811, 321

Kelly, Harry, merchant, 292

Kenner, Charles L., "The Great New Mexico

Cattle Raid— 1872," 243-259
Ketcham, H. T., Indian agent, 244
Kibbey, Gov. J. H. (Arizona), 184
Kirker, Santiago, 22

Labadi, Lorenzo, Indian agent, 245

La Cinta canyon, 267

La Luna, newspaper (Chihuahua) , 39

Lamy, John Baptist, 1-19 passim, 310

Land frauds, 188 ; law (1898), 176

Larrazolo, Octaviano A., 143, 187

Larson, Robert W., "Statehood for New Mex-
ico, 1888-1912," 161-200

La Salle Institute, Las Vegas, 219

Las Cruces, Sisters of Loretto, 138

Lassaigne, Father Peter (Arizona), 18

Las Vegas, college, 216 ; description, 208 ; La
Salle Institute, 219

Lawrence, Albert, merchant, 262

Leahy, Capt. David H., D. A., 190

Lieuwen, Edwin, rev., Harrison, Guide to Ma-
terials on Latin America . . ., 230

Llewellyn, Major W. W. H., 186

Loma Parda, raid, 25 If

Long, Alfred H., sheepman, 47, 305

Loretto, Sisters of, 4 ; Las Cruces, 138 ; Mora
school, 12

INDEX

325

Lucero, Martin, sheepman, 269
Lucero, Oliverio, sheepman, 267
Lucero, Romulo, sheepman, 265
Ludeman Wool Co., 208 note
Ludington, Lt CoL M. I. (1869), 113
Lujan, Mateo, sheepman, 269 note
Luna, Solomon, 186

McClure, Brevet Major Charles (1869), 113

McDonald, William C., 198

McDougall, William, 58

McGrath, J. D., 210

Mclntosh, Donald, sheepman, 300

Mclntosh, John, sheepman, 300

McKenzie, Alex., 293

McKnight, Robert, 33

McLaughlin [B. F.], sheepman, 278, 306

Machebeuf, Father Joseph P., 1-19 passim

Mackenzie, [Col.] R. S., 248

Maestas, Francisco, rancher, 271

Majors, Waddell and Co., 117

Mansker, Robert T., deputy sheriff, 264

Mares, Vicente, 210

Martinez, Abel, sheepman, 262f

Martinez, Amedor, 210

Martinez, E., 210

Martinez, Leandro, 47

Martinez, Nepomoceno, rancher, 268

Mendinueta, Gov. Fermin de, military policy,

86

Merchant, Territorial, see Emanuel Rosenwald
Mercy, Sisters of, education, 139
Metcalf , Bill, rancher, 298
Mexican banditry (1840's), 39; captives,

(1840's),40
Military equipment, 89 ; policy, 86f ; resources

( 1752 ) , 84 ; strength ( 1780's ) , 97f
Mill, wool scouring, 203
Mills, Gov. William J., 195
Mining, Chihuahua, 22ff
Missionary, Arizona (Catholic), 1860's, 133
Mitchell, T. E., rancher, 268
Montezuma, proposed state, 169
Moore, merchant, 9

Moore, W. H. and Co., Fort Union, 125
Mora (parish), 1863, 11 ; land grant, 164

Narbona, Jr., Capt. don Antonio, Sonora
(1840's),38

Nash, Gerald D., rev., Clendenen, The United
States and Pancho Villa, 238

Navaho war (1818), 105f

Neal, Dorothy Jensen, Captive Mountain Wa-
ters . . ., rev'd., 157

New Mexico Civil War Bibliography, by Rit-
tenhouse, rev'd., 72

New Mexico Fuel and Iron Company, 189

New Mexico Historical Society (1869) , 10

New Mexico, slavery, 29f ; Territorial Assem-
bly members, 1858, 77

Nichols, C. H.. sheepman, 295

North, Dr. S. T., cattleman, 273

Norton Tanning Co., 55

O, Gov. Jose Maria Irigoyen de la, 36

Onderdonck, Charles S., 206 note

opatas Indians, rebellion, 31

Ortiz, Don Juan Felipe, Father Vicario, 2

Ortiz land grant, 164

Otero, Guadalupe, 220

Otero, Mariano S., 165

Otero, Gov. Miguel, 177, 249

Otero, Miguel, Jr.. 250

Otto, Chris, sheepman, 264

Oury, W. S., 132

Overbay, V. A., postmaster, 271

Paddock, John, rev.. Dibble and Anderson,

Florentine Codex . . ., 155
Palen, R. J., 50
Papago Indians, education, 142 ; mission, 132 ;

revolt (1840), 39
Parish, William J., ed., "Sheep Husbandry in

New Mexico, 1902-1903," 201-213, 260-309;

The Charles llfeld Company, rev'd., 74
Partido, 49
Pasamonte, 265
Patterson, James, rancher, 247
Penitentes, 153, 215

Pennsylvania Development Company, 188
Perea, Pedro, 165, 172
Photography, 110
Pinard, Pedro Leon, rancher, 269
Pine nut, Indian use, 322
Plunkett, W. B., rancher, 297
Plunkett, Mrs. W. B. (James), 297
Pony Express, 118
Porras, Don Estanislao, Chihuahua (1830's),

27

Postmaster, 251
Prejudice v. Texans, 258
Presidio, Santa Fe ( 1766 ) , 85
Prices (1860's), 123 ; (1870's),128
Prince, Le Baron Bradford, 164
Pritchard, CoL George, 172
Provincias Internas del Norte, 90
"Pueblo Indian Auxiliaries in New Mexico

1763-1821," by Jones, 81-109

Quirk, Robert E., An Affair of Honor : Wood-
row Wilson and the Occupation of Vera-
cruz, rev'd., 234

Race prejudice, 258

Railroad, 181, 269 ; Tucson, 146

Ranch headquarters, description, 206

Raynolds, J. M., 51

Redondo, Joseph M., Gila City. 135

Reeve, Frank D., revs., Edward, ed., The
Whipple Report, 73 ; Horn and Wallace,
Confederate Victories in the Southwest
.... 72 ; Neal, Captive Mountain Waters
. . ., 157; Rittenhouse, Civil War Bibliog-
raphy, 72; Slater, El Morro . . ., 237;
Theobald, Arizona Territory Post Offices
and Postmasters, 74 ; Winther, A Classified
Bibliography . . ., 73

Reghieri, Father Donate, Arizona (1860's), 17

Revista Catolica press, 218 and note

Reynolds, Wallace, secretary, 188

Ritaca Land Grant, 165

Rittenhouse, Jack D., New Mexico Civil War
Bibliography, rev'd., 72

Rodey, Bernard S., 172

Romero, Cleopes, 210

Romero, Herbert D., 210

Romero, Nicanor, sheepman, 266

Romero [rico], 249

Ronquillo, Lt. CoL Jos6 Ignacio, Apache
treaty (1838), 36

Rosa Mercantile Co., 46

Rosa (village), 46

Rosenwald, Aaron, 113f

Rosenwald, Edward, 115

Rosenwald, Emanuel, correspondence, 128f;
reminiscences, 110-131 ; see Errata, 333

Rosenwald, Janet, 113

Rosenwald, Joseph, 114f

326

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Rosenwald, Julia, 127

Rosen wald, Lucian, 113

Rosenwald, Robert E., 113

Ross, Gov. Edmund G., 162

Rough Riders' reunion, 178

Rural Police, Chihuahua (1830's), 33

Salpointe, Archbishop John Baptist, 1-19, 132-
154, 173, 214-229 ; Soldiers of the Cross, 226

San Bernardino rancho, 21

Sandoz, Mari, a critique, 243

San Miguel County, description, 287£

Santa Fe Archdiocese, 1875, 145

Santa Fe Central RR., 181

Santa Fe Ring, 162f

Santa Fe trail, 8

Santa Rita mine (1830's), 24, 33

Sargent, Edward, 46

Scalp buying (1835), 32; hunters, Apache,
23f; hunters, Taos (1839), 36

Schleter, Charles, sheepman, 264

School controversy (1889), 220

Schools, 173f

Schuster, Julie (Mrs. Abraham Staab), 318

Seaman, Edward, Loma Parda postmaster,
251

Sena, Jose, 194

Seris Indians, rebellion, 31

Sheep assessment, 284

"Sheep Husbandry . . .," by Parish, 201-213,
260-309

Sheep price, 261

Shetland ponies, 308

Shoemaker, Ed., 122

Silver and politics, 176

Sisters of Loretto, Las Cruces, 138

Sisters of Mercy, education, 139

Sisters of St. Joseph, Tucson, 138

Sisters of the Blessed Sacraments, 152

Slater, John M., El Morro : Inscription Rock,
New Mexico, rev'd., 237

Slavery, Indian, 29f

Small pox, 244

Smith, Ralph A., "Apache Plunder Trails
Southward, 1831-1840," 20-42

Soldiers of the Cross, by Salpointe, 225

Sonora, towns, 22ff ; description (1840's), 38

Spanish Indian policy, 81f

Spanish Peaks, 260

Spiegelberg brothers, 313

Spiegelberg, Flora, quoted, 313

Spiess, Charles A., 194

Staab, Abraham, 311

Staab, Mrs. Abraham (Julie Schuster), 318

Staab, Zadoc, 311

Stafford, William A., 46

Stage line, 284

Staked Plains, sheep range, 306

Statehood ( 1875 ) , 163

"Statehood for New Mexico, 1888-1912," by
Larson, 161-200

St. Catherine's Indian School, Santa Fe, 150

St. Francis Cathedral, Santa Fe, 310; con-
struction donors, 318 ; architect, 320

St. Joseph, Sisters of, Tucson, 138

Stockton, Thomas, 256

Strauss, Philip, 117

Sumner, Charles, sheepman, 304

Sweetwater Wool Growers' Association, 302

Tapia, Captain (death), 19
Tarahumaras, 23
Taxation, Territorial, 185

Temperance movement, 220

Territorial Assembly, members 1858, 77

Texans, prejudice, 258

The American Shepherd's Bulletin, 201

The Cattle Kings, by Atherton, rev'd., 232

The Charles Ilfeld Company, by Parish, rev'd.,

74
"The Great New Mexico Cattle Raid— 1872,"

by Kenner, 243-259
Theobald, John and Lillian, Arizona Territory

Post Offices and Postmasters, rev'd., 74
"The Triangle and the Tetragrammaton," by

Fierman, 810-321
The United States and Pancho Villa .... by

Clendenen, rev'd., 238
Thornton, William C., 165
Tierra Amarilla land grant, 164
Tixier, M. G., postmaster, 270
Torrance, W. H., 181
Towns, North Mexico, 22f
Traister, Walter, postmaster, 266
Transportation, 112
Treaty, Apache (1838), 36
Tres Castillos [Victorio's death], 34
Trigo, Father Manuel de San Juan Nepomu-

ceno, re pueblos, 84
Trimble, Judge L. S., 172
Trinidad, Colo., description, 261
Tucson, Catholic Church, 132 ; education, 184f ;

railroad 1880, 146
Tucumcari, description, 281

Ugarte y Loyola, Jacobo, commandante gen-
eral, 95

Ulibarri, Sabine R., rev., Brenton, Bahia . . .,
159

Urgana, Lt Col. Francisco Javier, Chihua-
hua, 41

Valverde, Paz, 198

Veale, William, 256

Victorio, Apache chief, 25

Vigil, Agustin, 270

Vigil, Leandro, rancher, 270

Vorenberg Mercantile Co., 209

Vorenberg, Simon, 209

Wade, Charles, 51

Weil, Max, merchant, 262

Well, Parker, rancher, 267

Whipple, A. W., The Whipple Report, ed. by
E. T. Edwards, rev'd., 73

White, Henry, sheepman, 295

Whitehead, Mrs. Samuel (Jetty), 113

Wight, E. D., sheepman, 277

Wight, Frederick D., sheepman, 278

Wilkinson, James, 203

Winther, Oscar Osburn, A Classified Bibliog-
raphy of the Periodical Literature of the
Trans-Mississippi West (1811-1957), rev'd.,
78

Wolford, John F., sheepman, 293

Wool scouring, 203 ; Trinidad, 260

Yaqui Indians, rebellion, 81
Yom Kippur, 115 note

Zerwekh, Sister Edward Mary, C.S.J., "John
Baptist Salpointe, 1825-1894," 1-19, 132-154,
214-229

Zubiria, Don Jose Antonio Laureano de.
Bishop of Durango, 1

Zubirle, Gov. Miguel, Durango, 38

The Historical Society of New Mexico
Organized December 26, 1859

PAST PRESIDENTS
1859 — COL. JOHN B. GRAYSON, U. S. A.
1861 — MAJ. JAMES L. DONALDSON, U. S. A.
1863 — HON. KIRBY BENEDICT

adjourned sine die, Sept. &S, 186S

re-established Dec. S7, 1880

1881 — HON. WILLIAM G. RITCH
1883 — HON. L. BRADFORD PRINCE
1923 — HON. FRANK W. CLANCY

1925 — COL. RALPH E. TWITCHELL

1926 — PAUL A. F. WALTER
1959 — CALVIN HORN

OFFICERS FOR 1961-1962
President, VICTOR WESTPHALL, Albuquerque
V ice-President, BETTY ARMSTRONG, Mesilla
Treasurer, THOMAS B. CATRON III, Santa Fe
Recording Secretary, LORRAINE LAVENDER, Santa Fe
Corresponding Secretary, GEORGE FITZPATRICK, Santa Fe

FELLOWS

PERCY M. BALDWIN J. LLOYD MECHAM

RALPH P. BIEBER. THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.

HERBERT 0. BRAYER FRANK D. REEVE

FRAY ANGELICO CHAVEZ FRANCE V. SCHOLES

REV. STANLEY CROCCHIOLA ALFRED V. THOMAS

CHARLES E. DIBBLE THEODORE TREUTHLEIN

AURELIO M. ESPINOSA PAUL A. F. WALTER

GEORGE P. HAMMOND

PUBLICATIONS FOR SALE

OLD SANTA Ffi. The predecessor of the Review. Published quarterly
1913-1916. The file contains a number of articles of interest and im-
portance; significant material for the historical section of any
library of Americana. Nine issues are still available, although two
of these soon will be exhausted. The nine: Vol. I, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4;
Vol. II, Nos. 4, 5, 6; Vol. Ill, Nos. 11, 12. The available file $9.00

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW. Published quarterly, 1926 to date.
Files very nearly complete are available, at $4.00 per volume, or
$1.00 per issue. There are a few exceptions : several issues in short
supply are priced at $2.00 and $3.00, and are sold only in sets. Out
of print are the following: Vol. I Nos. 1, 4; Vol. XXIII Nos. 1, 2, 3.
Write for a complete listing.
Society will pay $3 each for out of print numbers in good condition.

COMPREHENSIVE INDEX for Vols. I — XV $2.00

COMPREHENSIVE INDEX for Vols. XVI — XXX $2.60

PUBLICATIONS IN HISTORY

Vol. I — Fray Marcos de Niza's Relation, Span, and Eng.,

ed. by Percy M. Baldwin, 69 pp. (1926) $1.00

Vol. Ill— New Mexico and the Great War, ed. by L. B. Bloom,

166 pp., index (1927) $1-50

Vol. V — Barreiro's Ojeada sobre Nuevo Mexico (1832),

ed. by L. B. Bloom, 60 pp., ill. (1928) $5.00

Vol. XIV — Albert Franklin Banta: Arizona Pioneer, ed. by

Frank D. Reeve, 143 pp., ill., index (1953) $2.25

Vol. XV — Bishop Tamarqn's Visitation of New Mexico, 1760,

ed. by Eleanor B. Adams, 112 pp., ill., index (1954) $2.50

Address orders to

Historical Society of New Mexico
P. O. Box 1727
Santa Fe, New Mexico